THE
NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE,
HI
C
(JOURNAL OF THE NUMISMATIC SOCIETY.)
EDITED BY
JOHN YONGE AKERMAN, F.S.A.,
ONE OP THE SECRETARIES OF THE NUMISMATIC SOCIETY,
CORRESPONDING MEMBER OF THE SOCIETY OF ANTIQUARIES OF EDINBURGH,
AND OF NEWCASTLE-UPON-TYNE, AND FELLOW OF THE ROYAL SOCIETY OF ANTIQUARIES
OF COPENHAGEN.
VOL. X.
V \ v /
APRIL, 1847 JANUARY, 1848.
1 ^i. / . N / \ V
Factum abiit monumenta maneut. Ov. Fast.
LONDON:
TAYLOR & WALTON, 28, UPPER GOWER STREET.
SOLD ALSO BY M. ROLLIN, RUE VIVIENNR, No. 12, PARIS.
M.DCCC.XLVIII.
v. 10
641 1
LONDON :
J. WERTHEIMKIl AND CO., PRINTERS,
CIHCUS PLACE, FINSBURY CIKCUS.
TO
CHRISTIAN JURGENSEN THOMSEN,
DIRECTOR OF THE ROYAL CABINET OF MEDALS AND ANTIQUITIES
AT (COPENHAGEN,
ETC. ETC. ETC. :
A MOST ZEALOUS PROMOTER OF ARCH/EOLOCICAL SCIENCE,
THIS,
OUR TENTH VOLUME,
IS
RESPECTFULLY AND GRATEFULLY
INSCRIBED.
CONTENTS.
ANCIENT NUMISMATICS.
PAliE
On the Types of the Coins of Caulonia ; by W. W. Lloyd 1
Unedited Autonomous and Imperial Greek Coins :
Lycia Antiphellos Balbura Bubon Cadyanda
Cy anea3 Limy ra My ra Podalia Telmessus
and Cragus Tityassa Tlos Trebenna Perga
- Pogla Adada Andeda Antiochia Apol-
lonia Baris Conana Cretopolis Cremna
Pednelissus Prostanna Sagalassus Seleucia
Selge ; by H. P. Borrell 80
Unedited Coin of Domitian ; by the Editor . . .103
Observations on Coins of Selinus ; by W. W. Lloyd . 108
Roman Remains at Farley Heath, in the County of
Surrey ; by B. Nightingale 143
MEDIEVAL AND MODERN NUMISMATICS.
On the Pennies of Henry with the Short and Long
Cross ; by Major W. Yorke Moore . . . 21
Further Remarks on the Pennies of Henry with the Short
and Long Cross ; by J. B. Bergne . , '26
Examples of London Coffee House, Tavern, and Trades-
men's Tokens ; by the Editor . . 63
Vlll CONTENTS.
PAGE
Unpublished Varieties of the Irish full-face Half-pence
of John ; by Edward Hoare . . . , .104
On the Irish full-face Half-pence of John (Second
Notice); by Edward Hoare 179
ORIENTAL NUMISMATICS.
Coins of the Patan, Afghan or Ghori Sultans of
Hindustan (Delhi), (concluded) ; by Edward Thomas,
Bengal Civil Service .... 43-127-151
NOTICES OF NUMISMATIC PUBLICATIONS.
Numismatique des Croisades ; par F. De Saulcy . 184
Memoires de la Societe d'Archacologie et de Numismatique
de St. Petersbourg, publiees par B. De Kohne . . 186
DISCOVERIES OF COINS.
Roman at Beachamwell, in Norfolk .... 102
MlSCELLANFA.
Light Gold in England, return of, p. 101 Collection of
Roman Coins for Sale at Cologne, p. 102 Sale of
the late Col. Durrant's Coins, p. 145 Half- pence
of Geo. II., p. 146 Curious Angel of Henry VII.
p. 147 Birmingham Forgeries of Turkish Money,
p. 147 Lines upon Farley Heath, p. 182.
CORRESPONDENCE 149-188
tfum, Ch?vn. Vol X.pJ
G. Scharf.pinxit.
COINS OF MESS EN I A, SELINUS,& CAULONIA.
NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
I.
ON THE TYPES OF THE COINS OF
CAULONIA.
THE Archaic incuse tetradrachms of the Achaian colony of
Caulonia, present, on the obverse, a male figure in the at-
titude of walking, naked, beardless, with long hair bound
by a fillet, and falling in regular curls over the neck ; the
elevated right hand holds a bush or branch, as if in the act
to strike; a small figure is running along his left out-
stretched arm and hand, with face usually turned towards
him, and also holding, sometimes a branch, and sometimes
a more indistinct object resembling a crown. 1 Below the
extended arm is usually a deer. Other specimens exhibit
a suspended fillet, and on the reverse, which generally has
a similar design, but sometimes without the smaller figure,
a basin or \ovrrjp, with a swan. Sometimes the swan is
introduced in the area beneath the extended arm of the
chief figure, and also to the right a bucranion ornamented
with fillets hanging above a bearded ithyphallic Hermes,
while to the left, water flows into a basin, from a lion-head
spout.
1 Archaeologische Zeitung, x. 2. Panofka. S. Birch, Nu-
mismatic Chronicle, XXX.
VOL. X. B
fsZ=TD_ gr _ ITT- JM
LS -r
4 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLfi.
personified in the winged figure, as the powers in whose
hands were triumph and success. Without turning aside now
to analyse the relation of the Sirens to Coronean Here, as
a nature goddess, we may remark, with respect to the Cha-
rites, that they are the types of health, beauty, and all the
cheerful things of which Apollo himself was so distinguished
an impersonation, and thus are appropriately represented as
his possession and gift. 4 As goddesses of health, they are
associated with Hygiea, by Ariphron, 5 and with jEsculapius
on the well-known bas relief. 6 Again, as placed on the
head of the Dionysian bull, 7 the symbol of the year, they
appear to have reference to the triple seasons, and the
course of the sun-god.
In these analogies, we seem to recover the same allusion
to health and purity, represented in the gesture of Apollo,
as KaOaprris ; while the running attitude of the small figure
brings it within that class, which by formal disposition, and
a certain wheel-like arrangement of limbs, appear to be
identifiable, as zoomorphised symbols (so to speak), in
some cases, of a cycle, or revolution, and at any rate of a
course.
The coins of Messenia bear Zeus Ithomatas precisely in
the attitude and action of the Caulonian Apollo, but darting
his bolt, instead of grasping the lustrative 0aXXo? : 8 on his
left extended fore-arm, is the eagle with outspread wings
and looking towards him. The close association of the eagle
4 Macrob. Satt. 1 . xvii.
5 Mf ra veto, p.aKaip' 'Yyteia, redr)\e Travra, KCII
6 Mus. Pio-Clem. iv. 13. 7 Denk. der Alt. Kt. ii. 383.
8 Ithome as originally Thome (Strabo), suggests a derivation
from the root of 0wp /*aortw: compare the Atoe /ua<mof the
Iliad (xii. 37). Poseidon, again, who on Bruttian coins wields his
trident in the same attitude, is not only a smiter of the quaking
earth, but in the Iliad (xiii.59), infuses alacrity and vigour into
the exhausted Ajaces by a blow of his sceptre
THE COINS OF CAULONIA. O
of Jove with his thunder is well known, from the celebrated
passage of Pindar's first Pythian ; and it is not to be doubted,
that the connection is as intimate between the hastening
mannikin of Caulonia and the action of the god, although
the blow is probably no more to be considered as menacing
him, than the bolt of Messenian Zeus threatens his eagle.
He would appear, from this analogy, less as the object, than
as the type, the means and messenger of the influence
of the god, a personage thus in much the same relation to
Apollo, as the tiny Telesphoros to Asclepius; and this
agrees with the crown, infula or 0aXAo9, borne by him
on various specimens.
To assist us in our search for a special and, if possible,
local significance in the present case, we have the winged
sandals observed by Minervini on the feet of the small
figure in a collection at Naples, and since by Mr. Birch, on
two specimens in the British Museum. 9 Winged sandals
are appropriated to Hermes, to Perseus, and to wind-gods,
as for instance, Boreas. 10 We may examine the claims of
each in succession.
1. Hermes appears in this running attitude on an
Etruscan speculum, and with lyre and flower in his hands,
which might in few words be made to harmonise with the
annual significance intimated. Mr. Birch interprets the
type of the coin as a representation of the anecdote in the
Homeric hymn, of Apollo taking up Hermes in his hands.
Were there any connection here, I should be inclined to
believe, that the coin preserved an archaic type of a
lepos Xo7o?, of which the poet of the hymn availed himself
for sportive burlesque. But the figure on the coin is not
9 One coin in particularly fine preservation exhibits the" wings
so distinctly as to leave no room for question.
10 A vase at Munich represents Apollo himself equipped with
them. (Thiersch, iiber die hellen. bemalten Vasen. pi. v.)
6 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
an infant, and if not, wherefore, as Hermes, is it on a scale
so inferior to the Apollo ? And the anecdote of the hymn
does not include the indispensable idea of purification, un-
less, indeed, we handle its details with a freedom they
scarcely invite. Still it would be with great hesitation and
regret, that I should give up the applicability of the passage
as illustrative of the type, and as an example of that irony
that ever becomes more discernible in the Homeric poetry,
as the analysis proceeds of the common symbolism of
Greek poetry and religion. We may find the progress of
our enquiry lead us back again to the instance, before the
essay concludes.
2. Perseus, another claimant to the winged sandals,
occurs like Hermes on vases (British Museum), in
this attitude of haste or rapid movement : and the astro-
nomical relations of his mythical character would render
his association with Apollo consistent; 11 I am not, however,
aware of any instance or legend of their fellowship, that
throws light on the combination on the coin. The more
recondite symbolism of the idea of Perseus, is rather
rivalling than complementary to that of Apollo.
3. The wind-gods remain. Boreas, on a Hamilton vase
(Gal. Myth. Ixxx.), has the fledged heels of Hermes or
Perseus, which thus are appropriate to powers of the winds.
Boreas himself is a wild power : the spanking stride usually
assigned to him corresponds with the action of our figure, and
he is thus not an unfit subject for control, or purification. 12
If, then, with Panofka, we regard this small figure as a
wind-god, a prince of the powers of air, the analogy of the
11 Cf. John. Lyd. de Menss. iv. 17, as they appear to have
formed the motive of his representation on the throne of the
health-power Asclepius, son of Apollo, at Epidaurus. Paus. ii.:i7.
12 Hesychius in v. fiopeaapot.
THE COINS OF CAULONIA. 7
type becomes at once obvious to that of the Sicilian coin
(Denk. Alt. Kt. i. 194), 13 bearing a representation of the
purification of the air from pestilence, by the arrows of the
bowyer-god; 14 and on the reverse, a figure holding, in the
left hand, the branch of lustration, similar to that on the
Caulonian coin, and with his right, making a libation at an
altar. By the altar is a cock, a type either of solar influence
or an emblem of the health -god. The connection of the rite
of lustration is not more intimate with the removal of moral
defilement, than with the restoration of healthy purity to
the human body, 15 and of local circumstance as affecting it.
The proofs are abundant of the reference by the Greeks,
of the origin of disease to disorders of the air. 16 Hence,
the celebrated Pcean, written by Sophocles for the service
of the Athenian Asclepieion, 17 was said to have the effect
of charming the winds when blowing unseasonably; the
Attic worship of Boreas was directed to the propitiation of
healthful breezes, 18 and it may be observed, that it is as a
health-god and curer that ^Eschylus refers to Apollo as
controlling the contrary winds, that detained the fleet of
Agamemnon. 19
Pausanias (iii. 16) regarded the flagellations which
13 Cf. Mtiller, ibid, and Diog. Laert. viii. 2, 11.
14 Sophoc. CEdip. Tyran. 203.
15 HpwTov JJLEV yap 77 KadapcrtQ KO.I 01 KaOapjjioi rat Kara rrjr
taTptKYjf /ecu Kara TTT\V juavrto/v KCU cu TOIQ tarpiKotQ (j)apjj.a.Koig feat
at TOIQ p.avTtKoiQ TrepideLUffeiQ re /cat ra Xovrpa ra F.V TOIQ TOIOVTOIQ
KCLI at TrepipavareiQ, iravTO. ev TL ravra fivvair av, Ka.Qa.pov Trape^etv
TOV avOpwirov Kai Kara TO crwjua /cat Kara rr\v ^>vyj]v. Plato.
Cratyl. p. 405 A. 16 Herod, ii. 77. Cf. Hippocrat. Apotheg.
17 Philost. vit. Apoll. viii. 7, 8. 18 Hesych. in v.
19 Irfiov Se KoXew Ilatava
T/] rtvag
a dvviav . . . jEschy. Agam. 149.
Aulis, a title of Apollo. Hesych in v.
8 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
stained the altar of Artemis Orthia with blood, as
leniently substituted for the human sacrifices offered in
olden time to the goddess, and of which that of Iphigeneia
to propitiate the winds, was the mythical type. The Luper-
calia, in which Roman ladies " who loved their lords"
willingly exposed themselves to the stripes dealt by the
youths who ran the course, were properly a form of
fcaOapfjios : they took place in the month of lustration
(February), at a time when, it is noticed (Ovidii Fasti, ii.),
the winds were unusually violent, or variable. We shall
have occasion presently, to notice the relation between ap-
peased or propitiated winds, and prolific love. Juno, with
whose worship the rites appear intimately connected, was
regarded in this association as the goddess of the purified
and purifying air (John Lydus de Mens. Cf. Lobeck i. 89 ;
Plut. Numaxix.; Dionys. Halic).
Having arrived at this point, we may look more closely
into the history and origin of Caulonia, for traces of re-
lation to the mythology of Apollo and the winds.
Caulonia, according to Pausanias, was founded by
Achaians (vi. 3, 5), under Tuphon of Aigai. The name
of the /mcrTT??, Tuphon, at once gives us a reference to
stormy and unhealthy winds, and we may either consider
him as a mythical personage; in which case he may be
identified on the coin at once ; or else, admitting his histori-
cal character, his name by the prevalent law must, as so
distinctly significant, be held to indicate the character of
the worship or the particular divinity to which he and his
followers were attached; his followers, also, for in these
early colonies, claim to leadership is ever traceable to pre-
tensions to special religious function and mythical dignity.
Now Typhonian mythology is in most intimate connection
with the legend of Apollo as sun-god, and as purifier of
THE COINS OF CAULONIA. 9
the air ; Typhaon, offspring of unassisted Her, having
been committed by his mother to the care of the serpent
Python (Horn. hymn, in Apoll.). Hesiod (Theog. v. 869)
makes Typhon father of all destructive and detrimental
winds ; and thus he may be regarded with probability as
originating them, and, as an object of worship, the power who
when propitiated or incensed could direct or restrain
them. 20
Tuphon was of Aigai ; and in this name, as in that of
the city Aigira, into which it ultimately merged, relation
may be detected to the root atWw, which, as having refer-
ence to winds, storms, or impetuous course, is now gene-
rally recognised in (Byis? 1 Compare the name of the town
Donousa, or Donoessa (Savea, Sova/ee?), in the neighbour-
hood of Aigai. In the latter town, are found temples of
Apollo and Asclepius. It is at another Achaian town of
cognate name, Aigion, that Pausanias records a conver-
sation he had with a Phoenician, in the temple of Asclepius, 22
that, vague as it is, has great interest. According to the
Phoenician system, as expounded by the Sidonian, Asclepius
was the air, serviceable to man and all animals for salu-
brity; and Apollo was the sun, appropriately styled his
father by no mortal mother, as it was the sun that, by per-
formance of his course in conformity with the seasons,
20 In the field of the coin, in one specimen, are a pair of dol-
phins (British Museum), which may refer to the Delphian god ;
(Horn. hymn, in Apoll.) to the safe navigation of tranquil seas
(the winds being propitiated or appeased) ; or else it may be,
also, to the celestial sign connected by Ovid with the mythology
of Typhon. (Fasti ii.)
21 TOVQ Be K'ttra iyi$<t)$et avepovQ rvtyut KuXovfft.
Schol. Aristoph. Han. 872.
K avefjioevrwr cuyt&uj'. ./Eschy. Choeph. 590.
22 Paus. vii. 23, 6.
VOL. x. c
10 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
conferred salubrity on the air. Pausanias admitted the
correctness of the view, but argued that it. was quite as
much the Greek as Phoenician. 23 The diadem or rays
round the head of the god, on many specimens of the Cau-
lonian coin, mark him as a sun -god.
By a KTurrris from Achaian Aigai was founded another
Italian city, Crotona. The leader of the colony in this
instance, was Muskelos, or Muskellos, who, according to
Eustathius (ad. Dionys.), before founding the city, con-
sulted Delphi ; and in answer to the god, chose health as
preferable to wealth for his future town. Muskellos, and
hence Crotona, thus appear in close relation to Apollo.
The Apollo of Crotona, is consequently a health-god; the
city was famed for its healthiness, a gift of the god, and
renowned moreover for its school of medicine (Strabo), sure
indication of a seat of Asclepian worship. Now to Crotona,
according to Scymnus (318), and Stephanus Byzant. (as
according to other authorities to Aigai), was ascribed the
founding of Caulonia, or, as it was originally called, Aulonia
(Strabo). The two Italian cities, in fact, sprung from the
same metropolis ; and Crotona, the elder sister, in accord-
ance with the sympathy of common race so strong in the
history of Greek colonisation, assisted or took part in the
promotion of the later enterprise. Hence, 1 suspect, the
conspicuousness of the health-god of Crotona on Caulonian
coins. The Aisarus that flowed by Crotona, was said to
be named from a hunter, probably Apollo himself, who
followed a stag there (the stag of the coin). It is noticed,
that the port of Crotona furnished no protection against
the winds in winter (Polyb. x. 1, Plin. iii. 2, 15), and it is
probable enough that this circumstance was reflected in
the local mythology.
23 And Aristotle supports him: de Gen. Anim. lib. iv. s. fin.
THE COINS OF CAULONJA. 11
But we have yet another founder of Caulonia to con-
sider; Aulon, from whom the city was first called Aulonia 24
(Servius ad Mn. iii. 5523, Strab. 261, Steph. Byz. v.
Avkwv). This name, as observed by Panofka (Archaol.
Zeit. No. xliii. p. 312), has relation to auco ; and it thus is in
harmony with the derivations of Aiyai, and Donoessa, and
parallelises remarkably with the name of the fellow-colonist
Typhon, as a gusty personage.
The most obvious explanation of the name, is certainly
by reference to local appropriateness ; av\ow signifying a
long valley, defile, hollow way, canal, channel, or straits of
the sea. Such geographical peculiarities are found con-
nected with it in abundant instances: at the N.W. of the
Stryrnonian gulf, the plain of Jordan, the straits between
Cyprus and Cilicia, at Messene, and at Aulis, on the
Euboaan strait, etc. etc. Strabo expressly states, that the
Aulonia of Italy received its name from its situation. 25
Nevertheless, though the name, in many cases, were
originally simply descriptive, it may easily have been after-
wards seized upon by legend, personified in a hero, and to
the hero adventures and qualities assigned appropriate to
the race and its circumstances ; but quite absolved from the
original descriptive propriety. This vagary of legend is
familiarly illustrated in the fanciful interpretation of names,
and plays on derivations, in the Homeric poems. (Odys
seus, Peleus, and Pelion, the horn and ivory gates of
dreams, Delphi in Hymn. ad. Apoll. etc.)
24 What was the principle on which the change of name took
place ? I am indebted to Mr. Newton for the observation which
seems to point to the solution, that mvXog and avXog appear as
correlative terms ; the first is the ferule of the spear-head, that
receives the second, the stem or shaft of the spear.
25 Cf. Etmol. Mag. in v. AvXwvm.
12 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
Thus, the name of Aulocrne is sufficiently explained
by the valley and the lake, whence rose the rivers Marsyas
and Mseander (Pliny, H. N. v. 29) : but Strabo says, it
had its name from the reeds that grew there, of particular
excellence for pipes, and legend doubtless connected them
with the piping Marsyas. There seems, therefore, some
ground to suspect that the hero Aulon is, in fact, a result
of the personified city, clothed with mythic attributes sug-
gested by his fellow-colonist Typhon, and by prevalent local
legends as to the purifying influence of the health-god,
Apollo of Crotona, on the air and breezes : and on the
other hand, as we shall see, the occurrence of a hero, Aulon,
in other localities, opens the possibility that the local refer-
ence indicated by Strabo, may be a coincidence, or a mis
take. The true root of the coincidence lies in the fact,
that a strait or valley (av\a)v) is naturally windy (=<zf\a)ra5
tfeAa&e^ou?, Horn. Hymn, in Mer.), and thus invited and
induced religious regard for wind-gods or heroes of their
race. Diodorus enumerates, among the causes of absence
of winds and of a calm atmosphere, pyre (TVCTKLOVS aiA,o>va<?
TrapatceLcrOat, 7r\q<rLov (lib. ii. p. 129). The mythology of
the story of Aulis is found at the metropolis of Aulonia,
Achaian Aigira, where Pausanias notices a temple of
Artemis, and statue of Iphigeneia ; and hence it was, there-
fore, that Apollo as Paion, the curer, and as the appeaser
of the winds, associated in this character with Artemis at
Aulis, by ^Eschylus, and in the painting of Pompeii, was
originally derived by the Achaian colonists.
There seems to have been much in the position of these
cities, to favour the development of any religious germs
having relation to the winds. It would be favoured by
natural circumstances, and antecedent legend. The navi-
gation round the extreme promontories of the Italian penin-
THE COINS OF CAULONIA. 1
sula, appears to have been very exposed, and rites and
legends referring to the winds, are, as might be expected,
traceable without difficulty,
The cult of the winds, that is so widely diffused among
the older cities, at Athens, 26 Corinth, Troezene, Sicyon, 27
Messenia, etc., dates, no doubt, at least as early as the days
of Achaian predominance, and does not seem to have been
forgotten by the bold mariners who settled in the West. It
was less likely to be neglected at Caulonia, from the great
importance attached to it at the chief seat of the Delphic
god; long before the expedition of Xerxes, which gave
occasion for its revival (Herod, vii. 178). The Thurians,
for services rendered, presented Boreas with the freedom
of their city, and an estate. 28 At Tarentum, we find
notice of sacrifices to the winds: 29 it is especially noticed,
that the port of Crotona was exposed to their fury in
winter, and proceeding but a short distance farther, we
arrive at the promontory Zephyrium (the name of which,
betrays a local wind mythus), and the supposed ^Eolian
isles. That the promontory Zephyrium was a seat of
legends, if not the worship, of the winds, 30 appears probable,
26 The /3ojoea<rjuot of the Athenians, LVGLCLVOGOI TrvewaLv (Hesych.
in v. Cf. Lobeck. Aglao. p. 760).
27 Paus. ii. 12, 1; Bw/xoc of winds and rites to appease TO
TrvtvjjLCLTwv TO aypiov. At Mothone, in Messenia, was a fane of
Athene Anemotis, founded by Diomedes, in favour of whom the
goddess put a stop to violent and unseasonable winds (Paus. iv.
35. Zeus Euanemos at Sparta, id. iii. 13, 5),
28 JElian. V. H. xii. 62.
29 Hesych. in v . a<f>f.KTo$. Compare Zeus Ourios at Syracuse, etc.
30 Hence the suggestion of the introduction of Pindar's ode for
an Epizephyrian Locrian
E,<TTiv a.vQin)TTOiQ avtLdiv OTS. TrAeiora
ECFTIV
Ttaicwv Ne^tXag. Olymp. x. 1.
Stephanus Byz. speaks of a Locrian Caulonia, and cf. Servius
ad ALn. iii. v.553.
14 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
not only on other grounds, but from the occurrence of
another Zephyrium eastward, on the borders of Cilicia, 31
in close connection with a locality named Anemurium.
So in the Iliad, Zephyrus appears as the host of all the
winds ; and in this character, seems to occupy the place of
the wind controller ^Eolus of the Odyssey, who feasts his
family in his windy halls with the spirit of a "fine old
English gentleman, one of the olden time." Literature is
not silent on the loves of Zephyrus; Iris bore him Eros, as
Alcseus sings (Plut. Amator. 20), and Ovid (Fasti, v. 197)
recounts his adventure with Flora. The vases of Italy pre-
sent him in groups parallel to those of Boreas and Oreithyia,
as eager, but a more comely lover (Arch. Zeit 31 . Tischb. iii.
28). The situation corresponds with the fertilising and
vivifying influence assigned to the winds in Greek religion,
and follows the type that was in the possession of Homer,
and is indicated in his picture of the somewhat embarrassing
gallantry of the carousing powers of the breezes to the
summoning Iris. 32
Two lines may be noticed in Homer's account of .ZEolus,
as illustrative of our points : Kviaarjev Se re 8a)jua Trepi-
o-reva^erat, av\rj, where av\rj ( =Av\a)via) may be inter-
preted, at least as regards allusion, by Etymol. Mag. in v.
AV\TJ. o Trepn-et^to-yito? (= the brass- walled island of
31 Straboxiv. 670. Ptolemy v. 8. Eustath. ad Dionys. 855.
Cilicia, it must be observed in this connection, is a chief seat of
Typhonian legend. So again, legend connected Typhon with
Mt. Hsemus, in the neighbourhood of the Strymonian gulf, where
the worship of the winds was particularly rife, and where we have
already noticed an Aulis. The wind-worship of Thrace, is a
parallelism that mav be added to others of Magian or Persian
character, adverted to in " The Nereid Monument." Boreas and
Zephyrus return home from the pyre of Patroclus, QprjiKtov Kara
, Iliad xxiii. 230. 32 Iliad xxiii. 203.
THE COINS OF CAULONIA. 15
Trapa TO ao>, TO 7rve&>. /cat, av\rj o TrepiTrveofjuevo^ TOTTO?.
The name of ^Eolus seems to have suffered the fate I
have suggested, as possibly that of Aulonia ; as although
probably in origin a mere personification of uEolian race, in
mythus an intention is not uridiscoverable to rely on its
suggestion of ae\\co. Again, the expression fiv/cTacav
ave/j,o)v Ke\6v6a } said to be enclosed in the bag, suggests
to me the idea of a course, as symbolised in the running
mannikin of the coin.
Pausanias (iii. 12, 7) mentions the tomb of an Aulon, at
Sparta, which is the more note-worthy, as, according to the
same authority, 33 the Spartans sent a colony to Crotona.
The heroon was associated with another of Hippolytus ;
and Panofka has already remarked the parallel relation to
the mythology of Asclepius, of Hippolytus recalled by
him to life, and of Aulon as associated with a health-god
on the coin under consideration ; of Hippolytus, whose
statue is found in fanes of Asclepius, and of Aulonios, 34
whose statue is noticed by Pausanias, in a temple of the
god at AuJon, near Pylos, in Messenia.
The same sagacious archaeologist has observed, that the
parallel holds in the case of yet another founder of the
city, Caulos, like Hippolytus, son of an Amazon. 35
33 Paus. iii. 3, 1. On a Laconian town Aulon, cf. Steph.
Byz. in v. (who mentions others in Arcadia and Crete), and Plin.
H.N.iv. 5.
34 Sophocles, the charmer of irregular winds, held the heredi-
tary iepwffvvr) of Alon, a hero, who was a medical student with
Asclepius under Cheiron. (Qy. Alon=Aulon.) Vit. Soph.
35 Kleite,* the Amazon mother of Caulos, is called foundress
and queen of a city of the same name, said to have been destroyed
* Serv. ad JEn. iii. 552 3. Etymol. Mag. in v.
Lycophron v. 1002.
16 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
The small figure, in some instances, holds a branch or
bush, like that in the hand of the Apollo, though not held
in the same active manner; the duplication of the emblem,
is argument for its special significance. It must be ob-
served, that in the rite of lustration, it was by no means
indifferent what particular plant supplied the branch; it
differed in various localities, and probably some particular
plant was renowned at Caulonia as locally efficacious.
Pariofka suggests an intimation, by the type of a bush or
fcav\o$ 9 of the name of Caulonia, which is quite within
the probabilities of numismatic typology. I cannot, how-
ever, consent to accept the bush as a modification of the
uprooted trees borne over rocks and precipices by the
priests of Apollo Hylates, among the Magnesians. In
this practice (traceable, apparently, to stimulating vapours
of the sacred cave) I can neither recognise a ceremony,
with Panofka, nor a form of lustration, with Mr. Birch;
Pausanias 36 having no allusion to lustration by olive
branches. Nor am I aware of any relation between
Magnesia and Caulonia, that justifies so bold a comparison
of their special mythologies. Such a relation exists
by the Crotonians, who thus appear in a hostile relation to the
mother of the hero, who is called the founder of Caulonia, the
city in which they themselves had considerable interest. The
complication suggests the probability, that the complete legend
would furnish Kleite with a Crotonian husband, and thus com-
plete the parallel to Theseus and Hippolyta (" the bouncing
Amazon, his buskined love"), and their son Hippolytus. The
tombs of Hippolytus and Aulon at Sparta appear to be connected
with the highly venerated fane of the mighty mother, or great
mother; in an obscure matter, perhaps the conjecture may be
worth setting down, that the great mother here may have been
the nature goddess associated with Amazonian legend, the
Ephesian Artemis in Asia in Italy, it may be, the Amazon
Kleite at Athens, the Amazon Hippolyta.
36 Paus. x. 32, 4.
THE COINS OF CAULONIA. 17
between the Magnetes of Europe and those of Asia ; on
whose coins, accordingly, the type of Apollo Hylates is re-
cognised.
My conclusion, then, from the foregoing analysis amounts
to this that the larger figure of the Caulonian coins
represents Apollo as sun-god, and god of health and purifi-
cation, exercising his influence particularly by regulation
of the air, by controlling and checking winds, violent or
unseasonable, and promoting the periodical return of health-
ful and seasonable breezes; the smaller figure being a
type or emblem of this special influence, as a personified
power of the air, or Satyu-wv, intimately connected with a
local and national cult of the winds, as traceable in the
history and mythology of the Achaians, their expeditions,
colonies, and heroes.
The Due de Luynes proposed as the subject of the coin,
Apollo and Aristaeus, 37 particularly worshipped at Meta-
poritum as tcaOapTvjs or fcaOapcrios. This is, at least, another
example of the combination in the Achaian cities of Italy,
of ideas of purification or lustration, and the cult of the
winds. Aristaeus appears in Apollonius Rhodius, as pro-
pitiator of the Etesian winds, the alleviator of the heats
of Sirius. Nonnus calls the Etesians Kripvites Apio-Taioio. 38
*7 Cf. Herod, iv. 15.
38 Aristaeus is, perhaps, the most eligible name on many
accounts, for the figure with dog and staff, Asclepian attributes,
on the eastern front of the Harpy tomb (Lycian Marbles), and an
appropriate antitype to the Harpies, as emblems of stormy winds.
In an essay on the monument, printed in 1845, I noticed the
dependence of its symbolism on the aspect of its fronts, and that
the Harpies were properly wind-powers.* With the general
* A coin of Lycia, published in the recent work on that
country, of Messrs. Spratt and Forbes, bears a Harpy on one
side, and on the other, a running figure with winged sandals.
VOL. X. D *>
18 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
I have now hut one more remark to make in conclusion
it is to the effect, that if the relations of the Hermes
of Cyllene, of the Homeric hymn to the Typhonian power
of Aigai and Caulonia be closely scrutinised, a task that for
various reasons I decline, some mythical analogies may be
recognised between them, some significant intimation of
a Hermes-Tuphon (Cf. Horn. Hymn v. 295 ff.) enough to
indicate that the coincidence of the poetical and numis-
matic type is not an accident. On the coin of the British
Museum, there is some appearance of the rim of the TrtXo?,
and some very distinct of a paftSos in the right hand of the
figure. The bush with which he is provided on other
specimens, reminds of the myrtle-gathering Hermes of the
Homeric hymn, and of Hermes indicator of the herb
/jiQ)\vto Odusseus in the Odyssey. The ithyphallic Hermes
of some types refers to the same circle of mythology, while,
on the other hand, the Homeric hymn furnishes a character-
istic of the god, his return to his cavern-home in semblance
of an autumnal air or mist of the morning, 39 which with his
analysis then given, I am still content ; but it is susceptible of
extension, by aid of a focal tradition that I have since met with,
but overlooked in later continental essays on this difficult subject,
as well as in my own. The tradition in question, is that of the
Triad of Lycian gods noticed by Eusbius, Hesychius, and nume-
rous other authorities, and as Titans bearing remarkable analogy
to the Titanic Triad of Athens, the Tritopatores, guards and
janitors of the winds ; and in this character, as rulers of the
triform elements, and as presiders over fruitful marriage, appear-
ing precisely in the character that by tentative analysis I was
led to assign to them. The monument thus presents the same
association of controlled and controlling powers of elemental
nature, that there appears to me reason to recognise on the
Caulonian coin.
avpy OTrwjOivp evaXtyKiog, r)vr opi^Xr) .....
rjKa. TToat 7rpo/3t/3wj'' ov yap fcrv?rev, worirfp e?r' ovdet. V. 146 ff.
THE COINS OF CAULONIA. 19
relation to Apollo, would suffice to account for the inter-
change of his personality or attributes with the atmospheric
or meteorological Saifjucov of the mythology of Achaia.
The radiated head of Apollo on some specimens of our
coins, declares the personified sun, which with the ancients
was a planet ; and the suggestion is obvious, that the
smaller figure may likewise receive an astronomical inter-
pretation, perhaps as the little planet nearest to the sun
(hence the disproportion of the figures), by some assigned
to Apollo himself, by others to Hermes. 40 From this con-
stant proximity to the sun, the star is called his comes or
safeties; 41 and rising, in consequence of this position, some-
times just before the sun, and sometimes just after sunset; 42
sometimes in direct motion, and sometimes retrograde, the
bright, but tiny, luminary seems not ill typified in the
precocious and aspiring brother of Apollo model for all
younger brothers to the end of time and appropriately
characterised in the terms of the hymn
\rfiffrv)p ',
VVKTOQ OTrwTrrjrrjpa, TrvXrjfioKov* V. 14.
The avTpov TraTuovaoi/ of his mother Maia (v. 5) on
Mount Cithaeron, is identical with that of Here as Leto
Muchia or Nuchia in the same place, of which Plutarch
records an astronomical interpretation ; 43 and more, I doubt
not, would be found by such an analysis of the entire legend,
as Miiller furnished a model for, in his Essay on Orion.
These are but hints and suggestions; but even taken
40 Pseud. Aristot. de Mundo, cap. 2.
41 Cicero, Som. Scip. ap. Macrob. 1. 17.
42 Plin. H.N.ii.S. Hygin. Poet. Astron. xvi.
43 Moral vi. p. 347. Tauch.
20 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
absolutely, must by no means be understood as prejudicing
the foregone conclusion. The forces that moulded Greek
legends into the form in which we receive them, were too
diversified, mixed and alternating, to allow us to give a
complete resolution of any monument by reference to a
single influence. No exclusively Vulcanian or Neptunian
theory will enable us to read aright the records of this
creation. Athene herself (to take the first example that
presents itself), is, in various legends, the type of the land
as opposed to the sea, the nymph of agriculture and in-
crease, goddess of fire and of the arts it subserves, the
moon, the rushing firmament, the sacred virgin, the mystic
mother, the divine intelligence.
Among the generative ideas that have contributed to the
formation of any type under consideration, that to which
its origin is chiefly due, and that which determines the pre-
dominant character of the special instance, are the great
objects to be sought for by analysis ; but they will frequently
be found at wide distances apart, and, like many others
concerned in the result, may well, if scanned negligently,
seem incompatible. It is, however, by the adjustment of
such combinations, by-harmonising these conflicting lights
with reference to a single ruling effect, that Greek art, from
the earliest forms of its development to the latest, achieves
a significance and pregnancy that remain unrivalled.
WILLIAM WATKISS LLOYD.
JVum. Chron. Tbf
ENGLISH, SCOTCH, AND IRISH PENNIES & HALF-PENNIES,
21
II.
ON THE PENNIES OF HENRY WITH THE SHORT
AND LONG CROSS.
[Read before the Numismatic Society, November 26th, J846.]
DEAR SiR,^l take the liberty of sending you a few
observations on the coinage of Henry II. and III., sug-
gested by perusing a paper of Mr. Haigh's published at
p. 124 of the " Olla Podrida," (a work obligingly pre-
sented to me by the author, Mr. Sainthill, of Cork), in
which he considers that all the short cross coins belong to
Henry III. Mr. Haigh observes, " Matthew Paris informs
us this (1248) coinage differed from the old in some im-
portant particulars" In the sole quotation he gives, how-
ever, Paris says, " The only difference is, that the double
cross went beyond the circle of letters; but in the rest, as to
weight, the impression of the head, with the lettered title,
remains as before." Surely, Paris might also have noticed
the three numerals after Henry, as also that he has a
widely different crown on ; but Hollingshed has pointed
out so many inaccuracies of Matthew Paris, that his asser-
tion, although a contemporary writer, is far from con-
clusive in my estimation.
