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LIVES 

OP  THE 

AECHBISHOPS   OF   CANTERBUEY, 

VOL.    III.   NEW    SERIES. 


LONDOl'T:    FEINTED    BT 

SP0TTI3W00DE    AND    CO.,    NEW-STEEET    SQUAEE 

AND   PAEMAMENT   STREET 


LIVES 


ARCHBISHOPS   OF   CANTERBURY. 


BY 


WALTEE  FAEQUHAE  HOOK,  D.D.  F.E.S. 

DEAN    OF    CHICHESTER. 


VOL.    III.    NEW    SEEIES. 
REFORMATION     PERIOD 


History  which  may  be  called  just  and  perfect  history  is  of  three  kinds,  according  to  the  object  whicii 
it  propoundeth  or  pretendeth  to  represent ;  for  it  either  representeth  a  time,  or  a  person,  or  an  action. 
The  first  we  call  Chronicles,  the  second  Lives,  and  the  third  Narratives  or  Relations.  Of  these,  although 
Chronicles  be  the  most  complete  and  absolute  kind  of  history,  and  hath  most  estimation  and  glory,  yet 
Lives  excelleth  in  profit  and  use,  and  Narratives  or  Relations  in  verity  or  sincerity.  Lord  Bacon, 


LONDON: 
RICHARD     BENTLEY,    NEW    BURLINGTON    STREET, 

^uWisl^er  in  dDrbinarg  ia  '§tx  Saj^^stg. 
18G9. 


Tlie  right  of  translation  is  reserved. 


'JUN  -  3  1958 
/    0  7  G  2 


LIVES 

OP  THE 

AECHBISHOPS  OF  CANTERBUEY. 

VOL.  VIIL 


rONDOlT:   PBINTED  BY 

SrOTTISWOODE    AND    CO.,    NEW-STEEET    SQUARE 

AND    PARLIAMENT    STREET 


LIVES 


AECHBISHOPS  OF   CANTERBUEY. 


BY 


WALTEE  FAEQUHAE  HOOK,  D.D.  r.E.S. 

DEAN    OF   CHICHESTEE. 


VOLUME  VIII. 
REFORMATION   PERIOD. 


History  which  moy  be  called  just  and  perfect  history  is  of  three  kinds,  according  to  the  object  wliich 
it  propoundeth  or  pretendeth  to  represent ;  for  it  either  representeth  a  time,  or  a  person,  or  an  action. 
The  first  we  call  Chronicles,  the  second  Lives,  and  the  third  Narratives  or  Relations.  Of  these,  although 
Chronicles  be  the  most  complete  and  absolute  kind  of  history,  and  hath  most  estimation  and  glory,  yet 
Lives  excelleth  in  profit  and  use,  and  Narratives  or  Relations  in  verity  or  sincerity.  Lord  Bacon. 


LONDON: 

RICHARD    BENTLEY,    NEW    BURLINGTON    STREET, 

^ubUs^er  in  #rbinarg  to  |)£r  glajestg. 

1869. 


The  riyht  of  ttandation  is  reserved. 


CONTENTS 


OP 


THE     EIGHTH    VOLUME. 


CHAPTER  IV. 


REGINALD   POLE. 


Parentage  and  birth  of  Reginald  Pole. — Primary  education  at  Sheen. — 
Removes  to  Oxford. — Pole's  preferments  at  the  age  of  seventeen. — 
Visits  Italy,  and  resides  at  Padua. — Writes  the  life  of  Longolius. — 
Visits  Rome. — Returns  to  England. — Crumwell  endeavours  to  in- 
doctrinate Pole  "vvith  his  views. — Pole  retires  to  Sheen,  there  to  pro- 
secute his  studies. — Employed  to  obtain  the  opinion  of  the  University 
of  Paris  in  regard  to  the  divorce. — Returns  to  Sheen. — Is  offered  the 
archbishopric  of  York. — Argues  with  the  king  respecting  the  divorce. 
— Leaves  England  for  Avignon. — Jacobo  Sadoleto. — Pole  goes  to 
Italy. — Gianpietro  Caraffa. — Luigi  Priuli. — Marco  of  Padua. — Gas- 
par  Contarini. — Vittoria  Colonna. — Cardinal  Morone. — Marco  An- 
tonio Flaminio. — Pietro  Carnesecchi. — Pole  conspires  against  Henry 
VIII.— Ordered  to  return  to  England.— The  'De  Unitate.'— The 
Bishop  of  Durham's  reply, — Paul  III. — Pole  invited  to  Rome. — 
Created  a  cardinal. — Receives  a  remonstrance  from  England. — Ap- 
pointed legate  to  the  Low  Countries. — His  reception  in  Paris. — 
Returns  to  Rome. — Accompanies  the  pope  to  Nice. — Sent  as  legate 
to  Spain. — His  attainder. — Appointed  governor  of  the  Patrimony  of 
St.  Peter. — Death  of  his  mother. — *  II  Beneficio  di  Christo.' — Re- 
establishment  of  the  Inquisition. — Pole  retires  to  Verona. — The 
Council  of  Trent. — Pole  one  of  the  papal  legates. — The  *  De  Concilio.' 
— Opening  of  the  Council. — Decrees  of  the  sessions. — Pole  retires 
from  the  Council. — Accused  of  Lutheranism. — Death  of  Henry  VIII. 


VI  CONTENTS   OF  THE   EIGHTH    VOLUME. 

— Pole  addresses  letters  to  the  Privy  Council  and  to  Edward  VI. — 
Death  of  Paul  III. — The  cardinals  enter  into  conclave. — Method  of 
voting. — Pole  nominated  for  the  papacy. — Del  Monte  elected  pope. — 
Pole  lives  in  retirement. — Death  of  Edward  VI. — Pole  writes  to 
Mary. — Appointed  legate  to  England. — His  reception  at  Paris. — 
State  of  affairs  in  England. — Marriage  of  the  Queen. — Pole's  re- 
ception in  England. — Opens  his  commission. — Papal  supremacy 
acknowledged  by  parliament. — Election  of  Paul  IV. — Decrees  of  the 
synod  of  1855. — Philip  embarks  for  Spain. — Pole  consecrated  Arch- 
bishop of  Canterbury. — Receives  the  pallium. — The  queen  performs 
the  ceremony  of  feet  washing  on  Holy  Thursday. — Pole  as  a  poli- 
tician.— Failure  of  his  mission  as  mediator  between  the  King  of 
France  and  the  Emperor. — Philip  at  war  with  the  Pope. — Pole 
charged  with  heresy,  and  summoned  before  the  Inquisition. — 
William  Peto  appointed  to  supersede  Pole  as  legate. — Battle  of  St. 
Quentin. — Death  of  Peto. —  Popular  feeling  against  the  queen. — 
Pole's  letter  to  Cranmer. — Pole  appointed  chancellor  of  Oxford  and 
of  Cambridge. — Deplorable  condition  of  Oxford. — Exhumation  of 
the  wife  of  Peter  Martyr. — The  bodies  of  Bucer  and  Fagius  disin- 
terred and  burned. — A  commission  issued  to  report  upon  heresy. — 
Eestoration  of  the  Benedictines. — Pole's  exhortation  to  the  mer- 
chants of  London. — Surrender  of  Calais. — Analysis  of  Pole's  Primer. 
— Articles  of  inquiry  for  Pole's  primatial  visitation. — Famine  and 
pestilence  in  England. — Illness  of  Pole. — Death  of  Charles  V. — 
Death  of  Queen  Mary. — Death  of  Pole. — List  of  his  works. 


SUCCESSION 


OF 


AECHBISHOPS  AND    CONTEMPOEARY   SOVEREIGNS. 


Archbisliop. 

Jl 

Consecrators. 

ii 

■1556 

1 
ft 

Contemporary 
Sovereign. 

Eeginald  Pole  .    .    . 

1556 

/NicYork.     .     .     A 
Fiflm.  London      .     . 
Thorn.  Ely      ... 

•^  Eich.  Worcester .     . 
John  Lincoln .     .     . 
Maur.  Eochester 
Thom.  St.  Asaph     .^ 

1558 

Mary. 

.6X 
.H7 


TABLE 


OF 


CONTEMPOKARY    SOVEEEIGNS. 


A.D. 

1556 
1558 

England. 

Scotland. 

Germany. 

France. 

Pope. 

Spain. 

Mary     . 

• 

Mary 

Charles  V. 
Ferdinand  I. 

Henry  II. 

Paul  IV. 

Philip  II. 

) 


Errata. 


Page  vi.  line     9  I 

o  1^  I   f^''  1855  read  15-5o. 

i)       ^,     ,,      lb 


LIVES 


ARCHBISHOPS  OF  CANTERBURY. 


BOOK  TV,—co^^i^'^ue(^- 


CHAPTEE  IV. 

REGINALD      POLE. 


Parentage  and  birth  of  Reginald  Pole. — Primary  education  at  Sheen.-— 
Removes  to  Oxford. — Pole's  preferments  at  the  age  of  seventeen. — 
Visits  Italy,  and  resides  at  Padua. — Writes  the  life  of  Longolius. — 
Visits  Rome. — Returns  to  England, — Crumwell  endeavours  to  in- 
doctrinate Pole  with  his  views. — Pole  retires  to  Sheen,  there  to  pro- 
secute his  studies. — Employed  to  obtain  the  opinion  of  the  University 
of  Paris  in  regard  to  the  divorce. — Returns  to  Sheen. — Is  offered  the 
archbishopric  of  York. — Argues  with  the  king  respecting  the  divorce. 
— Leaves  England  for  Avignon. — Jacobo  Sadoleto. — Pole  goes  to 
Italy. — Gianpietro  Caraffa. — Luigi  Priuli, — Marco  of  Padua. — Gas- 
par  Contarini. — Vittoria  Colonna. — Cardinal  Morone.— Marco  An- 
tonio Flaminio. — Pietro  Carnesecchi. — Pole  conspires  against  Henry 
VIII.— Ordered  to  return  to  England.— The  '  De  Unitate.'— The 
Bishop  of  Durham's  reply. — Paul  III. — Pole  invited  to  Rome. — 
Created  a  cardinal. — Receives  a  remonstrance  from  England. — Ap- 
pointed legate  to  the  Low  Countries. — His  reception  in  Paris.— 

VOL.  VHL  B 


2 


LIVES   OF  THE 


Keturns  to  Rome. — Accompanies  tlie  pope  to  Nice. — Sent  as  legate 
to  Spain. — His  attainder. — Appointed  governor  of  the  Patrimony  of 
St.  Peter. — Death  of  his  mother. — 'II  Beneficio  di  Christo.'— Re- 
establishment  of  the  Inquisition. — Pole  retires  to  Verona. — The 
Council  of  Trent.— Pole  one  of  the  papal  legates. — The  '  De  Concilio.' 
— Opening  of  the  Council. — Decrees  of  the  sessions. — Pole  retires 
from  the  Council. — Accused  of  Lutheranism. — Death  of  Henry  VIII. 
— Pole  addresses  letters  to  the  Privy  Council  and  to  Edward  VI. — 
Death  of  Paul  III. — The  cardinals  enter  into  conclave. — Method 
of  voting. — Pole  nominated  for  the  papacy. — Del  Monte  elected 
pope.  —  Pole  lives  in  retirement — Death  of  Edward  VI. — Pole 
Avrites  to  Mary. — Appointed  legate  to  England. — His  reception  at 
Paris. — State  of  affairs  in  England. — Marriage  of  the  Queen. — 
Pole's  reception  in  England. — Opens  his  commission. — Papal  su- 
premacy acknowledged  by  parliament- — Election  of  Paiil  IV. — 
Decrees  of  the  synod  of  1855. — Philip  embarks  for  Spain. — Pole 
consecrated  Archbishop  of  Canterbury. — Receives  the  pallium. — The 
queen  performs  the  ceremony  of  feet  washing  on  Holy  Thursday. 
■ — Pole  as  a  politician. — Failure  of  his  mission  as  mediator  between 
the  King  of  France  and  the  Emperor. — Philip  at  war  with  the 
Pope. — Pole  charged  with  heresy,  and  summoned  before  the  In- 
quisition.— William  Peto  appointed  to  supersede  Pole  as  legate. — 
Battle  of  St.  Quentin. — Death  of  Peto. — Popular  feeling  against 
the  queen. — Pole's  letter  to  Cranmer. — Pole  appointed  chan- 
cellor of  Oxford  and  of  Cambridge. — Deplorable  condition  of 
Oxford. — Exhumation  of  the  wife  of  Peter  Martyr. — The  bodies 
of  Bucer  and  Fagius  disinterred  and  burned. — A  connnission  issued 
to  report  upon  heresy. — Restoration  of  the  Benedictines. — Pole's 
exhortation  to  the  merchants  of  London. — Surrender  of  Calais. — 
Analysis  of  Pole's  Primer. — Articles  of  inquiry  for  Pole's  pri- 
matial  visitation. — Famine  and  pestilence  in  England. — Illness  of 
Pole. — Death  of  Charles  V. — Death  of  Queen  Mary. — Death  of 
Pole. — List  of  his  works. 


CHAP. 
TV. 

Reginald 
Pole. 

1556-58 


Few  PERSONS  have  surpassed  Eeginald  Pole  in  the  number 
of  advocates  they  have  possessed,  zealous  to  record  their 
merits,  or  of  adversaries  eager  to  depreciate  their  virtues. 

Authorities. — With  the  period  of  history  treated  of  in  this  chapter 
everyone  is  familiar,  but  from  the  circumstances  mentioned  in  the  text, 
a  careful  perusal  of  the  writings  of  Pole  himself  has  been  necessary.  The 


ARCHBISHOPS   OF   CANTERBUKY.  3 

When  111  literature  ex  parte  statements  are  made  with     chap. 
abihty  on  both  sides  of  the  question,  the  busmess  of  a  .    ^^'-    . 
judge,  in  pronouncing  an  equitable  and  impartial  judg-    "^pX^^ 
ment,  becomes  comparatively  easy  ;  and  the  biographer    i5og-58. 
of  Eeginald  Pole  has,  on  this  account,  less  difficulty  than 
might  at  first  have  been  anticipated,  in  reconciling  con- 
tradictory assertions  ;  while  at  the  same  time  he  can  form 
a  fair  estimate  of  Pole's  character  from  a  detection   of 
his  besetting  sin  which  a  slight  attention  to  his  correspon- 
dence, as  throwing  hght  upon  his  conduct,  will  enable 
him  to  make. 

The  master  passion  to  which  Eeginald  Pole  suc- 
cumbed was  his  abhorrence  and  detestation  of  Henry 
VIII.     We  are  not  adverting  here  to   the  grounds  of 

reference  to  his  writings  is  frequent  by  writers  on  either  side,  but  it  is 
necessary  to  consult  the  original,  not  only  to  be  certain  "  when  a  quo- 
tation is  made/'  that  it  has  been  fairly  and  without  abridgment  tran- 
scribed, but  because  an  inference  from  an  admitted  statement  may 
require  to  be  modified  from  the  context.  As  regards  the  history  of 
Pole  in  relation  to  public  affairs,  besides  referring  to  the  historians  of 
the  period,  I  have  been  able  to  elucidate  the  subject  through  the  various 
State  Papers  which  have  lately  been  brought  to  light,  and  through  the 
valuable  report  upon  the  documents  and  public  libraries  of  Venice  by 
Mr.  DufFus  Hardy,  who  has  kindly  assisted  me  also  in  reference  to  the 
Simancas  papers.  The  basis  of  the  private  history  must  always  be 
Beccatelli.  This  work  was  originally  written  in  Italian.  I  have  used 
the  Latin  translation :  Vita  Eeginaldi  Poli  S.R.E.  Cardinalis,  et  Can- 
tuariensis  Archiepiscopi ;  Italice  conscripta  a  Luodovico  Bacatello, 
Latine  redita  ab  Andrea  Dudithio  Episcopo  Tininiensi.  Juxta  ex- 
emplar Venetiis  excusum,  a.d.  mdlxiii.  Published  in  London  in 
1690.  For  convenience  I  have  used  this  neatly  printed  duodecimo  in 
preference  to  the  Life  in  quarto  prefixed  to  the  Letters.  The  writer  is 
insultingly  ignorant  of  English  history  and  of  the  English  Church. 
The  real  mine,  however,  as  has  been  just  said,  from  which  an  acquaint- 
ance with  the  life  and  character  of  Pole  is  to  be  drawn  is  his  corre- 
spondence published  by  Quirini.  Pole  had  credit  among  his  contem- 
poraries for  wit,  but  this  does  not  appear  in  his  letters.     They  show 

B  2 


LIVES   OF   THE 


CHAP 
IV. 


Reginald 
Pole. 


this  hatred ;  we  merely  mention  the  fiict,  that,  instead  of 
combating  his  mahgnant  passions,  Pole  encouraged  them  ; 
and,  as  has  been  the  case  with  better  men  than  Pole, 
1656-58.  before  and  since,  he  mistook  mahgnity  for  zeal;  im- 
patient for  revenge,  he  supposed  tlmt  he  was  animated 
by  a  desire  to  do  God  service.  This  is,  in  many  pro- 
fessors of  godliness,  their  last  infirmity.  The  sensual 
passions  must  be  kept  in  subjection  by  every  Christian, 
except  a  hypocrite  ;  but  how  many  there  are  who,  in  the 
fury  of  their  orthodoxy,  forget  that  zeal  without  love  is 
not  a  heavenly  grace,  but  a  human — it  may  be  a  diabo- 
lical— passion  !  We  appeal  to  the  fires  of  Smithfield  and 
the  modern  religious  press — so  called — in  proof  of  the 
assertion. 


what  lie  wished  to  appear  rather  than  what  he  really  was.  They  are, 
therefore,  as  heavy  and  rhetorical  as  Erasmus's  letters  are  light  and 
sprightly.  We  read  Erasmus's  letters  with  delight,  we  read  those  of 
Pole  only  as  a  duty.  The  preliminary  discourses  prefixed  to  each 
volume  of  Pole's  letters  are  very  valuable,  but  they  are  clumsily  put 
together,  and  are  not  history,  but  only  documents  providing  the 
materials  for  history.  There  are  two  works  which  throw  light  on  his 
intellectual  history  which  may  here  be  mentioned:  Lihri  Duo  D. 
Reginaldi  Poll  primus  De  Concilio  alter  De  Reformatione  Anglice.  The 
authors  who  may  be  referred  to  as  each  holding  a  brief  for  or  against 
Pole  are  Phillips,  Eidley,  Neve,  and  Pye.  Phillips  is  described  by 
Hallam  as  ''  able  and  artful ;"  but  even  the  amount  of  qualified  praise 
here  given  would  have  been  withheld  if  Hallam  had  been  acquainted 
with  Quirini.  Phillips  has  simply  translated  and  re-arranged  Quirini, 
adding  scarcely  anything  original,  except  such  controversial  remarks  as 
would  not  occur  to  the  mind  of  an  Italian  treating  of  English  affairs. 
Upon  the  subject  of  the  Reformation  in  Italy,  in  which  Pole  was  con- 
cerned, much  light  has  been  thrown  by  Dr.  McCrie.  Much  light  also 
is  incidentally  thrown  on  some  historical  statements  by  Machyn's 
Diary,  from  which  copious  extracts,  not  always  accurate,  were  made  by 
Strype.  See  also  the  Grey  Friars'  Chronicles  and  John  Elder's  Letters. 
Besides  the  ordinary  writers,  Foxe,  Wood,  Burnet,  and  Strype,  I  have 
consulted  Du  Pin,  Sleidan,  and  Father  Paul,  with  Ranke  and  the 
various  other  authorities  given  in  the  foot-notes. 


ARCHBISHOPS   OF    CANTERBURY. 


It  is  by  bearing  this  fact  in  mind,  and  by  remembering     chap. 


IV 


that  Pole  was  unconscious  of  the  evil  that  was  in  him. 
that  we  are  to  account  for  the  many  and  sometimes  the  pX. 
astonishing  inconsistencies  that  perplexed  his  career.  No  1006-58. 
one  can  peruse  the  writings  of  Pole  without  perceiv- 
ing, that  the  whole  tendency  of  his  moral  and  intellec- 
tual character  was  towards  Protestantism ;  but  through 
his  hostility  to  Henry  he  became  a  Papist.  Having 
committed  himself  to  the  papal  cause,  his  enthusiastic 
temperament  hurried  him  into  an  excess,  against  which  his 
better  self  waged  war ;  and  yet,  while  sacrificing  much 
for  the  pope,  he  was  not  popular  at  Kome,  for  his  ideal 
of  the  papacy  was  known  to  be  not  in  harmony  with  the 
corrupt  reality. 

In  judging  of  the  character,  and  in  seeking  to  account 
for  the  conduct  of  Pole  in  the  various  scenes  of  his 
eventful  life,  we  must  take  into  consideration  the  pecu- 
liar circumstances  of  his  family.  It  is  difficult,  indeed, 
with  our  modern  notions,  to  reahze  to  our  minds  the 
social  position  of  the  Pole  family  ;  the  royalty  of  which 
was  sometimes  ignored,  sometimes  admitted,  and  always 
feared  by  the  Tudors.  Margaret,  the  mother  of  Eeginald, 
was  the  daughter  of  George,  Duke  of  Clarence — 

False,  fleeting,  perjured  Clarence — 

with  whose  character  we  are  familiar  in  the  pages  of 
Sliakespeare.  She  was  the  niece  of  Edward  IV.,  and  she 
was  first  cousin  of  Ehzabeth,  the  consort  of  Henry  VIL, 
who,  as  the  constitution  now  stands,  should  have  been 
queen  regnant.  She  was  as  nearly  related  to  the  crown 
as  is  the  Duke  of  Cambridge  at  the  present  time.*     Her 

*  She  is  sometimes  called  The  Lady  Margaret,  but  chiefly,  I  believe, 
by  modern  writers.  Her  name  and  title  in  history  is  Margaret  Countess 
of  Salisbury ;  to  have  called  herself,  before  her  restitution  to  the  privi- 
leges of  her  maternal  family,  The  Lady  Margaret  would  have  been  to 


6  LIVES   OF   THE 

CHAP,     unfortunate   brother,   tlie   Earl  of  Warwick,   had  been 

> ^ — '  attainted  and  beheaded,  because  he  might  at  any  time 

Pde.      li^^'6  aj)peared,  from  his  nearness  to  the  crown,  as  a  pre- 

1556-58.  tender.  It  was,  indeed,  on  the  ground  of  his  being 
a  pretender  that  he  was  executed.  The  family  thus 
received  a  significant  warning,  and  Margaret  was  con- 
tent, at  the  royal  command,  to  give  her  hand  to  a  courtier 
whom  she  probably  regarded  at  first  as  a  mere  Welsh 
adventurer.  Nevertheless,  she  became  deeply  attached  to 
Eichard  Pole  ;  and  she  listened  probably  with  compla- 
cency, when  he  produced  a  long  pedigree  to  prove,  that 
he  had  descended  from  Cadwallader,  the  last  of  the  British 
kings.*  The  last  of  their  respective  races,  they  were 
ambitious  of  founding  a  new  family  ;  and  well  would  it 
have  been  for  that  family,  if  the  wife  and  children  of  Sir 
Eichard  Pole  had  moderated  their  ambition  and  followed 
his  example. 

Sir  Eichard  Pole,  de  la  Pole,  or  Pool,f  claimed  to  be  a 
distant  cousin,  indeed,  of  Henry  Earl  of  Eichmond,  after- 

assume  a  royal  distinction.  I  have  seen  it  stated  that  the  eldest 
daughter  of  the  king  was  called  the  Princess,  or,  as  we  now  say,  the 
Princess  Royal ;  the  other  ladies  of  the  royal  family  were  simply  called 
The  Lady,  not  the  Princess  ;  they  were  addressed  as  Your  Highness's 
Grace.  In  the  privy  purse  expenses  of  Henry  VII.  I  find  her  called 
"  my  lady  Pole,"  or  "  Margaret  de  la  Pole,"  and  sometimes  merely 
"Margaret  Pole."  99,  121,  132.  There  is  an  entry  in  1505:  "To 
Master  coiferer  upon  a  biU  for  Margaret  de  la  Pole  clothing  and 
Mistress  Ann  her  wages  at  Ester  last  passed  a  bill  of  parcels  £12 
05.  6d." 

*  The  pedigree  is  preserved  in  the  Harleian  MSS.  1412,  fol.  i. 
labelled  the  "Visitation  of  Oxfordshire,  1574." 

I  I  find  the  name,  in  the  lax  orthography  of  the  period,  written  thus 
variously.  The  "  De  la  Pole  "  looks  as  if  he  claimed  to  belong  to  the 
noble  house  of  Suffolk.  Richard's  son  Geoffrey  and  two  of  his  p:randsons 
wrote  the  name  Pool  on  their  prison  wall  in  1502-64.  In  Clark's  list 
of  the  Knights  of  the  Garter  Sir  Richard  himself  is  called  Poole.  This, 
at  all  events,  shows  how  the  name  was  pronounced. 


ARCHBISHOPS    OF   CANTEEBURY.  7 

wards  King  Henry  VII.     He  followed  the  fortunes  of  the     chap. 
earl  in  his  exile,  and  was  rewarded  for  his  loyalty,  when  -^J^^L^ 
his  chief  placed  the  crown  on  his  own  head  on  Bosworth    "^Poie^^^ 
field.  Eichard  Pole  was  immediately  appointed  an  esquire    1556-58. 
of  the  royal  body  guard,  with  an  annuity  of  fifty  marks. 
He  was,  in  the  first  year  of  Henry's  reign,  made  governor 
of  Harlech  Castle,  and  sheriff'  of  Merionethshire.      On  the 
accession  of  Henry,  the  unfortunate  Earl  of  Warwick  was 
removed  from  Sheriff  Hutton  in  Yorkshire,  the  prison 
assigned  him  by  his  uncle  Eichard  III.,  and  was  placed 
in    the   Tower  of  London.     The  administration  of  the 
estates    belonging   to   the    earldoms    of    Warwick   and 
Salisbury  devolved,  it  would  seem,  upon  his  brother-in- 
law  Sir   Eichard   Pole.      Sir   Eichard   had   certainly   a 
princely  income,  for  in  the  year  1497,  during  the  war 
with  Scotland,  he  was  retained  to  serve  the  king  with 
five  demi-lances  and  two  hundred  archers,  and  before 
the  end  of  the  year  with  six  hundred  men-at-arms,  three 
score  demi-lances,  and  five  hundred  and  forty  bows  and 
bills.     The  maternal  property  having  been  administered 
by  her   husband,   facilities   were   afforded   to   Margaret 
when,  in  1513,  she  petitioned  for  a  restitution  of  her 
family   honours.     She  was  at  that  time  in  high  favour 
at   Henry  VIII.'s  court,    and    on  the    14th  of  October 
she  was  restored  to  the  title  of  Countess  of  Salisbury. 
At  the  same  time  she  obtained  letters  patent  establishing 
her  in  the  castles,  manors,  and  lands  of  Eichard,  late 
Earl  of  Salisbury,  her  grandfather,  which  had  fallen  to 
the  crown  by  the  attainder  of  Edward  Earl  of  Warwick, 
her  brother.* 

*  Margaret's  mother  was  Isabel  Nevil,  eldest  daughter  and  afterwards 
heir  of  Richard,  Earl  of  Warwick,  "  the  setter  up  and  putter  down  of 
kings,"  The  earldom  of  Salisbury  merged  into  that  of  Warwick  through 
Alice,  the  mother  of  the  king-maker  and  daughter  and  heir  of  Thomas 
Montacute,  the  last  Earl  of  Salisbury  of  tluit  family. 


8  LIVES  OF   Till!: 

CHAP.         It  was    the  misfortune  of  Ee^nald  that  he  lost  his 

IV.  *"' 

' — ;r^ — '  father  when  he  was  yet  a  child  ;  for  everything  one 
Pole.  hears  of  Sir  Eichard  tends  to  confirm  the  character 
1556-58.  which  has  been  given  of  him, — that  of  "  a  valiant  and 
highly-accomplished  gentleman."  He  died  when  Eegi- 
nald  was  five  years  old  ;  *  and  the  family,  which  had 
been  increasing  in  wealth  and  honour  till  that  time, 
became  henceforth,  down  to  the  reign  of  Queen  Ehza- 
beth,  involved  in  troubles. 

During  Sir  Eichard's  life  they  lived  in  retirement — 
except  when  called  to  court — at  Lordington,  in  the 
county  of  Sussex.f 

Here  I  think  it  probable,  that  Eeginald  was  born, 
although,  in  the  absence  of  registers,  the  fact  cannot  be 
positively  asserted.  J      Upon  the  date  of  his  birth,  how- 

*  I  give  this  as  the  time  of  Sir  Richard's  death,  because  I  find  the 
following  entry  in  the  privy  purse  expenses  of  Henry  VII. :  "  To  my 
Lord  Herbert  in  lone  by  his  bille  for  burying  of  Sir  Richard  Pole, 
40/."— Nov.  1504. 

■f  Lordington  is  a  manor  in  the  parish  of  Racton,  a  few  miles  distant 
from  Chichester.  It  is  certain  that  in  the  fifteenth  century  the  property 
belonged  to  the  Pole  family,  but  how  or  when  it  passed  into  their  hands 
I  have  not  been  able  to  discover.  Lordington  House  still  exists,  and 
the  antiquary  discovers  in  various  places  the  cognizances  of  the  Tudors. 
I  observe  it  as  a  proof  of  Sir  Richard's  caution  or  loyalty,  that  he  was 
too  wise  to  bring  forward  the  Plantagenet  pretences.  There  is  a  brief 
account  of  Lordington  in  Dallaway ;  but  all  that  can  be  gathered  on 
the  subject  of  its  history  has  been  given  by  the  learned  rector,  the 
Rev.  F.  H.  Arnold,  M.A.,  in  a  paper  prepared  for  the  Sussex  Archaeo- 
logical Collections.  Mr.  Arnold  accepts  the  tradition  that  Sir  Richard 
Pole  resided  there,  and  he  adduces  satisfactory  evidence  to  the  fact. 

X  There  is  considerable  difference  of  opinion  as  to  the  birthplace  of 
Pole.  By  Camden  and  Leland  he  is  said  to  have  been  bom  at  Stourton 
or  Stoverton  in  Staffordshire,  and  for  this  conjecture  there  is  this  to  be 
said,  that  Stoverton  Castle  was  at  one  time  the  property  of  the  Earls  of 
Warwick.  See  Camden's  Britannia,  Staffordshire  581  c.  ed.  Holland.  It 
is  remarkable  that  Gibson  in  his  edition  of  Camden  omits  this  statement 
without  assigning  a  reason  for  so  doing.     Dallaway  assumes  that  the 


ARCHBISHOPS   OF   CANTERBURY.  9 

ever,  there  is  no  controversy  ;  it  is  admitted,  that  he  was     chap. 
born  in  the  year  1500,  and  according  to  BeccateUi,  who  * — ^ — - 
probably  heard  of  it  from  Pole  himself,  in  the  month  of      pok! 
March.      Eeginald   Pole   had   three   brothers   and   two    io56-58. 
sisters.      Eeginald   was   probably   the   youngest   of  the 
sons  ;    and  if  there  be  truth  in  the   story,  that  Queen 
Katharine  expressed  her  hope,  that  Eeginald  might  be- 
come the  future  husband  of  her  daughter  Mary,  after- 
wards   Queen    of    England,    we    may   regard    this    as 
confirmatory  evidence  of  the  generally  received  opinion. 
Between  the  age  of  Mary  and  that  of  Eeginald  there  was 
a  difference  of  sixteen  years  ;  and  when  there  was  such 
disparity,  and  when,  at   the  same  time,  there  was  no 
peculiar  ground  for  preference,  we  may  feel  confident 
that,  if  she  were  to  select  a  Pole  for  a  son-in4aw,  her 
choice  would  rest  on  the  youngest.* 

birthplace  was  Lordington,  but  without  giving  authority  or  reason.  I 
have  this  to  add  in  confirmation  of  his  conjecture.  The  parish  adjoin- 
ing Racton,  to  which  the  manor  of  Lordington  belongs,  is  Stoughton  ; 
and  it  would  seem  that,  besides  Racton,  Warblington  and  other  parishes 
near  belonged  to  the  Poles.  The  name  of  Stoughton  having  been  sug- 
gested to  Camden,  his  mind  might  easily  pass  from  the  Stoughton  in 
Sussex  to  the  better  known  Stourton  or  Stoughton  in  Staffordshire. 
BeccateUi,  in  his  first  edition,  gives  London  as  the  birthplace  of  Pole, 
but  he  omits  the  statement  in  his  second  edition. 

*  Dugdale,  Camden,  and  the  greater  number  of  authorities,  represent 
Eeginald  as  the  youngest  son  of  Sir  Richard.  Godwin  speaks  of  him 
as  the  second  son,  but  gives  no  authority,  and  is  clearly  wrong.  I 
should  not  have  noticed  the  subject  if  I  had  not  found  among  the  State 
Papers  a  letter  from  Sir  John  Masone,  a  contemporary,  who  says :  "  I 
had  an  interview  with  Geoffrey  Pole,  the  cardinal's  younger  brother." 
We  can,  however,  hardly  consider  Sir  John  Masone  as  an  authority  on 
such  a  subject  in  a  despatch,  in  which  the  Poles  are  only  incidentally 
mentioned.  He  was  not  giving  an  account  of  the  Pole  family ;  and 
by  "  younger  "  he  may  merely  have  meant  to  distinguish  Geoffrey  from 
the  other  brothers  of  the  cardinal.  Tytler  (i.  313)  speaks  of  Geoffrey 
as  the  youngest  of  the  Pole  family  ;  but  evidently  on  the  authority  of 


10  LIVES   OF   THE 

CHAP.         Tlie  story  is   that  Queen  Katharine  was  shocked  by 

« ^--^  tlie  discovery  of  her  having  been  the  innocent  cause  of 

^'^^  the  Earl  of  Warwick's  death.  Her  father,  Ferdinand  of 
i5o6-o8.  Spain if  we  may  judge  from  his  correspondence  pre- 
served among  the  State  Papers — felt  very  doubtful  as  to 
tlie  continuance  of  the  Tudor  dynasty.  It  was,  indeed, 
long  before  he  addressed  Henry  VII.  in  the  usual  style 
of  sovereigns  in  their  correspondence  with  one  another,  by 
the  title  of  brother.  So  insecure  did  he  regard  the  Tudor 
dynasty,  that  on  the  death  of  Henry  VII.  he  fully  expected 
his  son's  succession  to  be  disputed  ;  and  he  offered  to 
support  him  with  a  Spanish  army.  Though  the  right  of 
the  son  of  Elizabeth  of  York  to  the  throne  of  his  ances- 
tors would  not  at  the  present  time  be  doubted,  yet  the 
succession  through  the  female  line  was  not  then  neces- 
sarily recognised ;  and  Henry  VII.  was  himself  chiefly 
indebted  to  his  own  good  sword  and  to  the  vote  of 
parliament  for  his  crown.  Ferdinand,  therefore,  would 
not  sanction  the  marriage  of  his  daughter  to  the  Prince 
of  Wales,  while  such  a  formidable  pretender  as  the  Earl 
of  Warwick  was  in  existence.  The  Earl  of  Warwick, 
therefore,  died  ;  and  the  Infanta  of  Spain  was  betrothed 
to  Prince  Arthur  and  was  married  to  Henry  VIII. 

Queen  Katharine  endeavoured  to  repair  the  injury  and 
to  avert  the  Divine  wrath,  by  conferring  favours  upon 
the  Earl  of  Warwick's  sister  and  her  family.  She  was 
heard  to  express  a  hope,  more  than  once,  that  by  a 
marriage  between  one  of  the  Poles  and  her  daughter 
Mary,  the  crown  might  ultimately  devolve  upon  the 
representatives  of  the  Duke  of  Clarence  in  conjunction 
with  the  reigning  family. 

I  see  no  reason  to  discredit  this  story,  provided  it  be 

this  letter  of  Masone  only.     I  believe  that  the  order  is  Henry  Lord 
Montague,  Arthur,  Geoffrey,  Reginald. 


ARCHBISHOPS   OP   CANTERBURY.  11 

not  taken  for  more  than  it  is  worth.     We  know  liow     chap. 

such  wishes  are  often  expressed  among  friends  ;    and  it  « ^^ . 

only  means  that  the  person  expressing  the  wish,  without  "^pX^^^ 
taking  any  steps  to  procure  its  fulfilment,  would  be  1 006-08. 
rather  pleased  than  otherwise  if,  in  the  chapter  of  acci- 
dents, such  an  event  should  be  found  written  by  the 
hand  of  fate.  It  certainly  did  not  prevent  Katharine 
from  entering  into  other  matrimonial  speculations  with 
reference  to  the  Princess  Mary.  The  queen  became 
gradually  aware  of  the  precarious  position  of  her  child, 
and  wished  above  all  things,  to  secure  for  her  a  powerful 
protector.  Her  ambitious  hopes  were,  at  one  time,  excited, 
and  she  anticipated  with  pleasure  a  possible  marriage  be- 
tween her  daughter  and  the  emperor  her  nephew.  This 
would  have  been  the  greatest  match  in  Europe.  To  other 
proposals  for  the  settlement  of  Mary  she  lent  a  willing  ear  ; 
but  it  does  not  follow  that,  when  she  was  talking  over 
the  subject  of  her  daughter's  future  life  with  her  dear 
friend  the  Countess  of  Salisbury,  she  might  not  have  men- 
tioned a  marriage  with  one  of  the  countess's  sons  as  an 
event  which  would  give  her,  if  it  ever  came  to  pass,  in- 
tense satisfaction. 

Notwithstanding  the  disparity  between  Mary  and  Eegi- 
nald  in  point  of  age,'^  such  a  marriage  was  regarded  as 
possible  by  Pole  himself ;  and  to  this  circumstance  we  may 
trace  some  of  the  inconsistencies  of  his  career.  It  is  to  be 
remarked  that  even  when  he  was  created  a  cardinal,  Pole 
declined  being  ordained  a  priest ;  thereby  reserving  to 
himself  the  right  to  marry,  if  the  way  should,  at  any  time, 
be  opened  for  his  union  with  his  cousin  of  England.     He 

*  Mary  was  sixteen  years  younger  than  Pole  ;  she  was  born  at 
Greenwich  on  July  18,  1516.  The  disproportion  was  more  marked 
between  her  and  Philip,  for  Philip  was  younger  than  his  wife  by  many 
years. 


12  LIVES   OF   THE 

CHAP,     '^vas  not  ordained  until  he  was  nominated  to  the  see  of 

. iy-  _^  Canterbury  ;   in  modern  parlance  it  might  be  said  that 

"^^  Po?^^^  the  archbishopric  of  Canterbury  was  liis  title  for  priest's 
1556-58.  orders.  It  was,  at  one  time,  supposed  by  many  that  Pole 
was  too  staid  a  person  to  entertain  an  expectation  so 
chimerical ;  but  it  is  now  made  known  to  us  through  the 
Simancas  papers  that  Cardinal  Pole  did  actually  propose 
himself  to  the  emperor  as  a  candidate  for  the  hand  of 
Queen  Mary.* 

This  hope  must  have  lingered  in  his  mind,  throughout 
his  life,  shaping  his  conduct  and  inflaming  his  ambition. 

We  must  never  forget,  in  the  history  of  Pole,  the  in- 
timate connection  which  existed  between  the  members  of 
his  family  and  the  court  of  Queen  Katharine.  When  a 
household  was  formed  for  Prince  Arthur,  King  Henry  YII. 
gave  proof  of  his  reliance  on  the  sound  judgment  and 
loyalty  of  Sir  Eichard  Pole,  by  appointing  him  the  chief 
gentleman  of  the  prince's  bed-chamber.  Although  this 
was  his  ostensible  office,  it  was  intended  that  he  should 
have  the  general  direction  of  the  prince's  affairs  ;  and  to 
Sir  Eichard  was  confided  the  administration  of  the  Welsh 
government,  when  the  Prince  of  Wales  held  his  court 
with  regal  splendour  at  Ludlow. 

On  the  arrival  of  the  Infanta  of  Spain  and  the  forma- 
tion of  her  court.  Lady  Pole  occupied  in  that  court  as 
distinguished  and  responsible  a  position,  as  that  which  had 
been  conceded  to  her  husband  in  the  establishment  of  the 
prince.  To  both  the  deference  and  respect  were  shown 
which  always  attend  courtiers  whom  a  prince  is  pleased 
to  distinguish  by  special  notice.  After  the  death  of  her 
brother,  Margaret  was  not  permitted  by  her  husband  to 

*  There  is  in  existence  a  holograph  of  Pole  to  the  emperor,  in  which 
the  offer  is  made.  See  Mr.  Bergenroth's  communication  to  Mr.  Duffus 
Hardy,  in  documents  relating  to  Cardinal  Pole  amongthe  Simancas  papers. 


ARCHBISHOPS    OF   CANTEKBURY.  13 

forget,  that  his  own  life  and  the  well-being  of  her  family     chap. 

depended  upon  her  loyalty  and  discretion.     The  Tudors  ^ i^' - 

were  a  good-natured  race,  except  when  they  were  made  "^  po"ie!'^ 
fierce  by  opposition  or  by  their  alarmed  selfishness.  Henry  1556-58. 
YII.  desired  both  to  humble  and  to  conciliate  the  Yorkists, 
and  was  well  pleased  to  see  the  representative  of  the  York 
party  holding  a  subordinate  office  in  his  court.  It  was  im- 
pressed upon  Margaret's  mind  by  her  husband,  that  she 
^v^as  likely  to  gain  more  by  submission  to  the  party  in  the 
ascendant  than  she  could  hope  to  realize  by  opposition. 
On  the  other  hand,  the  Spanish  princess,  in  a  strange 
land,  was  glad  to  secure  the  friendship  of  a  lady  old 
enough  to  be  her  mother,  and  whose  royal  rank  was  only 
in  abeyance,  though  the  office  she  held  was  calculated 
or  designed  to  remind  her  that  her  existence  upon  earth 
was  only  tolerated  during  her  good  behaviour. 

On  the  birth  of  the  Princess  Mary,  the  bond  of  union 
between  Katharine  and  the  Poles  was  drawn  still  closer. 
To  the  custody  of  her — to  whom  for  the  sake  of  con- 
venience and  by  a  shght  anachronism  we  shall  give  at 
once  her  historical  name,  and  call  her  the  Countess  of 
Salisbury — Queen  Katharine  consigned  the  care  of  her 
child.  The  mother  of  Eeginald  Pole  became  a  mater- 
nal friend  of  Mary.  Eeginald  himself,  a  youth  of  six- 
teen, when  visiting  his  mother,  was  permitted  to  fondle 
the  infant  as  a  kinsman.  He  took  an  interest  in  the 
development  of  her  mind,  as  she  passed  from  infancy  to 
childhood.  At  her  baptism,  the  royal  infent  was  held  at 
the  font  by  the  Countess  of  Salisbury ;  and  the  Countess 
of  Salisbury  was  herself  the  child's  sponsor  when  she  was 
confirmed.  More  deeply  still  was  the  future  queen  of 
England  indebted  to  the  Pole  family,  for  Katharine  Pole 
was  selected  to  be  her  wet-nurse.  On  state  occasions,  when 
the  child  was  to  be  exhibited  in  public,  she  found  her 


14  LIVES   OF   THE 

CHAP,     tlirone   in   Lady   Salisbury's   arms.      To    conciliate  the 
^^— .-^ — •  Welsh,  the  princess  was  called  the  Princess  of  Wales,  and 
Pole.      fi  court  was  kept  for  her  at  Ludlow  ;  there,  at  the  head 
1556-58.    of  her  household,  appeared  the  Countess  of  Sahsbury,  ex- 
ercising powers  similar  to  those  which  had  pertained  to  her 
husband  when  he  was  the  prime  minister  of  Prince  Arthur. 
Li  chivalrous  attachment  to  Queen  Katharine  and  her 
daughter,  the  Pole  family  were  thus  by  circumstances 
trained  ;  and  those  circumstances  led  first  to  their  eleva- 
tion and  then  to  their  fall. 

For  the  perquisites  of  her  office  the  Countess  of  Salis- 
bury, as  we  see  from  the  payments  made  to  her,  had  no 
contempt ;  and  as  Eeginald  was  a  younger  son,  she  used 
her  court  influence  to  procure  assistance  from  the  State 
for  his  education.  The  king  had  at  his  command  corrodies 
in  the  abbeys  and  stalls  in  the  cathedrals,  the  proceeds  of 
Avhich  he  might  divert  from  the  maintenance  of  the  clergy 
to  the  education  of  those  who  were  preparing  for  the 
clerical  office.  For  the  application  of  these  in  behalf  of 
her  son,  the  Countess  of  Salisbury  made  interest  with  the 
queen,  whom  at  that  time  the  king  was  wilhng  to  oblige. 
Henry  VIII.  was  indeed  fond  of  children,  and  made  Mary 
in  her  childhood  a  favourite  plaything.  He  was  often 
with  his  wife  in  the  nursery ;  and  for  her  attention  to 
his  little  one,  he  was  wilhng  to  remunerate  Lady  Salis- 
bury in  a  manner  which,  while  benefiting  her  and  her 
son,  put  the  king  to  no  self-denying  expense.  We  find 
various  payments  charged  on  pubhc  bodies  for  the  edu- 
cation of  the  young  man. 

His  primary  education  Eeginald  received  at  a  grammar 
school  of  considerable  repute  attached  to  the  convent  of 
the  Carthusians  at  West  Slieen.  This  monastery,  called 
the  House  of  Jesus  of  Bethlehem,  had  been  erected  and 
endow^ed  by  Henry  V.  in  1414,  out  of  the  confiscated 


ARCHBISHOPS    OF   CANTERBURY.  15 

j^roperty  of  the  alien  priories.*    Its  vicinity  to  Eichmond     chap. 

Palace  was  its  chief  recommendation.    Here  the  schoolboy  ^— -,-* 

could  visit  his  mother,  and  be  honoured  by  the  notice  of  pj,ie. 
the  queen,  with  whom  he  soon  became  a  favourite.  The  i556-o8. 
king  also,  whose  tastes  were  literary,  took  an  interest  in 
the  boy,  and  acknowledged  him  as  a  kinsman,  who  had  a 
right  to  expect  the  patronage  of  the  crown.  The  king 
did  not  share  in  Katharine's  wish,  that  Pole  should  become 
the  husband  of  his  daughter,  for  he  destined  him  to  high 
preferment  in  the  Church. 

At  twelve  years  of  age,  Eeginald  removed  to  Oxford. 
I  infer  from  the  notices  in  Wood  that,  he  went  first  to 
school  at  the  White  Friars,  and  that  he  afterwards  ma- 
triculated at  Magdalen  Col]ege.f  The  school  attached  to 
the  convent  of  the  Carmelites,  situated  in  the  parish  of 
St.  Mary  Magdalene,  was  a  fashionable  school  at  the 
time.  The  Carmelites  lived  rather  luxuriously,  and  their 
accommodations  are  described  as  splendid,  for  they  oc- 
cupied a  house  which  had  originally  been  one  of  the 
palaces  of  the  Kings  of  England.  They  seemed  to  have 
aimed  at  supporting  the  character  of  gentlemen  ;  and 
their  table  and  all  the  appointments  of  their  establish- 
ment were  in  good  keeping.     There  was  nothing  ascetic, 

*  See  the  Life  of  Chicheley.  The  palace  at  Sheen  in  Surrey  was  a 
favourite  residence  of  the  sovereigns  of  the  Tudor  dynasty.  The  house 
■which  had  been  erected  by  Henry  V.  was  destroyed  by  fire  in  1498. 
It  was  rebuilt  by  Henry  VII.  in  1501,  when  that  monarch  assigned  to 
Sheen  the  name  it  still  retains  of  Richmond,  in  remembrance  of  the 
title  by  which  he  had  been  at  one  time  distinguished. 

■f  In  Henry  VlII.'s  book  of  payments,  a.d.  1512,  I  find  this  entry  : 
"  To  Reginald  Pole,  through  Mr.  Cole,  for  his  exhibition  at  school 
this  year,  12/."  Among  the  State  Papers,  i.  No.  4190,  there  is 
a  mandate  from  Henry  VIII.  to  the  Prior  of  St.  Frideswide,  in  which 
he  is  charged  to  give  Reginald  the  pension  of  a  clerk  of  the  king's 
nomination  until  he  be  promoted  to  a  competent  benefice  by  the  said 
prior. 


16  LIVES    OF   THE 

CHAP,     but  there  was  little  that  was  censurable  in  their  establish- 

IV, 

■ — -r^ — -  ment,  beyond  the  glaring  violation  of  their  vows  and  the 
Pole,      rules  of  their  order.     They  compounded  for  this  with 

ioo6-58.  their  consciences,  by  the  zeal  they  showed  in  the  cause  of 
education ;  their  schools  were  well  conducted  under 
efficient  teachers  and  proper  discipline ;  and  to  attract 
the  sons  of  nobles  to  the  pursuits  of  literature  was  re- 
garded by  them  as  an  act  of  sound  policy  if  not  of  religion* 
Pole  matriculated  as  a  nobleman.  His  favour  at  court 
more  than  his  parentage  attracted  to  him  the  attention  of 
the  magnates  of  the  University.  There  is  no  proof  of  his 
having  distinguished  himself  by  his  talents,  beyond  the 
assertion  of  those  whose  friendship  he  conciliated  in  after 
life,  and  who  were  not  likely  to  know  much  on  the  sub- 
ject. It  is  sufficient  praise  to  say,  that  when,  through  the 
favour  of  the  queen  and  the  interest  of  his  mother,  who 
had  now  regained  her  title  together  with  some  of  the  enor- 
mous wealth  of  her  maternal  ancestors,*  he  was  brought 
under  the  notice  of  Thomas  Linacre  and  William  Latimer, 
he  conducted  himself  so  much  to  their  satisfaction,  that 
he  won  their  esteem,  and  was  permitted  to  number  them 
among  his  friends.  This  is  the  more  worthy  of  remark,  if 
the  reader  will  recall  what,  in  the  "  Life  of  Warham,"  has 
been  said  of  these  truly  great  men.  They  were  united  with 
Colet  in  reforming  the  studies  of  the  University.  They 
were,  though  Protestantism  hardly  at  the  time  existed, 
very  sturdy  reformers.  They  were  advocates  of  "  the 
new  learning,"  before  this  became  a  party  designation  ; 
and  in  intercourse  with  these  men,  Pole  no  doubt  formed 
those  principles  which  had  more  or  less  influence  over  his 
mind  until  the  very  last.  Pole  learned  here  to  admire 
Sir  Thomas  More ;  and  an  anecdote  may  be  mentioned, 

*  There  is  in  Dugdale  an  account  of  the  estates  in  her  possession  at 
the  time  of  her  death. 


ARCHBISHOPS    OF   CANTERBURY.  17 

which,  trifling  in  itself,  shows  the  kindness  of  Pole's  nature,     chap. 

The  news  came  to  Oxford,  while  Pole  was  there,  little  < Zi_.. 

more  than  a  boy,  that  Sir  Thomas  More  was  ill.  Pole  im-  p^ig 
mediately  went  to  Linacre,  the  greatest  physician  of  the  1666-58. 
day,  and  obtained  from  him  a  prescription.  This  he  en- 
closed in  a  letter  to  the  Countess  of  Salisbury.  The  cul- 
ling of  simples  and  the  apothecary's  art  were  not  beneath 
the  notice  of  the  great  ladies  of  the  age  ;  and  the  countess 
was  enjoined  with  her  own  hands  to  make  up  the  pre- 
scription, which  was  duly  conveyed,  with  a  respectful 
message,  to  Sir  Thomas.*  The  young  man  was  gratified 
by  a  letter  of  thanks  from  the  great  lawyer  and  states- 
man. Another  fact  connected  with  Pole's  Oxford  life 
ought  not  to  be  overlooked,  for  it  shows  the  gratitude  as 
well  as  the  kindness  of  his  nature.  William  Latimer,  one 
of  the  most  learned  men  of  the  day,  of  whom  Erasmus  f 
says  that  he  was  "  vere  theologus,  integritate  vitce  conspi- 
cuus,''  had  been  one  of  Pole's  tutors ;  and  to  Pole  he  was 
afterwards  indebted  for  all  the  preferment  he  possessed ; 
for  from  principle  or  modesty  he  had  invariably  refrained 
from  asking  for  what  his  talents  and  industry  might  have 
claimed,  and  when  Pole  first  knew  him  he  was  suffering 
from  poverty.  J 

In  the  year  1515,  Pole  was  admitted,  according  to 
Anthony  Wood,  "  to  the  reading  of  any  logical  book  of 
Aristotle,  that  is,  to  the  degree  of  Bachelor  of  Arts."  In 
the  same  year  he  supplicated  the  venerable  congregation 
of  Eegents  that  he  might  wear  "  panni  pretiosi  et  pellurce 

*  Ep.  Mori  ad  Erasmum,  in  Mori  Vita  a  Stapleton  ed.  221. 

f  Jortin's  Erasmus,  i.  9. 

I  After  he  left  Oxford  William  Latimer  retired  to  the  rectory  of 
Saintbury  in  Gloucestershire,  where  he  died  at  an  advanced  age.  He 
had  also  the  rectory  of  Weston-under-Edge,  and  a  prebend  in  the 
church  of  Salisbury.  For  what  preferment  he  had  he  was  indebted  to 
Pole. — Jortin,  i.  9. 

VOL.  VIII.  C 


18  LIVES   OF   TJIE 

CHAP,    pretioscej'  and  be  permitted  to  enter  tlie  jniblic  library.* 
— / — '  Wood  was  unable  to  discover  from  the  University  Eegisters 
Pde.      li^^^v   long   Eeginald   Pole   remained   at  Magdalene,   or 
i5o6-58.    whether  he  ever  took  the  degree  of  M.A.f 

He  continued  to  experience  the  royal  patronage,  for 
when  he  was  only  seventeen  years  of  age,  and  not  in 
holy  orders,  he  was  nominated  to  the  prebend  of  Eos- 
combe,  in  the  Cathedral  of  Salisbury ;  and  on  the  10  th  of 
April,  1519,  to  the  prebend  of  Gatcombe  Secunda,  in  that 
Church.  Previously  to  this  he  was  appointed  dean  of 
Wimbourne  Minster,  in  Dorsetshire.  In  1527,  he  was 
elected,  under  a  conge  d'elire  accompanied  by  a  letter 
missive,  to  the  deanery  of  Exeter,  the  dean  being 
elected  by  the  prebendaries,  subject  to  the  control  of  the 
crown.  J  The  accumulation  of  so  much  preferment 
upon  a  youth  not  in  holy  orders,  to  enable  him  to  pursue 
his  studies  in  divinity,  was  not  inconsistent  with  the 
opinions  of  the  age.  The  endowments  of  the  Church 
were  not  regarded  as  prizes  to  allure  the  worldly  to  peril 
their  souls  by  taking  holy  orders  without  any  vocation  to 
the  sacred  office  ;  they  were  designed  to  place  at  the 
disposal  of  those  who  were  at  the  head  of  affairs  the 
means  of  benefiting  not  merely  a  certain  locality,  but  the 
Church  at  large.     It  was  considered  that  the  wealth  of 

*  Athen.  Oxon.  i.  279. 

f  These  expressions  do  not  convey  any  clear  idea  to  the  mind  of  the 
ordinary  reader,  but  doubtless  they  will  be  explained  by  some  Oxford 
archasologists. 

\  The  date  of  his  appointment  to  Wimbourne,  unknown  to  Wood, 
we  are  enabled  to  supply  from  the  State  Papers.  The  date  is  February 
12,  1518.  For  Reginald  Pole's  presentation  to  the  Collegiate  Church  of 
Wymburne  Minstre,  Sarisb.  Dioc.  dat.  Westm.  12  Feb.  9  Henry  VIIL, 
see  State  Papers,  Henry  VHI.  II.  ii.  p.  1227.  Wood  adds  that  then 
or  soon  after,  he  was  made  Dean  of  Exeter,  but  this  is  a  mistake.  He 
was  not  elected  Dean  of  Exeter  till  the  12th  of  August,  1527,  and  was 
confirmed  on  the  13th  of  September.     See  Hardy's  Le  Neve  in  loc. 


ARCHBISHOPS    OF    CAXTERBURY.  19 

the  Churcli  was  legitimately  expended  when  it  was  em-     chap. 

ployed  to  train  a  young  man,  whose  royal  birth  desig- ^ — > 

nated  him  for  high  ecclesiastical  office,  so  as  to  enable  pX. 
him  to  discharge  his  official  duties  to  the  advantasfe  of  1566-68. 
the  country  and  to  his  own  honour.  Henry  VIII., 
grateful  to  the  Countess  of  Salisbury  for  her  attention  to 
his  child,  made  no  secret  of  his  intention  to  advance  her 
son  to  the  primacy ;  and  according  to  the  notions  then 
in  vogue,  he  might  fairly  call  upon  the  Church  to  educate 
its  future  primate  ;  all  that  even  a  lay  prebendary  and 
dean  had  to  do  was  to  appoint  a  fit  man  to  act  as  his 
deputy,  and  for  a  salary  agreed  upon  to  discharge  the 
duties  which  he  was  unable  himself  to  perform.*  The 
principle  was  intelhgible,  and  may  be  defensible  ;  but  it 
was  liable  to  abuse.  To  modern  ears  it  sounds  strange 
that  one  who  could  neither  preach  nor  administer  the 
Sacraments  should  be  permitted  to  share  the  emoluments 
and  to  hold  some  of  the  highest  offices  of  the  establish- 
ment. 

When  he  was  about  nineteen  years  of  age,  Pole 
expressed  a  desire  to  finish  his  studies  by  visiting  the 
foreign  universities,  especially  those  of  Italy.  The 
universities  of  Italy,  and  Italian  society  in  general,  had 
been  especially  influenced  by  the  revival  of  learning — the 

*  The  present  system  of  regarding  the  emoluments  of  the  Church  as 
the  means  of  providing  pay  for  a  certain  amount  of  work  done  has  a 
tendency  to  promote  worldUness  and  discontent,  and  will  lead  to  the 
question,  Why  should  we  retain  the  estates  of  the  Church,  since  the 
pay  may  be  supplied  out  of  the  general  funds  of  the  country,  or  by  each 
congregation  ?  The  old  system,  having  been  liable  to  much  abuse,  was 
gradually  abolished.  But  still  we  should  remember,  what  has  in  these 
volumes  been  frequently  remarked,  that  the  emoluments  of  the  Church, 
when  the  Church  was  first  endowed,  were  not  to  afford  pay  to  a  certain 
number  of  individuals  for  a  certain  amount  of  labour,  but  to  be  ex- 
pended as  the  rulers  of  the  Church  thought  most  conducive  to  the 
welfare  of  the  Church. 


20  LIVES   OF   THE 

CHAP.  Renaissance,  as  it  is  called  in  France.  Henry  VIII.  was 
—  ./ — '  influenced,  of  course,  by  the  spirit  of  the  age  ;  and  at  all 
Pole.  the  courts  of  Europe  the  sovereigns  were  distinguished  as 
1556-58.  the  patrons  of  learning.  Himself  a  student  and  a  man 
of  considerable  learning,  the  king  was  pleased  that  a 
kinsman  should  be  eminent  in  the  aristocracy  of  htera- 
ture,  and  expected  him  to  reflect  honour  upon  his  patron. 
He  determined  to  afford  every  advantage  to  Pole,  who 
went  abroad  amplissimis  stipendiis.  Eidley  reckons  his 
revenues  at  1000/.  a  year,  with  a  pension  in  addition 
of  500/.*  BeccateUi  informs  us  that  the  profits  of  all  his 
dignities  were  carefully  managed  and  transmitted  to  him 
by  Richard  Pace,  an  eminent  man,  who  afterwards  be- 
came Secretary  of  State  to  Henry  VIII,,  and  who  was  at 
this  time  Pole's  personal  friend. f 

Reginald  Pole  flxed  his  residence  at  Padua.  The  uni- 
versity was  founded  by  Frederick  II.,  and  had  now  passed 
into  the  hands  of  the  Venetians.  The  senate  was  ambitious 
of  making  their  university  the  first  in  Italy  ;  and  although 
the  schools  of  Siena,  of  Lucca,  and  of  Pisa  were  celebrated, 
Padua  excelled  them  all,  chiefly  through  the  learning, 
generosity,  and  energy  of  Pietro  Bembo.  Erasmus  de- 
scribes it  as  the  Italy  of  Italy.  J 

On  his  arrival  at  Padua,  Pole  wrote,  as  in  gratitude 
bound,  to  King  Henry  VIII.  The  letter  is  preserved 
among  the  State  Papers,  and  is  a  remarkable  one.  It  was 
evidently  written  in  some  doubt  as  to  the  manner  in  which 
Henry  would  receive  the  announcement,  that  wherever 

*  This  sum  must  be  multiplied  by  ten  to  reach  the  present  value  of 
money. 

■j-  Among  the  State  Papers  there  are  few  more  interesting  than  the 
letters  of  Richard  Pace . 

J  "  Sedemque  fecit  Patavii,  quam  urbem  Italiam  Italiae  vocitari  posse, 
quemadmodum  Helladis  Hellas  Attica  vocitata  fuit,  scribit  Erasmus 
Petro  Bembo." — Quirini,  i.  219. 


AT?CII BISHOPS    OF    CAXTERBURY.  21 

Pole  went  he  was  received  with   the  honour    due  to  a     chap. 
member   of  the   royal    family  of  England.     He  begins    — ■,- — - 
by  expressing  his  sense  of  obligation  to    the  king   for      poie. 
his  hberahty.     On  his  journey  his  expenses  were  great  ;    io56-58. 
and  at  Padua  the  magistrates,  instead  of  allowing  him 
to  live  in  retirement,  had,  out  of  their  respect  for  the 
King  of  England,  treated  him  with  great  respect ;  and 
tliis  notwithstanding  Pole's  assurances  that  he  had  come 
to  Padua  merely  to  study.     He  assured  the  king  that  he 
would  not  permit  the  nobles  and  bishops  who  were  at 
Padua,  among  others  a  brother  of  the  Duke  of  Bavaria, 
and  the  Marquis  of  Saluzzo,  to  outdo  him  in  diligence. 
He  concluded  with  expressing  a  hope  that  the  king  would 
not  oblige  him,  for  want  of  money,  to  abandon  Padua  for 
one  of  the  inferior  universities.* 

Although  the  royal  connexion  with  the  Pole  family 
had  scarcely  been  recognised  in  England,  Henry  was 
rather  pleased  than  otherwise  with  the  attention  shown 
to  Eeginald  on  the  continent.  To  the  young  man  him- 
self the  high  position  in  which  he  found  himself  was  a 
source  of  pride  as  well  as  of  pleasure ;  and  he  kept 
up  a  large  and  expensive  establishment.  We  are  not 
to  attribute  this  to  a  vulgar  love  of  ostentation  ;  he  de- 
rived substantial  benefit  from  his  position.  His  house 
became  the  resort  of  the  great  and  the  learned,  who  were 
pleased  to  share  his  hospitality ;  and,  as  the  custom 
then  was,  he  afforded  board  and  lodging  to  several 
poor  scholars,  who,  for  the  sake  of  sharing  in  the  instruc- 
tion given  in  common,  were  willing  to  discharge,  without 
any  derogation  of  their  dignity,  menial  offices,  a  place 
b.'low  the  salt  being  supplied  to  them  at  meal  times. 
All  united  in  sounding  the  praises  of  the  young  man, 
who  went  by  the  name  of  "  The  English  nobleman." 

*  State  Papers,  198. 


•;-> 


1.1  YES    OF    TUK 


CHAP.         Durinor  this  his  first  visit  to  the  Continent,  Pole  con- 


IV. 

^— ' — r  tracted  friendships,  which  lasted  through  life,  with  seve- 
Poie.  ral  Italian  scholars.  Many  of  them,  though  not  Luthe- 
006-08.  p^jjg^*  were  nevertheless  zealous  reformers.  I  reserve  my 
notice  of  Pole's  Itahan  friends  for  the  present,  and  shall 
only  remark  that  while  he  was  at  Padua  he  received  a 
letter  from  Erasmus,  in  which  that  great  scholar  intro- 
duced to  the  Englishman  a  Polish  nobleman,  of  whom  he 
says,  "  You  will  love  him  the  more,  for  that  he  possesses 
some  of  the  qualifications  by  which  you  are  yourself  dis- 
tinguished— high  birth,  exalted  station,  still  greater  expec- 
tations. He  is  also  remarkable  for  his  extraordinary  genius 
and  erudition,  and  all  this  without  a  particle  of  pride,  "f 

One  name,  however,  cannot  be  passed  over,  for  in 
writing  the  life  of  Longolio,  or  Longolius,  as  the  name 
was  Latinised  in  a  Latin  treatise,  Eeginald  Pole  first  ap- 
peared in  the  world  of  letters  as  an  author.  Christopher 
Longolius  was  born  either  at  Mechlin  or  at  Schoonhove 
in  Holland,^  and  was  one  of  those  Ciceronians  of  whom 
mention  has  been  already  made  in  the  life  of  War- 
ham,  and  in  reference  to  their  persecution  of  Erasmus. 
Longolius  had  himself  attacked  Erasmus,  but  the  great 

*  The  word  Protestant  did  not  become  a  sectarian  title  until  the 
year  1529,  and  then  it  was  applied  to  the  Lutherans  only.  Its  appli- 
cation to  denote  all  who  protest  against  the  errors  of  Eome  is  of  a 
comparatively  modern  date. 

t  Erasmus,  Ep.  772. 

J  Erasmus  says  that  he  at  one  time  had  the  affectation  of  trying  to 
pass  himself  off  for  a  Frenchman,  though  he  be  my  countryman,  nostras, 
says  Erasmus.  (Ep.  467.)  In  another  place,  he  says,  "  Longolium  hinc 
Galliae  sibi  vendicant,  hinc  Mechlinia  sibi  asserit,  quum  revera  fuerit 
purus  putus  Hollandus,  prognatus  a  patre  Hollando,  in  oppido  celebri 
Hollandiae  ciii  hortorum  pulchritudo  nomen  dedit  Schoonhovia."  (Ep. 
1284.)  Pole  begins  his  life  thus  :  Christophorus  Longolius  Mechliniae, 
nobili  Germanias  oppido,  honesto  splendidoque  inter  suos  loco,  natus 
fuit,  and  gives  the  authority  of  Longolius  himself.  See  Pole's  Life 
of  him,  in  the  Vitae  selectorum  aliquot  Virorum  of  Bates. 


AKCHBISTIOPS    OF    CAXTERBURV.  28 

scholar  appears  to  have  pardoned  the  offence,  though  lie     <^hap. 
evidently  regarded  his  censor  as  a  pedant,  such  as  the  ~ — .^^ — - 
Ciceronians  generally  were,    rather  than  as   a   scholar.      Pole. 
In  another  of  his  letters  he  gives  an  amusing  description    i^^^-ss. 
of  the  solemn  gravity  and  the  formal  vanity  of  the  young 
Ciceronian.*     The  Ciceronians  attended  to  words  rather 
than  things  ;  they  would  use  no  words  except  those  for 
which  they  could  find  an  authority  in  Cicero,  and  con- 
sequently many  things  of  modern  date  they  were  unable 
to  describe.     What  Jortin  calls  the  heresy  of  the  Cicero- 
nians lasted  about  a  century  and  then  expired,  "  for  the 
philologers  of  after  times,  aiming  at  extreme  erudition, 
found  that   they  had  not  leisure   to    play  the  fool,  in 
curiously  forming  their  style  upon  that  of  Cicero." 

Longolius  afterwards  wrote  against  Lutheranism ;  but 
Jortin  observes  that  in  doing  so  he  undertook  a  task  for 
which  he  was  incompetent,  having  nothing  in  his  head 
besides  Ciceronianism  and  a  little  philology.  This  judg- 
ment, however,  is  too  severe  ;  a  young  man  could  not  have 
estabhshed  so  early  a  European  reputation,  even  in  that 
age,  without  being  a  person  of  considerable  merit.  He 
was  resident  in  Padua  when  Pole  arrived  at  the  Univer- 
sity, and  being  admitted  into  Pole's  family,  a  friendship 
grew  up  between  the  young  men  which  was  honourable 
to  both.  It  was  here  that  Longolius  perceived,  that 
philology  was  not  the  only  science  to  be  cultivated,  and 
he  was  giving  himself  up  to  theological  studies  when  he 
felt  that  his  end  was  approaching.  There  is  an  affectionate 
letter,  preserved  by  Quirini,  from  Longolius  to  Pole, 
dated  September  1520,  in  which  he  informs  the  latter 

*  Erasm.  Ep.  1083.  For  Longolius,  see,  in  addition  to  Pole,  Baillet, 
vi.  56  ;  Du  Pin,  xiv.  181  ;  P.  Jovius,  Elog.  127  ;  Val.  Andrew  Bibl. 
Belg.  109;  Mirai  Elog.  Belg.  114;  Sammartli  Elog.  i.  4.  The  Life 
Avritten  by  Pole  is  not  given  by  Quirini,  but  may  be  found  in  Batesii 
Vitae  selectorum  aliquot  Virorum. 


24  LIVKS   OF   THE 

CHAP,     that  he  lias   bequeathed  to  him  his  hbrary ;  while  he 

, IJl ^  entreats  him  by  their  common  friendship  to  undertake 

"^  Poie!^  the  work  which,  in  writing  his  life,  Pole  piously  and  with 
1556-58.  much  success  accomphshed.  In  Pole's  life  of  Longolius 
there  is  no  affectation  of  Ciceronianism  ;  it  is  written  in 
plain  good  Latin,  and  the  story  is  well  told.  It  was 
composed  with  all  the  care  which  a  young  author  was 
hkely  to  bestow  on  a  work  which  was  sure  to  be  much 
read,  and  it  far  surpasses  in  excellence  anything  which 
afterwards  proceeded  from  Pole's  pen. 

Pole  remained  abroad  six  years,  supported  in  splendour 
through  the  munificence  of  Henry  VIII.     The  circum- 
stance of  his   remaining   so   long    in  Italy   by   choice, 
renders   us   suspicious   of  his   sincerity,  when  he  after- 
wards complained  of  the  hardships  of  exile.     It  may  be 
doubted  whether  he  would  have  returned  when  he  did, 
if  it  had  not  been  for  the  entreaties  of  his  mother ;  who, 
besides  the  natural  yearning  of  a  mother's  heart  to  see 
a  favourite  son,  had  need  of  his  counsel  under  the  cir- 
cumstances in  which  she  now  was  placed,  and  which  w^ere 
every  day  becoming  more  and  more  comphcated.    Before 
returning  home,  however,  Pole  entertained  a  wish  to  see 
something  of  Eome ;  and  the  marvel  is,  that  he  should 
have  been  five  years  in  Italy  without  visiting  the  Eternal 
City.     We  have,  in  explanation,  his  own  assertion,  that 
he  had  not  yet  turned  his  mind  to  theological  studies  or 
ecclesiastical  pursuits.     His  ambition  had  been  to  become 
a  man  of  literature  and  a  patron  of  learned  men.     It  is 
highly  probable,  that  he  had  been  encouraging  his  am- 
bitious aspirations,  and  that  he  still  cherished  the  hope 
that  if  ever  the  Princess  Mary  should  become  Queen  of 
England,  he  might  share  her  throne. 

Leo  X.   died   in  1521,  not  long   after  Pole's  arrival 
in  Italy.     Although  Leo  X.  was  the  patron  of  learned 


ARCHBISHOPS    OF   CAXTKRBURY.  25 

men,  yet  his  court  was  as   profligate   as   it  was    mag-     chap 
nificent ;   and  with  its  scarcely  disguised  infidehty  those  ^    ^^ '  .  - 
who  had  the  direction  of  Pole  were  unwilling  to  bring      ^j^^*^  ^ 
the  unsophisticated  mind  of  the  young  Englishman  into    io56-58. 
contact.     Adrian  VI.,  the  pious  and  truly  excellent  suc- 
cessor of  Leo,  was  a  man  of  considerable  erudition,  and 
displayed  some  taste  in  the  fine  arts  ;    but  in  eradica- 
ting the  paganism  which  had  established  itself  in  Eome 
he  exhibited  more  zeal  than  judgment.     He  did  right  in 
denouncing  the  luxurious  habits  by  which  the  papal  pa- 
lace had  been  profaned ;  but  when,  dismissing  his  servants, 
he   submitted  his  household   to  the  control  of  the  old 
woman  who  had  ministered  to  his  wants  at  Louvain,  he 
exposed  himself  to  ridicule,  and  drove  many  from  his 
society  to  whom  his  example  might  otherwise  have  been 
a  blessing.     At  all  events,  Eome  was  not  attractive  to  a 
young  man  who,  to  pursuits  of  hterature  at  Padua,  thought 
it  no  sin  to  add  the  enjoyment  resulting  from  the  refme- 
ments  of  civilised  society. 

The  hopes  or  fears  created  by  the  elevation  of  Adrian 
to  the  papacy  were  dissipated  by  his  early  death  ;  and 
the  expectations  of  literary  men  were  raised  high,  while 
the  feelings  of  piety  were  no  longer  shocked,  when  Cle- 
ment VII.,  another  member  of  the  Medici  family,  was 
elected  his  successor.  Consequently,  before  returning  to 
England,  Pole  paid  a  farewell  visit  to  Venice,  and  thence 
proceeded  to  Eome. 

At  Eome  he,  nevertheless,  appeared  incognito.  He  did 
not  make  his  appearance  in  the  papal  court ;  but  from 
Giberti,  Clement's  confidential  minister,  with  whom  Pole 
had  been  previously  acquainted,  he  received  the  most 
marked  attentions.  For  Pole's  conduct  on  this  occasion 
we  can  account ;  for  we  find  that,  so  early  as  the  year 
1525,  a   misunderstanding   had   occurred   between    the 


2(')  LIVES    OF    THK 

CHAP.     English  and  the  papal  courts.*  Pole  either  thought  it  pru- 

^ — '   dent,  or  more  probably  received  instructions  from  home, 

pX.      not  to  wait  upon  the  pope ;  while,  on  the  other  hand, 
1556-58.    Giberti  was  prompted  by  feelings  of  personal  regard  and 
political  expediency  to  show  every  attention  to  one,  of 
whose  influence  with  Henry  VIII.  an  exaggerated  opinion 
evidently  prevailed.     From  Eome  Pole  returned  to  settle 
his  affairs  at  Padua,  and  then  started  for  England.     He 
left  home  a  boy,  he  now  returned  a  man.      He  is  de- 
scribed by  his  successor.  Archbishop  Parker,  as  a  man  of 
a  spare  body,  of  a  fresh  complexion,  with  rather  a  broad 
face,  but  with  eyes  which  showed  the  gentleness  of  his 
disposition.     A  hearty  welcome  awaited  him,  not  only 
from  his  own  family,  but  also  from  the  king  and  queen, 
and  even  from  the  great  cardinal  himself.     It  was  the 
fashion  of  the  age  for  royalty  to  patronise  learned  men ; 
and  Henry  was  pleased  to  recognise  as  a  kinsman  a  young 
man  who  had  sustained  the  reputation  of  his  country  in 
the  schools  of  learning.     In  describing  England,  Erasmus 
has  spoken  of  the  court  of  Henry  VIII.  as  a  school  of 
philosophy  and  a  temple  of  the  Muses  ;  he  declared  that, 
in  his  time,  a  man  of  erudition  found  a  patron,  not  only 
in  the  king,  but  in  almost  every  bishop  of  the  Church  of 
England.     Erasmus,  in  thus  writing,  described  the  state 
of  affairs  a  few  years  anterior  to  the  return  of  Pole  ;  but 
we  shall  acquit  him  of  flattery,  and  admit,  that  he  had 
foundation  for  his  compliment,  when  we  remember  that 

*  It  is  worthy  of  remark,  says  Kanke  (History  of  the  Popes,  i.  84), 
that  Henry  VHL,  in  spite  of  his  declared  hostility  to  Luther,  and  of  his 
strict  alliance  with  the  see  of  Kome,  on  the  first  difference  of  affairs 
purely  political,  threatened  Eome  with  ecclesiastical  privations.  This 
occurred  at  the  beginning  of  1525.  He  adds,  "  Wolsey  had  said  in  a 
threatening  letter  '  che  ogni  provincia  diventera  Lutherana,'  "  an  ex- 
pression which  we  may  well  regard  as  the  first  symptom  of  secession 
from  Kome  on  the  part  of  the  English  government. — Ghiberto  ai 
Nuntii  d'  Ingh il terra  :  Lettere  di  Principi,  i.  p.  147. 


ARCHBISHOPS   OF    CANTERBURY.  27 

in  the  court  of  Henry  Cuthbert  Tonstall  was  Master  of    chap. 
the  Eolls,  Sir  Thomas  More  a  Member  of  Privy  Council,  .    ^^'  _. 
Pace  Secretary  of  State,  Wilham  Montjoy  Chamberlain    ^'liie.^^^ 
to  the  queen,  John  Stokesley  Clerk  of  the  Closet,  Linacre    1556-58. 
the  royal  physician,  and  Colet  the  king's  chaplain.     So 
proud  was  Henry  of  his  learned  courtiers,  that  we  have 
Pole's  own  authority,  when  writing  to  the  emperor  in 
reference  to  the  present  time,  for  saying   that,    on   his 
return  home,  Henry  on  one  occasion  singled  him  out  in 
a  crowded  court,  and,  with  his  usual  bonhomie,  declared 
his  conviction  that,  in  all   his  travels,   Pole   could   not 
have  met  with  an  example  of  learning  and  probity  equal 
to  that  of  the  Bishop  of  Eochester — the  pure-minded 
Pisher  whom  he  soon  after  cruelly  murdered.* 

We  may  not  omit  the  name  of  the  great  cardinal ;  but 
Wolsey  may  rather  be  considered  as  a  patron  of  learning 
than  one  of  the  literati  of  the  day — a  Maecenas  rather 
than  an  author. 

Such  had  been  the  court  of  England  when  Pole  com- 
menced his  travels.  But  on  his  return  home  he  found 
a  change  in  the  aspect  of  affairs.  The  king  was  still 
living  with  his  wife.  Anne  Boleyn  had  not  appeared  upon 
the  stage.  But  Eeginald  was  not  slow  to  discover,  that 
an  estrangement  had  akeady  taken  place  between  Henry 
and  Katharine.  Almost  immediately  after  his  return, 
in  the  year  1527,  the  rumour  reached  him  that  the  king 
entertained  scruples  of  conscience  with  reference  to  the 
legality  of  his  marriage  with  his  brother's  widow.  It 
was  said,  and  truly,  that  the  doubts  had  been  insinuated 
into  his  mind  by  the  cardinal ;  who  for  political  reasons 
wished  him  to  contract  another  marriage.  Overcalcula- 
ting  his  power  over  the  king's  mind,  Wolsey  had  expected 

*  Apolog.  Reginaldi  ad  Carolum  V.  Caesarem,  95.  Fisher  was 
one  of  the  critics  whom  the  king  consulted  on  his  celebrated  letter  to 
Luther. 


2S  Livi<:s  or  tiik 

CHAP,     that  in  choosing  a  wife  tlie  king  would  be  influenced  by 
— ^^ — '  pohtical    considerations,    and    that   the   lady   would   be 

Pole.  selected  at  tlie  dictation  of  the  minister. 
1566-58.  The  proposal  as  it  first  met  the  royal  ear  was  well 
received.  There  had  never  been  a  queen  regnant.  The 
Empress  Matilda  had  resigned  her  claim  in  favour  of  her 
son  ;  and  the  husband  of  Henry's  own  mother,  Ehzabeth, 
the  rightful  heir  to  the  English  throne,  had  become  the 
king  ;  but  this  was  an  exceptional,  almost  a  revolutionary, 
proceeding ; — as  afterwards  in  the  case  of  William  and 
Mary,  it  was  accepted  by  the  country  rather  than  ap- 
proved, from  an  anxiety  in  the  first  instance  to  unite  the 
tAvo  factions  of  York  and  Lancaster,  and  in  the  second  to 
keep  out  the  Papists.  Attached  though  he  was  to  his 
daughter  Mary,  Henry  was  the  first  to  assert  the  import- 
ance of  there  being  a  male  heir  to  the  throne  ;  and  it  was 
no  longer  expected  that  Katharine  would  present  a  son  to 
her  husband.  A  divorce  might  be  obtained  from  the 
pope  if  Katharine  w^ould  concur  with  her  husband  in 
seeking  it.  For  political  reasons,  and  to  secure  for  the 
sake  of  her  adopted  country  such  a  blessing  as  an  un- 
doubted heir  to  the  throne,  tlie  queen  might  be  expected 
to  acquiesce  in  the  arrangement.  Her  rank,  as  at  least 
the  second  lady  in  the  land,  would  be  secured  to  her,  and 
none  of  the  splendours  of  royalty  withheld  from  her.  When 
Anne  of  Cleves,  at  a  subsequent  period,  had  descended 
from  the  throne  matrimonial,  she  had  no  grounds,  so  far 
as  outward  circumstances  were  concerned,  for  complaint. 
The  grateful  king  delighted  to  do  her  honour.  That  there 
was  nothing  preposterous  in  Cardinal  Wolsey's  proposal 
is  proved  by  what  has  occurred  within  our  own  memory ; 
for  w^e  have  seen  a  foreign  despot  determining  on  a 
divorce,  and,  in  order  that  through  another  marriage  his 
dynasty   might   be   continued,  repudiating   the   wife   to 


ARCHBISllOrS    OF    CAXTERBURY^  29 

whom  he  was  at  one  time  deeply  attached,  and  to  whose     chap. 
generosity  he  was  indebted  for  many  of  the  means  which  .    ^^' 
conduced  to  his  extraordinary  rise  in  hfe.    His  will  was  law    ^^  pX^^ 
to  his  wife,  to  his  country,  to  the  pope.     Josephine,  so  far    io56-58. 
as  worldly  circumstances  were  concerned,  had  no  reason  to 
complain ;  and  Bonaparte  was  only  prevented  by  an  aveng- 
ing Providence  from  handing  on  his  crown  to  his  children. 

But  although  the  case,  as  regarded  Henry,  seemed  simple 
enough  to  Wolsey  and  to  the  politicians  of  the  da}'-,  it 
became  difficult  at  first,  because  the  queen  had  a  heart — 
and  then  impossible — because  the  king  took  the  case  fur- 
ther out  of  the  sphere  of  politics,  and  in  his  passionate 
determination  to  advance  his  mistress  to  the  throne  of  his 
wife,  inflamed  the  jealousy  of  an  unhappy  loving  woman, 
who  had  other  and  still  stronger  grounds  for  refusing  her 
consent  to  an  arrangement  which  appeared  so  reasonable 
to  the  mere  statesman.  If  Katharine  were  divorced,  it 
would  be  on  the  ground,  that  her  marriage  with  Henry 
had  been  ab  initio  void ;  and  if  she  had  never  been  mar- 
ried, the  bastardy  of  her  child  was  the  inevitable  conse- 
quence. The  question  relating  to  the  Princess  Mary  was, 
throughout  this  unhappy  transaction,  the  difficulty  which 
politicians  had  to  meet. 

We  are  obhged  to  notice  the  state  of  the  case,  because 
it  is  by  so  doing,  that  we  do  justice  to  the  prudence  of 
Pole  on  the  present  occasion.  In  1527,  all  that  the 
queen  knew  was,  that  the  king  had  scruples  of  conscience 
on  the  subject  of  their  marriage.  He  professed  his  de- 
termination to  abide  by  the  decision  of  the  canonists,  and 
hoped — at  least  he  said  so — that  they  would  decide  that 
his  marriage  with  Katharine  was  legitimate  and  valid. 
The  queen  had  no  doubt  that  Pope  Clement  would  con- 
firm what  Pope  Julius  had  done,  and  by  ratifying  the 
dispensation,  establish  the  legality  of  the  marriage. 


d()  LIVES   OP   THE 

The  queen,  nevertheless,  saw  that  her  husband's  afiec 
tion  to  her,  if  not  alienated,  was  no  longer  what  it  had 
Pole.  been.  She  was  unhappy,  but  her  grief  was  told  to  no 
1566-58.  one  ;  her  sorrows  were  of  that  kind  which  are  buried  in 
the  deepest  recesses  of  the  heart.  She  uttered  no  com- 
plaint. She  did  not  form  any  party  or  cabal.  There  was 
externally  no  separation  between  her  and  her  husband. 
The  Countess  of  Salisbury  could  only  look  on  in  pity.  If 
we  suppose,  that  to  her  the  queen  poured  out  her  grief 
in  private,  we  shall  not  perhaps  be  mistaken ;  but  of  the 
fact  we  have  no  proof.  Eeginald  Pole  had  no  right  to 
interfere,  or  even  to  express  an  opinion. 

There  was  not  the  same  delicacy  and  reserve  observed 
on  the  other  side.  Whatever  the  king  might  say  in  pub- 
lic or  among  his  courtiers  about  his  unwillingness  to  be 
separated  from  the  queen,  the  members  of  his  privy  council 
were  quite  aware  that  he  was  tired  of  Katharine,  and  that 
he  anxiously  desired  a  divorce.  The  divorce  which  Wol- 
sey  was  the  first  to  suggest  they  continued  to  discuss  in 
private,  until  he  at  length  declared  the  madness  of  his 
infatuation  with  respect  to  Anne  Boleyn.  It  then  became 
of  some  importance  to  discover  how  far  Eeginald  Pole, 
who,  though  devoted  to  the  queen,  was  the  kinsman  of 
the  king,  would  be  prepared  to  act  if  he  were  summoned, 
as  he  might  fairly  expect  to  be  summoned,  as  a  member 
of  the  privy  council. 

The  person  selected  to  sound  the  young  man,  and  per- 
haps to  indoctrinate  him,  was  no  less  a  personage  than 
Thomas  Crumwell. 

Crumwell  had  been  already  admitted  to  the  confidence 
of  Cardinal  Wolsey,  though  we  can  scarcely  imagine  two 
men  more  different  from  each  other  in  point  of  character. 
Crumwell  had  made  himself  particularly  useful  to  Wolsey 
in  the  measures  he  adopted  for  the  dissolution  of  monas- 


ARCHBISHOPS   OF    CANTERBURY.  31 

teries,  the  revenues  of  which  were  to  be  devoted  to  the     chap. 

estabhshment  of  his  two  colleges  at  Ipswich  and  Oxford.   > ^^^L_- 

So  useful  had  Crumwell  made  himself  in  the  discharge  of  pX. 
offices  to  which  Wolsey  himself  would  not  condescend,  that  1566-58. 
he  had  now  obtained  a  permanent  footing  in  the  cardinal's 
household.  What  was  his  exact  position  does  not  appear, 
but  he  had  become  at  this  time,  after  various  shiftings  and 
speculations,  a  lawyer ;  and  he  seems  to  have  occupied 
the  place  of  an  agent  for  the  cardinal's  estates  and  of  a 
confidential  attorney.  The  management  of  the  cardinal's 
affairs  was  in  his  hands ;  and  to  the  young  scions  of 
nobility  who  flocked  to  the  cardinal's  court  he  rendered 
himself  useful  by  lending  them  money.  At  the  same  time 
tliey  found  pleasure  in  conversing  with  a  man  of  the  world, 
whose  conversation,  though  he  was  devoted  to  the  king 
and  the  cardinal,  was  decidedly  of  a  character  which  we 
should  in  this  age  describe  as  revolutionary.* 

We  have  a  specimen  of  his  style  of  conversation  handed 
down  to  us  in  the  celebrated  apology  of  "  Pole  to  the 
Emperor ;  "  and  it  is  from  this  that  I  have  drawn  the  in- 
ference that  Crum well's  object  was,  acting  under  the 
direction  of  Wolsey,  to  ascertain  whether  Pole  was  a 
manageable  person.  It  is  narrated  in  the  usual  ponder- 
ous style  of  Pole  ;  but  from  our  knowledge  of  the  charac- 
ter of  each  of  the  two  men  it  is  easy  to  picture  to  our 
minds  the  scene  as  it  occurred. 

Pole  had  called  at  York  House  to  pay  his  respects 
to  the  cardinal.  While  he  was  waiting  the  great  man's 
leisure,  he  was  approached  by  Crumwell.  With  that  pe- 
cuhar  charm  of  voice  and  manner  which,  in  spite  of  the 
plainness  of  his  physiognomy,  charmed  all  who  came  in 

*  For  a  full  account  of  this  extraordinary  man,  and  for  a  reference 
to  those  private  documents  which  exist  to  show  the  baseness  of  his  cha- 
racter, the  reader  is  referred  to  the  introductory  chapter  of  this  book. 


32  LIVES   OF   THE 

CHAP,     contact  with  him,  Crumwell  drew  Eeginald  iuto  a  discus- 
.^__1-^  sion  of  the  qiiahfications  necessary  to  the  formation  of  a 
^Poie.^      statesman's  character,  and  of  the  general  principles  upon 
1666-58.    which  counsellors  were  to  act  when  their  advice  was  asked 
by  a  sovereign.    Pole  laid  down  the  rule,  that  a  statesman 
called  upon  to  tender  advice  to  his  prince  should  have 
only  one  object  in  view  :  whether  it  were  palatable  to  the 
sovereign  or  not,  he  ought  to  seek  simply  and  solely  the 
furtherance  of  the  twofold  object,  the  honour  of  the  king 
and  the  well-being  of  the  realm.     With  the  self-compla- 
cent pedantry  of  a  young  man  fresh  from  the  university, 
he  hoped  to  astonish  the  unlettered  man  of  business,  by 
an  accumulation  of  arguments,  and  by  quotations  from 
the  classics  to  enforce  what  he  might  have  asserted  as  a 
truism — a  truism  it  was  if  regarded  from  a  moral  and  not 
from  a  pohtical  point  of  view.     Crumwell  heard  him  with 
patience  :  and,  as  we  can  imagine,  with  a  provoking  smile, 
signifying  amusement  at  the  enthusiasm  of  an  inexperi- 
enced youth,  whom  he  was  determined  in   his  turn  to 
astonish  and  to  shock.     With  a  patronising  air  he  ob- 
served that  notlung  could  be  more  correct  in  theory  than 
the  position  of  Pole  ;  it  was  precisely  what  he  ought  to 
say  if  the  question  were  whether  he  was  to  occupy  the 
chair  of  a  professor  or  the  pulpit  of  a  preacher ;   but  it 
became  a  very  different  question  when  you  pass  from  the 
school  room  or  the  church,  to  the  council  chamber.  Then 
it  is  necessary  to  consider  the  circumstances  of  time  and 
place  ;  to  advise  what  is  expedient,  and  to  judge  of  the 
expediency  not  from  books  but  from  experience  ;  to  look 
to  one's  own  advantage  rather  than  that  of  the  country, 
by  consulting  the  wishes  of  the  sovereign.     Hence,  men 
of  mere  book  learning,  lacking  the  experience  of  practical 
men,  were  almost  sure  of  getting  into  difficulties,  if  at  any 
time  called  upon  to  give  an  opinion  on  state  affairs.     The 


ARCHBISHOPS   OF   CAXTEKBURY.  33 

king,  who  would  applaud  the  sentiments  so  learnedly  en-  chap. 
forced  by  Pole,  if  propounded  by  a  professor  or  a  preacher,  ^  ^^'  .^ 
would  hold  the  statesman  in  contempt  who  should  ad-  "^Poie.^^ 
vance  such  opinions  ;  if  a  man  should  prefer  the  good  1 556-58. 
and  the  true  to  the  expedient,  he  would  soon  be  dismissed 
from  the  council  of  princes.  He  went  on  to  say,  that 
sagacity  to  divine  the  thoughts  of  a  king  was  necessary 
in  a  wise  statesman,  and  such  sagacity  no  books  or  book- 
learning  could  supply.  A  sovereign  would  sometimes 
disguise  his  real  opinions,  pretending  to  desire  the  very 
opposite  of  that  which  he  was  determined  to  accomplish ; 
at  the  time  that  he  had  in  his  mouth  the  high-flown 
sentiments  of  rehgion  and  virtue,  he  would  often  be  de- 
termined to  set  every  principle  of  religion  at  defiance,  in 
order  that  he  might  effect  some  unhallowed  purpose.  If 
a  statesman  wished  to  succeed,  he  must  exert  the  powers 
of  his  mind  to  discover  the  real  wishes  of  the  king  ;  and 
then  so  to  manage  affairs  as  to  effect  the  royal  object, 
without  appearing  to  violate  those  fundamental  principles 
of  religion  and  virtue  which,  though  violated  in  practice, 
it  is  politic  to  support  in  theory.  The  furtherance  of  the 
royal  will,  in  short,  was  to  be  the  sole  object  of  the  states- 
man ;  and  when  thus  serving  his  master,  he  ought  to 
make  it  appear  that  the  promotion  of  the  public  good 
was  his  single  desire  and  object. 

Principles  so  entirely  new  astonished  the  unsophisti- 
cated mind  of  Pole  :  he  remarked,  that  such  a  person  ac- 
knowledged no  law  when  his  prince's  inclination  was  to 
be  gratified  ;  if  he  had  been  Nero's  counsellor,  when  the 
murder  of  the  emperor's  mother  was  under  debate,  he 
would  have  justified  that  parricide.  He  was  thoroughly 
disgusted ;  but  he  said,  that  Crumwell  probably  was  only 
arguing  for  argument's  sake.  He  was,  however,  assured 
that   this  was   by  no  means  the  case :    Pole  had  beeii 

VOL.    VI 11.  D 


34  LIVES   OF   THE 

CHAP.     devotiii«[  his  mind  to  classical  literature  and  to  the  volumes 

IV  . 

> — y^ — '  of  philosophers — men  who  had  no  experience  of  public 

Pole!  affairs,  and  who  were,  therefore,  unable  to  give  instruction 
1556-58.  in  a  science  which  can  be  mastered  only  by  experience. 
Assuming  a  tone  of  superiority,  which  must  have  been 
peculiarly  galling  to  the  young  aristocrat,  Crumwell  ex- 
pressed his  esteem  for  Pole,  and  a  desire  to  save  him  from 
the  disappointment  and  difficulties  to  which  he  would  be 
infallibly  exposed  if  he  persisted  in  following  the  old- 
fashioned  notions  of  men  who,  however  deeply  read,  were 
ignorant  of  the  world.  If  he  must  read,  he  offered  to 
lend  him  the  short  treatise  of  a  man  who  was  well  versed 
in  affairs,  had  a  knowledge  of  human  nature,  and  was 
thoroughly  practical ;  very  different  from  Plato,  who  laid 
down  laws  for  an  imaginary  republic  which  neither 
existed  nor  could  exist,  this  author,  instead  of  indulging 
in  daydreams,  gives  us  the  result  of  his  own  experience. 
He  alluded  to  Machiavelli,  whose  treatise  "  The  Prince  " 
had  been  published  not  long  before.* 

Pole  was  not  appointed  to  the  Privy  Council ;    but 

*  The  admirers  of  Crumwell  have  doubted  the  reality  of  this  con- 
versation ;  but  history  cannot  be  written  if  we  doubt  every  fact  to 
which  we  are  imwilhng  to  give  credence.  The  statement  is  made  on 
Pole's  own  authority.  There  was  nothing  imaginative  about  Pole  ;  he 
is  a  heavy  writer,  and  this  statement  has  never  been  supposed  to  be,  and 
indeed — regard  being  paid  to  the  context — could  not  be,  an  interpola- 
tion. When  this  conversation  took  place  no  reply  had  been  published 
to  Machiavelli,  and  his  work  was  generally  read  with  attention  and  even 
with  applause.  But  before  Pole  wrote,  the  character  of  the  work  was 
known ;  and  he  certainly  mentioned  the  conversation  for  the  purpose 
of  disparaging  the  character  of  Crumwell.  Pole  thinks  Crumwell  dis- 
covered his  mistake,  and  did  not  keep  his  promise  by  lending  him  the 
work.  But  from  what  has  lately  been  discovered  of  Crumwell's  history 
we  know  him  to  have  been  thoroughly  Machiavellian ;  and  there  is  no 
reason  to  suppose  that  he  should  not  admire  the  work,  although  when 
it  was  universally  reprobated,  he  might  find  it  convenient  to  conceal 
his  regard  for  it. 


ARCHBISHOPS    OF   CANTERBURY.  35 

when  he  signified  his  wish  of  retiring  from  court,  and  of    chap. 
pursuing  his  studies  in  private  life,  he  was  permitted  still  ■ — ^^ — - 
to  reside  at  Sheen.  pX. 

Here,  within  the  precincts  of  the  Carthusian  convent,  1556-58. 
he  occupied  a  house  which  had  formerly  been  the  residence 
of  Dean  Colet,  an  ecclesiastic  of  whom  we  have  before 
given  an  account,  and  with  whose  sentiments  the  opinions 
of  Pole  would  at  this  time  accord.  He  remained  at  Sheen 
for  two  years ;  and  here  he  was  permitted,  without  moles- 
tation, to  prosecute  his  studies.  During  this  period,  the 
subject  of  the  king's  divorce  occupied  the  attention  of  the 
pubhc  ;  and  no  doubt  was  entertained  at  court  that  the 
king  would  find  in  Reginald  Pole,  if  not  a  zealous,  yet  a 
steady  supporter  and  advocate.  He  was  not  called  upon 
to  give  an  opinion  on  the  subject,  and  had  not  formed 
one,  but  his  advocacy  was  assumed  as  a  matter  of  course. 
The  cause  was  under  trial  in  the  courts  of  justice,  and  of 
the  integrity  of  the  judges  no  doubt  was  entertained. 
Affairs  assumed,  however,  an  unpleasant  aspect,  when,  on 
the  8th  of  June,  1528,  Cardinal  Campeggio  had  arrived 
in  England.  Accompanied  by  Cardinal  Wolsey,  he  had 
waited  upon  the  queen,  in  the  hope,  it  can  scarcely 
have  amounted  to  an  expectation,  that  she  might  on 
public  grounds  be  persuaded  to  give  her  consent  to  a 
dissolution  of  her  marriage  with  the  king.  In  June 
1529,  the  queen  having  withdrawn  from  the  legatine 
court,  was  pronounced  contumacious.  Meantime,  another 
and  a  very  unpleasant  circumstance  had  become  known 
— namely,  the  king's  insane  devotion  to  Anne  Boleyn. 

It  is  the  best  defence  that  can  be  offered  for  Henry 
VIII.  that  he  was  labouring  under  a  monomania.  By 
the  courtiers  it  was  declared  that  his  attachment  to  her 
who  ruled  over  his  court  as  "  The  Lady  "  was  Platonic  ; 
and   it  is  generally  supposed   that   there  were   reasons 

D    2 


36  LIVES   OF   THE 

CHAP,     prevalent  for  some  time  which  prevented  the  Lady  Anne 
— ^Z^-^  tVom  hstening  to  the  proposals  of  the  king.     The  injured 
^Tole!^    queen,  meanwhile,  was  passive.     She  did  not  attempt  to 
1556-58.    form  a  party,  or  to  offer  opposition  to  her  husband  in  any 
way,  except  that  of  refusing  to  recede  from  her  acknow- 
ledged rights.     She  might  be  dethroned  by  act  of  despot- 
ism, but  she   would  not  dethrone  herself;   her  husband 
might   discard   her,  but  her  conjugal  rights  she  would 
never  renounce. 

Pole  was  not,  therefore,  bound  by  party  ties,  and  even 
supposing,  which  is  improbable,  that  he  had  already  de- 
termined to  side  with  the  pope  against  the  king,  no  reason 
existed  why  Pole  should  not  assist  the  latter  in  obtaining 
an  opinion  from  the  Universities  in  favour  of  the  divorce. 
The  king  thought,  or  he  was  anxious  to  make  it  appear, 
that  the  pope  was  desirous  of  meeting  the  king's  wishes, 
but  that  he  eaw  certain  obstacles  in  the  way  of  granting 
the  divorce,  not  insuperable  and  yet  not  easy  to  sur- 
mount. The  king,  therefore,  when  he  sought  the  judgment 
of  the  Universities,  represented  himself,  not  as  assuming 
a  position  hostile  to  the  authorities  at  Kome,  but  as  one 
whose  object  it  was  to  strengthen  the  pope's  hands.  If, 
therefore,  Pole  was  engaged  in  obtaining  votes  from  the 
University  of  Paris  favourable  to  the  king's  view  of  the 
case,  much  might  be  advanced  in  defence  of  his  conduct. 
At  the  same  time,  we  can  easily  understand  how,  though 
engaged  to  further  the  views  of  his  benefactor,  he  did  so 
reluctantly ;  for  he  could  not  fail  to  entertain  feelings  of 
compassion  towards  the  unfortunate  queen,  through 
whose  interposition  the  patronage  of  Henry  had  been 
extended  originally  to  his  neglected  kinsman. 

But  this  did  not  suffice  for  the  friends  of  Pole,  or  for 
Pole  himself  in  after  times.  They  asserted,  and  Pole 
implied,  that  he  had  refused  employment  on  this  occasion. 


ARCHBISHOPS   OF   CAXTRRBURY.  37 

In  his  treatise  "De  Unitate  "  he  expressly  declares,  that,  on     chap. 
the  ground  of  his  inexperience,  he  at  first  refused  to  act  - — ^ — 
as  the  king's  agent  in  the  mission  to  the  University  of      pX. 
Paris  ;  that  when  obliged  to  take  part  in  the  proceedings,    1556-58. 
he  asked  for  some  counsellor  more  conversant  than  him- 
self with  the  question ;  and  he  adds  that  the  king  imme- 
diately complied  with  his  request.     He  solemnly  declares 
that  he  was  only  nominally  at  the  head  of  the  commission ; 
that  if  the  king  had  not  acceded  to  his  wish  of  placing 
the  real  business  in  other  hands,  there  was  no  kind  of  deatli 
which  would  not  have  been  more  welcome  to  him  than  such 
employment.*     This  was  his  deliberate  assertion,  made 
several  years  afterwards.     But  we  may  here  ask.  How  is 
this  assertion  to  be  reconciled  with  the  following  letters, 
just  discovered  in  the  Eecord  Office  ?     The  first  is  a  holo- 
graph letter  from  Reginald  Pole  to  Henry  VHI.,  relating 
to  the  arrival  of  the  French  king's  letter  to  the  University  of 
Paris,  and  promising  speedy  notice  of  future  occurrences. 

*  Having  alluded  to  the  many  persons  opposed  to  Henry's  proceed- 
ings in  relation  to  the  divorce,  Pole  says :  "  quo  in  numero  me  fecisse 
verissime  possum  dicere,  qui  (Denm  testor)  nihil  unquam  in  vita  milii 
accidisse  meminerim  acerbius,  quam  esse  ad  me,  Lutetiae  Parisiorum  turn 
agentem,  delatam  mandate  tuo  praeclaram  illam  legationem,  cum  eo 
maximo  concilio  illuc  secessem,  ne  ulla  ratione  parficeps  fierem  eorum 
conciliorum  quae  domi  tme  contra  teipsum,  te  ipso  authore  ac  principe, 
agitabantur,  quae  quidem  extra  regnum  proditura  non  existimaram,  ad 
me  tamen  tunc  illic  agentem,  literae  tu£e  et  mandata  venerunt,  ut  cum 
Parisiensibus  causam  tuam  agerem :  quo  quidem  tempore  memini  me, 
ut  primum  potuerim  per  acceptum  inopinato  illo  nuncio  dolorem,  tibi 
rescribere,  (nam  mihialiquod  tempus  non  vocem  solum,  sed  pene  etiam 
cogitationem  omnem  dolor  eripuerat,)  imperitiam  meam  excusasse,  et 
te  rogasse,  ut  alterum  magis  in  eo  genere  exercitatum  mitteres :  id 
quod  statim  fecisti ;  ac  ni  fecisses,  nvllum  jwofecto  mortis  genus  nou 
mihi  levius  illo  mu7iere  fuisset;  quod  nunquam  plane  in  me  recepi, 
personam  tamen  ad  tempus  mihi  imponi  passus  sum,  dum  alter  adesset, 
cui  totum  negotium,  cujus  me  imperitum  esse  dixeram,  commisisses." 
— De  Unitate,  Ixxix.  How  this  statement  is  to  be  reconciled  with  th^ 
letters  it  is  difficult  to  say. 


1666-58. 


38  LIVES   OF   THE 

CHAP.  "  Pleaseth  it  your  grace  to  be  advertised,  that  even  as  I  had 
.  _ .  written  and  sealed  these  other  letters  directed  to  your  grace 
Keginald  ready  to  give  to  the  messenger,  I  was  certified  from  Monsieur 
de  Langes  that  there  was  a  post  arrived  here  which  had  brought 
all  such  letters  from  the  French  king  to  the  University,  as  Mr. 
Welsborne  your  grace's  orator  had  written  to  be  sent  by  the  last 
post  that  went  with  letters  to  your  grace  from  the  French  court. 
So  that  now  whereas  1  write  in  my  last  letters  to  your  grace 
what  doubt  both  Monsieur  de  Langes  and  I  were,  because  the 
letters  did  not  appear  that  your  ambassador  writ.  Now  we  be 
satisfied  in  that  behalf.  And  Monsieur  de  Langes  sheweth  me 
they  be  as  effectuously  written  as  could  be  devised  for  your 
grace  purpose ;  insomuch  that  there  is  no  other  delay  but  the 
expectation  of  certain  doctors  which  be  chefe  of  your  grace  part 
and  now  absent  but  looked  for  surely  to  return  within  5  days. 
And  these arrived  as  the  speed  that  be  made  in  pub- 
lishing your  cause  your  grace  shall  be  advertised  from  time  to 
time.  With  the  grace  of  Grod  who  prosperously  preserve  your 
grace  in  his  high  pleasure. 

*' Written  at  Parys  the  14th  day  of  May. 

"  Your  faithful  servant  and  scolar 


Endorsed  Beynold  Pole  to  the  king^s  majesty. 

And  again 

R.  Pole 

To  the  King^s  Highnes. 

In  the  July  following  lie  sent  another  letter  : — 

"  Pleaseth  it  your  highness  to  be  advertised  that  the  deter- 
mination and  conclusion  of  the  divines  in  this  University  in  your 
great  matter  achevyd  and  dyvysed  according  to  your  desired 
purpose,  upon  Saturday  last  past,  the  sealing  of  the  same  hath 
been  protracte  unto  this  day  ;  nor  never  could  be  obtained  afore, 
for  any  soliciting  of  our  parte  that  were  your  agents  here  ;  who 
never  ceased  to  labour  all  that  lay  in  us  for  the  expedition  of  it 
both  with  the  primeyr  president,  and  with  all  such  as  we  thought 
might  in  any  part  further  or  aid  us  therein.  But  what  diffi- 
culties and  stops  hath  been  to  let  the  obtaining  of  the  seal  of 


ARCHBISHOPS   OF   CANTERBURY.  39. 

the  University,  notwithstanding  the  conclusion,  and  determina-  CHAP, 
tion  passed  and  agreed  unto  by  the  more  part  of  the  faculty  .  _  ^^'  . 
afore,  by  the  reason  of  such  opposition  as  the  adversary  part  Reginald 
hath  made,  senythe  the  time  the  conclusion  was  finished  and  i^^q_q^ 
divers  other  ways  excogitate  by  them  to  embecyll  the  hole  de- 
termination, that  it  should  not  take  effect,  nor  go  forth  in  that 
same  form  as  it  was  concluded,  it  may  please  your  grace  to  be 
advertised  of  this  bearer  Mr.  Fox,  who  with  his  prudence, 
diligence  and  great  exercise  in  the  cause  hath  most  holpe  to 
resist  all  these  crafts  and  inventions  of  the  adversaries,  and  to 
bring  it  to  that  point,  as  your  most  desired  piu'pose  hath  been  to 
have  it,  and  most  according  to  the  hope  that  I  had  of  him  at 
the  beginning  and  first  breaking  of  the  matter  amongst  the 
faculty  here,  when  I,  somewhat  fearing  and  foreseeing  such 
contentions,  altercations  and  empeschments  as  by  most  lykelode 
might  ensue  did  give  your  grace  advertisement  how  necessary 
I  thought  it  was  of  Mr.  Fox  presence.  And  whereas  I  was 
informed  first  by  Mr.  Lupsett  and  afterwards  by  Mr.  Fox  how 
it  standeth  with  your  grace  pleasure,  considering  my  fervent 
desire  therein  that  your  matter  once  achieved  and  brought  to  a 
final  conclusion  in  this  University^  I  should  repair  to  your 
presence,  your  grace  could  not  grant  me  at  this  time  a  petition 
more  comfortable  unto  me.  And  so,  making  what  convenient 
speed  I  may,  my  trust  is  shortly  to  wait  upon  your  highness. 
Jesu  preserve  your  most  noble  grace  to  his  pleasure.  Written 
at  Parys  the  7th  day  of  July, 

"  By  your  grace's  most  humble  and  faithful  servant, 
"  Kaynold  Pole."^ 

Endorsed  Reynold  Pole  to  the  king's  majesty. 

And  again  \ 

To  the  King''s  highnes 

from  Mr.  Raynold  Pole. 

If  other  circumstances,  hereafter  to  be  mentioned,  did 
not  establish  the  fact,  that  a  want  of  sincerity  was  a  defect 

*  There  is  in  the  Record  Office  a  copy  of  a  letter  from  the  Kino-  of 
France  to  the  President  of  the  University  of  Paris  blaming  the  conduct 
of  Beda  in  the  assembly  of  Theologians,  dated  June  17,  1530. 


4D  LIVES    OF   THE 

GHAP.     in  Pole's  character,  we   might   attempt  to    palliate   his 

' — y^ — •  conduct  on  this  occasion  ;  but  the  very  fact  of  his  return- 

Poie.      ing  to  England  and  remaining  there  undisturbed  for  two 

1556-68.  years,  is  sufficient  to  show,  that  the  king  had  not  taken 
serious  offence  at  Pole's  conduct  when  employed  on  this 
mission.  But,  on  the  other  hand,  the  wish  of  his  friends 
that  he  should  return  to  England  and  vindicate  himself 
against  a  charge  of  lukewarnmess  in  the  king's  behalf ;  to- 
gether with  the  other  fact,  that  during  these  two  years  he 
pursued  his  studies  in  retirement  at  Sheen,  may  justify  us 
in  concluding  that  he  may  in  private  have  expressed,  in 
terms  too  strong  to  please  the  king,  his  commiseration  for 
the  queen  and  for  the  young  princess. 

He  was  permitted  to  leave  the  court  at  which  Anne 
Boleyn  now  held  sway.  The  queen  had  not  quitted  it, 
but  the  dissipation  that  prevailed  had  become  offensive  to 
Pole's  good  taste  and  right  feelings.  He  resumed  his  resi- 
dence at  his  old  quarters  at  Sheen.  But  a  change  had 
taken  place  in  the  character  of  his  studies.  He  had 
hitherto  devoted  his  mind  to  classical  literature,  and  had 
taken  little  interest  in  theological  pursuits.  His  object 
was  henceforth  to  make  himself  an  accompHshed  divine.* 
Two  years  passed  away  in  studious  retirement.  Not 
having  been  seen  at  court,  and  having  taken  no  part  in 
politics,  Pole  was  taken  by  surprise  when  he  received 
from  the  king  an  offer  of  the  Archbishopric  of  York, 
vacant  by  the  death  of  Cardinal  Wolsey. 

The  offer  made  to  Eeginald  of  the  Archbishopric  of 
York  was  perfectly  consistent  with  the  policy  to  which  we 
have  before  adverted,  by  which  the  Poles  were,  though 
depressed  yet  conciliated.  It  evinced  a  kindly  feeling 
towards  the  Poles,  and  yet  the  archbishopric  being  only 

*  This  is  stated  by  Pole  himself,  expressly,  in  a  letter  to  Sadoleto, 
Poli  Epist.  i.  401. 


ARCHBISHOPS   OF   CANTERBURY.  41 

a  life  office  there  was  no  necessary  elevation  of  the  family. 
We  may  suspect,  that  it  was  suggested  by  Crumwell, 
who  had  endeavoured,  as  we  have  seen,  to  persuade  pX. 
Eeginald  to  adopt  what  may  be  called  the  principles  of  1556-58. 
the  young  England  of  the  period,  and  may  have  designed 
the  offer  of  the  archbishopric  as  a  bribe.  But  the  offer, 
whatever  may  have  been  its  political  bearings,  was  in 
accordance  with  the  feelings  of  the  king,  who  could  en- 
joy the  luxury  of  giving  pleasure  when  the  gift  did  not 
interfere  with  his  passions  sensual  or  malignant,  or  with 
the  selfishness  which,  in  many  ways,  rendered  a  man 
despotic,  tyrannical,  and  cruel,  by  whom  in  the  absence 
of  a  Nathan  those  vices,  in  other  persons,  would  have 
been  denounced.  Nevertheless,  the  king  could  not  be 
expected  to  offer  a  place  of  so  much  influence  and  power 
to  a  person  by  whom  its  influence  might  be  used  to 
thwart  his  policy  as  a  sovereign  or  his  pleasure  as  a  man, 
without  obtaining  some  guarantee  for  his  subservience 
to  the  royal  will. 

There  was  one  question,  the  divorce  question,  by  which 
the  royal  mind  was  absorbed.  Since  Eeginald's  return 
from  Paris,  a  change  had  gradually  taken  place  in  the 
public  mind.  During  the  last  two  years,  the  public  feel- 
ing— originally  favourable  to  the  divorce,  when  it  was 
brought  under  notice  as  an  abstract  political  question — 
had  been  scandahzed  by  finding,  that  this  extreme  mea- 
sure was  demanded  not  from  political  considerations 
merely,  but  now,  if  not  originally,  to  gratify  the  king's 
passion  for  another  lady,  who,  having  first  usurped  the 
queen's  place  in  Henry's  heart,  was  aspiring  to  her  throne. 
Eeginald  may  have  been  silent  upon  the  subject,  but 
silence  at  such  a  time  would  be  suspicious ;  and  before  his 
elevation  to  the  see  of  York  it  was  not  unreasonable,  tliat 
he  should  be  called  upon  to  give  a  pledge  that  he  would 


42  LIVES   OF   THE 

CHAP,     not  employ  the  high  powers  with  which  he  would  be 
— jJ — •  invested  to  frustrate  the  designs  of  the  sovereign. 
pX.  The  Duke  of  Norfolk  accordingly  waited  upon  Pole, 

1556-58.  commissioned  by  the  king  to  make  a  conditional  offer  of 
the  metropolitan  throne  of  the  north.  From  what  we 
know  of  the  principles,  the  character,  and  the  feelings  of 
Pole,  we  can  understand  that  there  must  have  been  other 
reasons  which  rendered  him  unwilhng  to  give  the  required 
pledge,  besides  a  reluctance  to  take  a  decided — and  from 
his  position  it  would  be  a  permanent — part  against  his 
mother's  friend,  and  one  who  was  his  real  patron,  since 
for  the  kindness  of  the  king  Pole  was  first  indebted  to 
the  interposition  of  the  queen.  Eeginald  had  moreover 
a  detestation  of  Crumwell,  and  he  foresaw  that  Crumwell 
was  about  to  become  the  chief  adviser  and  servant  of 
the  crown.  He  doubtless  regarded  the  pledge  he  was 
required  to  give  as  a  pledge  to  act  as  a  subordinate  in 
Crumwell's  government.  Such  a  pledge  he  was  determined 
not,  even  by  implication,  to  give.  He  would  pledge  him- 
self to  devote  his  whole  mind  to  the  promotion  of  the 
king's  interests  ;  but  whether  those  interests  would  be 
really  promoted  by  Pole's  undertaking,  coute  que  codte,  to 
contend  for  the  divorce  was  a  doubtful  matter.  The  cause 
was  under  trial ;  he  could  hardly  be  expected  to  act  as 
if  sentence  had  been  pronounced. 

The  Duke  of  Norfolk,  who  had  waited  upon  Pole  officially, 
now  undertook  to  argue  with  him  as  a  friend ;  and  Sheen 
he  did  not  leave,  until  he  had  persuaded  the  young  man  to 
ask  for  time,  in  order  that  he  might  view  the  proposal  made 
to  him  in  all  its  bearings.  The  king  granted  him  a  month. 
During  that  month,  Eeginald  had  to  listen  to  arguments 
urged  with  fraternal  vehemence.  To  refuse  to  accept  the 
archbishopric  under  the  proffered  conditions  would  be,  it 
was  said  by  his  brother,  to  offer  an  insult  to  the  king. 


ARCHBISHOPS   OF   CANTERBURY.  43 

and  to  convert  a  powerful  friend  into  a  vindictive  enemy,     chap. 
Pole  himself  saw  the  question  in  its  real  light — for  the  - — A^ 
sake  of  the  archbishopric  was  he  prepared  to  become  the      pofe^ 
slave  of  the  king?     At  the  end  of  the  month,  however,    1556-58. 
Eeginald  Pole  expressed  his  willingness  to  wait  upon  his 
majesty  and  to  tender  his  grateful  thanks  for  the  high 
honour  he  proposed  to  confer  upon  him. 

We  will  lay  before  the  reader  the  bald  facts  of  the 
case,  without  being  influenced  by  the  comments  insinuated 
in  the  statement  of  them  made  by  Pole. 

Eeginald  was  directed  to  wait  upon  the  king's  grace  at 
York  House — a  house  which  had  been  tyrannically  seized 
from  the  see  of  York.  Here  he  remained  in  a  private 
gallery.  The  king  soon  made  his  appearance  in  high 
good  humour ;  pleased  as  he  always  was  to  give  pleasure, 
and  glad  to  receive,  as  a  friend  pledged  to  serve  him,  one 
for  whom  he  had  always  entertained  a  strong  partiality. 
Eeginald  in  the  course  of  conversation  began  to  argue  on 
the  merits  or  demerits  of  the  divorce.  The  king  grew 
angry — as  Pole  would  represent  him,  furious — and  leaving 
the  room  slammed  the  door  in  Eeginald's  face. 

Beccatelli,  Pole's  secretary,  who  in  writing  his  life 
records  anecdotes  narrated  to  him  by  his  master,  makes 
what  Bishop  Burnet  calls  a  romantic  tale  of  this  transaction. 
The  intrepidity  of  Pole — Pole  being  himself  the  narrator 
— both  the  hero  and  the  historian — is  represented  as  al- 
most miraculous,  while  the  passion  of  the  king  was  such 
that  his  hand  was  seen  two  or  three  times  on  the  handle 
of  his  dagger,  as  if  he  doubted  whether  or  not  to  plunge 
it  into  Eeginald's  heart.* 

That  Eeginald,  when  the  king  condescended  to  argue 
with  him  on  the  subject  of  the  divorce,  produced  argu- 
ments against  the  divorce,  we  may  readily  admit ;  but  we 

*  See  Ep.  Poll,  2G2,  and  Apologia  ad  Anglise  Parliamentum,  183. 


44  LIVES   OF   THE 

CHAP,     may  doubt  tlie  violence  of  the  king's  anger — or,  at  all 
— r^ — '  events,  we  must  remember  that  it  must  have  been  but 
%ie.      short-lived — for  immediately  after  the  interview,  he  re- 
1556-58.    quired  liim  to  place  his  arguments  on  paper ;  and  when 
Pole  liad  done  so  he  received  the  document  with  com- 
placency, only  directing  that  it  should  be  answered.     As 
to  the  heroism  of  Pole  in  venturing  to  argue  the  case  at 
all  before  Henry,  we  have  Pole's  own  authority  for  sta- 
ting, that  Henry  was  at  this  precise  period  inclined  to  leave 
the  question  of  the  divorce  in  the  hands  of  the  pope,  and 
that  he  would  have  done  so  if  Crumwell  had  not  inter- 
posed.    Crumwell  it  was  who  persuaded  the  king,  who 
was  easily  persuaded  to  do  what  he  was  inclined  to  do, 
to  set  the  papal  authority  at  defiance.* 

We  repeat  it — Pole  is  himself  the  ultimate  authority 
for  all  the  statements  made  with  reference  to  this  portion 
of  his  life.  He  wrote  four  years  after  the  events  had 
taken  place ;  at  a  time  when  his  mind  was  no  longer  in 
doubt,  and  when  he  had  finally  chosen  his  party. 

We  do  not  accuse  him  of  fabricating  facts ;  we  do 
not  suspect  him  of  an  intention  to  deceive  others  ;  but  we 
may  imagine  that  he  first  deceived  himself,  and  that  his 
self-deception'arose  from  an  imagination,  that  he  had  suf- 
fered in  the  cause  he  was  at  that  time  supporting.  He 
desired  the  sympathy  of  his  friends  as  a  confessor  if  not  a 
martyr,  before  he  had  really  suffered  at  all.  Exaggera- 
tion sometimes  approaches  so  nearly  to  fabrication,  as  to 
render  the  one  undistinguishable  from  the  other. 


* 


Pole  ad  Carolum  Imp.  27.  Pole  gives  the  arguments  adduced  b}' 
Crumwell  at  some  length  and  rhetorically.  The  question  occurs,  How 
could  Pole  have  become  acquainted  with  the  facts  he  thus  records  in 
detail  ?  This  section  in  his  letter  to  Charles  V.  is  sufficient  to  make  us 
receive  with  great  caution  all  his  statements.  He  did  not  intention- 
ally falsify,  but  he  coloured  exaggerated  statements. 


ARCllBlSHOrS    OF   CANTERBURY.  45 

There  are  certain  facts  to  be  opposed  to  the  statement  of    chap. 

Pole  ;  and  before  we  accept  his  own  view  of  his  case  they   r^ — ' 

must  be  explained.  That  Pole  did  refuse  to  pledge  him-  PoTe'! 
self  to  give  an  unreasoning  support  to  the  king's  cause  ii^56-58. 
is  certain,  for  the  Archbishopric  of  Yoi'k  was  given  to 
another.  He  may  not  have  made  so  great  a  sacrifice 
in  doing  this  as  might  at  first  sight  appear.  Even  his 
friends  admit  that,  throughout  his  life,  he  never  relin- 
quished the  idea  of  a  marriage  with  the  Princess  Mary. 
Some  of  my  readers  will  be  able  to  understand  the  differ- 
ence between  not  relinquishing  and  really  entertaining 
the  hope ;  they  may  understand,  that  when  the  arch- 
bishopric was  offered  to  him,  the  chance  of  such  a  mar- 
riage being  very  remote,  he  would,  if  all  things  were 
equal,  have  sacrificed  his  daydream  to  the  certainty  of  a 
ducal  mitre ;  but  that  when  difficulties  arose  he  was  the 
less  zealous  in  combating  them,  from  the  feeling  that  there 
was  still  a  chance  of  drawing  a  higher  prize  in  the  lottery 
of  life. 

But  when  we  have  admitted,  that  he  did  refuse,  under 
every  and  any  circumstance,  to  support  the  divorce,  we 
recall  the  mind  of  the  reader  to  what  has  just  been  said, 
that  Henry  VIIL,  if  he  did  slam  the  door  in  the  face  of 
the  disputatious  Pole,  was  not  long  in  a  rage ;  that  soon 
after  he  calmly  received  the  very  same  arguments  in 
writing,  and  received  them  graciously.  It  was  one  of  the 
peculiarities  of  Henry's  character,  that  he  was  not  gene- 
rally irritated  by  contradiction  in  argument,  determined 
though  he  was  in  action  to  have  his  commands  obeyed. 
Then,  again,  though  the  archbishopric  was  not  conferred 
upon  him,  Pole  remained  unmolested.  He  was  not 
exiled  from  the  country,  but  simply  obtained  the  king's 
permission  to  travel,  a  permission  which  the  king  was 
reluctant   to  give ;    and   when    he  gave    it,    it   was  not 


46  LIVES   OF   THE 

CHAP,     given  in  anger,  for  he  allowed  Pole  to  retain  his  prefer- 

> ,1 — '  ments,  his  emoluments,  his  splendid  allowances  ;  and,  in 

To\e.      point  of  fact,  he  retained  them  for  four  years.     Even  at 

1556-58.  the  end  of  four  years,  Henry  was  not  certain  how  far  the 
measures  of  his  government  had  or  had  not  made  an 
opponent  of  Pole. 

Now,  we  are  constrained  to  ask  whether  Henry  VIII. 
was  a  man  likely  to  act  thus  liberally,  munificently,  to  a 
subject  engaged  in  thwarting  him  on  the  two  subjects  of 
the  divorce  and  the  supremacy,  which  were  involving  his 
government  in  every  kind  of  difficulty,  and  had  almost 
excited  a  rebellion  ?  An  historian  has  no  right  to  reject 
facts  because  they  do  not  coincide  with  his  preconceived 
opinions ;  but  we  may  and  we  must  have  regard  to  an 
author's  position,  object,  and  character,  in  order  that  we 
may  make  allowance  for  the  light  in  which  his  facts  are 
placed.  We  may  not  accuse  him  of  falsification,  though 
we  must  be  careful  that  his  rhetoric  shall  not  be  crys- 
tallized into  logic. 

We  shall  perhaps  find  the  solution  of  the  difficulty  by 
a  reference  to  the  letter  written  by  Pole,  at  the  king's 
command,  after  the  interview  at  York  House.  In  obedience 
to  the  royal  command  Pole  put  his  arguments  into  writing. 
The  document  itself  has  not  been  discovered ;  but  its  con- 
tents are  made  known  to  us  in  a  letter  written  by  Dr. 
Cranmer,  and  addressed  to  the  Earl  of  Wiltshire.  It  was 
written,  Cranmer  remarked,  with  so  much  wisdom,  that 
'  Mayster  Eaynold  Pole  might  be,  for  wisdom,  of  the  coun- 
cil of  the  king's  grace  ;  and  with  such  eloquence,  that  if  it 
were  set  forth  and  known  to  the  common  people,  it  were 
not  possible  to  persuade  them  to  the  contrary.' 

Now,  the  whole  purport  of  the  letter  was  to  dissuade 
the  king  from  acting  on  the  advice  of  Cranmer  and 
Crumwell.     His  object  was  to  conjure  the  king  to  submit 


ARCHBISHOPS    OF   CANTERBURY.  47 

his  cause  to  the  judgment  of  the  pope,  and  to  abide  by     chap. 

his  decision.     "  Herein,"  says  Cranmer,  "  me  seemeth  he  ^ ^ ' 

lacketh  much  judgment.     But  he  suadeth  us  with  such      pX. 
goodly  eloquence,  both  of  words  and  sentence,  that  he    1556-58. 
were  like  to  persuade  many ;  but  me  he  suadeth  on  that 
point  in  nothing  at  all." 

We  are  told,  that  the  king  received  the  letter  most 
graciously,  contrary  to  the  expectation  of  the  Duke  of 
Norfolk  and  Pole's  brothers.  We  can  account  for  this,  to 
a  certain  extent,  by  what  Pole  himself  has  told  us,  that 
the  king's  mind  was  at  this  time  veering  round  to  that 
point.  He  thought,  just  at  this  time,  that  the  pope  would 
decide  in  his  favour. 

The  real  position  of  Pole  was  this  :  he  would  abide 
by  the  pope's  decision ;  if  that  were  in  the  king's  fa- 
vour, the  king  should  have  his  support;  and  with  this 
answer  the  king  was  satisfied.  If  Pole  had  been  willing 
to  act  as  the  king's  friend,  to  support  his  policy,  and,  in 
short,  to  form  one  of  his  government,  he  might  have  the 
Archbishopric  of  York.  But  the  king  would  not  incur 
the  odium  of  appointing  so  young  a  man  to  so  important 
a  post,  unless  that  man  was  "  out  and  out  a  king's  man." 
But  Henry  had  not  as  yet  quarrelled  with  the  pope ;  he 
was  fully  persuaded,  that  he  would  succeed  in  intimi- 
dating his  holiness,  though  he  complained,  as  well  he 
might,  of  the  delay.  Such  being  the  case,  though  he 
would  not  on  the  one  hand  reward  Eeginald  Pole,  yet  he 
would  not,  on  the  other  hand,  dismiss  him  from  his  court, 
or  deprive  him  of  his  emoluments. 

Another  circumstance  favoured  Pole.  Crumwell  had 
sounded  him  on  several  occasions,  to  ascertain  whether 
he  would  adopt  the  Machiavellian  principles,  which, 
having  really  actuated  the  statesmen  of  Europe  more  or 
less    since  the  time  of  Louis  XT.  of  France,  had  lately 


48  LIVES   OF   THE 

CHAP,  been  reduced  to  a  system  by  the  crafty  Italian  politician, 

^g-  r  T-'  It  is  probable  that  the  offer  of  the  archbishopric  was  a 

Pole.  suggestion  of  Crum well's,  for  his  object  was  to  win  to  his 

1556-58.  ^[^Q  ^j^g  £qj,  ^y}jQi^  ii^Q  ^{ng  had  manifested  a  liking,  and 

through  whose  support  he  might  have  strengthened  a 
party  against  the  old  nobility  by  whom  he  was  despised, 
and  against  the  new  nobihty  who  were  jealous  of  him. 
The  brothers  of  Pole  saw  the  policy  of  attaching  them- 
selves to  the  fortunes  of  the  rising  man ;  but  the  ari- 
stocratic, the  conservative,  the  religious  principles  of 
Eeginald  revolted  from  the  thought  of  contact  with  the 
unscrupulous  adventurer,  who,  to  make  his  own  fortune, 
and  to  act  the  despot  to  the  people,  hesitated  not  to 
pander  to  the  worst  vices  of  the  sovereign.  Crumwell  was 
too  wise  a  man  to  quarrel  openly  with  one  to  whom  the 
king  was  disposed  to  listen,  and  who  even  to  the  king 
would  fearlessly  speak  his  mind.  He  had  come  to  the 
conclusion,  that  Pole  was  an  impracticable  person,  a  self- 
conceited  pedant,  a  bookish  ignoramus.  But  Crumwell 
despised  no  one,  being  well  aware  that  mighty  things  are 
brought  to  pass  through  the  instrumentality  of  fools. 
When  he  found  that  he  could  not  employ  Pole  for  the 
furtherance  of  his  own  ends  at  court,  he  was  determined 
to  prevent  him  from  offering  obstructions  to  his  policy,  or 
from  heading  an  opposition  which,  however  unsuccessful, 
might  nevertheless  be  troublesome.  If  he  had  attempted 
to  drive  Pole  into  exile,  he  might  have  been  resisted  ;  but 
when  Pole  himself  expressed  a  wish  to  revisit  the  Conti- 
nent, he  facilitated  the  arrangements,  and,  to  expedite  his 
departure,  he  offered  no  opposition  to  the  retention  of  his 
emoluments. 

Eeginald  Pole  left  England  in  1532.  It  is  quite  cer- 
tain, that  when  he  quitted  his  country  it  was  supposed  at 
court  and  in  his  family  that,  if  not  hearty  in  the  king's 


ARCHBISHOPS   OF    CANTERBURY.  49 

cause,  yet  he  was  nevertheless  willing  by  his  conduct  to     chap. 
prove  his   gratitude  to  the  royal  benefactor,  by  whose  « — ^ — - 
munificence  he  was  still  supported.     For  four  years  his      poi"! 
discretion  or  his  worldly  wisdom  was  so  great  that  his    1 556-58. 
income  was  not  endangered  by  any  open  demonstration,  on 
his  part,  of  opposition  to  the  will  of  the  king.    On  politics 
he  was  silent ;  and  we  cannot  but  remembe-r  that,  pre- 
viously to  his  assumption  of  an  attitude  of  hostility  to  Henry, 
he  had  established  a  position  in  Italy,  in  which,  if  he  lost 
a  patron  in  his  king,  he  was  certain  to  find  one  in  the  pope. 

Pole,  having  now  determined  to  devote  himself  to  the 
study  of  sacred  hterature,  took  up  his  abode,  on  first 
going  abroad,  at  Avignon,  the  resort  at  that  time  of  many 
men  of  learning.  Being  always,  however,  of  a  delicate 
constitution,  he  came  to  the  conclusion,  after  a  year's  trial, 
that  the  air  of  Avignon  did  not  agree  with  him.  While 
he  resided  at  Avignon,  he  renewed  or  commenced  his 
acquaintance  with  Sadoleto  ;  and  to  have  conciliated  to 
himself  the  friendship  of  such  a  man  was  an  honour  to 
Pole  of  which  he  might  be  justly  proud. 

Among  the  contemporaries  of  Pole,  few  men  deserved 
and  enjoyed  such  a  reputation  for  piety,  benevolence, 
and  learning  as  Jacobo  Sadoleto.  We  may  regard  him 
as  a  paternal  friend  ;  for  Sadoleto  was  born  at  Modena  in 
the  year  1477,  and  was,  therefore,  old  enough  to  be  Pole's 
father.  He  received  his  primary  education  at  the  Univer- 
sity of  Ferrara,  and  completed  it  at  Eome,  where  he  was 
admitted  into  the  family  of  the  Cardinal  Olivieri  Caraffa. 
Through  the  elegance  of  his  scholarship,  he  attracted  to 
himself  the  notice  of  Leo  X.  By  that  pontiff  he  was  made 
one  of  the  papal  secretaries,  and  was  remunerated  for 
his  services  by  the  bishopric  of  Carpentras  in  the  Venaisin. 
On  the  death  of  his  patron,  Sadoleto's  scholarship  was  no 
recommendation  to  the  favour  of  Adrian  VI.  ;  and  he  was 

VOL.  VIII.  E 


50  LIVES   OF   THE 

CHAP,     too  honest  in  the  advice  he  gave,  to  please  the  intriguing 
-  pohtician  Clement  VII.     He  was  employed  by  each  of 


^°e*  these  pontiffs  for  a  short  time,  and  then,  to  his  great  satis- 
1556-58.  faction,  he  was  permitted  to  retire  to  Carpentras.  Here 
his  house  became  the  resort  of  learning,  and  a  school  for 
young  students  ;  at  the  same  time,  by  his  piety  towards  God 
and  his  charity  to  man,  he  won  for  himself  the  highest  of 
all  titles — that  of  the  father  of  his  people.  To  his  surprise, 
and  not  much  to  his  satisfaction,  he  was  created  a  cardinal 
by  Paul  III. ;  and  he  accompanied  the  pope,  when  Paul 
went  to  Nice,  to  negotiate  between  the  emperor  and  the 
King  of  France,  and  again  when  the  pope  went  to  Busseto. 
But  Sadoleto's  plain-speaking  was  not  more  acceptable  to 
Paul  than  it  had  been  to  Clement,  and  he  was  again  per- 
mitted to  retire  to  Carpentras.  He  was  one  of  the  Cice- 
ronians,  and  such  was  the  purity  of  his  Latinity,  that  his  style 
is  praised  by  Erasmus  for  its  superiority  to  his  own.*  He 
did  not  join  with  the  Ciceronians  in  their  attack  upon  Eras- 
mus ;  and  that  great  scholar,  in  his  "  Ciceronianus,"  while 
censuring  Longolius  and  Bembof  for  their  servile  imitation 
of  their  master,  commends  Sadoleto  for  preferring  ecclesi- 
astical terms  to  Ciceronian  words,  when  to  circumstances 
or  to  trains  of  thought  of  which  Cicero  knew  nothing  he 
had  occasion  to  advert.  Sadoleto  had  followed  the  fashion 
of  his  contemporaries  in  early  life,  when  they  pedantic- 
ally employed  no  words  except  such  as  were  impressed 
with  the  authority  of  Cicero  ;  but  his  own  good  sense  by 
degrees  induced  him  to  assume  the  liberty  for  which  he 
was  praised  by  Erasmus,  while  the  purity  of  his  style  was 
the  admiration  of  all  who  made  his  writings  their  study. 

*  Ep.  Erasm.  758. 

+  I  employ  the  Italian  name  when  describing  or  referring  to  any 
friend  of  Pole,  except  when  the  name  has  been  Latinised  by  scholars,  or 
when  it  has  become  familiar  to  our  ears  in  an  Anglican  form. 


ARCHBISHOPS   OF   CANTERBURY.  51 

His  works  were  numerous,  and  they  are  said  to  have     chap. 
shown  the  extent  of  his  reading  to  have  been  considerable.  ^ ^ — 


He  was  not  without  his  enemies,  and  from  his  com-  Po°e^ 
mentary  on  the  epistles  of  St.  Paul,  they  took  occasion  to  1656-58. 
accuse  him  of  semi-Pelagianism,  so  that  the  book  was 
condemned  at  Eome.  This  condemnation  of  his  work 
caused  no  slight  annoyance  to  Sadoleto,  who  corrected 
some  expressions  which  had  been  misunderstood ;  and  he 
then  appealed  to  the  pope.  The  pope  was  satisfied,  and 
the  book  was  declared  to  be  cathohc.  The  fact  is  curious, 
as  it  shows  that  in  1535,  the  Eoman  theology — not  strictly 
defined  till  the  Council  of  Trent — was  at  this  time  taking 
the  same  direction  as  the  mind  of  John  Calvin,  for  the 
charge  against  Sadoleto  was  that  some  of  his  expressions 
were  irreconcileable  with  the  doctrine  of  St.  Augustine. 
Sadoleto's  own  hberality  was  remarkable.  He  protected 
the  Jews  who  were  accused  of  usury  for  taking  interest, 
when  they  advanced  money  on  loan.  He  lived  on  friendly 
terms  with  Melancthon  and  Calvin,  though  on  one  occasion 
he  entered  into  a  controversy  with  the  latter.  When,  on 
the  death  of  Zuingle,  Erasmus  was  severe  on  that  unhappy 
reformer,  and  Luther  declared  against  him  in  unmeasured 
terms  of  reprobation,  Sadoleto  dwelt  upon  those  points 
in  his  character  which  all  persons  could  praise ;  and  from 
this  and  other  circumstances  Seckendorf  was  assuredly 
justified  in  the  praise  he  accorded  to  Sadoleto  for  the 
candour  he  invariably  displayed,  and  for  the  Christian  tem- 
per visible  in  all  that  he  did.*  He  lost  a  most  valuable 
library  at  the  sack  of  Eome,  from  which  city  he  had 
himself  escaped  a  few  weeks  before. 

Such  was  the  friend  in  whose  house  at  Carpentras 
Eeginald  Pole  found  a  home  for  some  time  after  he  had 
quitted  Avignon.    I  have  given  a  sketch  of  his  history  and 


*  Seckendorf,  Suppl.  Ixiv. 

