NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE
NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE
AD
JOURNAL
OP THE
ROYAL NUMISMATIC SOCIETY
EDITED BY
HERBERT A. GRUEBER, F.S.A.,
KEEPER OF COIKS, BRITISH MUSEUM,
AND
OLIVER CODRINGTON, M.D., F.S.A., M.R.A.S.
FOURTH SERIES. VOL. XL
Factum abiit monuments manent. Ov. Fast.
LONDON :
BERNARD QUARITCH, 11, GRAFTON STREET.
PARIS :
MM. ROLLIN ET FEU ARDENT, PLACE LOUVOIS, No. 4.
1911.
LONDON:
PRINTED BY WILLIAM CLOWES AND SONS, LIMITED,
Dl'KE STREET, STAMFORD STREET, S.E., AND GREAT WINDMILL STREET, W.
CJ
I
v.il
CONTENTS.
ANCIENT NUMISMATICS.
PAGE
The Type of the Jewish Shekels. By the Rev. Edgar Rogers,
M.A 1
The Cognomen of the Emperor Antoninus Pius. Its Origin and
Significance considered in the Light of Numismatic Evi-
dence. By C. Harold Dodd, M.A. . . . . . G
A Hoard of Roman and British Coins from Southants. By G. F.
Hill, M.A 42
Some Unpublished Greek Coins. By J. Mavrogordato . . 85
On the Dated Coins of Julius Caesar and Mark Antony. By
M. Caspari 101
Coinages of the Triumvirs, Antony, Lepidus, and Octavian,
Illustrative of the History of the Times. By H. A. Grueber,
F.S.A 109
A New Jewish Tetradrachm. By the Rev. Edgar Rogers, M.A. 205
Chronology of the Eastern Campaigns of the Emperor Lucius
Verus. By C. Harold Dodd, M.A. . . . . . 200
A Note on the First Issue of Gold Coins at Athens. By Arthur
M. Woodward, M.A . . 351
MEDIAEVAL AND MODERN NUMISMATICS.
Charles H's Hammered Silver Coinage. By T. H. B. Graham . 57
The Stamford Find and Supplementary Notes on the Coinage
of Henry VI. By F. A. Walters, F.S.A. . 153
11 CONTENTS.
MM
Notes on the Reign of William I. By G. C. Brooke, B.A. . 268
A Find of Nobles of Edward III at East .Raynham, Norfolk.
By G. C. Brooke, B.A .291
The Bristol Mint of Henry VIII and Edward VI. By Henry
Symonds, F.S.A 331
ORIENTAL NUMISMATICS.
Coins of the Shahs of Persia. (Continuation.) By H. L.
Rabino 170
MISCELLANEA.
Forgeries from Caesarea Mazaca
Hoard of Silver Coins of Enidos
Find of Alexandrian Coins in London
NOTICES OF RECENT NUMISMATIC PUBLICATIONS.
Acs Grave, Das Schwergeld Roms und Mittelitaliens, einschliess-
lich der ihm vorausgehenden Rohbronzewahrung. By Dr.
Jur. E. J. Haeberlin 80
Corpus Nummorum Italicorum. Primo Tentative di un Catalogo
Generale delle Monete Medievali e Moderne Coniate in
Italia o da Italian! in Altri Paesi. Vol. I. Casa Savoia . 82
Ditto ditto. Vol. II. Piemonte-Sardegna, Zecche d'Oltremonti
di Casa Savoia ......... 358
Numisraata Graeca. Greek Coin-Types classified for immediate
Identification. Parts I.-IV. By L. Anson . . . 109
Le Monete et le Bolle Plumbee Pontificie del Medagliere Vati-
cano descritte ed illustrate. Vol. prim. By Camillo Serafini 199
CONTENTS. Ill
PAGE
Modern Copper Coins of the Muhammadan States. By W. H.
Valentine 202
Corean Coin-Charms and Amulets. By H. A. Ramsden . . 204
Chinese Paper Money. By H. A. Ramsden .... 360
LIST OF PLATES CONTAINED IN VOL. XI.
PLATES
I., II. " Pietas " on Roman Coins.
III. V. Southants Find.
VI. Hammered Silver Coinage of Charles II.
VII. Some Unpublished Greek Coins.
VI1L, IX. Coinages of Antony, Lepidus, and Octavian.
X., XI. Coins (chiefly of Henry VI) from Stamford or pre-
viously unpublished.
XII., XIII. Eastern Campaigns of L. Verus. Illustrated.
XIV. XVII. Pennies of William I.
XVIII. Edward III. Nobles.
XIX. Edward III. Nobles and Half-nobles.
XX. Edward III. Half-nobles, Quarter-nobles, arid Calais
Nobles.
XXI. Calais Nobles, Half and Quarter-nobles.
I.
THE TYPE OF THE JEWISH SHEKELS.
ONE of the most interesting problems in the study of
Jewish coins arises from the fact that obedience to the
Second Commandment prevented the nation from strik-
ing money with the effigy of the ruler, or indeed with the
likeness of any living creatnre at all. On the one hand,
this robs them of the interest which attaches to most
series of ancient coins. It is difficult to learn much of
religion, manners, or customs from the coins, except from
what does not appear. On the other hand, it exercises the
ingenuity to the highest degree in order to discover
what is the meaning of the types which are extant.
I wish in this paper to make a suggestion with regard
to the types, which appear on the well-known silver
shekels and half-shekels, at the present time, attributed
to Simon Maccabaeus.
They cover a period of five years, from 141 B.C. to 136
B.C., and belong to Simon Maccabaeus, though possibly the
last year of issue ought properly to be attributed to John
Hyrcanus, the successor of Simon.
Their description is as follows :
Obv. A chalice without cover. Above, the year of issue.
Border of dots. Legend,
: Shekel of Israel.
Rev. A triple lily. Border of dots. Legend,
3Wf T *p 33-*,J W Y 1 ^ : nBTJpn D^TT : Jerusalem the Holy.
VOL. XI., SEEIES IV. B
2 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
For the sake of completeness, it should be added that
there is a slight difference between the type of the
shekels and half-shekels of the first year, and that of
the rest of the series.
Thus on the coins of the first year the chalice on the
obverse is not jewelled, but has a pellet on either side
below the rim. This might be a rude representation
either of jewels or of handles.
The date above the chalice F (N) is not preceded by
the letter W for rw, that is, " year." The rest of the
series runs : .7"W year 2, nw year 3, AW year 4, ^W year 5.
On the reverse, again, the legend is different. On the
coins of the first year it reads, 3- w^^J^W \ ^=lx
that is ntrip tb&f"t, Holy Jerusalem.
The coins of the fifth year are of hasty and inferior
workmanship, and there are no half-shekels of this
date at present known.
The interpretation of the obverse has usually been the
pot of manna which was laid up in the Tabernacle and
then in the Temple of Solomon (Exod. xvi. 33), but
both Cavedoni and Levy raise the appropriate objection
that the chalice has no cover, and Madden, although he
is cautious, inclines to their objection, especially as there
is a coin of the first revolt which exhibits a chalice with
a cover.
The famous forgery of the seventeenth century repre-
sents the chalice as a censer, from which copious fumes
of incense issue. It is as unlike the original as it is
possible to conceive.
The reverse type has been taken to represent Aaron's
rod, which budded (Numb. xvii. 8), though it is fair to
state Madden quotes Cavedoni's opinion, that it repre-
sents a hyacinth or lily, according to the words, " I will
THE TYPE OF THE JEWISH SHEKELS. 3
be as the dew to Israel : he shall blossom as the lily "
(Hos. xiv. 5).