The coins usually ascribed to Henry I., have the head
both in front and in profile ; and, from their scarcity, and the
similarity of their types and legends to those of the
Williams, are most likely properly appropriated. The new
coinage in Henry ll.'s reign (he having called in all the
light and clipped money to be re-coined), and subsequently
22 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
his proclamation, that none but the new coin should be
current, are not only sufficient to account for their great
rarity, but also go a great way in proving that they must
have been coined by that prince. So much for the coins
of Henry I.
Henry II. seems to have been the first king after the
conquest, who made any considerable regulations on money
affairs. Stow says, " He suppressed the mints which every
earl and baron had in Stephen's time, and altered the coin
which was corrupted by the usurers, whom he grievously
punished." In his third year, he coined new money, which
only was current in the realm, all other coins being for-
bidden.
In 1159, he made a new coin in England, and in 1180,
as Ranulph de Diceto and Stow say, " He re-coined all
the light and broken money, and called in all the bad.
Hollingshed also mentions, that in 1180 he sent for an
artist, Philip Aymary of Tours, to superintend a new and
improved coinage. Adam de Bedleia, Richard de Neketon,
and William Ta, having been moneyers, whose names
appear on the short double cross coins ascribed to
Henry II., and who, -on the authority of Madox, were
moneyers at London in the fourteenth year of Henry III.,
and a person named Ilger, whose name appears on some
of the short cross coins, being custos monetce at London,
in the sixth year of Henry III., Ruding and others have
thereby been led to appropriate these short cross Henries
to that king (Henry III.). Now in the first place, that the
same persons should have been moneyers to Henry II.
and III. both, is neither impossible nor improbable, the
difference between their respective reigns being but twenty-
seven years; and again, in the years immediately succeeding
the Conquest, there is every reason to suppose that the art of
SHORT AND LONG CROSS PENNIES OF HENRY. 23
coining was exclusively exercised by certain families, and
that in consequence of the paucity of the Anglo-Norman
vocabulary of that period, together with the predilection
(still existing) of calling some of the sons after the father
or grandfather, it is more than probable that the trade of
the father was, together with his name, handed down to his
children, after the manner of the ancient Egyptians. It
therefore need not, under such circumstances, be matter of
wonder, should the same names appear on the coins of
half a dozen successive sovereigns.
2ndly. The moneyers of Henry III., as Leake acutely
observes, would hardly be guilty of the solecism of repre-
senting him in the sixteenth year of his age with a long
beard and old face, together with a crown, sceptre, and
reverse totally different from what was afterwards used on
his coin, whereas those with the numerals, said not to be
coined until his thirty-second year, are remarkable for the
youthfulness of the king's appearance upon them.
Srdly. The reverses of the coins of William the Lion,
who was successively cotemporary with Henry II.,
Richard I., and John, will be found not only nearly similar
in type to those appropriated by Leake to Henry II., but
also to the reverses of the coins of John reading Dominus,
which were coined in the early part of his father's reign, while
on the obverse of all the double cross coins of William, the
cap consists of pearls similar to the crown of Henry.
4thly. The probability that the moneyers of Scotland
should rather copy the type of the English coinage, than
that the moneyers of England should copy theirs; an
hypothesis which will at once be apparent on contrasting
the coins of the first three Edwards, with those of Robert
and David Bruce their cotemporaries; and recollecting that
the first Scotch groats coined by David, did not appear
24 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
until after the issue of the English groats by Edward ; that on
their obverse the king's head was enclosed in a tressure, the
reverse having two circles of legends, and their weight being 72
grains, precisely that of Edward's. And what renders this
more probable, is the blundered French legend on William's
coins, a compliment no doubt to Henry II. whose prisoner
he then was, and who then held his court in Normandy ;
these coins being supposed by Cardonnel to be struck for
the purpose of paying his ransom.
5thly. William the Lion did not come to the throne of
Scotland until eleven years after the accession of Henry II.,
and eight years after he (Henry II.) had ordered a new
coinage. This circumstance, together with the fact, that
no coin of any of the Scottish monarchs preceding William
has as yet been decidedly pronounced as such by numis-
matists, proves beyond a doubt that his coins must have been
copied from those of Henry, whilst their weight being
also similar to the English sterling, strengthens the con-
jecture.
6thly. The abundance of the short cross coins of Henry,
dug up every day in Ireland, and introduced most probably
by the early Anglo-Norman invaders of it, and by Henry II.
himself, when he subjugated Ireland in 1172.
7thly. The comparative rarity of those with the numerals
and long cross, when contrasted with the short cross coins,
produced no doubt by the scarcity of money in Henry III.'s
reign, which had become very great through the immensity
squandered by him in his two French expeditions, when he
is said to have taken no less than fifty barrels of sterlings
with him out of the kingdom, as also through the avarice
of his brother, the Earl of Cornwall, who farmed the mints,
and who, when created king of the Romans, carried 700,000
pounds sterling with him to Germany, which produced
SHOUT AND LONG CROSS COINS OF HENRY. 25
such a want of circulating medium, and so inundated the
country with base moneys, that a grievous famine was the
consequence.
Sthly. No Irish money of Henry III. with the short cross
having as yet been discovered, it is not likely that the
Earl of Cornwall, who farmed all the royal mints, and who
was rather grasping in his disposition, should permit those
of Dublin to remain unproductive so long (Dublin being
one of the mints mentioned in the proclamation for the new
coinage); therefore, if the long cross was not introduced on
his coins until his thirty-second year, Irish coins with the
short cross and triangle should be common ; but none as
yet have appeared.
9thly. The crown on King John's money, instead of con-
sisting of a row of five pearls, with a cross of pearls in the
centre, is exactly similar in type to that on the coins of
Henry III. with the numerals, consisting of a thick line
with turned-up ends terminating in pearls, and with a
fleur-de-lis in its centre.
Finally, in how few instances out of thirty-two mints,
does the same mint-master's name occur on the short
and long double-cross Henries, a thing almost impossible,
if both were coined by the same monarch; whilst the
change in the orthography of the places of mintage and
moneyers' names, which from being semibarbarous on the
short, change, on the long cross coins, to names differing little
from those of the present day, proves they cannot have
been the coinage of the same monarch, ex.gr a.
Short-cross. Long-cross.
Brust for Bristol Brist
Oxene for Oxford Oxonia.
Joan for John John
Rodbert for Robert Robert
Cardi for Carlisle Carlel
VOL. x. E
26 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
These, which I believe to be facts, are in favour of the
short cross coins being struck, not only during the reign
of William the Lion, but also prior to that o King John,
whose face on his Dominus coins, stamped during the life-
time of his father, is surrounded by pearls; whereas, on his
Rex coins, the crown has been changed to that form which
subsequently appears on the numerical coins of his son
and successor Henry III., and which is of a more elegant
type ; there being as yet no example of any of the
English monarchs substituting, for an improved form of
crown on their coins, one of more barbarous delineation.
At the same time, we see a similar type of crown, namely
the open crown/fojre, on the coins of Alexander II. and III.,
who were successively cotemporaries with Henry III.
I am,
Dear Sir,
Your's truly,
WILLIAM YORKE MOORE.
EDWARD HAWKINS, Esq.
etc. etc. etc.
III.
FURTHER REMARKS ON THE PENNIES OF HENRY
WITH THE SHORT AND LONG CROSS.
[Read before the Numismatic Society, January 28, 1847.]
A small hoard of coins was discovered at Teston, in
the county of Kent, towards the close of the past year.
It consisted of thirty-seven pennies of the type commonly
called the short cross, (No. 286 in Mr. Hawkins' work,)
attributed by him to Henry II.; and of three pennies of
William the Lion, king of Scotland; and it is believed
that these forty coins constituted the entire find.
SHORT AND LONG CROSS PENNIES OF HENRY.
The coins of Henry are of the following mints and
moneyers :
Canterbury -
Chichester
Durham
London
Nicole (? Lincoln) -
No (Northampton or
Norwich)
Winchester -
York -
Double struck
- Coldwine
-
Johan -
_
Johan B.
- (Pl.No.1)
Johan M.
-
Meinir
_
Samuel
- 2
7
- Willelm
1
- Pieres -
1
- Abel -
- 5
Fulke -
- 2
Tiger -
- 9
Rauf -
- 2
Walter
- 4
Willem T. -
- 1
23
- Hue -
1
>r
- Renaud
1
- Lukas -
1
Nicole -
1
- Simon -
1
37
The British Museum possesses specimens of each of
the above moneyers, under the respective mints.
The legends and types of the three pennies of William
the, Lion, are as follows:
f Type similar to Lindsay, PI. 2,
No. 37. The obverse le-
ft. I-D^ .
2. Obv. + WILQLCDVS
]
gend probably blundered
from " Le Rei Wilam."
3. Qbv. + WILAM.
. .VS
This last coin differs somewhat from No. 39 of Lindsay,
and is engraved in the accompanying Plate, No. 2.
28 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
The whole of the coins appear to have been little if at
all in circulation; but the English pennies are more im-
perfectly struck than is generally the case with coins of
the type.
The discovery of so small a number of coins of well-
known and ordinary types would hardly be worth record-
ing, if it were not for the opportunity which it affords of
offering a few remarks on the controversy, which has arisen
within the last few years, as to the correct appropriation of
the pennies of Henry with the short cross. These coins were
assigned to Henry II., by Archbishop Sharpe, Leake,
Fleetwood, and Tindal (in the notes to his translation of
Rapin's History of England), the earliest writers on the
English coinage, chiefly on the assumption, that because
certain coins of Henry III. bore the numerals III. or Terci,
no coins on which those numerals do not appear, could be
considered as belonging to him. It is, however, by no
means a necessary consequence, that because the numerals
were used by Henry III. on his money, they must have been
adopted at the very commencement of his reign. Accord-
ingly, Snelling and subsequent authors, relying upon
Matthew Paris, who states that the long cross was not
adopted upon the coinage until the thirty-second year of
Henry III., have treated the short cross coins as his first
issue ; arid this opinion had been generally acquiesced in,
until Mr. Hawkins, in his work on the English Silver Coin-
age, published in 1841, re-transferred them to Henry II.
The hoard recently discovered throws little light on this
question. But if an inference can be drawn either way
from the type of the three coins of William the Lion which
were found with those of Henry, it would seem to lead to
the appropriation of the latter to Henry III, rather than to
Henry II. William the Lion reigned from 1165 to 1214.
SHORT AND LONG CROSS PENNIES OF HENRY. 29
Many of his pennies, while they bear considerable resem-
blance to the coins of Stephen, and to one or two of the
types usually attributed to Henry 1, are very different in
type from those of his successor, Alexander II, to which
others of his coins are very similar. Cardonnel and Lind-
say, therefore, in the absence of any means of determining
the chronology of the different types of William's money
from mint or other records, conclude that the former class
constitute the coinage of the early part of his reign, and
that the others were a late issue. Now, as the three coins
found at Teston were of this later sort, and as the interval
between the death of Henry II. and the death of William
the Lion is twenty-five years, while the interval between
William's death and the date at which the first general
coinage of Henry III. took place (1222), is only eight years,
it seems reasonable to presume, that the English coins found
at Teston were of that king whose reign approximated the
most closely to the last years of William the Lion ; and
more especially, as it is probable that Scotch coins discovered
in England are of earlier date than English coins found in
the same hoard.
Mr. Hawkins assigns no reasons for transferring the short
cross pennies back to Henry II. But a paper by Major
Moore was lately read before the Numismatic Society,
which contained some ingenious arguments in support of
that appropriation. On the other hand, Mr. Sainthill and
Mr. Haigh have vigorously contended against the distur-
bance of the received arrangement ; and as the reasons
alleged on either side of the question have never yet ap-
peared in juxta-position, I shall devote the remainder of
this paper to a brief examination of them, and to the sug-
gestion of any further facts or remarks which may occur
to me with reference to the subject.
30 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
The proof alleged in support of the attribution of these
coins to Henry III, is chiefly twofold:
Fi rs t. The coincidence of the names of moneyers on the
short and long cross coins.
Mr. Haigh, in a paper printed in Mr. SainthilFs volume,
entitled " Olla Podrida" p. 128, gives a long list of mo-
neyers whose names occur on the respective coinages, and
shews that eight names on the London coins, five on those
of Canterbury, two on those of Lincoln and Northampton,
and one each, on those of Bristol, Exeter, Norwich, Oxford,
and York, are common to both.
On making a similar comparison between the coins of
Henry II. of the type, Hawkins, No. 285, with the short
cross coins in the British Museum, I find that two names
on the Canterbury coins, two on those of Exeter, five on
those of London, one (or two, if Rein and Renald may be
considered the same) on those of Northampton or Norwich,
two on those of St. Edmundsbury or Shaftesbury, and one
on those of Winchester, are in like manner common to
both.
It is plain, therefore, that the coincidence of moneyers'
names is a species of evidence which may be used either
way; and it must moreover be borne in mind, that Mr.
Sainthill and Mr. Haigh had an unusual opportunity of
availing themselves of it, from the circumstance that a find
of seven hundred long cross coins of Henry III. fell into
the hands of the former, and of course furnished him with
a great variety of mints and moneyers for comparison. If
any large hoard of short cross coins should hereafter be
discovered, it is probable that it would furnish materials on
both sides of the question, for strengthening this branch of
evidence.
But I cannot help concurring with Major Moore in opi-
SHORT AND LONG CROSS PENNIES OF HENRY.
31
nion, that much weight is not to be attached to this branch
of proof.
The names of moneyers which are given by Mr. Haigh as
occurring on coins of the same mint, both with the short and
long cross, are as follows:
London
f Davi.
j Henri.
Lincoln . .
/ Walter.
' I Willem.
Johan.
1 Nicole.
) Reinaud.
Northampton
/ Philip.
' { Willem.
Ricard.
Bristol . .
Henri.
1 Walter.
I Willem.
Exeter . .
Joban.
f Joban.
Norwich
Johan.
j Nicole.
^j Robert.
Oxford . .
Gefrei.
1 Walter.
L Willem
York . .
Tomas.
Canterbury.
The names of moneyers found to occur on coins of Henry
II. and on the short cross coins of the same mint, are
London
Canterbury
f Geffrei.
Joban.
Pieres.
Ricard.
Rodbert.
J Roger.
\ Willem.
Exeter .
Ricard.
Roger.
Northampton "1 Rein.Renald
or Norwich J Willelm.
St. Edmunds- 1
buryorShaf- >
tesbury.
Winchester Robert.
The first list comprises twelve different names, the latter
nine, or ten if Rodbert arid Robert are considered to be dif-
ferent names.
It will however be observed, that by far the greater part
of these ' names are of the most ordinary occurrence, as
Johan, Willelm, Ricard, Henri, Tomas, Nicole, Robert,
32
NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
Rauf ; and as there perhaps has never been a time since
the days of Henry II, when a John, or William, or Thomas,
might not be found among the moneyers, much stress can
hardly be laid on the occurrence of such names on coins of
two types, as proving them to be of the same king; and
particularly as there is every reason to believe, that the
son frequently inherited the office of moneyer from his fa-
ther, as well as his name. If, on the one hand, the names
of Davi and Philip are somewhat unusual, on the other, that
of Pieres is even more so: and moreover, the very uncom-
mon name of Aschetil occurs on the coins of Henry II. and
on a short cross coin, 1 though not of the same mint. But
as it is of Wilton on the former, and Exeter on the latter, it
would be by no means an improbable supposition, consider-
ing the relative position of the two towns, that the same
person is referred to on both.
Secondly. Evidence supplied by Records and Contemporary
Writers.
It must be admitted, that the proof drawn from these
sources is at present wholly on the side of those who assign
the short cross coins to Henry III. Matthew Paris, a con-
temporary writer, expressly states, that in the thirty-second
year of Henry III. (A.D. 1248) a general re-coinage took
place; and that in the new money the type was so far
altered, that the double cross was made to pass through
the lettered circle ; but that in other respects, as to weight,
obverse, and legend, it continued as before. 2
1 This coin is not to be found in the British Museum, nor
have I myself seen a short cross coin bearing the name of Asche-
til; but it is given on the authority of the list in Mr. SainthuTs
Olla Podrida, p. 131.
2 His words are: " Cujus inquam monetae forma a veteri di-
versicabatur in tantum, quod crux duplicata limbum literatum
pertransibat ; in reliquis autem, pondere, capitali impressione, cum
literato titulo, permanente ut prius."
SHORT AND LONG CROSS PENNIES OF HENRY. 33
Doubts have been thrown on the accuracy of the state-
ment of Matthew Paris on this subject; because he says
the obverse of the coins remained as before, without notic-
ing the introduction of the numerals. But it must be
remembered, that he had been treating of the extensive
frauds committed by clipping the old coin even to the
inner circle: and it may fairly be inferred, that in describ-
ing the new, he mentioned only the especial point of differ-
ence (the extension of the double cross to the outer edge)
which was adopted to remedy that evil; without noticing
mere variations of type which were foreign to the purpose
of his narrative. This view of the matter is confirmed by
the circumstance that neither does he notice the novel ap-
pearance of three pellets in the quarters of the reverse, in-
stead of the cross botone which is found on the short cross
coins.
I therefore see no sufficient reason for discrediting the
old historian on a matter of fact which must have been
within his personal knowledge, even if no collateral proof
had been obtainable from other sources. But it so hap-
pens that such collateral proof is not wanting.
Mr. Haigh has produced a remarkable corroboration
derived from an entry in the Patent Rolls. Among the
coins of the Canterbury mint with the short cross, there is
one reading Simon on Cant., and another reading William
Ta on C. The entry in question, under date of the
fourteenth year of Henry II L, states, that the king had
granted to William his tailor, the custody of the money-
die which Simon Chich, lately deceased, had held in the
City of Canterbury. 3
3 Through the kindness of Mr. Hardy, I have been enabled
to examine the original Roll preserved in the Tower. The
words of the entry, divested of contractions, are as follows:
VOL. X. F
34 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
It is also recorded, in a roll quoted in Madox's History
of the Exchequer, that in the sixth year of Henry III.,
Ityer, the king's goldsmith, was appointed one of the
custodes monetcB of the city of London, His name appears
frequently on the short cross pennies, but not on those
with the long cross. Out of twenty-three London pennies
in the Teston hoard, no less than nine bear his name.
Adam de Bedleia, and Richard de Neketon 4 are men-
tioned in Madox as moneyers in London in the fourteenth
year of Henry III. The name of Ricard appears as a
moneyer on both the short and long cross coins; but that of
Adam on the former only.
The Scottish historians state, that the improvement
of extending the cross to the outer edge of the coin
was adopted in Scotland by Alexander III. in 1250.
Considering how rapidly the Scottish monarchs adopted
other improvements or changes in the English coin-
age, it can hardly be supposed that an alteration so
obviously for the better, would not have been followed for
nearly thirty years; yet that must have been the case, if
the long cross was used on the coins of Henry III. from the
beginning of his reign. '
I am not aware that anything has yet been produced in
favour of the appropriation of the short cross coins to
Henry II., to rebut this historical proof on the opposite side.
De cuneo Cantuar .
^[ Rex concessit magistro Willelmo Scissori suo, quod quamdiu
vixerit habeat custodiam cunei Cantuar' quod fuit in custodia
Simonis Chich qui mortuus est, et quod post mortem ipsius
Simonis commisit Rex eidem Willelmo custodiendum ad volun-
tatem suam. Teste Rege apud Portesm' xxviii. die Aprilis.
4 Richard de Neketon is included in the list of moneyers of
Henry III. given by Ruding. I have never seen or heard of any
coin bearing the name thus in full; and I imagine that Ruding
(who appears not to have been a practical numismatist) must have
inserted the name merely on the authority of Madox.
SHORT AND LONG CROSS PENNIES OF HtNHY. 35
Among the reasons adduced by Major Moore in support
of that view are :
First. Correspondence in type with coins of earlier date
than the Reign of Henry III.
He argues that the short cross coins belong to Henry II.,
from the resemblance of their reverse to that of the coins
of William the Lion of Scotland, and also to that of the
early Irish coins of John, which read DOM.; because it is
more likely that the Scottish and Irish moneyers copied an
English type which already existed, than that the English
moneyers copied a Scottish or Irish type. This argument of
course rests on the assumption, that until the appearance of
the short cross coins of Henry, there was no English type
which could have served as a model for those coinages of
William the Lion, or of John. Such an assumption, how-
ever, is entirely destitute of foundation. The reverse of
the later coins of William the Lion, to which alone Major
Moore can refer, bears even a greater resemblance to that
of one of the most usual types of Stephen (Hawkins, pi. xxi.
No. 269), than it does to the reverse of the short cross coins
of Henry: 5 and it is moreover obvious, on an inspection
of the remarkable coin of William, engraved in Lindsay
(pi. ii., No. 33), that his moneyers took the coins of Stephen
as a pattern. 6 In like manner, the reverse of the Irish
half-pennies of John which read DOM., is quite as similar
to the reverses of the coins of Henry I., Hawkins, pi. 20,
Nos. 256 and 264, as it is to the short cross coins of Henry. 7
Secondly. Another argument adduced by Major Moore
6 The reverses of one coin of each of the three types referred
to, are given for the purpose of comparison in the Plate, Nos. 3,
4, and 5.
6 See in the Plate, a coin of Stephen, No. 6, for comparison
with the coin of William the Lion, No. 7.
36 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
to prove that the short cross coins must be of Henry II., is
the non-discovery of any Irish money of Henry III. with the
short cross. If, says he, the coinage of all the earlier
part of the reign of Henry III. had been of that type, it
might have been expected that short cross coins with the
Irish obverse would have been common, whereas none have
ever yet appeared. The non-appearance of any Irish money
of Henry III. with the short cross, may however be ac-
counted for by the abundant Irish coinage issued by his
predecessor John, not only during the life of Henry II.,
but also towards the end of his own reign. The first notice
of his coinage in Ireland, after he became king, occurs
in his eleventh year (1210), and this coinage may have ren-
dered a further issue for the service of Ireland unnecessary
at the commencement of the reign of Henry III.
Other reasons are offered by Major Moore in support of
his view of the question; but none, I think, which are
equally plausible with those already adverted a to. He alleges,
for instance, the aged appearance of the bust on the short
cross coins as a presumption against their being intended
for the representation of a youthful sovereign. But the
coins of our other early kings afford scarcely any evidence
to support the idea that the mint artists of those days ever
attempted a portrait.
Again, from the similarity of the crown on the Irish
regal coins of John, to that on the long-cross coins of
Henry III., he draws the inference, that the short-cross
coins, upon which the crown is of a different form, must
have been of a preceding and not an intervening type.
The degree of resemblance will be estimated by numis-
matists on comparison of the respective types: to me it
does not appear striking.
7 See the reverses of all three in the Plate, Nos. 8, 9, and 10.
SHORT AND LONG CROSS PENNIES OF HENRY. 37
Major Moore further rests his case on an improvement
and modernisation in the orthography of names and places,
which he conceives he finds on the long cross coins. Even
admitting the exact accuracy of the observation, it would
not much affect the question at issue, because the interval
of time between the two coinages does not greatly differ
on either supposition. But I confess I cannot discover any
material difference in this respect between the two types,
unless one of the best spelt specimens of the first be con-
trasted with a specimen of the other, on which less than the
average amount of scholarship has been manifested. If the
name of Oxford is improved from Oxene on the short cross
coins, to the classical orthography of Oxonia^ on one speci-
men with the long cross ; on the other hand, Exeter is de-
teriorated from Exes to Eccet or Ecet ; Norwic, to Norwiz ;
Shrewsbury, from Salo to Sros; while York is still Everwic,
and not Eboraci.
The comparative rarity of the long cross coins over those
with the short cross is also alleged by Major Moore. In
this country, however, I am not aware there is much differ-
ence in this respect, both varieties being among the com-
monest of the English series. Nor is it easy to see the
force of the argument, that this alleged more frequent
occurrence of the short cross coins, arises from a large
introduction of them into Ireland by Henry II. in 1172; the
earliest date assigned to them, on any hypothesis, being 1 180.
Professor Holmboe of Christiania, in an account of a
hoard discovered in Norway, among which were four of the
short cross coins, has endeavoured to prove that they are of
Henry II. I have not his tract to refer to; nor if I had,
do I possess that knowledge of continental coins which
would enable me to form a judgment as to his conclusions.
But Mr. Haigh, in his paper on the long and short cross
38 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
coins to which I have already referred, states that the Pro-
fessor can only prove the short cross coins to be Henry the
Second's, by changing the previously received attribution
of some of the coins found in the hoard, and by passing over
others without notice.
Having thus touched upon the most material points urged
on both sides, I proceed to notice a fact which militates
against the appropriation of the short cross coins to Henry II.,
namely, the existence of one or two specimens of coins
of that type, but having the legend " Lunde Civifas 9 ' on the
reverse, without the name of a moneyer. 8 It is true that
these coins do not furnish conclusive proof against such an
appropriation, because, as it is admitted on all hands that
the long cross coinage is of later date than the other, that
coinage, on which the names of moneyers are continued
after the old plan, must have intervened between the strik-
ing of the coins reading " Lunde Civitas" and the general
suppression of the names of moneyers which took place in
the reign of Edward I. ; and if the old form of reverse legend
was resumed on one coinage, it might have been reverted
to on more than one. But if the short cross coins are
assigned to Henry II., the first instance of the suppression
of the moneyer's name would be thrown forty years further
back than if they are attributed to Henry III.; an hypothesis
by no means probable.
8 Mr. Cuff possesses two specimens of the coin reading Lunde
Civitas; and there is one in the British Museum. Mr. Cuff's
coins in other respects resemble the usual type. The Museum
specimen varies from it considerably. The portrait is different in
character and detail ; the legend commences over the head in-
stead of at the side ; and the sceptre, which on coins of the usual
type leans towards the outer edge of the coin, in this one inclines
from the outer circle, so that the cross at the end of it comes just
above the head, and serves also for the usual cross at the com-
mencement of the legend. See Plate, No. 1 1.
SHORT AND LONfi CROSS PENNIES OF HENRY. 39
On the whole therefore, it appears to me that no suffi-
cient reason has yet been shewn for the re-transfer of the
short cross coins from Henry III. to Henry II.
It may be said, that either appropriation involves the
difficulty of the entire disappearance of an extensive coin-
age. If we give the short cross coins to Henry II., and
admit the evidence of records, that Henry III. issued a
coinage in his sixth year, as well as the assertion of Matthew
Paris, that the long cross was not adopted until Henry's
thirty-second year, then we have no specimen remaining to
our times of the first of Henry's issue. If, on the other hand,
we assign the short cross coins to Henry III., then the
general coinage issued by Henry II. in 1180, under the
superintendence of Philip Aymary of Tours, has entirely
disappeared.
When we consider that many types of the money of
Henry I. and Stephen are known only by one or two speci-
mens, and that no English pennies of John have ever been
discovered, although there is considerable evidence of a
coinage having taken place in his reign, the latter supposi-
tion would appear more probable than the former.
But I would suggest for consideration, as a possible solu-
tion of this difficulty, whether the coins of Henry II. of the
type, No. 285, PL xxii. of Hawkins, may be those issued in
1180. It is true that Radulf de Diceto expressly states
that coinage to have been round money ; while the far
greater part of the coins of this type which remain at this
day, are by no means remarkable for rotundity: in fact I
have one which is in shape a parallelogram. But on exa-
mining the specimens in the Museum Cabinet (the greater
part of which came from the hoard discovered at Tealby in
1807), I find many which have evidently been struck in a
collar, and are as perfectly circular as money of the present
40 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
day. Although the great majority of them are so exceedingly
ill-struck, that only a part of the legend is visible on either
side, yet here and there a well-struck specimen occurs,
shewing the whole type and legend, and is a coin which
would fully answer the description given to the coinage of
1180. The existence of such perfect specimens clearly
proves, that the unsightliness of the greater proportion of this
coinage arose, not from a defect of design, incompleteness
of die, or want of means for producing circularity, but solely
from mechanical negligence on the part of the mint work-
men. Radulf de Diceto states that Philip Aymary, having
been strongly suspected of conniving at the frauds of the
moneyers, was after a time dismissed by Henry, and sent
back to France. It would therefore appear that he did not
superintend the execution of the whole of this coinage; and
it is not improbable that those remaining specimens which
are round and well-struck, may have been produced under
his management; and that those which are imperfect were
coined after his departure up to the end of the king's reign,
the moneyers having relapsed into their former slovenliness
of execution.
The appropriation of .the coins of Henry I. and II. to
their respective reigns is, as all English collectors are aware,
a matter of great uncertainty, except as regards a few types,
which from their resemblance to the coins of William the
Conqueror and Rufus, may, with little doubt, be at-
tributed to Henry I. 9 The coins of Henry II. to which I
9 It is a remarkable fact, that while it is easy to discriminate
between the coins struck by kings of the same name from the
days of Ethelred I. to the Norman Conquest, it is one of the most
difficult points connected with English Numismatic history, to es-
tablish satisfactory principles of distinction between the respective
coinages of several of the monarchs of a later date bearing the
SHORT AND LONG CROSS PENNIES OF HENRY. 41
have adverted above, were formerly attributed by some
writers to Henry L, and by others to Henry II. ; and Mr.
Combe, in his account of the Tealby find, published in
vol. xviii. of the Archa3ologia, states it only as highly pro-
bable, or " nearly certain," that they really belonged to the
latter monarch ; and I am not aware that they were proved
to be his, until Sir Henry Ellis, in 1837, demonstrated it,
by a comparison of two of these coins in the British Museum,
struck at Wilton and bearing the names of Achetil and
Lander as moneyers, with the record called the Chancellor's
Roll of the eleventh of Henry II. (1165) also in the British
Museum, in which Anschetil and Lantier occur as moneyers
at Wilton.
As the coinage of Philip Aymary did not take place till
fifteen years after the date of this record, the occurrence of
the names of the two moneyers therein mentioned on coins
of Henry II. is certainly a presumption that they were of
an earlier issue. It is, however, by no means impossible, or
even improbable, that the two moneyers may have still con-
tinued in office down to 1180, or that they may have been
succeeded by men bearing the same name. The name of
one of them, indeed, appears on the short-cross coinage as a
moneyer at Exeter, as I have before observed.
same name. The coins of JEthelred I. and ^Ethelred II.; of Ed-
ward the Elder, Edward the Martyr, and Edward the Confessor ;
of Harold I. and Harold II. from their resemblance to the types
of preceding or succeeding sovereigns are readily assignable to
their respective owners; but, with the exception of a few types, it
is not at present possible to distinguish, with any certainty, between
the coins of William I. and William II. ; Edward I. and Edward
II., and, in some instances, Edward III.; or Henry IV., Henry V.,
and Henry VI. Even down to the reign of Henry VIII., the
correct attribution of every coin is not certain. There are groats
which may belong either to Henry VI. or Henry VII. ; and
pennies which may be either of Henry VII. or Henry VIII.
42 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
If this hypothesis as to the coinage of 1180 is deemed
feasible, I would further suggest that the earlier coinages
of Henry II. may be sought for in such of the types usually
(but doubtfully) attributed to Henry I., as most resemble
the coins of Stephen and John, as Nos. 256, 258, 259, 264,
265, of Hawkins.
I. B. BEKGNE.
REFERENCE TO THE PLATE.
No. 1. Penny of Henry II. with the short cross, from the
find at Teston.
R. + IOHAN- B ON- CAN.
2. Penny of William the Lion, of Scotland, from ditto.
R. HENR ... VS.
f 3. Reverse of a Penny of Stephen, in the British Museum
4. ditto of William the Lion, ditto
[ 5. ditto of Henry with the short cross, do.
f 6. Penny of Stephen, in the British Museum.
| 7. Ditto of William the Lion, in ditto.
j' 8. Reverse of Irish Half-penny of John.
^9 and 10. Reverses of different Pennies of Henry I.
1 1. Penny of Henry, with the short cross reverse, reading
LVNDE CIVITAS, in the British Museum.
IV,
COINS OF THE PATAN, AFGHAN OR GHORI SULTANS
OF HINDUSTAN (DELHI).
(Continued from vol. ix., page 182.)
74. Copper. (Lord Auckland.)
R. Centre
The only numeral visible on this coin is that which must
of necessity be taken to be the final figure of the annual
date. This particular figure, looking to the then uncertain
method of formation, as noticeable on the coins of the
Patan kings immediately antecedent to the reign to which
this piece refers, may either be taken to represent a naught
or a five. 14 Accepting then the nearest proximate date,
concluding with either one or the other of these numerals,
it will be necessary to refer the issue of this coin to either
the year 720 or 725: as the sultan whose name it bears
is stated by historians to have attained power on the 25th
of the third month of 721 H. The former is naturally the
14 Ex. gr. see coins 59 and 79.
VOL. X. H
44 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
preferable date: in adopting it, but slight violence is done
to the probably accumulated errors of successive MS.
copyists, who have each in their day transcribed the history
of Hindustan from the 14th to the 19th century.
EIGHTEENTH KING (A.H. 721725; A.D. 13211325).
On the 1st of Shaban, 721, Ghazi Beg Tuglak, the
governor of Lahore, who had relieved Delhi from the rule
of Khusru, entered the capital in triumph, and, appealing
to the people to choose their own sovereign, he was himself
elected by acclamation, receiving from the populace the
title of Shah Jehdn (king of the world) ; which epithet,
however, he replaced by the more modest denomination of
Ghids ud din (defender of the faith). The early arrange-
ments for the peace and security of his dominions adopted
by the monarch thus elevated, fully justified the selection
of the citizens of the metropolis.
The second year of this reign was marked by the failure
of the army under Fukur ud din Junah, the heir apparent,
in an attempt to take Wurangol: to this succeeded a
somewhat calamitous retreat, which ended in the prince's
reaching Delhi with but a small remnant of the host by
whom he had once been supported. Little time, however,
was allowed to elapse before a more determined and better
organised effort against this place met with full success.
In 724, the emperor proceeded in person into Bengal:
here he received the allegiance of Nasir ud din, the son of
the sultan Balban ; who, from the date of his first appoint-
ment in 630 H., had, under various terms and with varied
boundaries, held the dependencies of this government, and
who had already outlived no less than eight of the sultans
COINS OF THE PATAN SULTANS OF HINDUSTAN. 45
who had in turn attained the throne of Delhi. He was
now again confirmed in the charge of Western Bengal,
Tatar Khan, the sultan's adopted son, being entrusted
with the direction of the eastern portion of that king-
dom, where he succeeded in defeating and capturing the
rebel governor, Buhadur Shah. Ghias ud din, on his
return to Hindustan, was met by his son Junah, who had
been left as his representative in Delhi. During the course
of an entertainment, given in honor of the occasion, the
emperor was killed by the fall of a portion of a temporary
building, which had been hastily erected to receive him.
75. Gold. 171 grs. V.R.
Obv. \
The sultan, the fortunate, the testifier, the Ghazi, Ghias
ud dunia wa ud din.
R. Area vri ajlfc^j <d)l j\j\ X\&J&M t/ &a*& *j\ Ab ul Mu-
zafar Tughlak Shah. May God illumine his testimony. 721.
Marg. <uU*-w**> j (j^/^c- " ~ <iuJ! a JJb <*/*
This coin was struck - - (in) seven hundred and
twenty- .
76. Gold. 173 grs. R.
Ofo.- / &d\ j\ ^jJljLjjJ! ^U ^jUH ^ILJl The
sultan, the Ghazi, Ghias ud dunia wa ud din Abul Mu-
zafar.
R. Area
Alexander the Second, right hand of the khalifat, sup-
porter of the commander of the faithful.
Marg. - -
77._Silver. 170 grs. R
v.^\\y\ ^}\
R. Area
46 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
-*- This coin (was) struck at the fortress of Deogir,
in the year 721.
78. Silver. 170 grs. R. A similar coin struck at Delhi in 724.
R.Marg. . j\
79. Silver and copper. 54 grs.
Obv. vrc
R.
80. Silver and copper. 55 grs. C.
. vrt
81. Copper. 53 grs. R.
Obv.
NINETEENTH KING (A.H. 725 752; A. D. 1325 1351).