£    2 


52  LIVES   OF   THE 

CHAP,     character,  because  the  name  of  this  great  and  good  man 
> — .---  must  occasionally  appear  in  the  history  of  Pole. 
Pole.  Sadoleto's  praise  of  the  young  Englishman  procured  for 

1556-68.  hini  the  notice  of  the  chief  scholars  in  Europe,  especially 
when  his  rank  and  expectations  were  known.  Although 
the  fish-market  itself  could  scarcely  supply  terms  suffi- 
ciently strong  and  coarse  when  the  scholars  of  the  age  were 
engaged  in  controversy,  their  compliments  were  profuse 
and  exaggerated  while  friendship  lasted.  This  observation 
is  made,  that  we  may  understand  the  exact  value  of  the 
various  passages  selected  by  Quirini  from  Pole's  corre- 
spondence, for  the  purpose  of  showing  the  high  estimation 
in  which  his  hero's  character  was  held  by  his  contemporaries. 
On  his  return  to  Italy,  Pole  found  that  the  reaction 
which  had  taken  place  in  his  own  mind  had  been  experi- 
enced by  many  who,  when  he  was  last  in  "  that  sweet  and 
pleasant  land  of  Italy,"  had  been  so  absorbed  in  classical 
studies  as  to  have  become  oblivious  of  their  Christianity. 
During  the  pontificate  of  Leo  X.,  a  refined  heathenism  ex- 
tended from  his  gay  and  graceful  court  to  all  parts  of  Italy ; 
where  the  truths  of  the  gospel  were  confounded  with  my- 
thological fables.  It  was  remarked,  indeed,  that  although 
the  dean  of  Leo's  chapel  would  not  deny  the  existence 
of  our  Lord  and  Saviour  Jesus  Christ,  yet  he  would  raise 
to  an  equality  with  the  eternal  Son  of  God  a  Socrates,  a 
Phocion,  an  Epaminondas,  an  Aristides,  who  were  sufferers 
for  the  good  of  others ;  he  could  find  an  archetype  in 
pagan  theology  for  God  the  Father  in  Jupiter  Optimus 
Maximus ;  for  God  the  Son  in  Apollo  or  -^sculapius ;  and 
in  discoursing  on  the  death  and  sufferings  of  our  blessed  Lord 
and  only  Saviour,  he  would  remind  his  hearers  of  Decius 
and  Curtius,  who  leapt  into  the  gulf  for  the  salvation  of 
their  country.*    The  Virgin  Mary  was  compared  to  Diana. 

*  See  M'Crie,  7,  8  ;  also  Erasmi  Ep.  xx.  14 ;   Ciceronianus,  39-43. 


ARCHBISHOPS   OF   CANTERBURY.  53 

For  their  liberality  and  their  learning  these  divines,  as  in  chap. 
courtesy  they  were  still  denominated,  who  taught  men  that  ^^-^  • 
it  was  a  thing  indijSTerent  whether  they  worshipped  Jehovah,  pok. 
Jove,  or  Lord,  were  applauded  by  the  public  and  rewarded  i^oe-os 
at  court.  But  the  dishonesty  had  at  length  become  too 
apparent  to  be  tolerated.  Men  were  at  liberty  to  con- 
found Jupiter  with  the  one  and  only  God ;  though  the 
Lord  our  God  declares  Himself  to  be  a  jealous  God,  they 
might  propound  what  doctrines  they  might  think  fit  ; 
but  the  light  at  length  dawned  on  them,  and  they  under- 
stood that  as  honest  men  they  ought,  as  a  preliminary 
measure,  to  resign  the  preferments  with  which  they  had 
been  endowed  for  the  very  purpose  of  upholding  the 
truths  which  they  now  contemned.  A  man  was  not  to 
receive  honour  and  income  for  the  express  purpose  of  pro- 
mulgating certain  great  truths, — and  to  retain  them  still, 
when,  instead  of  asserting  those  truths,  he  denied  before 
men,  the  Saviour  who  will  deny  him  before  the  angels  of 
God.  This  was  simply  a  case  of  dishonesty,  in  pronouncing 
upon  which  every  honourable  man,  whether  Protestant  or 
Papist,  would  agree ;  at  all  events,  it  caused  the  great  and 
good  men  with  whom  Pole  was  now  associated,  to  reflect. 

The  profligacy  of  Leo  X.  had  caused  a  reaction  among 
some  of  the  persons  connected  with  his  court,  and  a  society 
was  formed  which  bound  the  members,  sixty  in  number,  to 
a  strict  morality  of  hfe  and  a  better  observance  of  Divine 
worship.  It  was  known  as  the  oratory  of  Divine  Love. 
On  the  dispersion  of  this  society,  many  of  its  members  re- 
paired to  Venice,  where  liberty  was  still  maintained.  When 
Eome  was  sacked,  when  Florence  had  become  a  despotism, 
when  Milan  was  a  battle-field,  Venice  was  a  place  of  refuo-e 
for  the  destitute  ;  and  some  of  the  most  distinguished 
men  in  Italy  found  there  a  home. 

At  Venice,  the  fugitives  from  Eome  came  into  contact 


54  LIVES   OF   THE 

CHAP,    with  exiled  patriots  from  Florence.     Among  the  latter  we 
— ^ — '  are  told  a  strong  spirit  of  devotion  was  prevalent,  in  which 
Pole,      the  influence  of  Savonarola  was  still  perceptible. 

1556-58.  Altliough  Pole,  on  his  return  into  Italy,  resided  chiefly 
at  Padua,  his  visits  to  Venice  were  frequent  and  long. 
Theology  occupied  his  more  serious  thoughts ;  neverthe- 
less he  could  still  find  recreation  and  amusement  in  the 
pursuits  of  general  literature. 

At  Bozza,  near  Padua,  the  villa  of  Pietro  Bembo  * — the 
resort  of  all  scholars — in  his  splendid  library  or  in  his  bo- 
tanical garden,  Pole,  in  his  hours  of  relaxation,  could  still 
discourse  on  philological  subjects,  or  listen  to  discussions  on 
that  Ciceronian  Latinity  in  which,  as  we  have  had  frequent 
occasion  to  remind  the  reader,  the  pedantry  of  the  age  de- 
lighted to  revel.  Here,  too,  he  formed  the  acquaintance 
of  Gianpietro  Caraffa,  destined,  as  Paul  IV.,  to  be  the 
bitter  enemy  of  Pole ;  his  persecutor,  and  the  torment 
of  his  latter  days.  CarafFa  was  at  this  time  a  reformer,  as 
were  all  the  associates  of  Pole,  and  almost  all  the  leading 
literary  characters  in  Italy ;  but  even  then,  Pole,  a  timid 
man  except  when,  pen  in  hand,  he  was  writing  to  a  dis- 
tant adversary,  must  have  quailed  sometimes  under  the 
sunken,  flashing  eye  of  Carafia,  who,  according  to  Mura- 
tori,  resembled  the  Vesuvius  of  his  native  country,  always 
boiling  up,  hard,  passionate,  and  inexorable,  actuated 
by  a  zeal  for  religion,  but  a  zeal  which,  instead  of  attract- 
ing, repelled  the  pious.f  In  the  groves  of  San  Georgio 
Maggiore,  Pole  pursued  those  investigations  to  which  his 
mind  was  at  this  time  more  especially  directed ;  and  he 
imbibed  wisdom  from  the  conversation  of  the  learned 

*  Hallam  (Literature  of  Europe)  remarks  :  "  Among  the  polished 
writers  of  Italy  we  meet  on  every  side  with  the  name  of  Bembo,  great 
in  Italian  as  well  as  Latin  literature,  in  prose  as  well  as  in  verse." 

t  Ranke,  ii.  1.     Du  Pin,  Cent.  XVI. 


ARCHBISHOPS   OF   CANTERBURY.  55 

and  sagacious  abbot  of  the  monastery,  Gregorio  Cortese.     chap. 

Cortese  was  a  patristic  scholar,  and,  though  calUng  for  a  > r^ — ' 

reform,  was,  hke  Pole,  devoted  to  the  supremacy  of  the      Poi^^ 
Koman  see.  1556-58. 

But  that  which  more  particularly  endeared  Padua  to 
the  heart  of  Pole,  was  the  fact  that  here  was  formed 
his  friendship  with  Luigi  Priuli.  Priuli,  a  native  of 
Venice,  was  a  man  of  fortune ;  and  at  his  villa,  not  far 
from  Treviso,  Pole  was  accustomed  to  meet  a  company  of 
divines,  all  favourably  disposed  to  a  reformation ;  but  to  a 
reformation  which  would  be  consistent  with  the  primacy 
of  the  pope  over  the  Universal  Church.  The  two  friends 
were  never  afterwards  separated.  They  lived  together  in 
uninterrupted  friendship  for  twenty-six  years  ;  Priuli,  re- 
gardless of  preferment  for  himself,  being  anxious  for  the 
elevation  of  his  friend,  whose  labours,  responsibilities,  and 
anxieties  he  shared,  without  participating  in  his  honours. 

Eetiring  from  Venice  to  Padua,  Pole  found  in  Marco 
of  Padua*  a  Benedictine  of  the  profoundest  piety.  It  is 
sometimes  supposed,  that  it  is  to  Marco  of  Padua  that 
Pole  alludes  as  the  person  from  whom  he  first  received  the 
milk  of  the  word.  If  to  Marco  he  had  recourse  for  milk, 
he  resorted  for  the  strong  meat  to  one  of  the  best,  if  not 
one  of  the  most  eminent,  of  his  contemporaries — Gaspar 
Contarini,  the  learned  and  saint-like  Venetian,  as  he  was 
called.  Of  Contarini,  Pole  affirmed  that  he  was  ignorant 
of  nothing  that  the  human  intellect  could,  by  its  own 
powers  of  investigation,  discover  ;  that  nothing  in  him 
was  wanting  that  the  grace  of  God  has  revealed  to  the 
human  soul.  The  sentence  is,  as  was  frequently  the  case 
in  the  diction  of  Pole,  hyperbolical.     It  was  added  that, 

*  "Marco  Musurus  was  a  native  of  Crete.  He  was  courted  as  a  scholar 
and  so  attracted  the  notice  of  Leo  X.,  who  invited  him  to  Rome  and 
gave  him  the  archbishopric  of  Malvasia." — Tiraboschi,  vi.  394. 


56  LIVES   OF  THE 

CHAP,     ^vith  the  eminence  of  his  wisdom,  Contarini  united  the 
~=r-^— rr   crown  of  virtue.     To  his  historv  we  shall  have  occasion 

Keginald  '^ 

Pole.  to  recur.  We  would  only  here  remark  that  Contarini 
1656-68.  laboured  earnestly  for  the  pacification  of  the  Church,  and 
that  he  held  the  same  doctrine  of  justification  by  faith 
only  wliich  was  held  by  Luther,*  and  which  Avas  still  an 
open  question  in  the  Eoman  Church.  Pole  was  at  Venice 
wdien  the  news  most  unexpectedly  arrived,  that  Contarini 
had  been  created  a  cardinal  by  Paul  III.  On  a  certain 
Sunday  in  the  month  of  May,  1535,  Contarini,  the 
youngest  of  the  six  councillors  who  composed  the  council 
of  the  doge,  w^as  sitting  by  the  ballot-urn,  the  council 
being  about  to  proceed  to  the  election  of  the  great  officers 
of  state.  It  was  announced  that  a  courier  had  arrived  from 
Eome,  for  whom  immediate  admission  into  the  council- 
chamber  was  demanded.  He  was  refused  admittance,  but 
Eannusio,  the  secretary,  received  the  despatch  from  his 
hand.  He  immediately  communicated  the  fact  to  the 
council,  "  Contarini  is  a  cardinal."  "  How  !  a  cardinal," 
exclaimed  Contarini,  in  much  agitation  ;  "  no,  I  am  a 
councillor  of  Venice."  The  letters  were  opened.  The 
news  was  confirmed.  The  report  spread  far  and  near. 
Friends  crowded  round  him,  when  a  cynical  old  coun- 
cillor, Luigi  Mocenigo,  who  had  hitherto  been  his  political 
opponent,  called  out  from  his  gouty  chair,  "  These  priests 
have  robbed  the  city  of  the  best  gentleman  of  whom 
it  has  to  boast."  He  was  attended  by  a  troop  of  friends 
to  his  gondola  ;  other  gondolas  following  en  suite.  Peach- 
ing his  home,  he  debated  with  his  friends,  whether  he 
should  accept  the  honour  or  not ;  and  the  debate  ended 
as  such  consultations  generally  do.  He  received  the 
tonsure ;  and,  his  hat  having  arrived,  the  new  cardinal 

*  Da  Pin,  Cent.  XVI.  430.    Eanke,  i.  104,  Daniel  Barbaro  to  Domi- 
nico  Veniero.     Young's  Aonio  Paleario,  i.  258. 


ARCHBISHOPS    OF    CANTERBURY.  57 

paid  a  visit  of  ceremony  to  the   doge   and  the    senate,     chap. 

Among   those   who   attended   to    congratulate    him   was  - ^Z^ - 

Eeginaid  Pole.  He  observed,  that  he  had  heard  and  read  ^Pofe!^"^ 
of  virtue  being  rewarded  for  its  own  sake,  but  he  had  i5o6-58. 
never  before  seen  it  so  singularly  exemplified  ;  when  the 
pope  had  selected  a  gentleman  unknown  to  him,  at  the 
moment  when  he  stood  so  high  in  the  estimation  of  his 
country  that,  if  they  had  been  called  upon  to  name  their 
choice,  the  selection  would  have  fallen  on  the  very  man 
whom  Paul  III.  had  eo  signally  honoured. 

When  speaking  of  the  friends  of  Eeginaid  Pole,  we 
must  not  pass  over  the  name  of  Benedetto  Lampridio, 
distinguished  as  a  philologist,  and,  as  was  the  case  with 
almost  all  the  learned  men  of  the  day,  a  writer  of  verses, 
if  not  a  poet.  When  Giovanni  Lascari  opened  a  Greek 
college  at  Eome,  under  the  patronage  of  Leo  X.,  he  found 
in  Lampridio  so  profound  a  scholar  in  the  Greek  and  Latin 
classics,  that  he  employed  him  as  his  assistant.  After 
the  death  of  Leo  X.,  about  the  year  1521,  Lampridio 
settled  in  Padua.  There  he  found  it  more  remunerative 
to  take  private  pupils,  if  we  may  employ  modern  phrase- 
ology, than  to  become  a  public  lecturer. 

Amon(]j  the  eminent  Venetians  with  whom,  according 
to  Beccatelh,  Pole  lived  on  terms  of  intimacy,  mention 
must  be  made  ofLazarro  Buonamici.  He  was  professor  of 
Greek  and  Eoman  Eloquence  at  the  University  of  Padua. 
He  was  an  adept  in  all  the  literary  studies  of  the  age,  in- 
cluding astrology.  He  was  employed  at  Eome,  either  in 
giving  private  lectures  or  as  a  professor  in  the  Colleo-e  of 
the  Sapienza.  He  was,  unhappily,  residing  at  Eome  durinfj- 
its  capture  and  sack  in  1527,  when  he,  as  was  the  fate  of 
many  others,  lost  his  library,  and  was  himself  in  consider- 
able danger.  It  was  after  this,  that  he  became  a  professor 
at  Padua,  where  he  remained  till  his  death  in  1552. 


58  LIVES   OF   THE 

CHAP.         Beccatelli,  destined  to  be  the  Italian  biographer  of  Pole, 
^ — ^ — ■  and  Dudithius,  liis  translator,  formed  part  of  Pole's  esta- 
Poi^*      bhshment  at  this  time  or  soon  after.     The  first,  having 
1556-58.    acted   as  Pole's  secretary  for  several  years,  died  Arch- 
bishop  of  Eagusa ;    the   second   died   Bishop   of  Knin 
(Tinium)  in  Croatia.* 

Accustomed  as  we  are  to  regard  Peter  Martyr  as  a 
leader  among  Protestants,  we  may  at  first  be  surprised  at 
finding  him  among  the  friends  of  Pole.  But  we  may 
here  observe  the  broad  distinction  which  must  be  made 
between  the  Protestants  and  those  Italian  reformers 
among  whom  Pole  took  a  prominent  part.  On  what 
we  may  call  the  philosophy  of  Christianity — on  Augus- 
tinianism — that  philosophy  which  is  based  on  the  grand 
dogma  of  justification  by  faith  only  —  both  parties 
were  agreed ;  and,  until  the  Council  of  Trent  asserted 
authoritatively  the  opposite  doctrine,  the  most  deter- 
mined papist  would  regard  the  subject  of  justification 
as  an  open  question.  On  this  point  nearly  all  the  Italian 
reformers  were  of  one  mind,  and  maintained  truly,  that 
this  great  truth  was  compatible  with  a  belief  in  the 
sacraments  as  the  means  of  grace.  The  Italians  did  not 
attack  the  sacerdotal  or  the  monastic  system,  and  they 
asserted  the  supremacy  of  the  pope.  When  an  Itahan 
had  philosophised  with  the  German,  and  the  German 
proceeded  to  show  how  the  doctrine  of  justification  by 
faith  only  militated  against  all  those  mediaeval  traditions 
held  sacred  at  Eome  ;  when  monasteries  were  denounced, 
and  the  pope  was  deposed  from  his  supremacy  ;  then  a 
separation  took  place  between  the  two  parties,  sometimes 

*  See  his  life  in  Du  Pin,  Cent.  XVI.  Wood  says  of  Dudithius  that 
he  was  Bishop  of  Tinienses,  on  which  Jortin,  with  his  usual  wit, 
remarks,  he  might  as  well  have  said  of  Pole  that  he  was  Archbishop  of 
Cantuariensis. 


ARCHBISHOPS    OF   CANTERBURY.  59 

abruptly,  sometimes  gradually.     They  would  all  agree  to     chap. 

fire  an  unshotted  gun,  in  order  that  they  might  alarm  the  • r^ — - 

slumberers,  and  awaken  the  watchers  of  Israel  to  a  PoIe"! 
sense  of  their  danger  and  of  the  consequent  necessity  of  1556-58. 
reform  ;  but  when  one  party  would  load  the  guns  and 
prepare  for  a  spiritual  sack  of  Eome,  the  Italians  were 
found  on  the  side  of  the  pope  ;  or,  if  they  could  not  con- 
scientiously support  the  papacy,  they  consulted  their  safety 
by  flight.  Such  was  the  case  with  Peter  Martyr  and 
Ochino — the  former,  in  his  letters  to  Pole,  assigning  this  as 
a  reason  for  his  self-expatriation.  He  went  first  to  Zurich, 
then  to  Basle,  and  thence  to  Strasburg.  From  Strasburg 
he  was  invited  to  England  by  the  protector  Somerset  and 
Archbishop  Cranmer,  and  became  professor  of  divinity  at 
Oxford.  On  the  accession  of  Mary,  he  was  permitted  to 
leave  England,  and  died  at  Zurich  in  1582.  He  was  twice 
married,  his  second  wife  having  been  recommended  to 
him  by  "  the  Italian  church  at  Geneva."  He  was  a  really 
learned  man,  and  though  on  some  points  he  would  in 
these  days  have  been  accounted  heterodox  by  the  Church 
of  England,  his  works  were  justly  praised  by  the  candour 
of  Du  Pin.* 

Pole,  when  residing  in  Italy,  was  not  deprived  of  the 
charm  and  consolation  of  female  society.  His  friend 
Bembo,  who  was  afterwards  one  of  the  cardinals  created 
by  Paul  III.,  was  residing,  as  we  have  said,  in  the  neigh- 
bourhood of  Padua.  Being  only  a  deacon,  he  was  wedded 
to  Morosina,  a  lady  who  is  described  as  lovely  in  person, 
and  with  a  mind  sagacious  and  well  informed ;  at  all 
events  she  presided  over  his  house  for  more  than  twenty 
years.  Here  she  fascinated,  by  her  elegant  manners  and 
agreeable   conversation,  the    learned  men  who,  coming 

*  Du  Pin.  Wood.  Strype's  Cranmer  and  Annals.  Melchior  Adam. 
Fuller,  Abel  Redivivus. 


GO  LIVES   OF   THE 

CHAP,     from   all    parts  of  Europe,  frequented  Bembo's   house. 

■ — ^ Bembo  and  Morosina  found  a  joint  labour  of  love  in  the 

Pole!      education  of  their  daughter  ;   and  the  daughter  of  such 

1556-58.  parents  must  have  made  the  residence  at  Bozza  still  more 
attractive.  Pole  v^as  also  intimate  with  another  lady,  who, 
with  her  husband,  was  proud  of  his  friendship.  Giulia 
Gonzaga,  the  wife  of  Vespasiano,  Duke  of  Palliano,  was 
eminent  for  her  personal  attractions,  her  moral  excellence, 
and  her  intellectual  acumen. 

About  this  time,  also,  he  must  have  formed  a  friendship 
which  added  much  to  the  comfort  of  his  life,  and  which 
speaks  more  than  anything  else  in  favour  of  the  piety 
of  Pole  and  the  amiability  of  his  character :  I  allude  to 
the  widow  of  Ferrante  d'Avalos,  Marquis  of  Pescara, 
the  beautiful  and  accomplished  Yittoria  Colonna.  The 
Marchesa  di  Pescara  was  ten  years  older  than  Pole,  and 
when  the  disparity  in  point  of  age  is  on  the  spindle  side  it 
becomes  more  marked ;  so  that,  speaking  of  her  in  after 
years,  Pole  adverted  to  her  in  terms  of  filial  affection  and 
respect,  regarding  her  in  the  light  of  a  maternal  friend. 
She  was  one  of  the  most  remarkable  women  of  that  or  of 
any  other  age,  and  still  holds  her  place  among  the  poets 
of  Italy.  Devoted  to  her  husband,  she  nursed  her  grief 
after  his  early  death  ;  and,  in  spite  of  the  solicitations  of 
her  friends,  she  remained  "  a  widow  indeed  "  to  the  end 
of  her  life.  Of  Yittoria  Colonna  we  shall  have  more  to 
say  at  a  later  period  of  Pole's  life.  We  presume  that  their 
friendship  commenced  at  this  period  or  soon  after,  for  we 
gather  from  her  letters  that,  being  in  an  infirm  state  of 
health,  she  accepted  an  invitation  from  Giberti,  Bishop  of 
Yerona,  with  w^hom,  as  we  have  seen,  Pole  entered  into 
friendly  relations  during  his  former  visit  to  Italy. 

Giovanni  Matteo  Giberti  was  Datary  to  Clement  YII. — 
the  minister,  that  is  to  say,  whose  duty  it  was  to  date 


ARCHBISHOPS    OF    CANTERBURY.  61 

the  answers  to  petitions  presented  to  the  pope.     He  was     citap. 
appointed,  in  1524,  to  the  bishopric  of  Verona;   and  was  > — ^J — - 
one  of  the  cardinals  created  by  Paul  III.     He  retired  as      ^i"^  * 
soon  as  he  was  able  from  political  life,  and  devoted  him-    1556-58. 
self  to  the  management  of  his  diocese  and  to  theological 
studies.     He  was  a  friend  of  the  illustrious  Contarini,  and 
among  the  Italian  reformers  he  held  a  high  place. 

Contarini,  while  he  lived,  was  the  spiritual  adviser  of 
Yittoria  Colonna ;  and,  on  his  death,  she  gave  her  con- 
fidence to  Eeginald  Pole.  In  the  man  to  whom  she  could 
open  her  whole  heart,  replete  with  all  the  sensitiveness  of 
aspiring  piety,  there  must  have  been  a  fund  of  spiritual 
w^isdom,  and  a  soul  capable  of  sympathy.  In  writing  to 
Contarini's  sister,  Seraphina,  after  her  brother's  death,  she 
says  to  the  nun  :  "  If  you  condescend  to  give  your  com- 
mands, do  so  as  laying  them  upon  the  true  and  obliged 
servant  of  that  most  true  and  perfect  brother  of  yours, 
my  guide.  I  have  now  no  other  spiritual  guide  than 
Monseignor,  the  English  Cardinal,  his  true  and  intimate 
friend,  his  more  than  brother."  * 

An  intimacy  with  Vittoria  Colonna  implied  an  acquaint- 
ance with  the  illustrious  Michael  Angelo  Buonarotti. 
He  was  old  enough  to  be  her  father,  and  she  pos- 
sessed over  him  all  the  power  which  an  affectionate 
daughter  might  be  supposed  to  exercise  over  a  parent, 
whom  she  gently  leads  on,  step  by  step,  to  virtue.  "  I 
was  born,"  said  Michael  Angelo,  "  a  rough  model ;  and  it 
was  for  her  to  reform  and  to  remake  me."  She,  herself 
a  sufferer,  found  him  out  when  the  heart  of  that  great  but 
humble-minded  man — the  man  of  his  age — was  lacerated 
by  domestic  afflictions.  She  knew  him  to  be  the  first 
artist,  sculptor,  and  architect  of  the  age  ;    she  found  him 

*  Letkre  Vulgari,  i.  208. 


62  LIVES   OF   THE 

CHAP,    to  be  also  a  poet,  only  second  to  herself.     In  her  own 

« — r^ — '  deep  sorrows  she  had  sought  spiritual  advice  from  Pole ; 

Pol"!      and  that  Pole  became  the  friend  of  her  friend  we  can 

1556-58.    have  no  doubt,  though   I  do   not   remember   that   this 

appears  from  Pole's  correspondence. 

Pole  occasionally  accompanied  Contarini  on  a  visit  to 
their  common  friend  Morone,  Bishop  of  Modena.  Gio- 
vanni Morone,  though  opposed  to  Lutheranism,  was 
nevertheless,  at  this  time,  one  of  the  leading  reformers  of 
Italy.  He  belonged  to  a  noble  family,  and  was  a  native 
of  Milan.  He  was  educated  by  private  tutors  in  his 
father's  parish,  and  afterwards  in  the  University  of  Padua. 
He  was  ordained  in  1529,  and  soon  after  he  was  conse- 
crated to  the  see  of  Modena.  He  was  employed  as  a 
legate  by  the  Eoman  see  on  several  important  occasions ; 
among  them,  at  the  Diet  of  Spires  in  the  year  1541,  and 
at  Eatisbon  in  1542.  He  was  one  of  the  many  eminent 
men  who  were  created  cardinals  by  Paul  III.  He  suc- 
ceeded Contarini  in  the  Legation  of  Bologna,  and  was 
one  of  the  presidents  at  the  re-opening  of  the  Council  of 
Trent.  As  was  the  case  with  Pole  and  some  other 
eminent  men,  he  was  at  one  time  accused  of  heresy  ;  and 
by  Paul  IV.  he  was  actually  thrown  into  prison,  and  exa- 
mined before  the  Inquisition.  The  chief  charge  brought 
against  him  was  that  he  had  Lutheran  publications  in  his 
house,  and  that  he  had  read  them.  On  the  death  of  his 
persecutor  he  was  liberated,  and  was  declared  by  the 
inquisitors  to  be  free  from  all  heretical  taint.  Certain 
specific  charges  are  said  to  have  been  brought  against 
him,  but  we  may  consider  these  as  not  proven,  or  he 
would  not  have  received  from  the  Inquisition  that  testi- 
mony to  his  orthodoxy  which  has  just  been  stated.  It  is 
probable  that  he  spoke  at  one  time  vnth  great  freedom  of 
the  corruptions  of  the  Church  of  Eome,  as  men  had  been 


I 


ARCHBISHOPS   OF   CANTERBUEY.  63 

accustomed  to  do  at  least  for  a  century  without  being     chap. 

censured  by  authority.     But,  alarmed  by  the  spread  of  « ^ . 

Lutheranism,  the  authorities  at  Kome  were  becoming  p^j"^ 
every  day  more  strict,  antecedently  to  passing  of  those  1556-58. 
strict  definitions  which,  in  the  Council  of  Trent,  converted 
Medigevalism  into  Eomanism,  and  changed  the  Church  of 
Eome  into  a  sect.  Morone,  after  the  death  of  Paul  IV., 
was  not  only  restored  to  liberty,  but  was  also  taken  into 
favour.  He  was  employed  on  several  missions  by  Pius  V., 
and  had  a  good  chance  of  the  papacy  when,  by  the  death 
of  Pius  IV.,  the  papal  throne  was  vacant.  He  was  sent 
as  legate  to  the  Council  of  Trent  in  1563  ;  and  he  is 
said  to  have  contributed  to  its  peaceful  termination 
by  a  union  of  firmness,  of  energy,  and  of  a  conciliatory 
temper.  Although  he  must  have  changed  his  opinion  on 
the  subject  of  justification,  his  attendance  on  the  con- 
cluding sessions  of  the  Council  of  Trent  is  no  proof  of  his 
having  ceased  to  be  a  reformer.  The  Council  of  Trent 
was  convened  for  the  reformation  of  the  Church,  and 
hence  Morone  may  have  maintained  his  consistency.  But 
although  this  may  be  urged  in  his  defence,  we  are 
inclined  to  think  that  he  was  one  of  those  who  can  speak 
of  reform  when  there  is  no  danger  of  personal  incon- 
venience, but  who  are  unwilling  to  make  the  smallest 
sacrifice  even  for  essential  truth.  He  seems,  in  point  of 
fact,  to  have  been  a  time-server,  and  is  described  in  a 
Spanish  manuscript,  quoted  by  Mendham  in  his  "  History 
of  the  Council  of  Trent,"  as  hombre  doblado  :  this, 
which  signifies  literally  a  double  man,  is  said  by  Blanco 
White  to  mean,  in  Spanish,  dark  and  treacherous.  At 
the  time  under  consideration,  the  bad  parts  of  his  cha- 
racter had  not  made  their  appearance.  He  was  the  friend 
of  some  of  the  most  distinguished  reformers  in  Italy,  and 
would  with  them,  doubtless,  have  reformed  the  Church 


64  LIVES    OF   THE 

CHAP,     on  their  model — if  this  could  have  been  accomplished 

r^ — '  with  safety  to  himself.     At  this  time  "  the  new  learning," 

Pofe'!      cas  it  wns  called  in  England,   was  popular   among   the 

1556-58.  middle  classes  ;  and  although  the  decree  of  the  Inquisition, 
which  reckons  three  thousand  schoolmasters  as  adherents 
to  it,  is  probably  an  exaggeration,  yet,  as  Eanke  observes, 
supposing  the  number  to  have  been  smaller,  how  great 
must  have  been  its  influence  on  the  rising  generation  and 
on  the  mass  of  the  people !  Morone's  court  was  the  resort 
of  reformers,  until  he  was  astounded  by  hearing,  that  a 
report  had  reached  Eome  that  his  diocese  was  filled  with 
Lutherans.  A  reform  of  the  curia,  the  cardinals,  and  the 
conclave,  even  a  modification  of  dogma,  was  popular,  until 
it  was  seen  that,  by  an  attack  on  the  papacy,  Italy  would 
lose  the  prestige  which  she  now  possessed  in  all  the 
nations  of  Europe.* 

Morone,  however,  must  have  been  at  this  time  sincere, 
for  he  could  hardly  have  deceived  such  a  man  as  Con- 
tarini,  whose  perceptions  were  as  acute  as  his  integrity 
was  unimpeachable. 

At  Verona,  Eeginald  Pole  became  acquainted  with 
Marco  Antonio  Flaminio,  who  was  assistant  to  Don 
Girolando  di  Modena,  the  president  of  the  academy  in 
that  city.  In  forming  an  estimate  of  Pole's  character, 
we  must  not  forget  the  deep  attachment  evinced  towards 
him  by  such  men  as  Priuli  and  Flaminio  and  by  some 
others.  These  two  in  particular  were  devoted  to  him,  and 
Priuli  more  particularly.  They  neither  of  them  would  ac- 
cept favours  from  Pole ;  and  Priuli,  a  man  of  fortune,  left 
his  home  and  his  country,  as  we  have  before  remarked, 

*  In  Schelhorn's  Amoenitat.  Literar.  (xii.  564)  may  be  found  tlie 
Articuli  contra  Moronum,  published  by  Vergerio  in  1558.  They  are 
translated  in  Mrs.  Young's  interesting  Life  of  Aonio  Paleario,  a  work 
of  considerable  research  and  great  fairness. 


ARCHBISHOPS    OF    CANTERBURY.  65 

to  form  part  of  Pole's  establishment,  or  rather  found  his     chap. 

home  and  his  country  wherever  Reginald  Pole  took  up ;: — - 

his  abode ;  his  service  he  would  never  quit,  and  de-  5^^! 
clined  the  offer  when  Pole  expressed  a  wish  to  make  1 556-58. 
him  his  heir.  Pole  was  a  good  hater,  but  he  was  also 
a  good  lover.  Marco  Antonio  Flaminio  w^as  one  of  the 
most  remarkable  among  the  many  remarkable  characters, 
at  that  time  reflecting  honour  upon  Italy.  He  was  born 
at  Saravalle,  near  Treviso,  in  the  year  1408.  He  was, 
like  most  of  his  contemporaries  in  Italy,  a  poet ;  and, 
under  his  father's  tuition,  he  obtained  in  early  life  such  a 
reputation  for  classical  studies  that  he  was  patronised  by 
Leo  X.  But  although  his  father  would  not  offend  the 
pontiff,  when  the  latter  invited  Flaminio  to  Eome,  by  re- 
fusing to  let  him  go,  the  dissipations  and  immoralities  of 
the  papal  court  were  such  as  to  fill  the  father  with  alarm 
and,  fortunately  for  him,  the  son  with  disgust.  Flaminio 
quitted  the  papal  court  as  soon  as  possible.  The  pretext 
for  removing  him  was  his  father's  desire  that  he  should 
pursue  his  studies  at  Bologna.  He  declined  the  office  of 
pontifical  secretary,  which  was  offered  to  him  by  Leo, 
and  accepted  a  situation  in  the  family  of  Giberti.  His 
health  was  delicate,  and  the  bishop  gave  him  a  charming 
villa  on  the  Lago  di  Garda.  His  health  still  failing  him, 
he  passed  some  time  at  Naples,  where  he  was  edified  by 
the  preaching  of  Yaldes,  and  obtained  the  notice  of  Vit- 
toria  Colonna.  He  afterwards  formed  one  of  the  house- 
hold of  Pole,  who  was  deeply  attached  to  him,  as  a  father 
to  a  son,  and  admitted  that  by  the  piety  of  Flaminio  his 
own  devotional  feelings  had  been  quickened.  After  a 
long  illness,  in  which  Pole  nursed  him  with  paternal 
tenderness  and  care,  he  died  at  Pole's  house  in  Rome  in  the 
year  1550.  He  did  not  entirely  escape  the  persecution  of 
Paul  IV.,  for   his  works  were  prohibited  in  the  Index 

VOL.  VIII.  F 


66  LIVES  OF   THE 

CHAP.  Purgatorio  of  that  pontiff.  Among  those  works  the  best 
— r^ — '  known  is  an  exposition  of  the  Psahiis,  the  dogmatic 
PoTe"  contents  of  which,  according  to  Eanke,  have  been  approved 
1656-68.  by  many  Protestant  writers.  But  as  confirmatory  of  what 
has  been  said  before — that  if  in  dogma  the  Italian  re- 
formers approached  the  Protestants,  the  two  factions  were 
always  separated  by  the  adhesion  of  the  Italians  to  the 
papacy — I  may  remark,  that  to  this  very  work  Plaminio 
prefixed  a  dedication  in  which  he  spoke  of  the  pope  as 
"  the  Watchman  and  Prince  of  all  holiness,  the  Vicege- 
rent of  God  upon  earth." 

He  thus  wrote  probably  at  the  prompting  of  Pole,  who 
certainly  took  credit  to  himself  for  having  prevented  Pla- 
minio from  following  the  example  of  Ochino  and  becoming 
a  Protestant. 

Pole  was  not,  however,  always  so  successful.  In  alluding 
to  the  very  remarkable  persons  to  be  found  in  the  society 
in  which  Pole  now  held  a  high  place,  and  who  w^ere  still 
his  friends  and  associates  when  he  resided  at  Viterbo,  we 
must  not  pass  by,  without  noticing,  the  name  of  Pietro 
Carnesecchi.  He  was  a  Florentine,  and  came  of  a  good 
family.  He  became  acquainted  with  Pole  through  Sado- 
leto  and  Bembo,  by  both  of  whom  his  talents  and  powers 
of  application  were  praised  before  he  was  known  to  the 
world.  Attached,  as  a  Florentine,  to  the  Medici  family, 
he  was  preferred  by  Clement  VII.,  with  whom  he  soon 
became  so  great  a  favourite  that  it  was  only  by  his  mo- 
desty, tact,  and  sense  of  justice  that  he  escaped  the  perils 
to  which  favourites  are  usually  exposed.  He  was  first 
private  secretary  and  then  prothonotary  to  Clement.  On 
the  death  of  Clement,  he  spent  his  time  in  visiting  the  dif- 
ferent universities  of  Italy,  and  in  adding  to  his  stock  of 
knowledge  by  research  in  the  public  libraries  as  well  as  by 
conversation  with  men  of  learning.  Although  his  opinions 


ARCHBISHOrS   OF   CANTERBURY.  67 

were  influenced  considerably  by  Valdes  during  a  residence  chap. 
at  Naples,  we  are  told  that  he  was  deeply  indebted  also  « — ^-- 
to  the  teaching  of  Pole  and  Flaminio  ;  he  became  indoctri-  pX. 
nated  with  their  views  of  justification,  the  distinguishing  io56-58. 
tenet  of  the  party.  So  boldly  did  he  assert  his  opinions, 
that  he  found  it  expedient,  for  a  season,  to  leave  the  coun- 
try ;  and,  in  foreign  parts,  having  conversed  with  German 
reformers,  he  was  confirmed  in  the  doctrines  he  had  heard 
from  Pole.  Adhering,  however,  to  the  papal  supremacy, 
he  thought  he  might,  without  risk,  at  length  return  to 
Italy  ;  but  by  Paul  lY.  he  was  excommunicated.  When 
Pius  rV.,  a  member  of  the  Medicean  family,  succeeded 
to  the  papal  throne,  the  friends  of  Carnesecchi  had 
sufficient  influence  to  obtain  from  the  new  pope  a  reversal 
of  the  sentence  of  excommunication  pronounced  by  his 
predecessor,  without  requiring,  on  the  part  of  Carnesecchi, 
any  abjuration  of  his  opinions.  His  seeking  for  absolution 
is  sufficient  to  prove,  that  he  still  held  the  principle 
upon  which  Pole  and  his  friends  continued  to  act — 
loyalty  to  the  pope  ;  but  he  could  not  conceal  the  fact, 
that  he  maintained  a  dogma  of  justification  which,  though 
held  by  the  last  of  the  fathers,  St.  Bernard,  and  by  the  first 
of  the  schoolmen,  St.  Anselm,  was  opposed  to  the  mediaeval 
dogma  of  justification  by  an  infused  inherent  righteous- 
ness, and  therefore  to  what  eventually  became,  through 
the  Council  of  Trent,  the  sectarian  dogma  of  the  Eomish 
Church.  Finding  himself  obnoxious  at  Eome,  he  retired 
to  his  native  Florence,  and  placed  himself  under  the 
protection  of  Cosmo,  who  became,  in  1569,  the  Grand 
Duke  of  Tuscany.  This  man  promised  his  protection  ; 
but  to  win  the  favour  of  the  pope,  at  a  time  when  it  was 
his  policy  to  secure  the  papal  support,  he  had  the  base- 
ness to  deliver  up  his  guest  to  the  emissaries  of  Pius  Y. 
His  victim  was  handed  over  to  the  Inquisition,  was  con- 

r  2 


68 


LIVES   OF   THE 


GHAP. 
IV. 

Reginald 
Pole. 

1.556-58. 


demned  as  a  heretic,  and  on  tlie  3rd  of  October,  1567, 
Carnesecchi  died  a  martyr.  He  was  first  beheaded,  and 
his  body  was  then  committed  to  the  flames. 

I  have  given  a  shght  sketch  of  the  history  of  the 
immediate  friends  of  Pole,  since  there  is  truth  in  the 
saying,  "  Noscitur  a  sociis." 

It  has  perplexed  historians  to  account  for  the  sudden, 
almost  instantaneous  conversion  of  Pole  from  a  peaceful, 
happy  student  into  a  fierce,  a  furious  polemic.  During  the 
four  years  which  elapsed  between  the  time  when  Pole 
left  his  native  countr}^  and  the  time  when  he  commenced 
his  treatise  "  De  Unitate,"  great  political  and  ecclesiastical 
changes  had  been  going  on  in  England — those  very 
changes  by  which  Pole's  wrath  was  afterwards  espe- 
cially excited.  The  clergy  were  restrained  from  making 
constitutions  except  in  convocation  with  the  king's  assent : 
the  payment  of  firstfruits  to  Rome  was  forbidden,  and 
the  money  was  to  be  made  over  to  the  king :  the  royal 
supremacy  had  been  admitted  by  convocation  before  Pole 
left  England  ;  and,  among  the  inconsistencies  of  his  career, 
it  is  to  be  remarked,  that  if  he  did  not  actually  vote  on 
the  occasion,  yet  to  the  assertion  of  the  supremacy  he 
must  at  least  have  given  a  tacit  assent.  We  can  only  urge 
in  his  defence — and  it  is  a  sufficient  defence — that  he  had 
not  been  called  upon  to  consider  the  subject,  and  that  he 
had  only  followed  as  his  superiors  led  the  way.  Parlia- 
ment, following  convocation,  gave  the  sanction  of  the  law 
to  the  king's  resumption  of  what  he  maintained  was  his 
inherited  right  as  a  Catholic  king ;  a  Catholic  king  being 
supreme,  within  his  own  realm,  over  all  causes  and  per- 
sons ecclesiastical  and  civil.  The  papal  power  in  England 
had  now  been,  in  truth,  entirely  set  aside  by  act  of 
parliament  as  well  as  by  the  deed  of  convocation.  All 
payments  to  the  apostolic  chamber  had  become  illegal, 


ARCHBISHOPS    OF    CAXTERBURY.  69 

and  it  was  enacted  that  "  all  dispensations  or  licences,  not  chap. 
contrary  to  the  law  of  the  land,"  shall  in  future  be  « — ^ — - 
granted  within  the  kingdom  by  the  two  archbishops  ;  p^fj^ 
the  exemption  of  monasteries  from  episcopal  visitation  io56-58. 
was  confirmed,  but  they  were — evidently  with  a  view  to 
their  suppression  in  whole  or  in  part — rendered  liable 
to  visitation  by  commissioners  appointed  under  the  great 
seal,  for  the  king;  offenders  were  to  incur  the  penalties 
of  the  statutes  of  pro  visors  and  praemunire;  the  divorce 
of  the  king  from  Queen  Katharine  was  an  accomplished 
fact,  and  the  king's  mistress  had  taken  possession  of  her 
throne  ;  the  reign  of  terror — for  such  the  ministry  of 
Crumwell  really  was — had  commenced ;  and  for  an 
account  of  the  atrocities  committed,  under  the  name  of 
Protestantism,  the  reader  is  referred  to  the  introductory 
chapter.  Not  only  was  the  royal  supremacy  asserted, 
but,  in  order  to  enforce  it,  new  ofiences  were  made  high 
treason  by  acts  of  parliament.  Amongst  these,  were  the 
attempting  or  wishing  any  bodily  harm  to  the  king,  the 
queen,  or  the  royal  issue  ;  the  denying  of  any  of  their 
titles — such  as  the  Supreme  Head — to  the  king,  and  the 
slandering  of  any  members  of  the  royal  family  as  heretics. 
Under  legal  forms,  an  irresponsible  despotism  was  esta- 
blished ;  and  to  anyone  suspected  of  denying  the  royal  su- 
premacy the  oath  might  be  tendered  ;  upon  a  refusal  to 
take  it,  the  unhappy  victim  of  oppression  was  doomed  to 
be  hanged,  drawn,  and  quartered.  In  1535,  Houghton, 
Webster,  and  Laurens,  priors  of  Carthusian  houses,  two 
priests  and  a  monk  (Fearn,  Hales,  and  Eeynolds),  were 
convicted  of  treason  for  speaking  against  the  king's  mar- 
riage and  the  supremacy.  For  the  same  cause  Bishop 
Fisher  and  three  Carthusians  (Middlemore,  Exmew,  and 
Newdygate),  and  the  illustrious  Sir  Thomas  More  himself, 
were  convicted. 


70  LIVES    OF   THE 

CHAP.  Under  all  these  circumstances,  Pole  was  silent.  No 
— r^ — '  murmur,  no  remonstrance,  no  protest  escaped  him.  Of 
Pofe!  all  political  events,  those  on  which  he  felt  most  deeply 
1566-58.  were  those  which  related  to  the  divorce  and  the  su- 
premacy ;  but  when  Pole  adverted  to  Enghsh  affairs,  it 
was  only  to  express  his  gratitude  to  the  king.  He  was 
enjoying  his  literary  leisure — his  otium  cum  dignitate — 
in  Italy,  and  left  it  to  be  inferred,  that  if  he  did  not  cor- 
dially approve,  he  did  not  feel  called  upon  to  condemn, 
the  proceedings  of  the  English  government.  His  conduct 
is  perplexing.  He  was  regarded  as  a  devoted  servant,  a 
grateful  kinsman  of  the  king.  Such  was  the  impression 
that  Pole  permitted  to  remain  on  the  minds  of  all  who 
approached  him,  down  to  the  very  eve  of  his  commencing 
his  treatise  "  De  Unitate." 

It  has  hitherto  been  impossible  to  answer  the  question 
which  occurs  to  the  mind  of  an  attentive  reader,  why  the 
whole  of  this  policy  was  suddenly,  and  at  this  time 
without  assignable  reason,  reversed ;  why  the  king  ceased 
to  be  content  with  the  friendly  neutrahty  of  Pole,  and 
why  Pole  should,  at  this  precise  period,  after  having  so  long 
professed  to  love  him  as  his  benefactor,  become  his  most 
violent  and  vindictive  assailant.  Documents  have  lately 
come  to  light  which,  condemnatory  of  Pole,  nevertheless 
enable  us  to  answer  these  questions. 

Among  the  Simancas  papers,  there  is  a  letter  written  in 
cipher  to  the  emperor  by  his  minister  at  Venice,  Martin 
Zornoza.     It  is  dated  the  4th  of  August,  1534.*     The 

*  See  the  very  interesting  report  of  Mr.  DufFus  Hardy,  Deputy 
Keeper  of  the  Public  Records,  upon  the  documents  in  the  Archives  and 
Public  Libraries  of  Venice,  p.  69.  So  much  depends  on  the  date  of 
this  letter  that,  unwilling  to  attribute  conduct  so  dishonourable  to  Pole 
without  enquiry,  I  requested  Mr.  Hardy  to  ascertain  through  Mr.  Ber- 
genroth  whether  there  was  not  some  error  in  the  transcript,  and  whether 
we  might  not  read  1543  for  1534.    In  the  year  first  mentioned  Pole  was 


ARCHBISHOPS   OF   CANTERBURY.  71 

minister  informs  his  imperial  master  of  his  having  made  the     chap. 
acquaintance  of  Eeginald  Pole,  who  had  confided  to  him  > — r^ — - 
his  political  plans  and  aspirations.     He  expatiates  on  the      Wo\e. 
various  good  qualities  of  Pole,  whose  manners  seem  to    1 556-58. 
have  fascinated  all  who  approached  him.     He  spoke  of 
his  blood  royal,  of  his  affinity  to  the  crown  of  England ; 
with  a  view  of  showing  that  this  tender  of  his  services  to 
the  emperor  was  not  to  be  at  once  rejected  or  despised. 
He  mentions,  that  the  discontent  in  England  occasioned 
by  the  conduct  of  the  king  was  great,  and  that  with 
persons   planning   an   insurrection    Pole   was   in   corre- 
spondence.    If  the  emperor  would  only  give  a  little  help 
to   the   great-nephew   of  Edward  IV.,  he   might  place 
England  at  the  disposal  of  Charles. 

Charles  V.  knew  England  better  than  Zornoza  or  Pole, 
and  was  aware,  that  if  there  was  a  powerful  minority  in 
England  discontented  with  the  existing  state  of  things, 
there  was  also  an  armed  majority  ready  to  support  the 
king ;  and  that,  by  anything  like  foreign  interference,  the 
minority  would  be  reduced  to  nothing.  All  parties  under 
such  circumstances  would  have  united ;  and  the  invader 
would  have  found  England  invincible.  No  encouragement 
was  therefore  given  to  Pole,  no  promise  to  further  his 
plans.  But  Charles,  though  slow  to  act,  was  always  willing 
to  hear :  and  the  correspondence  in  favour  of  Pole  was 
reopened  in  June  and  July,  1535.  Contarini  wrote  to  the 
emperor  on  the  5th  of  June,  stating  that  having  known 
Pole  for  many  years  by  reputation,  he  had  lately  made 
his  personal  acquaintance.  Of  a  pious  Christian  he 
declares  Pole  to  be  the  very  pattern,  whose  earnest  desire 

in  open  hostility  to  Henry,  and  whether  he  was  right  or  wrong  in  seek- 
ing foreign  aid,  he  would  not  by  doing  so  have  been  acting  dishonourably. 
Mr.  Bergenroth  only  confirms  the  fact,  that  the  proper  date  of  the  letter  is 
1534,  when  the  relations  of  Pole  with  Henry  were  of  a  friendly  character. 


72  LIVES   OF   THE 

CHAP,     it  was  to  be  a  soldier  of  tlie  true  foith.     He  was  afraid 
of  no  danger,  and  would  be    glad,  like  the  primitive 


Pofet  Christians,  to  suffer,  if  need  be,  for  Jesus  Christ.  He  de- 
1556-58.  Glares  Pole's  intention  to  be  to  return  to  England,  and  to 
induce  the  king,  by  retracing  his  steps,  to  avert  the  danger 
to  which  he  was  now  exposed.  He  calls  upon  the  emperor, 
whose  office  it  was  to  render  help  to  all  the  nations  of  the 
earth,  to  extend  his  protection  to  Eeginald  Pole. 

On  the  15th  of  July,  another  letter  came  from  Martin 
Zornoza,  in  which  he  enlarges  on  the  services  which 
Pole,  by  directing  the  movements  of  the  revolutionary 
party  in  England,  might  render  the  emperor.  Enclosed 
in  Zornoza's  letter  was  one  from  Pole  himself.  He  is 
much  more  guarded  in  his  expressions  than  his  friend,  by 
whom  he  may  probably  have  been  misunderstood.  He 
did  not  speak  of  dethroning  the  king,  but  he  promised  to 
remove  all  causes  of  displeasure  which  the  emperor  may 
have  entertained  against  England.  If  Pole  excelled  most 
men  in  powers  of  vituperation  when  assaulting  an  oppo- 
nent, even  when  that  opponent  was  a  king,  he  was  not 
behindhand  in  the  arts  of  flattery,  in  an  age  when  to 
flatter  a  friend,  and  especially  a  prince,  was  the  invariable 
custom.  As  Henry  was  everything  that  was  base  in  Pole's 
eyes,  when  a  quarrel  had  arisen  between  them,  so  Charles 
was  to  Pole  at  this  time  as  an  angel  from  God.  The  letter 
of  Pole  is  written  with  bad  pale  ink,  but  the  date  and 
signature  are  added  with  good  dark  ink,  exactly  corre- 
sponding to  the  ink  which  the  consul  Zornoza  used. 
Mr.  Bergenroth  therefore  thinks  it  probable,  that  Pole 
having  composed  his  letter  in  his  own  house,  brought  it 
to  the  consul's,  where,  after  obtaining  his  approval,  he 
signed  it. 

The  emperor  does  not  appear  to  have  entertained  a 
very   high    opinion   of  ''  the   Englishman  who  stays  in 


ARCHBISHOPS    OF   CAXTERBURV.  73 

Venice."     He  was  also  opposed  to  the  suggestion,  that  to     chap. 
render  Pole  powerful,  he  should  encourage  his  aspiration  < — ^ — - 
to  the  hand  of  his  cousin  of  England,  for  Charles  had      Poi'e, 
already  promised  the  hand  of  Mary  and  the  throne  of    1556-58. 
England  to  the  Infante  of  Portugal,  Don  Luis.    From  this 
it  would  appear,  that  while  Pole  was  at  least  professing 
neutrality  to  Henry,  he  was  attempting  to  organize,  or 
wished  his  continental  friends  to  suppose  so,  an  insurrection 
against  the  king's  government  in  England :  he  was  seek- 
ing for  foreign  assistance  to  enable  his  partisans  to  de- 
pose the  king.     We  observe,  moreover,  that  for  this  as- 
sistance, or  for  a  pledge  of  its  being  granted,  he  became 
more  urgent,  when  he  began  to  suspect  that  his  treachery 
had  been  discovered  or  surmised. 

We  are  not  to  judge  Pole,  however,  by  the  principles 
of  the  nineteenth  century,  nor  by  those  which  have  been 
prevalent  in  England  subsequently  to  the  accession  of  the 
Stuarts.  In  his  "De  Unitate"he  repeatedly  affirms  the  right 
of  England  to  rise  at  any  time  in  insurrection,  in  order  that, 
when  the  country  was  damaged  by  misgovernment,  the 
king  might  be  compelled  either  to  change  his  ministers,  or 
if  he  refused  to  listen  to  the  just  remonstrances  of  an 
armed  majority  of  his  people,  to  be  himself  subjected  to  de- 
position. Whether  this  were  constitutional  or  not — this 
right  of  insurrection — it  had  been,  and  it  continued  to  be, 
the  custom  of  the  country  until  the  ascendency  of  that  sys- 
tem, of  government  which  depends  upon  a  parliamentary 
majority.  An  insurrection  seems  to  have  been  considered 
illegitimate  until  it  was  headed  by  some  of  the  nobility  ; 
when  so  headed,  it  was  supposed  that  the  king  ought  to 
yield  to  the  will  of  the  two  orders  acting  in  harmony  :  or 
if  he  would  not  yield,  then  the  question  must  be  tried,  not 
as  now  by  a  parhamentary  vote,  but  by  force  of  arms. 
When  an  insurrection  headed  by  the  nobility  was  in  arms, 


74  LIVES    OF   THE 

CHAP     its  leaders  felt  themselves  to  be  as  much  justified  as  the 
IV.  .  .  . 

- — r-^ — '   king  himself,  in  forming  foreign  alliances.     They  might 

Pole.  invoke  the  aid  of  the  foreigner  to  enable  them  to  assert 
1556-58.  their  rights  and  liberties,  or  to  j)lace  another  branch  of  the 
royal  family  which  had  descended  from  Cerdic  on  the 
throne.  The  last  apphcation  of  this  principle  occurred  in 
the  Ee volution  of  1688.  There  was  a  traitor  king  upon  the 
throne,  a  man  who,  in  spite  of  oaths  and  pledges  to  the 
contrary,  was  determined  to  corrupt  the  Church,  and 
enslave  the  nation ;  and  foreign  troops  were  for  the  last 
time  seen  in  England,  summoned  by  the  people  to  aid 
them  in  defence  of  their  rights  and  liberties  against  a 
king,  himself  conspiring  against  his  people  and  in  treaty 
for  that  purpose  with  the  foreigner.  Henry  YIII.  him- 
self had  admitted  this  principle,  though  he  was  not  called 
upon  by  circumstances  to  act  upon  it.  It  was  doubted,  at 
least  by  Ferdinand,  King  of  Spain,  whether  the  Tudors  were 
strong  enough  to  maintain  their  dynasty  ;  the  King  of  Spain 
therefore  offered  troops  and  a  general  to  Henry  VIII.,  to 
enable  him,  if  the  people  disputed  his  right  to  the  throne, 
to  hand  on  to  his  posterity  the  crown  which  his  father  had 
placed  on  his  own  head  at  Bos  worth.  If  the  king  might 
employ  foreign  aid  to  secure  his  throne,  the  people  might 
assuredly  employ  the  same  means  to  accomplish  their  ob- 
ject, when,  as  against  an  oppressive  government,  they  de- 
clared war  in  defence  of  life,  liberty,  and  property.  If  Pole 
had  courted  the  foreigner  to  invade  the  country  when 
the  country  was  in  itself  at  peace,  he  would  have  been  pro- 
ceeded against  as  a  traitor ;  but  when  the  country  was  in 
a  state  of  insurrection,  he  may  have  thought  he  was  act- 
ing as  a  patriot,  when  seeking  assistance  to  aid  the  weak 
against  the  strong. 

But  after  conceding  all  this,  and  more  than  this,  we 
must  still  regard  Pole's  conduct  at  this  juncture  as  base  in 


ARCHBISHOPS   OF   CANTERBURY.  75 

the  extreme  ;  and  throughout  his  history,  we  find  cause 
to  complain  of  a  want  of  straightforwardness  in  his  cha- 
racter, which  led  not  merely  to  the  deception  of  others,  but  ^"e^ 
to  previous  self-deception  also.  His  policy  was  always  1556-58. 
aggressive,  and  yet  we  find  him  representing  himself,  and 
probably  supposing  himself  to  be,  the  person  injured, 
meekly  bearing  unmerited  persecution  :  on  referring  to 
his  past  conduct,  as  in  his  celebrated  letter  to  Charles  V., 
although,  perhaps,  he  does  not  purposely  misrepresent  the 
facts,  yet  he  so  colours  them  as  to  falsify  them  :  in  cor- 
recting his  writings,  his  mind  is  so  unconsciously  dishonest 
that  he  imagines,  and  would  have  his  reader  to  believe, 
that  his  sentiments  were  the  same  when  he  first  penned  a 
paragraph  as  they  were  when,  after  the  lapse  of  years, 
he  revised  it,  though  the  revision  is  sometimes  a  direct 
alteration  of  the  original  statement.  Of  an  unconsciously 
dishonest  mind,  of  a  mind  habituated  to  self-deception  in 
its  desire  to  represent  itself  as  heroic  and  saintlike  when 
actually  it  was  mean  and  worldly,  we  have  a  remarkable 
example,  not  only  in  the  interpolations  which  add  to  the 
obscurity  of  the  "  De  Unitate  ;  "  but  also  in  a  perpetual 
and  ineffectual  struggle  to  make  it  appear,  that  he  was  still 
grateful  to  Henry  for  past  benefits,  at  the  very  time  when 
his  hatred  of  his  benefactor  appears  at  every  recurrence  of 
his  name.  We  often  find,  as  in  his  case,  a  suavity  of 
manners  attended  by  violence  of  temper  under  circum- 
stances of  provocation  ;  and  we  certainly  cannot  say  that 
Pole's  patriotism  was  neither  warped  by  prejudice  nor 
tainted  by  faction ;  we  must  affirm,  that  he  was  as  often 
staggered  by  imaginary  dangers  as  by  real  ones. 

With  these  observations  we  enter  upon  the  considera- 
tion of  Pole's  political  career ;  thence  we  shall  regard 
him  in  his  character  of  a  reformer  and  a  man  of  letters  ; 
lastly,  we  shall  proceed  to  the  events  which  have  invested 


76  LIVES   OF   THE 

CHAP,  tlie  last  two  years  of  his  life  with  an  historical  interest.  In 
> — r^ — '  speaking  of  Pole^s  political  character,  we  maj  observe  and 
Poie^.  lament,  that  it  sometimes  happens  that  a  man  of  strict 
1556-58.  morality  in  the  private  concerns  of  life,  appears  to  be 
oblivious  of  principle  in  his  public  transactions.  It  was 
once  said  by  a  man  of  scrupulous  integrity  in  his  private 
transactions,  when  he  was  detected  in  a  deviation  from 
truth,  that  in  an  election  all  things  are  lawful.  The  ten- 
dency of  an  election  to  demoralise  the  country  is  to  be 
deplored,  not  denied. 

It  is  not  to  be  supposed  that  the  correspondence 
between  the  friends  of  Pole  and  the  Emperor  Charles  Y. 
escaped  the  penetration  of  tli^  spies,  whose  business  it 
was  to  watch  the  proceedings  of  the  Spanish  and  Imperial 
court.  But  the  nature  of  the  correspondence,  and  the  end 
the  writers  had  in  view,  could  only  be  matter  of  conjec- 
ture. Although  Pole  himself  wrote  to  the  emperor,  his 
letter  was  enclosed  in  that  of  the  consul.  Evident  care 
was  taken  to  keep  everything  secret.  The  proceedings, 
however,  of  the  English  government  were  diplomatic  and 
cautious,  such  as  we  might  expect  in  a  ministry  over 
which  Crumwell  presided. 

The  attempt  was  first  made  to  get  Pole  into  the  hands 
of  the  king.  A  kind  and  friendly  wish  was  therefore 
expressed  both  by  the  king  and  by  the  minister,  that 
Pole  should  return  to  his  native  land,  and  not  waste 
his  acquirements  in  the  desert  air  of  foreign  realms. 
Into  such  a  trap  as  this  Eeginald  was  much  too  wise  and 
on  his  guard  to  fall. 

When  it  appeared  improbable  that  Pole  would  come  to 
England,  there  to  put  his  head  between  the  jaws  of  the 
lion's  mouth,  the  king  desired  that  an  argumentative 
treatise  from  the  pen  of  Dr.  Sampson  should  be  sent  to 
him,  in  which  it  was  proved  that  the  pope  had  no  legal 


ARCHBlSHOrS    OF   CANTERBURY.  77 

jurisdiction  in  England,  and  in  which  the  royal  supremacy     chap. 
was  asserted.     Pole's  character  stood  high  as  a  scholar,  ^ — y^ — ' 
and  he  might  be  expected  to  write  more  powerfully  than       pX. 
Dr.    Sampson.     Pole   had  been  educated   at  the  king's    1556-58. 
expense,  and  the  king,  therefore,  had  a  right  to  demand 
his  literary  services.     He  was  required  to  write  on  the 
same  side. 

Sampson's  book  was  regarded  as  a  public  document. 
The  author,  who  became,  in  1536,  Bishop  of  Chichester, 
was  a  weak  and  vacillating  man  himself ;  but  he  had  been 
assisted  in  this  composition  by  the  leading  divines  in 
England,  and  the  work  is  powerfully  written.  The  case 
was  argued  on  scriptural  and  patristic  grounds.* 

The  anxiety  which  was  at  this  precise  period  evinced, 
to  compel  Pole  to  declare  himself,  and  to  ascertain,  if 
possible,  what  his  opinions  had  been  in  Italy,  must  be 
attributed  to  the  rumour  of  that  correspondence  between 
Pole  and  the  Spanish  court,  of  which  mention  has  just 
been  made.  Dr.  Starkey,  a  friend  of  Pole's,  had,  not 
long  before,  returned  to  England  from  Italy.  He  had 
lived  with  Pole  on  intimate  terms,  and  he  said  he  loved 
him  as  a  brother.  Crumwell  thought  that  he  might 
be  of  service  to  the  government,  and  introduced  him 
to  the  king,  by  whom  he  was  appointed  one  of  his 
chaplains.  He  was  cross-examined  about  Pole's  opinions, 
and  he  assured  the  king,  that  Pole's  one  great  desire  was 
to  do  his  majesty  true  and  laudable  service.  While 
writing  through  his  friends  Zornoza  and  Contarini,  and, 
indeed,  in  his  own  hand,  to  the  emperor,  so  completely 
had  Pole  concealed  his  political  opinions  from  all  but  a 
chosen  few,  that  Starkey  hesitated  not  to  declare  that, 
"  touching  the  discerning  between  God's  laws  and  man's, 

*  The  Rormon  was  published  in  English  and  in  Latin,  and  may  be 
found  in  Strype,  Memorials,  I.  pt.  i.  236 ;  Appendix  xlii. 


78  LIVES   OF   THE 

CHAP.     Pole  would  stretch  and  extend  all  his  power  and  know- 

- — r- — '  ledge  which,  by  the  goodness  of  God  and  his  grace's 

Pole.      liberality,  he  had  obtained,  and  would  gladly  confer  to 

L55fi-58.    i\^Q  maintaining  of  such  things  as  his  grace's  wisdom,  by 

consent  of  parliament  therein,  had  decreed,  to  the  honour 

of  his  highness  and  the  wealth  of  his  realm."* 

The  king  was  not  likely  to  be  satisfied  with  these  vague 
statements  ;  and  he  saw  in  Starkey  a  man  who,  in  his 
vanity,  boasted  of  an  intimacy,  when  in  point  of  fact  he 
was  httle  more  than  an  ordinary  acquaintance ;  and  one 
also  who  had  been  much  fascinated  by  Pole's  condescension 
and  courtesy.  He  desired  Starkey,  therefore,  to  write  to 
Pole,  requiring  him  "in  regard  to  the  divorce  and  su- 
premacy, to  leave  all  political  considerations  to  the  king's 
wisdom  and  policy,  and  to  declare  his  sentence  truly  and 
plainly,  without  colour  or  cloud  of  dissimulation." 

The  tone  and  style  of  this  dictated  letter  show,  that 
suspicions  of  Pole's  double  dealing  had  already  obtained 
possession  of  the  king's  mind. 

Crumwell  sent  a  message  at  the  same  time,  urging 
Pole's  return  to  England,  whatever  might  be  his  judgment 
on  the  subjects  under  discussion.  Starkey  added  a  letter 
from  himself,  to  supply  Pole  with  arguments  in  the 
event  of  his  wishing  to  comply  with  the  royal  command, 
without  being  fully  acquainted  with  the  merits  of  the 
case. 

Pole  was  at  Venice  when  these  letters  arrived  in  Italy. 
Absent  from  his  books,  he  remarked  that  he  could  not  write 
at  once,  but  he  promised  to  obey  the  king's  commands  on 
his  return  to  Padua.  The  promised  letter  was  not  sent. 
Pole  was  evidently  becoming  more  aware  of  the  dilemma  in 
which  he  was  placed.  He  pretended  that  he  was  waiting 
for  further  instructions  from  Crumwell,  whose  letters  were 

*  Cotton.  MSS.  Cleop.  E.  vi.  p.  361. 


ARCHBISHOPS   OF    CANTERBURY.  79 

to  be  conveyed  by  an  ambassador  on  his  way  to  Venice,     chap. 

At  length  he  despatched  a  short  answer,  dated  July  3rd,  ■ -^ - 

1535,  scarcely  a  fortnight  before  the  letter  addressed  p^ 
by  Pole  to  the  emperor,  to  which  attention  has  been  1 556-58. 
called.  In  the  letter  to  Starkey  he  spoke  of  his  affection 
for  the  king,  and  of  his  desire  to  serve  him  ;  he  said  that 
in  writing,  as  the  king  desired,  on  the  divorce  and  the 
supremacy,  he  would  discard  all  human  authority,  and  be 
influenced  by  the  authority  of  Scripture  only.  Starkey, 
who  apparently  had  begun  to  be  suspicious  of  Pole,  replied 
to  this  letter,  expressing  his  conviction,  that  if  Pole  kept 
his  promise  of  abiding  by  Scripture,  he  would  see  how 
strongly  the  king's  case  was  supported  by  Divine  autho- 
rity. As  Pole  was  still  silent,  Starkey  wrote  again,  and 
argued  against  the  papal  supremacy.  "  If,"  he  said,  "  I 
have  any  judgment  in  divinity,  this  I  dare  to  say,  that  this 
superiority,  of  long  time  given  to  the  pope,  which  was 
only  hy  patience  of  princes  et  iacito  qiiodam  Christiani 
populi  consensu^  by  process  of  time  has  grown  in,  as  a 
thing  convenient,  to  the  conservation  of  Christian  unity  ; 
but  in  no  case  of  such  necessity,  that,  without  the  same. 
Christian  men  may  not  attain  to  their  salvation,  nor  keep 
the  spiritual  unity."  Having  thus  clearly  stated  the 
position  taken  by  the  Church  of  England,  he  then  goes  on 
to  defend  the  conduct  of  Crumwell's  government  in  the 
cruel  persecutions  which,  more  than  anything  else,  had 
really  damaged  the  royal  cause.  Several  letters  passed 
between  Pole  and  his  English  friends,  which  left  the  im- 
pression in  England,  that  although  Pole  condemned  the 
foreign  policy  of  Henry,  as  likely  to  create  a  hostile 
feeling  among  the  continental  powers,  yet  he  was  prepar- 
ing an  elaborate  defence  of  the  king's  conduct  in  regard 
to  the  two  great  topics.  The  king  did  not  choose 
to  have  his  policy  questioned,  and  he  saw  that  Pole  was 


80  LIVES   OF   THE 

CHAP,  avoiding  the  point  in  hand.  Starkey,  therefore,  was 
• — .-^ — -  directed  to  write  to  Pole  again.  We  possess  the  original 
Pole,  letter,  which  may  be  regarded  as  a  State  paper.  It 
1656-58.  evidently  contained  the  ultimatum  of  the  English  govern- 
ment. 

Pole  was  required  to  write  explicitly  :  "  The  king,  as  I 
have  written,  requireth  your  learned  judgment,  and  that 
you  should  leave  your  prudent  and  witty  policy  till  you 
are  required.  The  points  be  these,  which,  though  you 
right  well  of  your  ownself  know,  yet  I  will  put  them  a 
little  after  my  mind  before  your  eyes  : — I.  A71  matri- 
monium  cum  relicta  fratris  ah  eo  cognita  sit  jure  divino 
licitumV  On  this  point  he  dilates,  and  in  the  course  of 
his  argument  he  denies  that  the  power  of  dispensing  with 
any  Catholic  law  was  ever  vested  in  the  pope  by  a 
general  council.  "  The  second  principal  matter  is.  An 
superioritas  quam  multis  in  sceculis  Romanus  Pontifex 
sibi  vindicavit  sit  ex  jure  divino?''  This  point  is  also  very 
briefly  and  clearly  argued.  Besides  the  work  of  Sampson 
on  these  two  points,  a  treatise  by  Bishop  Gardyner  was 
also  forwarded  to  Pole,  on  which  he  had  sought  the 
opinion  of  Contarini — whose  judgment  was  the  easy  judg- 
ment of  a  party  man,  that  the  arguments  were  specious, 
but  invalid. 

Pole  had  by  this  time  become  convinced  that  he  could 
keep  on  the  mask  no  longer.  He  knew  not  how  far  his 
correspondence  with  the  emperor  had  been  divulged  ; 
he  knew  that  the  most  iniquitous  persecutions  were 
going  on  in  England ;  he  was  in  correspondence  with  a 
large  party  ready  for  revolt,  and  prepared  to  receive  him  as 
a  leader,  if  an  opportunity  should  occur  for  placing  himself 
at  their  head  ;  he  was  irritated  by  the  distrust  evinced 
towards  him  by  Henry,  and  the  more  so  as  he  was  con- 
scious of  his  own  duplicity  and  treachery ;  he  was  weary 


I 


ARCHBISHOPS   OF   CANTERBUllY.  81 

of  living  a  lie.     He  was,  moreover,  rendered  by  circuni-     chap. 

stances  independent  of  the  king.     His  friend  Alexander  ^— ,J . 

Farnese,  Bishop  of  Ostia,  liad  been  crowned  pope,  under  i^^ginaid 
the  name  and  the  title  of  Pope  Paul  HI.,  on  the  Ttli  of  1550-58. 
November,  1534.  From  him  he  miglit  expect  prefer- 
ment, and  he  would  have  a  claim  upon  the  patronage  of 
"  the  Holy  See,"  if,  for  the  sake  of  the  papacy,  he  sacri- 
ficed his  prospects  in  England.  The  pope,  like  Pole,  had 
been  a  reformer,  and  his  reformation  principles  Pole  miglit 
retain.  But  although  he  was  doctrinally  nearer  to  Luther 
than  Henry,  yet  to  Luther  Pole  was  opposed,  because  the 
latter  sought  a  reformation  through  an  exertion  of  papal 
authority,  and  not  by  the  denial  of  the  papal  supremacy, 
which,  on  the  contrary,  he  was  determined  to  uphold. 

Pole  had  now  been  fairly  challenged.  He  determined  to 
accept  the  challenge.  He  proceeded  with  deliberation,  and 
by  his  long  deliberation  he  gained  time.  At  length,  by 
the  appearance  of  his  treatise,  "  De  Unitate,"  *  he  broke 
down  the  floodgates  by  which  his  violent  and  vindictive 
feelings  had  hitherto  been  dammed  up.  The  torrent  of 
his  indignation  and  wrath  knew  no  bounds.  We  are  well 
aware  how  violent  may  be  the  feelings  of  hostility,  as 
exhibited  against  their  former  friends  by  men  who  have 
changed  their  party  in  politics,  how  bitter  is  the  hatred 
which  has  superseded  love.  We  are  not  surprised,  there- 
fore, at  the  vindictive  temper  displayed  by  Pole  in  this 
treatise,  and  in  his  other  writings  ;  but  when  we  remem- 

*  The  work  is  referred  to  under  a  variety  of  titles.  It  is,  perhaps, 
more  frequently  mentioned  than  read.  It  was  some  time  before  I 
could  procure  a  copy,  for  the  work  is  very  scarce.  A  copy  sold  at 
Lord  Guildford's  sale  for  £26  is.  My  copy  was  procured  for  me, 
not  without  difficulty,  by  my  friend  Mr.  Bain,  the  bookseller.  The 
title  is,  De  ecclesiasticce  unitatis  defensione  libri  quatuor  ad  Henricum 
Octavum  Britanniaj  Kcgem.  I  shall  refer  to  it,  for  the  sake  of  con- 
venience, as  the  De  Unitate. 

VOL.  VIII.  a 


82  LIVES   OF   THE 

CHAP,     ber,  that  in  this  vindictive  temper  he  indulged  before 

._- — '   Henry  had  stained  his  hands  with  the  blood  of  those 

R)\e.       nearest  and  dearest  to  Pole's  heart,  we  regret  to  find, 

1656-58.  that  the  recollection  of  the  benefits  he  had  received  from 
the  king,  and  to  which  he  frequently  refers,  had  not  the 
effect  of  moderating  his  expressions.  The  extreme  vio- 
lence of  his  language  was  remarked  upon  by  Contarini,  and 
others  among  his  Italian  friends,  and  defended  upon  the 
ground,  that  softer  words  would  have  made  no  impression 
upon  Henry's  heart.  This,  too,  we  must  admit,  was  the 
general  impression  among  his  contemporaries.  In  modern 
times,  polemics  are  careful,  when  ascribing  by  insinuation 
the  most  base  and  dishonourable  and  ignoble  motives  to 
their  opponents,  to  speak  of  them  as  honourable  gentlemen 
or  noble  lords.  The  custom  has  this  advantage,  that  it 
renders  reconciliation  more  easy.  But  in  Pole's  time,  it 
was  supposed,  that  the  best  method  of  deterring  men  from 
behaviour  disapproved  by  the  author  or  speaker  was  to 
revile  them  in  the  strongest  language,  and  to  compare 
them  in  their  conduct  to  the  vilest  of  mankind  or  the  most 
noisome  animal.  It  is  not  fair  to  censure  Pole  for  the 
foul  language  with  which  he  assails  Henry,  and  at  the 
same  time  to  forget  the  equally  strong  language  employed 
by  Henry  himself  in  his  controversy  with  Luther.  Even 
in  mere  literary  controversy  the  same  course  was  pur- 
sued. We  have,  on  a  former  occasion,  animadverted  on 
the  contumelious  language  with  which  the  Ciceronian s 
bespattered  Erasmus,  because  Erasmus  supposed  that 
good  Latin  might  be  written  by  men  who  were  not  the 
servile  imitators  of  Cicero. 

Pole  was  himself  mixed  up  with  the  Ciceronian  pedants, 
though  they  had  become  less  intolerant  when  he  entered 
literary  life,  than  they  had  been  at  the  close  of  the  15th 
century.     Because  he  was  associated  with  several  of  the 


ARCHBISHOPS   OF   CAXTERBURY.  83 

classical  scholars  who  had  formed  the  pedantic  court  of  chap. 

Leo  X.,  it  has  been  customary  with  some  critics  to  attri-  ■ /- — - 

bute  to  Pole  the  praise  due  to  a  good  style,  and  to  speak  pjie! ' 

of  his  Ciceronian  Latinity.     It  may  be  suspected,  how-  io56-58. 
ever,  that  such  critics  never  attempted  to  wade  through 
his  verbose  sentences,  or  to  follow  the  argument  of  the 


O" 


ill-arranged  treatise,  "  De  Unitate."  A  phrase  peculiar  to 
Cicero  here  and  there,  such  as  schoolboys  select  to  adorn 
their  exercises,  may  be  discovered  ;  but,  if  Cicero  were 
distinguished  for  any  one  thing  more  than  another,  it  was 
for  his  lucid  order ;  and  it  is  scarcely  possible,  from  its 
want  of  order,  to  give  an  analysis  of  Pole's  work.  In 
some  whole  paragraphs  we  find  nothing  but  a  diarrhoea 
of  meaningless  Avords. 

A  reason  for  this  may  possibly  be  assigned.  There 
can  be  little  doubt  that  the  printed  co]3ies  of  the  "  De 
Unitate  "  differ  from  the  copy  originally  sent  to  Henry 
VIII.  It  is  substantially  the  same  in  aU  the  editions,  but 
it  was  not  printed  by  authority  until  after  the  king's  death  ; 
and  when  he  was  revising  it,  Pole,  as  his  manner  was, 
coidd  not  refrain  from  adding  sentences  here  and  there, 
having  regard  to  his  own  excited  feelings  rather  than  the 
exigencies  of  the  composition.  This  has  produced  a 
marvellous  jumble  of  sentiment  and  argument.  What 
belongs  to  the  second  book  is  foisted  into  the  first,  to  be 
reproduced,  without  apparent  object,  in  the  third.  The 
polemical  opponents  of  Pole  were  not  men  of  high  literary 
pretension  ;  but,  on  comparing  their  compositions  with 
that  of  Pole,  we  must  admit  their  superiority. 

The  "  De  Unitate  "  is  divided  into  four  books.  In  the 
exordiinn  the  author  asserts,  that  he  felt  a  reluctance  to 
write,  and  only  did  so  in  obedience  to  the  royal  command. 
When  he  had  decided  upon  writing,  his  next  difficulty  was 
to  decide  upon  the  character  in  which  he  was  to  approach 

G    2 


84  LIVES   OF   THE 

CHAP,     tlie  king.     He  determines  at  lengtli,  to  treat  the  king  as  a 

^ r^ — -   sick  man  (thongh  some  persons  regarded  him  as  already 

Poie^  spiritually  defunct*),  and  he  would  act  towards  him  as  a 
1556-58.  physician,  using  caustic  remedies  to  meet  the  dangerous 
condition  of  the  patient.  He  makes  one  apology  for 
writing  against  the  king  which  is  almost  ludicrous.  To 
the  king's  benevolence  he  was  indebted  for  his  education  : 
the  result  of  a  good  education  was  his  superiority  as  a 
man  of  learning ;  he  was  called  upon  to  apply  the  king's 
gift  to  bring  back  the  diseased  monarch  to  sanity  of  mind. 
This  he  does  by  exhausting  the  vocabulary  of  abusive 
language,  and  by  comparing  Henry  to  every  person  whom 
or  thing  which  people  are  accustomed  to  regard  with  ab- 
horrence or  disgust. 

Always  desirous  of  representing  himself  as  a  kind  of 
martyr,  and  anxious  at  the  same  time  to  insinuate  the 
tyranny  of  Henry's  government,  he  implies  that  he  takes 
the  course  he  is  pursuing  at  the  peril  of  his  life.  He 
accuses  the  king  of  having  violated  the  constitution  of  his 
country,  and,  by  making  himself  head  of  the  Church,  of 
creating  a  many-headed  monster. 

After  this  he  proceeds  to  an  attack  upon  the  treatise 
'^  On  the  Supremacy,"  written  by  Dr.  Sampson,  to  which 
allusion  has  been  already  made,  and  which  was  designed 
to  supply  Pole  with  arguments,  if  he  could  be  prevailed 

*  "  An  ergo  tuum  istum  animi  morbum  sic  dissimulem  me  scire,  ut  ne 
nomen  quidem  profari  audeam,  prsesertim  cum  reliqui  omnes,  factorum 
tuorum  atrocitate  commoti,  ita  de  re  sentiant  et  passim  loquantur,  ut 
jam  non  aegrotare,  sed  plane  animam  egisse  dicant,  et  eo  tempore  ex- 
tremum  vitae  spiritum  efflasse,  cum  sancti  illi  viri  a  te  sunt  vita  privati, 
turn  enim  securim  illam,  quae  eis  vitam  eripuisse  videatur,  re  aut  vera 
immortalitatem  attulerit,  per  eorum  cervices  actam,  in  ipsa  animi  tui 
vitalia  penetrasse,  ac  tibi  (quod  magno  cum  dolore  refero)  a^ternam 
mortem  intulisse,  ut  a  nemine,  nisi  a  solo  Deo,  ad  vitam  revocari  possit." 
- — De  Unitate,  iii. 


I 


ARCHBISHOPS   OF   CANTERBURY.  85 

upon  to  take  the  king's  side.     Sampson's  book,  though     chap. 
not  the  work  of  a  man  of  genius,  yet  for  terseness  of  --— ^^ — 
style  and  logical  argument  it  affords  a  strong  contrast  to     ^Po'Jo. 
the  production  of  Pole.     The  latter  is  not  more  comph-    1006-08. 
mentary  to  Sampson  than  he  is  to  the  king,  and  denying 
that  he  has  any  resemblance  to  his  namesake  in  Scripture, 
he  calls  him  Goliath  defying    the  armies   of  the  hving 
God  ;  and  thus  he  would  represent  himself  as  David  going 
forth  against  him  in  the  power  of  the  Lord.     He  attri- 
butes to  him  sordid  motives,  and  compares  him  to  Judas 
Iscariot :    Judas  betrayed  Christ,  Sampson  the  Vicar  of 
Christ. 

The  line  taken  by  Pole,  in  the  first  book  of  the  treatise,  is 
to  magnify  the  priestly  office,  and  to  show  its  superiority 
over  the  monarchicaL  The  king  is  created  by  the  people, 
the  priest  is  appointed  by  God  ;  to  the  king  the  priest 
acts  as  a  spiritual  father,  and  a  father  hath  pre-emi- 
nence over  his  son.*  This  argument  appears  pecuhar  to 
Pole,  and  was  probably  not  considered  influential,  as  it 
does  not  appear  prominently  in  the  controversies  of  the 
day.  It  belongs  to  the  department  of  rhetoric  rather  than 
to  that  of  logic.  It  afforded  Pole,  however,  an  opportunity 
of  again  pointing  his  guns  directly  at  Henry,  who  is  com- 
pared to  all  the  worst  tyrants  of  antiquity,  not  omitting 


*  "  Sficerdos  ergo  tanquam  vir  populi  cum  sit  ergaregem  pa tris  per- 
sonam gerit  omnibus  vero  modis  majorem  Rege  est,  vel  illud  Pauli 
confirmat,  cum  dicit  majorem  a  minore  non  benedici.  Sacerdotem  vero 
Regi  benedicere  et  eundem  inungere,  ut  regio  in  solio  constituat  om- 
nibus est  manifestum.  Quae  omnia  sunt  quasi  patris,  et  prorsus  majoris 
officia,  qui  cum  ad  extremum  populi  curam  Regi  committit  dum  ipse 
ab  utroque  se  motus  munere  suo,  cum  supremo  omnium  Rege  fungitur  : 
perinde  facere  videtur,  ac  si  pater  uxoris  a3tate  jam  provecta3  curam 
una  cum  rei  lamiliaris  et  totius  domus  gubernatione,  filio  jam  adulto 
committeret  dum  ipse  apud  Principem,  a  quo  totius  familia?  salus  de- 
penderet,  niaxime  necessario  munere  procul  a  domo  fnngeretur." — De 
Unitate,  xxvi. 


86  LIVES   OF   THE 

CHAP.     Lucifer,  whose    ambition  was    of   a   similar    character. 
■ — y^^—-  There  is  much  of  this  kind  of  puerile  rhetoric  by  which 

'poie.      I^ole  thought  to  terrify  the  king. 

1656-68.  As  the  first  book  is  an  attack  on  the  royal  supremacy, 
the  second  consists  of  a  defence  of  the  papal  prerogative, 
lie  resumes  his  argument  against  Sampson,  upon  whom 
lie  is  severe  for  asserting  the  important  truth,  namely,  that 
the  Bishop  of  Eome  has  no  more  authority  in  England, 
than  the  Archbishop  of  Canterbury  has  in  Eome.  This 
assertion  exasperated  Pole  the  more,  since  his  opponent 
affirmed  the  principle  to  be  so  universally  received  in 
England,  that  if  King  Henry  were  himself  disposed  to 
re-establish  the  papal  authority,  the  people  of  England 
would  never  permit  it. 

Pole  obtained  a  partial  triumph  over  Sampson  through 
the  carelessness  of  the  latter,  in  endorsing  the  weak  argu- 
ment of  an  English  writer,  who  w^ould  deny  the  papal 
authority  by  referring  to  the  wicked  lives  that  had  been 
led  by  many  of  the  popes.  Pole  of  course  pointed  out 
the  distinction  to  be  made  between  the  commissioned 
offix3er  and  the  sinful  man  by  \Yhom  the  office  was  held ; 
and  he  referred  to  the  case  of  those  persons  who  had 
refused  to  give  heed  to  the  Pharisees,  because  many  were 
hypocrites,  together  with  our  Lord's  reproof,  when  He 
desired  the  people  to  obey  the  lawful  commands  of  the 
Pharisees,  sitting  as  they  did  on  Moses'  seat.  He  shows, 
that  if  the  principle  thus  adduced  were  once  admitted, 
there  was  not  a  sovereign  in  Europe  who  ought  not  to 
be  deposed. 

His  other  arguments  consist  of  the  commonplaces 
generally  employed  on  the  papal  side,  stated  with  pe- 
dantry, and  rendered  scarcely  intelligible  by  the  evident 
interpolations  subsequently  introduced  for  the  purpose  of 
vituperating  the  king  and  the  bishop, 


Rp<rin;il(l 
Pole. 


ARCHBISHOPS   OF   CANTERBURY.  87 

In  the  third  book,  we  have  a  nearer  approach  to  re-     chap. 

gularity  and  order.     His  attack  on  the  king  is  more  cir-  - ,_: 

cumstantial.  Looking  to  the  act  rather  than  the  intention, 
he  affirms  that  Henry,  in  his  proceedings  against  Katha-  i5og-58. 
rine,  proclaimed  to  the  world  his  own  iniquity.  If  his 
marriage  with  her  was  incestuous,  he  had  been  living  in 
incest  for  nearly  twenty  years.  He  denies,  however,  that 
Henry  was  really  prompted  to  seek  the  divorce  by  con- 
scientious motives  ;  and  he  accuses  him  of  yielding  simply 
to  the  suggestions  of  his  evil  passions  and  sensuality  :  and 
here  comes  the  point,  which  has  given  rise  to  considerable 
controversy  between  the  advocates  and  the  opponents  of 
Henry  and  of  Anne  Boleyn.  To  prove  the  hypocrisy  of 
the  king,  Pole  shows  that  Henry  sought  from  the  pope 
a  licence  to  contract  a  marriage  in  which  there  existed, 
virtually,  the  same  impediment  to  its  validity  as  that 
which  he  urged,  as  ground  for  a  divorce,  in  regard  to  his 
first  marriage.  Pole  asserts  it  as  an  indisputable  and 
admitted  fact,  that  Henry  had  seduced  Mary  Boleyn,  the 
sister  of  the  Lady  Anne,  and  that  she  had  for  some  time 
lived  with  him  as  his  mistress.  The  argument  held  by 
Henry's  advocates  was,  that  this  connection  would  not 
vitiate  a  marriage  with  Anne  ;  nevertheless,  in  applying 
for  the  divorce  from  Katharine,  his  advocates  took  the 
precaution  of  having  a  clause  inserted  to  meet  this  case, 
in  the  event  of  the  validity  of  the  marriage  with  Anne 
being,  on  this  ground,  afterwards  disputed.  If  Pole's 
statement  be  admitted,  the  hypocrisy  of  Henry  was  gross 
indeed  ;*  and  greater  still  Pole  represents  it  to  have  been, 

*  It  is  not  necessary  for  me  to  investigate  this  offensive  subject.  The 
documents  produced  by  the  learned  editor  of  the  last  Oxford  edition 
of  Burnet,  Mr.  Pocock,  appear  to  be  irrefragable.  In  an  able  argu- 
ment for  the  divorce,  written  by  Crannicr  and  preserved  in  the  Britisli 
Museum,  but  not  published,  to  which  I  have  referred  in  the  Life  of 
that  primate,  he  evidently  argued  for  the  purpose  of  showing  that 
cohabitation  with  a  woman  not  allied  to  a  man  by  the  contract  of  mar- 


88  LIVES   OF   THE 

CHAP,     since  lie  also  states  it  as  undeniable  that  Henry  had  ad- 
itted  to  the  emperor,  that  when  he  married  Katharine 


IV. 


mi 


"^'p"/,?^'  she  had  been  to  his  brother  only  nominally  a  wife.  The 
1656-58.  hypocrisy  of  the  king  is  also  shown,  in  that  he  pre- 
tended to  be  influenced  by  the  fear  of  involving  the 
coimtry  in  civil  wars  through  a  disputed  succession,  un- 
less the  validity  or  invalidity  of  his  first  marriage  was  fully 
established.  Pole  declares,  that  the  aristocracy  would 
never  permit  the  daughter  of  his  harlot — scortijiliam — 
to  sit  on  the  throne,  and  that  therefore,  hke  another 
Cadmus,  Henry  was  sowing   the    seeds  of  sedition,  and 

riage,  stood  on  grounds  very  different  from  those  on  which  the  validity  of 
a  marriage  was  made  to  rest.  If  the  same  principle  applied  equally  to  both 
cases,  Cranmer  argued  that  no  man  could  be  sure  of  his  legitimacy. 
Pole's  treatise  being  scarce,  the  reader  may  like  to  see  the  passage  : — 

"  Sed  quo  id  modo  Deus  mihi  revelavit,  non  per  se  quidem  ut  multa 
perssepe  multis,  sed  per  illam  ipsam  adulteram,  quam  tu  in  uxoris 
cubile  induxisti,  ilia  inquam  ipsa  quam  tu  rejecta  legitima  uxore  nunc 
tecum  habes  animum  tuum  mihi  totum  patefacit.  Quomodo  inquis 
dicam  equidem,  si  prius  mihi  ad  ea,  quge  te  rogabo,  responderis.  Si*- 
uxorem  iccirco  reliquisses  ;  quia  legem  tibi  persuasisses  nefarium  illud 
et  abominandum  matrimonium  pronunciare :  an  non  maxime  operam 
dares,  ne  te  iteram  tali  matrimonio  contaminares  :  an  non  ab  iis  personis 
penitus  abstineres,  quse  in  eadem  ac  deteriore  etiam  quam  prior  uxor, 
causa  essent.  Aliter  sane  facere  non  posses,  si  re  aliquid  legis  ratio 
moveret :  quin  illos  etiam  odio  haberes,  qui  tibi  talis  cujuspiam  matri- 
monii authores  essent,  aut  omnino  ejus  mentionem  apud  te  facerent. 
Quid  ea,  quam  tute  tibi  in  repudiatse  locum  consociasti,  cujusmodi 
tandem  est.  An  non  soror  ejus  est,  quam  tu  et  violasti  primum  et  diu 
postea  concubinae  loco  apud  te  habuisti,  ilia  ipsa  est.  Quomodo  ergo 
nos  doces,  quam  refugias  ab  illicitis  matrimoniis,  an  tu  hie  legem 
ignorabas,  quae  non  minus  profecto  vetat,  sorcrem  te  ejus  ducere,  cum 
qua  ipse  unum  corpus  factus  sis,  quam  ejus  cum  qua  frater,  si  una  de- 
testanda  est,  altera  etiam  detestanda.  An  hanc  legem  nesciebas  :  an  tu 
omnium  optime  noras.  Veram  quo  pacto  ego  hoc  scio  :  Quia  eodem 
tempore  quo  pontificis  dispensationem  de  uxore  fratris  ducen da  rejecisti, 
ab  eodem  pontifice,  magna  vi  contendebas,  ut  tibi  liceret  ducere  sororem 
ejus,  quas  concubinatua  fuisset,  idque  ita  impetrasti,  si  ante  constitisset 
non  habuisse  jus  Pontificem  priore  ilia  in  causa  dispensandi.     An  non. 


ARCHBISHOPS   OF   CANTERBURY.  89 

preparing   the   rising  generation  for   mutual   slaughter,     chap. 
Pole  assumed  himself  to  be  the  advocate  and  supporter  ■ — ^ — ■ 
of  the  family  of  Henry  VII.  ;  and  he  very  fairly  remarks      poie' 
on  the  position  he  thus  occupies.     His  uncle,  the  Earl    i.3o6-o8. 
of  Warwick,  an  innocent  man,  was  sacrificed  to  political 
expediency,  and  doomed  to    death   for   the  security  of 
the  Tudor  dynasty, — strange  would  it  appear  to  Henry, 
if  he  were  living,   to  find  in  the  nephew    of  the  mur- 
dered man  a  champion  of  Henry  VII.'s  family  in  oppo- 
sition  to  his    son.     He  then  passes  on  to  compare  the 
existing  condition  of  the  country,  in  a  state  of  commotion 
from  one  end  to  the  other,  w^ith  the  peaceful  state  of 
public  affairs  when  the  first  of  the  Tudors  died. 

Pole,  at  the  same  time,  unintentionally  contradicts  the 
statement  often  made  by  partisans  on  his  side  of  the 

igltur  hrec  ipsa  quam  nunc  habes  pro  uxore,  quas  tua  mens  fuerit 
planissime  ostendit  :  an  non  per  ejus  personam,  ea  tacente,  Deus 
omnibus  certum  facit,  te  quo  libidini  tu£e  obsequereris,  non  ut  Dei 
mandato  obtemperares,  legis  mentionem  fecisse.  Sed  est  aliud  quod 
adhuc  magis  animum  tuum  notum  faciat.  Hsec  enim  de  uxore  fratris 
multo  est  levior  causa  cur  ita.  Quia  etsi  uxor  ejus  fuit  in  facie  atque 
oculis  ecclesise  ducta,  cujus  turpitudinem  lex  vetat  te  revelare,  virgo 
tamen  ad  te  pervenit,  sed  hujus,  quam  nunc  habes,  sororem  non  opinor 
te  dicturum  virginem  a  te  esse  relictam,  ut  jam  qu£e  lex  contra  priorem 
uxorem  facere  videbatur,  ea  nihil  faciat,  si  ipsam  constet  a  tuo  fratre  in- 
tactam  fuisse.  Ilia  enim  lex  cum  turpitudinem  fratris  revelare  vetat, 
significat  locum  habere  mandatum,  ubi  corporum  conjunctio  fuerit, 
itaque  per  nomen  revelandse  turpitudinis  fratris,  eam  duci  uxorem 
prohibet.  Atqui  ubi  nulla  corporum  conjunctio,  ibi  nulla  est  fratris 
turpitudo  quae  revelari  possit,  hie  legis  interdictum  locum  non  habet. 
At  in  eam  cujus  sororem  te  constat  violasse  quam  maxime  profecto 
valet.  Sed  qua  ratione  scire  potui  virginem  a  te  ductam  esse  fratris 
tui  uxorem  :  an  hoc  etiam  Deus  mihi  revelavit.  Quid  hie  opus  est  Dei 
revelatione  ?  annon  hoc  satis  persuadct  aetas  fratris  qui  annos  quatuor- 
deciin  natus,  excessit  e  vita  ?  non  corporis  imbecillitas  qua  ilium  fuisse 
constat,  satis  probat  ?  non  denique  satis  est  ad  fidem  faciendam,  quod 
sanctisshna  foemina  id  sanctissime  adjurat  ?  sed  tu  illi  videlicet  non 
credis." — De  Unitate,  Ixxvii. 


l\t>ii"inakl 


90  LIVES   OF   THE 

question,  that  Henry's  moral  conduct  had  been  irre- 
proachable until  his  rupture  with  the  see  of  Eome,  after 
Fo\7r  whicli  it  was  a  history  of  iniquity.  The  character  of 
1556-58  tlie  man  may  be  read  in  the  history  of  the  Duke  of 
Richmond  and  of  Mary  Boleyn,  and  in  the  dissipations 
of  a  court  which  had  not  only  exhausted  the  treasures 
of  a  prudent  father,  but  had  caused  the  king  to  ex- 
tort from  his  people,  in  twenty-six  years,  more  money 
than  had  been  expended  by  his  ancestors  in  many  gene- 
rations. His  ancestors,  in  waging  wars  which  raised 
tlie  glory  of  the  English  name,  had  not  expended  a 
thousandth  part  of  what  was  forced  from  the  pockets  of 
his  people  by  Henry  VHI.,  to  meet  excesses  which  ter- 
minated in  his  self-indulgence.  He  had  insulted  his 
nobles  by  calling  the  lowest  of  the  people  to  occupy  the 
highest  offices  in  the  state,  and  by  visiting  them  with  the 
severest  punishment  for  the  most  trifling  offences.  The 
argumentative  force  of  these  facts  Pole  damaged  by  his 
violence  when  he  spoke  of  the  Eeformation.  He  represents 
tlie  Church  in  a  twofold  character  :  the  true  Church,  of 
which  the  Bishop  of  Eome  was  the  head ;  and  Satan's 
Church,  of  which  the  head  was  Henry  VIII.  From  this 
puerility  he  passes  to  the  consideration  of  the  present 
condition  of  England,  where  the  persecution  of  all  who  did 
not  bow  subservient  to  the  royal  will  and  pleasure,  was 
unendurable.  He  adverts  with  indignant  pathos  to  the 
judicial  murders  of  Sir  Thomas  More  and  Bishop  Fisher, 
with  the  other  sufferers  under  CrumweU.  He  calls  Anne 
Boleyn  a  Jezebel,  and  represents  Henry  as  being  worse 
in  tyranny  than  the  Turk.  When  he  gets  upon  this 
subject  he  seems  to  have  had  no  mastery  of  his  pen,  and 
his  argument  is  often  vitiated  by  evident  interpolations  of 
abuse.  After  reviling  the  king,  he  asserts  the  constitu- 
tional right  of  insurrection  ;  he  maintains  that,  in  confer- 


ARCIIBISHOrS   OF   CANTERBURY.  91 

Tin^  the  crown— which  was  done  at  the  coronation — fhe     chap. 

^  .  IV. 

English  people  reserved  to  themselves  the  right  to  depose  - — ^ — 
the  elected  monarch  if  he  violated  the  constitution,  or  Poie. 
encroached  on  the  rights  of  the  subject.  They  might  take  i5o6-58. 
up  arms  to  compel  the  king  to  change  his  ministers  or  to 
resign  ;  and  having  declared  war  against  liim,  they  were  at 
liberty  to  make  alliances  with  foreign  powers.  On  this 
principle  he  was  prepared  to  act.  Ignoring  the  fact,  that 
what  Henry  did  was  with  the  consent  of  the  people  and 
by  act  of  parliament,  Pole  vindicated  the  cause  of  the 
insurgents,  and  declared  his  readiness  to  engage  foreign 
princes  to  enable  the  people  of  England  to  depose  a 
sovereign  who,  in  calhng  himself  head  of  the  Church, 
had  proved  himself  to  be,  as  Pole  maintained,  a  traitor  to 
God  and  man.  The  author  here  again  becomes  rhetori- 
cal and  bombastic.  If  the  Cassar  were  engaged  against 
the  Turks,  the  great  enemies  of  the  Church,  and  if  Pole 
were  to  hear  that  he  was  already  entering  the  Helle- 
spont, thither  Pole  would  follow  him,  and  tell  him,  that 
he  ought  first  to  subdue  a  more  deadly  enemy  to  Christi- 
anity than  the  Turk  himself,  and  nearer  home — that, 
glorious  as  it  was  to  liberate  the  bodies  of  men,  to  set 
their  souls  free  from  the  trammels  of  heresy  was  more 
glorious  still. 

He  goes  on  at  considerable  length  in  this  style.  Bad 
as  his  own  Germany  is,  the  Cassar  would  find  things  still 
worse  in  England,  and  he,  as  the  chief  monarch  in  the 
world,  should  supply  a  remedy.  In  England,  every  lip 
that  would  move  in  favour  of  Christianity  was  silenced 
by  the  law.  But  as,  in  the  time  of  Elias,  there  were 
seven  thousand  that  had  not  bowed  the  knee  to  Baal,  so 
in  England  some  were  still  found  faithful,  people  who 
were  looking  for  aid  and  protection  from  the  emperor. 
The  English  were  still   the  same  people  who,  in  times 


92  LIVES   OF   THE 

CHAP,    past,  called  their  kings  to  account  for  mis-spending  their 

._,-* mone}^  and  who  sometimes  had  even  compelled  them  to 

Poie^.      abdicate.     Tliis  the  present  generation  would  have  already 
ioo6-58.    done,  if  they  had  not  been  waiting  for  the  aid  of  the 
Ciesar.* 

It  is  thus  that  Pole  would  address  the  emperor ;  and  he 
introduces  Katharine  herself  as  imploring  her  imperial 
nephew  not  to  take  vengeance  for  her  own  wrongs,  but 
to  afford  redress  to  her  adopted  country.  He  again 
rambles  into  an  incoherent  abuse  of  the  king,  from  which 
we  perceive  his  object  to  have  been,  first  to  alarm  Henry, 
by  telhng  him,  that  all  the  European  powers  would  army 
themselves  against  him  if  he  persevered  in  his  present 
course  ;  but  then,  to  guard  against  despair,  he  adverted  to 
a  remedy,  the  nature  of  which  he  would  state  in  his  fourth 
book. 

The  remedy  so  pompously  introduced  is  found,  in  the 
fourth  book,  to  consist  in  the  simple  one  of  repentance. 
Henry  is  exhorted  to  repent  by  a  pedantic  reference  to 

*  As  before  observed,  Pole  assumed  throughout  the  rightof  the  majority 
of  the  nation  to  depose  a  traitor  king.  He  may  have  been  wrong,  but  it 
is  fair  to  him  to  state  that  this  he  believed  to  be  constitutional  law.  I 
give  the  passage  in  this  place,  to  which  others  of  similar  character  might 
be  added  :  "  Sunt  autem  iidem  Angli,  Caesar,  qui  multo  leviore  de  causa 
ipsi  sine  auxilio  externo  poenas  male  administratae  reipublicae  a  regibus 
SLiis  sumpserunt ;  qui  reges  suos  ob  profusius  in  reipublicse  damnum 
effusas  pecunias  ad  rationes  reddendas  citatos,  cum  eas  approbare  non 
potuissent  corona  se  et  sceptro  abdicare  coegerunt.  Hos  porro  spiritus 
cum  adhuc  retineant,  nihil  eos  a  tanta  injuria  regis  vindicanda  re- 
tardat,  neque  jam  diu  retardavit,  praeter  spem  et  expectationem  tui,  ad 
quem  ita  banc  causam  pertinere  putant,  ut  nisi  naturas  tuse  deesse 
velis,  quam  ex  plurimis  preeclare  abs  te  factis  sibi  persuadent  esse 
generosissimam,  nisi  religionis  amorem,  cuj us  constat  te  studiosissimum, 
deponere  te  non  posse  hanc  causam,  non  suscipere  pro  comperto  habeant. 
Per  te  autem  facilius  et  minori  negotio  ac  regni  danmo  his  tantis  malis 
occurri  posse  judicant  quam  si  suis  manibus  idem  tentarent,  idquerecte 
sane  ita  existimant  et  merito  te  expectant." — De  Unitate,  cxiii. 


ARCHBISHOrS   OF   CANTERBURY.  9 


155G-58, 


jmrdonecl  sinners,  beginning  with  King  David.  As  in  the  ^^^.}^- 
curses  of  Sliimei  David  recof^nised  the  voice  of  the  livinir  ^;;^^'~7r' 
God,  so  now  it  was  hoped  that  Henry  would  give  heed  Pole. 
to  one  who,  if  he  reproached  him,  yet  in  uttering  these 
reproaches,  acted  contrary  to  the  bias  of  his  nature.  He 
reviled  not  the  king,  but  his  actions.  He  bids  the  king 
not  to  be  disheartened  by  the  difficulty  of  repentance,— 
p/aXsTTov  TO  xol7Jv.  He  dwells  on  the  blessings  whicli 
would  result  from  the  repentance  of  the  king.  Like 
Ezekiel,  Pole  had  sounded  the  trumpet  of  alarm,  and  had 
warned  the  people :  "  Whosoever  heareth  the  sound  of 
the  trumpet  and  taketh  not  warning,  if  the  sword  come 
and  take  him  away,  his  blood  shall  be  on  his  own  head ; 
but  he  that  taketh  warning  shall  deliver  his  soul."  He 
concludes,  therefore,  in  the  words  of  the  same  prophet : 
'-  Eepent  and  turn  yourselves  from  all  your  transgressions, 
so  iniquity  shall  not  be  your  ruin." 

The  amazement  in  England  among  the  courtiers  and 
ministers  of  Henry  was  great,  when  this  broadside  was 
unexpectedly  fired  against  the  king  and  his  government. 
That  Henry  expected  something  of  the  kind  is  highly 
probable,  for  he  received  the  document  with  less  indig- 
nation than  might  have  been  expected.  But  he  took 
decided  steps.  What  had  been  before  given  as  a  friendly 
invitation  was  now  issued  as  a  command ;  and  Pole  was 
ordered,  on  his  allegiance,  to  return  home,  and  personally 
to  render  an  account  of  his  conduct  to  the  king.  This 
was  the  proper  and  dignified  course  to  be  pursued, 
though  the  advocates  of  Pole  represent  it  as  an  absurd 
proceeding.  It  placed  Pole  entirely  in  the  wrong  if 
he  refused.  It  was  not  for  the  king  to  say,  you  have 
written  an  improper  letter,  and  I  will  punish  you  by  no 
longer  contributing  to  your  support.  The  King  of  Eng- 
land had  laid  his  commands  upon  his  subject — he  had 


94  LIVES   OF   THE 

CTTAP.  not  been  obej^ed ;  the  rebellious  subject  was  ordered 
^ — y^ — '  home  :  if  he  still  refused  obedience,  his  salaries  and  other 
Pole  sources  of  emolument  would,  as  a  matter  of  course,  be 
1556-58.  stopped.  The  king  could  not  be  expected  to  pay  a 
splendid  salary  to  a  disobedient  subject.  Pole  saw  at 
once  that  he  was  placed  in  a  dilemma.  If  he  obeyed  the 
king's  command,  the  Tower  would  have  been  his  tempo- 
rary residence,  and  of  Eeginald  Pole  we  should  have 
known  as  little  as  we  now  do  of  his  uncle  the  Earl  of 
Warwick  ;  if  he  refused  to  obey,  his  means  of  livelihood 
"Would  be  suspended.  In  a  letter  to  the  king  Pole  in- 
formed him,  that  until  the  Act  of  Supremacy,  under  which 
so  many  holy  men  had  been  condemned  to  torture  or  to 
death,  had  been  rescinded,  he  could  not  venture  to 
return  home,  however  much  he  might  wish  to  obey  his 
royal  master.  He  petitioned  the  king  that  Tunstall, 
Bishop  of  Durham,  whom  he  described  as  "  a  sad  and 
learned  man,"  might  peruse  the  treatise,  and  give  the 
king  an  account  of  it.*  He  said,  that  "  although  in  places 
the  treatise  might  seem  harsh  to  the  king,  yet,  if  read  all 
over,  it  would  prove  to  be  otherwise."  He  contended,  that 
as  a  father  loves  the  child  whom  he  punishes,  so  his  casti- 
gation  of  the  king  was  no  impeachment  of  his  affection 
and  loyalty. 

The  Bishop  of  Durham  received  and  obeyed  the  royal 
command,  and  transmitted  a  letter  to  Pole,   dated  the 

*  Starkey  states  in  his  letter  that  Pole's  treatise  was  submitted  to 
the  Bishop  of  Durham  by  his  advice.  It  is  probable  that  the  proposal 
was  made  by  him  and  by  Pole  independently  of  each  other.  When 
the  supremacy  was  first  asserted  in  convocation,  and  before  it  was  en- 
forced by  act  of  parliament,  Tunstall  had  demurred  to  its  acceptance. 
He  was  satisfied  on  an  explanation,  yet  he  was  regarded  as  the  person 
likely  to  take  the  most  lenient  view  of  Pole's  treatise.  Pole  might 
have  expected  that,  convinced  by  his  arguments,  Tunstall  might  again 
change  his  mind. 


ARCHBISHOPS   OF   CAXTERBURY  95 

13th  of  July,  1536,  in  which,  after  refuting  Pole's  argument     chap. 

in  favour  of  the  supremacy,  he  rebuked  him  severely  but  ^JL\: - 

with  dignity.  The  bishop  informed  him  that,  instead  of  ^pX.^"^ 
encroaching  upon  the  privileges  of  the  priesthood  and  165g-o8. 
invading  the  holy  function,  the  king  had  a  great  respect  for 
the  sacerdotal  character,  provided  other  qualifications  were 
not  wanting.  He  denied  that  the  king  had  separated  from 
the  Catholic  Church  ;  his  practice,  the  bishop  affirmed, 
was  to  adhere  to  the  unity  of  the  Catholic  Church,  to 
maintain  the  Cathohc  doctrine,  and  to  conform  to  Catholic 
worship,  and  to  the  ecclesiastical  government  of  the  rest 
of  Christendom.  He  admits  that  he  had  rescued  the 
Church  of  England  from  the  encroachments  of  the  see  of 
Eome,  but  this,  if  it  were  a  singularity,  was  deserving  of 
commendation.  The  king  had  brought  matters  back  to 
their  primitive  condition,  and  enabled  the  Church  of  Eng- 
land to  maintain  her  ancient  freedom.  He  reminded  Pole, 
that  the  popes  swore  to  observe  the  canons  of  the  eight 
general  councils,  which  had  conceded  no  supremacy  to 
the  Bishop  of  Eome,  a  supremacy  to  which  modern 
popes  laid  claim,  but  of  which  the  ancient  fathers  were 
ignorant.  Before  proceeding  to  prove  the  truth  of  his 
assertions  by  reference  to  history,  he,  as  on  a  former 
occasion,  contradicts  the  assertion,  so  often  made  by  Pole, 
that  the  king,  in  renouncing  the  papal  supremacy,  was 
not  backed  by  the  country  ;  so  opposed  is  the  statement 
to  fact,  that,  "  if  the  king  should  attempt  to  revive  the 
pope's  authority,  he  would  find  it  a  difficult  business  to 
bring  his  subjects  to  this  sentiment,  or  to  get  a  bill  to  re- 
establish the  papal  power,  to  pass  through  parliament."  The 
bishop,  then,  by  reference  to  the  councils,  shows,  that  the 
modern  pretensions  of  the  popes  were  based  on  concessions 
made,  not  on  principle,  but  for  the  sake  of  convenience.* 

*  Cotton.  MSS.  Cleop.  E  VI.  p.  385. 


96  LIVES   OF   THE 

CHAP.  Starkey  also  was  greatly  affected  by  Pole's  disingenuous 
> — -r^ — '   conduct  in  regard  to  himself,  wliich,  indeed,  had  nearly 

^pX.  involved  him  in  ruin,  for  the  king  suspected  him  to  be 
1556-58.  in  a  conspiracy  with  Pole  to  deceive  him.  He  addressed 
Pole  in  a  letter  full  of  kind  feeling  and  powerful  argu- 
ment, though  his  style  was  less  terse  than  that  of  Tunstall. 
He  complains  of  Pole's  having  discontinued  his  corre- 
spondence with  him,  or  nearly  so,  for  some  time, — a  com- 
plaint made  by  his  other  friends,  including  the  king.  He 
could  not  understand  why  a  difference  of  opinion,  in 
matters  not  pertaining  directly  to  salvation,  should  cause 
a  breach  of  love.  But  when  he  read  Pole's  treatise,  he 
was  rather  pleased  than  sorry^  that  their  correspondence 
should  cease;  since  Pole  had  evinced  so  little  regard  for 
his  master's  honour,  and  so  little  respect  for  his  friends 
and  his  country.  This,  indeed,  would  be  the  last  letter 
he  should  write  donee  resipiscas.  When  Pole's  treatise 
arrived  in  England,  Starkey  says,  that  although  he  had  not 
received  a  letter^  as  he  might  have  expected,  he  still  acted 
the  part  of  a  friend,  and  proposed  that  it  should  be  sub- 
mitted to  the  judgment  of  a  committee  of  learned  persons, 
himself,  as  Pole's  friend,  being  one.  "  In  the  reading 
whereof,"  he  says,  "  though  we  loved  you  all  entirely, 
yet  your  corrupt  judgment  in  the  matter  so  offended  us, 
that  many  times  our  ears  abhorred  the  hearing."  Star- 
key  was  so  astonished,  that  he  obtained  permission  to  read 
the  treatise  privately,  and  then  to  make  notes  upon  it 
aided  by  the  Bishop  of  Durham.  He  continues  :  "  Herein 
lies  the  sum  of  your  book ;  because  we  are  slipped  from 
the  obedience  of  Rome,  you  judge  us  to  be  separate  from 
the  unity  of  the  Church,  and  to  be  no  members  of  the 
Catholic  body,  but  to  be  worse  than  Turks  or  Saracens ; 
and  you  rail  against  your  prince  as  if  he  had  been  Julian 


ARCHBISHOPS  of  Canterbury.  97 

Apostata But,  alas  !  Master  Pole,  what  blindness     chap. 

is  this  in  you  thus  to  judge  your  master  on  so  slight  an  .  ^^'  _. 
occasion  ?  For  though  we  be  slipt  from  the  obedience  of  ^  pX ^"^ 
Eome,  denying  any  superiority  to  be  due  thereto  from  the  1556-58. 
law  of  God,  yet  we  be  not  slipt  a  fide  Romana  nee  a  Petri 
Cathedra.  We  observe  and  keep  the  same  faith  which 
from  the  beginning  hath  been  taught  in  Eome  ;  the  which 
whosoever  keepeth,  never  shppeth  aside  a  sede  Petri, 
though  he  never  hear  of  any  higher  power  or  superiority 
to  be  given  to  the  Bishop  of  Eome.  You,  therefore, 
abuse  yourself  marvellously  to  judge  us  to  be  separate 
from  the  unity  of  the  Church,  because  we  have  rejected 
this  superiority."  He  proceeds  to  show,  that  the  papal 
supremacy  was  simply  a  political  arrangement,  made  by 
man,  and  therefore  by  man,  when  the  supremacy  is  no 
longer  expedient,  to  be  rescinded.  He  affirms,  that  the 
supremacy  claimed  by  the  Bishop  of  Eome  was  only  con- 
ceded to  him  five  hundred  years  ago,  and  could  not, 
therefore,  be  of  apostolical  origin.  He  accuses  Pole  of 
having  sought  his  authorities  among  modern  authors;  and 
Starkey  shows  how  "  the  ancient  writers,  Cyprian,  Jerome, 
and  all  antiquity,  were  against  the  papal  supremacy." 
Having  entreated  Pole  to  reconsider  his  case,  he  mentions 
the  report  that  Pole  had  been  invited  by  the  Bishop  of 
Eome  to  confer  with  him  on  a  general  council ;  and  he — 
Starkey — as  one  of  his  most  loving  friends,  implores  him 
to  consider  the  cause  well  before  he  consents  to  forsake 
his  natural  sovereign  lord  for  the  service  of  a  foreign 
bishop.  He  promises  to  pray  that  Pole  may  see  the 
light  of  truth,  and  that  they  may  be  led  all  to  agree 
together  in  concord  of  opinion  and  unity.  Attributing 
Pole's  errors  to  his  ignorance,  he  concludes  in  Latin,  as 
expressing  his  meaning  in-  the  least  offensive  manner — 

VOL.  Vlll.  H 


98  LIVES   OF   THE 

CHAP.     "  Ignorantia   plane   lapsus  es  ;  cui  ego  omnes  omnium 
' — ^ — '  errores,  juxta  Platonem,  tribuere  soleo."  * 

Pde.  From  his  mother  and  his  brothers  Pole  received  letters 

1556-58.  condemnatory  of  his  treatise.  Their  heads  must  have  felt 
unsafe  on  their  shoulders  when  they  read  it,  and  they  may 
liave  needed  no  prompting  to  write ;  although  they  may 
have  received  orders,  or  at  least  a  hint,  from  court  as 
to  the  expediency  of  such  a  proceeding.  Pole  cared  for 
none  but  himself ;  and  a  prouder  position  than  he  now 
seemed  to  himself  to  occupy  in  Europe  he  could  not,  by  a 
change  of  conduct,  have  secured  for  himself  in  England. 

To  the  Bishop  of  Durham  Pole  replied.  He  attempts 
to  refute  his  arguments,  and  contends,  that  if  harsh  lan- 
guage were  used  in  the  treatise  against  the  king,  the  fault 
was  not  in  the  writer,  but  in  the  king,  whose  actions  were 
such,  that  if  they  were  faithfully  described,  it  could  only 
be  in  language  apparently  harsh.  In  allusion  to  Tunstall's 
assertion,  that  although  we  attribute  to  the  king  the  chief 
government  of  all  estates  of  the  realm,  we  do  not  give  to 
our  princes  the  ministering  of  either  God's  word  or  sacra- 
ments, Pole  insists  that  the  power  is  implied  in  the  supre- 
macy— that  is,  he  begs  the  question.  On  the  other  hand, 
he  contends  for  the  supremacy  of  the  pope,  because  our 
Lord  said  to  St.  Peter  only,  "  Feed  my  sheep."  In  answer 
to  the   bishop's   remark,    that   the   whole   country   was 

*  Cotton.  MSS.  Cleop.  E  VI.  p.  373.  For  this  portion  of  Pole's  history 
I  am  chiefly  indebted  to  the  Simancas  and  Venetian  documents  and  the 
various  State  papers,  many  of  which  are  to  be  found  in  the  collections 
of  Burnet,  Collier,  and  Strype,  not  always  transcribed  with  accuracy, 
but  never  intentionally  garbled.  The  authorities  of  such  writers  as 
Phillips,  and  others  who  have  followed  him,  are  Beccatelli  and  Quirini, 
whom  I  have  consulted  with  caution,  the  second  not  being  Pole's  con- 
temporary, and  the  first  being  his  secretary,  to  whom  Pole  imparted 
only  what  he  wished  to  have  recorded  of  those  transactions,  which  are 
now  for  the  first  time  brought  to  light  in  the  State  Papers. 


ARCHBISHOPS   OF   CANTERBURY.  99 

rejoicing  in  having  been  freed   from   papal   usurpation,     chap. 

and  would  regard  Pole  as  wanting  in  patriotism  if  he  at-  . ^ - 

tempted  to  reduce  them  again  under  the  papal  yoke,  the  Pofe^ 
latter  returned  the  answer  usual  to  such  vague  assertions,  1 556-58. 
that  he  was  ready  to  serve  his  country  through  evil  report 
as  well  as  through  good  report.  As  touching  the  king, 
he  says,  if  every  other  counsellor  forsake  him,  "  I  will 
never  leave  him  ;  but  w^hensoever  I  have  occasion,"  he 
says,  "  I  will  show  my  mind  grounded  on  the  truth  ;  and 
here  is  the  bond  you  speak  of  towards  him,  of  my  bring- 
ing up  in  virtue  and  learning  ;  which  I  will  ever  keep, 
w^hatsoever  peril  or  jeopardy  to  me  depend  thereof  And 
tliat  you  write  my  lady  mother  and  other  my  friends 
shall  take  discomfort  thereby,  I  know,  my  lord,  tliey  love 
the  king  too  well,  if  they  see  the  purpose  of  my  mind,  to 
take  any  discomfort  thereof." 

In  conclusion,  Pole  states  that  on  the  26th  of  June,  the 
day  before  the  arrival  of  the  Bishop  of  Durham's  letter,  he 
had  received  unexpectedly  a  brief  from  the  Pope,  a  copy 
of  which  he  had  sent  to  Crumwell,  in  which  the  Pope  de- 
clared his  intention,  for  the  better  preparation  of  the 
general  council  ah^eady  announced,  to  have  an  assembly 
in  the  ensuing  winter  at  Eome  of  a  few  of  the  best  learned 
men  of  every  nation. 

Among  these  Eeginald  had  himself  been  summoned  ; 
and  after  the  usual  commonplaces,  relating  to  his  con- 
sciousness of  being  unworthy  of  such  distinction,  he  an- 
nounced his  intention,  though  reluctantly,  to  obey  the 
summons,  Deo  volente.^ 

Paul  III.  surrounded  himself  with  men  of  wit  and 
learning,  and  was  at  this  time  the  most  popular  pontiff 
that  had  for  many  years  occupied  the  papal  throne. 
A  native  of  Eome,  educated  at  Florence,  he  was,  accord- 

*  Cotton.  MSS. 
H  2 


100  LIVES   OF   THE 

CHAP,     ing  to  Eanke,  a  man  of  easy,  magnificent   and   liberal 

« ,^ — '  habits.     He   was    an    elegant   scholar,  and   in   manners 

Pole!  simple  and  refined.  At  a  later  period  of  his  life  he  was 
1556-58.  made  to  see  how  the  great  Protestant  dogma  of  justifica- 
tion by  faith  only,  tended  to  the  subversion  of  the  whole 
mediseval  scheme  on  which  popery  really  rested ;  and  he 
became  more  and  more  opposed,  towards  the  end  of  his 
career,  to  the  principles  through  the  assertion  of  which, 
in  his  young  days,  he  became  popular  and  distinguished. 
But  now  when  he  first  ascended  the  throne  he  was  a  sincere 
reformer,  and  had  selected  Pole's  friend,  Contarini,  for  his 
adviser.  He  continued  to  be  a  patron  of  reform  even 
when  his  friends  were  beginning  to  despair  of  him  ;  for 
writing  to  Pole  in  1538,  Contarini  says,  that  on  a  bright 
and  beautiful  day  in  November  he  met  the  pope  as  he  was 
entering  the  city  of  Ostia.  Of  Ostia  Paul  had  been  for- 
merly the  bishop,  and  he  loved  to  revisit  the  place,  where, 
with  recollections  of  past  days  of  peaceful  usefulness,  his 
mind,  harassed  by  cares  of  state,  sought  occasional  repose. 
On  the  road,  writes  Contarini,  "  our  good  old  man  took 
me  beside  him,  and  conversed  with  me  alone  on  the  reform 
of  compositions.  He  said  that  he  possessed  the  little 
treatise  which  I  had  written  on  the  matter,  and  that  he  had 
read  it  in  those  hours  before  daybreak  *  which  were  at  his 
command.  I  had  myself  given  up  all  hope  ;  but  now  he 
spoke  to  me  on  many  subjects  in  such  a  Christian  tone, 
that  I  have  conceived  fresh  hope,  that  God  will  do  some 
great  thing,  and  not  let  the  gates  of  hell  prevail  against 
His  Holy  Spirit." 

The  invitation  to   Pole   was  the  more  gratifying,    at 
least  so  Pole  would  represent  it,  from  the  circumstance 

*  '''•  Atque  legisse  antelucanis  horis  tractatulum  quendam  quern  con- 
scripsiy  (Ep.  Poli,  ii.  141.)  Paul  III.  was  an  early  riser.  This  letter 
was  written  in  November. 


AECIIBISHOPS   OF   CANTERBURY.  101 

of  there  having  previously  been  no  personal  acquaint-     chap. 
ance   between  himself  and  the  pontiff.     But  Paul  was 


acquainted  with  his  character  through  Contarini ;  and  pX 
there  was  evidently  an  exaggerated  opinion  prevalent  1556-58. 
in  Italy  of  Pole's  influence  in  England,  through  his  re- 
lation to  King  Henry  VIII. — a  fact  scarcely  recognised  in 
England  itself  There  can  be  httle  doubt  also,  that  Paul 
had  seen,  the  first  draft  at  least  of,  the  treatise  "  De 
Unitate."  Contarini  had  requested  permission  to  show  it 
to  the  pope  ;  and  Pole  had  remarked  on  the  inexpediency 
of  the  proposal,  since  attention  would  not  be  given  in 
England  to  his  arguments,  if  it  were  conjectured  that 
the  pope  had  been  consulted  on  a  document  demanded 
from  one  of  his  subjects  by  King  Henry  YHL*  But 
from  what  we  know  of  Pole's  character,  we  may  surmise 
that  all  he  meant  was,  that  if  the  draft  were  submitted  to 
the  pope's  inspection,  Contarini  was  to  be  alone  respon- 
sible ;  and  that  Pole  might  be  free  to  declare,  that  he  was 
not  acting  under  papal  dictation. 

Notwithstanding  what  he  had  affirmed  in  his  letter  to 
Tunstall,  Pole  still  paused  before  he  started  for  Pome. 
He  hesitated,  as  well  he  might,  before  he  took  a  step 
wdiich  would  subject  him  to  the  penalties  of  a  prasmunire, 
and  perhaps  banish  him  for  ever  from  his  nativA3  land. 
He  told  Contarini  that  he  waited  for  letters  from  England  ; 
but  at  the  same  time  he  assured  his  friend,  that  whether 
he  heard  from  England  or  not,  he  would,  in  the  course  of 
sixteen  days,  start  for  Eome.  No  letters  arrived,  and  he 
kept  his  word,  travelling  in  the  company  of  some  of  the 
most  renowned  men  in  Italy. 

*  In  the  brief  of  summons  sent  to  Pole  in  July,  the  words  occur : 
"  Te  de  cujus  nobilitate,  doctrina  ac  probitate,  sinceraque  in  religionem 
et  Dei  ecclesiam  mente  cum  ex  operibvs  tui's  turn  fide  dignorum  testi- 
monio  accipimus."  (Paulus  Papa  R.  Polo  Anglo  dat  Roma,  xii.  Julii, 
MDXXXVi.)  To  what  works  of  Pole  could  he  here  refer  if  not  to  the 
De  Unitnte. 


102  LIVES   OF   THE 

^^^y^'  One  of  liis  associates  was  the  learned  and  sagacious 
^r-^^T-rr  Abbot  of  San  Gregorio  Maggiore  at  Venice,  Gregorio 
Pole.  Cortese,  of  wliom  mention  has  been  abeady  made, 
1 006-08.  |]^g  consistent  piety  of  whose  hfe  added  a  lustre  to 
his  merit  as  a  man  of  learning.  Another  of  his  asso- 
ciates was  Gianpietro  CarafFa,  Bishop  of  Chieti,  the  dark 
shadows  of  whose  character  had  not  as  yet  been  de- 
veloped. At  Verona  they  lingered  for  a  short  time,  that 
they  might  examine  the  plans  and  regulations  which  ren- 
dered that  diocese,  under  the  admirable  discipline  of 
Matteo  Giberti,  a  model  of  what  a  diocese  ought  to  be. 
The  example  of  Giberti  was  quoted  by  the  justly  cele- 
brated Carlo  Borromeo,  as  affording  a  perfect  pattern  of 
the  life  of  a  true  bishop.  At  Verona,  Pole  received  his 
despatches  from  England.  The  official  mandate  was 
signed  by  Crumwell,  requiring  him,  on  his  allegiance,  to 
return  immediately  to  England,  without  visiting  Eome. 
Tunstall  and  Stokesley,  men  who  might  fairly  have  ex- 
pected their  opinions  to  have  weight  with  Pole,  addressed 
him  in  terms  of  remonstrance  and  indignation.  Private 
letters  were  put  into  his  hands  with  the  signature  attached 
to  them  of  his  mother,  the  Countess  of  Salisbury,  and  of 
his  brother,  the  Lord  Montague.  Among  the  government 
papers,  still  preserved  in  the  Eecord  Office  we  find  the 
draft  of  the  two  letters  last  mentioned.  There  can  be  but 
one  inference  deduced  from  this  fact — namely,  that  the 
letters  received  by  Pole  were  mere  transcripts,  on  the  part 
of  his  relations,  of  letters  composed  by  order  of  the  govern- 
ment ;  and  when  we  consult  the  documents  themselves,  the 
natural  suspicion  is  fully  confirmed  by  internal  evidence. 
But  Pole  was  too  acute  a  politician  to  question  openly  the 
authorship  of  the  letters.  He  afterwards  referred  to  his 
conduct  on  this  occasion,  to  show  that  he  had  not  acted 
with  precipitation ;  and  he  wished  to  make  it  appear  that, 


ARCHBISHOPS   OF   CANTERBURY.  103 

on  reading  the  letters  from  England,  he  was  shaken  in  his     chap. 

determination  to  go  to  Eome.      He  professed  to  have  >^.  ^ . 

yielded  at  last,  and  with  difficulty,  to  the  arguments  of  his  pX. 
fellow-travellers  ;  and,  referring  to  his  family  correspond-  1 006-08. 
ence,  he  dwelt,  in  writing  to  Contarini  and  in  conversa- 
tion with  his  friends  in  Italy,  upon  the  magnitude  of  the 
sacrifice  he  was  making.  King,  country,  family,  all  that 
was  dear  to  his  heart,  he  was  sacrificing  for  the  pope  ;  and 
there  is  something  in  human  nature  which  attaches  us 
at  once  to  any  one  who  has  denied  self,  and  overcome 
private  considerations  for  the  public  good  or  the  benefit 
of  another.  If,  in  obeying  the  papal  commands,  he  thus 
deprived  himself  of  the  means  of  subsistence — for  his 
supplies  from  England  would  thenceforth  be  stopped — he 
must  throw  himself  upon  the  charitable  consideration  of 
the  authorities  at  Eome.  He  gave  a  further  pathos  to  his 
appeal  to  the  papal  benevolence,  by  adding  that  his  life 
was  in  danger — a  hfe  which  had,  as  persons  in  similar 
situations  are  accustomed  to  say,  lost  all  that  made  it 
worth  having,  and  which  he  was  prepared  to  lay  down 
for  the  public  good,  though  for  the  sake  of  the  public  he 
desired  protection.*  Eeginald  Pole  may  have  deceived 
others,  but,  at  the  same  time,  he  generally  contrived  to 
deceive  himself  He  now  commiserated  himself  before 
he  presented  himself  as  an  object  of  commiseration  to 
his  friends. 

Pole's  appeal  to  the  pope,  through  the  good  ofiices  of 
Contarini,  had  not  been  without  effect ;  and  on  his  arrival 
at  Eome  he  found  himself  received  with  the  honours  due 
to  royalty  ;  and  he  took  possession  of  lodgings  prepared  for 
himself  and  his  suite  in  the  papal  palace.  He  was  wel- 
comed by  his  friend,  Sadoleto,  Bishop  of  Carpentras, 
whose  friendship  was  of  itself  sufficient  to  stamp  the  man 

*  Ep.  Poll,  i.  45. 


104  ,  LIVES   OF   THE 

CHAP,     who  enjoyed  it,  witli  a  cliaracter  for  holiness.     He  was 

• — y^ — '  joined  in  a  commission  with  men  of  whomEanke  says,  that 

Poie^      they  were  all  of  them  of  unblemished  manners,  learned, 

1556-58.  pious,  and  acquainted  with  the  spiritual  requirements  of 
the  various  countries  in  which  they  were  born  and  nur- 
tured.* Contarini,  already  a  cardinal,  was  the  actuating 
spirit,  bringing  his  great  mind  to  bear  upon  the  pope  on 
the  one  side,  and,  on  the  other,  upon  the  personages 
who  were  invited  to  the  conference,  and  who  were  now 
joined  in  a  commission.  When  the  commissioners  had 
all  arrived  at  Eome,  they  were  admitted  to  the  presence 
of  the  pontiff,  and  by  him  they  were  addressed  with  much 
courtesy.  Of  the  correctness  of  their  principles  and  the 
soundness  of  their  judgment,  the  pope  was  fully  con- 
vinced. They  were  required  to  make  a  note  of  everything 
that  required  reform  ;  to  reduce  their  opinions  to  writing  ; 
and  to  submit  the  document  to  the  holy  father.  They 
were  sworn  to  secrecy ;  and  they  were  then  dismissed 
to  the  performance  of  their  duty. 

The  commissioners  were  accustomed  to  hold  their 
meetings  in  the  rooms  of  Contarini,  and,  according  to 
Caracciolo,  their  chief  object  was,  by  a  timely  redress  of 
grievances,  to  silence  the  clamour  of  heretics.f  Their 
labours,  which  occupied  the  space  of  two  years,  resulted 
in  the  Concilium  de  emendanda  ecclesia ;  and  when,  at 
last,  it  was  given  to  the  public,  though  it  did  not  meet  the 
views  of  the  Protestants  of  Germany,  it  gave  satisfaction 
in  other  quarters.  The  report,  or  address,  was  defective 
in  the  suggestion  of  remedies,  but  it  was  outspoken  and 
unsparing  in  the  condemnation  of  abuses. 

Complimentary  to  the  reigning  pope,  as  the  manner  of 
subjects  is  when  addressing  their  sovereign,  they  warned 

*  Eanke,  History  of  the  Popes,  i.  98. 

f  Caracciolo,  Vita  de  Paolo  IV.  (MS.),  British  Museum. 


ARCHBISHOPS   OF    CANTErvBURY.  105 

his  holiness  that  lie  ought  not  to  sell  for  filthy  lucre  the     chap. 
spiritual  privileges  he  is  empowered  by  Christ  to  impart ;         .'     - 
but   having   received   freely,  he  is  freely  to  give.     We      Poie.^^ 
gather  from  their  statements,  that  the  grossest  irregula-    1556-58. 
rities  prevailed  in  the  Eoman  Church  ;  that  young  per- 
sons were  ordained,  without  undergoing  examination,  in 
order  to  their  enjoyment  of  the  emoluments  of  preferments 
heaped  by  their  relations  on  undeservers ;  that,  in  many 
instances,  the  offices  of  the  Church  had  become  almost 
hereditary ;    the  beneficed  priest,  to  the   disgust  of  the 
laity,   resigning  his  benefice  in   favour  of  his  children. 
Complaint   was   made    of  bishoprics   held   by  cardinals 
unable  properly  to  discharge  the  episcopal  duties,  while 
they  pleaded  their  engagements  elsewhere  as  an  excuse 
for  their  not  residing — as  they  were  bound  to  do — at 
Eome.     They  lamented  the  general  decay  of  disciphne  ; 
and  bearing  in  mind  what  was  taking  place  in  England, 
we  read  with  interest,  if  with  regret,  such  statements  as 
the  following : — 

"  There  are  a  great  many  ill  examples  among  the  religious,  and 
therefore  we  think  it  advisable  that  those  monks  who  are  called 
conventuals  should  have  their  society  dissolved,  not  by  any  sud- 
den violence,  but  by  degrees,  refusing  to  admit  any  person  into 
that  order  for  the  future.  By  this  means  they  will  decay  by 
little  and  little,  and  others  of  more  approved  conversation  may 
be  placed  in  their  room.  And  for  present  remedy,  all  those 
youths  who  are  not  professed  and  under  vow  should  be  imme- 
diately removed  from  them.  Moreover,  also,  great  care  ought 
to  be  taken  in  the  choice  of  confessors ;  and  here  the  bishops 
ought  to  be  very  circumspect,  especially  that  no  ecclesiastical 
affairs  may  be  swayed  by  money,  for,  as  we  observed  before, 
the  spiritual  power  ought  to  be  commimicated  gratis ;  which 
duty  relateth  not  only  to  yourself,  but  to  all  those  who  are  pre- 
ferred to  any  cures  under  your  holiness.  In  nunneries  also, 
where  confessions  and  other  religious  offices  are  left  to  the  con- 


106 


LIVES   OF   THE 


CHAP. 
IV. 

Eeginald 
Pole. 

1556-58. 


duct  of  the  monks,  a  great  deal  of  open  and  notorious  lewdness 
is  committed,  and  a  scandalous  example  given  for  the  encourage- 
ment of  vice :  the  monks  therefore  must  be  trusted  with  the  care 
of  those  houses  no  longer ;  but  others  placed  in  their  stead  of 
less  dangerous  and  suspicious  conversation."  "^ 

Other  irregularities  are  mentioned,  which  are  the  more 
v\'Orthy  of  notice,  because  the  observations  come  from 
persons  devoted  to  the  see  of  Eome  : — 

*'  The  liberty,  also,  which  is  allowed  professed  monks  to  lay 
aside  their  proper  habits,  and  appear  in  another,  is,  as  we  con- 
ceive, very  unaccountable,  for  their  habit  is  a  symbolical  repre- 
sentation of  their  religious  vow ;  consequently,  if  they  refuse  to 
wear  such  a  badge,  let  them  not  be  permitted  to  perform  the 
offices  of  clergymen,  nor  enjoy  the  advantages  of  their  profession. 
And  to  enlarge  this  head  of  abuses  further  :  those  religious  who 
go  strolling  about  with  the  relics  of  St.  Anthony  and  other 
saints,  ought,  in  our  opinion,  to  be  cashiered,  for  they  draw  the 
ignorant  vulgar  into  infinite  superstitions  and  mistakes,  and,  in 
plain  terms,  cheat  them  into  the  bargain.  We  observe  likewise, 
that  those  who  are  in  holy  orders  are  frequently  allowed  to  marry. 
Now  this  ought  to  be  granted  to  nobody  except  where  the  reasons 
for  such  a  liberty  are  very  weighty — namely,  when  a  whole  family 
and  the  security  of  a  country  depend  upon  the  issue  of  one  par- 
ticular person.  And  here  we  are  to  insist  the  more  upon  rigour 
and  restraint,  because  the  Lutherans  allow  marriage  to  all  per- 
sons without  distinction.  Neither  ought  those  to  be  permitted 
to  marry  (except  the  motives  to  dispense  are  very  urgent)  who 
are  related  either  by  consanguinity  or  affinity  in  the  second 
prohibited  degree."  f 

Having  complained  of  the  prevalence  of  simony,  the 
commissioners  continue  : — 

"  And  now,  having  given  an  account,  as  far  as  our  memories 
would  serve  us,  of  what  concerneth  the  Church  in  general,  we 
shall  add  some  few  things  more,  which  relate  particularly  to  the 

*  Sleidan,  236.  f  Ihid.  237. 


ARCHBISHOPS   OP   CANTERBURY.  107 

pope  and  Bishop  of  Eome.     And  as  this  city  and  Cliurch  of     CHAP. 
Eome  is  the  parent  and  mistress  of  all  Churches,  she  hath  an  ex-        ^^- 
traordinary  obligation  upon  her  to  exceed  all  others  in  religion    Reginald 
and  decency  of  living.     But  notwithstanding  this,  there  are  a  .* 

great  many  ignorant  and  slovenly  priests  belonging  to  the 
cathedral  of  St.  Peter,  who  are  so  meanly  and  scandalously  pro- 
vided, both  in  respect  to  their  own  clothes  and  the  vestments  of 
their  office,  that  it  would  be  a  very  ill  sight  for  them  to  appear 
in  that  manner  if  it  were  only  in  ordinary  and  private  houses. 
And  in  this  indecent  garb  they  perform  Divine  service,  to  the 
great  dissatisfaction  of  those  who  are  present.  Therefore  order 
must  be  given  to  the  archpriest  or  to  the  penitentiary  that  all 
such  ofifensive  negligence  may  be  removed  out  of  the  way,  first 
in  this  town,  and  afterwards  in  other  places.  But  then  what 
complaint  is  sharp  enough  against  those  shameless  strumpets, 
who  are  suffered  to  appear  in  the  same  dress  and  figure  with 
women  of  virtue  and  condition;  who  ride  upon  mules  through 
the  most  public  places  of  the  town  at  noon  day,  and  have  part 
of  the  retinue  of  cardinals  of  the  first  quality,  and  such  extra- 
ordinary attendance  to  wait  upon  them  ?  Truly  we  must  needs 
say,  we  never  saw  such  marks  of  dissoluteness  and  debauchery  in 
any  other  town  but  in  that  which  ought  to  be,  as  it  were,  the  pat- 
tern and  original  for  all  the  world  to  draw  after  and  imitate  :  and 
to  make  their  grandeur  uniform,  these  lewd  women  are  permitted 
to  dwell  in  stately  houses,  to  the  great  scandal  of  the  place."  * 

The  discussions  were  amicably  conducted,  and  were  only 
interrupted  by  the  festivities  of  Christmas.  In  honour  of 
a  festival  at  which  so  many  divines  were  present,  Paul  III. 
determined  to  make  a  large  accession  to  the  Sacred  Col- 
lege, and  it  was  intimated  to  Pole  that  among  the  new  car- 
dinals, he  would  himself  be  named.  This  took  Eeginald 
by  surprise,  for  he  was  not  in  holy  orders.  He  had  not 
even  received,  says  Phillips,  the  clerical  tonsure,  by  which 
those  are  intimated  who  design  themselves  for  the  clergy. 
He  only  belonged  to  that  profession  by  the  benefices  he  en- 

*  Sleidan,  237. 