It is evident from his footnote that he does not agree
with Cavedoni.
M. Theodore Reinach, in his admirable monograph on
Jewish coins, translated by Mrs. G-. F. Hill, does not face
the question.
It is tempting to accept the interpretation that the
chalice is the pot of manna and the lily the rod of
Aaron, which budded, and to close the whole matter
with a quotation from Heb. ix. 4 : " The golden pot
that had manna, and Aaron's rod that budded."
To my mind this seems unsatisfactory, and therefore
I suggest the following explanation of the type with
becoming modesty.
Simon Maccabaeus was before all else a patriotic Jew,
vigorously opposed to Hellenistic influences. Somewhere
between B.C. 170 and 117 the Book of Ecclesiasticus was
written. Simon was not of the true high-priestly descent :
he would, therefore, feel it necessary to use all he
could to assist his claims. The Book of Ecclesiasticus
would supply the very necessity he demanded. Chap. L.
is taken up with a description of the qualities of Simon,
the high priest, the son of Onias. It was more than a
coincidence that his name was the same as that of him
who is eulogized in the Book of Ecclesiasticus.
A few quotations will illustrate the whole
" He was as the morning star in the midst of a cloud
. . . and as the flower of roses in the spring of the year,
as lilies by the rivers of waters ... as a vessel of beaten
gold set about with all manner of precious stones . . ."
(vers. 6-9).
" He stretched out his hand to the cup, and poured of
B 2
4 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
the blood of the grape, he poured out at the foot of the
altar a sweet-smelling savour unto the most high King
of all " (vers. 14, 15).
It is not difficult to conceive that this is the imagery
on which the device upon the shekels was founded.
The type of the obverse presents no particular diffi-
culty. Here is the " vessel of beaten gold set about with
all manner of precious stones," the cup from which the
high priest poured out the blood of the grape. It would
clearly and sufficiently signify the religious office of
Simon.
The type of the reverse presents a first difficulty, be-
cause it is not easy to make up one's mind what the
flower is. Is it the flower of the rose, or the lily by the
rivers of waters ? Obviously some early-flowering plant
is intended in the Book of Ecclesiasticus. The Encyclo-
paedia Biblica suggests that by " rose " in this passage
is meant " rhododendron." Whatever the flower on the
coin is, certainly it more resembles a rhododendron than
a rose, as we are acquainted with it, but it can scarcely
be identified with the former.
With regard to the lily, Professor Stanley (quoted in
Smith's Dictionary of the Bible) says, " The only ' lilies '
which I saw in the months of March and April were
large water-lilies." Obviously the flower of our coin
is not one of these. He goes on to suggest that the
name " lily " may include the numerous flowers of the
tulip or amaryllis kind, which appear in the early sum-
mer or autumn in Palestine. Here, again, there is a
ready resemblance. Lastly, it may possibly be a con-
ventional lily, such as those with which the capitals in
the Temple were adorned ; but this is immaterial. The
balance of conjecture is for the lily, especially as the
THE TYPE OF THE JEWISH SHEKELS. 5
coin of Jerusalem next in date is the small copper of
Antiochtis Euergetes of B.C. 132-1, in which the flower
is indubitably a lily.
I make two suggestions at this point.
(i.) That this passage in Ecclesiasticus suggested the
device.
(ii.) That the flower is in some way a spring flower,
probably a lily.
Now, allowing that the coin was issued by Simon
Maccabaeus, as a rigid Jew, especially opposed to the
Hellenistic tendencies of the day, he would shrink from
any effigy which might be held to violate the Second
Commandment. He might equally be shy of inscribing
his own name upon the coin, and the legend, " Jerusalem
the Holy," would hold a more patriotic and popular
appeal. Such an action would be wholly consonant with
the character and policy of the noble Simon. With a
like reserve, though obviously dictated from different
motives, some of the coins of the last revolt, both silver
and copper, read "Jerusalem" instead of "Eleasar" or
" Simon." Could Simon in any way designate the coin
as his own without raising either religious or political
scruples ?
I make the third suggestion. " Simon " means " the
burst of spring." Both the rose and the lily belong to
" the spring of the year " in the passage I have quoted.
The flower, then, would be a canting or punning symbol
of Simon's name, just as the chalice was the symbol of
his office.
If this interpretation is not too far-fetched, then as a
last suggestion I venture to propose that the lily is on
the obverse of the coin and the chalice on the reverse.
EDGAR ROGERS.
II.
THE COGNOMEN OF THE EMPEROR
ANTONINUS PIUS:
ITS ORIGIN AND SIGNIFICANCE CONSIDERED IN THE
LIGHT OF NUMISMATIC EVIDENCE.
(See Plates I. and II.)
1. THE LITERARY EVIDENCE.
THE literary sources for the history of the first Antonine
Emperor are scanty, but with reference to the origin
and meaning of his surname "Pius" we have almost
an embarras de richesses. Capitolinus alone gives five
reasons for its assumption, and the other authorities all
contribute their suggestions. This, of course, simply
means that the writers had no reliable information on
the subject, but merely put together what they had
gathered by way of theory or tradition, or selected what
they conjectured to be the most probable reason, and
recorded it without discussion. Since, however, it is
always possible that a writer, however stupid, may have
stumbled upon the truth, more especially if he makes
a sufficient number of guesses, I will commence by
recording and examining the theories put forward by
the principal authorities.
Capitolinus' five reasons, given in his Life of Pius,
are as follows : l Antoninus received from the senate the
1 Hist. Aiig., iii. 2, 3-7 : " Pius cognominatus est a senatu, vel quod
THE COGNOMEN OF THE EMPEKOR ANTONINUS PIUS. 7
cognomen Pius, (i.) because lie assisted his aged father-in-
law (Annius Verus) in the senate; (ii.) because he saved
the lives of certain persons whom Hadrian, during his
last disorder, had condemned to death ; (iii.) because he
insisted upon the customary posthumous honours for his
predecessor, in opposition to the general will ; (iv.) be-
cause he saved the half-mad Hadrian from suicide ; or
(v.) because he was by nature mild, and in all his life
did nothing harsh.
Here we have a sufficiently wide field of choice, but
Capitolinus makes no contribution towards a selection,
beyond the remark with reference to the first reason, 2
that to assist one's father-in-law is no great mark of
" piety," for it would rather be " impious " not to assist
him an honorific surname is won only by a " work of
supererogation." Spartianus, however, in his Life of
Hadrian, 3 favours this explanation, while he records two
other suggestions (in a passage which betrays clearly the
common source). The story upon which it is based occurs
in the Life of Pius, 4 where we read how, when Hadrian
soceri fessi jam aetatem manu praesente senatu levaret, . . . vel quod
eos, quos Hadrianus per malam valetudinem occidi jusserat, reservavit,
vel quod Hadriano contra omnium studia post mortem infinites atque im-
mensos honores decrevit, vel quod, cum se Hadrianus interimere vellet,
ingenti custodia et diligentia fecit, ne id posset admittere ; vel quod vere
natura clementissimus, et nihil suis temporibus asperum fecit."