On the death of his father, Fukur ud din Junah, other-
wise called Aluf Khan, ascended the throne of Delhi under
the title of Mohammed bin Tuglak. The epoch of this
accession has been rendered notable by the immense sums
which were lavished by the new monarch with almost
unexampled profusion. Mohammed Tuglak's personal
acquirements are described by the writers of the day in the
most laudatory terms: he was, at the same time, the most
eloquent and accomplished prince of his time ; his letters,
both in Persian and Arabic, have been since regarded as
models of such compositions : in brief, he was " one of the
wonders of the age in which he lived." The only failing
COINS OF THE PATAN SULTANS OF HINDUSTAN. 47
he was as yet discovered to possess, was "a want of mercy."
In 727, Hindustan was invaded by the Moghul Turmush-
rin Khan : the emperor, unable to oppose him, was forced
to buy off the Gaul with almost the price of the kingdom
he wished to save. About this time, Mohammed Tuglak
turned his attention to the reduction of the countries to
the southward of his own dominions, and succeeded so
effectually, that many valuable provinces were as fully "in-
corporated with the empire as the villages in the vicinity of
Delhi :" he also subdued the whole Carnatic to the ex-
tremities of the Dukhun, from sea to sea; but, in the con-
vulsions which shortly afterwards shook the kingdom, all
these new acquisitions, with the single exception of Guzrat,
were again lost. The principal causes of the disturbances
here alluded to, were, the heavy taxes, the issue of copper
money as the representative of silver, and the enrolment of
the enormous armies which the emperor's schemes of con-
quest rendered necessary. The year 738 witnessed the
first preparatory expedition towards the visionary project
of his conquest of China : in the history of the same
year is to be recorded the fact, that of the 100,000 men
despatched upon this insensate attempt, scarcely a man
returned to Delhi. Shortly after this, his still more in-
fatuated design of removing the capital and its denizens
from Delhi to Deogir, took possession of the sultan's mind :
men, women and children, with all belonging to them, were
to be transported to the new metropolis; trees, even, were
to be made subject to the will of the despot, and, torn up
by their roots and replanted on the road to the new capital,
they were to furnish shade to the wayfarers who were
destined to compose the population of the king-created
city. Absolute force seems to have prevailed : its effects,
however, were but transitory; for, at the end of two years,
48 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
it was found necessary to renew this strange transporta-
tion; and Delhi, the much-loved home of many, was once
again left desolate. 14 In fit keeping with these mad acts,
was the absolute hunting of human beings, recorded against
this monarch.
With the exception of the erection of an independent
Mohammedan state in the Dukhun under Hussun Gungo
(the foundation of the subsequently powerful dynasty of
the Bahmani kings of Kalbarga), the still varied tenor of
the remaining eleven years of Mohammed Tuglak's do-
mination does not offer any points of sufficient prominence
to claim record in these brief notes.
82. Gold. 200 grs. R.
I bear witness that there is no god but God, and I testify
that Mohammed is his servant and apostle.
R. Area ^U^LJl ali J^K^C li ^ / S! J^lxj ^'IjM
The confiding in the benignity of the Merciful, Mohammed
Shah, the sultan.
Mary. ^
&l**-w-j This dinar was"struck at the capital, Delhi, (in
the) year 726.
14 The following account of Ibn Batuta, who was in part an
eye-witness of the transactions referred to, will give some idea of
the horrors perpetrated in carrying out this edict :
" Upon this they all went out ; but his servants finding a blind
man in one of the houses, and a bed-ridden one in another, the
emperor commanded the bed-ridden man to be projected from a
balista (xjU-^i*!! ci)> an( ^ ^ e blind one to be dragged by his
feet to Dawlatabad, which is at the distance of ten days, and
he was so dragged ; but his limbs dropping off by the way, only
one of his legs was brought to the place intended, and was then
thrown into it : for the order had been that they should go to
this place. When I entered Delhi it was almost a desert."
COINS OF THE PATAN SULTANS OF HINDUSTAN. 49
83. Gold. 137 grs. V.R.
Obv.
Struck in the time of the servant, trusting in the mercy
of God, Mohammed son of Tughlak.
Ik. Centre all! J^ A*^ aJJHl d\ % There is no god
but God, Mohammed is the apostle of God.
Marg. ^ ^l/^ j ?* ^ <J ^J^ ^astf jljj<AM \JJb
&LUU**) This dinar, at the capital, Delhi, in the year 727.
84. Gold. 171 grs. R.
. \ &&}\ ^jL jjj)l <dS! God is the rich, and ye (are)
the poor.
R. Centre ( j\J t j ^ ^^^ J^c ti In the reign of Mo-
hammed, son of Tughlak.
Marg. djl^jt***: ,.-*iij C^-MJ fc*~i JjbJ '%,+as^ At the
capital, Delhi, year 736
85. Gold. 167 grs. R.
o.U*~> j (^^,1 vj^ j
This dinar of the Delhi kha-
lifat was struck in the months of the year 742.
R. j i\ ^^^t^^-^1 cdlb ^X^u^!^ ^Ul ^Uj 4
n tne ^
Imam, Al Mostakfi Billah, commander of the faithful,
Abul Rubi Suliman, may God perpetuate his khalifat.
86. Gold. 171 grs. R.
Obv.^\j ^\ ^fA\ ^J\ ^Ui ^Uj J In the
time of the Imam, commander of the faithful, Al Hakim
Beamur.
R. ilo JvU- J^^l (j^\^\ J\ 411 Ulahi Abul Abbas
Ahmud, may his reign endure.
50 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
The subjoined extract, giving the details of Mohammed
Tuglak's doubts and difficulties, arising out of the want of
due sacerdotal confirmation of the title by which he held
his throne, is taken from Briggs' Translation of Ferishtah.
It is here adopted in preference to the version given by
Marsden, which is undoubtedly more satisfactory, as it ap-
pears in its English form, in respect to its explanations of
the geographical part of the subject to which it refers, than
either the rejected interpretation of Dow or the more trust-
worthy version of Briggs; but as the object, in these cases,
is to reproduce accurately the literal expressions of any author
quoted, and not in any way to accept an amended MS., or
to bend the original text to suit present knowledge, the
appended passage is quoted as offering the most exact
counterpart of the Persian original now available; the
simple point at issue being to select the translator to whose
MS. text the greatest confidence is due.
A.H. 743. " The king, at this time, took it into his head, that
all the calamities of his reign proceeded from his not having been
confirmed on his throne by the Abassy Caliph. He, therefore,
despatched presents and ambassadors to Arabia [Egypt, Marsden])
and caused the caliph's name, in place of his own, to be struck on
all the current coin, and prohibited his own name from being in-
cluded at public worship in the mosques till the caliph's confirma-
tion arrived. In the year 744, a holy person, of the race of the
prophet, named Hajy Sayeed Hoormozy [Sirsirri, Dow and Mars-
den\^ returned with the ambassador, and brought a letter from
the caliph and a royal dress. The caliph's envoy was met twelve
miles outside the city by the king in person, who advanced to
receive him on foot, put the letter of the caliph upon his head, and
opened it with great solemnity and respect. When he returned
into the city, he ordered a grand festival to be made, and caused
the public prayers to be said in all the mosques, striking out every
king's name from the Khootba who had not been confirmed.
Among the number of those degraded monarchs was the king's own
COINS OF THE PATAX SULTANS OF HINDUSTAN. 51
father. He even carried his fancy so far as to cause the caliph's
name to appear on all his robes and' furniture." Briggs, i. 426.
The accuracy of the general tenor of this episode in the
annals of the reign of Mohammed Tuglak, is sufficiently
attested by coins Nos. 85, 95, 109, and Nos. 86, 110, 111 :
the former of which bear the simple record of the name of
the supposed Egyptian khalif, Al Mostakfi Billah, and the
dates, 742, 743, accompanied, in one instance, by a notifi-
cation of issue from the Delhi mint. The remaining three
coins are in like manner superscribed by the sole denomi-
nation of Al Abbas Ahmed, the actual recognised khalif of
Egypt, and (in two out of the three specimens) are dated
724.
The profound ignorance of the events which from time
to time took place, even in the circle of their own Mo-
hammedan world, evinced by the Patan sultans of Delhi,
has seldom been more prominently displayed than in the
present instance. It would seem, from the expressions
of Ferishtah, as rendered from Marsderi's Persian MS., that
information of the revival of the nominal Abbassite khalifat
in Egypt in 659, had, in 743, only recently reached Hin-
dustan. It is manifest, from the money now described,
that the emperor himself was at this very time totally un-
aware of the deposition and banishment of Mostakfi, which
took place in 702; indeed, it could only have been on the
return of his own ambassador that he became satisfactorily
assured of the renewal of the Mameluk pageant head of
Islam, and discovered even the bare name of the individual
who then enjoyed these pontifical honors, viz. Al Abbas
Ahmed, who succeeded Al Wathak Billah in 742.
The date on coin No. 85, viz. 742, together with that of
741, discovered on a similar coin by Professor Fraehn,
indicate that the period fixed by Ferishtah for the de-
VOL. x. i
52
NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
velopment of Mohammed Tuglak's religious doubts should
be antedated by two years.
87. Silver. 141 grs. V.R. Obverse and reverse areas bear
the same legends as the gold coin No. 82.
R. Marg. j y**s>- <k~> ^*k^ '^/^^ J?^*^ ^ ^/^
<*jU*-rf . ^-A^ ^is ^^ (was) struck at the capital,
Delhi, in the year 725.
88. Silver (much alloyed). 140 grs. C.
Obv. .x* <&} <us*- ^ "V^ (J*j 4
Struck in the time of the servant, trusting in the mercy of
God, Mohammed, son of
w ^
JuxJl
The sultan, the fortunate, the testifier, Tughlak
Shah. Year 728.
89 A somewhat similar coin. 136 grs. Dated 730. V.R. The
workmanship, however, is much inferior to that of No. 88.
In referring to the early profusion of Mohammed Tuglak,
and the enormous sums he is reported to have squandered
in gifts and pensions, Ferishtah incidentally alludes to the
intrinsic value of the money of this monarch, affirming that
" Nizam ud din Ahmed Bukshy, surprised at the vast sums
stated by historians to have been lavished by this prince,
took the trouble to ascertain, from authentic records, that
these tunkas were of the silver currency of the day, in which
was amalgamated a great deal of alloy, so that each tunka
only exchanged for sixteen copper pice" (making a tunka
worth only about kd. instead of 2s.). Briggs.
The main facts of this statement are readily seen to be
correct, in the very composition of sundry specimens of the
money of Mohammed Tuglak (see coins 88, 89). Though
COINS OF THE PATAN SULTANS OF HINDUSTAN. 53
Ferishtah has been unfortunate in accusing this sultan of
making use of debased coin in almost the first transaction
of his reign, for even supposing the subsequently adopted
system of adulteration to have commenced thus early (which
there are stringent reasons for doubting), it could have sup-
plied but a small quota of the enormous amount reported to
have been bestowed on this occasion, viz. 2,133,324.
Mohammed Tuglak's predecessors too, judging from the
invariably pure specimens of their mintages which have
survived to contribute their testimony to the point, must be
fully exonerated from any charge of debasing the coinage ;
so that, although Mohammed Tuglak is accused, and justly
so, of various frauds upon the circulating medium of his
dominions, the reduction of the value of his early largesses
by one-fourth is not authorised by the medallic evidence
now cited.
90. Silver. 169 grs. V.R.
Obv. Sides ic ^Ulc j^s. J^^\ Abubekr Umur, Usman,
Uli.
Area *U <jl*j ^ *x*<s- <d)l J- f ~= J ^U^i The la-
bourer in the road of God, Mohammed bin Tughlak Shah.
R. Area &
Marg.
91. Silver, small coin. 56 grs. C.
Obv.
R. vri
92. Silver, small coin. 52 grs.
Obv.
R-
54 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
93. Silver, small coin. 55 grs. C,
Obv. <d) <!ula*J! L_L*J1 Dominion and greatness are of
God.
o>
R. vrr j\J **^< ^-\^\ J~ (The) servant, the trust-
ing, Mohammed Tughlak. 732.
94._Silver, small coin. C. 733.
R.
95. Silver. 55 grs. V.R.
Obv. ,J idJl^jLlrS- Vicegerent of God in ...
R.v<r cd]L' c &^+}\ Al Mustakfi Billah, 743.
90. Brass. 136 grs. R. Doulutabad. 730 A.H.
Obv.
(This piece) was struck (as) a current coin, in the time of
the servant, hopeful (of divine mercy), Mohammed Tuglak.
He who obeys the king, truly he obeys the Merciful (God).
At the royal residence (capital), Doulutabad, year . . .
Seven hundred (and) thirty.
Had Mohammed Tuglak been at all conversant with the
modern history of his day, he would probably have hesitated
in attempting so radical a change as the introduction of a
representative currency, when a similar experiment had
but a short time previously (693, H.) been the subject of
signal failure in a kingdom not far removed from his own
boundaries. Kai Khatou Khan, the Moghul emperor of
Persia, had in like manner adopted ideas on the subject
from the Chinese, and endeavoured, by the aid of a
carefully organised system, and a simultaneous issue of the
COINS OF THE PATAN SULTANS OF HINDUSTAN. 55
new notes in the various provinces of his dominions, to
enforce the circulation of paper money. The dissatisfac-
tion arising from the measure soon became general, and
the inhabitants of the capital (Tabriz) rising as one man,
somewhat summarily secured the abrogation of the " Tchao"
edict : moreover, the ill-feeling engendered by its temporary
experience went far towards the subsequent overthrow of
the monarch himself. The following translation of the
account of the transaction, which forms the immediate
subject of reference, given from the Tubkdt Akhberi, is
adopted as entering into a more comprehensive detail of
the circumstances attendant on this singular episode in the
history of Indian finance, than the relation to be found in
Ferishtah, which is somewhat unconnected in itself, and
appears to confound into one act the separate features of
debasing the coinage on the one hand, and the issue of an
avowed copper representative of the more precious metals
on the other. Ferishtah's narration may be consulted in
the translations of Dow and Briggs, vol. i,, pp. 282 and 414
respectively.
" The sultan's means did not suffice to satisfy his desires: to
gain his ends, therefore, he created a copper currency, ordering
coins of that metal to be struck in his mint, after the manner of
gold and silver ; he then ordained that this copper money should
pass current as gold and silver, and so should be used in all com-
mercial transactions. The Hindus brought large quantities of
copper to the mint and had it coined, and so made for themselves
enormous profits ; and purchasing goods, and exporting them to
other countries, received in exchange gold and silver money.
Goldsmiths also manufactured coins in their own houses, and
passed them in the bazaars. After some time, things came to
such a pass, that, at distant places, the sultan's edict was not ob-
served, and the people took the king's coins only at their intrinsic
value in copper, and speculators brought them thence to those
56 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
parts of the country where the order remained in force, and there
exchanged them for gold and silver. In this way the copper
currency became by degrees so redundant, that, all at once, it
utterly lost credit and was regarded as mere rubbish, while gold
and silver became even more precious than before, and commerce
was entirely deranged. When the sultan saw that his measure
had failed, and that he could not, even by punishment, bring the
whole population to obedience, he issued a decree, ordaining that
every one who had a royal coin might bring it to the treasury and
receive in exchange a gold or silver coin of the old stamp. 15 He
thought by this means to restore his copper currency to credit, so
that it might be again accepted in exchanges ; but the copper
money which had been accumulated in people's houses and thrown
on one side as worthless, was immediately collected and brought
to the treasury to be exchanged for gold and silver coin ; and the
copper tokens still remained as little current as before, while all
the royal treasuries were emptied, and general financial ruin fell
upon the whole kingdom." Fide Persian MS., TubMt Akhberi,
East India House.
Many circumstances concur, in demonstrating that the
class of coins of which Nos. 96, 97, 98 and 99, are speci-
mens, formed part of the money issued on this peculiar
occasion. The causes which lead to this conclusion may
be briefly enumerated as follows : 1st. The similarity in
weight observable between these coins and the impure
silver pieces (Nos. 88, 89) whose place they were seemingly
intended to supply : an approximation, it is to be remarked,
which does not occur in the previous examples of the silver
and copper coinage of this seiies. 2nd. The shape, which
is in a degree assimilated to the assumed prototype ; and
3rd. The intrinsic novelty, likewise now for the first time
noticeable in the use of brass as a material for coinage.
But beyond these minor reasons, there remains the con-
clusive one of the internal evidence borne by the legends
15 Mirat al Alem has
COINS OF THE PAT AN SULTANS OF HINDUSTAN. 57
on the coins themselves, as seen in the use, in the one case,
of the term, " struck as current money," and, in the other,
of an inscription fixing the relative value of the piece im-
pressed : intimations unsanctioned by custom, and, which
it is needless to say, a full intrinsic metallic value would
have rendered superfluous.
It is probable that many other coins, composed of a
similar admixture of metals, and bearing legends in a
measure appropriate to the occasion, constituted a portion
of the forced currency of Mohammed Tuglak ; it may be
advisable to advert concisely to each in detail. As regards
No. 100, the identity of date and metal, accompanied by
the retention of a portion of the same legend as No. 96,
sufficiently indicates that a similar object attended the
mintage of both. In the case of No. 101, the two first of
these points of similarity equally exist, and the inscriptions
in themselves counsel due obedience to the sovereign, who,
in the issue of the money, thus heavily tried the sub-
servience of his subjects. The signs of agreement with
the adopted sample of this representative coinage, to be
detected in Nos. 102 and 103 are less prominent, and are
confined to a coincidence in date and metal : however, on
the supposition that in a comprehensive scheme, such as
the present is shown to have been, it would have been
necessary to provide proportionate substitutes for the
smaller silver pieces ; the specimens now cited may fairly
claim admittance into the series under review. Nos. 104
and 105, under different forms of inscription to those em-
ployed on other coins of the class, bear full signs of their
definite purpose, and in their respective record of J?^f
" current," " lawful," and ^/-^ " legal," amply manifest
the design with which they were produced.
The dates on these coins are sufficiently in unison with
58 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
the information to be gathered from written history, not to
militate in any way against the validity of the opinion now
advanced, as to the occasion to which the money in question
owes its origin. The evidence of Indian authors, however,
as to the exact time at which the first issue of brass tokens
took place, or as to the period during which this Substitute
system remained in force, is greatly deficient ; and the
several narratives of the Tubkat Akhberi, the Mirat al
Alem, and the chronicles of Ferishtah, all fail in this
respect: from the coins themselves, therefore, must be
sought an elucidation of these doubtful points.
It will be seen that the brass coins already classed under
the head of Mohammed Tuglak's forced currency, uniformly
bear one of three dates, either 730, 731, or 732: the first
of these is to be found on full six-tenths of the whole of the
very numerous specimens available for reference; next in
order of abundance is to be seen the annual date of 731;
and, lastly, the number 732 is but rarely met with: imply-
ing, if such testimony is trustworthy, a very extensive
fabrication during the first, and, apparently commencing
year, sufficiently supported during the second, and followed
by a remarkable dimjnution in the issue of the third year.
It may be assumed, therefore, that 730 A.H., witnessed the
first vigorous effort at the introduction of the new currency,
well sustained during 731, and failing entirely in 732. The
limitation here assigned to the survival of this Indian
adaptation of the Chinese Tchao system, is curiously sup-
ported both in the negative as well as direct evidence,
deducible from the real money of Mohammed Tuglak. The
ample materials at command, admit of the abundant and
unbroken numismatic illustration of each of the first thirteen
years of the reign of this prince, of the dated coins thus
capable of being cited, scarcely a solitary instance of either
27
28
30
32
i
14
-*- *- // r* ft n -~ \
*EARJ
25 /fa 7,
iw*
.J^. pinrit.
N r.HFFFF HOII^F. TAVFRN" AND TRADESMEN'S TOKEN'S.
-
LONDON COFFEE MOUSE, TAVERN AND TRADESMEN'S TOKENS.
COINS OF THE PATAN SULTANS OF HINDUSTAN. 59
gold or silver money occurs bearing the dates 730 or 731. 16
It has been already shown that the brass money was manu-
factured only during 730, 731, and part of 732 ; and, to com-
plete the chain and fill up the years both initiative and con-
clusive of this financial change, the silver coins, Nos. 89 and
93, may be quoted as bearing respectively the annual dates of
730 and 732. Hence, as far as may be judged from pre-
sent proofs, it would appear that, during the continuance
of the decree giving effect to the forced currency, but
few, if any, gold or silver coins were fabricated at either the
Delhi or Doulatabad mints ; and that as its introduction
had been attended by a discontinuance of the use of precious
metals, so the withdrawal of the ordinance is simultaneously
marked, by a reappearance of a due proportionate amount
the usual circulating medium.
97. Brass. 139 grs. V.C. Delhi, 731 A.H
Obv. Similar legend to No. 96.
R. Area, legend as above, No. 96.
Marg. <JJo JuasJtte - - JL
98. Brass. R. Delhi, 732 A.H. 17
Similar to No. 97, with .j ^
16 There is one silver coin, and one only, in the present collec-
tion, similar in type to No. 94, but of very debased metal ; the
date on which may possibly be read 731. The inscription is im-
perfectly executed, and the word j^-j if such it be, is so peculiarly
formed that it can scarcely be relied on as representing that
number
17 Many specimens of the coins described under Nos. 96, 97, 98,
bear very distinct signs of being the production of dies other than
those in use at the royal mints, and are probably some of the for-
geries alluded to in the extract from the Tubkat Akhberi.
VOL. X. K
60 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
99. Brass. 138 grs. V.R. Doulutabad, 732 A.M. B.M. 18
Obv. .XK^CJ^J^ ajcj jj)j j^ <J' *W;>
jj]j Struck as a piece of fifty kanis, ly in the time of the
servant, hopeful (of divine mercy), Mohammed Tughlak.
R. Area, as No. 96.
100. Brass. 112 grs. V.C.
0&. vr,
He who obeys the king, Mohammed, 730
I*- J^ ; i^vS^ ^ ^
Truly he obeys the Merciful, Tughlak.
101. Brass. 112 grs. C. Date 730.
Ob*. r. " "
Obey God, and obey the Prophet, and those (who are) in
authority among you (4th chap. Koran), Mohammed, 730.
Sovereignty is not conferred upon every man, (but) some
(are placed over) others, Tughlak.
102. Brass. 66 grs. C.
103. Brass. 55 grs. C.
18 The value of the pretended exactitude of Ferishtah's dates is
somewhat sbaken by the coins Nos. 96 and 99. The former of
which proves most obviously that Deogir had become the royal
city of Doulittabdd in the year 730, whereas Ferishtah expressly
assigns this intitulation to the year 739. See Briggs and Dow,
A.H. 739.
19 ^Kani, probably the " jetul" of Ferishtah, see ante, page 175.
COINS OF THE PATAN SULTANS OF HINDUSTAN. 61
104. Brass. 74 grs. U.
R. (7e/zZre
Marg.
105. Brass. 84 grs. V.R.
Struck (as) a legal dirheni, in the time of the servant Mo-
hammed bin Tughlak.
R. ajUjts-o j ^dj <u~> j A*W^V
At the seat of Islamism, in the year 730.
106. Brass. 82 grs. R.
Obv. as No. 106.
Delhi, in the year 730.
107 __ Copper. 53 grs. V.R.
Obv. <jjj $j*)l . L^^l^H Dominion and glory are of God.
R. Centre ^jLo j^^^
RJb - - JU 732.
20 The second letter of ,; has been restored. The word
-/ JJ
assuming it to be such, seems to have been used in this instance
in its generic sense of money, rather than in its distinguishing
meaning of gold : the brass representatives of the gold dinars have
yet to be brought to light.
21 The o in Mohamad is expressed in what is now known as
the Bengali form of that vowel.
2 The * in ^ j^\\ is assumed from other and clearer spe-
cimens of the coin than that which appears in the plate, which has
been selected for the engraver, from its affording a more general
outline of the whole legend than other pieces of the same class.
62 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
108. Copper. 68 grs.
Obv.<A]\ Jfe ^UaLJl The sultan, shadow of God.
9*
R. $LuJiLo ^ J^s-c Mohammed bin Tuglak Shah.
109. Silver and copper mixed. 132 grs. U.
Obv. &
R. Centre
Marg. illegible.
110. Copper. 128 grs. R. 748 A.H.
111. Brass. 55 grs. V.R.
Legend and date similar to No. 109.
V.
EXAMPLES OF LONDON COFFEE-HOUSE, TAVERN,
AND TRADESMEN'S TOKENS.
SECOND SERIES.
1. Obv. IOHN SAPCOTT AT Y? BORES BED. A boar's head
dressed with a lemon in its mouth.
R. TAVERNE IN GREAT EASTCHEAP. In the centre, HIS
i. E. s. (Mr. Huxtable).
THE benevolent reader was perchance well nigh wearied of
our first series of notes on Tradesmen's and Tavern Tokens,
when we haply brought him on those of " the Mermayd,"
and " the Bore's Hed," and left him in a pleasant reverie
of the palmy days of Great Eastcheap ; not of the days
described by rhyming Lydgate, when " the cookes cried
hot ribbes of beefe rested, pies well baked, and other
victuals," to the clattering of pewter pots, and the sounds
of " harpe, pipe and sawtrie, yea by cocke, nay by cocke,
for greater oaths were spared," but of later times, when
the mad prince broke fat Sir John's head "for likening
his father to a singing man of Windsor," and picked his
pocket while " fast asleep behind the arras, and snorting
64 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
like a horse." And lo, here is another, and a far finer
token of that renowned above all taverns ancient or
modern, 1 but issued by a different landlord, 2 for John
Sapcott is the name of mine ho>t -of the penny token. 3
That of the smaller denomination bears a boar's head, with
a true heraldic grin ; but this displays the same object
under a more inviting aspect, appealing irresistibly
"aux gourmands." 4
We believe a city antiquary has for some years past
been engaged in collecting materials for a history of the
" Bore's Hed in Eastcheape." If, in the course of his re-
searches, he has not happened on the above token, we offer
him a representation of it in furtherance of his object.
1. Obv. ROBERT HAYES AT Y K coFFE. A turbaned bust, full
faced.
ft. HOVSK IN PANIER ALLEY. In the field HIS HALFPENY
in three lines across the field.
'2. Obo. ROBERT HAYES AT Y K COFFE novs. A turbaned
head as on the preceding'.
l\. In Barbican, formerly in Pannyer Ally, in four lines
across the field.
1 For the drawing of this, and the tokens in the accompanying
plates, we are indebted to the kindness of Mr. B. Nightingale,
who has also favoured us with several illustrative notes of the
loc-alities in which the different pieces circulated.
2 The initials on the farthing token are, i. i. B.
3 These tokens of a larger denomination appear to have been
of a later issue than those representing the farthing and halfpenny.
They are generally without date, and their appearance must have
called imperatively for the reformation of the coinage, and the
suppression of such a spurious currency. Had this not taken
place, the curious would doubtless have in their cabinets examples
of silver coins, struck by London Tradesmen.
4 It seems probable that the Boar's head was originally a cook's
shop, in the days of Lydgate, and one of those in which " hot
ribbes of beef rested, and pies well baked," were dispensed with
other creature comforts.
LONDON COFFEE-HOUSE, ETC., TOKENS. 65
As these notes may fall into the hands of those who
know but little of London topography, it may be as well to
mention that Pannier Alley, originally so called from a shop
at the corner bearing the sign of a pannier, is a narrow
court, running from the extreme east end of Newgate-street,
into Paternoster- row, just opposite Saint Martin's le
Grand. Should the curious reader ever visit the locality,
and the day happen to be fine, he may, in the penumbra of
this court, espy a small sculptured stone in the wall beneath
the baker's shop window, on which is the figure of a naked
boy, seated on a roll of tobacco, and the inscription :
WHEN Y V HAVE SOVGH T
THE ClTTY ROVND
YET STILL THS is
THE HIGHS T GROVND
AVGVST THE 27
1688.
Robert Hayes appears to have made his tokens serve the
purpose of an advertisement, giving notice of his removal
to Barbican, where he sometimes perhaps refreshed the
Finsbury archer or the train band captains after a field day.
His second coinage is a great improvement upon his first,
being of neater and more careful execution.
3. 01)V. NICHOLAS ROYS AT Y? BLACK. A Dog.
R. DOGG NEARE NEWGATE. In the field, HIS HALFPENY
TOKEN.
In Philip Henslow's diary, recently published by the
Shakspere Society, there are notices of " payments on
account," to Day, Smith and Hathaway, for a play called
" The Black Dog of Newgate," which they either wrote or
were to have written. In Hibbert's catalogue of rare books
sold in 1829 is " A Discovery of a London Monster, called
the Black Dog of Newgate. Printed by G. Eld, for Rob.
66 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
Wilson, 1612." The author is supposed to have been
Luke Hutton. 5 The tavern called "the Black Dog" was
much frequented by literary men ; and in the work in
question, are stanzas entitled " Certaine Fearful Visions ap-
pearing to the Author of this Booke," which are supposed
to have been written here.
4. Obv. AT Y E COFFE HovsE AGAINST. In the centre,
HENRY MVSCVT, and a hand holding a cup of
coffee.
R. BROOK HOVSE IN HOLBORN. HIS HALFPENNY, H.E.M.
in seven lines across the field.
(Mr. Nightingale.)
Brook House was once the residence of the earls of
Warwick, and stood on the site of the present Brook-
street, near Furnival's Inn ; so that Muscut's coffee-house
must have been on the opposite side of Holborn, near the
gateway of Staples Inn. The fanciful and somewhat
inconvenient shape of his token, was adopted by others at
this period, probably to attract notice.
5. Obv. ANTHONY POOLS, iRONMONGR (sic). A horse's head
couped, and bridled.
R. IN FOSTER LANE, 1688. In the centre, HIS HALFE
PENY, in three lines across the field.
Was this the original shop in Foster-lane, now known
as " Knight's," where the chemist and the geologist
repair for materiel in their respective sciences ? Foster-
lane once flanked the great sanctuary of St. Martin, but
nearly one half of it has been destroyed to make room for
the New Post Office.
5 The book is of extreme rarity, and at the sale in question
brought 51. 7s. 6d.
LONDON COFFEE-HOUSE, ETC., TOKENS. 67
6. Obv. CHARLES KIFTELL. A hand issuing from the clouds,
pouring from a coffee-pot into a cup.
ft. AT THE COFFEE HOVSE. In the field, IN CHEAPSIDE,
1669. ( Mr. Nightingale.)
Another example of the tokens issued by Coffee House
Keepers, and bearing a later date.
7. Obv. FRANCIS HARRIS BAKER. In the field, a sheaf of
corn.
ft AT PYE CORNER, HIS | PENT. In the field, two flowers,
the stalk joined in a true-lover's knot, between
the letters, F. M. H.
The great fire of London began at the house of a
baker, named Farriner, in " Pudding Lane," and ended at
" Pye Corner," whence the Puritans of the day attributed
that great calamity to " the detestable sin of gluttony," an
absurdity recorded on the bloated figure of a boy against
the wall of a house at the entrance of Smithfield.
Pye Corner seems to have received its designation from
the trade which thrived in that neighbourhood. Robin
Conscience in his ballad, finding that his name offended
the traders in various parts of London, came hither.
" Thus chid of them, my way I took
Unto Pye Corner, where a cook
Glanced at me as the devil would look
O'er Lincoln."
By which we are led to suspect, that the cook either
dispensed short weight, or viands of apocryphal cha-
racter.
8. Obv. AT THE ROSE TAVERN. In the centre, a full-blown
rose.
ft. IN COVEN GARDEN. In the centre, the letters, w.ti.L.
(Mr. Nightingale.)
The Rose Tavern stood in Brydges-street, Covent
VOL. x. L
68 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
Garden, adjoining the theatre. It was the resort of the
wits and literati of Charles the Second's time, and is
frequently referred to in the writings of the period. It was
sometimes called " Long's," being kept by a person of that
name. This is partly confirmed by the initial L on the
token and indeed by the next specimen.
9. Obv. MARY LONG IN RvssELL. A full-blown rose on the
stalk.
R. STREET COVENT GARDEN. In the field HER HALFE
PENNY. M.L. (Mr. Nightingale.)
This token gives us the name of the person who issued
it, who, probably, from the cognisance being the same, was
a member of the family of, if not the proprietor of the Rose
Tavern: or it might be his widow, unequal as a "lone
woman" to the duties of hostess of a bustling house of
resort : or, peradventure, mine host was found after his
death to be insolvent, and the goodwill of the tavern was
put up to auction. But we undertook to describe, and not
to conjecture.
10. Obv. THE EXCHANGE TAVERN. A view of the interior of
the quadrangle of the Royal Exchange.
R. IN THE POVLTR*EY, 1668. In the field, HIS HALF PENY.
(Mr. Nightingale.)
This token was struck two years after the great fire,
which destroyed the original building called the Royal
Exchange. The view on the reverse of this example is of
the new structure, which was destroyed in 1838.
11. Obv. ED. OLDHAM AT Y? HERCVLES. A crowned male
figure standing erect, and grasping a pillar with
each hand.
R. FILLERS IN FLEET STREET. In the field, HIS HALFE
PENNY, E. P. O.
LONDON COFFEE-HOUSE, ETC., TOKENS. 69
In our former paper, we described a token issued by a
tradesman in Hercules Pillars Alley. 6 From this example,
it would seem that this locality, like other places in Lon-
don, took its name from the tavern. The mode of repre-
senting the pillars of Hercules is somewhat novel ; and but
for the inscription, we should have supposed the figure
to represent Sampson clutching the pillars of the temple of
Dagon.
12. Obv. AT Y? MITER TAVERN. A mitre.
R. IN WESTMINSTER, 57. In the field, R. i. p.
This well-known tavern stood in Union-street, West-
minster, and was removed in the year 1807, when the im-
provements were made in that neighbourhood.
13. Obv. John Eldridge at Billingsgate. In four lines across
the field.
R. HIS HALF PENY. A rampant lion, and a still (octagonal).
14. Obv. A PENNY. A tilt-boat, with rowers, passengers, and a
steersman.
R. IOHN MICHELL LIVING AT LITLE SOMERS KEY NEAR
BILLINGSGATE. In seven lines across the field
(octagonal}. (Mr. Nightingale.)
Little Somers Quay was removed when the present
Custom House in Thames-street was built. The boat
represented on this token was doubtless one of those which
in those days plied between London and Gravesend a
voyage sometimes of three or four days in adverse weather !
There is a tract of this period professing to give an account
of a "Tongue Combat in the Tilt-boat from Gravesend,"
etc., between two individuals of opposite politics.
Num. Chron., Vol. IX., p. 57, Plate 3, No. 25.
70 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
15. Obv. RICHARD BLAKE TAPSTER. Full-faced bust, probably
intended for that of James the First.
R. IN SOVTHWARK 1669. In the field HIS HALF PENY,
and R.F.B.
Who Richard Blake was, history says not. Southwark,
as one of the principal entrances to the city of London,
abounded in taverns and alehouses. The latter, about this
period, had a very bad reputation, if we may credit Robin
Conscience.
" Then I, being sore athirst, did go
Into an alehouse in the row,
Meaning a penny to bestow
On strong beer ;"
Robin asks for a quart, but the hostess is indignant, and
after abusing him, says :
" Instead of a quart pot of pewter,
I fill small jugs, and need no tutor ;
I quart'ridge give to the geometer
Most duly;
And he will see, and yet be blind ;
A knave made much of will be kind,
If you be one, Sir, tell your mind
Most truly."
Robin spurns this overture, goes on his way, and finds
knavery in the ascendant everywhere.
16. Obv. WILLIAM PAGET, AT THE. A mitre.
R. MITRE IN FLEET STREET. In the field, W. E. P.
(Mr. Nightingale.)
The Mitre still nourishes in Mitre-court, Fleet-street,
nearly "over against" Fetter-lane, and like most houses
in the vicinity of the inns of court, can boast of good
fare. It was once the resort of men known to literature
and science ; amongst others, of Johnson and his follower
and admirer, Boswell. In that amusing volume, " The
LONDON COFFEE-HOUSE, ETC., TOKENS. 71
Gold-headed Cane," by the late Dr. Macmichael, the fol-
lowing passage occurs : Dr. Radcliff, loquitur :
" I never recollect to have spent a more delightful
" evening, than that at the Mitre Tavern, in Fleet-street,
" where my good friend Billy Nutly, who was indeed the
" better half of me, had been prevailed upon to accept of a
"small temporary assistance, and joined our party, the
" Earl of Denbigh, Lords Colepeper and Stowel, and
" Mr. Blackmore."
17. Obv. WITHIN BISHOP GATE. The crowned bust of Charles
the First to the left.
R. THE KINGS HED TAVERN. In the field, G.M.W.
The politics of mine host of the " Kings Hed," are pretty
manifest from the device and style of this token, the bust
of which is copied from some of the very neat small
silver coins executed by Briot.