108  LIVES   OF   THE 

CHAP,    joyed  but  could  not  serve.    He  perceived,  also,  the  impolicy 
' — <- —    of  such  an  appointment,  as  well  as  its  inconvenience  to  him- 

Eeginald  ^  ^ 

Pole.  self.  I  have  already  observed  that  Pole,  though  in  opposition 
.1556-58.  to  the  king,  and  ready  to  take  up  arms  to  compel  Henry  to 
change  his  ministers  and  his  measures,  might,  nevertheless, 
according  to  the  prevalent  notions,  regard  himself  still  as 
a  loyal  Englishman — an  Englishman  loyal  to  the  consti- 
tution, and  in  that  sense  loyal  to  the  king  as  a  part  of  the 
constitution.  But  he  was  now  called  upon  to  expatriate 
himself,  for  he  was  well  aware  that  he  would  never  obtain 
the  king's  permission  for  the  assumption  of  the  purple. 
The  insurgents  with  whom  he  sided  professed  to  uphold 
the  ancient  laws  of  the  realm  ;  but  among  the  laws  one 
was,  that  an  Enghsh  subject,  accepting  the  cardinalate 
without  the  consent  of  the  crown,  was  an  outlaw,  whose 
very  life  might  be  taken  with  impunity.  Pole's  position 
would  be  very  different  if,  instead  of  being  an  English 
subject,  acting  with  the  opposition,  and,  so  far  as  his 
residence  abroad  would  admit  of  it,  being  a  leader  of  the 
opposition — a  leader  proud  of  his  royal  birth,  as  one  of 
the  representatives  of  the  House  of  York — he  should 
become,  in  defiance  of  English  law  and  English  prejudices 
always  anti-papal,  the  prince  of  a  foreign  court,  holding 
an  office  in  another  branch  of  the  Church  Catholic,  with 
which  neither  the  Church  nor  the  realm  of  England  was 
on  fiiendly  terms. 

Beccatelli,  who  had  now  become  a  member  of  Pole's 
household,  says  : — "  I  by  chance  had  come  into  Pole's 
presence,  when  Durante  brought  the  message,  together 
with  the  haircutter  who  was  to  officiate  on  the  occasion."* 

*  Beccatelli  uses  an  expression  which  sounds  shocking  to  the  more 
r  everential  and  pious  mind  of  the  nineteenth  century  :  "  Sed  quoniam 
nullum  longiori  morae,  aut  tergiversationi  relictum  locum  videret; 
tanquam  agnus  coram  tondente,  novaculse  caput  subjecit." — P.  23. 


AKClIBlSIIOrS    OF   CAXTERBURV.  109 

Pole  gave  evident  tokens  of  mortification ;  but  no  time     char 

was  to  be  lost,  and  having  submitted  to  the  operation,  he  > ^ — - 

followed  Durante  to  the  presence  of  the  pope,  by  whom      pX, 
he  was  proclaimed  cardinal  on  the  22nd  of  December,    1006-58. 
1536. 

The  fact  is,  that  exaggerated  statements  of  the  success 
of  the  insurgents  in  England  had  reached  the  foreign 
courts.  The  emperor  and  the  King  of  France  were  pre- 
pared to  make  common  cause  with  the  pope,  and  to 
crush,  as  they  hoped,  a  king  whom  they  always  feared  and 
often  courted,  but  never  loved.*  These  reports,  which 
were  fully  believed  to  be  authentic,  and  to  a  certain  ex- 
tent were  so,  met  at  once  all  the  objections  Pole  had  to 
urge  in  reference  to  the  impolicy  of  his  appointment  to 
the  cardinalate  ;  or  rather,  they  rendered  the  appointment 
the  more  important,  as  Pole  would  be  the  best  legate 
that  the  pope  could  select  to  act,  in  co-operation  with  the 
emperor  and  the  King  of  France,  against  the  King  of 
England. 

Beccatelli  and  other  writers  also  imply  that  the  em- 
peror was  desirous  of  having  Pole  made  a  cardinal,  in 
order  that  his  ambition  might  not  interfere  with  Charles's 
schemes  for  the  marriage  of  his  cousin — the  Lady  Mary 
of  England.  If  this  were  the  case,  the  emperor's  object 
was  defeated,  for  Pole  was  not  ordained  priest,  and  was 
only  a  cardinal  deacon.  Besides  which,  as  the  marriage 
of  the  clergy  was  only  a  part  of  the  discipline  of  the 
Church,  a  dispensation  might,  under  any  circumstances, 
have   been  granted,  even   for  the   marriage  of   one   in 

*  From  the  State  Papers,  to  which,  in  the  Life  of  Cranmer,  reference 
has  been  made,  it  appears  that  the  insurrection  was  far  more  serious 
than  is  generally  supposed ;  and  from  the  same  source  we  are  impressed 
with  the  firmness,  sound  judgment,  and  rapidity  of  action  evinced  by 
the  V\\\z. 


110  LIVES   OF  THE 

CHAP,     priest's  orders  ;  but  sucli  a  course  would  have  been  pro- 
^ — ^ — '  ductive  of  less  scandal  if  Pole  were  only  in  deacon's 

Pole.  orders,  and  in  deacon's  orders  he  therefore  remained. 
1556-58.  Pole  had  scarcely  accepted  the  red  hat  before  he 
received  a  significant  hint,  that  the  insurrection  in  England 
was  not  so  formidable  as  it  had  been  represented  to  be  ; 
that,  in  fact,  unsupported  by  parliament,  it  was  regarded 
at  home  simply  as  an  act  of  rebellion.* 

A  remonstrance  was  placed  in  his  hands,  which  Pole, 
anxious  to  exaggerate  every  event  which  might  add  to  his 
importance,  regarded  as  an  address  from  parliament. f 
But,  unfortunately  for  this  view  of  the  subject,  parliament 
was  not  at  that  time  sitting.  It  was  probably  a  document 
drawn  up  by  Crumwell,  who  obtained  to  it  the  signatures 
of  those  members  of  either  House  of  Parliament  whom 
he  could  collect  for  the  occasion. 

The  remonstrance  was  attributable  to  the  rumour  that 
had  reached  England  of  the  pope's  intention  to  offer  the 
red  hat  to  Pole.  Before  the  remonstrance,  however, 
arrived,  the  deed  was  done,  and  Pole  was  already  a 
cardinal.  The  Apology  which  Pole  addressed  to  the  Eng- 
lish parliament  is  written  in  a  style  and  temper  so  differ- 
ent from  that  which  we  have  remarked  in  the  letter  to  the 

*  That  he  did  not  receive  the  letter  before  he  had  been  created  a  car- 
dinal is  stated  in  the  Apology  by  Pole  himself.  He  regrets  that,  speaking 
ill  of  himself,  they  should  utter  harder  phrases  "  deeo  ordine  et  gradu, 
in  quo  nunc  sum  collocatus." — Apol.  ad  Anglise  Pari.   Quirini,  i.  179. 

"j"  Pole  entitles  his  answer  Apologia  ad  Angliee  Parliamentum  ;  but 
in  the  Apology  itself  he  speaks  of  it  as  a  document  not  coming  as  a 
parliamentary  paper  signed  by  the  chancellor  or  the  speaker  of  the 
House  of  Commons,  or  by  any  officer  delegated  by  the  parliament 
acting  in  its  corporate  capacity,  but  he  refers  to  it  as  to  a  paper  to 
■which  various  signatures  were  attached  of  persons  known  to  him  and 
respected  by  him.  "  Cum  vestras  literas  accepissem,  omnium  vestinim 
7wmmibus  suhscriptas.'''' — Apol.  ad  Anglise  Parliamentum.  Quirini,  i. 
179. 


ARCHBISHOPS   OF   CANTERBURY.  Ill 

ing,  "  De  Unitate,"  that  it  is  difficult  to  believe  that  the  chap. 
two  documents  emanated  from  one  and  the  same  person,  .  ^^'  _. 
though  of  their  authenticity  there  is  no  doubt.  The  ^fiJe.^"^ 
style  of  the  "  Apologia  ad  AngliaB  Parliamentum  "  is  simple,  1556-58. 
dignified,  and  easily  translated.  The  remonstrance  had  re- 
proved the  writer  of  the  "De  Unitate,"  for  the  insults  of- 
fered in  that  treatise  to  the  King  of  England,  and,  speak- 
ing disparagingly  of  the  office  of  a  cardinal,  warned  him  that 
his  acceptance  of  the  purple  would  be  an  act  of  hostility 
against  the  king  and  the  realm.  The  statesmen  by  whom 
the  remonstrance  was  signed,  urged  Pole  not  to  make  Eome 
his  place  of  abode  ;  and  they  expressed  their  readiness  to 
confer  with  him  on  the  controversies  which  now  divided 
the  Cliurch,  if  he  would  go  as  a  private  person  to 
Flanders.  Eeginald  commenced  his  reply  by  expressing 
his  astonishment,  that  persons  whom  he  had  so  long  held 
in  honour  and  esteem  should  have  thought  so  ill  of  him- 
self and  his  writings,  and  so  much  worse  of  that  order 
and  office  in  which  he  was  already  placed.  In  defending 
his  attack  upon  the  king,  he  took  his  usual  tone  of 
defiance,  which  seems  to  have  been  perfectly  satisfactory 
to  his  own  mind.  He  was  indebted  to  the  king  for  his 
education ;  his  superior  education  enabled  him  to  give 
wise  counsel,  and  he  evinced  his  gratitude  by  employing 
his  abilities  to  discover  the  truth,  and  by  stating  it  to  his 
benefactor :  but  even  this  he  did  not  do  until  he  had  re- 
ceived the  express  commands  of  the  king  to  give  his 
opinion  on  the  divorce  and  the  supremacy.  He  defied 
them  to  prove,  that  he  had  advanced  anything  as  a  fact 
which  they  did  not  know  to  be  true  ;  and  if  such  were  the 
case,  the  blame  must  rest  with  the  counsellors  througli 
whose  evil  advice  the  kinoj  had  been  led  into  error.  WJien 
they  complained  that  the  tendency  of  the  letter  was  to 
luring  discredit  upon  the  king,  he  reminded  them,  that  this 


112  LIVES   OF   THE 

;CHAP.  could  hardly  be  the  case,  since  for  the  king's  eye  alone  was 
._£3l—  the  letter  intended.  If  the  object  had  been  to  bring  the 
"^Poie.^^  king  into  discredit,  he  might  have  published  the  letter, 
1566-58.  and  have  laid  the  case  before  the  potentates  of  Europe, 
which  he  had  not  done.*  He  defends  his  own  consistency, 
appealing  to  the  Duke  of  Norfolk  for  the  truth  of  his 
assertion,  that  if  he  had  acceded  to  the  king's  measures, 
he  might  long  since  have  become  Archbishop  of  York. 
For  the  same  reason  he  had  left  his  country,  his  home,  his 
relations  and  friends,  and  had  resided  in  foreign  lands  ;  and 
it  was  in  perfect  consistency  with  his  avowed  principles 
that  he  was  now  at  Eome.  He  had  always  regarded  the 
Bishop  of  Eome  as  Christ's  vicar  on  earth,  and  to  him  as 
such,  his  obedience  was,  in  the  first  place,  due ;  but  his 
deference  to  the  papal  authority  did  not,  he  contended, 
imply  any  want  of  loyalty  on  his  part  to  his  king.  He  was 
aware,  that  the  illustrious  personages  to  whom  he  was 
writing  would  assert — for  their  opinion  was  already 
recorded — that  this  acknowledgment  of  the  papal  supre- 
macy was  an  opinion  utterly  without  foundation  and 
vain.  To  this  he  would  only  reply,  that  on  such  sub- 
jects his  opinion  ought  to  have  more  weight  than  theirs. 
In  military  matters,  in  which  they  were  expert  and  he  an 
ignoramus,  he  was  prepared  to  defer  to  them ;  but  on 
points  of  doctrine,  as  he  had  devoted  his  hfe  to  theo- 
logical studies,  he  might  fairly  expect  on  their  part  a 
deference  to  him,  especially  when  his  opinion  was  the 
opinion  entertained  by  all  learned  and  honest  men  in 
every  kingdom  except  their  own.  To  their  assertion,  that 
the  reigning  pope  was  the  King  of  England's  enemy,  he 
opposed  his  own  experience.  He  must  know  more  on 
this  point  than  they,  for  he  was  in  frequent  conversation 

*  But  private  copies  were  so  freely  circulated  that  their  circulation 
amounted  to  a  publication. 


loo6-5{ 


ARCHBISHOPS   OF   CANTERBURY.  113 

witli  the  pope,  and  he  would  venture  to  affirm  that,  in  all  chap. 
that  concerned  the  King  of  England  and  his  people,  the  ■ — ^ — - 
pope  invariably  expressed  himself  in  the  terms  of  a  lov-  Po"c/ 
ing  father  and  a  most  indulgent  pastor.  It  was  to  do 
honour  to  the  English  nation,  that  Pole  was  himself  called 
to  the  cardinalate,  and  it  was  with  this  intention,  that 
the  office  was  both  offered  and  accepted.  He  had  been 
one  of  the  first  v/hom  the  pope  had  summoned  to  Eome 
to  confer  on  the  convention  of  a  general  council,  and  he 
felt  that,  in  attending  the  conference,  he  was  upholding 
the  honour  of  his  native  land,  which  would  disgrace 
itself  if  it  repudiated,  or  refused  to  take  part  in,  the  pro- 
posed council.  To  confer  with  the  English  authorities  he 
had  accepted  the  office  of  legate,  and  was  preparing  for 
a  journey  into  Flanders.  They  had  signified  their  wil- 
lingness to  confer  with  him  if  he  had  gone  to  the  Low 
Countries  in  a  private  capacity  ;  and  he  entreated  them 
not  to  reject  his  mediation  on  the  ground  of  his  having 
become  a  cardinal.  They  attributed  the  disorders  to 
which  the  country  was  exposed  to  the  mismanagement  of 
one  cardinal — Cardinal  Wolsey  ;  surely  the  proper  person 
to  rectify  the  evil  would  be  another  cardinal ; — and  if 
goodwill,  if  zeal,  if  loyalty  to  king  and  country,  if  an 
earnest  desire  to  promote  the  well-being  and  honour  of 
both  were  sufficient  qualifications,  Eeginald  Pole  had  no 
hesitation  in  offering  his  services.  But  if  they  thought  to 
intimidate  him  by  threats,  or  to  allure  him  by  promises,  to 
renounce  the  papal  supremacy,  the  maintenance  of  which 
he  contended  was  perfectly  consistent  with  loyalty  to  tiie 
king,  they  would  find  themselves  mistaken  ;  for  there  was 
no  sacrifice  which  he  was  not,  for  the  sake  of  his  princi- 
ples, prepared  to  make.     He  concludes  thus  : — 

"  Do  you  now  deliberate  what  should  be  done.     You  see  what 
fruits  of  seditions  these  now  dogmas  have  produced  which  have 
VOL.  VIII.  I 


EoRiiiald 
Pole 


114  LIVES   OF  THE 

CHAP,  been  originated  by  certain  rash  young  men  to  render  antiquated 
all  ancient  Jaws  and  customs,  and  to  the  disturbance  of  public 
tranquillity,  which  if  you  wish  to  restore,  and  at  the  same  time 

1556-68.  ^^  establish  the  security  of  a  prince  whom  we  are  all  bound  to 
aid,  of  a  certainty  the  ways  thereto  will  not  be  wanting,  unless 
you  desire  to  despise  them,  which,  from  your  prudence,  I  cannot 
judge  to  be  possible.  But  such  is  the  case,  that  not  only  should 
peace  and  the  safety  of  the  king  be  settled  so  long  as  we  are  in 
this  life,  but  those  ought  to  have  sentence,  and  to  give  an  account 
before  the  tribunal  of  God,  for  all  and  every  one  who  render  him 
vacillating  in  matters  of  this  kind,  and  not  firm  and  stable  as 
the  Church  prescribes.  Wherefore,  that  all  your  counsels  may 
be  directed  to  his  honour,  and  that  your  actions  may  follow 
the  same,  I  will  ever  pray,  and  to  the  utmost  of  my  power  ever 
assist,  with  the  favour  of  his  benignity,  to  whom  both  all  and 
singular  I  desire  you  specially  commended.     Farewell. 


"  -jf 


As  was  too  frequently  tbe  case  witli  Pole,  although  he 
told  the  parliament  of  England,  or  the  subscribers  to  the 
document  which  he  regarded  as  a  parliamentary  paper,  a 
truth,  he  did  not  tell  the  whole  truth.  Immediately  after 
his  nomination  as  cardinal,  he  was  appointed  a  papal  legate. 
He  was,  at  this  very  time,  preparing  to  go  to  the  Low 
Countries,  not,  however,  to  communicate  with  Henry  and 
the  parhament,  but  that  he  might  be  able  to  confer  with 
deputies  from  the  insurgents,  by  whom  he  expected  the 
king,  and  those  lords  who  adhered  to  his  party,  would  be 
overpowered. 

Eeginald  Pole  left  Eome  in  1537,  in  the  full  expecta- 
tion of  having  to  head  a  triumph,  and  of  being  hailed  in 
England  as  a  deliverer.  He  felt  himself  a  patriot  march- 
ing to  rescue  his  country  from  a  tyrant  whom  he  had 
compared  to  Nero. 

A  man  of  simple  tastes  and  habits,  he  was  too  wise  not 

*  Apologia  ad  Angliae  Parliamentum.     Quirini,  i.  179-187. 


ARCHBISHOPS   OF   CA^TEEBURY.  115 

to  understand  how  much  the  vulgar  mind  in  higli  hfe  as     chap. 

IV. 


Rof^inald 
P()le. 


well  as  in  low  life  is  influenced  by  things  external.  It  was 
Lent,  and  he  refused  to  avail  himself  of  the  privilege  of  a 
traveller.  By  his  fastings  and  austerity  his  health  was  so  i5o6-o8. 
visibly  injured,  that  his  secretary,  Beccatelli,  began  to  be 
alarmed,  and  in  a  letter  to  Contarini  entreated  the  cardinal 
to  interfere.  In  replying  to  Contarini,  Pole  admitted  that  to 
carry  his  austerities  so  far  as  to  incapacitate  him  for  the 
work  in  which  he  was  engaged  would  be  criminal,  and 
that  he  would  defer  to  his  friend's  advice.  He  had 
hitherto  declined  to  yield  to  the  judgment  of  his  com- 
panions Beccatelli  and  Priuli  on  the  subject,  because  his 
high  position  made  him  "  the  observed  of  all  observers," 
and  he  thought  that  any  laxity  on  his  part  might  be  mis- 
understood and  set  a  bad  example.  He  begged  Contarini 
to  urge  the  pope  to  remember  him  in  his  prayers,  for  in 
the  efRcacy  of  prayer  he  had  a  lively  faith,  and  could 
appeal  to  his  own  experience,  since  from  early  youth  he 
had  been  accustomed,  in  all  his  undertakings,  to  seek  the 
Divine  blessing.* 

Of  his  dignity  and  the  responsibilities  of  his  office  he 
never  lost  sight.  Writing  to  Contarini  from  Piacenza, 
he  says  that  his  companions  had  gone  out  to  see  the  city ; 
but  he,  bound  by  his  golden  shackles,  was  obliged  to 
remain  at  home ;  a  restraint,  however,  which  he  felt  the 
less  irksome,  for  he  had  not  had  one  day's  rest  since  he 
left  Pome. 

While  we  obtain  these  glimpses  of  his  inner  hfe,  we 
are  informed  that  his  retinue  was  splendid,  such  as  be- 
came the  dignity  of  his  office,  and — a  fact  which  he 
never  lost  sight  of — his  royal  birth.  His  expenses  were 
indeed  so  great  as  to  exceed  the  usual  allowances  made 
to  legates,  and  he  asked,  through  Contarini,  for  an  aug- 

*  Ep.  Poll,  ii.  XV. 
I    2 


116  LIVES   OF   THE 

CHAP,     mentation   of  salary,  his  private  supplies  from  England 

- — r^ — ■   having  entirely  ceased.     The  pope  v^as  unv^illing  to  es- 

Poie.      tablish  a  precedent  by  making  an  addition  formally  to  his 

1556-58.    income,  but  he  permitted  him  to  draw  upon  his  bankers 

for  sums  which  the  peculiar  character  of  his  embassy — 

secret  service  money,  in  short — might  require. 

We  know  from  his  credentials  from  Eome  what  his 
expectations  were.  Among  the  documents  with  which 
lie  was  furnished  was  an  address  to  the  English  nation, 
to  be  published  at  Pole's  discretion.  In  this,  the  revolt, 
assumed  beforehand  to  have  been  successful,  was  to  be 
sanctified  by  the  papal  approbation.  The  insurgents  were 
required  to  pay  to  the  legate  the  deference  due  to  the  holy 
see  he  represented,  and  to  render  him  all  the  assistance 
that  his  merits,  his  royal  birth,  and  his  high  office  might 
fairly  demand  of  them.* 

Another  letter  was  addressed  to  James  V.,  King  of 
Scotland,  to  whom  the  pope  transmitted  a  consecrated 
sword,  and  a  cap  of  maintenance.  He  was  exhorted  to 
place  confidence  in  Pole,  who  was  commissioned  by  the 
pope  to  effect  a  permanent  peace  between  the  emperor 
and  the  King  of  France  ;  he  was  to  prepare  for  a  general 
council,  to  raise  funds  for  a  war  against  the  Turk,  by 
whom  Italy  was  threatened ;  but  chiefly  was  the  king  ex- 
horted to  give  countenance  and  support  to  the  insurgents 
of  a  neighbouring  nation,  who  were  in  communication 
with  Pole,  and  who  required  that  aid  and  support  which 
none  could  give  so  well  as  the  King  of  Scotland. 

A  letter  of  similar  import  w^as  addressed  to  the  French 
king,  and  another  to  Mary,  Queen  Dowager  of  Hungary, 
sister  of  Charles  Y.,  and  governor  of  the  Low  Countries. 
All  of  these  letters  betray  the  primary  object — the  object 

*  Quirini,  Inter  Moniimenta  Pra^liminaria. 


Ri'f^inald 
Pole. 


ARCHBISHOPS   OF   CAXTERBURY.  117 

first  in  Pole's  mind — the  re-establishment  of  the  papal     chap. 
authority  in  England. 

Notwithstanding  the  remonstrance  from  the  lords 
and  others  of  the  king's  council,  Pole  was  still  in  high  io56-58. 
spirits.  He  knew  that  fifteen  lords  had  conspired  to  put 
down  the  Eeformation,  that  among  others  the  Nevilles 
had  been  in  the  field,  and  that  the  western  counties  were 
as  much  excited  as  the  northern.  He  expected  to  be 
summoned  to  England  almost  as  soon  as  he  had  entered 
Prance.  He  little  understood  the  power  of  intellect  and 
of  will  which  belonged  to  the  great  prince  on  whom  he 
had  heaped  unmeasured  abuse,  and  whom  he  had  ventured 
to  lecture  as  a  schoolboy.  At  no  time  in  a  long  reign 
was  the  vigour  of  Henry's  policy  and  character  so  con- 
spicuous as  it  w^as  at  the  present.  With  a  considera- 
ble portion  of  his  subjects  in  open  insurrection,  with  dis- 
content murmuring  in  every  corner  of  the  land,  with 
Scotland  and  all  Europe  in  arms  against  him,  with  scarcely 
a  minister  wdiom  he  could  trust  or  from  whom  he  could 
seek  advice,  except  Crumwell ;  so  quietly,  but  so  de- 
cisively, did  Henry  overpower  all  resistance,  that  until 
lately,  when  the  State  Papers  were  opened  to  the  public, 
no  historian,  certainly  no  reader,  was  aware  of  the  dangers 
to  which  his  government  was  at  this  time  exposed,  or 
how  near  the  insurgents  Avere  to  success.  The  calm  reso- 
lution of  Henry,  the  precaution  united  with  vigilance 
which  he  displayed,  the  amount  of  labour  he  endured, 
and  the  anxiety  he  could  not  always  conceal,  are  worthy 
of  all  admiration.  The  noiseless  success  is  an  indication 
of  a  genius  which,  in  its  proud  consciousness  of  strength, 
wished  for  no  display  ;  and  the  political  wisdom  is  w^orthy 
of  notice,  by  which  he  avoided  all  appearance  of  triumph, 
and  so  left  the  impression  on  the  public  mind  that  the 
insurrection,  instead  of  being  a  subject  of  alarm,  was 


118  LIVES   OF   THE 

CHAP,     simply  a  succession  of  riots,  to  be  treated  with  contempt 


and  easily  quelled. 


Pok\  The  rapidity  of  these  events  took  Pole  by  surprise,  and 

1556-58.  liis  hopes  were  dashed  to  the  ground  almost  as  soon  as 
they  were  formed.  The  persons,  how^ever,  whose  pusil- 
lanimity surprises  us  most  are  the  King  of  France  and  the 
emperor.  Having  promised  one  week  an  invasion  of 
England,  they  came  to  terms  of  amity  almost  the  next 
week  with  its  king,  whom  they  had  intended  to  dethrone. 
They  were  made  cowards  by  conscience.  Nominally 
allies  of  Henry,  they  had  been  clandestinely  encouraging 
the  insurgents.  To  what  extent  Henry  was  acquainted 
with  their  proceedings  they  did  not  know ;  but  they 
might  easily  suspect,  that  enough  had  been  discovered 
to  disgrace  them  in  the  eyes  of  Europe,  if  their  seve- 
ral negotiations  with  the  insurgent  subjects  of  their  ally 
were  published.  Henry  was  too  wise  to  exasperate 
them  for  no  purpose ;  he  would  not  drive  them  to  bay. 
The  insurrection  had  been  completely  crushed.  His 
success  justified  him,  according  to  the  notions  of  the  age, 
in  treating  as  rebels  those  whom  Pole  had  described  as 
noblemen  and  gentlemen,  in  arms  to  vindicate  their 
liberties  and  to  maintain  their  religion  against  the  aggres- 
sion of  an  unprincipled  and  imperious  tyrant.  Henry 
determined  to  suppose  it  impossible  that  his  allies  would 
aid  and  abet  the  English  insurgents  ;  they  would  rather  do 
their  utmost  to  aid  their  royal  brother  when,  in  punishing 
the  rebels,  he  was  upholding  the  cause  of  royalty.  He 
did  not  hesitate,  however,  to  demand,  that  one  of  those 
subjects,  denounced  as  a  rebel  and  who  had  also  incurred 
the  penalties  of  a  praemunire  by  accepting  the  red  hat 
without  obtaining  the  royal  assent,  should,  if  he  appeared 
in  any  place  subject  to  their  rule,  be  sent  in  chains  to 
England,  there  to  undergo  his  trial. 


ARCHBISHOPS   OF   CANTERBURY.  110 

The  situation  of  Francis  was  difficult  and  humiliatinfr.  He     chap. 


IV. 


Rciiinald 
Pole. 


had  invited  Pole  to  France,  and  now  he  was  required,  as 
an  ally  of  the  King  of  England,  and  as  a  matter  of  course, 
to  deliver  the  legate  a  prisoner  to  the  English  authorities.  io56-58 
He  could  come  to  an  explanation  with  Pole,  but  not  with 
Hemy.  All  he  could  do  was  to  prevail  upon  Pole,  by 
withdrawing  voluntarily  from  France,  to  render  it  im- 
possible for  the  king  to  seize  his  person.  His  reticence 
gave  Hemy  strength. 

Meanwhile  Pole  had  arrived  at  Paris.  At  Lyons  the 
news  reached  him,  that  the  insurrection  in  England  had 
been  a  failure  ;  but  this  only  rendered  it  more  important 
that,  as  papal  legate,  he  should  enter  into  communication 
with  the  King  of  France.  The  legate,  on  reaching  Paris, 
was  of  course  received  with  due  honour  by  the  clergy, 
who  went  out  of  the  gates  to  welcome  him.  This  the  king 
might  say,  if  interrogated  by  the  English  minister,  he  could 
not  prevent.  Pole  was  received  favourably  by  a  people 
always  ready  for  any  ceremonial,  mihtary  or  ecclesiastical. 
But  the  court  was  not  represented,  nor  was  Pole  invited 
to  visit  the  king,  though  Francis  was  residing  only  at  a 
short  distance  from  the  city.  Instead  of  this,  the  legate  re- 
ceived a  friendly  intimation  from  the  king  that  his  very  life 
was  in  danger,  and  that  his  safest  and  best  course  would 
be  to  quit  France  as  soon  as  possible.  Pole  could  not  re- 
monstrate, for  he  was  reduced  to  a  dilemma.  If  he  was  a 
subject  of  the  King  of  England,  accused  of  a  violation  of 
the  laws  of  the  realm,  and  even  of  rebellion,  he  could  not 
complain  if  Henry  required  of  his  ally  the  surrender  of 
the  offender.  He  might  have  argued  that,  by  becoming  a 
prince  of  the  Eoman  Church,  his  allegiance  was  due  to  the 
pope  and  not  to  the  king  ;  but  then,  what  right  had  the 
subject  of  a  foreign  power  to  intermeddle  with  the 
domestic  poHtics  of  England?     He  could  not  hesitate. 


120  LIVES   OF   TIIR 

CTTAP.     tliereforo,  to  act  on  the  advice  of  the  Kine^  of  France,  nor 

IV 

---^-^ — '  of  the  French  king's  conduct  could  he  justly  complain. 
Pole!      Francis  I.  and  Cardinal  Pole  had  chosen  to  assist  those 

1556-58.  whom  the  King  of  England  had  declared  to  be  rebels — in 
so  doing  they  violated  the  law  of  nations,  and  as  they  had 
sown  so  must  they  reap.  That  he  must  leave  France 
was  clear,  but  it  was  not  so  easy  to  determine  whither  he 
should  afterwards  direct  his  steps.  The  king  ordered  the 
legate  of  the  apostolic  see  to  be  treated  with  due  respect, 
but  he  expedited  his  departure,  and  did  not  dictate  his 
future  residence. 

It  is  so  difficult  to  understand  the  policy  of  these 
manoeuvring  potentates  at  this  period  of  their  history, 
that  we  can  hardly  account  for  all  the  difficulties  to  which 
Pole  was  exposed,  and  by  which  his  proud  spirit  was 
chafed.  The  blunders  both  of  Charles  and  Francis,  during 
the  preceding  year,  had  rendered  them  desirous  of  peace; 
and  when  they  could  not  crush  Henry,  they  seem  to  have 
been  prepared  to  receive  him  as  the  arbitrator.  France 
and  the  adjoining  districts  were  nearly  reduced  to  a  state 
of  anarchy.  The  soldiers  on  the  frontiers  of  Picardy,  who 
scoured  the  borders  separating  France  from  Flanders  and 
tlie  territories  on  the  Continent  at  that  time  occupied  by 
the  King  of  England,  were  little  better  than  freebooters. 
To  their  cupidity  was  addressed  a  proclamation  of  the 
King  of  England,  in  which  Eeginalcl  Pole  was  attainted 
as  a  traitor,  and  a  price,  fifty  thousand  crowns,  placed  on 
his  head.  It  was  not  pleasant  travelhng  under  such 
circumstances ;  but  Pole  escaped  and  made  the  best  of  his 
way  to  Cambray,  a  neutral  territory  of  which  the  bishop 
was  the  sovereign.*     To  the  prince  bishop  he  found  him- 

*  Cambray  was  erected  into  a  duchy  or  principality  of  the  empire, 
in  favour  of  the  then  bishop  and  his  successors,  by  Maximilian  I.,  in 
1510. 


AKCHBISIIOPS   OF   CANTERBURY.  121 

self  by  no  means  a  welcome  guest ;  and  though,  as  an     chap. 

ecclesiastic,  that  prelate  could  hardly  refuse  the  rites  of ^ — 

hospitality  to  a  legate  of  the  holy  see,  yet  he  warned  the  p"ie. 
cardinal,  that  if  the  troops  of  Henry  should  appear  with  1.306-58 
an  intention  of  seizing  his  person,  he  possessed  no  adequate 
means  for  his  protection.  There  were  many  Englishmen 
passing  to  and  fro,  and  they  might  take  with  impunity,  or 
rather  with  a  high  reward,  the  life  of  one  who,  under  the 
penalties  of  a  praemunire,  was  an  outlaw.  Pole,  in  great 
alarm,  sent  a  despatch  to  Brussels,  where  Mary,  Queen 
Dowager  of  Hungary,  was,  as  we  have  observed,  acting  as 
viceroy.  Before  the  legate  had  left  Eome,  he  had  been  en- 
couraged, by  the  ambassadors  of  the  emperor,  to  seek  and 
expect  hospitality  and  protection  in  any  part  of  the  imperial 
dominions  to  which  his  duties  might  call  him  ;  but  he 
now  solicited  the  common  courtesies  of  society  in  vain. 
The  queen  probably  knev/  what  the  emperor's  desire 
was ;  and  his  purpose  was  effected  by  delay,  when  she  de- 
clined to  act  until  she  had  received  instructions  from  head- 
quarters. Henry  VHI.,  with  that  rapidity  of  mind  which 
distinguishes  a  great  man,  whether  statesman  or  general, 
had  been  beforehand  with  his  rebel  subject.  The  em- 
peror was  now  as  desirous  of  placing  the  English  king 
under  an  obligation  as  Francis  had  been,  and  the  political 
movement  having  failed,  he  had  no  feelings  of  personal 
friendship  to  induce  him  to  appear  as  Pole's  protector. 
The  Prince  Bishop  of  Liege  *  was  at  Brussels  when  the 
queen's  council  debated  on  the  treatment  to  be  accorded 
to  Cardinal  Pole ;  but  he  did  not  proffer  the  hospitality 
which  the  queen  did  not  find  herself  at  liberty  to  extend 
towards  one  who  no  longer  approached  her  in  the  pomp 

*  The  diocese  of  Liege  was  a  bishopric  belonging  to  the  circle  of 
Westphalia  ;  the  bishop  was  a  prince  of  the  empire,  and  claimed  also  the 
title  of  Duke  of  Bouillon. 


122  LIVES    OF   THE 

CHAP  of  a  legate,  but  in  tlie  character  of  an  unfortunate  suppli- 
— ,: — '  cant.  A  month  passed  on — a  month  of  anxiety  to  the 
^Poie!  Bishop  of  Cambray,  as  well  as  to  Eeginald  Pole.  If  Pole 
1556-08.  could  reach  Liege,  he  would  be  in  comparative  safety. 
To  the  Bishop  of  Liege,  therefore,  the  Prince  Prelate  of 
Cambray  wrote.  An  answer  might  have  been  returned 
in  one  day  ;  but  day  after  day  came  and  went,  without 
a  letter  from  Liege.  A  difficulty  arose  as  to  the  cha- 
racter under  which  Pole  was  to  be  received — on  the  one 
hand,  here  was  an  outlawed  rebel  of  a  king  with  whom 
the  emperor  wished  to  stand  on  good  terms ;  on  the  other 
hand,  there  was  a  legate  of  Pope  Paul  III.,  with  whom 
also  the  emperor,  for  political  reasons,  desired  to  sustain 
friendly  relations.  At  the  end  of  ten  days,  no  written 
answer  arrived,  but  a  verbal  message  was  sent.  The 
Bishop  of  Liege  was  willing  to  receive  Cardinal  Pole  as  a 
legate  of  the  holy  see,  with  all  the  distinction  usually 
accorded  to  so  high  a  functionary  ;  but  Pole  was  warned 
that  the  dangers  which  beset  him  on  the  way  were  over- 
whelmingly great.  He  was  surrounded  by  spies ;  snares 
were  set  for  him  in  every  direction  ; — the  cardinal  legate 
must  travel  in  disguise.  This  proposal  offended  Pole's 
pride  or  his  sense  of  propriety.  He  had  come  from  Eome 
with  a  large  retinue,  and  under  circumstances  of  more 
than  usual  splendour,  a  royal  legate — was  he  now  to 
creep  back  to  Italy,  an  unprotected  outlaw,  the  laughing- 
stock of  his  enemies,  an  object  of  commiseration  to  his 
friends,  having  failed,  through  no  fault  of  his  own,  when 
his  expectations  of  success  had  been  most  strongly  ex- 
pressed? In  a  small  sphere,  similar  feelings  have  been 
experienced  by  many  who,  conscious  of  an  honest  desire 
to  benefit  the  public,  have  not  detected  how  much  of  self 
intrudes  itself  at  the  same  time  in  ambitious  aims.  The  su- 
perstitions of  the  very  freebooters  would  incline  them  to 


ARCHBISHOPS   OF   CANTERBURY.  123 

treat  with  respect  the  procession  of  a  cardinal  legate  ;  but     chap. 
the  pride  of  Pole  was  well  aware  that,  under  the  prospect    - — ^^ — > 
of  realizing  fifty  thousand  crowns,  superstition  itself  miglit      p^J^!' 
be  overcome.     Under  these  circumstances,  Pole  entreated    looc-os 
his  host  to  interpose  his  good  offices ;  and  the  good  offices 
of  the  Bishop  of  Cambray  were  cordially  exerted,  to  secure 
the  departure  of  a  guest  whose  presence  was  an  unceas- 
ing source  of  anxiety.     The  archdeacon  of  the  Bishop  of 
Cambray,  being  sent  on  a  mission  to  Brussels,  succeeded  at 
length  in  obtaining  an  escort,  under  the  protection  of 
which  Pole  made  in  safety  his  journey  from  Cambray  to 
Liege. 

Here  Pole  obtained  a  little  respite  from  care,  and 
enjoyed  the  repose  of  which,  after  his  disappointments 
and  anxieties,  he  stood  so  greatly  in  need.  In  his  let- 
ters written  at  this  time,  he  dwelt  upon  the  grounds  on 
which  he  had  expected  a  successful  termination  of  the 
insurrection  in  England ;  and  he  was  met  in  a  kindly  and 
sympathizing  spirit  by  Paul  III.,  and  by  his  other  friends 
in  Italy.* 

In  the  Prince  Prelate  of  Liege  he  found  a  kind  and 
generous  friend  ;  and  from  him  he  learned  that  to  the 
privy  council  of  Flanders,  of  which  the  Bishop  of  Liege 
was  a  member,  King  Henry  had  made  an  offer  of  4000 
infantry,  to  be  supported  for  ten  months,  if  they  on  their 
part  would  surrender  his  rebel  subject.  This,  however, 
would  have  involved  Flanders  in  a  quarrel  with  the  pope, 
so  that  very  little  would  have  been  gained,  supposing  them 
capable  of  such  an  act  of  baseness. 

Pole  had  now  ceased  to  act  in  his  public  capacity  as 

legate  ;  and  he  applied  to  Contarini  for  an  allowance  from 

the  papal  treasury.    Pole's  tendency  was  to  extravagance, 

and  accordingly  Contarini  warned  him  of  the  importance 

*  The  letters  are  to  be  found  in  the  seeond  volume  of  Quirini. 


124  .  LIVES   OF   THE 

CHAP,  of  acting  with  economy.  This  produced  a  letter  from 
_i3l_.  Priuh,  by  the  legate's  desire,  through  which  we  obtain  one 
""^Poie!^^  of  those  ghmpses  of  private  life,  which,  though  uninterest- 
1556-58.    ing  to  contemporaries,  are  always  valued  by  posterity. 

In  the  morning,  the  cardinal  and  his  household  pursued 
their  private  studies  and  devotions  in  their  own  apart- 
ments. About  an  hour  and  a  half  before  dinner  they 
were  summoned  to  the  private  chapel,  where  the  services 
were  conducted  by  the  Bishop  of  Verona,  of  whom  mention 
has  been  made  before,  and  who  at  that  time  held  in  the 
cardinal's  household  the  office  of  Master  of  the  Ceremonies. 
After  the  celebration  of  mass,  they  dined.  While  they 
dined,  a  selection  from  St.  Bernard's  works  was  read,  and 
when  the  things  were  taken  away,  they  conversed.  On 
retiring  from  the  dinner  table,  the  Bishop  of  Verona 
generally  read,  to  those  who  were  willing  to  attend, 
Eusebius's  "  Preparation  of  the  Gospel,"  a  translation  of 
which  into  Latin  had  been  one  of  the  new  publications 
of  the  day.  They  again  indulged  in  the  pleasures  of 
conversation,  and  passed  the  rest  of  their  time  as  they 
pleased,  until  about  an  hour  and  a  half  before  supper. 
After  this  they  reassembled  in  the  chapel,  and  said  the  ves- 
pers ;  when  Eeginald  Pole  expounded  St.  Paul's  Epistles. 
At  the  request  of  his  household,  he  took  this  office  upon 
himself,  and  commenced  the  duty  by  explaining  St.  Paul's 
Epistle  to  Timothy  :  in  doing  this  he  enlarged  on  the  duties 
of  the  clergy,  especially  on  the  duties  which  devolved  on 
the  superior  order  of  ecclesiastics.  He  acquitted  himself  in 
these  discourses  to  the  satisfaction  of  all,  but  especially  with 
the  approval  of  the  Bishop  of  Verona.  Priuli,  who  was 
himself  a  scholar,  remarked  on  the  reverence,  the  humility, 
and  sound  judgment  displayed  by  Pole  in  these  expo- 
sitions of  Scripture.  When  the  lecture  was  over,  they 
enjoyed  the  sweet  summer  season,  sometimes  by  taking  a 


ARCHBISHOPS    OF   CANTERBURY.  125 

walk  on  tlie  beautiful  banks  of  the  Meuse,  and  not  unfre-     char 

quently  by  a  row  on  the  river.     It  was   at  these  times  . )'l_ 

that  Pole  appeared  to  the  greate^  advantage,  and  he    "^PoiT^' 
thoroughly  enjoyed  himself.    He  would  say  to  Priuli  when    i-3;36-5S 
strolhng  together,  "  Certe^  '  Deus  nobis  lioac  otia  fecit  ;^  " 
and  he  often  adds,  says  the  courtly  Priuli,  when  writing 
to  Contarini,  "  how  I  wish  that  my  lord  Contarini  were 
here!"* 

Pole  remained  at  Liege  from  the  beginning  of  June 
till  the  21st  of  August.  Although  he  passed  his  time 
})leasantly  among  his  friends,  yet  he  had  the  feelings  of 
a  disgraced  man  ;  feelings  from  which  those  who,  having 
engaged  in  an  important  adventure  and  failed,  cannot 
escape  while  they  remain  on  the  site  of  their  failure.  We 
are  not  surprised,  therefore,  to  find  Pole  earnestly  en- 
treating for  his  recall ;  he  desired  a  new  sphere  of  action  ; 
and  his  petition  at  length  was  granted. 

Pole's  heart  overflowed  with  gratitude  to  his  kind  and 
generous  friend,  the  Bishop  of  Liege ;  and  he  caused 
letters  of  grateful  acknowledgment  to  be  despatched  to 
the  few  among  the  statesmen  in  the  Low  Countries,  who 
had  treated  him  with  sympathy  and  respect,  notwithstanding 
the  marked  incivility  of  their  government.  The  Bishop  of 
Liege  continued  to  load  him  with  favours ;  he  cancelled  a 
debt  which  the  cardinal,  at  his  first  coming,  had  incurred, 
and  he  presented  him  with  two  thousand  crowns.  This  sum 
he  requested  him  to  expend  on  the  purchase  of  a  service 
of  plate,  that  might  always  bear  testimony  to  the  affec- 
tion and  esteem  he  had  learned  to  entertain  for  his  guest. 
Pole  accepted  the  present,  and  sent  orders  to  Italy  for  the 
purchase  of  the  plate  adorned  with  the  arms  of  his  bene- 
factor. 

Pole  had  no  reason  to  complain  of  want  of  attention  as 

*  Quirini,  Diatribti  ad  Epistolas,  cv. 


126  LIVES   or  THE 

CHAP.     ]^Q  travelled  through  Germany.      On  arriving  in  Italy,  he 


Ixoginald 


paid  a  visit  to  his  friend,  the  Bishop  of  Yerona,  at  Bovo- 

Poic.      lona,  a  country  seat  belonging  to  the  bishop  in  the  Duchy 

1556-58.    q£  Mantua,  watered  by  the  Po.     Here,  too,  he  was  visited 

by  the  family  of  his  friend  Cardinal  Contarini,  for  whom 

he  felt  the  attachment  of  a  relative. 

Flaminio  came  also  from  Verona  to  pay  his  respects  to 
tlie  cardinal,  by  whom  he  was  persuaded  to  undertake  a 
translation  of  the  Psalms  into  Latin.  From  Bovolona 
Pole  went  to  Ferrara  by  water  ;  thence  to  Eavenna  and 
Loretto.  At  Bologna  he  expected  to  meet  Geri,  Bishop 
of  Fano,  who  had  been  with  him  in  all  his  difficulties  ; 
but  there  he  was  shocked  to  find,  not  his  friend,  but  a 
letter  announcing  that,  in  the  prime  of  life,  that  friend 
was  cut  off,  or  rather  was  called  to  the  Church  tri- 
umphant. 

At  length  the  cardinal  reached  Eome.  His  mission 
having  been  a  failure,  he  naturally  felt  some  anxiety  about 
his  reception  at  head-quarters.  His  anxieties,  however,  were 
soon  dispelled ;  for  Paul  HI.  met  him  with  the  cordiality 
of  friendship,  and  the  example  of  the  pontiff  was  followed 
by  the  court.  Paul  HI.,  who  must  have  felt  as  deeply 
as  any  one  the  failure  of  those  political  measures  from 
which  he  had  anticipated  such  grand  results,  behaved  with 
kindness  and  consideration  to  the  humiliated  legate.  He 
generously  shared  the  blame  of  the  speculation  with  him  ; 
or,  rather,  he  argued  that  blame  could  attach  to  no  one, 
since  they  had  been  compelled  to  yield  to  the  force  of 
circumstances  which  it  was  impossible  for  any  one  to 
foresee  or  control. 

No  longer  a  legate,  Eeginald  was  prepared  to  retire 
into  private  life  as  a  cardinal.  He  probably  began  to 
suspect,  as  was  ere  long  discovered  by  politicians,  that 
his  talents  were  not  those  of  a  statesman.     But  the  intel- 


ARCHBISHOPS    OF   CANTERBURY.  127 

ligence,  soon  after  received  from  England,  again  revived  chap. 
the  hopes  of  tlie  papal  party.  Although  the  late  in-  -^ — ,- — - 
surrections  had  come  to  nothing,  still  it  was  said  that  poiT' 
another  might  be  expected.  The  Eeformation  in  Eng-  i^og-oS. 
land  was  a  movement  of  the  middle  classes  of  society, 
headed  by  Crumwell,  a  middle-class  man.  ISTeither  the 
nobles  nor  the  poor  sympathized  in  it ;  and  the  poor, 
tlierefore,  were  always  ready  to  rise,  if  a  nobleman 
could  be  found  to  assume  the  command.  The  nobles 
had  been  generally  purchased  through  the  judicious  dis- 
tribution of  the  monastic  property ;  but  their  inclinations, 
apart  from  their  worldly  interests,  were  with  the  anti- 
reformers.  This  was  well  known  ;  and  a  conference,  with 
a  view  of  ascertaining  how  far  and  in  what  manner  the 
insurgents  could  be  encouraged  and  supported,  was  again 
held  at  Nice,  in  Provence,  in  June,  1538,  between  the 
pope,  the  emperor,  and  the  King  of  France.  On  such 
an  occasion  Cardinal  Pole  was,  of  course,  requested  to 
accompany  his  holiness.  The  ostensible  object  of  the 
meeting  was  to  effect  a  reconciliation  between  the  emperor 
and  Francis  I. 

Cardinal  Pole  was  deeply  gratified  by  the  extreme  cour- 
tesy with  which  he  was  now  met  by  the  emperor.  The 
unacknowledged  but  suspected  attachment  between  Pole 
and  the  Princess  Mary  was  likely  to  interfere  with  some 
of  the  emperor's  many  matrimonial  speculations  in  regard 
to  his  cousin  ;  and  Charles  V.  was  aware,  that  Pole's  in- 
fluence with  the  English  was  not  so  great  as  the  cardinal's 
friends  were  accustomed  to  represent  it ;  at  the  same  time, 
he  was  willing  to  enlist  the  talents  of  Pole  in  his  service. 
With  the  proud  condescensions  of  the  emperor,  Pole  was 
prepared  to  rest  contented.  He  was  therefore  taken 
agreeal^ly  by  surprise  when,  on  his  approach  to  Nice,  he 
was  singled  out  as  a  special  object  of  imperial  favour. 


128  LIVES   OF   THE 

CHAP.  They  had  never  met  before,  and  Cardinal  Pole  was  now 
« — r^ — '  in  attendance  upon  the  poj)e.  As  the  papal  procession 
Pole!  was  entering  the  town,  the  emperor,  in  military  splendour, 
1556-58.  issued  from  a  monastery  in  the  neighbourhood.  The 
cardinals,  with  their  several  suites,  were  directed  to 
meet  the  emperor  with  the  ceremonies  usually  observed 
on  these  occasions.  A  message  came  from  the  Chancellor 
Granvelle,  that  the  emperor  desired  to  have  a  private 
interview  with  the  cardinal  of  England  ;  and,  to  prevent 
jealousy,  he  assigned  the  reason — the  emperor  was  under 
personal  obligations  to  Cardinal  Pole  for  the  zeal  evinced 
by  the  latter  in  the  cause  of  the  emperor's  aunt,  Katha- 
rine, Queen  of  England.  Eeginald  Pole,  accompanied 
by  his  secretary,  from  whom  we  obtain  our  informa- 
tion, waited  upon  the  emperor  at  Villa  Franca,  where 
Charles  kept  his  court.  Although  the  emperor  was 
employed,  at  the  time  of  the  cardinal's  arrival,  on  public 
affairs,  he  admitted  Pole  immediately  into  his  presence, 
welcomed  him  with  the  cordiality  of  a  brother,  and 
entered  at  once  into  conversation  w^ith  him.  Eresh  news 
had  arrived  of  the  discontents  in  England  ;  and  although 
this  subject  w^as  not  immediately  under  discussion,  never- 
theless it  was  the  subject  which  the  emperor  had  most  at 
heart.  From  the  secret  conferences  between  the  emperor 
and  Pole,  and  from  an  appearance  of  his  being  in  the  pri- 
vate confidence  of  the  emperor,  the  cardinal  of  England 
partially  regained  the  prestige  which,  on  the  failure  of  his 
late  political  speculations,  he  had  lost. 

At  this  meeting  the  emperor  and  the  King  of  France 
came  to  a  good  understanding  with  one  another.  They 
again  came  to  the  determination,  that  the  English,  in  their 
resolution  to  resist  the  revolutionary  proceedings  of  their 
king,  should  be  assisted.  They  were  yet  again  to  learn 
that  the  real  power  in  England  vras  in  hands  prepared  to 


Reginald 
Pole. 


ARCHBISHOPS  of  Canterbury.  120 

assist  the  kincr,  and  that  both  the  wealth  and  the  intclli-     chap. 

.  .         .  IV 

gence  of  the  nation  were  with  him.  Charles  and  Pole  acted 

under  tlie  erroneous  impression,  that  the  insurrections  in 
England  had  been  a  resistance  to  the  innovations  in  reli-  1 006-58. 
gion  ;  and  therefore  it  was  supposed,  that  a  bull  threaten- 
ing an  interdict  to  the  people,  and  excommunicating  tlie 
king,  would  drive  both  parties  to  despair.  The  people, 
it  was  presumed,  to  avert  the  evil,  would  threaten  the 
king  ;  and  the  threatened  king,  it  was  expected,  would 
come  to  terms  with  the  pope.  Clement  VII.  had  threatened 
Henry  with  excommunication  ;  and  in  1535,  Paul  HI.  had 
drawn  up  a  bull ;  which,  however,  was  not  issued  because 
it  seemed  to  Francis  to  establish  a  precedent  of  which 
tlie  consequences  might  be  far  from  agreeable  to  kings  in 
general.  But  now,  at  the  conference  at  Nice,  the  feeling 
against  Henry  had  become  more  vehement,  on  account  of 
the  spoliation  of  the  shrine  of  St.  Thomas.  There  was 
scarcely  a  noble  family  in  Europe  which  had  not  placed  a 
jewel  on  St.  Thomas's  shrine,  and  when  his  jewels  were 
seized  by  Henry,  they  regarded  themselves  as  robbed.  If 
the  shrine  were  to  be  destroyed,  its  treasures,  it  was  con- 
tended, ought  to  have  been  returned  to  the  original  donoi^s. 
Paul  thought,  at  all  events,  that  this  was  the  fitting  time 
for  the  publication  of  the  bull ;  and  in  it  he  referred  to 
the  additional  enormities  of  the  heretical  monarch.  He  ex- 
communicated the  king  and  his  "  complices,"  and  declared 
all  his  subjects  and  vassals  absolved  from  their  oaths  of 
allegiance  and  from  all  their  other  obligations.* 

More  offensive  than  this  bull  was  a  brief  written  to  the 
King  of  Scotland,  in  which  Henry  was  declared  to  be  a 
heretic,  a  schismatic,  a  manifest  adulterer  and  murderer,  a 
rebel,  and  convict  of  high  treason  against  him,  the  pope,  his 

*  Cherubini,  Bullariiim,  torn.  i.  707.     The  bull  of  1540  was  clnefly 
a  repetition  of  the  bull  of  1535. 
VOL.  VIIl.  K 


130  LIVES   OF   THE 

CHAP,     lord ;  for  which  cause  the  pope  had  deposed  Henry  ;  and 

^—   lie  now  offered  his  dominions  to  the  King  of  the  Scots,  if 

Pole!  ^  lie  would  undertake  to  invade  them.*  Anotlier  brief  he 
1656-58.  sent,  of  similar  import,  to  the  King  of  France  and  other 
princes. 

By  no  one  was  this  bold  measure  more  approved  than 
by  Eeginald  Pole.  He  could  not  divest  himself  of  the  no- 
tion, that  the  vast  majority  of  the  people  of  England  would 
rise,  as  in  the  spirit  of  one  man,  to  resist  a  tyrant,  if  only 
they  could  be  sure  of  assistance  from  without.  The 
fact  that  the  emperor  and  the  King  of  France  had  met  a 
second  time,  and,  still  entertaining  no  friendly  feelings  the 
one  towards  the  other,  had  concluded  a  ten  years'  truce, 
must  convince  us  that,  although  Pole  was  mistaken,  he 
was  not  guilty  of  any  egregious  folly. 

The  English  navy,  at  one  time  so  efficient,  had  fallen 
into  decay  ;  the  harbours  were  unprotected.  Ireland  was 
in  a  state  of  rebellion  ;  everything  depended  upon  the 
nerve  and  wisdom  of  tlie  king  ;  and,  although  Henry  rose 
again  to  the  occasion^  and  soon  compelled  his  enemies 
once  more  to  seek  his  alliance  or  neutrality,  his  health 
was  at  this  time  failing. 

From  Nice  Pole  retired  to  a  country-house  of  his  friend 
Priuli,  where  he  completed,  enlarged,  and  prepared  for 
publication  his  treatise  ''  l)e  Unitate  ; "  and  in  conversation 
with  the  friends  who  were  able  to  visit  him,  or  in  letters 
to  those  who  were  at  a  distance,  he  felt  that  he  had 
regained  that  character  as  a  statesman,  which  he  had  lost 
under  his  former  commission. 

Of  this  he  had  a  further  proof  when,  in  October,  he 
returned  to  Eome.  The  pope  was  desirous  of  having  the 
ten  years'  truce  converted  into  a  permanent  peace  between 
the  emperor  and  the  King  of  France.  The  emperor  was  at 

*  Lesly,  Hist.  Scot.  150. 


ARCHBISHOPS   OF   CANTERBURY.  131 

Toledo,  and  Pole  was  sent  to  him  as  a  lej/ate  from  the     chap. 

...  IV. 

papal  see,  with  instructions,  that  from  the  emperor  he   — ^ — -^ 
should  proceed  to  a  conference  with  the  French  king.      Pole. 
We  possess  a  copy  of  the  instructions  given  to  the  legate,    i^^^-^s. 
which  were  to  induce  the  two  sovereigns  to  suspend  their 
operations   against   the   Turk — the   common   enemy  of 
Christendom — in  order  that  they  might  concentrate  their 
forces  so  as,  on  the  one  hand,  to  compel  Henry  VIII.  to 
acknowledge  the  papal  supremacy,  and,  on  the  other,  to 
labour  conjointly  for  the  extermination  of  the  Lutheran 
heresy  in  Germany.*     He  was  also  to  induce  the  emperor 
to    support   the  pope  in   his   determination  to   convene 
a  general  council,  the  council  at  Vicenza  having  failed 
through  the  hostilities  between  Charles  and  Francis. 

Pole  was  more  cautious  on  this  occasion  than  on  the 
last,  and  before  approaching  the  emperor  he  communicated 
with  his  minister.  Gattinara  died  in  1530,  and  he  had 
been  succeeded  by  Granvelle — Perrenot  de  Granvella — 
who  may  henceforth  be  regarded  as  the  sole  counsellor  of 
Charles  Y.  By  the  minister  he  was  prepared  for  a  less 
favourable  reception  at  Toledo  than  he  had  been  led  to 
expect.  There  were  passages  in  the  treatise  "De  Unitate" 
which  were  justly  offensive  to  all  crowned  heads ;  and,  to 
conciliate  the  emperor,  as  well  as  to  explain  his  conduct, 
Pole  wrote  that  "  Epistola  ad  Carolum  Quintum"  to  which, 
ill  order  that  his  principles  may  be  understood,  we  have 
already  referred.  The  legate  was  informed,  that  the 
King  of  England  had  again  put  forth  his  power,  and  had 
caused  his  enemies  at  home  to  tremble,  and  those  at  a 
distance  to  respect  him.  Henry  had  roused  himself  to 
action  ;  the  commotions  in  England  had  once  more  been 
quelled,  the  coasts  were  in  an  attitude  of  defence,  a  mihtia 

*  Instructio  pro  Reverendissimo  Cardinali  Polo  ad  Csesarem  Majes- 
tatcni  proficiscenti.     Quirini,  ii.  cclxxix. 

K  2 


132 


LIVES   OF   THE 


CHAP,     was   ready  to  meet  any  invader,  and  the  king  had  now 

' — ~r^ — '   opened  a  communication  with  the  Protestants  in  Germany. 

Pole.      However  wilnng  the  emperor  miglit  be  to  assist  the  pope, 

1553-58.  ]]e  would  not  do  more  than  remonstrate  with  Henry,  until 
Germany  had  been  reduced  to  peace,  and  until  the  empire 
was  freed  from  danger. 

Before  he  left  Eome,  Pole  had  received  a  significant 
hint  that,  subsequently  to  the  conference  at  Nice,  difficulties 
had  arisen,  for  he  was  directed  to  travel  without  a  suite 
and  in  disguise.  He  had  to  perform  the  journey  on 
horseback ;  and,  as  he  mentions  in  a  letter  to  Contarini, 
he  could  only  proceed  slowly,  for  the  roads  were  bad,  the 
cold  was  intense,  and  the  snow  lay  deep.  He  reached 
Bologna.  Here  he  lodged  at  the  private  house  of  Becca- 
telli,  his  secretary,  and  availed  himself  of  the  opportunity 
of  writing,  that  very  evening,  to  Contarini.  Beccatelli 
entertained  him  with  great  hospitality,  and  prepared  to 
accompany  him  on  his  journey.  He  intended,  at  Piacenza, 
to  take  a  day's  rest — needful  both  for  man  and  beast. 
He  asserted  that  he  never,  in  all  his  life,  felt  the  cold  so 
intense,  but  he  declared  that  nothing  should  prevent 
him  from  persisting  in  his  journey — neither  the  length 
nor  the  difficulties  of  the  way.  The  difficulties  were  indeed 
great,  "  tamen,  ut  spero,  iter  durum  vincet  pietasy  ^ 

At  Piacenza  letters  reached  Pole  from  England,  which 
rendered  him  anxious  about  his  family,  some  members  of 
which  were  already  involved  in  his  disgrace.  It  was 
therefore  to  him  a  great  consolation  to  find  his  dear  friend, 
the  Bishop  of  Verona,  awaiting  his  arrival*  He  had  come 
to  Piacenza,  some  days  before,  to  make  preparations  for 
the  continuance  of  the  journey,  on  which  he  intended  to 
accompany  the  cardinal.      To  a  mind  overwhelmed  with 

*  The  letter  was  written  on  the  Feast  of  Epiphany,  1539.     Ep.  Poli, 
ii.  143. 


ARCHBISIIOrS   OF   CANTERBURY.  133 

anxiety  there  is  nothing  so  consolatory  as  to  ^b^ou  o/ji^a,     chap. 
and  in  the  Bishop  of  Verona  he  had  a  sympathizing  friend.    - — r^ — - 
He  was  cheered  also  by  a  kind  communication  from  the      Poi"e'! 
pope,  who  transmitted  certain  autograph  letters  to  the    1 556-58. 
princes  to  whom  Pole  was  accredited.     For  the  arrival 
of  these  letters  Pole  had  looked  with  so  much  anxiety, 
tliat  it  is  clear  he  was  fearful  lest  some  change  might 
have  taken  place  in  the  counsels  of  the  pope. 

We  next  hear  of  Pole  at  Carpentras,  his  favourite 
retreat,  where  he  was  the  guest  of  his  friend  Sadoleto. 
He  was  deeply  affected,  as  Sadoleto  informs  us,  by  the 
news  from  England,  though  he  had  not  yet  heard  of  his 
brother's  execution.  Nothing,  however,  could  distract 
his  mind  at  this  time  from  public  business.  The  injuries, 
real  or  imaginary,  sustained  by  his  family  would  indeed 
only  exasperate  him  the  more  against  the  monarch  who 
was  thus  able  and  willing  to  take  his  revenge. 

At  the  end  of  January,  he  had  reached  Barcelona. 
He  who  had  expected  to  enter  Spain  at  the  head  of  a 
princely  retinue,  to  accompany  the  army  by  which  Eng- 
land was  to  be  invaded  ;  and  who  had  been  confident  that 
in  England  he  would  be  received  as  a  deliverer,  to  be 
matched  with  the  king's  daughter,  and  to  be  de  facto 
king,  now  dismissed  all  his  train  except  four ;  and  pre- 
pared, as  if  engaged  in  an  affair  of  which  he  was  ashamed, 
to  approach  the  Spanish  court,  at  that  time  residing  at 
Toledo. 

If  the  aspect  of  affairs  was  not  so  favourable  when  Pole 
entered  Spain  as  the  cardinal's  sanguine  temperament 
may  have  led  him  to  expect,  there  was,  nevertheless,  a 
prospect  of  success  in  the  great  object  of  his  mission. 
Sir  Thomas  Wyatt  was  the  representative  of  England  at 
the  court  of  Toledo ;  and  the  two  nations  being  still  at 
peace,   Sir  Thomas  demanded  that,  in  accordance  with 


134  LIVES    OP   THE 

CHAP,     treaties  then  in  existence,  Eeginald  Pole,  a  subject  of  the 

' — r^ — '   King  of  England  and  a  traitor,  should  not  be  received 

Pole.      as  an  ambassador  in  the  Spanish  court.     The  emperor 

1556-58.  stated,  in  reply,  that  "  if  he  were  his  own  traitor,  yet, 
coming  from  the  holy  father  at  Eome,  he  could  not  refuse 
him  audience."  *  The  English  ambassador  complained 
of  what  gave  satisfaction  to  the  legate — namely,  that  "  in 
Spain  all  things  be  waxen  from  cold  to  coldest." 

Pole  was  not  consulted,  but  he  received  information 
occasionally  from  the  minister,  whose  reports  would  at 
first  be  in  accordance  with  the  prevalent  rumours  of  the 
day.  It  is  difficult  even  now,  with  the  confidential  cor- 
responden(!e  in  our  hands,  to  understand  the  policy  of 
Charles  at  this  crisis  ;  and  it  must  have  been  completely 
impossible  to  have  done  so  in  the  time  of  Pole.  A  report 
prevailed  that,  at  the  instance  of  the  court  of  Eome,  the 
French  ambassador  had  been  recalled  from  the  court  of 
London,  and  that  his  example  was  soon  to  be  followed  by 
the  ambassador  of  Charles.  In  London,  the  foreign  mer- 
chants were  preparing  to  sail  to  the  Low  Countries.  In 
Flanders  it  was  fully  beheved,  according  to  a  statement 
made  by  Crumwell  to  Bonner,  that  a  league  was  formed 
between  the  French  king,  the  emperor,  and  the  Bishop  of 
Eome  ;  according  to  the  terms  of  which  the  King  of  Scots, 
aided  from  the  Continent,  was  to  invade  England  from  the 
north,  while  the  fleet,  now  sailing  in  the  narrow  seas, 
Avas  to  invade  it  from  the  south ;  military  preparations 
were  conducted  on  a  larger  scale  in  the  Netherlands  :  at 
the  same  time  considerable  sums  of  money  were  subscribed 
by  the  continental  clergy  ;  Henry  YIII.  was  to  be  deposed, 

*  State  Papers,  viii.  155.  For  the  whole  historical  statement  given 
above,  I  refer  the  reader  to  the  State  Papers  as  my  authority.  Through- 
out the  letters  there  are  frequent  allusions  to  "  that  false  traitor  Regi- 
nald," containing  no  further  information  concerning  him,  but  showing 
how  closely  he  was  watched. 


ARCHBISHOrS   OF   CANTERBURY.  135 

and  the  Princess  Mary  was  to  be  married  to  the  Duke  of     chap. 
Orleans,  who  was  to  become  King  of  England.  ,  '  .. 

But  very  soon  after  Pole's  arrival  at  Toledo,  a  revolu-  ■^^pX.^'^ 
tion  took  place  in  the  entire  counsels  of  the  emperor,  by  i5o6-58. 
whom  the  cardinal  was  treated  with  marked  contempt. 
This  was  the  second  time  that  all  Europe  had  been  agitated 
through  what  were  now  regarded  as  the  unintentional 
misrepresentations  of  Eeginald  Pole.  An  Englishman  of 
noble,  of  royal  birth  had  been  supposed  to  know  not  a  Httle 
of  the  state  of  things  in  his  native  land.  There  were  in- 
surrections in  the  country ;  Pole  regarded  them,  not  as 
vulgar  commotions,  but  as  risings  of  an  indignant  people. 
At  the  head  of  these  insurrections  there  were  certainly 
some  persons  of  noble  birth ;  but  Pole  did  not  know,  or 
would  not  understand,  how  exhausted  were  the  finances 
of  the  nobles,  and  how  diminished  they  were  in  numbers, 
since  the  wars  of  the  Eoses  and  the  rigours  of  the  late 
king's  government.  He  was  in  reality  very  little  more  to 
be  blamed  than  the  other  statesmen  of  the  day  ;  but  when 
failure  came,  the  blame  was  made  to  rest  on  his  shoulders 
exclusively.  The  person,  however,  who  really  comes  out  of 
the  crisis  with  character  most  damaged  is  Charles  V.  him- 
self. He  thought  to  profit  by  the  necessities  of  a  rival,  with 
whom  he  had  lived  on  terms  of  intimacy.  Throughout 
these  transactions,  we  must  bear  in  mind,  that  the  prevalent 
idea  in  Europe  was  the  insecurity  of  the  Tudor  dynasty. 
Hence  the  readiness  of  the  continental  sovereigns  to  give 
credence  to  Pole.  But  now,  a  second  time,  Charles  was 
made  to  understand,  that  the  king  whom  he  had  thought  to 
make  his  vassal,  was  a  match  for  his  enemies,  under  what- 
ever shape  they  might  conspire  against  him  or  make  an 
attack.  Henry  had  again  quelled  the  commotions  ;  Henry 
had  rendered  his  own  navy  effective,  and  had  converted 
the  national  marine  into  a  means  of  national  defence  ;  he 


136 


LIVES   OF   THE 


CHAP,     personally   superintended    every   department,   and    v^as 

• — ^ — -   infusing  his  own  resolute  and  patriotic  spirit  along  the 

Pole.       Avliole  coast.     All  London  v^as  in  arms.     Charles,  from 

1556-58.  ]iig  knowledge  of  Flanders,  could  understand,  that  the 
strength  of  England  no  longer  lay  in  the  harness  of  her 
nobles,  reduced  in  numbers,  and  tow^ards  whom  the  sharp 
edge  of  the  axe  was  ever  pointed,  held  firm  in  the  grasp 
of  a  pitiless  Tudor :  it  no  longer  lay  in  an  ill-armed  mul- 
titude, easily  swayed,  and  thinking  only  of  plunder.  He 
knew  the  strength  of  the  middle  classes,  who,  having 
risen  to  opulence,  were  resolved  to  defend  what  they 
possessed,  when  beset  by  noble  or  royal  robbers,  at  home 
or  from  abroad.  Pole,  too,  soon  understood  the  position 
of  affairs,  and  that  in  Spain  he  was  in  the  way,  from 
which,  if  he  did  not  retire,  he  would  soon  be  driven.  He 
was  treated  with  civility,  but  with  coldness.  He  was  to 
inform  the  pope  of  the  emperor's  goodwill ;  but  before 
he  could  assist  him  elsewhere,  Charles  must  first  pacify 
Germany.  He  had  no  objection  to  remonstrate  with 
Henry,  if  the  pope  desired  it ;  but  as  to  the  bull  of  ex- 
communication, it  was  written  in  language  too  strong ; 
and  whether  the  King  of  France  concurred  with  the 
emperor  in  opinion  or  not,  the  decided  opinion  of  the 
emperor  was,  that  conciliatory  measures  must  be  first 
attempted. 

The  legate,  dismissed  from  Spain,  did  not  repair  to  the 
French  court ;  for  here  also  he  had  been  forestalled  by  the 
vigilant  ministers  of  Henry.  On  the  strength  of  ancient 
treaties  they  demanded  the  surrender  to  the  King  of 
England  of  a  rebel  subject,  if  he  should  make  his  appear- 
ance in  France.*     Pole  was  desired  by  the  pope  not  to 

*  The  difficulties  of  the  French  court  come  out  curiously  in  the 
letters.  Bonner,  writing  to  Crumwell,  says,  "  Castillon,  forgetting  what 
he  had  said  to  my  servant  yesterday,  and  what  this  day  afore  dinner  he 


ARCHBISHOPS   OF   CANTERBURY.  137 

return  to  Eome  for  the  present ;  and  therefore,  on  leaving     chap. 
Toledo,  deeply  mortified,  he  souo;ht  to  calm  his  perturbed  -— -^-^ — - 
spirit  and  to  retresh  his  wearied  mmd  by  repairing  at  once      Poie. 
to  his  favourite  retreat  at  Carpentras.     Hence  he  sent  a    1556-58. 
despatch  to  Eome,  through  his  secretary,  Beccatelli,  ex- 
planatory of  his  conduct ;   wliile  he  opened  negotiations 
with  the  King  of  France,  through  Vincent  Parpalia,  a 
minister  of  his  household,  who  received  kind  words  and 
pohte  speeches,  and  nothing  more. 

had  told  me,  which  is  declared  in  the  discourse,  overshooting  himself, 
told  me  that  yesterday  he  did  speak  with  the  French  king,  saying,  one 
time  he  was  in  his  bed,  another  time  that  he  was  out  of  his  bed,  sitting 
by  the  bed's  side,  and  showed  unto  him,  as  he  said,  the  letters  which 
I  had  sent  to  him  touching  Cardinal  Pole,  the  copy  whereof  is  now 
sent;  and  he  saith  the  French  king  told  him  that  he  heareth  nothing  of 
the  coming  of  Cardinal  Pole  ;  but  he  saith,  if  it  be  so,  he  shall  have 
word  within  these  three  days,  because  these  eight  days  he  heard 
nothing  from  Monsieur  de  Tarbes.  Also  Castillon,  being  demanded  of 
me  what  he  supposed  the  French  king  would  do,  if  Cardinal  Pole 
would  attempt  to  come  hither,  especially  to  attempt  anything  against 
the  king  my  master,  especially  touching  the  censures ;  and  first  he  said 
the  king  would  not  agree  to  it,  afterwards,  confounding  himself,  he  said, 
that  if  Cardinal  Pole  came  hither,  it  was  to  be  supposed  and  thought 
that  the  emperor  and  he  were  of  one  accord.  '  Why,  sir,'  quoth  I, 
'  trow  ye  the  French  king  for  the  Bishop  of  Rome's  sake,  or  for  the 
emperor's  either,  will  admit  a  traitor  and  rebel  to  the  king  my  master 
within  France,  and  suffer  him  to  do  such  things  against  my  said  master?' 
Castillon  was  so  warbling  and  varying  in  his  tale,  that  he  wist  not 
whether  it  were  better  to  go  forth  in  his  tale,  or  to  enter  into  a  new 
matter ;  and  surely  he  satisfied  me  far  worse  than  ever  he  did,  and  this 
word  escaped  him,  '  Propter  Ducatum  Mediolanensem  they  must  etudy 
to  gratify  all  parties.'  " — State  Papers,  viii.  172. 

In  another  letter  from  Wyatt  that  minister  says,  "  My  Lord,  take 
this  in  haste.  Know  ye  that  Pole  the  cardinal  cometh  after  this 
courier  to  the  French  king,  to  solicit  against  the  king  our  master.  I 
suppose  it  shall  be  your  ofHce  to  make  preparative  with  the  French 
king,  to  demand  him  according  to  the  treaties,  the  whilst  ye  receive 
other  advertisement  from  the  king.  Further,  believe  this  bearer;  and  I 
recommend  me  unto  your  lordship.     At  Toledo  the  23rd  of  February. 

"  Tho.  Wiat." 


138  LIVES   OF   THE 

CHAP.         Pole  was  thoroiiglily  wretclied.     Disgraced  as  a  states- 

« — ^ —   man,  he  was  reduced  to  such  poverty  as  to  be  obhged 

Poi"^      to  seek  for  a  remittance  from  the  papal  government  to 

1556-58.  defray  the  ordinary  expenses  of  his  household.  He  begged 
to  be  no  longer  employed  in  the  public  service,  and  urged 
Contarini  to  plead  his  cause  with  the  pope.  Paul  III. 
continued  to  behave  with  considerate  kindness ;  he  ex- 
pressed himself  satisfied  with  the  legate's  conduct,  and 
supplied  him  with  money. 

Of  consolation  the  unfortunate  Eeginald  certainly  stood 
in  need.  The  bad  news  from  England,  already  alluded 
to,  was  confirmed.  Not  only  had  his  expectations  failed 
of  a  successful  rising  of  the  people  against  one  whom  he 
regarded  as  a  tyrant,  but  who  was  in  truth  a  popular 
king;  but  Pole's  machinations  had  brought  his  family 
into  peril,  for  they  had  evidently  sympathized  with  him, 
and  had  encouraged  his  proceedings,  though  we  know 
not  to  what  extent.  They  were  in  Henry's  power. 
With  reference  to  the  actions  brought  against  the  several 
members  of  the  Pole  family.  Lord  Herbert  says :  "  The 
particular  offences  of  these  great  persons  are  not  so  fully 
known  to  me  that  I  can  say  much." 

In  the  November  of  1538,  the  Marquis  of  Exeter  and 
the  Lord  Montague  were  suddenly  arrested  and  sent  to 
the  Tower.  Sir  Edward  Neville  followed  the  next  day, 
and  not  long  after  the  venerable  Margaret,  the  mother 
of  Eeginald  Pole.  The  proximity  of  the  scaffold  to 
the  Tower  was  too  well  known.  Pole  was  in  a  disposi- 
tion to  regard  the  sufierers  of  his  family  as  martyrs. 
What  gave  poignancy  to  his  affliction  was  the  disgrace 
brought  upon  the  Pole  family  by  Sir  Geoffrey  Pole. 
Sir  Geoffrey,  the  younger  brother  of  the  cardinal,  was 
a  traitor  to  his  family ;  and,  to  save  his  own  life,  he 
gave  or  invented  the  evidence,  which,  eventually,  sent 


ARCHBISHOPS    OF   CANTERBURY.  139 

his  brother,  his  kinsman,  and  his  noble  mother  to  the     chap. 
scaffold.  _iyi_^ 

The  probability  of  their  being  involved  in  treasonable  ^p^^^^^"^ 
correspondence  with  Eeginald  is  so  great,  that  we  should  1506-58. 
have  been  ready  to  believe  it  without  severely  scruti- 
nizing the  evidence,  even  if  the  evidence  were  produced. 
But,  as  we  have  had  occasion  elsewhere  to  observe,  the 
documents  relating  to  the  state  trials  in  Henry's  reign  liave 
been  tampered  with  or  destroyed.  However  much  we 
may  pity  human  suffering,  they  were  justly  regarded  by 
the  re-estabhshed  government,  for  the  overthrow  of 
which  they  had  laboured,  in  the  light  of  traitors ;  and 
we  cannot  complain  if  they  were  doomed  to  a  traitor's 
death. 

Eeginald's  own  attainder  followed  soon  after ;  and  his 
life  being  forfeited  to  the  laws  of  his  own  country,  any 
loyal  subject,  who  might  have  planted  a  dagger  in  his 
heart,  w^ould  have  been  regarded  by  the  laws  of  England 
as  having  performed  a  meritorious  act.  Pole's  only  pro- 
tection was  in  the  fact,  that  on  the  Continent  his  person 
was  sacred ;  and  that  in  foreign  lands  an  assassin  could 
not  expect  to  escape  with  impunity.  The  amount  of 
mental  suffering  he  had  to  endure  must  have  been  very 
great ;  and,  although  he  retained  a  few  friends  like  Con- 
tarini,  many,  who  had  formerly  been  his  flatterers,  were  to 
be  found  among  the  most  eager  to  bring  charges  against 
him.  Among  other  things,  his  conduct  seemed  to  them 
unaccountable,  in  that  he  had  not  visited  the  court  of  the 
King  of  France,  since  to  the  King  of  France  he  had  been 
accredited  as  a  legate  as  much  as  to  the  emperor.  He  had 
an  excuse  sufficient  in  the  hint  he  had  received,  that  his 
appearance  in  the  character  of  a  legate  would  have  been 
anything  but  acceptable  to  the  French  king.  He  denied, 
that  he  was  prevented  from  going  by  his  fears,  though  he 


140  LIVES    OF   THE 

CHAP,     contended,  that  it  was  useless  to  expose  himself  to  danger 

* — ^l_.    and  his  country  to  insult,  when  no  good  purpose  was  to 

Poie!*^     be  answered.     He  acted,  therefore,  on  his  own  judgment. 

1556-58.    He  placed  the  state  of  affairs  before  the  pope,  and  waited 

for  the  commands  of  his  holiness.     He  was  ready  to  obey 

orders  ;  but  no  directions  came. 

We  are  not  surprised  at  the  indignation  wdiich  his 
second  failure  excited  among  the  great  statesmen  of  the 
Continent.  Twice  had  the  pope,  the  emperor,  and  the 
King  of  France  been  induced  to  act  in  defiance  of  treaties  ; 
twice  had  they  astonished  Europe  by  their  extensive 
armaments ;  with  hostile  feelings  they  had  formed  a 
truce  when  they  declined  a  peace ;  they  had  everywhere 
boasted  that  the  Eeformation  was  so  unpopular  in  Eng- 
land that  the  people  were  ripe  for  rebellion ;  that  the 
monarch,  whom  the  pohcy  of  Wolsey  had  raised  to  the 
foremost  rank  among  the  princes  of  Europe,  was  about  to 
be  humbled  to  the  dust.  They  might  justly  be  offended 
with  the  man  who  had  made  them  the  laughing-stock  of 
the  English,  instead  of  the  conquerors  of  England. 

Contarini  sincerely  pitied  his  friend,  and  the  pope, 
through  Contarini's  influence,  acted  kindly  towards  him. 
In  order  to  obtain  for  Pole  some  mark  of  distinction  from 
the  papal  court,  Contarini  devised  a  measure  which  only 
serves  to  show  how  entirely  ignorant  they  were  at  Eome 
of  the  state  of  public  feeling  in  England. 

The  see  of  Salisbury  had  been  vacant  by  the  death  of 
Cardinal  Campeggio,  who  received  it  from  Henry  .Vni., 
and  held  it  in  commendam.  At  Campeggio's  death,  in 
1535,  the  bishopric  of  Salisbury  was  conferred  by  Henry 
on  Dr.  Shaxton.  But  this  act  was  to  be  ignored  by  the 
pope,  and  an  old  law  revived,  to  the  existence  of  which  in 
former  times  we  have  had  frequent  occasion  to  refer.  The 
pope  claimed  the  right  of  appointing  to  any  preferment 


ARCIIBISllOrS   OF   CAXTERBURV.  141 

vacant  by  the  death  of  an  incumbent  during  his  attend-  chap. 
ance  at  the  court  of  Eome.  Campeggio,  a  cardinal,  was  — ^ — • 
of  course  in  this  predicament ;  and  the  see  of  Sahsbury,  Po"e. 
tliough  fdled  by  the  chapter  and  the  King  of  England,  i5o6-58. 
was  regarded  by  the  Eoman  lawyers  as  still  at  the  dis- 
posal of  his  holiness.  The  see  of  Salisbury,  therefore,  was 
offered  to  Cardinal  Pole.  That  offer,  in  a  letter  we  still 
possess,  Pole  entreated  permission  to  decline.  The  emo- 
luments he  would  not  be  allowed  to  enjoy— -so  far  as  thei/ 
were  concerned,  he  might,  he  remarked,  as  well  be  nomi- 
nated Bishop  of  Antioch.  If  Henry  should  hereafter  be  de- 
posed and  the  papal  supremacy  be  established  in  England, 
it  was  not  necessary  to  make  him  nominally  the  Bishop  of 
Salisbury,  in  order  that  he  might  hereafter  become  so  in 
reality,  for  he  would  then  have  the  choice  of  the  best  pre- 
ferments of  the  land ;  meanwhile,  the  indignation  of  the 
English  would  be  such  as  to  render  them  more  than  ever 
determined  to  resist  all  papal  aggression  ;  and,  knowing  his 
countrymen  as  he  did,  he  knew  the  amount  of  ridicule 
with  which  his  pretensions  would  be  treated.*  He  de- 
sired that  even  the  offer  of  the  bishopric  might  be  kept 
a  secret.  He  always  dwelt  in  his  letters  and  conversa^ 
tion  on  the  sacrifices  he  had  made  for  the  papal  cause ; 
such  boasting  could  not  be  repeated  if  it  could  be  retorted 
that  he  had  been  an  applicant  for  the  emoluments  of  a 
bishopric  the  duties  of  which  he  could  not  discharge.  He 
expressed  himself  deeply  indebted  to  Paul  for  the  high 
honour  he  had  proposed  to  confer  upon  him  ;  but  he  con- 

*  I  have  reconciled  in  tlie  text  the  statements  of  Quirini  and  the 
letter  of  Pole  with  the  fact  that  Shaxton  was  appointed  to  Salisbury  in 
1535,  being  consecrated  at  St.  Stephen's  on  the  llth  of  April  (see 
Stubbs,  77).  No  attempt  was  made  on  the  part  of  the  pope  to  appoint 
to  the  see  when  first  it  w^as  vacant ;  but  the  claim  was  revived  by  Con- 
tarini,  as  it  seems  to  me,  to  seek  to  do  honour  to  the  unhappy  Pole. 


142  LIVES   OF   THE 

CHAR  eludes  by  saying,  "  Before  all  bishoprics,  at  the  present 
^ — ^ — '  time  I  feel  it  needful,  that  a  retreat  should  be  given  me, 
Po?e^  as  to  a  wounded  soldier  returning  from  war.  I  require 
i5o6-58.  time  for  the  healing  of  my  wounds  of  which  I  have 
Written  in  other  letters.  If  you  obtain  for  me  this  per- 
mission to  retire,  you  will  obtain  everything  which  at 
this  time  I  can  desire  ;  the  rest  let  us  leave  to  God :  may 
He  constantly  protect  you  with  His  right  hand,  and  com- 
fort you  with  His  Spirit.  Farewell.  Carpentras,  Aug. 
16,1539."* 

Pole  remained  in  retirement  until,  towards  the  close  of 
the  year,  he  was  summoned  to  Eome  on  business.  He 
quitted  Carpentras  with  regret  at  the  beginning  of  Octo- 
ber. He  went  with  a  heavy  heart,  and,  we  may  conclude 
from  his  letters,  not  without  fear  lest  an  attempt  should  be 
made  on  his  life.f  He  dreaded  the  sight  of  his  country- 
tnen,  and  suspected  a  dagger  concealed  on  the  person  of 
every  Englishman  who  approached  him.  He  went,  by  way 
of  Marseilles  and  Nice,  through  Piedmont,  and  arrived  at 
Verona.  Here  he  remained  for  some  time,  on  a  visit  to 
his  old  friend  Giberti,  whose  episcopal  court,  as  we  have 
Seen,  was  the  resort  of  men  not  less  distinguished  for  the 
purity  of  their  lives  than  for  their  eminence  in  every 
department  of  literature. 

At  last,  depressed  in  spirits,  he  arrived  in  Eome,  where 
he  was  received  with  affectionate  kindness  by  Contarini 
and  his  other  friends  :  they  were  all  anxious  to  dispel 
the  gloom  that  pervaded  his  mind. 

When  Contarini  was  despatched  to  represent  the  pope 
at  the  Diet  of  Eatisbon,  he  corresponded  with  Pole,  and 
Pole  urged  him  strongly  to  make  the  great  doctrine  of 
justification  by  faith  only  the  basis  of  all  the  reforms  he 

*  Ep.  Poli,  ii.  188.  t  Ibid.  ii.  191-199. 


ARCHBISHOPS   OF   CANTERBURY.  14 


should  propose.*    Pole  was  enabled  to  return  the  kindness     char 
of  Contarini  by  undertaking  to  look  after  his  interests  at  .    ^]''    . 
Eoine.     Contarini  complained,  as  Pole  had  done  before,    ^^'j^^'if'^ 
that  the  expenses  of  his  legation  exceeded  his  income,  and    1556-58. 
that  he  required  an  increased  allowance  from  the  govern- 
ment.    We  see  in  the  English  State  Papers,  that  similar 
complaints  were  made  by  our  own  diplomatists.    It  would 
seem,  that  the  statesmen  of  Europe  were  expected  to  con- 
sider the  honour  of  serving  their  country  a  sufficient  re- 
muneration,  and    that   those  services    should   be   given 
gratuitously.     When  this  is  the  case,  a  government  must 
be,  in  the  end,  defrauded ;  for  the  ministers  must  con- 
trive, by  indirect  means,  to  secure  an  income  sufficient 
to  maintain  their  position.     In  Contarini's  case,  he  found 
an  able  friend  in  Pole,  who  obtained   the  addition  to 
his  salary,  which  he  persuaded  the  pope  to  be  absolutely 
necessary. 

But  Pole  was  not  by  any  means  comfortable  at  this 
period  in  Rome.  Ascanio  Colonna,  having  refused  to 
acquiesce  in  a  monopoly  of  the  sale  of  salt,  claimed  by 
the  papal  government,  resisted  the  agents  of  the  pope  ; 
and  having  armed  his  followers,  and  provisioned  the 
castles  in  his  own  dominions,  was  continually  making 
sallies  and  predatory  excursions  to  the  very  walls  of  Eome. 
To  resist  him  Paul  III.  collected  a  large  body  of  troops  ; 
and  they,  under  the  command  of  Pier  Luigi  Farnese,  Duke 
of  Castro,  were  sent  to  attack  the  Colonna  fortresses.  Al- 
though, in  spite  of  the  interference  of  the  emperor,  the 
pope  was  eventually  successful,  Eom.e  and  the  country 
round  were,  through  these  circumstances,  reduced  almost 

*  Contarini  when  at  Ratisbon  published  a  treatise  on  justification, 
to  which  the  reader  may  be  referred  if  he  wishes  to  see  how  entirely 
Contarini's  view  of  justification  coincided  with  that  of  the  Protestants, 
and  Pole  was  one  with  him. 


Hi  LIVES   OF   THE 

CHAP,     to  a  state  of  anarchy.*     Annies  were,  at  that  time,  com- 

IV.  . 

'  —  posed  of  adventurers  from  foreign  lands,  who,  liaving  no 

'  Pole.  sympathy  with  the  natives  whose  cause  they  were  paid  to 
1J56-5S.  serve,  were  always  ready  to  plunder  friend  as  well  as  foe. 
Among  the  troops  on  either  side  were  Englishmen ;  by 
English  law  it  was  a  meritorious  act  to  take  the  life  of  an 
outlawed  English  rebel ;  and  Pole,  always  timid,  began  to 
fear  that  the  Eoman  government  would  not,  under  exist- 
ing circumstances^  be  able  to  protect  him.  He  removed, 
therefore,  to  Capranica,  a  small  town  celebrated  for  its 
mineral  waters,  and  beautifully  situated  beneath  the  hills 
of  Bracciano. 

Here  he  lived  in  retirement.  Both  the  emperor  and 
the  King  of  France,  when  Pole  ceased  to  be  legate, 
overwhelmed  him  with  professions  of  kindness.  From 
them  and  in  other  quarters  he  laboured  to  obtain  some 
appointment  worthy  of  his  royal  birth. f  Paul  HI.  at 
last  had  compassion  on  him,  and  rewarded  his  fidelity 
by  appointing  him — foreigner  though  he  was — to  be  the 
governor  or  delegate  of  that  portion  of  the  papal  estates 
called  the  Patrimony  of  St.  Peter,  of  which  Viterbo, 
where  he  now  took  up  his  abode,  was  the  capital.  Pole 
calls  his  office  the  Legation  of  the  Patrimony. 

This  province  is  situated  between  the  Tiber,  the  sea, 
and  the  frontiers  of  Tuscany.  The  town  itself  stands  on 
the  base  of  the  ridge  of  Monte  Cimino,  commonly  called 
Montagna  di  Viterbo,  about  forty  miles  from  Eome.  It 
had  formed  part  of  the  dominions  of  the  Countess  Matilda, 
who  bequeathed  it  to  the  see  of  Eome.  Here  the  popes 
had  frequently  found  protection  when  they  were  driven, 
by  turmoil  and  commotion,  from  Eome. 

*  Guidiccioni,  97. 

I  This  he  admits  in  his  letter  to  Paul  III. — a  remarkably  good  letter, 
in  a  style  more   simple   than  Pole  usually  employs.     Quirini,  iii.  32. 


ARCHBISHOPS   OP   CANTEKBURY.  145 

The  Legation  was  a  high  and  important  office  to  which     chap. 
Pole  was  now  called ;  and  he  commenced  his  administra-  > — .^ — - 
tion  by  an  act  which,  in  an  age  when  little  regard  was      pX. 
had  for  human  life,  must  redound  to  his  credit.     Two    1556-58. 
Englishmen  were   apprehended,    and  upon  their  appre- 
hension confessed  their  object  to  have  been  to  assassinate 
Eeginald  Pole.     They  were  brought  before  the  cardinal, 
who  spared  their  lives,  and  only  condemned  them  for  a 
few  days  to  the  galleys,  that  they  might  tell  their  country- 
men the  misery  to  which  they  might  be  subjected  for 
life,  even  if  the  life  of  the  assassin  were  to  be  spared. 

Beccatelli  was  his  secretary  ;  and  on  one  occasion  he 
appeared  with  despatches  from  various  parts  of  the  world. 
There  were  letters  from  France,  Spain,  and  Flanders. 
The  secretary  was  desired  to  read  them,  to  report 
their  contents,  and  to  suggest  the  answers,  before  receiving 
the  final  commands  of  the  cardinal.  On  folding  up  the 
letters  to  carry  them  to  his  private  apartments,  Beccatelli 
saw  that  one  of  them  was  from  England,  and  not  being 
acquainted  with  the  English  language,  he  submitted  it  to 
the  inspection  of  Pole  himself.  Pole  opened  the  letter. 
He  remarked  to  Beccatelli,  "  I  wish  you  could  read  the 
letter,  that  through  your  own  eyes  you  might  become 
acquainted  with  the  good  news."  There  was  that  in  the 
solemn  countenance  of  Pole  which  seemed  to  belie  his 
words  ;  but  he  proceeded  :  "  Until  this  time,  I  thought 
myself  highly  favoured  among  men,  for  that  I  was  de- 
scended from  one  of  the  best  and  most  noble  of  women. 
On  this  blessing  I  prided  myself,  and  to  the  Divine  good- 
ness I  was  ever  grateful.  But  by  Almighty  God  a  still 
higher  honour  has  been  conferred  upon  me — I  am  the 
son  of  a  martyr :  the  Countess  of  Salisbury  has  perished 
on  the  scaffold." 

BeccateUi  was  interrupted  when  he  began  to  produce 

VOL.  VIII.  L 


146  LIVES   OF   THE 

CHAP,     the  commonplaces  of  consolation.  "  Let  us,"  said  Eeginald, 
- — ^ — '  like  a  true  son  of  Margaret,  "rejoice  that  we  have  now  in 

Pofe!  heaven  another  advocate."  * 
1666-58.  He  quitted  the  room.  He  remained  for  an  hour 
in  his  oratory.  On  his  return,  he  appeared  with  a 
cheerful  countenance,  as  of  one  who  had  found  grace  to 
feel  as  well  as  to  say,  "  Father,  not  my  will,  but  Thine 
be  done."  He  ordered  masses  to  be  said  for  the  repose  of 
his  mother's  soul ;  but,  instead  of  having  recourse  to  the 
ancient  rites  of  the  Church  of  England,  he  appointed  the 
De  Profundis  to  be  performed,  accordmg  to  the  more 
modern  use  of  the  Eomish  Church. 

He  received  a  letter  of  condolence  from  Vittoria  Colonna, 
the  Marchesa  di  Pescara.  Her  letter  has  not  been,  as  far 
as  I  know,  preserved.  Pole's  reply  is  to  be  found  among 
his  epistles  : — 

^*  At  the  present  time  so  few  things  afford  me  satisfaction  or 
comfort,  that  I  am  all  the  more  grateful  to  thy  Excellency  for 
the  consolation  and  pleasure  which  thy  letter  has  afforded  me. 
But  elegantly  as  thy  letter  is  written,  and  admirably  as  the 
topics  of  consolation  are  applied  to  one  who  is  broken-hearted, 
yet,  truth  to  say,  it  is  not  the  letter  itself  that  I  value,  but  the 
fact  that  the  letter  was  evidently  inspired  by  Him  who  is  the 
Comforter  and  Paraclete,  the  author  of  all  true  and  lasting  con- 
solation. As  He  is  the  guide  of  thy  actions,  so  I  perceive  thy 
Excellency  looks  to  Him  as  the  inspirer  of  thy  writings.  He 
warns  me  in  that  letter  that  it  is  in  the  cause  of  Christ  that  I  have 

*  Beccatelli,  Dudithius,  97.  Pole,  with  his  usual  want  of  straight- 
forwardness, would  make  it  appear  that  his  mother  suffered  on  account 
of  her  religious  opinions.  There  is  no  proof  that  her  religious  opinions 
differed  from  those  of  Henry  VHI.  She  complied  with  all  the  reforms 
of  the  age.  She  died  because  it  was  asserted  that  she  had  held  secret 
treasonable  correspondence  with  her  sons.  What  we  complain  of  is,  that 
we  cannot  produce  the  evidence  by  which  the  charges,  as  alleged,  were 
substantiated. 


ARCHBISHOPS   OF   CAXTERBUEY. 


147 


to  labour ;  and  since  in  that  cause  I  am  not  conscious  of  having 
failed  in  my  duty,  but  have  laboured,  by  the  grace  of  Christ, 
to  the  utmost  of  my  ability,  for  the  promotion  of  His  glory,  if 
I  find  impediments  rather  than  assistances,  or  even  that  my 
way  is  beset  with  impediments,  does  it  not  follow  that  I  must 
cease  to  trust  in  man,  and  seek  consolation  only  in  Christ  ?  My 
consolation  is,  that  to  Him  all  praise  has  been  given  in  heaven 
and  on  earth,  and  His  lovingkindness  and  His  care  of  those 
that  are  His — that  is,  of  those  for  whose  salvation,  to  the  glory 
of  His  name,  we  labour — is  far  greater  than  any  we  can  evince 
towards  ourselves.  In  this  faith  how  can  we  doubt  but  that, 
when  the  time  has  come  appointed  by  God  the  Father,  to  whom 
only  the  times  and  seasons  are  known,  in  a  moment  of  time  all 
impediments  will  be  removed,  and  all  things  will  be  accom- 
plished beyond  our  most  sanguine  hopes  ?  He,  in  the  mean 
time,  will  not  contemn  our  works  performed  through  His 
■grace,  even  if  in  what  we  most  desire  we  may  not  be  success- 
ful ;  for  we  know  not  what  may  be  really  for  our  good ; — our 
labour  will  not  be  in  vain.  He  knows  what  is  good  for  us,  and 
in  His  own  good  time  will  correct  what  is  amiss  in  us.  Blessed 
be  His  holy  name,  now  and  ever — Amen."  * 

He  proceeds  in  the  same  strain  of  piety,  and,  towards 
the  conclusion,  he  adverts  to  Yittoria's  promise  of  engaging 
the  prayers  of  the  nuns  among  whom  she  was  lodging, 
in  union  with  her  own,  in  his  behalf.  He  sought  for 
protection  through  the  prayers  of  piety ;  and  they  who 
supported  him  by  their  prayers  in  the  Church  militant, 
were  regarded  by  him  as  cohorts  enlisted  in  his  de- 
fence, exposed  as  he  was  to  assaults  or  ambushes  on  every 
side,  devised  by  Pharaoh — Henry  VIII. — for  his  destruc- 
tion. He  had  a  right  to  ask  her  Excellency's  prayers, 
for,  from  the  time  that  he  discovered  the  virtues  with 
which  God  had  endowed  her,  he  had  held  her  in  the 
deepest  reverence  ;  and  now  that  the  fury  of  Pharaoh 

*  Ep.  PoH,  iii.  77. 
I.  2 


CHAP. 
IV. 

Eeginald 

Pole. 
1556-58. 


148  LIVES   OF   THE 

CHAP,     had  robbed  liim  of  the  mother   who   gave   him  birth, 

IV 

— ^ — '  he  had  taken  her  Excellency  into  that  honoured  mother's 
Pole.      pli^ce. 

1556-58.  Knowing  as  we  do  the  severities  which  Pole  ordered, 
or  did  not  oppose,  at  the  termination  of  his  career,  we 
read  with  interest  the  unanimous  testimony  borne  to  the 
leniency  of  his  government  at  Viterbo.  They  who  have 
any  knowledge  of  human  nature  are  aware,  that  the 
selfish  man  may  indulge  his  selfishness  in  praise  received 
for  kind  conduct  at  one  time,  and  yet  at  another  time  he 
may  yield,  in  self-defence,  to  the  policy  which  suggests 
severities  amounting  to  persecution. 

Although  a  cardinal,  Pole,  it  will  be  recollected,  was 
not  at  this  time  in  full  orders.  "  He  had  only  received 
the  tonsure,"  says  Phillips,  "  by  which  those  are  initiated 
who  design  themselves  for  the  clergy,"  Beccatelli,  there- 
fore, records  it  as  a  sign  of  personal  piety  in  Eeginald 
Pole,  that,  although  he  was  a  cardinal,  he  had  such 
reverence  for  the  clergy,  that  whenever  mass  was  cele- 
brated in  his  chapel,  he  himself  performed  the  offix^e  of 
acolyte,  and  condescended  to  robe  and  unrobe  the  offi- 
ciating priest.  He  received  the  holy  communion  every 
Sunday  ;  and,  without  neglecting  his  official  duties  of 
governor,  he  devoted  himself  to  theological  studies. 

His  court  was  a  model  of  propriety,  a  rare  occurrence 
at  that  time  in  Italy  ;  and  he  gathered  around  him  a 
society,  for  social  and  literary  meetings,  of  his  friends,  in- 
cluding persons  of  both  sexes.  Among  these  was  fre- 
quently Vittoria  Colonna,  who  took  up  her  abode  in  the 
neighbouring  convent  of  St.  Catarina.  Carnesecchi,  of 
whom  mention  has  been  formerly  made,  was  a  frequent 
visitor  ;  and  besides  Priuli,  Marco  Antonio  Flaminio  was 
an  inmate  of  his  house.  In  a  letter  to  Contarini,  Pole 
says  that  he  found  edification  and  comfort  in  the  society 


ARCHBISHOPS   OF   CANTERBURY.  149 

which  he  had  gathered  around  him,  and  that  he  only 
wanted  the  presence  of  Contarini  himself  to  make  his 
happiness  complete.  He  had,  indeed,  some  trouble  with  Poie. 
Flaminio,  who,  during  a  visit  to  Naples,  had  fallen  into  the  1556-58. 
hands  of  Valdes  ;  and  had  returned  to  Viterbo  with  those 
sceptical  notions,  of  which,  as  we  have  shown  in  another 
place,  he  was  disabused  by  Pole.  The  discussions,  how- 
ever, into  which  he  was  led  by  the  honest  doubts  of  an 
ingenuous  youth,  while  they  served  to  invigorate  his 
mind,  tended  in  their  result  to  add  to  his  comfort. 

It  was  about  this  time  that  the  "  Beneficio  di  Christo  " 
appeared.  It  was  read  at  Viterbo.  It  was  read  every- 
where. Thousands  of  copies  were  printed  and  sold.  By 
whom  was  it  written  ?  This  was  the  question  in  every 
one's  mouth ;  and,  in  order  to  find  an  answer,  those  who 
had  not  read,  proceeded  to  purchase  it.  The  great  unknown, 
who  is  he  ?  This  was  a  question  sometimes  asked  with  a 
simper,  as  if  the  querist  would  wish  himself  to  be  suspected. 
It  was  afterwards  denounced  as  heretical,  but  not  at  first, 
because,  until  the  Council  of  Trent  had  completed  its 
sessions,  the  doctrine  of  justification  by  faith  only,  as  we 
have  had  frequent  occasion  to  remark,  was  considered  an 
open  question. 

With  the  history  of  this  remarkable  book  the  name  of 
Pole  is  so  nearly  associated,  that  we  must  devote  to  it  more 
than  a  passing  notice. 

"II  Beneficio  di  Christo,"  a  treatise  on  the  benefit  derived 
by  Christians  from  the  death  of  Christ,  sometimes  called 
"the  httle  golden  book,"  was  published  anonymously;*  but 

*  See  The  Benefit  of  Christ's  Death:  reprinted  in  fac-simile  from  the 
Italian  edition  of  1543 ;  together  with  a  French  translation  printed  in 
1551  :  to  which  is  added  an  English  Version  made  in  1548,  by  Edward 
Courtenay,  Earl  of  Devonshire.  With  an  introduction  by  Churchill  Bab- 
ington,  B.D.,   Fellow  of  St.  John's  College,   Cambridge,  8vo.  Camb. 


150  LIVES   OF   THE 

CHAP,     the  fact  of  its  being  very  generally  attributed  to  Pole,  on 

--^-^-^ — '  its  first  appearance  in  the  world,  is  valuable  as  showing 

Pofe^      what  was,  in  the  opinion  of  the  age,  the  tendency  in  dog- 

i55(>-58.    matics  of  Pole's  mind.     Yergerio,  Bishop  of  Capo  d'lstria, 

writing  of  the  book  some  time  after  its  publication,  observes, 

*'  Many  are  of  opinion,  that  there  is  scarcely  a  book  of  this 

age,  or  at  least  in  the  Italian  language,  so  sweet,  so  pious, 

so  simple,  so  well  fitted  to  instruct  the  ignorant  and  weak, 

especially  in  the  doctrine  of  justification.  I  will  say  more — 

Eeginald  Pole,  the  valued  friend  of  Morone,  is  esteemed 

the  author  of  it,  or  partly  so ;   at  least,  it  is  known  that 

he,  with  Flaminio,  Priuli,  and  his  other  friends,  defended 

it,  and  laboured  for  its  circulation."  * 

This  last  assertion  is  undoubtedly  true,  for  by  Vittoria 
Colonna  the  funds  were  supphed  for  the  expense  of  printing 
it ;  and,  with  the  view  of  circulating  it  in  his  diocese, 
Morone  edited  the  edition  which  issued  from  the  Verona 
press. 

The  history  of  the  work  is  remarkable.  So  popular 
was  it  in  the  16th  century,  that  in  Verona  alone  40,000 
copies  were  sold  in  six  years.  It  was  circulated  in  almost 
every  country  of  Europe — in  Italy,  in  Germany,  in  Austria, 
in  England,  France,  and  Spain,  and  it  was  translated 
everywhere  into  the  vernacular.  Fifty  thousand  copies 
at  least  were  sold.  It  became  one  of  the  commonest 
books  in  the  world;  and  yet  in  the  middle  of  the  19th 
century  it  had  become  one  of  the  rarest.  It  was  plain, 
that  the  Eomish  Inquisitors  had  done  their  work  com- 
pletely, and  that  almost  every  copy  had  been  destroyed. 
The  original  and  its  numerous  translations,  it  was  sup- 
posed, had  all  perished  together.     Neither  Schelhorn  nor 

1855.     The  reader  may  also  be  referred  to  The  Trial  and  Martyrdom 
of  Pietro  Carnesecchi,  by  Kichard  Gibbings,  B.D. 
*  Schelhorn,  xii.  537. 


ARCHBlSHOrS  OF   CANTERBURY.  151 

Dr.  McCrie,  after  the  most  diligent  inquiries,  were  able  to  chap. 
discover  a  copy.  Gerdese  exclaimed  in  despair,  that  it  ^ — ^^— 
had  withdrawn  itself  from  the  eyes  of  men.  It  is  seldom  Se! 
that  anything  can  escape  the  researches  of  the  indefati-  1556-58. 
gable  Eanke,  but  here  he  failed.  Macaulay,  without  mak- 
ing any  search  or  inquiry,  with  his  witty  dogmatism, 
affirmed,  that  the  "  Beneficio  "  was  as  hopelessly  lost  as 
the  second  decade  of  Livy.  There  is,  however,  a  class  of 
scholars  who  are  only  provoked  by  ignorant  dogmatism  to 
increased  exertion ;  and  they  find  pleasure  in  the  discovery 
of  truth,  even  when  it  bears  upon  subjects  of  no  very 
great  importance.  Mr.  Babington  discovered,  that  at  the 
very  time  when  these  expressions  of  literary  despair  were 
uttered,  two  copies  of  the  original  were  silently  reposing 
in  safe  quarters  ;  not  unknown,  though  known  only  to  a 
chosen  few.  One  copy  was  in  the  possession  of  B.  Kopitar, 
the  late  librarian  at  Vienna,  and  the  other  in  a  closet  of 
the  library  of  St.  John's  College,  Cambridge,  locked  up 
with  other  books  and  manuscripts  of  extreme  rarity.* 
Through  the  care  of  Mr.  Babington,  the  work  has  been 
reprinted  and  carefully  edited ;  and  thus  has  been  restored 
to  the  public,  a  treatise  the  recovery  of  which  was 
deemed  hopeless. 

The  discovery  is  the  more  valuable,  for  authors  have, 
of  late  years,  appeared  who,  not  believing  in  the  truths  of 
Christianity  themselves,  and  confounding  Christian  verities 
with  Eomish  fictions,  have  laboured  to  make  it  appear 
that  the  great  and  good  men  who  endeavoured  to  effect  a 
reformation  of  the  Italian  Church,  had  a  tendency  to 
Socinianism,  thereby  placing  a  weapon  of  defence  in  the 

*  The  Rev.  Mr.  Cowie,  Fellow  of  St.  John's  College,  Cambridge,  had 
made  it  publicly  known  in  1843,  that  the  original  was  in  St.  John's 
library.  See  his  catalogue  of  MSS.  and  scarce  books  in  St.  John's 
College  Library,  referred  to  by  Mr.  Babington,  Ixxi. 


152  LIVES   OF   THE 

CHAP,     l^^^^^s  of  the  Eomanist,  who  would  confound  reformation 

^^'-  ,  with  infidehty. 
Reginald  With  respcct  to  the  authorship  opinions  are  divided, 
1556-58.  although  it  is  universally  admitted  that  it  was  revised  by 
Flaminio,  the  constant  companion,  at  this  time,  of  Pole.* 
It  is  attributed  by  many  to  Aonio  Paleario,  a  native  of 
Vesoli,  in  the  Campagna  di  Eoma.  He  was  one  of  the 
distinguished  literary  society  in  which  Pole  moved,  and  fell 
a  victim  to  the  intolerant  violence  of  Pius  V. ;  or,  rather, 
through  his  instrumentality  Paleario  became  a  martyr. 
He  was  delivered  over  by  the  pope  to  the  tender  mercies 
of  the  Inquisition.  The  chief  accusation  brought  against 
him,  according  to  Laderchi,  was  his  having  published  "  a 
little  book,  in  which  he  artfully  concealed  the  mortal 
poison  of  heresy." 

After  giving  to  the  subject  the  best  attention  I  can,  I 
have  come  to  the  conclusion,  that  the  work  may  have 
been  drawn  up  by  some  unknown  author,  and  then 
forwarded  for  revision  to  the  leading  scholars  and 
divines  in  Italy.  The  friends  of  those  to  whose  revision 
the  work  was  subjected,  and  by  whom  its  several  parts 
were  brought  under  discussion,  would  lead  many  to  the 
conclusion  that,  when  the  name  of  the  author  was  asked, 
they  possessed  the  clue  by  which  to  find  an  answer 
to  the  enigma.  In  order  to  divert  the  attention  from 
any  particular  individual,  all  the  persons  consulted  were 
willing  to  create  a  suspicion  of  their  own  share  in  the  com- 

*  By  Sclielhorn,  Gerdese,  Bayle,  and  others  the  work  is  attributed 
to  Aonio  Paleario :  the  question  is  fairly  and  candidly  discussed  by  Mrs. 
Young  in  her  life  of  Aonio  Paleario  (pp.  340,  341),  who  is  prejudiced  in 
favour  of  Aonio  Paleario.  See  also  M.  Jules  Bonnet's  Paleario,  p.  138. 
Ranke  evidently  inclines  to  the  opposite  view  of  the  case,  without  giving 
a  decided  opinion.  Mr.  Gibbings  attributes  it  to  Carnesecchi.  Mr. 
Churchill  Babington  is  of  opinion  that  Pole  did  not  write  it,  but  that 
he  knew  something  about  it. 


ARCHBISHOPS    OF   CANTERBURY.  153 

position,  though,  when  asked  authoritatively  by  whom 
the  book  was  written,  they  could  truly  say  they  could  not 
tell — for  it  was  in  fact  the  work  of  many  minds.  No  one  pX. 
who  is  acquainted  with  the  acknowledged  works  of  Eeginald  1556-58. 
Pole,  and  has  read  the  "  Beneficio,"  can  entertain  the  opi- 
nion that  he  was  the  author  of  a  book  written  in  a  style 
so  simple  and  severe.  But  it  is  easy  to  understand  how, 
from  his  position  and  his  relation  to  the  many  persons  con- 
sulted in  the  composition  of  the  work,  the  book  might 
have  been  attributed  to  him  by  contemporaries  to  whom 
both  his  writings  and  his  real  character  were  unknown. 

Before  Pole's  career  was  finished  his  character  was  be- 
ginning to  be  understood  by  some  of  the  more  discerning 
writers  of  the  age.  When  this  work  was  first  published, 
Vergerio  was  among  the  earliest  who  attributed  it  to 
Pole  ;  and  we  may  believe  that  it  represented  his  real 
opinions,  probably  as  they  continued,  with  some  modifica- 
tions, to  the  last.  But  at  a  later  period,  we  find  the  same 
Vergerio  writing  of  Pole,  in  connection  with  the  "  Bene- 
ficio," in  a  very  different  strain.  Pole  was  suspected  to 
be  acting  a  disingenuous  part  with  respect  to  this  very 
work.  Vergerio  states  that,  with  respect  to  the  "  Bene- 
ficio di  Christo,"  it  had  been  attacked  by  a  friar — Am- 
brosio  Catarino ;  "  but  that  another  good  person,  of 
talent  and  spirit — Flaminio — has  undertaken  to  defend 
it,  and  has  composed  a  dolce  libro,  and  given  it  into 
the  hands  of  a  cardinal — Cardinal  Eeginald  Pole — who, 
report  says,  is  enlightened,  knows  the  errors  of  the 
Church,  and  has  tasted  the  sweetness  of  the  Gospel.  He 
has  certainly  many  noble  qualities ;  but  if  this  cardinal 
does  not  now  let  the  defence  of  this  book,  which  he  has 
in  his  possession,  see  the  light,  and  does  not  declare  himself 
by  saying  it  is  good,  I  shall  be  of  opinion  that  the  report 
speaks  false,  and  that  he  is  not  animated  by  the  feelings 


154  LIVES   OF   THE 

CHAP,     ^o^  which  many  have  given  him   credit.     He  is  accns- 
^^/  _^   tomed  to   say  that  he  must  be  prudent,  and  wait  for  a 
'^Poie''^'^    suitable  time  and  opportunity.     This  sounds  well ;  but 
1556-58.    the   iiivourable  time  and  opportunity  will  never  come, 
now  that  so  many  people  seek  in  such  various  ways  to 
deny  the  benefits  and  glory  of  Christ.     When  will  he 
declare  himself  and  make  himself  known  as  His  soldier, 
if  he  does  not  do  it  now  that  Christ,  in  His  members,  is  so 
much  combated,  tormented,  and  afflicted  ?     We  shall  now' 
look  to  see  what  this  cardinal  will  do.     May  God  give 
him  courage,  for  it  is  quite  time  that  he  and  all  his  fol- 
lowers declare  themselves."  * 

Nevertheless,  how  thoroughly,  though  unconsciously, 
Protestant,  Pole  and  the  other  great  divines  of  Italy  had 
become,  is  pointed  out  by  Eanke  and  McCrie.  "  If  we 
inquire,"  says  the  former,  "  what  was  the  faith  which 
chiefly  inspired  these  men,  we  shall  find  that  the  main 
article  of  it  vms  the  same  doctrine  of  justification  which, 
as  preached  by  Luther,  had  given  rise  to  the  whole  Pro- 
testant movement."  Contarini  wrote  a  treatise  upon  it,  of 
which  Pole  speaks  in  the  highest  praise.  "You  have 
brought  to  light  the  jewel,"  says  he,  "  which  the  Church 
kept  half  concealed."  Pole  himself  was  of  opinion  that 
Scripture,  taken  in  its  profoundest  connection,  preaches 
nothing  but  this  doctrine.  He  esteems  his  friend  happy 
in  that  he  had  been  the  first  to  promulgate  "  this  holy, 
fruitful,  indispensable  truth."  The  same  fundamental 
verity  was  at  this  time  held  by  Flaminio  also,  whom  Con- 
tarini wished  to  take  with  him  into  Germany.  The  follow- 
ing passage  shows  how  distinctly  he  taught  this  doctrine : 
"  The  Gospel,"  says  he,  in  one  of  his  letters,  "  is  no  other 
than  the  blessed  tidings  that  the  only-begotten  Son  of 

*  This  passage  occurs  in  the  Catalogue  of  Vergerio,  of  which  rare 
book  there  is  a  copy  in  the  British  Museum. 


ARCHBISHOPS   OF   CAXTERBURV.  155 

God,  clad  in  our  flesh,  hath  made  satisfaction  for  us  to  the     chap. 
justice  of  the  eternal  Father.     He  who  beheves  this  enters  ._  ^^^'    . 
into  the  kingdom  of  God  ;  he  enjoys  the  universal  pardon ;    ^\?J,^^^^ 
from  a  carnal  he  becomes  a  spiritual  creature ;  from  a    1556-58. 
child  of  wrath,  a  child  of  grace ;   he  lives  in  a  sweet 
peace  of  conscience.     It  is  hardly   possible  to  use  lan- 
guage of  more  orthodox  Lutheranism  !  "  * 

McCrie,  referring  to  this  celebrated  treatise  on  justifica- 
tion, by  Gaspar  Contarini,  remarks :  "  It  is  impossible  to 
read  the  treatise  on  justification,  drawn  up  by  him  when 
he  acted  as  legate  at  the  diet  and  conference  held  at 
Eatisbon,  in  1541,  together  with  the  letters  which  passed 
between  him  and  Pole  at  that  time,  without  being  con- 
vinced that  both  these  prelates  agreed  with  the  reformers 
on  this  article,  and  differed  widely  from  Sadoleto  and 
others,  whose  sentiments  were  afterwards  sanctioned  by 
the  Council  of  Trent."  Pole  tells  him  that  he  "  knew  long 
ago  what  his  sentiments  on  that  subject  were ;"  that  he 
rejoiced  at  the  treatise  which  Contarini  had  composed, 
"  because  it  laid  not  only  a  foundation  for  agreement  with 
the  Protestants,  but  such  a  foundation  as  illustrated  the 
glory  of  Christ — the  foundation  of  all  Christian  doctrine, 
which  was  not  well  understood  by  many ;  that  he  and  all 
who  were  with  him  at  Yiterbo  joined  in  giving  thanks  to 
God,  who  had  begun  to  reveal  this  sacred,  salutary,  and 
necessary  doctrine ;"  and  that  its  friends  ought  not  to 
be  moved  by  the  censures  which  it  met  with  at  Eome, 
where  it  was  "  charged  with  novelty,"  although  "  it  lies  at 
the  foundation  of  all  the  doctrines  held  by  the  ancient 
Church."  f 

*  Ilanke,  Hist,  of  the  Popes,  i.  92. 

•f  See  Pole's  letters  to  Contarini  of  the  17th  May  and  16th  July, 
1541,  and  1st  May,  1542.  Epistolae  Reginald!  Poli,  vol.  iii.  pp.  25, 
27-30,  53.  Quirini,  besides  what  is  contained  in  his  Dissertations  pre- 
fixed to  Pole's  letters,  attempted  to  defend  w.hat  he  calls  Contarini's 


156  LIVES   OF   THE 

CHAP.  Luther,  it  is  well  known,  would  not  listen  to  the  pro- 
._  /  . .  posals  for  peace  made  at  what  was  called  the  Pacification 
Pofg^  of  Eatisbon,  and  his  opposition  is  sometimes  ascribed  to 
1666-58.  mere  party  feeling,  or  personal  motives.  We  would 
rather  attribute  it  to  the  wonderful  sagacity  of  his  pow- 
erful mind.  He  saw  from  the  beginning,  that  the  doctrine 
of  justification  by  faith  only  upset  the  whole  dogmatic 
teaching  by  which  tlie  Church  of  Eome  is  distinguished 
from  the  rest  of  Christendom.  Do  away  with  the  Eomish 
dogma  of  justification  by  inherent  righteousness — the 
dogma  made  Eomish  at  the  Council  of  Trent — and  man 
remains  a  sinner  to  the  last.  The  greatest  saint  is  only  a 
sinner  pardoned,  and  requires  pardon  to  the  last.  Admit 
this,  he  said,  and  the  whole  notion  of  supererogatory 
merit  is  at  once  abolished,  and  with  it  Mariolatry  and 
saint  worship,  purgatory,  indulgences,  and  everything 
pertaining  to  meritorious  action.  Luther,  when  he  saw 
men  professing  to  accept  the  doctrine  of  justification  by 
faith  only,  and  yet  defending  the  tenets  of  Eomanism, 
which  this  dogma  at  once  annihilated,  treated  them  as 
deceivers.  It  was  not,  however,  their  heart,  it  was  their 
logic  which  was  at  fault. 

This  was  soon  perceived  by  men  less  true-hearted  but 
more  clear-headed  than  Pole  or  even  Contarini ;  and  in 
establishing  Eomanism  at  the  Council  of  Trent,  the  doc- 
trine of  justification  by  faith  only,  as  opposed  to  the 
doctrine  of  justification  by  inherent  righteousness,  was 
denounced  as  a  heresy.  Because  they  continued  to  hold  it, 
Pole  and  his  friends,  though  consulted  and  employed  at  the 
opening  of  the  Council  of  Trent,  were  soon  put  on  one  side. 

orthodoxy  in  a  separate  tract,  entitled,  Epistola  ad  Gregorium  Rothfis- 
cherum,  Brixise,  1752,  to  which  Jo.  Rud.  Kieslingius  replied  in  his  Epis- 
tola ad  Eminent.  Princ.  Angelum  Mariam  Quirinum,  de  Religione 
Lutherana  amabili.     Lips.  1753. 


ARCHBISHOPS   OF   CANTERBURY.  157 

At  one  period  of  his  life,  indeed,  the  Inquisition  threatened     chap. 
Pole,  though  a  cardinal  at  the  time,  with  a  prosecution  s__£^:_^ 
for  heresy ;    under  which  charge  some  of  his   friends,      pX. 
Paleario  himself,  suffered  martyrdom.  1666-58. 

Pole,  except  during  the  reign  of  Paul  III.,  was  not 
always  a  favourite  at  Eome ;  but  by  his  devotion  to  the 
Eoman  pontiff  and  the  interests  of  the  Eoman  see,  he  was 
able  to  surmount  the  hostility  of  those  who  saw,  what  he 
himself  did  not,  the  Protestant  tendency  of  his  doctrine. 
When,  through  his  enmity  to  Henry  VIII. ,  his  passions 
were  enlisted  on  the  side  of  the  pope,  his  devotion  to  the 
papacy  became  a  fanaticism.  His  violence  in  favour  of 
papal  supremacy,  in  conjunction  with  his  doctrinal  system, 
— scarcely,  if  at  all,  to  be  distinguished  from  Protest- 
antism,— involved  him  in  many  inconsistencies  and  con- 
siderable difficulties.  Even  to  the  last,  as  we  have  before 
remarked,  the  pope,  in  whose  cause  he  was  ready  to  die, 
never  trusted  him  ;  and  if  Eome  could  have  done  without 
him,  he  would  never  have  been  the  primate  of  England. 

We  may  best  understand  Pole's  position  by  stating, 
that  he  was  at  this  time,  and  long  continued  to  be,  in 
doctrine  a  Protestant,  in  discipline  a  papist.  He  regarded 
the  pope  as  the  centre  of  unity  in  the  Church  :  on  the 
bishop  devolved  the  care  of  the  souls  in  his  diocese  ;  the 
metropolitan  was  to  superintend  the  bishops,  and  the 
metropolitans  themselves  were  subject  to  the  pope.  He 
did  not,  as  we  have  observed  before,  perceive,  as  Luther 
did,  how  an  assertion  of  the  doctrine  of  justification  by 
faith  only  would,  in  its  development,  overthrow  the 
various  papal  doctrines  on  which  the  papal  throne  really 
rested  ;  but  we  know  what  his  feeling  up  to  the  time  of 
his  writing  his  "  De  Unitate  "  was,  from  one  of  his  recorded 
sayings,  that  a  man  should  be  satisfied  with  his  own 
inward   convictions,  without  troubling  himself  whether 


158  LIVES   OF   THE 

CHAP,     errors  and  abuses  exist  in  the  Church  or  not.*     As  in  an 

-- — .- —  empire  abuses  may  exist  which  a  patriot  may  seek,  if 

p^?e*.      opportunity  were  to  offer,  to  reform,  while  to  the  sove- 

1556-58.    reign  he  may  still  be  loyal,  so  might  it  be,  according  to 
Pole,  in  the  Church. 

It  would  have  been  well  for  Pole  if  he  had  always 
continued  under  the  influence  of  this  sentiment,  however 
intrinsically  false.  The  happiest  years  of  his  life  were 
the  four  years  he  passed  at  Carpentras  and  Padua,  on  his 
return  to  the  Continent,  and  those  in  which,  during  his 
residence  in  Viterbo,  he  won  golden  opinions  of  all  sorts 
of  men.  But  this  world  is  not  to  be  our  resting-place. 
Death  was  depriving  him  of  many  friends  of  whom  he 
had  been  accustomed  to  take  sweet  counsel ;  and  he  was 
overwhelmed  with  affliction  on  the  death  of  the  saintly 
Yittoria  Colonna.  He  was  also  a  timid  man,  and,  as 
such,  he  became  alarmed  at  the  state  of  public  affairs. 
Hitherto  Italian  divines,  loyal  to  the  papacy,  had  given 
their  opinions  on  theological  dogmas  openly  and  without 
restraint.  He  saw  that  the  time  was  coming  when  men 
would  be  made  offenders  for  a  word. 

After  the  conference  of  Eatisbon,  Paul  III.  gave  up  all 
hopes  of  conciliating  the  Protestants ;  and  he  heard  with 
alarm  that  disputes  were  rife  in  Italy  in  regard  to  some  of 
the  peculiarities  of  the  Eoman  ritual,  especially  in  what 
related  to  the  mass  and  purgatory.  He  sought  the  advice 
of  Pole's  former  acquaintance — a  man  destined,  as  Paul 
IV.,  to  become  his  deadliest  enemy — Gianpietro  Caraffa, 
Bishop  of  Chieti,  and  commonly  caJled  the  Cardinal 
Teatino.  This  man,  formerly  one  of  the  reforming  party, 
had  now  entirely  changed  his  opinions,  and  recommended 

*  Ranke,  i.  98.  Clario,  one  of  the  reforming  party,  affirmed  that 
*'  no  corruption  can  be  so  great  as  to  justify  a  secession  from  Rome." 


AECHBISIIOPS   OF    CANTERBURY.  159 

the  establishment  in  Kome,  with  increased  authority  and  chap. 
power,  of  the  tribunal  of  the  Inquisition.  The  Inquisition,  . — ^ — - 
as  originally  connected  with  the  Dominicans,  had  fallen  piie/ 
into  decay  in  all  countries  except  in  Spain  ;  it  was  indeed  1556-58. 
reported  that  among  those  who  presided  at  this  tribunal 
several  had  themselves  become  the  promulgators,  in  secret, 
of  opinions  they  were  established  to  suppress.  In  Spain, 
the  tribunal  had  been  taken  out  of  the  hands  of  the 
Dominicans,  and  had  been  more  efficiently  established. 
Caraffa,  calling  to  his  councils  Juan  Alvarez  de  Toledo, 
recommended  the  establishment  in  Eome  of  a  tribunal  on 
the  Spanish  model,  with  the  pope  at  its  head,  and  with 
authority  to  carry  on  its  operations  wheresoever  it  could 
obtain  a  footing.  The  Jesuits  boast  that  to  this  proposal 
Ignatius  Loyola  gave  his  cordial  assent ;  and  when  the 
bull  was  published  authorising  the  tribunal,  on  the  21st 
of  July,  1542,  Caraffa  and  Toledo,  as  commissaries  of 
the  see  of  Eome,  became  general  and  universal  inqui- 
sitors on  either  side  of  the  Alps.  The  decision  of  all  eccle- 
siastical courts  in  national  churches  might  be  set  aside ; 
the  inquisitors  obtained  the  right  of  delegating  persons 
with  powers  similar  to  their  own  whenever  they  thought  fit, 
and  they  constituted  themselves  a  court  of  final  appeal. 
No  rank,  no  ecclesiastical  dignity,  was  exempt  from  their 
jurisdiction ;  they  might  imprison  the  suspected,  and 
execute,  in  private  or  in  public,  all  whom  they  consi- 
dered guilty.  Caraffa,  at  his  own  expense,  opened  a  court, 
with  the  necessary  prisons  and  all  the  terrible  apparatus 
of  an  office  miscalled  holy,  near  the  lower  bank  of  the 
Tiber,  which  the  Eomans  call  Eipetta.*  He  nomi- 
nated commissaries ;  and,  according  to  Eanke,  the  first 
commissary  he  appointed  at  Eome  was  his  own  chap- 

*  Bernino,  iv.  485. 


IGO  UVES   OP   THE 

CHAP,     lain,  Teofilo  di  Tropea,  of  whose  severity  several  car- 
,_    .    ■■.   dinals,  and  among  them  Pole,  complained.* 

Pole.  Reginald   Pole  was  so  alarmed  at  these  proceedings, 

1666-58.  that  he  determined  to  give  up  his  government  and  retire 
completely  into  private  life.  He  went  back  to  his  old 
home  at  Verona ;  and  there  he  remained  in  a  monastery, 
seeking  that  rest  of  mind  which  his  failing  health  re- 
quired. 

But  in  retirement  he  was  not  long  to  remain.  Paul  III. 
retained  his  kindly  feeling  towards  him,  and  felt  that  an 
English  cardinal  was  as  a  card  in  his  hand  which  it  was 
necessary  to  play. 

For  a  long  period,  the  authorities  at  Eome  resisted  or 
evaded  the  convocation  of  a  general  council.  The  coun- 
cils in  the  preceding  century,  while  upholding  papal  doc- 
trine, were  decidedly  antipapal ;  and  although  public 
opinion  in  Italy  had  changed,  and  papal  authority  was 
upheld,  while  the  mediaeval  doctrines  which  constitute 
Romanism  were  called  into  question,  it  was  feared  the 
prelates  who  were  now  willing  to  uphold  the  authority  of 
the  pope  might,  if  assembled  in  council,  become  as  inde- 
pendent in  what  related  to  discipline  as  they  had  hitherto 
been  in  what  had  respect  to  dogma.  But  Paul  III.  was 
made  to  understand,  that  the  convention  of  a  council  was 
inevitable  ;  that  if  he  refused  to  convoke  it,  it  might  be 
convened  by  the  authority  of  the  emperor.  The  mis- 
fortune was,  that  the  measure  was  adopted  too  late. 

In  1517,  Martin  Luther  was  prepared  to  submit  his 
opinions  to  the  judgment  of  a  general  council ;  to 
which  also  the  Church  of  England  expressed  its  readi- 
ness to  defer.  In  expectation  of  its  being  summoned 
soon.  Archbishop  Cranmer,  as  we  have  seen,  made  an 
appeal  to  it  in  his  last   sad  trial.     But  now  the  Pro- 

*  Eanke,  i.  142. 


ARCHBISHOPS    OF   CANTERBURY.  161 

testarits,  the  Calvinists,  and  even  tlie  Cliurcli  of  Eno^land,     en  a  p. 

had  expressed  tlieir  doubts  as  to  the  expediency  of  its  • /- — - 

convention  ;  or,  at  all  events,  they  could  not  submit  to  tlie      pX. 
judgment  of  a  council  convened  by  the  authority,  not  of  1556-58. 
the  emperor,  but  of  the  pope,  and  holding  its  sessions  in 
Italy.     Consequently,  when  Paul  III.  first  moved  in  this 
direction,  his  attempts  proved  to  be  a  failure. 

The  pope  certainly,  however, acted  with  discretion  when, 
having  determined  that  a  council  should  be  summoned, 
he  yielded  to  the  advice  of  Ferdinand,  King  of  the  Eo- 
mans,  in  selecting  Trent  for  the  place  of  assembly,  and 
named  Cardinal  Pole  as  one  of  the  legates  to  preside  at  it. 

The  ill-fate  of  Pole,  when  engaged  in  public  affairs, 
still  pursued  him.  I  need  not  enter  upon  the  various 
political  reasons  which  may  be  adduced  for  the  fact  that, 
though  a  council  was  convened,  yet  no  council  was  held, 
except  for  the  observance  of  certain  forms  and  ceremonies, 
till  after  the  lapse  of  three  years.  In  these  controversies 
Pole  took  no  active  part ;  but  there  is  a  letter  of  his 
extant,  addressed  to  the  pope,  in  which  he  expresses  his 
deep  mortification  at  the  delay.  He  speaks  of  the  igno- 
miny to  which  the  friends  of  the  papacy  were  exposed, 
when,  a  great  council  having  been  called,  the  legates  and 
the  council  were  dismissed,  without  having  accomplished 
any  one  of  the  objects  for  which  they  had  been  con- 
vened. By  many,  he  said,  they  had  been  reproached  in 
the  words  of  Jeremy  the  prophet  :  "  The  children  have 
come  to  the  birth,  but  there  was  no  strength  to  bring 
them  forth."  * 

Pole  now  took  up  his  abode  in  the  vicinity  of  Eome, 

to  be  prepared  to  act  if  he  should  again  be  called  into 

active  life.     After  various  attempts  to  reconstitute   the 

council,  and  much  dispute  between  the  emperor,  the  pope, 

*  Ep.  Poli,  iv.  17- 

VOL.  Vlll.  M 


162  LIVES   OF   THE 

CHAP,     and  the  princes  of  the  empire,  as  to  the  place  at  which  the 

-^ '   council  was  to  be  held,  the  Council  of  Trent  met  at  last 

'  Pole.      f<^>i'  the  despatch  of  business.    Eeginald  Pole  was  gratified 

ioo6-58.    by  finding  that  he  was  still  to  act  as  one  of  the  papal 

legates.     Associated  with  him  were  Giovanni  Maria  del 

Monte,  Cardinal  Bishop  of  Palestrina,  and  Marcello  Cer- 

vini,  Cardinal  Priest  of  Santa  Croce. 

The  wisdom  of  Paul  III.  was  displayed  in  the  selec- 
tion he  made  of  his  legates.  They  were  men  who  would 
receive  the  law  from  Eome,  while  the  tendency  of  their 
minds  w^as  to  suggest  concessions  which  would  please 
the  world  without,  and  might  be  accepted  or  not  by  the 
pope  as  he  might  think  expedient.  In  the  instructions 
addressed  to  them  the  pontiff  commended  their  faith, 
learning,  probity,  skill,  and  experience.  He  declared, 
that  he  sent  them  as  "  angels  of  peace,''  and  entreated 
them  to  discharge  the  duties  of  their  office  so  as  to 
merit  the  reward  of  eternal  happiness.*  There  was 
evidently  some  misunderstanding  at  the  commencement 
of  the  proceedings.  This  is  asserted  by  Father  Paul, 
and  only  faintly  denied  by  Pallavicini ;  but  what  the 
difficulty  was  is  not  apparent.  A  repetition  of  the 
former  failures,  under  circumstances  very  similar,  ap- 
peared to  be  highly  probable.  When,  on  the  18th  of 
March,  1545,  the  Cardinals  del  Monte  and  Santa  Croce 
arrived  at  Trent,  there  were  no  prelates  to  receive  them, 
except  the  Bishop  of  La  Cava  and  the  "  Cardinal  Bishop 
and  Lord  of  Trent,"  as  he  is  described  by  Father  Paul. 
They  wefe  received  as  princes  of  the  Church  by  the 
populace,  who  were  allured  to  meet  them  by  a  promise 
made  of  three  years'  indulgence,  bestowed  upon  all  who 
were  fortunate  enough  to  see  them  pass.  A  crowd  of 
interested  spectators  was  assembled,  but  even  by  them 
*  Le  Plat,  iii.  260. 


AKCIIBISIIOPS   OF   CANTEKBURY.  103 

the  question  was  raised — Where  is  the  Council  ?    Cardinal     chap. 

Madrucci,  the  Bishop  of  Trent,   attended  them  to  the  ^^ !— ^ 

cathedral.  The  choir,  capable  of  accommodating  four  pX/ 
hundred,  was  set  apart  for  the  purposes  of  the  synod,  but  15.36-58. 
there  were  no  j^relates  to  occupy  the  seats.  The  legates 
were  perplexed  how  to  act,  for  the  pope,  anxious  to  know, 
before  proceeding  further,  what  the  conduct  of  the  em- 
peror would  be,  had  not  furnished  them  with  written 
instructions.  There  might  have  been  an  attendance  of 
Italian  bishops,  but  they  had  received  no  orders  from 
Eome,  and  there  was  an  intuitive  perception  of  the  im- 
policy of  doing  anything  which  might  have  the  appearance 
of  ]3acking  the  council. 

After  the  lapse  of  a  few  days,  Tommaso  Campeggio, 
Bishop  of  Feltri,  and  Cornelio  Musso,  Bishop  of  Bitonto, 
a  Franciscan  and  the  most  eloquent  preacher  of  the  age, 
arrived  at  Trent.  The  emperor's  ambassador  from  Venice 
had  made  his  appearance,  about  ten  days  after  the  en- 
trance of  the  cardinals.  He  was  the  same  Don  Giacopo 
de  Mendoza  with  whom  we  are  already  acquainted.  He 
informed  the  legates,  that  four  Spanish  bishops  were  al- 
ready on  their  way  to  Trent,  and  the  legates  communicated 
to  Mendoza  the  few  public  documents  which  were  in  their 
possession.  But  a  stop  was  again  put  to  the  proceedings. 
The  bishops  present  offended  the  legates  by  assuming  to  be 
upon  an  equality  with  them.  The  legates  were  still  more 
perplexed  when  a  similar  claim  was  made  by  Mendoza, 
acting  as  the  representative  of  the  emperor.  The  confu- 
sion was  increased  by  the  arrival  of  Giacomo  Mignanetti, 
Bishop  of  Grosseto,  in  the  Siennese  district,  who  had 
been  nuncio  at  the  court  of  Ferdinand,  King  of  the  Eo- 
mans.  He  was  able  to  state,  that  the  King  of  the  Eomans, 
co-operating  with  the  emperor,  would  send  a  representa- 
tive to  tlie  council ;   but  he  gave  great  offence  by  as- 


Jxeginald 
I'olo. 


164  LIVES   OP   THE 

CHAP.  Sliming,  on  tlie  part  of  the  emperor,  the  merit  of  having 
caused  the  convocation  of  the  council ;  and  by  insinuating, 
that  the  enforcement  of  the  articles  of  Eeformation,  drawn 

1566-58.  up  at  his  command  at  the  Diet  of  Spires,  was  only  delayed, 
mitil  it  should  be  known  what  steps  in  that  direction  would 
be  taken  at  Trent.  Under  these  perplexities,  the  legates 
applied  to  the  pope  for  secret  instructions,  in  addition  to 
any  communications  they  might  be  permitted  to  make 
public.  Even  in  the  interesting  pages  of  Father  Paul, 
the  reader  is  wearied  with  a  narrative  of  conduct  unac- 
countable,— or,  at  all  events,  not  to  be  accounted  for  by 
any  documents  of  which  we  are  at  present  in  possession. 
All  may,  however,  be  traced  to  one  source,  the  want  of 
a  cordial  understanding,  or  rather  we  would  say,  of  any 
understanding  between  the  emperor  and  the  pope.  Both 
were  as  generals  deploying  their  troops,  ready  to  do  battle, 
but  anxious  if  possible  to  come  to  terms. 