2 Hist. Aug., iii. 2, 3 : " Quod quidem non satis magnae pietatis est
argumentum, cum impius sit magis, qui ista non faciat, quam pius qui
debitum reddat,"
3 Hist. Aug., i. 24, 3-5 : " Et Antoninus quidem Pius idcirco appel-
latus dicitur, quod socerum fessum aetate manu sublevaret ; quamvis
alii cognomentum hoc ei dicant inditum, quod multos senatores
Hadriano jam saevienti abripuisset, alii, quod ipsi Hadriano magnos
honores post mortem detulisset ; " cf. ib. 27, 2-4 : "Nee appellatus
esset Divus, nisi Antoninus rogasset . . . Quare ut supra dictum est,
multi putant Antoninum Pium dictum."
4 Hist. Aug., iii. 4, 1, 2.
8 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
was doubting whom he should put into the place of the
dead Aelius Caesar, Arrius Antoninus entered the senate
with his father-in-law leaning upon his arm, and was
forthwith selected as the heir to the empire. With this
anecdote in view, it can easily be conceived how a bio-
grapher in search of the explanation of a name which
recalled Pius Aeneas with the old Anchises on his
shoulders, or the young Metellus' devotion to his father,
should have found here what he sought. As history it
is in any case hardly worth considering, but when faced
with the chronological evidence of the coins it becomes
still less acceptable. To this evidence I must here digress.
The coinage of Antoninus Pius starts with his adop-
tion in the year 138. 5 The first coins, struck evidently
immediately after the adoption, which took place on
February 25, bear the inscription, IMP. T. AEL. CAES.
HADR. ANTONINVS TRIE. POT. cos. The names and
titles are all readily explicable. Antoninus, being
adopted in the place of the deceased heir to the throne,
naturally took, as he had done, the family names of
his adoptive father, together with the name Caesar
which belonged to the reigning family T. Aelius Caesar
Hadrianus. He became Imyerator and received the Tri-
lunicia Potestas by virtue of the measures conferring
upon him imperial powers as his father's colleague. The
consulship he already held at the time of his adoption.
Following this series of coins comes another series with
the inscription, IMP. CAES. T. AEL. HADR. ANTONINVS AVG.
PONT. MAX. TR. POT. COS. 6 The additions here, Augustus
s Cf. Eckhel, vii. pp. 2, 3.
8 There is one specimen at Berlin with PONT. MAX., which does
not bear the title AVG. It is probably a hybrid, since it bears also the
inscription COS. DES. II, which most certainly belongs to the period
when Antoninus was Augustus.
THE COGNOMEN OF THE EMPEROK ANTONINUS PIUS. &
and Pontifex Maximus, make it clear at once that these
are the coins struck after his accession on July 10, 138.
Hitherto, the name Pius has not appeared at all. It
first occurs on coins which have also the inscription
COS. DES. II, and which, therefore, were struck during
the later months of 138. No long interval, however,
can have elapsed between the accession of the Emperor
and his assumption of the surname Pius, which would
appear to have coincided with his designation to a
second consulship ; for while there are (to take the
Berlin Collection as a standard) only two coins which
have AVG without PIVS, there are twenty-one which have
neither and sixteen which have both, together with
COS. DES. II. 7 At all events, however, some interval is
attested between the accession of the Emperor and the
first use of the surname Pius.
The theory of Capitolinus which we are considering
attributes the origin of the cognomen to an incident
which occurred between January 1 and February 25 ;
yet the coins show that the surname was not in use
until about August. Although this argument would not
be quite conclusive against the theory, if there were
otherwise strong arguments in favour of it ; yet it
seems sufficient to dispose of a theory which has at
best so little to say for itself.
The first explanation, then, suggested by Capitolinus
cannot pass for more than a conjecture based upon a
preconceived notion of what "pietas" must mean. The
same notion of its meaning underlies the fourth expla-
nation recorded by Capitolinus, which bases Antoninus'
7 There are three more with COS. DES. II, where the obverse
inscription is so worn that PIVS cannot be read, but it was almost
certainly there.
10 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
claim to his cognomen upon his care for the mad old
Emperor, whom he saved from suicide. This theory is
not mentioned by Spartianus, but he is in this case our
authority for the anecdote which gave rise to it. 8 The
anecdote may be true, but the only thing which, one
would suppose, could have induced the senate to cele-
brate anything that delayed the death of its enemy
would be the desire to flatter him during his life ; when
once he was dead, no delicacy, or respect for his adopted
son, restrained the senators from the frankest vitupera-
tion of the deceased Emperor. If, therefore, this explana-
tion were the true one, the vote must surely have been
passed before the death of Hadrian, and the theory is
liable to the same chronological objection as the fore-
going, only in a more forcible and fatal form ; although,
indeed, it scarcely needs such an argument to dispose of
anything so trivial.
There is, however, yet a third explanation, attaching
to the name Pius this same sense of " filial duty." It
is the one given by both Spartianus and Capitolinus,
which refers the assumption of the cognomen to the dis-
pute between the new Emperor and the senate, in which
the former successfully maintained his predecessor's
right to the customary posthumous honours. Of the
fact of such a dispute there can hardly be reasonable
doubt. It is recorded also by Xiphilinus, 9 who does
8 Hist. Aug., i. 24, 8-10.
9 Epit. Dion. Cass., Ixx. 1 (Dio narrat) on pi] jSouAoyueVijs T ^ s
ytpovffias ras ijputKas rifaas Sovvat r<f 'ASptav<f TfXfVT-i)<ravri, Sia. nvas
<j>oi/ovs fiTHpaviav ai/Sptav, 6 ' PLVTUVIVOS &\\a Tf iroAAtt SaKpvtav Kal o5vpu/j.fvos
avrots $if\f\6ri, Kal reAos elirtv, OuSe y&> apa v/j.ui/ p|oi, fiye ^tcewos Kal
Kcucbs Kal ^Spbs V/JLIV Kal iro\t/j.tos tyfiftro' irdvra. yap Sr)\ot>6rt ra irpax-
Ofvra, vir' avTOv, 5>v fv Kal J\ tfai) iroir)ffts fort, KaTa\vfffTt. aKOixracra tie
TOVTO fi yepovffia Kal atfifffQfiffa fbv avSpa, fb 8t n Kal robs ffrpaTitaras
a, airtStaKf r<f 'ASptavip ras Ttfuas.
THE COGNOMEN OF THE EMPEROR ANTONINUS PIUS. 11
not, however, connect it with the assumption of the
surname Pius. The chronological objection does not
apply here with the same force as against the two pre-
ceding theories, although here also there is a slight
difficulty in this respect. The dispute with the senate
must have taken place during the days elapsing between
the death of Hadrian and his funeral, and this leaves an
extremely short space of time for the issue of coins with
AVG. but without PIVS, and it also forces us to put the
designatio to the second consulship early in July. These
objections are, however, by no means fatal. But psycho-
logically there is a difficulty in supposing that the most
obsequious senate should have conferred upon the new
Emperor a cognomen which expressly recalled its own
defeat in the first conflict of the reign. The reply, of
course, is to hand, that the title was conferred, indeed,
by a senatus consultum, but only at the request, or the
virtual command, of the prince himself, which the
senate, however reluctantly, could not but obey. Such
a view of the situation is, however, strikingly discordant
with the general impression one has of the Emperor's
character. He cared little for titles and high-sounding
names, and as his policy was conciliatory towards the
senate where some great issue was not involved, it is
hard to believe that he would have opened his reign
with such a high-handed enforcement of such a trifle.