18. THE FRIEN PAN, IN BEL. A frying-pan.
R. YARD, BY FOWLS WHARF. In the field, D. I. T.
We are unable to tell the reader any thing of the " frien
pan," or even to give the name of the worthy who traded
beneath it. He was probably a dealer in ironmongery.
19. Obv. APOTHECARY. In the field, CAM. in monogram.
R. SNOW HILL. The figure of a cock standing on a spire.
The cock is here chosen as the device of an apothecary,
the bird being sacred to ^Esculapius.
20. Obv. IOHN CLAY, WOODMONGER. A horse and cart.
R. IN WHITE FRYARS, 1667. In the centre, HIS HALF
PENNY. (Mr. Huxtable.)
72 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
When this token circulated in White Friars, it had a
reputation which Shadwell has preserved in his " Squire of
Alsatia," and Scott in one of his most interesting fictions.
21. Obv. SIMON BOND, AT THE. In the centre, GREEN HOVSE.
R. IN LITLE MOOR FELDS. In the centre, S.A.B. 1666.
(Mr. HuxtaUe.)
22. Obv. RICHARD RICH IN LiTEL. A bird perched on the top
of a sheaf of corn.
R. DRVRY LANE CHANGER. In the centre, OF FARTHINGS.
( Mr. Nightingale. )
The issuer of this token styles himself a " changer of
farthings," obviously the exchange of tokens of this descrip-
tion for authorised currency, charging no doubt a brokerage
or commission on the transaction. The profits of such a
business, must, however, have been very small, and was
perhaps joined to some trade. By the device of our
Ko\\v/3icrTr)s the wheatsheaf and bird, he appears to
have been either a baker or a cornchandler.
23. Obv. IAMES GRIGNELL IN. A horse shoe.
R. THE PARK SOVTHWARK. In the field, HIS HALFPENY.
(Mr. Nightingale}
The locality mentioned on this token, formed part of the
domain of Charles Brandon, duke of Suffolk, the favourite
of Henry the Eighth. His mansion stood nearly opposite
the spot where the present St. George's Church stands,
and was surrounded by a small park and ornamental gar-
dens. After the death of the duke, the property reverted
to the king, who established a mint there. The neighbour-
hood is still known as " the Mint," and has enjoyed for a
long time a very equivocal reputation. In the days of our
LONDON COFFEE-HOUSE, ETC., TOKENS.
73
grandfathers, it was the lurking-place of all the idle and
profligate on the Surrey side of the Thames, and in the
present day has not quite lost its character. The neigh-
bouring thoroughfares known as Suffolk-street, Park-
street, etc., preserve the memory of the duke's mansion.
24. Obv. THO. WHITE AT Y? BLACKMORES. Bust of a negro
to the right ; across the field, HIS OB.
R. HEAD IN WEST SMITHFEILD. In the field, T. E. W.
(Mr. Nightingale.)
This token is remarkable and peculiar, from the circum-
stance of the owner designating it his obolus. We cannot
say how far the devices and inscriptions of these tokens
were directed by the actual issuers, and have therefore no
means of ascertaining if this less vulgar designation was the
adoption of the master of the Blackamore's Head, or of the
engraver of the die.
25. Obv. IOHN THOMLINSON AT THE. An archer fitting an
arrow to his bow ; a small figure behind holding
an arrow.
:. IN CHISWELL STREET, 1667.
HALFE PENNY, and I. S, T.
In the centre, HIS
(Mr. Nightingale.)
It is easy to perceive what is intended by the represent-
ation on the obverse of this token. Though " Little John,"
we are told, stood upwards of six good English feet without
his shoes, he is here depicted to suit the popular humour
a dwarf in size compared with his friend and leader, the
bold outlaw. The proximity of Chiswell-street to Fins-
bury fields, may have led to the adoption of the sign, which
was doubtless at a time when archery was considered an
elegant as well as indispensable accomplishment of an
English gentleman. It is far from obsolete now, as several
74 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
low public houses and beer-shops in the vicinity of London
testify. One of them exhibits Robin Hood and his com-
panion dressed in the most approved style of " Ashley's,"
and underneath the group is the following irresistible in-
vitation to slake your thirst.
" Ye archers bold and yeomen good,
Stop and drink with Robin Hood :
If Robin Hood is not at home,
Stop and drink with Little John."
Our London readers could doubtless supply the variorum
copies of this elegant distich, which, as this is an age for
" Family Shaksperes," modernised Chaucers, and new
versions of " Robin Hood's Garland," we recommend to the
notice of the next editor of the ballads in praise of the
Sherwood Freebooter.
26. Obv. i AMES FARR, 1666. A rainbow.
ft. IN FLEET STREET. In the centre, HIS HALF PENY.
(Mr. Price).
It is well known that James Farr kept the Rainbow in
Fleet-street, at the time- of the great fire, the very year of
which is marked on this token ; or some might be disposed
to question the propriety of our designating the unetherial
object on the obverse, a rainbow.
27. Obv. QVEENE HEAD TAVERNS. Full-faced bust of Queen
Elizabeth.
ft. AT HOLBORNE covNDio. In the field, E. E. H. (Mr.
Price).
This locality is mentioned by several authors as the
resort of pawnbrokers and usurers. An old satirical poem,
LONDON COFFEE-HOUSE, ETC. TOKENS. 75
printed in 1611, under the title " The Letting of Humour's
Blood in the Head-Veine," has the following topographical
allusions.
" Oh Sir, why that's as true as you are heere :
With one example I will make it cleere ;
And far to fetch the same I will not goe,
But unto Houndsditch, to the Brokers' Row ;
Or any place where that trade doth remaine,
Whether at Holborne Conduit, or Long Lane."
28. Obv. THE CROS SHVFLES. Two shovels saltier-wise.
R. IN BOW STREETE, 1653. In the field, H. B. s.
This token is without the name or calling of the issuer,
by which we may infer that it was a public house, fre-
quented, as the sign would seem to indicate, by the
labouring classes.
29. Obv. THE MERMAYD TAVERN. A mermaid with the usual
attributes.
R. IN BOWE LANE, 1652. In the field, i. A. p. (Mr.
Nightingale.)
In a former paper we gave a token of Y E MEARMAYD
TAVERN, CHEAPSiDE, 7 which we assumed was the re-
nowned " Mermayd in Chepe," and supposed that there
was a back entrance to this tavern from Friday-street.
Should our conjecture be well founded, we are strangely
puzzled with the above token, which belongs to the
Mermaid in Bow Lane, and can have nothing to do with
the celebrated Tavern of that name. Did the fame of the
Mermayd give rise to the several other similar signs which
we know by tokens were in vogue at this time 8 ?
7 Num. Chron.Vol. IX. p. 65.
8 Every one knows that "the Old Bear? in Piccadilly, had his
imitators, until Bruin's effigy at length appeared on a board nearly
life-size, holding in his mouth a label inscribed, / am the original !
VOL. X. M
76 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
30. Obv. THE WOODMONGRS ARM, (sic) . A crown, placed on
the point of a sword, between two bundles or
faggots of wood.
R. AT PICKLE HIRNE STARS. In the field, R. A. G.
The vitiated orthography of this token, pickle hirne, for
pickle herring, is an imitation of the vulgar pronunciation
of the word. These tokens furnish abundant evidence of the
ad libitum mode of spelling in those days, and prove that
it prevailed among those who were not entirely destitute
of education. To the uninitiated we may add, that Pickle
Herring Stairs is a landing-place on the river-side, near
Tooley-street, Southwark.
31. Obv. PELHAM MORE AT Y E BONN. A negro or blacka-
more's head above a figure of the sun.
R. AND MORES HEAD AT MOREGATE, the last three letters
in monogram. In the centre, HIS HALFE PENY.
(Mr. Nightingale.)
The alliteration in this token shews the issuer to have
been a wag, whose humour is about on a par with that of
the puffing shop-keepers of our time.
32. Obv. ABRAHAM BROWNE, AT \ E . A bear walking to the
left.
R. BRIDG FOOT, SOVTHWARK. In the field, HIS HALF
PENY. (Mr. Nightingale.)
The Bear at the bridge foot did not disappear until the
demolition of Old London Bridge.
33. Obv. EDWARD MVNS AT THE svGAR. A sugar-loaf.
R. LOAF ON LONDON BRIDG, 1668. In the field, HIS
HALFE PENNY. (Mr. W. Hawkins.)
LONDON COFFEE-HOUSE, ETC., TOKENS. 77
This is the only token we have met with issued by a
tradesman living on London Bridge,
34 Obv. THE KINGS HEAD TAVERN. The full-faced bust of
Henry Vllth.
R. IN OLD FISHE STREET. In the field, W. R. A.
(Mr. Nightingale.)
This was probably an old sign of the time of the
monarch whose effigies the token appears to bear.
35. Obv. THE LOBSTER AT THE. A lobster.
R. MAIPOLE IN THE STRAND. In the field, E. G.
(Mr. W. Hawkins.}
The " Lobster" was probably a house of entertainment,
where that delicious shell-fish was dispensed with its ac-
companying salad.
36. Obv. AT THE HALFE MOON. A crescent.
R. IN THE CORTE, 1648. In the field ... H. B.
(Mr. Nightingale.)
The date, 1648, is the earliest that occurs on this class
of tokens : and it is so rare, that many persons failing to
obtain a specimen, have doubted the existence of such a
date on this description of money, which, by the example
here given, appears scarcely to warrant the affiliation of
Evelyn. That they were, however, struck as early as this
year, is proved by other specimens. One of " the Seven
Stars, in Cornhill," likewise in the possession of Mr.
Nightingale, is also dated 1648. "The Half Moon in the
Corte," is a peculiar style evidently implying the court of
that name, or as the Scotch say, "of that ilk." There are
divers Half-moon courts in London. The tavern of that
name in Gracechurch Street stands at the corner of Half-
Moon Passage; and an inn of the same designation Is
in a court or passage of the same name in Bishopsgate.
78 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
We leave to the learned in London topography to fix the
locality of this token.
37. Obv. IOHN CLARKE AT THE MAN. A human figure stand-
ing within a crescent, and holding by the horns ;
above, two rolls of tobacco.
R. IN Y E MOON IN WAPING HIS HALF PENNY, 1668.
and the initials, i. E. c. (octangular).
(Mr. W. Hawkins.)
To what origin may we trace this popular sign ? We do
not think with Grimm, that it may be referred to the
offender against the law of Moses, 9 but are more disposed
to regard it as the relic of some obscure pagan myth, not
perhaps of Anglo-Saxon, but of Oriental origin. The an-
tiquary need not be reminded, that there was worshipped
in Asia Minor, a male divinity called Mrjv or the month,
and that on the coins of Antioch we have a representation
of him wearing a Phrygian cap, his head being placed
within a crescent.
38. Obv. WILL BRANDON AT Y E HAVE. A man about to throw,
a stick at a cock.
R. AT IT ON DOWGATE HILL. In the field, HIS HALF PENY,
and the initials, w. M. B. (Mr. Boyne).
The brutal sport of throwing at cocks at Shrove-tide,
was long a reproach to our countrymen. In our boyhood
we often heard of, though we were never pained by wit-
nessing, this cruel pastime, which in Wiltshire is called
" cock squoiling," but we have seen the callow brood of
sparrows, and other birds used in the same way. It seems
probable that the sign of the cock to these houses, was an
indication that cock-throwing was one of the diversions of
Num. xv. 32.
LONDON COFFEE-HOUSE, ETC., TOKENS. 79
the garden or court at the rear, just as we now see the
tempting intimation, "a dry skittle ground." 10
39. Obv. AT Y E WILL SOMERS BACKSIDE. A figure clad in a
long gown, and wearing a hat, blowing a horn.
In the field, OB.
R. OVLD FISH STREET, 1666. In the field two flowers,
the stalks uniting below in a true lover's knot,
between the initials, i. M. w. (Mr. Boyne).
This token is curious as presenting us with the effigies
of Henry the Eighth's famous jester, Will Somers, whose
wit and talent and inoffensive manners made him a great
favourite with that monarch and his court. He is here
represented, as in the well-known print, wearing a cap
and feather, and a long gown, and holding a sort of hunting
horn. Our token is too small for the details of his costume ;
but it is no doubt intended to be exactly like that in the
engraving, underneath which are the lines :
" What though thou think'st mee clad in strange attire,
Knowe I am suted to my owne deseire ;
And yet the characters describ'd upon mee,
May shew thee that a King bestow'd them on mee ;
This Home I have betokens Sommers game,
Which sportive tyme will bid thee reade my name ;
All with my nature well agreeing too,
As both the Name, and Tyme, and Habit doe."
10 An intelligent correspondent of this journal observes
" William Brandon's token reminds me of the sports of my boyish
days, when at school at Richmond, in Yorkshire, We had a game
called ' Dumps,' which consisted of throwing or pitching pieces of
lead cut into the shape of buttons, or counters about the size of
farthings at a small leaden figure of a cock . The player gave to
the owner of the cock, so many ' dumps,' for a certain number of
throws, who gave to the player so many dumps if he knockejd the
cock over. Though we were perfectly unconscious of the origin
of our game, yet there can scarcely be a doubt, that it was derived
from the cruel sport of cock-throwing."
.J. Y. A.
Lewisham, May-Day, 1847.
VI.
UNEDITED AUTONOMOUS AND IMPERIAL GREEK
COINS.
By H. P. BORRELL, ESQ.
[Read before the Numismatic Society, Nov. 26th, 1846.]
LYCIA.
LYC1A IN GENERE.
No. 1. Laureated head of Apollo, to the right.
R. AY. Lyre ; in the field, a bow and quiver, the whole
in a flat sunk square. AR. 3. (My cabinet.)
'2. Head of Apollo, front face.
R. AYKION. Bow and quiver. M. 2. (My cabinet.)
3 Same head ; in the field, a lyre.
R. AYKIilN. Female head, front face. IE. 2. (My
cabinet, and British Museum.)
We have numerous coins of Lycia similar to the two first
in the preceding list, on which are seen the initial letters
of the name of a town as well as that of the province,
sometimes expressed by the initials AY and sometimes in
full length AYKIilN. As there are no indications of my
three coins having been struck by any individual city, it
would seem that there .existed a separate currency, espe-
pecially established with the concurrence of the united
Lycian community. No province was more likely to have
adopted a similar measure than that of Lycia; the people
appear to have formed a regular repsesentative government
at a very early period. Each city, history informs us, sent a
certain number of deputies to a general assembly. We
have also a numerous series of coins struck for the province
of Lycia during the Roman domination, which would lead
us to infer that the system of a federal coinage was not a
novelty, but merely the continuation of a more ancient
usage.
UNEDITED GREEK COINS. 81
ANTIPHELLOS.
No. 1. Laureated profile of Apollo.
ft. AYKON (sic) AN. Bow and quiver, the whole in a flat
sunk square. JE. 2. (My cabinet, and British
Museum.}
There is no denying a Lyciah origin to this small coin,
and as there is no other locality the initials would suit, it is
equally certain it may be claimed for Antiphellos. No
autonomous coin of this city was previously known ; and the
only monument that has been published is a unique
imperial coin of the emperor Gordian. 1
BALBURA.
No. 1 . Eagle standing, to the left.
ft. BAABOYPEON. A winged thunderbolt, the whole
within a laurel garland. JE.4. (Cabinet of J.Whittall,
Esq., of Smyrna.)
No. 2. PAIOC. C6BACTOC. Bare head of Caligula, to the
right.
R. BAABOYPGUJN. The Lycian Hercules standing, full
face and marked, a club in his right hand. j3E. 4.
(British Museum, from my cabinet.)
Both these coins of Balbura, one an autonomous, the
other an imperial, are unique.
We learn from Stephanus 2 and Ptolemy, 3 that this
city was situated in that part of Lycia which the latter
denominates Carbalia, probably near the river Limyrus,
and not far from the range of Taurus. Pliny 4 confirms
the statement of the latter geographer : he says, u compre-
hendit in Mediterraneis Cabaliam, cujus tres urbes, GEno-
anda, Balbura, Bubon." Stephanus adds, that Balbura
1 Sestini, Lett. torn. iii. p. 89, and Mionnet, torn. iii. p. 431,
No. 5. 2 In
3 Lib. v. cap. 3. 4 Hist. Nat. lib 5. cap. 27.
82 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
and Bubon were founded by two robbers, from whom the
names were derived, " Bubon enim et Balbura sunt urbes
Lyciae, sic dictae a Balburo et Bubone. Hi vero latrones
urbes condideri a sui ipsorum nomine/' Balbura with
Bubon, and Onoanda with Cibyra, formed a separate
government, and were collectively denominated Tetra-
polis. Cibyra was the most considerable of this confedera-
tion, for which it had a double vote in the public assem-
blies, whilst the others had but one each. The chiefs
were despotic, but their rule is said to have been extremely
just and moderate. Moagetes, who was defeated by Mu-
rena, was the last of these petty sovereigns, the conqueror
detached Balbura and Bubon from the tetrapolis, and
united them to Lycia. 5
BUBON.
No. 1 . Laureated head of Apollo, to the right.
ft. BOY. Bow and quiver. IE. 2.
(British Musdum,from my collection.)
The devices on this coin are purely Lycian. Combined
with the initial letters, they justify our claiming it for the
town of Bubon, which appears for the first time in the list
of numismatic cities.
As to the origin of Bubon, I refer the reader to my pre-
ceding remarks on the coins of Balbura.
CADYANDA.
No. 1. Profile of doubtful character.
R. KAAY. Three-quarter figure of Mercury, facing the
left, holding the caduceus in his right hand, the whole
within a sunk circle. JE. 3.
(Cabinet of J. Whittall, Esq., of Smyrna.)
A late traveller 6 in Asia Minor alludes to his discovery
5 Strabo, lib. xiii. p. 631.
6 An Account of Discoveries in Lycia, by Charles Fellows,
Second Excursion. London, 1841.
UNEDITED GREEK COINS. 83
of an ancient city at a place called Yeddy Cappolee, which,
from several inscriptions, he found to be the remains of
Cadyanda. A short time after, my friend, Mr. James
Whittall, procured on the same spot this interesting and
unique coin, now described for the first time, which
further enriches the numismatic geography of Lycia.
The extent of the ruins, the numerous tombs and other
monuments, and the beauty of the sculpture which still
exist at Cadyanda, is sufficient proof of its ancient import-
ance : it is therefore the more remarkable, that it is un-
mentioned by geographers. Is it preferable to suppose
that it really has escaped the notice of ancient writers; or
rather, that we have it under a form of orthography so cor-
rupt as to prevent its recognition ?
The fabric of this coin is rather barbarous, and it is
besides badly struck; but fortunately the legend is clear
and perfect, which connected with the locality where it
was found, and the inscriptions cited by Mr. Fellows,
its classification to Cadyanda must be perfectly satis-
factory.
CYANEAE.
No. 1. Laureated head of Apollo, to the right.
R. AYKIiiN. KT. Lyre, in the field an uncertain symbol,
the whole in a flat sunk square. AR. 3. 43 grs.
(My cabinet.}
This coin is somewhat different from that published by
Combe 7 under Cydna, which Sestini and Millingen 8
have justly restored to Cyaneae.
No. 2. Head of Pallas, to the right.
R. KTHFOS. A sword ; in the field, bucranium, and KYA
(the two last letters in a monogram). AR. 2. 17g grs.
(My cabinet.)
7 Mus. Hunt. p. 19. tab. xxii. fig. 21.
8 Sestini Lett. torn. ii. p. 77, and Millingen Rec. de quelques
Med. Ined, p. 67.
VOL. X. N
84 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
Millingen 9 has published another coin similar in types,
but with a different magistrate's name, which he classes to
Calynda, in Caria ; but I cannot accept his reading of the
monogram, AAY. A close examination will, in my opinion,
convince the reader that my explanation is preferable.
No. 3. Laureated head of Apollo, to the right.
R. KYA (the two last letters in a monogram) ; a sword ;
the whole in a flat sunk square. JE. 2.
(British Museum, from my cabinet.)
This coin illustrates the preceding, and goes far to prove
the Lycian origin of both ; the fabric and general character
being decidedly Lycian.
No. 4. Male head, with fillet and spike in front, to the right.
ft. KYA (the two last letters in a monogram) and INW.
Naked figure standing, with a fillet around his head,
in front of which is a spike, and holding the hasta
transversely in his left hand. M. 3. (My cabinet.)
No. 5. Head as the preceding.
ft. KYA (the two last letters in a monogram). Cornucopia.
JE. 2. (My cabinet.}
No. 6. Head as last.
ft. KYA (the two last letters in a monogram). Sword.
All these coins undoubtedly belong to the same place,
and they came at different times from Lycia. Millingen
says, the sword is a frequent Carian type ; but it is equally
suited to Lycia, as it was a weapon in the use of which the
Lycians excelled. In fact, in Belves' translation of He-
rodotus, there is the following note. Speaking of the Ter-
milians, or Lycians, he says : " They are sometimes called
Sylloge of Ancient Unedited Coins, p. 7:2. tab. ii. No. 46.
UNEDITED GREEK COINS. 85
Telmissi, I believe they both mean the same thing, both
names relating to the kind of armour in use amongst them ;
the first denoting the short sword or poinard, the last the
quiver and arrows, for which the Cretans 10 were famous;
and both which Herodotus appropriates to the Lycians in
book the seventh.
LIMYRA.
No. 1. Head of Diana, to the right, quiver over her shoulder.
R. AYKttlN. AI. Bow and quiver, the whole in a flat
sunk square. IE. 2. (My cabinet.)
No. 2. Laureated head of Apollo, to the right.
R. AI. A winged thunderbolt. M. 2.
(British Museum, from my cabinet.)
Only silver coins of this city are published, which are of
extreme rarity : in copper none have been previously no-
ticed.
The types on No. 1 are such as occur on the smaller
money of many other Lycian cities, the winged thunder-
bolt on No. 2 is observed as an adjunct on a silver coin of
Limyra, cited by Mionnet, 11 from the cabinet of M. de
Hermand ; and it occurs again as the principal type upon
a unique coin of Balbura described in this notice.
Limyra was situated in Lycia, about twenty stades dis-
tant from the eastern bank of a small river of the same
name, Velleius Paterculus 12 mentions it as the place where
Caius Caesar died.
[MYRA.
No. 1. Helmeted head of Pallas, to the right.
R. MY. Head of Diana, full face, a quiver over her shoul-
der. M 2. 27 j grs.
(My cabinet, and Sank of England.)
10 The Lycians were descendants of the Cretans (see Pau-
sanias, lib. vii. cap. 3). u Tom. iii. p. 435 and 436, No. 27 .
12 Hist. Rom. lib. ii. cap. 102.
86 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
Four examples of this coin have been in my possession
at different times ; and, as I have noticed, they were all
brought from the Lycian coast, or from the island of
Rhodes. I have ventured to assign them to Myra : other-
wise they might be supposed to belong to Myrina, in
Aeolis, or to some other city using similar initials. Diana
was a favourite deity of the Lycian nation ; so was Apollo :
but Pallas is less frequently seen on the coins of this
province.
No. 2. Laureated head of Apollo, to the right.
R ATKIilN. Bow and quiver, in the field MY ; the whole
in a flat sunk square. M. 2. (My cabinet.)
These types, as 1 have already remarked, seem to have
been used in common on the smaller money of the
Lycians.
PODALIA.
No. 1. Veiled female head, to the right.
R. flO. In a monogram, bow and quiver. JE 1^.
(Bank of England, from my cabinet.)
The devices on the reverse of this small coin, conjointly
with the monogram, dispose rne to assign it to Podalia,
of which only another autonomous coin has reached us. 13
The ecclesiastical notices and Ptolemy 14 place Podalia
in Lycia, Stephanus in Lydia, and the council of Con-
stantinople in Pisidia. The Lycian symbols on the money
lead to the supposition that the two latter authorities are
incorrect.
13 Sestini. Lett. Num. Gout., torn. iii. p. 89. Mionnet, Suppt.
torn. vii. p. 22. No. 83.
14 Lib. v. cap. 3.
UNEDITED GREEK COINS. 87
TELMESSUS AND CRAGUS.
No. 1 . AY. Profile of Diana, to the right.
R. TEA. KP. Stag standing, to the right. M. 4.
(My cabinet.)
Here we have a unique coin, seeming by its legend to
record an alliance between two Lycian cities, Telmessus
and Cragus. 15 Of the first, Telmessus, we have hitherto
no certain numismatic remains. There were three cities
of Asia Minor, named Telmessus, one in Lycia, a second
in Caria, and the third, more often called Termessus, in
Persia. Of the Carian Telmessus (or Telemessus, for the
coins read TEAEMESSEilN), Sestini was the first to give
publicity to a very remarkable coin, 16 but it will now be-
come a question, if that coin is not rather Lycian than
Carian, as the Carian Telmessus appears to have been a
place of small importance. At all events, my coin which
bears the initials of Telmessus connected with those of
Cragus, may safely be presumed to refer to the Lycian
city, and probably even struck there, as it takes the pre-
cedence over that of Cragus. In this case, we have a new
city to enrich our numismatic geography of Lycia.
On the earlier money, when it assumed the Greek
character, Apollo and hisattributes appear to have been the
more general devices adopted by the people of Lycia;
those which refer to Diana are, judging from their appear-
15 I find Sestini has published a coin exactly similar as to type,
as this of mine, but with TAW. KP. denoting an alliance between
Ilos and Cragus. See Descrit. dell. Med. Ant. del. Mus.
Hederv. torn. ii. p. 253, No. 2, tab. xxi. fig. 13, and Mionnet,
Suppt, vii. p. 23, No. 92.
16 Lett. Num. Cont. torn, iii. p. 81. Mionnet, Suppt. vi. p. 551,
No. 532.
88 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
ance, of a later period ; and of both we have numerous
examples.
Returning to the question of Sestini's coin of Telmessus
before alluded to, although I state it with regret, as it
would be more agreeable to have two cities than one, yet
the truth must be told, even if it should militate against
a favorite theory. I, therefore, must record a fact, that a
second example of Sestini's coin is now in possession of
one of my friends, who procured it himself in the interior
of Lycia, with others, all Lycian coins. This evidence,
however, abstractedly considered, may be still insufficient to
disturb Sestini's classification, as Lycia and Caria are
bordering provinces; but as it was the Lycian Telmessus
which was on the frontier of Caria, and not that of Caria
which approached Lycia, I confess, as regards myself, the
evidence is weighty.
TITYASSA.
Mionnet, 17 for what motive I cannot conceive, assigns
a coin of the Emperor Geta to a city of Tityassa, in
Lycia, of which no geographer to my knowledge has made
any mention. He again 18 describes the same coin under
Tityassa, in Pisidia, from Sestini, 19 which is its proper
place. Tityassa, in Lycia, must consequently be erased'*'
from our list of numismatic cities.
TLOS.
No, 1. Laureated head of Apollo, to the right.
R. AYKK1N TA. A lyre; in the field, a small helmet;
the whole in a flat sunk square. AR. 3. 45 grs.
(Bank of England, from my cabinet.)
17 Suppt. vii. p. 22, No. 89. 18 Loc. cit. p. 142, No. 243.
19 Let. Num. Contin. torn. iii. p. 142.
UNEDITED GREEK COINS.
The helmet, as an adjunct on the reverse of this rare
coin, distinguishes it from another given by Sestini.
2. AY. Laureated head of Apollo, to the right.
R. TA. A sword, the whole in a flat sunk square. AL. 1 J.
(My cabinet.)
3. Head as last.
R. AYKI. TA. Bow and quiver, the whole in a flat sunk
square. JE. 1J. (My cabinet.)
The sword has been already noticed as an appropriate
Lycian symbol, where it occurs on the coins of Cyaneae.
4. AYT. KAI. M. ANT. TOPAIANOC. CGB. Laureated
bust of Gordianus Pius, to the right.
R. TAWGCON. Victory passing, a palm branch in one
hand, and a garland in the other. JE. 9. (Cabinet
ofJ. Whittall, Esq., of Smyrna.)
Only another imperial coin besides the present is known
of Tlos ; it is also of Gordian, and marked by Mionnet as
unique.
TREBENNA. 20
No. 2. AY. KAI. MAP. ANT. JTOPAIANOC. Laureated head
of Gordianus Pius, to the right.
R. TP6B6NNATON. Jupiter Mtophorus, sitting to the
right. JE. 10. (Bank of England, from my cabinet.)
Amongst the towns enumerated by Ptolemy around
Mount Massicytes, in Lycia, is one which in some of the
editions of that geographer is written Trebenda, and in
others Arienda, probably the same as the Trebendse of the
20 This unique medallion is classed in the collection of coins, which
I ceded to the Bank of England in 1826, as uncertain of
Phrygia. It was brought from Macri, the ancient Telmessus.
90 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
Ecclesiastical Notices, all of which Col. Leake 20 suggests
may be so many corrupt readings for Arycanda. I pre-
sume that my unique medallion may belong to this town :
it is in that case important, insomuch that it shows, not
only the true orthography to be Trebenna, but at the
same time, that Leake is in error, who would confound it with
Arycanda, a town of which we have some well-authenti-
cated coins.
There is a small copper coin described in Sestini, 21 as
follows :
2. Laureated head of Apollo.
ft. AYKIftN. TP. Bow and quiver.
which he classes to a town called Trabala, only mentioned
by Stephanus. I am disposed to consider this autonomous
coin also to belong to Trebenna.
The younger Gordian, whose effigy appears upon this
fine medallion, seems to have been a great patron of the
Lycians: his head predominates on the few imperial
coins of the province. In most cases it occurs exclusively
of any other.
PAMPHYLIA.
PERGA.
No. 1. Laureated head of Diana, to the right, a quiver over
her shoulder.
ft. APTEMIAOS. IIEPrAIAS. Diana standing, a garland
in her right hand, the hasta in her left ; near her, is
a stag looking upwards ; in the field, a small figure of
a sphinx. AR. 9. 257 T % grs.
20 Travels in Asia Minor.
21 Lett, tom.iii. p. 90, and Mionnet Suppt. vii. p. 24.
UNEDITED GREEK COINS. 91
This beautiful tetradrachm passed from my collection
into that of J. R. Steuart, Esq., and is now in the British
Museum. It differs from those already published, by the
adjunct symbol of the sphinx in the field. 22
POGLA.
No. 1. AY. : : : : :AAPIANOC. Laureated head of Hadrian,
to the right.
R. IKirAG&N. The Pergaian Diana standing, bow in left
hand, and drawing an arrow from a quiver suspended
over her shoulder, with her right. JE. 4J. (British
Museum, from my cabinet.')
2. : : : : : AOMNA. Head of Julia Domna, to the right.
R. ITCirA. Cone-shaped stone. M. 6. (My cabinet.)
Pogla is mentioned by Ptolemy, and the Ecclesiastical
Notices. The former places it in that part of Pamphylia
called Carbalia, between Cretopolis and Mendemium.
The coins of Pogla are of the greatest rarity, and were
unknown to Eckhel. One of Geta, was first published by
Mionnet, 23 from the Allier collection, 24 but his description
of it is incorrect : instead of Apollo, the type exhibits the
Diana Pergaeae, as on my coin of Hadrian. Another, of
Trajan Decius, is published by Sestini. 25
The cone-shaped stone on the reverse of my No. 2, is
frequently seen on the coins of other cities, both of Pam-
phylia and of Pisidia : it is the most ancient form under
which the famous Diana of Perga was worshipped.
22 The sphinx occurs on a brass coin of Perga, as a principal
type.
23 Tom.iii. p. 470, No. 135.
24 Cf. Dumersan, Descript. des Med. Ant. du Cab. Allier.
25 Descr. del Med. Ant. Gr. del Mus. Hederv. torn. ii. p. 259,
No. 1. In add. Tab. v. fig. 11, and Mionnet, Suppt. torn. vii.
p. 62.
VOL. x. o
92 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
PISIDIA.
ADADA.
Haym 26 has published a coin of Adada, of Valerian and
Gallienus, of the medallion size, which Mionnet 27 considers
to be a false, attribution. I can, however, vouch for the
authenticity and the correct reading of HaynVs coin, as a
fine specimen came into my possession from Adalia, a few
years ago.
ANDEDA.
See my remarks on two coins of this city, erroneously
classed to Perga, by Mionnet and others, in the Numis-
matic Chronicle, Vol. II. p. 1.
ANTIOCHIA.
No. 1. ANTIOCH. Bare youthful head of Mercury, the
caduceus over his shoulder.
R. COLONIAE. A flaming altar. M. 4. (My cabinet.)
Of imperial coins of the Pisidian Antiochia, we have a
remarkable abundance, but, on the contrary, the colonial
coins are exceedingly rare ; only three varieties are pub-
lished, exhibiting different types to the present. The
flaming altar is not unfrequently seen on coins of Asia
Minor : it refers, probably, to religious rites established by
the Persians at a more early period. It occurs on a coin
of Hypaepa, 28 in Lydia, where the Persians had a temple
served by Magi. At Hierocsesarea, in the same province,
26 Thes. Brit. torn. ii. tab. xxiv. fig. 6, p. 278, edit. Lond.
27 Suppt. torn. vii. p. 87.
28 It is an unpublished type in my possession.
UNEDITED GREEK COINS. 93
Cyrus dedicated a temple to the Persian Diana, 29 and on
a well known coin of that city, the goddess is represented
accompanied with the legend HEPCIKH, on the reverse of
which is also a flaming altar. 30
APOLLONIA.
See my notice on some remarkable coins, indubitably
struck in this city, in the Numismatic Chronicle, Vol. II.
page 182.
BARIS.
No. 1. Turreted female head, to the right.
R. BAPHNON. Naked figure of Bacchus, the thyrsus in
one hand, and the cantharura in the other. JSt. 3J.
(Cabinet of J. Whittall, Esq., Smyrna.)
The present coin is valuable, as being the only autono-
mous one of Baris, a city only very lately known to us by
a rare imperial coin, recorded by Sestini, and after him by
Mionnet. 31
No. 2.-T. M. K. GTPYCK. AGKIOC. K. Bare head of
Etruscus Decius, to the right.
R. BAPHNilN. Lunus on horseback, to the right. M. 6.
(My cabinet.)
3. AH\ (sic) T. OYGIB, TP6. TAAAOC CGB. Laureated
head of Trebonius Gall us, to the right.
R. BAPHNliN. Lunus standing, his right foot resting on
something indistinct, holding a conic stone, or perhaps
the fruit of the pine in his right hand, and the hasta
in his left. M. 7. (My cabinet.)
29 Tacitus, An. lib. iii. cap. 62 For the Persian temples in Asia
Minor, see also Pausanias, book v. chap. 27.
30 Eckhel, Doct. Num. Vet. torn. iii. p. 103. Mionnet, torn. iv.
p. 48, No. 249.
31 Sestini, Lett. Num. Cont. torn. viii. p. 90, and Mionnet,
Suppt. torn. vii. p. 1 12.
94 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
Sestini's coins of Baris, are of Sept. Severus, and of
Alexander; the two cited above, have never been noticed:
there is nothing unusual in the types. The subject has
often been discussed in the course of these notices.
I profit by the present opportunity to correct an error,
which Mionnet has inadvertently committed, of giving a
double attribution of the same coin. It is of Alexander
Severus, in his Supplement, torn. viii. p. 112: it is as-
cribed to Baris, and again in the same volume, p. 226, to
Bagae in Lydia. It belongs to Baris.
CONANA.
No. 1. AT. TPA. AAPIANOC. Laureated head of Hadrian, to
the right.
R. KONANG11N, Lunus standing, a globe in his extended
right hand, and the hasta in his left. M. 4.
(British Museum, from my collection.)
No mention of Conana is to be found except in the
Notitia Ecclesiastics : it is perhaps the same as the Com ana
of Ptolemy. The coins of this city are extremely rare ; the
present one of Hadrian is earlier than the few already pub-
lished, the most ancient in the list previously known is one
of Antoninus Pius.
CRETOPOLIS.
Experience has taught me that the coins similar to those
ascribed by Sestini 32 and Mionnet 33 to Gratia, in Bi-
thynia, are much more likely to belong to Cretopolis, in
Pisidia, for they have been constantly brought to me in
company with coins of other cities of Pisidia, and the adja-
cent provinces.
32 Descr. d. Med. Ant. del Mus. Hederv. p. 44, Nos. 1 and 2.
33 Suppt. v. p. 32, Nos. 173 and 174.
UNEDITED GREEK COINS. 95
Observations on the localities where particular coins are
constantly found, particularly during so long a period as
twenty-five years, become of value. I need no other
apology for recording the result of mine here for the
general benefit of numismatic science.
CREMNA.
No. L IMP. CAES. C. MES. Q. . .DECIVS P. F. AVG.
Laureated head of Mysius Decius, to the right.