Pole  meantime  had  remained  at  Yiterbo.  He  was  per- 
mitted to  linger.  He  was  a  man  of  learning,  and  he  might 
be  of  service  when  the  council  entered  upon  doctrinal 
discussions ;  but  his  incapacity  as  a  politician  had  been 
sufficiently  proved.  He  was  an  honest  man,  and  would 
neither  have  countenanced  nor  have  understood  the  various 
intrigues,  in  which  the  legates  were  required  to  bear  a 
part.  He  was  supposed  to  sympathize  with  the  Protestants, 
whom  the  emperor  was  desirous  of  concihating ;  and  in 
any  questions  which  miglit  arise  between  the  emperor 
and  the  pope,  it  was  doubtful  how  far  Pole  would  be  the 
blind  partisan  of  Paul  IH.  It  was  expedient  to  nominate 
him,  as  the  English  cardinal,  to  be  one  of  the  three  legates 
at  the  council ;  but  it  was  also  good  policy  to  prevent  his 
going  to  Trent,  until  all  the  preliminary  proceedings  had 
been  settled.  The  delay  of  his  journey  was  to  him  agree- 
able, for  he  lived  in  a  constant  dread  of  assassination.    ,  It 


-x 


ARCHBISHOPS   OF   CANTERBURY.  165 

was  only  necessary  for  those  who  wished  liim  to  defer  his     chap. 

journey,  to  warn  him  that  the  roads  were  unsafe.  He  would  ^ -^ 

render,  it  was  said,  most  service  to  the  cause  in  his  study,      x?,'fg^ 
until  the  council  was  in  fidl  session  ;  and  accordingly  he    1006-58. 
employed  himself  in  writing  his  treatise  "De  Concilio." 

The  reader  who  would  form  a  fair  estimate  of  Pole's 
intellectual  ability,  and  who  has  been  justly  offended  by 
the  temper  displayed  in  his  "  De  Unitate,"  should  cast  his 
eye  over  the  pages  of  the  little  work  before  us.  He 
may  feel  surprised,  that  it  should  be  thought  worthy  by 
Labbe  to  be  inserted  among  the  decrees  and  canons  of 
the  Council  of  Trent ;  but  he  will  admit  it  to  be  a  work 
of  considerable  merit,  displaying,  though  not  any  genius, 
considerable  acuteness  and  ability.  It  is,  of  course,  one- 
sided, and  is  chiefly  interesting  from  the  light  it  throws 
upon  Pole's  principles.  Having  pointed  out  the  object  of 
a  general  council,  he  reminds  his  readers  that  the  Church 
is  not  a  democracy,  and  that  all  that  is  required  of  the 
people  is,  that  they  submit  to  the  ordinances  of  their  rulers 
and  obey  them.  Obedience  to  his  spiritual  superiors  was, 
at  all  times,  Pole's  principle  of  action.  At  the  same  time, 
he  aflirms,  that  the  Church  is  not  an  aristocracy,  the 
constitution  of  the  Church  being  monarchical ;  the  Lord 
Jesus  Clirist  is  the  King,  and  the  Bishop  of  Pome  His 
vicar.  A  general  council  is  compared  to  the  council  of  a 
sovereign  prince,  in  which  difficult  questions  are  freely 
discussed,  and  the  decisions  of  which,  when  endorsed  by 
the  sovereign,  become  law. 

He  addresses  the  pope,  the  emperor,  and  the  other 
princes,  and  says,  with  becoming  freedom  in  reference  to 
the  pope,  that  he  ought  to  distinguish  between  tlie  public 
officer  and  the  man  in  his  private  capacity  by  whom  the 
office  is  held.  He  would  not  qo  so  far  as  the  councils  of 
the  last  century,  when  the  council  assumed  to  be  superior 


1G6  LIVES    OF   THE 

CPTAP.     to  the  pope  ;  but  lie  asserted,  that  the  pope,  in  his  public 

- — ^ — '   capacity,   could   pronounce  sentence   against   himself  if 

Pok.      he  found  that  he  had  at  any  time  erred.     His  doing  this 

1556-58.    ^vould  give  weight  to  any  sentence  he  might  pronounce 

upon  others,  and  lay  the  foundation  of  peace  and  concord. 

Pole  concluded  by  reminding  the  legates  of  the  promises 

of  Christ,  and  by  exhorting  them  to  much  dihgence  in 

prayer. 

If  considerable  rhetorical  skill  and  logical  acuteness  are 
displayed  in  this  treatise,  there  was  not  much  research  or 
industry  ;  there  is  a  wonderful  assumption,  on  the  part 
of  the  cardinal,  of  an  ignorance  of  the  facts  of  history 
on  the  part  of  his  readers.  He  affirms,  that  St.  Peter 
presided  at  the  Scriptural  council  of  Jerusalem,  and 
that  he  opened  the  proceedings ;  whereas  it  is  expressly 
said,  that  "  when  there  had  been  much  disputing,  Peter 
rose  up,  and  said."*  He  assumes,  that  Peter  pronounced 
the  judgment,  whereas  we  all  know  that  sentence  was 
given  by  St.  James,  the  Bishop  of  Jerusalem.  He  asserts, 
with  an  obvious  purpose,  that  the  council  consisted  of 
Peter,  the  apostles,  and  elders  ;  whereas  in  Scripture 
there  is  no  distinction  made  in  favour  of  Peter ;  but 
the  reference  is  to  the  apostles,  elders,  and  brethren, 
among  whom  St.  Peter  was  one,  but  not  the  chief.  Such 
mistakes  appear  to  be  trivial,  but,  however  trivial,  they 
were  made  with  a  purpose  ;  they  imply  a  fact  that  is  false, 
and  insinuate  an  argument  which  is  not  in  accordance  with 
the  truth. 

When,  after  a  month's  delay,  Pole  started  for  Trent,  he 
did  not  proceed  by  the  direct  road,  and  was  accompanied 
as  far  as  Mantua  by  an  escort  of  twenty-five  horse. 

On  the  loth  of  December,  1545,  the  three  legates  ap- 
peared at  the  Church  of  the  Holy  Trinity,  whence  a  proces- 

*  Acts,  XV.  7. 


ARCHBISHOPS    OF    CANTERBURY.  167 

sion  was  formed  to  the  cathedral.     When  we  remember    chap. 

that  this  meeting  professed  to  represent  the  entire  Cathohc r^ — - 

Church,  it  must  be  regarded  as  a  failure ;  but  the  coup  pX! 
ctceil  to  those  who  were  assembled  on  that  bright  winter's  i5o6-58. 
morning  in  Trent  was  sufficiently  striking.  The  reader 
has  time  to  think  of  those  who  ought  to  have  been  pre- 
sent but  were  not ;  but  the  assembled  multitude  were, 
at  the  time,  impressed  with  awe,  when  they  saw  issu- 
ing from  the  church,  all  arrayed  in  full  pontificals,  * 
the  three  legates,  followed  by  twenty  bishops,  five  arch- 
bishops, five  generals  of  religious  orders,  the  ambassadors 
of  the  King  of  the  Eomans,  with  a  long  array  of  doctors 
in  divinity,  of  lawyers,  with  a  crowd  of  their  retainers. 
The  side  aisles  of  the  cathedral  were  crowded  with  an 
excited  multitude  as  the  procession  passed  up  the  nave, 
preceded  by  the  choir  chanting  the  Veni  Creator  Spiritus. 
The  choir  itself,  arranged  to  accommodate  four  hundred 
fathers,  looked  rather  desolate  ;  but  the  vacant  spaces  were 
gradually  occupied  by  devout  persons  anxious  to  assist 
in  the  affairs  of  religion.  There  was  "silence  a  space," 
for  private  prayer,  which  was  broken  by  the  voice  of 
the  president  reciting  the  Adsumus  Domine  Sancte  Spi- 
ritus. A  litany  was  chanted.  The  Cardinal  del  Monte 
approached  the  altar  and  celebrated  high  mass.  The 
gospel  was  peculiarly  appropriate,  if  the  reading  of  it  had 
been  more  than  a  form  :  Matt,  xviii.  15 — "If  thy  brother 
shall  trespass  against  thee."  Standing  at  the  high  altar, 
the  legate  bestowed,  in  the  name  of  the  pope,  a  plenary 
indulgence  on  all  present,  exhorting  them  to  make  earnest 
and  constant  prayer  to  Almighty  God  for  the  peace  of 
the  Church,  and  the  suppression  of  heresy  and  dissension. 

*  I  follow  Pallavicini.  Le  Plat  says  there  were  five  archbishops 
and  twenty-two  bishops.  Father  Paul  contents  himself  with  s])eaking 
generally  of  twenty-four  bishops. 


168  LIVES    OF   THE 

ciTAP.  This  was  offensive  to  the  Lutherans,  and  was  intended  to 
^ — ^ —  warn  them  against  expecting  satisfaction  from  the  council. 
pi'ieV  The  sermon  was  preached  by  the  Bishop  of  Bitonto.  The 
ir)56-58.  praises  lavished  on  the  opening  address  of  the  legate,  which 
was  considered  modest  and  Christian  in  its  tone,  were 
withheld  from  the  sermon  of  this  eminent  preacher,  who 
did  not  rise  to  the  occasion.  The  report  of  it  is  interest- 
ing, as  it  shows  what  kind  of  preaching  was  popular  at 
the  time,  and  how  the  bombastic  expressions  of  the  po- 
pular orator  were  repudiated,  as  savouring  of  bad  taste, 
in  the  better  educated  classes  of  society.  The  Trojan 
horse,  of  which  so  much  use  has  been  made  in  a  modern 
house  of  assembly,  was  not  forgotten  by  the  Bishop  of 
Bitonto,  for  to  the  Trojan  horse  he  compared  the  council ; 
and  he  said  that  the  bishops  ought  to  regard  themselves 
as  shut  up  in  it.  He  likened  the  opening  of  the  council 
to  the  opening  of  the  gates  of  Paradise,  and  predicted,  that 
it  would  cause  living  water  to  flow  till  the  earth  was 
filled  with  the  knowledge  of  God.  He  exhorted  the 
fathers  to  open  the  bowl  of  their  breasts  to  receive  that 
knowledge  ;  but  if  they  neglected  so  to  do,  he  predicted,  in 
language  not  the  most  complimentary,  that  their  mouths 
would,  nevertheless,  be  opened  by  the  Spirit  of  the  Lord, 
and  they  would  be  compelled  to  speak  Hke  Balaam's  ass ; 
or,  as  in  the  case  of  Caiaphas,  to  utter  a  prophecy,  in  their 
ignorance,  which  would  be  condemnatory  of  themselves. 
If  the  council  forgot  its  duty,  the  Church,  as  might  thus  be 
seen,  would  not  err.  He  shocked  the  piety  of  the  age, 
not  very  sensitive,  by  apostrophising  the  mountains  and 
forests  of  Trent,  charging  them  to  make  the  voice  resound 
from  the  earth,  that  men  might  know  the  day  of  their 
visitation,  and  that  it  might  not  be  said  that,  the  light  of 
the  pope  being  come  into  the  world,  men  loved  darkness 
rather  than  hght :  Papce  lux  venit  in  mundwn,  sed  dilexe- 


IV. 

Reginald 
Pole. 


ARCHBISHOPS   OF    CANTERBURY.  1G9 

runt  liomines  magis  tenehras  quam  lucem.     The  application     chap 

of  these  words  is  offensive  to  those  who  know  their  Bible  ; 

but  more  offensive  still  to  our  ears  was  his  conclusion, 

when,  m  addressing  our  Blessed  Lord  Himself,  he  begged    1 006-08. 

Him  to  be  present  at  the  council,  through  the  intercession 

of  St.  Vigilius,  to  whom  the  cathedral  was  dedicated, — the 

tutelary  saint  of  the  valley  of  Trent. 

The  religious  services  having  terminated,  the  fathers  of 
the  council  took  their  seats. 

The  president,  amidst  a  solemn  silence,  rose  and,  ad- 
dressing them  in  Latin,  said :  "  Doth  it  please  you,  unto 
the  praise  and  glory  of  the  Holy  and  Undivided  Trinity, 
Father  and  Son  and  Holy  Ghost,  for  the  increase  and 
exaltation  of  the  Christian  Faith  and  religion,  for  the 
extirpation  of  heresies,  for  the  peace  and  union  of  the 
Church,  for  the  reformation  of  the  Christian  clergy  and 
people,  for  the  depression  and  extinction  of  the  enemies 
of  the  Christian  name,  to  decree  and  declare  that  the 
sacred  and  general  Council  of  Trent  do  begin  and  hath 
begun  ?  "     They  answered  ''placet.'' 

"  And  whereas  the  celebration  of  the  Nativity  of  our 
Lord  Jesus  Christ  is  near  at  hand,  and  other  festivals  of 
the  concluding  and  commencing  year  follow  thereupon, 
doth  it  please  you  that  the  first  ensuing  session  be  held 
on  the  Thursday  after  the  Epiphany,  which  will  be  the 
seventh  of  the  month  of  January,  in  the  year  of  the  Lord 
1546  ?  "     They  answered  "placet:'  * 

The  7e  Deuni  was  sung  and  the  benediction  given. 
The  fathers,  having  laid  aside  the  pontifical  vestments  in 
the  robing  room,  attended  the  legates  to  their  lodgings 
in  their  ordinary  attire,  the  legatine  cross  being  borne 
before  them.  We  are  told  that  a  great  sensation  was 
created,    and    that    the    fathers,    when   they    separated, 

*  Decrees  of  the  Council  of  Trent,  p.  12. 


170  LIVES    OF   THE 

CHAP.     "  greatly  rejoiced,  embracing  one  another  and  glorifying 

-i^-^   God."* 

'pok^ '         We  can  easily  imagine  their  mutual  felicitations  ;  but 

1566-58.  we  know  that  the  legates,  looking  beyond  Trent,  were 
painfully  convinced  that,  through  the  paucity  of  prelates 
attending  it,  the  opening  of  the  council  was,  in  point  of  fact, 
a  failure,  and  that  it  might  have  been  less  a  failure  if  the 
pope  had  exerted  himself  to  procure  a  decent  if  not  a  full 
attendance.  They  were  aware  that  the  present  failure 
of  the  council,  through  the  paucity  of  its  attendants, 
was  remarked  in  high  places,  and  they  feared  that  either 
through  irresolution,  or  because  he  w^as  not  sincere  in 
his  desire  to  hold  a  council,  the  pope  might  dissolve  the 
present  assembly  as  he  had  done  the  last.  Everywhere 
men  were  turning  the  council  into  ridicule,  and  speak- 
ing of  it  as  mismanaged.  It  was  the  fashion  to  do  so 
among  the  courtiers  of  Charles  and  Francis,  and  inferior 
persons  took  their  tone  from  the  court.  It  was  called 
at  an  unseasonable  time  ;  it  was  contrary  to  the  spirit  of 
the  age  ;  in  short,  recourse  was  had  to  all  the  common- 
places with  which  we  are  familiar  when  faction  looks  out 
for  arguments  to  support  a  foregone  conclusion.  We 
learn  this  from  Pole's  private  correspondence  with  Paul 
III.,  with  whom  he  had  been  living  on  terms  of  intimacy. f 
The  legates  were  aware  that  the  pope  did  not  himself 
anticipate  the  same  happy  results  from  the  council  as  did 
the  more  sanguine  legates  ;  and  they  dreaded  lest,  as  on 
a  former  occasion,  by  an  abrupt  dissolution,  they  would 
become  a  laughing-stock  to  the  world ;  and  that  thus  the 
last  chance  of  effecting  religious  peace  and  union  would 

*  Le  Plat,  viii.  pars.  2,  48.  The  same  rites  were  observed  at  each 
session  of  the  council. 

•f  There  is  a  series  of  eight  letters  addressed  to  Paul  III.  at  this 
time  in  the  Correspondence  of  Pole, 


ARCHBISHOPS   OF   CANTERBURY.  171 

be  thrown  away.     Fearing  the  irresolution  of  Paul,  they     chap. 

urged  his  friend  Pole  to  entreat  the  pope  to  support  the  ^-_ . , : 

council  in  spite  of  all  opposition,  and  not  to  give  credit  p"i,? ' 
to  any  reports  that  might  be  circulated  to  the  disadvan-  1 0.36-58. 
tage  of  Pole  himself  or  of  his  colleagues. 

We  have  had  occasion  before  to  allude  to  the  ground, 
or  one  of  the  grounds,  upon  which  the  popes  in  the  six- 
teenth century  entertained  a  reluctance  to  summon  a 
council.  The  object  in  the  great  councils  of  the  preced- 
ing century  had  been  to  place  the  pope  under  subjection 
to  a  council,  and  the  feeling,  though  not  now  predominant, 
still  found  an  occasional  expression.  Pole  and  his  col- 
leagues were  sufficiently  firm  on  this  point.  In  point  of 
doctrine,  when  many  subjects, — afterwards  settled  for  Eo- 
manism,  at  Trent, — were  still  open  questions,  they  were 
inclined  to  concur  with  the  Protestant  movement ;  but  as 
regarded  papal  dominion  they  were  ultramontane.  This 
was  the  one  thing  that  kept  Pole  in  the  communion  of 
Eome  ;  on  doctrinal  subjects  he  was  more  of  a  Protestant 
than  Henry  VIII.  or  any  of  the  reformers  in  England  ;  but 
the  Bishop  of  Eome  was  the  bishop  of  bishops — under 
Christ,  the  king  of  kings.  There  were  other  rulers,  but 
he  was  the  suzerain.     On  this  point  Pole  v/as  a  fanatic. 

That  the  fears  thus  entertained  were  not  chimerical 
was  soon  proved  by  the  conduct  of  the  French  bishops  at 
Trent,  or  by  communication,  on  their  part,  with  the  le- 
gates. They  suspected  an  intention,  on  the  part  of  the 
Bishop  of  Eome,  to  usurp  the  powers  which  were  denied 
him  at  Pisa,  at  Constance,  and  Basle.  They  evinced  the 
spirit  of  independence  destined  afterwards  to  distinguisli 
the  Gallican  Church,  and  they  were  supported  by  some 
Italian,  and  even  by  some  Spanish  bishops.  Paul  III. 
had  determined  that  in  the  decrees,  the  council  should  be 
styled  "  The  Holy  CEcumenical,  or  General,  Council  of 


172  LIVES   OF   THE 

CHAP.     Trent,  the  legates  of  the  apostohc  sec  presiding."    The  Gal- 

' — P^ — '  hcans  insisted  that  the  words  "  representing  the  Universal 

PoK      Church  "  should,  as  in  former  councils,  be  added.     The 

1556-58.    legates   received   instructions   from   Eome  to  resist  the 

proposal,  because  the  pope  and  his  Eoman  advisers  were 

well  aware  what  would  follow.     The  proposal  was  only 

made  as  introductory  to  the  form  adopted  and  used  at 

Basle  and  Constance  ;  viz. : — "  which  claims  its  powers 

immediately  from  Jesus  Christ,  and  to  which  every  person 

of  whatever  dignity,  not  excepting  the  pope,  is  bound  to 

yield  obedience." 

There  were  other  precedents  opposed  to  papal  pre- 
tensions set  by  the  ancient  councils  which  required  to 
be  watched  ;  and  that  the  legates  might  not  be  led, 
through  inadvertence,  to  the  admission  of  what  might 
lead  to  inconvenient  results,  their  powers  were  reduced 
within  the  narrowest  limits.  The  pope  formed  a  com- 
mittee of  cardinals  who,  remaining  at  Eome,  were  to  act 
as  his  advisers,  and  from  them  all  directions  were  to 
emanate.  By  this  committee  the  legates  were  overruled  ; 
and  perhaps  they  were  not  unwilling  to  shift  the  respon- 
sibility upon  other  shoulders,  when,  in  mere  matters  of 
detail,  their  time  was  consumed  and  their  minds  made 
vigilant. 

The  legates,  looking  at  the  affairs  of  the  council  from 
the  theological  standing-point,  were  desirous  of  commen- 
cing with  the  reformation  of  the  acknowledged  abuses 
which  were  a  disgrace  to  the  Church,  and,  in  fact,  ren- 
dered a  council  necessary.  In  this  view  of  the  case,  they 
were  supported  by  the  Imperialists.  On  the  contrary, 
the  cardinals  at  Eome  regarded  the  whole  subject  from 
the  Italian  point  of  view ;  and,  in  their  desire  to  delay 
until  they  could  see  how  things  were  likely  to  turn 
out  politically,   they   issued   peremptory   orders   in   the 


ARCHBISHOPS   OF   CANTERBURY.  173 

pope's  name   to  be^'in  with  tlie  discussion  of  disputed     chap. 
1      ,  .  ""  ^  IV. 

doctrines.  - — ;. — - 

His  age  never  prevented  Paul  from  doing  what  lie  pX'' 
deemed  expedient  for  the  furtherance  of  his  worldly  ob-  i. 5.36-68. 
jects  ;  but  his  infirmities  were  now  adduced  as  an  apology 
for  his  not  appearing  personally  at  Trent.  But  although 
absent  in  body,  he  desired  to  let  the  world  perceive 
that  he  could  be  present  in  spirit ;  and  to  all  the  let- 
ters and  public  docimaents  his  own  name  as  well  as  that 
of  his  legates  was  attached.  He  wished  it  to  be  under- 
stood, that  he  was  not  only  the  author  of  the  council,  but 
also  its  head  and  ruler.  The  secretaries  and  other  officers 
were  appointed  by  the  pope,  and  they  were  aware  that 
no  secrets  should  exist  between  them  and  their  patron. 

Preliminary  matters  were  settled  in  congregations  or 
committees  appointed  to  sit  between  the  several  sessions 
of  the  council,  so  that  when  the  council  was  in  actual  or 
formal  session  disputes  might  be  avoided.  Business  was 
discussed  in  these  separate  congregations,  presided  over 
each  by  a  legate ;  by  whom  reports  were  made  to  a 
general  congregation,  at  which  votes  were  taken.  The 
decrees  of  doctrine  were  promulgated  at  the  session  of 
the  council,  and  consisted  of  Doctrince  and  Canones^  the 
first  assuming  the  character  of  dogmatic  treatises,  the 
latter,  of  shorter  propositions. 

On  the  7  th  of  January,  1546,  the  second  ses>ion  was 
held.  There  were  present  only  forty- three  persons  qua- 
lified to  vote.  Among  the  four  archbishops  who  were 
present,  two  were  merely  titular,  never  having  seen  the 
churches  over  which  they  were  supposed  to  preside. 
One,  however,  of  these  was  Olaus  Magnus,  the  celebrated 
antiquary.  Titular  of  Upsal,  who  had  been  driven  out 
of  Sweden  by  the  reformers ;  the  other  was  Eobert 
Wauchope,  Archbishop  of  Armagh.    The  bishop  designate 


loo6-58> 


174  LIVES   OF   THE 

^^^^}^'  of  Worcester  was  also  present.  *  These  prelates  were  sent 
Re  inaid  ^^^  ^^^^  pop^,  and  supported  at  his  expense.  At  the  open- 
Poie.  iiig  of  each  session  the  ceremonies  were  repeated  which 
have  been  formerly  described.  When  the  business  of  the 
second  session  commenced,  a  decree  was  read  "  touching 
tlie  manner  of  living,  and  other  matters  to  be  observed 
durins^  the  council."  The  document  is  attributed  to  the 
pen  of  Cardinal  Pole*  It  is  of  historical  value,  for,  by- 
showing  what  was  forbidden,  it  reveals  what  were  the 
moral  evils  to  which  persons  holding  high  place  in  the 
Church  were  exposed.  All  and  each  of  the  faithful  in 
Christ  assembled  at  Trent  were  exhorted  to  amend  them- 
selves of  their  evils  and  sins  heretofore  committed.  Having 
given  general  directions,  the  decree  proceeds  further  to 
exhort — 

''  That  they  fast  at  least  on  every  Friday,  in  memory  of  the 
passion  of  the  Lord,  and  bestow  alms  on  the  poor.  Further- 
more, on  every  Thursday  there  shall  be  celebrated  in  the 
cathedral  church  the  mass  of  the  Holy  Ghost,  with  the  litanies 
and  other  prayers  appointed  to  this  end ;  and  on  the  same  day 
there  shall  be  said,  in  the  other  churches,  at  least  the  litanies 
and  prayers.  And  during  the  time  the  sacred  services  are  being 
performed,  let  there  be  no  talkings  or  conversations  together, 
but  with  mouth  and  mind  association  wdth  the  celebrant.  And 
inasmuch  as  it  behoveth  bishops  to  be  blameless,  sober,  chaste, 
ruling  well  their  own  household,  (the  council)  exhorts  also 
that  above  all  things  each  observe  sobriety  at  table  and  modera- 
tion in  diet.  Further,  that  since  idle  conversations  are  often  wont 
to  arise  there,  the  reading  of  the  Divine  Scriptures  be  intro- 
duced, even  at  the  tables  of  bishops ;  and  let  each  teach  and  in- 
struct his  servants  not  to  be  quarrelsome,  given  to  wine,  immo- 
dest, covetous,  haughty,  blasphemous,  and  lovers  of  pleasures ; 

*'  He  was  designated  by  the  pope,  but  not  consecrated  till  the  reign 
of  Mary. 


ARCHBISHOPS    OF   CANTERBURY.  175 

in  fine,  let  them  shun  vice  and  embrace  virtue,  and  in  dress,  ap-     CHAP. 

pearance,  and  in  all  their  actions  show  forth  modesty  as  becomes    . ^1 . 

the  servants  of  the  servants  of  Grod.  R.-ffinald 

Pole. 

"Moreover,  whereas  it  is  the  chief  care,  solicitude,  and  i.-,,3g_58. 
intention  of  this  sacred  and  holy  council,  that  the  darkness  of 
heresies,  which  during  so  many  years  has  covered  the  earth, 
being  dispelled^  the  light,  brightness,  and  purity  of  Catholic 
truth  may,  by  the  aid  of  Jesus  Christ,  who  is  the  true  light, 
shine  forth,  and  that  those  things  which  need  reformation  may 
be  reformed,  the  same  synod  exhorts  all  Catholics  here  assembled^ 
and  to  be  assembled,  and  especially  those  who  are  skilled  in  the 
sacred  letters,  that  by  sedulous  meditation  they  diligently  reflect 
within  themselves  by  what  ways  and  means  the  intention  of  the 
synod  may  be  best  directed  and  obtain  the  desired  effect ;  that 
in  the  most  prompt  and  prudent  manner  things  to  be  condemned 
may  be  condemned,  and  things  to  be  approved,  approved ;  that 
so  throughout  the  whole  world  all  may,  with  one  mouth  and  with 
the  same  confession  of  faith,  glorify  Grod,  and  the  Father  of  our 
Lord  Jesus  Christ. 

"  But  in  delivering  their  sentiments,  when  the  priests  of  the 
Lord  are  sitting  together  in  the  place  of  benediction,  no  one,  ac- 
cording to  the  statute  of  the  Council  of  Toledo,  ought  either  to 
be  boisterous  by  immoderate  outcries,  or  cause  disturbance  by 
uproar,  none  to  be  contentious  with  false^  vain,  or  obstinate  dis- 
putations ;  but  let  whatsoever  is  said  be  so  tempered  by  the 
mildest  utterance  of  the  words  spoken,  that  neither  the  hearers 
be  offended,  nor  the  clear  perception  of  a  correct  judgment 
warped  by  the  mind  being  troubled. 

"  Furthermore,  this  sacred  synod  has  ordained  and  decreed, 
that  if  it  should  chance  to  happen  that  any  do  not  sit  in  their 
due  place,  and  (thus)  deliver  their  sentiments,  even  under  the 
word  Placet,  are  present  at  the  congregations,  and  take  part 
in  any  act  soever  while  the  council  lasts,  none  shall  thereby  be 
prejudiced,  none  acquire  a  new  right."  * 

The  tone  and  principle  of  the  council  are  indicated  by 

*  Decrees  of  tlie  Council  of  Trent,  p.  14. 


17G 


LIVES   OF   THE 


cu.w 

JV. 


the  curious  omission,  in  tlie  quotation  from  1  Tim.  iii.  2, 
of  the  injunction  that  a  bishop  is  to  be  "  tlie  husband  of 
Polo,      one  wife. 
1556-58.        ^t  this  session  the  question  relating  to  the  style  of  the 
council,  and  whether  it  professed  to  be  more  than  an 
assembly  convened  by  the  pope,  was  again  raised  by  the 
Gallican  party  ;  and  the  papal  party,  being  aware,  that  the 
question  implied  what  was  asserted  at  Constance  and  the 
other  councils  of  the  preceding  century, — that  a  general 
council  was  superior  to  the  pope,  and   that  to  it  the 
Bishop  of  Eome,  in  common  with   every  other  bishop, 
must  yield  obedience, — succeeded  in  effecting  a  compro- 
mise by  permitting   the  words   "oecumenical   and    uni- 
versal "  to    be   inserted,  without   explaining   what   was 
meant.     They  thus  neither  ignored  the  principles  of  pre- 
ceding councils,  nor  submitted  to  them.     The  Galileans, 
during  the  session,  demanded  that  the  name  of  the  King 
of  France  should  be  coupled  with  that  of  the  emperor  ;  to 
which  it  was  objected,  that  if  this  were  conceded,  a  simi- 
lar proposition  from  all  sovereign  princes  might  be  urged, 
and  much  inconvenience  would  hence  be  incurred  by  grant- 
ing the  request.     The  Csesar  had  hitherto  been  regarded 
as  standing  per  se,  in  undefined  superiority  among  the 
princes  of  Europe ;  but  mediaeval  notions  were  passing 
away.     Though  the  superiority  of  Agamemnon  had  be- 
come nearly  nominal,  yet  Europe  was  not  prepared  to 
receive  Francis  I.  as  an  Achilles  ;  and  we  need  hardly  say 
the  proposition  was  negatived.    The  question  was  still  un- 
determined, though  not  in  the  mind  of  the  pontiff  yet  in 
the  discussions  of  the  council,  whether  they  were  to  com- 
mence  with   doctrine   or  with  discipline.     A  deep  im- 
pression was  made  upon  all  assembled  by   a  powerful 
address   of  the    Cardinal   and    Prince  Bishop   of  Trent. 
He  said  that  the  surest  way  to  reclaim  men  from  he- 


ARCHBISHOPS    OF    CANTERBURY.  177 

retical  pravity  was  to  be  found  in  a  reformation  of  the     chap. 
ecclesiastics.  /  ^. 

The  Cardinal  del  Monte  perceived  at  once,  that  a  de-      Pob. 
cided  measure  must  be  adopted  to  prevent   the  adher-    io56-58. 
ents  of  the  pope  from  being  in  a  minority.     The  low 
murmur  of  whispered  applause  following  the  address  of 
Madrucci  was  hushed  into  the  profoundest  silence,  when 
the  Cardinal  del  Monte  rose  to  address  the  fathers.     He 
gave  thanks  to  the  Great  God  by  whom  the  Cardinal  of 
Trent  had   been   inspired  with   so   excellent  a  disposi- 
tion.     He   had   the   honour  of  occupying   the   post  of 
most  dignity  in  the  council,  and  by  him,  therefore,  the 
example  should  be  set.     He  tendered  his  resignation  of 
the  see  of  Pavia ;  his  splendid  furniture  should  be  sold, 
the  number  of  his  domestics  diminished.     He  added  that, 
willing   as  he  was,  by  self-sacrifice,  to  set  an  example 
which  he  hoped  would  be  followed,  he  could  not  under- 
stand why,   on   this   account,  the  definition  of  the  true 
faith  should  be  deferred.     He  admitted  the  importance  of 
a  reformation  of  manners — a  reformation  to  extend  to  the 
court  of  Eome  itself,  where  corruptions  prevailed  among 
all  sorts  of  men  ;  but  there  was  no  reason,  on  that  account, 
why  the  faithful  should  be  left  in  uncertainty  respecting 
the  doctrine  of  Christ.     The  reformation  would  occupy  a 
considerable  time.     Pole,  with  two  other  cardinals,  rose 
to  make  a  similar  offer.     All  eyes  were  turned  to  the 
Cardinal  of  Trent :  "  He  went   away  sorrowful,  for  he 
had  great  possessions." 

The  legates  had  triumphed,  but  they  wisely  abstained 
from  all  appearance  of  triumph  by  acceding  to  a  proposal 
of  the  Bishop  of  Feltri,  that  some  subject  of  doctrine  and 
discipline  should  be  decided  in  each  session.  As  the 
order  of  proceedings  at  each  session  was   arranged    by 

VOL.  VIII.  K 


178  LIVES   OF   THE 

CHAP,     tlie  legates  who  received  their  orders  from  Eome,  this  was, 

. — ,1 — .  on  their  part,  only  an  apparent  concession.     The  pope, 

Pole"!      however,  was  at  first  enraged  with  the  legates,  for  even 

1 006 -58.    appearing  to  concede  a  point  which  seemed  to  contra- 
vene liis  injunctions. 

Whether  it  was  attributable  to  this  circumstance,  or  to 
the  political  manoeuvres  in  which  the  pope  was  at  this 
time  engaged,  is  not  known  ;  but  the  fact  was,  that  the 
time  for  holding  the  third  session  was  approaching,  and 
the  legates  were  alarmed,  lest  they  should  again  become 
the  laughing-stock  of  Europe  on  account  of  their  failure. 
Severe  remarks  were  made  upon  the  absurdity  of  holding 
a  session  to  repeat  a  creed  twelve  hundred  years  old,  which 
was  universally  received,  by  Lutherans  as  well  as  by  Catho- 
lics. The  Lutherans  observed  that,  if  all  that  is  necessary 
to  salvation  is  contained  in  the  Nicene  Creed,  then  the 
object  in  calling  the  council,  so  far  as  they  were  concerned, 
was  already  answered  ;  these  articles  they  had  already 
subscribed,  and  if  these  were  sufficient,  they  could  not  be 
expected  to  accept  new  articles.  The  Protestants  were 
becoming  so  averse  from  the  council,  that  few  hopes  were 
now  entertained  of  conciliating  them. 

Meantime,  a  change  was  taking  place  in  the  councils  at 
Rome.  Negotiations  had  commenced  between  the  pope 
and  the  emperor,  and  it  was  at  length  determined  that 
talkative  inactivity  should  no  longer  be  the  order  of  the 
day  at  Trent.  At  the  fourth  session,  at  which  the  rule 
of  faith  was  settled,  it  may  be  said  that  the  work  of  the 
council  commenced.  And  from  this  time  its  "  Doctrinse  " 
and  "  Canones  "  became  an  important  commentary  on  the 
fundamental  principles  of  modern  Romanism.  Many  con- 
gregations were  held,  in  which  there  was  considerable 
diversity  of  opinion,  without  any  piaster  mind  to  take  the 
lead  or  to  control. 


ARCHBISHOPS   OF    CANTERBURY  179 

.-    At  a  congregation  held  on  the  8th  of  February,  1546,     chap. 
Del  Monte  propounded  the  canon  of  Holy  Scripture  as  .    ^^'  _■ 
the  subject  of  the  ensuing  session,  and  the  following  ques-    "^poif  ^ 
tions  were  placed  before  the  next  congregation  : —  1 556-58. 

I.  Were  all  the  books  of  both  Testaments  to  be  ap- 
proved and  received  ? 

II.  Was  this  approval  to  be  given  after  a  fresh  exami- 
nation of  the  evidence  proving  them  to  be  satisfactory  ? 

III.  Would  it  be  expedient  to  divide  the  Holy  Scriptures 
into  two  classes — one  containing  the  books  to  be  read  for 
instruction  in  morals,  as  the  Proverbs  and  the  Book 
of  Wisdom,  not  yet  received  as  canonical ;  the  other 
such  as  were  to  be  used  for  framing  doctrines  of  belief  ? 

On  the  second  question  the  legates  were  divided  in 
opinion,  Del  Monte  was  opposed  to  any  fresh  examina- 
tion, but  Cardinal  Pole,  supported  by  the  legate  Santa 
Croce  (MarceUo  Cervini)  and  the  Cardinal  Bishop  of 
Trent,  expressed  his  earnest  desire  that  the  examination 
should  be  undertaken.  He  pointed  out  the  importance  of 
such  a  measure  in  its  bearing  in  controversies  with  the 
Lutherans — but  it  is  probable  that  he  desired  the  examina- 
tion for  his  own  conviction,  for  a  concession  was  made 
that  an  examination  in  private  should  take  place,  though 
the  results  of  the  examination  were  not  to  transpire  in  any 
of  the  public  acts  of  the  council. 

I  do  not  find  that  Pole  took  an  active  part  in  the  other 
discussions,  though  over  one  of  the  congregations  he  con- 
tinued to  preside  as  legate. 

On  the  8th  of  April,  1546,  the  fourth  session  of  the 
council  was  held.  There  was  an  increased  attendance  of 
between  sixty  and  seventy  persons* — few  enough  when 
they  claimed  to  be  the  voice  of  the  Church  Universal. 

*  I  beHeve  the  exact  number  was  fifty-six,  but  I  give  the  largest 
.estimate  in  the  text.  .      . 

'"       N  2" 


180  LIVES    OF  THE 

CHAP.     The  council,  although  unintentionally,  was  actually  on  the 

i^^'        side  of  the  truth  when  it  still,  through  the  majority,  de- 

Eoginaid    clared  that  the  council  should  not  be  described  as  "  re- 

1566-^58.    presenting  the    Universal   Church,"  claiming  its  powers 

innnediately  from  Jesus  Christ ;    and  to  which  "  every 

person,   of  whatever    dignity,    not   excepting   the   pope, 

was  bound  to  yield  obedience."      The  insertion  of  the 

"  representatory   clause,"  as  it  was  called,  was  strongly 

urged  by  the  Bishops  of  Capaccio,  Fiesole,  Badajoz,  and 

Osca. 

Notwithstanding  the  long  discussions  in  the  several 
congregations,  there  was  by  no  means  an  unanimity  dis- 
played at  the  session.  Two  decrees  were  read  : — The 
first,  upon  the  canon  of  Scripture  ;  which  declares  that 
the  holy  council  receives  all  the  books  of  the  Old  and 
New  Testament,  as  well  as  all  the  traditions  of  the  Church 
respecting  faith  and  morals,  as  having  proceeded  from  the 
lips  of  Jesus  Christ  Himself,  or  as  having  been  dictated 
by  the  Holy  Spirit,  and  preserved  in  the  Catholic  Church 
by  a  continual  succession  :  both  the  written  and  un- 
written Word  are  to  be  regarded  with  equal  respect. 
After  this,  the  decree  enumerates  the  books  received  as 
canonical  by  the  Church  of  Eome,  as  they  are  found  in 
the  Vulgate,  and  all  persons  are  anathematized  who  refuse 
to  acknowledge  them  as  such.  The  second  decree  declares 
the  authenticity  of  the  Vulgate,  forbids  to  interpret  it  con- 
trary to  the  teaching  of  holy  Church  and  the  fathers, 
orders  that  extreme  care  be  taken  in  printing  it,  forbids 
all  profane  uses  of  Scriptural  words  and  expressions, 
and  directs,  that  all  who  make  such  evil  use  of  them,  or 
employ  them  for  superstitious  purposes,  shall  be  punished 
as  "  profaners  of  the  Word  of  God." 

This  was  a  triumph  of  that  Ultramontane  party  to 
which  Pole  never  belonged ;  and  he  foresaw  the  con- 


ARCHBISHOPS    OF   CANTERBURY.  181 

sequences.     They  were  preparing  now  to  give  judgment     chap. 

upon  the  deeper  mysteries  on  wliich  the  mind  of  Pole,    1^ ' 

and  those  who  are  known  as  the  Itahan  reformers,  had      pouil 
been  hitherto  employed ;   and  in  relation  to  which  the    i5o6-58. 
Ultramontane  party  were  supposed  to  be  verging  towards 
Pelagianism. 

In  the  midst  of  the  discussions,  a  controversy  arose  in 
which  Pole  endeavoured  to  moderate.  The  bishops  com- 
plained of  the  proceedings  of  the  regulars,  who  were 
accustomed  to  set  all  diocesan  and  parochial  authority  at 
defiance.  They  were  especially  indignant  at  the  conduct 
of  the  mendicants.  The  debates  were  disgraced  by  vio- 
lence and  disorder,  and  the  successful  party,  as  against 
the  monks,  was  led  by  the  Bishop  of  Fiesole.  He  be- 
sought the  fathers,  by  all  that  was  sacred,  to  assist  in 
maintaining  the  episcopal  authority.  He  was  opposed 
by  the  Ultramontanes,  who  knew  how  much  the  papal 
power  was  sustained  in  all  lands  by  the  monks  ;  and  the 
intrusion  of  the  regulars  was  accounted  for,  by  the  past 
neglect  of  duty  on  the  part  of  the  secular  clergy.  Del 
Monte  lost  his  temper  in  opposing  the  bishop,  and  sent  a 
sermon  on  the  subject,  preached  by  the  bishop,  to  Eome, 
where  it  was  duly  censured.  Pole,  who  always  asserted 
the  papal  power,  entreated  the  Bishop  of  Fiesole  to 
moderate  his  expressions,  and  received  for  reply  the  re- 
mark, that  a  man  cannot  hold  his  tongue  when  he  is 
robbed.  Nevertheless  the  poor  bishop  was  silenced  ;  and 
Pole  lamented  that  a  division  among  those  who  had  been 
convened  to  reconcile  differences  was  affording  a  triimiph 
to  their  common  enemy.  The  bishops  were  compelled  to 
submit.  The  regulars  indeed  were  not  to  preach  in  parish 
churches  without  the  episcopal  licence  ;  and,  though  in  im- 
propriated churches,  the  licence  of  their  priors  sufficed,  the 
licence  was  to  be  presented  to  the  bishop  whose  bene- 


Ii82  LIVES    OF   THE 

CHAP,     diction,  on  its  exhibition,  the  persons  presented  were  to 

^Z^ ^  receive.    But  now,  for  the  first  time,  was  heard  an  Ultra- 

"^PoTe.^"^  montane  doctrine  regarded  by  the  orthodox  of  the  Greek 
1556-58.  Church — that  is,  by  the  major  part  of  Christendom — 
as  absolutely  heretical ;  viz.,  that  the  bishops  of  the 
Christian  Church  were  to  act  as  the  "  delegates  of  the 
Holy  See."  To  this,  however,  Pole  was  not  likely  to 
urge  an  objection ;  but  it  was  very  different  when,  in  the 
congregations,  the  subjects  of  original  sin  and  justification 
were  mooted. 

The  fifth  session  of  the  council  was  held  on  the  17th  of 
June,  1546.  There  was  a  renewed  outcry  against  the  omis- 
sion of  the  "  representatory  "  clause  ;  and  then,  avoiding 
any  full  and  scientific  exposition,  such  as  would  provoke 
discussion  on  the  part  of  Pole  and  his  friends,  a  decree 
was  drawn  up  treating  of  the  personal  sin  of  Adam,  and 
the  transmission  of  that  sin  to  his  posterity ;  of  its  re- 
medy, i.  e.  Holy  Baptism ;  of  Infant  Baptism ;  and,  as 
directly  militating  against  the  Lutherans,  the  doctrine  was 
condemned  which  asserts  "  that  the  taint  of  sin  remains, 
yea,  even  in  them  that  are  regenerate." 

The  latter  laid  the  foundation  of  the  Trentine  view  of 
justification. 

The  Protestants  asserted,  that  although  righteousness 
was  imputed  to  the  believer,  who  was  thus  rendered 
capable  of  communion  with  the  holy  ones  of  God  ;  yet 
the  holiest  of  men  remained  to  the  last  an  actual  sinner, 
dependent  wholly  for  salvation  on  the  merits  of  the 
Saviour.  Therefore  works  of  supererogation  were  im- 
possible. 

Luther  perceived  that  this  dogma  was  the  lever  by 
which  he  could  upset  the  whole  papal  fabric.  Gradually 
this  truth  dawned  on  the  mind  of  Paul  HI.  and  his  ad- 
visers at  Eome.     The  legates  accordingly  received  orders 


ARCHBISHOPS    OF    CANTERBURY.  183 

to  frame  a  system  of  doctrine  which  would  stand  opposed     chap. 
to  this  doctrine  of  justification  by  faith  only.  I^: . 

Pole  and  the  Itahan  reformers  had  accepted  the  truth  ''^li^\ 
as  Scriptural,  seeing  at  once  its  subjective  value  in  keeping  i. 556-58. 
down  the  pride  of  the  human  heart.  They  did  not  see,  or 
care  to  see,  its  controversial  importance  on  the  Protestant 
side.  They  spoke,  not  as  controversialists,  but  in  Christian 
simplicity.  They  approached  God,  they  said,  in  the  name 
of  Christ,  and  were  justified,  accounted  righteous,  by 
faith  in  Him.  As  the  priest  appears  at  the  altar  robed  in 
surplice,  or  alb  and  stole,  so  the  Christian  stands  before 
the  Throne  of  Grace,  having  put  on  Christ.  As  the  priest 
has  a  dress  of  his  own  beneath  his  official  robes,  so  the 
Christian  has  his  own  inherent  righteousness.  This  is  given 
by  inspiration  of  God  the  Holy  Ghost,  and  consists  in  a 
sincere  wish  to  keep  God's  commandments.  In  this  sin- 
cere, not  perfect,  endeavour  he  perseveres,  seeking  only 
to  stand  before  God  through  his  justification  in  Christ. 
He  cannot  keep  all  the  commandments,  whatever  his  en- 
deavours may  be  ;  therefore,  to  the  last,  as  an  unprofitable 
servant  having  no  merits  of  his  own,  he  seeks  justification 
through  Christ  our  Lord. 

No  one  who  has  examined  the  subject  can  entertain  a 
doubt  of  Pole's  sentiments  ;  and  what  his  sentiments  were 
is  forced  on  our  attention  also  through  the  avowed  and 
plainer  declarations  of  his  associates,  with  whom — as  with 
Contarini,  for  example — he  frequently  expressed  his  cor- 
dial sympathy.*    What  was  he  now  to  do  ?    Some  of  liis 

*  At  Ratisbon,  Contarini  admitted  what  Ranke  calls  "  the  cardinal 
point,"  the  Lutheran  doctrine  that  man's  justification  is  through  faith, 
and  not  through  merit.  He  added,  that  this  faith  must  be  lively  jmd 
active,  and  Melancthon  declared  that  this  was,  in  fact,  the  Protestant 
faith  itself.  Contarini's  friends  who  sympathized  in  hia  opinions  heard 
with  joy  what  progress  Contarini  had  apparently  made  towards  a  p.-ici- 
fication.     "  When  I  observed  this  unanimity  of  opinion,"  writes  Pole  to 


184  LIVES   OF   THE 

CHAP,     former  associates — Vergerio  among  them,  and  Peter  Mar- 
> — ^- —    tyr — became  Protestants  ;  others,  hke  Pole,  were  reduced 
Pole! '     to  silence.  He  was  devoted  to  the  papacy,  and  on  that  point 
1666-58.    lie  was  immovable.    While  justification  was  an  open  ques- 
tion, he  asserted  that  view  of  it  which  almost  or  entirely 
accorded  with  Protestantism.     When  the  pope,  and  after- 
wards the  council,  asserted  the  opposite  doctrine,  he  con- 
cluded that,  though  unconvinced  by  arguments  hitherto 
adduced,  he  must  be  in  error.     He  could  not  defend  the 
converse  propositions  ;  but,  at  least,  he  could  be  silent  on 
the  subject.     Occasionally,  in  private,  he  would  advert 
to  the  doctrine  he  at  one  time  so  cordially  maintained ; 
and  at  a  time  when  enemies  were  watching  him,  he  got 
into  trouble — but  we  shall  best  describe  his  position  by 
saying  he  now  retired  into  private  life. 

Orders  came  from  Eome,  that  the  sixth  session  of  the 
Council  of  Trent  was  to  be  occupied  by  the  great  subject 
of  justification.  Discussions  might  be  permitted  in  the 
congregations,  but  the  legates  were  only  to  enforce  in  the 
council  the  conclusions  at  which  the  papal  advisers  at 
Pcome  had  already  arrived.  Pole  might  act  as  an  auto- 
maton in  the  hands  of  the  pope  if  he  chose,  but  could  he 
command  his  tongue  when  discussion  was  provoking  it  to 
motion  ?  He  was  perplexed  as  to  the  course  to  be  pur- 
sued. All  of  a  sudden  the  physicians  discovered,  that 
Trent  was  insalubrious,  and  that  it  was  impossible  for  Pole, 
in  his  infirm  state  of  health,  to  remain  there  any  longer. 

"  Provida  Pompeio  dederat  Campania  febres 
Optandas."  "^ 


him,  "  I  felt  a  delight  such  as  no  harmony  of  sounds  could  have  afforded 
me,  not  only  because  I  foresaw  the  approach  of  peace  and  concord,  but 
because  '■these  articles  are  the  foundation  of  the  whole  Christian  faith.^  " 
See  Eanke,  i.  109.     See  also  Father  Paul,  74. 

*  Phillips  denies  that  Pole  held  the  dogma  of  justification  by  faith 


ARCHBISHOPS    OF   CA^'TERBURY.  185 

It  is  evident  that  his  colleagues  were  glad  of  an  excuse     chap. 

for  persuading  Pole  to  absent  himself;  and  of  the  oppor-   - ill—^ 

tunity  he  was  equally  willing  to  avail  himself.  He  did  ^Pofe.^"^ 
not  act  as  a  great  man,  but  if  we  would  judge  him  im-  1 556-58. 
partially  he  appears  before  us  a  humble  man.  He  had 
always  taken  his  position  as  opposed  to  the  Lutherans,  and 
they  could  not  expect  him  to  suffer  with  them  because 
that  on  the  abstract  merits  of  a  disputed  dogma  they 
happened  to  concur.  Although,  when  considering  the 
dogma  abstractedly  and  with  a  view  to  promote  religion, 
he  arrived  at  a  conclusion  held  by  many  determined 
papists  before  the  Council  of  Trent,  he  was  certainly 
justified  in  refusing  to  cause  confusion  or  trouble  in  the 
counsels  of  his  friends,  when  they  suggested  that  his 
principle  of  justification,  if  logically  carried  out,  would 
lead  to  the  rejection  of  dogmas  which  he  regarded  as  being 
practically  of  greater  importance.      He  had  thoroughly 

only,  but  he  is  answered  by  every  fact  of  Pole's  history,  and  by  every 
friend  whom  Pole  loved.  Much  more  honest  is  Caracciolo  in  his  life 
of  Paul  IV.,  though  there  is  a  little  malice  in  his  mode  of  making  his 
statement: — "Cardinal  Pole,  either  through  the  influence  of  Marc. 
Antonio  Flaminio,  or  because,  very  erudite  in  profane  literature,  he 
was  little  skilled  in  scholastic  theology,  was  on  this  point  so  wedded  to 
the  dogma  of  justification  by  faith  only  and  grace  of  imputation, 
that  he  not  only  for  a  long  time  held  this  false  Lutheran  opinion,  but 
also  went  about  making  disciples  and  numerous  converts  among  persons 
of  importance,  and  filled  his  house  with  servants  and  courtiers  holding 
the  same  opinion.  I  give  him  credit  for  having  erred  theoretically, 
because  the  subject  is  so  subtle  and  difficult ;  nevertheless  he  caused 
great  astonishment  and  scandal,  being  one  of  the  cardinal  presidents  of 
the  Council  of  Trent,  because,  when  he  perceived  that  the  doctrine  of 
justification  was  decided  upon  in  the  council,  and  was  about  to  be  pro- 
mulgated in  session,  he,  holding  the  opinions  he  did,  feigned,  as  it  was 
thought,  to  be  suffering  in  his  room  from  cold,  and  left  the  council  for 
the  baths  of  Padua.  His  departure  at  such  a  time,  for  a  reason  so 
trifling,  excited  suspicions  against  him." — Adriani,  1st.  dei  suoi  Tempi : 
Thu^n,  Caracciolo,  Vita  di  Paolo  IV.  cap,  xx. 


186  LIVES   OF   THE 

CHAP,     committed  himself  to  the  papal  faction :    in  nine  out  of 

« — -,^ —   ten  propositions  he  felt  that  his  opinions  would  be  in  ac- 

K/      cordance  with  theirs.  We  who  live  in  a  country  governed 

i5o6-o8.    by  party,  must  surely  make  every  allowance  for  a  man,  who 

retired  with  the  intention  of  reconsidering  one  important 

subject,  while  the  excuse  brought  forward  prevented  it 

from  being  supposed — and  nothing  was  further  from  his 

intention — that  he  had  deserted  his  party. 

If  Pole  had  not  been  in  the  habit  of  exaggerating,  so  as 
to  place  himself  always  in  the  right,  we  should  believe 
that  his  disease  was  of  a  serious  nature.  He  was  cer- 
tainly unwell,  and  complained  that  the  air  of  Trent  was 
too  keen  for  his  constitution.  Cardinal  Santa  Croce 
alludes  to  the  insalubrity  of  the  climate ;  and  there  is  a 
slight  touch  of  sarcasm  in  his  letter  to  Farnese  on  the  25th 
of  June,  1546  : — "Cardinal  Pole,  I  find,  intends  to  start 
directly  for  Trevella,  having  obtained  the  permission  of 
the  pope  ;  but  we,  although  we  have  no  less  occasion 
than  himself  for  a  little  respite  from  business  and  change 
of  air,  are  resolved  nevertheless  to  attend  the  debates  on 
justification."  * 

Trevella,  to  which  place  Pole  retired,  was  the  country 
house  of  his  friend  Luigi  Priuli,  in  the  neighbourhood  of 
Padua.  The  air  of  Padua  always  agreed  with  Pole,  and 
here  he  had  a  choice  of  physicians.  He  was  attended  by 
his  secretary  Beccatelh,  and  in  Beccatelli  and  Priuh  he  was 
sure  of  finding  sentiments  congenial  with  his  own.  To  a 
mind  so  vacillating  and  sensitive  as  Pole's,  this  retirement 
must  have  been  almost  as  necessary  as  to  his  bodily 
health  it  w^as  important  in  other  respects.  Pole  was 
a  man  of  determined  will  when  once  he  had  decided 
upon  the  step   he  ought  to  take,  but,  like  many  such 

*  Quirini,  iv.  277. 


ARCHBISHOPS    OF   CANTERBUKV.  187 

persons,  he  was  miserable  in  the  various  doubts  he  enter-     chap. 
tained   before   his   determination   was    made  ;    and  even  -— — .^ — ' 
after  he  had  committed  himself,  he  required  a  stronger      pX. 
mind  than  his  own  to  convince  him,  that  what  he  had    1^06-68. 
done  was  what  his  conscience  ought  to  endorse. 

In  taking  this  view  of  the  case,  I  am  doing  more 
justice  to  the  memory  of  Pole  than  do  they  who,  througli 
a  course  of  special  pleading,  would  make  it  appear  that  he 
held  the  Roman  doctrine  upon  the  subject  before  Eome 
had  spoken.  Pole  had  many  faults,  but  he  had  also  many 
virtues.  He  was  neither  a  hero  nor  a  saint ;  and  in  trying 
to  place  him  before  their  readers  in  that  point  of  view, 
many  of  his  admirers  have  induced  unfriendly  critics  to 
deny  him  the  attributes  of  even  a  well-meaning  man.* 

Soon  after  his  arrival  at  Trevella,  he  reported  the  state 
of  his  health  to  his  colleagues  at  Trent. 

'*  All  the  information  I  can  give  you  of  ray  health  since  my  de- 
parture from  Trent  is,  that  it  seems  better  rather  than  worse  ;  not 
that  my  pains  have  ceased,  but  they  are  less  acute,  and  I  have 
passed  three  nights  without  being  obliged  to  quit  my  bed.  Exer- 
cise, which  I  take  either  on  horseback  or  in  a  carriage,  is  of  greater 
service  to  me  than  anything  else.  Two  physicians  from  Padua 
called  upon  me  yesterday  and  had  a  consultation.  They  warned 
me  to  take  care  of  myself,  as  I  was  in  danger  of  a  paralytic 
seizure.  They  left  their  opinion  in  writing,  which  I  am  to  forward 
to  Fracastori,!  that  they  may  obtain  his  opinion  of  my  case.    As 

*  It  is  astonishing  how  prone  people  are  to  rush  from  one  extreme  to 
the  other.  Pole's  conduct  in  Queen  Mary's  reign  brought  disgrace  upon 
his  name,  and  he  was  unduly  maligned.  Of  late  years,  persons  previously 
ignorant  of  general  history  have  found  that  he  was,  at  one  time,  an 
object  of  admiration  and  respect  among  the  reformers  in  Italy,  and  they 
cannot  find  words  too  high  to  extol  him. 

t  Geronimo  Fracastori  was  born  in  1483,  and  died  in  1553.  lie 
was  appointed  physician  to  the  Council  of  Trent,  and  by  his  advice  the 
council  was  moved  from  Trent  to  Bologna.     He  was  not  only  one  of 


Eeginald 
Pole. 

W56-58. 


188  .  LIVES   OF  THE 

CHAP,      soon  as  I  receive  it  I  shall  know  what  course  to  pursue,  and  will 
not  fail  to  send  a  full  account  to  your  lordships."  * 

A  few  weeks  after,  he  sent  a  worse  account  of  his 
health,  and  stated  the  fears  of  his  physicians,  that  if  he 
returned  to  Trent  he  should  run  the  risk  of  being  lame 
for  life,  which,  as  he  justly  observed,  "  could  answer  no 
purpose."  He  felt  sure  that  the  pope  would  not  wish  to 
be  served  on  such  terms  ;  nevertheless,  he  was  about 
to  despatch  a  friend  to  Eome  to  receive  the  commands  of 
his  holiness. 

Cardinal  Pole  soon  after  received  a  draft  of  the  decree 
on  justification,  and  his  opinion  of  it  was  asked.  He  kept 
it  four  days,  and  then  returned  it,  as  it  would  appear  from 
his  letter,  without  note  or  comment,  and  with  only  a 
qualified  approbation.  In  a  letter  dated  the  5th  of 
October,  he  says  : — 

"  I  have  received  a  copy  of  the  decree  concerning  justification, 
on  which  your  lordships  are  pleased  to  ask  my  opinion.  To  speak 
the  truth,  I  do  not  see  that  I  can  say  anything  on  the  subject. 
It  contains  many  things  on  ivhich  I  should  desire  an  expla- 
nation,  which,  being  absent,  I  cannot  have.  Besides,  I  am  too 
much  out  of  order  to  think,  much  less  to  write,  on  a  subject  of 
such  importance."  f 

It  would  appear  from  one  of  his  letters,  that  Pole  was  at 
this  time  accused  of  Lutheranism  ;  and  in  vindicating  him- 
self, he  expressly  denies  that  fact,  on  the  ground  that  he  had 

the  most  eminent  physicians  of  the  day,  but  was  also  a  poet ;  his  in- 
clination was  to  scientific  rather  than  to  metaphysical  studies. 

*  Ep.  Poh,  iv.  189. 

f  A  copy  of  the  decree,  transcribed  in  his  own  hand,  was  found 
among  Pole's  papers.  Some  persons  have  inferred  from  that  cir- 
cumstance that  lie  was  actually  the  author  of  the  decree.  The  circum- 
stances given  in  the  text  are  a  sufficient  refutation  of  this  most  im- 
probable opinion. 


ARCHBISHOPS    OF    CANTERBURY.  189 

deduced  his  doctrine  of  justification  by  faith  only  from 
the  Scriptures  alone.  He  accused  the  Lutherans  of  so 
stating  the  doctrine,  as  to  render  it  impossible  to  recon-  ^^ylif^ 
cile,  as  he  himself  had  done,  St.  Paul  and  St.  James.  1566-58. 
But  this  attempt  to  draw  a  distinction  where  no  difference 
existed,  was  not  successful,  for  at  the  colloquy  of  Eatisbon 
Melancthon  stated,  and  Contarini  accepted  the  statement, 
that,  in  the  qualification  of  the  doctrine  adduced  from  St. 
James,  the  Lutherans  agreed  with  the  Itahan  reformers.* 
It  was  an  argument  ad  captandinn,  and  was  to  a  certain 
extent  fair.  Through  the  study  of  the  Bible,  on  this  great 
Protestant  dogma  Pole  had  come  to  the  same  conclusion  as 
Luther — nevertheless  this  did  not  prove  that  he  was  a 
Lutheran ;  and  he  may  have  thought  any  argument 
sufficient  to  silence  those  who,  in  bringing  such  a  charge 
against  him,  were  infiuenced  by  faction  rather  than  by 
faith. 

Pole's  conduct  was  consistent  with  his  principles,  and 
this  consistency  on  his  part  secured  for  him  the  respect 
of  those  who  in  opinion  may  have  differed  from  him. 
Before  the  decree  on  justification  was  passed,  when  he 
was  presiding  at  the  congregation  accustomed  to  assemble 
at  his  residence,  he  ordered  the  prelates  to  read  the 
works  of  their  adversaries,  and  not  to  suppose  that,  by 
stigmatizing  a  doctrine  as  Lutheran,  the  doctrine  must 
by  that  fact  be  condemned.  They  might  perad venture 
find  themselves,  if  they  so  acted,  in  the  predicament  of 
Pelagius,  and  in  their  answer  to  Luther  become  Pela- 
gians.f  But  when  the  council  dogmatized,  the  Church 
spoke,  and  Pole  was  then  silent :  the  Church  was  wiser 
than  he. 

His  friends  were  numerous,  and  they  might  fairly  ask 
what  more  is  required.     Paul  III.  remained  his  personal 

*  Bucer,  Disputata  Ratisbona},  302.  f  Palluvic.  viii.  709. 


190  LIVES   OF   THE 

CHAP,     friend.     He  summoned  Pole  to  Eome ;  and  before  the 

. ,1 — .   latter  started  on  his  journey,  he  sent  Priuli  to  the  fathers 

Pole!  of  Trent,  to  assure  them,  that  if  he  could  further  their 
1 606-08.  interests  at  head-quarters,  he  was  prepared  to  serve 
them. 

The  gentle  and  indolent  spirit  of  Pole  had  an  attrac- 
tion to  the  violent  and  haughty  temper  of  Paul  III.;  and 
Pole  v^as  saved  from  trouble,  and  perhaps  disgrace,  by  the 
pope's  retaining  him  at  Eome,  under  the  pretext  that  he 
required  his  services  as  a  counsellor.  It  was  not  known 
whether  Pole's  scruples  might  not  extend  to  other  sub- 
jects besides  those  which  related  to  justification;  and 
when  the  council  was  removed  from  Trent  to  Bologna, 
the  excuse  of  Pole,  that  he  was  in  waiting  on  the  pope, 
was  gladly  accepted  as  a  reason  for  his  not  resuming  his 
duties  as  a  legate.  He  could  no  longer  urge  the  plea  of 
ill-health.  Paul  employed  him  as  a  confidential  secretary  ; 
and  Beccatelli  would  leave  us  under  the  impression  that, 
in  the  violent  disputes  which  now  arose  between  the 
pope  and  the  emperor,  Pole  was  the  author  of  the  papal 
despatches.  The  slightest  acquaintance  with  the  character 
of  Paul  III.  would  cause  us  to  hesitate  before  acceding 
to  the  notion,  that  he  would  delegate  to  another  an  oflfice 
which  demanded  the  exercise  of  abilities  not  inferior  to 
his  own  ;  and  least  of  all  was  he  hkely  to  select  as  his 
adviser  a  man  who  had  shown  himself  thoroughly  in- 
competent as  a  statesman. 

That  Eeginald  Pole  was  employed  in  moulding  the  drafts 
of  these  despatches,  which,  in  the  fever  of  passion,  Paul 
had  penned  or  dictated,  is  highly  probable  ;  and  equally 
probable  it  is — it  is  indeed  apparent — that  he  spoke 
sometimes  in  his  own  name,  when  it  was  convenient  or 
politic  for  the  pontiff  to  remain  in  the  background.  But 
it  is  sufficiently  clear  that  Pole  remained  at  Eome  through 


ARCHBISHOPS   OF   CANTERBURY.  19J 

the  considerate  policy  of  the  pope,  who,  knowing  him  to     chap. 

be  worse  than  useless  at  Trent  and  Bologna,  provided  an  > iV-^ 

honourable  excuse  for  his  absence.  On  the  publication  of  pX.^^ 
the  Interim,  Pole  presided  at  the  committee  from  which  1 556-58. 
emanated  the  remonstrance  to  the  emperor. 

The  death  of  Henry  VIII.  once  more  excited  the 
mind,  the  expectations,  perhaps  the  ambition,  of  Pole. 
He  felt  that  now  was  the  time  for  him  once  more  to 
thrust  himself  on  the  notice  of  princes  ;  but,  as  usual, 
he  only  displayed  an  entire  ignorance  of  the  state  of 
feeling  in  England,  upon  the  proceedings  in  which 
kingdom  he  presumed  to  dogmatize.  He  lost  no  time 
in  communicating  with  the  pope  and  the  emperor ;  and 
he  affirmed,  that  the  emperor's  influence  in  England 
was  such,  that  all  that  was  now  requisite  to  reduce  Eng- 
land to  obedience  to  Eome  was  a  good  understanding 
between  these  two  potentates.  But  they  were  not  a 
third  time  to  be  deceived  ;  and  the  emperor,  through  his 
ambassador,  knew  more  of  the  state  of  public  feeling  in 
England  than  was  known  to  Pole.  He  knew  that  Pro- 
testantism had  at  this  time  become  a  fanaticism  in 
England  ;  and  that,  although  there  was  a  strong  and 
influential  body  which  desired  only  to  reform  the  Church 
on  the  ideal  of  Henry  VIII.,  they  were  one  and  all,  Pro- 
testants and  Anglo-Catholics,  united  in  a  firm  resolve, 
come  w^hat  might,  to  keep  out  the  pope. 

Pole  had  the  presumption,  or  the  folly,  to  address  a 
letter  to  the  Privy  Council  of  England.  It  is  so  far 
interesting  as  an  historical  document,  that  it  shows  that 
there  was  no  fixed  law  by  which  the  right  of  succession 
might  be  known,  and  that  it  was  fully  admitted  that  the 
succession  to  the  crown  depended  upon  the  will  of  par- 
liament. He  alluded  to  the  wrongs  sustained  by  himself 
and  his  friends  in  the  late  reign,  only  to  say  that  the 


1556-58. 


192  LIVES    OP    THK 

CHAP,  past  was  forgiven  and  would  be  forgotten.  He  then 
^- — ^__  dwelt  on  the  pontiff's  paternal  regard  for  England,  of 
Pule.  which  he  was  ready  to  give  proof  by  sending  Pole 
himself,  not  only  to  aid  the  benighted  country  by  his 
counsels,  but  also,  if  the  offer  of  the  pope  was  met  in  the 
same  spirit  in  which  it  was  made,  with  full  powers  to 
reconcile  England  to  Eome.* 

The  Privy  Council  treated  the  address  with  the  con- 
tempt it  deserved  ;  the  member^;  of  the  council  refused 
even  to  receive  the  letter,  the  bearer  of  which  hastened 
to  leave  the  kingdom  at  the  peril  of  his  life. 

Although  Pole  had  succeeded,  through  his  own  self- 
assertion  and  the  late  king's  carelessness  on  the  subject, 
in  obtaining  for  himself  a  royal  position  on  the  Continent, 
the  family  was  scarcely  thought  of  in  England.  If  his 
mother  was  a  Plantagenet,  his  father  was  a  commoner, 
and  his  brother  died  only  a  baron.  But  Eeginald  pre- 
sumed on  the  nearness  of  his  connection,  as  a  cousin  to 
the  young  king,  to  address  a  letter  to  Edward  VI. 

In  his  ignorance  of  English  affairs  and  of  English 
feeling,  he  was  not  aware  of  the  powerful  reaction  in 
favour  of  Protestantism  in  his  native  land,  occasioned  by 
the  repressive  and  politic  measures  of  Henry  VIIL,  who 
crushed  the  tempest  he  had  raised.  Neither  w^as  he 
aware  that  a  detestation  of  popery  had  been  instilled  into 
the  mind  of  the  young  king,  with  whom  Protestantism 
had  become  a  passion. 

His  letter  to  the  king  was  treated  with  the  same  con- 
tempt as  his  letter  to  the  Privy  Council.  Who  was 
Eeginald  Pole  that  he  should  interfere.^  The  member 
of  a  family  the  royalty  of  which  had  not  been  acknow- 
ledged, and  himself  an  attainted  member  of  that  family. 

*  Ep.  Poli,  iv.  42. 


ARCllBlSlIOrS    OF   CANTERBURV.  193 

If  he  ventured  to  address  them  as  a  cardinal,  he  was  an     chap. 
outlaw  ;  a  denaturalized  Englishman  for  having  enrolled  ^    ^! '  _  - 
himself  among  the  princes  of  a  court  hostile  to  his  native    ^'i>l^f^ 
land  ;  the  minister  of  a  bishop,  who  had  excommunicated    1006-08. 
the  King  of  England,  and  whose  excommunication  exposed 
him  to  the  ridicule  as  well  as  hatred  of  king  and  people. 

Pole  had  always  asserted  that  Henry  VIII.  coerced  the 
people  of  England  to  remain  hostile  to  the  Bishop  of 
Eome ;  that  the  people  were  in  favour  of  reconciliation 
v/ith  the  apostolic  see ;  and  that  he,  at  the  head  of  a 
great  party  in  England  which  only  wanted  a  leader, 
would  be  able  to  carry  all  before  him  if  assisted  by  the 
emperor.  He  repeated  the  assertion,  but  he  was  not 
now  believed  by  pope  or  emperor ;  and  the  rejection  of 
his  missives  to  England  now  convinced  him,  that  his 
long-cherished  expectations  had  rested  rather  on  his 
own  imagination  than  on  the  real  facts  of  the  case. 

Pole,  deeply  mortified,  now  dwelt  in  retirement  at 
Viterbo,  where  he  employed  his  time  and  amused  himself, 
by  preparing  a  treatise  for  the  edification  of  Edward  VL, 
as  he  had  formerly  composed  a  treatise  by  which  he  had 
hoped  to  terrify  the  young  king's  father.  He  little 
knew  the  firmness  or  the  obstinacy  of  those  with  whom 
he  had  to  do,  or  the  pride  which  resented  the  attempt  of 
a  distant  and  scarcely  acknowledged  kinsman  to  dictate 
to  his  superiors.  The  letter  to  Edward  VL  was  intended  as 
a  kind  of  preface  to  the  "De  Unitate,"!  and  was  designed 
to  explain,  even  to  apologise  for,  much  which  had  been 
said  in  the  treatise  last  mentioned.  It  is  only  justice  to 
Eeginald  Pole  to  remark  on  the  improved  style  and  tone 
of  the  "  Apology  to  Edward  VL,"  a  work  to  which  we  have 
had  frequent  occasion  to  recur  when,  in  the  course  of  this 
chapter,  we  have  desired  to  obtain  an  explanation  of 
Pole's  conduct. 

VOL.    VIII.  0 


194  LIVES   OF   THE 

CHAP.  At  Yiterbo,  Pole  lieard  that  the  government  in  Eng- 
^_£^L_.  land,  availing  itself  of  the  king's  minority,  had  been 
"^Poie.^^  enriching  its  members  by  the  spoil  of  the  Church ;  and 
1556-58.  that,  in  order  that  the  spoil  might  be  brought  more 
easily  within  the  grasp  of  the  ministers  of  the  crown, 
they  were  deviating  from  the  policy  of  the  old  king — who 
had  only  sought  to  reform  the  established  Catholic  Church 
— and  were  trying  to  introduce  a  Protestantism  more 
extreme  than  Luther  himself  had  tolerated  or  intended. 
The  hopes  of  Pole  were  again  excited  as,  from  time  to 
time,  he  heard  that  the  inconsistencies  and  greediness  of 
the  ruling  powers  in  England,  checked  only  by  the  firm- 
ness and  wisdom  of  the  Archbishop  of  Canterbury  and 
the  bishops  who  supported  him,  were  preparing  the  way 
for  another  revolution.  He  heard  that  men  of  pro- 
perty began  to  fear,  that  the  spoliation  of  lay  estates 
might  follow  the  spohation  of  the  Church  :  and  that 
thus  a  stop  must  be  put  to  the  ultra-Protestantism  of 
the  evil  counsellors  of  Edward.  Pole  cautiously  de- 
termined to  watch  events,  and  to  bide  his  time.  He 
seems  never  to  have  doubted,  that  a  reaction  in  favour  of 
Eomanism  would  take  place,  or  that  he  would  himself  be 
at  the  head  of  affairs.  He  thought  to  conduct  a  reforma- 
tion, retaining  all  that  was  good  in  the  preceding  English 
reformation,  so  far  as  it  had  gone,  together  with  the  abo- 
lition of  the  compulsory  cehbacy  of  the  clergy,  but  with  the 
full  recognition  of  the  suzerainty  of  the  pope.  He  hoped 
for  a  reformation,  but  a  reformation  to  be  conducted  in 
subordination  to  Eome  ;  to  be  conducted,  in  short,  by  a 
convocation  based  on  the  principles  of  Trent.  One  of  the 
grounds  of  his  hostility  to  Henry  was,  that  the  king's  pro- 
ceedings rendered  this,  during  his  lifetime,  impossible.  Pole 
did  not  understand  the  English  character  ;  the  feelings  of 
the  English  were  directly  antagonistic  to  his.     With  the 


ARCHBISHOPS  of  canterbury.  rJ5 

exception  of  a  few,  the  people  cared  little  for  points  of    chap, 


IV. 


doctrine,  but  were  almost  unanimous  in  their  determina- 
tion to  reject  the  authority  of  the  pope.     It  was  chiefly     pt'ie^ 
because  it  was  through  doctrine,  that  this  determination    1556-58. 
was  expressed,  that  for  doctrine  they  would  fight,  and,  if 
need  were,  die. 

How  powerfully  Pole  had  the  faculty  of  winning  the 
affections  of  his  associates  and  of  making  friends  is  appa- 
rent in  the  firmness  with  which  his  friends  adhered  to  him 
even  when  his  failures  in  public  life  were  conspicuous. 
In  his  ambitious  flights  they  cheered  him  ;  and  when, 
having  soared  with  waxen  wings,  he  fell,  they  were  at 
hand  to  attribute  to  misfortune  what  was  attributable 
really  to  misconduct. 

The  year  1549,  in  which  Paul  III.  breathed  his  last, 
was  an  important  epoch  in  the  history  of  Cardinal  Pole. 
Pole's  character  was  by  this  time  well  known  by  those 
who  had  the  direction  of  public  affairs  in  Eome  ;  and  it 
is  not  probable,  that  a  man  so  essentially  weak  in  charac- 
ter and  wanting  in  judgment,  would  be  selected  by  either 
of  the  dominant  parties  for  the  occupation  of  the  papal 
throne,  when  it  now  became  vacant.  Nevertheless,  he 
was  a  man  of  unquestionable  learning,  generally  popular, 
and,  because  weak  in  character,  open  to  influences  which 
might  at  any  time  be  brought  to  bear  upon  him.  He  was 
therefore  just  the  man  for  a  compromise,  if,  in  the  election 
of  a  pope,  neither  of  the  dominant  parties  could  obtain  the 
requisite  majority  in  the  conclave.  Each  party  would 
have  desired  to  have  in  the  new  pope,  a  partisan  capable 
of  taking  a  decided  lead  in  politics  and  of  making  himself 
feared  by  his  opponents.  But  if  this  could  not  be  accom- 
plished, the  next  best  thing  was  to  secure  the  triple 
crown  for  a  man  whose  moral  worth  and  high  bearing 
would  dignify  the  office,  and  whom  each  party  expected, 

o  2 


196  LIVES   OF   THE 

CHAP,     after  the  electiou,  to  control  and  orovern.     Beforehand,  it 

IV  . 

. — ^ — -   was  not  eas}'  to  conjecture  to  which  party  Pole  would 

PorJ!  devote  himself,  therefore  both  parties  hoped  by  successful 
1556-58.  manoeuvres  to  make  him  their  tool.  We  can  easily  under- 
stand why  Pole  was  not  at  first  thought  of;  we  can  also 
understand  why  it  is  probable,  as  his  friends  assert,  that 
he  very  nearly  became  pope ;  and  it  is  not  difficult  also 
to  conjecture,  that  his  conduct,  in  the  conclave,  was  sucli 
as  to  induce  many  of  those  who,  in  the  night,  would  have 
elected  him,  to  withhold  their  suflrai?es  in  the  morninc(;. 
It  is  under  these  impressions,  that  we  give  credit  to  the 
statement  of  Beccatelli,  an  eye-witness,  when  he  mentions, 
that  Pole  might  have  had  the  papal  throne  if  he  had  de- 
sired it.  We  cannot,  indeed,  reject  the  statement  without 
an  impeachment  of  Beccatelli's  character  for  veracity, 
which  we  are  not  justified  from  what  we  know  of  his 
character  in  doing.  That  occurred  to  Pole  which  fre- 
quently must  occur  when,  as  in  the  conclave,  a  majority 
of  not  less  than  two-thirds  is  required  to  decide  an 
election — two  rival  parties  retire  from  the  support  of 
him  whom  they  respectively  think  best  qualified  for  the 
place,  and,  to  terminate  the  controversy,  mutually  accept 
a  person  whom  they  regard  as  not  unfit. 

Paul  III.  died  universally  regretted  and  pitied  at  Eorae 
—pitied  for  the  troubles  in  which  he  was  involved  by  the 
ingratitude  of  those,  by  preferring  whom  he  forfeited  a 
portion  of  the  respect  which  otherwise  would  have  at- 
tached to  his  character ;  and  regretted,  because  the  old 
man,  with  all  his  faults,  had  been  a  benefactor  and  not 
an  unwise  sovereign  in  what,  since  the  time  of  Clement, 
had  become  an  Italian  State. 

Early  in  November,  1549,  it  was  notified  to  Pole  by 
the  Cardinal  Deacon  of  the  College  of  Cardinals,  tliat 
serious   apprehensions   were    entertained    of  the   pope's 


ARCHBISHOPS    OF   CANTERBURY.  197 

"ife  ;  and  he  repaired  to  Eome.      To  him  Paul  had  al-     chap. 
ways  been  a  kind  and  considerate  friend ;  and  Pole  en-         ^* 


tertained  towards  his  deceased  benefactor  feehngs  of  Poie. 
gratitude,  so  that  his  death  was  to  him  not  merely  the  1 006-08. 
loss  of  a  sovereign,  but  that  of  a  personal  friend.  He 
anxiously  awaited  in  an  antechamber  the  report  of  the 
Cardinal  Penitentiary,  who,  with  the  pope's  confessor,  was 
in  attendance  in  the  sick  man's  room  ;  and  he  knew  that 
all  w^ould  soon  be  over  when  the  sacristan  of  the  pope's 
chapel  was  summoned  to  administer  extreme  unction. 
Each  functionary  had  his  proper  office  ;  and  the  claims  of 
office  were  at  this  time  rigidly  exacted  and  conceded.  He 
retired  to  consult  with  the  Cardinal  Camerlengo  as  to  the 
steps  which  were  to  be  taken  in  the  event  of  the  pope's 
demise.  The  whole  government  of  the  city,  and  of  the 
state,  would  devolve  upon  the  Cardinal  Camerlengo  and 
the  three  senior  cardinals  of  each  order — bishop,  priest, 
deacon.  But  before  the  assumption  of  power,  advice  was 
to  be  sought,  especially  from  those  who  were  regarded  as 
the  late  pope's  friends.  A  message  arrived  from  the  Se- 
cretary of  State,  informing  the  Cardinal  Camerlengo  that  all 
was  over  ;  and  the  cardinal  prepared  to  discharge  the  first 
duties  of  his  office  by  holding,  as  it  were,  an  inquest  over 
the  deceased  pontiff's  body.  Pole  saw  him  approach  the 
dead  man's  apartment.  At  the  door  he  paused  ;  a  gilt 
mallet  was  placed  in  his  hand,  and  with  this  he  struck 
the  door  three  times,  calhng  upon  the  defunct  by  his 
Christian  name,  by  his  family  name,  and  by  his  papal  name. 
No  answer  was  expected  ;  certainly  none  was  returned. 
The  door  was  opened,  and  they  were  standing  at  the  foot 
of  the  deceased  pope's  bed  :  Pole  looked  upon  the  face  of 
his  departed  patron,  while  the  Cardinal  Camerlengo, 
having  received  a  silver  mallet,  tapped  his  forehead,  and 
for  the  last  time  invoked  the  dead  man  byname.    FaUing 


198  LIVES   OF   THE 

CHAP,    on  his  knees  before  the  corpse,  he  declared  it  to  be  true, 

TV 

> ^ '  that  Paul  III.  liad  ceased  to  live  ;  and  he  gave  orders  that 

pX.^*^  the  fiict  should  be  announced  to  Eome  by  the  tolling  of 
1606-08.    the  great  bell  of  the  Capitol. 

The  tolling  of  the  bell  spoke  to  the  heart  of  Pole :  for 
the  happiest  days  of  his  life  he  was  indebted  to  the  pope 
whose  death  was  now  announced,  and  those  happy  days 
had  been  passed  at  Viterbo.  Prom  Viterbo  the  bell  had 
come.  It  had  been  brought  to  Eome  as  a  trophy,  when, 
in  a  war  with  the  Viterbese,  the  Komans,  at  the  beginning 
of  the  thirteenth  century,  had  triumphed.  When  the  mind 
is  softened  through  sorrow,  it  dwells  with  complacency 
upon  even  trivial  matters  which  seem  to  connect  us  with 
the  departed. 

The  day  following,  Pole  attended  a  meeting  of  the 
cardinals,  when  the  Cardinal  Camerlengo  produced  the 
piscatorial  ring,  which  he  had  taken  from  the  late  pope's 
chamber,  and  it  was  ordered  to  be  broken.* 

Nine  days  were  to  elapse  between  the  death  of  the 
pope  and  the  convention  of  the  conclave  ;  and  nine  days 
they  were  of  lawlessness,  all  the  functions  of  government 
being  relaxed.  Every  noble  armed  his  retainers,  forti- 
fied his  palace,  and  drew  chains  across  the  street  in 
which  his  residence  stood  ;  so  that  Eome,  thus  barricaded, 
assumed  the  appearance  of  a  city  armed  for  civil  war. 
But,  notwithstanding  this,  writes  a  contemporary,  "  you 

*  The  earliest  record  of  the  use  of  this  ring  is  in  the  year  1265.  It 
derives  its  name  from  the  engraving  on  its  stone  of  St.  Peter  drawing 
in  his  fisherman's  net.  It  was  originally  merely  the  pope's  signet  for  his 
private  correspondence.  From  the  middle  of  the  fifteenth  century  its 
use  became  reserved  for  the  signature  of  briefs.  I  will  here  remark, 
that  for  all  things  explanatory  of  the  conclaves  of  the  cardinals,  I  am  in- 
debted to  Mr.  W.  C.  Cartwright,  who  has  the  rare  art  of  being  able 
to  invest  with  interest  a  subject  of  historical  detail.  See  also  Petrucelli 
della  Gattina,  Histoire  Diplomatique  des  Conclaves. 


ARCHBISHOPS   OF   CANTERBURY.  199 

must  not  think  mucli  harm  was  done  except  between     chap. 

T-ir 

special  enemies  in  the  heat  of  passion."*     For  the  preser-  - 


vation  of  the  pubUc  peace,  which  seems,  on  this  occasion,  Poie. 
to  have  been  better  kept  than  usual,  the  cardinals  were  as-  1 006-08. 
sembled  in  the  chapter  house  of  St.  Peter's  ;  and  they  were 
there  engaged  in  consultation  while  the  clergy  had  gone 
to  bring  into  the  church  the  body  of  the  late  pope.  The 
corpse,  immediately  after  the  ceremonies  just  described, 
had  been  consigned  to  the  penitentiaries  of  the  Vatican 
Basihca,  by  whom  it  was  now  delivered  to  the  canons  of 
St.  Peter's.  A  splendid  catafalque  had  been  erected  in 
the  chapel  of  the  choir,  surrounded  by  the  Guarde  Nohile 
in  their  scarlet  uniforms.  Here  the  body  was  exposed, 
while,  without  the  accompaniment  of  instrumental  music, 
— throughout  the  ceremony  proscribed, — the  Miserere  was 
chanted.  The  corpse  was  splendidly  attired  in  white,  and 
was  placed  with  great  state,  in  conformity  Avith  an  in- 
tricate ceremonial,  within  a  shroud  of  purple  silk,  orna- 
mented with  embroidery  and  gold  fringe. 

The  face  was  exposed  to  the  public  gaze.  It  was  a 
ghastly  sight ;  and  it  became  more  so  when  the  body 
was  embalmed,  from  some  peculiarity  in  the  Eoman 
mode  of  operating  on  such  occasions.  The  sight  was 
rendered  more  awful  by  the  contrast  of  the  changing 
remnants  of  mortality  with  the  unchangeable  splendour 
amidst  which  it  was  for  the  last  time  placed.  The  guard  of 
nobles  stood  on  each  side  of  the  corpse,  silent,  with  arms 
reversed,  but  in  their  splendid  uniforms  :  on  either  side 
was  placed  a  scarlet  hat,  to  signify  the  temporal  and 
spiritual  power  of  the  deceased ;  a  golden  mitre  was  on 
the  head,  while  the  face  was  changing  every  hour.  The 
body  lay  on  an  inclined  plane,  and  the  feet  were  placed 

*  Sec  Littere  Faccte  e  Piiicevolidi  divcrsi  Iluomini  Grandi. 


200  LIVES   OF   THE 

^^y^-  close  to  the  iron  gate,  so  that  they  might  be  kissed  by 

^ "  ^:   -'  those    who  thoiiglit   tliat  sanctity   was    still   clinging  to 

Pole,  the  body  of  the  poor  dead   sinner  before  them.     High 

i5o6-o8.  j^^^gg   ^^,^g  g^^-^^^  ^j^j  ^^^g  repeated  every  day,  until  the 

tenth  from  his  decease,  when .  the  obsequies  were  com- 
pleted. Pole,  as  one  of  the  cardinals  created  by  Paul  III., 
was  busied  about  the  body  of  his  departed  friend  to 
the  last.  He  was  in  waiting  on  the  Cardinal  Camer- 
lengo  when  the  cardinals  of  the  late  pope's  creation  re- 
mained in  the  Gregorian  Chapel,  there  to  receive  the 
corpse  on  its  final  removal.  Upon  the  bed  on  which  it 
had  lain  in  state,  it  was  carried,  preceded  by  the  choir 
singing  a  requiem ;  a  crucifix  being  carried  before  it, 
the  Guarde  Nobile — or  Noble  Guards — following,  and 
the  whole  way  being  lined  by  soldiers.  It  was  a  solemn, 
silent  procession.  Not  a  voice  was  heard  except  that 
of  the  low  chanting  of  the  choir.  The  multitude  was 
kneeling  as  the  body  passed.  No  hght  was  seen  except 
the  lurid  flame  from  the  torches  of  the  attendants,  which 
glared  with  strange  lustre  on  the  corpse,  now  blackened 
by  death — the  one  dark  thing  amidst  the  gold  and 
jewels  of  those  costly  habiliments,  about  to  be  passed 
on  to  one  of  those  cardinals,  in  whose  breasts  the  fire 
of  ambition  was  not,  even  at  the  moutli  of  the  grave, 
extinguished.  "Vanity  of  vanities,  all  is  vanity,"  saith 
the  preacher.  The  living  heedeth  not  the  truism — for 
how  long  ?  A  very  few  years,  and  as  was  Paul  III  so 
were  they  who,  either  willingly,  or  under  the  constraint  of 
custom,  now  rendered  to  him  the  honours  they  coveted. 

On  the  arrival  of  the  procession  at  the  chapel,  a  dirge 
was  sung.  Pole  and  the  cardinals  of  Paul's  creation 
drew  near.  From  the  dead  man's  head  the  Cardinal 
Camerlengo  removed  the  golden  mitre,  smoothed  down 
his   hair,    and   then   replaced   the   mitre,  previously  to 


ARCHBISHOPS   OF    CANTERBURY.  201 

placing  a  white  silk  cloth  over  the  face.     Pole  and  the     chap. 

other  cardinals  of  Paul's  creation  were,  during  this  process,  v, ^ 

removing  the  cloth  of  gold  tissue,  upon  which  the  body  p^^^ 
lay,  by  tlie  corners  and  the  edges,  raising  the  body  from  1 006-08. 
the  bed,  which  was  removed  from  under  it.  The  body 
was  placed  in  the  first  of  three  coffins  prepared  for  its 
reception,  a  plain  coffin  of  cedar.  A  cloth  of  gold  was 
now  spread  over  the  dead  man  ;  and  on  Paul  III.,  dressed 
in  his  pontifical  robes,  and  with  the  golden  mitre  on  his 
head,  Pole  looked  for  the  last  time.  Three  bags  of  coin 
struck  during  his  reign,  in  number  as  many  as  the  years 
of  the  defunct,  were  placed  beneath  the  coffin,  together 
with  a  parchment  scroll  wherein  were  the  details  of  the 
pope's  history. 

The  body  was  afterwards  removed  to  one  of  the  side 
chapels,  where  it  remained,  according  to  custom,  for  one 
whole  year ;  after  which  it  was  buried,  and  without  any 
peculiar  ceremonial.* 

From  the  day  of  Paul's  death,  the  preparations  for  the 
conclave  commenced,  and  nine  days  hardly  sufficed  for 
the  completion  of  the  work.  The  workmen  had,  within 
a  limited  space  in  the  Vatican,  to  find  accommodation  for 
what  might  be  compared  to  a  village  or  a  small  town. 
The  comforts  of  the  immured  cardinals  were  to  be  pro- 
vided for  :  nor  were  the  comforts  to  be  nee^lected  of  the 
many  attendants  who,  in  sharing  their  temporary  impri- 
sonment, ministered  to  their  wants,  and  in  doing  so,  felt  an 
honour  to  accrue  to  themselves.  Under  the  title  of  con- 
clavists were  assembled  private  secretaries,  confessors, 
physicians,  surgeons,  carpenters,  masons,  barbers,  sweep- 
ers, and  menial  servants. 

*  In  France,  the  body  of  the  king  preceding  the  reigning  one  re- 
mained, during  the  reign  of  his  successor,  above  ground.  In  the  reign 
of  Charles  X.  I  saw  the  coffin  of  Lewis  XVIII. 


202  LIVES   OF   THE 

CHAP.  Tlie  election  of  a  new  pope  was  appointed  in  former 
— ,-.: — '  times  to  take  place  in  the  palace  in  which  the  last  pope 
'poie^.^  ^ied ;  although,  since  the  time  of  Pius  VII.,  who  died  in 
1556-58.  the  Quirinal,  it  has  been  in  that  palace  that  the  conclave 
has  been  always  held.  On  the  death  of  Paul  III.,  the 
Vatican  was  the  place  of  assembly.  The  whole  of  the 
first  floor  being  cleared,  certain  cubicles  were  boarded 
off  to  provide,  as  it  were,  for  each  of  the  cardinals 
a  private  residence,  where  he  had  a  sleeping  apart- 
ment, and  a  confined  space  for  reading  or  for  private 
devotion.  The  spacious  apartment  assumed  the  appear- 
ance of  a  street  in  which  wooden  huts  were  erected. 
Similar  accommodation  was  provided  on  the  upper  floor 
for  the  conclavists.  Cardinal  Pole's  cubicle,  or  cell  as  it 
was  called,  was  hung  with  violet  cloth,  in  sign  of  mourn- 
ing, as  was  the  case  with  all  the  cardinals  created  by  the 
late  pope ;  the  other  cells  were  draped  with  green  cloth. 
The  great  hall  at  the  top  of  the  Scala  Eeggia,  which 
serves  as  a  vestibule  to  the  Sistine  and  Pauline  Chapels, 
was  kept  as  a  promenade — it  was  called  facetiously  the 
Playground  of  the  cardinals  :  here  they  could  take  exer- 
cise or  promenade.  It  was  not  a  very  cheerful  place  of 
recreation,  for  no  one  in  conclave  could  extend  his  steps 
beyond  the  precincts  of  the  first  floor,  all  windows  and 
apertures  in  which  were  jealously  walled  up,  only  just  so 
much  of  the  top  of  the  window  being  left  open  as  was 
necessary  to  admit  a  modicum  of  light,  the  spacious  panes 
being  guarded  from  the  possible  inspection  of  the  curious, 
by  a  covering  of  oiled  cloth.  One  door  was  left  un walled  to 
admit  cardinals  who  arrived  after  the  commencement  of 
business,  or  the  ceremonial  visits  of  royal  personages  who 
might  be  passing  through  Eome.  But  these  doors,  except 
on  such  occasions,  were  kept  carefully  closed,  with  four 
locks — two  on  the  outside,  the  keys  of  which  were  en- 


ARCHBISHOPS    OP    CANTERBURY.  203 

trusted  to  the  Prince  Marshal ;  and  two  on  the  inner  side,  chap. 
the  key  of  one  being  in  charge  of  the  Camerlengo,  and  the  « — ^ — - 
other  in  the  custody  of  the  Master  of  the  Ceremonies.  Poie. 
By  the  side  of  the  door  there  was  a  contrivance  for  1 556-58. 
admitting  food,  which  had  been  invented  by  Paris  de 
Grassie,  in  1503,  when  he  acted  as  Master  of  the  Cere- 
monies at  the  election  of  Julius  11.  It  was  a  turning 
machine,  still  used,  it  is  said,  in  some  monasteries  :  a  kind 
of  box,  in  which,  day  by  day,  the  meals,  ready  dressed,  of 
the  conclavists  were  placed  in  heated  dishes  on  the  out- 
side. These  dishes  were  carefully  inspected,  to  guard 
against  the  transmission  of  notes,  or  other  communications 
to  the  cardinals  ;  after  the  inspection  had  been  duly  made, 
the  wheel  turned,  and  hungry  servants  appropriated  what 
they  could,  each  for  his  master's  repast,  and  for  his  own. 
In  other  parts  of  the  building  there  were  other  wheels 
of  a  similar  character,  so  that  there  was  no  excuse  for  a 
scramble.  Outside  the  building,  round  the  walls,  and  at 
every  approach,  soldiers  were  posted,  under  the  command 
of  the  Prince  Marshal,  and  no  one  was  permitted  to  draw 
near  the  palace  without  a  pass  medal.  In  the  Pauline 
Chapel,  six  altars,  supplementary  to  the  high  altar,  were 
erected,  at  which  each  cardinal  and  conclavist  performed 
his  daily  mass,  while  the  Sistine  Chapel  was  set  apart  for 
voting  operations ;  the  Eoman  Church  differing  from 
the  modern  Anghcan  in  this — that  while  the  latter  will 
not  permit  anything  but  the  immediate  offices  of  devo- 
tion to  be  performed  in  a  consecrated  building,  the 
Koman  Church  believes  that  any  work  designed  to  pro- 
mote the  glory  of  God  may  be  carried  on  in  God's 
House.  There  is  no  law  against  this  proceeding  in  the 
Anglo-Catholic  Church,  but  the  prejudices  of  the  people  are 
offended  if  even  an  unoccupied  portion  of  a  clmrch  is 
dedicated  to  the  services  of  education  and  used  as  a  Sunday 


204  LIVES   OF   THE 

CHAP,  school.  Ill  our  cathedrals  the  old  system  still  remains, 
« — v-^ — '  and  bisliops,  chancellors,  and  archdeacons  hold  their  courts 
^Po?a  within  the  consecrated  walls.  The  Sistine  Chapel  was 
1 006-08.  the  polhng  booth  of  the  assembled  cardinals  ;  and  there  a 
scrutiny  took  place  twice  every  day,  until  two -thirds  were 
agreed  in  their  choice.  Although  we  shall  have  occasion 
presently  to  observe,  that  other  forms  of  voting  were 
occasionally  resorted  to,  the  regular  form  was  by  scrutiny.* 
On  the  tenth  day  from  the  death  of  Paul  III.,  Eeginald 
Pole,  with  the  other  cardinals,  entered  into  conclave. 
They  went  in  procession  to  the  Pauline  Chapel.  Pole 
was  attended  by  Beccatelli  and  his  faithful  Priuli,  pre- 
ceded and  followed  by  other  members  of  his  household. 
He  attended  a  mass  of  the  Holy  Ghost,  at  which  a  ser- 
mon was  delivered  to  remind  the  electors  of  the  solemn 
responsibility  of  their  office.  The  palace  was  not  finally 
closed,  however,  till  a  late  hour  in  the  evening.  In  his 
cell  he  received  visits  of  ceremony  or  of  friendship  from 
the  numerous  persons  with  whom  he  was  acquainted.  It 
was  a  busy  and  a  strange  scene.  Here  were  assembled 
ambassadors  and  envoys  and  political  agents  from  every 
European  power ;  England  excepted,  and  some  of  the 
German  States,  as  well  as  Eussia.  All  kinds  of  political 
intrigues  are  supposed  to  have  taken  place  on  such  an 
occasion  ;  but  by  none  of  the  great  powers  was  Pole  sup- 
posed to  possess  that  influence,  among  the  members  of  the 
Sacred  College,  which  might  render  it  necessary  to  pay  to 
him  more  than  the  usual  compliments  due  to  a  royal  per- 
sonage. Still  his  friends  were  numerous.  From  cell  to 
cell,  impelled  by  curiosity  or  by  the  love  of  intrigue,  or 
by  messages  to  cardinals  from  princes  of  their  native 


*  The  form  is  to  be  found  in  Mabillon's  Museum  Italicum,  and  also 
in  Cartwright. 


E<'c;inalcl 
Pole. 


ARCHBISHOPS   OF   CAXTERBUKY.  205 

land,  crowds  were  seen  passing  to  and  fro.  Conversa-  chap. 
tion  was  loud,  and  laughter  and  wit  were  not  suppressed,  - 
until  three  hours  before  sunset.  Then  a  bell  sounded ; 
the  Master  of  the  Ceremonies  made  his  appearance  ;  with  a  i5o6-58. 
loud  sonorous  voice  he  said  and  repeated,  ""Extra  omnes  r 
The  crowd  withdrew.  The  walling  up  of  the  doors 
and  windows  was  completed  ;  the  four  heavy  locks  of  the 
one  unwalled  door,  tlirough  v\'hich  the  crowd  had  entered 
and  retired,  were  turned  with  due  formality  :  those  out- 
side by  the  Prince  Marshal,  those  within  by  the  Camer- 
lengo  and  the  three  senior  cardinals  of  the  several  orders 
of  bishop,  priest,  and  deacon,  who  had  been  associated 
with  him  for  the  government  of  Eome  since  the  late 
pope's  death. 

A  solemn  silence  pervaded  the  building.  It  was  no 
pleasing  prospect  for  the  inmates  of  the  cells,  some 
of  them  old  and  feeble  and  self-indulgent,  to  be  deprived 
of  their  comforts  nobody  knew  for  how  long.  Few  were 
so  Avell  and  wisely  occupied  as  Pole.  It  reflects  credit 
upon  his  character,  that  he  was  sufficiently  collected, 
calm,  and  unconcerned  to  employ  himself  in  literary 
labour.  He  composed  a  work,  divided  into  two  books,  on 
"  The  Duties  of  the  Papal  Office."  It  was  composed  in  the 
form  of  a  dialogue  between  Cardinal  d'Urbino  and  himself, 
and,  according  to  Dudithius,  he  afterwards  enlarged  it  to 
five  books.  Gratiani  mentions  also  his  composition  of  an 
oration,  intended  to  be  addressed  to  the  conclave,  in  tlie 
event  of  his  election  to  the  papacy ;  and  for  this  making 
sure  of  his  election  Gratiani  is  severe  upon  Pole.  I 
confess,  that  it  strikes  me  in  a  different  point  of  view. 
When  persons  are  in  expectation  of  anything  which  they 
eagerly  desire  to  obtain,  they  are  seldom  found  to  prepare 
themselves  elaborately  for  the  event.  It  is  much  more 
probable  that  he  wrote  the  oration,  lialf  in  pleasantry, 


200  LIVES   OF   THE 

'CHAP,     to  occupy  his  mind  and  to  amuse  his  friends  Beccatelli 
^ — r^ —    and  Priuh.     Tliere   had   been  other  periods  of  his  hfe 
Pole,      when  he  may  have  tliouglit  his  election  to  the  pontifical 
1556-58.    cliair  a  thing  possible  ;  but  at  this  time  he  was  a  humili- 
ated man,  and  must  have  regarded  his  election  as  among 
the  most  improbable  of  events. 

There  was  so  much  to  excite  the  passions  of  the 
electors,  that  we  can  easily  understand  how  a  man  with 
any  facility  of  composition  should  seek  to  pacify  his  mind 
by  resort  to  literary  labour ;  the  surest  method  of  enabling 
him  to  withdraw  his  attention  from  subjects  upon  which 
it  is  fatiguing  to  dwell.  Twice  every  day  the  excitement, 
sometimes  the  anxiety,  must  have  been  intense. 

After  performing  his  devotions  in  the  Pauline  Chapel, 
Pole  had  to  separate  from  his  immediate  friends,  and  join 
his  brethren  of  the  Sacred  College  in  the  Sistine  Chapel. 
The  floor  of  the  chapel  in  front  of  the  altar  was  covered 
with  a  green  carpet.  On  the  Gospel  side  of  the  altar  a 
chair  was  placed  for  the  reception  of  the  new  pope,  seated 
on  which  he  was  destined  to  receive  the  adoration  of  the 
cardinals  immediately  after  his  election.  Within  the  rail- 
ing there  was  a  seat  for  each  cardinal,  with  a  canopy 
over  it ;  that  of  Pole,  like  his  cell,  being  draped  with 
violet-coloured  cloth.  The  canopies  of  all  the  cardi- 
nals, except  those  who,  like  Pole,  had  been  created  by 
Paid  III.,  were  green.  Before  him,  as  before  each  car- 
dinal, was  a  table  with  all  the  materials  required  for 
writing  and  registering  his  vote.  In  front  of  the  altar, 
on  the  Epistle  side,  was  a  large  table,  with  the  chalice, 
which  served  the  purpose  of  a  ballot  box  ;  at  the  back 
was  the  fireplace,  where,  after  an  inconclusive  ballot,  the 
papers  were  burned.  The  chimney  of  this  fireplace  was 
anxiously  watched  each  afternoon  by  the  crowd  outside. 
Among  the  watchers  were  many  who  had  staked  large 


ARCHBISHOPS   OF   CANTERBURY.  207 

sums,  in  wagers,  as  to  the  result  of  the  election  :  they     chap. 
knew,  when  they  saw  the  smoke  issuing  from  tlie  chim-  > — ^ — - 
ney,  that  Eome  was  still  without  a  sovereign,  and  they     ^o\e. 
re-arrangecl  their  betting  books.  isse-os. 

In  the  forenoon,  the  process  of  voting  was  by  a  simple 
ballot ;  the  mode  of  proceeding  in  the  evening  was  by 
what  was  technically  called  adhering.  No  new  name  could 
be  placed  in  the  chalice ;  but  the  voters  might  adhere  to 
some  cardinal  whose  name  had  been  drawn  at  the  early 
ballot,  but  for  whom  they  had  not  at  that  time  voted. 
The  next  morning,  any  new  names  might  be  intro- 
duced. The  voting  papers  were  square,  and  folded  down 
so  that  at  each  end  there  was  a  sealed  portion,  within 
the  upper  one  of  which  each  cardinal  i\Tote  his  name. 
This  was  only  to  be  opened  under  special  circumstances. 
In  the  other  portion  of  the  voting  paper,  sealed  with 
the  cardinal's  seal,  was  written  some  motto  from  Scrip- 
ture, to  be  retamed  at  all  the  ballots,  and  to  serve 
ordinarily  as  the  means  for  the  identification  of  the  vole. 
In  the  middle  space,  which  was  kept  open,  was  written  the 
name  of  the  person  for  whom  the  cardinal  voted. 

When  all  who  were  assembled  in  the  chapel  had  taken 
their  places,  and  had  prepared  their  voting  papers,  there 
was  a  solemn  silence.  The  silence  declared  that  each 
voter  was  ready.  Tlie  cardinal  now  advanced  to  the  altar  ; 
he  said  a  short  prayer  in  secret ;  with  a  loud  voice  he  made 
oath,  invoking  the  Saviour  as  a  witness  of  his  sincerity, 
that  the  vote  he  was  about  to  give  was  dictated  by  con- 
scientious convictions  alone  ;  standing  before  the  altar, 
he  dropped  his  voting  paper  into  the  clialice.  Three 
cardinals,  selected  by  lot,  were  the  scrutators.  Eacli 
paper  was  handed  from  one  to  the  other,  and  was  by 
the  last  to  whom  it  was  handed  filed  upon  a  pin.  If  a 
candidate   should   have  the   requisite    majority  of  two- 


208  LIVES   OF   THE 

CHAP,  thirds,  then  it  became  necessary  to  open  the  upper  folded 
' — ^ — '  portion  of  the  voting  papers,  with  a  view  to  ascertain 
Pole.  that  the  candidate  did  not  vote  for  himself,  for  such  a 
1556-58.  proceeding  immediately  vitiated  the  election.  If  the  re- 
quisite number  of  votes  were  not  given  in  the  morning 
ballot,  the  papers  were  preserved,  to  be  a  check,  through 
the  mottoes,  upon  the  votes  given  in  the  supplementary 
ballot  in  the  afternoon  ;  for  no  cardinal  was,  at  that  time, 
to  give  a  second  vote  to  the  candidate  for  whom  he  had 
voted  in  the  morning.  The  candidate  whom'  he  sup- 
ported in  the  morning  having  failed,  he  might  decline  to 
vote,  or  give  a  vote  to  some  one  else,  previously  named, 
by  writing  on  his  voting  paper,  "  Accedo  Domino  Cardi- 
nali,''  and  then  giving  the  name.  If  he  declined  to  give 
a  second  vote,  or  persisted  in  his  morning's  choice,  he 
merely  inserted  the  word  "  Nemini.'"  When  both  ballots 
failed  to  procure  for  any  one  the  requisite  number  of  votes, 
the  voting  papers  were  burned,  the  crowd  outside  again 
retired  disappointed  ;  and  the  cardinals  and  the  conclavists 
returned  to  their  cells  or  dormitories. 

It  is  not  strictly  true,  as  his  panegyrists  assert,  that 
there  was  no  canvassing  among  the  cardinals  in  favour  of 
Eeginald  Pole,  but  we  may  readily  believe,  that  such  can- 
vassing originated  in  the  zeal  of  friends,  and  received  no 
encouragement  from  Pole  himself.*  His  ambition  in  this 
direction  was  modified  by  certain  counterbalancing  feel- 
ings. His  heart  had  long  been  set  upon  reconciling  England 
with  Eome ;  and  in  so  doing  we  know,  from  documents  at 
Simancas,  that  he  still  thought  it  possible  that,  in  effect- 
ing this — the  great  object  of  his  life — he  might  become 
the  consort  of  the  queen,  and  so  de  facto  king  of  his  native 

*  Gratiani,  in  his  Istoria  della  Conclava  di  Giulio  di  Terzo,  alludes  to 
tliG  canvassing  of  Cardinal  Farnese  on  behalf  of  Pole. 


ArvCiiBisiiors  of  canterbury.  209 

land.*     He  would  have  regarded  an  election  to  the  pon-     citap. 
tifical  throne  the  higher  honour ;    but  still  his  heart  so  .    ^)'  _. 
clung  to  England,  that  he  was  in  the  position  of  one  who    "^^Po^e!^ 
would   have   gratefully  accepted  the   papacy  if  it  were    1 556-58. 
offered  to  him,  but  would  not  bestir  himself  to  obtain  a 
situation  for  the  discharge  of  the  duties  of  which  he  must 
have  had  an  unacknowledged  consciousness  of  his  incom- 
petence.    Nevertheless,  as  we  have  said,  there  can  be  no 
reasonable  doubt,  from  the  statements  of  Beccatelli  and 
Gratiani,  who  might  exaggerate  but  who  would  not  have 
uttered  a  dehberate  falsehood,  that  Pole  only  just  missed 
the  papal  crown.     There  were  three  parties  in  the  con- 
clave :  the  Imperialists,  the  French,  and  a  small  Italian 
party  headed  by  Farnese,  the  nephew  or  grandson  of  the 
late  pope.     Farnese  had  no  chance  of  success  himself,  but 

*  There  are  two  or  three  instances  on  record  of  the  marriage  of 
cardinals,  or  of  their  being  permitted  to  resign  their  cardinalates  in 
furtherance  of  some  political  object.  Ferdinand  de  Medici,  in  1588, 
was  authorized  to  throw  off  the  purple,  and  to  become  Grand  Duke  of 
Tuscany;  in  1662,  Cardinal  Maurice  of  Savoy  was  permitted  to  take  a 
wife  and  a  duchy;  in  1695,  Cardinal  Rinaldo  of  Este  was  allowed  to 
make  a  secular  change  in  his  condition  :  on  the  death  of  King  Ladislaus 
of  Poland,  his  brother  Casimir,  named  a  cardinal  in  1646,  received 
a  dispensation,  not  merely  to  abandon  the  purple,  but  also  to  marry  his 
sister-in-law,  the  king's  widow,  Mary  Gonzaga.  Other  cases  in  addition 
to  these  are  produced  by  ISIr.  Cartwright ;  but  I  shall  only  mention  that  of 
the  Cardinal  Archduke  Albert,  in  the  time/ of  Sixtus  V.,  as  an  instance 
where  a  dispensation  to  marry  was  conceded  to  a  royal  personage  to 
meet  political  or  flimily  exigencies.  A  list,  by  no  means  a  short  one, 
might  be  produced  of  cardinals  who  were  permitted  to  return  to  secular 
life,  for,  as  the  author  to  whom  I  have  just  referred  observes,  the  car- 
dinalitian  title,  properly  speaking,  is  not  a  grade  in  the  Church,  but 
merely  a  dignity  in  the  court  of  Rome.  The  cardinal  is  a  high  per- 
sonage in  the  ])ope's  court,  which  being  strictly  ecclesiastical,  it  is 
incumbent  on  all  the  members  thereof  to  conform,  for  as  long  as  they 
continue  so,  to  the  garb  and  fashion  of  an  ecclesiastical  character  ;  which 
tliey  may,  nevertheless,  obtain  a  dispensation  to  renounce. 

VOL.  VIII.  P 


210  LIVES   OF   THE 

CHAP,     he  hoped  to  reigii  through  his  nominee.     He  was  deter- 
.__i)l^  mined  to  select  a  man  who  had  expressed  devotion  to 
^  Po^e!"^    the  hate  pope,  and  whom  he  would  bind  by  a  double  tie 
1536-58.    of  gratitude  to  the  Farnese  family.     He  selected  Pole  as 
his  man  of  straw  ;  and  by  an  intrigue  with  the  Imperial- 
ists, he  nearly  carried  his  point. 

We  shall  best  understand  the  state  of  the  case  by  explain- 
ing to  the  reader,  that  although  election  by  ballot  was  the 
regular  method  of  creating  a  pope,  yet,  anterior  to  the 
statute  of  Gregory  XV.,  there  were  in  these  elections 
several  variations  and  irregularities.  Then,  as  now,  an 
election  by  compromise  was  permitted,  and  the  manner  by 
which  this  mode  of  procedure  is  described,  indicates  the 
character  of  the  proceeding.  To  a  small  committee  of 
cardinals  was  delegated  the  power,  which  the  whole  body, 
through  its  deputies,  found  itself  unable  to  exercise.  The 
Sacred  College  pledged  itself  to  support  the  person  selected 
by  the  committee. 

Then  there  was  the  election  by  inspiration,  when  spon- 
taneously, and  without  preceding  conference,  all  the  elec- 
tors, as  moved  by  the  Spirit,  proclaimed  the  same  indivi- 
dual. By  ecclesiastical  writers  it  is  shown,  that  such  an 
election  never,  or  scarcely  ever,  did  in  reality  take  place  : 
this  kind  of  election  was  the  result  ahnost  invariably  of  a 
previous  conference,  if  not  of  a  conspiracy.  Some  one  gave 
out  a  name  as  by  inspiration  ;  tlie  conspirators  shouted 
an  affirmative  response ;  the  wearied  and  excited  mi- 
nority, carried  away  by  the  apparent  enthusiasm,  joined 
in  the  cheers ;  and  the  person  named  was  seen  in  the 
papal  chair,  his  partisans  kissing  his  feet.* 

And  now  returning  to  Pole :  the  party  of  the  Impe- 
rialists were  ready  to  coalesce  with  the  Italian  party  headed 

*  I  give  this  account  from  a  collation  of  the  partial  narratives  of 
Beccatelli,  and  of  Gratiani  De  Casibus  Illust.  Viror.  22G. 


ARCIIBISIIOrS    OF   CANTERBURY.  211 

by  Farnese,  in  order  to  prevent  the  French  party  from  tri-     chap. 

iimphing.  The  French  party,  not  aware  of  its  own  strengtli,  ^ — r^ - 

had  no  particular  objection  to  Pole,  who  had  always  been  Po?e. 
on  friendly  terms  with  the  French  king.  There  was  some-  1 556-58. 
thing  in  the  nature  of  a  compromise,  understood  rather 
than  proposed.  One  person  only  refused  to  vote  for  Pole, 
in  all  probability — we  might  almost  say  with  certainty 
that — he  was  Cardinal  Caraffa.  It  was  thought,  however, 
that  if  Pole  could  be  brought  into  the  Sistine  Chapel  at 
once,  and  if  his  name  were  given  as  by  inspiration,  and 
received  with  enthusiasm,  real  or  feigned,  even  the  obsti- 
nate opponent  would  shrink  from  being  in  a  minority  of 
one,  and  would  be  forced,  as  it  were,  to  do  homage  to  the 
person  selected  by  the  rest  of  his  colleagues. 

It  was  at  a  late  hour  when  the  Italian  party  determined 
to  proceed  to  action.  Pole  had  long  since  retired  to  rest. 
Two  cardinals  presented  themselves  at  the  door  of  his 
cell.  The  attendants  had  no  inclination  to  refuse  them 
admission.  The  messengers  from  the  body  of  cardinals 
informed  the  astonished  Pole  of  the  determination  of  his 
brethren  to  make  him  pope,  and  entreated  him  to  repair 
immediately  to  the  chapel.  Pole  assented.  He  would 
follow  them  as  soon  as  he  was  properly  attired.  During 
his  preparation  he  had  time  to  reconsider  his  case,  and 
to  realize  his  position.  It  was  proposed  to  have  recourse 
to  an  irregular  election — the  consec(|uence  was  almost  sure 
to  be  an  anti-pope,  or  certainly  confusion  and  controversy 
for  years.  We  may  presume  that  this  kind  of  thought 
occurred  to  Pole  ;  for,  instead  of  repairing,  as  he  had  pro- 
mised, to  the  chapel,  he  caused  a  message  to  be  conveyed 
to  the  two  cardinals,  in  which  he  counselled  delay  till  the 
morning,  when  everything  could  be  done  decently  and  in 
order,     lie  who  in3j)ired  them  at  night  could  continue  tlie 

V  2 


212  LIVES    OF   THE 

CHAP,    inspiration  on  the  morrow,  when  even  a  small  minority^ 


IV. 


au 


ainst  him  would  prevent  his  election. 


Pde.  The  cardinals  agreed  to  the  delay. 

1556-58.  It  was  a  night  of  great  excitement  among  the  friends  of 
Pole,  who  represent  the  cardinal  himself  as  singularly  calm. 
In  the  morning,  things  took  their  usual  course.  Pole  at- 
tended the  meeting  in  the  Pauhne  Chapel.  No  communi- 
cation had  been  made  to  him  when,  his  devotions  being 
concluded,  he  passed  over  to  the  Sistine  Chapel.  There 
he  took  his  usual  seat.  Farnese's  scheme  had  failed ;  the 
Imperialists  withdrew  their  support,  and  brought  forward 
Morone,  who  had  already  won  a  high  character  as  a  divine. 
The  French  party  objected  :  he  was  only  forty-one  years  of 
age,  and  so  young  a  man  would  exclude  for  ever,  from  all 
chances  of  the  pontifical  chair,  many  middle-aged  aspir- 
ants, who  saw  in  his  election  their  own  virtual  exclusion. 

The  patience  of  the  cardinals,  however,  was  nearly  ex- 
hausted ;  and,  notwithstanding  the  precautions  taken  to 
exclude  the  outer  world,  a  rumour  had  reached  them,  that 
if  Eome  were  long  without  a  sovereign,  riots  of  a  serious 
nature  might  ensue. 

Farnese  perceived  it  to  be  hopeless  to  persevere  in 
the  support  of  Pole,  and  he  explained  his  reasons.  After 
his  repudiation  of  all  ambitious  motives,  Pole  had  no  choice 
but  to  withdraw  his  pretensions  with  a  smile.  Farnese 
then  entered  into  communication  with  the  Cardinal  of 
Guise,  the  leader  of  the  French  party.  The  only  result  of 
the  conference  was  a  great  inclination  to  do  something  to 
bring  matters  to  a  settlement,  and  a  decrease  on  both 
sides  of  the  violence  of  party  feeling.  It  was  the  7th  of 
February,  1550.  The  second  ballot  had  taken  place,  but 
the  majority  of  two-thirds  had  been  secured  by  no  one. 
The  cardinals,  disappointed  and  perplexed,  were  lingering 
in  the  chapel ;  five  or  six  were  standing  in  front  of  the  altar, 


ARCHBISHOPS    OF   CANTERBURY.  213 

and  among  them  Giovanni  Maria  del  Monte,  of  wliom  no     chap. 
one  had  thought.     He  was  a  good-natured,  popular  man,  .    ^^''   . 
but  utterly  unfit  for  the  papal  dignity.    He  said  jocosely —    '^pX^'^ 
"  Choose  me,  and,  the  very  next  day,  every  one  who  votes    1556-58. 
for  me  sliall  be  my  favourite  and  companion."*    It  was  ten 
o'clock  at  night.     Del  Monte  had  no  scruples,  such  as  had 
influenced  Pole,  as  to  the  lateness  of  the  hour.     "  Elect 
me,"  he  said  :  "  Del  Monte  for  pope ! "  was  the  response  re- 
turned by  the  whole  college.     It  was  at  first  a  w^hisper  ;  it 
was,  in  a  moment,  an  acclamation.  He  took  his  seat  beneath 
liis  canopy.     Every  other  canopy  was  lowered  ;  and,  as  if 
by  magic,  there  sat  Giovanni  Maria  del  Monte  to  receive 
the  first  adoration.     Pole  was  among  the  first  to  kneel 
before  the  new  pope.     The  conclave  was  declared  to  be 
dissolved.    The  doors  were  thrown  open.     At  the  window 
of  the  re-opened  balcony,  the  Cardinal  Dean  proclaimed 
Julius  III.,  amidst  the  loud  and  long  acclamations  of  the 
delighted  and  astonished  multitude. 

It  was  too  late  to  complete  or  continue  the  ceremonies 
by  an  immediate  procession  to  the  high  altar  of  St. 
Peter's  ;  and  this  was  deferred  till  the  following  morning. f 

*  Eanke,  i.  187.  Gregory  VII.,  Clement  VII.,  Paul  III.,  JuHus  III., 
Marcellus  II.,  Paul  IV.,  Pius  IV.,  and  Pius  V.,  all  figure,  says  Mr. 
Cartwright,  on  the  list  which  confounds  acclamation  such  as  follows 
discussion,  Avith  an  inspiration  little  short  of  miraculous.  No  one  can 
read  the  account  of  the  election  of  Julius  without  feeling  sure,  that  the 
whole  scheme  had  been  preconcerted  by  a  large  majority  of  cardinals.^ 

\  The  ceremonies  in  St.  Peter's,  necessarily  delayed  on  this  occasion, 
had  generally  followed  immediately  upon  the  election  of  a  pope,  when 
the  election  took  place  in  the  Vatican.  The  conclave  has  of  late  years 
been  held  in  the  Quirinal,  and  the  final  ceremonies  take  place  the 
next  day.  So  immediate  used  to  be  the  completion  of  the  ceremony, 
as  if  to  prevent  an  improvised  opposition,  that  three  sets  of  the  pontifical 
vestments  were  kept  in  the  Vatican,  of  different  sizes,  in  order  that  the 
pope,  whether  tall,  short,  or  middle-sized,  might  be  ready  at  once  for  his 
work. 


214  LIVES    OF   THE 

CHAP.  Tliither,  at  ten  o'clock,  Julius  III.  was  borne  on  tlie  Sedes 
' — ,- — '  Gestatoria,  to  receive  what  was  called  the  second  and 
Pde.  third  adoration.  He  was  received  by  the  choir,  singing 
io56-58.  the  anthem  Tu  es  Petrus.  He  was  in  full  pontificals, 
and  wore  his  golden  mitre.  The  cardinals  were  seated 
down  the  nave.  The  pontiff  approached  the  high  altar, 
knelt  before  it,  and  prayed  ;  then  rising  from  his  knees, 
he  seated  himself  upon  a  cushion  placed  on  the  high  altar 
itself,  on  which  there  remained  nothing  but  a  crucifix,  a 
paten,  and  a  chalice.  The  cardinals  who  had  created  their 
idol,  one  by  one,  knelt  before  him  ;  each  kissed  his  foot 
and  his  hand,  and  was  saluted  by  kisses  from  the  pope  on 
both  his  cheeks.  During  this  ceremony,  the  Te  Deum  was 
sung  by  the  choir,  the  Cardinal  Dean  having  intoned  it. 
When  this  ceremony,  justly  offensive  to  many  minds,  had 
been  gone  through,  Julius  retired  to  a  robing  room,  there 
to  change  his  vestments  ;  while  the  bells  were  chiming,  and 
the  cannon  firing,  to  announce  the  fact  that  the  second 
•  adoration  was  completed.  He  reappeared  in  other  robes, 
but  still  in  much  splendour,  and  was  carried  round  to  all 
the  Basilicse  to  take  possession  of  them.  At  each  of  them 
he  took  his  seat  upon  the  altar,  and  was  adored  by  the 
clergy  of  the  Basilica. 

Julius  III.  was  now  the  servant  of  the  servants  of 
God. 

The  election  of  such  a  person  at  such  a  time  seems  to 
confirm  the  statement  with  respect  to  Pole,  that  if  he  had 
bestirred  himself,  he  might,  instead  of  adoring  Del  Monte, 
have  been  himself  adored.  Even  in  his  humility  he  must 
have  felt  that  he  w^as  himself  less  unworthy  of  the  posi- 
tion than  Del  Monte.  But  we  cannot  doubt,  that  the 
perils  and  the  troubles  to  which,  under  the  most  favour- 
able circumstances,  the  pope  would,  at  that  period,  have 
been  exposed,  presented  themselves  in  full  force  to  the 


ARCHBISHOPS   OF   CANTERBURY.  215 

mind  of  Pole,  a  timid,  irresolute,  and  very  indolent  man.  He     chap. 

had  ambition,  and  when  he  counselled  delay,  he  expected  < ^ - 

to  have  his  ambition  gratified  ;  but  his  indolence  always      pj>ie. 
led  him  to  await,  rather  than  to  create,  his  circumstances.    1 006-58. 

Few  readers,  who  have  studied  the  character  of  Pole, 
wdll  endorse  the  statement  of  Beccatelli,  who  speaks  of 
his  conduct  as  exhibiting  a  self-denial  without  parallel. 
The  language  employed  by  Beccatelli,  when  describing 
Pole's  calmness,  after  the  result  of  the  election  was  made 
known,  implies  his  disappointment.  The  honour,  he  re- 
marked, would  have  been  great,  but  it  was  a  greater  joy 
to  him  to  have  escaped  a  burden.  "  Peradventure,"  he 
continued,  "  I  was  not  a  sufficient  instrument  to  effect  the 
good  purposes  that  Providence  designs  to  work  under 
the  present  pontificate."  What  is  added  is  more  sig- 
nificant still :  "  He  also  comforted  several  of  his  prin- 
cipal opponents,  who  bore  their  disappointment  with 
less  composure  than  he  did  himself"  The  honour, 
when  we  investigate  it,  was  not  so  great  as  it  at  first 
appears.  The  two  great  parties  produced  their  most  dis- 
tinguished men  ;  they  fell  back  upon  Pole  and  Del  Monte 
merely  because  both  parties  regarded  them  as  persons 
who  might  be  easily  swayed  by  the  counsels  of  abler  men, 
in  whose  hands  they  would  be  mere  puppets. 

Another  thing  occurred  which  is  worthy  of  note.  The 
emperor  settled  upon  Pole  an  annuity  of  two  thousand 
crowns,  charging  the  bishopric  of  Toledo  with  the  payment. 
Charles  was  not  likely  to  do  this  from  mere  good-will ; 
it  is  more  probable,  that  Pole,  when  he  had  obtained  in- 
fluence in  the  conclave,  gave  it  to  the  Imperialists.  His 
love  of  money  was  one  of  his  besetting  sins. 

So  completely  did  Pole  retire  now  from  public  life,  that 
for  the  next  three  years  we  know  nothing  of  his  history. 
By  the  death  of  Henry  VHI.  and  the  triumph  of  Protes- 


216  LIVES    OF   THE 

CHAP,     taiitism  under  his  youtliful  successor,  who  miglit  have 

« — r—"   hved  and  reigned  for  half  a  century,  the  services  of  Pole 

Poi'e/     were  not  required;    and  he  passed  into    insignificance. 

io56-o8.    go  much  was  this  the  case,  that  when  the  sittings  of  the 

Council  of  Trent  were  resumed,  Juhus  III.  did  not  appoint 

his  former  colleague  to  act  as  one    of  the   presidents. 

This  omission   confirms    the    suspicion  which    we   have 

expressed,  that  the  retirement  of  Pole  from  the  council 

after  the    sixth    session,    is    to    be   attributed   to   sonie 

other   cause  besides  the  ill-health  which  served  as  the 

pretext. 

Eome  certainly  offered  no  attractions  at  this  time  to  a 
man  of  Pole's  character.  His  good  taste  must  have  ap- 
proved of  the  designs  of  the  Villa  di  Papa  Giulio,  which 
excites,  to  the  present  day,  the  admiration  of  fashionable 
or  artistic  pilgrim  to  Eome ;  but  the  splendid  enter- 
tainments in  which  Julius  delighted  were  not  calculated 
to  give  pleasure  to  Pole,  while  the  witty  but  unguarded 
conversation,  interlarded  with  indecent  jests,  of  a  pope 
was  justly  offensive  to  the  piety  of  one  who,  in  the  cause 
of  the  papacy,  regarded  himself  as  a  confessor,  and  thought 
it  not  improbable  that  he  might  die  a  martyr. 

From  the  government  of  the  Patrimony  Pole  now  re- 
tired. On  the  death  of  Contarini,  he  had  been  elected 
Cardinal  Protector  of  the  Benedictine  Order ;  and  he  at 
this  time  made  his  home,  as  a  recluse,  in  the  convent  of 
Magguzzano,  on  the  banks  of  the  Lago  di  Garda.  Here 
he  dwelt,  a  disappointed  man,  who  had  outlived  some 
of  his  dearest  friends,  including  in  the  number  some 
of  the  best  and  noblest  characters  in  Italy — Contarini, 
Bembo,  Sadoleto,  Giberti,  and,  neither  last  nor  least,  but 
first  in  his  veneration  and  affection,  Yittoria  Colonna. 
Pole's  health  was  feeble,  and  he  was  beo^inninor  to  show 
symptoms  of  that  premature  old  age,  so  remarkable  at 


ARCHBISHOPS    OP   CANTERBURY.  217 

that  period.*      All  these  circumstances  are    worthy  of     chap. 
notice,  because   we   may  suspect,  that   they  tended   to  .^^^l^^ 
acerbate  Pole's  temper  ;  and  they  may  enable  us  in  some   "^pok^"^ 
degree,  to  account  for  that  change  of  character  for  the    i5o6-58. 
worse,    which   undoubtedly   becomes   visible   from   this 
period. 

He  had  ceased  to  take  an  interest  in  public  affairs,  when 
he  was  recalled  suddenly  to  the  political  world  by  a  message 
from  the  pope,  in  the  year  1553,  announcing  the  death  of 
King  Edward  VI.  Although  the  state  of  the  king's  health 
must  have  prepared  people  in  England  for  the  event,  it 
seems  to  have  taken  the  court  of  Julius  by  surprise.  When 
his  death  was  known,  neither  the  pope  nor  his  counsellors 
had  the  decency  to  place  any  restraint  on  their  exultation. 
They  celebrated  the  young  king's  death  as  a  victory  ;  and 
Pole  became  once  more  an  important  personage.  Julius 
directed  him  to  put  himself,  without  loss  of  time,  into  com- 
munication with  his  cousin,  Queen  Mary.  The  pope  and 
his  whole  college  of  cardinals,  it  was  stated,  were  now 
fully  prepared  to  act  implicitly  on  Pole's  advice.  His 
credentials  as  legate  to  the  Queen  of  England,  to  the 
emperor,  and  to  the  King  of  France  were  already  in  a 
state  of  preparation  ;  and  Pole  would  be  appointed  papal 
ambassador  to  those  princes,  and  to  any  others  with  whom 
he  might  be  brought  into  contact.  The  letters  patent 
would  be  submitted  to  Pole  before  they  were  signed,  that 
additions  might  be  made  if  he  had  anything  to  suggest. 
It  seems  that  some  doubts  were  entertained  whether  Pole, 


*  In  a  former  volume  I  have  mentioned  the  curious  fact  that  so 
many  of  the  leading  characters  of  the  age  died,  with  all  the  symptoms 
of  old  age,  between  the  years  of  fifty  and  sixty,  Lewis  XII.  died  an  old 
man  in  his  fifty-fourth  year ;  Francis  I.  at  fifty-three ;  Maximilian  at 
sixty  ;  Charles  V.  at  fifty-nine  ;  Wolsey  at  fifty-five  ;  Henry  VII.  at 
fifty- two. 


218  LIVES   OF   THE 

CHAP,     being  at  this  time  in  feeble  health  and  prematurely  old, 

, — ._:^  having  also  renounced  public   life,  would  undertake  an 

Pole.      office  which  required  an  union  of  youthful  vigour  with 

1006-08.    the  wisdom  which  is  the  result  of  experience.     He  was 

entreated,  therefore,  to  accept  the  legation  as  a  favour ; 

and  the  offer  was  made  of  appointing  Eichard  Pate,  bishop 

designate  of  Worcester,  as  nuncio,  to  be  employed  as  the 

legate  might  think  fit.'"'    Nothing  could  be  more  complete 

than  the  powers  with  which  Pole  was  intrusted.  "  You 

can  stand  in  need,"  it  was  said,  "  of  no  directions  or  advice 

from  us,  for  no  one  can  be  better  informed  than  yourself 

of  the  measures  it  will  be  expedient  to  adopt ;  the  whole 

affair  therefore  is  intrusted  to  your  discretion,  knowledge, 

charity,  and  zeaL"f 

Pole  had  become  a  wiser  if  not  a  better  man.  His 
past  failures  had  taught  him  caution,  and  his  advices  from 
England  convinced  him,  that  the  upper  classes  were  de- 
termined to  retain  the  plunder  by  which,  during  the 
anarchy  of  the  late  reign,  they  had  been  enriched  ;  that 
the  middle  classes  were  deeply  imbued  with  Protestant- 
ism, and  were  ready  to  maintain  its  principles,  if  need 
should  be,  by  their  very  life's  blood ;  that  the  humbler 
classes,  always  ready  for  a  scramble,  were  united  with 
all  classes  of  Englishmen  in  that  which  had  been,  for  cen- 
turies, a  principle  and  an  enthusiasm — an  abhorrence  of 
Eoman  domination.    Among  thoughtful  and  pious  people 


*  Richard  Pate,  t?.ougli  called  in  the  papal  documents  Bishop  ot 
Worcester,  was  not  consecrated  till  March,  155-4.  He  had  been  ap- 
pointed envoy  to  the  emperor  in  1534,  and  again  in  1540  ;  but,  offended 
at  the  proceedings  of  Henry  VIIL,  he  remained  self-exiled  until,  in 
1554,  he  was  duly  consecrated,  being  only  before,  as  he  is  described  in 
the  writ,  bishop  elect. 

t  Ep.  Poll,  iv.  109.  The  letter  is  dated  from  Rome,  Gth  of 
August,  1553.     See  also  429. 


ARCIIBISIIOrS   OF   CANTERBURY.  210 

a  reaction  had  certainly  taken  place  ;  in  ousting  the  pope     chap. 

they  had  been  careful  to  defend  the  proceeding  on  tlie  ■ ^X^— 

Catholic  principles,  by  which  they  were  guided  them-  ^^pX.^"^ 
selves,  and  they  had  become  thoroughly  disgusted  at  the  i556-o8. 
selfishness  with  which  the  Church  was  robbed  throue^h  the 
piety  or  rapacity  of  the  courtiers  of  Edward  VI.  But  the 
question  was,  whether  this  party  was  sufficiently  powerful 
and  influential  to  enable  the  queen,  of  whose  principles 
he  had  no  doubt,  to  maintain  the  cause  which  both  he 
and  she  had  at  heart. 

Pole  immediately  wrote  to  the  queen.  His  letter  was 
composed  of  the  usual  commonplaces.  After  reference  to 
Providential  mercy,  and  the  consequent  duty  of  labouring 
to  promote  the  glory  of  God,  Pole  offered  his  services  to 
Mary,  and  desired  to  receive  her  commands.  These 
were  to  be  signified  to  him  through  Henry  Penning,  the 
trusty  messenger  who  was  to  place  the  letter  in  her  ma- 
jesty's hands.* 

The  bearer  of  the  letter  had  directions  to  call  upon 
Dandino,  the  papal  legate  in  Flanders,  from  whom  he 
was  to  receive  further  instructions.  Cardinal  Dandino 
may  be  said  to  have  superseded  Penning,  by  associating 
with  him  in  his  mission  to  England  a  remarkable  person, 
who  afterwards  became  distinguished  as  a  cardinal  of  -the 
Eoman  Church — Giovanni  Francesco  Commendone. 

The  association  of  Commendone  with  Penning  was 
craftily  devised,  that  there  might  be  some  one  to  watch 
over  the  Spanish  interests  when  the  agent  of  Pole  ap- 
peared at  the  English  court.  They  acted  together  in  a 
desire  to  ascertain  the  queen's  secret  w^ishes  and  the  state 
of  feeling  in  England. 


*  The  letter,  in  Latin,  with  the  queen's  answer,  is  foimd  in  Quiriiii 
iv.  428,  ex  Tom.  xxi.  Annalium  Ecclesiasticoruni  Odorici  Raynalch. 


220  .  LIVES   OF   THE 

CHAP.         The  two  af];ents  travelled  in  disguise — Commendone  as 

TV 

^_-,-: '    a  foreign  merchant  going  to  England  to  settle  the  accounts 

^Poie.^"^     of  a  deceased  uncle,  Penning  as  his  servant.     They  sailed 
1556-58.    from  Gravelines,  and  arrived  in  London  on  the  8th  of 
August. 

They  found  the  Protestant  feeling  stronger  than  they 
had  expected,  and  complained  that  the  queen  was  little 
better  than  a  prisoner  in  her  own  house.  No  dependence 
was  placed  by  the  Protestant  party  upon  her  promises ; 
and  to  prevent  her  from  intriguing  against  a  privy  council 
which,  by  circumstances,  had  been  forced  upon  her,  she 
was  under  strict  though  secret  surveillance.  This  rendered 
her  less  accessible,  at  that  time,  than  the  sovereigns  of 
England  had  generally  been.* 

Commendone,  however,  found  a  friend  whose  acquaint- 
ance he  had  made  in  Italy.  This  person,  named  Lee, 
was  a  relation  of  the  Duke  of  Norfolk,  and  held  a  sub- 
ordinate position  at  court.  He  was  able  to  obtain  for 
Commendone  and  his  companion  a  private  interview  with 
the  queen.  Mary  expressed  her  cordial  sympathy  with 
the  authorities  at  Eome,  and  declared  her  intention  to 
cause  all  acts  of  the  former  two  reigns  against  the  see  of 
Eome  to  be  repealed.  But  she  remarked,  that,  until  the 
popular  feeling  against  Eome  had  subsided,  precaution 
was  necessary ;  and  she  entreated  Commendone  carefully 
to  preserve  his  incognito.  Northumberland  was  to  be 
placed  on  his  trial,  and  the  queen  felt  herself  every  day 
becoming  more  and  more  secure  upon  her  throne  ;  but 
still  public  affairs  were  in  a  state  of  confusion.  As  re- 
garded her  marriage,  three  courses  were  open  to  her. 
She  might  marry  Courtenay,  Earl  of  Devonshire,  whicli 
was  the  match  most  popular  in  England  ;  but  against 

*  Vie  de  Commendone  par  Graziani,  traduite  par  Fleclner,  p.  49. 
Noailles,  ii.  245. 


ARCIIBISIIOrS   OF   CANTERBURY.  221 

whicli  she  was  at  this  time  resolved.     The  emperor  had     chap. 
already  proposed  a  match  between  her  and  his  son  Philip,  .    ^)'-  . . 
Prince  of  Spain  ;  but  she  wished  to  leave  an  impression    "^'p.X'^^ 
on  Commendoiie's  mind,  that  she  had  not  as  yet  relinquished    ioog-os. 
all  thoughts  of  a  marriage  with  her  cousin  Eeginald  Pole. 
She  inquired  whether,  as  Pole  was  not  in  priest's  orders, 
a  dispensation  for  such  a  marriage  could  be  procured.* 

Although  she  thus  spoke,  she  had  probably  already 
determined  what  to  do ;  for  a  short  time  afterwards,  she 
sent  for  Commendone,  and  informed  him,  that  she  was 
already  in  treaty  with  the  emperor,  and  that  she  intended 
to  give  her  hand  to  the  Prince  of  Spain.  Her  allusion, 
however,  to  the  possibility  of  a  marriage  with  Eeginald 
Pole  is  of  some  importance,  for  it  justifies,  on  the  one 
hand,  the  suspicions  so  frequently  entertained  by  the  em- 
peror, and,  on  the  other,  the  expectations  of  the  cardinal. 

Commendone  remained  long  enough  to  witness  the 
execution  of  the  apostate  and  traitor  Northumberland ; 
and  was  then  in  such  haste  to  communicate  this  intelli- 
gence, wliich  the  foreigners  thought  of  much  importance, 
and  more  particularly  the  adherence  of  the  queen  to  the 
Eomish  system,  that  he  travelled  day  and  night ;  perform- 
ing, indeed,  a  feat  scarcely  credible  before  the  invention 
of  the  railroad,  he  is  said  to  have  arrived  at  Eome  on 
the  ninth  day  after  his  leaving  London.f 

Penning,  who  had  found  means  at  the  first  interview 
to  convey  Pole's  letter  to  the  queen,  under  plea  of  waiting 
for  an  answer,  remained  in  London  until  the  coronation, 
and  until  the  parliament  was  opened  ;  both  of  which  events 
he  witnessed. 

The  queen  was  evidently  rather  anxious  to  know  how 

*  Flcchier,  Yie  du  Cardinal  Commendone,  p.  50. 
j-  To  make  the  statement  more  marvellous,  it  is  said  that  lie  made  a 
diversion  from  the  direct  route  to  meet  Pole  at  his  monastery. 


222  LIVES  OP  THE 

CHAP.  Pole  would  receive  the  intelligence  of  her  marriage  with 
. — ^ — '  Philip ;  and,  as  his  subsequent  conduct  shows,  the  emperor 
Pde!  could  not,  for  some  time,  divest  himself  of  the  notion 
1 556-58.  that  even  now  Pole  might,  if  admitted  to  the  royal 
presence,  be  a  dangerous  rival  to  his  son.  The  queen's 
letter,  which  I  have  before  me,  is  written  in  good  Latin ; 
but  it  contains  nothing  of  importance.  She  admits  the 
debt  of  gratitude  she  owed  to  a  merciful  Providence,  and 
thanks  Pole  for  his  most  affectionate  admonitions.  If  there 
had  existed  no  tie  of  consanguinity  between  them,  she  said, 
and  even  if  they  had  not  been  very  closely  connected, 
yet  such  a  mark  of  friendship  as  he  displayed  would 
have  demanded  her  most  grateful  thanks.  She  would 
attend  to  his  instructions  as  far  as  it  was  possible  ;  but 
the  bearer  of  the  answer  would  explain  to  him  the  diffi- 
culties under  which  she  was  placed. 