At the same time, this theory has, perhaps, more to be
said for it than either of the preceding, and we may,
perhaps, allow it to stand, pending the consideration of
the numismatic evidence, as the only likely or possible
form in which the cognomen Pius, in the sense of " filial
piety," if that sense is to be accepted at all, can be
explained.
12 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
The remaining two of Capitolinus' explanations are
based upon a different understanding of the sense of
the cognomen Pius. It is taken to refer to mildness of
character (" dementia "). The particular case of " de-
mentia " cited by Capitolinus is his action in saving the
lives of certain senators condemned to death by Hadrian
"per malam valetudinem." This is the reason which is
given second in order. The last on the list is the vague
statement that the Emperor was " vere natura dementis-
simus" and that in all his life (" suis temporilus") he
never did a cruel thing. The phrase, " suis temporibiis"
can only mean either " in his lifetime " or " in his reign,"
and in either case the assumption of the cognomen would
fall at the close of the Emperor's life, instead of at the
beginning, where it really falls. The statement is merely
ridiculous, like the remark of Orosius : 10 Antoninus
"rempublicam gubernavit adeo tranquille et sancte,ut merito
Pius . . . nominates sit" But that " dementia " some-
how lies at the bottom of the matter is an opinion widely
shared by the ancient authorities. Capitolinus does not
make it clear whether the condemned men were left in
prison at the death of Hadrian and released by his suc-
cessor, or whether Antoninus's successful intervention
took place during the reign of Hadrian. Spartianus n
is apparently following the same source when he speaks
of multos senatores, whom Antoninus Hadriano jam
saevienti abripuisset, making it clear that he thought
of the incident as occurring during the last illness of
Hadrian, when Antoninus was his subordinate colleague.
If so, then this explanation becomes less probable when
faced with the same chronological argument that has
10 Oros., vii. 14, 1. ll Hist. Aug., i. 24, 3-5.
THE COGNOMEN OF THE EMPEROR ANTONINUS PIUS. 13
already invalidated other suggestions. Dio has usually
been supposed to refer to the same circumstance in the
one explanation he offers of the surname, 12 where he
relates how, at the beginning of the reign of Pius,
when many persons were accused (informally) and some
actually delated, he refused to punish any one.
It seems to me clear that the incident is a totally
different one. We are not here dealing with victims of
Hadrian's persecution, delivered by the "dementia" of the
new ruler. It is a fresh outbreak of criminal processes
at the beginning of a new reign that gives occasion to
the Emperor to display his " dementia''' Who, then, are
likely to have been the victims of these " delations " ?
Surely it seems most likely that this activity in prosecu-
tions is part of the senate's attack upon the former
regime, connected with the opposition offered to Hadrian's
deification. The phenomenon is quite a familiar one
on the death of an unpopular sovereign. It was these
representatives of the Hadrianic regime, attacked by the
senate in the hope of sympathy from the new constitu-
tional ruler, who were saved by the Emperor's firmly
humane policy at least that is the irresistible impres-
sion made upon me by the Dionean narrative. If this
be true, we are brought up again by the psychological
improbability either that the senate should voluntarily
celebrate its own defeat, or that Antoninus Pius would
have gratuitously insulted the senate by insisting upon
an empty honour to himself. But whatever the actual
12 Epit. Dion Cass., Ixx. 2 (Dio narrat) tin ktyova-rov avrbi/ Kal
Euo"6)3fj Sta Toavrffv alrtav tirwv6/j.a<rei> f] fiou^, ^wftS^j sv ry apxy T ^ s
avroKparopias avrov, jro\\oav alriaOtyrtav, Kal nvtav Kal ovofMa-rl fairi]0fVTcai/,
o/xcoj ovSfva, fK6\affff, etTrcbj/ Sn, Ov Se? /ue airb Toiovrcav epywvrrjs irpo<rTa<rias
vp.S}v apaffOai. Note'the curious idea that the title Augustus was
similarly conferred by the senate as a reward for this " clemency."
14 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
incident, and, indeed, whether or no there was any par-
ticular incident which led to the conferring of the
cognomen, there is a strong consensus in favour of the
" dementia " form of " piety." This sense is implied by
Vulcatius Gallicanus 13 throughout the correspondence
which he attributes to Marcus and Faustina ; and Eutro-
pius has the simple statement : 14 " Pius propter demen-
tiam dictus est." At first sight it would seem strange
that if this were so the name was not Clemens rather
than Pius ; but the two virtues of " dementia " and
" pietas " seem to have lain very near in the mind of a
Koman of the Empire. 15 " dementia," mercy to all men,
and especially to such as are in one's power (" parcere
subjectis"), is a form of " pietas," the old fanltty virtue
extended to embrace all fellow-citizens and even the
whole human race. While, therefore, none of the special
instances of " dementia " offered seem quite to suit the
case, the idea that Pius here refers to mercy or mildness
of character is one which may stand for further investi-
gation in the light of numismatic evidence.
2. THE PIETAS COIN-TYPES.
Among the common types occurring on the coins of
Pius are a number distinguished by the legend PIETAS
or PIETATI. The question at once suggests itself, whether
13 Hist. Aug., vi. 11, 5,6: " . . . dementia; haec Caesarem deum
fecit, haec Augustum consecravit, haec patrem tuum specialiter Pii
nomine ornavit." Of. 10, 1, 2. The letters are pretty certainly
forged, and represent merely the views of Gallicanus or his authority.
14 Breviarium, viii. 8 (4).
15 Of. Vulcatius Gallicanus, in Hist. Aug., vi. 12, 7, 8 : " . . . vestrae
pietatis exemplum; nee magna haec est, patres conscripti, cte-
mentia . . ."
THE COGNOMEN OF THE EMPEROR ANTONINUS PIUS. 15
these Pietas types have anything to do with the cognomen
borne by the Emperor. In order to answer this question,
it will be necessary to give some consideration to the
types themselves, with reference to their previous his-
tory, and their position in the series of the Roman
coinage in general, and so forth ; and then, if any
special relation of the types to the "piety" of the
Emperor himself can be established with certainty or
with probability, it will be possible to go further, and
from the content and signification of the types to draw
conclusions as to the main question of the origin and
meaning of the cognomen Pius. First, however, these
Pietas types must be collected and classified.
Among the various types bearing the above-mentioned
legend we can distinguish five main classes, as follows :
(i.) A female figure engaged in cult-ceremonies at an
altar or tripod ; with the legend, PIETAS, PIETAS
AVG, or PIETATI AVG. 16
Of this general motiv there exist numerous varieties
of representation. The figure at the altar is clad in the
usual long \ITUV and loose i/mariov of goddesses in Eoman
art. Her head-dress is sometimes a diadem, as usually
worn by goddesses and female personifications, and some-
times the veil which belongs to the priest or priestess,
and on the coins is the ordinary attribute of Yesta and
the occasional attribute of other personages when there is
some allusion to religion. She stands, as a rule, turning
left, before a small columnar altar, which is adorned
with garlands, and upon which a flame is usually visible.