R. SILVA. COL. CREM. Silvanus standing, an uncer-
tain instrument in his right hand, and the pedum in
his left. M. 4J. (My cabinet.}
Upon this rare coin of Cremna, struck under the younger
Decius, we have the unusual figure of Silvanus, who, being
a deity of Italian origin, had his worship probably intro-
duced into the city by the early Roman colonists.
PEDNELISSUS.
No. 1. AYPHAIOC KAICAP. Bare head of Aurelius Antoni-
nus, to the right.
R. nGANHAICCeON. Jupiter ^Etophorus seated. M. 5.
(My cabinet.}
2. AY. K. M. AN. Laureated and bearded head of the
same.
R. neANHAICCGSlN. Cone-shaped stone in a temple.
JE. 2. (British Museum, from my cabinet.)
3. AY. K. M. AY. C6. AAG#ANAPOC CGB. Laureated
head of Alexander Severus, to the right.
R. neANiAICCe^N (sic). Nemesis standing, with her
usual attributes, M. 4J. (My cabinet.)
The name of this city, both on coins and in ancient
authors, is written indifferently, Petnolissus and Pedne-
lissus.
The only two coins hitherto published of this city, are
of the emperors Commodus and of Maximus. On the latter
96 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
is represented the figure of Nemesis, as on my No. 3. The
cone-shaped stone, on the reverse of No. *2, occurs on a
coin of Pogla, and on another of Perga. It refers to the
worship of Diana Pergaeae, which seems to have been
widely spread over both Pamphylia and Pisidia.
Pednelissus, though a place of small importance, must
have been strongly fortified ; it successfully resisted a siege
against a powerful body of Selgians, till it was relieved
by Garsycris, a general in the service of AchaBus ; and it
was under the walls of this city, that the Selgians were
defeated with the loss of ten thousand men. 34
PROSTANNA. 35
No. K AY. KA. A. C6. CGOYHPOC n. Laureated head of
Sept. Severus, to the right.
R. nPOCTANNGON. Distyle temple, in which is the god
Lunus standing, front face ; in his right hand he holds
some indistinct object, and in his left, the cone-shaped
stone ; a crescent across his shoulders and another on
his forehead ; at his feet, on either side, a lion. In
the field, to the right, a sphinx above and a cock
below. IE. 9j. (My cabinet.)
The few imperial coins that are published of Prostanna,
are all of the emperor Claudius Gothicus; the present, of
Septimus Severus, being of a much earlier date, entitles
it to notice. It is equally remarkable for the number of
attributes which accompany the god Lunus.
No. 2. AY. K. M. AYP. RAAYAIOC. Laureated bust of Clau-
dius Gothicus, to the right.
R. nPOCTANNGON. River god reclining on an urn, a
long branch in his right hand ; on the exergue, an in-
distinct legend, thus, IO AON VT. M.S. (My cabinet.)
34 Polybius, lib.v. cap. 7. 35 The Prostama of Ptolemy.
UNEDITED GREEK COINS. 97
The geographical position of Prostarma is designated
upon a rare coin, on which is represented a mountain with
the legend OYIAPOC 36 (Mount Viarus) ; but this mountain
is unnoticed by geographers. On the preceding coin,
which is also of Claudius Gothicus, the type on the reverse
exhibits a river god ; the name of the river, which might
have been of great importance, is unfortunately inde-
cypherable, nothing can be determined by the few detached
letters which remain distinct.
SAGALASSUS.
No. 1 . Laureated and bearded head of Jupiter, to the right.
R. SAFAAASSEliN. Cornucopia, with fillets, filled with
fruit. JE. 4.
(Cabinet of M. Gillet, French Consul at Tarsus.)
Only one other silver coin of Sagalassus has been pub-
lished, 37 presenting the same head of Jupiter, but with
a different reverse to the present.
No. 2. AAPIANOC KAICAP OAYMQIOC. Laureated bust
of Hadrian, to the right.
R. CArAAACC6lN. Lunus standing, an indistinct object
in his extended right hand ; at his feet, a bull. JE. 7.
(My cabinet.)
The epithet of Olympius, given to the emperor Hadrian
on this coin, is not peculiar to Sagalassus, it occurs on the
money of several other Asiatic cities. Rasche, in his
" Lexicon Universes Rei Numariae," has given a list of these
cities under the word '
No. 3. AYT. KAI. ANT&NINOC. Laureated head of Marcus
Antoninus, to the right.
R CAFAAACCe&N. Apollo seated, his left hand on a
lyre, which stands upon a column. IE. 7.
(British Museum, from my cabinet.)
36 Mionnet, torn. iii. p. 510, and Suppt. vii. p. 122.
37 In the French National Collection, Mionnet, torn. iii. p. 511,
No. 103.
98 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
No. 4. AYT. K. M. AY. ANTflN. Laureated head of Caracalla.
R. CAFAAACCGftN. Apollo, as last. M. 6.
{My cabinet.)
5. M. OH6A. ANT. AIAAOYM6NIANOC. Bare head of
Diadumenian.
R. CAFAAACCG1N. Pluto seated, patera in one hand,
and hasta in the other, the dog Cerberus at his feet.
JE. 6. (British Museum, from my cabinet.)
Pluto is represented on another coin of this city, struck
for Marcus Aurelius. 38
No. 6. IOYA. KOP. IIAYAA C. Head of Julia Cornelia Paula
to the right.
R. CAFAAACCGON. Mercury seated on a rock, a purse
in one hand, and the caduceus in the other. JE. 4.
(Same cabinet, from same.)
7. : : KOC. GTP. MG. A6KIOC. Laureated head of
Etruscus Decius.
R. CAFAAACCGCIN. Victory passing, holding a garland.
JE. 6. (My cabinet.)
8. C A AUNG IN A. Bust of Salonina on a crescent, in the
field.
R. CAFAAACCeaN. Eagle standing. JE. 9.
(My cabinet.)
These coins present nothing worthy of remark : they
are merely varieties of- types different from those pub-
lished.
Some writers are of opinion, that Sagalassus was a
colony of the Belgians, and through them claimed descent
from Lacedaemon. This accounts for the legend AAKE-
AAIMON CAFAAACCOC, which is found on a coin of Mar-
cus Aurelius. 39 From other coins we learn that the city
was situated on the river Oestrus ; 40 and, moreover, that
the Sagalassians claimed for their city the title of Capital
38 Mionnet, torn. iii. p. 513, No. 116.
89 Mionnet, torn. iii. p. 513, No. 115 and No. 124.
40 Idem, loc. cit. p. 516, No. 133.
UNEDITED GREEK COINS. 99
of Pisidia, and allied with Rome : pretensions we find on
a remarkable coin of Valerian. P&MAIQN CArAAAC-
CAION (sic). IIPOTHC IIICIAftN KAI $IAHC CYNMAXOY. 41
SELEUCIA.
No. 1. KAAYA. CGAGYK. Turreted female head, to the right.
R. A ram standing (no legend). IE,. 3.
(British Museum, from my cabinet.)
2. IOYAIA AOMNA CGBACT. Head of Julia Domna.
R. KAAYAIOKGA. GYKGftN. Bacchus standing, the
thyrsus in one hand, and the cantharum in the other.
JE. 7. (Same cabinet, from same.)
3. AYT. KA. M. ANT. : : : : : Laureated head of Cara-
calla, to the right.
R. KAAYAIpKGAGYKeaN. Naked figure of Bacchus stand-
ing, his right hand held above his head; on one side a
small figure of a satyr, and on the other a panther.
/E. 9. (Same cabinet, from same.)
4. AYT. K. M. YA. AAG&ANAPOC CG. Laureated head
of Alexander Severus.
R. KAAYAIOKGAGYK6&N. Hercules striking the hydra
of Lerna with his club, JE. 9.
(Same cabinet, from same-)
5._AY. K. M. AYP. KAA. Laureated head of Claudius
Gothicus.
R. KAAYAIOKGAGYKeaN. Jupiter Nicephorus seated.
JE. 9. (Same cabinet, from same.)
Vaillant 42 and Banduri 43 have attributed some im-
perial coins with KAAYAIOKGAGYKGftN, to the town of
Seleucia, in Cilicia, under the impression that the legend
denoted an alliance between that city and Claudiopolis in
the same province. Eckhel's opinion, however, that they
belong to the Seleucia of Pisidia, has justly prevailed 'with
41 Idemjoc. cit. p. 516, No. 131.
42 Numismata Graeca. 43 Tom. i. p. 194.
VOL. X. P
100 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
later writers. 44 The Seleucia of Pisidia was named ad
Taurum, from its vicinity to Mount Taurus. It probably
adopted the surname of Claudia from the first emperor
of that name.
The first coin on this list is autonomous. None were pre-
viously noticed; but, as it bears the name of Claudia, it
must have been struck under the Roman domination.
Under No. 4 of Alexander Severus, Hercules is repre-
sented destroying the hydra of Lerna ; but the present
differs from the same subject on other coins, as he is unat-
tended by Minerva.
SELGE.
No. 1. Laureated head of Hercules, front face; in the field
a club.
R. SEAFION. Inscribed between a club and a kind of
plant in a vase, below Z. AR. 2J. 31 1 grs.
(My cabinet.)
This is an unpublished type of the already abundant
series of coins of Selge.
Sestini has assigned two silver coins to this city, which
certainly belong to Sicyen. 45 The kneeling figure which
he describes as an Apollo, is of Diana. I have already
pointed out this error in my notices under Sicyon in this
Chronicle, Vol. VI. p. 135.
H. P. BORRELL.
Smyrna, 20th Feb. 1843.
To the Editor of the Numismatic Chronicle.
44 Doct. Num. Vet. torn. iii. p. 23.
45 Lett. Num. torn. vi. p. 60, and Descrit. del Med. Ant. del
Mus. Hederv. torn. ii. p. 271, tab. xxii. fig. 5; also, Mionnet,
Suppt. vol. vii. p. 132, Nos. 194 and 195.
MISCELLANEA.
LIGHT GOLD: Return to an Address of the Honourable the
House of Commons, dated \lth of March, 1847 ; for an Account
of the Expenses incurred at the Mint, on the Recoinage of
of 2,860,282 ounces of Light Gold received from the Bank of
England, under the Minute of Treasury, dated the 8th day of
June, 1842." Ordered, by the House of Commons, to be Printed,
29th March, 1847.
No. 1. Copy of Treasury Minute of the 8th June 1842.
It having been represented to my Lords that great inconvenience
results from the quantity of light gold coin now in circulation, and
it appearing to my Lords that it would tend to diminish this evil
if the Bank of England were authorised to receive, on behalf of
the Government, such light gold coin, at the rate of 31. 17s. lO^d.
the ounce, being the Mint price, my Lords are pleased to direct a
letter to be written to the Bank of England, requesting them to
give public notice of their readiness to receive gold coin, not being
of the weight at which such coin is authorised by law to be cur-
rent, at the rate of 31. 17s. 10-|rf. per ounce, and to transmit the
same, when received, to the Mint, for recoinage.
No. 2. Expenses incurred at the Mint in the Recoinage of the
Light Gold Coin.
Loss on the old coin, after being melted and assayed, 1491bs. s. d.
3oz. 17dwts. 14grs., at 3/. 17*. \0%d. per oz. - - - 6,977 2 7
Melting down the coin into ingots for recoinage, 236,5231bs.
6oz., at 4d. per Ib. 3,942 1 2
The Master's assayer, making the assays of the ingots, 11,825
ingots, at 2*. per ingot 1,182 10
Coinage Charges; viz.
The moneyers, 207,7271bs. 6oz. 2dwt.
lOgrs. into Sovereigns, at 3s. 6rf. per Ib. 36,352 6 3
Ditto, 30,4801bs. into half-sovereigns, at
4*. 6d. per Ib. 6,858
43,210 6 3
The melter, 207,7 271bs. 6oz. 2dwts. lOgrs.
into sovereigns, at lOd. per Ib. - - 8,655 6 3
Ditto, 30,4801bs. into half-sovereigns, at
ll^.perlb. 1,439 6 8
10,094 12 11
The refiner, refining lOllbs. 2oz. 15dwts., at 6s. per Ib. - - 30 7 4
The Surveyor of meltings, for extra duty and attendance in
superintending the melting of the light coin into ingots
for the assay - - - - - - - -150 00
Contingent expenses for charcoal, acid, steel dies, and incidental
expenses of every description, estimated at 5d. per cent. - 2,320 5
Carried forward, 67,907 5 3
102 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
s. d.
Deduct: Brought forward 67,907 5 3
Expense of melting saved on 22,000 ounces of
light coin containing silver, delivered to be
refined 30 11 1
Allowance received for the silver extracted
from the above coin, at 2d. per Ib. - - 15 5 5
Profit by excess on the tale of the monies
coined, over the computed value - - 45 15 2
91 11 8
Actual Expenses incurred in the Recoinage - - 67,815 13 7
Mint Office, 23rd March, 1847. Jas. W. Morrison, Dep. Master.
DISCOVERY OF ROMAN COINS IN NORFOLK. Towards
the close of last year, at Beachamwell, in this county, as a boy
was digging in a sand-pit, which had recently been opened, he
struck his spade, about two feet from the surface, against an
earthen urn or jar, from which fell a number of silver coins,
which proved to be of the Roman Imperial Series. The jar
containing them was broken, and part of it could not be found: a
circumstance the more to be regretted as it was in good preserva-
tion and of fine workmanship, having the word SOSIMIM stamped
on the bottom This jar was covered over by another, the upper
one being of superior manufacture. The place where these relics
of antiquity were found is on a heath, in the occupation of Mr.
J. Chambers, situated very near a plantation called Wellmere,
in the parish above mentioned, the property of the Hon. C. Spencer
Cowper, the present worthy High Sheriff of Norfolk. The exact
number of coins discovered cannot be ascertained, but it is believed
to have amounted to fifty. Of these thirty-seven have been col-
lected, and submitted to inspection. They consist of denarii,
struck under the following Emperors: viz. Vespasian five ; Do-
mitian two; Nerva one; Trajan three; Hadrian eight; Antoninus
Pius seven ; Faustina the elder, three ; M. Aurelius two ; Faustina
the younger, one ; L. Verus three ; Commodus one ; to this enu-
meration is to be added a (consular) medal of the Antonia family.
With two or three exceptions the whole of these are in tolerably
good, and many of them in very excellent, preservation. The
only rare reverses amongst them, are the TELLVS STABILITA, and
the HISPANIA of Hadrian ; together with a type of Hercules, of
the same reign ; and the FORTVNA OBSEQVENS of Antoninus
Pius. Norfolk Chronicle.
COLLECTION OF ROMAN COINS AT COLOGNE. Mr.J. M.G.
Fontaine, at Cologne, is charged with the sale of a collection of
Roman coins in that city. It consists of 7015 specimens, of
which 92 are gold, 2370 silver, and 4553 brass of different sizes.
Mr. Bachem, bookseller to the Court at Cologne, will supply cata-
logues to persons desiring particulars, through any bookseller in
correspondence with the Continent.
VII.
UNEDITED COIN OF DOMITIAN.
IT is not often that an unedited coin of the Roman Im-
perial series comes under the notice of the Numismatist.
The above engraving is an accurate representation of a
second brass coin of the Emperor Domitian, from a drawing
by the possessor, Mr. B. Nightingale. The type of the
reverse furnishes a very apt illustration of the history of
Imperial Rome. We, however, had already a very perfect
concordance of the types of the money of Domitian with
the recital of the historian. Suetonius especially mentions
the veneration in which the goddess Minerva, whose festi-
vals he caused to be celebrated on the Alban Mount every
year, was held by the tyrant; 1 and this is confirmed in a
most satisfactory manner, by the exceedingly common
denarii of Domitian, on which the favourite divinity is repre-
sented on the summit of a rostral column in the attitude of
combat. The rare gold and silver medallions of this emperor
have the same type, 2 and testify to the accuracy of the
Biographer of the Caesars.
1 Celebrabat et in Albano quotannis Quinquatria Minervae cui
collegium instituerat. Suet, in Dom. c. 4. The same author men-
tions his ominous dream, that Minerva had withdrawn her protec-
tion from him: Minervam, quam superstitiose colebat somniavit
exedere sacrario, etc. Ibid. c. 15.
2 Mionnet, De la Rarete, etc. vol. i., and Descriptive Catalogue
of Rare and Unedited Roman Coins, vol. i. p. 199.
VOL. x. Q
VIII.
UNPUBLISHED VARIETIES OF THE IRISH FULL-
FACE HALF-PENCE OF JOHN.
AMONG a large number of the Irish full-face half-pence of
John, procured for me, at the sale, in 1 845, at Sotheby's, of
the coins of Thomas Walker, Esq., of Ravens wood Park,
Yorkshire, I was so fortunate as to obtain one, which reads,
on the reverse, " -f WSLT6X ON R6," this being a variety,
as yet unpublished and unnoticed.
I have also since seen two other full-face half-pence of
John, procured also from Mr. Walker's sale, one of which
reads, on reverse, " + WSLT6X ON R6N," the other,
" +WSLTGR ON RGN."
There is not any town in Ireland of the period of John,
to which we could safely appropriate these coins, and the
question then remains, as to what locality they can be given,
so as to remove all doubt of their being specimens of John's
coins, struck during his lordship in Ireland.
The coins are precisely similar, in every respect (except
the legends, on reverses as above stated), to those other
full-face halfpence of John, reading on obverse " -f IO-
HftNNeS DOGO " so often engraved, and already so well
known, and now to be found in a large number of varieties,
in almost every cabinet and collection of Irish coins.
I have therefore thought it superfluous to send you
drawings.
Among the known varieties of the full-face half-pence
of John, I find in my own cabinet one reading on reverse,
" +WftLTGR ON Wft." And I am inclined to conclude,
that the coins reading WftLTGR," and " WftLTGX ON
R " and "RGN" were also struck by the same " Master
Walter," and also, in the same town, viz. Waterford.
IRISH FULL-FACE HALF-PENCE OF JOHN. 105
On referring to Smith's History of Waterford, 1 and also,
to the more recent publication on the same subject, by the
Reverend R. H. Ryland, 2 I find Mr. Ryland making use
of these words at page 112, in describing Reginald's Tower,
situated in that city: he says, " It is called Reginald's
" Tower, from the name of its founder, by whom it was erect-
" ed, in 1003. 3 In some ancient documents, this place is
" called Dondory, Reynold's Tower, and the Ring Tower.
" The last is a corruption of the original name. Reginald's
" Tower, of which a print is annexed, is the oldest castle in
" Ireland." I find Mr. Ryland also alluding to it as follows :
" Reginald's Tower has been used for many and various
" purposes : originally a fortification, it was afterwards used
" as a prison, a royal mint, a depository of public stores,
" and more recently, a place of confinement, and a watch-
-house. Under the name of Dondory, it was constituted
" a royal mint, and is thus represented in several
" statutes."
Doctor Charles Smith, at page 117 of his history (as is
also copied in Ryland), gives a Statute of Edward the
Fourth, from the Roll's office, regarding the Mint at
Waterford, in 1463. A recital in the words of this statute,
may not be deemed uninteresting to our purpose : " Roll's
" Office, Stat. 3, Edw. IV., No. 39, 1463. It being en-
" acted by a Parliament held at Drogheda, Ann. 38. Hen.
" VI., that the gross [i.e. the groat], the dernier, the demi-
" dernier, and the quadrant should be struck within the
1 The Ancient and Present State of the County and City of
Waterford, by Charles Smith, M. D., 8vo. William Wilson,
Dublin, 1774.
2 The History, Topography, and Antiquities of the County and
City of Waterford, by the Reverend R. H. Ryland. 8vo. London,
John Murray, 1824.
3 Reginald's Tower was built in the year 1003 by Reginald
(son of Ivorus or Ivars), king of the Danes, at Waterford.
106 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE,
"castles of Dublin, and Trim, now the Mayor, Bailiffs, and
" Commons of Waterford are daily incumbered for want of
" small coins, for change of greater, it is enacted, at their
" petition, that the above-mentioned small coins be struck
"at Waterford, in a place called Dondory, alias, Reynold's
" Tower, and that they be made of the same weight, print,
a and size, as is mentioned in the said act, to be done in the
" Castles of Dublin and Trim, and that they shall have
" this scripture : Civitas Waterford"
From the words of the above statute, there is not the
slightest doubt whatever, that Reynold's, or Reginald's
Tower, in the City of Waterford, was once the spot of a
Royal Mint, and that it was used as such previously, and
also during the period of John's lordship in Ireland, we
may be assured, as well from the above fact, as that both
Henry the Second, and his son John made it, as the histo-
rian observes, " the depot of their power and strength."
If, therefore, it is admitted, and I think there can be
very little doubt about it, that the coins reading " R6,"
and " R6N" were minted in Reginald's Tower, they must
be considered of very peculiar interest, as we can not only
appropriate them to the town, but also to the very build-
ing in which they were struck, and which still exists in all
its pristine state and strength on the Long Quay at
Waterford.
To appropriate a coin of so early a date, to the very exist-
ing building in which it was minted, must be esteemed a
rarity indeed, and in the case of an Irish coin, a more than
peculiar one, when we contemplate the almost numberless
scenes of rapine, destruction and confiscation, which this
unhappy country has undergone during the last six centu-
ries and a half.
Why " Master Walter " peculiarised Reginald's Tower,
and also Waterford, I leave to others to decide.
IRISH FULL-FACE HALF-PENCE OF JOHN. 107
Perhaps when the former were minted, John did not hold
sway over the entire town of Waterford, which he might
afterwards have been considered as possessing, and per-
haps, what the historian says of his father, Henry the
Second : 4 " that at his departure, he left not one true
subject behind him, more than he found on coming over,"
might be also at that time as appropriately told of John ;
therefore the first spot and stronghold of his power, the
mint of his first coins, Reginald's Tower, was peculiarised.
It may, however, be as probable that the place of mintage
was afterwards changed for some other building in Waterford.
I have only further to state, that I understand the varieties
of this mint and moneyer are very rare, a few only being
known, and these not until after the dispersion of the very
large hoards of the coins of John at Mr. Walker's sale.
Believe me to remain,
Dear Sir,
Very faithfully yours,
EDWARD HOARE.
Cork, June 1st., 1847.
To the Editor of the Numismatic Chronicle.
P. S. I have a very fine full-face half-penny of John, in
my cabinet, reading on reverse: "+TVRGOD ON DWG,"
a variety hitherto unpublished. I have also seen another
specimen, precisely similar, in the collection of Dr. Aquilla
Smith of Dublin. These coins did not belong to Mr.
Walker's hoards. They were both procured in Ireland,
long previous to Mr. Walker's sale. I have seen two others
also, which I have no doubt were similar to the above, but
so badly preserved, that only a portion of the word " Turgod"
was legible. I have also an unpublished variety, " + Ge-
FKei ON WS."
4 See Ryland, page 14.
IX.
OBSERVATIONS ON COINS OF SELINUS.
IN some observations on the types of the coins of Caulonia,
Numismatic Chronicle No. XXX VI., I took occasion to
advert to the illustration furnished by those of Selinus, of
the relation, recognised by the ancients, between the rites
of healthful lustration, and the influence or agency of the
Sun-god: restricting myself, however, to general indica-
tions of the import of the Sicilian coin, and reference to
the authorities by which it is decided.
The subject will reward more detailed examination ; little
perhaps may be added to the accepted elucidation of the
Selinuntian type 1 , of which an engraving was then given;
but another occurs on a parallel set of coins of the same
city, which has not, so far as I am aware, received equal
attention : and the examination of this, necessarily leads us
to review the historical ' anecdote to which they refer in
common.
The city of Selinus, according to Diogenes Laertius in
the life of Empedocles, suffered from the pestilential ex-
halations of an adjacent river, causing great mortality, as
well as difficult and dangerous labours of their women.
Whatever may be thought of the assigned cause in this
particular instance, it is well known that puerperal fevers
constantly are recognised as endemic; and this is not the
only trace of the same observation having been made in
1 K. O. Miiller: Annali dell' Inst. 1835, p. 263.
Ckron.
. /
!
COINS OF SELINUS. 109
antiquity. To remedy the evil, the philosopher formed
a plan, and executed it at his own charge, by which he
connected two of the rivers of the vicinity and rendered
the waters sweet by the admixture. The pestilence ceased,
and when on a certain occasion Empedocles appeared
among the citizens as they feasted on the banks of the
river, they rose up and prostrated themselves and prayed
to him as a god.
The rivers of the locality were the Selinus and the Hypsas,
the latter receiving the waters of the Crimisus. They
reach the sea through the low grounds on either side of
the elevation occupied by the ruins of the once flourishing
city, and after ages of desolation, the original character of
the locality is but too well re-established, and the miasma
from swamps and shallows renders it at present a task of
danger to explore the formerly populous and busy seat of
ancient civilisation.
Whatever may have been the actual concern of Empe-
docles in the matter, which fortunately we are not now
called on to discuss, we can have no difficulty in recognis-
ing the story of some operations of hydraulic engineering
by which salubrity was gained for Selinus, as truly his-
torical. Perhaps it is not rash to venture to substitute a
more probable theory of their nature for the notion of the
biographer, who appears to ascribe the improvement to
the sweetening effects of mixing a pure stream with a foul
one. The details of this particular instance and the
analogy of others indicate that the drainage of the marsh
was effected, by passing through it a copious current in
a well constructed channel.
The Colymbethra of Megaris, ascribed to Daedalus, and
that of Agrigentum,, executed together with the enormous
works for the drainage of the same town by the labour of
110 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
Carthaginian captives, are other Sicilian examples of works
of the same class as the Selinuntian in question. 2 (Diod.
xi. 25).
Both rivers, the Selinus and the Hypsas, appear on the
coins personified as naked male human figures, with small
horns budding from their foreheads. On the coin already
published, the river-god Selinus holds in his left hand the
lustral branch, emblem of purification, and with his right
makes a libation at an altar, which, from the cock in front
of it, appears to pertain to a health-god, whether Apollo or
jEsculapius. The leaf in the field of the coin is that of
the 0-eXtj'o?, parsley or rather celery, which abounded in
the neighbourhood, and alludes to the name of the city.
Plutarch mentions the dedication by the Selinuntians of
a representation of the plant in gold, as a o-vpj3o\ov or
irapaarjfjiov of their town (Plut. de Pyth. Orac. xii.).
Behind the river-god is a small bull, which from the
formal base on which it is placed evidently represents a
statue ; it may stand for a gloss, as type of a river accord-
ing to the analogies of Sicilian and Italian coins ; a bronze
bull at Gela was said by Tima?us to represent the river
Gela; in the present instance the more special allusion
is probably to the second river concerned in the purifica-
tion commemorated.
On the reverse of the coin we have Apollo discharging
2 Ausserhalb des eigentlichen Griechenlandes ist vor Allem
Syrakus fur die Kenntniss hellenischer Wasserbauten wichtig.
Die unterirdischen Wassercanale, welche die Athener zum
Theil zerstorten, sind in ganzer Lange zu verfolgen und bringen
noch heute reichliches Trinkwasser in die Stadt. Dieser unter-
irdische Fluss geht selbst von der Akradina unter dem Meere
durch nach der Insel Ortygia hiniiber, wie dies schon Fazello
mit Staunen bemerkte. E. Curtius, Archaolog. Zeit. N. F.
p. 31.
COINS OF SELINUS. Ill
his arrows, in a car guided by his sister Artemis ; the
notice that the pest affected women in childbed gives
peculiar propriety to the presence of the goddess, whose
own shafts afflict the gravidce puellce. The group is
usually explained as the production of the pestilence by
the arrows of Apollo, the rays of the sun-god. Such is
the effect ascribed to his archery in the Iliad; but we have
already seen in the Caulonian notes, that pestilence was
stayed as well as excited by his arrows, and the Theban
chorus of Sophocles invokes him to relieve them by this
means:
Av/ci aval*, ra re era ^pvaocnpofyayv air
/3eXea Oe\oi^ av aSa/^ar' e
apwya TTpoo-TaOevra, TO.? re
&os aiy\as. K.T.\. v. 202. GEdip. Tyr.
The same motive appears for the associated appeal to
Artemis at Thebes as at Selinus. (Cf. v. 172.)
The group of the divine twins resembles that on a frieze
of the temple of Phigaleia, which was raised to Apollo,
as Epikoureios and as queller of a pestilence. 3
3 To complete the analogy to the Caulonian instance, it may
be noticed, that Empedocles had the title /cwXvo-ave/me or
aXeo'^uae, from the control he was said to have exercised over
the winds when operating destructively on vegetation. The form
of conjuration employed by him (cf. Diog. Laert. in vit.), with
ao-K-oi, made of asses' skins, I doubt not was derived from some
prevalent Western superstition that helped Homer to his fiction
of the bag of winds given by ^Eolus to Odysseus an CHTKOQ
formed of a hide. As sacrifices of asses belong peculiarly to
Apollo (Pindar, Pyth. x. 33, among the Hyperboreans : at Delphi
Corp. luscrip. v. 1. fasc. iii.), we may conclude that the puri-
fying god, addressed by Empedocles, was, as seen on the coins,
Apollo, the sun-god purging the air and breezes.
evrjXiwg TTVEOVT 7ri0Tt)( ftJ/ X ora ' -^ scn Eumen. 905.
VOL. X. H
112 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
The coin inscribed Hypsas presents us with the god of
the river, personified like the Selinus, and making a liba-
tion at an altar of similar form, but instead of the cock,
a serpent appears in front of it, and coiling round it; a
health symbol like the cock, and, like that, appropriate
either to Apollo or Asclepius his son.
The leaf of celery again appears in the field, and instead
of the statue of a bull, a heron, which as a wader is an
apt emblem of a marsh or shallow stream, and renders
it probable that it was the Hypsas of which the sluggish
waters were the cause of the mischief.
It is the type on the reverse of this coin, Hercules
struggling with a bull, which he holds by the horn with
his left hand, his right grasping his knotted arid menac-
ing club, that is more particularly the subject of the pre-
sent analysis.
Hercules had many adventures in Sicily, he traversed
the island on his return from the West with the cattle of
Geryon, he sacrificed a bull from the herd to Demeter
and Kore, and owed refreshment from his labours to the
thermal waters that abounded in Sicily, and of which not
the least celebrated were in the neighbourhood of Selinus
(Diod.iv. 78).
I am inclined, however, to regard the Hercules bull-
tamer of the coin as a mythical antitype of the labours by
which the courses of the Selinuntian rivers were corrected,
and specially, for reasons that will presently appear, as
Hercules and the Achelous. Hercules, according to the
I may insert here a grammarian's note on the alteration of the
name of the Italian city : Eustathius p. 628. quotes Heracleides
of Alexandria on the formation of KtXevdos from eXevdoQ : 7r\eo-
.(D TOV K, a> Aoyw /cot TTJV AvXwviar Xapa KavXioviav tyriaiv tv
ovru) Se (f>rj(ri, /ecu ra avffyXta, Kav6i]\ia.
COINS OF SELINUS. 113
legend, wrestled with the river Achelous in the form of a
bull, and broke off one of his horns, in requital of which
he gave him the horn of Amaltheia, the emblem of in-
exhaustible fertility and plenty. The prize of the contest
was Dei'anira, daughter of Oineus and Doris, or some said
of Dionusos.
In the Iliad (xxi. 237) the Trojan river contending with
Achilles, throws out the dead on the shore, pe/jLv/cw yvre
ravpos, roaring like a bull ; a sufficient proof, I hold, that
the personification of rivers as bulls is as old as Homer.
The Scholiast (ibid.) observes that Archilochus, less
daring than Homer, represented Achelous contending with
Hercules, not as a river but as a bull.
Strabo (ii. 342, Tauch.) interprets the legend as a
mythical account of certain actual engineering operations
by which, by means of mounds and cuttings, dams and
channels (irapa^wjjbaaL re K.CLI Sto^eretat?), the course of
the river was corrected and restrained, and a fertile tract
gained for cultivation. The river, apparently, was carried
into a more direct channel, and one KCL/JLTTOS or reach,
called, says Strabo, a xepas, was drained. The fertility
of the ground thus won gave rise, according to the geo-
grapher, to the story of the horn of Amalthea.
Legend has other parallel stories which confirm this
interpretation, and in other respects it is completely
in accordance with the peculiarities of the locality. One
of the labours of Hercules was the draining of the stables
of Augeas in Elis, a country early and closely connected
with the JEtolians of the Achelous, and of which the dis-
tricts lying about the mouths of its fivers are, according to
all authorities, of a nature to render necessary such opera-
tions of embankment and draining as legend indicates.
The early age in which such works were undertaken in
114 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
Greece, and in consequence of which they came to be
ascribed to a mythical hero, may be illustrated by the
extensive operations connected with the peculiar drainage
of the plain of the Lake Copais, the country of the Minyans
of Orchomenos. 4
The Pheneatae of Arcadia regarded as works of Hercules,
the jSapaOpa or subterraneous channels by which their
rivers escaped and their plain was preserved from inunda-
tion. Paus. viii. 14. The Stymphalian lake was drained
by a similar chasm (Id. vii. 22), and Hercules again was no
doubt the engineer : his success is represented in legend,
on coins and other monuments as the driving away of the
Stymphalian birds, i.e. the waterfowl of the lake. The de-
parture of these, as a natural symbol of the destruction of
their haunt, is parallel to the heron of Selinus, evidently
represented in full retreat.
The account of the purification of Elis given by Apollo-
clorus agrees remarkably with that of Selinus, as related
by Diogenes Laertius. In either case, low grounds or
stagnant marshes seem to have been drained by forming
a channel through them for a considerable stream, obtained
by the junction of several smaller. Hercules in Elis,' says
the mythologist (ii. 5. 3.) rov AXfaiov irorafjiov KCLI rov
nrjveiov crvveyyvs peovras Trapo^erevaa^ eTnjyayev. While
Diogenes with parallel expression says of Empedocles at
Selinus, 5uo Tiva<; Trora/tof? TO>V crvveyyvs eTrayayew.
Whether, however, this agreement of expressions had
foundation in fact or not is quite indifferent to the ex-
4 The Hydra quelled by Hercules, by its name a water monster,
had its haunt among the marshes, springs and lakes, both numerous
and remarkable, of the district of Lerna. Cf. Pausanias ii. 37, 4.
On the chest of Cypselus Hercules was represented slaying the
Hydra in the Lernsean river Amumone (Id. v. 17. 11.).
COINS OF 8ELINUS. 115
planation of the type of our coin ; there is no doubt of the
antiquity of the group of Hercules struggling with the
bull, as representing the contest of the hero with a river-
god, and whatever may have been the origin of the story
of the contest, its existence in this form rendered it an
appropriate antitype of the historical operations at Selinus,
and supplies an explanation, sufficient, according to the
analogies of Greek habits of association, to account for the
combination of the two subjects on the monument.
The suggestion and propriety of the type can, however,
be demonstrated with still greater exactness. There were
grounds for the diffusion and application of the type of the
Achelous more widely than other purely local emblems
and legends. It was a sacred river, celebrated by Hesiod
as the oldest of the 3000 floods, offspring of Oceanus and
Tethys. Much of its celebrity seems also to have been due
to its relation to the archaic fame of Dodona, to the oracles
of which, according to Ephorus (ap. Macrob. Sat. v.), the
injunction was always appended, to sacrifice to Achelous.
Hence, he adds, Achelous became a common name for
water in general, particularly of living streams, and in con-
nection with sacred rites. All living waters were called
by his name (compare the Scholiast to Iliad $. 194.
A^e\coov irav ir^aiov vftcop). The usage of poets is to the
same effect as noticed by Macrobius in his comments on
Virgil's line,
Poculaque inventis Acheloia miscuit uvis. Georg.
He cites parallel expressions of Aristophanes and Eu-
ripides.
The name Achelous is probably in its root the same, as
the Latin aqua, to which that of Achilles, son of the per-
sonified land and sea, has also been conjectured to be
related; and so again it seems probable that Dei'anira, the
116 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
object of his ardour, is the type of the land or 777, in the
form occurring in Ar}(# and ^rj/jLijrrjp ; her descent from
Oineus-Dionusos, implies agricultural symbolism, and thus
she appears as a personification of the fertile tract, the
recovered land at the embouchure of the river, the nymph
of the locality. The Deianira of Sophocles relates how the
river wooed her in three several forms as a bull, a serpent,
and in human shape bull- fronted:
(ftoiTow evapyrjs ravpos, aXXor' afoXo?
Spa/ccov eXtKTO?, aXXor' avSpeia* Kvret, (vel TITTTCO)
/3ov7rpa)pos. (aliter /Sov/cpavos). 5
Two forms of the personified stream are recognised on
the coins of the Selinus, the bull either with human head
or its own, and the human figure with bull's horns ; I have
little hesitation in adding a third. On a small coin of the
city, we see a seated female, and in front of her a huge
serpent reared on its coils (Spa/tew eXt/ero?), which from the
position of her hand, she appears to be pushing away from
her. This gesture as well as the size of the creature for-
bids us to think of Hygeia with the health-serpent, which
we see coiling round the altar on the larger specimen.