The  queen  had  now  placed  herself  in  the  hands  of  the 
emperor,  whose  cautious  ambassador  guided  her  counsels 
in  secret.  It  was  the  policy  of  this  watchful  minister 
to  prevent  Pole  from  coming  immediately,  if  at  all, 
into  England ;  and  this  accounts  for  a  second  letter 
from  the  queen  to  Pole,  which  may  be  regarded  as  a 
postscript  to  the  first.  It  was  intended  to  press  upon 
him  more  earnestly,  the  absolute  necessity  of  suspending 
his  journey  to  London.  His  appointment  as  a  legate 
was  generally  suspected  ;  and  the  notion  of  his  appear- 
ing in  that  character  was  so  odious  to  her  subjects, 
that  however  much  his  coming  was  desired  by  his  friends, 
it  would  be,  at  the  present  time,  prejudicial  to  the  cause 
rather  than  an  advantage.*  Pole  was  willing,  as  we  have 
seen,  to  go  far  with  the  Protestants  on  doctrinal  points, 

*  "  Adeo  enim  Delegatio  tua  publica  est  suspecta  et  nostris  siibditis 
odiosa  ut  maturior  accessus,  licet  desideratissimns,  plus  prnejudicii, 
qiiam  auxilii  fuerit  allaturus." — Ep.  Poli,  iv.  119. 


ARCIIBISIIOrS    OF    CANTERBURY.  223 

but  made  his  stand  on  the  spiritual  suzerainty  of  the     chap. 
pope  ;  and  therefore  the  queen  warned  him  that  the  very       ^^'  _. 
opposite  was  the  prevalent  feeling  in  England.     There    ^pX'^'^ 
would  be  more  difficulty,  she  tells  him,  in  bringing  her    1 556-58. 
subjects  under  the  authority  of  the  apostolic  see,  than  in 
going  back  to  the  abrogated  forms  of  worship — the  minds 
of  the  people  were  so  completely  alienated  from  the  pope. 

In  another  letter,  written  about  a  fortnight  later,  the 
queen  informs  the  cardinal,  that  the  people  would  attack 
Pole's  life  rather  than  permit  him  to  exercise  the  office 
of  papal  legate.  So  opposed  were  her  subjects  to  the 
see  of  Eome,  that  she  would  prefer  an  adjournment  of  his 
coming,  and  the  execution  of  his  commission,  sine  die,  than 
risk  the  disturbance  that  his  arrival  would  at  this  time 
create.  She  said,  that  her  ministers  had  succeeded  in  bring- 
ing things  back  to  the  position  in  which  they  had  been  left 
by  Henry  VIII. ;  but,  anxious  as  she  was  to  see  her  king- 
dom purged  of  schism,  she  despaired  of  prevailing  on  the 
parliament,  then  in  session,  to  proceed  further.  But  a  new 
parliament  would  be  called  in  the  course  of  three  or  four 
months  ;  and  as  things  might  then  take  a  favourable  turn, 
she  desired  Pole  to  invent  a  pretext  for  taking  up  his  abode 
at  Brussels,  as  a  place  convenient  for  their  secret  corre- 
spondence. 

Notwithstanding  tlie  kind  terms  in  which  the  queen 
wrote,  Pole  suspected  by  whom  the  letters  were  dictated, 
and  he  complained  that  they  were  written  in  Latin  instead 
of  the  vernacular,  in  which  official  personages  were  accus- 
tomed to  address  their  friends.  Instead  of  being  sent  by  a 
confidential  agent,  he  only  found  them  tossed  carelessly, 
and  as  if  of  no  importance,  into  the  midst  of  some  public 
despatches.  Less  worldly  wise  than  the  queen,  lie  ex- 
horted lier  to  be  influenced  by  religious  feelings  only,  and 
not  by  worldly  policy.     He  even  accused  Mary  of  being 


224  LIVES    OF    THE 

CHAP,     blinded  by  her  passion  for  Philip.       She  was,  indeed,  on 
^ — v-^ — '  that  point,  as  in  the  case  of  her  father  with  reference  to 
Y(Ae.      Anne  Boleyn,  infatuated  almost  to  insanity.     When  first 
1566-58.    the  Spanish  match  was  proposed  to  her,  she  was  inclined  to 
treat  it  as  a  joke  ;  it  was  absurd,  she  said,  to  suppose  that 
she  could  win  the  affections  of  a  boy,  as  she  was  pleased 
to  call  him — but  by  degrees  she  suffered  the  idea  to  satu- 
rate her  mind,  until  her  love  became  a  passion  amounting, 
in  its  intensity,  almost  to  madness. 

She  would  do  anything  to  please  the  prince  and  his 
father  ;  and  her  minister.  Bishop  Gardyner,  concurred 
with  them  in  the  opinion  that  the  appearance  of  Pole  as  a 
legate  in  England,  before  the  coimtry  was  prepared  for 
such  a  step,  would  not  only  be  fatal  to  the  papal  cause, 
but  would  also  endanger  the  very  throne  itself.  Pole 
could  not  or  would  not  understand  the  necessity  of  this 
caution.  He  suspected  Gardyner  of  knavery,  while 
Gardyner  deprecated  the  folly  of  Pole.  It  was  therefore 
left  to  the  emperor  to  impede  the  progress  of  the  legate, 
who  had  already  quitted  his  retirement  at  Magguzzano. 

The  papal  authorities  sympathized  with  Pole,  and  were 
accordingly  distrusted  by  the  emperor.  They  were  as 
earnest  in  expediting,  as  Charles  was  in  retarding,  Pole's 
return  to  England.  The  legate's  treasury  received  two 
thousand  crowns  for  the  expenses  of  the  journey,  and  he 
had  full  power  to  act  as  he  might  think  expedient  with- 
out previously  communicating  with  the  pope  ;  he  had 
powers  given  him  to  effect  a  reconcihation,  if  possible, 
between  the  emperor  and  the  King  of  France,  as  he 
passed  through  their  respective  kingdoms. 

On  entering  the  Tyrol,  his  friends  at  Trent  welcomed  him 
in  his  new  capacity  with  joy  ;  and  among  his  friends  no  one 
was  more  staunch  to  him  and  his  cause  than  the  Cardinal 
Bishop,  the  prince  of  that  city,  whom  we  have  seen  taking 
an  active  part  in  the  proceedings  of  the  council.     Prom 


ARCHBISHOPS   OF   CANTERBURY.  225 

Trent  he  despatched  messengers  to  notify  his  speedy  arrival  chap. 
at  the  respective  courts  with  a  view  of  effecting  a  peace —  ^ — v^ — - 
so  often,  and  yet  so  vainly  attempted.  Thence  he  moved,  Poie. 
with  a  splendid  retinue,  towards  Augsburg  ;  and  when  lie  1566-58. 
was  within  two  days'  journey  of  the  last-named  city,  he 
was  met  by  the  Cardinal  Bishop,  by  whom  he  was  invited 
to  take  up  his  abode  at  Dilhngen,  a  monastery  on  the 
banks  of  the  Danube.  It  was  w^inter,  and  the  weather  was 
severe  ;  he  rested,  therefore,  for  a  few  days  with  his  friend, 
who  had  converted  Dillingen  into  a  university.  Having 
been  informed  that  the  emperor  was  keeping  his  court  at 
Brussels,  Pole  left  Dilhngen  for  Flanders.  He  had  not 
proceeded  far,  when  he  encountered  a  splendid  cavalcade  ; 
and  Mendoza,  the  imperial  minister,  whom  we  have  seen 
before  acting  as  the  ambassador  at  Venice,  presented  him- 
self to  the  cardinal.  He  was  the  bearer  of  a  message  from 
Charles,  to  the  effect,  that  it  was  his  majesty's  pleasure  that 
the  cardinal  should  proceed  no  further  on  his  journey  : 
this  delay  was  necessary  to  the  happy  issue  of  the  business 
on  which  the  legate  was  now  engaged.  It  was  added,  that 
the  legate  would  receive  due  notice  when  a  more  favour- 
able opportunity  should  occur  for  the  prosecution  of  his 
mission.  In  the  mean  time,  if  the  legate  did  not  think  fit 
to  return  to  Italy,  he  had  permission  to  take  up  his  abode 
either  at  Liege  or  at  Dillingen,  where  he  was  to  await  the 
emperor's  pleasure  as  to  the  resumption  of  his  journey. 

Pole  elected  to  return  to  Dillingen.  But  he  felt  that 
an  order  so  peremptorily  given,  without  a  reason  assigned, 
to  a  papal  ambassador,  was  an  insult  offered  to  the  pope 
himself,  regarded  either  in  his  temporal  or  spiritual  capa- 
city. In  vain,  however,  did  the  legate  and  the  pope 
remonstrate.  Charles  was  obdurate;  but  Julius  upheld 
the  dignity  of  his  legate  by  allowing  him,  if  he  should 
think  fit,  to  lay  aside  his  public  character,  and  to  pass  as 

VOL.  VIIT.  Q 


226  LIVES   OF   THE 

CHAP,     a  private  gentleman  into  England,  resuming  his  legatine 

^_ ^J— ^  character  when  he  might  think  it  expedient  to  do  so.* 

Pole.  Of  this  dangerous  permission  Pole  had  not  courage  to 

1556-58.  avail  himself.  It  was  indeed  notified  to  him,  that  the 
queen  would  not  permit  it.  His  conduct,  however,  at  this 
time  was  dignified.  His  first  object  was  to  proceed  as 
legate  to  England,  but,  at  the  same  time,  he  had  been  also 
commissioned  to  enter  into  negotiations  with  the  emperor 
and  the  French  king,  with  a  view  to  terminate  the  war 
between  these  two  great  powers.  Although  he  was  for- 
bidden the  court  of  Brussels,  Pole  made  overtures  to 
Charles  :  such  overtures,  however,  the  Csesar  evidently  re- 
garded as  an  impertinence.  He  coldly  remarked  that  he 
had  never  been  averse  to  peace,  provided  honourable  con- 
ditions were  proposed,  and  such  as  would  lead  to  a  lasting 
pacification.  Nothing  could  be  done  until  the  intentions  of 
the  French  king  were  known.  This  insinuation  afforded 
Pole  a  pretext  for  proceeding  on  his  journey  to  Paris,  as 
soon  as  he  was  certified  of  a  courteous  reception  at  the 
French  court. 

Pole  had  certainly  one  characteristic  of  genius  :  he 
found  pleasure,  under  circumstances  of  great  excitement, 
in  literary  composition ;  and  on  this  occasion  he  penned  a 
treatise  for  the  edification  of  Charles  Y.  and  of  Henry  II. 
of  France,  in  which  the  usual  commonplaces  employed 
on  such  occasions  are  well  arranged,  and  adroitly  applied 
to  existing  circumstances. 

Of  Pole's  reception  at  Paris  we  have  an  account  in  a 
letter  written  by  Dr.  Wotton  to  Queen  Mary.f  The 
French,  hearing  that  he  had  come  on  a  mission  of  peace, 
hailed  him  with  enthusiasm  as  he  passed  through  the 
several  tOAvns  of  France.     The  people  strewed  flowers 

*  Quirini,  iv.  432. 

■f  See  especially  State  Papers,  Foreign,  1553-1558,  p.  72. 


ARCHBISHOrS   OF   CANTERBURY.  227 

in  his  way,  and  the  clergy  received  him  with  processions,     chap. 

This,  perhaps,  gave  offence  to  a  government  determined  ^-^ - 

on  a  continuance  of  the  war  ;  and  on  his  arrival  in  Paris,  p^^g 
he  was  informed  that  the  king,  Henry  II.,  was  at  Fontaine-  155g-58. 
bleau,  and  was  too  much  occupied  by  his  devotions,  it 
being  Holy  Week,  to  grant  him  an  immediate  interview. 
The  king,  however,  purposed  at  Easter  to  return  to  Paris, 
when  the  legate  would  have  an  opportunity  of  discharging 
the  duties  of  his  mission.  A  fortnight  passed,  and  no  notice 
was  taken  of  Pole  by  the  court ;  when  suddenly  a  change 
in  the  policy  of  the  government  took  place.  It  was  felt, 
probably,  that  if  Pole  were  to  return  to  England,  his  in- 
fluence with  the  queen  would  be  great,  and  that  therefore 
to  concihate  such  a  personage,  and  to  obtain  his  good  offices, 
were  worth  the  consideration  of  the  King  of  France.  An 
invitation  to  Fontainebleau  therefore  came  to  Pole.  He  had 
no  longer  to  complain  of  inattention  or  want  of  respect. 
He  had  scarcely  reached  Corbeil  before  he  was  overtaken 
by  Cardinal  Chastillon,  who  had  arrived  too  late  to  join 
him  at  Paris,  but  who  was  to  accompany  him  to  the  court. 
They  travelled  together  without  the  occurrence  of  any  in- 
cident, until  a  cavalcade  was  discovered  approaching  the 
legate,  about  a  mile  and  a  half  from  Fontainebleau.  Mon- 
sieur d'Enghien,  the  Duke  of  Nemours,  the  Great  Prior 
of  France,  and  his  brother,  the  Marquis  d'Elboeuf,  with 
their  respective  suites,  had  been  sent  forward  to  do  honour 
to  the  legate,  who  was  now  at  the  head  of  a  magnificent 
procession,  the  ecclesiastical  and  military  pomp  being  in 
combination.  Pole  arrived  at  the  palace  thus  attended ; 
and  at  the  outer  court  there  met  him  the  dauphin,  attended 
by  the  Duke  of  Lorraine.  The  legate  immediately  alighted 
from  his  horse,  the  dauphin  being  on  foot,  and  they 
walked  together  towards  the  royal  apartments.     On  reacli- 

Q  2 


228  LIVES   OF   THE 

CHAP,     ing  the  great  staircase,  Pole  saw  the  king  himself  waiting 

. ^^ — .   to  welcome  him.     His  majesty  was  attended  by  the  Con- 

Toie.      stable  of  France,  the  Duke  of  Guise,  and  other  members 

1556-58.  of  his  council.  After  a  cordial  greeting,  the  king  himself 
led  the  way  to  the  royal  closet.  The  conference  lasted 
half  an  hour  ;  at  the  expiration  of  which  time  Henry 
himself  attended  the  legate  to  the  queen's  apartments, 
Avhere  he  was  presented  to  Catherine  de  Medici.  At  six 
o'clock  the  Constable  of  France  was  announced,  with 
whom,  in  his  private  apartments,  the  legate  was  closeted 
for  two  hours. 

The  result  of  these  conferences  has  not  been  made 
known :  the  object  was  merely  to  secure  the  good- will  of 
Pole  in  any  future  negotiations  between  the  sovereigns  of 
England  and  France.  The  Spanish  match  was  of  course 
mentioned,  and  not,  we  presume,  very  respectfully,  in  the 
court  of  Henry  11.  One  of  the  charges  brought  against 
Pole,  both  at  Brussels  and  in  England,  was  that  he  en- 
couraged the  French,  when  they  spoke  in  disparagement 
of  the  approaching  marriage  between  the  Queen  of  Eng- 
land and  the  Prince  of  Spain.  But,  as  far  as  I  can  dis- 
cover, he  only  remained  silent,  or  turned  the  conversation, 
when  this  subject  was  brought  upon  the  tapis ;  and  as  it 
was  not  a  point  on  which  he  was  commissioned  to  speak, 
although  it  showed  bad  taste,  if  not  bad  feeling,  on  the 
part  of  the  French  king  if  he  brought  it  forward,  yet 
surely  the  reticence  of  Pole  was  only  a  part  of  that  good 
breeding  which  lie  always  evinced,  except  when,  unfortu- 
nately, a  controversial  pen  was  in  his  hand.* 

*  The  following  occurs  in  a  despatch  of  Wotton's,  dated  23rd  of 
December,  1553  : — "  I  understand  that  it  is  taken  here  at  the  court 
that  the  emperor  would  not  that  the  Cardinal  Poole  should  go  into 
England,  fearing  lest  he  would  go  about  to  let  this  marriage  of  the 
queen  and  the  Prince  of  Spain.      I  understand,  also,  that   Cardinal 


ARCHBISHOPS   OF   CANTERBURY.  229 

Pole  was  a  man  of  general  principles,  whereas  a  nego-     chap. 
tiator  ought  to  be  a  man  of  detail ;  and  Pole,  as  was  usual    __IZ_^ 
in  all  his  embassies,  failed  in  his  attempt  to  mediate  between    "^p^fj^^ 
the  French  king  and  the  emperor.     In  the  war,  or  succes-    1556-58. 
sion  of  wars,  in  which,  to  gratify  the  malignant  or  aml)i- 
tious  feehngs  of  their  sovereigns,  but  to  the  unmitigated 
misery  of  their  subjects,  Spain  and  France  had  been  so 
long  engaged,  no  campaign  was  more  fierce  and  cruel  than 
that  which  succeeded  the  vain  attempt  of  Pole  to  effect  a 
peace  between  the  belligerent  powers. 

The  legate  was,  however,  at  this  time,  dismissed  by  the 
French  king  with  a  profusion  of  compliments  that,  coming 
from  royal  lips,  never  meant  much,  and  had  scarcely  any 

Poole  had  put  these  men  in  a  good  hope  that  the  said  marriage  should 
take  none  effect,  having  certified  the  French  king  by  the  abbot  whom 
he  sent  hither,  that  as  for  the  queen's  highness,  he  was  as  well  assured 
of  her  mind  concerning  that  marriage,  as  he  was  of  her  mind  concerning 
matters  of  religion,  and  that  that  marriage  should  take  no  place  :  whose 
words  these  men  trusted  much  unto."  (Tytler,  ii.  274.)  But  this  was 
only  court  gossip,  an  exaggeration  at  most.  We  may  compare  this  with 
a  despatch  from  Morone,  dated  3rd  of  October,  and  found  among  the 
State  Papers.  *'  Cardinal  Pole,  having  been  disappointed  in  his  efforts  to 
effect  a  civil  peace  between  the  emperor  and  the  French  king,  as  well  as 
a  spiritual  one  in  England,  seems  to  be  out  of  comfort,  and,  despairing 
of  the  one  if  he  sees  shortly  no  likelihood  of  the  other,  begins  to  talk 
of  returning  to  Italy.  If  he  shall  return  without  saving  his  country, 
like  as  he  shall  return  a  sorrowful  man,  so  shall  the  realm  have  lost 
the  fruition  of  such  a  one  as  for  his  wisdom,  joined  with  learning,  virtue, 
and  godliness,  all  the  world  seeketh  and  adoreth.  In  whom  it  is  to  be 
thought  that  God  hath  chosen  a  special  place  of  habitation,  such  is  his 
conversation,  adorned  with  infinite  godly  qualities,  above  the  ordinary 
state  of  men ;  and  whosoever  within  the  realm  liketh  him  worse,  I  would 
he  might  have  with  him  the  talk  of  one  half-hour  :  it  were  a  right 
stony  heart  that  in  a  small  time  he  could  not  soften.  If  it  be  his 
fortune  to  depart  without  showing  the  experience  hereof  in  the  reahn, 
his  going  away  shall  be,  in  mine  opinion,  like  the  story  of  the  Gospel 
of  such  as  dwelt  in  regione  Ge?xcseno7'uvi,  who,  upon  a  fond  fear,  desired 
Christ,  offering  Himself  unto  them,  w^  discederet  afuiihus  illorxnny 


230  LIVES   OF  THE 

CHAP,     meaning  at  all  when  coming  from  the  lips  of  a  French- 
--;— 7 — '  man. 
Pole.  The  cordiality  of  Pole's  reception    in    France  would, 

1556  58.    under  any  circumstances,  have  made  the  cardinal  an  un- 
welcome guest  at  Brussels ;  but  it  w^as  the  policy  of  the 
emperor  to  assume,  on  the  present  occasion,  even  a  greater 
coldness  than  he  really  felt.     Charles  V.  had  been  always 
interested  in  English  politics ;  he  understood  the  English 
character  ;  he  was  kept  well  informed  by  his  remarkably 
clever  ambassador,  Eenard,  of  the  state  of  feeling  in  Eng- 
land, the  discontent  of  the  people,  and  the  division  in  the 
royal  councils.     The  feelings  of  Eenard  towards   Pole 
were  anything  but  friendly.     The  ambassador  cared  little 
for  religion,  but  much  for  the  honour  of  his  imperial 
master  and  his  son.     He  did  not  sympathize  with   the 
Eeformation,  but  in  his  perception  of  the  impolicy  of  per- 
secution he  was  in  advance  of  his  age.     Charles  V.,  under 
Eenard's  influence,  would,  if  possible,  have  kept  Pole  out 
of  England  entirely  ;  but  if  that  could  not  be  done,  he 
was  determined  that  Pole  should  not  return  to  his  country 
until  the  queen  had  been  married  to  the  Prince  of  Spain. 
Among  the  Simancas  papers  we  find  a  letter,  in  which 
Pole  had  proposed  himself  as  a  suitor  for  the  hand  of 
Mary ;  *  and  though  Pole,  prematurely  old,  and  in  an 
infirm  state  of  health,  was  not  likely  to  be  a  formidable 
rival  to  the  Prince  of  Spain,  Charles  did  not  see  any  advan- 
tage in  sending  him  to  act  as  the  queen's  couusellor  pend- 
ing the  negotiations  about  the  unpopular  Spanish  match. 
The  enemies  of  Pole,  besides  accusing  him  of  a  culpable 
reticence,  if  not  an  imphed  sympathy,  when  the  French 
courtiers  denounced  the  Spanish  match,  went  so  far  as  to 

*  This  fact  is  stated  on  tlie  authority  of  Mr.  Bergenroth,  in  a  letter 
to  Mr.  DufFus  Hardy. 


ARCHBISHOPS   OF   CANTERBURY.  231 

represent  him  as  favourable  to  a  marriage  between  tlie    chap. 

queen  and  Courtenay,  the  young  Earl  of  Devonshire  ;  for,   « — r- - 

at  that  time,  an  English  sovereign  did  not  dare  to  place  PollT. 
foreign  royalty  above  the  English  aristocracy  ; — but,  again  1556-68. 
after  searching  the  public  documents,  I  come  to  the  con- 
clusion, that  this  was  an  entirely  gratuitous  assertion,  in- 
tended to  alienate  the  emperor's  mind  from  Pole,  or  to 
justify  him  in  offering  an  impediment  to  his  immediate 
return  to  England. 

Pole  may  have  occasionally  spoken  indiscreetly,  and 
his  friends  in  England  regarded  the  Spanish  match  as  an 
impolitic  act ;  but  he  does  not  appear  to  have  opposed 
it  openly ;  and  when  he  found  that  it  was  to  be,  he  did 
what  he  could  to  further  the  wishes  of  the  emperor  upon 
the  subject.  When  the  match  was  determined  upon,  it 
was  by  expediting  the  marriage  that  he  hastened  his  own 
return  to  his  native  land. 

Full  of  pleasant  anticipations  of  peace,  the  legate  was 
hastening  to  Brussels,  expecting  to  find  the  emperor  as 
amenable  as  the  king,  when  he  received  peremptory 
orders  from  the  emperor  to  return  to  Dillingen,  there  to 
await  the  imperial  pleasure.* 

Keginald  Pole  had  not,  as  on  former  occasions,  aspired 
to  a  public  situation.  He  might  fairly  say,  that  his 
honours  had  now  been  thrust  upon  him.  Although  by 
men  who  had  lived  to  see  threescore  years  and  ten 
Cardinal  Pole  was    regarded  as  a  young   man,    yet  he 

*  In  a  letter  from  Wotton  to  the  Queen,  on  the  27th  of  October, 
1553,  the  writer  affirms  that  Cardinal  Pole  was  "in  very  good  esti- 
mation with  the  emperor."  It  always  appears  that  personally  the  em- 
peror had  a  kindly  feeling  towards  Pole.  He  understood  his  abilities, 
liowever,  and  Charles  V.  never  permitted  private  feelings  to  interfere 
Avith  political  considerations.  It  was  his  policy  now  to  make  Pole 
stand  in  awe  of  him. 


232  LIVES  OF   THE 

CHAP,     himself  had  become  conscious  that,  after  a  certain  period 
^-    /_.   of  hfe,  age,  in  its  imbecihty,  depends  not  on  years  so 
Poie!^^     much  as  upon  constitution  ;  one  man  feehng  hke  a  young 
1566-58.    man  at  fourscore  years  of  age,  while  to  another  his  six- 
tieth birthday  is  the  commencement  of  his  decrepitude. 
Til  health,  a  life  of  struggle  and  uncertainty,  and — what  is 
more  distressing — of  continual  self-assertion   and  disap- 
pointment, had  told  upon  Pole's  constitution. 

He  had  an  old  man's  longing  for  retirement  and  rest, 
and  was,  at  the  same  time,  conscious  of  a  feebleness  of 
body  incapacitating  him  for  the  exertions  which  were  now, 
by  circumstances,  forced  upon  him.  He  talked  of  retire- 
ment, of  the  comfort  of  devoting  himself  in  obscurity  to  the 
discharge  of  the  rehgious  duties  that,  while  employing  the 
mind,  refresh  the  weary  spirit.  If  he  was  unconsciously 
insincere,  his  was  an  insincerity  of  which  greater  men 
than  he  have  been  guilty,  in  moments  when  they  have 
been  depressed  by  labour,  or  disappointed  in  their  am- 
bition. Like  many  others,  Pole  was  awakened  only  to  a 
consciousness  of  his  self-deception  when  he  was  taken  at, 
his  word.  He  received  a  notification  from  his  friend  Mo- 
rone,  that  if  he  did  really  wish  to  retire,  Julius  HI.,  ever 
desirous  of  meeting  his  inclinations,  would  appoint  another 
legate  to  England.  Pole,  however,  could  not  be  almost 
within  sight  of  his  native  land,  which  he  passionately  de- 
sired to  revisit,  and  give  up  the  daydream  of  his  life,  at 
the  very  moment  when  the  object  of  his  young  ambition 
was  wdthin  his  grasp.  The  proposal  infused  at  once  a 
new  life  into  his  dormant  spirit  and  exhausted  frame  ;  and 
he  was  moved  to  indignant  vigour  when  it  was  whispered 
into  his  ear,  as  a  secret,  that  the  offer  of  retirement  was 
not  the  spontaneous  suggestion  of  a  considerate  pope,  but 
the  result  of  a  demand  of  the  emperor  as  the  price  of  his 
amity. 


ARCIIBISIIOrS  OF   CANTERBURY,  233 

It  was  the  opinion  of  Eenard  that  Pole  was  unequal  to  chap. 
the  crisis.  This  feeling  was  shared  by  many  in  the  queen's  - — -^ — - 
council,  who,  wilhng  to  obliterate  the  Eeformation,  felt  po?e' 
that  it  w^as  absolutely  necessary  to  proceed  with  a  discre-  1 006-08. 
tion  which  Pole  was  not  supposed  to  possess.  The  in- 
trusion of  a  legate  from  Eome  into  a  country  where,  for 
a  quarter  of  a  century,  Eome,  pope,  and  legate  were 
words  only  uttered  in  execration,  was  certainly  to  be 
avoided  if  possible.  Pole  also  had  been,  during  this  period, 
specially  defamed  in  his  native  land ;  almost  every  de- 
spatch from  foreign  parts,  during  Henry's  reign,  spoke  of 
him  as  the  base  enemy  of  his  country  ;  and,  besides  this, 
althouD'h  the  feelin(][s  belonging  to  the  late  civil  wars  had 
died  out,  there  was  no  reason  why  the  head  of  the  house 
of  York  next  to  the  occupant  of  the  throne,  should  make 
his  appearance  in  England,  when  dynastic  questions  had  not 
been  finally  or  decidedly  settled.  The  queen  alone  desired 
Pole's  return,  but  feared  to  press  it,  and  consented  to  a 
delay.  The  enemies  of  the  cardinal  succeeded  in  damp- 
ing her  enthusiasm,  by  representing  him  to  her  as  not 
friendly  to  the  match  on  which  her  heart  was  fixed. 

Other  grounds  of  delay  were  now  adduced,  such  as 
would  protract  debate  as  long  as  the  emperor  might  be 
disposed  to  interpose  obstructions.    | 

Eenard  had  impressed  the  emperor's  mind  with  the 
importance  of  taking  measures,  that  the  present  proprie- 
tors of  confiscated  church  property  should  have  their 
titles  to  the  estates,  whether  purchased,  won  at  the  royal 
gaming  table,  given  as  the  price  of  a  pudding,  or  obtained 
as  the  reward  for  services  rendered  to  the  Somersets 
and  Northumberlands,  acknowledged  and  confirmed.  The 
queen's  council  consisted  of  many  men  nearly  or  re- 
motely interested  in  the  question,  while  wiser  and  better 
men  were  aware,  that  too  much  land  had  been  of  late 


234  LIVES   OF   THE 

years  tied  up ;  so  that,  whether  t 

proceedings  could  be  defended  or  not,  the  measures,  so 


CHAP,     years  tied  up ;  so  that,  whether  the  late  revolutionary 


Pole.  far  as  property  was  concerned,  must  be  regarded  as  final. 
ii356-58.  To  statesmen  it  was  a  question  of  political  economy  ;  and, 
though  political  economy  had  not,  as  yet,  become  a  science, 
yet  the  principles  upon  which  it  is  based  were  already 
known  to  the  intuitions  of  the  few  men  who  deserved  the 
name  of  statesmen. 

The  government  of  Julius  III.,  and  Eeginald  Pole  him- 
self, overjoyed  at  the  thought  of  bringing  the  Church  of 
England  once  more  under  the  Eoman  obedience,  appear 
to  have  wished  to  make  the  concession  as  complete  and 
as  comprehensive  as  possible. 

But  we  must  in  justice  bear  in  mind,  that  a  serious  diffi- 
culty presented  itself  to  the  counsellors  of  the  pope,  who 
regarded  the  question  from  the  political  rather  than  the 
religious  stand-point.  In  permitting  the  lay  impropriators 
of  church  property  in  England  to  retain  their  possessions, 
would  not  a  precedent  be  established,  calculated  to  awaken 
the  cupidity  of  continental  aristocrats,  and  lead  eventually 
to  a  general  confiscation,  throughout  the  western  world,  of 
monastic  property?*  No  one  will  deny,  that  the  autho- 
rities at  Eome  were  bound  to  take  into  consideration  the 
possibility  of  such  an  occurrence.  But,  instead  of  oppos- 
ing the  difficulty  openly,  they  had,  as  usual,  recourse  to 
subterfuges ;  and  Charles  V.,  well  aware  of  the  dishonesty 
of  papal  diplomacy,  subjected  every  document  he  received 
to  the  microscopic  glasses  of  his  experienced  lawyers, 
to  whom  the  artifice  of  Eome  soon  became  apparent.  The 
fullest  powers  were,  apparently,  conceded  to  Pole,  to  make 
any  and  every  concession  to  the  demands  of  tlie  English 
government,  in  favour  of  the  lay  impropriators,  that  the 

*  See  Granvelle,  Papiers  d'Etat,  iv.  283,  284.      ' 


ARCHBISHOPS   OF   CANTERBURY.  235 

possessors  of  tlie  confiscated  property  might  require  or     chap. 

demand  ; — but  although  expressed  in  various  forms,  there    \^,-^ - 

was  the  reservation  of  a  power  by  which  what  Pole  did  ^^  pX.^"^ 
in  England  miglit,  if  expedient,  be  cancelled  at  Eomc.  i .366-68. 
Charles  insisted  that  the  adjudication  of  the  law  should 
rest,  not  with  the  ecclesiastical  authorities,  but  with  the 
queen  and  king.  Pole  himself  was  made  to  see  the  diffi- 
culty, and  to  understand,  that  if  the  possessors  of  the  con- 
fiscated property,  however  that  property  had  been  ob- 
tained, were  secure  of  their  wealth,  other  great  and 
ecclesiastical  difficulties  might  be  easily  overcome ;  and 
Pole  sent  his  auditor,  Nicolo  Ormanetto,  to  Eome  to  argue 
the  case.  Pole's  conduct  was  certainly,  at  this  time, 
straightforward  and  considerate.  He  was  not  worldly 
wise,  and  he  was  of  an  enthusiastic  temperament ;  and,  as 
such,  he  was  naturally  thought  scorn  of  by  wily  politicians 
whether  in  England  or  in  Spain.  But  these  wily  politicians 
are  often  brought  to  bay  by  a  straightforward  opponent ; 
attributing  his  straightforwardness  to  artifice,  they  sus- 
pect design  where  no  design  exists,  and  the  simplicity 
they  at  one  time  despised,  they  now  regard  as  a  sign  of 
ability,  where  ability  they  did  not  expect  to  find. 

Pole's  conduct  made  a  favourable  impression  on  the 
emperor's  mind,  who  always  liked  the  man,  though  he 
despised  the  politician.  The  legate  understood  clearly, 
that  the  advisers  of  the  queen,  not  elected  by  herself,  but 
forced  upon  her  by  circumstances,  had  no  great  principle 
to  sustain  them  ;  that  they  would  have  preferred  an  order 
of  things  which  would  have  enabled  them  to  enrich  them- 
selves at  the  public  expense  ;  but  that  they  would  forego 
the  chance  of  realizing  future  fortunes,  if  only  they  were 
secure  of  retaining  what  they  had  already  appropriated. 
It  would  seem  that  Julius  III.,  who  supposed  it  to  be 
his  special  vocation   to  bring  England  back  to  Eoine, 


236  LIVES   OF   THE 

CHAP,  was  willing  to  go  quite  as  far,  in  this  way  of  concession, 
* — y-^ — '  as  he  could  do  without  establishing  an  inconvenient  pre- 
Poie!  cedent.  When  once  the  emperor  was  convinced  of  this, 
1556-58.  the  powers  conferred  on  the  legate  were  tacitly  accepted 
at  Brussels.  A  doubt  may,  however,  be  entertained 
whether  the  papal  briefs  would  not  have  been  subjected 
again  to  an  unfriendly  scrutiny,  if  the  experienced  eye 
of  the  emperor  had  not  already  perceived  a  clearing  of 
the  political  atmosphere  in  England,  and  the  possibility 
of  rendering  the  interests  of  the  papacy  subservient  to 
the  purposes  of  his  own  ambition.  By  supporting  the 
papal  cause  in  England,  Charles  hoped  to  save  his  son 
from  some  of  the  difficulties  to  which  he  had  been  him- 
self exposed  in  Germany  ;  but  circumstances  were  such, 
that  it  was  no  longer  possible  to  separate  the  papal  cause 
from  Pole  ;  and  this  being  the  case,  the  object  must  now 
be,  on  the  part  both  of  the  emperor  and  of  his  son,  to 
conciliate  the  legate. 

The  altered  state  of  things  in  England  is  to  be  attri- 
buted to  the  pohtical  sagacity  and  firmness  of  Gardyner. 
The  emperor  at  first,  with  some  reason,  had  a  special 
dislike  to  Gardyner ;  but  now,  through  an  identification 
of  their  interests,  Gardyner  had  become  the  firm  friend 
both  of  Charles  and  of  Philip.  Whatever  may  be  thought 
of  the  religious  character  of  Gardyner,  every  one  who  is 
acquainted  with  the  history  of  Mary's  reign  must  admit 
his  ability  as  a  statesman.* 


*  The  history  of  the  reigns  of  Edward  VI.  and  of  Queen  Mary  re- 
mains to  be  written.  The  materials  for  such  history,  of  which  much 
use  has  been  made  in  this  chapter,  are  many  of  them  at  hand,  and  from 
the  Venetian  archives  we  may  expect  an  increased  supply.  The 
Puritan  by  his  hatred  of  Romanism,  and  the  infidel  by  his  detestation 
of  Christianity,  give  only  ex  jjarte  statements,  and  no  one  has  ventured 
to  refute  them  except  Dr.  Maitland. 


ARCHBISHOPS   OF   CANTERBURY.  237 

Considering  the  expectations  excited  by  his  early  ca-     chap. 

reer,  we  may  not  be  able  to  exonerate  Gardyner  from  a  ■- ^ - 

charge  of  inconsistency  :    in  the  practice  of  to-day  he      pd^! 
frequently   gave  the  lie  to   principles  he  had  yesterday    1 006-08. 
enforced ;    but   these  are  offences  upon  which,   in   the 
nineteenth  century,  a  severe  judgment  will  not  be  pro- 
nounced.    If  a  man  be  not  permitted  to  change  his  politi- 
cal opinions  when  he  has  arrived  at  years  of  discretion,  he 
must  be  born  a  Solomon.     We  receive  our  poUtical,  like 
our  religious  principles,  by  tradition  from  our  parents, 
and   we  afterwards  make  use  of  our  reason  in  politics, 
and  of  Scripture  in  religion,  to  confirm,  to  modify,  and 
sometimes  to  reject  what  we  have  received.     The  truth  is, 
that  a  man  is  not  blamed  for  th^fact  of  his  changing  his 
opinions ;  but  in  judging  of  his  character  our  inquiry  is 
directed  as  to  the  time  when  the  change  has  taken  place. 
If  he  changes  at  a  time  when  the  change  brings  with  it 
elevation   in  station,  or   pecuniary  advantage,  we  then 
dismiss  the  offender  as  a  time-server,  as  an  unprincipled 
apostate.     Gardyner  was  not  a  man  of  any  elevation  of 
character,  and  was  regardless  of  the  means  to  be  adopted 
for  the  furtherance  of  his  ends  ;  but  we  only  know  of  one 
occasion,  when  he  sunk  into  conduct  as  despicable  as  it 
was  ungenerous.     On  the  accession  of  Mary,  the  question 
relating  to  her  mother's  divorce  naturally  engaged  the 
public   attention.     In  the  furtherifnce  of  Henry  VIII. 's 
views  no  one  had  been  more  zealous  than  Gardyner.     It 
will  be  recollected  that  he  took  an  active  part  in  the  cause, 
even  after  the  offence  he  had  taken  on  account  of  Dr. 
Cranmer's  elevation  to  the  primacy.     His  zeal  had  been 
such,  that  he  had  volunteered  his  presence  when  sentence 
was  pronounced  against  the  unfortunate  mother  of  Mary. 
At  Mary's  accession,  it  was  the  interest  of  every  one  to 
keep  the  subject  as  much  out  of  view  as  possibk%  for  all 


Zob  LIVES   OF   THE 

CHAP,     the  leading  political  characters  had  directly  or  indirectly, 

- — '^—    tacitly  if  not  avowedly,  been  implicated  in  the  affair.    But 

Pole.      It  was  mipossible  always  to  pass  it  by  :  in  discussing  the  le- 

I5o6-o8.  gitimacy  of  Mary,  it  was  impossible  to  avoid  aa  allusion  to 
the  divorce  of  Katharine  ;  and  here  it  was  that  Gardyner's 
conduct  was  such  as  any  high-minded  man  would  have 
condemned.  The  documents  relating  to  the  divorce  hav- 
ing been  destroyed,  Gardyner  contrived  to  throw  the 
entire  blame  on  Cranmer.  It  was  the  interest  of  no  one  to 
convict  Gardyner  of  falsehood,  or  to  show  how,  by  his 
j)resence  at  Dunstable,  he  had  given  that  weight  to  Dr. 
Cranmer's  judgment,  which  it  might  not  otherwise  have 
obtained.  Such  was  the  fact ;  but  if  to  the  fact  the  queen 
shut  her  eyes,  the  courtiers  were  not  likely  to  open 
theirs.  Gardyner  came  before  the  queen  as  one  who  had 
suffered  for  the  cause  of  rehgion.  The  sufferings,  indeed, 
of  a  prisoner  at  large,  such  as  Gardyner  had  been,  were 
not  severe ;  but  it  is  probable,  that,  in  the  difficulties  to 
which  she  was  herself  exposed,  Mary  may  have  sought 
the  advice  in  private  of  a  prelate  who,  in  the  reign 
of  her  brother,  had  taken  a  decided  line  against  Cran- 
mer, and  who  by  so  doing  had  repudiated  the  prin- 
ciples through  which  he  was,  at  one  period,  led  to  act 
Avith  him.  On  the  3rd  of  August,  1558,  when  she  visited 
the  Tower,  the  queen  released  Gardyner  from  his  impri- 
sonment. On  the  23rd  of  that  month,  the  great  seal  was 
consigned  to  his  custody,  thougli  the  date  of  his  patent 
as  chancellor  was  delayed  till  the  21st  of  September. 
He  officiated  at  the  coronation  on  the  1st  of  October,  and 
opened  parliament  four  days  afterwards.  He  became — if 
we  may  employ  a  modern  term  to  express  an  ancient 
though  scarcely  acknowledged  office — her  prime  minister. 
In  former  times,  he  would  have  been  called  her  favourite, 
and  even  in  the  sixteenth  century  the  designation  was  not 


ARCIIBISIIOrS   OF    CANTERBURY.  239 

forgotten.     We  should   have   supposed   that,  when   the     citap. 

minister  had  arrived  at  the  age  of  three  score  years  and   , — ^^ 

ten,  no  scandal  would  have  arisen  when  a  maiden  queen,       p^l^^ 

no  longer  young,  sought  to  be  directed  by  his  experience  _i556-.3s. 

and   wisdom ;    but,  to  their  eternal  disgrace,  a  scandal 

was  raised  by  certain  of  the  Protestant  exiles,  who  gave 

out  that  the  queen  was  enceinte^  and  that  the  father    of 

the    child    was    Gardyner.     The  atrocity  of  fanaticism 

on   either    side — Popish    and    Protestant — is    such  that 

the  line  must  be  clearly  drawn  between  fanaticism  and 

Christianity. 

The  object  of  Gardyner's  ministry  was  to  render  secure 
the  throne  of  Mary,  which,  from  the  commencement  of 
her  reign,  was  tottering  on  its  base ;  and,  knowing 
her  prejudices,  her  obstinacy,  and  the  violence  of  her 
temper,  his  constant  endeavour  was  to  render  the  in- 
dulgence of  her  feelings  as  little  prejudicial  to  the 
public  welfare  as  possible.  He  economised  the  public 
finances;  as  indeed  he  was  obhged  to  do,  for  the  late 
government  had  reduced  the  country  almost  to  a  state 
of  bankruptcy.  He  was  assisted  by  Spanish  gold;  this 
he  applied  not  to  his  own  advantage,  but  to  the  public 
expenditure.  And  he  made  the  queen  popular,  by  ena- 
bling her  to  remit  to  her  people  a  subsidy  voted  in  the 
preceding  reign.  When  we  compare  Gardyner's  conduct 
Avith  the  unprincipled  cupidity  of  Edward's  government, 
we  must  do  honour  to  Gardyner's  integrity,  as  well  as  to 
his  wisdom  as  a  statesman.  Gardyner  had  another  diffi- 
culty to  overcome.  He  had  been  an  advocate  for  the 
royal  supremacy  in  King  Henry's  reign.  His  principles 
were  directly  antagonistic  to  those  of  Pole.  Pole  would 
have  accepted  Protestant  doctrine  with  the  papal  supre- 
macy ;  Gardyner,  as  a  patriot,  would  maintain  tlie  royal 
supremacy,  but  conciliate  Eome  by  tlie  acceptance  of  all 


240 


LIVES   OF   THE 


CHAP.  Eomish  doctrine.  He  would  persuade  the  queen,  if  he 
^ — ^ — -  could,  to  adopt  the  principles  of  her  father  ;  but  he  knew 
Pole.  that  he  had  an  opponent  in  Pole.  He  thought  Pole  a 
1556-58.  weak  enthusiast ;  and  Pole  regarded  him  as  a  wily  and 
unprincipled  worldhng.  But  when  he  found  Pole  too 
strong  for  him,  Gardyner  ignored  all  his  past  sayings  and 
doings,  and  became  Pole's  close  ally  :  he  effected  his  return 
to  England,  when  he  thought  the  proper  time  had  come, 
and,  while  really  controlling  him,  he  appeared  to  be  acting 
under  him.  His  object  was  to  prevent  another  revolution, 
which  would  have  inevitably  followed  an  attempt  on  the 
part  of  the  pope  to  reclaim  the  abbey  lands.  Gardyner 
therefore  co-operated  with  Eenard  and  the  emperor, 
or  rather  induced  them  to  co-operate  with  him,  in  re- 
sisting the  papal  claims,  until  that  point  was  conceded. 
He  could  vindicate  his  consistency,  to  those  who  were 
willing  to  be  persuaded,  by  asserting  that  his  aim  had 
ever  been,  not  to  annihilate  the  papal  power,  but  to  up- 
hold the  co-ordinate  jurisdiction  of  the  regale.  This 
object,  so  far  as  he  desired  its  accomplishment,  he  at- 
tained. He  compelled  Eome  to  make  the  concession  ; 
and  then  Pole  was  his  friend,  to  whom  he  was  willing 
to  yield  precedence.  His  conduct  with  respect  to  the 
Spanish  match  was  precisely  similar.  Like  every  honest 
Englishman,  he  was  vehemently  opposed  to  it.  His  regard 
for  his  country  would  have  made  him,  under  any  circum- 
stances, oppose  Philip's  desire  to  obtain  the  queen  for  his 
bride.  So  again, regarding  "Madame  Elizabeth,"  as  Eenard 
calls  her,  as  a  rival  to  Mary,  he  was  not  at  first  friendly  to 
the  princess  ;  but  he  was  afterwards  disposed  to  be  a  true 
friend,*  though  a  display  of  friendship  would  have  been 

*  There  can  be  little  doubt  that,  after  the  detection  of  Wyatt's  plot, 
Elizabeth  was  indebted  for  her  safety  to  Gardyner.     See  Tytler,  ii.  339. 


K  eg  i  mild 

Pole. 
1556-58. 


ARCHBISHOPS  of  Canterbury.  241 

attended  with  danger  both  to  himself  and  the  princess  chap 
in  Mary's  court.  When  Gardyner  perceived,  however, 
that  the  queen  was  determined  to  wed  the  Prince  of 
Spain,  his  opposition  to  the  match  was  withdrawn  ;  and 
he  devoted  the  whole  force  of  his  mind  to  mitigate  the 
evil  consequences  of  an  impolitic  but  inevitable  act.  The 
emperor  had  at  first  viewed  him  as  an  enemy,  but  he 
found  him  at  length  to  be  a  faithful  supporter ;  although 
the  restrictions  to  which  he  subjected  the  Spaniard  proved 
Gardyner  to  be  a  patriot.  Mary,  impatient  for  the  mar- 
riage, could  be  prevailed  upon  to  yield  everything  that 
tended  to  remove  the  impediments  to  the  object  of  her 
wishes  ;  and  the  stipulations  were  so  stringent  that  we 
are  astonished  at  their  acceptance  on  the  part  of  the 
emperor  ;  until  we  find,  in  one  of  Eenard's  despatches, 
a  suggestion  that,  when  once  Philip  had  received  the 
crown  matrimonial,  he  would  be  able,  by  an  exertion  of 
the  royal  prerogative,  to  overthrow  what  was  only  con- 
ceded for  the  sake  of  peace. 

In  parliament,  Gardyner  proceeded  with  equal  caution. 
He  resorted  to  frequent  prorogations  or  dissolutions :  in 
both  houses,  having  the  command  of  Spanish  gold,  he 
made  no  secret  of  his  readiness  to  satisfy  all  who  were 
willinf?  to  be  bribed ;  and  the  number  of  those  who 
accepted  donations  in  gold  or  jewels  was  so  large,  that 
to  the  acceptance  of  a  bribe  scarcely  any  disgrace  was 
attached.  Even  in  the  queen's  presence  he  offered  pen- 
sions to  compliant  counsellors,  on  behalf  of  the  Spaniard. 
One  thing  appears  to  his  credit,  from  the  correspondence 
of  Eenard,  as  revealed  in  the  State  Papers.  Eenard, 
though  op})osed  to  persecution  for  rehgious  opinion,  for 
which  he  cared  little,  was  bloodthirsty  in  reference  to 
political  offenders.  His  letters  abound  witli  abuse  of 
Gardyner  for  his  leniency ;    and  he  is   especially  severe 

VOL.  VIII.  E 


242  LIVES   OF   THE 

CH.\p.    upon  him  for  not  bringing  Courtenay  and  "  Madame  Eliza- 

' — ^— '  beth  "  to  the  block.    Those  who  follow  Foxe,  in  his  usual 

Pde!      persecution  of  Gardyner,  should  read  this  correspondence, 

1556-58.    iQ  ^QQ  ii^r^i^   although  legal   murders  were  many,  they 

would  have  been  quadrupled  if  Gardyner  had  not  been 

on  the  side  of  mercy.* 

Gardyner 's  chief  business  was  to  extricate  himself  and 
the  country  from  difficulties  in  which  it  had  been  involved 
by  the  perverseness  of  the  sovereigns  and  the  lawless- 
ness of  the  people.  It  redounds  to  his  credit  that,  in  the 
midst  of  all  this  complication  of  affairs,  he  could  give 
time  and  thought  to  a  work  that  might  be  delayed  by  a 
mere  time-server,  but  which  a  w^ise  statesman  perceived 

*  We  may  refer  to  Eenard's  despatches  passim.  "  When  the  queen 
had  given  orders  for  executions,  probably  at  Renard's  suggestion,  Gar- 
dyner delayed."  (Tytler,  ii.  339.)  Again,  in  express  terms  :  "  The  chan- 
cellor has  been  extremely  remiss  in  proceeding  against  them."  (Ibid. 
346.)  It  may  be  concluded  that,  during  the  years  1553  and  ]  554,  when 
Gardyner  was  in  the  zenith  of  his  jDower,  not  one  person  was  burned,  and 
in  the  last  year  of  his  life  there  were  fewer  burned  than  at  any  other 
period  of  the  reign.  It  is  difficult  to  understand  why  Foxe  and  his 
followers  should  have  singled  out  Gardyner  as  the  foremost  among  the 
persecutors ;  that  he  should  have  burned  men  for  their  religion  is  a  sad 
but  indisputable  fact ;  but  so  did  Cranmer,  Ridley,  Calvin,  and  others 
whom  Foxe  admires.  The  acceptance  or  rejection  of  transubstantiation 
had  now  become  the  test  of  Popery  or  Protestantism.  Illiterate  men, 
who  could  not  discuss  a  metaphysical  nicety,  would  die  rather  than  ex- 
press a  belief  in  transubstantiation,  under  the  notion  that  they  suffered 
in  the  cause  of  Protestantism.  It  was  not  by  Gardyner,  but  by  a  lay- 
man, the  Marquis  of  Winchester,  who  held  the  great  seal  for  Gardyner 
when  the  chancellor  himself  was  abroad,  that  writs  were  issued  for  the 
burning  of  heretics,  as  may  be  seen  in  Burnet,  Strype,  and  Hallam. 
When  Gardyner  returned,  he  condemned  the  conduct  of  his  locu?n  tenens, 
and  refused  to  obey  orders  for  the  persecution  of  heretics  in  his  diocese. 
When  the  report  was  credited  that  the  queen  was  enceinte,  Gardyner 
persuaded  her  to  set  at  liberty  several  political  offenders  then  confined 
in  the  Tower,  and  himself  conveyed  the  news.  Among  the  prisoners  was 
the  Archbishop  of  York. — Stowe,  626. 


ARCHBISHOPS   OF   CAXTERBURY  243 

to  be  absolutely  necessary  for  the  restoration  of  our  com-     chap. 
merce,  and  to  re-establish  the  national  credit.    The  money  ^ — ^/^ — ' 
had  been  shamefully  debased  in  the  late  reign,  and  one      pX. 
of  the  first  measures  adopted  by  Gardyner  was  the  issue    i5o6-o8. 
of  a  new  coinage.* 

We  gather  from  the  State  Papers  now  open  to  inspec- 
tion, that  Gardyner  was,  all  this  time,  pursued  by  an  oppo- 
sition, if  not  bitter,  yet  continuous ;  and,  as  regards  some 
statesmen,  there  was  party  combination.  He  was  distrusted 
by  the  extreme  Papists,  hated  by  the  Protestants,  and  not 
loved  by  the  queen  he  faithfully  served  ;  for  she  suspected 
the  laxity  of  his  religious  principles,  though  she  was 
wise  enough  to  honour  his  political  integrity.  On  the  one 
side,  the  Spanish  ambassador,  who,  during  the  progress 
of  the  Spanish  match,  had  gained  influence  over  Mary's 
mind — and,  on  the  other  side,  the  clever  French  minister 
and  the  Italian  envoy,  had  manoeuvred  against  him. 
The  cabinet  counsellors  were  united  only  in  their  oppo- 
sition to  him  ;  and  they  opposed  him  generally,  it  is  to  be 
feared,  from  interested  motives,  some  from  a  personal 

*  The  reader  may  be  interested,  and  may  hereafter  find  it  useful  to 
be  made  acquainted  with  this  coinage.  Orders  were  given  that  in  the 
Koyal  Mint,  as  well  of  silver  in  fineness  of  the  standard  sterling,  as  also 
of  gold,  should  be  issued,  "  the  whole  sovereign,  of  fine  gold,  to  be 
current  for  xxx.  shillings ;  the  half-sovereign,  of  fine  gold,  to  be  called 
the  Royal  of  gold,  for  xv.  shillings;  the  angel,  of  fine  gold,  current 
for  X.  shillings ;  the  half-angel,  of  fine  gold,  for  v.  shilhngs.  And  of 
coins  of  silver  :  one  piece  of  silver  monies,  which  should  be  called  the 
Groat,  to  be  current  for  four  pence  of  the  lawful  monies  of  England ; 
another  piece,  to  be  called  the  Ilalf-groat,  to  be  current  for  two  pence ; 
another  piece,  half  of  the  half-groat,  which  should  be  called  the  Pen  ni/, 
to  be  current  for  one  penny.  All  which  monies  aforesaid  the  queen 
straitly  charged  and  commanded  all  manner  of  persons  within  her  realms 
— the  realm  of  Ireland  only  excepted,  forasmuch  as  her  coins  there  liad 
a  special  standard — to  receive  and  pay  the  said  several  pieces  of  money 
at  the  several  rates  before  rehearsed." 

B    2 


244  LIVES   OF   THE 

CHAP,     antipathy.*    All  these  difficulties  he  gradually  overcame  ; 

> — .^ — '   and  when  Pliilip  arrived  in  England,  the  young  prince 
pSe.      felt  the  same  confidence  in  Gardyner  as  had  been  reposed 

1556-58.  in  liim  by  the  queen.  Even  Eenard,  who  always  hated 
him,  was  obliged  at  last  to  succumb.  Gardyner  had 
indeed  so  far  mollified  his  enemies  in  the  council,  that 
w^e  shall  find  even  Paget  hereafter  acting  in  subservience 
to  him.  The  merits  of  the  chancellor  had  been  recog- 
nised by  the  emperor,  who  was  greatly  astonished  when 
he  discovered  that  Gardyner  had  effected,  through  the 
intervention  of  parliament,  what  Charles  expected  to  ac- 
complish only  through  an  exercise  of  the  prerogative, 
backed  as  it  might  be  by  the  intervention  of  a  Spanish 
force. 

The  emperor  had  advanced  money  most  liberally,  and, 
so  far  as  the  chancellor  was  concerned,  it  had  been  spent 
with  great  judgment.  It  was  used  freely,  not  only  to 
win  the  courtiers  to  a  subserviency  to  the  queen's  council, 
but  also  to  sway  the  elections  and  to  obtain  a  parliament, 
if  not  prepared  exactly  to  receive  the  chancellor's  orders, 
yet  so  w^ell  under  command,  as  not  to  oppose  his  policy.  In 
one  of  his  despatches,  Simon  Eenard  remarks,  "  that 
having  gained  the  principals  by  pensions  and  gifts,  we 
need  have  no  fear  of  the  common  people.  They  are 
generally  disposed  to  be  quiet,  though  their  passions  may 
be  inflamed  to  madness  by  an  aristocratic  demagogue." 

*  Eenard,  in  a  despatch  to  the  emperor,  in  March,  1553,  says  that 
the  Chancellor,  Arundel,  the  Bishop  of  Norwich,  Paget,  the  Controller, 
and  Petre,  had  bound  themselves  by  oath  to  fraternity,  loyalty,  and 
diligence.  They  were  induced  to  act  thus  from  the  disturbed  state  of 
the  country.  Gardyner  may,  in  modern  language,  be  regarded  as  havin"- 
formed  a  ministry  consisting  of  the  persons  now  mentioned — the  first 
instance,  I  believe,  in  our  history.  In  another  despatch,  a  month  later, 
he  refers  to  the  reconciliation  of  Gardyner  and  Paget,  who  were  acting 
together. 


ARCHBISHOPS   OF   CANTERBURY.  245 

Gardyner  was  not  unmindful  of  the  people,  or  of  the     chap. 
power  of   the   press.     The  people  had  been  taught   to  • — ,—' 
argue   thus  :    "  If  the  reformers    were    God's    children,      ^f^^^} 
surely  God  would  bless  and  prosper  them  ;    but  now,    1556-58. 
instead  of  that,  there  is  no  doctrine  so  much  hated  as 
theirs,  no  people  so  much  persecuted  as  they — therefore 
it  cannot  be  of  God.     This  is  of  God  which  our  queen 
and  the  old  bishops  have  professed  ;   for  now  hath  God 
prospered  and  kept  them.     What  a  notable  victory  hath 
God  given  to  her."  * 

When  we  read  the  despatches  of  Eenard,  censuring  and 
carping  at  Gardyner 's  proceedings,  and  attributing  wrong 
motives  to  conduct  for  which  he  would  not  account,  and 
when  we  see  Gardyner,  without  condescending  to  reply, 
pursuing  his  own  course,  we  must  regard  the  latter  as  no 
inconsiderable  statesman.  However  much  we  may  la- 
ment the  result  of  his  exertions,  the  end  he  aimed  at  he 
attained.  He  watched  his  time,  and  when  the  time 
arrived,  he  introduced  and  carried  a  bill  which  replaced 
the  Church  of  England  in  the  position  it  occupied  in  the 
last  year  of  the  reign  of  King  Henry  VHI.  In  a  single  act, 
says  Strype,  "  he  cut  off  and  repealed  at  a  clap  no  less  than 
nine  acts  of  parliament,  made  under  King  Edward  VL, 
all  relating  to  the  Eeformation."f     The  royal  supremacy 

was  not  repealed,  nor  any  step  taken  for  reconciliation 

I 

*  We  have  only  to  look  to  the  management  of  a  neighbouring  nation 
to  understand  how  it  might  be  possible  in  the  sixteenth  century,  before 
the  authority  of  parliament  was  fully  established,  to  control  the  election 
of  that  assembly.  Doubts  were  at  one  time  entertained  as  to  the  bribery 
at  this  time  employed  ;  but  the  despatches  of  Eenard  have  removed 
any  doubt  that  may  have  existed  on  the  subject.  Eenard  consulted 
the  queen  herself  as  to  the  distribution  of  pensions  among  her  subjects. 
He  speaks,  on  another  occasion,  of  having  spent  five  thousand  crowns  in 
gold  chains,  and  a  thousand  in  money,  among  the  courtiers. 

f   See  Strype,  Memorials,  iii.  pt.  i.  83. 


246  LIVES   OF   THE 

CHAP,     with  Eome  :  this  was  to  be  the  work  of  the  legate,  with 

s ^J .   whom    Gardyner   was  now   in  friendly  correspondence. 

■^Poie.^*^  The  "  wily  "  politician,  as  his  enemies  called  him,  did  not 
1556-58.  apply  for  a  reversal  of  Pole's  attainder.  He  knew  that 
this  could  be  obtained  at  any  time ;  and  he  determined  to 
keep  the  power  in  his  own  hands  to  the  last.  He  would 
not  permit  Pole  to  assume  the  legatine  power  in  England, 
until  he  was  quite  certain  that  the  peace  of  the  country 
would  not  be  disturbed  by  an  attempt  to  effect  a  resump- 
tion of  the  abbey  lands. 

The  emperor  was  now  in  a  condition  to  accord  to  Pole 
a  friendly  reception. 

The    cardinal    had    remained    chiefly   at    Dillingen  ; 
sorely  tried   and   not  very  fairly  treated,   but,   on   the 
whole,  conducting  himself  with  dignity,  propriety,  and 
tact.     That  he  felt,  like  every  Englishman,  opposed  to 
the  Spanish  match,  when  first  it  was  on  the  tapis,  there 
is  not  any  room  to  doubt ;  but  I  do  not  call  to  mind  any 
letters  or  other  documents  to  show  that   he  displayed 
anything  but  an  acquiescent  spirit  when  he  was  aware 
that  the  queen  had  made  up  her  mind  on   the  subject. 
In  nothing  was  the  determined  character  of  Mary  more 
powerfully  displayed,  than  in  her  conduct  in  what  re- 
lated to  the  Spanish  match.     She  willed  it.     The  whole 
country  opposed  it ;    even  rose  in  rebellion   against  it. 
Her  ministers  were,  both  on  principle  and  also  through 
their  fears,  hostile  to  it ;   but  when  it  was    determined 
upon,  the  country  was  brought  to   submission,  and  re- 
ceived the  Spanish  prince  with  courtesy.    The  ministers 
were  employed  in  rendering  the  ceremonial  as  splendid 
as  possible ;  and  certainly  both  the  queen  and  her  hus- 
band   had  the  wisdom   to    forget   the    opposition  to  it. 
From  this  period,  Pole  and  Gardyner  were  united  in  feeling 
and  in  conduct.     When  they  met,  they  met  as  friends. 


ARCHBISHOPS   OF   CANTERBURY.  247 

Pole  was  now  in  a  condition  to  signify  to  the  emperor,     chap. 

through  the  Bishop  of  Arras,  that  all  he  demanded  of  ^Z— - 

Eome  was  conceded.     This  was  not  accurately  true,  as      Po^ 
the  pope  reserved  the  right  of  granting  a  dispensation.    1556-58. 
But  the  pacified  emperor  ceased  to  contend. 

The  emperor  was  at  Valenciennes  with  his  troops, 
whither  Ormanetto  was  despatched  to  request  permission 
for  the  legate  to  proceed  at  once  to  England.  The  em- 
peror signified  to  Pole's  minister  that  he  would  ascertain 
the  wishes  of  the  King  and  Queen  of  England  on  the  sub- 
ject; for  they  all  of  them  had  a  common  interest  in  all  that 
related  to  the  affair. 

Although  the  English  government  had  consented  to 
Pole's  return,  yet  there  was  some  anxiety  felt  as  to  the 
kind  of  reception  he  was  likely  to  receive  from  the 
people.  It  was  suggested — and  Pole  at  once  acquiesced 
in  the  proposal — that  he  should  not  assume  the  pomp 
and  parade  of  a  legate.  He  was  to  appear  as  an  English 
nobleman,  nearly  related  to  the  royal  family,  and  a 
Roman  cardinal,  revisiting  his  native  land  after  long 
exile.  He  was  thus  able  to  appeal  to  the  generosity  of  his 
countrymen,  without  appearing  to  defy  the  law. 

Pole  was  gratified  by  receiving  from  Philip  an  official 
notification  of  his  marriage  ;  and  he  sent  in  reply  a  tender 
of  the  allegiance  he  vowed  to  pay  to  Philip  as  his  king. 
The  legate,  so  lately  treated  almost  with  contempt,  re- 
ceived now  every  mark  of  respect,  and  the  king's  con- 
fessor was  directed  to  consult  him.* 

On  the  return  of  the  emperor  to  Brussels,  Pole  received 
an  invitation  to  meet  him  at  that  capital,  in  order  that 
they  might  confer  together  on  English  affairs.  In  a 
letter  to  Julius  III.,  Pole  informs  his  holiness,  that  he  was 

*  Quirini,  iv.  1G6. 


248  LIVES  OF    THE 

CH.\P.     admitted  to  converse  with  the  emperor  on  famihar  terms. 

_^1_,  The  emperor  seems  to  have   entered  into  explanations, 

^Poie*^'^    with  the  view  of  apologising  for  the  impediments  he  had 

1556-58.    offered  to  Pole's  return  to  England;  and  Pole,  though 

slow  to  comprehend  a  political  difficulty,  appears  to  have 

understood  the  real  state  of  the  case.     The  emperor  was 

willing  that  he  should  return,  but  not  till  all  impediments 

to  the  marriage  should  have  been  removed ;  and  after  the 

marriage,  not  till   it  was  ascertained  that  the  return  of 

Pole  would  not  interfere  with  the  popularity  of  Philip, 

when  for  popularity  Philip  was  bending  his  proud  head 

as  low  as  the  innate  haughtiness   of  his   temper  would 

permit. 

Several  letters,  at  this  time,  passed  between  Philip  and 
the  cardinal.  They  most  of  them  contain  only  the  ordi- 
nary compliments ;  but  there  is  one  which  is  remark- 
able for  the  mixture  of  sarcasm  and  humour  which, 
we  are  told,  pervaded  Pole's  conversation,  but  which,  for 
the  most  part,  we  search  for  in  vain  in  his  writings.* 

It  is  just  a  year,  he  says,  since  he  knocked  at  the  door 
of  Philip's  house.  If  Philip  were  to  say.  Who's  there  ? 
the  answer  might  be.  One  who  for  twenty  years  had  been 
exiled  from  his  home  and  country,  to  prevent  her  from 
being  excluded  from  her  home,  whose  home  is  now 
shared  by  Philip.  If  as  such  a  one  he  were  to  demand 
admittance,  he  might  expect  the  door  to  be  opened  to  him. 
But  it  was  not  as  a  private  man  that  he  stood  there  :  he 
was  knocking  as  the  representative  of  the  successor  of 


*  Quirini,  iv.  162.  Considering  the  time  when  the  letter  was  written, 
I  regard  it  as  a  piece  of  pleasantr]^,  though  mildly  sarcastic.  It  was 
now  determined  that  Pole  should  return  to  England,  but  there  was  no 
eagerness  displayed  about  his  reception.  The  fact  has  been  stated 
above.  The  government  was  anxious  lest  the  people  should  resent  the 
insult. 


ARCHBISHOPS   OF   CANTERBURY.  249 

St.  Peter ;   yet,  strange    to   say,  while  the  ambassadors     chap. 
from  every  other  realm  are  freely  admitted,  the  ambas- 


sador of  the  first  among  the  kings  and  pastors  upon  earth  pX^. 
is  waiting  still  at  the  outside.  Nay,  he  might  represent  1566-68. 
himself  as  the  ambassador  of  St.  Peter  liimself ;  yes,  Peter 
himself  is  knocking,  knocking  at  Mary's  house,  and  Mary, 
all  the  while,  has  not  caused  the  door  to  be  opened  to  Peter. 
There  was  a  time,  mentioned  in  the  Acts  of  the  Apostles, 
when  Peter,  having  escaped  the  violence  of  Herod,  knocked 
at  Mary's  door.  When  he  knocked,  and  when  Khoda  knew 
who  it  was  that  knocked,  she  did  not  indeed  immediately 
open  the  door,  she  was  so  overwhelmed  with  joy  that 
for  a  short  season  she  left  Peter  outside,  in  order  that  she 
might  bring  the  joyful  news  to  Mary  ;  then  Mary  came, 
and  disregarding  the  dangers,  though  Herod  was  still 
alive,  she,  and  all  with  her,  opened  the  door,  full  of 
admiration  at  the  Divine  power  by  which  Peter  had  been 
rescued.  What  hinders  the  royal  Mary  from  acting  in 
this  manner?  She  rejoices  in  knowing  that  Peter  is 
rescued  from  Herod  ;  but  she  fears — but  why  should  she 
fear  when  Herod  is  now  dead  ?  She  was  permitted  for  a 
time  to  fear,  because,  in  the  councils  of  God,  it  was 
determined  that  the  chosen  son  of  the  Church,  her  hus- 
band, should  share  with  her  the  joy  of  opening.  He  then 
calls  upon  Philip  to  inspire  her  with  confidence,  that  her 
perfect  love  might  cast  out  fear,  for — rising  to  a  higher 
climax — he  remarks  that  it  is  not  merely  Peter,  it  is 
Christ  Himself  who  knocks.  Christ,  he  said,  stood  with- 
out, until  she  who  is  styled  the  Defender  of  the  Faith  shall, 
in  the  person  of  Pole,  admit  the  Author  and  Finisher  of 
Faith,  for  rejecting  whom  the  king  and  queen  would  both 
be  called  to  a  fearful  account. 

I  have  abridged  a  letter  in  which  a  good  idea  is  spoilt 
by  Pole's  usual  fault  of  difFuseness ;  but  I  have  noticed  it. 


250  LIVES   OF   THE 

CHAP,     as  it  conveys  the  impression  upon  Pole's  mind,  which  is  ex- 

_  ^^'-    .   pressed  or  imphed  in  many  of  his  letters.     If  Mary  had 

^^h^^    been   influenced   by  other  than  a  worldly  passion  and 

1556-58.    policy,  she  would  not  permit  rehgion  to  be  insulted  by 

not   at  once  welcoming   him   to   England.     When    she 

triumphed  over  the  enemies  of  her  crown,  Pole  expected 

to  be  summoned,  as  her  friend,  her  kinsman,  and  the 

representative  of  the  pope,  to  participate  in  her  triumph, 

and  to  direct  her  counsels.     We  trace  throughout  his 

correspondence  a  soreness  on  the  part  of  Pole  on  this 

point ;  and  because  it  was  supposed  that  he  would  be  as 

bitter  against  the  enemies  of  his  religion  as  Eenard  was 

against  his  political  opponents,  the  imperial  ambassador 

was,  for  a  time,  resolutely  opposed  to  Pole's  return. 

But  all  difficulties  had  now  been  surmounted,  and 
Eenard  himself  appeared  at  Brussels  to  confer  with  the 
emperor  and  the  legate.  The  time  had  arrived  when 
Gardyner  signified  his  intention  of  moving  in  parliament 
the  repeal  of  Pole's  attainder. 

Cardinal  Pole  was  invited  to  Brussels.  Nor  had  he 
now  any  reason  to  complain  of  want  of  courtesy  in  his 
reception  on  the  part  of  the  emperor.  He  appeared  at 
court  in  an  infirm  state  of  health,  not  equal  to  much 
fatigue.  His  broad  face,  which  at  one  time  expressed  the 
haughtiness  of  a  Plantagenet,  and  the  self-assertion  of  one 
whose  claim  to  royalty  was  rather  affirmed  by  his  friends 
than  universally  recognised,  was  more  elongated,  and  wore 
an  expression  of  severity.  His  eyes,  which  could  at  one 
time  flash  fire  as  he  denounced  the  iniquities  of  Henry 
Vni.,  had  now  an  expression  of  gentleness.  His  beard, 
still  brown,  flowed  curHng  down  upon  his  chest ;  while 
his  attenuated  form  lent  height  to  one  who  is  described 
as  a  man  of  middle  stature. 

Eenard  condescended,  by  King  Phihp's  command,  to 


ARCHBISHOPS   OF   CANTERBURY.  251 

lay  before  Pole  an  apologetic  document  stating  at  length    chap. 

the  cUfficulties  that  had  impeded  his  return  hitherto  to  > fT'  -> 

England,  and  to  state  the  course  which  it  would  be  prudent  pofj! 
to  pursue  on  his  arrival  at  Dover.  Mason,  the  English  1 656-58. 
ambassador  to  Charles,  adopting  the  tone  of  the  courtiers 
of  the  imperial  palace,  said,  with  reference  to  Pole,  that  it 
was  a  loss  to  his  country  to  be  deprived  of  the  counsels 
of  a  man  who,  for  his  wisdom,  learning,  and  eminent 
piety,  was  sought  and  revered  by  every  one  who  had  the 
honour  of  his  acquaintance.* 

The  English  ambassador  requested,  on  the  8th  of  No- 
vember, 1554,  an  interview  with  the  cardinal.  He  now 
announced  to  him  officially,  that  certain  commissioners 
had  been  appointed  by  the  King  and  Queen  of  England 
to  escort  Pole  into  their  presence.  The  cardinal  ex- 
pressed his  pleasure  at  the  approaching  termination  of  his 
anxieties ;  but  politicly  remarked,  that  the  time  and  con- 
ditions of  his  departure  depended  upon  the  will  of  the 
emperor.  To  the  emperor  Sir  John  Mason,  therefore, 
repaired,  and  an  interview  with  his  majesty  was  appointed 
at  three  o'clock  in  the  afternoon.  Eepairing  to  the  court 
at  the  hour  named,  he  found  the  emperor  sitting  at  a 
table,  very  cheerfid  and  looking  well ;  his  complexion 
was  restored,  and  the  gout  had  left  his  limbs.  He  ex- 
pressed himself  as  delighted  with  the  news  from  England, 
and  gave  permission  to  the  cardinal  to  start  immediately. 
Mason,  returning  to  Pole,  was  informed  of  his  readiness 
to  commence  his  journey  on  the  following  Tuesday  or 
Wednesday ;  though  the  state  of  his  health  was  such,  that 
he  could  only  proceed  by  slow  stages,  and  it  would  take 

*  In  a  despatch  in  1550,  Mason  described  Pole  as  "  that  unnatural 
man  ;"  and  some  writers  accuse  him  of  being  a  time-server.  Such,  to 
a  certain  extent,  as  with  contemporary  statesmen,  may  have  been  true, 
but  between  1550  and  1554  a  man  had  time  to  change  his  opinions. 


252  LIVES   OF   THE 

CHAP,  six  or  seven  days  to  pass  from  Brussels  to  Calais.  Mason, 
^— r-^ — '  writing  to  the  king  and  queen,  expressed  a  hope  that  he 
Pole.  might  reach  London  on  the  26th  or  27th.  He  informed 
1556-58.  Pole  that  the  king  and  queen  were  desirous,  that  no  de- 
lay should  intervene  ;  and  added,  that  he  might  start  with- 
out waiting  for  the  commissioners,  who  would  meet  him 
on  the  way.* 

The  commissioners,  however,  reached  Brussels  on  the 
loth  of  November,  before  Pole  had  commenced  his  jour- 
ney. It  was  notified  to  the  emperor  and  to  the  cardinal, 
that  parliament  had  consented  to  Pole's  return,  on  the  full 
understanding  that  the  impropriators  of  the  abbey  lands 
should  not  be  disturbed  in  the  possession  of  their  wealth, 
however  obtained ;  and  it  was  to  be  observed,  that, 
although  Mary  and  a  great  many  others  would  accept 
him  as  a  legate  a  latere,  yet  at  present,  till  he  himself 
should  witness  the  state  of  the  country,  she  thought  it  ex- 
pedient for  him  to  enter  the  country  simply  as  a  cardinal 
and  an  ambassador.^ 

The  commission  consisted  of  forty  persons.  At  their 
head  was  the  Lord  Paget,  Sir  Edward  Hastings,  Master 
of  the  Horse,  the  nearest  relative  of  Pole,  being  husband 
to  his  niece ;  and,  in  some  subordinate  capacity.  Sir 
Wilham  Cecil,  the  future  minister  of  Queen  Elizabeth,  to 
whose  services,  as  a  reformer,  the  Church  was  afterwards 
deeply  indebted.  J 

The  appearance  of  Cecil  as  a  minister  of  Mary,  ap- 
pointed to  do  homage  for  the  queen  and  her  husband  to 
Cardinal  Pole,  is  perplexing  to  those  who  apply  to  the 
occurrences  of  the   sixteenth   century  the  principles  to 

*  State  Papers. 

f  Minutes  of  Instructions  given  to  Lord  Paget  and  the  Master  of  the 
Horse. — Tytler,  ii.  445. 
i  Tytler,  ii.  447. 


ARCHBISHOPS   OF   CANTERBURY.  253 

whicli  the  mind  has  been  narrowed  in  the  nineteenth,     chap. 
Cecil  was  not  now,  and  indeed  he  never  did  become,  a  Pro-  > — -r-^— > 
testant  in  the  sense  in  which  that  term  is  now  employed  to      pof©'! 
designate  any  antipapist.     In  the  sixteenth  centnry,  the    1556-58. 
term  Protestant  was  equivalent  to  that  of  Lutheran,  and 
the  Protestants,  then  as  now,  believing  in  the  doctrines  of 
consubstantiation,  displayed  on  the  altars  not  merely  a 
cross,  but  a  crucifix.     The  title  of  "  the  Eeformed  "  was 
applied  to  the  followers  of  Calvin  and  Zuinglius,  and  of 
that  class  of  Augustinians  and  Predestinarians  which  has 
in  many  instances  developed  itself  into  Socinianism.    Now 
to  none  of  those  classes  had  Cecil  sent  in  his  adhesion.* 

In  the  time  of  Henry  VIII.,  the  Zuinglian  and  Cal- 
vinistic  doctrine,  as  opposed  to  Protestantism  or  Luther- 
anism,  had  scarcely  an  existence  ;  and  though  the  works 

*  It  may  be  surmised  of  Cecil,  from  his  own  pen,  that  with  the  go- 
vernment of  Edward  VI.  he  had  no  sympathy.  He  no  doubt  favoured 
their  reformation  at  first,  but  soon  perceived  that  the  government  must 
be  overthrown,  through  the  extreme  selfishness  of  its  members ;  and  he 
■wished  to  quit  his  employment  under  the  government  if  he  could  do  so 
"with  safety.  On  the  death  of  Edward  VI.,  he  wrote  in  his  diary  as  fol- 
lows :  "  7.  Julii,  libertatis  adeptus  sum  morte  regis,  ex  misero  aulico  factus 
liber  et  mei  juris."  He  did  not  obtain  his  liberty  so  soon  as  he  ex- 
pected. He  was  forced  to  act  a  subordinate  part  under  the  govern- 
ment of  the  Lady  Jane ;  but  this  astute  politician  perceived  that  the 
attempted  revolution  must  fail,  and  to  no  one  was  Mary  more  indebted 
than  to  Cecil.  He  was,  though  in  a  subordinate  capacity,  a  prime 
agent  in  the  reaction  in  Mary's  favour,  by  counteracting  secretly  all  the 
machinations  of  Northumberland.  Tliis  is  well  stated  by  Tytler  (ii.  205), 
who  expresses  his  indignation  at  Cecil's  successful  craft  and  disingenuity. 
I  doubt  whether  he  was  more  crafty  or  disingenuous  than  other  po- 
liticians and  diplomatists.  He  evidently  saw,  that  the  violence  of 
Mary's  government  would  lead  to  another  revolution,  and  throughout 
her  reign  he  kept  himself  in  the  background  ;  and,  as  his  proclivities 
towards  a  reformation  were  known,  he  was  never  a  favourite  with  his 
ungrateful  mistress.  Paget  was  one  of  the  most  unprincipled  and  un- 
scrupulous politicians  of  the  day.  If  the  reader  would  know  his  cha- 
racter, he  is  referred  to  Maitland,  xvi.  Essay. 


254  LIVES   OF   THE 

CHAP,     of  Luther  were  read  more  generally,  perhaps,  than  the 
^ — ^ — '  government  was  aware  of,  yet  the  Eegis  Angli^e  Assertio 

Reginald      "  i  nr        -  -r       -i 

Pole,      septem  Sacramentorum  adversus  Martinmn  Lutherum  was 

1556-58. 

"  A  scarecrow  set  to  frighten  fools  away." 

The  country  was,  as  had  been  the  case  for  several  pre- 
ceding centuries,  vehemently  antipapal ;  but  the  reader 
will  never  understand  the  position  of  affairs  unless  he  con- 
stantly bears  in  mind,  that  to  be  opposed  to  the  Bishop  of 
Eome  was  no  proof  that  the  antipapist  was  a  Protestant,  that 
is,  an  adherent  to  the  system  of  Luther ;  or  one  of  the  Ee- 
formed,that  is,  an  adherent  to  the  system  of  Calvin.  Neither 
Luther  nor  Calvin  had  as  yet  established  an  historical 
name.  They  were  merely  leaders  of  two  great  parties — 
parties  in  foreign  countries,  and  with  a  comparatively  small 
following  in  England.  Among  these  were  some  persons 
eminent  for  their  learning,  and  who,  in  any  reactionary 
movement,  could  not,  consistently  with  their  religious 
principles  or  their  honour,  have  remained  quiescent. 
They  most  of  them  took  alarm  when  Mary  succeeded  to 
the  throne,  and,  as  we  have  before  remarked,  the  govern- 
ment— not  anxious  at  first  to  persecute  if  milder  means 
for  the  repression  of  heresy  could  be  adopted — facilitated 
their  emigration.  They  formed,  in  a  few  cities  on  the  Con- 
tinent, small  congregations,  the  majority  of  them  being — 
under  foreign  influence — hostile  to  the  Eeformation  of 
Henry  and  not  ardent  in  their  support  of  the  system  of 
reform  adopted  by  Edward  VI.  Some  were  detained  in 
England,  either  from  want  of  means  to  emigrate,  or 
bound  to  remain  by  domestic  obligations  and  ties;  and 
from  these  the  future  martyrs  were  to  be  selected.  The 
great  bulk  of  the  people — and  among  them  may  be 
mentioned  emphatically  Cecil,  and  she  who  was  here- 
after to  be   his  sovereign,  the  Princess  Elizabeth — be- 


ARCHBISHOPS   OF   CANTERBURY.  255 

longed  neither  to  the  Lutherans  nor  to  the  Calvinists,     chap. 

neither  to  the  Protestants  nor  to  the  Eeformed.     They  « — ^ . 

may  have  read  their  writings,  and,  more  or  less,  they  ^IX. 
may  have  admired  or  condemned  them ;  but  those  1 556-58. 
writers  had  in  England  no  authority.  Among  the  states- 
men there  were  two  parties — the  one  party,  headed  by 
Gardyner,  wished  to  bring  things  back  to  the  position  in 
which  they  had  been  left  by  Henry  YIII. ;  the  other  party 
was  not  desirous  of  establishing  either  Protestantism  or 
Calvinism,  but  of  carrying  on  the  work  of  reformation  in 
the  old  Catholic  Church  which  had  come  down  to  them 
as  an  inheritance  from  their  forefathers.  They  were  most 
of  tliem  alarmed  by  the  excesses  of  King  Edward's  reign  ; 
and  being  unprepared  at  present  with  any  system  of 
reform  devised  by  themselves,  they  were  ready  to  listen 
with  complacency  to  any  suggestions  that  might  be  offered 
to  the  queen's  council.  There  was  nothing  inconsistent 
in  the  conduct  of  these  men,  when  they  went  to  a  certain 
extent  with  the  reformers  of  Edward  VI. 's  reign  ;  or  when, 
having  become  alarmed  at  measures  calculated  not  to 
reform  but  to  destroy  the  Church,  they  accepted,  as  a  pre- 
cautionary measure,  the  reaction  of  Queen  Mary ;  or 
when,  having  revolted  from  the  reaction  which  was  drag- 
ging us  back  into  the  papacy,  they  were  prepared  to  tread 
the  via  media,  marked  out  in  the  wise  counsels  of  Eliza- 
beth. The  Eeformation,  at  the  present  time,  Avas  tentative. 
The  question  immediately  before  us  is,  What  were  the 
feelings  of  these  men  (as  we  infer  them  from  their  con- 
duct) with  reference  to  Cardinal  Pole  ?  The  feeling  of  the 
country,  though  softened,  was  still  unfriendly  to  Pole. 
Notwithstanding  his  protestations  to  the  contrary,  he  was 
regarded  by  many  as  having  acted  as  a  traitor  to  his 
country,  when  he  endeavoured  to  excite  the  continental 
powers  to  make  war  upon  Henry  VHI.     As  a  traitor  he 


256  LIVES    OF   THE 

CHAP,  had  been  attainted  ;  and  the  position  he  now  held  in 
.  ^^/  .  the  Eoman  Cimrch  seemed  to  disquahfy  him  for  holding 
"^Poie.^"^  office  in  a  Church  which  had  thrown  off  all  allegiance 
1656-58.  to  the  Eoman  see.  On  the  other  hand,  the  statesmen 
were  aware,  that  the  queen  had  determined  upon  his 
return  to  England.  With  her  it  was  only  a  question 
of  time.  It  was  also  clear  that,  when  he  was  in  England, 
he  would  soon  be  her  chief  adviser  in  the  closet,  if  not 
in  the  council  chamber.  Party  government  was  now 
commencing  in  England  ;  and  neither  party  could  hope 
for  power  if  it  remained  hostile  to  Pole's  return.  We 
are  not,  therefore,  surprised  to  find  both  parties — the 
party  headed  by  Gardyner,  and  the  party  headed  by 
Paget — accepting  Pole,  and  making  that  acceptance — an 
unwilling  acceptance  on  both  sides — a  temporary  bond 
of  union.  Gardyner  sent  a  commission  to  invite  Pole  to 
England  ;  and  of  the  commissioners  Paget  was  one.  To 
counterbalance  the  acknowledged  advantages  of  mon- 
archical government,  we  have  to  lament  that  public  inte- 
rests are  sometimes  sacrificed  to  the  perverseness,  caprice, 
or  malignity  of  an  individual. 

There  were  circumstances  which,  when  once  the  con- 
cession was  made,  recommended  Pole  to  the  notice  of  all 
parties  in  the  state.  On  one  point  the  whole  country  was 
resolved,  that  there  should  be  no  resumption  of  the  abbey 
lands  ;  that  the  estates  alienated  from  the  monasteries 
should  remain  in  the  hands  of  those  who  had  purchased 
them,  or  to  whom,  under  any  circumstances,  they  had 
been  consigned.  Whatever  may  have  been  their  private 
opinion  or  judgment,  both  Mary  and  Philip  perceived 
that  the  dynasty  would  be  in  danger,  if  Pole  returned  to 
England  without  a  concession  being  made  on  this  point  by 
the  authorities  at  Eome.  AtEome  itself,  this  fact,  though 
with  difficulty,  had  been  impressed  on  the  papal  mind. 


ARCHBISHOPS   OF   CANTERBURY.  257 

The    only  object   at   Eome  was,    so    to    word   the  con-     chap. 

cession  as  to  render  an  evasion  of  the  stipulation  pos-  > i^-l-_ 

sible  at  some  future  time  ;  the  possibility  of  which  did  Po"e* 
not  escape  the  keen  eye  of  the  emperor.  The  conces-  1 556-58. 
sion,  however,  was  made:  the  principle  which  permitted 
the  ahenation  of  ecclesiastical  property  was  tacitly  esta- 
blished. If  Eeginald  Pole  was  powerful  enough  at  Eome 
to  effect  this  concession,  regarded  by  the  former  statesmen 
in  England  as  an  insuperable  barrier  to  any  reconcihation 
with  Eome,  it  was  surmised  that,  by  the  same  powerful 
cardinal,  the  concession  of  other  principles  asserted  in  the 
reign  of  Henry  VIII.  might  be  wrested  from  the  papal 
chair.  Hence  a  reaction  in  favour  of  Pole  was  now  com- 
mencing. Although  England  was  opposed  to  papal  supre- 
macy, the  opinion  was  gaining  ground,  that  a  centre  of 
union,  which  had  been  sought  for  in  vain  among  the 
German  Protestants,  might,  notwithstanding  all  that  had 
occurred,  be  found  in  Eome.  The  trial,  at  all  events, 
might  be  fairly  made.  It  was  assumed  that  Pole  was 
less  addicted  to  the  papacy  than  he  really  was,  and 
therefore  he  appeared  to  be  the  very  man  whom  Eng- 
land required,  to  mediate  between  the  Queen  of  England 
and  the  pope.  It  was  not  forgotten  that  Pole  had  been, 
for  many  years,  at  the  head  of  the  Eeformation  party  in 
Italy  ;  that  he  held  the  great  doctrine  of  justification  by 
faith  only  as  strongly  as  Luther  himself ;  that  he  had  been 
accused  of  Lutheranizing,  and  at  Viterbo,  of  refusing  to 
persecute;  and  that  he  had  himself  been  subjected  to 
some  measure  of  persecution.  Then,  again,  it  was  re- 
membered, that  he  was  a  Plantagenet ;  and  although  the 
generation  was  passing  away  when  such  a  circumstance 
would  have  great  weight  with  the  rising  politicians  of  the 
day,  it  had  a  certain  amount  of  influence  on  the  public 
mind.  He  was  a  favourite  with  the  queen  ;  at  one  time, 
VOL.  vni.  s 


258  LIVES   OF   THE 

CHAP,    it  was  supposed,  a  lover.    Itvv^as  supposed,  moreover,  that 

. ^Z^—  he,  being  an  Enghshman,  would  act  as  a  counterpoise  to 

"^  pX!^    the  Spaniard,  by  whom  an  attempt  might  be  made  to  bias 
1556-58.    the  mind  of  Mary,  and  to  render  the  English  interests 
subordinate  to  the  ambition  of  Spain. 

All  these  circumstances  will  enable  us  to  understand 
the  change  of  feehng  and  opinion  now  taking  place  to- 
wards Pole  in  the  higher  classes  of  society.  The  attentive 
reader  of  the  State  Papers  will  be  amused  by  seeing  the 
gradual  progress  of  diplomatic  opinion  in  this  direction. 
A  few  years  before,  such  statesmen  as  Sir  John  Mason 
could  not  find  words  sufficiently  strong  to  denounce  the 
character  of  Pole,  intellectually  and  morally  ;  v/hereas 
now  his  praises  of  the  cardinal  are  hyperbolical.  It  is 
easy  to  attribute  this  to  a  coarse,  vulgar  desire  to  win 
favour  with  Queen  Mary ;  but  we  shall  be  more  near 
the  truth  if,  without  ignoring  the  policy  of  a  courtier  on 
the  part  of  Mason,  we  attribute  his  change  of  opinion  not 
a  little,  also,  to  a  change  in  the  political  atmosphere. 

But  when,  in  the  higher  ranks,  all  things  were  made 
ready  for  a  respectful,  if  not  a  cordial,  reception  of  Pole, 
fears  were  still  entertained  whether  the  commonalty,  to 
whose  ignorant  passions  Crumwell  had  appealed,  would 
tolerate  the  advent  of  one  who,  it  was  suspected,  came 
charged  with  a  mission  from  the  pope.  Much  anxiety  was 
felt  by  the  government  on  this  point.  Philip  sent  an  auto- 
graph letter  to  Pole,  reiterating  the  advice  already  given, 
that  he  should  not  assume  the  legatine  badges,  but  ap- 
pear in  England  simply  as  a  member  of  the  royal 
family,  permitted  to  revisit  his  native  land.  The  reitera- 
tion of  the  advice  may  convince  us,  that  the  cardinal  had 
not  received  it  graciously  when  first  it  was  proposed.  But 
Pole,  always  afraid  of  assassination,  was  not  hkely  really 
to  act  contrary  to  the  directions  of  the  court.     The  tide, 


ARCHBISHOPS   OF    CANTERBURY.  259 

however,  had  imperceptibly  turned.  The  Enghsh  commis-  chap. 
sioners  reported  to  their  government  the  enthusiasm  which  ^ — ;r— ■ 
the  presence  of  Pole  excited  in  Flanders  and  as  he  passed  Poi.t ' 
through  the  Low  Countries ;  where,  by  a  people  whose  i5o6-o.s. 
commercial  interests  were  identified  with  those  of  Eng- 
land, he  was  regarded  as  a  harbinger  of  peace. 

On  the  12th  of  November,  the  cardinal  waited  upon 
the  emperor  to  take  a  formal  farewell.  They  parted  as 
friends.* 

At  length  the  day  dawned  to  which,  through  a  long 
vista  of  years,  the  eye  of  Pole  had  been  directed.  It  was 
to  be  the  commencement  of  his  happiness  as  a  man,  his 
triumph  as  a  patriot,  the  festival  on  Avhich  all  his  self- 
denials,  as  a  man  of  religion,  would  receive  their  reward. 
It  came  ;  but  in  the  invalid,  bowed  down  by  infirmi- 
ties, broken  in  spirit  as  in  health,  the  fire  of  enthusiasm 
had  ceased  to  blaze.  What  had  been  anticipated  as  an 
unclouded  pleasure  was  now  undertaken  as  a  toil.  In- 
stead of  rejoicing,  he  only  felt  that  he  ought  to  rejoice ; 
he  was  grateful  on  principle  rather  than  from  passion. 
How  often  we  find  the  grave  open  upon  the  worldling,  at 

*  Mason,  in  writing  to  the  king  and  queen,  says,  "The  cardinal 
will  be  ready  to  leave  on  Tuesday,  or  Wednesday  at  farthest.  Between 
tliis  and  Calais,  he  must  make  at  the  least  six  days,  and  peradventure 
seven,  the  constitution  of  his  body  being  so  easy  to  be  overthrown  as  a 
little  travel  taken  more  than  it  be  able  to  bear  were  enough  to  lay  him 
up,  and  therefore  he  useth  most  to  be  carried  in  his  journeys  in  a  litter. 
He  will  probably  arrive  about  the  24th  or  26th  of  this  month."  I 
have  traced  this  portion  of  Pole's  history  through  the  State  Papers,  and 
the  Descriptio  Beductionis  Anglice,  in  the  fifth  volume  of  Poll  Epistola?. 
Although  Quirini  lived  only  to  complete  the  first  four  volumes,  he  left 
materials  for  the  fifth,  which  was  duly  published.  In  tht  appendix  we 
have  the  Descriptio  here  mentioned.  It  was  written  by  Bernardi,  or 
Floribello,  or  Stella,  or  by  some  other  member  of  the  cardinal's  suite. 
It  gives  an  account  of  Pole's  proceed! i;gs  from  the  13th  of  November, 
until  the  state  dinner  at  the  Lord  Mayor's. 

s  2 


260  LIVES   OF   THE 

CHAP,     the  very  moment,  when  the  object  of  his  labours,  perhaps 

' — ,- — '  of  his  crimes,  seems  to  be  within  his  grasp  ! 

■^Pde^^^        Pole  started  for  England.     The  world  was  hailing  the 

1556-58.    successful  Statesman  ;   his  physicians  were  with  anxiety 

counting  the  throbbings  of  his  feeble  pulse.    He  came,  he 

triumphed,  he  died. 

Paget  and  Hastings,  having,  for  a  long  season,  opposed 
the  wishes  of  the  queen,  were  now  all  eagerness  to  make 
up  for  the  past,  by  the  zeal  they  evinced  in  doing  all 
honour  to  her  majesty's  returning  relative.  On  the  day 
appointed  for  the  commencement  of  the  journey,  a  caval- 
cade was  formed  ;  and  in  the  court  of  the  house  in  which 
Pole  had  slept  that  night,  ecclesiastical  ceremonial  mixed 
with  military  pomp.  At  the  sound  of  the  trumpet,  a 
hundred  and  twenty  cavaliers  sprang  to  horse. 

All  eyes  were  strained  to  catch  a  glimpse  of  Pole.  They 
seemed  to  say — 

Look  where  the  holy  legate  comes  apace, 
To  give  us  warrant  from  the  hand  of  Heaven, 
And  on  our  actions  set  the  name  of  right 
With  holy  breath. 

But  there  came  forth  a  feeble  old  man,  who  might  have 
responded — 

Ah  me !  this  tyrant  fever  burns  me  up. 
And  will  not  let  me  welcome  this  good  news. 
Set  on  towards  Calais, — to  my  litter  straight ! 
Weakness  possesseth  me,  and  I  am  faint. 

To  his  htter  he  was  lifted  by  his  servants,  and  he  could 
only  support  a  journey  of  two  miles.  He  passed  the  night 
at  an  abbey  in  the  vicinity  of  Brussels,  to  which  he  had 
been  accustomed  to  repair  for  country  air  and  repose. 
He  was  sufficiently  recovered,  however,  the  next  day,  to 


ARCHBISHOPS   OF   CANTERBURY.  2G1 

resume  his  journey,  amidst  the  acclamations  of  the  people  ;  chap, 
but  his  journeys  were  short.  The  second  night  he  passed  .  ^^'  _ 
at  Dendermonde  or  Termonde.  On  Thursday  he  reached  ^Pofe^^^ 
the  picturesque  old  town  of  Ghent.  From  Ghent  he  went  1556-58. 
to  Bruges.  On  Saturday  he  was  at  Meuport.  On  Sun- 
day he  arrived  at  Dunkirk. 

On  the  19th,  the  cardinal  reached  Gravelines.  On  a 
state  barge,  in  the  centre  of  the  stream  which  marked  the 
boundary  of  the  English  pale,  appeared  Lord  Wentworth, 
attended  by  the  officers  of  his  staff.  He  escorted  the  car- 
dinal into  Calais.  At  Calais,  to  the  great  satisfaction  of  the 
English  commissioners,  the  cardinal  was  received  with 
shouts  of  welcome  ;  they  could  not  doubt,  but  that  those 
Enghsh  shouts  would  meet  with  an  echo  on  the  opposite 
coast.  The  bells  of  the  churches,  with  a  merry  peal,  an- 
nounced the  cardinal's  arrival,  and  preparations  were 
made  to  light"  the  bonfires  which  blazed  in  every  vacant 
space  in  the  illuminated  town.  The  Te  Deum  was  heard 
in  every  church  ;  and  the  whole  population  was  keeping 
festival.  It  may  be  difficult  to  kindle  an  enthusiasm,  but 
when  once  kindled  it  soon  rises  into  a  flame. 

The  Italians  were  whispering  of  a  miracle.  During 
the  whole  of  the  preceding  week,  the  weather  had  been 
stormy,  and  the  wind  was  unfavourable ;  now  aU  was 
calm,  except  a  gentle  breeze,  which  had  been  sent,  it 
was  said,  to  waft  the  cardinal  to  his  hitherto  ungrateful 
country.  Even  Paget  and  the  cooler  heads,  inclined  to 
scepticism,  and  not  on  that  account  more  hkely  to  be  free 
from  superstition,  regarded  the  change  in  the  weather  as 
a  favourable  omen. 

Be  that  as  it  may,  it  is  an  historical  and  recorded  fact, 
that  the  morning  of  the  20th  of  November  dawned  bright 
and  calm  on  Calais  ;  and  on  that  day  EeginaldPole  ascended 
the  sides  of  a  royal  vessel  expressly  chartered  to  take  him 


262  LIVES    OF   THE 

CHAP,     to  England.  He  embarked  amidst  the  roar  of  cannon  from 
IV.  ^ 

' ^ — -   the  Enolisli  fortresses  of  Calais,  and  from  the  ten  ships  of  war 

Pole.  which  were  preparmg  to  escort  hnn  to  the  opposite  coast. 
1556-58.  The  distant  shouts  died  away,  and  the  ripple  on  the  waves 
invited  to  meditation  all,  except  those  in  whom — however 
slight  the  undulation  may  have  seemed  to  experienced 
sailors — physical  reasons  existed  to  render  meditation 
utterly  impossible. 

On  the  evening  of  the  same  day,  the  20  th  of  November, 
Cardinal  Pole,  leaning  on  the  arm  of  Priuli  and  attended 
by  the  royal  commissioners,  disembarked  at  Dover.  From 
the  fatigue  under  which  he  was  sinking,  he  was  the  more 
willing  to  observe  strictly  the  injunction,  that  he  should 
not  land  in  the  array  of  a  Eoman  legate.  His  position 
was  the  more  delicate  because,  though  it  was  certain  his 
attainder  would  be  reversed,  some  routine  forms  had  not 
been  completed,  and  legally  therefore  he  was  still  an  out- 
law. Gardyner  had  been  careful  to  keep  the  power  in 
his  own  hands,  but  the  reaction  had  already  commenced. 
The  mayor  and  corporation  of  Dover  thought  to  please  the 
queen  by  the  proffer  of  hospitality  to  her  kinsman  ;  but 
Pole,  with  proper  regard  to  the  stringency  of  the  royal 
command,  determined  to  pass  the  night,  with  his  suite, 
at  the  priory  of  St.  Martin.* 

It  was  perhaps  well  for  Pole,  that  the  passage  from 

*  When  the  expression  of  pubHc  feeling  is  described,  it  frequently 
happens,  that  the  accounts  given  are  at  variance  with  each  other.  In 
the  minds  of  those  who  had  entertained  fears  that  the  reception  of  Pole 
would  be  unfriendly,  a  few  cheers  would  be  regarded  as  indicative  of 
an  enthusiastic  welcome,  while  to  hostile  ears  those  few  cheers  would 
sound  as  nothing.  We  shall  not  be  far  from  the  truth,  if  we  believe, 
that  there  was  no  enthusiasm  manifested  on  this  occasion  ;  but  that  the 
few,  comparatively  speaking,  who  witnessed  the  disembarkation,  evinced 
the  goodwill  which  is  generally  displayed  on  the  arrival  of  a  distin- 
guished visitor. 


ARCHBISHOPS   OF   CANTERBURY.  2G3 

Calais  to  Dover  had  been  more  expeditious  than  had  been     chap. 

expected  ;  and  that  the  formahties  designed  by  the  court  >^- Ji - 

for  his  arrival    were  delayed  until  the  following   morn-      ^X. 
ing,  by  the  non-appearance  of  the  noble  lord  and  learned    1556-68. 
prelate  who  had  been  appointed  to  convey  to  him  the 
felicitations  of  the  queen  and  king. 

He  was  at  breakfast  on  the  21st,  in  doubt  how  to  pro- 
ceed or  act,  when  trumpets  were  heard  at  a  distance,  and 
presently  the  court  below  his  window  was  filled  by  a 
troop  of  horse  in  all  their  gallantry.  This  was  a  guard 
of  honour  attendant  upon  his  once  honoured  friend  the 
Bishop  of  Ely,  and  the  Lord  Montague.*  They  were  the 
bearers  of  a  congratulatory  letter  from  the  queen,  to  which 
an  autograph  postscript  was  added  by  King  Philip. 

The  appearance  of  a  hundred  well-appointed  horsemen 
caused  no  little  stir  in  a  small  country  town,  such  as  Dover 
then  was.  The  neighbouring  gentry  were  attracted  by 
curiosity,  and  they  came  attended  by  others  who  had  sub- 
mitted to  the  late  Eeformation,  but  never  loved  it ;  and 
by  others,  again,  who  were  prepared  to  hail  the  advent  of 
one  who  came,  it  was  said,  as  the  harbinger  of  peace. 
Excitement  was  gradually  and  quickly  rising  to  enthu- 
siasm, when,  at  the  head  of  fifty  horsemen,  appeared  a 

*  The  Lord  Montague  here  mentioned  was  not,  as  some  writers 
have  supposed,  a  nephew  of  the  cardinal,  foi|  his  brother  Henry,  who 
had  obtained  the  barony  of  Montague,  was  attainted  and  executed  in 
1539,  dying  s.  p.  The  personage  here  alluded  to  was  Sir  Anthony 
Browne,  who  in  1554  was  created  Viscount  Montague,  and  who  was 
afterwards  a  K.G.  This  title  was  not  extinct  till  the  year  1593.  Cf. 
Nicolas  (p.  327),  and  Ridley  (p.  254),  who  adds  some  particulars,  showing 
that  the  Poles  and  the  Brownes  claimed  their  title  from  a  common  an- 
cestor. The  Bishop  of  Ely  was  at  this  time  Dr.  Thirlby,  one  of  those 
who,  like  Pole  himself,  favoured  a  reformation,  but  revolted  from  the 
kind  of  reformation  suggested  by  Cranmer,  Henry  VHL,  and  divines  of 
that  Fchool,  to  which  the  Church  of  England  was  eventually  so  much 
indebted. 


264  LIVES   OF   THE 

CHAP,  personage  whose  splendid  equipments  and  noble  bearing 
— j^ — -  had  its  effect  upon  the  increasing  mob — the  Earl  of  Hun- 
Poie.  tingdon's  eldest  son,  Lord  Hastings.*  When  a  multitude 
1656-58.  is  once  assembled,  it  is  more  easy  to  excite,  than  to  direct 
or  to  control  their  enthusiasm.  So,  on  this  occasion,  if  any 
one  had  shouted,  "  Down  with  the  cardinal !  "  Pole  might 
have  been  assaulted  by  the  very  people  who  now  said,  God 
bless  him  !  But  when  once  committed  to  a  side  or  a  cause, 
the  mob  remains  firm  and  sometimes  violent.  The  people 
saw,  instead  of  the  monster  depicted  by  his  enemies  in 
the  reign  of  Henry  VIH.,  a  venerable,  handsome,  though 
decrepit  man,  who  had  been  exiled,  whether  rightly  or 
wrongly,  for  the  maintenance  of  a  principle ;  they  looked 
upon  a  Plantagenet,  the  representative  of  the  White  Eose, 
when  neither  rose  was  any  longer  feared,  but  of  which 
they  had  heard  their  fathers  talk  with  enthusiasm  ;  they 
saw  the  nobility  and  the  gentry  hurrying  into  the  town,  to 
pay  him  their  court,  amidst  the  sound  of  trumpets  and  the 
clash  of  armour  ;  they  saw  the  hundred  horsemen  who  had 
attended  the  first  comers  trebled  in  point  of  numbers.  It 
was  a  splendid  cavalcade  which  was  about  to  leave  the 
town,  when  the  time  for  departure  arrived ;  and  the 
people  waited  for  the  appearance  of  the  cardinal  to  re- 
ceive him  with  a  genuine  English  cheer. 

There  is  one  thing,  in  weal  or  in  woe,  to  which  atten- 
tion is  always  paid ;  and,  before  starting  for  a  ride 
to  Canterbury,  Pole  was  preparing  for  dinner,  when 
the  archdeacon  and  a  deputation  from  the  chapter 
of  the  metropolitan  cathedral  were  announced.     Here, 

*  The  Earl  of  Huntingdon  had  married  Katharine,  the  daughter 
and  co-heiress  of  Pole's  elder  brother  Henry,  the  only  Lord  Montague 
of  the  Pole  family.  The  young  man  was  therefore  Pole's  nephew.  The 
Earl  of  Huntingdon  is  one  of  the  three  catskin  earls  of  the  present  day, 
— one  of  the  first  three  earls  in  the  House  of  Lords  :  in  Pole's  time  he 
was  regarded  as  a  novus  homo. 


ARCHBISHOPS   OP   CANTERBURY.  265 

again,  Pole's  patience  was  to  be  tried.  Harpsfield,*  the 
archdeacon,  was  anxious  to  receive  the  representative  of 
the  pope  with  all  the  honours  in  former  times  displayed  pX. 
when  a  legate  a  latere  visited  the  ecclesiastical  metropoHs.  1606-08. 
Pole,  however,  refused  to  disobey  the  injunctions  of  the 
queen  and  king  ;  he  was  not  to  appear  as  legate,  but  only  as 
a  cardinal  on  a  visit  to  the  queen,  the  kinswoman  in  whose 
cause  he  had  suffered  exile  and  been  subjected  to  persecu- 
tion. To  the  remonstrances  of  Harpsfield — anxious  to 
perform  a  more  conspicuous  part  than  that  which  was 
assigned  to  him,  and  with  something  of  that  Italian  diplo- 
macy which  seeks  to  render  every  event  subservient  to  tlie 
purposes  of  the  papacy — Pole  assigned,  as  a  reason  for  his 
conduct,  the  fact  that,  as  the  realm  was  in  a  state  of  schism, 
he  could  not  appear  in  the  character  of  legate  until  absolu- 
tion had  been  pronounced.  The  insincerity  of  this  assertion 
was,  within  a  very  few  days,  to  be  proved  by  his  conduct. 
Meantime  the  moderation  he  exhibited,  and  his  deference 
to  the  laws  of  the  land  and  the  wishes  of  his  sovereign, 
when  repeated  to  the  assembling  multitude,  made  them 
the  more  ready  by  their  cheers  to  speak  their  welcome. 

The  archdeacon  and  the  chapter  were  invited  to  dine 
with  the  cardinal.  The  dinner  was  served,  as  the  Italian 
historian  informs  us,  with  more  than  usual  ceremony. 
At  the  high  table  sat  the  nobihty  and  gentry  of  the 
county,  the  splendour  of  whose  attire,  especially  in  the 
massive  gold  chains  suspended  from  their  necks,  was 
thought  worthy  of  special  notice,  exciting  the  admiration 
and  astonishment  of  the  foreigner. 

A  cavalcade,  consisting  of  four  hundred  horsemen, 
splendidly  equipped,  left  Dover  when  the  early  dinner  was 
finislied.     As  they  approached  Canterbury,  the  citizens 

*  The  well-known  Nicolas  ITarp'sfield,  a  zealous  papist,  was  ap- 
pointed Archdeacon  of  Canterbury  in  1554,  and  was  deposed  in  1550. 


266  LIVES   OF  THE 

CHAP,  were  reminded  of  the  golden  days  of  which  their  fa- 
^ — y^ —  thers  had  spoken,  when  pilgrimages  to  the  shrine  of 
Pole.  St.  Thomas  brought  grist  to  many  and  various  mills  ;  and 
1006-58.  the  cheers  of  the  approaching  multitude  met  with  a  re- 
sponse from  the  cheers  of  the  multitude  by  whom  the 
chapter  going  forth  to  meet  the  royal  cardinal  were 
acclaimed. 

The  civic  authorities  united  in  procession  with  the 
dignitaries  and  officers  of  the  cathedral,  and  attended  the 
cardinal  to  the  residence  of  the  archdeacon. 

At  the  door  of  his  residence  the  archdeacon  had  already 
taken  his  place.  Before  him  were  the  ruins  of  the  archi- 
episcopal  palace,  burnt  to  the  ground  three  years  before ; 
around  him  was  an  illumination,  for  the  torches  were 
already  lighted.  The  cardinal  had  descended  from  his 
litter,  and  rode  into  the  town  on  horseback.  This  atten- 
tion to  the  wishes  of  the  people,  eager  to  look  at  him, 
added  to  his  fatigues ;  but  upon  the  weary  cardinal, 
Harpsfield  did  not  waste  a  thought.  The  thought  in 
Harpsfield's  mind  was  the  impression  he  should  himself 
make  by  an  address  conceived  in  the  worst  possible 
taste.  He  spoke  of  the  special  providence  of  God  as 
visible  in  the  events  of  which  they  were  w^itnesses,  and 
he  produced  the  commonplaces  upon  the  subject  with 
which  the  people  of  his  party  were  familiar.  To  all 
this  Pole  listened  with  the  patience  of  a  high-bred  man  ; 
but  the  archdeacon  could  not  restrain  the  enthusiasm 
into  which  he  had  lashed  his  intellect :  "  Thou  art 
Pole  ! "  he  exclaimed,  "  and  thou  art  to  us  as  the  polar 
star,  opening  to  us  the  kingdom  of  heaven ;  all  nature 
hath  been  pining  for  thee,  the  sky,  the  waters,  the  earth, 
and" — not  perceiving  the  bathos,  but  pointing  to  the 
walls  of  the  ruined  palace,  as  typifying  the  condition 
of  the   Church — "  those  very  walls ;    and   now  by  thy 


ARCHBISHOPS   OF   CANTERBURy.  267 

return  all  things  are  happy,  smiling  in  tranquillity  and     chap. 

>>  IV. 

peace.  .-    ,   _. 

mi  •  /•      1  n  Reginald 

ine  patience  oi  the  weary  traveller  was  now  com-  Poie. 
pletely  exhausted :  "  While  you  were  praising  God,"  1 556-58. 
exclaimed  Pole,  "  I  heard  you  with  pleasure.  My  own 
praises  I  have  no  wish  to  hear."  He  pushed  past  the 
disappointed  flatterer  with  the  words,  "  Give  God  the 
praise ; "  and  retiring  to  his  chamber,  he  there  passed 
the  night. 

The  friends  of  Harpsfield  may  have  complained  of  the 
cardinal's  rudeness,  but  the  people  applauded  his  hu- 
mility ;  and  this  first  proof  of  his  firmness,  in  union  with 
modesty,  prepared  the  way  for  a  still  more  brilliant  re- 
ception of  the  returning  exile  on  the  morrow. 

On  the  morrow,  Pole  wrote  to  the  queen  and  king  for 
fresli  instructions.  Surely  the  manner  in  which  he  was 
received  by  all  classes  of  the  people  would  justify  their 
majesties  in  permitting  him  to  assume  the  external  badges 
of  an  office  which  those  who  acclaimed  him  knew  that 
he  had  come  to  discharge.  He  was  on  his  road  to 
London.  He  was  received  everywhere  as  a  legate  sent 
on  a  message  of  peace,  though,  at  the  same  time,  himself 
disclaiming  the  title  with  which  every  one  else  saluted 
him.  He  desired  to  be  informed  whither,  when  he 
arrived  in  London,  he  was  to  go,  what  he  was  to  do, 
and  how  he  was  to  appear.  Was  he  to  approach 
the  capital  as  a  visitor  to  the  queen  and  king.^  He 
sent  the  letter  by  a  confidential  messenger,  who  could 
answer  all  questions,  Eichard  Pate,  the  titular  Bishop  of 
Worcester. 

On  the  afternoon  of  tliat  day,  the  cardinal  went  to 
Sittingbourae.  On  the  following  day,  he  started  for 
Eochester,  where  the  princely  mansion  of  Lord  Cobliam, 
two  miles  distant  from  the  city,  was  placed  at  his  dis- 


268  LIVES   OF   THE 

^?^'     posal*     Curiosity  impelled   many   to  join   the    crowds 

"—  y^ — '   Avhicli  came  to  beliold  a  cardinal  so  much  talked  of, 

Pole.       and   soon  jomed  m   the  cheers   raised  by  others  who, 

1566-58.    opposed  to  the  late  reformation,  regarded  Pole  as  come 

to  effect  a  reformation   such  as  would  meet  with   the 

approbation  of  the  Bishop  of  Eome. 

To  the  dehght  of  this  class  of  persons,  and  to  the 
admiration  of  all  the  sight-seers,  the  next  morning 
Eeghiald  Pole  exhibited  himself,  no  longer  as  a  private 
gentleman  on  a  visit  to  the  king  and  queen,  but  as 
the  recognised  minister  of  the  pope.  The  persons  form- 
ing the  cardinal's  suite  were  seeking  information  on  what 
related  to  the  ceremonial  observed  in  times  past  by  Cardi- 
nal Wolsey,  whenever  that  great  man  appeared  in  public 
as  a  legatus  a  latere.  With  all  the  pomp  in  which  Wolsey 
delighted,  Eeginald  Pole  now  made  his  appearance.  The 
past  was  renewed.  Before  him  were  now  carried  the 
legate's  cross,  two  massive  silver  pillars,  and*  two  silver 
poleaxes,  so  often  criticised -in  Wolsey 's  time.  The  Italians 
were  busy  in  instructing  the  English  in  the  long-for- 
gotten ceremonial  now  once  more  to  be  observed. 

The  change  was  occasioned  by  the  return  of  Pate. 
He  arrived  at  Cowhng  Castle  on  the  evening  of  the  23rd, 
the  bearer  of  a  kind  message  from  the  king  and  queen. 
They  gave  Pole  full  authority  to  assume  the  insignia  of 
the  legate's  office.  By  a  message  from  Gardyner  he  was 
informed,  that  the  bill  for  the  repeal  of  his  attainder  was 
virtually  passed  ;  and  that  the  manor-house  of  the  arch- 
bishop at  Lambeth  was  under  preparation  for  his  re- 
sidence.f 

*  Cowling  Castle  was  celebrated  as  the  residence  of  Sir  John  Old- 
castle,  and  had  been  lately  pillaged  by  the  insurgents  under  Wyatt's 
command. 

f   It  has  been  before  remarked,  that  the  episcopal  residence  in  the 


ARCHBISHOPS   OF   CANTERBURY.  269 

The  reaction  liad  now  completely  set  in ;  and  though     chap. 

his  term  of  life  was  nearly  reached,  yet,  in  the  animation   > ^ — - 

of  prosperity,  Pole  felt  almost  young  again  :  he  certainly  pX. 
had  more  of  health  and  vigour  than  he  had  for  many  io56-58. 
preceding  years  enjoyed.  Compelled  to  throw  off  the 
habits  of  an  invalid,  he  found  himself  really  stronger  than 
he  had  supposed  himself  to  be.  He  was  able  to  endure 
a  great  amount  of  fatigue,  but,  as  if  to  show  that  it  had 
not  all  been  imagination,  within  two  years  his  fatigues 
ended  in  his  death. 

The  cortege  moved  from  Eochester  to  Gravesend.  Here 
Pole  found  the  Earl  of  Shrewsbury  and  his  old  and 
esteemed  friend  the  Bishop  of  Durham,*  commissioned 
by  the  king  and  queen  to  receive  him  with  the  re- 
verence usually  paid  to  the  papal  ambassador.  They 
presented  to  him,  sealed  with  a  gold  seal,  the  act  of 
parhament  by  which  his  attainder  was  reversed,  and  his 
family  restored  to  its  hereditary  honours.  They  were 
enabled  to  give  proof  of  the  zeal  manifested  in  his  favour 
by  the  king  and  queen  ;  for  their  majesties,  contrary  to 
the  precedents  of  late  years  estabhshed,  had  attended  the 
House  of  Lords,  and  given  the  royal  assent  in  their  own 
persons.  The  Bishop  of  Durham  presented  him  with  the 
letters  patent  authorising  him  to  exercise  his  functions 
in  England  as  a  legate  a  latere  ;  an  authorisation  which 

cathedral  town  was  called  the  palace,  the  other  residences  of  bishops  were 
called  manors.  Although  the  palace  of  Canterbury  had  been  destroyed 
by  fire,  it  was  not  till  Elizabeth's  reign,  that  the  archbishop  was  exone- 
rated from  rebuilding  it ;   and  Lambeth  is  still  only  a  manor. 

*  Bishop  Tunstall  had  been,  like  Pole,  a  reformer ;  unlike  Pole,  he 
had  participated  in  some  of  the  reforming  measures  of  Henry  VIII. ; 
but  he  had  been  alarmed  by  the  excesses  of  the  reformers  in  the  last 
reign,  and  was,  like  Gardyner  and  others  of  that  stamp,  ready  to  admit 
what  he  now  called  his  errors,  and  even  to  admit  the  papal  supre- 
macy. 


2i0  LIVES   OF   THE 

CHAP,  did  not  protect  Wolsey  from  incurring  the  penalties  of 
. —  ^1^  a  praemunire,  but  which  was  necessary  in  Pole's  case, 
Pole!!  since  by  it  he  was  commissioned  to  reconcile  the  Church 
1556-58.  and  realm  of  England  to  the  see  of  Eome.  The  good- 
will of  parliament  had  been  evinced  towards  him  by  the 
readiness  exhibited  in  the  reversal  of  his  attainder.  The 
bill  had  been  introduced  on  the  17th  of  November  ;  and 
having  been  read  in  the  house  three  times  in  two  days,* 
it  was  passed  on  the  21st,  and  was  ready  to  receive  the 
royal  assent  on  the  22  nd. 

At  Gravesend,  Pole  rested,  and  prepared  himself  for 
the  arduous  duties  of  the  ensuing  day.  He  had  become 
a  foreigner  in  his  habits,  and  his  personal  friends  were 
Italian.  They  had  supported  him  in  Italy  under  adverse 
circumstances,  and  he  was  not  going  to  forsake  them  in 
his  hour  of  prosperity.  Luigi  Priuli,  with  whom  for 
twenty- six  years  he  had  lived  in  uninterrupted  friend- 
ship, and  Nicolo  Ormanetto,  were  his  only  confidants. 
Floribello  continued  to  be  his  secretary  ;  Stella  his 
steward ;  EoUo  the  comptroller  of  his  household.  It  is 
not  to  be  wondered  at,  if  a  household  of  foreigners  in  an 
English  palace  should  have  become  unpopular,  and  that 
another  reaction  had  commenced  before  the  queen  and 
her  kinsman  had  paid  the  debt  of  nature. f  But  this  was 
not  observed  at  present. 

Nevertheless,    though  the    members  of  his   household 

*  Burnet  says,  in  one  day — the  fact  which  marks  the  transaction  as 
wngular, — but  in  the  journal  two  days  are  mentioned. 

f  There  are  certain  writers  who  are  facetious  on  the  Italian  eccle- 
siastics, representing  them  as  believing  that,  when  they  saw  the  stream 
of  the  Thames  flowing  inland  towards  Lambeth,  a  miracle  was  wrought 
in  Pole's  favour.  That  in  Pole's  suite,  as  in  any  other  assembly  of 
men,  there  may  have  been  fools  ready  to  believe  anything,  is  possible 
— we  may  say  it  is  probable  ;  but  the  Italian  writer  to  whom  we  arc 
indebted  for  the   description  of  the  progress  of  Pole,  goes  out  of  his 


ARCHBISHOPS   OF   CANTERBURY.  271 

were  foreign,  and  Italian  instead  of  English  their  language,     char 
Pole,  with  all  his  faults,  was  himself  a  loyal  Englishman   — ^ — - 
at  heart.     He  heartily,  and  with  a  feeling  of  native  pride,      Poie. 
enjoyed    the   surprise    of  his    Itahan  friends,    taught  to    io56-o8. 
regard  England  as  a  land  of  fogs  in  which  the  sun  was 
never   seen,   when,   on   the    25th    of  November,    1554, 
they  saw  that  same  sun,  with  a  brilhancy  unsurpassed, 
shining    down    on    the    splendid   thoroughfare    of  Lon- 
don,  the  silvery  Thames,   as    it   carried    up    the    fresh 
sea   breeze   to   Westminster   and   Lambeth.     No   street 
in  Europe  could  compare  with  the  watery  highway  of 
London. 

The  royal  barge  was  lying  before  Gravesend,  waiting 
the  legate's  command.  It  was  splendidly  decorated  :  a 
chair  of  state  was  spread  with  purple,  seated  on  which 
his  most  reverend  lordship  might  exhibit  himself  to  the 
people  without  incurring  unnecessary  fatigue. 

As  Pole  ascended  the  barge,  the  silver  cross  of  the 
legate  appeared  on  its  prow.  The  passing  scene  was 
splendid.  A  multitude  of  vessels  were  waiting  for  a 
signal  to  escort  the  legate  up  the  river — from  the  ornate 
barge  of  the  nobleman  to  the  hackney  boat  of  the  artisan. 
By  the  rapidity  of  the  stream  and  the  strength  of  the 
rowers,  the  barge  had  reached  the  front  of  Whitehall 
before  any  one  was  aware  of  its  approach.  It  had  been 
arranged  that  Pole,  on  his  passage  to  Lambeth,  should 
pay  his  respects,  in  passing,  to  the  king  and  queen  at  White- 
hall ;  but  it  had  been  calculated  that  he  would  not  arrive 
before  dinner  was  over ;  and  he  had  now  come  when  the 
officials  were  in  the  midst  of  their  repast.  The  rowers 
ceased  to  pull ;  they  looked  to  the  legate  for  orders ;  but 

wi'.y  to  explain,  that  the  river,  being  tidal,  there  was  nothing  remark- 
able in  the  fact  he  describes,  opposed  though  it  was  to  tho  experience 
of  the  Italians. 


272  LIVES   OF   THE 

before  he  could  decide  what  was  to  be  done,  the  Lord 
High  Chancellor  was  seen  at  the  head  of  the  pier.  Bishop 
roiet  Gardyner,  versed  in  the  ways  of  courts,  and  of  foreign 
1556  58.  courts,  reccivcd  the  legate  with  reverence,  making  a  low 
obeisance,  as  if  at  once  to  admit  his  superior  rank.  The 
arrangements  had  been,  under  his  direction,  so  admirably 
made,  that  the  servants,  though  taken  by  surprise,  imme- 
diately fell  into  their  places ;  and  between  a  lane  of 
liveried  servants  standing  on  either  side,  the  Lord  High 
Chancellor  of  England  and  the  Legate  of  Eome  now 
passed  in  friendly  conversation.*  At  a  little  distance,  at 
the  entrance  of  the  palace,  they  saw  the  king  approach- 
ing, surrounded  by  his  courtiers.  The  king  and  the 
legate  embraced.  Philip  condescended  to  explain,  that 
he  and  the  queen  were  seated  at  the  dinner-table,  when 
the  shoutings  of  the  people  attracted  attention,  and  the 
king  lost  not  a  moment  in  hurrying  to  the  river's  side  to 
welcome  so  honoured  a  guest.  Philip  offered  his  arm 
to  support  the  feeble  cardinal  as  they  approached  the 
grand  staircase,  at  the  top  of  which,  surrounded  by  her 
ladies,  the  queen  was  seen  standing,  impatient  to  welcome 
her  kinsman.  She  received  him  with  a  salute  on  his 
cheek,  after  the  manner  at  that  time  peculiar  to  England  ;f 

*  There  are  frequently  some  discrepancies  in  the  narratives  of  eye- 
witnesses of  events,  even  when  there  is  a  substantial  agreement ;  for  little 
details,  even  when  they  keep  a  diary,  we  must,  to  a  certain  extent,  be 
dependent  upon  memory.  In  the  Chronicle  of  the  Grey  Friars  it  is 
said  :  "  Item — the  xxiiii.  of  the  same  moneth  came  in  the  Cardinal  Powle 
by  Watter,  and  soo  came  to  the  Court  at  Whitehall :  and  in  the  middest 
of  the  Brigge  the  King  met  him,  and  soo  eache  salute  other  goodly 
and  reverentially ;  and  soo  went  in  unto  the  Queen,  and  soo  she  met 
them  at  hare  great  chamber." — Chron.  Grey  Friars,  London,  93.  I 
follow  the  Italian  description. 

I  In  the  life  of  Warham,  a  quotation  is  given  from  Erasmus,  who 
mentions  the  custom  of  ladies  receiving  the  gentlemen  introduced  to 
them  with  a  kiss,  as  peculiar  to  England. 


ARCHBISHOPS    OF   CANTERBURY.  273 

she  condescended  to  say,  that,  since  her  accession  and  mar-     chap. 
riage,  such  joy  as  she  now  experienced  she  had  never  felt.    — ^— ^ 
On  tlie  arrival  of  the  legate,  a  privy  council  was  imme-      Poi"e^ 
diately  ordered  to  be  held,  and  a  procession  was  formed  to    1 556-58. 
the  Great  Hall.     The  king  having  taken  his  place  at  the 
queen's  right  hand,  and  motioning  the  legate  to  take  the 
left,  said  pleasantly  in  Latin,  "  We  will  place  the  queen 
between  us  ;"  when  Pole,  addressing  the  queen,  replied, 
"  You  are  thus  doubly  protected — the  king  representing        * 
the  majesty  of  the  emperor  on  the  one  side,  and  I  repre- 
senting his  holiness  the  pope  on  the  other."     He  then 
discoursed,  as  was  his  custom,  of  the  wonderful  mercy  of 
Divine  Providence  visible  in  the  events  of  the  day ;  while 
the  queen,  we  are  told,  answered  in  many  wise  and  humble 
words.     She  explained  to  him  in  their  native  language, 
some  of  the  many  reasons  which  had  compelled  her  to  post- 
pone his  arrival ;  to  which  the  legate  politely  but  not  very 
dehcately  replied,  that  the  delay  was  to  be  attributed  to 
the  overruling  of  Providence,  that  he  might  be  able  to 
say,  as  he  said  now,  Benedictus  fructus  ventris  tui. 

Ha\dng  reached  the  presence  chamber,  the  three  great 
personages  stood  under  a  canopy,  conversing  with  one 
another  for  a  quarter  of  an  hour.  One  by  one  the  mem- 
bers of  the  legation  were  presented  to  their  majesties 
by  Lord  Paget.  They  kissed  hands,,  and  were  graciously 
received. 

When  the  cardinal  took  his  departure,  notwithstanding 
his  polite  remonstrances,  the  queen  insisted  upon  attending 
him  to  the  top  of  the  stairs,  where  she  had  first  met  him. 
The  king  went  with  him  to  the  door.  The  Bishop  of 
Winchester,  the  Duke  of  Alva,  and  the  nobility,  both 
English  and  Spanish,  accompanied  him  to  his  barge  at 
the  head  of  the  pier.  The  bishop,  indeed,  entered  the 
barge  with    him   and    crossed  the  water.     He  put  the 

VOL.  VIII.  T 


274  LIVES   OF   THE 


CHAP,     legate  in  possession  of  Lambeth,  which  had  been  splen- 


IV 


diclly  furnished  at  the  queen's  expense,  the  rooms  being 
Poir      hung  with  costly  tapestry. 

1556-68.  The  two  prelates  remained  for  some  time  in  friendly 
conversation  ;  all  past  misunderstandings  having  been  for- 
given and  forgotten.  When  the  chancellor  had  taken 
his  departure,  Pole  retired  to  his  private  apartments, 
overcome  by  exhaustion.  However  pleasurable  the  ex- 
citement, still  excitement  tells  upon  a  debilitated  frame ; 
and  Pole  had  this  day,  undergone  an  amount  of  exer- 
tion which,  a  few  weeks  before,  his  physician  would 
have  regarded  as  impossible.  But  with  good  news  he 
was  to  be  overwhelmed.  Lord  Montague  was  again 
announced.  He  had  been  despatched  by  the  queen  to 
communicate  the  fact,  that  such  was  the  happy  effect  of 
the  legate's  advent  and  of  his  prayers,  that  the  babe  had 
leaped  in  her  womb.  The  legate  issued  orders  immediately 
that  the  joyful  intelligence  should  be  notified  to  the 
people  from  the  pulpit  on  the  morrow,  when,  in  gratitude 
for  the  event,  Te  Deums  were  to  be  sung. 

Although  invited  to  join  the  festivities  of  the  Sunday 
at  court,  Pole  was  permitted  to  observe  that  day  as  a 
Sabbath,  and  to  husband  his  feeble  powers  for  the  exer- 
tions he  knew  to  be  awaiting  him  during  the  ensuing 
week.  The  importance  of  proceeding  to  action  while 
the  people  were  in  good  humour,  impressed  itself  upon 
Gardyner's  mind,  who  had  managed  things  so  adroitly  as 
to  be  able  to  accomphsh,  in  a  few  days  after  Pole's 
arrival,  what  six  months  before  it  would  have  been  mad- 
ness to  attempt.  Pole  was  requested  to  be  prepared  to 
open  his  commission  to  the  sovereigns,  and  to  the  three 
estates  of  the  realm,  on  the  27th.  The  delicate  state  of 
the  queen's  health  was  urged  as  a  plea  for  proposing  that, 
instead  of  a  formal  session  of  parliament,  the  two  houses 


ARCHBISHOPS   OF   CANTERBURY.  275 

should  assemble  in  one  chamber  at  Whitehall,  there  to     chap. 
meet  the  queen  and  her  husband.     It  was  arranged,  that  ^    ^^'    . 
the  sovereigns  and  the  estates  of  the  realm  should  there    "^Pofe^^^ 
and  then  receive  the  communication  the  legate  was  com-    1556-58. 
missioned  to  make. 

For  this  ceremonial  the  public  mind  was  prepared  by- 
sermons  at  Paul's  Cross  and  elsewhere.  On  the  27th, 
the  streets  of  London  were  filled  with  processions  ;  and  a 
Te  Deum  was  sung  at  St.  Paul's.  The  officers  of  state  and 
the  members  of  parliament  were  seen  hurrying  to  White- 
hall. After  dinner,  the  doors  of  the  presence  chamber 
were  thrown  open,  and  the  room  was  immediately  filled 
by  the  lords  and  commons,  who  came  promiscuously, 
not  to  debate,  but  to  hear  a  statement  made.  At  the 
top  of  the  saloon,  under  a  canopy,  two  thrones  had 
been  placed  ;  and  just  beyond  the  canopy,  a  chair  of 
state.  When  the  doors  at  that  end  of  the  saloon  were 
thrown  open,  the  Lord  High  Chancellor,  with  the  great 
officers  of  state,  entered  in  solemn  procession,  preced- 
ing the  royal  pair  accoutred  in  all  the  habiliments  of 
royalty.  The  (jueen,  who  had  no  delicacy  of  mind,  ex- 
posed herself  in  the  most  indecent  manner,  as  she  boldly 
faced  the  peers  and  commons  ;  and  was,  or  affected  to 
be,  so  weak  as  to  require  assistance  when  ascending  the 
steps  to  the  throne.*  I 

They  were  followed  by  Cardinal  tole,  arrayed  in  the 
splendid  robes  of  his  office.  He  was  attended  by  four 
gentlemen  in  magnificent  court  dresses,  and,  as  the  fashion 

*  "  This  day  did  the  king  and  queen  and  the  lords  of  parliament  sit 
at  the  court  at  Whitehall  in  the  chamber  of  presence,  where  the  queen 
sat  highest,  richly  apparelled,  and  her  belly  laid  out,  that  all  men 
might  see  that  she  was  with  child.  At  this  parliament  it  was  said 
labour  was  made  to  have  the  king  crowned,  and  some  thought  that  the 
queen  for  that  cause  did  lay  out  her  belly  the  more." — Contemporary 
Diary,  printed  by  Strype,  Eccl.  Mem.  iii.  iJ23. 

T  2 


270 


LIVES   OF   THE 


CHAP. 
IV. 

Keginald 
Pole. 


Avas,  with  massive  chains  of  gold  depending  from  their 
necks.  Two  of  these  were  the  bearers  of  silver  crosses  ; 
and  the  silver  pillars  were  borne  before  him  by  the 
1556-68.  other  two.  Old  men  remembered  the  days  of  Wolsey ; 
and  comparing  England  under  Henry,  with  what  it  had 
become  under  Edward,  they  were  inclined  to  think,  that 
any  change  would  be  for  the  better,  if  only  the  liberty  of 
the  subject  could  be  secured.  There  was  a  solemn  silence, 
which,  after  a  pause,  was  broken  by  the  well-known  voice 
of  the  chancellor,  Bishop  Gardyner,  who  addressed  the 
assembly :  "  My  lords  of  the  upper  house,  and  you  my 
masters  of  the  nether  house."  He  proceeded  to  introduce 
my  Lord  Cardinal  Pole,  legate  a  latere  .  .  .  .  "  accredited 
to  the  court  of  England  from  the  apostolic  see  of  Eome, 
upon  one  of  the  weightiest  causes  that  ever  happened  to 
this  realm,  and  which  pertained  to  the  glory  of  God  and 
the  general  welfare.  The  which  ambassade  their  ma- 
jesties' pleasure  it  was,  that  he  should  signify  to  the  peers 
and  commons  by  his  own  mouth.  The  chancellor  trusted 
that  they  would  receive  and  accept  it  in  as  benevolent 
and  thankful  wise  as  their  highnesses  had  done,  and  that 
they  would  give  attention  and  inclinable  ears  to  his  grace 
who  was  present  to  declare  the  same." 

All  eyes  were  fixed  on  Pole.  The  infirmity  of  the  in- 
dividual contrasted  with  his  official  splendour,  and  pleaded 
in  his  favour.  He  had  the  appearance  of  a  much-en- 
during man. 

He  spoke,  but  he  was  audible  only  to  the  few  who 
pressed  towards  the  front  eager  to  catch  his  words.  If 
Pole  was  no  orator,  he  was  a  skilful  rhetorician ;  and  if 
he  was  not  deeply  read  in  history,  he  did  not  hesitate  to 
draw  upon  his  imagination  for  facts. 

"  My  lords  all,"  he  began,  "  and  you  that  are  the  com- 
mons of  this  present  parhament  assembled,  which  in  effect 


ARCHBISHOPS   OF   CANTERBURY.  277 

is  nothing  else  but  the  state  and  body  of  tliis  reahn.     As     chap. 
the  cause  of  my  repair  hither  hath  been  most  wisely  and  ^ — ^ — - 
gravely  declared  by  my  Lord  Chancellor,  so,  before  I  enter      pX^  ^ 
upon  the  particulars  of  my  commission,  I  have  somewhat    i55g-58. 
to  say  touching  myself." 

He  then  thanked  their  majesties  and  the  three  estates, 
tlie  lords  and  prelates,  the  lords  temporal,  and  the  com- 
mons of  the  realm,  for  the  reversal  of  the  attainder,  and 
proceeded : — 

"  This  I  protest  unto  you  all,  that  though  I  was  exiled 
my  native  country  without  just  cause,  as  God  knoweth, 
yet  that  ingratitude  could  not  pull  from  me  the  affection 
and  desire  that  I  had  to  do  you  good.  If  the  offer  of  my 
service  might  have  been  received,  it  was  never  to  seek, 
and  where  it  could  not  be  taken,  you  never  failed  of  my 
prayers,  nor  ever  shall.  Leaving,  however,  the  rehearsal 
of  particulars,  I  come  to  that  which  is  now  my  principal 
travail,  to  wit,  the  restoration  of  this  noble  realm  to  its 
ancient  nobility.  The  see  apostolic,  whence  I  come,  hath 
an  especial  respect  for  this  realm  above  all  others ;  and 
not  without  reason,  seeing  that  God  Himself  hath,  as  it 
were,  by  a  particular  providence,  given  to  this  realm  pre- 
rogative of  nobihty  above  others.  To  make  this  plain, 
you  are  to  be  informed  that  this  was  the  first  of  all  islands 
which  received  the  light  of  Christ's  religion.  As  history 
testifies,  it  stood  first  among  the  provinces  in  embracino- 
the  faith  of  Jesus  ;  for  the  Britons  received  Christianity 
from  the  apostolic  see,  not  in  parts  as  other  countries  did, 
but  altogether  at  once,  as  it  were  in  a  moment.  But  after 
their  ill  merits  or  forgetfulness  of  God  had  deserved  ex- 
pulsion, and  infidel  strangers  possessed  their  land,  yet  our 
Heavenly  Father  forgat  not  the  region  which  once  be- 
lieved. He  so  illumined  the  hearts  of  the  Saxons,  that 
Avithin  a  very  short  space  they  forsook  tlie  darkness  of 


278  LIVES   OF   THE 

CHAP,     heathen  errors  and  embraced  the  light  of  Christ's  rehgion. 
_J^:^  This  benefit  must  be  ascribed  to  God,  but  the  instruments 
'^T^e^^    ^J  which  our  island  gained  it  came  from  Eome.     With  the 
1556-58.    Church  estabhshed  in  that  city  our  forefathers  continued 
henceforth  in   bonds  of  strictest  unity.     Divers  of  the 
Saxon  kings  even  thought  it  not  enough  to  profess  obedi- 
ence to  the  Eoman  see,  but  they  left  their  native  realms 
and  personally  oiFered  homage  to  the  pontiffs,  from  whom 
they  had  derived  such  mighty  spiritual  advantages.   Others 
of  our  countrymen  showed  the  greatness  of  the  benefit 
which  their  nation  had  received  by  displaying  such  quali- 
ties as  obtained  the  highest  respect  among  foreigners. 
Alcuin  was  invited  from  England  by  Charlemagne  for  the 
purpose  of  teaching  in  the  University  of  Paris.     Adrian 
IV.,  an  Englishman,  converted  Norway  from  heathenism  ; 
which  Adrian  afterwards,  from  his  affection  to  this  his 
native  country,  gave  the  dominion  of  Ireland,  then  per- 
taining to  the  see  of  Eome,  to  our  king  Henry  II.     But  I 
will  not  rehearse  the  manifold  benefits  which  our  country 
hath  received  from  the  apostolic  see,  nor  the  manifold 
miseries  which  the  nation  hath  undergone  since  it  swerved 
from  unity  with  the  same.     I  must,  however,  say,  that 
the  like  plagues  have  happened  in  all  countries  which, 
forsaking  Catholic  unity,  have  followed  fantastical  doc- 
trines.    Asia  and  Greece  have  swerved  from  unity  with 
the  Church  of  Eome,  and  they  have  fallen  under  subjec- 
tion to  the  Turk.     Germany  has  also  swerved  from  this 
unity;  hence  she  is  afflicted  miserably  with  a  diversity  of 
sects  and  factions.     Why  should  I  rehearse  unto  you  the 
tumults  and  effusion  of  blood  which  have  happened  there 
of  late  years  ?     Or  why  should  I  trouble  you  with  men- 
tion of  those  plagues  which  have  happened  here  since  the 
innovation  of  religion  ?     Yet  see  how  far  forth  this  fury 
went.     Those  who  live  under  the  Turk  may  freely  live 


ARCHBISHOPS   OF    CANTERBURY.  279 

after  their  own  consciences  ;  but  so  it  was  not  lawful  here.     chap. 