Her attitude varies considerably. Sometimes she raises
both hands above the altar [PL I. 1], as if in the act of
16 Of. Eckhel, vii. p. 2 ; Cohen, II. Antonin, Nos. 604, 607-615, 619, 633.
16 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
prayer. Oftener, only one hand (the right) is extended
over the altar [PL I. 2], while the other holds an incense-
basket [PL I. 3, 4], or simply rests upon the hip. Another
fairly frequent form varies the motiv slightly : in the
right hand, stretched out over the altar, is a patera,
while the left hand holds a sceptre, a common and quite
conventional attribute of divinities and personifications
of all kinds. Here the moment chosen for representa-
tion is the pouring of a libation upon the altar. Along-
side of these forms appears yet another, in which a tripod
replaces the altar, and the female figure standing before
it sprinkles incense upon the flame, while her left hand
holds an open incense-casket. Finally, there are some
.coins inscribed, PI ETAS AVG., on which the altar has alto-
gether disappeared, leaving only a female figure with
the right hand extended in the act of prayer. This
type is obviously only an abbreviation of the normal
form, and is to be included in this class, although so
important an element as the altar is omitted.
(ii.) A female figure bearing offerings in her hands;
with the legend, PI ETAS. 17
This type, although still of a religious character,
-cannot be included in the first class, for the motiv,
though similar, is decidedly not identical. The altar
is here no longer a main feature of the representation ;
it is quite small, and only half visible in the back-
ground. It is therefore, in accordance with the con-
ventions of classical art, not a proper part of the
representation, but serves as a symbol to indicate its
sacral character. The female figure is dressed in the
ordinary X IT <*>V and 1/j.aTiov, and wears a diadem. She
" Of. Eckhel, vii. p. 20 : Cohen, II. Antonin, No. 616.
THE COGNOMEN OF THE EMPEROR ANTONINUS PIUS. 17
is stepping towards the left, and holds up in the left
hand a basket of fruit, while with the right hand she
carries a goat by its legs. The little altar in the back-
ground intimates that these objects are intended for
sacrifice. The type, therefore, represents a worshipper
bearing offerings into the temple ; it is an earlier moment
in the ceremony than that represented in the first class,
and the ceremony itself is a different one ; a burnt-
offering takes the place of incense and libations.
(iii.) A veiled female figure enthroned, holding patera
and sceptre ; with the inscription, PI ETAS AVG. 18
This type is quite rare. It differs from the first two
classes in the ,very slight prominence given to the
religious element, which is here represented only by
the veil and the patera. Consequently, although clearly
a modification of the libation-type mentioned above, it
must be regarded as belonging to a separate class.
(iv.) A female figure accompanied by several children ;
with the legend, PIETATI AVG. 19 [PI. I. 5.]
Here we have a completely fresh motiv. The re-
ligious or sacral character of the first two classes has
entirely disappeared. This group, therefore, including
a considerable number of coins, forms a distinct class
of Pietas types. There is a further variation in the
inscription, which reads, not PIETAS, in the nominative,
but PIETATI, in the dative. The types belonging to this
group show few varieties. The central figure is a female
clad in \ITWV and ipariov, with diadem. She stands
facing left, and is accompanied by two or more children
in various ways. Sometimes she holds a child on each
arm, while two rather bigger children stand one on each
18 Cohen, II. Antonin, No. 633.
19 Ibid., Nos. 620-632 ; cf. also 606 ; Eckhel, vii. p. 26.
VOL. XI., SERIES IV. C
18 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
side, and stretch their hands towards her robe. Some-
times she has only one child on her arm, and in the
right hand holds an orb. A kindred type (uninscribed,
however) shows her laying each hand on the head of a
child standing beside her. 20
(v.) A temple; with the legend, PI ETAS. 21
Coins of this type are not common, and I am not
acquainted with any varieties in the representation. The
temple is seen in elevation, without perspective. There
are eight columns supporting a pediment, and three
steps lead up to the entrance. Before each of the outer-
most columns stands a statue, and between the two
innermost two statues are seen in the cella, both seated
and facing the entrance, a male figure to the left and a
female to the right of the spectator. On either side of
the temple is a palm-tree.
These five groups comprise all the coins of Pius
bearing the inscription, PIETAS or PlETATl. In addition
it is necessary to consider the types similarly inscribed,
which appear during his reign upon coins struck in the
names of the Empress Faustina and of Marcus the
crown-prince. In the first place, then, there is a very
considerable number of coins of Faustina inscribed PIETAS
AVG. and bearing types which fall under class (i.) of the
types of Pius. 22 The usual form represents a female
figure dropping incense upon an incense-altar of tripod
form, or what Cohen calls a "candelabrum" [PI. I. 6].
One example at Berlin is inscribed, PIETAS AVG., and
bears a type similar to class (iv.), but not identical with
the temple-type of Pius. 23 It represents a hexastyle
* Of. Cohen, II. Antonin, Nos. 992, 993.
" Cf. Eckhel, vii. p. 22; Cohen, II. Antonin, No. 618.
2 * Cf. Cohen, H. Faustine Mtre, Nos. 232-252.
13 Ibid., Nos. 253-255.
THE COGNOMEN OF THE EMPEEOR ANTONINUS PIUS. 19
temple with sculptured pediment [PL I. 7J. More
common is a type representing a large square or rect-
angular altar, having a door in the centre, and a palmette
ornament at each of the top corners; it is hung with
garlands, and usually flames. 24
Turning to the coins of Marcus, we find an interesting
group of coins with the legend, PI ETAS, whose types seem
to combine elements of the first and third classes of
Pius. The simplest form is only a slight variation from
the types under class (iii.) a female figure, wearing a
diadem, ^trwy, and f^artov, standing looking to left, and
holding one child on her left arm, while she extends
her right hand towards a child standing at her feet,
clothed in a long tunic, facing left and extending the
right hand. 25 But other coins show curious variations
of this type. Sometimes the child held on the arm is
missing, and the left hand holds a sceptre [PI. II. 1],
as in some of the specimens in class (i.). 26 On other
examples the type approaches still more nearly to the
sacral character of class (i.). The main figure is dressed
in veil, X IT <*> V an( ^ I^TIOV, and holds an incense-casket
in the left hand, while the right hand is extended. 27
This is almost identical with some forms of the praying
type, except that the child standing at her feet takes
the place of the altar.
The coins of Marcus show yet another fresh type with
the inscription, PI ETAS AVG. It represents a group of
cult-instruments a praefericulum and simpulum, a cul-
tella, an aspersorium, and a lituus [PI. I. 8]. 28 The
only variations occur in the order of the instruments in
21 Of. Cohen, II. Faustitie M&re, Nos. 256-260.
25 Cf. Cohen, III. Marc Aurel, No. 443.
26 Ibid., No. 446. 27 Ibid., No. 445. 28 Ibid., Nos. 450-461.
c2
20 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
the field : sometimes the cultella is on the left, and the
others follow in the order, aspersorium, praefericulum,
lituus, simpulum; and sometimes the order is reversed.
These two varieties appear on the coins of Pius exactly
as on the contemporary issues of Marcus, but without
the inscription, Pi ETAS AVG. 29
3. HISTORY AND INTERPRETATION OF THE PIETAS
TYPES,
The " pious " Emperor is not the first who placed
the inscription PI ETAS on his coins. For the earliest
examples of its use we must go back to the days of the
Republic. The first instance of which I am aware is a
coin of the Herennian family, ascribed by M. Babelon
to the year 99 B.C. 30
Obv. PI ETAS. Head with diadem, r.
Bev. M. HERENNI. Nude male figure, running r.,
bearing another similar figure on his shoulder.
JR. [PI. II. 2.]
The type is taken to refer to a legend of Catana, and
to represent Amphinomus or Anapias rescuing his father '
from an eruption of Aetna. The meaning attached to
"pietas" therefore, is that of " filial duty." The Herennii
may have hailed originally from Catana, but M. Babelon
thinks there may be an allusion to the loyalty of M.