We have therefore the* river Achelous suitor in the form
of a serpent to the unwilling Deianira. The introduction
of Hercules on other coins favours this view, in preference
to transferring the personifications to the stream and country
of Selinus itself. 6
5 Sophocles proceeds to mention the water-dripping beard
of Achelous in this form ; this, as bulls have no beards, proves
that the expression pov-npupog or povKpavog had reference only to
horns. The human figure with a bull's head of monuments is not
a river, it is the Minotaur.
6 So the altar by the Attic river was that of the Achelous, not
the Eilissos. Plato Phaedr. 9.
COINS OF SELINUS. 117
Selinus was founded by the Megarians of Sicily, but
under the conduct of Pamillus 7 as KTLO-TTJS from the con-
tinental metropolis; such a selection of a leader had ever
a religious motive, and to the metropolis, therefore, to its
symbols, legends and monuments, we are justified in look-
ing, to explain those of the colony. 8
The relations of Hercules to Megara are manifold. To
this country must be referred the allusion contained in his
marriage with Megara at Thebes, with which city Megara
has a common fund of legend referring to Ino-Leucothea.
The Megarians had many tales to tell of the descendants
of the hero, and showed the tomb of Alcmena his mother.
They boasted that they had conferred the rights of citizen-
ship upon him (Plutarch de Un. in Rep. dom. ii.); doubt-
less, as usual in such legends, in return for services ren-
dered, services which the mention of their single marshy
stream suggests, were probably exerted in the regulation
of their drainage and watercourses. However this may
be, the Megarian tyrant Theagenes, father-in-law of the
Athenian Cylon, paid much attention to the subject, and
commemorated his labours by suitable symbolism, erecting
an altar to Achelous at the spot called Rhous, whence he
diverted the waters that flowed from the heights above the
city. This dedication will at once be recognised as pre-
cisely parallel to the associated symbols of the coins of
Selinus. We may safely conclude that the water thus
diverted was, at least in part, employed by Theagenes to
supply the celebrated architectural fountain which he con-
structed within the city; a work admired for its size,
7 Thucydides.
8 Of. Miiller, Dorians i. p. 120, 230 : on the faithful trans-
ference of the cult of the metropolis by another Megarian colony
Byzantium.
118 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
enrichment and numerous columniation. The water was
called that of the nymphs Sithnidae 9 (Paus. Ixi. 1.).
Hence we are guided to the suggestion of the subject
of the Megarian dedication in their treasury at Olympia :
a group of Hercules and Achelous contending for Deianira
in the presence of Zeus, and severally aided by Athene
and Ares. The tympanum of the building was enriched
with a representation of the battle of gods and giants,
Hercules doubtless participating ; the exploit which Pindar
(Nem. I. 62 ff) associates with the victories of the hero over
monsters both by land and water, and harmonised here with
the reference of the inscription to a victory over the Corin-
thians. (Paus. vi. 19.9.)
These considerations of the general symbolism of the
contest of Hercules and Achelous, and of the relation of
the hero to the Megarian colonists of Selinus, appear' to
account for and explain the selection of the type as ''a
mythical equivalent of the hydraulic operations referred to
in the sacrifice of the obverse. The interpretation of the
reverse of this coin favours a parallel interpretation of the
function of Apollo on the others, as Epikoureios; in either
case the pestilence, or its cause, is quelled arid controlled.
Achelous, however, was not the only bull that yielded
to the might of Hercules ; as one of his appointed labours,
he tamed the bull of Cnossus in Crete, and took it alive
to Argos. There is much appearance that here again we
have a personified river, and that the feat of the hero is a
9 Cf. E. Curtius in Gerhard's Archaologischer Zeitung, N. F. 2,
p. 30. Die Megarische Wasserleitung des Theagenes, welche
eine Quelle des Kitharon auffing, verdiente sehr eine genaue
Untersuchung : ihre Linie ist durch eine in spatrer Zeit aufge-
mauerte Wasserrinne kenntlich und ihre Miindung unweit der
Stadt nachzuweisen. Es scheint, dass das quellenarrae Megara
vorzugsweise ein Sitz der Wasserbaukunst war.
COINS OF SELINUS. 119
figure for some great engineering work at that metropolis
of the early civilisation represented by Minos. Pausanias
(i. 27, 9.) associates it with the valley of a river; he says
that it devastated Crete generally, and especially the country
about the Tethrin, apparently the same stream as the
Theren of Diodorus (v. 72.), and perhaps connected with
Tritta, an ancient name of the city (Hesychius in v.).
Two other streams are mentioned at Cnossus, the Kairatos
(Strabo x. 730 and 732), and the Amnisus; arid one of its
two havens is named Heracleion.
The bull of Europa, no less than that of Pasiphae, has
also some traces of a fluvial character whether original
or secondary ; it is connected with the river Lethseus at
Gortyna, whose appearance in this form and relation is
justified by the analogy of the numerous loves of the
general prototype Achelous, for De'ianira, Perimele, etc.
Solinus preserves the legend (xviii): " Gortynam amn**
Leth&us prceterfluit : quo Europa tauri dor so Gortynh
ferunt vectitatam"
The Cnossian animal got loose at Argos, and is found
at Marathon in Attica, where it affords an adventure to
Theseus the emulator of Hercules. The plain of Marathon
was marshy the marsh so fatal to the Persians but did
this arise as at Selinus from a river? "In Marathon, says
Pausanias (i. 32, 6), is a lake, for the most part marshy,
a river issues from it which at the part near the lake is
suitable for cattle, but where it falls into the sea it is
brackish and full of sea-fish." The Marathonian demus
dedicated a bronze bull on the Athenian Acropolis, to be
compared with the statues of river-bulls at Gela and on
the coins of Selinus (compare also the dedication of the
Corcyraeans at Olympia. Paus. x. 9, 2).
The demus of Marathon claimed peculiar interest in
VOL. x. s
120 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
Hercules: they professed to have been the first that wor-
shipped him as a god ; hence his children are brought by
Euripides as supplicants to Marathon (Heracleid. v. 32.
Paus. i. 32. 5. Herodot. vi. 116.); and from the local in-
dications there is ground to suspect that in the plain of
Marathon the same contest with overflowing or stagnant
waters once took place as we find at Elis, the Achelous
and Selinus, and that Hercules, not Theseus, was the hero
to whom the exploit was originally assigned.
Plutarch gives a legend (Theseus xxxv.) to account for
the transference of the Attic honours of Hercules to
Theseus ; and hence the labours of Hercules furnish the
subjects of the metopes of the Theseion. Euripides also has
allusion to the association if not interchange of their honors.
On the celebrated throne at Amyclae, the subject of
Theseus wrestling with the Minotaur was associated with
that of Hercules wrestling with Achelous (semivirumque
bovem, semibovemque virum)- and on the same throne,
by a version of the mythus new to Pausanias, Theseus
was exhibited leading the Minotaur living and bound, just
as he was said to have led the Marathonian bull to sacrifice
it at the Acropolis. '.--
The Minotaur, a human figure with bull's head, sprang
from the fire breathing bull of Cnossus and Pasiphae, dis-
guised as a heifer by the art of Daedalus ; the conjecture
lies near at hand, that this story of an artificial heifer was
invented to explain some public monument. So the
bronze bull of Phalaris of Agrigentum, a locality where we
shall meet with Daedalus again, appears, from the notice
of Polybius 10 , to have really been furnished with a door
about the shoulders, large enough to admit a man. The
10
Polyb. xxii. 25. Cf.Tzetzes Chil. v. 843.
COINS OF SEL1NUS. 121
work, like other Agrigentine productions, was perhaps
colossal, and an entrance provided for no other or better
reason than an entrance is left for the whimsical into the
ball of St. Paul's.
The Agrigentine bull was carried to Carthage on the
destruction of the city, and there remained, and was seen
by Polybius when Carthage was destroyed in its turn.
Scipio then restored it to Sicily, where it remained when
Diodorus wrote (Diod. Sic. xiii. 91). The Agrigentines
supplied themselves with another bull in its absence, which
passed with the many as the bull of Phalaris ; Timaeus,
however, recognised it as a statue of the river Gela, 11 and
such also it might be conjectured was its prototype.
There are, however, some strong presumptions, that the
bull of Phalaris, as an instrument of death or torture,
though from religious and not from political motives, was
no fiction originally, however it may have become in
later times reduced to a mere symbol. This will appear
if we follow forth the tracks of the bull of Cnossus.
The Minotaur, its offspring, was also or otherwise named
Asterios or Asterion, 12 and Cretan coins which bear his
figure have on the reverse the symbol of the labyrinth
with a star in its centre, with allusion to this celestial
name. Asterios and Pasiphae are a pair of names the
coinciding import of which directs us to look eastward:
they indicate that a filament of astronomical mythology is
woven into the web of the legend. Cow and bull are
Oriental types of sun and moon, and the legend of Europa
is but one of many traces of the early intercourse between
Cyprus and Phoenicia ; one of the most remarkable, being
the monstrous offspring of the daughter of Minos. The
11 Apud Schol. Find. Pyth. i. 185.
12 Apollod. iii. 1. Tzetz. Lyco. 653. Faus. ii. 31, 1.
124 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
in his own labyrinth, like Perillus in his bull, or Phalaris
himself afterwards, but escaped thence to Sicily, where
many works were ascribed to him, among others the Colum-
bethra at Megaris, and the warm or vapour baths of
Selinus, contrived by the management of warm natural
exhalations in a cave. With these baths, apparently, the
fate of Minos was connected who, having pursued Daedalus,
was smothered or drowned in them by his host Cocalos
and his daughters who favoured the fugitive. The Cretans,
says Diodorus, built a double tomb for their king, deposit-
ing his bones in the secret place, and making the public one
a temple of Aphrodite (Diod. iv. 79). This is a descrip-
tion of such a Si7r\ov oiKtj^a as occurs in several instances
in Greece, where a hero or a heroic tomb is associated
with a goddess's temple; the most remarkable instance,
but only one of many, is the Erectheion or temple of
Athene Polias at Athens. The tomb, adds the historian,
was discovered on the founding of Agrigentum, and the
bones of Minos restored by Theron to the Cretans.
From this visit of Minos was dated the founding of Minoa,
between Agrigentum and Selinus, afterwards colonised by
the latter city and called also Heraclea.
The Cretan and Phoenician analogies of the bull of
Phalaris, induce me to conclude in favour of direct in-
fluence from either quarter, otherwise the Megarian legends
respecting Minos would suffice to account for the reappear-
ance of parallel legends in the colony. I could even sus-
pect that the Carthaginians, in removing the brazen Moloch
bull of Phalaris to Africa, recognised a Phoenician symbol,
and regarded it as something more than a mere trophy.
The Sicilian tyrant himself was transformed by a vagary
of tradition (though perhaps only by the slip of a copyist 16 )
16 By substitution of Qoivaw for 0u<*>.
COINS OF SELINUS. 125
into a real Minotaur or Kronos, longing to devour or de-
vouring infants at the breast, and even his own child. 17
The confusion made by the Greeks between the Moloch-
bull and the river-bull of Agrigentum has a parallel in
that already alluded to, on the throne of Amyclae, between
the Cnossian or Marathonian bull and the Minotaur.
Personified rivers appear on Sicilian and Italian coins
and monuments as bulls, bulls with human heads, human
figures, and human figures with bull's horns. Sometimes
a Nike offers the bull a crown; and the idea of victory thus
connected with the river-god probably has reference to
the return of the festival in his honour, the occasion on
which his statue would be crowned. The idea of the
accomplishment of a course is probably not entirely alien
to the symbolism. On a vase of the Musee Blacas the
human-headed bull bears a female with a hydria, antitype
of the loves of Achelous, and advances towards a
* 1 i i i /. t
the usual symbol of lustration.
Another opportunity must be found for following forth
the traces of astronomical symbolism associated with the
emblem of the bull, conformably to its Eastern relations
indicated in Cretan and Phoenician legend. To another
opportunity, or to other expositors, must also be transferred
the analysis of the Dionysiac character assumed by the
legend. Dionysiac ideas laid hold of this as of all other
Greek legends and symbols : they are visible in its neigh-
bourhood, in the story of Achelous as wooer of a daughter
of Oineus or Dionusos : ultimately, we find the ideas of
the river-god, the sun-god and Dionusos as god of the vin-
tage or general humidity, combined in the same principle,
.
17 Aristot. Ethic. Nicom. vii. 5. Clearchus ap. Athense p. 396.
Tatian. sec. 54. Aspasius ad Aristot. p. 154.
^ l
126 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
and detectable and patent in the same emblem. In this
instance, however, as in so many others, the claim of Dio-
nusos to the symbol is so clearly secondary, that there is no
justification for assigning it to him in instances where no
other mark of his claim is apparent.
The same observations apply to the Minotaur as a sym-
bol. That it was in origin Dionysiac, is as contrary to
mythological analogy, as that it should ultimately have es-
caped Dionysiac application and adoption. 18
Thus ends my essay, in which I may at least say, that
I have fairly taken the bull by the horns ; this, it may be
thought, although the boldest is not always the safest way
of attacking a bull ; and I must even in the present case
leave others to decide whether Hercules or the bull has
had the best of it.
W. WATKISS LLOYD.
6th August, 1847.
18 Cf. Gerhard's Archseol. Zeitung, N. F. Beil. i. p. 9. On a
cylix of Vulci (red figures), Pasiphae is represented nursing on
her lap the infant Minotaur; the external compositions are, on
either side a female holding a human limb between two thyrsus-
bearing Satyrs: an allusion probably to the Bacchic wyuo^aym
and the story of Pentheus and its parallels. Ariadne, spouse of
the wine-god, for whom also Daedalus exerted his art (Iliad xviii.
592), and who rescued Theseus from the labyrinth, seems to be
interchanged with Pasiphae, and brings the symbolism of Dionusos
and Kronos into as close association as we find them on the vase.
Have we another trace of such a connection in the cave-dwelling
Cyclops of Homer, greedy of wine and human flesh ?
X,
COINS OF THE PATAN, AFGHAN OR GHORI SULTANS
OF HINDUSTAN (DELHI).
(Continued from page 62.)
TWENTIETH KING (A.H. 752 790; A.D. 13511388).
On the 27th of Muhurrum, 752, Hindustan was relieved
from the capricious rule of Mohammed bin Tuglak, and the
vacant throne was filled by his cousin, Firuz. In 754, the
new monarch attempted to reduce Haji Ilias, who had
thrown off his allegiance to the house of Delhi, and assumed
regal honors as sovereign of Bengal and Behar : the em-
peror was, however, able to accomplish little or nothing
towards the subjection of his revolted subject ; and, not
long afterwards, the kingdom of Bengal became effectively
independent. In 755, Firuz commenced the first of those
magnificent public works which have perpetuated his name,
while those of far mightier kings have been forgotten : the
remains of many of these undertakings are still to be seen,
scattered, in no scant proportion, over the face of northern
Hindustan : indeed, in the original bed of a canal, first ex-
cavated by this monarch, at this day flow the waters of the
Jumna, which irrigate the surrounding country, from the
foot of the Sewalik, to Hissar; and a more modern branch
from which supplies the present denizens of the once im-
perial city of Delhi.
Fruitful in solid benefits to his subjects and succeeding
generations, the long and prosperous reign of Firuz has
VOL* x. T
128 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE,
afforded but slight materials for the historian : hence Fe-
rish tab's narrative of his rule is almost confined to the
enumeration of the roads, wells, canals, etc., which, to this
time, in bearing the name of Firuz, have, as yet, scarce
needed a chronicler.
In the year 789, the sultan, suffering from the increasing
infirmities incident to his advanced age, associated his son,
Nasir ud din, in the government of the empire; and, from
this time, the public prayers were recited in the joint names
of father and son. The arrangement thus completed was
but of brief duration: a revolt in the capital resulted in the
flight of the prince and the re-assumption of regal power by
the father ; who, however, again as quickly resigned it to a
grandson, Ghias ud din, son of Futteh Khdn, who finally
succeeded to the empire on the decease of Firuz, which
event took place in 790.
112. Gold. 167 grs. R. (B. M.)
*
Obv. ^yliaLj iliij^^J ^J\^ Jujta J^j
Confiding in the benignity of God, the royal Firuz Shah.
*. *
ft.-
> *
This coin was struck in the time of the
Imam Abiil Abbds Ahmed. May his sovereignty endure.
113. Gold. 170 grs. (B.M.)
The most mighty sultan, sword of
the commander of the faithful, Abul Muzafar Firuz Shah,
the sultan. May his reign be prolonged.
In the time of the Imam, commander of the faithful, Abul
Fateh. May his khalifat endure.
^
Marg. JL>
COINS OF THE PATAN SULTANS OF HINDUSTAN. 129
The assumption by Firiiz, at this particular juncture, of
the title of Seif Amir Al Mominin, as connected with the
simultaneous recognition of the new Egyptian khalif, Abul
Fateh Abubekir, who had only lately attained pontifical
honors, seems to indicate that the title in question was the
one conferred upon the former on the occasion of his in-
vestiture with the dress of honor, which was received at the
court of Delhi in 757.
114. Gold. 167 grs. Small coin. Date 788.
Obv. a\A \
115. Silver and copper mixed. 141 grs. Date 773.
Obv. ^Jj&i) CL^bs^ L^-O^ <jlLL* aV-lJtj-J
R. w
116. Copper and silver. 136 grs. Date 791.
Obv.
R. v^t toiL
117. Silver and copper. 54 grs.
118. Silver and copper. 140 grs. Date 784.
Obv. as No. 114.
%w O
R. vAf <fcjLL ujji^. dJ!
119. Copper. 68 grs.
Obv. as No. 118.
R. U
120. Copper. 36 grs.
Obv.
J30 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
121. Copper. 55 grs.
Obv.
122 and 123. Coins similar in types and legends to No. 1 15, bear
respectively the dates AM 816, and AIV 817.
The appearance of two coins, dated severally twenty-six
and twenty-seven years subsequent to the decease of the mo-
narch whose name they bear, is not a little remarkable.
Adverting to the previous history of Moslem Asiatic nations,
the simple fact of the fabrication of money, displaying the
titles of any given sovereign, continuing for a brief period
immediately following his death, occasions no surprise:
hence No. 116 is readily accepted as a posthumous coin
of this class ; but the lapse of more than a quarter of a
century observable in the instances of Nos. 122 and 123, in
placing these pieces so much beyond the limit usually ad-
missible in parallel cases, leads to an enquiry whether
unusual causes may not have led to their production. It
is known that the issue of this species of coinage, though
probably not completely serial, was renewed at divers times
between the fixed periods of 790 and 816, as evidenced by
specimens extant in the possession of Captain Cunningham,
bearing dates 801 and 804.
The facts available, together with the unassailable evi-
dence of the coins themselves, seem to necessitate a con-
clusion that, during the whole, or a portion of each of the
years 801, 804, 816, and 817, if not during many of the
intermediate ones, the dominant possessor of the city of
Delhi issued money in the name of a previous king; en-
suring, by this means, at the very least, a ready and un-
questioned circulation of the coinage thus put forth, the
counterpart of which must, at the time, have formed the
COINS OF THE PATAN SULTANS OF HINDUSTAN. 131
bulk of the circulating medium of the Delhi empire. As,
however, this inference involves the deduction that either
these parties coined no money in their own names, or,
striking money of their own, were careless of this usually
highly-prized right, it becomes necessary to examine whe-
ther it is possible that the individuals who, at each of these
several marked periods held sway in the metropolis of Hin-
dustan, should have submitted to the use of the titles of
other kings on money issuing from the mint over which
they maintained control. As regards the epochs of 801 and
804, it is to be remarked, that after the departure of Timur,
and the subsequent speedy expulsion of Nusserut Shah, the
city of Delhi passed into the hands of Mullu Yekbal Khan,
who retained possession of the town till his death, in 807.
Though this chief acted entirely on his own account, and,
as will be shown hereafter, considerably augmented his
territories, it is nowhere asserted that he either coined
money in his own name, or assumed any of the usual in-
signia of royalty. A difficulty might suggest itself in this
place, in the fact of the continued existence of Mahmud, a
monarch duly inaugurated on the throne of Hindustan, who
had fled to Guzrat on the capture of the metropolis by the
Moghuls. Yekbal Khan does not, however, appear at any
period after the departure of the Moghul host, to have, either
directly or indirectly, acknowledged Mahmud as sultan;
indeed, it is by no means unlikely, that during the early part
of his own independent rule, he should actually have dis-
couraged any such recognition. It may, therefore, be
assumed as highly probable, that to supply the currency
requisite for the ordinary monetary transactions of his peo-
ple, Yekbal Khan, having no pretence to strike coin in his
own name, and no predilection to perpetuate the name of a
king he was in effect supplanting, may have adopted the
132 NUMISMA'JIC CHRONICLE.
expedient of issuing pieces similar to those of Firuz, and
still emblazoned with his titles; the like of which, to judge
by the present comparative abundance of the specimens
extant, must have formed a very considerable proportion of
the total currency of the day. Referring to the period
comprised in the two years 816 and 817, it is singular that
during the first fifteen months of this time, it is also, at the
least, doubtful whether any king reigned in Delhi. Mahmud
dying in 815, left no successor to the throne: the chief
power in the state shortly afterwards fell to the lot of Dau-
lat Khun Lodi : his actual assumption of regal honors, how-
ever, despite the directly expressed assertion of Ferishtah
to that effect, is at the best highly problematical. This
point, also, will be more fully noticed in its proper place;
in the meantime, it may be adverted to as possibly bearing
directly upon the present enquiry, in respect to the hitherto
inexplicable non-discovery of any money displaying the
name of the ruler in qnestion. Daulat Khan surrendered
to Khizr Khan in the third month of 817 A. H. Here,
again, it is perhaps doing no violence to probabilities, re-
marking both the absence of any extant coin of Daulat
Khan conjoined with the doubt of his kingship, and the
clear testimony of the dates on coins Nos. 122, 123, to sup-
pose that this chief, in imitation of the practice of a pre-
decessor, issued coin in the name of Firuz.
COINS BEARING THE JOINT NAMES OF FlRUZ AND HIS
SON ZlFFER.
124. Copper and silver. 78 grs.
Obv. a^j^s
ft. <oiLi-
125. Silver and copper. 78 grs. Coin bearing similar legends
to the above, but the produce of different dies.
COINS OF THE PATAN SULTANS OF HINDUSTAN. 133
The above coins are, it will be seen, struck in the joint
names of Firuz and his son Ziffer : as it is known that
Firuz, in 760 A.H., conferred "the ensigns of royalty on his
son, Futteh Khan," and that Mohammed, the second son,
was, in 789 A.H., raised to the throne during the life-time
of his father, it is by no means improbable that, in the like
spirit, the third son should have been allowed to adopt so
much of kingly rank as was implied in the exhibition of his
name on the coinage, in the government over which he pre-
sided. There is much obscurity prevailing in Ferishtah,
consequent upon an apparent confusion of two different
persons bearing the title of Ziffer Khan. It is not perhaps
requisite to enter into a detailed enquiry on the subject,
as, notwithstanding the uncertainty which of necessity re-
mains, there seems to be but little question, that the prince
now sought to be identified, was the Ziffer Khan, governor
of Mahobah (Bundelkund), who was so hastily despatched
by the vizir on the occasion of the attack upon the latter's
house by the Prince Mohammed, in 789 A.H.
TWENTY-FIRST KING (A.H. 790791; A.D. 13881389).
The rule of Ghias ud din Tuglak II. demands but brief
notice, its events being told in the record, on the one hand,
of the lax indulgence of the monarch, and, on the other,
of his unavailing pursuit of the late joint-king Nasir ud din.
The sultan, having alarmed the nobles of his own court, a
conspiracy was formed which put a period to his life and
sway, little more than five months after his first attain-
ment of the latter.
126. Silver and copper. 136 grs. A.H. 790.
Obv.
R. v%
134 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
127. Silver and copper. 80 grs.
128. Copper. 68 grs.
Obv. JILL *U j
TWENTY-SECOND KING (A.H.791 793; A.D. 13891390).
Abiibekir, the son of Ziffer, and grandson of Firuz, was
raised to the throne on the death of Tuglak II. The
history of this reign is also comprised in but few words,
being marked almost solely by the successful counteraction
by the king, of the treasonable designs of his vizir, followed
by the advance of Nasir ud din; who, after various inter-
mediate turns of fortune, once again sat on the throne of
his father.
129. Silver and copper. 134 grs. A.H.791.
*
Obv. JILL alij^j ^^ ^
L,
ft. v^ tejl. CL^LU <d!i Ju
Coins of this type are extant bearing the several dates of
791, as above, and 792, and 793, A.H.
130. Copper. 114 grs.
Obv. In a square area 8\J* 4j *i\
Marc/.
R. vir
131. Copper. 155 grs. Imperfect
Obv. In a circular area x\& Jo ^
Mary. il
R. as No. 130.
COINS OF THE PATAN SULTANS OF HINDUSTAN. 135
132. Silver and copper. 47 grs. Small coin, obverse and
reverse legends similar to No. 129.
133. Copper. 58 grs.
Obv. JUaL jab al
TWENTY-THIRD KING (A.H. 793796; A.D. 13901394).
The supremacy of Nasir ud din Mohammed as sole mo-
narch of Hindustan, which dates properly from Ramzan,
793, to Rubbi us Sani, 796, does not offer much matter
for remark.
In the early part of the reign, the governor of Guzrat
rebelled, but was subdued by the sultan's generals; as also
were the Rahtor Rajputs, who shortly afterwards attempted
to throw off their allegiance. Doubts having been sug-
gested as to the faith of his vizir, the emperor hastened to
meet the difficulty, and, by prompt action, secured himself
against the possible consequences. A fever, aggravated by
the exertions it was necessary to make to suppress an in-
surrection in Mewat, brought the career of this monarch
to a close.
134. Silver. 173 grs. (Marsdens Cabinet, B.M.)
** *
Obv. JILL> alfcjjjjji alfc Jc*^ J^cU^li^l *ia XI ^UaLJl
The most mighty sovereign, Abul Muhamed, Mohammed
Shah, (son of) the royal Firuz Shah.
In the time of the Imam, commander of the faithful. May
his khalifat endure.
135. Impure silver. 167 grs. Date 795.
+* w
Obv.
R. Centre
Marg.
VOL. X.
136 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
136. Silver and copper. 140 grs. Date 793. (Others are
dated 794 and 795.)
Obv.
137.Copper. 140 grs. Date 793 H
7. Centre
Marg.
R. v^
138. Copper. 68 grs. Small coin. 793.
Obv. ^JlLLj il-ii J^/ksr^c
ft. v^r Jjbj Ll<USl jb
139. Copper. 52 grs.
. ^ILLo \J*jjj*A iLl
TWENTY-FOURTH KING (A.H. 796; A.D. 1394).
Humayun, the son of Ndsir ud din, assumed, on his
accession, the designation of Sekunder Shah. The his-
torical record of the rule of this sovereign is confined to
the announcement, that he attained regal honors and en-
joyed them for the brief space of forty-five days.
140. Silver and copper mixed. 142 grs. Date 795. 23
Obv.
23 The unit numeral on coin No. 140, displays a singular form
of the figure a Jive : it is somewhat strange to find this novel style
of the figure in use almost simultaneously with the old five, to be
COINS OF THE PATAN SULTANS OF HINDUSTAN. 137
141. Copper. 134 grs. Date 795.
Obv. Centre *li
Marg.
observed on coin No. 135, which has, up to this time, been in no
way distinguishable from a naught, as disclosed on No. 126. It is
certainly possible that, in this particular instance, the employment
of the unit numeral on the second coin may refer to the naught of
790, during part of which year Nasir ud din Mohammed was the
effective sultan, in nominal conjunction with his father Firiiz ;
but there are many reasons for doubting the probability that the
coin in question should have been produced under the joint auspices
of Firiiz and Mohammed. Be this as it may, there can be no
difficulty in admitting the fact, that the figure more immediately
under notice represents a five, as both its present and its subse-
quent use clearly demonstrate that it can be no other numeral.
It is here necessary to rectify an error which has occurred in
the assignment of the value of a numeral similar to that now
referred to, which is to be seen occupying the place of the terminal
figure of the annual date on the coin of Umur, No. 63. On a
hasty examination, and adverting more particularly to the hitherto
unquestioned date of the accession of this prince (716 A.H.), the
late period in the year at which this event was placed, as well as
to the brief duration of the reign itself, which barely extended into
a second year, the value of this strange figure was accepted with
little hesitation from the requirements of written history. Added
to this, the absence of any apparent similitude with any of the
other nine recognised numerals, and the facile transition from the
correctly formed Persian i to a character having a final flourish
instead of an accurately prolonged perpendicular termination,
seemed to explain the process whence the numeral derived its
origin. The present collation of a more extensive series of spe-
cimens, bearing this character in a but slightly altered form, led to
a doubt as to the due identification of its functions in the previous
instance ; and the result of this investigation has proved most de-
cisively that whatever may have been the derivation, or the original
design which attended the use of the figure, its subsequent em-
ployment could only refer to the number five. Marsden (p. 550)
had already shown that a somewhat similar symbol was used to
represent this number towards the close of the supremacy of the
Afghan dynasty in India; and now, tracing this numeral in its little
varied shape, upwards through the well-developed instances afforded
by the coins of Behiol, Sekunder, and others, there remains no
138 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
142. Copper. 67 grs.
v*
Obv.
R
TWENTY-FIFTH KING (A.H. 796 815; A.D. 1394 J413).
On the death of Sekunder Shah, the nobles of the court
elevated to the musnud his -brother, Mahmud, a minor.
The very commencement of this nominal supremacy was
marked by misfortunes; and the real weakness of the em-
pire was increased by insurrections which sprang up on all
sides : among the rest is to be noticed the important de-
fection of the vizir, Khwaja Jehan, who, in this act, founded
possible obstacle to the recognition of its use in a similar significa-
tion on the coin of Umur. On the other hand, in the progress of
the enquiry resulting from the attempt to verify the history of
the Patan domination in Hindustan, too much reason has been
found to distrust Ferishtah's accuracy, to make it necessary to
pause in discrediting his given date in the present instance. In
conclusion, it may be appropriate to endeavour to trace the de-
rivation of this anomalous form of the Persian c. Admitting a
difficulty previously noticed, regarding the want of sufficient dis-
tinction between the Persian . naught and the o Jive once in use
at Delhi, it is not improbable that the necessity of a more obvious
means of discriminating the expression of these two numbers may
have led to the adoption of the more purely local Devanagri l| five,
as a substitute for the Indo-Persian form of that figure. The
Nagri five approximates closely, especially in its cursive shape, to
the early style of the adaptation of the numeral displayed on coin
No. 63 ; but the five on the coins of Shir and Islam is so far
changed that, read as a Nagri figure, it would stand for a very
correct six. A figure but. slightly differing from the form em-
ployed on the coins of Shir is known to have supplied the place
of a four on the Turkish money of the twelfth century A.H., and
many of our modern founts of Persian type possess no other re-
presentative of this number. An instance of its use may be seen
in the printed description of coin No. 95.
COINS OF THE PATAN SULTANS OF HINDUSTAN. 139
the temporarily powerful kingdom of Janpur. In 797 A.H.,
a new claimant to the throne was advanced, in the person
of Nuserut Khan, a son of Futteh Khan, and grandson of
Firuz ; and his supporters actually took and retained pos-
session of the new portion of the capital denominated
Firuzabad, while Mahmud and his followers held the old
town of Delhi. In this anomalous state matters continued
for the space of three years, each being in a measure king,
and each holding his own dependent provinces of the em-
pire: meanwhile, constant and sanguinary encounters oc-
curred between the troops of the rival factions. At length,
Mullu Yekbal Khan, who, in fit keeping with the whole of
this strange proceeding, had remained an observant and
neutral spectator, first deceived, and, for the time, ruined
Nuserut Shah, and then succeeded in getting possession of
the person of Mahmud, in whose name he thenceforth
pretended to rule. This uncertain government was how-
ever put an end to by the advance of the celebrated Timur :
the defeat of the Indian army, the surrender and subsequent
merciless sack of Delhi followed ; and, for five days, the
Moghul conqueror continued feasting while his troops de-
stroyed ; and, to finish the inconsistency, " on the day of
his departure he offered up to the Divine Majesty his sin-
cere and humble tribute of grateful praise." The capital
of Hindustan remained in a state of complete anarchy, to
which were superadded the horrors of famine and pestilence,
for the space of two months after the departure of Timur :
at the end of this period, it was taken possession of by
Nuserut Shah, and, shortly afterwards, it again passed into
the hands of Mullu Yekbal Khan, whose sway at this
time, extended but little beyond its walls: the provinces
being, in effect, independent under their several governors,
who, one and all, styled themselves kings. Yekbal Khan,
140 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
nevertheless, succeeded in gradually enlarging his boun-
daries; and, in 804, was joined by Mahmud (who had fled
at the sack of Delhi to Guzrat), on whom he bestowed his
protection and a pension. Yekbdl Khan now undertook an
expedition against Ibrahim Shah Sherki, the sultan of
Janpur; and Mahmud, thinking to improve his own con-
dition, went over to Ibrahim : he was, however, received
with but small encouragement, and, finally, was allowed by
both parties to establish himself as a sort of local king of
Kanoj. On the death of Yekbal Khan, which took place
in an action with Khizr Khan, the governor of Multan,
Mahmud was again invited to Delhi; but "deficient both
in sense and courage," he made but little profit of his new
position, and at last died in Zulkad, 815. 24
24 The date of the death of Mahmud is fixed by Ferishtah at the
1 1th Zulkad, Sl4 A.H.; and the assumption of power by Daulat
Khan Lodi, is affirmed, by the same author, to have taken place
on the 1st of Muhurrum, 816. A difficulty is suggested in the
very fact of the capital, and the country dependent upon it, hav-
ing, as thus shown, remained for fourteen months without even a
nominal ruler : this anomaly, moreover, is not attempted to be
met by the writer in question, nor is even its existence noticed.
(See Briggs, vol. i. page 504 ; Elphinstone, vol. ii. page 80).
The Tubkat Akberi gives the following explanation of the
circumstances and dates bearing upon the matter, which, in satis-
factorily accounting for what Ferishtah has left unexplained, seems,
in so doing, to point out his error, as having arisen from a sub-
stitution of the year 814 for 815, as the period of the decease of
Mahmud :
"After the death of Mahmud, in Zulkad, 815, for two months
anarchy prevailed in Delhi, when the nobles of that prince entered
into a compact with Daulat Khan, and Mulik Ardriz and Mubariz
Khan passed over from Khizr Khan and joined Daulat Khan," etc.
The Mirat ul Alem also gives 815 as the year of Mahmud's
death ; though it openly mentions some uncertainty as existing in
regard to the extent of his reign, which is noted at " twenty or
twenty-two years and two months."
COINS OF THE PATAN SULTANS OF HINDUSTAN. 141
143. Silver. 174 grs.
'-i The most mighty sovereign Abiil Muhamed
Mahmud Shah, (son of) Mohammed Shah, (son of) the
royal Firuz Shah.
R.
/*
In the time of the Imam, commander of the faithful.
May his khalifat endure.
144. Silver (impure). 141 grs. Date 796.
*J M>
Obv. ^J
ft. - v
145. Copper. 140 grs. Date 813.
Obv. Centre $1*,
Marg. illegible.
R. Mr
1 46. Copper. 56 grs.
Obv- Legend as No. 144.
ft.
I47.^Copper. 68 grs. Date 815 A.H. (See note 24 .)
Obv. JILL* *Ll
ft. AJ
TWENTY-SIXTH KING (A.H. 797; A.D. 1395).
The history of the partial sovereignty of Nuserut Shah,
including both his three years' possession of Firuzabad,
and his momentary occupation of the metropolis after the
departure of Timur, has been sufficiently adverted to in
the notice of the reign of Mahmud.
From 802, Nuserut Shah appears to have been lost sight
142 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
of by Indian historians, though his coin, No. 151, would
seem to indicate at least a temporary renewal of his power
in 807 H.
148. Copper. 143 grs.
Obv. JILL ali c
149. Copper. 57 grs.
Obv. JlkL s\ c
ft. jbj <iUN
150. Copper. 67 grs. Date 797.
Obv. as above.
151. Copper. 67 grs. Date 807. Similar to No. 150.
Other coins bear date 798.
.. , : ;t .*iit V aloifw
TWENTY-SEVENTH KING (A.H. 815 817; 1413 1414).