If  it  be  well  examined  upon  what  grounds  these  innova-  > — ^ 

tions  began,  they  will  be  seen  to  have  arisen  from  avarice  ^^le^ 
and  from  the  carnal  lust  of  one  man.  There  was,  how-  io56-58. 
ever,  no  need  why  all  these  devices  practised  in  this  realm 
against  the  Church  of  Eome  should  have  lost  you.  There 
wanted  not  great  offers  of  the  most  mighty  potentates 
in  all  Europe  to  aid  the  Church  in  that  quarrel.  Now 
mark  the  sequel  of  these  changes.  Upon  the  face  of  them 
seemed  to  be  great  w^ealth  and  gain  ;  but  they  ended  in 
great  misery  and  lack.  See,  then,  how  God  can  con- 
found the  wisdom  of  the  wise,  and  turn  unjust  policy 
to  mere  folly,  bringing  plain  ruin  and  decay  from  that 
which  was  looked  upon  as  a  relief.  Observe,  again,  that 
Divine  goodness  which  has  never  failed  us.  When  the 
light  of  true  religion  seemed  utterly  extinct,  the  churches 
being  extinct,  the  altars  overthrown,  the  ministers  cor- 
rupt, yet  in  a  few,  and  especially  in  the  breast  of  the 
queen's  excellency,  remained  the  confession  of  Christ's 
faith.  And  see  how  miraculously  God  of  His  goodness 
preserved  her  highness.  When  numbers  conspired  against 
her,  and  policies  were  devised  to  disinherit  her,  yet  she, 
virgin  as  she  was,  helpless,  naked,  and  unarmed,  she  pre- 
vailed, and  gained  the  victory  over  tyrants.  This  is  not  to 
be  ascribed  to  any  policy  of  man,  but  only  to  the  great 
goodness  and  providence  of  Almighty  God.  To  Him  be 
the  honour  and  glory  thereof.  Tliis  your  queen  and  lawful 
governess,  who  was  born  among  you,  for  the  restitution 
of  true  religion,  and  for  the  extirpation  of  all  errors  and 
sects.  And  for  the  confirming  of  her  grace  more  strongly 
in  this  enterprise,  lo!  the  providence  of  God  hath  united  her 
in  marriage  with  a  prince  of  like  rehgion,  who,  though  pos- 
sessed of  great  might,  force  and  armour,  yet  useth  towards 
vou  none  of  these  things,  but  seeketh  you  by  means  of  k)ve 


280  LIVES   OF   THE 

CHAP,     and  amity  alone.     You  have  great  reason  to  thank  God 

^ '  for  sending  to  you  such  a  Cathohc  governess,  and  for  con- 

Poie.  joiiiii^g  ^^^^  with  such  a  spouse.  Nor  is  it  to  be  doubted 
10&6-58.  that  God  will  send  issue  to  their  majesties,  for  the  comfort 
and  surety  of  this  commonwealth.*  Of  all  the  princes  in 
Germany  the  emperor  hath  travailed  most  in  the  cause  of 
religion ;  yet  he  hath  not,  haply  by  some  secret  judg- 
ment of  God,  achieved  his  end.  I  can  well  compare  him 
to  David,  who,  though  elect  of  God,  for  that  he  was  con- 
taminate with  war  and  blood,  could  not  build  the  temple 
of  Jerusalem ;  but  left  the  finishing  thereof  unto  his  son 
Solomon,  the  peaceful  king.  So  it  may  be  thought  that 
the  appeasing  of  controversies  in  religion  is  not  appointed 
unto  the  emperor,  but  rather  unto  his  son,  who  shall  com- 
plete that  building  of  the  Church  which  his  father  hath 
begun.  Now  this  Church  cannot  be  perfectly  builded  un- 
less all  realms  adhere  to  one  head,  acknowledging  him 
as  the  vicar  of  God,  endued  with  power  from  above ;  for 
all  power  is  of  God  ;  and  He,  for  the  conservation  of  quiet 
and  godliness,  hath  divided  it  on  earth  into  two  distinct 
branches,  the  imperial  and  the  ecclesiastical.  The  former 
of  these  within  this  realm  is  vested  in  their  most  ex- 
cellent majesties  here  present ;  the  latter  is,  by  the  au- 
thority of  God's  Word,  and  the  examples  of  the  apostles 
and  fathers,  attributed  to  the  see  of  Eome.  From  this  see 
I  stand  here  the  deputed  legate  and  ambassador,  having 
ample  authority  from  thence  to  use  the  keys,  which  of 
right  belong  to  it.  I  cannot,  however,  use  these  keys  and 
open  to  you,  because  of  certain  impediments  on  your  parts, 
w^hich  must  be  removed  before  my  commission  can  take 
full  effect.  I  protest  before  you,  that  my  commission  is 
not  of  prejudice  to  any  person  ;  I  come  to  reconcile,  not 
to  condemn.     I  am  not  come  to  call  anything  in  question 

*  "  The  cardinal  here  appeareth  to  be  a  false  prophet." Foxe. 


ARCHBISHOPS   OF   CANTERBURY.  281 

already  done ;  my  commission  is  of  grace  and  clemency  to    chap. 
such  as  will  receive  it,  for  all  matters  past  shall  be  as  ^ — • 
things  cast  into  the  sea  of  forgetfulness.     Now  the  mean      po°e. 
whereby  you  shall  receive  this  benefit  is  the  repeal  of    ii>o6-58 
those  laws  which  are  impediments,  blocks  and  bars,  in  the 
way  of  executing  my  commission.      For  like  as  I  myself 
had  neither  place  nor  voice  among  you  until  you  had 
revoked  the  law  which  kept  me  from  my  country  ;  even 
so  cannot  you  receive  the  grace  offered  by  the  apostolic 
see,  before    all  such  laws  are  abrogated  as  disjoin  and 
dissever  you  from  the  unity  of  Christ's  Church."  * 

He  spoke  so  low  that  only  a  very  few  could  hear,  and 
even  these  imperfectly ;  hence  the  address  made  no  im- 
pression upon  the  assembly.  The  hale  old  chancellor,  many 
years  senior  to  the  cardinal,  rose  from  his  place.  In  the 
name  of  all  assembled  he  thanked  the  legate  for  his 
address,  and  informed  him,  that  the  two  houses  would 
deliberate  on  his  proposals.  The  king,  the  queen,  and 
the  cardinal  quitted  the  chamber.  The  Lord  Chancellor 
remained  ;  and  in  his  clear  and  distinct  voice  read  again 
the  address,  in  tones  audible  to  all.  Pole's  address  was 
a  written  one,  and  in  the  composition  of  it,  Gardyner,  we 
may  presume,  had  been  consulted.  Gardyner  introduced 
the  repetition  of  it,  in  accordance  with  the  fashion  of  the 
day,  by  quoting  a  text  of  Scripture  ;f  and  he  concluded 
by  exhorting  all  persons  to  repent  of  the  measures  hitherto 
taken  against  the  see  of  Eome,  with  a  view  to  the  retracing 
of  their  steps.     The  exhortation  became  emphatic,  when 

*  Soames,  iv.  2G0. 

I  The  text  chosen  was  Deut.  xviii.  15  :  "  The  Lord  shall  raise  up  a 
prophet  unto  thee  from  amongst  thy  brethren."  Tlie  irreverence  of  ap- 
plying to  Keginald  Pole  a  prophecy  relating  to  our  Lord  and  only 
Saviour  Jesus  Christ  is  offensive  to  our  minds  ;  but  it  Avas  customary 
for  some  time  afterwards  thus  to  misapply  Scripture.  Something  very 
similar  was  done  in  our  time,  when  the  late  I'rince  Consort  visited 
Liverpool.     The  extremes  here  met. 


282  LIVES    OF    THE 

CHAP,     tlie  old  man  boldly  held  out  himself  as  an  example :  he 

_2)jL_^  had  been  one  of  the  greatest  dehnquents,  and  was  now  the 

^Poie^^"^    deepest  penitent  * 

1556-58.  The  reactionary  party  now  carried  everything  before 
it.  The  leading  Protestants  had  fled  the  country ;  those 
who  remained  in  England  were  not,  many  of  them, 
zealots,  and  if  no  search  had  been  made  for  them,  they 
would  have  continued  in  retirement.  The  people  at 
large,  until  they  were  exasperated  by  the  persecutions, 
were  more  inclined  to  the  old  system  than  to  the  new. 
The  parliament  had  been  packed.  The  heads  of  the  Eo- 
manizing  party  felt  that  the  time  of  action  had  arrived, 
and  that  there  must  be  no  delay.  The  very  day  following 
the  occurrences  just  narrated,  the  two  houses  of  parlia- 
ment debated  on  the  subject  of  Pole's  communication, 
and  agreed  to  the  following  petition  to  the  king  and 
queen :  f — 

"  We,  the  lords  spiritual  and  temporal  of  the  commons,  in 
this  present  parliament  assembled,  representing  the  whole  body 
of  the  realm  of  England  and  dominions  of  the  same,  in  the 
name  of  ourselves  particularly,  and  also  of  the  said  body  uni- 
versally, offer  this  our  most  humble  supplication  to  your  majesties, 
to  this  end  and  effect  that  the  same,  by  your  graces'  intercession 
and  mean,  may  be  exhibited  to  the  most  reverend  father  in 
Grod,  the  Lord  Cardinal  Pole,  legate,  sent  specially  hither  from 
our  most  holy  father  Pope  Julius  the  Third  and  the  see  apostolic 
of  Rome,  wherein  we  do  declare  ourselves  very  sorry  and  re- 
pentant of  the  long  schism  and  disobedience  committed  in  this 
realm  and  the  dominions  of  the  same  against  the  said  see  apo- 
stolic, either  by  making,  agreeing,  or  executing  of  any  laws, 
ordinances,  against  the  primacy  of  the  same  see,  or  otherwise 
doing  or  speaking  that  might  impugn  or  prejudice  the  same; 

*  See  the  queen's  letter  to  the  sheriffs  in  the  Parliamentary  History, 
-j-  This  petition  is  taken  from  the  Parliamentary  History,  and  is  also 
to  be  foimd  in  Fabyan's  Chronicle. 


ARCHBISHOPS   OF   CANTERBURY.  283 

offering  ourselves,  and  promising  by  this  our  supplication  that,  CHAP, 
for  a  token  and  knowledge  of  this  our  said  repentance,  we  be,  .  ^^' 
and  shall  be  ever  ready,  under  and  with  the  authorities  of  your  ^^le. 
majesties,  to  the  uttermost  of  our  power,  to  do  that  shall  be  in  ^55^.58 
us  for  the  abrogation  and  repealing  of  all  the  said  laws  and  or- 
dinances made  or  enacted  to  the  prejudice  of  the  see  apostolic, 
as  well  for  ourselves  as  for  the  whole  body  whom  we  represent. 
Whereupon  most  humbly  we  beseech  your  majesties,  as  person- 
ages undefiled  in  the  offence  of  this  body  towards  the  said  see, 
which  nevertlieless  Grod  in  His  providence  hath  made  subject  to 
you,  so  to  set  forth  this  our  humble  suit,  as  we  the  rather  by 
your  intercession  may  obtain  from  the  see  apostolic,  by  the  said 
most  reverend  father,  as  well  particularly  as  generally,  absolu- 
tion, release,  and  discharge  from  all  dangers  of  such  censures 
and  sentences  as  by  the  laws  of  the  Church  we  be  fallen  into. 
And  that  we  may,  as  children  repentant,  be  received  into  the 
bosom  and  unity  of  Christ's  Church,  so  as  this  noble  realm,  with 
all  the  members  thereof,  may  in  this  unity  and  perfect  obedience 
to  the  see  apostolic  and  popes  for  the  time  being  serve  God 
and  your  majesties,  to  the  furtherance  and  advancement  of  His 
honour  and  glory.     Amen."  * 

The  day  now  dawned  on  which  the  daydream  of 
Pole's  life  was  to  be  realised — St.  Andrew's  day,  a  day 
which  he  expected  to  be  memorable  for  ever  in  the 
annals  of  England — only  memorable  now  for  having  been 
a  day  of  a  national  disgrace,  the  remembrance  of  which 
we  have  no  desire  to  retain. 

The  two  houses  were  to  meet,  as  before,  at  Whitehall, 
and  to  assemble  in  one  chamber.  The  lords  spiritual 
were  to  occupy  the  right  side  of  the  queen,  and  the 
temporal  lords  the  left,  while  the  commons  were  to  sit 
on  the  cross  benches  in  the  centre  of  the  hall.  On  a  dais 
or  platform  there  were  erected,  as  before,  two  thrones 
under  a  canopy  of  cloth  of  gold  ;  and  just  beyond  the 
canopy,  a  chair  of  state  for  the  cardinal. 

*  Pari.  Hist.  ill.  320. 


284  LIVES   OF   TPIE 

It  was  not  till  the  afternoon,  after  dinner,  that  the  houses 

were  summoned  to  meet ;  for  the  court  attended  high 

^^^le!^    mass  at  Westminster  Abbey  in  the  morning.    The  Knights 

1666-68.    of  the  Garter,   and  the  Knights    of  the  Golden  Fleece, 

arrayed  in  all  their  magnificence,  were  present,  and  added 

to  the  splendour  of  the  pageant. 

As  the  time  fixed  for  the  commencement  of  business  in 
the  parliament  approached,  the  Earl  of  Arundel,  Lord 
Chamberlain,  was  in  waiting  at  Lambeth.  He  was  at- 
tended by  six  Knights  of  the  Garter ;  he  was  accompanied 
by  the  Lord  Chancellor,  who  was  attended  by  an  equal 
number  of  prelates.  The  king  was,  as  before,  at  the  gate 
of  the  palace  to  receive  the  legate,  and  to  induct  him,  in 
due  state,  to  the  queen. 

As  the  cortege  entered  the  chamber,  the  whole  as- 
sembly arose.  There  was  a  dead  silence,  as  the  Lord 
Chancellor,  having  first  made  obeisance  to  the  king  and 
queen,  faced  the  two  houses  now  assembled,  and  read  the 
resolution  which,  framed  in  the  same  words,  had  been 
agreed  upon  in  each  house  separately.  He  now  put  it 
to  them  collectively,  whether,  adhering  to  these  resolu- 
tions, they  were  pleased  to  supplicate  the  legate  for 
pardon,  and  to  acknowledge  the  supremacy  of  the  pope. 
Some  of  them  answered  Yea,  and  the  silence  of  the 
rest  being  taken  for  consent,  the  petition  was  presented 
to  the  king  and  queen  in  the  name  of  the  Parliament  of 
England. 

The  queen,  for  form's  sake,  cast  her  eye  on  the  petition, 
and  handed  it  to  the  king.  The  king  and  queen  having 
made  a  show  of  consulting  together  returned  it  to  the 
Chancellor. 

A  prouder  position  than  that  now  occupied  by  Eegi- 
nald  Pole  as  an  individual,  or  one  more  degrading  to  the 
nation,  can  scarcely  be  imagined.     Of  all  the  assembly 


ARCHBISHOPS   OF   CAXTERBURY.  285 

he  alone  retained  his  seat.     Before  him  knelt  tlie  Queen     chap. 


IV 


of  England  and  her  husband,  the  son  of  the  emperor ;  the 
nation,  represented  by  the  two  houses  of  parliament,  was      Poie^ 
on  its  knees,  as  it  were,  before  tlie  minister  of  a  foreign    1 556-58. 
potentate.    Their  majesties,  as  individuals  uncontaminated 
by  the  schism,  were  the  suppliants  of  a  proud  nation  soli- 
citing for  slavery. 

Pole  proudly  remarked — 

"  Much  indeed  has  this  English  nation  to  thank  the 
Almighty  for  recalling  them  to  His  fold.  Once  again 
hath  God  given  a  token  of  His  special  favour  to  the 
realm  ;  for  as  this  nation,  in  the  time  of  the  primitive 
Church,  was  the  first  to  be  called  out  of  the  darkness  of 
heathenism,  so  now  have  they  been  the  first  to  whom  God 
has  given  grace  to  repent  of  their  schism  ;  and  if  their  re- 
pentance be  sincere,  how  will  the  angels  rejoice  at  the 
conversion  of  a  single  sinner,  and  triumph  at  the  recovery 
of  a  great  and  noble  people  !  " 

The  king  and  queen  returned  to  their  thrones.  There 
is  something  approaching  to  the  sublime  in  the  calmness 
displayed  on  this  occasion  by  Pole.  He  had  learned  in 
Italy  the  value  of  a  coup  de  theatre.  He  remained  sitting. 
He  directed  his  secretary  to  read  the  bulls  and  briefs  by 
which  he  was  commissioned  to  act,  and  by  which  he  was 
invested  with  the  power  of  a  plenipotentiary.  Probably 
only  an  abstract  from  the  documents  was  read  ;  but,  even 
in  this  case,  some  length  of  time  must  have  intervened 
before  the  legate  himself  spoke.  During  this  time  he 
could  contemplate  the  degradation  of  the  nation,  regarded 
by  him  as  only  the  triumph  of  rehgion.  The  king  and 
queen  might  have  regarded  their  part  as  accomplislied, 
for  the  absolution  about  to  be  pronounced  had  no  direct 
reference  to  them— but  they  were  on  their  knees.  The 
Queen  of  England,  and  tlic  three  estates  of  the  realm, 


28G  LIVES   OF   THE 

CH.Aj*.     knelt  before  Eeginald  Pole,  when,  extending  his  arms,  he 

>_^: — .  absolved  a  prostrate  people.* 

^pik.'"^        "  Our  Lord  Jesus  Christ,  which  with  His  most  precious 

1556-58.  blood  liatli  redeemed  and  washed  us  from  all  our  sins  and 
iniquities,  that  He  might  purchase  to  Himself  a  glorious 
spouse  without  spot  or  wrinkle,  and  whom  the  Father 
hath  appointed  Head  over  all  His  Church,  He  by  His 
mercy  absolve  you,  and  we,  by  the  apostolic  authority 
given  unto  us  by  the  most  holy  Lord  Pope  Julius  the 
Third,  His  vicegerent  on  earth,  do  absolve  and  deliver 
you  and  every  of  you,  with  the  whole  realm  and  the  do- 
minions thereof,  from  all  heresy  and  schism,  and  from  all 
and  every  judgments,  censures,  and  pains  for  that  cause 
incurred.  And  also  we  do  restore  you  again  to  the  unity 
of  the  Holy  Church,  as  in  our  letters  of  commission  more 
plainly  shall  appear,  in  the  name  of  the  Father,  the  Son, 
and  the  Holy  Ghost." 

A  procession  was  formed  to  the  chapel,  where  a  Te 
Deum  was  sung. 

It  was  four  o'clock  before  the  services  were  concluded. 
Pole  had  only  time  to  write  a  short  despatch  to  Eome 
announcing  an  event,  which,  if  anticipated,  was  not 
expected  to  result  in  so  complete  a  triumph.f  The  joy 
of  the  apathetic  Julius  HI.  was  exuberant ;  and  it  is  to 
his  credit,  that  he  made  the  proceedings  in  England  a 
ground  for  renewing  his  attempt  to  promote  the  pacifica- 
tion of  Europe. 

*  The  briefs  and  bulls  are  to  be  found  in  the  appendix  to  Tierney's 
edition  of  Dodd.  There  are  extracts  from  them  in  Wilkins,  iv.  91. 
They  are  in  Latin,  and  in  the  technical  phraseology  of  the  ecclesiastical 
courts ;  hence  I  infer  that  they  were  not  read  in  extenso. 

f  See  Quirini,  v.  ].  There  is  a  passage,  offensively  expressed  in  the 
style  of  the  age,  in  which  he  compares  the  marriage  of  Mary  and  Phihp 
to  the  mystical  union  betwixt  Christ  and  His  Church.  It  was  in  ac- 
cordance with  the  bad  taste  of  the  time. 


ARCHBISHOPS   OF   CANTERBURY.  287 

On  the  2nd  of  December,  Advent  Sunday,  Cardinal  Pole  chap. 
again  embarked  in  his  state  barge,  and  was  rowed  to  Castle  ^ — , '  -* 
Baynard.  The  Lord  Mayor  and  the  corporation  were  in  pX. 
waiting  to  receive  him  with  all  the  honour  due  to  a  loae-os 
papal  legate.*  He  was  escorted  by  the  civic  authorities 
to  St.  Paul's.  At  the  west  door  of  the  cathedral  he  was 
met  by  the  Bishop  of  Winchester,  and  such  of  the  bishops 
as  had  conformed  to  the  present  order  of  things, 
in  their  pontificals  and  mitred,  and  by  the  clergy  of  the 
cathedral  in  splendid  copes.  They  passed  in  procession  to 
the  choir.  As  tlie  clock  struck  ten,  the  king  had  arrived 
with  a  magnificent  retinue,  and  under  an  escort  of  four 
hundred  horse.  High  mass  was  celebrated ;  and  the 
courtiers,  accustomed  to  mingle  with  the  people,  left 
the  church,  and  joined  the  multitude  assembled  at  St. 
Paul's  Cross.  Bishop  Gardyner  ascended  the  pulpit,  and 
repeated  in  the  ears  of  all,  the  absolution  which  the 
legate  had  previously  pronounced  upon  the  Church  and 
Eealm  of  England.  He  took  his  text  from  Eomans  xiii.  : 
"  Seeing  the  time  that  now  it  is  high  time  to  awake  out  of 
sleep."  f  The  sermon  was,  on  the  part  of  Gardyner,  a 
complete  palinode.  The  reaction  had  now  set  in,  and  was 
only  afterwards  to  be  checked  by  the  horror  occasioned 
through  the  persecutions,  which  have  given  to  Mary's 
reign,  and  to  the  queen  herself,  a  bad  pre-eminence. 

Convocation  was  in  session  when  Pole  arrived  in 
England  as  legate  a  latere ;  and  the  convocation  peti- 
tioned the  king  and  queen  to  interpose  in  behalf  of  the 
clergy,  that  they  might  obtain  absolution  from  the  legate 

*  Immediately  after  the  reversal  of  bis  attainder,  Pole  received  a 
message  from  the  queen  authorising  him  to  appear  as  legate,  and  by  her 
authority,  verbally  given,  he  acted  ;  but  his  formal  licence,  as  given  in 
his  register,  bears  date  the  10th  of  December. 

f  Strypc,  Memorials,  iii.  326.  ^ 


288  LIVES   OF   THE 

for  the  sin  of  the  Eeformation,  chiefly  effected  through 
their  instrumentality.  The  legate  appointed  a  meeting  of 
"^PoTe!^"^  the  two  houses  at  Lambeth  ;  and  on  the  6th  of  December, 
1856-58.  1554^  absolved  them  from  all  their  perjuries,  schisms,  and 
heresies.  The  absolution  was  received  by  the  clergy  on 
their  bended  knees  ;  and  a  commission  was  granted  to  the 
bishops  to  give  a  similar  absolution  in  their  respective 
dioceses.* 

The  lower  house  of  convocation  had  been  carefully 
packed  in  the  last  elections,  and  now  proceeded  to 
stultify  itself  by  a  vote  that  heretical  books  might 
be  destroyed,  including  under  that  denomination  the 
schismatical  communion  book,  or  "  the  reformed  mis- 
sal," as  drawn  up  in  the  late  reign,  suspicious  trans- 
lations of  the  Bible,  and  the  English  ordinal ;  but  the 
clergy  in  convocation,  being  most  of  them  seculars,  were 
as  resolute  as  the  laity,  in  resisting  any  attempt  to  restore 
the  alienated  abbey  lands.  Either  in  suspicion  of  the 
cardinal's  intentions,  or  to  strengthen  his  hands,  the 
clergy  of  the  province  of  Canterbury  presented  a  petition 
to  the  throne  expressive  of  their  determination  to  support 
the  titles  of  those  who  had  purchased  Church  property. 
They  also  expressed  a  hope  that  the  cardinal  would  be 
supported  by  the  government  in  his  endeavour  once 
more  to  place  the  Church  on  such  a  basis  as  would  be 
most  conducive  to  the  welfare  of  religion.  A  similar 
petition,  more  specific  in  its  details,  was  presented  by  the 
two  houses  of  parliament.  The  petitions  being  referred 
to  the  cardinal,  he  acceded  to  all  the  demands  in  an 
instrument  published  on  the  24th  of  December.  All 
cathedral  churches,  colleges,  and  schools  founded,  during 

*  There  was  a  convocation  held  in  ]553,  in  which  the  doctrine  of 
transubstantiation  was  asserted,  and  of  which  an  account  is  given  in  the 
life  of  Cranmer.  The  second  convocation  in  Mary's  reign  was  sum- 
moned by  a  writ  addressed  to  the  Bishop  of  London. 


ARCIIBTSnOPS   OF   CAXTERBUTIY.  289 

the  so-called  schism,  were  to  be  preserved  ;  all  marriages     chap. 

contracted  within  the  prohibited  degrees,  but  under  the  . i^ . 

sanction  of  the  civil  law,  were  to  be  valid  ;  all  institutions  p^"e 
and  benefices,  all  dispensations  granted  under  an  act  of  1 556-58. 
parliament,  and  all  judicial  processes  made  before  the 
ordinaries,  or  before  delegates,  were,  on  approval,  to 
be  confirmed  ;  and  all  persons  having  sufficient  con- 
veyance of  any  lands,  tenements,  or  other  property 
formerly  belonging  to  the  Church,  might,  without  scruple 
of  conscience,  and  without  impediment  or  trouble  by 
pretence  of  any  general  council,  canons,  or  ecclesiastical 
laws,  thenceforth  continue  to  enjoy  the  same. 

Nothing  could  be  more  entire  or  satisfactory  than  this 
surrender  of  Church  property.  The  possessors  of  the 
alienated  lands  felt  that  their  tenure  had  become  doubly 
secure.  What  had  been  done  by  the  State  in  this  respect 
was  now  ratified  by  the  Church  ;  and  the  acts  of  the 
Eeformation  were  maintained  in  all  things,  except  where 
doctrine  and  the  papal  supremacy  were  concerned. 

On  the  4th  of  January,  1555,  a  few  days  after  the 
publication  by  Pole  of  the  instrument  to  which  allusion  has 
just  been  made,  a  bill  was  drawn  up,  and  passed  both  houses 
of  parliament  without  opposition.  In  this  statute  were 
repealed  all  acts,  together  with  all  clauses,  sentences,  and 
articles  in  an  act  passed  in  the  twentieth  of  Henry  VIII., 
against  the  supremacy  of  the  see  apostolic.  It  provided, 
with  respect  to  bulls,  dispensations,  and  privileges  ob- 
tained or  to  be  obtained  from  the  see  of  Eome,  that  all 
such  instruments,  not  containing  matter  prejudicial  to  the 
royal  authority,  or  to  the  laws  and  customs  of  the  realm, 
might  be  put  in  execution,  and  alleged  in  any  sort  what- 
ever ;  it  established  the  jurisdiction  of  the  bishops  over 
all  exempt  churches  and  chapels  in  their  respective 
dioceses  :  it  concluded  by  declaring,  that  nothing  in  tlie 

VOL.  VIII.  u 


290  LIVES   OF   THE 

CHAP,     act  contained  should  be  construed  to  lessen  the  authority 

> .J — '  or  preroo-atives  belonc^ino^  to  the  crown  in  the  twentieth 

Po?e.      J^^^  of  Henry  VIII. ;  that  the  pope  should  have  and  enjoy, 

1556-58.  without  diminution  or  enlargement,  the  same  authority, 
pre-eminence,  and  jurisdiction  which  he  might  then  have 
lawfully  exercised  in  virtue  of  his  supremacy ;  and  that 
the  jurisdiction  of  archbishops,  bishops,  and  other  ordi- 
naries was  to  be  restored  to  the  same  state  in  which  it 
had  existed  antecedently  to  that  period.* 

This  was  the  statute  which  may  be  said  to  have  sealed 
Pole's  triumph  over  the  liberties  of  his  country ;  and  we 
cannot  record  it  without  expressing  the  indignation  which 
every  patriot  must  feel  against  the  legislators  of  that  day. 
Puritan   historians,   in    their   zeal   against   popery,    and 
infidel  historians,  in  their  hostility  to  the  Christian  re- 
ligion, endeavour  to  throw  the  blame  of  these  proceed- 
ings and  the  persecuting    enactments,  exclusively  upon 
the  Eomanizing  bishops  and  clergy ;  but  it  is  to  be  re- 
membered, that  although  there  is  no  doubt  of  their  con- 
currence with  the  laity,  the  clergy  not  only  had  no  seat 
in  the  House  of  Commons,  but  they  were  not  permitted 
even  to  vote  in  the  election  of  its  members.     The  par- 
liament throughout  this  period,  whether  influenced  or  not 
by  court  intrigue  and  Spanish  gold,  were  so  far  in  ad- 
vance of  the  clergy,  in  their  zeal  to  put  down  Protestantism 
and  to  establish  popery,  that  Burnet,  a  Protestant  of  the 
Protestants,  does  not  hesitate  to  assert,  that  the  Eomaniz- 
ing bishops  "  were  forced  to  moderate  the  heat  of  the 
House  of  Commons."     Certain  it  is,  that  by  the  leading 
laymen  of  the  age,  w^ho  formed  the  queen's  council,  a 
complaint  was  then  made,  not  unintelligible  even  at  the 
present  time,  that  the  bishops  were  remiss  in  their  pro- 
ceedings against  the  heretics  ;  and  even  against  Bonner 

*  Stat.  I.  and  II.  Phil.  &  Mary,  c.  8. 


AUCIIBISIIOPS    OF   CANTERBURY.  201 

himself  such  a  charge  was  substantiated,  because  lie  re-     chap. 

fused  to  proceed  against  persons  who,  not  living  in  his  ^-i)^ ' 

diocese,  were  not  legally  under  his  jurisdiction.*  "p^/ 

These  events,  so  far  exceeding,  in  tlieir  success,  the  i6o6-58. 
most  sanguine  expectations  of  the  papal  party,  had  been 
notified  to  the  pope,  not  only  by  the  despatch  of  the 
legate,  but  by  an  autograph  letter  from  King  Philip.  It 
was  the  policy  of  the  young  king  to  conciliate  the 
authorities  at  Eome,  and  consequently  a  formal  embassy 
was  despatched  to  the  papal  see ;  and  it  was  arranged 
that  the  submission  of  the  realm  of  England  to  that 
foreign  potentate  should  be  signified  to  his  holiness  by 
persons  representing  every  class  of  society.  The  formal 
acknowledgment  of  the  papal  supremacy  was  conveyed 
to  Eome  by  the  Bishop  of  Ely  on  the  part  of  the 
clergy  of  the  Church  of  England,  by  Lord  Montague 
as  the  representative  of  the  nobles,  by  Sir  Edward 
Carne  on  the  part  of  the  commonalty.     The  last-named 

*  Burnet,  who  of  all  men  would  have  been  the  last  to  vindicate 
Bonner,  is  obliged  to  admit  that  "  he  complained  that  the  matter  was 
turned  over  upon  him,  the  rest  looking  on  and  leaving  the  execution  of 
these  laws  wholly  to  him  ;  so  when  the  justices  and  sheriffs  sent  up 
heretics  to  him,  he  sent  them  back  and  refused  to  meddle  further. 
Upon  which  the  king  and  queen  writ  to  him,  on  the  24th  of  INIay,  com- 
plaining of  this,  and  admonished  him  to  have  from  henceforth  more 
regard  to  the  office  of  a  good  pastor  and  bishop;  and  when  such  offenders 
were  brought  to  him,  to  endeavour  to  rem(ive  them  from  their  errors,  or, 
if  they  were  obstinate,  to  proceed  against  them  according  to  law." 
(Burnet,  ii.  499.)  Perhaps  no  specimen  of  party  malignity  can  be  pro- 
duced to  compare  with  that  of  which  the  Whig  historian  is  guilty  wlien, 
without  a  shadow  of  proof,  he  gratuitously  remarks :  "  This  letter  he 
caused  to  be  put  in  his  register,  from  whence  I  coj)it'd  it,  and  have 
placed  it  in  the  collections.  Whether  he  procured  this  himself  for  a 
colour  to  excuse  his  proceedings,  or  whether  it  was  sent  to  him  by  rea- 
son of  his  slackness,  is  not  certain  ;  but  the  latter  is  more  probable,  lor 
he  had  burnt  none  during  five  weeks,  but  he  soon  redeemed  that  loss  of 
time." 

u  2 


29-J 


LIVES    OP    THE 


CHAP. 
IV. 


Reginald 
Pole. 


person  remained  as  the  representative  of  England  at  the 
court  of  Eome. 

The  embassy  liad  scarcely  set  sail,  when  news  arrived  in 
1556-58.  England  of  the  death  of  Julius  III.  The  news  was  so 
unexpected  that  the  English  court  had  not  time  to  exert 
itself  in  favour  of  Pole  ;  and  the  news  of  the  vacancy  was 
followed  by  the  announcement  that  Marcello  Cervini,  Car- 
dinal of  Santa  Croce,  had  been  elected  to  the  papal  throne, 
under  the  title  of  Marcellus  II. 

Never  did  man  bear  a  higher  character  for  the  posses- 
sion of  every  Christian  grace  than  this  distinguished 
person,  whose  friendship  for  Pole  is  a  testimonial  to  the 
character  of  the  latter  personage  not  to  be  forgotten.* 

"  The  opinion,"  says  a  contemporary  quoted  by  Eanke, 
"  that  men  had  of  the  goodness  and  the  matchless  wisdom 
of  Marcellus  inspired  the  world  with  hope.  Now,  if 
ever,  it  seemed  possible  for  the  Church  to  extinguish 
heretical  opinions,  to  put  an  end  to  abuses  and  corrupt 
living,  to  regain  her  health  and  her  unity." 

The  commencement  of  the  reign  of  Marcellus  corre- 
sponded with  these  anticipations.    He  would  not  suffer  his 


*  Even  the  cautious  Sir  John  Mason,  in  announcing  the  fact  to 
our  government,  cannot  forbear  from  saying,  "  The  man  is  much  com- 
mended for  his  wisdom  and  all  other  good  parts  fit  for  the  place,  void 
of  corruption,  and  not  wont  to  be  led  by  any  partial  affection,  and 
therefore,  in  the  discourse  made  of  the  division  of  the  cardinals  be- 
tween the  one  side  and  the  other,  he  was  accounted  neuter.  He  was 
brought  up  under  Papa  Paulo,  whose  secretary  he  was,  and  therefore 
hath  he,  in  sundry  things,  much  (somewhat  in  times  past)  seemed  to 
lean  to  the  faction  of  Farnese,  with  whom  he  was  sent  to  the  wars  of 
Almain  as  councillor  and  paymaster  of  the  bands  sent  at  that  time  by 
the  pope  to  the  aid  of  the  emperor  ;  and  about  the  same  time  he  was 
made  cardinal.  Nevertheless,  the  conjecture  that  the  world  hath  of 
him  is,  that  he  will,  without  respect,  in  this  charge  demean  himself 
uprightly,  and  so  as  may  best  tend  to  the  universal  peace  of  Christen- 
dom."—Ty  tier,  ii.  467. 


ARCHBISHOPS    OF   CAXTERBURY.  293 

relations  to  come  to  Eome ;  he  introduced  numerous  re-     chap. 
ductions  in  the  expenditure  of  his  court ;  he  is  said  to  ^    ^^' _- 
have  left  a  memoir,  composed  by  himself,  on  the  improve-    "^  pX^^ 
ments  to  be  introduced  in  the  institutes  of  the  Church ;    loos-os. 
he  immediately  endeavoured  to  restore  divine  service  to  its 
due  solemnity ;  all  his  thoughts  were  turned  to  a  council, 
and  to  reform.     In  a  political  point  of  view  he  took  a 
neutral  position,  with  which  the  emperor  was  satisfied. 
"  Nevertheless,"  said  his  contemporaries,  "  the  world  was 
not  wortliy  of  him."      The  words  of  Virgil  concerning 
another  Marcellus  might  be  applied  to  him : — 

*'  Ostendent  terris  hunc  tantum  fata." 

On  the  22nd  day  of  his  pontificate  he  died.*  At  the 
time  of  his  death  Pole  was  on  the  Continent.  He  was  ajjain 
playing  the  part  of  a  statesman,  and  again  he  only  proved 
his  incapacity.  Of  the  events  in  England  Pole  had  apprized 
the  King  of  France  ;  and  he  had  observed  that,  having 
accomplished  so  great  a  work  as  the  reconciliation  of  Eng- 
land and  Eome,  he  was  directing  his  mind  to  effect  a  peace 
between  the  French  king  and  the  emperor.  To  the  same 
purpose  he  addressed  letters  to  the  constable,  and  some  of 
the  leading  statesmen  at  Paris,  who,  together  with  the 
king,  had  been  accustomed,  while  rejecting  his  advice,  to 
speak  in  flattering  terms  of  the  personage  by  whom  that 
advice  was  proffered.  In  this  negotiation,  Pole's  desire 
was  to  emulate  the  grandeur  of  Wjolsey,  but,  as  compared 
to  Wolsey,  he  stood  as  a  pigmy  to  a  giant. 

It  was  during  Pole's  absence  from  England,  that  the 
news  came  of  the  death  of  Marcellus. 

The  queen  immediately  exerted  herself  to  procure  the 
election  of  Pole   as   his   successor.     To  the  chancellor, 

*  Ranke,  i.  191. 


294  LIVES    OF    THE 

CHAP.  Bisliop  Gardyner,  to  the  Earl  of  Arundel,  and  to  the  Lord 
■ — -r^ — .  Paget,  who  were  at  this  time  with  Pole,  in  the  neighbour- 
'poTe!  hood  of  Calais,  she  sent  a  letter,  requiring  them  to  urge 
ioo6-58.  the  Frencli  kinix  to  use  his  influence  in  favour  of  the  Car- 
dinal  of  England.  It  was  not  probable,  that  Henry  would 
cordially  concur  in  the  recommendation  of  a  cardinal 
whose  interests,  whatever  they  at  one  time  may  have  been, 
must  have  attached  him  now  to  the  cause  of  Spain  ;  but 
he  promised  fairly  to  the  queen,  and,  if  we  may  give 
credit  to  the  queen's  minister  at  Brussels,  who  in  penning 
a  despatch  had  always  some  regard  to  the  inclinations  of 
the  person  addressed,  Pole's  name  was  certainly  men- 
tioned at  Eome,  as  one  on  whom  the  choice  of  the  cardinals 
might  possibly  fall.  Writing  on  the  23rd  of  May  from 
Brussels,  he  says,  "  The  cardinals  entered  into  conclave  on 
the  15th  instant ;  the  names  mentioned  as  having  a  chance 
of  being  elected  pope  are,  the  Cardinal  of  England,  Car- 
dinal di  Fano,  Cardinal  Morone,  and  the  Cardinal  of 
Naples,  named  Chietino — Archbishop  of  Chieti."  On  the 
25th  he  wrote — "  The  cardinals  entered  into  conclave. 
Ferrara  makes  shift  by  all  means,  lawful  and  unlawful,  to 
carry  the  bell  aAvay ;  but  others,  doubting  the  incon- 
venience of  such  election,  and  detecting  the  open  bribery 
of  his  agents,  do  their  best  to  let  him  ;  and,  what  is  best, 
Farnese,  who  was  thought  on  his  side,  makes  a  party 
against  him.  It  is  thought,  when  he  sees  no  chance 
of  success,  he  will  give  his  influence  to  Fano.  The 
wagers  in  the  banks  run  upon  England,  Morone,  Fano, 
and  Naples,  otherwise  called  Chietino  (Chieti) ;  and  least 
IS  laid  on  Ferrara  his  side,  though  he  thrust  never  so  fast 
at  it."*  From  this  despatch  we  may  surmise  what  was  re- 
garded as  Pole's  chance,  and  in  a  letter  dated  the  29th,  the 
ambassador  observes  : — "  In  the  banks  at  Eome  are  laid  on 

*  State  Papers,  Foreign,  p.  170. 


ARCHBISHOPS    OF    CANTERBURY.  295 

the  head  of  the  Cardinal  of  Naples  twenty  for  the  liiin-     cuav. 
dred  ;  upon  Ferrara,  sixteen  ;  on  Pole,  Fano,  and  Morone,  ^ — :^ — ' 
twelve.     If  our  cardinal  were  present  at  Eome,  lie  were      Pole, 
by  the  common  opinion  like  to  be  made  pope."  *  i656-.08. 

We  may  doubt  whether  Pole  had  any  real  chance.  In 
the  election  of  Marcellus,  the  cardinals  had  shown,  that 
they  were  aware  that  the  time  had  come  when  no  one 
ought  to  be  chosen  to  the  popedom  whose  moral  character 
was  not  unimpeachable  ;  and  the  purity  of  Pole's  life  had 
recommended  him  on  a  former  occasion.  But  they  had 
also  become  aware  that,  combined  with  a  good  moral 
character,  the  times  required  a  man  of  intellectual  powder, 
with  energy  in  action,  and  with  firmness  in  maintaining 
what  he  thought  to  be  conducive  to  the  well-being  of  the 
Church  and  of  society.  If  the  cardinals  had  not  dis- 
covered that  Pole  was  in  all  these  respects  deficient,  there 
w^ere,  nevertheless,  statesmen  at  hand  to  advise  them  that 
Pole  was  violent  and  weak,  fawning  in  his  humility, 
violent  in  his  hostihties,  if  not  irascible  yet  implacable 
when  offended,  defective  in  judgment,  ready  to  undertake 
any  office  proposed  to  him,  but  too  indolent  to  carry  to  a 
happy  conclusion  what,  in  his  self-sufficiency,  he  was  eager 
to  commence.  Such  was  not  the  man  demanded  by  the 
exigencies  of  the  time.  Although,  in  electing  Paul  IV., 
their  choice  was  not  a  happy  one,  nevertheless  they  had 
selected  a  man  who,  in  regard  to  sensual  indulgence,  had 
from  his  youth  been  austere  even  to  asceticism  ;  and  they 
had  no  reason  to  suppose  that,  at  threescore  years  and 
fourteen,  his  partisanship  would  be  unreasonable.  They 
could  not  anticipate,  from  his  antecedents,  that  he  would 
give  play  to  those  vindictive  passions  which  made  his  death 
appear  premature,  when  at  the  age  of  seventy-eight  he 

*  State  Papers,  Foreign,  p.  170. 


Polo. 
]  ,)o6-58. 


296  LIVES    OF    THE 

^^^^'  expired  in  a  paroxysm  of  wrath.  It  has,  indeed,  been  ob- 
served that,  in  persons  of  an  excitable  temperament,  their 
angry  passions,  as  they  advance  in  years,  instead  of  dis- 
appearing, become  more  inflammable ;  and  so  it  was  with 
Panl.  To  Pole,  personally,  the  election  of  Gianpietro 
Caraffa  to  the  pontificate,  nnder  the  title  of  Paul  IV.,  must 
have  been  as  offensive  as  the  election  of  Marcellus  had 
been  acceptable.  In  pohtics,  as  well  as  in  their  private 
relations,  Pole  and  the  new  pope  had  been  long  opposed  ; 
and  it  seemed  scarcely  possible  that  they  should  escape 
a  collision. 

Impohtic,  however,  as  Paul's  conduct  towards  England 
afterwards  became,  and  personally  hostile  as  he  was  to  Pole, 
nothing  could  be  more  gracious  than  his  reception  of  the 
ambassadors  from  England  when  first  they  appeared  at  his 
court.  They  had  been  despatched  to  acknowledge  the 
papal  supremacy  in  the  person  of  Marcellus,  and  they  ar- 
rived in  Eome  on  the  very  day  when  Paul  was  crowned. 
In  that  ceremony  they  took  their  part,  and  by  so  doing 
they  gratified  the  pope,  who  was  as  eager,  when  gratified, 
to  evince  his  pleasure  in  glowing  language,  as  he  was 
ready,  when  offended,  to  express  his  indignation  without 
restraint.  They  humbled  themselves  and  disgraced  their 
country,  by  prostrating  themselves  before  the  pope  and 
seeking  his  absolution.  His  blessing  he  could  easily 
grant,  and  raising  the  prostrate  nobles  of  England,  he 
embraced  them,  and  condescended  to  receive  the  humili- 
ated nation  into  favour. 

It  was  on  the  5th  of  June  that  these  events  took  place, 
and  five  days  after  he  granted  the  English  ambassadors 
an  audience.  On  this  occasion  he  ratified  whatever  the 
English  cardinal  had  done,  and,  as  far  as  the  process  was 
necessary,  he  re-enacted  it.  It  is  worthy  of  remark,  con- 
sidering what  afterwards  occurred,  that  he  went  out  of 


ARCHBISHOPS    OF    CANTERBURY.  297 

his  way  to  recognize  Cardinal  Pole.     In  a  letter  addressed     chap. 

to  Philip  and  Mary,   and  preserved   among  the  acts  of  "^Z—- 

the  consistory,  he  made  a  point  of  assuring  them  that  ^^^Po'Je!'^ 
nothing  would  be  wanting  on  his  part  that  could  conduce  ioog-os. 
to  the  honour,  emolument,  and  dignity  of  Cardinal  Pole, 
whose  good  offices  towards  the  Eoman  see,  and  towards 
Paul  himself,  were  known  to  all  men.  When  he  after- 
wards accused  Pole  of  heresy,  it  might  have  been  urged, 
that  up  to  this  period  his  character  had  been  whitewashed, 
and  that  the  heretical  acts  must  have  been  committed  after 
the  transmission  of  this  letter,  dated  the  30th  of  June, 
1555.  In  the  letter  is  described  the  manner  in  which  the 
embassy  was  received,  through  whom  he  conveyed  the 
absolution  and  pardon  they  were  commissioned  to  seek  on 
behalf  of  a  guilty  but  penitent  realm.* 

The  ambassadors  presented  a  letter  from  Pole  himself. 
He  referred  to  the  zeal  in  the  cause  of  a  reformation 
formerly  evinced  by  Paul ;  and  a  hope  was  expressed  of 
seeing  now  carried  into  effect  those  reforms  which  were 
necessary  to  the  well-being  of  the  Church ;  a  full  admis- 
sion was  made  of  the  difficulties  which  would  have  to 
be  encountered ;  and  he  promised  to  render  his  cordial 
assistance  as  soon  as  he  had  received  the  commands 
of  his  holiness."  f 

By  partisans  on  tlie  one  side,  including  Pole  himself, 
Craiuncr  has  been  accused  of  having  sacrificed  his  prin- 
ciples in  his  eagerness  to  secure  the  primacy :  in  the  life  of 
Cranmer  we  have  shoAvn  how  entirely  without  foundation 
is    the  charge  thus  brought  against  tliat  eminent  man.J 

*  Ex  Actis  Consistorialibus,  13G.  f  Qiiirini,  v.  11. 

J  Tlie  above  was  written  when  I  found  tlie  following  passage  in  "  A 
Specimen  of  the  Errors  of  Burnet,  written  by  the  Hand  of  Henry  Wharton 
under  the  Pseudonym  of  Anthony  Ilarnier  :  " — "  I  am  very  unwiHing," 
says  Wharton,  "  to  believe  that  a  person  of  such  eminent  virtue  as  Car- 
dinal Pole  is  by  all  allov/ed  to  have  been  could  be  guilty  of  so  base  an 


298 


LIVES   OF   THE 


CHAP. 
IV. 

Reginald 
Pole. 

1556-58. 


Wlien  by  partisans  on  the  other  side  Pole  is  accused 
of  having  hastened  Cranmer's  death,  in  his  eagerness  to 
obtain  possession  of  tlie  see  of  Canterbury,  we  are  bound 
to  admit  that  the  charge  is  equally  groundless.  The  truth 
is,  that  Pole  could  have  had  no  object  in  expediting  the 
execution  of  Cranmer ;  for  upon  the  degradation  of 
Cranmer,  the  see  of  Canterbury  had  become  vacant ; 
and,  as  administrator  of  the  see,  Pole  was  de  facto 
primate,  endowed  with  the  emoluments,  and  invested 
with  the  authority  of  the  office.  It  is  very  doubtful 
whether  he  wished  for  the  archbishopric  at  all ;  he 
apparently  accepted  it  only  at  the  request  of  his  sove- 
reign and  of  the  pope.  In  Pole's  view  of  the  subject,  the 
archbishopric  would  not   add   to   the   personal  dignity, 


action.  The  truth  is,  he  could  have  no  such  design.  For  it  was  before 
shewed  that  the  see  of  Canterbury  had  been  actually  voided  imme- 
diately upon  the  attainture  of  Cranmer  in  the  end  of  the  year  1553. 
After  his  attainture  at  home,  and  deposition  and  excommunication  pro- 
nounced at  Eome  (of  which  I  spoke  before),  he  was  dead  to  the  canon 
as  well  as  the  common  law.  His  natural  life  could  be  no  obstacle  to 
the  advancement  of  Pole  to  the  archbishopric.  And,  accordingly,  that 
very  Pope  Paul  (of  whom  the  historian  maketh  Pole  to  have  been  so 
much  afraid,  lest  he  should  defeat  his  hope  of  the  archbishopric,  if 
Cranmer's  life  were  not  quickly  taken  away)  had,  by  a  bull  dated  1555, 
Decemb.  11,  collated  or  providedPole  to  the  archbishopric  of  Canterbury, 
constituting  him  administrator  of  the  archbishopric  with  full  power  and 
jurisdiction.  Upon  the  reception  and  publication  of  these  bulls  in 
England  (which  was  about  the  beginning  of  the  following  month),  Pole 
was,  to  all  intents  and  purposes,  fully  possessed  of  the  archbishopric, 
although  he  was  not  consecrated  till  the  22nd  of  March  following,  the 
day  after  Cranmer's  martyrdom.  The  historian  reneweth  this  charge 
against  Pole  (page  310),  but  there  urgeth  the  same  argument  only, 
namely,  his  choosing  the  next  day  after  Cranmer's  death  for  his  conse- 
cration ;  which  is  of  no  moment,  since  Cranmer  had  in  his  account,  and 
in  canon  and  common  law,  ceased  long  since  to  be  Archbishop  of  Can- 
terbury, and  himself  had  been  possessed  of  the  archbishopric  above 
two  months." 


ARCHBISHOPS   OF   CANTERBURY.  299 

though  it  might  to  the  power,  of  a  cardinal ;  and  in  tlie     chap. 

case  of  Cardinal  Pole  not  even  to  his  power,  for  he  was  > \r^ - 

already  all-powerful  at  court.  He  was  in  an  infirm  state  of  pX. 
health,  and  his  habits,  we  are  expressly  told,  were  those  io56-o8. 
of  a  foreigner.  Italy  was  the  place  for  a  valetudinarian  ; 
and  that  he  came  to  England  without  an  intention  of  mak- 
ing it  his  permanent  abode,  we  may  fairly  infer  from  the 
fact,  already  noticed,  that  his  domestic  establishment  con- 
tinued as  it  was  before  his  arrival,  and  it  was  composed 
of  foreigners  never  acceptable  to  the  English.  The  object 
of  his  life  had  been  to  reconcile  the  Chm'ch  and  Eealm  of 
England  to  the  see  of  Eome,  and  then  to  carry  out  the  re- 
formation on  a  plan  of  his  own.*  A  man,  by  a  complica- 
tion of  disorders,  prematurely  old  and  naturally  or  from 
ill-health  indolent,  he  had  sacrificed  his  ease  to  the  grati- 
fication of  his  ambition,  and  he  had  accomplished  his 
object.  Having  done  so,  he  who  had  retired  from  the 
government  of  Viterbo,  may  have  been  desirous  of  re- 
turning to  his  retirement,  thence  to  contemplate  with 
complacency  the  work  which  had  caused  the  gratitude 
of  a  pope,  a  jubilee  at  Eome,  and,  it  was  even  hoped, 
the  pacification  of  Europe.  In  yielding  to  the  royal  wish, 
that  he  should  accept  the  primacy  of  all  England,  he  pro- 
bably felt  that,  instead  of  receiving  a  favour,  he  was 
making  a  concession. 

His  views,  however,  if  such  they  were,  must  have 
undergone  a  change  when  the  papal  throne  was  occu- 
pied by  Paul  IV; ;  for  when  Paitl  IV.  was  pope,  Italy 
was  no   longer  a  place  of  safety  to  Pole.     Hence  we 

*  "  We  may  add,  tluit  in  a  council  held  at  Kome,  to  advise  Paul  III., 
in  1537,  on  the  subject  of  Church  reform,  and  in  which  Pole  sat,  it  was 
asserted  that  no  cardinal  ought  to  be  a  bishop  also.  Pole  nuist  have 
remembered  this  when  he  was  desired  to  take  the  archbishopric." — 
Wolfii  Memorand.  ii.  398. 


300  LIVES    OF    THE 

CHAP,     account  for  the  fact,  otherwise  unaccountable,  that,  instead 

—^^!^^-^   of  seeking  for  an  excuse  to  revisit  his  beloved  Italy,  he 

^Pdf"^    stipulated,  on  accepting  the  primacy,  that  he  should  be 

1556-58.    exonerated  from  the  obligation  of  paying  that  periodical 

visit  to  Eome  to  which  primates  pledged  themselves  on 

receiving  the  pall :  he  did  not  choose  to  go,  when  he 

could  not  be  certain  whether  the  Inquisition  would  permit 

him  to  return. 

His  chief  work  as  a  ruler  of  the  Church  had  been,  in 
truth,  accomj)lished  before  his  consecration  to  the  see  of 
Canterbury.  His  object  in  coming  to  England  had  been, 
as  we  have  seen,  twofold :  first,  to  reconcile  the  realm  to 
the  pope ;  and  having  secured  the  papal  supremacy,  then 
to  reform  the  Church  of  England,  the  corruption  of 
which  he  was  the  first  to  admit  or  even  to  assert. 

He  steadily  pursued  the  latter  object. 

In  the  year  1553,  and  in  the  two  years  following,  con- 
vocations were  held.  In  the  first,  although  the  Arch- 
bishop of  Canterbury  was  in  prison,  the  writ  for  summon- 
ing convocation  was  addressed  to  Cranmer  by  the  queen, 
still  styling  herself  supreme  head  of  the  Church  of  Eng- 
land— that  title  which  Queen  Elizabeth  refused  to  accept. 
At  this  convocation,  which  has  been  noticed  in  the  life  of 
Cranmer,  a  discussion  took  place  on  the  sacrament  of  the 
Lord's  Supper,  and  the  dogma  of  transubstantiation  was 
accepted  by  the  Church  of  England.* 

The  second  convocation  was  summoned  by  a  writ  to 
the  Dean  and  Chapter  of  Canterbury,  sede  archiepiscopali 
vacante  per  condemnationem  Thomce  Cranmeri.f  It  met 
on  the  13th  of  November,  1554.     To  this  convocation 

*  Wilkins,  iv.  88.     Wake,  495.     Hughes,  i.  461. 

f  Wake,  496,  601.  Strype's  Cranmer,  i.  495.  Memorials,  iii.  1253. 
The  see  was  now  vacant ;  Pole  might  have  been  appointed  if  he  had 
desired  it,  as  is  stated  at  page  298,  supra. 


ARCHB[SIIOr.S    OF    CAXTFJinrRY.  301 

also  allusion  lias  been  made  before.  It  was  in  session  when  chap. 
Pole's  attainder  was  cancelled;  it  sought  absolution,  which  -■.  ^)'- 
was  accorded  to  the  members  by  the  legate  at  Lambeth.*    ^^TtAe^^ 

On  the  22nd  of  October,  1555,  another  convocation  i556-o8. 
was  held.  In  this  convocation  a  proposal  was  made  for 
a  revision  of  the  canons.f  Instead,  however,  of  carrying 
out  this  measure  in  convocation,  it  was  suggested  by  his 
supporters,  or  proposed  by  Pole  himself,  that  the  refor- 
mation of  the  Church  should  be  conducted  in  a  legatine 
synod,  at  which  the  two  convocations  of  the  two  provinces 
of  the  Church  of  England  might  sit  in  one  assembly.  The 
synod  was  duly  convened  with  the  royal  permission.  On 
those  days  on  which  the  synod  did  not  sit,  the  two  con- 
vocations were  accustomed  to  meet  for  the  transaction  of 
business  relating  to  provincial  instead  of  national  objects  ; 
while  all  things  relating  to  the  reformation  of  the  Cliurch 
— a  national  object — were,  after  the  15th  of  November, 
conducted  not  in  convocations  but  in  Pole's  legatine 
council.  When,  to  avoid  the  penalties  of  a  prjemunire,  a 
warrant  under  the  great  seal  had  been  obtained  to  hold 
a  synod,  the  order  for  its  convocation  was  addressed  to 
the  Bishop  of  London,  as  Dean  of  the  Province  of  Can- 
terbury. It  was  his  duty  to  communicate  the  order  to 
the  bishops  of  the  two  provinces  of  Canterbury  and 
York,  and  to  all  others  among  the  clergy  who  were  pri- 
vileged by  their  station  in  the  Church  to  take  part  in 
the  discussions  and  votes  of  a  synod. 

Of  the  debates  which  took  placd  in  the  synod  we  have 

*  I  use  the  words  ''in  session,"  when  speaking  of  convocation,  for 
the  sake  of  convenience.  Strictly  speaking,  the  session  of  convocation 
only  refers  to  the  day  on  which  it  is  held, — not  as  in  reference  to 
parliament,  which  is  in  session  from  the  day  of  meeting  till  tlie  day  of 
prorogation. 

f  Wake,  490.     Wilkins,  iv.  120. 


302  LIVES   OF   THE 

.CHAP,     no  account,  but  the  result  of  the  discussions  is  given  in  an 

IV 

^ — /- — •  instrument  publislied  by  Pole  on  the  8th  of  May,  1556.  It 
pX      is  entitled  "  Eeformatio  Angliee  ex  Decretis  Eeginaldi  Poli, 

1556-58.  Cardinahs  Sedis  Apostohcse  Legati."  *  It  was  dated  at 
Lambeth  near  London,  in  the  diocese  of  Winchester.  Pole 
did  not  entertain  the  vulgar  and  sectarian  notion  preva- 
lent in  the  present  day,  which  would  represent  the  Catholic 
Church  as  having  been  supplanted  by  a  Protestant  sect ; 
but,  with  reference  to  the  Church  as  it  had  existed  in  the 
reigns  of  Henry  and  Edward,  he  affirms, "  That  this  Church 
of  England,  through  the  misfortune  of  the  past  schism  " 
(as  its  separation  from  Eome  was  called),  "  had  been  very 
much  deformed,  both  in  doctrine  and  in  practice  ;  "  and  on 
these  grounds,  he  introduces  another  reformation  of  the 
said  Church.  To  commemorate  the  reconciliation  of  this 
Church  of  England  with  the  Church  of  Eome,  he  ap- 
pointed an  annual  procession  to  take  place  on  St.  Andrew's 
day.  Provision  is  made  for  the  instruction  of  priests  in 
the  second  decree,  which  directs  that  a  Latin  Bible,  and 
other  works  proper  to  their  function,  be  procured  for 
every  church,  and  that  all  persons  reading  heretical  books 
without  a  dispensation  should  be  excommunicated  ;  and, 
inasmuch  as  the  greatest  amount  of  error  had  arisen  on 
those  points  which  relate  to  the  headship  of  the  Church 
and  to  the  sacraments,  an  abstract  is  given  of  the  state- 
ment made  on  these  subjects  at  the  Council  of  Florence, 
under  Pope  Eugenius  IV.  The  primacy  of  the  Bishop  of 
Eome  being  first  asserted,  the  decree  declares  the  sacra- 
ments to  be  seven  in  number.  "  All  these  sacraments,"  it 
is  said,  "  have  three  requisites  for  their  proper  accomplish- 

*  The  copy  in  my  possession  forms  one  volume  with  Pole's  treatise 
De  Concilio  and  his  De  Baptismo  Constantini.  See  also  Labbe  and 
Cossart,  xiv.  1733  ;  Wilkins,  iv.  155.  At  this  council,  continued  by 
prorogations  till  1557,  a  translation  of  the  New  Testament  was  ordered. 


ARCHBISHOPS    OF    CAXTERBURY.  303 

ment — ^viz.,  substance,  as  constituting  the  material  made     chap. 

use  of ;  words,  as  being  the  form  of  solemnization  ;  and  > ^-1^—^ 

the  person  who  solemnizes  the  rite  with  the  intention  of  pX! 
doing  that  which  the  Church  does,*  of  which  if  any  one  io56-58. 
fail  the  sacrament  is  not  perfectly  accomplished.  Among 
these  sacraments  there  are  three — Baptism,  Confirmation, 
and  Orders — which  impress  on  the  soul  an  indelible  clui- 
racter,  that  is,  a  certain  spiritual  sign  distinguished  from 
all  others — on  which  account  they  are  never  repeated  in 
the  same  individual ;  but  the  other  four  do  not  impress 
such  a  character,  and  admit  of  repetition. "f  With  refer- 
ence to  the  sacrament  of  baptism,  it  is  said,  "  The  material 
of  this  sacrament  is  true  natural  water,  nor  does  it  signify 
whether  it  be  hot  or  cold.  The  form  is,  '  I  baptize  thee 
in  the  name  of  the  Father,  the  Son,  and  the  Holy  Ghost.' 
We  do  not,  however,  deny  but  that  true  baptism  may  be 
effected  by  these  words,  '  Let  such  a  servant  of  Christ  be 
baptized  in  the  name  of  the  Father,  and  the  Son,  and  tlie 
Holy  Ghost ; '  or  '  Let  such  an  one  be  baptized  by  my 
hands  in  tlie  name  of  the  Father,  the  Son,  and  the  Holy 
Ghost.'  Since  the  chief  cause  whence  baptism  has  its 
virtue  is  the  Holy  Trinity,  while  the  minister  is  merely 
instrumental  who  delivers  the  outward  sacrament,  if  the 
act  which  is  performed  through  his  ministration  is  accom- 
panied by  the  express  invocation  of  the  Holy  Trinity,  the 

*  That  the  doctrine  of  Intention  has  been  purposely  misapplied  for 
party  purposes,  is  true  ;  but  it  is  also  true  that  it  is  often  misunderstood. 
The  term  was  originally  adapted  to  prevent  people  from  regarding  the 
sacraments  or  other  ordinances  as  magic  rites,  by  their  own  force 
efficacious.  In  times  of  violence  it  was  necessary  to  refer  to  the  fact. 
A  priest  might  be  compelled,  for  example,  to  marry  a  couple  under  un- 
lawful circumstances,  and  the  marriage  might  be  set  aside,  because  the 
priest,  under  compulsion,  did  not  intend  to  administer  the  rite.  Many 
similar  cases  will  occur  to  the  mind. 

•f  Reform  of  England,  p.  13. 


304  LIVES    OF    THE 

CEXP.    sacrament  is  accomplished.    The  minister  of  this  sacrament 

« r-^ — '  is  the  priest  who  has  official  competency  to  baptize.     But 

Pole?  in  case  of  necessity,  not  only  a  priest  or  a  deacon,  but 
1556-58.  even  a  layman  or  a  woman  may  baptize  ;  or  even  a  pagan 
or  Protestant,  provided  he  observes  the  form  of  the  Church, 
and  intends  to  do  what  tlie  Church  does." 

In  speaking  of  confirmation,  it  is  appointed,  that,  in 
addition  to  the  apostolical  ordinance  of  laying  on  of 
hands,  a  certain  consecrated  ointment  should  be  em- 
ployed. It  is  declared,  that  in  the  Holy  Eucharist, 
upon  the  words  of  consecration,  the  substance  of  the 
bread  is  turned  into  the  body  of  Christ,  and  the  substance 
of  the  wine  into  his  blood. 

The  anniversaries  of  the  dedication  of  churches  were  to 
be  observed  on  the  first  Sunday  in  October,  but  all  shows, 
revellings,  and  intemperance,  such  as  had  formerly  pre- 
vailed, were  to  be  forbidden  under  ecclesiastical  censures, 
and,  in  case  of  necessity,  the  Church  was  to  apply  for  the 
assistance  of  the  secular  magistrate. 

The  third  decree  has  reference  to  the  residence  of 
bishops  and  of  other  clerks  of  inferior  ranks,  and  is  very 
stringent  in  imposing  fines,  while  a  provision  is  made 
against  pluralities ;  but  a  permission  is  granted  for  dis- 
pensations under  certain  circumstances,  and  by  the  facility 
of  obtaining  dispensations  the  whole  scheme  was  nullified. 

By  the  fourth  decree,  the  duty  of  preaching  is  imposed 
upon  the  bishops,  by  many  of  whom  it  had  been  neglected. 
The  bishops  were,  moreover,  required  to  instruct  their  clergy 
in  the  art  of  preaching  ;  and  since  in  some  churches,  rec- 
tors, vicars,  and  others  having  the  cure  of  souls  were, 
through  ignorance,  incapable  of  preaching,  it  was  ordered 
that  certain  homilies  should  be  prepared  which  they  might 
read  to  their  congregations.  Catechizing  was  also  enjoined. 

The  fifth  decree  is  concerning  the  hfe  and  respectability 


ARCHBISHOPS   OF    CAXTKRBURV. 


305 


of  the  clergy,  and  it  commences  with  the  bishops.     They 
are  exhorted  to  hve  soberly,  chastely,  and  piously. 

"  They  should  not  display  any  pride  or  pomp,  nor  u.<e  silk 
clothing-,  nor  costly  furniture  ;  their  table  should  be  frugal  and 
sparing,  whatever  be  the  number  of  their  guests  or  friends  stay- 
ing with  them ;  there  should  not  be  served  up  to  table  more 
than  three,  or  at  the  most  four,  kinds  of  meat,  besides  fruit  and 
confectionery — for  this  larger  allowance  that  we  make  is  more 
from  indulorence  and  consideration  of  the  manners  of  the  asfe 
than  from  approving  of  it.     The  other  attractions  of  the  table 
should  be  charity,  the  reading  of  holy  books,  and  pious  conver- 
sation.    Prelates  should   also    abstain    from   a   numerous   and 
superfluous  establishment  of  servants  and  horses,  and  should  be 
content  with  just  so  many  attendants  as  are  needed  for  the  man- 
agement   of  the  cure    intrusted   to   them,  the  government   of 
their  household,  and  the  daily  uses  of  life.     They  should  also  be 
careful  respecting  the  morals  and  life  of  their  dependants,  since 
they  contract  from  the  vices  of  others  a  disgraceful  stain  of  in- 
famy themselves  ;  and  should  take  care  that  the  laymen  in  their 
service  should   dress  quietly  and   respectably,  both  as  to   the 
quality  and  colour  of  their  garbs.     And  that  this  moderation  in 
expense  be  not  attributed  to  avarice,  the  whole  surplus  income 
of  the  church,  after  deductions  made  for  the  necessary  expenses 
of  themselves  and  dependants,  and  for  meeting  the  burdens  of 
the  churchy  should  be  distributed  for  the  rearing  up  and  nurture 
of  Christ's  poor,  for  the  education  of  boys  and  young  men  in 
schools  and  learning,  and  in  other  pious  works  for  the  glory  of 
God,  the  good  of  our  neighbour,  and  the  example  of  others,  ac- 
cording to  what   the  blessed  Pope  Gregory  wrote  to   Bishop 
Augustine  respecting  the  distribution  of  Church  revenues." 

Eules  which  were  a})plicable  to  the  bishop  were,  with 
due  regard  to  the  difference  of  their  circumstances,  to  be 
applicable  also  to  the  other  clergy.  Ihit,  continues  the 
document — 

'•  In  order  to  remove  certain  abuses  which,  in  the  corruption 
VOL.  Vlll.  X 


CHAR 
IV. 

Reginald 
Pole. 

1556-58. 


306 


LIVES   OF   THE 


CHAP. 
IV. 

Bepinald 
Pole. 

1656-58. 


of  the  past  time,  have  crept  into  the  morals  and  life  of  the  clergy 
in  this  country,  we  have  thought  fit  to  make  some  special  enact- 
ments respecting  them,  as  follows  : — 

"  Since,  therefore,  according  to  the  enactments  of  the  holy 
councils  and  canons,  by  the  ancient  and  laudable  custom  of  the 
Church,  it  is  not  allowed  to  persons  in  the  professed  regular 
orders,  nor  even  to  the  secular  clergy,  to  have  wives,  yet,  never- 
theless, many,  after  uttering  their  solemn  professions  and  under- 
taking sacred  orders,  casting  aside  the  fear  of  Grod  and  His  laws, 
have  not  scrupled  actually  to  contract  marriages,  which  may  be 
either  termed  shameless  cohabitations,  to  the  greatest  disgrace  of 
the  religious  and  of  the  clerical  order,  the  scandal  of  the  public, 
and  the  destruction  of  their  own  souls — to  provide  therefore 
against  the  abuse  as  well  in  past  as  in  future  cases  of  this  nature, 
we,  with  the  approbation  of  this  same  synod,  do  condemn  and 
reprobate  all  such  marriages  actually  contracted,  as  well  by  per- 
sons of  the  professed  religious  orders  of  either  sex  as  also  by 
those  of  the  secular  clergy  who  have  arrived  at  the  sacred  order 
of  subdeacon  inclusively ;  and  we  pronounce  and  declare  them 
to  be  legally  impossible,  illicit,  and  nefarious.  And  we  com- 
mand all  the  ordinaries  of  this  realm  that  they  do,  by  ecclesiastical 
censures  and  other  remedies  of  law,  separate  and  disjoin  persons 
of  this  description,  so  in  point  of  fact  united,  and  by  no  means 
permit  them  to  live  together.  And  that  they  should  proceed  with 
severity,  according  to  the  rule  of  the  sacred  canons,  against  all  who 
should  defend  marriages  of  this  sort,  or  obstinately  persevere  in 
them.  And  that  for  the  future  nothing  of  the  kind  be  committed, 
we  enact  that  all  the  ordinances  of  the  canons,  as  well  general 
as  peculiar  to  this  kingdom,  levelled  against  excesses  of  this 
kind,  with  all  the  sentences,  censures,  and  penalties  contained  in 
them,  be  fully  put  in  force  and  execution. 

"  Moreover,  since  many  ecclesiastical  persons  of  this  realm, 
and  even  those  holding  preferment  in  the  Church  and  duly  con- 
stituted in  sacred  orders,  do  yet,  unmindful  of  their  condition, 
not  only  neglect  the  dress  and  tonsure  suitable  to  their  order, 
but  even  involve  themselves  in  worldly  pursuits  and  low  and 
discreditable  employments,  neither  do  they  keep  canonic  hours, 
nor  apply  to  the  study  of  learning,  nor  do  anything  else,  in  short, 


ARCHBISHOPS  of  caxterbury.  307 

which  is  consistent  with  their  order,  to  the  contempt  of  sacred     CHAP. 

laws    and  to  the  disgrace  of  the  clerical   order:  we  therefore ,-- — -> 

enact  and  decree,  that  whoever  in  any  church  holds  a  prebendal  ^^oie 
stall,  or  preferment  of  whatsoever  kind  or  description,  be  held  to  1 006-08. 
wear  the  clerical  dress  and  tonsure,  according  to  the  sanctions 
of  the  canons,  and  to  altogether  abstain  from  all  business  and 
occupations  unsuitable  to  the  clerical  order,  or  otherwise  pro- 
hibited by  law ;  and  to  attend  to  the  canonic  hours,  and  apply  to 
the  study  of  learning,  and  to  do  other  things  suitable  to  their 
individual  character,  and  to  their  order,  and  to  the  preferment 
held  by  them." 

I  have  given  this  passage  in  extenso^  because  it  indicates 
some  of  the  prevalent  errors  of  the  age. 

The  sixth  decree  enjoins  some  wise  and  practical  rules 
to  be  observed  by  bishops  with  respect  to  ordination  and 
the  examination  of  candidates  for  holy  orders. 

The  seventh  decree  lays  down  rules  against  abuses  in 
collations  and  institutions.  Candidates  w^ere  to  procure 
testimonials  from  the  heads  of  their  colleges. 

The  eighth  and  ninth  decrees  make  provisions  against 
the  sale,  direct  or  indirect,  of  livings  and  other  preferments, 
and  against  simony  in  any  shape. 

The  tenth  decree,  in  order  to  prevent  alienation  of 
lands  or  goods  belouging  to  the  Church,  requires  incum- 
bents to  produce  terriers  and  inventories  of  the  episcopal 
visitations.  I 

The  eleventh  decree  makes  regulations  for  the  greater 
efficacy  of  schools  attached  to  cathedrals  and  other  re- 
lio'ious  houses. 

The  twelfth  decree  lays  down  certain  wnse  rules  to  be 
observed  in  tlie  visitation  of  churches. 

Such  was  the  reformation  of  our  Church  proposed  by 
Eeginald  Pole  :  far  different  from  what  might  have  been 
expected  from  him,  for  doctrinal  subjects  are  carefully 
avoided  ;  and  it  was  known,  that  on  one  great  dogmn,  that 

X  2 


;08 


LIVKS    OF   THE 


Eeginald 
Pole. 


of  justification  by  faith  only,  Pole's  opinions  accorded 
with  those  of  Luther.  But,  although  much  pusillanimity 
was  evinced  on  his  part,  in  avoiding  instead  of  asserting 
1556-58.  the  truth,  it  is  remarkable  that  there  is  no  reference  to 
those  doctrines  which  have  become  the  peculiar,  and 
therefore  the  sectarian,  doctrines  of  the  modern  Eomish 
sect. 

The  reader  will  be  interested  in  having  a  resume  of  the 
proceedings  of  the  Church  of  England,  at  this  time,  from 
the  pen  of  Pole  himself.  On  the  7th  of  November,  1555, 
he  sent  the  following  despatch  to  Eome  from  ''  The 
Palace  of  St.  James's,  near  London." 


*'  From  the  Cardinal  Pole  to  the  Cardinal  Carajfa. 

"  As  your  lordship  will  have  already  heard,  a  convocation  of 
the  prelates  of  the  kingdom  has  been  summoned,  both  for  the 
sake  of  making  arrangements  concerning  the  ecclesiastical  pro- 
perty ceded  by  the  crown,  as  also  to  remedy  other  defects  and 
disorder  introduced  amongst  the  clergy,  through  the  corruption 
and  bad  government  of  these  past  times ;  and  thus,  by  means  of 
this  parUament,  and  without  causing  inconveoience  or  expense 
to  the  prelates,  we  have,  by  Grod's  grace,  now  commenced  the 
said  convocation.  On  last  Monday,  the  4th,  a  solemn  mass  of 
the  Holy  G-host  was  chaunted  by  the  Bishop  of  London  in  the 
chapel  of  the  Royal  Palace,  after  which  the  usual  ceremonies 
were  performed  as  customary  at  the  commencement  of  synod. 
We  then  adjourned  to  a  hall  of  the  said  palace,  which  was 
arranged  for  this  purpose,  both  because  I  am  lodged  here,  near 
the  most  serene  queen,  and  also  because  my  Lord  of  Winchester, 
who  is  very  grievously  indisposed,  and  resides  in  the  same  palace, 
may  attend.  On  this  first  day  nothing  was  done,  save  an  ex- 
planation to  the  bishops  and  others  of  the  clergy  who  were  like- 
wise admitted  concerning  the  causes  of  this  convocation,  and 
which  I  myself  made.  All  evinced  every  readiness  to  do  what 
was  required  for  Grod's  service  and  for  the  spiritual  welfare  of 
this  kingdom.     All  the  bishops  will  have  to  give  particular  ac- 


ARCHBISHOPS    OF    CAXTKRHURY.  30!) 

count  as  well  of  the  wants  of  their  respective  clioce?;es  as  of  the      CHAP. 

means  of  suppl3'ing  such.     The  first  act  will  be  the  restoration    ^^j , 

of  the  said  property  to  each  despoiled  church,  orders  being  given  Kc^u'iniilti 
for  the  people's  service  and  that  they  may  reap  fruit  thence  ;  and  -.-c-'s 
according  to  the  commission  given  me  by  a  brief  of  his  holiness, 
I  have  ordered  the  churches  to  be  taxed  afresh,  and  notice  shall 
be  duly  given  of  all  that  may  be  treated  and  ordained.  I  wrote 
to  your  most  illustrious  lordship,  in  my  last  of  the  26th  ult.,  of  the 
meeting  of  the  parliament,  wherein  my  lord  the  chancellor  stated 
her  majesty's  want  of  some  subsidy  from  the  kingdom,  which 
has  been  conceded  very  readily  and  without  contradiction  from 
any  one,  and  will  amount  to  a  million  of  gold,  payable  from  the 
laity  in  two  years,  and  in  four  from  the  clergy,  which  contributes 
willingly  to  this  subsidy,  the  said  contribution  being  very  ancient 
and  usual  in  this  kingdom.  I  believe  the  parliament  will  ter- 
minate before  Christmas  ;  and  should  anything  else  be  done 
therein  worthy  the  notice  of  our  lord,  advice  shall  be  given  to  his 
holiness,  whose  most  holy  feet  I  kiss  with  all  due  reverence, 
recommending  myself  humbly  to  the  good  grace  of  your  most 
illustrious  and  most  reverend  lordship."* 

In  the  Reformatio  Pole  had  described  himself  as,  by 
Divine  compassion,  Cardinal  Deacon  f  of  the  Holy  Eoman 

*  Hardy's  Report  upon  Venetian  Archives,  p.  57.  For  this  letter 
we  are  indebted  to  ISIr.  Rawdon  Brown,  who  has  translated  it  from 
the  MSS.  in  St.  Mark's  Library,  Venice,  No.  24,  Class  10. 

\  All  cardinals  are  authorized  to  use  the  pontificals  within  their 
titles,  to  bless  solemnly  like  bishops,  and,  if  they  are  presbyters,  to 
administer  the  tonsure  and  the  lower  orders.  In  their  own  college,  car- 
dinal bishops  rank  first,  while  cardinal  presbyters  and  cardinal  deacons 
rank  according  to  the  date  of  their  appointments.  The  oldest  cardinal 
bishop  residing  in  Rome  is  Dean  of  the  College  of  Cardinals.  The 
college  is  the  pope's  council  in  all  important  cases,  catisce  majores  consis- 
toriales,  especially  in  causce  episcopales,  in  which  the  pope  must  con- 
sult them.  In  a  note  appended  to  a  former  volume,  the  date  of  the 
honours  conferred  upon  them  has  been  given,  but  it  may  be  convenient 
to  repeat  here,  that  they  alone  are  eligible  to  the  papacy  and  to  elect 
the  pope,  the  former  by  a  synodical  decree  of  Stephen  III.,  769,  the 
latter  by  one  of  Nicholas  II.,  1509.     They  received  the  hat  with  the 


310  LIVES    OF   TITR 

CHAP.     Church  of  St.  Mary  in  Cosmo,  Legate  a  latere  of  our  Most 
^ — ^ — '   Sacred  Lord  the  Pope  and  of  the  Apostohc  See  :  he  was 
Pole.      now  created  under  the  same  title  Cardinal  Priest.* 

1556-58.  The  elevation  of  Pole  in  the  court  of  Eome  did  not,  of 
course,  advance  him  to  the  order  of  a  priest  in  the 
Catholic  Church.  Consequently  it  became  necessary  that 
he  should  be  ordained  to  the  priesthood  before  he  could 
be  consecrated  as  archbishop.  He  had  been  previously 
elected  to  the  primacy  by  the  Chapter  of  Canterbury,  act- 
ing, then  as  now,  under  a  conge  d'elire  rendered  nugatory 
by  a  royal  mandate  ;  then  as  now,  if  the  refractory 
chapter  had  disobeyed  the  mandate,  the  members  would 
have  been  subjected  to  the  penalties  of  a  pr^munire. 

Li  the  mean  time,  Cardinal  Pole  went  with  the  court  to 
Greenwich.  I  shall  have  occasion  hereafter  to  refer  more 
particularly  to  the  subject  of  the  persecutions  by  which 
this  reign  has  been  for  ever  disgraced  :  I  will  only  men- 
tion here,  that  the  persecutions  had  already  commenced, 
and  that  they  were  beginning  to  make  that  impression 

red  tassels  from  Innocent  IV.,  1245  ;  the  purple  cloak  from  Paul  II., 
1464,  and  the  title  of  Eminence"  from  Urban  VIII.,  1630.  One  is 
surprised  to  find  CoUier  speaking  of  Pole  as  "  His  Eminence  ;  "  in  all 
the  contemporary  documents  that  I  have  seen,  he  is  spoken  of  as  "  His 
Most  Keverend  Lordship." — Ferraris,  lib.  c.  art.  ii.     Nero,  13. 

*  "  Ex  Actis  Consistorialibus.  Eomre  die  xi.  Mensis  Decembris, 
MDLV.,  fuit  consistorium,  in  quo  proponente  Sancitate  Sua,  deputavit 
administratorem  Ecclesias  Cantuariensis,  tunc  per  privationem  ThoniEe 
Cranmeri  olim  Archiepiscopi  Cantuariensis,  nuper  Apostolica  auctoritate 
factam  vacantis,  Reverendissimum  Dominum  Reginaldum  Sanctae  Mari» 
in  Cosmedin  Diaconum  Cardinalem  Polum  nuncupatum,  Sedis  Apos- 
tolicae  in  Regno  Anglise  de  Latere  Legatum  ad  ejus  vitam,  ita  quod 
liceat  sibi  de  fructibus,  &c.  Et  cum  retentione  omnium,  &c.  Insuper 
creavit  eundem  Reverendissimum  Eeginaldum  in  Presbjterum  Car- 
dinalem, ita  quod  propterea  Ecclesiae  Sanctse  Marise,  quae  denominatio 
sui  Cardinalatus  erat,  prasesse  non  desinat,  sed  illius  Praesul,  et  pres- 
byter  Cardinalis  existut." — Quirini,  v.  142. 


ARCHBISHOPS    OF    CAXTERCURY.  311 


upon  the  public  mind  which  rendered  the  reaction  that     chap. 
liad  taken  place  in  favour  of  Mary's  government  so  short-   ,-'—> 

lived.  «t;:" 

On  the  4th  of  February,  1555,  John  Eogcrs  nobly  ioog-oS. 
sealed  his  faith  by  his  blood ;  Bishop  Hooper  had  suffered 
at  Gloucester  ;  Bishop  Taylor  at  Hadleigh  ;  Laurence  San- 
ders at  Coventry ;  Bishop  Ferrar  at  St.  David's  ; — there 
were  other  burnings  in  different  parts  of  the  country. 
We  are  not  to  suppose  that  Mary  and  her  courtiers  took 
pleasure  in  these  severities ;  on  the  contrary,  they  lamented 
that  they  were,  in  their  opinion,  a  necessity ;  but  they 
would  have  regarded  themselves  as  cul})ably  negligent  of 
duty,  if  they  had  abstained  from  taking  the  necessary 
precautions.  They  felt,  as  the  government  of  George 
III.  may  be  supposed  to  have  felt  when  his  ministers 
called  upon  the  sovereign  to  sign  the  mandate  for  the 
execution  of  a  forger,  lest  the  commerce  of  the  country 
should  be  damaged.  But  men  w^ere  beginning  to  under- 
stand, that  while  we  can  refrain  our  hand  from  an  evil 
action,  we  cannot  concede  our  assent  to  a  dogma ;  while 
to  give  that  assent,  with  a  mental  reservation,  is  hy- 
pocrisy. There  was,  however,  an  instinctive  feeling  that 
the  thing  was  wrong,  before  the  dictate  of  the  heart  was 
confirmed  by  the  conclusions  of  reason.  Men  can,  to 
the  present  time,  indulge  their  malignant  feelings  against 
those  who  differ  from  them  in  opinion  ;  but  when  the 
arrows  they  shoot  are  only  bitter  words,  they  see  not 
the  misery  they  occasion;  thougH,  in  sensitive  natures, 
it  is  sometimes  very  great ;  and  not  seeing  the  eflect 
of  their  cruelty,  they  are  not  filled  with  the  disgust 
that  would  most  assuredly  be  excited,  if  the  flame  were 
seen  to  be  consuming  in  torture  the  limbs  of  tlieir  op- 
ponents. 

Already  disturbances  in  different  parts  of  the  country 


ol2  LIVKS    OF    Tf[f<: 

liad  given  token  of  discontent.  The  ill-feeling  which  had, 
from  the  arrival  of  Philip,  existed  between  the  English 
Pole/  ^^^^  Spaniards  increased,  and  an  attempt  was  made  to 
i5o6-58.  excite  a  revolt  by  a  youth  who  personated  Edward  YI. 
The  discontent,  however,  manifested  itself  chiefly  in  mur- 
murs, to  which,  in  the  absence  of  an  organized  pohce,  the 
court  itself,  as  it  passed  through  London,  was  occasionally 
exposed.  A  contemporary  tells  us  that,  when  the  court 
was  passing  to  Greenwich,  he  was  standing  in  Cheapside ; 
"  and  I  saw  these  four,"  he  said,  "  ride  through  Cheap — 
King  Phihp,  Queen  Mary,  Cardinal  Pole,  and  Stephen 
Gardyner,  Chancellor  of  England.  This  bishop  rode  on 
the  one  side,  afore  King  Philip,  and  the  great  seal  afore 
him  ;  and  on  the  other  side,  there  rode  the  queen  and  the 
cardinal  afore  her,  with  a  cross  carried  afore  him,  he  being 
all  in  scarlet,  and  blessing  the  people  as  he  rode  through 
the  City,  for  the  which  he  was  greatly  laughed  to  scorn  ; 
and  Gardyner,  being  greatly  offended,  on  the  other  side, 
because  the  people  did  not  put  off  their  caps,  and  made 
curse  to  the  cross  that  was  carried  afore  the  cardinal,  saying 
to  his  servants, '  Mark  that  house  ;'  '  Take  this  knave,  and 
bear  him  to  the  counter  ;' '  Such  sort  of  heretics  who  ever 
saw,  that  will  neither  reverence  the  cross  of  Christ,  nor 
yet  once  say  so  much  as  God  save  the  king  and  queen  ? 
I  will  teach  them  to  do  both,  an  I  live.'  This  did  I  hear 
him  say,  I  standing  at  Sopar  Lane  end."  * 

Except  from  these  occasional  insults,  sufficient  to  show 
that  the  great  body  of  the  middle  class  did  not  endorse 

*  Autobiography  of  Thomas  Mowntayne.  His  statement  must  be 
received  with  some  allowance.  He  was  an  enemy  of  Gardyner,  and 
was  obliged  to  By  the  country,  being  accused  of  heresy  and  treason. 
What  he  said  was  no  doubt  true,  but  only  partially  so.  Gardyner  was 
evidently  an  irritable  man,  whose  angry  feelings  were  easily  excited. 
This  will  in  part  account  for  his  extreme  unpopularity.  See  also 
]\Iachyn's  Diary,  p.  93  ;   and  Chronicles  of  Grey  Friars,  p.  96. 


ARC[IBISTI01\S    OF    CAVTHRnrKV.  ^>13 

the  proceedings   of   tlie   government,  the    court  passed     chap. 
through   London    unmolested,    and    took    barge    at    tlie   ■ — -r- — ' 
Tower-wharf  for  Greenwicli.  Puie. 

The  manor  of  Greenwich  had  been  for  a  long  period  ^'''^^-^^' 
the  favourite  residence  of  tlie  English  royal  family. 
Wlien  the  high  road  to  Westminster  was  the  Thames, 
Greenwich  was  to  the  court  what  Windsor,  since  the  in- 
vention of  railroads,  has  now  become.  Here  Henry  YHI. 
was  born  ;  and  here,  too,  he  was  married  to  Katharine 
of  Aragon.  Greenwich  was  the  scene  of  the  splendid 
festivities  which  rendered  popular  the  earlier  period  of 
his  reign.  Into  the  convent  adjoining  the  palace  Ka- 
tharine would,  in  her  happy  days,  retire,  from  time  to 
time,  for  the  purposes  of  devotion ;  and  in  her  hours  of 
sorrow,  she  found  in  the  prior  and  brethren  her  steadiest 
supporters.  John  Forest,  her  confessor,  was  a  friar  of 
this  house;  and  through  his  influence  the  Franciscans 
generally  maintained  her  cause,  when  the  subject  of  tlie 
<livorce  had  become  a  question  of  national  interest.  The 
convent,  consisting  of  a  prior  and  twelve  brethren,  had 
been  founded  by  Henry  VHI.  ;  and  they  were  strict 
observers  of  the  original  rule  of  St.  Francis,  whence 
they  derived  their  pecuhar  designation  of  Observants,  or 
Eecollects.  The  rule  of  the  Franciscan  order  having 
been  gradually  relaxed,  the  discipline  was  restored  by  the 
Observant  Friars  in  the  fifteenth  century  ;  after  which  time 
those  of  the  brethren  who  did  not  conform  to  this  refor- 
mation of  the  order  were  known  as  Conventuals.  The 
conduct  of  the  brethren  at  the  convent  at  Greenwich,  in 
upholding  the  cause  of  the  queen,  provoked  the  anger 
of  Henry  VIH.  ;  and  in  1534  the  house  was  suppressed. 
The  convent  was  re-instated  in  its  possessions,  and  the 
house  was  repaired,  by  the  grateful  daughter  of  Katharine, 
who  herself   sought    that   sympathy   from   the   brethren 


ol4  LIVES   OF   THE 

CHAP,     wliicli    they   had   always   extended   to   her    persecuted 

« /- — '  mother.* 

Pole/         The  anguish  of  Mary  at  parting  with  her  husband  w^as 

1556-58.  acute ;  and  the  court  had,  at  this  time,  come  to  Greenwich, 
that  Phihp  might  there  take  his  departure  for  the  Conti- 
nent. Phihp,  as  we  shall  presently  have  occasion  to 
remark,  ere  he  left  the  country,  intrusted  the  queen  to 
the  friendly  care  of  Pole.  When  the  king  had  departed. 
Queen  Mary  sought,  by  a  strict  attendance  at  the  services 
of  the  convent,  to  console  her  mind,  which  was  agitated 
by  jealous  misgivings,  and  by  the  fear  that,  in  spite  of  his 
promises,  she  should  never  see  her  husband  more.  She 
was  present  when  here  in  the  convent  of  the  Minorites, 
or  Observant  Friars  of  the  order  of  St.  Francis,  Eeginald 
Pole  was  first  ordained  priest  and  afterw^ards  consecrated 
a  bishop. 

Circumstances  had  occurred,  to  which  more  particular 
attention  will  be  called  hereafter,  which  tended  at  this 
period  of  his  life  to  sour  the  mind  of  Pole.  The  melan- 
choly scene  which  he  now  witnessed  in  the  anguish  of 
the  queen,  might  have  inclined  him  to  indulge  his  own 
inclination  to  leniency,  but  he  was  met  by  the  stern  reso- 
lution of  Mary  to  put  down  heresy  as  an  act  of  duty. 
She  received  much  of  her  present  sorrow  as  a  punishment 
for  the  culpable  leniency  of  the  early  part  of  her  reign. 
It  was  quite  possible  that  Mary  may  have  been  naturally 
of  a  merciful  disposition,  and  that  she  would  have  shrunk 
from  being  an  eye-witness  of  sufiering  ;  but  her  character 
in  this  respect  is  easily  understood  by  those  whose  duty 
in  life  it  has  been  to  mark  the  inconsistencies  of  human 
nature.  She  would  argue  herself  out  of  w^hat  she  would 
regard  as  a  weakness  or  as  criminal  compassion,  by  giving 
an  unhesitating  answer  to  the  question,  What  is  my  duty  ? 

*  Tanner,  Notit.  Monast.     Stevens,  contin.  Dugdale. 


ARCHBISHOPS   OF   CAXTERBURY.  315 

"  My  duty,"  slie  would  say,  "  as  a  Christian  queen,  is  to     chap. 
uphold  the  cause  of  religion,  by  mild  measures  if  possible  ;  ^2^:^^ 
if  mild  measures  will  not  suffice,  then  by  severe."     The    ^^Poie.^^ 
Church  was  in  danger,  as  in  the  days  of  her  father  and    1556-58. 
brother,  and  from  what  cause  ?   from  the  impunity  of 
heresy.    "  Let  heretics,  therefore,  be  extirpated  :  win  them 
by  argument,  if  you  can,  to  the  side  of  true  religion ;  but 
if  you  cannot  succeed  by  argument,  regard  them  as  the 
enemies  of  the  King  of  kings  and  Lord  of  lords,  and 
deal  with  them  according  to   the  law."     It  was  under 
the    influence   of  feelings  and  principles  such  as  these, 
that  Pole  wrote  the  offensive  letter  to  Archbishop  Cran- 
mer,  which  has  been  presented  to  the  reader  in  the  life 
of  that  eminent  prelate. 

The  administrators  of  the  law  were  no  doubt  unneces- 
sarily stern,  but  it  was  the  law  itself  rather  than  those 
whose  duty  it  is  to  enforce  it,  that  was  most  to  blame. 

We  have  before  remarked,  that,  according  to  the  prin- 
ciples of  Pole,  the  see  of  Canterbury  was  vacant  by  the 
degradation  of  Archbishop  Cranmer  ;  and  this  was  ad- 
mitted by  the  Chapter  of  Canterbury,  for  the  election  of 
Eeginald  Pole  to  the  metropolitan  see  must  have  taken 
place  while  Cranmer  was  still  living.  But  for  some  reason 
or  other,  Pole  had  determined  not  to  be  either  ordained 
or  consecrated  while  Dr.  Cranmer  lived.  As  soon,  how- 
ever, as  the  iniquitous  sentence  of  an  unconstitutional  court 
had  been  carried  into  effect,  and  Archbishop  Cranmer 
was  burned,  Pole  immediately  prepared,  first,  for  his 
ordination,  and  then  for  his  consecration.  Although 
everything  was  conducted  as  privately  as  circumstances 
would  permit,  yet  the  circumstances  of  the  time  were 
such  as  to  require  much  preparation.  It  was  not  with 
the  facilities  afforded  by  railroads  that  seven  bishops — 
this  was  the  number  which  attended  Pole's  consecration 


31G  LIVHS    OF    THE 

CHAP     — could  be  brought  together  from  distant  parts   of  the 

_i^J_^   country.     Great  men,  moreover,  at  that  time,  travelled  in 

^vlie!^    state,  and  each  bishop  was  attended  by  his  suite.     They 

1556-58.    might  easily  drop  down  in  their  barges  from  London  to 

Greenwich,  but  it  required  time  for  them  to  travel  from 

their  dioceses  to  the  metropolis. 

These  observations  are  made,  that  justice  may  be  done 
to  Pole.  We  must  attribute  it,  at  least  in  part,  to  his 
good  taste  and  proper  feeling,  that  his  consecration  was 
conducted  so  privately.  Although  he  was  stern  as  a 
judge,  his  whole  history  shows  him  to  have  been  a 
man  of  kindly  feelings  ;  and  although  he  was,  as  he 
thought,  compelled  to  carry  into  effect  the  awful  sen- 
tence pronounced  upon  his  predecessor,  we  may  imagine 
that  he  pitied  the  sufferer,  though  he  gave  vent  to  his 
anger  and  insolence  when  writing  to  the  reputed  heretic. 
He  would  not  celebrate  the  burning  of  the  primate  of  all 
England  by  holding  a  high  festival  the  day  after  his  exe- 
cution. The  court,  too,  after  the  departure  of  the  king, 
was  not  in  humour  to  indulge  in  festivities.  Mary  at- 
tended the  consecration,  but  not  in  state. 

Eeginald  Pole,  a  Eoman  cardinal,  w^as  ordained  a  pres- 
byter of  the  Church  of  England,  in  Grey  Friars  church, 
on  the  20th  of  March,  1556.  The  next  day  he  officiated 
as  a  priest ;  and  on  the  22nd  of  March,  he  was  duly  con- 
secrated by  the  Archbishop  of  York,  assisted  by  six 
sufli-agans  of  the  province  of  Canterbury.  On  the  day 
following  his  consecration,  Pole  took  the  oath  of  allegiance 
to  the  pope  in  the  parlour  of  the  convent  and  in  the  pre- 
sence of  the  Queen  of  England.  The  queen,  attended  by 
her  courtiers,  including  Lord  Paget,  well  known  as  a  re- 
former, received  the  communion  in  the  chapel  of  the  mo- 
nastery, the  Archbishop  of  York,  primate  of  England  and 
metropolitan,  being  the  celebrant. 


ARCllBlSIlOr.S    OF    CANTEKliLUV.  317 

It  has  been  sometimes  supposed,  that  Eegiiuild  Pole     chap. 
was  consecrated  under  the  ordinal  of  Edward  VI.  ;  but,  - — ^ — - 
to  say  nothing  of  the   antecedent  improbabihty  of  this      pX. 
having  been  the  case,  such  a  consecration,  though  vahd,    io5g-58. 
would  not,  at  that  time,  have  been  considered  legal. 

The  ordinal  adopted  by  the  Church  of  England  in  the 
reign  of  Edward  VI.  came  into  use  on  the  1st  of  April, 
1550  ;  and  was  declared  legal  by  Act  of  Parliament  in 
1552,* — that  is  to  say,  while  the  Church  declared  ordina- 
tions and  consecrations  under  this  ordinal  to  be  valid,  the 
state,  regarding  the  Church  as  an  establisliment,  pronounced 
them  to  be  lawful ;  so  that  the  person  ordained  or  conse- 
crated had  a  legal  right  to  the  emoluments  of  any  benefice 
to  which  he  might  be  appointed.  But  in  the  first  year  of 
Mary,  this  act  of  King  Edward  was  repealed,  and  tliose 
only  could  claim  the  emoluments  of  a  benefice  who 
were  either  ordained  or  consecrated  under  the  form  in 
vogue  in  the  reign  of  Henry  VIII. ;  or  who,  having  been 
ordained  under  Edward's  ordinal,  had  subsequently  taken 
the  oath  of  allegiance  to  the  pope.  Ordinations  and  con- 
secrations under  the  ordinal  of  Edward,  unless  under  this 
condition,  were  no  longer  legal,  but  they  were  neverthe- 
less admitted,  even  by  the  Poman  authorities,  to  be  valid. 
If  a  man  had  been  ordained  under  the  reformed  ordinal, 
it  was  not  required  of  him  that  he  should  be  re-ordained  ; 
the  validity  of  his  ordination  was  accepted,  but  lie  was 
required  to  perform  certain  additional  acts  imder  the 
requisition  of  a  law  newly  enacted.  A  man,  for  example, 
nominated  and  elected  to  preside  as  bishop  over  an  En- 
glish diocese,  if  consecrated  already  under  the  reformed 
ordinal,  was  regarded  as  a  bishop  ;  but  he  would  be  re- 
quired to  do  what  Pole  did,  to  take  an  oatli  of  nlk'uiance 
to  the  pope,  before  he  became  a  diocesan.     Persons  so 

*  b  &  G  Edward  VI.  c.  1 ,  ^  (;. 


318  LIVES   OF   THE 

CHAP,  ordained  were  said  to  be  reconciled  to  the  Cliiircli,  or  re- 
> — r^ — '  habilitated.  We  may  mention,  for  example,  the  case  of 
Po?e.  Story.  He  had  been  consecrated  under  the  fonn  of  Ed- 
1356-58.  ward's  ordinal ;  and  when  he  was  restored  to  the  exercise 
of  his  office  by  Dr.  Eonner,  Bishop  of  London,  he  was  so 
restored  without  any  new  ordination.  The  act  of  restora- 
tion may  still  be  seen  in  Bonner's  registry,  and  has  been 
published  by  Dr.  Elrington.  That  Bonner  considered  it 
to  be  unnecessary  to  re-ordain  those  who  had  been  or- 
dained by  the  reformed  ritual,  is  evident  from  the  29th 
article  set  forth  to  be  inquired  into  at  his  general  visita- 
tion in  1554,  and  which  runs  thus  :  "  Whether  any  who 
had  been  ordained  schismatically,  heincf  not  yet  reconciled 
nor  admitted  hy  the  ordinary^  have  celebrated  Divine  ser- 
vice ?  "  Here  we  find,  as  in  the  case  of  Story,  they  were 
to  be  reconciled,  not  re-ordained.  By  the  consecration 
or  ordination  they  were  made  priests  and  bishops  of  the 
Catholic  Church  ;  but  it  was  assumed  that  they  had  erred 
and  become  schismatical  by  withholding  their  allegiance 
from  the  Bishop  of  Eome,  to  whom  they  were  reconciled 
when  they  took  the  oath  of  allegiance.* 

This  subject  is  an  important  one,  and  will  come  under 
more  particular  consideration  when  we  arrive  at  the  life 
of  Archbishop  Parker  ;  but  it  cannot  be  entirely  passed 
over  in  the  biography  of  Pole,  for  one  of  the  difficult 
problems  he  was  called  upon  to  solve,  related  to  the 
mode  of  dealing  with  persons  ordained  and  consecrated, 
as  he  would  say,  in  the  time  of  the  schism,  that  is,  in  the 
reigns  of  Henry  and  Edward.  Whatever  Pole  did  was 
done  under  directions  received  from  Eome ;  and  conse- 
quently, when  Pole  admitted  the  validity  of  orders  under 
the  ordinal  of  Edward,  the  validity  of  those  orders  was 
admitted  by  the  pope.     Before  his  own  consecration,  and 

*  See  Burnet's  Kecords,  pt.  ii.  bk.  ii. 


CHAP. 

IV. 


ARCHBISlIOrS    OF    CANTKRBL'RY.  319 

while  he  was  only  administrator  of  tlie  see  of  Canterbury, 

this  difficulty  presented  itself  to   the   mind  of  Pole.     It 

will  not  therefore  be  an  unpardonable  digression  if  we    ^^pj,"^^'^ 

bring  the  subject  under  the  notice  of  the  reader  now,    1566-58. 

when  our  attention  is  called  to  the  consecration  of  Pole 

himself. 

We  are  aware  that  the  Komanists  of  modern  times,  for 
the  purpose  of  insulting  the  Englisli  Church,  re-baptize 
and  re-ordain  those  who  are  perverted ;  but  this  was 
not  done  until  comparatively  modern  times.*  We  have 
already  mentioned  that,  by  acting  in  obedience  to  an 
injunction  of  Mary,  Bishop  Bonner  directed,  that  persons 
ordained  under  the  reformed  ordinal,  should  not  be  re- 
ordained,  but  that  they  should  only  be  re-habilitated.  The 
injunction  was  issued  under  the  direction  of  Pole,  to 
whom  a  plenary  power  was  given  by  Pope  .Tubus  III.  to 
reconcile  the  Church  of  England  to  the  Church  of  Rome. 
In  reference  to  the  bishops  ordained  in  the  time  of 
Edward,  there  is  no  mention  whatever  made  of  re-ordain- 
ing. The  sole  object  kept  in  view  at  that  time,  was  to 
re-instate  them,  or  to  reconcile  them.  No  distinction  is 
made  between  the  bishops  ordained  under  the  pontifical 
in  the  time  of  Henry  YIII.  and  those  ordained  according 
to  Edward's  ritual. 

*  The  earliest  instance  occurred  in  1704,  when  John  Gordon,  a 
Scotch  bishop  (Bishop  of  Galloway),  as  Elrington  expresses  it,  "  apos- 
ttitized  to  the  Komish  creed."  He  petitioned  the  pope  to  be  re- 
ordained,  and  stated  at  length  the  motives  of  his  application.  This 
application  is  valuable,  for  it  confirms  the  historical  statement,  tliat 
until  that  time  our  orders  were  regarded  as  valid  by  the  very  j)ersons 
most  interested  in  establishing  their  nullity.  The  application  of 
Gordon  is  given  by  Le  Quien,  torn.  ii.  68.  See  also  Elrington,  p.  140  ; 
Harrington,  Validity  of  English  Ordination  admitted  by  tlio  Bull  of 
Julius  111.  p.  47.  We  must  add  the  fact  that  no  record  whatever  of  re-or- 
dination at  this  time  remains  in  the  registries  searched  for  the  j)urpose. 


320  LIVES    OF    TlIK 

CHAP.         Pope  Julius  III.,  admitting  the  validity  of  tlie  English 
^ — ■.- —    orders,  says  in  the  bull : — 

Reginald 

Pole.  <i  After  they  shall  have  been  restored  by  you  to  the  unity  of 

ioo6-58.  ^i^g  j^^iy  mother  Church,  and  you  shall  have  thought  good  to 
re-instate  them,  if  in  other  respects  they  shall  appear  to  you 
worthy  and  fit,  .  .  .  over  cathedral,  even  metropolitan  churches, 
as  bishops  and  archbishops,  they  may  freely  and  lawfully  pre- 
side, and  the  same  churches  in  spirituals  and  temporals  rule  and 
govern,  and  the  gift  of  consecration  already  bestowed  upon  them 


"  In  order,"  says  Courayer,  "  even  to  anticipate  all  diffi- 
culties, the  bull  takes  notice  of  the  case  of  a  sacerdotal 
ordination  performed  contrary  to  the  laws — though  valid, 
yet  illegal,*  and  gives  the  legate  power  to  dispense  with 
it.  Also  with  any  who  by  you  for  the  time  have  been 
absolved  and  reinstated,  as  aforesaid,  that — their  past 
errors  and  excesses  notwithstanding — over  any  cathedral, 
even  metropolitan  churches,  as  bishops  and  archbishops, 
they  may  freely  and  lawfully  be  appointed  and  preside, 
and  the  same  in  the  said  spirituals  and  temporals  rule  and 
govern  ;  and  to  any,  even  sacred  and  priestly  orders 
advance,  and  in  the  same,  or  orders  by  them  already, 
though  irregularly,  received,  even  in  the  ministry  of  the 
altar  serve,  and  the  gift  of  consecration  receive,  and  the 
same  freely  and  lawfully  use,  that  you  may  freely  and 
lawfully  dispense,  we  grant  you  by  these  presents  full 
and  free  apostolic  authority,  permission,  and   power."  f 

*  We  may  understand  the  difference  by  adverting  to  what  has  oc- 
curred in  our  time.  A  few  years  ago  it  was  not  lawful  for  a  bishop  of 
the  Church  in  the  United  States  of  America  to  officiate  in  England. 
If  he  had  performed  any  office — if,  for  example,  he  had  administered 
either  sacrament — the  act  would  have  been  valid,  for  of  the  validity  of 
his  orders  there  could  be  no  question ;  but  for  acting  contrary  to  the 
law,  he,  as  a  transgressor  of  the  law,  might  have  been  punished. 

f  "  Nee  non  cum  quibusvis  per  te,  ut  prasmittitur,  pro  tem2)ore  abso- 


ARCHBISHOPS    OF   CANTERBURY.  321 

.    .    .     .    "  For  what  could  these  words,"  says  Courayer,     chap. 

"  licet  minus  rite  susceptis  Ordinibus — Orders  even  irregii-  . ^^' , 

larly  received — mean,  if  not,  that  in  conferring  the  priest-  "^^pX^"^ 
hood,  essentials  excepted,  which  are  always  supposed,  the  io56-58. 
ordinary  laws  of  the  Church  were  not  observed  ?  Never- 
theless, under  this  hypothesis,  he  permits  the  legate  to 
re-instate  them,  and  tliese  priests,  thus  re-instated,  to  serve 
in  their  order,  and  to  have  episcopal  consecration  without 
receiving  the  priesthood  anew.  Can  there  be  anything 
more  direct  on  this  head  ?"* 

We  maybe  permitted  to  close  this  subject  by  referring 
to  what  occurred  in  the  reign  of  Queen  Elizabeth.  If  by 
the  papists  the  validity  of  English  orders,  that  is,  of 
orders  conferred  under  Edward's  ritual,t  was  admitted  in 
the  reign  of  Queen  Elizabeth,  we  cannot  doubt,  supposing 
even  that  we  had  nothing  further  to  say,  that  their  validity 
was  admitted  in  the  time  of  Cardinal  Pole. 

We  are  informed  on  the  highest  authority,  that  Pope 
Pius  IV.  made  an  overture  to  Queen  Elizabeth  J  of  ap- 
proving the  Book  of  Common  Prayer,  and  consequently  of 

lutis  et  rehabilitatis,  ut  eorum  erroribus  et  excessibus  praeteritis  non 
obstantibus,  quibusvis  Catliedralibus,  etiam  Metropolitanis  ecclesiis  in 
Episcopos  et  Archiepiscopos  prasfici  et  pra^esse,  illasqiie  in  eisdem  spi- 
ritualibus  et  temporalibus  regere  et  gubernare  ac  ad  quoscumqiie  etiam 
sacros  et  presbyteratlas  ordines  promovere,  et  in  illis,  aut  per  eos  jam 
licet  minus  rite  susceptis  Ordinibus  etiam  in  Altaris  IVIinisterio  ministrare 
necnon  munus  consecrationis  suscipere,  et  illo  uti  libere  et  licite  valeant, 
dispensare  etiam  libere  et  licite  possis,  plenapi  et  liberam  Apostolicam 
authoritatem  per  pra^sentes  concedimus  facult^tem  et  potestatem." 

*  Courayer,  On  English  Ordinations,  p.  234. 

f  The  ordinal  of  Edward  was  restored  by  Elizabeth,  but  the  Re- 
formation was  not  complete  in  her  times.  The  ordinal  we  now  use, 
of  the  date  of  Charles  II.,  though  substantially  the  same,  differs  in 
a  few  particulars. 

J  Twisden  says,  "  I  myself  have  received  it  (the  story)  from  such 
as  I  cannot  doubt  of  it,  they  having  had  it  from  persons  of  nigh  relation 
unto  them  who   were  actors  in  the  managing  of  the  business."     The 

VOL.    VIII.  Y 


322 


LIVES   OF   THE 


CHAP. 
IV. 

Eeginald 
Pole. 

1566-68. 


the  Liturgy  and  Ordinal,  which  are  parts  of  it,  provided  that 
priests  would  return  to  the  obedience  of  the  Eoman  see. 

reader  may  like  to  see  the  whole  passage,  which  runs  thus : — "  The 
queen's  moderation  was  better  received  at  Rome  than  at  home  ;  where 
the  pope,  however,  a  violent  heady  man,  considering,  no  doubt,  his  own 
loss  in  breaking  oiF  all  commerce  with  so  potent  a  kingdom,  began  to 
hearken  to  terms  of  accommodation,  and  was  content  things  should 
stand  as  they  are,  the  queen  acknowledging  his  primacy,  and  the  Re- 
formation from  him.     But  his  death  ensuing  the  18th  of  August,  1559, 
left  the  design  to  be  prosecuted  by  his  successor  Pius  IV.,  who,  by 
letters  (sent  by  Vincentius  Parpalia,  a  person  of  great  experience,  em- 
ployed by  Cardinal  Poole  in  his  former  negotiations,  and  of  late  in  that 
hither)  of  the  5th  of  May,  1560,  directed  Charissimm  in  Christo  Jilice 
Elizahethce  Regince  Anglice,  did  assure  her  Omnia  de  nobis  tihi  polliceare, 
quae  non  modo  ad  animce  tuce  salutem  conservandam,  sed  etiam  ad  dig- 
nitatem regiam  stahiliendam  et  confirmandam,,  pro  author itate  j^ro  loco 
ac  munere  quod  nobis  a  Deo  commissum  fuit,  a  nobis  desiderares,  &c. 
Upon  this,  and  their  relations  who  then  lived  and  had  part  in  the  action, 
the  English  affirm  Pius  IV.  would  have  confirmed  the  Liturgy  of  the 
Church  of  England:  and,  indeed,  how  can  any  imagine  other?     For 
doubtless  nothing  could  have  been  more  to  her  dishonour,  than  so  sud- 
denly to  have  changed  what  she  had  with  so  great  consideration  es- 
tablished, and  the  pope  assuring  her  she  might  promise  herself  from 
him  all  he  could  do.     I  know  not  what  less  or  other  he  could  expect 
she  would  ask.     But  where  Sir  Edward  Cook,  in  his  Charge  at  Norwich, 
as  it  is  now  printed,  says  this  offer  came  from  Pius  V.,  I  conceive  it  a 
mistake,  and  should  have  been  Pius  IV.  (as,  in  another  place,  he  names 
Clement  IX.,  who  yet  never  was,  for  Clement  VIII.)  ;  and  the  rest  of 
the  narration  there  not  to  be  without  absurdities,  and  to  be  one  of  those 
deserves  the  author's  censure,  when  he  says  there  is  no  one  period  in 
the  whole  expressed  in  the  sort  and  sense  that  he  delivered  it ;  for  cer- 
tainly Pius  v.,  from  his  coming  to  the  popedom  1566,  rather  sought, 
by  raising  against  her  foreign  power  abroad,  and  domestic  commotions 
at  home,  to  force  her  to  his  obedience,  than  by  such  civil  ways  as  we 
now  speak  of  to  allure  her ;   though  the  thing  itself  is  no  question  true, 
however  the  person  that  offered  it  be  mistaken  in  some  circumstances. 
They  that  make  a  difficulty  in  believing  this,  object  it  to  have  been 
first  divulged  1606,  forty-six   years   after  the  proffer  of  it ;  that  Sir 
Edward  Cook  averred  to  have  received  it  from  the  queen  herself,  not 
then  alive  to  contradict  him.     But  for  my  part  I   confess  I  find  no 
scruple  in  it,  for  I  have  ever  observed  the  wisdom  of  that  court,  to  give 


I 


ARCHBISHOPS    OF   CAXTERBURY. 


323 


The  offer  could  not,  of  course,  have  been  made  unless 
the  pope  had  admitted,  that  there  was  nothing  lieretical, 

what  it  could  neither  sell  nor  keep ;  as  Paulus  IV.  did  the  kingdom  of 
Ireland  to  Queen  Mary,  admitted  the  five  bishoprics  erected  by  her 
father,  approved  the  dissolution  of  the  monasteries  made  by  him,  &c., 
of  which  nature  no  question  this  was.  For  the  being  first  mentioned 
forty-six  years  after,  that  is  not  so  long  a  time  but  many  might  re- 
member; and  I  myself  have  received  it  from  such  as  I  cannot  doubt  of 
it,  they  having  had  it  from  persons  of  nigh  relation  unto  them  who 
were  actors  in  the  managing  of  the  business.  Besides,  the  thing  itself 
was  in  effect  printed  many  years  before  ;  for  he  that  made  the  answer  to 
Saunders  his  seventh  book,  De  Visibili  Monarchia — who,  it  seems,  had 
been  very  careful  to  gather  the  beginnings  of  Queen  Elizabeth  that  there 
might  be  an  exact  history  of  her,  tandem  aliquando,  quia  omnia  acta 
diligenter  ohservavit,  qui  summis  Reipuhlicic  negotiis  consulto  interfuit — 
relates  it  thus :  That  a  nobleman  of  this  country,  being  about  the  be- 
ginning of  the  queen's  reign  at  Rome,  Pius  IV.  asked  him  of  her 
majesty's  casting  his  authority  out  of  England,  who  made  answer  that 
she  did  it  being  persuaded  by  testimonies  of  Scripture,  and  the  laws  of 
the  realm,  Jiullam  illius  esse  in  terra  aliena  jurisdictionem.  Which  the 
pope  seemed  not  to  believe,  her  majesty  being  wise  and  learned,  but 
did  rather  think  the  sentence  of  that  court  against  her  mother's  mar- 
riage to  be  the  true  cause,  which  he  did  promise  not  only  to  retract, 
sed  in  ejus  gratiam  qucecunque  possum  pra^terea  facturum,  dum  ilia  ad 
nostram  Ecclesiam  se  recipiat,  et  dehitum  mihi  primatus  titulum  reddat ; 
and  then  adds,  extant  adhuc  apud  nos  articuli  Ahhatis  Sanctce  Salutis 
{Parpalia)  manu  conscripti ;  extant  Cardinalis  Moronai  literal,  quihus 
nobilem  ilium  vehementer  hortahatur,  ut  earn  rem  nervis  omnibus  apud 
reginam  nostram  sollicitaret ;  extant  liodie  nohilium  nostrorum  aliquot^ 
quibus  Papa  m,ulta  aureorum  millia  pollicitus  est,  ut  istius  amicitice 
atque  foederis  inter  Romanam  Cathedram  et  Elizabethan!  serenissimani 
authores  essent.  This  I  have  cited  the  more  at  large,  for  that  Camden 
seems  to  think,  what  the  abbot  of  St.  Saviout  propounded  was  not  in 
writing,  and  because  it  was  printed  seven  years  before  the  Cardinal 
Morone's  death,  by  whose  privity  (as  protector  of  the  English)  this 
negotiation  passed,  without  any  contradiction  from  Rome,  there  can  no 
doubt  be  made  of  the  truth  of  it.  And  assuredly,  some  who  have  con- 
veniency  and  leisure  may  find  more  of  it  than  hath  been  yet  divulged  : 
for  I  no  way  believe  the  Bishop  of  Winchester  would  have  been  in- 
duced to  write,  it  did  constare  of  Paulus  IV.,  nor  the  queen  herself 
and  divers  others  of  those  times,  persons  of  honour  and  worth  (with 

Y  2 


CHAP. 
IV. 

Reginald 
1556-58. 


324 


LIVES   OF   THE 


CHAP. 
IV, 

Reginald 
Pole. 

1556-58. 


tlioiigh  there  was  much  which  a  Eomanist  would  regard 
as  defective,  in  our  Prayer  Book ;  but  the  point  to  be 
observed  is  that  the  vahdity  of  our  orders  is  taken  for 
granted.  The  principle  admitted  by  two  popes,  and  on 
which  Pole  acted,  is  asserted  by  the  learned  Bossuet.  We 
have  the  attestation  of  M.  Caldaguez,  precentor  of  Mont- 
ferrand,  that  in  1699  Bossuet  said  in  his  presence,  that  "  if 
the  English  were  to  renounce  their  schism,  their  clergy 
would  need  nothing  except  to  be  reconciled  to  the  Church 
and  rehabilitated  f'  and  he  added  that  he  had  expressed 
himself  in  this  manner  before  the  king.* 

Sir  William  Palmer  produces  other  testimonies  to  the 
same  effect.     The  fact  is,  that  for  some  time  after  the 


some  of  which  I  myself  have  spoken),  have  affirmed  it  for  an  undoubted 
truth,  did  not  somewhat  more  remain  (or  at  least  had  formerly  been) 
than  a  single  letter  of  Pius  IV.,  which  apparently  had  reference  to  matters 
of  greater  privacy.  And  there  I  hold  it  not  unworthy  a  place,  that  I 
myself,  talking  some  time  with  an  Italian  gentleman  (versed  in  public 
affairs)  of  this  offer  from  the  pope,  he  made  much  scruple  of  believing 
it ;  but  it  being  in  a  place  where  books  were  at  hand,  I  shewed  him  on 
what  ground  I  speak,  and  asked  him  if  he  thought  men  could  be  devils 
to  write  such  an  odious  lie,  had  it  not  been  so.  *  Well,''  says  he,  *  if 
this  were  heard  in  Borne  amongst  religious  men  it  tvould  never  gain 
credit,  but  with  such  as  have  in  their  hands  the  Maneggi  della  Corte ' 
( Transactions  of  the  Court) — for  that  was  his  expression — '  it  may  be 
held  true.^  "  (Historical  Vindication  of  the  Church  of  England  in  point 
of  Schism,  p.  175.)  He  that  made  answer  to  Saunders's  Seventh  Book, 
above  referred  to,  was  Dr.  Bartholomew  Gierke,  styled  by  Soames 
(History  of  Reformation,  vol.  iv.  p.  725,  note  S.)  "  a  respectable  con- 
temporary authority,  who  had  excellent  means  of  information,  and  who 
appeals  to  existing  vouchers,  both  documentary  and  personal,  that  some 
papal  concession  was  to  be  expected  beyond  the  recognition  of  Eliza- 
beth's legitimacy."  The  title  of  Gierke's  reply  is  "  Fidelis  Servi  subito 
Infideli  Responsio,  cum  examinatione  errorum  N.  Sanderi  in  Libro  de 
Visibilis  Ecclesiae  Monarchia."  Soames  also  .quotes  the  passage  in  the 
charge  relative  to  this  question,  without  implying  the  slightest  doubt  as 
to  its  authenticity. — History  of  Reformation,  vol.  iv.  p.  726. 
*  Courayer,  Defense  de  la  Dissertation,  §  1. 


ARCHBISHOPS   OF   CANTERBURY.  325 

Eeformation,  the  desire  was  to  effect  a  reunion,  and  the     chap. 

incHnation  was,  on  the  part  of  Eome,  to  make  concessions.  - ,J - 

When  the  hope  of  reunion  was  abandoned,  it  was  found      pj^je.' 
that  the  surest  method  of  perverting  men's  minds  was  to    1656-68. 
attack  the  vahdity  of  our  orders ;  and  then  the  monstrous 
lie  of  the  Nag's  Head  consecration  was  invented,  the  con- 
sideration of  which  must  be  deferred  until  we  come  to 
the  Hfe  of  Parker. 

Returning  to  our  narrative,  we  have  now  to  mention, 
that  Pole  was  prevented  from  going  to  Canterbury  imme- 
diately after  his  consecration,  and  consequently  he  was 
enthroned  by  proxy  ;  one  of  the  canons,  Dr.  Collins,  being 
his  commissary.  Pole,  as  we  shall  hereafter  see,  had 
substantial  reasons  for  wishing,  at  this  time,  to  retire 
from  p)ublic  life  ;  and  if  he  had  gone  to  Canterbury,  he 
would  probably  have  permitted  himself  to  be  absorbed 
in  his  duties  as  a  diocesan ;  and  to  London  he  would 
have  been  unwilling  to  return.  Canterbury  Avould  have 
been  to  him  in  England  what  Viterbo  had  been  in  Italy. 
The  queen,  however,  entreated  him  to  remember  that  to 
him,  as  primate  of  all  England,  not  one  diocese  only,  but 
the  care  of  all  the  churches,  was  assigned.  The  state  of 
both  queen  and  country  was  such,  indeed,  that  the  de- 
sertion of  Mary  by  Pole  at  this  juncture  would  have 
amounted  to  cruelty.  Gardyner  was  dead  ;  King  Philii) 
had  left  England ;  public  feeling  in  London,  as  we  have 
just  seen,  was  anything  but  satisfactory ;  many  parts  of 
the  country  were  ripe  for  rebellioi'i  if  a  leader  should 
appear  ;  reports  came  in  from  various  quarters,  of  the 
severities  exercised  in  the  name  of  religion  ;  burnings 
were  still  going  on,  which,  instead  of  intimidating  the 
multitude,  surrounded  the  sufferers  with  a  halo  of  glory, 
and  sent  people  to  their  Bibles,  to  ascertain  wliether  the 
doctrines  for  which  even  the  weak  had  stren<j;t]i  to  die  a 


326 


LIVES    OF    THE 


CHAP. 
IV. 

Reginald 
Pole. 

1556-58. 


martyr's  death,  were  not,  in  very  deed,  the  doctrines  of 
truth,  however  condemnatory  they  might  be  of  the  prac- 
tices of  a  corrupt  age.  But  this  was  not  all :  crime  was 
increasing ;  highway  robberies  and  the  vilest  offences 
were  rife  ;  men  of  rank  sometimes  shared  in  the  plunder, 
if  they  were  not  found,  as  in  the  case  of  Prince  Hal  and 
his  associates  in  a  former  age,  on  the  highway  them- 
selves. Although  the  law  was  enforced  in  all  its  terror 
— sometimes  fifty  poor  wretches  being  left  for  execution 
when  the  judge  quitted  an  assize  town — yet  crime  was 
not  repressed.  In  many  parts  of  the  country,  the  pesti- 
lence destroyed  those  whom  the  law  and  persecution 
passed  by;  the  treasury  was  exhausted,  and  a  general 
loan  was  demanded.  Pole  could  not  desert  the  queen  at 
such  a  crisis ;  and  he  determined,  therefore,  to  receive 
the  palHum  in  London. 

Cardinal  Pole  attached  much  importance  to  the  recep- 
tion of  the  pall.  His  predecessor.  Dr.  Cranmer,  had 
ceased  to  wear  it,  for  he  regarded  it  as  a  badge  of  Kome  ; 
and  for  this  very  reason,  in  the  mind  of  Pole,  devoted  as 
he  was  to  the  papacy,  it  obtained  a  pecuhar  value.*  By 
the  Church  he  had  been  constituted  primate  of  all  Eng- 
land; but  Pole  thought  that,  before  he  exercised  his 
functions,  he  ought  to  receive  the  sanction  of  the  Bishop 
of  Eome ;  and  this  sanction  was  conveyed  through  the 
pallium. 

The  ceremony  of  receiving  the  pall  was  appointed  to  take 
place  in  Bow  Church — a  church  which  has  witnessed  many 
ceremonies  of  the  English  Church,  in  consequence  of  its 
being  one  of  the  peculiars  of  the  Archbishop  of  Canter- 
bury, and  on  that  account,  though  not  locally  yet  eccle- 


*  The  truth,  in  this  as  in  other  respects,  dawned  upon  Crannier's  mind 
gradually,  for  I  find  that  he  gave  a  pall  to  Holdgate,  Archbishop  of 
York,  in  1545 ;   that  is,  after  the  breach  with  Rome. 


ARCHBISHOPS   OF   CANTERBURY.  327 

siastically,  in  his  diocese.     Such  a  length  of  time  had     chap. 
elapsed,  however,   since   a   ceremony  of  this  kind   had  ^    ^^'  _^ 
taken  place,  that  by  the  novelty  of  the  proceedings  it    ^^Po^^"^ 
attracted  public  attention.  i5o6-58. 

Great  preparations  were  made  for  the  solemnity,  which 
was  appointed  to  take  place  on  the  Feast  of  the  Annunci- 
ation.* The  church  was  hung  with  cloth  of  gold  and 
rich  arras,  and  cushions  were  prepared  for  the  magnates 
in  Church  and  State.  The  archbishop  entered  the  church, 
attended  by  six  bishops  arrayed  in  their  pontificals,  and 
wearing  their  mitres.  A  long  train  of  nobles  and  privy 
councillors  followed  ;  the  courtiers  flocking  to  the  place 
where  homage  was  to  be  done  to  the  man  whom  the  queen 
delighted  to  honour.  On  entering  the  church,  the  arch- 
bishop was  met  by  certain  of  the  chief  parishioners,  when  a 
requisition  was  placed  in  his  hands,  praying  him  to  com- 
mence his  duties  as  archbishop,  "  by  giving  some  spiritual 
food  to  those  souls  which  God  had  intrusted  to  his  charge." 
It  was  probably  the  request  of  certain  Protestants,  who 
either  really  wished  to  hear,  or  who  desired  to  put  his 
powers  to  the  test.  "  His  most  reverend  lordship,"  we 
are  told,  signified  his  readiness  to  accede  to  the  request, 
and  when  he  had  reached  his  seat,  the  service  commenced. 
The  T3ishop  of  Worcester  sang  the  Mass,  and  at  the  proper 
time  the  archbishop,  though  entirely  unprepared,  rose  in 
his  place,  and  addressed  the  congregation.  We  expect  to 
find  a  certain  amount  of  self-laudation  in  every  writing  of 
Pole ;  and  he  commenced  the  sermon  with  reference  to 
himself,  but  in  a  manner  not  at  all  offensive.  "  On  enter- 
ing this  church,  for  a  purpose  which  I  had  desired  might 
be  explained  in  a  sermon,  the  parishioners  presented  me 
with  a  paper,  praying  me  with  great  earnestness  and  affec- 
tion to  ])erfonn  this  act  in  person,  and  to  commence  my 

*  Stubbs,  p.  Ml.     Reg.  Pol.     Machyn's  Diary,  p.  102. 


328  LIVES   OF   THE 

CHAP,  ministry  by  affording  spiritual  food  to  those  souls  com- 
._  ^J'  .  mitted  to  my  care.  I  liave  not  only  resolved  not  to  deny 
^^  pX.^"^  a  demand  so  reasonable,  but  have  even  derived  the  greatest 
1556-58.  consolation  thence,  remembering  that  in  my  hfe's  whole 
course,  none  of  my  actions  have  ever  yielded  me  greater 
satisfaction  than  those  to  which  the  Divine  Majesty  has 
now  deigned  to  call  me,  and  whose  execution,  as  in  this 
instance,  conduced  to  God's  honour  and  glory,  feeding 
thus  the  souls  of  those  committed  to  my  charge.  Amongst 
these,  perchance,  there  may  be  some  who  will  listen  to  me 
out  of  curiosity,  or  to  comment  on  what  I  say ;  and  to 
such  I  shall  observe,  that  any  other  learned  and  accom- 
plished man  would  satisfy  them  vastly  better  than  my 
powers  permit.  But  there  may  also  be  some  who  will 
listen  to  me  for  the  pure  love  of  God's  word,  and  these  I 
am  ready  to  satisfy ;  nor  will  I  ever  brook  that,  from  any 
defect  of  mine,  there  be  applied  to  me  those  words  of 
Holy  Writ,  concerning  the  people  of  Israel :  '  Parvuli 
petierunt  panem,  et  non  erat  qui  eis  frangeret.'  Neither 
will  I  imitate  those  masters  who,  eating  white  bread 
themselves,  give  bread,  black  and  unsuited,  to  their  ser- 
vants. I  shall  give  to  you  the  same  that  I  myself  am 
used  to  eat ;  and  this  bread  is  nothing  but  God's  Word, 
which,  received  in  the  form  and  sense  wherein  offered, 
produces  miraculous  effects,  and  bears  the  fruit  of  life  for 
him  who  embraces  it,  and,  as  it  is  written :  '  Tamquam 
imber  qui  descendet  de  coelo,  et  illuc  ultra  non  revertitur, 
sed  inebriat  terram  et  infundit  eam,  et  germinare  eam 
facit.'  You  must  know  that  the  cause  of  my  coming  here 
was  induced  by  my  having  been  appointed  legate,  many 
months  since,  by  the  holiness  of  the  pope — who  is  Christ's 
vicar,  and  the  supreme  head  of  His  Church  upon  earth — 
for  the  sake  of  reconciling  this  kingdom  to  God,  from 
whom  it  was  so  miserably  severed,  like  a  limb  from  the 


ARCHBISHOPS   OF    CANTERBURY.  329 

head.     And   in   order   to  reunite  it,  and  restore   it  to     chap. 

.  IV. 

obedience  to  the  apostohc  chair,  I  am  now  again  newly  - — r^—^ 
sent  as  legate  to  this  church  of  Canterbury  in  particular,  poie. 
and  to  all  those  dependent  on  its  diocese.  As  this  is  the  i^^e-os. 
first  time  of  my  entering  any  church  subject  to  my  care, 
I  imagine  that  you  will  not  expect  of  me  any  other  sermon 
or  discourse,  since  I  merely  came  to  take  the  archiepisco- 
pal  pallium  ;  it  having  indeed  been  my  intention,  having 
given  my  orders  to  this  effect,  to  receive  it  in  the  principal 
church  of  my  diocese ;  but  being  prevented  on  several 
accounts,  I  was  compelled  to  receive  the  investiture  here." 
Then  he  entered  upon  the  subject  he  always  had  before 
him — the  advancement  of  the  papal  cause — by  proceed- 
ing to  explain  the  ceremony  and  signification  of  the  pal- 
lium, drawing  much  from  his  own  imagination,  while  he 
seemed  to  be  instructing  his  audience  in  a  matter  of 
history.  He  asserted,  in  spite  of  historical  statements  to 
the  contrary,  that  no  archbishop,  in  any  age,  ventured  to 
perform  the  functions  which,  by  his  consecration,  he  was 
empowered  to  perform,  until  he  had  received  authority  so 
to  do  from  the  pope,  whose  authority  was  signified  by  the 
transmission  of  the  pallium.  The  object  is  to  promote 
the  cause  of  union  and  peace  in  the  Church  ;  and  "  al- 
though," he  continues,  "  in  byegone  times  it  has  been 
greatly  disturbed  by  certain  archbishops  and  patriarchs, 
nevertheless,  it  has  ever  been  seen  for  a  notable  example, 
that  those  who  acted  thus,  together  with  the  countries 
committed  to  their  government,  hav^  been  by  God  most 
severely  punished — as  were  the  patriarchs  of  Constanti- 
nople and  Alexandria,  who,  having  strayed  from  this 
unity,  passed,  by  God's  just  judgment,  under  the  cruel 
tyranny  and  insupportable  yoke  of  the  Turks,  which  bears 
on  them  so  wretchedly,  and  since  so  long  a  while.  The 
like  was  also  manifested,  too,  clearly  in  the  persons  of  the 


330  LIVES   OF   THE 

CHAP,    arclibisliops  of  Eavenna,  who  greatly  opposed  this  unity  ; 

. ^J'  ..  but  finally  perceiving  their  error,  were  reconciled  to  and 

"^Poi*^^  rejoined  the  head.  Thus,  then,  an  archbishop  cannot 
1556-58.  exercise  the  power  with  which  he  is  invested  on  his  con- 
secration, until  he  receive  permission  to  this  effect  from 
Christ's  vicar  by  means  of  this  pallium^  He  affirmed 
that  the  pall  is  from  St.  Peter's  body,  and  is  afterwards 
forwarded  to  each  archbishop  after  his  consecration.  "  The 
pall  is  made,"  he  continued  to  say,  "  of  this  lowly  material, 
and  in  tlie  form  of  a  cross,  to  form  a  contrast  to  the  rich 
ornaments  of  gold  and  jewels  usually  worn  by  arch- 
bishops." He  regarded  it  as  symbolical,  showing  that  their 
power  and  authority,  received  through  Christ's  vicar,  pro- 
ceeds and  is  derived  from  that  immaculate  Lamb,  of 
which  it  is  written  in  the  Apocalypse :  "  Dignus  est  Agnus 
Qui  occisus  est  accipere  virtutem  et  honor  em  et  gloriam." 
While  he  was  dwelling  on  the  blessings  of  peace,  both 
speaker  and  audience  were  moved  to  tears  ;  and  he  showed 
that  peace  could  only  be  secured  by  obedience  to  the 
Divine  will,  while  he  pointed  to  the  Virgin  Mary,  whose 
festival  it  was,  as  a  special  example  of  such  obedience.* 

It  is  to  be  remarked,  that  in  alluding  to  the  punishments 
in  which  those  metropolitans  and  their  churches  were 
involved  who  thought  scorn  of  the  papal  pall,  an  ad- 
mission was  unconsciously  made  that,  in  neglecting  the 
pall,  other  churches  have  been  concerned  as  well  as  our 
own. 

Although  statements  were  made  the  truth  of  which 
Pole  could  not  substantiate,  yet  the  sermon,  considering 
the  circumstances  under  which  it  was  delivered,  does  not, 

*  I  take  tlie  sermon  as  it  is  reported  by  Marc  Antonio  Faitta  to  the 
Doctor  in  Divinity,  Ippolito  Chizzuola,  translated  by  Mr.  Eawdon 
Brown  from  a  manuscript  in  St.  Mark's  Library,  No.  24,  Class  10.  It 
is  in  Italian,  occupying  forty  pages  and  a  half,  and  a  copy  of  it  is  to  be 
seen  in  the  British  Museum. 


ARCHBISHOPS   OF   CANTERBURY.  331 

as  a  literary  effort,  merit  the  contempt  with  which  by 
some  writers  it  has  been  treated.     It  was  the  first  of  a 
series  of  sermons  preached  by  Pole,  wlio  could  not  be      Poi"! 
accused  of  any  want  of  zeal  in  the  discharge  of  this    ioog-oS. 
function. 

After  the  ceremony  of  receiving  the  pallium,  the  arch- 
bishop dined  with  the  Earl  of  Pembroke  ;  "  this  being," 
we  are  told,  "  the  first  time  he  eat  abroad  since  his 
arrival  in  England."  *  By  the  earl  he  was  hospitably 
entertained. 

He  returned  to  the  court  at  Greenwich,  where  Lent  was 
kept  with  strictness  ;  a  course  of  sermons  being  delivered 
in  the  presence  of  the  queen.  On  the  Thursday  in  Holy 
Week,  the  queen,  under  the  direction  of  the  cardinal- 
archbishop,  performed  in  the  convent  of  the  Grey  Friars 
the  ceremony  of  the  feet  washing.  Accompanied  by  the 
legate  and  the  council,f  the  queen  entered  the  large  hall. 
She  was  met  by  the  Bishop  of  Ely,  and  his  lordship  was 
accompanied  by  the  choristers  and  officials  of  the  chapel 
royal.  Around  the  hall,  on  either  side,  were  arranged 
forty-one  female  paupers,  the  number  representing  the  age 
of  the  queen.  Each  poor  woman  sat  on  a  bench  with 
her  foot  upon  a  stool.  The  ceremony  was  begun  by  one 
of  her  majesty's  household  washing  the  right  foot  of  each 
poor  person  ;  the  same  function  was  performed  by  the 
sub-almoner,  then  by  the  Bishop  of  Chichester,  the  lord 
almoner,  and,  lastly,  by  the  queen  herself.  At  the  en- 
trance of  the  hall  stood  all  the  chief  ladies  of  the  court, 
each  holding  before  her  a  long  linen  cloth  reaching  to  the 
ground  ;  round  each  lady's  neck  w^as  a  towel  depending 

*  Strype  (Memorials,  iii.  pt.  i.  474)  says  that  he  dined  with  the 
Bishop  of  London.  My  authority,  being  present  at  the  dinner,  is  more 
likely  to  be  correct. 

t  See  the  letter  of  Marc  Antonio  Faitta,  who  was  present  at  the 
ceremony. 


332  LIVES    OF   THE 

CHAP,     from  either  side  ;  each  carried  a  silver  ewer  filled  with 

IV 

v_.-l_x  water  in  one  hand,  and  a  bouquet  of  flowers  in  the  other. 
Pde.      The  queen's  majesty,  in  like  array,  placed  herself  at  their. 