Herennius, the grandfather of the magistrate who struck
the coin, to C. Gracchus. At any rate, the general sense
in which "pietas" was taken is fairly clear; it is that
29 Of. Cohen, II. Antonin, No. 876.
30 Cf. Babelon, Monn. de la Rtp. row., i. p. 539, No. 1, and note.
THE COGNOMEN OF THE EMPEROR ANTONINUS PIUS. 21
of "duty," ''loyalty," Treue" in family and social
relations.
The next appearance of the inscription is during
the troubles succeeding the death of Caesar, on a coin
of D. Brutus. 31
Obv. PI ETAS. Head r., with hair-band and necklace.
Bev. ALBINVS BRVTI F. Clasped hands with caduceus.
M. [PI. II. 3.]
M. Babelon explains this coin as an appeal to the
loyalty and concord of the citizens, and in particular their
loyalty to the senate (with which body the type of the
clasped hands and caduceus is especially associated). It
represents, therefore, an extension of the idea of "pietas "
contained in the coin of Herennius ; that was "pietas
erga parentes" or " amicos ; " this is "pietas erga patriam"
practically the Roman equivalent of " patriotism."
Neither of these coins, however, has done much
towards elucidating the origin of the pietas types. The
type associated in each case with the inscription PIETAS
is a perfectly indefinite head, and the reverse type has
a more or less direct reference to " piety," but without
being intimately identified with it. For the first
attempts at the formation of a true pietas type we must
look to coin-issues which are the direct precursors of
the coinage of the Empire. These issues, belonging to
the last stage of Republican history, have already the
head of a magistrate in place of that of a deity or per-
sonification on the obverse, and there is a corresponding
development in the character of the reverse. Coins of
this character were struck by Sextus Pompeius, and among
31 Babelon, op. cit., ii. p. Ill, No. 25 ; and p. 384, No. 10, and note.
22 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
them is a considerable series bearing our inscription.
I describe a typical specimen : 32
Obv.SEX. MAG. PIVS IMP. Head of Pompey the
the Great, r., bare.
Rev. PI ETAS (in field). Female figure in diadem, x"wv,
and t/u,dmov, standing 1., and holding in r. hand
branch, in 1. hand sceptre.
JR. [PI. II. 4.]
Here the inscription has obvious reference to the
surname of the person who struck the coin, a surname
which was assumed with reference to his filial piety
towards the great Pompey. But in the type we look in
vain for any hint of this reference. If the branch which
appears in the right hand is an olive-branch, as M.
Babelon states, then the figure is identical with the
conventional representation of Pax. This is usually
explained as an appeal for concord among the striving
parties in the State. Sextus, in fact, "holds out an
olive-branch," as we say, to his opponents. In that
case there might be a vague allusion to " pietas erga
.patriam" parallel to the concord-type (clasped hands and
caduceus) of D. Brutus. Civil peace would be pia, just
as these civil wars were to the poets "impia bella" But on
the specimen in the British Museum the branch seems
to me an unmistakable palm-branch. This would make
the confusion worse confounded. In any case, this first
attempt at producing an individualized personification
of Pietas is not a success. No recognized type was to
hand, and the artist has merely appended the inscription
PIETAS to a stock-figure, without troubling to create an
appropriate type.
32 Babelon, ii. p. 350, Nos. 16 sqq. Cf. also No. 25, which represents
Amphinomus and Anapias, but has no inscription.
THE COGNOMEN OF THE EMPEROR ANTONINUS PIUS. 23
A more successful attempt is that made by L. Antonius.
There are coins struck by him in the name of his brother
the triumvir during the Perusian War, bearing the in-
scription PI ETAS on the reverse. 33
Obv. ANTON I VS IMP. Ill VI R R. P. C. Head of M.
Antonius r., bare ; to 1. lituus.
Eev. PI ETAS COS. (in field). Female figure in diadem,
X<-TWV, and If^dnov, standing 1., holding in r. hand
small flaming altar, in 1. hand cornucopiae, on
which two storks.
A7. and M. [PI. II. 5.]
Obv. ANT. AVG. IMP. Ill V. R. P. C. Head of M. Anto-
nius r., bare.
B ev . piETAS COS. (exergue). Female figure in diadem,
XITWV, and i/xanov, standing 1., holding in r. hand
rudder, in 1. hand cornucopiae ; at her feet, 1.,
stork.
A7. and M. [PI. II. 6.]
The inscription on the reverse is peculiar. It is ex-
plained by the fact that L. Antonius assumed Pietas as a
cognomen. The inscription, PIETAS COS., therefore, is
analogous to the names of magistrates regularly placed
on the reverse in Eepublican times. At the same time,
the reverse type seems to be an attempt to represent a
personification of the abstract pietas, with a sort of pun
upon the magistrate's name. Taking the first coin,
we find that the attributes of the personified Pietas
are a flaming altar, a cornucopiae, and two storks. The
cornucopiae is common to many of these allegorical figures,
and probably has little or no special significance in
determining the character of the type. The other attri-
butes, however, are decidedly significant. The stork was
among the classical peoples, as amongst ourselves, a
3S Babelon, op. cit., i. pp. 173, 174, Nos. 43-46.
24 NUMISMATIC CHEONICLE.
symbol of family affection. 3311 Its presence here, therefore,
clearly expresses the meaning of pietas, which was more
vaguely indicated on the Herennian coin by the reverse
type; it is "family loyalty," the mutual devotion of
members of the same family. This corresponds with
what Dio tells us of the origin of L. Antonius' surname ;
it was on account of his " piety " towards his brother, we
are informed, that he assumed the name Pietas. 34 But
the remaining attribute specializes another side of the
quality represented. Piety is not only attended by
storks, but she also holds a flaming altar. This suggests
at once a religious character. The transition was easy
to the Eoman mind, which thought of the nation as a
great family, bound together by its ancestral religion,
and to which the shrine of Vesta was the "hearth" of
the State. This type, therefore, need not imply "piety"
in the full modern sense, with direct and express refer-
ence to the divine, but it clearly does carry in it a hint
that religion forms an element in the content of that
widely inclusive term pietas. The only feature which
this type has in common with the other pietas type of
L. Antonius is the stork. Clearly the aspect for which
the stork stands is the constant and prevailing aspect of
his "piety." The other attributes of this "Pietas " are
rudder and cornucopiae, which are proper to Fortuna;
and, in fact, we can hardly call her other than Fortuna.
The inscription PIETAS is simply the magistrate's name,
and the sole reference to its meaning, which is incorporated
38a Of. the coins of Q. Caecilius Metellus Pius, which have on the
obverse a female head (of Pietas) and a stork : Babelon, op. cit., i. p. 275,
Nos. 43, 44, and note ; and Grueber, Coins of the Roman Republic, ii.
p. 357, Nos. 43-51, note 2.
34 Dio, xlviii. 5 : Aia yap T^V irpj>s rbv aSf\<f>bv (vfff&ftai/ Kftj liruvvp.lav
ea.vr<p Hifrav tireOfro.
<
THE COGNOMEN OF THE EMPEROK ANTONINUS PIUS. 25
in the type, is the stork, and the result of this incor-
poration is a confusion like that already noticed in the
coin of Sextus Pompeius.