Whatever may have been the nominal designation under
which Daulat Khan Lodi held the government of Delhi,
the actual power pertaining to his office, whether monarchical
or oligarchical, seems to have been but limited. Of the
fifteen months allotted by historians as the duration of his
chieftainship, eleven were occupied in petty attempts to
extend his confined boundaries, and the remaining four
were passed in suffering a siege, in the citadel of Delhi,
and vainly opposing the arms of Khizr Khan, who, at the
end of this time, succeeded in putting an end to the some-
what doubtful sovereignty of his adversary.
The absence of any specimens of the coinage of Daulat
COINS OF THE PATAN SULTANS OF HINDUSTAN. 143
Khan Lodi can hardly be said to cause surprise : on the
one hand, his circumscribed rule and embarrassed circum-
stances must have gone far to limit any fabrication of his
individual coins, and, on the other, the plunder of the
metropolis and the surrounding country by the hordes of
Timur must, as it depopulated, have utterly for the time
impoverished the narrow dominion over which alone Daulat
Khan held sway. This country, moreover, was peculiarly
the portion of all Hindustan the most afflicted by the inroad
of the Moghuls. Added to this, were it not for the direct
assertion of Ferishtah, that Daulat Khan assumed royal
insignia, and struck coin in his own name, the tenor of the
narrations of other authors might suggest some doubt on the
subject : 25 a doubt that is naturally increased by the discovery
of two coins impressed with the name of another monarch,
struck in the capital of which Daulat Khan was nominal
lord, and dated one in each of the years during nearly the
whole of the first 3 and a portion of the second, of which his
sway endured.
XI.
ROMAN REMAINS, FARLEY HEATH.
DURING a brief visit, on the 15th of this month, to Martin F.
Tupper, Esq., of Albury, in Surrey, we made an excursion
to the site of the Ancient Roman Station at Farley Heath,
which is within an hour's walk of my friend's residence. 1
25 Abiil Fazl does not allow Daulat Lodi a place in the list of
the monarchs of Hindustan, though he mentions that the govern-
ment was held by this chief for a limited period.
1 An account of some former discoveries in 1839 and 1840,
will be found in the Numismatic Chronicle, vol. iii. p. 83, com-
VOL. X. X
144 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
Our time being necessarily limited, our investigations did
not proceed beyond a foot or two below the surface of the
ground, and over but a small space of the supposed area of
the station or camp; but our labours were rewarded with
the discovery of three small brass Roman Coins, several
pieces of the red Samian ware (chiefly of the ivy-leaf pat-
tern), two fragments of pale green glass, half of a glass bead
of a dark green colour with a wavy stripe of opaque white
running through it, a rude bronze ring, a number of cor-
roded iron nails, a boar's tusk, &c. Two of the coins are of
the emperors Constantius and Theodosius, of common types ;
the third is of doubtful appropriation, from its having been
double struck and blundered. That of Constantius is in
fine preservation, and covered with a light green patina.
The soil abounds with the bones of various animals, together
with the remains of burnt bones supposed to be human. ,{.
large quantity of tiles, and pieces of brick and cement, and
many small fragments of funereal urns, are strewn over the
place; though mostly hidden by the turf, and in some de-
gree obstructing the labours of the spade, Mr. Tupper has
at intervals paid several visits to this spot, and generally
with success, 2 as his collection, preserved at Albury, will
testify; and there is no doubt that an abundant harvest yet
awaits the patient and laborious investigator.
B. N.
20th September, 1847.
municated by Mr. Tupper. A detailed notice of his Farley-heath
Coins is also recorded in Brayley's recently published " History
of Surrey."
2 Among the more recent acquisitions are several broken
stone-weapons, a burnt flint celt, two carefully -rounded stones
(evidently intended for slinging), and a portion of Koman tile,
indented bv the tread of a wolf or mastiff.
' -jhow
J '
145
MISCELLANEA.
SALE OF THE LATE COLONEL DURRANT'S COINS. Our
readers will doubtless have observed that it is not our practice to
take notice of coin sales. We abstain from doing so, from a
feeling that our province is rather to illustrate coins by their
bearing upon history and ancient mythology, than to furnish in-
formation as to their marketable value, for the guidance of those
who buy or sell them. Nevertheless, as it will probably be ex-
pected of us that we should say a few words relative to the sale
of the late Colonel Durrant's Cabinet, which took place on the
19th of April, and following days, we shall in this instance make
a slight deviation from our general rule, but still without depart-
ing- from its spirit.
The great bulk of the collection consisted of English coins,
commencing with Egbert the first, sole, or rather chief monarch.
There were moreover some very good specimens of the coinages of
Scotland and Ireland, three fine early British coins in gold, and
some choice medals ; but no classical or foreign coins, nor any of
the numerous varieties from the Regal or Ecclesiastical mints of
the English Heptarchy.
The series prior to the Norman Conquest, was not so complete
as to varieties of type as perhaps might have been expected, or as
exists in some other private Cabinets of the present day. The
collection subsequent to the Conquest was much more ample and
rich. The gold series is probably surpassed, both in variety and
excellence, by one or two other collections in private hands ; but
the silver, in which lay the chief strength of the Cabinet, was, as
a whole, quite unrivalled in regard to condition. In the whole
sale there was hardly a single inferior coin in this metal, while
very many specimens had the reputation, and we believe justly, of
being the first of their class. Condition, in fact, was the grand
feature of the Cabinet. It contained throughout little that was
unique, or not before known, but was remarkable for an extraor-
dinary number of specimens of types, for the most part abundantly
familiar, but not to be found elsewhere in such high preservation.
The series of patterns, though we believe it to be less extensive,
as a whole, than that in at least one other Cabinet, was highly re-
markable for beauty. It comprised an exquisite specimen of the
celebrated Petition Crown, by Thomas Simon, with others of his
works; the series of patterns for the Commonwealth money, by
Ramage and Blondeau (of which we believe only three entire sets
146 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
exist in private Cabinets, and of these, two were completed from the
present one), with many by Briot, Rawlins, and more recent art-
ists. The collection of patterns for the early copper coinage was
perhaps the richest in any collection, except that in the British
Museum.
A large proportion of the best pieces in the collection were
procured by Colonel Durrant at the sale of the Tyssen Cabinet in
1802 ; and at the dispersion of the Hollis, Dimsdale, and Trattle
Collections, much of the choicest of their contents came into his
possession.
The public sale of such a Cabinet of course attracted nearly
every collector of note to the rooms of Messrs. Sotheby and
Wilkinson, and, as might be expected, the competition ran
throughout very high. The whole amount of the sale was
.3,405 13s. 6d., a sum which we believe to be equal to the cost of
the collection to its late proprietor, notwithstanding a considerable
loss on the gold, and especially on the Anglo-Gallic coins, which
latter, it is well known, have of late years become much more
easily procurable than they were formerly. This depreciation was
however compensated by the increased value of the silver, of
which a remarkable instance may be given in a set of Oliver's
money, consisting of the crown, half-crown, shilling, and nine-
pence. These four pieces were bought by Colonel Durrant, in
one lot, at the sale of Tyssen's Duplicates, in December 1802, for
four guineas, and now, when sold separately, produced no less a
sura than 25 17s. 6d. It is however hardly necessary to cauc
tion our readers, that the prices frequently given at the publi-
sale of well-known collections, like that of which we are writing,
are by no means a fair criterion of the average marketable value
of the coins under ordinary circumstances ; and for that reason,
as well as from the motive which we stated at the outset of our
remarks, we refrain from giving any list of the sums produced by
the more remarkable pieces. Such a list would only mislead the
uninstructed ; to the initiated it would be of little utility ; while to
the designing and the knave it would give facilities for extortion.
Every dealer in London knows full well that prices are frequently
given at public sales, the half of which he would find it utterly
impossible to obtain for the identical piece in the regular way of
business.
HALFPENCE OP GEORGE II. The following is from the North-
ampton Mercury of December 28th, 1730.
"London, December 24th, 1730.
" A few days past have appear'd some new half-pence of King
George II. in which, by some great error, the R in Georgius is
omitted."
And in the same paper another paragraph appears, stating that
MISCELLANEA. 147
,
" An effectual stop is put to the going- of the counterfeit half-pence
made of the base metal, which have gone so current throughout
this realm for several years last past, which has been occasioned
by the makers delivering out six shillings worth of halfpence, for
five shillings in silver, so that both town and country is full of the
same."
E. P.
ANGEL OF HENRY THE TTH, WITH THE LEGEND OF THE
NOBLE. Sir, Among the French pieces in a lot of gold coins,
lately found in this neighbourhood, were a few angels of Henry
VIII., and on looking them over I noticed one which I do not
find mentioned in your Numismatic Manual, and therefore take
the liberty of annexing the description, and requesting your
opinion as to its rarity.
The R presents what I presume to be the particularity of
this piece, which has the ship with the usual cross for a mast,
whereon is suspended the shield of arms, above which the letter
N and a Rose, the mint mark on both sides, a thistle, and the
legend IHC. AVT. TRANSIES. PE. MEDIV. ILLOR. IB.
instead of PER CRUCEM, etc.; each of these words is separated
by a small rose.
I should say that this piece is of Henry VII., it not having the
numerals VIII., as are generally found on those of his successor.
I am not able to state exactly if this coin was found with
others about four miles from this, in an old house in the country,
or if it was found in the harbour of this place, where, in course of
deepening, several Portuguese pieces were also found about a
fortnight since.
ALFRED STUBBS.
Boulogne-sur-mer, 12th May, 1847.
[The legend of this coin is remarkable, being that of the noble.
Our correspondent appears to be right in assuming it to be of
Henry VII. There was a similar piece in the Durrant sale,
but from the price it brought, it does not appear to be highly
valued. Allowance however must be made for the caprice of
collectors. ED. N. C.]
BIRMINGHAM FORGERIES OF TURKISH MONEY. The follow-
ing appeared in the Times Police Report of September 16th:
"The Police have received information that the Turkish Govern-
ment have discovered that during the last three or four years im-
mense quantities of counterfeit piastres have been circulated Jn the
Turkish dominions. The amount of spurious coin thus intro-
duced is said not to fall far short of 100,000/. The Turkish
authorities having at last obtained such a clue to the offenders
as to induce them to believe that the manufactory of false piastres
was at Birmingham, carried on by a person named Darwen, in
148 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
conjunction with others, made application to the British Govern-
ment, and the result was that the detective police were instructed to
take the matter in hand. After much patient inquiry they suc-
ceeded in procuring such an amount of evidence against Darwen
as has led to his commitment at Birmingham recently."
It is to be hoped that these investigations will be rigorously
pursued by the proper authorities. The result will probably be
the discovery of a manufactory of spurious gold pagodas and
other imitations of moneys current in the East Indies, of which
we have often seen specimens. ED. N. C.
CORRESPONDENCE.
B. The "New Edition of Ruding " was, we believe, published
originally in Five-shilling Parts, but it is now to be had at
a much lower price. The first volume was re-printed almost
verbatim, and must have wofully disappointed the subscribers.
The second contains many corrections, and has, besides, a most
ample and useful Index, compiled by the editor of the latter
portion of this edition.
G. S., York. Pinkerton's "Essay on Medals," will always be
read for amusement ; but it is full of egregious blunders,
and is disfigured by the peculiar style and manner of the
writer. Some of the coins engraved are notoriously false ones ;
nevertheless, the book will continue to have readers. All
the coins mentioned by G. S. are very common, and will be
found, with varieties of the same type, in the second volume
of Banduri.
N. The piece engraved in "Ancient Coins of Cities and
Princes" plate xxii. No. 2, is, there cannot be a doubt, of one
of the princes or chiefs of the Attrebati. We have lately
seen an example of very similar type which was also found
in Hampshire.
A. C. A coin of Beroea. These pieces are very common,
but of some interest. A specimen is engraved in the * Nu-
mismatic Illustrations of the New Testament." A dealer will
procure you a genuine coin of Ephesus. The coin of Syria
in Genere is not uncommon.
Messrs. Sotheby and Company have announced for sale, in the
ensuing Spring, the Pembroke collection of Coins, described
in the well-known volume entitled "Numismata Antiqua,
in tres partes divisa. Collegit olim et a3ri incidi vivens
curavit Thomas Pembrochia3 et Montis Gomerici Comes.
Prelo demum mandabantur, A.D. MDCCXLVI."
G. H. Our business is to chronicle facts relating to Numismatic
Science, and not to notice the dishonest practices of the
covetous. We believe it needs no remark of ours to make
known the fact, that in the recent sale of a somewhat exten-
sive cabinet of Coins were found many pieces that had been
missed at public sales, coins in inferior preservation having
been substituted. But this is not all ; the collector had
the audacity to record the dishonest exchange in a catalogue
kept by himself, and left behind him at his death ! Will the
executors publish that catalogue ? It would be a great
literary curiosity.
G. W. The coin discovered in the foundation of a temple in
Ceylon, is of Sri mat Sdhasa Malta, king of that Island,
A.D. 1205. See the Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal,
vol. vi. p. 298.
XII,
COINS OF THE PATAN, AFGHAN OR GHORI SULTANS
OF HINDUSTAN (DELHI).
(Continued from page 143.)
TWENTY-EIGHTH KING (A.H. 817824; A.D. 14141421).
Khizr Khan's accession to the dignity of ruler of the
imperial city and the small tract now subject to it, in adding
thereto his own governmental provinces of the Punjab, had
the effect of again increasing the importance of the empire
of the metropolis. Khizr having accepted service under
Timur, and having held his government of Multan, etc.,
from that conqueror, continued to acknowledge the su-
premacy of the dynasty of the Moghul after he had himself
obtained possession of the capital. The new viceroy was
enabled to assert a sway much more extended than could
have been expected from the unsatisfactory state to which
the monarchy of Delhi had been reduced consequent upon
the inroad of Timur; and his power, though unequal, was
sufficiently recognised according to Indian notions of govern-
ment. At his death, he was in a condition to secure the
peaceful transmission of his honors to his son, Mubarik,
who, apparently with the sanction of the nobles of the court,
again revived the kingly style.
The following extracts show that Khizr Khan, in de-
clining to assume the title of sultan, refrained from ex-
ercising that first of Oriental privileges of sovereignty,
involved in the inscription of his own name on the money
of the country.
It would certainly have been satisfactory, in referring to
the subjoined assertions of the acknowledgment of Timur
VOL. x. Y
J52 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
and his successor, to have been able to have cited direct
numismatic proof of the Moghul supremacy in Hindustan :
however, it is probable that Khizr Khan did not needlessly
multiply such records of his own subservience.
" He refrained from assuming royal titles, and gave out that he
held the government for Timiir, in whose name he caused the coin
to be struck and the Khutba to be read. After the death of
Timur, the Khutba was read in the name of his successor, Shah
Rokh Mirza; to whom he sometimes even sent tribute at his
capital of Samarkand." Briggs Ferishtah, vol. i. page 508.
" Khizr Khan, out of gratitude to his benefactor, Timur, did
not assume the title of sultan, but continued to have the Khotbah
read in the name of that monarch, contenting himself with being
styled Ayaut Aala, or The Most High in Dignity. At the death of
Timiir, the Khotbah was read in the name of his successor, Shah
Rokh, concluding with a prayer for the prosperity of Khizr Khan."
Gladwins Ay in i Akberi.
TWENTY-NINTH KING (A.H. 824 839; A.D. 1421 1435).
The annals of the period during which the now re-
established throne of Delhi was filled by Muaz ud din
Mubarik, are distinguished by a little varying succession of
efforts on the part of the sovereign to repress the continual
revolts of his subjects : prominent among these is to be
noticed the pertinacious and daring opposition of Jusserut
Gukka, who, during the thirteen years of Mubarik's reign,
appeared in arms and fought well contested campaigns no
less than six several times. The rebellion of Foulad is
also noticeable, not so much on account of its own intrinsic
importance as from the disastrous results which attended
the introduction of the Moghul auxiliaries of Ali, the go-
vernor of Kabul on the part of Shah Rokh, whose aid was
invoked by Foulad as a means of extricating himself from
COINS OF THE PATAN SULTANS OF HINDUSTAN. 153
his own difficulties. Mubarik was assassinated in 839, by
a band of Hindus employed for that purpose by his own
vizir. *
152. 25
153. Copper. 172 grs.
Obv. Area &\> <JJ^Lw<
Marg. j* j C
R. Ar-
154. Copper. 80 grs.
Obv.\A
R.-Arr
155. Copper. 40 grs
Obv. *l
R. -- -
25 The electrotype cast of the coin figured as No. 152, was
placed in the hands of the engraver before an opportunity was
afforded of submitting it to any critical examination, under the
impression that the original was an unquestionable coin of Muaz
ud din Mubarik. On a closer scrutiny, the name of the mint
city (the capital of eastern Bengal), and the surviving word of the
date (*50), are found to render this assignment somewhat dubious ;
over and above this difficulty, the question as to whom the coin
really does belong, is not readily soluble by the evidence of written
history, inasmuch as the kingdom of Bengal is stated to have been
held by Haji Ilias from 744 to 760 (Stewart, pp. 83, 86 ; Briggs,
vol. iv. p. 331) ; and from 830 to 862, by Nasir Shah (Stewart,
p. 100) ; or, according to Ferishtah, by Yusuf, from 849 to 866
(Briggs, vol. iv. p. 339). Under these circumstances, the bare
description of the coin is appended without further comment.
Silver. 162 grs. U. (Dr. Swiney).
R. Area,
.j^
At the royal capital, Sunargaon, year * 50
154 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
THIRTIETH KING (A.H. 839 849; A.D. 1435 1444).
On the death of Mubarik, the vizir, assassin of that mo-
narch, elevated as his puppet king, Mohammed bin Ferid,
a grandson of Khizr Khan. The first cares of the minister
were directed to engrossing the various governmental
posts for his own creatures: this purpose, too little con-
cealed, of necessity created dissatisfaction and distrust,
and speedily resulted in a very general insurrection ;
and, within a brief period of the apparent full success
of his iniquity, the Hindu vizir found his power limited to
the walls of the citadel of the metropolis, in which he was
now closely besieged. The sultan, too, his protege, was
also discovered to be seeking an opportunity of joining the
adverse party. In this crisis, the vizir determined upon the
murder of the sultan ; but the latter receiving timely intima-
tion of the design, was able to overpower the vizir's band
with a well-prepared guard, and thus he met the fate he de-
signed for his lord. Not long after this, the emperor began
to give himself up to dissolute conduct, and, in consequence,
the affairs of the kingdom quickly shewed the want of a
master's hand. Added to the internal disorganisation, the
empire suffered from the attacks of foreign enemies. Ibra-
him of Janpur possessed himself of several districts border-
ing on his own dominions, and Mahmiid Khilji of Malwa
went so far as to make an attempt on the capital. To
extricate himself from this pressing difficulty, the sultan
called in the aid of one who was destined to play a pro-
minent part in the history of his day, Behlol Lodi, at this
time nominal governor, though virtual master of the de-
pendencies of Lahore and Sirhind. By his assistance, the
king was relieved from his immediate danger, and the pro-
tecting subject was dignified with the title of Khan Khanan
COINS OF THE PATAN SULTANS OF HINDUSTAN. 155
(first of the nobles). Behlol's next appearance is in a
somewhat altered character, as besieger of Delhi itself, and
the adversary of the monarch he had lately saved : he was
not however successful. Mohammed died in 849.
156. Copper and silver mixed. 142 grs. Date 846. 26
Obv. j&J CloaE *ll Joy ^ *l
157. -Copper. 85 grs. Date 842. 27
** *
Obv. JILL- all
158. Copper. 33 J grs.
Obv. al
THIRTY-FIRST KING (A.H. 849 854; A.D. 14441450).
The Ala ud din bin Mohammed of the historians, who is
entitled Alem Shdh on his own coins, succeeded his father.
His accession was not, however, recognised by Behlol Lodi,
whose obedience the new sultan was in no position to en-
force. The first acts of the public life of this prince,
26 The silver coin (No. D.CC.XXVII., page 545) attributed by
Marsden to this sultan, does not seem to be correctly assigned.
The Devanagri inscription on the obverse, connects the piece most
distinctly with the type of money introduced about a century
later by Shir Shah, who is known to have remodelled the coinage,
and whose style of coins is seen to be closely followed by his
immediate successors, both in Hindustan and Bengal. The ab-
sence of the terms of filiation observable on the larger specimens
of the undoubted coinage of Mohammed bin Ferid, in itself is
sufficient to decide that the coin in question did not issue from
his mint.
27 Other coins of this type are dated, 843, 844, 847, 849 A.H.
156 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
clearly manifested to his subjects that they had little to
expect either from his intellect or his conduct. In 851,
Behl61 Lodi made a second attempt on the city of Delhi,
but with as little success as before; and shortly afterwards
the sultan determined upon the unwise measure of remov-
ing his capital to Budaon : his motives for this change do
not seem very obvious, as it was effected in the face of the
advice of his whole court. It would appear as if he hoped
for some fancied security which he did not feel at Delhi,
to which the boundaries of so many adverse chiefs had
attained a most inconvenient proximity. To complete his
own ruin, the sultan allowed himself to be persuaded to
disgrace his vizir, who, escaping to Delhi, quickly introduced
the powerful Behl61 Lodi, who at once, on becoming master
of the capital, assumed the title of sultan; 28 somewhat
strangely, however, retaining Alem Shah's name in the
Khutba. Not long after this, Alem Shah offered to con-
cede the empire to Behlol, on condition of being permitted
to reside in peace at Budaon : no difficulty was made in
taking advantage of this proposal ; and from this time Behldl
is reported to have rejected the name of Alem Shdh from
the public prayers, and the latter was allowed to enjoy his
insignificance undisturbed till his death in 883.
159. Silver and copper. 146 grs. Date 853. R.
M **
Obv. alt j^^ ^ aUullc U ILL>
Sultan Alem Shah, son of Mohammed Shah.
R. Ac
The Khalif, commander of the faithful. May his khalifat
endure. 853.
28 Behlol's actual accession is fixed, in the History of the Af-
ghans, edited by Dorn, at 17th Rubi ul Awul, 855. Vide page 46.
Edit. O. T. Fund.
COINS OF THE PATAN SULTANS OF HINDUSTAN. 157
160. Copper. 66 grs. Date 853. R.
Obv.
R._- ACr
161. Copper. 46 grs. R.
One coin similar to No. 163 bears the figure 4 as the
unit numeral of the date.
THIRTY-SECOND KING (A.H.854 894; A.D. 14501488).
The vigorous rule of the Afghan BehlcSl Lodi offers a
strong contrast to the inane weakness of the sway of the
two Syuds who preceded him. His lengthened supremacy
of thirty-eight years, however, affords but little of variety
to dilate upon. The principal characteristics of his domi-
nation being defined in the successful and energetic sub-
jection of his local governors, and a prolonged war, marked
by the utmost determination on both sides, with the kings
of Janpur : for a long time neither one party nor the other
can be said to have obtained any very decided advantage,
such as might have been expected to result from the great
efforts made by both. The balance generally remained in
favour of the monarch of Delhi; and at length, in the
year 983, after a twenty-six years* war, he finally re-annexed
the kingdom of Janpur to his own empire. It is recorded
of this sultan, that, unlike Eastern monarchs in general, he
was no respecter of pomps and ceremonies, remarking,
" that it was enough for him that the world knew he was
king, without his making a vain parade of royalty."
158 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
162. Silver (impure). 142 grs. C.
all
The confiding-in-God, Behlol Shah, the sultan.
._ * * r
In the time of the commander of the faithful. May his
khalifat endure. * * 2.
163. Silver and copper. 52 grs.
Obv.
164. Copper. 85 grs. Date 855.
Obv.
R.__ ACO
165. Copper. 67 grs. Date 886.
?. Legend similar to No. 164.
R. - AAT - -
166. Copper.
Obv. Centre &[ Marg.
Dated coins of Behlol range from A.H. 855 to 893.
THIRTY-THIRD KINO (A.H. 889 923; A.D. 14881517).
Some time before his decease, Behl<51 had nominated as
his successor his son Nizam, who, accordingly, though not
without opposition, ascended the imperial musnud under
the title of Sekunder Shdh. In the division of his do-
minions in 883, the emperor had assigned the kingdom of
of Jdnpur to his son Barbek. On attaining the supreme
sovereignty, Sekunder demanded the nominal allegiance of
his brother in the preliminary mention of his own name, in
the public prayers recited in the portion of the country
COINS OF THE PATAN SULTANS OF HINDUSTAN. 159
over which Barbek ruled : this being refused, it was found
necessary to compel its concession by force of arms. In
the action which ensued, Barbek was worsted, but was sub-
sequently forgiven, and re-instated in his government.
During the succeeding years, the sultan was occupied in the
subjection of Sherif, which was effected in the capture of his
stronghold Biana, and in the suppression of two some-
what formidable insurrections in Janpur and Oud. In 897,
Sekunder extended his conquests over the whole of Behar,
dispossessing Hussen, the last of the regal line of the Sherki
monarchs, who was forced to take refuge with Ala, king of
Bengal : with this last the sultan of Delhi came to a satis-
factory understanding, involving a mutual recognition of
boundaries, etc. In 909, the emperor, for the first time,
fixed his residence at Agrah, which henceforth was to su-
persede Delhi as the metropolis of Hindustan. Sekunder's
rule was disgraced by an unusual display of bigotry, evi-
denced principally in a persevering destruction of Hindu
temples, on the sites of which were raised Moslem
mosques.
167. Copper. 144 grs. Date A.H. 906. (Other dated coins
have 896, 903, 906, and 918 )
Obv.
Ifcj
168. Copper. 53 grs.
Obv. *l
R. JwJ
THIRTY-FOURTH KING (A.H. 923937; A.D. 15171530).
Ibrahim succeeded his father Sekunder; from the very
commencement of his reign his arrogance disgusted the
VOL. x. z
160
NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
nobles of his own tribe of Lodi, who speedily sought to
reduce his power by placing his brother, Jellal, on the
throne of the kingdom of Janpur. Having compassed this
purpose, however, some doubt arose as to the wisdom of
their own act, and hence an attempt was made to weaken
Jellal by the withdrawal of several Amrahs who had joined
his standard. Jellal, detecting this design, determined upon
active measures to secure himself; he therefore collected
his forces and advanced to Kalpi, assuming the style of
sultan, with the title of Jellal ud din. He next entered
into negotiations with Azim Humayun, who held Kalinjer
for Ibrahim, and at length induced him to desert the
cause of the emperor. Azim Humayun failed at the time
of need, and Jellal was reduced to a position of much diffi-
culty, from which however he had a favourable opportunity
of extricating himself, by the success of a sudden march
upon Agrah, which he found almost undefended ; but from
some strange infatuation, he allowed himself to be deluded
into treating with the governor of the city, and on the ad-
vance of Ibrahim, he was compelled to flee to Gualir, where
he received a temporary shelter ; he was, ultimately, after
various adventures and escapes, captured and put to death.
The alarm excited by the unrestrained cruelties resulting
from the distrustful disposition of the sultan, led to nu-
merous other rebellions: among the rest, Deria Khan,
viceroy of Behar, openly disclaimed allegiance ; and his
son, Mohammed, who succeeded him shortly after the com-
mencement of the revolt, caused the Khutba to be read,
and coin to be struck in his own name. 30 Daulat Lodi,
the governor of part of the dependencies of Lahore, also
rebelled, and solicited the protection of Baber, who had
30 Avin i Akberi.
COINS OF THE PATAN SULTANS OF HINDUSTAN. 161
already, in 930 A.H., taken possession of Lahore itself,
Baber now sent an expedition under Ala, the brother of
Ibrahim, but in the engagement which ensued, the army of
the Moghuls was defeated with great slaughter. This was
followed by the advance of Baber in person, and on the 7th
of Rajab, 932, on the celebrated battle field of Paniput,
Ibrahim, after an individually well-contested, though ill-
directed action, lost his kingdom and his life.
169. Copper. 83 grs. R.
Obv.
R.
170. Copper. 37 grs. R.
Ob v.
R.
171. Copper. 42 grs. R. Date 926.
Obv. * *
11 sd
THE MOGHUL CONQUEST.
vfilfi Olll
The narrative of the chequered adventures of Baber and
his son Humayun is more pertinent to general history than
a subject of peculiar import, in the present notices of the
local succession of the Patan dynasty of Hindustan. It
may, therefore, be sufficient to indicate more concisely than
usual, the dates of the several prominent occurrences of
the Indian reigns of these two monarchs.
Baber's sway, after his occupation of the cities of Delhi and
Agrah, was not undisputed, but he may be said generally to
have triumphed over all opposition : he died, in full posses-
162 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
sion of the empire of Hindustan, on 5th Jumad ul Awul,
936 A.M., and was succeeded by his son, Nasir ud din
Humayun. In 946, Hindal Mirza, another son of Baber,
revolted; and shortly afterwards, Kamran, the brother
who held Kabul, followed his example, marching to Delhi,
where he was met by Hindal, who persuaded him to join
forces, and in company they advanced towards Agrah;
but disagreeing by the way, Hindal, finding himself the
weaker, fled, leaving Kamran to assume the imperial en-
signs on his arrival at the capital. Humayun was at this
time engaged in a war with Shir Khan, who held a con-
siderable portion of Bengal and Behar. On the 6th Safar,
946, Humayun was surprised by his wily adversary, by
whom he was totally routed, and his whole army destroyed.
Humayun himself, escaping with the utmost difficulty, join-
ed his brothers at Agrah, who saw their common danger in
the increasing power of Shir. For six months, consultations
and disputes continued, which ended in the departure of
Kamran towards Kabul; 31 to this, succeeded the advance
of Shir (now Shir Shdk)\ and Humayun, after a terhporary
advantage, was finally defeated, in Muharrim, 947, the
victor possessing himself of the capital. From this time
until his triumphant re-conquest of his Indian empire in
31 Kamran's coins are extant. The following is a description of
a specimen in the East India Company's Collection. Kabul 947.
Silver. 71 grs.
Obv.~- Area (diamond shaped) ^ji.
. Circular area, the usual short symbol.
COINS OF THE PATAN SULTANS OF HINDUSTAN. 163
962j Humayun was fated to be a wanderer : the tale of his
sufferings, his escapes, his varied fortunes, and his pro-
minent heroism, developed during this interval, forms a
romance of kingly life but seldom equalled.
BARER.
17:4. Silver. 71 5 grs. V.R.
Obv. Centre fl&jb^b J^K^O ^^\ ^a
Zehir ud din Mohammed Baber Padshah.
Marg. (worn)
R. Centre
Marc/.
* Uli, the chosen !
173. A second silver coin of Baber (E.I. Company's Cabinet),
somewhat similar to the above, has the word ^jlc. at the
end of the inscription on the obverse area, in addition to the
legend detailed under No. 172.
On the obverse margin is to be seen (Jjlrs- Joe 31
R. Area. As in the last coin.
Marg. -(Legible) \ LC *
HUMAYUN.
174. Gold. 13 grs. R.
Obv. &\ j <M 31 4)1
R.
Mohammed Hamayun Padshah Ghazi. May God pro-
long his reign.
175. Silver. 71 grs. R.
op
Obv. Centre ^jlc ^.Ujb tX^^^c
Mohammed Humayun Ghazi.
164 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
Iff <U-,j * C-^
The king, the amir, the most mighty sultan, the khakdn.
May Almighty God prolong his dominion and sovereignty.
Struck at Agrah, year 944.
R. Centre
There is no god but God, Mohammed is the apostle of God.
God is bountiful unto whom he pleaseth, without measure.
Marg. rf
By the truth of Abubekir, by the justice of Umur, by the
modesty of Usman, by the wisdom of Ali, may God
reward him.
176. Another silver coin, 71 grs., struck at Agra, is dated 945.
A variety, with a nearly square area, has the date 952 ; the
name of the place of mintage is obliterated.
A fourth coin of the type here described, which is un-
fortunately wanting in both date and place of mintage, has
the stamp or currency mark of Kamran ; of this impression
the following words are legible:
Another silver coin. of Humayun (71 grains), has the
t^U ^ t Ujb ciJU^c only, in an oblong area. The reverse
area being circular, as in the specimen engraved, the le-
gend itself is confined to the usual short symbol. The
margins are much worn, but apparently vary slightly in
their legends from those of the above coins. There are
traces of the figures 937.
THIRTY-SIXTH KING (A.H. 947 952; A.D, 15401545).
Shir Shah had already assumed the title of Shah on his
permanent subjection of Bengal ; his entrance into Agrah,
COINS OF THE PATAN SULTANS OF HINDUSTAN. 165
therefore, had to be signalised by no new accession of
honorary designation. On attaining the supreme power in
Hindustan, Shir's attention was directed to the due or-
ganisation of his kingdom in the more complete reduction
of the Moghul governors of provinces, and the conquest
of neighbouring states. In 948, he possessed himself of
Malwa; in 949, he reduced the fort of Raisin, treacherously
massacreing the garrison; in 951, he jnvaded and overran
Marwar. His next exploit was the capture of Chitor, and
his last operation the siege of Kalinjer, where he was killed
by the explosion of a magazine in his own trenches, sur-
viving only long enough to receive the report of victory, for
which he had still sufficient life left to exclaim, " Thanks
be to Almighty God." His rule was able and energetic,
but deceitful. Of works of lasting value to his country, he
is famed for having constructed a high road in extent four
months' journey, from Bengal to Rohtas near the Indus.
This undertaking was made complete by the caravanserais
at each stage, and the excavation of wells at the distance of
each mile and a half, the whole being planted with trees to
afford shade to the traveller.
177. Gold. 167 grs. U.
06*. jjuiyyli! <d)i ^ ^ AUisyu
There is no god but God, Mohammed is the apostle of
God. The just sovereign.
Shir Shah, the sultan. May God prolong his reign. 947.
Sd Sar Sahi.
178. Silver. 176 grs. Shirgurh, (9)49 A.H. (Prinsep Coll) 32
Olv. Square area t
32 The silver coin of a similar type to the above, described by
Marsden under No. DCC.XXIX., as being dated 945, is not so dated
166 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
179. Silver. 175 grs. C.
Obv. Centre <d!\
Ababekir, Uraur, Usman, Uli. The just sovereign.
ft. Centre tf<\ ^jlLL j <6l <\ A^ ^ILLJ!
Shir Shah, the sultan. May God perpetuate his dominion
and sovereignty. 949.
Marg. 5ft ^ ^f[^t iUx'l^^!^ ^jjjT L3 jj< Jj^
Ferid ud dunia u ud din, Abul Muzafar, Asylum of the
world. Sri Ser Sdhi.
180. Silver. 174 grs.
Obverse area and margin similar to No. 179.
&. Centre
Mary. ^r 5ft ^
in the only specimen of the kind in his cabinet in the British Mu-
seum. Marsden was unable to detect the Hindi inscription on
the margin of the reverse of this medal, which, with the aid of a
better specimen, such as the one now described, is clearly re-
cognisable.
Marsden's No. DCC.XXXVJI. is seen from the original coin to
have been struck at J!*? Gualir, and not at Korah.
33 .if.^ <-J>^ Possessor of two lights, in reference to his mar-
riage with two daughters of the prophet.
COINS OF THE PATAN SULTANS OF HINDUSTAN. 167
181. Silver. 171-5 grs. C. (Date on a similar coin, 948.)
Obverse square area, as in gold coin No. 177.
Marg.
. Square area
182. Silver. 175 grs. C.
The obverse square area contains tbe usual short symbol.
R. Square area
Mary. ---
183. Silver. 175 grs. Struck at Kalpi.
Obv.Area
R.Area
Margins worn
184. Copper. 310 grs.
. lot \jd\ ^\ Jo/ ^i
185. Copper. 315 grs. Agrah, A.H. 950.
Obv. Area <jo
Marg. \JjM_.
R.
186. Copper. 316 grs.
Obv. Square area <dl\ JLci- ^Li .- ^
Mary.* * jdJ
ft.. Square area
Marg.**r &\
34 The eloquent. 35 Sic.
VOL. X. A A
168 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
187. Copper 310 grs. Similar to 186. ^J^f c-^j Gudlier.
188. Copper. 151 grs.
Obv. ^\L> jLl^
ft. *
189. Copper. 43 grs.
Ob*.-
ft. UFA
THIRTY-SEVENTH KING (A.u.959 969; A.D.1545 1553).