1656-68.  head.  Before  the  first  poor  woman  she  kneeled  on  both 
her  knees  ;  with  her  left  hand  she  took  the  poor  woman's 
right  foot,  and  having  washed  it,  she  wiped  it  with  the 
towel  in  her  right  hand.  Having  signed  it  with  the  sign 
of  the  cross,  she  kissed  it, — says  an  eye-witness, — as  if 
she  was  fervently  embracing  something  precious.  One 
by  one,  she  washed  the  feet  of  all,  on  each  fresh  occasion 
receiving  from  her  ladies  another  ewer  and  a  clean  towel. 
She  Avent  thus,  from  one  end  of  the  hall  to  the  other,  on 
her  knees.  When  the  washing  was  finished,  she  rose 
from  her  knees,  and  passing  to  the  other  end  of  the  hall, 
she  gave  to  each  poor  person  a  wooden  platter,  contain- 
ing food  sufficient  for  four  persons :  the  food  consisted  of 
salt  fish  and  large  loaves  of  bread.  Having  come  to  the 
end  of  the  hall,  she  returned  to  the  entrance,  and  pro- 
ceeding thence,  a  third  time,  she  gave  to  each  poor  woman 
a  wooden  cup  filled  with  wine,  or  rather  with  hippocras. 
A  fourth  time  she  traversed  the  length  of  the  hall,  dis- 
tributing pieces  of  cloth  of  royal  mixture.  A  fifth  time 
she  returned  to  the  entrance,  giving  as  she  went  down 
the  hall  a  pair  of  shoes  and  stockings.  A  sixth  time  she 
proceeded,  giving  to  each  a  leathern  purse  containing 
forty-one  pennies,  according  to  the  number  of  her  years. 
For  the  seventh  time  she  was  seen  at  the  head  of  the  hall ; 
and  placing  herself  before  each  "  washee  "  in  turn,  she 
wdth  her  own  hands  delivered  to  her  the  apron  and  towel 
used  in  the  washing,  having  received  them  one  by  one 
from  the  ladies  to  whose  keeping  they  had  been  originally 
consigned. 

The  ceremony  was  not   yet   concluded.     The   queen 
had  left  the  hall,  but  only,  after  a  short  delay,  to  return. 


ARCHBISHOPS    OF   CANTERBURY.  333 

She  had  taken  off  the  splendid  robe  in  which  she  had     chap. 
been  attired,  and  which  was  now  carried  by  one  of  lier  -    ^^'  _ 
pages.      Twice  she   perambulated   the   hall,    examining    ^Pole.^' 
attentively,  and  one  by  one,  each  poor  woman,  of  whose    loos-ss 
circumstances  she  had  previously  known  something  ;  and 
having  satisfied  herself  as  to  the  person  most  praisewortliy 
for  cleanliness  of  appearance  and  for  good  manners,  to 
her  she  gave  the  robe, — a  splendid  robe  it  was,  of  the 
finest   purple    cloth  lined  with  martens'  fur,  and  with 
sleeves  so  long  and  wide  that  they  reached  to  the  ground. 
During  the  entire  ceremony,  the  choir  chanted  the  Mi- 
serere and  other  psalms,  reciting  at  the  end  of  each  the 
words :  "  In  diebus  illis  mulier  quse  erat  in  civitate  pecca- 
trix."  * 

On  the  morning  of  Good  Friday,  the  offertory  was  per- 
formed, according  to  custom,  in  the  church  of  the  Fran- 
ciscan Friars.  After  the  passion,  for  the  adoration  of  the 
cross,  her  majesty  came  down  from  her  oratory,  accom- 
panied by  the  legate.  Placing  herself  at  a  short  distance 
from  the  cross,  she  moved  towards  it  on  her  knees.  She 
remained  for  some  time  in  private  prayer,  and  then  ap- 
proaching close  to  the  cross,  she  kissed  it,  performing,  it 
is  said,  this  act  "  with  such  devotion  as  greatly  to  edify 
all  those  who  were  present."  At  this  time,  her  majesty 
gave  her  benediction  to  the  rings.  On  the  right  side  of 
the  altar  a  barrier  was  raised  for  her  majesty  by  means 
of  four  benches  placed  so  as  to  form  a  square  ;  she  again 
came  down  from  her  oratory,  and  kneeling  in  the  midst 
of  this  barricaded  space,  two  large  covered  basins  were 
brought  to  her,  filled  with  rings  of  gold  and  silver ;  one 
of  these  basins  containing  rings  of  her  own,  whilst  tlie 
other  held  those  of  individuals  labelled  with  their  owners' 

*  The  Queen's  Maundy  is  still  kept.     It  would  be   interesting  to 
compare  the  ceremony  of  18G9  with  that  of  1550. 


334  LIVES  OP  THE 

CHAP,     names.     On  their  being  uncovered,  she  commenced  re- 

^ — ^l_>   citing  a  certain  prayer  and  psahns,  and  then  taking  them 

pX.      ill  bunches,  she  passed  them  well  through  her  hands,  say- 

1556-58.    ing  another  prayer,  v^hich  commenced  thus  :  "  Sanctifica, 

Domine,  annulos  istos." 

Her  majesty  proceeded,  in  the  next  place,  to  touch  for 
the  king's  evil,  or  to  bless  the  scrofulous.  This  function, 
however,  she  chose  to  perform  privately,  in  a  gallery 
where  there  were  not  above  twenty  persons  present. 
An  altar  being  raised,  she  knelt  before  it,  and  having 
recited  the  confession,  she  received  absolution  from  the 
lord  cardinal.  In  the  reading  of  the  Gospel  appointed 
for  the  occasion,  when  the  gospeller  came  to  the  words 
"  Super  segros  manus  imponent  et  bene  habebunt,"  the 
queen  directed  the  afflicted  women  to  be  brought  up  to 
her  ;  and,  kneeling,  her  majesty  pressed  the  ulcerated  sore 
with  her  hands,  making  over  it  the  sign  of  the  cross, 
"  with  such  evident  charity  and  devotion,"  says  a  by- 
stander, "  as  to  be  a  marvel."  There  were  three  women 
to  one  man  who  thus  approached  her.  When  the  Gospel 
was  ended,  the  queen  directed  the  sick  people  to  approach 
her  one  by  one.  She  took  from  a  page  a  coin — an  angel 
— and  with  this  she  touched  the  place  where  the  evil 
showed  itself,  making  with  the  coin  the  sign  of  the  cross. 
A  hole  had  been  pierced  through  each  coin,  through 
which  a  ribbon  was  passed,  by  which  she  was  enabled  to 
fasten  the  coin  round  the  neck  of  each  of  her  patients. 
The  coin  had  been  blessed,  and  each  person  was  pledged 
never  to  part  with  so  sacred  a  treasure,  except  under 
pressure  of  the  greatest  distress.  Having  washed  her 
hands, — the  napkin  being  presented  to  her  by  the  legate, 
— she  returned  to  her  oratory. 

It  was  Pole's  endeavour  at  all  times  to  imitate — we 
might  more  correctly  say,  to  mimic — Cardinal  Wolsey. 


ARCIIBISIIOrS    OF   CANTERBURY.  335 

His  were  the  labours  of  a  lapdog  to  imitate  the  gambols    chap. 

of  a  lion.     Although  he  denounced  pluralities,  it  is  to  be  • r^ — ' 

presumed  that  he  thought  a  cardinal  was  above  the  law  ;  Poi"e^ 
and  as  Wolsey  had  been  a  pluralist,  there  was  no  reason  1 556-58. 
why  Pole  should  not  become  one  also.  On  the  death  of 
Bishop  Gardyner,  he  thought  of  applying  for  a  dispensa- 
tion to  hold  the  bishopric  of  Winchester  in  commendam. 
When  in  this  respect  he  was  overruled  by  advisers  unwil- 
ling to  lay  him  open  to  the  double  charge  of  avarice  and 
inconsistency,  he  compelled  Dr.  White,  who  desired  the 
translation  to  Winchester,  because  it  had  been  his  resi- 
dence when  he  was  master  and  afterwards  warden  of  the 
college,  to  enter  into  a  simoniacal  contract ;  and  out  of 
the  revenues  of  the  see  to  pay  to  the  cardinal  what  was 
at  that  time  an  enormous  sum — an  annual  pension  of  one 
thousand  pounds;  and,  moreover,  to  bequeath  him  a  thou- 
sand pounds  in  his  will.*  In  addition  to  this,  the  queen 
made  him  a  grant  of  several  estates,  being  her  manors 
or  principal  farms  in  Kent,  besides  many  other  lands  and 
lordships  in  other  counties. f 

I  shall  now  consult  the  reader's  convenience  by  treating 
first  of  the  political  life  of  Eeginald  Pole,  returning  after- 
wards to  the  consideration  of  his  proceedings  as  an  arch- 
bishop. 

I.  Cardinal  Pole,  who  was  never  guilty  of  the  offence 
of  not  sufficiently  magnifying  any  office  to  which  he  was 
appointed,  desired  to  be  the  queen's  adviser  in  things 
temporal  as  well  as  things  spiritual.  Cardinal  Wolsey 
had  been  a  statesman ;    and  from  diplomatic  functions 

*  Godwin,  238.  Parker,  527.  Parker  adds,  "  Qua?  conventa,  quia 
simoniam  redolebat,  utrique  a  papa  non  sine  remuneratione  absolvenda 
fuerunt." 

•f  Strype  mentions  the  manors  in  Kent.  I  have  not  examined  them, 
but  I  am  inclined  to  think  that  the  queen  only  restored  to  the  arch- 
bishop what  Henry  VIII.  had  forced  Cranmer  to  make  over  to  tlie  crown. 


336  LIVES   OF   THE 

CHAP.  Cardinal  Pole,  though  always  unsuccessful,  had  seldom 
^ — .-^^ — '  shrunk.  Bishop  Gardyner,  who  was  the  chief  minister  of 
pX.  the  Crown  when  the  cardinal  arrived  in  England,  knew 
1556-58.  his  man,  and  saw  his  weakness.  Like  other  indolent 
though  ambitious  men,  Pole  was  wilhng  to  let  others  do 
the  work,  provided  that  he  was  himself  ostensibly  the 
foremost  man.  Gardyner,  who  had  a  mean  opinion  of 
Pole's  abilities,  treated  him  after  his  arrival  in  England 
with  deference  and  respect,  and  if,  as  we  are  told,  there 
was  no  cordial  friendship  between  them,  we  certainly  can- 
not discover,  in  the  documents  of  liistory,  that  there  was 
any  misunderstanding.  Gardyner  had  opposed  Pole's 
coming  into  England,  when  he  saw  the  impolicy  of  his 
coming,  just  as  he  had  opposed  the  Spanish  match  ;  but 
when  he  perceived  that  the  queen  was  on  this  point  reso- 
lute and  determined,  the  astute  chancellor  employed  his 
abilities  to  render  the  influence  of  Pole  as  little  injurious 
as  possible  to  the  welfare  of  the  country.  To  Pole  he 
gave,  as  we  have  seen,  a  hearty  welcome,  and  at  all  times 
he  yielded  to  him,  ostentatiously,  the  precedence  which 
was  his  due  ;  at  the  same  time,  Pole  unconsciously  re- 
ceived from  Gardyner  the  principles  upon  which,  as  if 
they  were  the  suggestions  of  his  own  mind,  he  discoursed 
to  others. 

We  must  now  go  back  to  a  few  months  preceding  the 
consecration  of  Pole  and  the  circumstances  just  detailed. 
Henry  11. ,  King  of  France,  addressed  a  letter  to  the 
Queen  of  England,  congratulating  her  on  having  effected 
a  reconciliation  of  the  Church  of  England  with  the  pope. 
He  sent  it  by  the  brother  of  his  ambassador,  the  pro- 
thonotary  De  JSToailles,  afterwards  Bishop  of  Acqs,  but  at 
that  time  only  the  king's  almoner  in  ordinary.*  The 
prothonotary  was  permitted,  in  an  unofficial  manner,  to 

*  The  letter  is  to  be  found  among  the  State  Papers,  Calendar  149. 


ARCHBISHOPS    OF    CAXTERCUllV.  337 

iiiforiu  Gardyiicr  that  the  King  of  France  was  wilhng  to  chap. 
accept  the  good  offices  of  England,  if  the  Queen  of  Eng-  s_£^L_. 
land  were  disposed  to  mediate  between  France  and  the  "^^S^^'^ 
empire,  with  the  view  of  effecting  a  general  pacification.  io5g-o8. 
Although  Pole's  connection  with  Philip  might  be  con- 
sidered as  placing  him  on  the  side  of  the  emperor,  still 
Henry  was  aware  of  his  friendly  feelings  towards  France, 
and,  with  the  object  of  pleasing  the  queen,  he  offered  to 
accej^t  him  as  the  negotiator.  Gardyner  honestly,  though 
in  confidence,  expressed  a  doubt  whether  Pole's  abilities 
Avere  sufficient  for  such  an  undertaking,  unless  he  were 
assisted  by  persons  more  expert  in  such  transactions  than 
himself.  He  was  justified  in  arriving  at  this  conclusion 
by  the  failure  of  Pole  in  every  embassy  in  which  he 
had  been  engaged ;  and  amidst  flattery  heaped  upon  the 
friend  and  adviser  of  Queen  Mary,  we  detect  the  low 
opinion  entertained  by  the  statesmen  of  the  age  of  the 
abilities  and  industry  of  Cardinal  Pole.  In  writing  to 
Sorrano,  Granvelle  did  not  hesitate  to  say  that  "  Pole  was 
no  statesman,  and  that  he  was  utterly  unfit  to  advise  or 
govern."  *  Still,  Pole  was  not  a  man  whom  either  Gar- 
dyner or  the  French  king  could  aflbrd  to  offend ;  and  it 
was  finally  arranged  that  the  cardinal  should  be  placed  at 
the  head  of  a  congress  which  was  to  meet  at  Marque,  not 
far  from  Calais,  and  within  the  English  pale.  Pole, 
always  having  Wolsey  in  his  eye,  required  everything  to 
be  transacted  on  a  scale  of  greater  magnificence  than  the 
English  exchequer  could  at  that  time  afford. 

In  the  month  of  May,  1555,  the  meeting  took  place. 
Gardyner,  Arundel,  and  Paget  were  associated  with  Pole 

*  Camden,  p.  20.  Proposals  for  peace  were  received  in  the  December 
following,  and  led  to  an  armistice  ;  but  at  that  time  the  Frencli  posi- 
tively refused  the  mediation  of  Pole,  alleging,  as  one  of  the  reasons,  his 
incapacity. 

VOL.  VIII.  Z 


338  LIVES   OF   THE 

CHAP,    as  the  representatives  of  tlie  Queen  of  England  ;  and  they 

. ^: -  were  met  by  the  Cardinal  of  Lorraine,  the  Duke  of  Alva, 

'^tX!^  and  the  High  Constable  of  France.  The  usual  fate  which 
1556-58.  had  hitherto  attended  the  negotiations  of  Pole  awaited 
him  now.  He  had,  at  this  time,  only  toUsten  to  the  sug- 
gestions and  to  act  upon  the  advice  of  counsellors  superior 
in  wisdom  and  experience  to  any  with  whom  he  had  been 
called  upon  to  act ;  and  they  must  share  with  him  the 
blame,  if  blame  attached  to  any  one,  for  the  failure  of  the 
negotiations.  To  effect  a  peace  between  two  parties  at 
variance,  each  must  make  some  sacrifice,  greater  or  less ; 
and  when  it  was  found,  that  neither  Charles  nor  the 
French  king  would  moderate  their  demands  the  one  upon 
the  other,  it  was  evident  that  a  treaty  was  impracticable. 
From  this  mission  Pole  returned  to  England  doubly  mor- 
tified, for  it  was  at  this  period  that  he  was  again  brought 
forward  by  the  Queen  of  England,  on  the  death  of  Marcel- 
lus,  as  a  candidate  for  the  papacy.  She  may  have  learned 
by  experience,  that  something  more  was  required  than  the 
title  of  cardinal  and  the  trappings  of  office,  to  raise  him 
to  an  equality  with  such  a  statesman  as  Gianpietro 
Caraffa,  who  on  the  23rd  of  May,  1555,  became  Pope 
Paul  lY. 

The  election  of  Paul  IV.  confirmed  Pole  in  his  reso- 
lution to  retire  from  political  life,  and  to  confine  him- 
self to  the  functions  of  his  spiritual  office.  His  position 
was  one  of  difficulty  and  delicacy.  He  knew  that  he  was 
not  in  favour  with  Paul  IV.  There  had  been  a  misunder- 
standing between  them  before  Caraffa  was  elected  pope  ; 
and  although,  through  the  mediation  of  a  common  friend, 
by  whose  advice  a  letter  explanatory,  almost  apologetic, 
of  his  conduct  had  been  written  by  Pole,  he  knew  Caraffa 
to  be  a  man  who  never  forgot  or  forgave  an  offence,  how- 
ever unreasonably  taken.     The  primary  duty  of  a  cardi- 


ARCHBISHOPS   OF    CANTERBUKY.  339 

nal  was  to  act  as  a  counsellor  of  the  pope  ;  and,  to  dis-  chap. 
charge  that  duty  properly,  it  was  necessary  that  he  should  ^ — ^ — - 
reside  in  Eome,  or  in  its  immediate  vicinity.  An  exemp-  pX. 
tion  from  residence  was  at  this  time  rarely  given,  and,  i^-^s  -58. 
when  given,  it  was  granted  as  a  favour.  A  legate  a 
latere  was,  strictly  speaking,  the  pope's  ambassador  ac- 
credited to  a  foreign  court.  The  ordinary  business  of  the 
usurped  jurisdiction  of  the  pope  in  the  various  kingdoms 
of  Europe  was  transacted  by  the  primate  as  ordinary 
legate  or  as  legatus  natus*  A  legate  a  latere  was  an 
exce2:)tional  appointment — an  appointment  made  for  a 
special  purpose  ;  in  the  case  of  Pole,  to  reconcile  the 
Church  and  realm  to  the  papal  see.  This  special  object 
had  now  been  effected,  and  there  was  no  reason,  there- 
fore, wh}^  the  legate  a  latere  should  not  be  recalled.  It 
was  in  anticipation  of  this  possibility,  that  Pole  had  stipu- 
lated, before  his  consecration,  that  England  should  be 
his  permanent  place  of  abode.  The  reconciliation  of 
the  Church  of  England  with  the  papacy  having  been 
accomplished,  his  legatine  office  resolved  itself  chiefly 
into  that  of  an  embassy  ;  and  it  was  not  probable  that 
the  pope  would  retain  as  his  ambassador  at  the  English 
court  a  minister  who,  in  a  dispute  between  the  two 
courts,  was  the  advocate  of  the  court  in  which  he  re- 
sided, and  not  of  that  which  he  represented.  Pole  was 
in  a  dilemma.     Paul  IV^.  was  not  only  the  ally  of  France, 

*  There  is  some  difficulty  in  understanding  the  anomalous  position 
into  -which  Pole  was  forced.  The  title  of  Legatus  natus  does  not  imply 
an  actual  office  or  appointment,  but  an  ex  officio  jurisdiction,  exercised 
by  some  person  holding  another  office,  in  default  of  an  accredited  lega- 
tion. The  Archinshop  of  Canterbury  was  legatus  natus,  but  he  had, 
besides,  a  commission  of  ordinary  legation  issued  to  him  on  his  appoint- 
ment. This  was  the  commission,  I  presume,  of  which  he  was  deprived. 
At  Oxford,  the  Cancellarius  natus  is  the  senior  doctor,  or  head  of  a 
house,  when  there  is  no  actual  chancellor. 

z  2 


340  LIVES   OF   THE 

but  he  was  also  tlie  bitter  enemy  of  Spain,  and  of  the 
emperor.  He  declared  it  to  be  his  ambition  to  free 
Italy  from  the  tyranny  of  Spain,  and  to  place  two  French 
princes  on  the  thrones  of  Milan  and  Naples.*  Eanke  de- 
scribes him — in  one  of  those  powerful  passages,  which 
convey  almost  as  much  general  information  incidentally, 
as  they  are  intended  to  impart  immediately — as  sitting  for 
hours  over  the  black  thick  volcanic  wine  of  Naples,  called 
mangiaguerra,  which  was  his  ordinary  drink,  and  pouring 
forth  torrents  of  eloquence  against  those  schismatics  and 
heretics,  those  accursed  of  God,  the  spawn  of  Jews  and 
Moors,  the  dregs  of  the  eartli,  and  whatever  other  abusive 
epithets  he  could  invent  upon  the  Spaniards.^  Although 
the  Queen  of  England  was  professedly  neutral  in  the  war 
between  the  emperor  and  the  King  of  France,  yet  her 
husband  was  the  emperor's  son  ;  and  it  was  easy  to  foresee, 
what  soon  after  did  actually  occur,  that  England  would, 
however  unwilhngly,  be  forced  into  the  contest,  if  a 
contest  there  were,  on  the  side  of  Spain.  It  was  not  to  be 
supposed  that  the  pope  would  permit  his  ambassador  to  act 
as  chief  minister  in  the  councils  of  a  sovereign  with  whom 
he  was  at  war.  This  Pole  was  made  to  understand.  But 
his  mission,  in  a  religious  point  of  view,  was  not  only  to 
reconcile  the  realm  to  the  pope,  but  also  to  reform  the 
English  Church ;  and  for  this  purpose  it  was  desirable  that 
he  should  possess  the  extraordinary  power  with  which 
by  his  legation  a  latere  he  was  invested ;  neither  did  his 

*  See  State  Papers,  Calendar  82,  124,  149,  162,  267  ;  and  compare 
Noailles,  iv.  63,  119,  120. 

-f  Ranke,  i.  196.  He  gives  his  authorities.  Pole  was  accustomed 
to  discharge  his  wrath  in  abusive  words,  but  he  was  surpassed  in  the 
language  of  the  fish-market  by  the  reputed  successor  of  St.  Peter. 
Outsiders  hear  much  of  the  unity  and  peace  which  prevail  in  the  Romish 
Church.  The  history  of  Paul  IV.  is  only  one  of  the  many  chapters  in 
papal  history  which  gives  the  lie  to  this  assertion. 


ARCHBISHOPS   OF   CANTERBURY.  341 

haughty  spirit  brook  the  idea  of  receding  from  an  oflice     chap. 
which  lie  regarded  as  superior  to  his  archbishopric.  ^^^ — ^ — - 

The  situation  of  all  parties  was  remarkable  :  here  were  pCk^ ' 
a  king  and  queen  wlio  had  risked  much  to  establish  the  1 006-08. 
spiritual  rights  or  pretensions  of  the  pope  in  England,  to 
their  own  degradation ;  supported  by  a  minister  who  had 
for  nearly  a  quaiter  of  a  century  suffered  exile  for  the 
maintenance  of  those  alleged  rights  ;  and  on  the  other 
side,  there  was  a  pope  ready  to  sacrifice  those  advantages, 
or,  at  least,  to  hazard  them,  by  involving  his  reconciled 
children  in  all  the  countless  miseries  of  war,  and  of  a  war 
undertaken  in  furtherance  of  his  secular  ends,  or  for  the 
indulgence  of  the  malignant  passions,  still  burning  with 
youthful  vehemence  in  the  heart  of  a  minister  of  the  God 
of  peace — that  minister  having  nearly  reached  tlie  term 
of  life  when  the  strength  of  those  who  reach  it  is  but 
labour  and  sorrow. 

It  is  necessary  to  take  these  circumstances  into  considera- 
tion, in  order  that  we  may  account  for  the  conduct  of  Pole. 
Ambitious  to  become  a  second  Wolsey,  he  found  not  only 
the  queen,  but  her  far  wiser  husband,  ready  to  accept  him 
as  the  chief  adviser  of  the  crown.  Pole,  however,  per- 
ceived that,  however  much  he  desired  it,  this  could  not 
be  when  Paid  IV.  was  pope;  but,  instead  of  acting  in  a 
straightforward  and  decided  manner,  he  hesitated,  letting 
"  I  dare  not  wait  upon  I  woidd."  He  thus  offended  all : 
the  pope  could  not  trust  him ;  his  vacillation  disquieted 
the  privy  council ;  and  Philip  learned  to  regard  him  as  a 
mere  time-server  instead  of  a  friend. 

Antecedently  to  this,  on  the  death  of  Gardyner,  Pole 
had  aspired  to  the  chancellorship.  From  contemporary 
writers  we  know  that  the  feeling  of  the  public  was,  that 
he  was  too  indolent,  through  physical  infirmity,  to  dis- 
charge the  duties,  which  had  already  become  arduous,  of 


342  LIVES    OF   THE 

CHAP,     an  office  so  important.     But,  retaining  the  honours  of  the 

^ — '  position,  he  might  have  relegated  the  duties  to  the  sub- 

^PoiT  ordinate  officers  of  his  court,  if  that  more  serious  impedi- 
1556-58.  ment  liad  not  presented  itself  to  which  allusion  has  been 
made.  The  office  of  prime  minister  of  Queen  Mary  v^as 
visibly  incompatible  with  that  of  ambassador  of  Pope 
Paul  IV.  A  hint  soon  came  from  Eome  to  the  effect,  that 
the  legate  a  latere  would  be  recalled,  or,  at  all  events, 
would  have  to  resign  his  connection  with  the  court  of 
England ;  in  other  words,  the  question  was,  whether 
Eeginald  Pole  would  be  the  pope's  ambassador  or  the 
Queen  of  England's  chancellor.  He  chose  the  former, 
especially  as,  in  his  private  capacity,  his  influence  with 
the  queen  would  still  continue  to  be  great,  and  he  could, 
through  her,  carry,  though  by  indirect  means,  the 
measures  for  proposing  which  he  might  otherwise  have 
had  the  praise  or  censure. 

When  he  was  leaving  England,  Phihp,  aware  of  the 
feebleness  of  the  queen's  intellect,  and  the  firmness,  not 
to  say  obstinacy,  of  her  temper,  entreated  the  legate  to 
act  as  her  private  counsellor  and  spiritual  friend.* 

Meantime,  Pole  was  losing  the  little  popularity  he  had, 
for  a  short   time,  obtained.       The  privy  council   com- 

*  This  is  mentioned  by  Noailles ;  and  here  we  may  observe  that,  bad  as 
is  the  historical  character  of  Philip  in  every  relation  of  life,  his  political 
conduct  during  his  residence  in  England  was  worthy  of  praise.  He 
was  accused  of  robbing  the  country,  but,  in  point  of  fact,  he  contributed 
out  of  his  own  resources  to  the  public  expenditure  when  the  treasury 
was  bankrupt.  Whether  from  policy  or  not,  he  was  certainly  on  the 
side  of  leniency  when  persecution  was  resorted  to ;  and,  though  an  un- 
faithful husband — being,  if  possible,  more  profligate  and  sensual  than 
kings  and  princes  generally  are — he  bore  with  patience  the  jealousies 
and  caprices  of  his  wife.  At  the  same  time,  he  was  so  hated  by  the 
English  that  his  life  was  constantly  in  danger ;  and  even  the  courtiers 
who  accepted  his  presence  wished  to  drive  him  from  the  country  which 
he  was  anxious  to  quit. 


4 


ARCHBISHOPS    OF   CANTERBURY.  343 

plained  of  back- stairs  influence  ;  while  the  people  believed     chap. 

that  a  word  from  him  would  have  put  an  end  to  the  per-  « ^ . 

secutions.  ^f:^f;^ 

While  such  was  the  state  of  affairs  in  England,  the  1006-08. 
report  of  Pole's  substantial  power,  through  his  influence 
with  the  queen,  reached  Eome  ;  and  the  irritable  and 
implacable  pontiff  was  more  than  ever  enraged  at  finding 
his  legate  lending  the  weight  of  his  influence  to  the  in- 
terests of  Philip  rather  than  to  those  of  his  Eoman 
sovereign.  Strange  it  was,  that  two  persons  who  sacri- 
ficed their  very  souls  for  the  papacy  should  be  regarded 
by  the  pope  as  his  enemies.  Such  was  the  consequence 
of  the  pope  having  become  a  temporal  sovereign. 

Pole  became  sensible  of  the  miseries  and  inconsisten- 
cies attendant  upon  a  divided  allegiance.  He  did  what 
he  could  to  serve  two  masters.  From  the  privy  council 
of  the  Queen  of  England  he  withdrew  ;  and  he  despatched 
his  secretary,  Henry  Penning,  with  a  letter  intended  to 
be  explanatory,  or  apologetic,  to  the  pope.  A  letter  more 
injudicious,  however,  could  not  have  been  penned.  Writ- 
ing to  a  proud,  impassioned,  self-opinionated  old  man,  Pole 
ventured  to  admonish  his  master  and  to  tender  to  him 
his  advice.  He  deplored  the  war  in  which  the  pope  was 
engao-ed,  as  dama^^^ino^  the  cause  of  reli<'ion  throudiout 
Europe,  and  especially  in  England.  He  dwelt  on  the 
motives  to  amity  which  ought  to  animate  botli  Philip  and 
the  pope,  and  mentioned  all  that  hacjl  been  done  for  the 
papacy  in  England  by  Mary  and  her  husband,  services 
which,  in  the  name  of  the  pope,  and  as  his  minister,  he 
had  acknowledged.  He  reminded  Paul,  that  although 
he  was  now  a  sovereign  prince,  he  was  born  a  subject  of 
the  emperor ;  and  then  went  on  to  say,  that  liaving 
counselled  peace  to  Philip,  he  would  tender  the  same 
counsel   to    the  pope.       Thus,  while  professing  to  seek 


344  LIVES   OF   THE 

CHAP,     instructions  from  his  master,  he  assmnetl  the  character 
^^  •    .  of  a  mentor ;   and,  evidently  meaning  well,  he  damaged, 

K^inaid    through  his  want  of  judgment,  the  cause  he  desired  to 

1.556-08.    support. 

We  are  not  surprised  to  hear  of  the  extreme  indignation 
to  which  the  irritated  old  pontiff  gave  vent.  At  first  he 
could  not  refrain  from  bursting  into  a  fit  of  laughter  at 
the  wonderful  absurdity  of  a  man  like  Pole,  and  in  Pole's 
subordinate  position,  venturing  to  admonish  his  master, — 
that  master  being  his  superior  in  intellect  as  well  as  in 
station,  and  feeling  for  his  monitor  supreme  contempt ; 
but  the  amusement  was  transient,  the  indignation  was 
the  permanent  passion,  and  it  goaded  him  to  punish  the 
impertinence  of  his  servant. 

At  the  beginning  of  May,  1557,  Paul  IV.  and  King 
Philip  were  at  war.  From  every  country  under  the 
dominion  of  Philip  the  pope  recalled  his  legates.  It  was 
supposed  that  the  revocation  of  the  credentials  of  his 
ambassadors  would  not  extend  to  Pole,  England  being  a 
neutral  power.  In  the  articles  of  marriage  between  the 
Queen  of  England  and  the  Prince  of  Spain,  it  had  been 
stipulated,  under  direction  of  Bishop  Gardyner,  that  Eng- 
land was  not  to  be  involved,  directly  or  indirectly,  in 
any  war  undertaken  for  the  protection  or  aggrandizement 
of  the  royal  consort's  continental  dominions.  But  Paul 
was  quite  aware  that  these  articles  would  be  violated 
without  compunction,  if  Philip  should  ever,  during  the 
lifetime  of  his  wife,  require  the  assistance  of  England. 
Paul,  therefore,  held  himself  justified,  as  a  pohtician, 
in  indulging  his  spite  against  Cardinal  Pole,  by  expressly 

\  including    him    among    the    legates    whose    credentials 

to  foreign  courts  the  Italian  potentate  now  cancelled. 
He  went  further  than  this  ;  he  revived  the  charge  of 
heresy  formerly  brought  against  Pole^  by  Paul  himself ; 


ARCHBISHOPS   OF   CANTERBURY.  345 

and  he  summoned  him  before  the  Inquisition,  there  to     chap. 

clear  himself  or  to  be  condemned.     The  friends  of  Pole  . l^: . 

were  made  objects  of  tlie  papal  mahce ;  and  Cardinal    ^pX''^ 
Morone  was  already  under  trial  before  the  Inquisition.         1 006-08. 

The  pope  acted  with  a  precipitation  which  betrayed 
him  into  inconsistency.  He  had  on  a  former  occasion 
accused  Pole  of  heresy ;  and  as  Cardinal  Caraffa  lie 
brought  forward  the  charge  against  him  when  it  seemed 
probable,  at  the  death  of  Paul  HI.,  that  the  conclave 
would  elevate  Cardinal  Pole  to  the  papacy.  The  charge 
was  based  upon  the  extreme  leniency  shown  by  Pole  to 
the  Lutherans  or  Protestants  at  the  time  when  he  admin- 
istered the  affairs  of  the  Patrimony,  as  well  as  upon  the 
opinion  he  entertained  on  the  great  dogma  of  justification 
by  faith  only.  But  when,  on  the  election  of  Julius, 
there  was  no  good  purpose  in  insisting  on  the  charge,  the 
charge  was  withdrawn.  Cardinal  Pole,  through  a  com- 
mon friend,  approached  Cardinal  Caraffa,  and  expressed 
his  regret  at  having  been  misunderstood  by  a  man  whom, 
for  his  piety  and  his  moral  character,  he  respected  and 
revered.  He  offered  to  vindicate  his  character  and  to 
prove  his  orthodoxy  by  the  publication  of  a  treatise. 
Cardinal  Caraffa  expressed  himself,  however,  so  perfectly 
satisfied  on  the  subject,  that  the  pubhcation  of  the  pro- 
posed treatise,  he  declared,  would  be  a  work  of  superero- 
gation.    Caraffa  being  satisfied,  Pole  was  silent.* 

The  conduct  of  Paul  excited  the  anger  of  the  queen ; 
and  the  people,  always  glad  to  stand  opposed  to  the  pope, 
expressed  an  indignation,  stronger  perhaps  than  they 
felt,  at  the  insult  gratuitously  offered  to  the  English  nation. 
Sir  Edward  Carne,  our  ambassador  at  the  Poman  court, 
was  directed  to  remonstrate  with  Paul,  and  to  remark 

*  Seethe  correspondence  in  Quirini,  iv.  91.  Pole  could  not  be  brief; 
his  letter  was  itself  a  treatise  occnpying  sixteen  quarto  pages. 


346  LIVES   OF   THE 

CHAP,     on  the  impolicy  of  oifering  an  insult  to  a  neutral  power. 

^-- .- — -  He  was  to  remind  the  pope,  that  the  peculiar  circum- 

Poie!  stances  of  the  country  absolutely  required  the  residence 
i5o6-o8.  of  a  legate,  if  tlie  reconciliation  was  to  be  permanent 
between  England  and  Eorae.  Paul  admitted  the  validity 
of  the  arguments  adduced  for  the  residence  of  a  legate  in 
England,  but  the  conclusion  at  which  he  arrived  differed 
widely  from  that  of  the  queen  and  her  government.  A 
legate  might  be  required,  but  it  was  not  requisite  that 
Pole  should  be  the  man.  Paul  assumed  a  high  tone  ; 
what  the  pope  had  once  done  could  not  be  reversed. 
"  What  I  have  written,  I  have  written,"  or  words  to  this 
effect,  were  on  his  lips ;  it  would  not  comport  with  the 
majesty  of  the  throne  he  was  appointed  to  occupy,  to 
revoke  any  part  of  a  decree  solemnly  given  in  full  con- 
sistory. Moreover,  Pole,  lying  under  a  charge  of  heresy, 
it  was  necessary  he  should  appear  at  Eome  without  loss 
of  time,  to  vindicate  himself  before  the  Inquisition  ;  or 
else  to  undergo  at  Eome  the  same  terrible  sentence  to 
which  he  had  consigned  his  predecessor  at  Oxford. 

Paul,  at  the  same  time,  gave  a  significant  hint,  that  if 
Philip  were  to  unite  with  Mary,  and  if  from  both  sove- 
reigns a  personal  application  were  made,  a  modification  of 
his  sentence,  notwithstanding  all  this  vapouring,  might, 
after  all,  not  be  impossible.* 

The  queen  lost  no  time  in  forwarding  an  application 
for  redress,  which  assumed  the  character  of  a  remon- 
strance. She  recounted  the  meritorious  services  of  Pole 
in  reconciling  England  to  Eome,  and  she  mentioned  the 
deep  afiliction  she  should  experience  if  her  kinsman  were 
deprived  of  "  a  legacy  "  that  had  been  from  time  imme- 
morial attached  to  the  archbishopric  of  Canterbury.     The 

*  Game's  despatch  is  dated  15th  of  May  ;  the  queen  wrote  on  the 
21st.     The  remonstrance  of  the  privy  council  is  without  date. 


ARCHBISHOPS   OF   CANTERBURY.  347 

bearer  of  the  queen's  letter  went  first  to  Cambray,  there     chap. 

to  obtain  the  signature  of  King  Phihp  if,  on  perusal,  the   r^ — ' 

document  commended  itself  to  his  judgment.     Parliament      "pX. 
was  not  sitting,  but  the  queen  caused  another  remonstrance    io56-o8. 
to  be  drawn  up,  to  which  she  obtained  the  signatures  of 
those  members  of  the  privy  council  who  were  in  London, 
and  of  such  of  the  nobility  as  were  within  easy  reach  of 
the  royal  messengers. 

Paul  IV.  promised  acquiescence  in  the  wishes  thus  ex- 
pressed, and  kept  his  promise  "to  the  ear,"  but  nothing 
more.  The  queen,  the  king,  and  the  nobles  agreed  in  the 
importance  of  a  legate,  resident  for  some  time,  if  not 
always,  in  England.  This  was  a  concession  on  the  part  of 
England  highly  satisfactory  to  the  authorities  at  Rome. 
Nothing  could  be  more  reasonable  than  the  demand ;  the 
pope  rejoiced  to  meet  the  wishes  of  the  queen  and  her 
people.  He  would  have  it  inferred  that  he  was  anxious 
to  please  the  queen.  He  could  not,  of  course,  for  reasons 
before  assigned,  re-invest  Pole  with  the  office  of  which  he 
had  been  deprived,  or,  at  all  events,  this  could  not  be 
done  until  Pole  had  cleared  himself  from  the  charge  of 
heresy.  But  the  pope,  considerate  of  the  queen's  feel- 
ings, if  he  could  not  give  her  the  friend  she  most  desired, 
would  provide  her  with  the  friend  next  in  her  esteem — he 
would  appoint  WiUiam  Peto  his  legate. 

Wilham  Peto,  a  Franciscan  friar,  had  been  in  his  youth 
a  zealous  supporter  of  the  cause  of  tlfie  unfortunate  Queen 
Katharine  ;  he  had  dared  the  fury  of  Henry,  by  condemn- 
ing the  king's  conduct  from  the  pulpit.  He  now  held 
office  in  the  English  court  as  confessor  to  Queen  Mary. 
Here  is  a  man,  Paul  presumed,  whose  preferment  must  be 
in  accordance  with  the  queen's  wishes.  He  was  eighty 
years  of  age,  and  a  vacancy  in  his  office  would  occur  ere 
many  years  would  elapse  ;  and  then,  without  any  sacrifice 


348  LIVES   OF   THE 

CHAP,     of  tlie  majesty  of  the  papal  throne,  Pole  might  be  re- 

• — -^ — '  instated,  if  to  the  pope  his  re-instatement  might  appear 

Poiie. '     expedient.     Paul  was,  to  be  sure,  a  man  as  old  as  Peto,  if 

i5o6-o8,    not  more  advanced  in  years,  but  "  all  men  think  all  men 

mortal  but  themselves  ;"  and  if  he  did  not  outlive  Peto, 

the  policy  marked  out  by  himself  might  be  followed  by 

liis  successor. 

The  old  man,  resident  in  this  country,  was  forthwith 
created  a  cardinal,  and  was  appointed  legate  a  latere  to 
England. 

There  was  Plantagenet  blood  in  the  veins  of  Mary,  and 
she  was  not  to  be  put  on  one  side  by  this  child's  play. 
She  had  precedents  in  abundance  for  what  she  was  deter- 
mined to  do.     Her  religion  would  induce  her  to  submit 
to  a  papal  mandate,  if  a  bull  or  a  brief  was  served  upon 
her ;  but  woe  to  the  traitor  who  should,  without  her  per- 
mission, venture  to  introduce  an  obnoxious  bull  or  brief 
into  her  dominions.     It  would  be  for  Peto  to  answer  it  to 
his  own  conscience,  whether  he  would  or  would  not  yield      | 
obedience  to  the  pope,  and  accept  the  office  imposed  upon      1 
him  ;  but  if  he  should  accept  it  without  the  royal  consent,       ^ 
a  traitor's  doom,  he  knew  full  well,  awaited  him.     The 
papal  messenger,  the  bearer  of  the  red  hat  to  Peto,  was 
to  be  stopped  at  Calais.* 

All  this  was  done  without  any  apparent  consultation 
with  Pole  ;  and  although  it  is  not  to  be  supposed,  that  he 
could  be  really  ignorant  of  what  was  taking  place,  yet  an 
opportunity  was  offered  for  him  to  plead  ignorance — offi- 
cial ignorance — for  not  yielding  obedience  to  any  com- 
mands which  might  issue  from  Eome.  For  the  mere  i 
politician  this  would  have  sufficed  ;  but  Pole  regarded  the        j 

*  Pallavicini,  ii.  205.  See  also  Strype,  iii.  pt.  ii.  39,  where  Pole  - 
says  that  the  nuncio  bearing  the  cardinal's  hat  to  Peto  was  not  per-  ■ 
mitted  to  enter  Calaip. 


i 


ARCIIBISIIOrS   OF   CA^'TERBURY.  349 

subject  from  a  religious  point  of  view.  Althougli,  through     chap. 

the  precautions  of  the  privy  council,  he  had  no  ofFicial  « ~^ - 

notification  of  his  having  been  deprived  of  the  office  of  "^Pore!^^ 
legate  a  latere,  he  could  not  be  ignorant  of  what  had  1 006-6 8. 
occurred  at  Eome,  and  he  declined  to  have  the  legate's 
cross  borne  before  him.  lie  thought,  perhaps,  by  these 
means  to  conciliate  the  angry  pontiff;  and  having  retired 
from  political  life,  he  hoped  to  be  permitted  to  discharge 
his  episcopal  functions  in  peace.  With  these  objects  in 
view  he  addressed  a  letter  to  the  pope,  and  sent  it  by  his 
chancellor,  the  datary  Ormanetto.* 

Before  the  arrival,  however,  of  Ormanetto,  the  English 
ambassador  had  had  several  interviews  with  the  pope. 
Paul  was  warned  that  if  he  persevered  in  alienating  the 
affections  of  the  few  staunch  friends  of  the  papacy  in  Eng- 
land, surrounded  as  they  were  by  many  who  w^ere  luke- 
warm, and  by  a  greater  number  who  were  hostile,  the 
papal  cause  in  that  country  would  soon  be  overthrown. 
At  first  the  pope  treated  the  remonstrances  in  a  jocose  and 
jesting  manner,  and  expressed  surprise  that  the  queen 

*  Godwin  (De  Prgesul.  151;  Wood,  ii.  pt.  i.  130)  accuses  Foxe  of 
ignorance  in  calling  Ormanetto  the  pope's  datary,  but  throughout  May's 
Diary  he  is  called  datary.  He  was  datary  for  England.  Heylin  re- 
marks that  the  definition  of  Datarius.,  given  by  Du  Cange,  is,  "  primus 
Cancellariae  Romange  minister,  praslatus  semper,  interdum  cardinalis  ; 
sic  dictus  a  litteris  expeditis  quibus  vulgo  addit  Datum  Romcc,'^  &c. 
But  as  it  does  n<jt  appear  how  such  a  functionary  could  act  anywhere 
but  at  Kome,  we  may  perhaps  understand  the  office  of  the  datary  for 
England  by  supposing  Ormanetto  to  have  be'en  commissioned  for  the 
transaction  of  business  like  that  of  the  Dataria  JRomanaj  the  depart- 
ment to  which  belong  the  issuing  of  dispensations,  the  conferring  of 
such  ecclesiastical  dignities  as  are  in  the  gift  of  the  pope,  and  similar 
acts  of  grace.  (Walter,  Lehrb.  d.  Kirchenrechts,  Bonn,  1842,  p.  295.) 
"  The  office  was  probably  extraordinary,  the  affairs  of  the  reconciliation 
rendering  it  expedient  tiiat  a  person  should  be  sent  into  England  with 
authority  to  settle  matters  whicli  in  the  ordinary  course  must  have  been 
referred  to  Kome." — Robertson,  note  to  Heylin,  ii.  197. 


350  LIVES   OF   THE 

CHAP,  was  not  grateful  to  liim  for  remitting  the  customary  fees 
._  ^^/  _ .  at  the  consecration  of  Cardinal  Peto,  and  for  sending  him 
^Pcir^'^  two  thousand  ducats  to  enable  him  to  keep  up  his  state  * 
1556-58.  But  things  had  assumed  a  different  aspect  before  the 
arrival  of  Ormanetto  at  Eome.  He  was  courteously 
received.  Through  Cardinal  Trani  the  pope  promised  an 
interview  with  Ormanetto  on  the  morrow  of  his  arrival, 
"  at  20  of  the  clock  ;"  but  though  he  waited  all  night,  the 
pope  was  unable  to  grant  him  an  audience.  He  was 
directed  to  send  in  the  letter  he  could  not  personally  pre- 
sent. Although  in  the  letter  Pole  evidently  put  a  restraint 
upon  himself,  yet  he  could  not  control  the  temper  which, 
when  he  was  personally  concerned,  would  speak  out. 
"  Your  holiness,"  he  said,  "  hath  dealt  with  me  after  that 
manner  as  no  pope  ever  did  with  any  cardinal.  So  that 
as  you  are  without  an  example  in  what  you  have  done 
against  me,  I  also  shall  be  without  an  example  how  I 
ouo-ht  to  behave  myself  towards  your  holiness  ;  for  there 
is  no  example  extant,  as  I  know  of,  of  a  pope  who,  when 
himself  had  called  a  cardinal  into  suspicion  of  heresy, 
should  deprive  him  of  his  legacy,  and  put  another  in  his 
place,  and  that  even  while  he  was  performing  the  office  of 
a  legate,  before  he  was  cited  to  plead  his  own  cause."  f 

Prom  the  charge  of  heresy  he  could  vindicate  himself 
by  a  personal  appeal  to  the  pope,  upon  an  occasion 
already  mentioned.  It  will  be  remembered,  and  Pole 
now  referred  to  the  fact,  that  Paul,  while  yet  a  cardinal, 
expressed  his  conviction,  that  the  stories  in  circulation  of 
Pole's  heretical  proclivities  were  the  fabrication  of  his 
adversaries.  He  had  done  more  ;  he  had  given  him  a 
significant  hint  that,  on  the  recurrence  of  a  vacancy  in 

*  Among  the  despatches  of  Carne,  see  particularly  those  dated  2nd 
July  and  7th  August. 

I  Strype,  from  the  Petyt  MSS.,  Memorials,  iii.  pt.  ii.  34. 


ARCIIBlSUOrS    OF   CANTERBURY.  351 

the  jDapal  throne,  Pole  might  calculate  on  the  vote  of     chap. 
CarafTa.     If  anything  more  were  required,  Pole  adverted  • — .— - 
to  the  high   testimony  he  received  from  tlie  same  great      pX. 
personage  when  he  had  become  Paul  IV. ;  for,  in  grant-    1556-58. 
ing  his  permission  to  the  Englisli  cardinal  to  acce[)t  the 
archbishopric   of  Canterbury,  he  spoke   of  him  in  full 
consistory  in   the  highest  terms.     So  far  from   abetting 
heresy  in  England,  all  Pole  had  done,  since  his  arrival  in 
this  country,  was  "  most  ungrateful  "   to   heretics,   who 
rejoice  in  nothing  so  much  as  in  hearing  this   name  of 
heretic  imposed  upon  him  by  the  pope.     So  that,  even 
supposing  the  charge  of  heresy  in  time  past  had  been 
substantiated  against  him,  yet  a  truly  catholic  and  godly 
man,  instead  of  reproaching  him,  would  rather  give  God 
thanks,  that  it  was  with  Pole  as  it  had  been  with  St.  Paul, 
when  he  who  formerly  had  opposed  the  Church,  at  length 
most  earnestly  defended  it. 

Pole  complained  in  this  letter,  that  the  pope,  who  was 
constituted  by  God  a  judge,  had  converted  himself  into 
an  accuser  of  the  brethren.  He  Avas  deeply  wounding 
the  heart  of  the  queen,  "  the  mother  of  obedience,"  who 
had  done  such  great  things  for  the  Church — by  denounc- 
ing her  husband.  King  Philip,  as  a  schismatic,  and  her 
primate  as  a  heretic.  But  he  warned  the  pope,  that 
while  conceding  those  rights  of  the  papacy  which  she 
regarded  as  indisputable,  she  would  firmly  maintain  her 
own  ;  and,  supported  by  her  whole  council  and  the 
assent  of  all  the  judges  of  the  land,  she  determined  to 
put  the  ancient  laws  of  the  realm  in  force  :  she  had  pro- 
hibited the  introduction  into  England  of  any  papal  brief, 
and  would  prohibit  the  nuncio  sent  with  the  red  hat  to 
Peto  from  entering  the  gates  of  Calais. 

Under  these  circumstances,  the  archbishop  remained 
untouched  by  the  papal  excommunication,  and  the  person. 


o5j!  lives  of  Tlll^: 

CHAP,     assuming  to  be  a  Eoman  cardinal,  was  seen  walking  up 
' r^ — '  and  down  the  streets  of  London  in  the  usual  attire  of  a 

Eeginald     ,  .  ^  . 

Pole.  begging  iriar. 
1556-58.  Those  who  would  support  the  papacy  on  the  ground 
of  its  conducing  to  peace  and  harmony,  will  do  well  to 
ponder  this  portion  of  ecclesiastical  history.  Universal 
history  does,  indeed,  proclaim  the  fact,  that  mediasval 
pontiffs  were,  through  their  worldly  ambition,  the  authors 
of  confusion  rather  than  of  peace. 

Whether  Paul  perused  this  document  of  Pole's  may 
be  doubted.  He  had,  at  this  time,  other  things  upon 
which  to  employ  the  thoughts  of  his  worldly  mind  and 
his  disappointed  ambition. 

Both  the  French  and  the  pope  had  been  unconsciously 
fighting  the  battle  of  King  Philip.  Philip's  anxiety  was 
to  involve  England  in  the  war  he  was  carrying  on  with 
the  powers  just  named,  and  the  queen  was  naturally 
anxious  to  meet  the  wishes  of  her  husband.  But  the 
country  was  not  prepared  for  war,  and  it  was  especially 
jealous  of  any  Spanish  alliance  ;  and,  with  an  exhausted 
exchequer,  the  privy  council  were  opposed  to  the  wishes 
of  the  queen.  Things  were  in  this  position  when  the 
news  was  spread  over  the  country  that  a  Prench  fleet 
had  appeared  off  the  Yorkshire  coast ;  and  that  an  in- 
vasion was  threatened  on  the  part  of  the  Protestant 
refugees  in  France,  aided  and  abetted  by  the  French 
king.  The  very  threat  of  a  French  invasion  has,  at  all 
times,  roused,  not  the  fears  only,  but  the  indignant 
passions  of  the  English  ;  while  the  alarm  was  now  inten- 
sified by  an  insurrectionary  movement,  assisted  by  the 
Scotch  in  alliance  with  France.  The  papal  interferences 
were  indignantly  resented  by  many  who  had  no  affec- 
tion for  the  cardinal,  and  more  particularly  by  those 
who  were  only  abiding  their  time,  in  the  expectation  of 


ARCHBISHOrS    OF   CANTERBURY.  35  3 

being  able  to  overthrow  finally  the  popish  authority  in     chap. 

England.     Even  Pole   himself   very  nearly  obtained   a   .- — - 

short-hved  popularity,  when  it  was  reported  that  he  was  Poi"^ 
persecuted  by  the  pope  because  he  refused  to  further  1 556-58. 
the  temporal  objects  of  the  Eoman  sovereign  at  the 
expense  of  the  interests  of  his  native  country.  Philip 
was  immediately  in  England  to  seize  the  opportunity. 
War  was  declared  on  the  7th  of  June.  An  English  con- 
tingent soon  after  joined  the  Spanish  army ;  and  to  the 
valour  of  our  countrymen,  under  the  command  of  the 
Earl  of  Pembroke,  was  mainly  to  be  attributed  the 
victory  of  St.  Quentin,  that  battle  in  which  the  French 
suffered  a  defeat  such  as  they  had  not  experienced  since 
the  days  of  Agincourt. 

These  were  the  circumstances  which  favoured  the 
negociations  conducted  by  Ormanetto. 

The  news  of  this  defeat  had  only  just  arrived  in  Eome, 
when  he  was  soliciting  an  audience  of  the  pope  to  deliver 
his  master's  despatch.  The  audience  now  sought  for  he 
never  obtained ;  but  a  verbal  message  was  sent  to  Pole, 
through  Ormanetto,  that  the  cardinal  might  for  the  present 
retain  his  position  as  legate.  All  practical  difficulties 
were,  at  the  same  time,  removed  by  the  death  of  Peto. 
Nevertheless,  the  office  of  a  legate  a  latere  Pole  did  never 
resume ;  he  contented  himself  with  signing  himself,  as 
his  predecessors,  with  the  exception  of  Cranmer,  from  the 
time  of  Archbishop  Hubert  had  done,  as  simple  legate. 
In  fact,  Paul  IV.  troubled  himself  no  further  in  the 
matter,  and  Pole  was  contented  to  let  things  remain  as 
they  were.  But  notwithstanding  this,  the  charge  of 
heresy  was  not  withdrawn  ;  the  citation  of  Pole  to  appear 
before  the  Inquisition,  as  a  reputed  heretic,  was  never 
revoked.     He  who  in  England  was  condemning  heretics 

VOL.    VIII.  A    A 


354  LIVES    OF   THE 

CHAP,    to  the  stake,  was  afraid  to  appear  in   Eome,  lest   the 

- — r-^'  furnace  he  heated  for  others  might  be  heated   sevenfold 

Pole,      for  himself.     So  deeply  did  Pole  feel,  and  so  indignantly 

,1556-58.    ^[({  i^Q  resent  the  injury,  that  he  composed  a  treatise  in 

his  own  defence.     We  know  the  violence  of  language  to 

which  his   malignant  passions  would  hupel  Pole,  when 

he  went  forth,  pen  in  hand,  to  meet  an  adversary.     We 

can  understand,  therefore,  why  he   should  have  paused 

before  transmitting  the  treatise ;   and  we  are  impressed 

with  the  depth  and  sincerity  of  his  religious  convictions, 

when  we  are  informed  that,  on  reviewing  what  he  had 

written,  he  thought  of  the  curse  which  Ham  had  incurred 

(Gen.  ix.  22-25),  and  saying,  "  I  will  not  discover  my 

father's  nakedness,"  he  threw  the  fair  copy  of  the  memorial 

into  the  iire,^^ 

I  wish,  for  the  credit  of  Pole,  we  could  stop  here  ;  but 
the  truth,  though  often  overlooked,  cannot  be  concealed, 
that  it  was  during  Pole's  ascendency  in  the  councils  of 
Queen  Mary,  that  the  majority  of  those  persecutions  for 
religious  opinions  took  place  which  have  attached  for 
ever  the  epithet  of  "the  bloody"  to  her  name,  and 
covered  her  reign  with  ignominy  and  disgrace. 

On  the  one  hand,  we  have  the  testimony  of  almost  all 
historians,  Protestant  or  Papistical,  to  the  leniency  of 
Pole's  government  at  Viterbo.  This  indeed  confirmed, 
if  it  did  not  give  rise  to,  the  report,  that  he  was  him- 
self inchned  to  Lutheranism ;  and  to  this  testimony  we 
may  add  his  avowed  opposition  to  severe  measures  when 
the  adoption  of  them  was  first  proposed  in  the  privy 
council  by  English  statesmen  :  on  the  other  hand,  we  have 
the  undeniable  fact,  that  at  no  period  in  Mary's  history 
was  persecution  more  rife  than  it  was  when  iPole  was  at 

*  The  fact  is  stated  by  Pallavicini.  The  loss  of  such  a  document  is 
much  to  be  deplored. 


ARCHBISHOPS   OF   CANTERBURY.  S55 

the  head  of  affiiirs.  In  Gardyner's  time,  the  persecutions 
were  comparatively  few ;  and  after  they  had  commenced 
he  was  heard  to  exclaim,  "  Ohe  !  jam  satis  est."  Even  pilJlJ 
Bonner  would,  at  one  time,  have  relaxed,  if  he  had  not  1556-58. 
been  urged  by  the  privy  council  to  the  adoption  of  strong 
measures.*  But  throughout  Pole's  administration  there 
seemed  to  be  a  calm  but  settled  determination,  that  the 
law  should  take  its  course  ;  and  the  cardinal,  whose  advice 
to  the  queen  would  not  have  passed  unheeded,  would  not 
interfere  to  mitigate  its  severity. 

We  can  only  reconcile  the  two  facts,  or  series  of  facts, 
by  applying  to  the  explanation  of  them,  the  circum- 
stances to  which  attention  has  just  been  directed ;  and  I 
am  afraid  this  is  the  only  solution  of  the  difficulty.  Pole 
was  himself  delated  before  the  Inquisition  as  a  heretic. 
The  proof  of  his  being  in  league  with  heretics  depended 
in  part  upon  the  leniency  he  had  manifested  when  he 
was  governor  of  the  Patrimony,  and  the  intimacy  in 
which  he  had  lived  with  many  persons  whose  heretical 
opinions  could  not  be  denied.  To  meet  this  charge,  P^le 
was  now  determined  never  again  to  interfere  in  behalf .  of 
the  reputed  heretics  in  England.  He  did  not  feel  under 
any  obhgation  to  favour  them ;  he  would  permit  the  law 
to  take  its  course.  Offended  as  we  might  be,  under 
any  circumstances,  by  a  selfishness  which  rendered  him, 
against  his  nature,  cruel,  we  could  not  condemn  him 
severely  for  doing  as  others  had  done ;  but,  worse  than 
this,  as  we  shall  presently  see,  he  urged  the  commissioner 
appointed  by  government  to  search  for  heretics,  and  to 
discharge  their  duty  without  respect  of  persons.     Up  to 

*  To  throw  ourselves  into  the  feelings  of  the  sixteenth  century,  we 
may  observe  that,  what  in  the  nineteenth  century  we  should  call  pcr- 
secution,  our  ancestors  would  have  called  prosecution. 

A    A    2 


356 


LIVES   OF   THE 


CHAP. 
IV. 

Keginald 
Pole. 

1566-58. 


this  time  the  pohcy  had  been,  not  to  molest  those  many 
persons  who,  whatever  their  known  opinions  may  have 
been,  did  not  set  the  law  at  defiance. 

Upon  the  subject  of  persecution  we  have  already  had 
occasion  to  speak,  but  it  is  one  of  so  much  importance, 
especially  as  bearing  on  the  character  and  history  of 
Eeginald  Pole,  that  to  this  subject  we  must  revert. 

The  real  difficulty  is,  to  ascertain  in  what  persecution 
consists.  Men  can  be  no  longer  burned — but  then  burn- 
ing is  not  of  the  essence  of  persecution,  it  is  an  accident ; 
and  the  persecution  would  have  been  the  same  whether 
men  were  hanged  or  burned.  Gardyner,  Cranmer,  Lati- 
mer, and  Pole,  at  home ;  the  pope,  John  Calvin,  and 
others,  abroad,  subjected  men  whose  opinions  differed 
from  the  opinions  legalized  in  their  Church  or  sect,  in  the 
sixteenth  century,  to  the  penalty  of  death.  There  are 
certain  persons  among  the  clergy  of  the  English  Church 
who,  in  the  nineteenth  century,  are  accused  of  an  in- 
clination to  the  popish  ceremonial,  or  of  contaminating 
the  atmosphere  of  their  Church  by  infusing  into  it  the 
malaria  of  Eome  :  they  are  said  to  inculcate,  from  the 
pulpit,  or  in  their  writings,  doctrines  which  in  the 
opinion  of  their  accusers  are  heretical.*     When  against 

*  To  the  word  heresy  odium  is  attached,  and  when  the  term  is  ap- 
plied to  an  opponent  by  any  one  who  contends  for  the  right  of  private 
judgment,  the  person  so  applying  it  is  in  heart  a  persecutor.  He  uses 
it  to  cause  pain  or  inconvenience  to  the  person  accused.  In  order  to 
silence,  to  annoy,  to  bring  into  discredit,  and  perhaps  to  involve  in 
serious  worldly  loss,  an  unfortunate  individual  whose  deductions  from 
Scripture  differ  from  his  own,  the  accuser  of  the  brethren  employs 
a  term  which,  from  the  tradition  of  the  Church,  is  supposed  to  re- 
present something  so  horrible,  that  the  person  to  whom  it  is  attached 
ought  to  be  an  outcast  of  society.  Heresy  really  means  private  judg- 
ment, and  was  originally  used  to  denote  a  person  who,  instead  of  de- 
ferring to  the  tradition  of  the  Church,  as  the  English  reformers  did, 
contended  that  every  one  is  justified  in  understanding  Scripture  accord- 


ARCHBISHOPS   OF   CANTERBURY.  357 

these  persons  a  />r(?secution  is  instituted,  the  question  is  chap. 
whether  this  be  or  be  not  a  jt?^rsecution.  If  it  be  not,  -_  ^^'  _^ 
then  the  question  must  be  asked,  What  more  than  this  ^^"e^/^ 
was  done  in  the  sixteenth  century?  The  course  now  1556-58. 
indicated  is  precisely  the  course  pursued  by  Bonner,  and 
the  other  ordinaries,  urged  by  the  civil  government  of 
Queen  Mary  to  prosecute  certain  persons  who  were  act- 
ing in  contravention  to  the  existing  laws  of  the  realm. 
The  formularies  of  the  Church  were,  at  that  time,  based 
upon  the  Eomish  model ;  but  the  ministers  of  some 
churches  refused  to  conform  to  the  established  cere- 
monies, and  introduced  novelties  and  preached  Protes- 
tantism. Against  these  introducers  of  novelties  noble 
lords  and  honourable  gentlemen  urged  the  bishops  to 
proceed.  The  most  liberal  journals  of  the  present  day, 
conducted  very  often  by  men  who  never  themselves 
cross  the  threshold  of  a  church,  could  not  be  more 
violent  in  their  reprobation  of  the  bishops  for  not  putting 
down  Eitualism,  than  were  the  leading  statesmen  in 
Mary's  reign,  when,  with  equal  vehemence,  they  were 
infuriated  against  Protestantism. 

ing  to  the  construction  put  upon  it  by  his  own  private  judgment.  In 
the  mouth  of  one  who  defers  to  the  Church  the  word  heresy  has  a 
definite  meaning ;  but  when  the  word  is  freely  used  in  the  Houses  of 
Parliament,  or  in  the  public  press,  by  persons  who  call  themselves 
"  Protestants  of  the  Protestants,"  or  ultra-Protestants,  it  is  difficult  to 
understand  how  or  where  they  differ  in  (principle  from  Bonner  and 
Gardyner.  They  contend  for  the  right  of  private  judgment,  that  is, 
according  to  the  meaning  of  the  word,  etymologically  and  technically, 
for  heresy ;  and  then,  because,  according  to  the  tradition  of  the  Church, 
heresy  is  a  punishable  offence,  they  accuse  others  whose  private  judg- 
ment differs  from  their  own,  of  that  which,  though  regarded  by  the 
Church  as  crime,  is,  in  the  opinion  of  these  persons,  a  virtue.  When  a 
man,  not  professing  to  be  a  Catholic,  accuses  another  of  heresy,  he  only 
intends  to  annoy  and  to  silence  him,  and  the  person  annoyed  may  give 
God  thanks  that  the  time  for  burning  is  past. 


358  LIVES  OP   THE 

CHAP.         The  penalty  was  different.     If  a  prosecutor  in  modern 

> — ^ — '  times  succeeds,  he  can  only  subject  the  convicted  heretic 

Pole!      to  starvation  ;  he  may  drive  the  criminal  with  a  wife  and 

1556-08.    children  from  his  home ;  but  the  age,  having   decreed 

that  capital  punishment  shall  be  inflicted  on  none  except 

murderers  of  the  body,  prohibits  the  burning. 

Life  was  not  held  so  sacred  in  Queen  Mary's  days  as 
in  modern  times  ;  for  the  smallest  offences  men  were 
sentenced  to  death. 

For  political  offences  men  were  slaughtered  by  hun- 
dreds and  thousands  in  the  sixteenth  century  ;  and  the 
very  historians  who  compassionate  those  who  were  slain 
for  their  rehgious  principles,  under  the  notion  that  the 
rehgious  party  to  which  they  are  opposed  is  discredited 
thereby,  are  among  the  first  to  vindicate  the  severity 
which  they  represent  as  necessary  to  preserve  the  peace 
of  society.* 

*  It  is  not  to  be  forgotten  that,  in  trials  for  heresy,  civilians  took 
part  as  well  as  the  clergy.  We  find  the  following  entry  in  Machyn's 
Diary,  on  the  21st  of  March,  1558  :  "The  same  day  were  brought  afore 
the  Bishop  of  London  (Bonner),  and  other  learned  men  of  the  tem- 
porality^ three  men,  the  which  their  opinions  were  such  that  they  were 
judged  and  condemned  to  suiFer  death  by  fire." — Machyn,  p.  169. 

The  ferocity  of  the  politicians,  and  their  utter  disregard  of  human 
life  when  any  political  end  was  to  be  answered,  must  be  adduced  to 
show  the  cruelty  of  the  age.  Eenard,  a  man  careless  of  religion  except 
in  its  political  aspect,  considered  prosecutions  for  heresy  impolitic,  but 
nothing  can  exceed  the  bloody-mindedness  displayed,  throughout  his 
despatches,  against  political  oifenders.  He  censured  the  leniency  of  the 
English  government,  although  for  one  person  burnt  for  heresy,  a 
hundred  were  executed  for  treason.  For  the  legal  murder  of  the 
Princess  Elizabeth  he  was  urgent ;  he  repeatedly  affirmed  to  his  master, 
that  England  would  never  be  secure  to  the  Spanish  interests,  until 
the  life  of  Elizabeth  was  taken  ;  and  he  contended,  that  she  ought  to 
have  been  executed  as  implicated  in  Wyatt's  conspiracy.  Tytler  re- 
marks, "  Marj,  it  is  said,  wished  to  pardon  the  youthful  Jane  and  her 
husband  Lord  Guilford  Dudley,  but  the  emperor  inculcated  severity,  and 


ARCHBISHOPS   OF   CANTERBURY.  359 

However  erroiieoiis  they  may  have  been,  Christians,     chap. 
whether   papal    or  protestaiit,  in  the  sixteenth  century,  ^_^^'    ^ 
thought    that    a   government    ought   to    have    as    much    ^p^"^^^^ 
regard  for  the  spiritual  as  for  the  physical  well-being  of   1556-58. 
man.     If  a  murderer  takes  a  man's  life,  he  ought,  they 
argued,  to  be  hanged  ;  if  a  heretic,  by  the  propagation  of 
heresy,  destroys  the  souls  of  the  w^eak,  he  ought,  they 
maintained,  to  be  subjected  to  the  extreme  penalty  of 
the  law. 

Men  in  those  days,  whether  through  faith  or  credulity, 
thought,  that  the  souls  as  well  as  the  lives  of  the  public 
should  be  protected ;  and  they  doomed  to  death  both 
murderer  and  heretic — the  slaughterer  of  the  soul  as 
well  as  the  slayer  of  the  body.  Our  contemporaries  have 
regard  only  to  life  and  property,  and  view  with  abhor- 

lier  own  councillors — some  of  those  very  men  who  had  placed  Jane  upon 
the  throne — now  urged  the  expediency  of  her  execution."  Their  conduct 
is  strongly  animadverted  upon  by  Bishop  Poynet,  who  knew  much  of  the 
intrigues  of  these  times.  "  They,"  says  he,  "  that  were  sworn  chief  of  the 
council  with  the  Lady  Jane,  and  caused  the  Queen  Mary  to  be  proclaimed 
a  bastard  through  all  England  and  Ireland,  and  that  were  the  sorest 
forcers  of  men,  yea,  under  the  threatened  pain  of  treason,  to  swear  and 
subscribe  unto  their  doings  .  .  .  afterwards  became  counsellors,  I  will 
not  say  procurers,  of  the  innocent  Lady  Jane's  death  ;  and  at  this  pre- 
sent are  in  the  highest  authority  in  the  queen's  house,  and  the  chiefest 
officers  and  doers  in  the  Commonwealth,"  "  Perhaps,"  adds  Strype  in 
quoting  this  passage,  "  the  Marquis  of  Win(|hester,  the  Earl  of  Arundel, 
and  the  Earl  of  Pembroke  were  intended  by  this  writer  as  some  of  the 
chief  of  these  notable  temporizers.  Yet,  strongly  as  we  may  stigmatize 
such  conduct,  we  must  equally  blame  Mary  for  her  weakness  in  giving 
way  to  their  cruel  policy."  ( Ty tier,  ii.  292.)  We  read  the  following 
passage  in  a  letter  from  Renard  to  the  emperor :  "  The  queen  has 
granted  a  general  pardon  to  a  multitude  of  people  in  Kent,  after  having 
caused  about  Jive  score  of  the  most  guilty  to  be  executed.  Numerous 
are  the  petitions  presented  to  her  majesty  to  have  the  pains  of  death 
exchanged  for  perpetual  imprisonment,  but  to  this  she  will  not  listen." 
— Tytler,  ii.  309. 


360  LIVES   OF   THE 

CHAP,  rence  capital  punishment  inflicted  on  account  of  heretical 
« — ^ — -  opinions  :  we  rejoice  in  the  fact,  but  we  must  not  ignore 

Pok.  the  other  fact,  that,  though  the  penalty  is  different,  yet 
1556-58.  the  principle  is  the  same,  when  our  desire  and  endeavour 
are  by  coercion  to  restrain  the  expression  of  opinion. 

If  we  credit  Foxe,  the  martyrologist,  there  was  a 
parcel  of  bloodthirsty  men  at  the  head  of  society,  or 
rather  at  the  head  of  the  Christian  Church,  in  this 
country,  whose  only  object  was  to  delight  their  cruel 
hearts  by  witnessing  the  agonies  of  their  fellow-creatures. 
Such  persons  there  may  have  been,  and  such  persons 
among  the  writers  of  anonymous  paragraphs  may  possibly 
be  in  the  midst  of  us  at  the  present  moment;  but  we 
may  doubt  whether  they  existed  in  greater  numbers  in 
the  sixteenth  century  than  in  the  nineteenth  century.  If 
we  look  to  the  facts  of  history,  we  find,  at  the  commence- 
ment of  Mary's  reign,  that  there  was  no  desire  or  intention 
to  deal  harshlv  with  the  reformers,  whether  Protestants 
or  Calvinists :  two  years  elapsed  after  the  accession  of 
Mary,  before  any  persons  suffered  the  penalties  of  the 
law  on  account  of  reputed  heresy.  The  number  of  edu- 
cated persons  who  held  Calvinistic  or  even  Protestant 
opinions,  when  Mary  ascended  the  throne,  was  com- 
paratively small.  They  might  be  counted  and  named. 
They  were  aware  of  their  danger,  having  many  of  them 
been  more  or  less  implicated  in  the  movement  in  favour 
of  the  Lady  Jane.  The  government  also  was  obliged  to 
act  with  caution,  for  it  consisted  of  persons  whose  prin- 
ciples had  frequently  changed  with  their  interests  ;  and 
there  was  a  want  of  that  confidence  in  one  another,  in 
which  the  strength  of  a  government  consists.  No  attempt 
was  made  to  induce  the  reform  party  to  suppose  that  the 


ARCHBISHOPS   OF   CAXTERBURY.  361 

alarm  they  felt  was  groundless ;  and,  at  the  same  time,     chap. 
every  facility  was,  nevertheless,  afforded  them  for  quit-  ^^^. 
ting  the  country.     To  Cranmer,  as  we  have  seen,  among   ^^§l^lf^ 
others,  the  possibihty  of  escaping,  by  flight,  from  impend-    1 556-68. 
ing  or  suspected  danger,  was  afforded,  and  it  was  by  him, 
unconscious  of  his  moral  weakness  of  character,  nobly 
rejected ;   because   he,    and   other   great   men,    such   as 
Bishop  Eidley  and  Bishop  Latimer,  Bishop  Ferrar  and 
Bishop  Hooper,  were  convinced,  that  by  their  flight  the 
cause  of  the  Eeformation  would  be  damaged.     They  ad- 
vised others  to  fly,  but  they  had  themselves  borne  too 
prominent  a  part  in  the  Eeformation,   so  far  as  it  had 
gone,  to  be  justified  in  quitting  their  post. 

Although  the  majority  of  the  leading  Protestants  and 
Calvinists  submitted  to  self-exile,  yet  there  were  several 
"^x^j^  others  who  were  unable  to  incur  the  expense  of  going 
abroad,  and  shrunk  from  living  on  the  stranger's  bounty. 
Not  a  few  there  were,  who  believed  that,  if  they  gave  no 
offence  to  the  government,  and  conformed  outwardly 
when  their  conformity  was  demanded,  they  would  be 
permitted  to  live  in  peace.  They  had  their  opinions,  but 
did  not  think  them  of  sufficient  importance  to  die  for 
them.  Various  domestic  circumstances  must  have  arisen, 
from  time  to  time,  to  detain  not  a  few  ;  such,  for  instance, 
as  Matthew  Parker,  Pole's  successor. 

But  on  one  point  there  was  an  approximation  to 
unanimity :  there  w^as  a  sturdy  determination,  such  as 
had  existed  for  centuries,  to  maintain  the  liberties  of  the 
Church  and  realm  of  England  against  all  popish  ag- 
gression ;  and  the  disestablishment  of  the  monasteries 
being  regarded  as  a  triumph  over  the  pope,  the  anti- 
papal  feeling  at  length  concentrated  itself  on  this  one 
point : — Will  the  government  guarantee  these  lands,  which 


362  LIVES    OF   THE 

CHAP,     liave  been  long  in  the  market,  to  their  present  possessors, 
— ^ — •   and  to  such  persons  as  shall  hereafter  purchase  them? 
Pole! '         This  point  being  ascertained,  and  security  having  been 

1556-58.  given  for  the  reform  of  the  ecclesiastical  courts,  that 
portion  of  the  parliament  which  came  from  the  provinces 
was  willing,  and  at  length  became  eager,  as  it  were  in 
gratitude,  to  make  any  concessions,  that  the  government 
might  deem  it  expedient  to  demand.  If  the  queen  would 
herself  concede  so  far,  then  concessions,  to  meet  her  private 
scruples,  might  be  tolerated  on  the  other  side.  This 
was  the  more  easily  accomplished,  for  of  this  party  most 
were  attached  to  the  old  ceremonial  of  public  worship. 
They  troubled  themselves  little  about  doctrine,  until  to 
doctrine  recourse  was  had  for  the  purpose  of  inflaming 
the  passions  which,  under  other  circumstances,  had  been 
aroused. 

Of  the  prevalent  feeling  among  such  politicians  as  Sir 
William  Cecil  notice  has  been  already  taken ;  and  we 
may  have  to  refer  to  the  subject  again,  because,  from  not 
understanding  their  position,  intellectually  and  morally, 
some  writers  have  accused  them  of  an  inconsistency  which 
was  rather  apparent  than  real.  It  has  been  taken  for 
granted  that  they  were  Protestants,  and  they  have  been 
judged  of  on  Protestant  principles  ;  whereas  they  were 
only  English  reformers — a  class  of  men  by  no  means 
pledged  to  Lutheranism.  The  distinction  they  made  is 
most  important.  From  early  life  they  had  been  accus- 
tomed to  hear  that  the  Church  required  reformation,  and, 
in  the  sense  of  removing  abuses,  they  were  reformers. 
The  removal  of  abuses  implied  sometimes  the  introduc- 
tion also  of  what  might  be  regarded  as  novelties  to 
supply  their  place  ;  to  changes,  however,  though  novel, 
they  gave,  with  conservative  jealousy,  an  unwilling  con- 
sent.    In  their  younger  days  they  had  followed  the  lead 


ARCIIBISIIOrS    OF   CANTEKBUKY.  363 

of  Henry  VIII.,  to  wliom  Luther  was  an  abomination, 
and  who  died  before  the  fame  of  Calvin  was  fully  es- 
tablished. Their  principles  led  them  to  give  a  general  Pore^ 
support  to  the  government  of  Edward  VI.  without  an  i5o6-58. 
approbation  of  all  the  measures  which,  while  pandering 
to  the  passions  of  theoretical  reformers,  fiUed  the  pockets 
of  those  whose  zeal  for  reformation  did  not  extend  be- 
yond the  present  world.  Until,  under  Elizabeth,  the  go- 
vernment became  settled,  with  reference  to  these  statesmen 
we  can  only  say  that  they  were  not  w^orse  than  statesmen 
generally  are  in  a  revolutionary  age. 

In  a  revolutionary  age,  each  man,  thinking  that  the 
next  change  may  involve  him  in  ruin,  endeavours  to 
secure  for  himself  the  means  of  support,  so  that,  when 
the  day  of  ruin  shall  have  arrived,  he  may  have  where- 
withal to  save  himself  from  destitution.  Whether,  or 
how  far,  the  statesmen  of  the  day  were  influenced  by 
Spanish  gold,  it  is  not  for  us  to  surmise  ;  but  we  maintain, 
that  they  were  not  guilty  of  any  inconsistency,  either  in 
accepting  office  under  Edward,  or  in  retaining  it  under 
Mary.  They  wished  for  a  reformation,  they  would  watch 
for  opportunities  to  introduce  reforms ;  but  as  to  Pro- 
testantism, in  the  modern  sense  of  the  word,  to  it  they 
were  never  pledged  ;  and  they  only  thought  of  Luther  as 
of  a  successful  opponent  of  the  pope,  with  whom,  so  far, 
they  sympathized.  Their  usual  designation  in  England, 
was  that  of  Gospellers. 

As  regarded  Eeginald  Pole,  the  feeling  against  him  had 
been  connected  with  their  loyalty  to  Henry  VIII. ,  and 
after  the  king's  death  it  had  gradually  died  away.  The 
two  men  hated  by  Henry  were  Luther  and  Pole  ;  and 
during  Henry's  lifetime  no  loyal  Englishman  could,  at 
the  peril  of  his  life,  advocate  the  cause  of  either.  The 
ejection  of  the  tender  of  his  services,  by  the  council  for 


364  LIVES    OF   THE 

CHAP.  Edward  YI.,  had  tended  to  open  to  Pole  the  way  to 
^._  ^^'  -  popularity,  under  the  reaction  that  took  place  at  the 
^^Poie!^  commencement  of  Mary's  reign.  This  was  proved,  to 
1556-68.  the  astonishment  of  the  government,  by  the  reception  of 
the  legate,  so  unexpectedly  cordial,  on  the  part  of  the 
people  from  the  time  of  his  landing  at  Dover  till  St. 
Andrew's  day,  when  the  temporary  reconciliation  between 
England  and  Eome  was  effected.  The  character  of 
Eeginald  Pole — apart  from  his  conduct  to  Henry — would 
be  such  as  to  recommend  him  to  the  favourable  con- 
sideration of  the  public,  high  or  low.  He  was  a  Plan- 
tagenet ;  if  he  had  committed  an  offence  against  King 
Henry,  he  had,  at  the  same  time,  always  professed  loyalty 
to  his  country  ;  he  was  known  in  Italy  as  a  reformer ;  he 
had  even  been  accused  of  Lutheranism  ;  and,  though  he 
was  devoted  to  the  pope,  he  had  maintained  resolutely 
the  expediency  of  not  interfering  with  the  alienated  abbey 
lands.  1  repeat  the  facts,  which  have  already  been  ad- 
duced for  another  purpose,  because  it  is  necessary  to  bear 
them  in  mind  when  we  seek  to  account  for  a  circumstance 
which  at  first  staggered  us, — the  little  opposition  offered 
to  Pole  when  he  became  chief  minister  of  the  queen. 
From  this  post,  it  is  to  be  remembered,  he  was  almost 
instantaneously  displaced,  not  by  the  opposition  of  English 
statesmen,  but  by  the  pope,  by  whom  Pole  was  suspected 
of  sacrificing  Eoman  to  English  interests. 

The  statesmen,  such  as  Cecil,  might,  with  perfect  con- 
sistency, make  trial  of  Pole  as  a  reformer.  They  saw 
and  contended,  that  the  Church  required  reform  ;  so  did 
Pole  :  they  had  experience  of  the  failure  under  Edward, 
of  an  attempt  to  introduce  the  Protestant  scheme  of  re- 
form :  here  again  they  concurred  in  opinion  with  Pole  ; 
they  were  willing  to  allow  Pole's  system  of  reform  to  be 
tried.     They  were  not   blameworthy,  because,  through 


ARCHBISHOPS    OP   CANTERBURY.  365 

tlie  worldliness  and  the  folly  of  the  papal  authorities,     chap. 

Pole's  attempt  was   a  failure ;    after  the  failure   of  all  . ^i — - 

former  attempts,  they  did  not  deserve  censure,  when  they      ^^"^ 
assisted  in  the  Elizabethan  Eeformation — the  basis  of  all    1 006-08. 
the  reformations  that  have  subsequently  taken  place  in  the 
Church  of  England. 

It  is  an  incalculable  calamity  when  rehgion  is  made  the 
war-cry  of  a  political  faction,  and  when  a  righteous  cause 
is  contaminated  by  the  unhallowed  zeal  of  mere  partisans. 
We  must  acquit  the  noble  army  of  martyrs,  which  forms 
the  glory  of  our  Eeformation,  of  all  sympathy  with  the 
evil  deeds  of  many  who  supported  the  common  cause,  and 
were  even  prepared  to  suffer  death  for  their  party.  It 
is  impossible  to  detect  hypocrisy  in  our  contemporaries  ; 
and,  if  we  suspect  it,  we  immediately  crush  the  suspicion, 
and,  as  an  uncharitable  thought,  we  regret  that  it  was 
ever  entertained.  It  is  not  till  his  career  has  terminated, 
that  we  can  pronounce  on  a  man's  real  character,  and 
perceive  how  far  religion  may  have  been  the  pretext  for 
conduct  in  reality  originating  in  malignity  or  ambition. 
At  the  same  time,  we  must  admit  that  there  is  much  force 
in  those  arguments  adduced  by  Eomanists  in  palliation 
of  Mary's  government,  the  members  of  which  were  not 
capable  of  distinguishing,  and  were  not  called  upon  to 
attempt  the  distinction,  between  those  who,  in  being 
subject  to  the  operation  of  laws  designed  to  promote  the 
peace  of  society,  really  suffered  in  the  maintenance  of 
Divine  truth  ;  and  others  who  were  influenced  by  the  in- 
ferior motives  that  predominate  in  persons  who  expect, 
in  revolutionary  movements,  to  improve  their  fortunes 
and  to  indulge  their  passions. 

Tolerant  as  we  are  said  to  have  become  in  the  nineteenth 
century,  we  must  admit,  that  things  were  done  by  the  soi- 
disant  reformers  of  the  sixteenth  century  which  no  govern- 


366  LIVES   OF   THE 

CHAP,     merit  could  tolerate,  if  it  be  the  duty  of  a  government  to 
> — r^ — '  protect  the  weak  against  the  strong.     Whether  toleration 
Pole!      ought  to  be  extended  to  a  mob  hired  to  insult  and  maltreat 
1556-58.    the  clergy  of  a  royal  chapel,  might,  if  we  appeal  to  our  ex- 
perience, admit  of  a  question  ;  but  every  one  will  concede 
the  point,  that  it  was  time  for  the  government  to  interfere, 
when,  at  St.  Paul's,  a  queen's  chaplain  was  shot  at ;  and 
when  one,  who  had  been  clerk  of  the  council  in  the  late 
king's  reign,  attempted  himself,  and  urged  others  to  renew 
the  attempt,  to  assassinate  the  reigning  sovereign.     There 
are  many  who  would  be  more  pleased  with  the  jest  than 
shocked  by  the  indecency,  when  a  dog's  head  was  shaved 
in  derision  of  the  clerical  tonsure ;  or  when  a  cat  was 
hung  at  Cheapside  with  a  wafer  in  its  mouth,  to  bring  ridi- 
cule upon  the  Holy  Sacrament ;  but  the  government  can 
hardly  be  blamed  for  showing  symptoms  of  anxiety  and 
alarm  when  prayer  was  publicly  offered,  that  the  queen's 
heart  might  be  converted  from  idolatry,  or  else  that  her 
days  might  be  shortened  ;  when  it  was  stated  that  "  the 
queen  was  a  creature  under  God's  curse,  that  she  was  ille- 
gitimate, and  therefore  a  usurper ;  or,  supposing  she  had 
come  legitimately  to  the  crown,  that  she  was  a  viper,  and 
therefore  ought  to  be  crushed."    Addresses  from  the  pulpit 
answered  the  purpose,  in  that  age,  of  the  leading  articles 
in  a  modern  newspaper  ;  but  though  the  press  was  not  then 
that  mighty  engine  for  good  or  for  evil  that  it  has  since 
become,  the  reformers  invoked  its  aid.     A  jealous  govern- 
ment, in  a  revolutionary  age,  might  well  be  alarmed  when 
an  appeal  was  made,  in  the  name  of  religion,  to  the  worst 
passions  of  mankind,  through  works,  most  of  them,  it  may 
be,  printed  abroad,  but  widely  dispersed  by  enthusiasts 
throughout  England.     Their  very  titles  were  sometimes 
treasonable ;  such  as,  "  Blasts  against  the  Government  of 
Women,"  for  which  leaders  among  the  Calvinistic  reform- 


ARCHBISHOPS   OF   CANTERBURY.  367 

ers,  such  as  Knox  and  Goodman,  who  were  beginning  to     chap. 

work  their  way  among  the  lower  classes,  were  responsible.   • ^ ■ 

Even  in  the  present  age,  assumed  to  be  enlightened  and  pX. 
liberal,  we  may  doubt  whether  the  government  would  io56-58. 
abstain  from  strong  measures  if  a  man  in  Goodman's  posi- 
tion, and  with  his  influence,  should  deliberately  call  the 
sovereign  de  facto,  "a  traitor,  a  bastard,  a  Proserpina." 
Whittingham  was  the  editor,  if  not  the  author,  of  a  book 
the  object  of  which  was  to  show  that  rebellion  was  not  a 
sin  ;*  and  verse  was  also  employed  to  enforce  the  same 
principle.  We  may  give  the  following  as  a  specimen, 
from  a  poem  by  Kethe,  a  divine  of  Geneva  : — 

"  A  public  weal  wretched,  and  too  far  disgraced. 
Where  the  right  headf  is  cut  off,  and  the  strong  instead 
A  brute  beast  untamed,  and  misbegotten,  [placed ; 

More  meet  to  be  ruled,  than  to  rule  over  men." 

Even  Strype,  unwilling  to  find  even  a  mote  in  the  eye  of 
a  reformer,  is  obliged  to  admit  that  "  such  threatening  of 
the  queen  did,  no  question,  irritate  her,  and  provoke  her 
to  issue  out  certain  angry  declarations  of  her  mind,  and 
resolutions  of  taking  vengeance  of  all  such  book  writers 
and  book  readers."  J 

The  alarm  created  by  these  proceedings  was  not  con- 
fined to  the  queen,  her  government,  or  the  Church  ;  it 


*  See  Stowe,p.  G2G;  Ileyhn,  ii.  217  ;  CoUihs,  vii.  80-94  ;  Maitland, 
p.  127.  See  particularly  Knox's  book,  which  is  a  violent  invective  to 
insurrection,  the  title  of  Avhich  is.  The  First  Blast  of  the  Trumpet ;  that 
of  Goodman,  professed  to  be  a  treatise.  How  Superior  Powers  ought  to 
be  obeyed  of  their  Subjects,  and  wherein  they  may  lawfully,  by  God's 
Law,  be  disobeyed  and  resisted  :  Wherein  is  declared  the  cause  of  all  the 
present  misery  in  England,  and  the  only  way  to  remedy  the  same. 
IGmo.     Geneva,  1558. 

f  Queen  Jane. 

%  Strype,  Memorials,  iii.  pt.  ii.  132. 


368  LIVES   OF   THE 

CHAP,     extended  to  the  House  of  Commons ;  and  in  the  House 

. II^  of  Commons,  let  it  be  remembered,  originated  those  san- 

Pok.^  guinary  measures  which  are  attributed  by  party  writers, 
1556-58.  whether  puritan  or  infidel,  to  the  clergy ;  because  the 
Eomanizing  clergy  happened  to  be,  at  this  time,  in  the 
ascendant.  The  infidel  would  trace  the  evils  of  the  time 
to  the  prevalence  of  religious  intolerance,  as  if  the  most 
intolerant  of  all  men  were  not  infidels  themselves  ;  the 
puritans,  to  the  circumstance  that  the  form  of  rehgion 
prevalent  at  that  period  was  Eomish,  not  Protestant. 
But  though  prelates  as  well  as  peers,  clergy  as  well  as 
laity,  protestants  as  well  as  papists,  while  differing  as  to 
what  constituted  heresy,  were  united,  without  a  single 
exception,  in  the  opinion  that  a  convicted  or  relapsed 
heretic  ought  to  die, — that  as  the  murderer  of  the  body, 
so  the  murderer  of  the  soul  should  undergo  the  extreme 
penalty  of  the  law ;  still  it  is  an  historical  fact,  that  it  was 
in  the  House  of  Commons,  in  the  election  of  which  the 
clergy  had  not  a  vote,*  that,  without  a  dissentient  voice, 
the  statutes  for  repressing  heresy  were  re-enacted.  Then, 
as  now,  the  complaint  laid  against  the  bishops  by  the 
leading  men  of  the  laity  was,  that  they  were  not  suffi- 
ciently zealous  in  the  extirpation  of  heresy ;  and  when  it 
was  alleged  that  they  had  not  sufficient  power,  the  House 
of  Commons  immediately  re-enacted  the  ancient  laws 
which  had  been  repealed  in  a  former  reign.  By  a  bill 
introduced  into  the  House  of  Commons  on  the  12th  of 
December,  1554,  it  was  proposed  to  re-enact  the  statutes 
for  repressing  heresy  passed  in  the  reigns  of  Eichard  II., 
Henry  IV.,  and  Henry  Y.  ;  three  days  afterwards,  the 
bill  was  carried  to  the  House  of  Lords,  and  on  the  18th 

*  The  clergy  did  not  vote  for  members  of  parliament  until,  in  the 
reign  of  Charles  II.,  instead  of  voting  subsidies  in  convocation,  they 
subjected  their  property  to  the  general  taxation  of  the  country. 


ARCHBISHOPS   OF    CANTERBURY.  369 

of  the   same   month    it  became  an  Act  of  Parliament,     chap. 
Nevertheless,  it  was  not  till  February  in  the  following  ^3— 
year,  that  any  person  was  condemned  to  suffer  under  this    "^i^'^e'^^ 
act — a  circumstance  which  confirms  the  statement,  that    loos-ss. 
there  was  considerable  reluctance  on  the  part  of  the  go- 
vernment to  put  it  in  forc3  ;  and  when  persecution  was 
first  resorted  to,  in  this  reign,  it  was  at  first  simply  with 
a  view  of  intimidating  the  leaders  of  the  reforming  party. 
In  the  discussions  which  ensued  in  the  privy  council, 
it  is  said  that  Lord  Chancellor  Gardyner  was  the  advocate 
for  severe  measures  of  repression  in  regard  to  the  reputed 
heretics.     Hence  he  has  been  damned  to  infamy  by  all 
who  take  Foxe  for  their  authority.     But,  however  mucli 
we  may  censure  his  opinions,  the  reader,  when  forming 
an  estimate  of  his  character,  must  bear  in  mind  the  fact 
already  stated,  that  in  1553  and  1554,  when  he  was  at 
the  zenith  of  his  power,  not  one  person  was  burned  ;  and 
that  although  he  was  doubtless  instrumental  in  reviving 
the  acts  for  the  suppression  of  heresy,  there  were  fewer 
persons  burned  in  the  last  year  of  his  administration  than 
in  any  subsequent  year  of  Mary's  reign.     Gardyner  ad- 
vocated persecution  in  theory,  while  Pole  was  in  theory 
opposed  to  it,  except  in  extreme  cases  ;  but  Gardyner 's 
administration  was  mild,  as  compared  with  that  of  Pole 
when  Pole  was  at  the  head  of  affairs.     The  most  awful 

instances  of  leojal  murder  occurred  when  Pole  was  the 

^  i 

adviser  of  the  queen. 

Godwin,  Burnet,  and  Heylin  all  admit  that  the  zeal  of 
the  House  of  Commons  against  heretics  "  had  fiamed  so 
high,  that  Gardyner  was  obliged  to  repress  it."  In  1555, 
Bishop  Gardyner  was  abroad  on  a  foreign  mission,  and 
the  great  seal  was  put  into  the  hands  of  the  Marquess  of 
Winchester.  He,  it  appears  from  the  council  book,  made 
ample  use  of  the   power  with   which  he  was  invested. 

VOL.  VIII.  B    B 


370  LIVES   OF   THE 

CHAP.    By  the  lay  Lord  Keeper  writ  after  writ  was  issued,  stir- 

— r^ — '  ring  up  the  persecution  ;  and  letters  were  directed  to  the 

Pole'.      nobility  and  gentry,  inviting  them  to  give  their  attendance 

1566-58.  with  their  servants  at  the  burning  of  heretics.*  The  cruel 
flame,  it  is  to  be  observed,  raged  most  when  Gardyner 
was  abroad,  and  grew  still  higher  at  his  death. 

We  are  not  to  ignore  these  facts,  though  we  must 
place  them  in  juxtaposition  with  other  facts,  and  so  seek 
to  ascertain  how  the  case  really  stood.  There  is  no  doubt, 
that  in  the  council  Gardyner  urged  the  adoption  of  severe 
measures  against  the  reputed  heretics,  who  were,  as  he 
thought,  encouraging  the  rioters  and  provoking  them  to 
rebellion.  Stephen  Gardyner  was  not  a  divine ;  if  we 
say  that  he  was  not  a  religious  man,  we  are  making  an 
assertion  which  can  only  be  truly  made  by  Him  to  whom 
all  hearts  are  open,  or  by  the  confession  of  the  irreligious 
man  himself.  But  we  may  say  that,  although  he  was 
ready  to  accept  as  truth  whatever  the  Church  might  pro- 
pound to  his  faith,  he  never  pretended  to  any  depth  of 
subjective  religion.  He  professed  to  be  a  lawyer  and  a 
statesman,  and  as  such  he  contemplated  the  state  of  things 
at  this  time.  He  could  remember  how  the  Lollards  in- 
creased, if  not  in  number,  yet  in  their  boldness,  when  the 
laws  against  heresy  were  relaxed  under  the  administration 
of  Wolsey  ;  and  how,  after  the  passing  of  the  Statute  of 
Six  Articles,  the  Protestants  ceased  for  a  time  to  give 
trouble.  Having  little  faith  probably  himself,  in  the 
modern  acceptation  of  the  term,  and  regarding  religion 
only  as  a  department  of  the  law  to  which  every  loyal 
subject  should  submit  his  private  judgment,  he  was  under 
the  impression,  that  when  the  leaders  of  Protestantism 
were  aware  that  the  government  did  not  intend  to  be 
trifled  with  any  longer,  they  would  instantly  recant ;  or 

*  Cecil's  Diary,  quoted  Biog.  Brit.  iii.  2122. 


ARCHBISHOPS   OF   CANTERBURY.  371 

if  some  of  them  should  remain  firm  to  the  last,  their  ter-     chap. 
rible  fate  would  alarm  and  deter  others,  inducing  them,  .  _  ^^' 
however  reluctantly,  to  conform.     He  was  for  making  an    ^pX"^^^ 
example  of  the  leaders,  and  he  expressed  himself  con-    i5o6-58. 
fident  of  the  conformity  of  the  ignorant  multitude.     It  is 
due  to  Gardyner  to  add,  that  when  he  became  aware  of 
his  mistake, — when  he  discovered,  that  the  acts  of  severity 
which  he  had  recommended,  instead  of  alarming  the  Pro- 
testants, enflamed  their  enthusiasm,  one  execution  leading 
the  way  to  another,  and  each  sufferer  triumphing  in  the 
thought   of    being   permitted   to    endure   hardships   for 
Christ's  sake,  the  chancellor  refused  to  proceed  with  the 
executions  ;  he  washed  his  hands  of  the  affair,  and  died 
conscience  stricken.* 

We  have  referred  to  the  case  of  Gardyner,  because  it 
stands  in  contrast  to  that  of  Pole. 

Historians  concur  in  stating  that,  in  opposition  to  Gar- 
dyner, Pole  recommended  mild  measures ;  not  because  he 
thought,  what  nobody  at  the  time  did  think,  that  heresy 
might  not  be  suppressed  by  recourse  to  capital  punish- 
ment ;  but  because,  judging  from  his  own  temperament, 
he  was  convinced,  that  the  easiest  as  well  as  the  most 
legitimate  course  was  to  proceed  through  the  arts  of  per- 
suasion. I  will  quote  the  words  of  Burnet :  "The  cardinal 
professing  himself  an  enemy  to  extreme  proceedings,  ob- 
served that — '  Pastors  ought  to  hav6  bowels  even  to  their 
straying  sheep  ;  bishops  were  fathers,  and  ought  to  look 
on  those  that  erred  as  their  sick  children,  and  not  for  that 
to  kill  them.  He  had  seen  that  severe  proceedings  did 
rather  inflame  than  cure  that  disease  ;  there  was  a  great 
difference  to  be  made  between  a  nation  uninfected,  where 
some  few  teachers  came  to  spread  errors,  and  a  nation 
that  had  been  overrun  with  them,  both  clergy  and  laity. 

*  Collier,  vi.  113.     Burnet,  ii.  487. 

B    D    2 


372  LIVES   OF   THE 

CHAP.     The  people  were  not  so  violently  to  be  drawn  back,  but 

r^ — '  were  to  have   time  given  them  to  recover  out  of  those 

Pole.      errors  into  which  they  had  been  led  by  the  compliance 

1556-58.  and  writings  of  their  prelates.  Therefore,  he  proposed 
that  there  should  be  a  strict  reformation  of  the  manners 
of  the  clergy  carried  on.  He  had  observed  in  every 
country  of  Christendom,  that  all  the  best  and  wisest  men 
acknowledged  that  the  scandals  and  ignorance  of  the 
clergy  had  given  the  entrance  to  heresy :  so  he  moved 
that  there  might  be  a  reviving  of  the  rules  of  the 
primitive  Church  ;  and  then,  within  a  little  time,  men 
might  by  degrees  be  brought  over.'"* 

This  is  the  admission  of  one  whose  party  bias  was  such, 
that  he  would  have  omitted  the  statement  if  the  fact  were 
not  too  well  known  to  be  denied.  From  what  has  been 
stated  before  of  the  leniency  of  Pole's  government  at 
Viterbo,  and  of  his  defence  of  himself,  when,  on  his 
being  accused  of  Lutheranizing,  he  was  for  his  leniency 
superseded,  we  are  prepared  to  endorse  the  statement 
here  made.  It  requires,  however,  very  little  acquaint- 
ance with  human  nature  to  understand  how,  under  one 
set  of  circumstances,  a  man  may  be  mild  almost  to 
weakness,  and  yet,  under  another  set  of  circumstances, 
become  absolutely  cruel.  The  tigress  seen  sporting  with 
her  cubs  is  an  amiable  quadruped  ;  but  if  her  den  is 
approached  by  human  footsteps,  she  is  deadly  in  her 
wrath.  We  can  easily  believe  Eeginald  Pole  to  have 
been  all  that  his  Italian  friends  describe  him,  and  we 
have  endeavoured  in  these  pages  to  do  ample  justice 
to  a  character  adorned  by  many  virtues.  Amenable 
himself  to  acts  of  kindness,  he  expected  by  kindness  and 
by  argument  to  persuade  those  whose  private  judgment 

*  Burnet,  ii.  479.  And  to  the  same  effect,  Collier,  vi.  101.  Eanke 
(i.  211,  223)  makes  a  similar  statement  with  reference  to  Pole. 


ARCHBISHOPS   OF   CANTERBURY.  373 

was  not  in  accordance  with  the  riihng  of  the  Church,  to  chap. 
renounce  or  to  modify  what  he  regarded  as  their  errors  ;  -^^-J — - 
and  by  his  logical  skill  to  show  that  much  that  Luther  pJiT 
advanced  could  be  maintained  with  impunity,  by  rehgion-  15.36-58. 
ists  who  nevertheless  regarded  the  pope  as  the  vicar  of 
Christ ; — and  until  the  final  sessions  of  the  Council  of 
Trent  this  w^as  the  case.  But  while  we  have  brought 
these  circumstances  prominently  forward,  we  have  been 
obliged  also  to  lay  before  the  reader  the  violence  and 
implacabihty  of  Pole's  character  in  the  treatise  he  wrote 
against  Henry  A^III.  He  hated  Henry  VHI.  with  that 
extreme  bitterness  of  hatred  which  is  sometimes  con- 
spicuous m  those  wdio  have  in  the  object  of  their  present 
abhorrence  one  whose  previous  benefactions  they  are 
obliged  to  admit.  To  vindicate  their  conduct  from  the 
charge  of  ingratitude  and  inconsistency,  they  magnify 
the  importance  of  all  points  of  difference  betw^een  them- 
selves and  their  former  friends.  Pole  had  a  personal 
hatred  and  contempt  for  Cranmer,  under  the  mistaken 
notion  that  Cranmer  was  a  mere  creature  of  Henry,  and 
that  he  made  his  theological  opinions  subservient  to  the 
purposes  of  his  ambition.  At  the  very  time  when  he  was 
advocating  mild  measures  in  the  privy  council,  Pole  was 
actually  inditing  that  letter  to  the  Archbishop  of  Canter- 
bury, to  which  we  have  adverted  m  the  life  of  Cranmer, 
and  which  reflects  more  disgrace  upon  Pole's  character, 
his  head,  and  his  heart,  than  any  other  circumstance  of 
his  life.  Tlie  best  excuse — indeed,  the  only  one — that 
can  be  made  for  Pole,  is  that  which,  in  the  hfe  of  Cranmer, 
I  have  advanced ;  namely,  that  he  was  overruled ;  tliat 
Mary,  appealing  to  his  prejudice  against  the  archbishop, 
excited  his  feelings  of  indignation  ;  and  we  know  how 
fiercely  Pole  could  write  when  once  liis  angry  passions 
were  aroused.    But  this  apology  will  not  count  for  mucli. 


374  LIVES   OF   THE 

CHAP.     Under  the  circumstances  such  weakness  would  be  itself 

IV. 

- — ^ — '  culpable  :  and  even  this  apoloo^v  will  hardlv  be  admitted 
Pole.      by  any  one  who  reads  the  letter,  which  irom  the  coherence 

1556-58.  of  its  style  would  appear  to  have  had  but  one  author.  It 
contrasts — unfavourably  to  Pole — with  the  calm,  dig- 
nified, and  argumentative  language  of  Cranmer ;  though 
we  must  admit  that  Pole  was  himself  calm  and  dignified 
if  he  be  compared  with  Bale,  Poynet,  and  Knox. 

The  letter  just  noticed  was  a  semi-ofiicial  document, 
enclosing  the  treatise  which  Pole  designed  to  be  a  com- 
plete exposure  of  the  principles  and  conduct  of  Cranmer.* 
Intended  for  the  learned  world,  it  was  written  in  Latin ; 
and  in  an  incomplete  state,  like  the  first  letter,  may  be 
seen  in  the  British  Museum. f  Another  copy  exists  in  the 
Imperial  Library  at  Paris,  from  which  a  translation  was 
made  into  French  by  Le  Grand.  J  His  translation  is 
given  in  extenso  in  the  fifth  volume  of  Quirini ;  and  when 
I  mention  the  fact  that  it  occupies  thirty-five  quarto  pages, 
closely  printed  ;  that  it  is  written  with  that  entire  disregard 
to  lucid  order  of  which  we  complained  when  treating  of 
the  "De  Unitate ;"  that  a  subject  is  taken  up,  laid  down, 
and  resumed  for  no  assignable  or  discernible  reason ;  and 
that  the  arguments  employed  are  those  commonplaces 
with  which  we  are  familiar  in  all  the  writers  of  his  school, 
I  shall  consult  the  convenience  of  the  reader  by  content- 
ing myself  with  a  general  description  of  the  treatise,  in- 
.  stead  of  entering  into  a  minute  analysis  of  a  work  which 
no  one  would  consult  on  its  intrinsic  merits. 

Pole  takes,  as  it  were,  a  text  from  the  Second  Epistle 

*  The  English  letter  may  be  seen  in  Strjpe's  Cranmer,  ii.  972. 
Mr.  Cox,  with  his  usual  fairness  and  sound  judgment,  pubHshes  it  in  an 
appendix  to  the  Miscellaneous  Writings  of  Cranmer,  p.  534. 

t  Among  the  Harleian  MSS.,  No.  417. 

X  Hist,  du  Divorce,  i.  260. 


ARCHBISHOPS   OF   CANTERBURY.  375 

of  St.  John,  tlie  ninth  and  following  verses  :  "  Wliosoever     chap. 

IV 

transgresseth,  and  abideth  not  in  the  doctrine  of  Christ,  > ^J - 

hath  not  God.     He  that  abideth  in  the  doctrine  of  Christ,      p^°^ 
he  hath  both  the  Father  and  the  Son.     If  there  come  any    i.5o6-5s. 
unto  you,  and  bring  not  this  doctrine,  receive  him  not  into 
your  house,  neither  bid  him    God   speed  :    for  he  that 
biddeth  him  God  speed  is  partaker  of  his  evil  deeds." 

The  reader  will  easily  surmise  the  style  of  argument  to 
be  deduced  from  such  a  passage  as  this.  With  a  quiet 
petitio  principii,  Pole  informs  the  primate,  that  he  had 
been  urged  to  act  in  accordance  with  the  apostolic  pre- 
cept, and  not  to  hold  any  conversation  with  one  who  was 
manifestly  opposed  to  the  doctrine  of  Christ.  But,  un- 
willing as  he  was  to  address  such  a  person,  he  felt  it  his 
duty  to  deviate  in  this  instance  from  the  injunction  of  St. 
John.  What  would  be  unlawful  to  others  was  lawful  to 
him,  on  account  of  the  character  which  he  had  come  to 
England  to  sustain  ;  he  had  come  to  represent  the  vicar 
upon  earth  of  that  Great  King  who  had  descended  from 
on  high,  not  to  condemn  the  world,  but  to  save  it ;  and 
who,  until  His  coming  again  as  the  Judge  of  all,  requires 
it  of  His  servants  that  they  should  have  recourse  to  all 
means  and  methods  for  the  saving  of  souls.  If  he  were 
acting  as  a  private  person,  and  not  as  the  legate  of  the 
vicar  of  Christ,  it  would  be  his  duty  to  call  upon  God  for 
fire  from  heaven  to  consume  the  crijninal  prelate ;  and  to 
justify  the  severity  of  this  judgment,  he  accuses  Cranmer 
of  having  perverted  the  mind  of  a  zealous  prince,  as  Henry 
VIII.  at  the  beginning  of  his  reign  certainly  was,  and  of 
having  ejected  him  from  the  Church  by  the  very  weapons 
through  which  Satan  had  ejected  man  from  Paradise. 
Botli  had  recourse,  not  to  force,  but  to  the  subtleties  of 
pernicious  counsel.  Cranmer,  he  admitted,  was  not  witli- 
out  abettors  in  the  reign  of  Henry  VIII. ,  but  as  most  of 


376  LIVES    OF   THE 

CHAP,  those  who  aided  him  in  perverting  the  mind  of  Henry 
• — .-^ — '  VIII.  had  conformed  to  Eomanism  in  the  reign  of  Mary,  he 
Pole/  saj^s,  in  defiance  of  all  the  evidence  to  the  contrary,  that 
1556-58.  these  men — referring  evidently  to  Gardyner,  Tunstall, 
Bonner,  and  Thirlby — had  long  resisted  the  temptations  of 
Cranmer,  for  yielding  to  which  they  now  were  penitents. 
He  proceeds  to  accuse  Cranmer  of  having  accepted  the 
primacy  upon  an  understanding  that  he  was,  as  supreme 
ordinary,  to  pronounce  the  sentence  of  divorce  between 
Henry  YIII.  and  Queen  Katharine ;  and  he  goes  on  to 
state,  that  Cranmer  had  urged  the  divorce  upon  the  king 
under  the  threat  of  ecclesiastical  censures — additis  censu- 
rarum  minis.  He  asserts  it  to  have  been  a  notorious  fact, 
that  the  archbishop  was  nominated  to  the  primacy  for  the 
purpose  of  enabling  an  individual  to  indulge  his  lust 
under  the  apparent  sanction  of  the  law.  He  accuses  the 
archbishop  of  himself  keeping  a  concubine  under  the 
name  of  a  wife,  of  an  appetence  for  the  riches  and 
honours  of  the  world,  and  of  a  childish  ambition  for  no- 
toriety, which  led  him  to  broach  a  new  opinion  on  the 
subject  of  the  Eucharist.  Upon  that  controversy  he  enters 
at  some  length,  and  attributes  to  Berengarius  the  first  op- 
position to  the  dogma,  not  perceiving  that  this  argument 
makes  for  Cranmer,  Berengarius  having  in  the  eleventh 
century  opposed  it  on  the  ground  of  its  being  a  novelty. 
In  short,  to  adopt  the  words  of  Neve,  the  archbishop  is 
charged  with  the  sins  of  hypocrisy,  pride,  impiety,  and 
repeated  perjuries,  with  abandoning  himself  to  gross  im- 
proprieties and  shameful  passions,  with  mocking  God,  with 
trampling  on  the  laws  of  the  Church  and  the  realm. 

There  were  many  who  pleaded  the  cause  of  the  arch- 
bishop on  the  ground  that  mercy  should  be  extended 
to  one  who,  when  he  was  in  power,  was  eminent  for 
the  merciful  exercise  of  his  authority.     The  iniquitous 


ARCHBISHOPS   OF   CANTERBURY.  377 

use  made  of  this  fact  by  Pole  may  be  quoted  as  a  chap. 
sample  of  bis  work.  "  Neither  will  that,"  he  says,  ^— ^t^^^- 
"  suffice  as  an  excuse  for  your  conduct,  that  you  were  poV^^^ 
benevolent  and  easy  of  access  to  all.  This,  I  am  told,  1556-58. 
is  said  of  you  by  some  persons.  But  they  know  not 
what  they  say  ;  nor  do  you,  perhaps,  know  whether  you 
have  slain  any  man,  because  you  neither  entered  the 
sheepfold  of  Christ  with  this  intention,  nor  subsequently 
to  your  entrance  have  been  conscious  of  seeking  any 
man's  blood.  But  here  your  conscience  is  deceived  by 
Satan,  who,  homicide  as  he  has  been  from  the  beginning, 
and  daily  as  he  slays  men  by  his  counsel,  yet  if  he  had  to 
plead  his  cause  before  a  human  tribunal,  he  could  easily 
prove  to  the  very  men  whom  he  is  murdering  that  he  is 
far  from  this  crime  ;  inasmuch  as  he  persuades  nothing  to 
any  person  but  such  things  as  are  pleasant  to  man  in  this 
life,  things  which  every  one  especially  desires,  and  which 
are  eminently  calculated  to  render  a  passage  through  the 
world  agreeable.  For  what  else  has  Satan  ever  proposed 
except  honours,  except  riches,  except  pleasures,  except,  in 
fine,  all  things  which  seem  to  render  life  pleasant  and 
plainly  blest  ?  Now,  if  this  defence  by  no  means  acquits 
Satan  from  the  guilt  of  homicide,  neither  will  it  avail  you, 
who  have  been  his  minister  in  fulfilling  the  king's  lust 
and  covetousness  in  the  base  love  of  a  woman,  in  honours 
that  were  unlawful"  (the  supremacy,  probably), "in  gaining 
riches  and  wealth  unjustly  "  (by  suppressing  monasteries, 
&c.),  "  whom  you,  although  you  sought  not  his  death,  yet 
by  this  means  killed  in  a  most  cruel  manner,  and  through 
him  a  great  many  others.  For  you  offered  to  him  that 
kind  of  poison  which  defies  all  human  aid,  and  you  acted 
thus  while  you  were  cloaking  his  desires  under  the  ap- 
pearance of  justice ;  in  this  manner,  truly,  you  more 
destroyed   his   mind    by   lust  than  if,  pander-hke,   you 


Oib  LIVES   OF   THE 


CHAP,     liad  brought  immodest  women  to  him ;  in  rapine  more 
^^'       than  if  you  had  been  his  attendant  and  guide  upon  an 


^Po\T^^   undisguised  marauding  expedition."* 

1 056-58.  To  Cranmer  is,  in  fine,  offered  the  example  of  the  peni- 
tent thief  upon  the  cross ;  and  he  is  exhorted  to  look 
upon  his  present  sufferings  as  the  just  reward  of  his  past 
iniquities. 

This  might  be  regarded  as  an  ebullition  of  temper,  or 
the  proof  of  a  want  of  generosity  on  the  part  of  Pole,  if 
it  were  a  solitary  case  ;  but  to  the  end  the  same  spirit  is 
displayed  in  a  fixed  determination  to  make  manifest  his 
zeal  against  heretics.  However  much  he  might  be  sus- 
pected by  his  enemies  of  an  inclination  to  Lutheranism, 
he  determined  that  they  should  no  longer  be  able  to  accuse 
him  as  "  the  fautor  of  heretics."  If  he  erred  on  the  side  of 
leniency  at  Viterbo,  this  charge  should  not  be  repeated 
now  when  he  had  become  the  primate  of  all  England. 
The  proceedings  at  the  two  universities  under  his  sanc- 
tion, and  under  the  immediate  direction  of  his  confidential 
friend,  were  not  only  cruel  but  puerile.  On  the  26th  of 
October,  1556,  Sir  John  Mason,  Kt.,  Dean  of  Winchester, 
resigned  the  chancellorship  of  the  University  of  Oxford ; 
and  Eeginald  Pole  was  on  the  same  day  appointed  his 
successor.^  In  the  same  year  he  succeeded  Bishop  Gar- 
dyner  as  Chancellor  of  Cambridge.  Pole  had  not,  how- 
ever, waited  for  these  appointments ;  he  had  previously 
issued  a  commission  for  holding  a  visitation  of  each  uni- 
versity. Pole,  in  his  zeal  for  the  pope,  and  for  the 
establishment  of  papal  supremacy,  always  preferred  to 
act  on  his  legatine  authority,  by  which  he  had  convened  a 
synod  of  the  Church  ;  when,  by  a  short  delay,  he  might 
have  accomphshed  all  that  he  effected,  as  primate  of  Eng- 

*  Ep.  Poli,  V.  344.  t  Hardy's  Le  Neve,  iii.  468. 


ARCHBISHOPS   OF   CANTERBURY.  379 

land,  in  a  convocation.  And  now,  instead  of  exercising  his 
ordinary  jurisdiction,  in  either  miiversity,  for  the  correc- 
tion of  their  abuses,  he  thought  lit  to  act  under  a  hcence  "^pX.^^ 
from  the  pope ;  and  at  the  head  of  each  commission  he  1 556-58. 
placed  a  foreigner,  Nicholas  Ormanetto,  in  whom,  says 
Wood,  "  nothing  was  more  notable  than  his  intolerable 
arrogance,  in  which  he  did  so  much  excel  that  nothing 
could  be  imagined  more."*  No  other  reason  can  be  as- 
signed for  this  commission  than  the  fact' that,  as  Ormanetto 
was  datary  to  the  pope,  his  presence  was  intended  to  re- 
mind the  people  continually  of  the  supremacy  now  claimed 
for  a  foreign  prelate,  and  that  the  Church  of  England  was 
no  longer  free  to  govern  herself. 

The  condition  of  Oxford  was  at  this  time  deplorable, 
and  the  consequent  need  of  reform  was  urgent.  This  is 
the  more  remarkable,  for  we  have,  in  a  previous  chapter, 
described  the  flourishing  state  of  the  university  in  the 
reign  of  Henry  VIIL,  when  Warham  was  chancellor, 
when  Erasmus  was  one  of  the  professors,  and  Dean  Colet 
a  leading  reformer.  It  reflects  great  disgrace  upon  the 
government  of  Edward  VI.,  and  explains  the  reason  why 
it  was  so  diflicult,  in  the  reign  of  Queen  Elizabeth,  to  find 
preachers  competent  to  instruct  the  people  from  the 
pul])it.  There  were  scarcely  any  resident  masters  of  arts. 
There  was  not  a  sufficient  number  of  divines  to  perform 
the  statutable  exercises.  The  divinity  school  was  shut 
up.  Tlie  salary  of  the  Margaret  professor  was  employed 
in  repairing  the  public  buildings.  The  university  sermon 
was  preached  only  once  in  a  month.  The  professors  sel- 
dom read  lectures.  The  study  of  Greek  had  fallen  into 
neglect. 

*  Wood,  Annals,  ii.  pt.  i.  133.  Wood,  in  this  place,  for  Oxford,  and 
Cooper  (ii.  102)  for  Cambridge,  are  my  chief  authorities  for  these 
statements. 


380  LIVES   OF   THE 

CHAP.  The  report  of  the  state  of  the  university  was  trans- 
^^ — -^ — '  mitted  to  the  cardinal,  who,  when,  at  the  end  of  the  year, 
Po?e.  he  had  become  chancellor,  caused  certain  statutes  to  be 
1550-58.  drawn  up,  of  which  favourable  mention  is  made.  We 
are  not  to  ignore  the  good  thus  accomplished,  on  account 
of  the  absurdities,  and  worse  than  absurdities,  of  which  the 
visitors  were  guilty.  Of  something  worse  than  absurdity 
they  were  guilty  when  by  them  all  the  translations  of 
Scripture  into  the  vulgar  tongue  on  which  they  could  lay 
their  hands,  together  with  commentaries  in  the  same  lan- 
guage, w^ere  publicly  burned  in  the  market-place.  The 
same  fate  awaited  any  books  written  by  Protestants 
abroad  or  circulated  by  gospellers  at  home.  Libraries 
and  private  houses  were  searched  for  the  forbidden  trea- 
sures, and  their  former  possessors,  at  peril  of  their  lives, 
were  obliged  to  hide  themselves.  Most  of  the  reputed 
heretics  appear  to  have  made  their  escape ;  the  commis- 
sioners therefore  expended  their  zeal  upon  the  dead. 

Catherine  Cathie,  or  Dampmartin,  having  become  the 
wife  of  Dr.  Peter  Martyr,  had  settled  with  her  husband  at 
Oxford  when  he  became  a  professor  in  the  university. 
She  had  died  about  four  years  before  the  visitation,  and 
had  been  buried  in  the  cathedral  of  Christ  Church,*  near 
the  relics  of  St.  Frideswide.  It  was  not  to  be  tolerated, 
that  the  body  of  a  wedded  nun  should  remain  in  such  a 
vicinity ;  and  if  it  could  be  discovered  that  she  had  been 
a  heretic,  her  body  ought  to  be  burned  instead  of  buried. 
But  here  arose  the  difficulty.  The  commissioners  could 
not,  it  was  said,  burn  the  corpse,  unless  the  person  by 

*  Upon  the  dissolution  of  the  abbey  of  Osney,  Henry  VIII.  created 
a  bishopric  out  of  its  possessicns,  and  in  1542  placed  the  see  at  Osney 
(Pat.  34,  Henry  VIII.  p.  6,  m.  9).  It  Avas  then  removed  to  St.  Frides- 
wide's  priory  church  in  Oxford,  by  charter  dated  9th  of  June,  1545 
(Foedera,  xv.  75). 


ARCHBISHOPS   OF   CANTERBURY.  381 

whom  llie  corpse  at  one  time  had  been  animated,  were  chap. 
proved  to  be  a  heretic.  There  was  no  doubt  upon  the  ^i.yi_^ 
subject  in  the  minds  of  the  commissioners,  but  they  ^p^Ji"!^"^ 
were  just  men,  and  could  not,  of  course,  condemn  even  i5o6-58. 
a  dead  body  without  sufficient  evidence ;  wliile  to  ob- 
tain the  necessary  evidence  was  nearly  impossible.  If 
she  ever  uttered  heretical  opinions,  she  must  have  done 
so  in  German,  for  she  knew  no  other  language ;  and 
whether  her  utterances  were  heretical  or  not  no  one 
could  say,  for  by  the  enemies  of  her  husband,  reputed 
orthodox,  and  who  had  watched  her  with  suspicion,  Ger- 
man was  not  understood.  The  case  was  so  important,  in 
the  opinion  of  the  commissioners,  that  it  was  referred  to 
the  cardinal  himself.  He,  having  by  this  time  become 
chancellor  of  the  university,  gave  judgment  on  the  7tli 
of  November,  in  a  letter  addressed  to  the  Dean  of  Christ 
Church,  Dr.  Marshall,  in  which  it  was  said  : — "  Foras- 
much as  Catherine  Cathie,  of  detestable  memory,  who 
professed  herself  the  legitimate  wife  of  Peter  Martyr,  a 
heretic,  though  he  and  she  before  marriage  entered  into 
solemn  vows  of  religion,  and  for  that  she  had  lived  with 
him  at  Oxford  in  cursed  fornication,  when  he  denied  the 
truth  of  the  Sacrament ;  and  for  that  also  after  her  death 
she  was  buried  near  the  sepulchre  of  that  religious  virgin 
St.  Frideswide,  he  should  according  to  his  discretion  deal 
so  with  her  carcass  that  it  shall  be  far  enough  cast  from 
ecclesiastical  sepulture." 

The  matter  being  thus  left  to  the  discretion  of  the 
dean,  he  commanded  the  body  of  Mrs.  Martyr  to  be  disin- 
terred, and  to  be  deposited  on  the  dunghill  which  stood  at 
the  door  of  his  stable.* 

*  It  is  profitable  to  observe  how  the  same  evil  passions  may  exist  in 
tlie  minds  of  men  who,  in  their  avowed  principles,  differ  widely  the 
one  from  the  other,  and  the  reader  may  be  interested  in  following  this 


382  LIVES   OF   THE 

CHAP.         At  Cambridge  the  churches  of  St.  Mary  and  St.  Mi- 

v_  ^J' .-.  chael  were  placed   under   an    mterdict,  because  in  the 

^PoiT^*^    former  Bucer  had  been  buried,  and  Fagius  in  the  latter.  A 

1 006-58.    process  was  adopted  against  these  distinguished  scholars, 

similar   to   that  which   provoked  an  incredulous  smile, 

when  we  had  to  narrate  the  destruction  of  the  shrine  of 

story  to  its  conclusion.  I  give  it  as  narrated  by  Wood.  "  The  body  was 
buried  in  the  dunghill :  here  it  remained  for  about  five  years,  and  then, 
Queen  Elizabeth  being  settled,  the  Archbishop  of  Canterbury,  the  Bishop 
of  London,  and  others,  commanded  some  of  the  house  to  remove  her  ; 
but  Mr.  James  Calfhill,  being  then  sub-dean,  took  the  care  of  the 
business  on  himself,  and  straightway  going  to  the  place  where  she  had 
been  cast,  caused  his  servants  to  dig  up  the  body  ;  which,  being  viewed, 
some  flesh  with  whiteness  thereon  was  found  remaining  (though  the 
bones  by  time  and  too  much  moisture  were  disjointed),  and  putting  it 
into  a  coffin,  reposed  it  for  the  present  time  in  the  cathedral,  till  oppor- 
tunity served  when  she  might  be  buried  again  with  solemnity.  In  the 
mean  time  Mr.  Calfhill  made  search  for  the  reliques  of  St.  Frides- 
wyde,  which  were  supposed  to  have  been  taken  from  the  repository 
(where  they  had  for  hundreds  of  years  rested)  and  hid  by  some  of  the 
Catholics,  till  occasion  offered  when  they  might  with  safety  be  con- 
veyed away.  At  length  finding  them  in  the  obscurest  place  of  the 
church,  carefully  put  up  in  two  silken  bags  (the  colour  of  them  inclining 
through  time  and  too  much  handling  to  black),  he  put  them  in  the  said 
coffin,  where  the  bones  of  P.  Martyr's  wife  lay,  with  an  intent  to  bury 
them  soon  after  together.  At  length,  the  appointed  time  being  come, 
which  was  the  third  of  the  Ides  of  Jan.,  an.  1561,  the  people,  by  notice 
given,  came ;  and  after  an  oration  uttered  at  her  grave  in  her  praise, 
mixt  with  divers  scoffs  at  the  reliques  of  St.  Frideswyde,  she  was  then 
the  third  time  interred  ;  and  the  next  day  being  Sunday,  Mr.  Robert 
Rogerson,  of  Christ  Church,  spake  very  honourably  of  her  in  his  sermon 
to  the  people.  Thus  then  was  an  end  put  to  this  business,  and  to  the 
reliques  of  St.  Frideswyde,  which  before  were  so  religiously  kept  by  the 
canons  of  the  priory  bearing  that  name,  together  with  that  tradition,  that 
'  if  the  said  reliques  were  removed  from  their  proper  place,  the  struc- 
ture of  the  church  would  forthwith  fall  and  be  dissolved.'  All  that  I 
shall  further  deliver  is,  that  when  they  were  thus  buried  and  coupled 
together,  a  certain  scholar  made  this  epitaph  :  '  Hie  jacet  religio  cum 
superstitione.' " — A.  Wood,  II.  ii.  134. 


ARCIIBISHOrS   OF   CANTERBURY.  383 

St.  Thomas  of  Canterbury.     The  two   dead  men  were     chap. 

publicly  cited  to  appear  before  the  visitors  either  per-   «»- ^ - 

sonally  or  l)y  proxy.  The  citations  were  duly  affixed  to  Poie. 
the  public  buildings.  Witnesses  against  them  were  sworn  1556-58. 
on  the  18th,  and  examined  on  the  19th.  The  accused 
were  again  cited  on  the  20th,  and  for  a  third  time  on  the 
23rd  of  the  month.  On  tlie  26th,  the  vice-chancellor, 
regents,  non-regents,  and  all  the  students  of  the  university 
assembled  in  St.  Mary's  Church ;  whither  also  came  in 
state  the  mayor,  the  aldermen,  and  the  other  members  of 
the  corporation.  When  all  were  seated,  the  great  door  of 
the  church  was  thrown  open,  and  the  visitors  entered  in 
solemn  procession.  They  took  their  places  on  a  tribunal 
erected  witliin  the  choir.  The  vice-chancellor,  in  his  full 
academicals,  drew  near  and  exhibited  the  third  citation 
to  the  dead  men.  They  were  required  to  come  into  the 
court.  They  would  not  or  could  not  obey.  Under 
either  contingency  they  were  condemned  for  acting  in 
contempt  of  court.  The  Bishop  of  Chester,  Dr.  Scott, 
addressed  the  university;  and  at  the  conclusion  of  his 
address  he  produced  a  scroll,  from  which  he  read  the 
verdict  by  which  Bucer  and  Fagius  were  pronounced  to 
be  heretics.  Judgment  was  given ;  the  bodies  were  to 
be  disinterred ;  they  were  to  be  degraded  from  holy 
orders,  and  the  corpses  were  to  be  delivered  to  the  hands 
of  the  secular  power.  The  vice-chancellor  preached  from 
Psalm  cxxxiii. :  "  Behold  how  good  and  joyful  a  thing  it 
is,  brethren,  to  dwell  in  unity ;"  reflecting  upon  Bucer 's 
doctrine  as  having  caused  a  division  in  the  common- 
wealth. During  this  sermon  "  the  leaves  of  the  church 
doors  were  covered  over  with  verses,  in  the  which  the 
young  men,  to  show  their  folly  (which  scarce  knew  him 
by  sight),  blazed  Bucer's  name  with  most  shameful  and 
reproachful  terms."     The  vice-chancellor,  at  the  conclu- 


384  LIVES   OF   THE 

CHAP,     sion  of  his   sermon,  went   to   Trinity  College  with  the 
^ r^ — '   visitors.     Tliev  dined  to<]^ether  ;  and  after  dinner  the  sen- 

Jieuinald  ^  y  .         ^  .     ,  IT.-,. 

Pole.      tence  oi  condemnation  was  copied  out,  sealed  with  the 

1656-58.    Bishop  of  Chester's  seal ;  and  the  next  day  it  was  sent  to 

the   cardinal  in  London,  with  some  of  the  verses    and 

letters,  desiring  "  his  grace  that  he  would  cause  it  to  be 

sent  out  of  hand  to  Smith,  the  mayor  of  the  town the 

commandment  that  is  of  ordinary  by  the  law,  commonly 
called  a  writ,  for  the  burning  of  heretics.  For,  unless  he 
had  the  queen's  warrant  to  save  him  harmless,  he  would 
not  have  to  do  in  the  matter."* 

On  the  1st  of  February,  the  messenger  returned  from 
London  with  the  writ  De  Hceretico  comburendo ;  and  on 
the  6th,  the  mayor  having  signified  that  all  things  were 
in  readiness,  so  far  as  he  was  concerned,  the  bodies  were 
exhumed.  The  mayor  had  required  certain  townsmen  to 
attend  him  in  harness ;  and  by  them  the  dead  bodies 
were  guarded.  Bucer,  in  the  coffin  in  which  he  was 
buried,  and  Fagius,  in  one  made  for  the  occasion,  were 
placed  on  men's  shoulders,  and  with  a  large  crowd  fol- 
lowing them,  they  were  carried  into  the  middle  of  the 
market-place.  A  large  stake  had  there  been  dug  into 
the  ground,  "  to  bind  the  carcasses  to,"  and  piled  round 
were  fagots  of  wood.  The  coffins  were  set  on  end  with 
the  dead  bodies  in  them,  fastened  at  both  ends  with 
stakes,  and  bound  to  the  central  post  with  a  long  iron 
chain.  The  multitude,  we  are  told,  were  filled  with 
detestation  and  horror,  though  scarcely  any  one  could 
abstain  from  laughing  at  the  folly  of  making  "such  a 
to-do  "  for  the  protection  of  rotten  carcasses.  They  did 
not  understand  that  the  visitor  feared — what  would  pro- 
bably have  occurred  had  not  these  precautions  been 
taken — an  uproar  among  these  very  persons,  and  an  at- 

*  Cooper,  Annals  of  Cambridge,  ii.  117. 


ARClIBISIIOrS   OF    CANTEUnUKV.  385 

tempt  to  rescue  the  insulted  dead  from   the  malignant     citap. 

folly  of  their  opponents.     What  they  now  only  ridiculed   < ^ — - 

might  have  excited  them  to  acts  of  violence,  if  the  men  in     'pX^ 
harness  were  not  standing  near  the  corpses.  1.3.36-08. 

While  the  mayor  and  the  civil  authorities  were  thus 
employed,  the  Bishop  of  Lincoln,  Dr.  White,  was  preach- 
ing at  St.  Mary's.  He  commenced  his  sermon  between 
eight  and  nine  o'clock,  and  it  Avas  nearly  eleven  before  he 
finished.  The  subject  of  his  discourse  was  the  Avicked 
and  heretical  doctrine  of  Bucer.  On  Sunday,  the  7th,  the 
Bishop  of  Chester  came  to  St.  Mary's,  at  half-past  six,  to 
hallow  the  church.  He  first  hallowed  a  large  tub  of 
water,  into  which  he  put  salt,  ashes,  and  wine ;  and  going 
round  the  outside  of  the  church  once,  and  inside  thrice, 
he  sprinkled  the  building  with  the  consecrated  element. 
His  chaplain  said  mass,  and  the  bishop  concluded  with  the 
sermon. 

For  these  iniquitous  proceedings  we  must  hold  Pole 
responsible.  Accused  by  the  pope  of  heresy,  and  with 
his  conduct  narrowly  watched  by  those  for  whose  cause 
he  was  sinning,  and  by  whom  he  was  nevertheless  re- 
garded with  suspicion  ;  knowing  that,  from  dislike  of  his 
influence  with  the  queen,  politicians,  whose  inclinations 
were  certainly  not  towards  Eome,  were  ready  neverthe- 
less to  act  with  Rome  for  his  destruction,  he  did  not 
dare  to  give  his  enemies  an  opportunity  of  calling  in 
question  his  zeal  in  the  suppression  of  heresy,  and  in  the 
prosecution  of  all  who  were  suspected  of  holding  heretical 
opinions. 

The  arguments  adduced  to  clear  Pole  of  the  guilt, 
when  he  is  made  responsible  for  the  severities  which  dis- 
graced our  Church  and  country  after  the  death  of  Gardyner, 
seem  only  to  prove  him  to  have  been  the  more  culpable. 
We  must  never  forget  that,  by  one  word  uttered  ])y  him, 

VOL.    viii.  c  c 


o8l)  LIVES   OF   THE 

CHAP-     the  fires  of  Smitlifield  would  have  ceased  to  blaze.     It  is 

IV. 

. — ^ — '  said — and  we  admit,  as  we  have  done  all  along,  in  pallia- 
Poie.      tion  of  tlie  offence — that  he  only  let   the  law  take  its 

1556-58.  course.  It  was  this  that  blinded  his  eyes,  and  the  eyes  of 
his  royal  mistress ;  but  still  the  fact  remains.  Gardyner, 
we  know,  relented.  It  is  possible,  and  even  probable, 
that,  had  he  lived,  some  mitigation  of  the  legal  penalties 
might  have  been  adopted ;  but,  again  I  say  it  with  regret 
— for  I  have  not  concealed  from  myself  or  the  reader  the 
many  amiable  qualities  with  which  Pole  was  endowed — 
that  while,  on  the  one  hand,  the  prosecution  of  heretics 
became  more  severe  after  the  death  of  the  conscience- 
smitten  Gardyner,  the  severest  measures  occurred  quite 
at  the  close  of  Pole's  life.  It  was  as  late  as  the  28th  of 
March,  1558,  that  he  issued  orders  to  his  commissary- 
general,  Archdeacon  Harpsfield,  and  four  others,  requiring 
them  to  reject  from  the  society  of  the  faithful,  and  to 
deliver  up  to  the  secular  power,  all  the  "periinaces  et 
obstinates  '^  who  adhered  to  their  heresies.  I  have  al- 
ready remarked,  that  he  went  so  far  as  to  do  what  had 
never  been  done  before,  and  to  direct  that  for  the  of- 
fenders search  should  be  made.  The  last  public  docu- 
ment that  Pole  signed  was  an  advertisement,  dated  the 
7th  of  July,  only  four  months  before  his  death,  to  certify 
to  the  queen,  that  the  five  persons  he  named,  two  of  them 
females,  had  confessed  and  defended  their  heresies  ;  and 
that  as,  through  their  determination  not  to  be  convinced, 
nothing  further  could  be  done  for  them  by  the  Church, 
these  relapsed  heretics  were  left  to  the  secular  arm  con- 
cligna  animadversione.^^ 

We  are  quite  willing  to  admit  the  force  of  the  pallia- 
tive argument  as  far  as  it  goes,  that  Cranmer,  when  he 
was  in  power,  sent  those  whom  he  regarded  as  heretics  to 

*  The  documents  arc  to  be  found  in  Wilkins,  iv.  1G7. 


loo6-o8. 


ARCIIBISlIOrS    OF    CA^'TEUBL•liV.  387 

the  stake,  and  that  Servetus  came  to  his  death  by  Calvin.     ^^^  ^* 
All  were  what  we  should  now  call  persecutors.  V^7~id 

The  dogmas  of  Christianity  were  regarded  from  two  Pole, 
points  of  view,  when  the  union  between  Church  and  State 
was,  in  theory,  complete.  It  Avas  not  till  the  dissolution, 
or  rather  the  modification,  of  that  union  that  persecution 
ceased.  The  dogmas  of  Christianity,  viewed  from  the 
Church  stand-point,  were  the  Scriptural  truths  as  received 
and  recognized  by  the  councils  of  the  Church.  If  any  one 
assumed  the  right  of  private  judgment — that  is,  as  the 
word  signifies,  if  he  were  a  heretic — the  Church  held  itself 
bound  to  have  recourse  to  all  legitimate  arts  of  persua- 
sion ;  and  if  these  failed,  to  deny  to  the  offender  the  sa- 
craments :  in  other  words,  to  excommunicate  him.  This 
was  all  the  Church  could  do.  But  a  Christian  state,  hav- 
ing accepted  the  dogmas  of  the  Church,  made  them  the 
laws  of  the  land.  We  have  still  existing  an  example  of 
the  mode  in  which  this  principle  can  be  acted  upon.  The 
Book  of  Common  Prayer  is  the  form  of  devotion,  and,  to 
a  cer  ain  extent,  the  rule  of  doctrine,  to  the  Church  of 
England.  But  the  Book  of  Common  Prayer,  drawn  up 
by  convocation  of  the  clergy,  has  been  also  adopted  by 
parliament.  It  is  also  an  Act  of  Parliament.  It  is  on 
this  ground,  and  on  this  ground  only,  that  a  person  vio- 
lating the  regulations  of  the  Prayer  Book  can  be  subjected 
to  civil  penalties.  So  in  the  mediasv^l  times,  when  a  man 
was  condemned  for  asserting  his  private  judgment  in  op- 
position to  the  judgment  of  the  Church,  and  had  become 
a  heretic,  he  was  handed  over  to  the  civil  authorities. 
They  had  only  to  inquire  whether  he  had  violated  the 
law.  If  he  had  violated  the  law,  and  would  not  offer 
guarantees  for  his  future  obedience  to  it,  lieivas  subjected 
to  the  penalties  of  that  code  wliich  for  a  long  time  after- 
wards deserved  tlie  character  of  being  a  bloody  code.  He 

c  c  2 


388  LIVES   OF   THE 

CHAP,     was  excommunicated  as  a  disobedient  clmrchman  ;  he  was 

—^ — '  executed  as  a  disobedient  subject. 

Pole!*  It  is  no  part  of  my  duty,  as  an  historian,  to  vindicate 

1 006-08.  the  character  of  any  personages  the  events  of  whose  hfe 
I  have  to  record ;  but  it  is  my  duty  to  endeavour  to 
ascertain  what  their  motives  really  were — a  widely  dif- 
ferent thing  from  attributing  motives — and  to  explain 
their  conduct.  I  have  been  led  into  the  remarks  which 
I  have  just  made,  because,  regarding  persecution  in  the 
light  of  modern  thought,  we  are  surprised  to  find  that, 
when  Pole  was  solemnly  reviewing  his  past  life,  before 
his  appearance  at  the  tribunal  of  a  Divine  Judge,  it  never 
occurred  to  him  to  feel  a  single  pang  of  remorse  for  the 
share  he  had  in  those  proceedings,  which  are  to  our  minds 
the  disgrace  of  Queen  Mary's  reign.  It  is  not  difficult, 
with  the  statements  now  made  before  us,  to  understand 
his  position,  whatever  may  be  our  ovvm  opinion  of  the 
guilt  it  involves.  He  was  not  the  maker  of  the  law,  but 
only  its  administrator.  If  he  interfered  with  the  ad- 
ministration of  the  law  to  save  the  hfe  of  any  one  who 
was  by  the  law  condemned,  he  took  great  credit  to  him 
self ;  what  he  did  iu  this  respect  was  proof  of  the  kindness 
of  his  disposition ;  and  though  some  were  blaming  him  as 
culpably  weak,  he  knew  that  he  was  winning  his  way 
secretly  into  the  hearts  of  many  who  loved  mercy,  and 
thought  the  law  unnecessarily  severe.  But  if  circum- 
stances should  arise  which  rendered  severity  politic,  the 
administrator  of  the  law  was  not  bound  to  interfere  for  a 
suspension  of  its  operation.  It  w^as  a  meritorious  act  to 
interpose  between  justice  and  its  victim,  when  this  could 
he  done  without  detriment  to  the  public  service ;  but  if 
the  public  service  required  the  execution  of  the  law, 
there  was  no  cause  of  blame,  so  it  would  appear  to  hnn, 
in  allowincr  the  law  take  its  couree. 