This examination of the Eepublican pietas coins shows
that the most prominent idea underlying the word was
that of the mutual loyalty of members of a family, or of
a circle of friends, but it has also clearly revealed the
presence of the cognate ideas of "pietas erga patriam," and
" pietas erga deos." The first and third of these conceptions
find a place in the one genuine pietas type created by
the Republic, the Pietas with storks and a flaming altar
of L. Antonius.
After the final close of the Eepublic the first Emperor
who places the inscription on his coins is Galba. Nor is
this surprising, for Galba is the Republican Emperor,
and he revived in his coinage, as in much else of the
externals of his rule, many features of the Republic.
Cohen describes the following coin in the Cabinet de
France : ^
Obv. SER. SVLPI. GALBA IMP. CAESAR AVG. Head
r., laureate.
Rev. PIETAS AVGVSTI S. C. Piety veiled, standing 1.
at lighted altar, ornamented with bas-relief of
Aeneas, with Anchises and Ascanius; behind
altar, victim.
M. [PI. II. 7.]
35 Cohen, I. Galba, No. 160. There is also a coin of Galba (No. 280)
inscribed, SENATVS PIETATI AVG., and bearing a type representing
a bearded figure, which stands for the senate, placing a crown on the
head of the Emperor. This coin is not of great importance for the
development of pietas types, but if it is more than merely a pictorial
representation, so to say, of the senate's admiration for the Emperor's
" piety," it might, perhaps, hint that the sphere in which that " piety "
was exercised was in the relations of the Emperor with the senate ; cf .
above the senatorial symbol of the clasped hands and caduceus on
D. Brutus' coin.
26 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
It is remarkable to observe how the first pietas coin
of the Empire resumes the ideas of its Republican
prototypes. The lighted altar is taken from the coin
of L. Antonius, and the scene of Aeneas rescuing his
father and son from the flames of Troy is parallel
to that of Amphinomus or Anapias rescuing his
father from the flames of Aetna, which was depicted
on the coins of Herennius. But the composition is
entirely fresh, and, what is very notable, the religious
element is brought strikingly to the foreground. Piety
is represented as a woman with the priestly veil
worshipping at a flaming altar. She stands, therefore,
first of all for worship " piety " in our modern sense,
"pietas erga deos." At the same time, the prevailing
Republican sense is recalled by the Aeneas-relief upon
the altar. But here again, perhaps, the choice of a
subject is significant. It is not any chance example of
filial piety that is chosen, such as that of Amphinomus
and Anapias, but the great example of Aeneas, the
father of the Roman people. When one remembers
that the same relief is sometimes found on coins
associated, like that of the wolf and twins, with the
personified Rome, it seems a fair conjecture that here we
have an indirect reference to the old Roman patriotism,
which was, perhaps, the most inclusive and characteristic
manifestation of what was meant by pietas in the mouths
of the Republican heroes. All these elements, then
family affection, patriotism, religion are included in the
" Pietas " of Galba's coin. And this is the piety of the
Emperor himself, PIETAS AVGVSTl.
This phrase is worth a moment's consideration. It is
of a form exceedingly common on the imperial coins.
The affix AVGVSTl, commonly abbreviated to AVG., can be
THE COGNOMEN OF THE EMPEKOK ANTONINUS PIUS. 27
appended to almost any sort of coin-title. It may be
used with the name of a divinity, and then implies some
special association of that divinity with the Emperor.
Thus "Apollo Aug." is the Actian Apollo ; " Mars Aug." is
probably Mars Ultor, selected by Augustus as the special
patron of his house ; " Hercules Aug." on the coins of
Commodus is at first the god worshipped by the Emperor
with special devotion, and comes later to be identified,
in the fgrm "Hercules Commodianus," with the Emperor
himself. Then it is applied to such personifications as
are almost on the footing of deities, and thus we get
" Fortuna Aug." the fortune of the Emperor, as distinct
from " Fortuna Publica ; " " Felicitas Augusti " along-
side of "Felicitas Caesaris" "Felicitas Publica," and
"Felicitas Saeculi;" "Securitas Aug." with " Securitas
PuUica " and " Securitas Orbis ; " " Pax Aug.," the
peace which the Emperor's rule brings ; and " Victoria
Augusti" a victory won by the Emperor. The last comes
very near to the purely abstract qualities which are
personified merely for symbolic purposes, such as
" Annona Aug." the Emperor's care for the corn-market ;
" Moneta Aug." the imperial coinage (for this figure on
the coins does not seem to have anything to do with the
original Juno Moneta). The last stage is where purely
personal qualities are referred to ; 36 thus we have
" Clementia Aug." the Emperor's mercy ; " Nobilitas
Aug.," the Emperor's nobility; " Virtus Aug." " Aequitas
Aug." and many others. In this last class comes " Pietas
Augusti." It is the piety of the Emperor, and the
character of the type may serve to indicate how that piety
30 " Liberalitas Aug." is a sort of complex of the two stages : it stands
for the Emperor's liberality ; not as an abstract quality, but as ex-
emplified in the particular case of a congiarium.
28 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
is displayed. The suggestion of the type in this case
quite suits what we know of Gralba's character and
pretensions. He aimed at being the restorer of the good
old Eoman ways, the " mos maforum" the old ideals of
loyalty, patriotism, and religion, crushed under a
demoralizing tyranny. This is what is expressed in his
pietas type.
The next appearance of the inscription we are seeking
is on a bronze coin of Titus, dated by the obverse
inscription to 80 p. C. 37
Obv. IMP. T. CAES. VESP. AVG. P. M. TR. P. P. P. COS.
VIM. Head, r. laureate.
Bey. PIETAS AVGVSTA S. C. Female figure with
diadem, veil, and tunic, standing front, looking
r., between Vespasian and Titus, togate, stand-
ing face to face, each holding sceptre, and
clasping hands.
Cohen calls the female figure in the centre Domitilla.
It is much more likely to be the personified Pietas. But
the question is not important for our purpose, since the
coin stands quite outside of the series of pietas types,
and has no influence upon any subsequent issues. What
is important to observe is that here Pietas clearly has
reference directly to family affection and duty, the filial
piety of Titus towards his recently deceased father.
The next appearance of the PIETAS legend is on coins
of Trajan. 38 These are quite obviously modelled on the
coin of Galba, but the type is simplified by the omission
of the Aeneas-relief on the altar. We see a female figure
37 Cohen, I. Titus, No. 151 ; note that the adjectival form AVGVSTA
takes the place of the genitive, without any change of meaning. The
usual contraction AVG. might be expanded equally well into either
form.
38 Cohen, II. Trajan, Nos. 199-201.
THE COGNOMEN OF THE EMPEKOR ANTONINUS PIUS. 29
in diadem, veil, and x iTt *>v, standing, facing left, before a
plain cohimnar altar; she holds a sceptre in the left
hand, and with the right hand pours from a patera
a libation upon the altar [PI. II. 8], This type is
important for our present purpose, as the first appearance
of one of the common pietas types of Pius (belonging to
what I have called the first class). It occurs on three
groups of coins, differentiated only by the dating. They
are variously inscribed COS. V., COS. V. DES. VI, and COS. VI.