Adil Khan, the eldest son, was nominated successor of
his father, Shir Shah. Jellal Khan, the younger brother,
however, taking advantage of his absence from the capital
at the time of the death of the father, obtained possession
of the imperial dignity under the title of Islam Shah ; and
not long afterwards, Adil made a formal resignation of his
birthright, and saluted Islam Shah as king, simultaneously
accepting, for his own portion, the Jaghir of Bi'ana; but
soon having cause to distrust the good faith of his brother,
Adil fled to Mewat an/i openly revolted. This effort was
quickly crushed by the sultan, and Adil took refuge in
Behar, where all traces of his eventual fate are lost. This
outbreak was followed by a second rebellion in the Punjab,
under Azim Humayun, which was for the time subdued by
the defeat of the insurgents. The rest of the reign of Islam
was disturbed by repeated revolts, and during this latter
period he had no less than three remarkable escapes from
assassination. He died in 960 A.H,
190. Silver. 168 grs. C.
Obv. Square area - *& j^, &] J|
COINS OF THE PATAN SULTANS OF HINDUSTAN. 169
Marff.
Abubekir the true, Umur the discerning, Usman the de-
fender, Uli the chosen.
R. Marg.
Jellal ud dunia wa ud din Abul Muzafar, the just sovereign
Area. W t&* &\ ji>- ^liaL
5ft
Islam Shah, son of Shir Shah the sultan. May God pro-
long his reign.
191. Silver. 173 grs. (thick coin). C.
Obv.- Area &\ jj I)J\
Marg. -- -
R. Mar^.^
^rea. <^L <d)\ J.U- ^UaL. ^Lt^-s. ^^ U J
5ft
192. Copper. 315 grs.
Obv. \
193. Copper. 38 grs.
Obv. ,
35 The ^.4^1 (The Defender, Patron, also Servant) is a somewhat
doubtful reading, as on many coins there seems to be a dot over
the third letter, making it ,..!! Marsden has given this word as
joy^'j ^ ut the best cut specimens of Islam's mintage display the
c or c in its perfect shape. Islam's coins are very uncertain in
their orthography in other respects, the ^1 being frequently
written j, and the ^ |^ | Shahi, being used indiscriminately
with V| |'f^ Shahi.
The same uncertain method of expressing the Devanagri equi-
valent of the Persian name of aLi^.^ is also to be seen in its full
force on the coins of that prince.
170 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
THIRTY-EIGHTH, THIRTY- NINTH, AND FORTIETH KINGS.
The historical events of the partial reigns of the three
last of the Patan kings of the Delhi line, are so interwoven
with one another, that it may be appropriate to notice them
together. On Islam Shah's death, his son, Firuz Khan, a boy
of twelve years of age, was for the moment elevated to the
throne of his father; but he was almost immediately mur-
dered by Mubariz Khan,~a nephew of Shir Shah, who
usurped the sovereignty, entitling himself Mohammed Adil
Shah. Equally infamous and ignorant, the self-elected
king entrusted the direction of his kingdom to one Himu
(a Hindu shopkeeper) ; fortunately the individual thus
selected was as capable, as he subsequently proved himself
courageous, and for a time upheld the monarch he served.
The king's inconsistency in resuming jaghirs and govern-
ments from the holders and conferring them upon others,
apparently without any object but to show his power so to
do, led to an attack on his person in open court, from which,
flight but narrowly saved him. In 961, a rebellion was
organised, which obliged the monarch to march against the
insurgents in person, when he attacked and routed them
near Chunar. Shortly after this, Ibrahim Sur, Adil's
cousin and brother-in-law, revolted, and took possession of
Delhi and Agrah, obliging Adil to confine himself to
the eastern portions of his dominions ; no sooner, however,
had Ibrahim seated himself on his newly erected throne,
than another competitor started up in the person of Ahmed,
a nephew of Shir Shah, who, on this occasion, took the name
of Sekunder Shah, and defeating Ibrahim, succeeded to his
lately acquired territories. In the meantime, Mohammed
Khan Guria, governor of Bengal, rebelled against Mo-
hammed Adil, but was eventually vanquished and slain by
COINS OF THE PATAN SULTANS OF HINDUSTAN. 171
Himu ; prior to which last action, Humayun had re- pos-
sessed himself of Agrah and Delhi, arid thus in acquiring
Sekunder's provinces found himself in antagonism with Mo-
hammed Adil. Himu, hearing of the death of Humayun,
which occurred about this time, and leaving his master in
safety at Clumar, advanced towards Agrah, which he
entered unopposed, and thence proceeded to Delhi, where
he overcame Tirdi Beg, the Moghul governor. He next
prepared for a march on Lahore, but was met on the plain
of Paniput by Behram, the guardian of the young prince
Akber, and defeated and slain, after a display of considera-
ble valour. Adil continued to reign in his Eastern do-
minions till he was killed, in 964, in a battle with Behadur
Shah, a pretender to the throne of Bengal.
MOHAMMED ADIL.
-ITI9V
194.-Silver. 174 grs. R.
Obv. Square area <d)l J^, ,x^^< <dl! SI d\ S
R. Square area 1m ajl* <dJ! jis*- ^UaLi *Ll Jjlc ^X^s^o
^ft *npr?c*n[
Mohammed Adil Shah, sultan. May God prolong his
reign. 961. Sri Mahamad Sah. nO e?(
Margins illegible.
195. Silver. V.R. As No. 194. Date 963.
196. Copper. 308 grs. V.R.
Obv. *L, <&\ jicL *l-i, J^^ ^L> ^Jb\^\ y\
SEKUNDER.
197. Silver. 175 grs. U.
Obv. Square area aJJ! J^, ,XK^ $\ *$\ A\ S
R. TU - - jy*i ili,
Margins illegible.
172 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE,
198. Copper. 35 grs. R.
The following account of the Oriental method of coining,
as in use at Delhi in the time of Akber, may not be
uninteresting, as evidencing the probable practice of the
earlier period to which the coins of the present series more
immediately refer.
The melter melts the refined plates of metal and casts them
into round ingots. The zerrab cuts from the round ingots pieces
of gold, silver, and copper, of the size of the coin. It is sur-
prising, that in Iran and Turan, they cannot cut these round
pieces without an anvil, made on purpose ; and in Hindustan,
the workman, without any such machine, performs this business
with such exactness, that there is not the difference of a single
hair. The seal-engraver engraves the dies of coins on steel and
such like metals. The sickchy places the round piece of metal
between two dies, and, by the strength of the hammerer, both
sides are stamped at one stroke.
Rupeeah <u> . . is a silver coin of a round form, in weight 11 J
mashahs. It was first introduced iu the time of Shir Khan, and
under the present reign it has been revived, and made more pure.
Gladwirfs Ay in Akber i.
C01JNS OF THE PATAN SULTANS OF HINDUSTAN. 173
IN preference to complicating the text with multitudinous
references to similar coins, varying from the specimens
described, only in date, it has been deemed advisable to
subjoin, in a distinct form, a comprehensive Table, em-
bracing all the annual dates obtainable from a careful
examination of the contents of the various cabinets, that
have contributed materials for the foregoing review of the
moneys of the kings of Delhi.
The numbers printed in larger type refer to the coins
which are to be found described at large in the text. The
ordinary numerals imply only a general identity in the
piece bearing the date, with the coin to which the number
itself properly belongs in the preceding detail. It has not
been so much an object to make the present summary an
exposition of the different extant species of coins, as to
indicate, in a connected form, the years capable of citation
as those comprised in the reign of certain given monarchs,
proved by their coins. The abbreviations, B.M., I.H., M.,
p., refer to the various collections of the British Museum,
the East India House, and the accumulations of Marsden
and Prinsep, both of which last are now deposited in our
National Museum. Where no such acknowledgment is
appended, the examples have been taken from coins in the
author's own possession.
174
NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
APPENDIX.
IN closing this description of the various coins of the Patan kings
of Delhi, it may be useful to append a brief resume of the
more prominent changes, which an exact examination of the series
of their medals has rendered requisite in the list of the accessions
of the different sovereigns quoted at the head of this essay.
Though some apology is due for the position in which these recti-
fications appear, yet the present allocation has been the almost
necessary result of the mode in which these notes have been
written and published ; that is to say, in detached portions : the
major part of the subject having been undertaken at the moment,
by instalments ; as the more locally interesting claims on the
space of the Journal in which these descriptions were to appear
admitted of their publication. Hence, as it was requisite to adopt
some distinct groundwork whereon to proceed, the recognised list,
and the hitherto received statements of Ferishtah, were accepted
in the first instance as safe bases, from which any important
divergence was deemed improbable. This expectation will be
seen to have been erroneous in the following instances :
No. 15 Umur . .
16 Mubarik .
17 Khusru .
18 Tughlak.
24 Sekunder
for 716 read 715. See coin 63, and note p. 136.
_717 _ 716. 66. 1
721 720. 74, and cast No. 8.
721 720. 79.
796 795. 140, 141, 142.
25 Mahmud'sdeath814 815. See note, p. 140.
The last point in this detail has been sufficiently explained in a
note at the foot of page 136 ; but the other discrepancies seem to
require a few additional remarks, not so much on account of any
difficulty existing in the questions themselves, as from the curious
exactitude with which the proposed emendations frequently sup-
port one another. The conflicting nature of the historical dates,
and the testimony of coins Nos. 66 and 74, formed the subject of
notice in their fit place ; but the precise nature of the numeral on
coin No. 63, having escaped detection at the right moment,
necessitated a correction, which will be found in the note to coin
No. 140. It now merely remains to direct attention to these con-
secutive evidences, and to express a conviction, which isolated un-
supported medals might not have altogether justified, that the
1 The date of 716, to be found on this coin, is supported by a like figured
date on a similar coin in the East India House Cabinet, and is conclusively
confirmed by the written inscription of the same date on a silver coin of
Mubarik in the British Museum. (See cast No. 6.)
Gold and
Billon and
Copper.
Gold and
Silver.
Band
per.
Mohammed
~~i
Umur.
bin Sam.
715
590
2 I.H.
id.
2 I.H.
Mubarik.
596
id.
598
1
2 I.H.
3
716
717
718
64 B.M.
04
05
Alt urn sh.
719
720
623
14
Khusru.
Masaud.
720
(
641
33
\
Mahmud.
Tughlak I.
654
39
720
657
39
721
75
658
30
722
77
662
39
723
78
724
98
Balban.
725
664
665
669
42
42
42
Mohammed
Tughlak.
673
4*
725
89
674
42 B.M.
726
8S
678
b.
727
83
728
88
Kaikobad.
729
89
, .
687
40
730
f
80
r~
688
46 M.
_
| \ 730
S
J
m
11 731
iruz.
S (_ 732
691
50
s 732
03
694
50
733
04
695
5O
734
93
735
92
Ibrahim.
736
84
695
54
737
738
94
741
2
Ala ud dm.
742
85
699
700
702
57 B.M.
60
50, 60
743
748
749
05
110 I.H.
i
703
57 M.
59
704
705
G. C. B.M.
57 I.H.
60
60
Firuz HI.
707
?JC I
60
759
710
57
00
761
1 711
57 M.
59 I.H.
766
712
57
59
767
f*-I ''
713
714
57 B.M.
57 BM.
59
< k ^770
ncl ^ I
715
57 B.M.
59
^sa?"
SI$j
PATAN SULTANS OF HINDUSTAN. APPENDIX. 175
Mohammedan authors, who assign the several dates of 716, 2 717,
and 72 1, 3 as the epochs of accession of the respective princes
noted above, are one and all incorrect, to the extent of having
post-dated each of these different events by one year. The writers
in question seem to have adhered with sufficient apparent scruple
to the correct duration of the reign of each monarch ; but by
some error in the earlier part of their narrations, they have been
led into a series of mistakes, which their tests of accuracy proved
insufficient to rectify. Having advanced thus far in the correction
of Ferishtah's erroneous dates, and having ante-dated a succession
of three kings each by one year, the application of a similar pro-
cess in favor of the next monarch in order is easily justified ;
especially as his predecessor, who ascended the throne in the third
month of the Mohammedan year, reigned somewhat less than
five months: whence it is manifest, that in accepting these last
data 4 the elevation of the successor must of necessity be placed in
the same year.
This point has been made the subject of separate mention, for
the purpose of drawing more direct attention to the question in-
volved in its admission, namely, the value of the figure o which
is to be found in the unit place of the annual date on coin No. 79.
As long as Ferishtah's dates remained unimpugned, it was impera-
tive to conclude that this numeral was, in its position on this coin,
intended to represent a five ; as a monarch who was asserted to
have attained his throne in 721, and retained it till 725, had ob-
viously no year of his sway which would answer to the employment
of a final naught in the notification of the period of issue of any
of his coins. Having, however, seen cause to discredit so much
of the historian's testimony, it may now be permissible to restore
the hitherto questionable figure to its correct place in the list of
numerals, and to account it a naught and nothing but a naught. 5
In arriving at this determination of the functions of the dubious
figure, it is requisite, before finally taking leave of this question, to
2 Assistance in the due assignment of the disputed date of the accession
of any given king, is naturally to be sought in the determination of the
epoch of the inauguration of his predecessor and the length of his reign.
There are discrepancies as to the aera of A1& ud din's enthronement to the
amount of one year; or, more correctly speaking, a difference between the
citation of the year 695 (Mir&t ul Alem and Tubk&t Akberi) and 696 (Fe-
rishtah). The duration of his rule is pretty uniformly fixed at 20 years and
some months.
:J The Tubkat Akberi gives 720 as the date of the accession of Ghias ud din
Tughlak.
4 Strange as it may seem, it is to be borne in mind that the dates of the
months are often perfectly trustworthy, when the simultaneously appended
year is altogether false.
5 See note to coin No. 74, and coin No. 135.
VOL. X. B B
176 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
anticipate a notice pertinent thereto, in its due dynastical order,
and to rectify in this place the opinion expressed in regard to the
date and circumstances under which the coin (No. 135) bearing
the joint names of Firuz and his son Mohammed was issued : it
will be observed that, all doubt having now been removed as to
the fact of its true date bc>ing " 790 A.H.," it can only be looked
upon as a medal of the regency of the son, struck during the
temporary retirement of the father from the cares of state ; and
not, as was at one time supposed, a simple medal of the son, coined
after his full accession to the undivided throne of Delhi.
Continuing the examination of the various dates pertaining to
the sway of the remaining monarchs, it would seem that the error
which extended itself to the epochs of the inauguration of four
kings in succession, was by some means accommodated in the
accurate assignment of the sera of the commencement of the rule
of Mohammed bin Tughlak : but again, in the date of the in-
stallation of Ala ud din Sekunder Shah, there recurs a similar
inaccuracy of one year, as it is clear from the many dated coins of
this prince, that the 45 days of his rule should be assigned to the
year 975, and not to 976, 6 as affirmed by Ferishtah. (See coins
No. 140, 141, 142, etc.) This error, in as far as its results might
have affected the accessions of the monarchs who follow, will be
seen to have been speedily and successfully got rid of by the
perpetration of a new error, which curtailed the full extent of
the reign of Mahmud, Sekunder's immediate successor, by the
identical overdrawn year.
In addition to the above rectifications of the inaccuracies of
Eastern historical authorities, there are errors to be acknowledged
as the writer's own, as well as many slight orthographical dis-
crepancies in the Anglicised Oriental names, arising from the
occasional correction of the press by other hands during the tem-
porary absences of the author. The latter, where considered of
sufficient consequence, will be found duly recorded in the list of
errata. The former demand a more explicit notice, and may
briefly be enumerated as follows:
1st. The incorrect assignment of the coin described under
No. 58, which is shown, from a more extended examination of the
medals of other Indian dynasties, to have belonged to Ala ud din
Mohammed Sekunder al Sam, of Khwarizm, who conquered
Ghazni in 612 A.H., 7 and not to Ala ud din Mohammed Sekunder
al Sani of Delhi.
6 The Tubkat Akberi also assigns 976 (19th Rabf al Awal) as the date of
the inauguration of Sekunder.
7 Abul Faraj, De Guignes, etc.
PATAN SULTANS OF HINDUSTAN. APPENDIX. 177
2nd. The erroneous transcription of the date 702 (page 51),
as the epoch of the deposition of the Egyptian khalif, Al Mostakfi
Billah. This date was taken fiom the table at the end of the 2nd
volume of " Wilkinson's Modern Egypt," where the accessions,
depositions, &c., are somewhat confusedly mixed up. The figures
should be 740. 8
3rd. The omission of an important variety of the binominal
coins of Firuz III., which, had they not escaped notice, should
have appeared after coin No. 123. These medals bear the joint
names of Firuz and his son Futteh Khan. They are sufficiently
common, and in the obvious variation in the form of the letters of
the legends, from those of the metropolitan monies of the father,
and the inferiority of their execution as works of art, indicate
themselves the produce of a provincial mint.
The following is all that can be satisfactorily deciphered of the
inscriptions:
Silver and copper. 135 grs.
.
Others have the name of the khalif 0dM{Uig in the place of
-
_
Advantage has been taken of the existence of sundry unpublished
casts of rare coins, prepared to be used as types by the late James
Prinsep, which have lately passed into the possession of the
trustees of the British Museum, to add to the numismatic illus-
trations already afforded by the copper-plate engravings which
elucidate the subject-matter of the present notice. Referring to
the detailed transcripts of the legends of the several medals ein-
8 Abul Faraj (Pocock), page 34.
178 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
bodied in the preceding pages, it will be sufficient for the explan-
ation of the subjoined impressions, to indicate generally the class
to which each specimen belongs, adding merely the date or other
variation in which their originals may have differed from the coins
described at large in the text.
No. 1. Cast of the original coin described at the foot of p. 105,
vol. ix.
2. Ditto ditto of No. 27.
3. A coin of Kaikobad, similar to No. 46.
4. An imperfect specimen of Ala ud din's gold coinage,
No. c 57.
5. Mubarik Shah, d 65.
6. Idem, similar to 64, but dated 716 A.H.
7. Behadur Shdh ^ILL ^ ^lU-Jl 1&,J^ p.181., vol.ix.
8. Khusru, similar to No. 74, but the cast of a different coin
A.H. 720 (*r.)
9. Tughlak Shah, similar to 75.
10. Mohammed Tughlak, from a gold coin similar to No. 82.
11. Idem id. id. No. 84.
{To the right, the reverse of a
coin similar to No. 88.
To the left, the reverse of a
coin similar to No. 96.
13. Shir Shah, similar to No. 181, with the addition of
<". IJaL... i in the reverse area. A.H. 948.
14. Shir Shah, similar to No. 179.
15. Islam Shah, similar to No. 190. Date 960.
16. Islam Shah, idem. Date 957.
2. S.
3. S.
4. G.
5. G.
6. S.
7. S.
8. C.
9. G.
14. S.
15. S.
12. B.
13. S.
10. G.
11. G.
16. S.
179
XIII.
ON THE IRISH FULL-FACE HALF-PENCE OF JOHN.
SECOND NOTICE.
Dear Sir,
THE different varieties of the Irish Full-face Halfpence of
John have never been, as yet, properly collected together
and correctly published: as an attempt and commencement,
I send you a very carefully-taken list of the different varieties,
money ers, and legends, etc., thereof, in my own collection,
hoping that it may be more fully added to (as I know it
can) by other collectors of Irish coins, whose cabinets are
capable of shewing many other varieties.
Since the dispersion of the very large hoards of the coins
of John, belonging to the late Thomas Walker, Esq., of
Ravenswood Park, Yorkshire, which formerly belonged to
the late Mr. Petrie of Dublin, and were found in Ireland,
many new varieties have been for the first time noticed:
about one half of those in my own collection came from
these hoards, having been selected, with much care, from a
very large number: the other half, and indeed the best pre-
served, were procured, at various intervals, from different parts
of this country, but principally from the county of Limerick.
In type there is very little to be noticed or remarked:
in some, however, there is a little pellet or dot in the
centre of each annulet, on reverse: also, a similar pellet at
each angle of the cross on reverse : others are totally with-
out these varieties, which are the only ones, not hitherto
noticed, I have met with.
My list of varieties, etc., is as follows. I have also given a
statement of their preservation. Those marked with a
star are new varieties never before published.
180
NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
Obverse.
*l + IOH7tNNGSDOOO
2 +
*3+
Reverse.
Condition.
+
DOODI
ON DW Fine
DWG Very fine
-f ditto but differently ditto
formed letters and type
+ TCDAM ON DWD ditto
f 5 + IONftNNGS (sic) DO +DAVI ON DWG Fine, but
[a little clipped
*6-fIOH3CNNGS DOCD -j- NICOLAS: ON DW Very fine
+ NICOLAS ON DW Fine, but
[slightly clipped
+ do. but different letters ditto
+ NORM AN ON DW Very fine
DOO(,s*V) + NORNAN ON DV Fine
+ RODBGR ON DWG Very fine
+ RODBGRD ditto
4. ditto
+ ON DW ditto
+ RODBGRN ditto
+ TOMftS ON DWG ditto
4 Rude, and
[slightly clipped
+ ON DW Fine, but
[clipped a little
+ DWG Fine
Of
Q 1
y 1
#ii\ j_
DOO (
lU-f-
*] 1 i
DOOOI
1 i
DO no
*1 Q |
DOIOI
*1 4 \
*1 5 1
DOCTI
*1fi I
DO
17 1
nono
18+
DOOOI +
DOCOIN +
DOGO +TVRGOD
Very fine
21+
*22+
DO
24-f
DOOOI
+ WILLGLM ON DV Fine
+ GGFR6I ON WS ditto
-\ Rude,and
[moneyer's name indistinct
+ M7CRCVS Fine, but
[slightly clipped
-fWALTGR ON WA Fine
+ WftLTGX ON RG ditto
+ ON RGN ditto
*28 + Illegible on both obverse and reverse, evidently either a
forgery of the day, or the work of an uneducated artist,
ignorant of letters. It is in a very fine state of pre-
servation.
26+
DOGQ
The only varieties already published or which otherwise
have come under my observation, and not in the foregoing
list, are as follows.
IRISH FULL-FACE HALF-PENCE OF JOHN. 181
Obverse. Reverse.
1 + IOH7CNNGS BOX fftLGX ON DWG
2 + +NORMAN ON DWG
3 + . DOGOINIB8R + DWGLI
4 + DOCTC +NICOL ON DWG
5 + +RODBGRD ON W6
6 + DOOOIN +RODBGRT ON DW
7 +_ DOGO +TOMAS ON DW
8 + +MARC ON WTGR
9 + IOHANN1C -fMARCVSON
10 +IOHANNGS +ftLGXftND ON WK
11 + +WHILGLMVS ON Wft
12 + + D6 WATGR
13 + +DIIN ON
14 + DO ON WA +ON ANCION
15 + DOCTOIN +RODBGRD ON DWG
16 + . +WSLTGR ON R6N
In a little communication of mine, which appears in the
October number of the Numismatic Chronicle, and in
which I have attempted to appropriate the coins reading
" WalterJ" and " Waltex on re" and "ren," to the mint of
" Reginald's Tower " in the city of Waterford, through
some little inadvertence 1 forgot to remark, that on the
obverse, they read simply "Johannes" the abbreviation for
" Dominus " being altogether omitted, and (with the ex-
ception of a large pellet) the space, a perfect blank, in which
that abbreviation appears on the other full- face half-pence
of John. Could it be possible that these coins were struck
before the year 1177, when the title of " Lord of Ireland"
was conferred by Henry II. on his son John? If so, they
are the earliest known coins really struck in Ireland, and
for Ireland, by any of the English princes.
Believe me to remain,
Dear Sir,
Very faithfully yours,
EDWARD HOARE.
Cork, October 5th, 1847.
To the Editor of the Numismatic Chronicle.
MISCELLANEA.
FARLEY HEATH. [The nature of the subjects to which the
Numismatic Chronicle is devoted, affords few opportunities of
varying its pages with poetical effusions. The following stanzas,
however, on an Antiquarian subject, by a gentleman well known
both as a Poet and an ArchaBologist, may not be unacceptable to
the readers of the Chronicle. It may be added, that the excavations
at Farley Heath, to which they refer, were briefly noticed in our
last number.]
FARLEY HEATH.
Many a day have I whiled away
Upon hopeful Farley-heath,
In its antique soil digging for spoil
Of possible treasure beneath ;
For, Celts, and querns, and funereal urns,
And rich red Samian ware,
And sculptured stones, and centurion's bones,
May all lie buried there!
Content, I ween, and glad have I been
From morn till eve to stay,
My Surrey serf turning the turf
The happy live-long day,
With eye still bright, and hope yet alight,
Wistfully watching the mould
As my spade brings up fragments of things
Fifteen centuries old !
Pleasant and rare it was to be there
On a joyous day o'f June,
With the circling scene all gay and green,
Steep'd in the silent noon ;
When beauty distils from the calm glad hills,
From the downs and dimpling vales ;
And every grove, reeling with love,
Whispereth ten de rest tales.
O then to look back upon Time's old track,
And dream of the days long past,
When Rome leant here on his sentinel spear
And loud was the clarion's blast
As wild and shrill from Martyr's Hill
Echoed the patriot-shout,
Or rushed pell-mell, with a midnight yell,
The rude barbarian rout !
MISCELLANEA. 183
Yes ; every stone has a tale of its own
A volume of old lore ;
And this white sand from many a brand
Has polish'd gouts of gore,
When Holmbury-height had its beacon-light,
And Cantii held old Leith,
And Rome stood then with his iron men
On ancient Farley -heath!
Many a group of that exiled troop
Have here sung songs of home,
Chaunting aloud to a wondering crowd
The glories of old Rome ;
Or, lying at length, have bask'd their strength
Amid this heather and gorse,
Or down by the well in the larch-grown dell
Watered the black war-horse!
Look, look! my day-dream right ready would seem
The past with the present to join
For see! I have found, in this rare ground,
An eloquent green old coin,
With turquoise rust on its Emperor's bust
Some Caesar, august Lord,
And the legend terse, and the classic reverse
Victory, valour's reward !
Victory, yes! and happiness,
Kind comrade, to me and to you,
When such rich spoil has crowned our toil
And proved the day-dream true;
With hearty acclaim how we hail'd by his name
The Caesar of that coin,
And told, with a shout, his titles out,
And drank his health in wine !
And then how blest the noon-day rest,
Reclined on a grassy bank,
With hungry cheer and the brave old beer
Better than Odin drank ;
And the secret balm of the spirit at calm,
And poetry, hope, and health,
O, have I not found, in that rare ground,
A mine of more than wealth!
Albury, Oct. 9. M. F. T.
VOL. X. C C
184
NUMISMATIC PUBLICATIONS.
Numismatique des Croisades. Par F. De Saulcy. Paris, 4to.
1847.
WE have again to congratulate the learned world on the appear-
ance of another work from the indefatigable pen of M. de Saulcy,
an author who has done more than any man living, and we
believe we may say with equal truth, than almost any writer of past
ages, towards the illustration of obscure parts of numismatic
history.
No subject seems to him too abstruse, nopath of studytoo intricate,
no characters, whether they be Punic, Celtiberian, or Hieroglyphic,
too removed from ordinary observation, for his keen glance to
detect, and his ready wit and sound learning to illustrate and
explain ; an author to whom is justly due, the praise which
Johnson gave to Goldsmith, " Nullum quod tetigit non ornavit."
Nor is the portion of history to which he has devoted himself
in these pages, less interesting and valuable than those on which
he has been engaged in former years. Connected on the West
with the remains of Byzantine art, and the young and yet
hardly formed monetary systems of France, England and Spain,
and circulating in the East with the new, and to Europe almost
unknown, money of the Arabian Khalifs, the coins whose history
he has developed, throw much light on the dates and history of
a period of which we know but little and uncertainly, and afford
many valuable and connecting links between the distant regions
of the far West, and the wild tribes who had conquered and
overrun the now exhausted Roman and Greek Empires of the
East.
The study of the Coins of the Crusaders, falls into two great
leading divisions :
The First, comprehending those struck in Asia Minor from the
time of the conquest of Jerusalem, A. D. 1099, to the close of the
twelfth century, including the coins of the Princes of Antioch and
Galilsea, the Counts of Edessa and Tripoli, the Kings of Jerusalem
and Cyprus, and the Lords of Marrach and Beiruth.
The Second, those struck in European provinces, from the
taking of Constantinople by the Latins in A.D. 1204, to the end
of the fourteenth century, and including the coins presumed to
NUMISMATIC PUBLICATIONS. 185
have been struck by the Latin Emperors, and the known money
of the Princes of Achaia, the Dukes of Athens, the Despots of
Komania and Thessalia and the Lords of Cephalonia and Ithaca.
Of a" large number of these Princes, M. de Saulcy has been for-
tunate to discover and to describe, a nearly complete series of coins.
We propose enumerating- snccinctly the results of M. de Saulcy's
labours, which will prove more clearly than the most elaborate
criticism, of what value to the practical Numismatist, is the
volume which he has just put forth.
Of the Princes of Antioch (A.D. 1098 1287), he has been suc-
cessful in discovering the coins of only three Princes and two
Regents ; nor is this to be wondered at, when it is remembered
how rude is their execution, that there were seven who bore the
same name, Bohemond, between whom it is very difficult to dis-
tinguish accurately ; and that the two last Princes belong as much
to the neighbouring state of Tripoli,
Of the Counts of Edessa (A. D. 10981144), he has determined
by analogy the two first out of four princes who ruled there ;
which had previously, and it would seem correctly, been described
and attributed by Cousinery. The evidence has been well sifted,
and will, we believe, be corroborated by future discoveries.
Of the Counts of Tripoli (A. D. 11091187), he describes the
coins of five Princes and one Regent, out of ten rulers ; in the
earlier specimens depending upon numismatic analogies, in the
later, on the more sure testimony of historical documents.
In the number of the Kings and Titular Kings of Jerusalem,
he has not been so fortunate. Of these there were fourteen,
between A. D. 1099 1237, but he has only been able to procure
specimens of two Kings and three titular ones. We think there
can be no doubt that of these his classification is correct.
Of the Latin Kings and Regents of Cyprus (A. D. 1 1921489),
he describes no less than twelve out of eighteen, divided into the
two great classes, of the direct descendants of Guy de Lusignan
and the branch of the Lusignans of Antioch.
Of the Lords of Beiruth in the 12th century, only one coin has
escaped the ravages of time, that of the celebrated John de Beiruth,
in the beginning of the thirteenth century ; first made known by
Kdhne in his " Zeitschrift" for 1846. No. 1.
The second portion of M. de Saulcy's work is devoted to the
numismatical history of the Latin Empire of Constantinople. No
coins have as yet been found of the eight first Emperors between
A.D. 1204 and A.D. 1274, and there seems good reason for doubting
whether they ever struck any money on their own account. Yet
certain anonymous coins there are, of rude and inelegant work-
manship, in copper, which are only found in the town of Constan-
tinople, which Cousinery and Cadalvene attribute to these princes ;
186 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
a judgment in which M. de Saulcy, who had previously described
them in his "Essai sur la Classification desMonnaies Byzantines"
appears to concur.
The third part of his work is occupied with a curious and im-
portant branch of the enquiry ; viz., the History of the small
Dukedoms and Princedoms, etc., which were established during
the Latin rule at Constantinople, Achaia, Athens, Campobasso,
Corfu, Ithaca and Cephalonia.
Of the Princes of Achaia (A.D. 1205 1387), he has published
the coins of no less than fourteen ; chiefly from the towns of
Corinth, Clarentza, and Lepanto ; all of considerable interest,
whether for their individual scarcity, or the obscurity in which
their history is enveloped.
Of the Dukes of Athens (A.D. 1205 1310), he gives four
out of six, struck mainly at Athens and Thebes, and of great
variety.
Of the Counts of Campobasso, he has but one specimen, and
there seems some reason to doubt to whom it should be assigned.
Of the Lords of Corfu, two coins only are known ; and it is
impossible to attribute them with certainty, as their legends are
unfortunately very imperfect. There is the same doubt and diffi-
culty about the only coin published of the Lords of Ithaca and
Cephalonia, which though giving the name of the place with
sufficient distinctness, is wholly undecypherable on its obverse.
Such is a succinct account of M. de Saulcy's new work, which is
enriched by nineteen plates, beautifully executed, of the coins
whereof it treats. We think we do not say too much, when we
assert that it is the most important numismatic work which has
appeared for many years.
Memoires 'de la Societe'd'Archceologie et de Numismatique de
St. Petersbourg, publiees par B. de Kohne. Fasciculus II., avec
4 pi. St. Petersbourg. 1847.
DR. KOHNE, as some of our readers are aware, has quitted Berlin,
and is now located in St. Petersburg, as curator of the Imperial
Cabinet of Coins and Medals. He has here manifested the same
ardent attachment to numismatic and antiquarian studies as dis-
tinguished him in Prussia. The livraison before us contains several
papers of interest. 1. Lettre a Monsieur le Prince Theophile
Gagarine sur un trouvaille de monnaies Grecques fait en Italic.
By the Editor. 2. Monuments ine'dits de Marcellus, neveu d'Au-
guste; par le meme. 3. .Attribution d'une monnaie d'or Byzan-
tine a Michael IV. le Paphlagonien, par M. le Prince Gagarine.
4. Beitrage zur Russischen Miinzkunde ; par M. de Reichel.
5. Unedirte Deutsche Miinzen, aus dem Oranienbaumer Funde ;
NUMISMATIC PUBLICATIONS. 187
par M. de Kohne. 6. Miinzen der Furstlichen Abtei Fulda aus
dem eilften Jahrhundert ; par M. le Dr. Herquet. 7. Die Munz-
samralung der Stadt Danzig- ; par M . Vossberg. 8. Sur 1'ira-
portance des etudes d'archaeologie et de numismatique orientales
pour la Russie ; par M. Savelieff, etc. 9. Achik, antiquites de
Kertsch; Catacombe de Panticape"e; compte-rendu de M. Kohne,
etc. etc. These notices cannot fail to find readers among our
numismatists; but we may remark, en passant, that we have serious
doubts as to the correctness of appropriation of the coin or medal
presumed of Marcellus. It would be presumptuous to attempt
another attribution without actual inspection of this piece, but the
learned editor will pardon our referring him to the well-known
coin or dedication medal of Anrinous, with the legend, OCTIAIOC
MAPKEAAOC O IGP6YC TOY ANTINOOY TOIC AXAIOIC
ANeeHKGN. Cf. Eckhel,,D. N. V., vol. iv., and Mionnet, De-
script, torn. ii. p. 160, nos. 97 & 98. The remains of the legend,
as shown in the engraving in the work before us, favour the con-
jecture that this piece was struck by a priest of the infamous
favourite of Hadrian.
CORRESPONDENCE.
W. H. S. 1. The Scotch two-penny piece or Bothwell of Charles
II. 2. A wide spread penny of Edward I. or II., apparently
struck at York. 3. One of the numberless tetradrachms of
Alexander the Great. 4. Tetradrachm of Thessalia. The
legend is 6ESSAAON HO ATTEND . . . LYKOAOS. 5. A
denarius of the Gens Plautia. The type is illustrated by
Morell and Vaillant, and also by Eckhel, Doct. Num. Vet.
vol. v. pp.276 278.
Q. Mr. J. R. Smith of 4, Old Compton-street, Soho-square, can
obtain you any of the Numismatic books you may require.
The Catalogue you mention is a collection of blunders; and
the prices are unreasonable in many instances, while many
of the books are obsolete, and rather stumbling-blocks than
helps to the tyro.
B. S. Most of the Anglo-Saxon Stycas are extremely common.
I.I. G. We are not surprised at your intelligence. It is a well-
known fact that Antiquarianism is at a lower ebb in Scotland
than in any part of Europe. Strange that in a country which
has produced so many thinking men, as well as poets from
among the humblest of the peasantry, there should be so
little desire to illustrate her antiquities.
T. M. The work so long announced on The Coins of Ancient
Africa by MM. Falbe and Lindberg has not yet appeared.
Judging from the manner in which the specimen sheet has
been executed, it may reasonably be expected to be of great
value to those who are engaged in the study of those curious
and difficult coins.
W. F. F. Will find a very elaborate list of the weights of well
preserved denarii in the first volume of " A Descriptive
Catalogue of Rare and Unedited Coins." 2 vols. 8vo. 1834.
ADDENDA ET CORRIGENDA.
VOL. IX.
Page 93, line 12, for &^<UuJ read L^W?<U~J
103, coin 14, for " Silver" read " Silver and copper."
109, line 18, for " Balbum" read " Balban."
110, coin a , for " Copper" read Silver."
111, line 20, for 688" read " 658."
113, line 7, after " and" insert " one of his commanders."
coin 42, for " Date 678" read " 673 ;" and alter Arabic
accordingly.
,, 11 7, note 8 , and vol. x., page 58, line 8, et seq., for "Akhberi"
read " Akberi."
VOL. X.
54, coin 94, obverse, add +) J&\
reverse, for J^i read <uj
62, coin 111, for " 109," read "110."
129, coin 118, for "114" read "115."
136, coin 136, for "795" read 790."
171, line 6, for " Clumar" read " Chunar."
Abstract Table of Dates, note 3 , for " page 67 " read " page 130."
CJ
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