AT^CIIBISTIOPS    OF   CANTERBURY.  o89 

So  clear  to  our  liearts  are  the  interests  of  commerce,  chap, 
that,  within  our  own  memory,  Fauntleroy  was  hanged  for  ^ — ~r^ — - 
forgery ;  so  vigilant  were  our  fathers  in  their  zeal  for  the  poie. 
rights  of  property,  that  many  a  starving  fellow-creature  1006-08. 
has  been  condemned  to  death  for  sheep-stealing ;  so 
sacred  are  the  game  laws,  that  men  are  still  destroyed 
like  vermin,  who  cannot  be  made  to  understand,  that  the 
rights  of  property  extend  over  birds  or  beasts  which 
they  regard  as  being  wild.  We  must  mete  out  the  same 
measure  to  Pole  and  to  Mary :  they  felt,  that  the  country 
would  cease  to  be  a  Christian  land,  if  men  were  per- 
mitted to  exercise  their  private  judgment  in  religious 
matters,  contrary  to  the  decision  of  those  councils  which 
were  regarded  as  expressing  the  one  voice  of  Christendom. 
We  are,  at  the  same  time,  to  remember  that,  under  the 
cruel  code  then  in  actual  existence,  great  as  was  the 
number  of  those  who  suffered  in  the  cause  of  religion,  it 
was  as  nothing  in  comparison  with  the  number  of  those 
consigned,  without  compunction,  to  a  death,  if  possible 
more  cruel,  for  political  offences.  Hundreds  were  con- 
demned for  uttering  sentiments  which  we  should  now 
regard  as  patriotic,  but  which  were  at  that  time  treason- 
able. For  one  person  executed  in  this  reign  for  religion, 
there  were  a  hundred  butchered  for  treason  ;  that  is, 
for  a  contention  on  behalf  of  civil  liberty  against  an 
intolerable  despotism.  We  express  disgust,  and  we  are 
justified  in  doing  so,  at  the  unfeeling  coarsenesses  of 
Bonner,  but  surely  we  ought  to  feel  equal  disgust  at 
reading  such  a  sentence  as  the  following  : — "  The  queen 
granted  a  general  pardon  to  the  people  of  Kent — after 
having  caused  five  score  of  the  most  guilty  to  be  exe- 
cuted." The  sentence  occurs  in  a  letter  from  Eenard  to 
the  emperor.  This  is  not  said  to  palliate  the  law's  extreme 
severity,  but  to  account  for  the  fact,  that  neither  Mary 


390  LIVES   OF   TTTR 

CHAP,     nor  Pole,  nor  any  other  member  of  the  privy  council, 

- — ^ — '   ever  felt  any  compunctious  visitings   of  conscience  for 

Pole. '    having  permitted  the  law  to  take  its  course.     To  execute 

ioo6-58.  five  score  was  considered  an  act  of  mercy  ;  and,  in  sparing 
the  other  guilty  persons,  Mary  felt  entitled  to  call  her- 
self merciful. 

Any  really  merciful  person  will  admit  the  full  force  of 
these  palliating  and  explanatory  circumstances,  and,  in 
my  desire  to  do  justice  to  all  persons,  I  have  alluded 
to  them  more  than  once.  I  am  inclined  to  think  much 
more  severely  of  Pole's  case.  When  we  remember  that 
his  temper  was  merciful,  and  when  we  compare  the 
leniency  of  his  government  at  Viterbo  with  the  severity 
he  exhibited  in  England,  we  attribute  the  change  in  his 
conduct  to  a  selfishness  awfully  criminal.  It  is  impossible 
not  to  perceive,  that  he  let  the  law  take  its  course  without 
an  attempt  on  his  part  to  mitigate  its  ferocity,  in  order 
that  his  zeal  against  heresy  in  England  might  be  a 
sufficient  answer  to  those  who  denounced  him  as  a 
heretic  at  Eome.  He  writhed  under  the  charge  of 
heresy  ;  and  he  gave  vent  to  his  "  wTath,"  as  usual,  in  a 
treatise,  in  which  the  language  he  employed  was  so 
violent,  that  when  it  was  written  he  dared  not  transmit 
it  to  Eome :  but,  making  a  merit  of  necessity,  he  made  a 
boast  of  his  unwillingness  to  expose  his  father's  naked- 
ness. When  the  pope  had  expressed  himself  satisfied 
that  Pole  was  unjustly  charged  with  heresy,  the  cardinal, 
who  had  been  delated  before  the  Inquisition,  made  re- 
peated and  pathetic  applications  to  that  tribunal,  tliat  his 
name  might  be  erased  from  their  books,  and  that  to 
his  character  no  suspicion  of  heresy  might  attach.  The  in- 
quisitors were  aware,  that  Paul  IV.  would  be  better 
pleased  if  they  took  no  steps  to  meet  the  demands  of 
Pole,    and   Eeginald    Pole    remained   under   charoje    of 


ARCHBISHOPS    OF   CANTERBURY.  391 

heresy.     Pole  went  further  than  any  other  member  of    chap. 

the  queen's  government ;  he  prosecuted  not  only  here-   . ^ - 

tics,  but  those  ordinaries  also,  who  were  doing  in  Eng-      p^^ 
land  what  he  had  himself  done  in  Italy  ;  who  neglected  to    1 556-58. 
search  for  heretics,  or  connived  at  their  escape.* 

We  have  already  adverted  to  the  violence  of  the  re- 
forming party,  which  was  certainly  a  sufficient  ground 
for  putting  the  law  in  force ;  for  there  can  be  no  doubt 
that,  while  great  and  good  men  were  sacrificing  life,  and 
much  that  was  dearer  than  fife,  in  the  cause  of  God's 
truth  or  the  Gospel,  there  were  many  who,  under  the 
guise  of  religion,  were  only  aiming  at  revolution  civil  and 
religious.  It  was  certainly  for  the  repression  of  the  libel- 
lous publications  to  which  we  have  adverted,  that  the 
first  of  those  measures  was  adopted  to  which  the  cha- 
racter of  persecution  has  been  attached.  Eeligion  and 
politics  are  strangely  jumbled  together.  A  commission 
was  issued  to  certain  officers  of  state,  crown  lawyers, 
civilians,  six  peers,  to  whom  were  added  two  bishops 
and  a  dean,  to  make  inquiry  into  all  cases  of  heresy  and 
libel,  and  to  report  upon  them.  These  commissioners 
could  punish  by  fine  or  imprisonment  for  minor  offences ; 
but  those  who  were  convened  before  the  commission  upon 
the  charge  of  heresy  were  to  be  transmitted  to  their  proper 
ordinaries.  "  The  commissioners,"  says  Heylin,  "  or  any 
three  or  more  of  them,  were  empowered  to  inquire  of  all 
and  singular  heretical  opinions,  lollardies,  heretical  and 
seditious  books,  concealments,  contempts,  conspiracies, 
and  all  false  tales,  rumours,  seditious  or  slanderous  words, 
&c. ;  as  also  to  seize  into  their  hands  all  manner  of  here- 
tical and  seditious  books,  letters  and  writings,  whereso- 
ever they  or  any  of  them  should  be  found,  as  well  in 
printers'  houses   and  shops  as  elsewhere  ;  willing  them 

*  Wilkins,  iv.  121. 


392  LIVES   OF   TIIR 

CHAP,     and  every  of  tliem  to  search  for  the  same  in  all  places, 
> — ^ — '  according  to  their  discretion ;  and,  finally,  to  inquire  after 
Pole.      all  such  persons  as  obstinately  do  refuse  to  receive  the 
1556-58.    blessed  Sacrament  of  the  altar,  to  hear  mass,  or  come  to 
their  parish  churches  ;  and  all  such  as  refuse  to  go  on 
procession,  to  take  holy  bread  or  holy  water,  or  other- 
wise misuse  themselves  in  any  church  or  hallowed  place, 
&c.     The  party  so  offending  to  be  proceeded  against  ac- 
cording to  the  ecclesiastical  laws,  or  otherwise  by  fine  or 
imprisonment,  as  to  them  seemed  best."* 

The  effect  of  this  proclamation  was  awful ;  it  resulted 
in  the  sacrifice  of  five  bishops,  twenty-one  divines,  eight 
gentlemen,  eighty-four  artificers  or  skilled  artisans,  one 
hundred  husbandmen  and  persons  in  the  humblest  classes 
of  society,  together  with  twenty-six  women. 

I  take  the  number  from  Heylin ;  the  names  of  the 
sufferers  \xiay  be  found  in  Maitland.  When  we  consult 
the  pages  of  partisan  historians  we  are  astonished  at  two 
things.  We  marvel,  on  the  one  hand,  at  those  advocates 
of  the  Eomanist  party  in  Enghmd,  who  think  to  benefit 
their  cause  by  entering  into  controversy  with  reference 
to  the  7iumher  of  the  sufferers.  It  matters  nothing,  when 
they  are  accused  of  a  persecuting  spirit,  whether  that 
spirit  was  manifested  in  the  execution  of  ten  or  of  a  hun- 
dred.     We  are  surprised,  on  the  other  hand,  to   find 

*  See  the  commission  in  Burnet's  Collectanea.  By  those  who  divest 
their  minds  of  party  prejudice,  offence  is  justly  taken  when  this  com- 
mission is  compared  to  the  Inquisition,  which  Pole  is,  without  a  shadow 
of  evidence,  accused  of  an  intention  to  introduce.  This  commission 
consisted  of  a  majority  of  laymen  ;  the  commissioners  had  no  authority 
to  try  heterodoxy  or  to  put  offenders  "  upon  making  an  act  of  £uth." 
They  were  not  to  pronounce  sentence,  but  rather  to  act  as  a  grand  jury, 
and  to  hand  offenders  tv>  their  ordinaries — that  is,  to  judges  sitting  in 
open  court — and  their  inquiries  were  to  be  made  by  means  of  a  jury. 
We  never  gain  a  cause  by  overstating  the  case. 


AECIIBISITOPS   OF   CANTERBUKV.  393 

Protestants  asserting,  that  persecution  was  confined  to  the     chap. 

Eomanists,  and  that  it  is  one  of  the  ingrained  vices  of  « ^ - 

their  system.  I  am  aware,  tliat  to  deny  this  will  provoke  pX! 
indignation,  but  if  we  rely  on  the  facts  of  history,  we  i5o6-o8. 
must  admit  that  the  spirit  of  persecution  w^as  exhibited 
on  both  sides  ;  that  it  still  exists,  though  confined  now 
to  libels  and  the  circulation  of  falsehood  ;  that  the  un- 
renewed heart  of  man,  whether  Eomanist  or  Protestant, 
is  an  intolerant  heart ;  that  the  intolerance  displays  itself, 
as  we  have  elsewhere  said,  in  politics,  in  literature,  in 
science,  as  well  as  in  religion  ;  and  that  the  only  remedy 
is  in  a  prayer  for  that  new  heart  of  which  the  abiding 
principle  is  charity,  and  which,  while  it  speaks  the  truth, 
speaks  that  truth  in  love.  It  is  under  these  feelings  that 
I  am  happy  to  adopt  the  words  of  a  Eoman  Catholic 
writer,  who,  in  his  edition  of  Dodd,  while  maintaining 
liis  own,  has  proved  himself  to  be  an  honest  man  and  an 
impartial  historian.  "  As  to  the  number  and  character," 
says  Mr.  Tierney,  "  of  the  sufierers,  certain  it  is  that  no 
allowance  can  relieve  the  horror,  no  palliatives  can  re- 
move the  infamy,  that  must  for  ever  attach  to  these  pro- 
ceedings. The  account  of  real  victims  is  too  great  to  be 
affected  by  any  partial  deductions.  Were  the  catalogue 
limited  to  a  few  persons,  we  might  perhaps  pause  to 
examine  the  merits  of  each  individual ;  but  when,  after 
the  removal  of  every  doubtful  or  objectionable  name,  a 
frightful  list  of  not  fewer  than  two  hundred  remains,  we 
can  only  turn  with  horror  from  the  blood-stained  page, 
and  be  thankful  that  such  things  have  passed  away."  * 

There  remains  another  difficulty  to  be  solved.  We  can 
understand  how  five  bishops  and  twenty-one  divines 
should  be  willing  to  suffer  death  rather  than  accept  the 
dogma  of  transubstantiation,  because  they  would  see  how 

*  Note  to  Dodd,  ii.  107. 


394  LIVES   OF   THE 

CHAP,  that  dogma  vitiates  the  whole  character  of  the  Sacrament 
— r^ — '  while  tending,  when  developed,  to  superstitions  which 
Pole.  tend  to  overthrow  the  very  foundations  of  Christian  truth. 
1556-58.  They  being  placed  by  Divine  Providence  in  a  prominent 
position,  received  a  Divine  call,  from  that  very  circum- 
stance, to  sacrifice  their  lives,  if  the  sacrifice  of  life  were 
necessary  to  protest  against  error  and  to  establish  truth. 
But  the  majority  of  the  sufferers  were  uneducated  men  ; 
and  when  their  characters  are  investigated,  as  has  been 
done  by  Dr.  Haitian d,  several  who  died  in  the  flames  were 
not  men  who  had  shown  much  earnestness  in  the  cause  of 
religion,  or  whose  moral  characters  were,  in  all  cases,  un- 
impeachable. They  could  not  understand  the  theological 
bearings  of  the  question  to  which  they  refused  to  give 
the  answer  which  would  have  saved  their  lives.  But 
they  knew  this,  that  the  real  question  was.  Shall  the 
Church  of  England  and  the  whole  realm  be  brought  into 
subjection  to  a  foreign  power?  or  shall  the  torch  of 
liberty  be  lighted  and  receive  fresh  vigour  from  the  flames 
by  which  their  bodies  were  consumed?  To  them  the 
question  was, — ^Eome  or  England  ?  And  we  have  then 
only  to  refer  to  an  ultimate  fact  in  human  nature,  which 
causes  us  to  experience  a  high  and  holy  pleasure  in  self- 
sacrifice  ;  while  he  who  has  sacrificed  his  life  for  a  cause 
or  person  to  which  or  to  whom  he  is  attached,  becomes 
an  object  of  the  world's  admiration  and  respect.  It  is 
this  feeling  that  sends  the  patriotic  soldier  to  the  field  of 
battle  ;  and  it  is  for  the  excitement  and  encouragement  of 
this  feeling,  that  the  highest  honours  of  the  country  are 
reserved  for  the  military  profession.  Among  the  peers 
of  the  realm,  a  large  number,  if  not  the  majority,  are  in- 
debted for  their  peerage  to  some  ancestor  distinguished 
for  his  valour  on  the  field  of  battle  or  the  deck  of  a  man- 
of-war.  "  Diilce  et  decorum  est  pro  patria  mori;  "  and  this 


ARCTTBISIIOPS   OF   CANTERBURY.  395 

feeling  descends  even  to  those  conspirators,  who,  when     chap. 
pledged  to  support,  it  may  be,  an  unrighteous  cause,  are   — ^ — - 
prepared  to  die  rather  than  to  betray  their  accomplices.      pX. 
How  powerful  such  a  principle  became  we  can   easily    1556-58. 
understand,  when  they  who  died  sacrificed  their  lives  to 
the  cause  of  God,  and  left  the  world  as  blessed  martyrs 
with  a  halo  of  glory  round  their  heads — immortalized. 

To  the  feeling  of  which  we  have  given  a  description 
Pole  himself  was  not  a  stranger.  We  have  seen  that, 
throughout  his  career,  his  ambition  was  to  win,  with  the 
minimum  of  suffering,  though  his  sufferings  were  magni- 
fied in  his  own  sight,  the  fame,  if  not  of  a  martyr,  yet  of 
a  confessor.  He  thought  that,  in  his  opposition  to  the 
governments  of  Henry  and  Edward,  he  was  sacrificing 
self  to  the  cause  of  the  papacy.  The  feehng  that  he  was 
making  this  sacrifice  seemed  to  be  his  consolation  under 
all  his  difficulties  and  trials.  His  selfishness  did  not 
manifest  itself  until  the  representative  of  the  cause  for 
which  he  had,  in  his  own  estimation,  made  great  sacri- 
fices, uttered  a  suspicion  that  he  was  himself  a  heretic. 
He  had  been  merciful ;  and  being  so,  he  was  prompted 
by  the  impulses  of  a  heart  naturally  sensitive  and  kind, 
but,  at  the  same  time,  under  the  conviction  that  mercy 
was  the  best  policy.  By  his  leniency  in  Italy  he  had 
brought  men  verging  to  Protestantisni  back  to  Eomanism ; 
and  his  leniency  was  a  proof,  as  he  contended,  of  his  wis- 
dom. It  was  certainly  not  an  indication  of  disloyalty  to 
the  cause  he  had  faithfully  served,  and  which  he  was 
now  accused  of  betraying.  In  the  intensity  of  a  selfish- 
ness not  recognized  by  himself,  the  self-deceiver  per- 
mitted tlie  fires  of  Smithfield  to  turn  wives  into  widows 
and  chiklren  into  orplians,  that  through  those  terrible 
fires  it  might  be  known  at  Eome  that  his  former  leniency 
was  no  proof  of  his  want  of  sincerity  in  the  papal  cause. 


oOG  LIVES   OF   THE 

CHAP.     When  the  time  came  that  by  severity  that  cause  was  to 
' — ;r-^ —   be  supported,  he  could  be  among  the  most  severe. 

Pole.  At  the  same  time,  his  indignation  was  aroused  ;  and 

1006-08.  although  he  would  permit  others  to  suffer,  rather  than 
that  he  should  lie  under  suspicion  of  being  a  heretic,  he 
could  dare  the  anger  of  the  pope  in  vindication  of  the 
character  of  a  friend.  He  could  not  be  accused  of  heresy 
for  vindicating  the  character  of  Priuli  ;  and  what  has  just 
been  said  renders  his  conduct  more  meritorious,  when 
injustice  was  done  to  Priuli  on  the  sole  ground  that,  for  a 
quarter  of  a  century,  he  had  been  the  friend  of  Pole. 

Priuli,  it  will  be  remembered,  was  a  Venetian  of  noble 
birth,  and,  at  the  request  of  the  Eepublic  of  Venice,  Julius 
III.  had  provided  for  him  by  making  him  the  rever- 
sionary grant  of  the  bishopric  of  Brescia.  The  vacancy 
did  not  actually  occur  until  the  time  of  Paul  IV. ;  and 
Paul  refused  to  ratify  the  provision  of  his  predecessor. 
Eeginald  Pole  felt  a  just  indignation  at  the  pope's  con- 
duct ;  and  at  the  same  time  he  availed  himself  of  the 
opportunity  which  the  occasion  offered,  of  giving  utter- 
ance to  complaints  equally  just  in  regard  to  the  treatment 
he  had  himself  experienced  at  the  hands  of  the  reigning 
pontiff.  He  commenced  his  letter  to  the  pope  with  a 
eulogy  well  deserved  upon  Priuli,  who  had  followed  him 
through  all  the  vicissitudes  of  a  chequered  life,  and  who 
had  sacrificed  to  friendship  the  ambitious  hopes  which 
the  representative  of  one  of  the  noblest  families  in  Venice 
had  a  right  to  entertain. 

"  But  who  art  thou,  perhaps  your  holiness  will  ask, 
who,  having  been  thyself  delated  before  the  Inquisition  on 
a  charge  of  heresy,  dare.^t  to  give  a  testimonial  so  com- 
plete to  the  man  whose  cause  thou  dost  plead?  I 
answer,  that  I  am  one  better  qualified  than  any  one  else 
can  be,  from  long   intimacy,  to  bear  testimonj^  to  the 


ARCHBISHOPS   OF   CAiS^TERBl'Ki'.  397 

merits  of  him  in  whose  behalf  I  write — I,  who  of  all     chap. 
men  have  most  cause  to  be  the  enemy  of  heretics  and  ^ — r- — - 
schismatics,  since  every  calamity  that  I  have  siifTered  is      i?,\"^ 
traceable  to  them  ;  and  how  many  and  continuous  my    io56-o8. 
calamities  have  been,  all  suffered  for  the  cause  of  religion, 
no  one  knows  better  than  your  holiness.     But  some  one 
may  say,  What  weight  can  be  attached  to  the  commenda- 
tion  of  one  whose   own   orthodoxy    is   impeached?     I 
answer,  tliat  the  services  I  have  rendered  to  the  Eoman 
Churcli  and  to  religion  ought  to  outweigh  the  calumnies 
of  those  whom  I  defy  to  substantiate  the  charges  they 
bring  against  me."     He  proceeds  to  remark,  that  it  had 
been  urged  by  his  adversaries,  that  in  the  incarceration  of 
his  very  dear  friend  Cardinal  Morone,  and  in  the  with- 
drawal from  himself  of  the  legatine  powers  with  which 
he  had  been  invested,  his  guilt  was  implied  by  the  pope  ; 
and  he  then  in  no  very  measured  language  ventin^es  to 
bring  his  holiness  himself  to  account. 

His  case  was  a  strong  one,  but  he  damaged  it,  as  usual, 
by  his  rambling  style  and  his  verbosity ;  concluding,  how- 
ever, with  an  argument  that  was  incontestible,  that  if 
those  who  were  sent  on  a  mission  to  put  down  heresy 
were  themselves  to  be  denounced  as  heretical,  it  was 
absurd  to  expect  the  success  of  the  mission.  To  prove 
the  fidelity  of  his  servants,  the  Lord  Jesus  Christ  would 
sometimes  subject  them  to  much  affliction,  but  when  their 
faithfulness  was  once  established.  He  would  restore  them 
to  peace  and  happiness.  Pole's  prayer,  therefore,  was, 
that  the  vicar  of  Christ  might  have  grace  to  tread  in  his 
Heavenly  Master's  steps,  and,  whatever  ma}^  have  been  the 
original  cause  of  the  proceedings,  re-instate  in  the  regions 
of  light  and  life  one  who  had  been  sorely  tried  in  the 
furnace  of  affliction,  thus  consulting  the  dignity  of  himself, 
of  the  false-accused,  and  of  the  Sacred  College. 


398  LIVES    OF    THE 

CHAP.  It  was  not  on  private  grounds  only  that  Paul  sought  to 
■ — r^ — '  involve  Pole  in  difficulties,  which  to  a  person  in  his  infirm 
Pole.  state  of  health,  and  with  honest  intentions,  must  have 
i5o6*o8.  been  almost  unbearable.  Pole  had,  as  we  have  seen, 
stipulated,  as  the  price  of  establishing  the  papal  supremacy 
in  our  Chmxh,  that  the  alienated  property  of  abbeys  and 
shrines  should  remain  with  their  present  possessors,  and 
be  for  ever  in  the  market.  He  determined  to  abide 
honourably  by  his  promise,  and  when,  his  undertaking 
having  prospered  beyond  all  expectation,  the  queen 
evinced  an  inclination  to  evade,  if  not  to  violate,  her 
promise,  she  met  witli  no  support  from  Pole.  He  was 
aware  that  his  success,  which  had  far  surpassed  his  most 
sanguine  expectations,  was,  to  a  very  great  extent,  attri- 
butable to  the  fact  that  the  persons  in  possession  of  the 
confiscated  monastic  property  should  not  be  disturbed  in 
the  possession  of  it,  and  he  had  acted  with  the  con- 
currence of  Julius  HI.  He  was  aware,  that  he  could  not 
have  entered  England  without  exposing  himself  to  con- 
siderable danger,  if  he  had  not  succeeded  in  persuading 
the  queen  and  the  pope,  however  reluctantly,  to  sanction 
the  stipulation.  But  another  pope  now  reigned  in  Eome, 
and  for  consistency  the  popes  have  seldom  cared,  when 
by  inconsistency  their  political  objects  could  be  effected. 
Pope  Paul  IV.  therefore  did  not  hesitate  to  declare  it  to 
be  the  indispensable  duty  of  the  possessors  of  the  confis- 
cated lands  to  restore  them  to  the  Church.  The  neglect 
of  this  duty,  he  declared,  would  involve  offenders  in  the 
penalty  of  eternal  damnation.  Thus  did  Paul  IV.  pre- 
pare the  way  for  the  reformation  of  Queen  Ehzabeth  ;  for 
though  his  immediate  object — if  he  had  an  object  beyond 
that  of  placing  Pole  in  a  cruel  dilemma — was  not  an- 
swered, he  taught  the  English  people  to  understand  that 
a  pope's  word  was  not  to  be  relied  upon  as  sacred.    They 


AUClIBlSliOPS   OF   CANTERBURY.  o9U 

were  not  slow  to  perceive  that  the  reigning  pontiff,  who-     chap. 

ever  he  might  be,  was  at  Hberty  to  reverse  the  stipulations  - ^ - 

entered  into  by  his  predecessors.  But  in  the  weak,  vacil-  pX 
la  ting,  impassioned,  and  superstitious  mind  of  the  poor  1 606-08. 
queen,  the  implied  anathema  of  the  pope  had  the  effect 
he  intended.  She  tampered  with  some  of  the  lords,  and 
caused  others  to  be  sounded  as  to  the  passing  of  a  bill  for 
the  restoration  of  such  lands  as,  having  formerly  belonged 
to  the  monasteries,  had  been  confiscated  to  the  crown, 
and  had  passed  through  the  crown  into  other  hands.  She 
soon  found,  however,  that  her  crown  itself  would  not 
remain  firm  on  her  head  if  she  persevered.  A  disturb- 
ance was  raised  within  the  very  walls  of  parliament ;  and 
noble  lords  clapped  their  hands  upon  their  swords,  de- 
claring that,  so  long  as  they  were  able  to  wear  a  sword 
by  their  side,  with  their  abbey  lands  they  would  never 
part. 

The  astuteness  of  Gardyner  found  the  means  of  satis- 
fying the  weak  and  scrupulous  conscience  of  the  queen. 
The  tenths  and  *first-fruits  of  benefices  had  been  attached 
to  the  crown  by  parliament  in  the  reign  of  Henry  VIII., 
to  enable  that  monarch  to  perform  with  dignity  the 
newly  created  office,  repudiated  by  Elizabeth  as  well  as 
by  Mary,  of  supreme  head  of  our  Church.  Although  the 
office  was  created  before  the  Reformation,  and  Mary  had 
for  a  time  assumed  it,  yet  she  soon  renounced  it,  and  she 
did  not,  in  consequence,  require  the  additional  income. 
The  restoration  of  that  portion  of  the  Church  property 
which  was  not  in  the  market,  and  in  which  the  crown 
alone  was  interested,  parliament  might  be  prevailed  upon 
to  sanction.* 

*  The  liistory  of  that  property  is  I'emarkable.  It  was  originally  a  papal 
usurpation  :  it  was  taken  from  the  pope  and  attached  to  the  crown  by 
Henry  VIII. ;  it  was  given  to  the  Church  by  Queen  Mary  ;  it  was  again 


400  LIVES    OF   THE 

But  even  to  carry  this  measure  the  queen  had  to 
encounter  considerable  difficulty.  While  the  bill  was 
Pole.  before  the  House,  Gardyner,  who  introduced  it,  died. 
1 006-08.  Although  Pole  would  not  oppose  and  would  administer 
the  funds  if  parliament  granted  them,  he  evidently  did 
not  enter  cordially  into  the  scheme.  He  is  represented 
as  having  delivered  a  speech,  in  which  he  showed  that 
tithes  and  the  impropriation  of  spiritual  benefices  be- 
longed of  Divine  right  to  the  Church ;  but  even  if  he 
went  so  far  as  this,  which  may  be  doubted,  he  left  it  to 
the  queen  to  bear  the  whole  responsibility.  He  felt  his 
honour  to  be  concerned,  and  whatever  his  wishes  may 
have  been,  he  would  not  evade  his  promises.  Her 
ministers  counselled  the  queen  to  act  in  a  manner  which 
would  now  be  called  unconstitutional.  She  summoned  a 
deputation  from  each  house  of  parliament  into  her  pre- 
sence, and  explained  her  wish,  together  with  the  reasons 
just  laid  before  the  reader  on  which  it  was  grounded. 
The  answer  was,  that  this  now  formed  a  portion  of  the 
royal  revenue  ;  if  it  were  subtracted  from*  the  treasury  as 
proposed,  the  people  would  be  taxed  to  make  up  the  de- 
ficiency. The  queen  cut  the  matter  short.  If  the  people 
would  only  look  upon  the  subject  in  a  pecuniary  point  of 
view,  she  would  run  all  risks,  for  she  preferred  the  sal- 
vation of  her  soul  before  ten  such  kingdoms.  Even  then 
the  measure  was  passed  with  great  difficulty.  On  referring 
to  the  journal  of  the  House  of  Lords,  we  find  that  the  bill 
was  introduced  on  the  20th  of  November,  and  passed 
there,  after  three  readings,  on  the  23rd,  the  Earl  of  Hert- 
ford and  Lord  Cobham  signing  protests.    It  was  sent,  that 

attached  to  the  crown  by  Queen  Elizabeth  ;  it  was  restored  to  the  Church 
by  Queen  Anne ;  and  now,  through  the  medium  of  Queen  Anne's 
Bounty  Board,  it  is  administered  by  the  bishops  and  deans  of  the 
English  Church  for  the  augmentation  of  poor  benefices. 


ARCHBISHOPS   OF   CANTERBURY. 


431 


CHAP. 
IV. 


Reginald 
Pole. 


day,  to  the  Commons,  who  detained  it  for  some  time,  and 
it  was  returned,  on  the  3rd  of  December,  with  amend- 
ments to  which  the  Lords  assented.* 

The  queen  was  not,  at  that  time,  accountable  to  parha-  looa-os 
ment  for  the  expenditure  of  the  national  income ;  that 
income  was  regarded  by  the  sovereign  as  his  or  her  own 
property,  and  the  sovereign  had  as  much  command  over 
it  as  any  nobleman  or  gentleman  of  the  income  accruing 
from  his  own  estates.  The  queen,  therefore,  was  able  to 
satisfy  her  own  conscience,  by  devoting  to  religious  pur- 
poses whatever  income  she  derived  from  the  abbey  lands. 
People  did  not  complain  when  she  did  what  she  thought 
fit  to  do  with  her  own.  She  spent  her  money,  therefore, 
in  restoring  certain  conventual  establishments :  the  Grey 
Friars,  as  we  have  seen,  at  Greenwich  ;  the  Carthusians  at 
Sheen ;  and  the  Benedictines  at  Westminster.  Here  they 
replaced  the  establishment  of  Henry  VHL,  who,  having 
ousted  the  Eegulars,  had  established  a  college  of  secular 
priests,  such  as  they  still  exist  under  the  title  of  Dean  and 
Prebendaries. f  The  Benedictines  being  restored,  Fecken- 
ham  was  made  abbot: 


*  Parliamentary  Hist.  p.  344.  Grafton  says  the  queen  acted  by  the 
advice  of  the  cardinal  and  the  clergy.  This  assertion  is  made  without 
any  proof,  according  to  the  puritan  system  of  making  the  clergy,  be- 
cause they  were  Romanizing,  the  authors  of  all  evil.  Pole  was  certainly 
not  her  adviser  on  this  occasion,  and  what  Grafton  attributes  to  him  was 
the  assertion  of  Paul  IV.,  from  which  we  know  Pole  dissented. 

t  "  Doctor  Weston,  being  prolocutor  of  the  convocation  house,  was  at 
this  time  in  displeasiu'e  with  Cardinal  Pole  and  other  bishops,  because 
he  was  unwilling  to  resign  his  deanery  of  Westminster  to  the  queen, 
whose  purpose  was  to  place  there  (as  in  old  time  before)  the  religion  of 
monks,  whom,  indeed,  he  favoured  not,  although  in  all  other  things  he 
stood  with  the  Church  of  Rome.  Nevertheless,  by  very  importune  suit, 
or  rather  compulsion,  he  with  his  colleagues  resigned  the  deanery  of 
Westminster.  In  recompense  whereof  he  was  made  Dean  of  Windsor, 
where,  not  long  after,  he  was  apprehended  in  adultery,  and  for  that  fact 

VOL.  VIIL  D   D 


402  LIVES   OF   THE 

CHAP.         The  restoration  of  the  Benedictines  was  at  the  instiga- 

■ ,^ — '  tion  of  Pole,  who  had  the  honour  of  being  the  patron  of 

pX  the  order,  in  the  College  of  Cardinals.  Each  monastic 
J656-58.  institute,  it  seems,  at  this  time  placed  itself  under  the 
patronage  of  a  cardinal ;  and  Pole  evinced  his  zeal  for  the 
Benedictines  by  opposing  a  proposal  of  Ignatius  Loyola. 
To  Pole,  as  a  reformer,  Ignatius,  the  founder  of  the 
Jesuits,  made  application,  it  would  appear,  for  the  em- 
ployment of  the  confiscated  property  of  the  English 
Benedictines,  not  for  the  re-institution  of  the  Benedictines, 
but  for  the  establishment  of  the  new  order — that  of  the 
Jesuits — in  England.  His  proposal  was  reasonable  enough. 
The  Benedictine  property  was  confiscated.  The  queen 
would  not  employ  it  for  her  own  use — but  what  should  she 
do  with  it  ?  She  re-established,  as  we  have  said,  certain 
monasteries  in  localities  to  which  she  was  attached  ;  but 
she  had  no  particular  attachment  to  the  Benedictines,  nor 
any  special  prejudices  in  favour  of  Westminster  Abbey. 
The  new  order  of  Ignatius  had  been  established  to  meet 
the  very  objects  which  Pole  and  the  queen  had  at  heart ; 
he  sought  to  retain  all  that  was  intrinsically  excellent  in 
the  monastic  system,  but,  at  the  same  time,  carefully  to 
avoid  what  was  not  consistent  with  the  spirit  of  the  age. 
The  whole  subject  is  involved  in  some  obscurity,  for  there 

was  by  the  cardinal  deprived  of  all  his  spiritual  livings,  from  which 
sentence  he  appealed  to  the  court  of  Rome.  For  the  following  of  which 
appeal  he  sought  secretly  to  depart  the  realm  ;  but  he  was  apprehended 
by  the  way  and  committed  to  the  Tower  of  London,  where  he  remained 
prisoner  until,  by  the  death  of  Queen  Mary,  Queen  Elizabeth  came  to 
the  crown,  by  whom  he  was  set  at  liberty,  and  forthwith  fell  sick  and 
died.  The  common  talk  was  that  if  he  had  not  so  suddenly  died,  he 
would  have  disclosed  purpose  the  of  the  chief  of  the  clergy  (meaning 
the  cardinal),  which  was  to  have  taken  up  King  Henry's  body  at 
V\^indsor,  to  have  burnt  it,  as  many  thought." — Grafton's  Chronicle, 
p.  556. 


ARCHBISHOPS   OF   CANTERBURY.  403 

is  not,  tliat  I  am  aware  of,  any  definite  statement  made 
upon  the  subject,  which  we  adopt  rather  as  an  inference 

..  1  -r»   1  n     X  •  Reginald 

from  the  correspondence  between  role  and  Ignatms.  Pole. 
The  subject  has,  indeed,  assumed  an  importance  of  late  i^og-oS. 
years,  wliich  did  not  attach  to  it  at  the  period  of  which 
we  are  speaking.  Pole,  it  is  certain,  rejected  the  proposal 
of  Ignatius  Loyola,  and  in  this  sense  it  is  true  that  he 
opposed  the  introduction  of  Jesuitism  into  England  ;  but 
then  it  is  to  be  borne  in  mind,  that  Jesuitism  was  in  its 
infancy,  that  it  had  not  been  developed  into  that  system 
which  has  excited  the  just  indignation  of  many,  even 
among  Eoman  Catholics,  by  whom  it  has  been  severely 
condemned.  Ignatius  Loyola  was  a  friend  and  corre- 
spondent of  Pole,  and  however  mistaken  we  must  consider 
him  to  have  been,  he  Avas  a  good  and  great  man  ;  it  was 
not  therefore  from  hostility  to  Ignatius  or  his  order  that 
Pole  rejected  the  proposal  of  Ignatius,  but  it  was  from  love 
of,  and  duty  to,  the  Benedictines.  The  Benedictines  had 
been  the  former  occupants  of  the  abbey  ;  and  Pole  advised 
their  restoration.  That  to  his  influence  their  restoration  is 
to  be  attributed,  is  to  be  inferred  from  a  letter  of  Priuli 
given  in  the  fifth  volume  of  Quirini,  where  he  remarks, 
that  Feckenham  was  appointed  abbot  for  only  three 
years ;  Pole  being  of  opinion,  in  his  character  of  a 
reformer,  that  the  office  of  abbot  should  be  a  terminable, 
and  not  a  permanent  one.* 

*  It  is  said  that  a  similar  proposal  is  under  consideration  with 
regard  to  the  headship  of  one  of  the  colleges  at  Oxford.  It  is  curious 
to  remark  upon  a  liberal  movement  of  the  present  day  harmonizing  with 
a  theory  of  Cardinal  Pole.  Of  the  several  religious  houses  restored  by 
Queen  Mary  one  only  remains.  She  established  a  hospital  at  the  Savoy, 
of  which  the  chapel  remains.  It  was  a  few  years  ago  destroyed  by  fire, 
but  it  has  been  rebuilt  by  the  munificence  of  Queen  Victoria.  It  was 
restored  to  the  memory  of  that  great  and  good  man,  the  late  Prince 
Consorf,  under  the  special  guidance  of  her  Majesty,  before  whom  the 

D   I)   2 


404  LIVES   OF   THE 

jCHAP.         Strype  has  discovered  an  address  from  the  cardinal  to 

' — -r^ — '   the  citizens  of  London,  without  a  date  ;  and  I  am  incUned 

Pole.      to  beheve  that  it  was  dehvered  at  this  period,  being  in- 

J656-58.  tended  as  a  farewell  address  to  London  before  his  retire- 
ment to  his  diocese  :  for  as  Wolsey  to  York,  so  was 
Cardinal  Pole  determined  to  repair  to  Canterbury,  there, 
as  a  diocesan,  to  win  the  good-will  of  the  people,  as  he 
had  w^on  it  in  former  times,  when  he  acted  as  the  papal 
legate  at  Viterbo.  He  had  refused,  from  a  sense  of 
honour,  to  take  an  active  part  in  any  measures  which  had 
reference  to  the  confiscated  property  of  the  Church ;  but 
in  his  secret  heart  he  rejoiced  in  what  had  been  done, 
and  would  defend  a  principle  on  w^hich  he  wished  others 
to  act,  although,  as  a  matter  of  expediency,  he  forbore  to 
enforce  its  observance. 

He  would  not  insist  upon  any  restoration  of  the  abbey 
lands  ;  but  it  was  a  very  difierent  thing  to  advise  men  to 
restore  them  to  the  Church  spontaneously,  and  to  act  so 
as  they  had  the  queen  for  an  example.  It  was  a  course 
pursued  by  a  weak  mind,  seeking  to  please  all  parties, 
and  so  giving  real  satisfaction  neither  to  the  one  side  nor 
to  the  other.  It  was  St.  Andrew's  day — the  day  of  all 
others  the  most  sacred  to  him,  the  anniversary  of  his 
temporary  triumph  over  the  liberties  of  his  native  Church 
and  realm.  He  seems  to  have  invited  the  Lord  Mayor 
and  the  magnates  of  the  City  to  meet  him  at  Lambeth, 
and  there  he  addressed  to  them  the  speech  he  had  care- 
fully prepared.  He  referred  pathetically  to  the  religious 
houses  which  had  been  suppressed,  the  churches  that 
had  been  destroyed,  the  ecclesiastical  revenues  that  had 
been  secularized.     He  reminded  the  merchants  of  London 

plans  were  laid,  and  by  whom  many  important  suggestions  were  offered. 
By  the  zeal  and  energy  of  the  present  chaplain  the  chapel  has  become 
a  blessing  to  the  neighbourhood. 


ARCHBISHOPS   OF   CANTERBURY.  405 

of  the  share  they  had  in  the  plunder.  "  He  exhorted  them  chap. 
to  follow  the  queen's  example,  and  to  prove  their  regret  for  ^ — ^- — • 
the  sacrilege  of  which  the  whole  nation  had  been  guilty,  pX. 
by  contributing  towards  the  restoration  of  some  among  io56-o8. 
the  many  religious  houses  which  had  been  destroyed  in  the 
late  reign.  This  would  be  an  act  profitable  to  the  realm, 
and  well  pleasing  to  God.  But  if  this  were  too  much  to 
expect,  or  if  it  were  more  than  the  City  could  at  present 
afford,  he  entreated  them  at  least  to  make  a  beginning 
by  repairing  the  parish  churches ;  and  this  they  might  be 
the  rather  exhorted  to  do,  since  many  of  the  churches 
had  been,  during  the  late  reign,  spoiled  of  their  revenues, 
or  had  been  permitted  to  fall  into  decay.  He  directed 
his  speech  to  such  citizens  as  had  obtained  the  goods  and 
lands  of  the  Church  into  their  hands.  He  asked  for  a 
gratuitous  restoration  of  some  portion  of  the  property  the 
Church  had  surrendered,  for  the  repairs  of  the  sacred 
edifices.  He  compared  the  person  who  had,  in  the  late 
troubles,  become  possessed  of  Church  property  and  re- 
fused to  meet  his  request,  to  a  child  who  refused,  at  his 
mother's  request,  to  give  a  piece  of  an  apple  on  which 
he  was  regaling  to  the  injury  of  his  health.  In  the 
mean  time  the  father  comes  in,  and  in  anger  beats  the 
child  for  his  unkindness,  and  takes  all  of  it  away  and 
throw^s  it  out  of  the  window.  Thib,  as  ht^  applied  it, 
might  Christ,  the  Church's  Husband,  do  if  the  petition 
of  the  Church  were  now  rejected.  On  the  subject  of 
almsdeeds,  he  pointed  to  Italy  as  an  example,  and  saying 
there  was  more  given  in  two  cities  in  Italy  to  monasteries 
and  poor  folks  in  one  month,  than  in  this  realm  in  one 
whole  year.  As  another  act  of  penance,  he  called  upon 
them  to  show  respect  and  honour  to  the  priesthood,  since 
of  all  schismatical  nations,  he  had  never  heard  of  one 
which  had  surpassed  England  in  coiitempt  of  clergy  in  the 


406  LIVES   OF   THE 

CHAP,  late  troublous  times.  He  only,  however,  required  them 
>_  ,  _.  to  give  to  the  clergy  what  God,  from  whom  all  good 
"^  Pde.  things  came,  reserved  to  Himself,  the  tithes  of  all  kinds  ; 
1556-58.  which  when  they  denied  to  the  priest,  they  denied  to  give 
unto  God  his  due.  Another  worthy  fruit  of  their  penance 
would  be  their  discovering  of  heretics  ; '  for  there  could  not 
be  a  greater  work  of  cruelty,'  he  said, '  against  the  common- 
weal, than  to  nourish  and  favour  any  such  :  none  so  perni- 
cious to  the  commonweal,  no  thieves,  murderers,  adulterers, 
and  no  kind  of  treason,  to  be  compared  to  theirs.'  And 
as  for  those  holy  men  that  now  for  three  years  had  been 
consigned  to  the  stake,  he  styled  them  a  multitude  of 
brambles  and  briars  cast  into  the  fire.*  Then,  to  flatter 
the  citizens,  he  ran  out  into  the  praises  of  Sir  Thomas 
More,  a  citizen  born,  who  parted  with  his  life  to  main- 
tain the  pope's  authority ;  and  added  to  him  much  speech 
of  Bishop  Fisher,  and  of  the  monks  that  sacrificed  their 
lives  to  the  pope's  cause.  He  proceeded  to  urge  parents 
and  masters  to  reduce  the  younger  sort  to  the  old  re- 
ligion, which  sort  was  generally  bent  to  heresy ;  which 
appeared  in  that,  when  any  heretic  went  to  execution, 
he  wanted  not  encouragement  to  die  in  his  opinion ;  and 
while  in  prison,  so  much  cherishing.  He  went  on  to 
exhort  them  earnestly  to  the  observance  of  the  cere- 
monies, because  honest  men  could  not  live  without 
ceremonies,  and  because  in  the  observance  of  them  began 
the  very  education  of  the  children  of  God,  for  the  law 
showed  that  they  were  the  pedagogues  to  Clnist.  The 
heretics  made  this  the  first  part  of  schism  and  heresy  to 

*  It  is  remarkable  how  extremes  meet — ^the  Papists  speak  disparag- 
ingly of  the  noble  men  who  died  for  their  religion,  while  it  is  the  custom 
now,  not  only  to  eulogize  the  sufferers  indiscriminately,  but  to  call 
them  our  Protestant  Forefathers  ;  I  lit  at  the  time  when  they  were 
suffering,  the  Protestants  of  the  day,  the  Lutherans,  called  them  "  the 
devil's  martyrs." — Collier,  vi.  175. 


I 


ARCHBISHOPS   OF   CANTERBURY. 


407 


destroy  the  unity  of  the  Church  by  contempt  or  change 
of  ceremonies,  as  God  made  it  the  beginning  of  his  good 
education  of  his  children  the  Jews.  He  maintained  that 
the  observance  of  ceremonies  gave  more  hght  than  all  the 
reading  of  Scripture,  whereto  the  heretics  did  so  cleave, 
could  do,  had  the  reader  never  so  good  a  wit  to  understand 
what  he  read,  and  though  he  put  as  much  dihgence  in 
reading  as  he  could,  with  the  contempt  of  ceremonies.  He 
insisted  that  those  persons  were  most  apt  to  receive  light, 
who  were  more  obedient  to  follow  ceremonies  than  to 
read ;  that  many  fell  into  heresy  by  thinking  no  better 
way  to  come  to  the  knowledge  of  God  and  his  laws,  than 
by  reading  of  books ;  wherein,  he  said,  they  were  sore 
deceived,  and  that  the  principal  way  to  come  to  the  light 
of  the  knowledge  of  God  and  his  ways,  was  not  gotten 
by  reading,  but  by  taking  away  the  impediment  of  that 
light,  and  they  be  our  sins,  which  were  taken  away  by 
the  sacrament  of  penance.  Lastly,  he  renewed  his  ex- 
hortation to  almsgiving,  that  is,  to  that  sort  of  alms  that 
consisted  in  building  monasteries,  by  again  referring  to 
Italy.  In  Venice  he  said  there  were  above  threescore  mon- 
asteries, and  in  Florence  above  fourscore ;  and  the  most 
part  founded  by  the  voluntary  alms  of  the  citizens.  This 
statement  was  a  mighty  reproach  to  the  city  of  London, 
where  there  did  not  exist  ten  religious  houses,  whether 
hospitals  or  monasteries,  within  the  city  or  about  it."* 

Pole  had  anticipated  the  pleasure  of  seeing  the  new 
Abbot  of  Westminster  and  the  new  Lord  Prior  of  St.  John 


CHAP. 
IV. 

Reginald 
Pole. 

lyo6-o8. 


*  The  speech  is  given  at  length  in  No.  Ixviii.  of  the  appendix  to 
Strype's  Memorials.  I  have  adopted  Strype's  abbreviation  of  it. 
AVlicn  a  writer  undertakes  to  abbreviate  and  give  the  substance  of  a 
spcecli  or  document,  it  is  evident  how  easily  he  may  give,  by  a  few 
touches  of  the  pen,  an  incorrect  impression  of  the  whole.  I  take  Strype's 
report,  because  he  was  certainly  no  defender  of  Pole.  T  have  corrected 
a  few  of  the  most  uncouth  expressions. 


408  LIVES   OF   THE 

CHAP,     of  Jerusalem   take  their  seats  in  the  House  of  Lords  ; 

^-^ '  but   all  joy  was  damped  when  the  parliament  actually 

"^Poie^      assembled,  for  it   met  to  discuss  what  was   to  be  done 
1666-68.    after  the  disgrace  which  the  country  had  suffered  by  the 
loss  of  Calais.     The  loss  was  in  point  of  fact  a  gain  to  the 
country,  for,  to  maintain  a  few  acres  of  French  ground, 
the  expenditure  of  money  and  of  life  had  been  great ;  but 
to  be  able  to  command  the  means  of  access  to  the  Con- 
tinent, whether  France  were  hostile  or  not,  had   been 
considered  by  statesmen  as  a  matter  of  importance  ;  and 
the  whole   nation   seemed,   in  each   individual  member 
of  the   community,  to   feel  personally  disgraced,  by  a 
defeat  which  was  entirely  to  be  attributed  to  the  care- 
lessness and  inefficiency  of  the  government.     The  place 
was   taken   by   surprise.     The   council   had   been   fore- 
warned, but   it  had   not  armed  ;    and  this  national  dis- 
grace was  all  that  was   now  required  to  make  the  un- 
popularity of  the  queen  complete.     Pole  was  mortified 
by  the  now  altered  conduct  of  the  convocation,  at  one 
time  so  subservient.     When  he  proposed  some  expedient 
to  be  adopted  for  the  recovery  of  Calais,  he  was  told 
that  the  measures  he  proposed  were  impracticable ;  and 
he  was  more  mortified  still,  when  the  convocation  refused 
to  concur  in  the  proposals  he  suggested  for  adapting  the 
new  monasteries  to  the  requirements   of  the   age  ;  the 
convocation,  consisting  of  seculars,  evinced  no  desire  to 
rehabilitate   the   monastic  institute,   or   to  restore  their 
former  opponents  to  power.     He  succeeded  in  obtaining 
a  small  subsidy,  but  it  was  accompanied  by  a  petition  to 
the  queen  f()r  the  removal  of  some  inconveniences  to 
which   the    clergy   had   been   subjected.      One    of    the 
grievances  fi^om  which   they  prayed  relief  was  remark- 
able ;  it  was  to  the  effect  that  no  parson,  vicar,  or  curate 
might  be  pressed  to  serve  in  war.     They  complained  of 


1556-58. 


ARCHBISHOPS    OF   CANTERBURY.  409 

the  abolition  of  pluralities,  and  petitioned  that  when  two     ^y^^- 
parishes  were  contiguous,  they  might  both  be  served  by  ^^•'~JJ' 
one   and  the  same  incumbent.     There  was  another  pe-      I'oie. 
tition,  to  the  effect  that  the  Ember  weeks  might  no  longer 
be  regarded  as  the  only  times  for  ordination. 

From  parliament  and  convocation  Pole  retired,  con- 
vinced that  another  reaction  had  commenced,  and  that 
the  tide  was  again  flowing  towards  the  Gospellers  ;  to  this 
we  are  to  attribute,  in  part,  those  severer  measures  to 
which  we  have  before  alluded  as  the  disgrace  of  his 
latter  days. 

n.  We  will,  however,  defer  our  observations  on  the 
close  of  his  career.  Our  plan  has  been,  in  writing  this 
biography,  as  much  as  possible  to  classify  the  subjects 
brought  under  consideration,  without  disregard  to  chro- 
nological order,  but  occasionally  anticipating  and  some- 
times postponing  a  notice  of  events  which  are  best  under- 
stood by  being  brought  into  juxtaposition.  We  have 
reserved,  therefore,  to  this  place,  and  for  a  separate 
section,  what  remains  to  be  told  of  Pole's  history,  when 
we  regard  him  as  an  author,  and  as  an  ecclesiastic  direct- 
ing his  attention  to  his  diocesan  duties. 

We  have  seen  in  the  history  of  Cranmer,  how  the 
press  was  at  this  time  beginning  to  be  employed  in  the 
service  of  religion.  Treatises  were  published  containing 
statements  of  doctrine  and  forms  of  private  devotion 
under  the  titles  of  Primers ;  and  a  Primer  was  published 
by  Pole.  The  book  is  extremely  scarce.  It  is  not  in 
Lord  Lindsay's  collection,  though  I  have  heard  of  it  in 
some  of  our  public  libraries.  At  length  I  was  in- 
formed that  the  Bishop  of  St.  Andrews  had  inlierited  a 
copy  from  his  father.  Dr.  Wordsworth,  the  late  Master  of 
Trinity  College,  Cambridge.  With  his  accustomed  readi- 
ness to  render  assistance  to  tlie  cause  of  literature,  the 


410  LIVES   OF   THE 

CHAP,     bishop  placed  tlie  volume  in  my  hands.     Its  character 

• — r^ — '  has  been  so  greatly  misrepresented,  that  I  have  thought 

Pole!      it  expedient  to  lay  a  minute  analysis  of  the  Primer  before 

3556-58.  the  reader.  It  is  important  to  notice  it,  with  some 
minuteness  of  detail,  in  a  life  of  Pole,  because  from  it  we 
may  gather  what  had  become  his  opinions  towards  the 
close  of  life,  or  in  what  he  thought  it  expedient  for  the 
interests  of  his  party  to  put  forward  as  such. 

The  Primer  was  intended  for  private  devotion,  and  is 
in  English,  with  occasionally  the  original  Latin  of  the 
translated  passages  in  the  margin.  It  contains  many 
prayers  and  translations  of  prayers  and  formularies  with 
which  we  are  familiar  through  the  present  "  Use  of 
England,"  the  Book  of  Common  Prayer.  It  is  a  work 
not  satisfactory  to  the  Anglican  Christian  of  the  present 
day,  although  there  are  some  perhaps  who  would  use  it : 
to  the  modern  Eomanist  of  the  ultramontane  school  it 
must  be  very  unsatisfactory.  The  Anglican  would  regard 
as  excessive  the  reverence  shown  towards  the  Virgin 
Mary;  the  Eomanist  would  take  offence  because  the 
Primer  only  goes  as  far  as  the  Ora  pro  nobis.  Pole  held 
that,  as  the  soul  never  dies,  we  may  ask  the  prayers  of 
our  friend  or  patron,  when  his  soul  has  departed  from  the 
flesh,  with  as  much  propriety  as  we  may  ask  his  prayers 
when  he  is  still  in  the  body.  To  this  rationalistic  mode 
of  argument  I  know  not  whether  any  answer,  on  the 
same  principle,  can  be  returned.  But  the  Anglican 
reformers  had  sufficient  ground  for  renouncing  the 
practice.  The  privilege  of  praying /c^?'  one  another  as  well 
as  with  one  another,  while  we  are  in  the  flesh,  is  a  privilege 
involved  in  mystery  ;  we  should  not  venture  to  pray  for 
one  another  if  we  had  not  in  Scripture  an  explicit  per- 
mission and  command  upon  the  subject  ;  but  Scripture 
does  not  afford  the  slightest  sanction  to  the  exhortation 


ARCHBISHOPS    OF   CANTERBURY.  411 

that  we  can  be  benefited  by  the  prayers  of  those  who     ^^\^^- 
have  gone  the  way  of  all  flesh.     They  may  be  praying  ^r~''Tf 
for  us,  and  many  orthodox  Christians  believe  that  they      Polo. 
are  praying  for  us ;  but  since  nothing  is  recorded  on  the    i5^<5-58. 
subject,  the  Anglican  reformers  would  not  permit  us  to 
ask  for   their  prayers.     They  saw   how  rapid  was  the 
transition  from  Ora  pro  nobis  to  the  direct  ofier  of  prayer, 
and  how  the  direct  offer  of  prayer  to  the  creature  tends  to 
that  idolatry  which  has  become  the  besetting  sin  of  the 
greater   part   of  Christendom, — a  fact  foreseen   by  the 
inspired  writers  of  the  New  Testament,  whose  warnings 
upon  the  subject  are  the  more  remarkable,  as  there  was 
no  tendency  towards  idolatry  on  the  part  of  their  con- 
temporary converts. 

1.  The  Primer  commences  with  certain  godly  prayers 
for  every  day  in  the  week.  These  prayers  are  not  ac- 
companied by  the  Latin  in  the  margin.  They  are 
addressed  to  God  only,  through  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ, 
to  whom  also,  as  the  second  Person  in  the  Godhead, 
prayer  is  offered.  The  prayers  consist  chiefly  of  a  suppli- 
cation for  pardon  and  for  grace,  with  thanksgivings  for 
the  protection  vouchsafed  in  the  night  past.  What  strikes 
the  reader  in  this  part  of  the  Primer  is  the  distinct  recog- 
nition of  guardian  angels  who  have  the  special  custody 
each  of  individual  Christians.  We  may,  as  a  specimen 
of  the  fervour  and  devotion  exhibited  in  these  prayers, 
present  the  following  to  the  reader : — • 

**  Jesu,  Jesu,  Jesii  Mercie ;  Jesu,  Jesu,  Jesu,  grant  me  grace 
and  mercye  ;  Jesu,  Jesu,  Jesu,  as  I  trust  in  thy  mercye,  have 
mercye  upon  me.  Lord  Jesus  Christ,  that  hast  kept,  visited, 
and  defended  me,  thy  unworthy  servaute,  thys  night,  and  hast 
brouglit  me  safe  and  whole  to  thys  hour,  1  thank  Thee,  there- 
fore, and  for  all  thy  other  benefites,  which  of  thy  only  goodness 
Thou   hast  given   tne.     Lord   God,  I  commende  thys  day  unto 


412  LIVKS   OF   THE 

CHAP,     thy  holy  and  blessed  handes,  and  to  the   keeping  of  thy  holy 

,  .   and  blessed  Angel,  whom  it  shall  please  Thee  to  be  my  defender 

Eeginald     ^nd  keeper,  my  soul  and  body,  my  father  and    mother,   my 

1556-58      brethren   and   sisters,  my  friends  and   good  doers,  bodily  and 

ghostly,  quick   and  dead,  special  and  general,  and  all  true  and 

faythful  Christian  people ;  kepe  us,  good  Lord,  by  the  merites 

of  thy  most  holy  and  bitter  passion,  from  all  vices  and  foul 

desires,  from  sins  and  temptations  of  the  fiend e,  from  sodaine 

death,    and  from  the  paynes  of  hell;    and  lighten  our  hearts 

with  the  Holy  Grhost,  and  with  thy  holy  grace,  and  make  us 

always  to  obey  thy  commandments,  and  suffer  us  never  to  be 

separated  from  Thee,  the  Saviour  of  the  World,  Christ  Jesus, 

that  livest  and  reignest  with  God  the  Father,  in  unity  of  the 

same  Holy  Ghost,  world  without  end.     Amen." 

The  morning  prayers  are  followed  by  a  general  con- 
fession, to  be  used  daily — long,  minute,  and  in  language 
of  the  deepest  contrition. 

2.  These  are  followed  by  "Godly  prayers  of  the  Passion 
of  our  Saviour  Christ."  They  contain  praise  to  God  for 
his  mercy  and  goodness  in  sending  his  Son  to  suffer  for 
mankind.  The  following  passage  in  the  first  prayer  is 
remarkable,  describing  the  objects  of  our  Lord's  passion  as 
"  not  only  to  answer  and  satisfy  thy  just  wrath  and  anger 
which  we  have  deserved  both  for  the  offences  of  our  first 
parents,  and  yet  daily  do  deserve  by  transgressing  thy 
holy  commandments,  but  also  to  restore  us  again  to  thy 
grace  and  favour,  to  endue  us  with  thy  heavenly  graces^ 
that  we  might  serve  Thee  in  righteousness  and  hoHness 
all  the  days  of  our  life,  and  finally  to  make  us,  by  the  free 
benefit  of  thy  dearly  beloved  Son's  passion  and  the  price 
of  his  most  precious  blood,  partners  with  Him  of  his 
infinite  glory  and  bliss  in  Heaven."  They  also  contain 
petitions  that,  whensoever  it  shall  be  God's  pleasure  "  to 
lay  his  cross  and  affliction  upon  our  backs,"  we  may  be 
able  to  bear  it  "  as  wilHngly  and  patiently  "  as  Christ. 


ARCHBISHOPS   OF   CANTERBURY.  413 

One  prayer  is  addressed  to  Jesus  Christ,  beseeching 
Him  that,  as  He  consecrated  "  his  blessed  body  and  blood 
under  the  form  of  bread  and  wine.  He  would  grant  us  ever      pX. 
stedfastly  to  believe  and  heartily  to  acknowledge  in  this    1 556-58. 
most  blessed  sacrament  his  infinite  and  almighty  power." 

3.  After  the  prayers  on  our  Lord's  Passion,  follows 
tlie  Athanasian  Creed,  described  as  "  The  symbole  or 
crede  of  the  great  doctoure  Athanasius  daily  red  in  the 
Church."  The  Latin  is  in  the  margin.  We  may  here 
remark  that  "  immensus  "  is  translated,  not  "  incompre- 
hensible," but  "  without  measure,"  in  one  verse,  and 
"  unmesurate  "  in  another  :  again  we  have,  "  he  therefore 
that  will  be  saved  let  him  believe  thus  of  the  Trinity," — 
qui  viilt  salvus  esse,  ita  de  Trinitate  sentiat.  The  trans- 
lation is  in  general  that  of  Edward's  Prayer  Book. 

4.  The  creed  or  symbol  is  followed  by  "  The  beginning 
of  the  Holy  Gospel  after  Sanct.  Johan  i. — from  com- 
mencement of  chapter  i.  down  to  full  of  grace  and 
verity." 

This  gospel  is  followed  by  the  collect, — "  0  God,  the 
protector  of  all  that  trust  in  Thee,  without  whom  nothing 
is  strong," — as  in  the  Prayer  Book.  Another  lesson  is 
taken  fi'om  St.  Luke,  ch.  i.,  giving  an  account  of  the 
Annunciation,  without  note  or  comment. 

The  next  lesson  is  from  the  second  chapter  of  St.  Matt., 
containing  the  account  of  the  visit  of  the  Magi.  Then 
follows  St.  Mark  xvi.,  giving  our  Lord's  parting  charge 
to  the  apostles,  and  an  account  of  his  ascension. 

This  portion  of  the  Primer  concludes  with  the  Lord's 
Prayer  divided  into  seven  petitions.  The  translation  is 
not  tlie  one  in  vogue.  It  begins  with — "  Our  Father 
which  art  in  Heaven,  sanctified  be  thy  name."  The  fifth 
petition  is  worded  thus :  "  And  forgive  us  our  olFences, 
even  as  we  forgive  them  that  ofTeud  us." 


Eeginald 


414  LIVES   OF   THE 

The  salutation  of  the  Angel  Gabriel  or  the  Ave  follows  : 
"  Hail,  Mary,  full  of  grace,  blessed  be  thou  among  women, 
Pole.      and  blessed  be  the  fruit  of  thy  womb,  Jesus  Christ.  Amen." 
ioo6-58.        rp^  ^i^-g  g^^<.(.gg(js  ^j-^g  Apostles'  Creed,  followed  by  the 

Ten  Commandments.  The  second  commandment  as  given 
in  Exodus  xx.  is  omitted,  and  the  tenth  is  divided : 
9.  ''  Thou  shalt  not  desire  thy  neighbour's  wife ;"  10. 
"  Thou  shalt  not  desire  the  good  of  thy  neighbour."  The 
use  of  the  word  good  in  the  singular  gives  an  equivocal 
appearance  to  the  sentence. 

This  alteration  in  the  arrangement  of  the  command- 
ments can,  indeed,  be  justified  on  Scriptural  ground  ;  but 
the  fact  seems  to  imply,  on  the  part  of  those  who  adopt 
it,  a  consciousness  of  idolatry.  Why  omit  the  second 
commandment  as  it  is  found  in  the  twentieth  chapter  of 
Exodus,  unless  there  were  some  misgivings  of  conscience  ? 
It  does  not  appear,  however,  that  Pole  had  any  contro- 
versial end  in  view.  The  whole  work  is  devotional,  and 
the  soul  in  devotion  is  too  much  excited  to  descend 
from  the  communion  with  God  and  the  holy  ones  of  God, 
to  permit  itself  to  be  disturbed  by  the  angry  passions  of 
quarrelsome  mankind.  This  may  be  inferred  from  the 
fact  that  this  portion  of  the  Primer  concludes  with  an 
address  to  God  the  Blessed  Trinity. 

5.  It  was  impossible  for  Pole  to  avoid  an  act  of 
devotion  to  the  Virgin  Mary,  and  we  have  therefore  what 
he  calls  "  The  Matyns  of  our  Lady."  It  certainly  is 
creditable  to  the  good  taste  and  right  feehng  of  Pole,  that 
when  treading  on  such  dehcate  ground,  he  is  so  careful  to 
avoid  that  worship  of  the  Virgin  which  so  shocks  the 
Scriptural  Christian  in  modern  works  of  Eomish  devotion. 
In  Pole's  time,  and  before  the  Church  of  Eome  was,  by 
the  Council  of  Trent,  narrowed  into  a  sect,  greater 
reverence  was  manifested  towards  the  Virgin  Mary  tl^an 


ARCIIBISIIOrS    OF    CANTERBURY.  415 

Protestants,  with  the  example  of  Eome  before  them,  can     chap. 
tolerate,  but  the  cultus  of  the  Virgin  had  certainly  not  > — ^ — ' 
become  what  in  Eomish  countries  we  see  it  now  to  be.  vo\e. 

The  service  commences  with  the  Ave^  and  the  psal-  1 556-58. 
mody  begins  with  what  we  still  use  as  the  initiatory 
psalm — xcv.  according  to  our  numbering,  xciv.  accord- 
ing to  the  notation  of  Eome.  At  the  end  of  each  psalm, 
in  this  office,  the  Ave  is  repeated  as  well  as  the  GloiHa 
Patri.  There  is  an  English  hymn  in  rhyme,  irregu- 
lar in  metre,  or  rather  without  any  attention  at  all  to 
metre,  in  which  thanksgivings  are  offered  to  the  Lord 
Jesus  Christ  for  condescending  to  be  born  of  the  Virgin 
Mary,  in  whose  womb  the  Creator,  immortal,  did  not  dis- 
dain to  take  up  his  abode ;  and  then  the  Virgin,  so  inti- 
mate wdth  her  Son,  is  supplicated  to  unite  her  prayers 
with  ours,  that  we  may  obtain  the  blessings  we  seek. 
Beyond  the  Ora  pro  nobis  I  think  the  Primer  does  not  go. 
The  office  concludes  with  the  Te  Deum^  called  "  The  Song 
of  Austen  and  Ambrose,"  except  during  the  period  between 
Septuagesima  and  Easter,  when  Psalm  li.  was  appointed. 

6.  The  Lauds  commence  with  Psalm  xcii.,  followed 
by  the  Jubilate^  the  Deus  Misereatui%  and  "  The  Song  of 
the  Three  Children,"  concluding  with  the  Benedictus.  The 
translations  vary  little  from  those  adopted  in  our  Book  of 
Common  Prayer. 

7.  Certain  collects  are  here  given,  intended  to  be  ad- 
ditions to  the  service  on  Saints'  days.  The  object  is  to 
impress  the  mind  with  a  full  conviction  of  the  communion 
of  saints,  whose  intercessions  in  our  behalf  are  sought. 
Thomas  a  Becket  is  not,  of  course,  forgotten;  but,  con- 
sidering the  excitement  caused  by  the  desecration  of  his 
shrine,  it  speaks  favourably  of  Pole's  moderation  when  we 
find  only  the  collect,  "  0  God,  for  whose  Church's  sake 
Tlionuis,  the  glorious  martyr  and  bisliop,  Avas  slain  with 


416  LIVES    OF   THE 

cnAP.     the  sword  of  the  wicked,  srrant,  we  beseech  Thee,  that  all 
IV.  .  . 

• — ^ — '   such  as  call  upon  his  help  may  obtain  the  effect  of  their 

Pde^.  godly  requisites,  through  Christ  our  Lord.  Amen."  He 
1556-58.  who  was  supposed  to  have  helped  the  Church  when  he 
was  in  the  flesh,  was  supposed  to  be  still  a  fellow  helper 
with  all  who  laboured  for  the  Church  of  Canterbury  ;  and 
they  who  obeyed  as  he  did  when  on  earth, might,  according 
to  the  notions  of  the  age,  receive,  if  asked  for,  the  help  of 
which  they  stood  in  need.  The  most  offensive  portion 
of  the  Primer  occurs  here,  in  a  prayer  addressed  to  Al- 
mighty God,  that  "  the  merits  of  thy  Holy  Mother  and 
thy  Holy  Saints,  whose  merits  are  contained  in  the  Uni- 
versal Church,  may  defend  us ;  so  that  by  their  prayers 
we  may  evermore  rejoice  in  praising  of  Thee  in  tran- 
quilhty  and  peace,  through  Christ  our  Lord.     Amen." 

8.  Then  follow  the  Hours,  commencing  with  the  Matyns 
of  the  Cross.  This  office  consists  of  a  short  hymn  and 
a  prayer  to  Christ  our  Lord, 

"  Who  about  midnight  was  perturbed  and  taken, 
And  of  his  Apostles  anon  forsaken." 

"  The  first  Hour,  called  Prime,''  begins  with  the  Creator 
Spiritus,  followed  by  Psalm  ii.,  each  concluding  with  the 
Gloria  Patri  and  the  Ave.  Yersicles  and  anthems  suc- 
ceed, praising  our  Lord  for  the  condescension  of  his  mercy. 
The  same  form  is  adopted  throughout  the  office  for  the 
Hours,  special  reference  being  made  to  those  actions  in 
our  Lord's  life  on  which  we  are  called  to  meditate. 

9.  The  Even- Song  of  our  Lady. — This  is  perhaps  the 
most  objectionable  portion  of  the  Primer,  viewed  from 
the  Protestant  standpoint,  because  here  there  is  a  hymn 
directly  addressed  to  the  Virgin  Mary;  but  when  it  is 
examined,  it  is  found  not  to  go  further  than  a  hymn 
published  in  the  life  of  Keble,  which,  though  open  to  cen- 


ARCIIBISIIOrS   OF   CAXTERBURV.   .  417 

sure,  falls  very  far  beneath  the  requirements  of  modern  chap. 
Eomanism.  I  think  that  no  one  who  impartially  examines  s .  , '  _^ 
the  Primer,  will  suppose  tliat  Pole  went  beyond  the  Ora  "^Poie!^ 
pro  nobis;  and  until  the  termination  of  the  Council  of  1 556-58. 
Trent,  more  than  this  was  required  of  no  one,  although 
many  had  already  anticipated  the  decision  of  the  council 
and  paid  to  the  Virgin  the  honours  due  only  to  God.  We 
must  bear  in  mind,  that  Pole  was  making  an  attempt, 
which,  though  often  made,  is  seldom  successful,  to  bring 
together  tlie  moderate  men  on  both  sides.  He  was  too 
much  of  a  Papist  for  the  Protestants  ;  too  much  of  a  Pro- 
testant for  the  Papists.  By  the  Protestants  he  was  re- 
jected, and  by  the  Papists  he  was  himself  persecuted. 
And  in  accounting  for  the  fact  of  his  becoming  a  perse- 
cutor of  Protestants,  we  must  add  to  the  fact  that  he 
wished,  by  an  appearance  of  zeal  on  the  papal  side,  to 
silence  his  enemies  at  Pome  Avho  accused  him  of  being  a 
heretic  and  the  fautor  of  heresy,  a  certain  an:ount  of 
exasperation  at  the  rejection,  on  the  part  of  the  Protes- 
tants, of  all  the  conciliatory  measures  by  which  he  hoped 
to  silence  if  not  to  win  them. 

10.  But  to  return  to  the  Primer.  The  Even-Song  of  our 
Lady  is  followed  by  fifteen  prayers  of  St.  Brygyde.  To 
those  who  take  a  favourable  view  of  Pole's  theology,  it  may 
appear  that  these  prayers  were  inserted  for  the  purpose  of 
counteracting  any  extreme  views  which  tlie  preceding  office 
might  have  a  tendency  to  encourage.  The  prayers  are 
addressed  to  the  Lord  Jesus  Christ.  They  dwell  on  the 
several  particulars  of  his  Passion,  and  entreat  Him  to 
have  mercy  on  those  for  whom  He  suffered  so  much. 
We  may  notice  here  a  remarkable  passage  in  Prayer  vi.: 
— "  0  Jesus,  have  mind  of  that  sorrow  that  Thou  haddest 
when  Tiiou  beheldest,  in  the  mirror  of  thy  most  clear 
majesty,  the  predestination  of  all   thy  cliosen  souls  that 

VOL.  Vlll.  E    E 


418  LIVES   OF   THE 

CHAP,     should  be  saved  by  the  merit  of  thy  passion."     The  idea 


IV 


occurs  in  St.  Augustine. 


P^°e^  11.  The  seven  penitential  psalms. 

1666-68.  12.  The  Litany.  —  The  prayer  is  addressed  to  the 
Holy  Trinity.  An  invocation  follov^s  to  numerous  saints 
to  "  pray  for  us."  With  this  exception,  the  Litany  is 
nearly  the  same  as  that  which  is  retained  in  the  Book  of 
Common  Prayer. 

The  Suffrages  for  remission  of  sins  ai'e  served  up 
with  a  collect  such  as  ours :  "  tied  and  bound  with  the 
chain  of  our  sins ;"  for  the  Church  by  the  collect,  "  who 
alone  workest  great  marvels;"  for  charity;  for  peace ; 
for  mercy ;  for  the  souls  departed;  for  the  king  and  queen; 
for  all  estates  of  men^  "  to  loose  the  bonds  of  all  our  sins, 
and  through  the  prayer  of  the  blessed  and  glorious  maid, 
Mary,  Mother  of  God,  with  all  the  Saints,  keep  us,"  &c. ; 
for  true  repentance. 

13.  The  Verses  of  St.  Bernard,  consisting  of  several 
verses  from  the  Psalms,  followed  by  short  prayers  to 
Christ,  and  the  Ave. 

14.  The  Even-Song  and  Matyns  for  the  Dead — or 
Dirige. — Longest  services  in  the  book. 

Psalm :  "  I  am  well  pleased  that  the  Lord  hath  heard," 
&c.   . 

Anthe7iis :  "  I  shall  please  our  Lord  in  the  region  of 
livers,"  and  "  Woe  is  me." 

Psalms :  "  When  I  was  in  trouble  I  called  upon  the 
Lord,  and  He  heard  me,"  &c.  "  I  will  lift  up  mine 
eyes,"  &c. 

Anthem :  "  Our  Lord  keepeth  thee  from  all  evil :  He 
keepeth  even  thy  soul." 

Psalm  :  "  Out  of  the  deep." 

Anthem :  "  If  Thou,  Lord,  wilt  be  extreme." 

Psalm  :  "  I  will  magnify  Thee,  0  Lord,  with  my  whole 
heart,"  &c. 


ARCHBISHOPS   OF  CANTERBURY.  419 

Anthem :  "  Lord,    despise    not    the    works   of    thine     chap. 
hands."  _iZ_^ 

Versicle :  From  the  gates  of  hell.  ^f^^f^ 

Answer:  Lord,  deliver  these  souls.  1556-58. 

The  Magnificat 

Anthem  :  "  I  heard  a  voice  from  heaven,  saying,"  &c. 

Kyrie  Eleison:  "  Our  father.     Hail!  Mary." 

Psalm :  "  Praise  the  Lord,  0  my  soul ;  as  long  as  I 
live,"  &c. 

Versicle :  From  the  gates  of  hell. 

Answer :  Lord,  deliver  their  souls. 

Collects : — 

a.  "  0  God,  whose  nature  and  property,"  &c.  "  Grant 
unto  the  soul  of  thy  servant  a  place  of  rest,"  &c. 

3.  "0  God,  who  hast  caused  thy  servants  in  pontifical 
dignity  to  be  accounted  among  the  priests  apostolic,  grant, 
we  beseech  Thee,  that  they  may  enjoy  in  heaven  the  con- 
tinual company  of  Thee,  whose  office  they  did  bear  some- 
time here  in  earth." 

7.  "  0  God,  the  grantor  of  pardon  and  the  lover  of 
man's  salvation,  we  beseech  thy  mercy  that  Thou  wilt 
suffer  the  congregations  of  our  brothers  and  sisters,  being 
departed  out  of  this  world,  through  the  intercession  of 
blessed  Mary  the  Virgin,  and  St.  Michael  the  Archangel, 
and  all  holy  Saints,  to  come  to  the  congregation  of  ever- 
lasting felicity." 

S.  "  0  God,  grant  unto  the  souls  of  all  true  believers, 
being  dead,  remission  of  all  their  sins,  that  through  de- 
vout prayers  they  may  attain  thy  gracious  pardon,"  &c. 

Maty ns  for  the  Dead. 

Anthem :  "  Dirige,  Domine." 

Psalm  V. :  "  Ponder  my  words,  0  Lord :  consider  my 
meditation." 

Anthem:  "Dirige,  Domine." 

K  E   2 


420  .'  LIVES   OF   THE 

OHAP.         Psahns:  "Lord,  rebuke  me  not  in  thine  anger,"  &c. 
■  __  ^^]'    .   "  0  Lord,  my  God,  in  Thee  have  I  put  my  trust." 
"^Poie^^        ^72^A^m ;  "  Lest  at  any  time  he  devour  my  soul  like  a 
1556-58.    lion." 

Versicle :  From  the  gates  of  hell. 

Answer :  Deliver  their  souls. 

1^^  Lesson. — A  rhyming  paraphrase  of  portions  of  the 
Psalms  :  "  Spare  me,  0  Lord  ;  my  days  be  brief  and  short." 

Answei"  and  Versicle. — Ehyming  paraphrase  of  "  I 
know  that  my  Eedeemer  liveth,"  &c. 

2nd  Lesson, — A  prayer  for  mercy  in  rhyme. 

Versicle  and  Answer. — Prayers  for  rest  to  the  dead. 

^rd  Lesson. — Ehyming  paraphrase  of  the  Psalm,  "  Thy 
hands  have  made  me  and  fashioned  me,"  &c. 

Answer  and  Versicle. — Prayer  for  mercy  in  day  of 
judgment. 

Psalms :  "  The  Lord  is  my  shepherd,"  &c.  "  Unto 
Thee,  0  Lord,  have  I  lift  up  my  soul,"  &c.  "  The  Lord 
is  my  light  and  my  salvation,"  &c. 

4:th  Lesson  {Answer  and  Versicle). — Confession  of  sin, 
and  petition  for  mercy  in  rhyme. 

hth  Lesson  [Answer  and  Versicle). — Description  in 
rhyme  of  man's  frail  and  fleeting  nature.  Petition  for 
mercy. 

^th  Lesson  {Answer  and  Versicle). — Declaration  in 
rhyme  of  readiness  to  obey  God's  summons  to  another 
world,  and  of  trust  in  his  mercy. 

Psalms :  "  I  waited  patiently  for  the  Lord,"  &c. 
"  Blessed  is  he  that  considereth  the  poor  and  needy,"  &c. 
"  Like  as  the  hart  desireth  the  water  brooks,"  &c. 

(Short  anthem,  versicle,  and  answer.) 

1th  Lesson  {Answer  and  Versicle). — Description  in 
rhyme  of  the  misery,  helplessness,  and  hopelessness  of 
man  without  God.  Trust  in  Him  for  redemption  and 
future  h'ippiness. 


ARCHBISHOPS   OF   CANTERBURY.  421 

%th  Lesso7i  [Answer  and    Versicle). — Rhyming    para-     chap. 


phrase  from  parts  of  Job.     Prayers  for  rest  to  the  dead.   — -.^ — ' 

^th   Lesson   [Answer   and   Versicles). — Description  in      pile. 
rhyme  of  the  weakness  and  shortness  of  man's  hfe.     Peti-    1 006-08. 
tion  for  mercy  and  aid  especially  in  the  day  of  judgment. 

Psalms  (li.) :  "  Have  mercy  upon  me,  0  Lord."  "  0 
praise  the  Lord,  that  dwellest  in  Sion,"  &c.  "  0  God, 
thou  art  my  God  ;  early,"  &c. 

Deus  miser eatur. 

The  song  of  Hezekiah :  ''  I  said  in  the  cutting  off  of 
my  days,"  &c. 

The  last  three  Psalms  of  Prayer  Book. 

The  Benedictus, 

Anthem :  "  I  am  the  resurrection,"  &c. 

Kyrie  Eleison. 

Psalm :  "  I  will  magnify  Thee,  0  Lord,  for  Thou  hast 
set  me  up." 

Concluding  Collects. — "  0  God,  who  by  the  mouth  of 
St.  Paul  thine  apostle  hast  taught  us  not  to  be  sorry  for 
them  that  sleep  in  Christ,  grant,  we  beseech,  that  in  the 
coming  of  thy  Son  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ,  we,  with  all 
other  faithful  people  being  departed,  may  be  graciously 
brought  unto  joys  everlasting,"  &c.  Other  prayers  for 
the  happiness  of  departed  souls.         I 

15.   Commendations  of  the  Souls. 

Psalm  cxix.  :  "  Lord,  Thou  hast  searched  me  out,  and 
known  me,"  &c. 

Versicle :  Lord,  give  them  everlasting  rest. 

Answer  :   And  let  continual  light  shine  unto  them. 

Versicle  :  Lord,  deliver  their  souls. 

Answer :   From  the  gates  of  hell. 

Versicle :  I  trust  to  the  goodness  of  the  Lord. 

Answer:  In  the  land  of  the  living. 


422  LIVES   OF   THE 

CHAP.  Prayer  commendatory  of  souls  to  God,  and  that  their 

V ^ — '  sins  may  be  washed  away  by  the  "  forgiveness  of  thy  most 

PoK  merciful  pity."     God  have  mercy  on  all  Christian  souls. 

1556-58.  Amen. 

16.  The  Psalms  of  Chris fs  Passion, 

(a.)  "  0  God,  my  God,  look  upon  me,"  &c. 

(0.)  "  The  Lord  is  my  shepherd,"  &c. 

(7.)  "The  earth  is  the  Lord's,  and  all  that  therein  is," 
&c. 

(a.)  "  Unto  Thee,  0  Lord,  have  I  lift  up  my  soul,"  &c. 

(s.)  "  Judge  me,  0  Lord,"  &c. 

(J.)  "  The  Lord  is  my  light  and  my  salvation,"  &c. 

(73.)  "  Unto  Thee  will  I  cry,  0  Lord  ;  think  no  scorn  of 
me,"  &c. 

(B.)  "I  will  magnify  Thee,  0  Lord,  for  Thou  hast  set  me 
up,"  &c. 

(i.)  "In  Thee,  0  Lord,  have  I  put  my  trust,  let  me  not 
be  confounded,"  &c. 

Anthem :  "  Christ  was  made  obedient  unto  death,  even 
unto  the  death  of  the  cross." 

Versicle  :  Holy  Mother  of  God,  pray  to  thy  Son. 

Answer :  That  we  may  be  enabled  to  his  promission. 

Versicle :  Greatly  to  be  praised  is  John  the  Evangelist. 

Answer :  Which  leaned  on  the  breast  of  Jesu  Christ. 

Prayers  (a.)  :  Eegard,  we  beseech  Thee,  Lord,  this  thy 
household,  for  the  which  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ  hath  not 
doubted  to  be  delivered  into  the  hands  of  evil-doers,  and 
to  suffer  the  pain  of  the  cross. 

(0.)  Lord  Jesu  Christ,  we  beseech  Thee  of  thy  goodness 
to  accept  the  intercession  of  the  glorious  Virgin  Mary,  thy 
most  blessed  mother,  both  now  and  at  the  hour  of  death ; 
whose  most  blessed  heart  the  sword  of  sorrow  did  pierce 
at  the  time  of  thy  passion. 


ARCHBISHOPS   OF   CANTERBURY.  423 

Prayer  (a.)  :  That  the  intercession  of  St.  John  may  be     chap. 
available  both  now  and  at  the  hour  of  death.  _ii:: - 

(0.)  That  the  glorious  passion  of  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ      pX. 
may  deliver  from  sorrow  and  heaviness,  &c.  1 006-08. 

(7.)  "  To  the  Holy  and  Indivisible  Trinity,  to  the  huma- 
nity of  Jesus  Christ  crucified,  and  to  the  glorious  Virgin 
Mary,  glory  infinite  be  given  of  every  creature,  world 
without  end." 

(^.)  Salutation  of  Christ ;  praise  to  Him  on  account  of 
his  Passion. 

17.   Godly  Prayers, 

(a.)  Prayer  called  Ave  Rex. — Hail !  Heavenly  King — unto 
Thee  do  we  cry  which  are  the  banished  children  of  Eva 
— cast  upon  us  those  eyes  of  thine ;  and  after  this  our 
banishment,  show  unto  us  the  glorious  light  in  thy 
heavenly  kingdom. 

(0.)  That  Christ,  who  dejected  Himself  to  the  shape  of 
our  vile  servitude  to  reconcile  us,  the  children  of  wrath, 
unto  his  Father,  and  so  make  us  the  children  of  grace, 
would  give  us  grace  to  follow  him,  &c. 

"  Devout  prayers  to  our  Saviour  Christ "  for  divers 
graces,  and  protection  from  divers  sins. 

Commendations  of  thoughts,  speech,  sight,  hearing, 
mouth,  heart,  hands,  to  the  keeping  and  direction  of 
Jesus  Christ. 

The  majority  of  these  prayers  are  addressed  to  Jesus 
Christ  in  language  of  the  deepest  humiliation,  and  the 
most  rapturous  devotion. 

The  merits  of  his  Passion  are  especially  and  repeatedly 
dwelt  upon,*  as  the  only  means  of  pardon,  in  language 

*  So  especially  in  "  the  Thanksgiving  unto  God  for  all  his  benefits," 
beginning  (1.  7  from  top  of  page)  "  We  thank  Thee  also,  O  most  gentill 
Father,  (tc.,"  down  to  "  muketh  intercession  for  us  being  one  alone 
mediator  and  advocate.''^ 


424  ■  LIVES    OF    THE 

CHAP,     quite  doctrinal  in  precision  ;  e.  g.  "  Of  sins  and  evil  works, 

._  ^^/       alas  !  I  see  a  great  heap,  but  through  thy  mercy  I  trust  to 

"^Poie^^    be  in  the  number  of  those  to  whom  Thou  wdlt  not  impute 

1556-58.    their  sins,  but  take  and  accept  me  for  righteous  and  just," 

&c.     Again,  "  Let  thy  blood  cleanse  me  and  wash  away 

the  spots  and  foulness  of  my  sins." 

"  Let  thy  righteousness  hide  and  cover  my  unrighteous- 
ness^ the  merits  of  thy  passion  and  blood  the  satisfaction 
for  my  sins  and  offences."  ["  Five  godly  necessary  prayers 
to  be  said  most  specially  at  the  hour  of  death."] 

In  the  prayer  "  that  we  may  have  the  fear  of  God  be- 
fore our  eyes  in  all  our  doings,"  the  contrast  is  drawn,  in 
curious  but  forcible  language,  between  the  mercy  of  God 
as  displayed  in  the  Gospel,  and  his  severity  in  the  re- 
quirements of  his  moral  law. 

In  the  "  devout  prayer  to  be  daily  said  "  occurs  the 
following  (bottom  of  1st  page),  "  Give  us,  we  beseech 
Thee,  0  Heavenly  Father,  that  heavenly  bread  the  body 
of  thy  Son  Jesus  Christ,  the  very  food  and  health  of  our 
souls  ;  give  us  the  bread  of  thy  divine  precepts  ;  give  us 
the  bread  of  thy  heavenly  word,"  &c. 

One  is  entitled,  "  A  prayer  of  the  seven  words  that  our 
Lord  spake  hanging  on  the  cross."  A  short  kind  of  medi- 
tation and  petition  is  based  upon  each  saying. 

Note  especially,  "  Also  thou  saidst,  '  I  thirst,'  as  who 
saith  '  I  desire  the  health  of  holy  souls  the  which  are  in 
Lymbo  byding  my  coming.'  " 

The  prayers  to  be  said  "  before  and  after  the  receiving 
of  the  Sacrament"  seem  not  to  contain  any  expressions 
which  might  not  be  used  by  us. 

In  none  of  these  godly  prayers  is  there  any  invocation 
of  the  Virgin  or  Saints. 

But  the  form  of  confession  (end  of  book)  begins  witli 
an  acknowledgment  of  guilt  to  Almighty  God,  to  our 
Lady  St.  Mary,  and  to  all  the  company  in  heaven,  &c. 


ARCHBISHOPS    OF   CANTERBURY.  425 

Then  follows  an  enumeration  of  the  several  heads  under     chap. 
which  the  sinner  confesses  himself  guilty,  amongst  which  .  _  ^^'  _. 
is  to  be  found  the  Seven  Sacraments.  ■^Po"e^'^ 

"  I  have  not  given  thanks  to  our  Lord  for  the  seven    1 556-58. 
sacraments,"  &c. 

At  the  end  :  "  And  I  pray /6>r  my  gliostly  Father  to  be 
between  my  sin  and  me,  that  God  of  his  mercy  forgive 
me  for  this  lowly  confession,"  &c. 

I  have  given  this  analysis  at  considerable  length  for 
reasons  already  stated.  It  is  certainly  not  so  protestant 
in  its  character  as  has  been  supposed  by  many  who  have 
not  read  it,  but  it  will  bear  comparison  with  the  primers 
produced  in  the  reign  of  Henry  VIII.  The  works  on  either 
side  were  drawn  up  in  a  conciliatory  spirit. 

We  will  proceed  now  to  the  analysis  of  another  work 
of  Pole's,  or  a  work  drawn  up  under  his  direction.  Hav- 
ing determined  to  retire  from  political  life,  he  made  pre- 
paration for  a  diocesan,  not  a  primatial  visitation,  and 
with  this  object  he  issued  certain  articles  of  inquiry.  I 
shall  present  them  to  the  reader  with  a  very  slight  obser- 
vation. Like  the  Primer,  they  are  of  importance  to  the 
student  of  history,  as  indicating  the  condition  of  the  Church 
at  the  time  of  their  issue. 

The  articles  were  arranged  under  two  heads  ;  the  first 
twenty-one  relate  to  the  clergy,  the  next  thirty- three  to 
the  laity. 

Touching  the  Clergy. 

1.  Whether  the  divine  service  in  the  church,  at  times, 
days,  or  hours,  be  observed  and  kept  duly,  or  no  ? 

2.  Whether  the  parsons,  vicars,  or  curates  do  comely 
and  decently,  in  their  manners  and  doings,  behave  them- 
selves, or  no  ? 

3.  Whether  they  do  reverently  and  duly  minister  the 
saci'aments  or  sacramentals,  or  no  ? 


426  LIVES   OF   THE 

CHAP.         4.  Whether   any  of  the  parishioners  do   die  without 
' — r^ — '  ministration  of  the  sacraments,  through  the  neghgence  of 

Pole.       their  curates,  or  no  r 
1556-58.        5.  Whether  the   said   parsons,   vicars,   or  curates  do 

haunt  taverns  or  alehouses,  increasing  thereby  infamy, 

slander,  or  no  ? 

6.  Whether  they  be  diligent  in  teaching  the  midwives 
how  to  christen  children  in  time  of  necessity,  according 
to  the  canons  of  the  Church,  or  no  ? 

7.  Whether  they  see  that  the  font  be  comely  kept,  and 
have  holy  water  always  ready  for  children  to  be  chris- 
tened ? 

8.  If  they  do  keep  all  the  names  of  them  that  be  re- 
conciled to  the  duty  of  the  Church  ? 

9.  Whether  there  be  any  priests  that  take  unlawfully 
bad  women  under  pretended  marriage,  and  hitherto  are 
not  reconciled,  and  to  declare  their  names  and  dwelling 
places  ? 

10.  Whether  they  do  diligently  teach  their  parishioners 
the  Articles  of  the  Faith  and  the  Ten  Commandments  ? 

11.  Whether  they  do  decently  observe  those  things 
that  do  concern  the  service  of  the  Church,  and  all  those 
things  that  tend  to  a  good  and  Christian  life,  according  to 
the  canons  of  the  Church  ? 

12.  Whether  they  do  devoutly  in  their  prayers  pray 
for  the  prosperous  estate  of  the  king  and  queen's  majes- 
ties ? 

13.  Whether  the  said  parsons  and  vicars  do  sufficiently 
repair  their  chancels,  rectories,  and  vicarages,  and  do  keep 
and  maintain  them  sufficiently  repaired  and  amended  ? 

14.  Whether  any  of  them  do  preach  or  teach  any  erro- 
neous doctrine  contrary  to  the  Catholic  faith  and  unity  of 
the  Church  ? 

15.  Whether  any  of  them  do  say  the  divine  service,  or 


ARCHBISHOPS   OF    CANTERBUKY.  427 

do  minister  the  sacraments  in  the  Enghsh  tongue,  con-     chap. 
trary  to  the  usual  order  of  the  Church  ?  .    ^^.'  ^ 

16.  Whether  any  of  tliem  do  suspiciously  keep  any  ^pX.^^ 
women  in  their  houses,  or  do  keep  company  with  men  i5o6-58. 
suspected  of  heresies  or  of  evil  opinions  ? 

17.  Whether  any  of  them  that  were,  under  pretence  of 
lawful  matrimony,  married  and  now  reconciled,  do  privily 
resort  to  their  pretended  wives,  or  that  the  said  women  do 
privily  resort  unto  them  ? 

18.  Whether  they  go  decently  apparelled,  as  it  be- 
come th  sad,  sober,  and  discreet  ministers  ;  and  whether 
they  have  their  crowns  and  beards  shaven  ? 

19.  Whether  any  of  them  do  use  any  unlawful  games, 
as  dice,  cards,  and  otherwise,  whereby  they  grow  to  slan- 
der and  evil  report  ? 

20.  Whether  they  do  keep  residence  and  hospitality 
upon  their  benefices,  and  do  make  charitable  contribu- 
tions, according  to  all  the  laws  ecclesiastical  P 

21.  Whether  they  do  keep  the  book  or  register  of 
christenings,  buryings,  and  marriages,  with  the  names  of 
the  godfathers  and  godmothers? 

Touching  the  Lay  People, 

1.  Whether  any  manner  of  person,  of  what  state,  de- 
gree, or  condition  soever  he  be,  do  hold,  maintain,  or 
affirm  any  heresies,  errors,  or  erroneous  opinions,  contrary 
to  the  laws  ecclesiastical  and  the  unity  of  the  Catholic 
Church  ? 

2.  Whether  any  person  do  hold,  affirm,  or  say,  that  in 
the  blessed  sacrament  of  the  altar  there  is  not  contained 
the  real  and  substantial  presence  of  Christ ;  or  that  by  any 
manner  of  means  do  contemn  and  despise  the  said  blessed 
sacrament,  or  do  refuse  to  do  reverence  or  worship  there- 
unto ? 


1.556-58. 


428  LIVES  OP  THE 

3.  Whether  they  do  contemn  or  despise  by  any  manner 
of  means  any  other  of  the  sacraments,  rites,  or  ceremonies 
of  the  Church,  or  do  refuse  or  deny  auricular  confession  ? 

4.  Whether  any  do  absent  or  refrain  without  urgent 
and  lawful  impediment  to  come  to  the  church,  and  reve- 
rently to  hear  divine  service  on  Sundays  and  holidays? 

5.  Whether,  being  in  the  church,  they  do  not  apply 
themselves  to  hear  divine  service,  and  to  be  contempla- 
tive in  holy  prayers,  and  not  to  walk,  jangle,  or  talk  in 
time  of  the  divine  service  ? 

6.  Whether  any  be  fornicators,  adulterers,  or  do  com- 
mit incest,  or  be  bawds  and  receivers  of  evil  persons,  or 
be  vehemently  suspected  of  any  of  them  ? 

7.  Whether  any  do  blaspheme  and  take  the  name  of 
God  in  vain,  or  be  common  swearers  ? 

8.  Item,  whether  any  be  perjured,  or  have  committed 
simony  or  usury,  or  do  still  remain  in  the  same  ? 

9.  Whether  the  churches  and  churchyards  be  well  and 
honestly  repaired  and  enclosed  ? 

10.  Whether  the  churches  be  sufficiently  garnished  and 
adorned  with  all  ornaments  and  books  necessary  ;  and 
whether  they  have  a  rood  in  their  church,  of  a  decent 
stature,  with  Mary  and  John,  and  an  image  of  the  patron 
of  the  same  church  ? 

11.  Whether  any  do  withhold  or  doth  draw  from  the 
church  any  manner  of  money  or  goods,  or  that  do  with- 
hold their  due  and  accustomed  tithes  from  their  parsons 
and  vicars  ? 

12.  Whether  any  be  common  drunkards,  ribalds,  or 
men  of  evil  living,  or  do  exercise  any  lewd  pastimes, 
especially  in  the  time  of  divine  service  ? 

13.  If  there  be  any  that  do  practise  or  exercise  any 
arts  of  magic  or  necromancy,  or  do  use  or  practise  any 
incantations,  sorceries,  or  witchcraft,  or  be  vehemently 
suspected  thereof.^ 


ARCHBISHOPS    OF    CANTERBURY.  429 

14.  Whether  any  be  married  in  the  degrees  of  affinity     ^^'^^• 
or  consanguinity  prohibited  by  the  laws  of  Holy  Church,  '— j 
or  that  do  marry,  tlie  banns  not  asked,  or  do  make  any      -^oie. 
privy  contracts  ?  1.556-08 

15.  Whether  in  the  time  of  Easter  last  any  were  not 
confessed,  or  did  not  receive  the  blessed  sacrament  of  the 
altar,  or  did  uureverently  behave  themselves  in  the  re- 
ceiving thereof.^ 

16.  Whether  any  do  keep  any  secret  conventicles, 
preacliing  lectures,  or  reading  in  matters  of  religion,  con- 
trary to  the  law  ? 

17.  Whether  any  do  now  not  duly  keep  the  fasting  and 
embring  days  ? 

18.  Whether  the  altars  of  the  church  be  consecrated, 
or  no  ? 

19.  Whether  the  sacrament  be  carried  devoutly  to  them 
that  foil  sick,  with  light  and  with  a  little  sacring  be]l? 

20.  Whether  the  common  schools  be  well  kept,  and 
that  the  schoolmasters  be  diligent  in  teaching,  and  be  also 
catholic  and  men  of  good  and  upright  judgment,  and  that 
be  examined  and  approved  by  the  ordinary  ? 

21.  Whether  any  take  upon  them  to  minister  the  goods 
of  those  that  be  dead  without  authority  from  the  ordi- 
nary ? 

22.  Whether  the  people  in  every  parish  be  charitably 
provided  for  ? 

23.  Whether  they  do  burn  a  lamp  or  a  candle  before 
the  sacrament?  and  if  they  do  not,  that  then  it  be  pro- 
vided for  with  expedition. 

24.  Whether  infants  and  children  be  brought  to  be 
confirmed  in  convenient  time  ? 

25.  Whether  any  do  keep,  or  have  in  their  custody, 
any  erroneous  or  unlawful  books  ? 

26.  Whether  any  do   withhold  any  money   or  goods 


430  LIVES   OF   THE 

CHAP,     bequeathed  to  the  mending  of  the  highways,  or  any  other 

, -^ .  charitable  deed? 

"^Poie.  2'^-  Whether  any  have  put  away  their  wives,  or  any 

1556-58.    wives  do  withdraw  themselves  from  their  husbands,  being 
not  lawfully  divorced  ? 

28.  Wliether  any  do  violate  or  break  the  Sundays  and 
holy  days,  doing  their  daily  labours  and  exercises  upon 
the  same  ? 

29.  Wliether  the  taverns  or  alehouses,  upon  the  Sun- 
days and  holy  days,  in  the  time  of  mass,  matins,  and  even- 
ing song",  do  keep  open  their  doors,  and  do  receive  people 
into  their  houses  to  drink  and  eat,  and  thereby  neglect 
their  duties  in  coming  to  church  ? 

30.  Whether  any  have  or  do  deprave  or  contemn  the 
authority  or  jurisdiction  of  the  pope's  holiness,  or  the  see 
of  Eome  ? 

31.  Whether  any  minstrels,  or  any  other  persons,  do 
use  to  sing  any  songs  against  the  holy  sacrament,  or  any 
other  rites  and  ceremonies  of  the  Church? 

32.  Whether  there  be  any  hospitals  within  your  parishes, 
and  whether  the  foundations  of  them  be  duly  and  truly 
observed  and  kept,  and  whether  the  charitable  contribu- 
tions of  the  same  be  done  accordingly? 

33.  Whether  any  goods,  plate,  jewels,  or  possessions  be 
taken  away  or  withdrawn  from  the  said  hospitals,  and  by 
w^hom  ?  * 

Pole  has  been  accused  of  indolence.  A  confirmed  in- 
valid must  often  shrink  from  exertion,  and  Pole  was  apt 
to  design  more  than  he  ever  had  energy  to  carry  out.  It 
is  certainly  much  to  his  credit  that,  under  the  circum- 
stances, he  could  plan  a  visitation  at  which  such  searching 
inquiries  were  to  be  made.  He  credited  himself,  pro- 
bably, with  greater  physical  strength  than  he  really  pos- 

*  Wilkins,  iv.  169. 


ARCHBISHOPS   OF   CAXTERBURY.  431 

sessed.     What  he  had  done  since  his  arrival  in  Eno^land     chap. 

IV 

must  have  appeared  miraculous  to  himself  and  his  com-  > — ^ — - 
panions.     When  he  started  on  his  journey  homeward,  he      pok! 
could  scarcely  bear  the  fatigue  of  a  journey  of  two  miles ;    1556-58. 
and  what  he  performed  when  he  arrived  in  England  is 
sufficient  to  show  what  can  be  forced  upon  an  infirm  and 
decrepit  body  by  a  strong  determination  of  the  will.    His 
friends  in  Italy,  no  doubt,  had  frequently  told  him  that  he 
was  too  careful  of  his  health,  and  he  was  exhorted  to  ex- 
ertion ;  and  his  weakness  was  increased  by  the  self-indul- 
gent habits  of  invalidism.     But,  as  is  often  the  case,  death 
comes  at  last  to  show,  not  that  the  invalid  was  fanciful, 
but  only  that  his  physician  had  not  discovered  what  his 
ailments  really  were.     Pole  roused  himself  to  action  on 
his  coming  to  England  ;  but  his  exertions  were  like  the 
convulsions  of  a  death-stricken  man. 

He  was  never  to  reach  Canterbury  ;  he  was  not,  like 
Wolsey,  to  show  what  a  bishop  he  would  have  made,  if 
he  had  confined  his  energies  to  his  diocesan  duties. 

If  what  is  called  poetical  justice  is  required,  we  find  it 
in  the  miserable  termination  of  Pole's  career. 

A  more  pitiable  object  than  Eeginald  Pole  at  the  end 
of  an  eventful  life  has  seldom  been  presented  to  the  con- 
templation of  the  human  mind  ;  it  would  seem  that,  having 
been  carried  to  a  high  pinnacle  in  tlie  Temple,  his  exal- 
tation was  exhibited  to  an  astonished  world,  in  order  that 
his  precipitation  to  the  lowest  depths  of  misery  might  be 
the  more  conspicuous.  All  nature  appeared  to  have  con- 
spired against  him.  That  Pole  was  animated  by  patriotic 
feelings  is  apparent  from  his  whole  career.  He  did, 
indeed,  endeavour  to  excite  the  emperor  to  make  war 
upon  Henry  YIIL,  but,  whether  right  or  wrong,  he  was 
prompted  by  a  patriotic  wish  to  save  his  country  from  a 
cruel  despotism.     Stephen  Langton  and  the  barons  who 


432  LIVES   OF   THE 

CHAP,     won  for  us  Magna  Charter  armed  the  country,  and  made  a 
._£y^L_^  foreign  alhance,  because  patriotism  or  loyalty  to  their 
"^Pok.^^    country  was,  in  their  minds,  a  virtue  superior  to  that  of 
1556-58.    loyalty  regarded  as  only  a  personal  attachment  to  the 
king.     In  modern  times  it  is  in  a  war  of  words  that  we 
make  war  on  the  sovereign  when  he,  through  his  minis- 
ters, makes  aggression  upon  our  rights  and  liberties ;  in 
former  times,  the  battle  of  freedom  had  sometimes  to  be 
fought  sword  in  hand. 

In  making  these  observations,  I  repeat  what,  with  re- 
ference to  another  matter,  I  have  said  before,  that  I  am 
not  defending  a  system,  but  explaining  it,  with  a  view  not 
of  vindicating  the  conduct  of  those  who  acted  under  it, 
but  of  understanding  their  precise  position. 

If  we  are  permitted  to  regard  Eeginald  Pole  as  a  man 
under  the  influence  of  patriotic  feelings,  we  are  enabled 
to  appreciate  in  some  measure  the  misery  he  must  have 
endured  in  contemplating  the  condition  of  his  country  in 
1558 ;  while  here  his  conscience  must  have  reproached  him, 
for  not  having  sooner  discovered  his  utter  incompetence  to 
undertake  the  management  of  affairs.  He  was  in  the  habit 
of  piously  regarding  external  circumstances  as  providen- 
tial arrangements,  indicating,  on  the  part  of  the  Sovereign 
Euler  of  all  things,  the  approbation  or  the  condemnation 
of  what  his  servants  had  done  or  were  doing.  His  own 
condemnation  was  now  pronounced  by  all  that  he  saw  and 
heard  around  him.  The  condition  of  the  country  was  in- 
deed deplorable.  A  contagious  fever,  more  destructive 
than  any  former  plague  or  pestilence,  was  depopulating 
the  land.  The  destruction  among  the  clergy — it  must  be 
said  to  their  honour — was  especially  great,  and  was  occa- 
sioned by  their  having  to  place  the  ear  close  to  the  mouth 
of  the  dying,  in  order  that  they  might  receive  their  last 
confession.     Prelate  and   priest,  physician   and   patient. 


ARCHBISITOrS    OF   CANTERBURY.  433 

fored  alike,  and  tlie  palace  was  not  more  exempt  from  chap. 
the  insidious  entry  of  the  disease  than  the  cottage  :  two  - — ^ — - 
of  the  medical  attendants  upon  the  queen  were  among  poic. 
the  dying,  and  nearly  half  tlie  bishoprics  in  England  were  i55g-58. 
vacant  by  the  death  of  the  diocesans.  The  evil  was,  in 
part,  to  be  traced  to  the  extraordinary  state  of  the 
Aveatlier.  Eeports  came  rapidly  to  Lambeth  that  churches 
as  well  as  houses,  in  some  of  the  chief  towns,  had  been 
swept  away  by  the  tempest,  the  force  of  which  is  de- 
scribed as  so  great  that,  even  when  the  fabric  braved  the 
onset,  the  sheets  of  lead  which  covered  the  roof  were 
blown  into  the  fields,  "  writhen  like  a  pair  of  gloves ;" 
stout  men  struggling  with  the  blast  were  laid  prostrate, 
and  children  were  dashed  to  death.  In  some  parts  of  the 
country  the  rivers  overflowed  and  desolated  the  surround- 
ing neighbourhood,  while  in  other  places  they  left  their 
wonted  channels.*  In  most  cases  a  pestilence  has  suc- 
ceeded a  famine;  in  this  instance  famine  was  the  result 
and  not  the  cause.  When  the  storm  had  passed,  and  the 
crops  were  ready,  they  were  left  to  rot  on  the  ground,  for 
labourers  were  not  to  be  found  to  gather  in  the  harvest ; 
and  among  the  few  who  crawled  into  the  fields,  the  ma- 
jority returned  to  their  homes,  which  they  never  again  left 
alive. 

There  was  ill-blood  betw^een  the  rich  and  the  poor, 
and  the  country  was  almost  in  a  state  of  anarchy.  In 
their  dread  lest  English  money  should  be  diverted  to 
the  service  of  Spain,  both  parliament  and  convocation 
were  niggardly  in  their  grants  ;  and  the  members  of  the 
council,  to  whom  it  was  known,  that  it  was  through  Spanish 

*  In  March,  1558,  Machyn  says,  "  The  river  was  so  low  an  ebb  tliat 
men  might  stand  in  the  middle  of  the  Thames,  and  might  have  gone 
from  the  bridge  to  Billingsgate,  for  the  tide  did  not  keep  its  course,  the 
which  was  never  seen  before  that  time." — Machyn,  p.  4G8. 
VOL.    VIII.  F  F 


434  LIVES   OF   THE 

gold  that  the  Enghsh  court  was  sustained,  were  not  suffi- 
ciently loyal  to  the  queen  to  disabuse  the  public  mind  on 
Pde.  a  subject  which  was  daily  rendering  her  more  unpopular. 
1556-68.  There  was  no  money  to  maintain  even  the  semblance  of 
a  pohce,  and  there  was  inabihty  and  want  of  will  to  com- 
pel the  parochial  authorities  to  perform  their  duty ;  the 
roads  were  out  of  repair,  and  weary  travellers  had  to 
swim  or  ford  the  rivers,  the  bridges  over  which  had  fallen 
into  ruin.  Not  even  a  nobleman  could  travel  without  a 
troop  of  servants,  all  in  harness.  The  highwaymen  pene- 
trated the  streets,  and  London  was  patrolled  nightly  by 
volunteer  constables,  who  sometimes  regained  the  treasure 
stolen  by  the  robber,  but  themselves  employed  it  as  a 
remuneration  for  their  gratuitous  services. 

Looking  abroad,  the  Channel  swarmed  with  pirates ; 
the  Scots  were  invading  England  from  the  north,  and, 
instead  of  preparing  for  resistance,  the  report  was  that 
the  English,  in  those  parts  of  the  country  which  the  pes- 
tilence had  not  reached,  were  making  ready  for  insurrec- 
tion. Where  party  feeling  ran  high  we  must  make  allow- 
ance for  the  exaggerations  of  a  partisan,  but,  with  all  due 
allowance,  the  following  picture,  drawn  by  a  contem- 
porary, was,  in  all  its  prominent  features,  strictly  true  : — 

"  I  do  assure  you,  for  my  part,  I  never  saw,  nor,  I  think, 
if  I  should  have  lived  this  five  hundred  years  heretofore 
past,  I  should  not  have  seen  at  any  time  England  weaker 
in  strength,  men,  money,  and  riches,  than  it  was  in  the 
time  when  we  wrote  King  Philip  and  Queen  Mary,  king 
and  queen  of  so  many  kingdoms,  dukedoms,  marchionates, 
and  countries,  &c.  For  all  those  jolly  titles,  our  hearts, 
our  joy,  our  comfort  was  gone.  As  much  affectionate  as 
you  note  me  to  be  to  my  country  and  countrymen,  I 
assure  you  I  was  then  ashamed  of  both.  They  went  to 
the  musters  with  kerchiefs  on  their  heads.  They  went 
to  the  wars  hanging  down  their  looks.     They  came  from 


ARCHBISHOPS  of  canterbury.  435 

tlience  as  men  dismayed  and  forlorn.     They  went  about  chap. 

their  matters  as  men  amazed,  that  wist  not  where  to  — ;.— 

besrin  or  end.     And  what   marvel  was  it  ?     Here  was  Pok. 


'O 


Pole. 

nothing    but   fining,    heading,    hanging,   quartering   and    io56-58. 
burning,  taxing,  levying,  and  pulling  down  of  bulwarks 
at  home,    and    beggaring    and   losing   our   strongholds 
abroad."* 

Sad  as  the  contemplation  of  this  state  of  public  affairs 
would  have  been  at  any  time  or  under  any  circumstances, 
Pole  was  painfully  aware,  that  in  the  mind  of  his  country- 
men he  was,  to  a  great  extent,  held  responsible  for  them. 
The  privy  council  averted  the  blame  from  themselves  by 
insinuating  that  their  advice  was  frustrated  by  the  secret 
influence  of  Pole  ;  and  that  the  queen  was  entirely  under 
his  government  was  the  opinion  generally  entertained, 
not  in  England  only,  but  at  Eome.  We  have  traced  to 
this  source,  to  a  certain  extent,  the  hostility  displayed 
towards  Pole  on  the  part  of  Paul  IV. 

That  Pole  expected  to  be  the  director  of  the  queen's 
conscience  or  conduct  on  his  first  coming  to  England 
there  can  be  .little  doubt ;  but  he  soon  found  that  where 
professions  of  deference  are  loudest,  the  practice  does  not 
conform  to  the  theory.  Mary  was  a  woman  of  feeble 
intellect  and  of  violent  passions,  selfish  and  implacable, 
headstrong  and  impelled  to  action,  not  by  reason,  but  by 
her  feelings.  She  desired  to  be  armed  with  the  powers 
of  a  despot,  but  did  not  understand  that,  to  achieve  des- 
potism in  great  things,  there  must  be  constant  sacrifices  of 
the  conscience  and  of  the  soft  wishes  of  domestic  life.  She 
quarrelled  with  her  husband,  because  she  could  not  under- 
stand how  the  duties  to  be  performed  by  the  sovereign 

*  Strype's  Life  of  Sir  Thomas  Smith,  p.  249.  See  also  Heyhn, 
Stow,  Noailles,  xi.  1020,  and  Miclieles,  to  the  Doge  of  Venice. 

F    F    2 


436  LIVES   OF   THE 

CHAP,     of  three  great  kingdoms  rendered  it  necessary  for  him  to 
.— -.J: —   forego  or  to   shrink  from   the  tendernesses   of  an    im- 
Poie.      passioned  wife.     She  expected  sacrifices,  but  made  none. 
1556-58.        Noailles  remarks  on  the  disagreement  of  the  council 
when  Gardyner  was  removed.     Gardyner  could  manage 
them,  Pole  could  not.      He  says — "  Most  of  them  are 
suspected.     A  large  part  is  thought  to  be  inclined  to 
have  some  secret  intelligence  with   Madame   EUzabeth. 
She  has  told  Pole,  that  there  is  now  no  one  in  her  coun- 
cil in  whom  she  has  perfect  confidence  but  himself."* 

Micheles,  who  is  not  to  be  depended  upon,  but  who 
gives  the  gossip  of  the  day,  says — "  On  the  shoulders 
of  this  man  now  rests  the  whole  weight  of  the  govern- 
ment of  this  realm,  both  with  regard  to  secular  and 
spiritual  affairs.  He  is  a  man  of  great  learning  and 
goodness  of  heart.  His  opinion  is  of  such  authority 
with  the  queen,  that  by  a  mere  sign  with  his  hand  he 
could  remove  any  person  from  the  situation  he  holds, 
or  bring  him  to  punishment ;  whence  he  is  envied  and 
hated  by  the  principal  ministers.  With  all  this,  he 
uses  his  power  with  great  discretion  and  humility  ;  he 
abstains  from  interfering  with  anything  not  particularly 
committed  to  his  charge,  setting  thereby  an  example  to 
Englishmen  who,  on  coming  into  office  and  power,  are 
but  too  much  given  to  meddle  with  things  that  do  not 
concern  them,  and  too  desirous  of  appearing  more  than 
they  really  are  ;  whence,  right  or  wrong,  they  will  stub- 
bornly persevere  in  the  measures  they  have  once  taken  in 
the  management  of  affairs.  The  cardinal  confers  on  every 
subject  with  Monsignor  Prioli,  who  makes  use  of  none 
but  Italians  for  his  confidential  servants."  f 

The  rehgion   even  of  Mary  was  a  selfish  calculation 

*  Sharon  Turner,  viii.  490. 

f  Ellis,  Original  Letters,  2nd  series,  vol.  ii. 


ARCHBISHOPS    OF   CAXTERBURY.  437 

how    she  was  to  obtain  a  high  position   in   the  world     chap. 

to  come,  and  be  developed   into    a   saint.     When  she  ^ l^ ^ 

imagined  that  this  was  to  be  effected  more  easily  than  ^Pojie^^^ 
by  pilgrimages  and  penances,  through  the  persecution  of  1 006-08. 
heretics,  the  bowels  of  compassion  were  closed  within 
her,  and  without  commiseration  the  warrant  was  signed 
for  the  execution  of  the  reputed  misbeliever.  Her  coun- 
cil found  her  obstinate  beyond  persuasion  in  the  pursuance 
of  impolitic  ends  ;  and  when  to  her  will  at  length  they 
yielded,  they  found  her  full  of  scruples,  as  to  the  adop- 
tion of  the  means  by  which  only  the  unrighteous  ends 
should  be  accomplished.  When  they  looked  to  Pole 
for  help,  they  gradually  discovered  that  Pole's  mind  was 
of  that  class,  which  can  be  furious  when  roused  against 
an  open  enemy,  but  criminally  weak  in  opposing  the 
wishes  of  a  friend. 

The  personal  disappointment  of  Pole  was  greater  still. 
That  he  cherished  the  hope  of  becoming  the  husband  of 
the  Queen  of  England  until  the  eve  of  her  marriage  witli 
Philip,  cannot  be  doubted  by  any  one  who  pays  attention 
to  the  contemporary  documents.  But  this  was  merely 
the  speculation  of  a  statesman — not  the  most  sagacious ; 
there  is  no  reason  to  believe,  that  on  either  side  there  was 
any  approach  to  passion ;  or  that  more  than  a  brotherly 
and  sisterly  affection  existed  between  them.  She  would 
constantly,  in  the  gloom  of  her  girlhood,  think  of  the  sym- 
pathy expressed  in  the  handsome  face  of  her  cousin,  when 
she  was  shrinking  into  herself,  frozen  by  the  marked  neg- 
lect of  courtiers  when  they  were  paying  respect  to  the  rising 
sun,  between  which  and  herself  a  dark  cloud  interposed. 
In  after  years,  the  imagination  of  Pole  would  dwell  on 
the  innocent  child  he  bad  fondled,  and  on  the  young 
woman  Avho  had  listened  with  admiration  and  respect  to 
pedantic  discourses  of  the  student  who,  thougli  old  in 


438  LIVES   OF   THE 

GEAR     comparison  with  Mary,  was  nevertheless  young  in  heart 

. — ^ — '   and  years.     He  remembered  her,  though  small  in  stature, 

Po?e'!      y^t  a  young  woman  of  good  figure,  delicate,  and,  as  a 

1556-58.    courtier  described  her,  "moderately  pretty."     She  was 

short-sighted,  but  her  eyes  w^ere  expressive  and  bright  : 

she  was  a  fair  musician  ;  and  though  he  did  not  succeed 

in  making  her  a  proficient  in  the  language  he  loved,  she 

could  understand  Italian  though  she  did  not  speak  it ;  and 

she  spoke  Latin,  French,  and  Spanish  as  fluently  as  her 

owm  English.* 

How  changed  were  all  things  on  Pole's  return  to 
England  I  The  queen  welcomed  him  with  a  smile  of 
sympathy  and  affection,  but,  instead  of  the  "  dulcet 
symphonies  and  voices  sweet "  which  we  expect  to 
flow  from  female  lips,  he  was  greeted  by  a  hoarse 
man's  voice  ;  and  although  she  was  comparativel}^ 
young,f  the  deep  lines  of  age  were  beginning  to  tell 
in  her  face  the  life  of  anxiety  and  trouble  she  had 
passed — anxiety  and  trouble  about  to  return  with  crush- 
ing vehemence. 

There  are  some  minds  manifestly  insane  though  they 
have  no  tendency  to  madness,  if,  to  constitute  madness, 
we  suppose  the  existence  of  some  delusion.  The  affinity 
is  to  idiotcy.  An  idiot  may  sometimes  show  very  con- 
siderable ability  in  some  departments  of  mental  exertion, 
but  he  may  be  so  incompetent  to  exert  any  self-control, 
that  he  is,  like  a  child,  unreasonably  excited  by  what  is 
pleasurable  for  the  moment,  and  immediately  in  a  passion 
for  some  toy  withheld  ;  violently  resisting  opposition  or 
restraint,    driven    almost   to    desperation    when    circum- 

*  I  take  this  description  of  Mary  from  Micheles'  Memoir  addressed 
to  the  Doge  and  Senate  of  Venice,  a  portion  of  which  has  been  de- 
^  ciphered  and  translated  by  Sir  H.  Ellis. 
I  She  was  thirty-eight  years  of  age. 


ARCHBISHOPS   OF   CANTERBURY.  431) 

stances  arise  which  frustrate  any  design  lie  has  fondly     chap. 
cherished.     Such  was  the  character  of  Mary.  > — ^.L^ 

When  first  Pole  arrived,  he  found  Mary  in  a  paroxysm  Po\"^ 
of  happiness,  too  violent  to  last.  He  soon  found,  that  1506-58. 
although  Philip  was  as  considerate  and  kind  to  his  wife 
as  a  man  who  did  not  love  her  could  be,  he  was  a 
man  of  uncontrollable  passion,  without  an  attempt  at 
self-disciphne,  and  guilty  of  the  grossest  immoralities. 
It  is  probable  that  his  infidelities  were  not  made  known 
to  Mary ;  but  she  soon  suspected  them,  until  at  last  she 
could  hardly  entertain  a  doubt  of  the  fact ;  and  then  her 
jealousy  became,  like  every  other  passion  on  its  excite- 
ment, almost  an  insanity.  At  one  time,  when  her  hus- 
band was  absent,  she  would  fly  at  his  picture  as  it 
hung  upon  the  wall  and  scratch  it  with  her  nails ;  at 
another  time,  on  hearing  of  his  illness  on  the  Continent, 
her  rage  would  be  turned  upon  herself.  On  one  occasion, 
by  an  act  of  selfish  despotism,  she  forced  an  octogenarian 
physician  to  quit  what  he  thought  his  death-bed  and  to 
proceed  abroad,  because  she  thought  he  only  could  ad- 
minister to  her  husband's  disease.*  The  description 
given  of  her  conduct  is  precisely  what  we  should  expect. 
Noailles  in  writing  to  his  master  says  : — 

"  I  assure  you.  Sire,  this  princes^  always  lives  now  in 
the  two  great  extremities  of  anger  and  suspicion,  being  in 
a  continual  fury,  that  she  can  neither  enjoy  the  presence 
of  her  hi.sband  nor  the  love  of  her  people  ;  and  she  is  in 
a  very  great  fear  of  her  own  life  being  attempted  by  some 


*  This  is  stated  on  the  authority  of  Micheles.  In  contemporary 
statements  allowance  must  be  made  for  the  exaggerations  resulting 
from  party  feelings  or  misinformation,  or  from  mere  malignity,  or  from 
the  pleasure  of  giving  point  to  a  piece  of  scandal ;  still  there  is  a 
foundation  of  truth,  and  we  have  the  same  story  told  by  more  than 
the  ambassador. 


440  LIVES   OF   THE 

CHAP,     of  her  household,  as  one  of  her  chaplains  had  undertaken 
« — ^ — '  to  kill  her,  though  they  wished  not  to  make  a  great  noise 
Toie.     about  it.     See,  Sire,  what  this  rich  heiress  has  gained — 
1556-58.    and  I  think  this  unhappiness  must  every  hour  increase,  as 
I  see  no  means  by  which  she  can  be  ever  loved  by  her 
subjects.     She  will  therefore  be  compelled  to  hve  in  per- 
petual dread,  and,  on  the  other  side,  be  so  undervalued 
by  a  foreigner  and  her  OAvn  husband  as  not  to  enjoy  his 
presence  long.     The  familiarity  in  which  your  majesty 
lives  with  your  subjects  makes  all  those  who  hear  of  it 
sigh.     They  are  living  now  in  such  misery,  that  there  is 
not  one  but  who  fears  for  his  head  either  now  or  by-and- 
by.     Admiral  Howard  drew  me  to  a  window,  and  said 
that  our  mode  of  living  was  very  different  from  theirs, 
who  could   see  neither  their  king  nor  their  queen,  but 
were  languishing  in  continual  fear  and  suspicion,  so  that 
he  would  rather  be  a  poor  gentleman  in  your  kingdom 
than  admiral  where   he  was.     These,   Sire,  are  strange 
words  from  one  of  the  greatest  and  most  favoured  in  this 
society,  and  you  may  guess  if  the  rest  are  more  content. 
They  see  the  approaching  ruin  of  this  kingdom,  as  indeed 
seems   evident    from    the  great  division    that   is  among 
them,  and  from  the  little  love  which  the  queen  bears 
them,  and  from  the  great  hatred  of  the  subjects  to  the 
said  lady." 

In  another  despatch  the  ambassador  says  : — 
"  Every  day,  both  at  court  and  elsewhere,  many  pla- 
cards, letters,  and  other  defamatory  libels  are  scattered 
against  her  and  the  lords  of  her  council ;  so  that  she  is  in 
that  spite  and  rage  against  her  nation,  that  both  to  great 
and  small  she  ever  speaks  in  anger  and  with  a  mauvaise 
visage^  blaming  some  for  their  ill-services,  and  others  for 
the  little  fidelity  and  the  crossing  actions  which  they  daily 
do  against  her  will.     She  is  also  alarmed  at  the  king's 


ARCHBISHOPS   OF   CANTERBURY.  441 

fleet  being  at  sea,  and  has  stopped  her  going  to  Hampton,     citap. 

fearing  that  the  continuation  of  the  report  would  cause ,_: . 

those  to  rise  who  are  on  the  eve  of  doing  so."  'p^"c. 

Xext  day  he  wrote  : —  1556-08. 

"  She  does  not  cease  to  be  in  a  continual  and  extreme 
displeasure  against  all  her  household,  and  is  even  dis- 
contented with  her  own  husband  for  delaying  so  long.  I 
am  assured  that  of  a  night  she  is  for  some  hours  in  such 
a  reverie  of  her  passions  that  very  often  she  becomes  be- 
side herself  [elle  se  met  hors  de  soy).  I  think  that  the 
greatest  cause  of  her  grief  comes  from  her  vexation  at 
seeing  her  person  so  fallen  away,  and  her  age  so  increasing 
in  its  effects  upon  her  "  (she  was  then  thirty-eight).  "  The 
reports  she  hears  of  battles  at  sea  give  her  such  appre- 
hensions and  extreme  fright,  that  every  hour  she  alters 
her  opinions,  which  occasions  her  to  send  you  so  many 
contrary  advices."  * 

If  Pole  had  an  affection  for  any  one — and  he  was  cer- 
tainly a  man  of  feeling — it  was  for  his  cousin  Mary;  and 
sad  of  heart  he  must  have  been  when,  having  suffered  his 
imagination  to  revert  to  the  time  when  from  the  infant 
seated  on  his  mother's  knee  he  tried  to  win  a  smile,  he 
took  up  a  paper,  placed  by  malevolence  on  his  desk,  con- 
taining a  caricature  of  the  queen,  wjithered  and  wrinkled, 
permitting  the  Spaniards  to  suck  from  her  breasts  the 
treasures  of  England. 

We  are  not  surprised  that  all  these  anxieties  and  cares 
should  weigh  down  the  feeble  body  of  Eeginald  Pole  to 
a  grave  prepared  for  one  who,  though  only  middle-aged, 
was  old  in  constitution.  Pole  was  attacked  by  a  quartan 
ague,  and  was  confined  to  his  house.  In  looking  back 
upon  tlie  past,  and  feeling  how  very  uncertain  the  life 

*   bliaron  Turner,  viii.  419. 


442  ■  LIVES   OF   THE 

CHAP,     of  Queen   Mary  was,   he  thought   of  doing  justice  to 

.__,_: '  "  Madame   Ehzabeth."     Mary's   conduct   to   her   sister, 

"^pX/  whom  she  could  never  be  brought  to  love,  was  as  un- 
1556-58.  certain  and  capricious  as  that  of  a  spoilt  child.  It  would 
not  be  too  much  to  say,  that  Elizabeth  owed  her  life  to 
Phihp,  and  to  Pole  who  identified  himself  with  Philip's 
policy.  They  dared  not  appear  too  openly  in  her  favour, 
lest,  by  exciting  the  jealousy  of  Mary,  in  attempting  to  help 
her,  they  would  have  increased  her  danger.  But  hearing 
that  the  queen  was  nearly  as  ill  as  himself,  Pole  now  sent 
some  secret  communication  to  the  Lady  Elizabeth  through 
his  chaplain,  the  Dean  of  Worcester.  We  possess  the  letter, 
a  few  lines,  in  which  he  requests  the  princess  to  give 
credit  to  the  statements  made  by  the  dean ;  but  what  the 
statements  were  can  never  now  be  known.* 

On  his  sick  bed,  Pole  received  intelligence  of  the  death 
of  the  Emperor  Charles  V.  Although  the  conduct  of  the 
emperor  had  not  been  always  friendly,  they  had  been  so 
often  in  direct  communication  with  one  another  that  he 
spoke  of  his  departure  as  that  of  a  friend ;  whilst,  at  the 
same  time,  the  death  of  the  ex-emperor  was  a  warning 
to  the  cardinal.  It  was  with  deeper  and  more  sincere 
affliction  that  he  heard  that  the  queen's  condition  was 
hopeless.  He  had  received  frequent  intelligence  of  her 
declining  state,  and  frequent  messages  passed  between 
them.  His  own  illness  increased ;  but  his  mind  was  clear, 
and  he  caused  the  Holy  Scriptures  and  other  books  of 
devotion  to  be  read  to  him.  He  was  confined  to  his 
bed.  He  was  in  extreme  danger.  He  confessed ;  he 
received  the  holy  communion ;  extreme  unction  was  ad- 
ministered to  him. 

After  this  he  rallied,  and  was  able  to  sit  up.      His 


*  The  letter  may  be  found  among  the  Records.     Collier,  ix.  319. 


ARClIBlSIIOrS    OF   CANTEKBLTvV.  143 

friends  began  to   entertain  a   faint  hope  tliat  lie  might     chap. 
even  yet  recover.     Meantime  the  queen  died,  and  for  a  > — .- — - 
time  his  friends  were  able  to  keep  the  intelligence  of  her      pX. 
demise  from  the  knowledge  of  Pole ;   but  the  fact  was    1 006-68. 
revealed  to  him  through  the  inadvertence  of  one  of  his 
Italian  dependants. 

Pole,  on  hearing  of  the  queen's  death,  remained  silent 
for  a  considerable  time.  His  friend  Priuli  and  the 
Bishop  of  St.  Asaph,  Dr.  Goldwell,  were  watching  at  his 
bedside  ;  and  presently  he  remarked  to  them,  in  the  midst 
of  so  many  and  great  causes  as  he  had  most  grievously 
to  lament  her  death,  yet  by  God's  grace  he  enjoyed  a 
most  efficacious  remedy  by  turning  to  that  haven  of 
Divine  Providence,  which,  throughout  his  existence,  had 
ever  calmed  and  consoled  him  under  all  public  and 
private  afflictions.  He  spoke  with  such  vigour  and 
alacrity  that  he  moved  his  friends  to  tears.  He  con- 
tinued the  conversation,  remarking  on  the  parallel  be- 
tween his  own  life  and  that  of  the  queen.  He  had 
sympathized  with  her  in  the  sorrows  of  her  early  life  ;  he 
had  shared  in  the  troubles  and  anxieties  occasioned  by 
her  elevation  to  the  throne :  they  were  not  to  be 
separated  by  death.  For  a  quarter  of  an  hour  he  re- 
mained calm.  Then  another  paroxysm  came  on.  He 
ordered  that  the  book  containing  the  prayers  said  ia 
transitu  might  be  kept  ready.  He  received  the  holy 
communion,  and  insisted  on  being  brought  before  the 
altar,  being  supported  by  two  of  his  attendants,  as  he 
would  have  been  otherwise  unable  to  stand.  He  bowed 
his  head  almost  to  the  ground,  and  with  many  tears  and 
sobs  said  the  Conjiteor.  He  was  again  free  from  pain ; 
vespers  were  repeated  as  usual.  It  was  two  hours  before 
sunset  when  lie  heard  tlie  Compline,  Tlie  end  lie  said 
was  come.     He  remarked  tliat  it  was  time  lor  tlic  com- 


444  LIVES   OF  THE 

CHAP,     mendatory   prayers   to   be   offered.      While   they   were 

. ^ — '  offered  he  fell   asleep :    when    he   died   his  companions 

po"r.  knew  not ;  they  only  knew  that  from  this  sleep  he  did 
i5o6-58.    not,  in  this  world,  awake.* 

The  most  exaggerated  rumours  had  been  circulated  of 
the  wealth  of  Pole.  Queen  Elizabeth  caused  a  strict  in- 
vestigation to  be  made  ;  and  it  was  found  that  he  had  left 
little  more  than  would  cover  his  debts,  and  enable  his 
executors  to  pay  his  legacies.  It  is  probable  that,  like 
King  Philip,  he  contributed  from  his  own  resources  to 
support  the  extravagance  of  Mary,  when  it  was  difficult 
to  collect  the  subsidies  which  parliament  and  convocation 
reluctantly  voted. 

It  is  interesting  to  find  that  an  amicable  controversy  had 
taken  place  between  the  two  friends,  Priuli  and  Pole. 
The  latter  wished  to  leave  all  he  possessed  to  the  friend  of 
his  life  ;  while  Priuli,  whose  patrimony  in  Italy  was 
sufficient  to  meet  all  his  wants,  determined  to  show  that, 
in  attaching  himself  to  the  fortunes  of  Eeginald  Pole,  he 
was  entirely  disinterested,  and  was  only  influenced  by  his 
affection  for  one  who,  with  all  his  faults,  had  the  faculty 
of  making  friends,  and  of  retaining  their  friendship  when 
once  it  was  formed.  The  investigations  instituted  by  the 
government  were  painful  to  the  feehngs  of  Pole's  friends, 
especially  his  Italian  friends ;  but  when  it  was  ascertained 
that  the  report  of  his  great  wealth  was  without  foimdation, 
they  were  permitted  to  prepare  for  his  obsequies.  Priuli, 
after  alluding  to  the  painful  process,  concludes  with  say- 
ing :  "  We  at  length  found  ourselves  free  from  these  and 

*  The  account  of  Pole's  last  illness  and  death  I  have  given  from  a 
collation  of  three  letters  written  by  Priuli  to  three  different  friends,  and 
preserved  among  the  archives  of  Venice.  The  letters  vary  in  details 
but  agree  in  substance,  the  writer  evidently  dwelling  upon  the  points 
which  he  thought  would  be  most  interesting  to  his  correspondents. 


ARCHBISHOPS   OF   CANTERBURY.  445 

Similar  suspicions  equally  false;  and  subsequently  from     chap. 
her  majesty  and  from  her  ministers  we  have  experienced  • — ^' — - 
nought  save  all  honour,  favour,  and  courtesy."  pJIiT 

On  the  morning  of  the  18th  of  November,  1558,  1556-58. 
Eeginald  Pole  breathed  his  last,  having  lived  fifty-eight 
years  and  six  months.  He  had  survived  Queen  Mary  two- 
and-twenty  hours  ;  he  lived  long  enough  to  hear  the  cheers 
with  which  the  accession  of  Queen  Elizabeth  was  acclaimed ; 
and  the  policy  of  his  late  mistress  and  her  minister  was 
in  those  joyful  acclamations  condemned. 

He  lay  in  state  at  Lambeth  during  forty  days,  masses 
being  said  for  the  repose  of  his  soul.  With  much  formal 
pomp,  the  corpse  was  conveyed  to  Canterbury,  where  it 
was  met  by  a  large  concourse  of  the  citizens  and  of  the 
clergy.  At  his  obsequies  a  discourse  in  his  praise  was 
delivered  from  the  pulpit  both  in  English  and  in  Latin. 
According  to  his  own  desire  he  was  buried  in  St.  Thomas's 
Chapel.  The  place  where  was  laid  the  body  of  the  last  of 
our  primates  whose  head  was .  honoured  or  disgraced  by 
the  red  hat,  or  who  had  any  connection  with  Eome,  is 
denoted  by  these  words  :  "  Depositum  Cardinalis  Poll" 


Tlie  following  are  the  Works  of  Reginald  Pole. 

Keginaldi  Poli  pro  Ecclesiastica3  unitatis  defensione 
(lib.  iv.)  ad  Henricum  Octavum  Britamiiai  Eegem.  Koma), 
Bladus  (circa  1536).     Fol. 

De  Pace,  senza  nota  (Koma,  A.  Blado).     4to. 

Copia  d'  una  Lettera  d'  Angleterra  nella  quale  narra 


446  LIVES    OF   THE 

CHAP,    r  entrata  del  Card.  Polo  in  Inghilterra  per  la  conversione 
. — ^ — '  di  quella  Isola  alia  Fede  Catholica.     Milano,  Dec.  24^ 

Pole.      lo54.     12mo. 
1556-58.        Copia  delle  Lettere  del  Ee  d'  Inghilterra  et  del  E.  Card. 
Polo  sopra  la  Eeduttione  di  quel  Eegno  alia  Unione  della 
Santa  Madre  Cliiesa  et  Obedienza  della  Sede  Apostolica, 
1554.     4to. 

De  Concilio  liber.  Eiusdem  de  Baptismo  Constantini 
Magni  Iraperatoris.  Eeformatio  Anglise  ex  decretis 
Eeginaldi  Poll  Cardinalis  sedis  Apostolicse  legati.  Dilingas 
excudebat  S.  Mayer,  1562.     8vo. 

An  uniforme  and  Catholyke  Prymer  in  Latin  and 
Englishe,  with  many  godly  and  devout  prayers,  newly  set 
forth  by  certayne  of  the  cleargye,  with  the  assente  of  the 
most  reuerende  father  in  God  the  Lorde  Cardinall  Pole 
hys  grace  :  to  be  only  used  (al  other  sette  aparte)  of  al  the 
Kyng  and  Queues  Maiesties  louinge  subiettes  througheoute 
all  their  realmes  and  dominions,  according  to  the  Queues 
hyghnes  letters  patentes  in  that  behalf  geuen.  Imprinted 
at  London,  by  John  Waylande,  the  iiii  daye  of  June,  a.d. 
1555. 

Apologia  Eeginaldi  Poll  ad  Carolum  V.  C^esarem.  Su- 
per quatuor  libris  a  se  scriptis  de  Unitate  ecclesias.  Uni- 
tatis  eccles.  defensio  ad  Edwardum  Henrici  filium.  De 
Summa  Pontifice  Christi  in  terris  Yicario  ejusque  officio 
et  Pot  estate  liber.      Lovanii  Foulerum,  1569.     12mo. 

A  treatise  of  Justification  founde  amoncr  the  writinges 
of  Cardinal  Pole,  &c.     Lovanii,  1669.     4to. 

De  natali  die  Christi.  Comment,  in  Esaiam.  Comment, 
in  Davidis  hymnos.  Catechismum  Dialogum  de  passione 
Christi.  De  modo  concionandi.  Homehas  tres.  Statuta 
academise  Cantabrigiencis,  edita  15  Aug.  1557,  cap.  xv. 
MS.     Coll.  Corp.  Chr.  Cantabr.  Miscell. 

Card.  Poli,  et  afiorum  ad  ipsum  Epistola;,  &c.,  pra3m. 


ARCIIBISIIOrS   OF   CANTERBURY 


447 


Animadversiones   J.    G.    Schelhorni,    ed.    Card.   Quiiiui 
Brixi^e,  1744-57,  5  vols.  4to. 

Articles  to  be  enquyred  in  the  ordinary  visitation  of  liis 
grace  wythin  hys  dioces  of  Canterbury  in  the  yeare  of 
our  Lorde  God  1556.  Canterbury,  by  Dom  Michel  ( 1 550). 
4to. 


CIIAI'. 
IV. 

Ref^inald 
Pole. 

1556-58. 


END    OP    THE    EIGHTH    VOLUME. 


LONDON:    rUINTKD    1!Y 

Sl'OTTIHWOODK    AND     CO.,     NKW-STUi;KT    SQUAUU 

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