Unfortunately, these inscriptions do not suffice to fix the
exact years of issue. Trajan's fifth consulship was in
104, his sixth in 112. Thus we can only say that
the first group is dated 104-111, the second 111, the
third 112-117. Probably, as all these coins seem to
belong together, it is probable that they may be dated
to 110, 111, and 112 respectively. In any case, however,
they are all later than 104, so that any reference to
Trajan's relations to his adoptive father Nerva becomes
improbable, and indeed there is no hint of any such on
the coin itself. The simplification of the Galban form is
all in the direction of making the religious element more
prominent. The very fact, indeed, of the repetition of
a Galban type suggests the meaning, just as Galba's
revival of Republican features suggested the meaning of
his type. For Nerva and Trajan frequently recall in
their coinage elements belonging to the period between
Nero and Vespasian, to the interregnum and Republican
revival between Gaius and Claudius, and to the Republic
itself. They, like Galba, were the restorers of public
morality after a period of oppressive rule, and, no doubt,
Trajan wished himself to be regarded, like Galba, as a
restitutor morum, a restorer of the good old Roman pietas,
with its reverence for the national gods. The very
30 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
inscription which invariably accompanies these types on
the coins of Trajan, S.P.Q.R. OPTIMO PR I NCI PI recalling,
perhaps by accident, Galba's SENATVS PlETATl AVGVSTI
suggests the work of this " excellent prince " as a
reformer and a benevolent ruler.
But it is under Hadrian that pietas types become
really frequent. The form fixed by Trajan is taken
over, and subjected to many variations. 39 To enumerate
them all would be tedious. Many of the forms already
noted under Pius first appear in the reign of Hadrian.
One or two coins, however, are worthy of separate men-
tion. The first is one struck during the first year of his
reign : 40
Obv. IMP. CAES. TRAIAN. HADRIANO AVG. DIVI TRA.
Bust r., laureate, loricate, paludate.
jRet;. PARTH. F. DIVI NER. NEP. P. M. TR. P. COS.
(margin). PIETAS (in field). Female figure
with veil and XITWV, standing 1., raising r. hand.
M.
The altar is lacking in this representation, but the
sacral character is preserved by the priestly garb of the
praying figure. The emphasis in the inscription upon
the new Emperor's relation to Trajan and to Nerva might
seem to suggest a shade of the idea of filial piety, but
there is nothing in the representation to suggest this,
unless, indeed, the omission of the altar is intended to
keep the definitely religious idea rather more in the
background. The occasion of the coin may have been
the reverence shown to Trajan's memory by his deifica-
tion ; but I am inclined to think that the type means
no more than that Hadrian is heir to his " father's " task
39 See Cohen, II. Adrien, Nos. 1021-1048.
40 Ibid., No. 1023 ; cf. also Nos. 1024-1027.
THE COGNOMEN OF THE EMPEROR ANTONINUS PIUS. 31
and policy of maintaining the mos majorum and all it
stands for. It is, perhaps, worthy of note that the
inscription is not PIETAS AVG., but simply PI ETAS. The
coin does not celebrate the personal "piety" of the
Emperor, but is struck in honour of that abstract and
general pietas which covers the whole of the national
ethical ideal, and which finds its most characteristic
manifestation, its guarantee, and therefore its symbol, in
the national religion "dis te minor em" &c. Of Hadrian's
attitude to this national ethic and religion we are told
that, although a sceptic, and " euriositatum omnium
explorator" 41 yet " ad priscum se morem institute" 42
and " sacra Romana diligentissime curavit, peregrina con-
tempsit" is In spite, therefore, of his personal "liberalism,"
it is not surprising that his coinage is rich in sacral
types of Pietas. Among others, he is the inventor of
the type praying with both hands uplifted, 4311 and this
is entitled PI ETAS AVG.; it is the Emperor's own devo-
tion to the national gods that is represented. Another
form of pietas type represents a female figure seated,
with patera and sceptre, entitled, PIETAS AVGVSTI. 44 Here
the sacral character is reduced to a minimum, being
represented only by the patera. The attributes of Pietas
here are, in fact, the same as those of Clementia on the
coins of Hadrian and Pius alike. It is evident, there-
fore, that the two ideas cohere closely, and this type
may be taken as emphasizing that side of pietas on
41 Tertullian, Apol. 5.
42 Life by Spartianus, in Hist. Aug., i. 5, 1.
43 Ibid., 22, 10.
43a It is worth while to note the close affinity of this type with the
Christian orante, which appears from about the close of the first century
in the paintings of the Catacombs.
44 Cohen, II. Adrien, No. 1028.
32 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
which it approximates to dementia, that is to say, the
purely human side of "piety" displayed first towards
fellow-citizens, and ultimately towards all men. " Pietas
erga Gives " is widened into " dementia" which knows no
national limits. This extension is characteristic of the
cosmopolitan Emperor, who, we know " dementiae [mag-
num] studium habuit."* 5 There remains for considera-
tion one type which is of especial interest, because it
revives a feature lost since the time of the Republic. I
describe a coin after Cohen : M
Obv HADRIANVS AVG. COS. III. P. P. Bust r., paludate.
jjei;. piETAS AVG. Piety standing front, raising both
hands ; to 1. a lighted altar ; to r. a stork.
M. [PI. II. 9.]
Here, to the Orante type is added the stork, which formed
part of the pietas types of L. Antonius. This feature
must have been introduced for some special reason.
The pietas type had started its career on the coins of
L. Antonius as the symbol of filial and fraternal " piety."
By gradual steps it had lost this character and become
almost purely sacral. The reintroduction of the stork
must surely be intended to recall to the fore its original
significance. Unfortunately, the coin is not accurately
enough dated to allow of its association with any special
event. The COS. ill puts it in the period after 119, and
the P. P. narrows down this period to the last ten years
of the reign ; but nearer than this we cannot come. It
is clearly too late to admit of any reference to Hadrian's
relations with Trajan, unless it be to the dedication of
a temple or shrine to him. There might possibly be an
allusion to the deification of Sabina in 136. But the
" Hist. Aug., i. 5, 5. Cohen, II. Adrien, No. 1032.
THE COGNOMEN OF THE EMPEROK ANTONINUS PIUS. 33
key to the historical bearing of the type is lost, though
its significance seems clear on the surface.
We have now traced the history of the pietas types
from their beginnings under the Kepublic to the period
immediately before the accession of Antoninus Pius, and
we are in a position to return to the types of this
Emperor, which have already been described, and to
consider them more intimately in the light of this
history.
4. CONCLUSION: THE PIETAS TYPES AND THE
NAME Pius.
pietas coins of Antoninus Pius have already been
arranged in five great classes, according as their types
exhibit (i.) the praying or worshipping Pietas, (ii.) Pietas
bearing offerings, (iii.) the enthroned Pietas, (iv.) Pietas
accompanied by children, or (v.) a temple. A closer
examination shows that these classes are not contempo-
raneous. An arrangement according to dates shows a
corresponding sequence of three periods, during each of
which a different class of type predominates (the third,
fourth, and fifth classes falling within the same period).
The praying or worshipping Pietas falls entirely within
the years 138-144 on the coins of Pius. On the coins
of Faustina it occurs only with the legend DIVA FAVSTINA
AVGVSTA, but as Faustina died in 141, they may well
belong to the same period. Within the same years fall
Marcus' coins representing a group of cult -instruments
and inscribed PIETAS. No other form of pietas type
occurs during these years, if we except the isolated
example quoted \>y Cohen 47 from Elberling, which has
47 Cohen, II. Antonin, No. 606.
VOL, XL, SERIES IV. D
34 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
a peculiar type of Pietas (or Faustina) with two children,
and is inscribed PIETAS. This coin is dated by the
inscription to February 25- July 10, 138, but I feel very
doubtful about it. I have not seen a similar specimen,
nor does Cohen report it at first hand, and the appear-
ance of such a type at this time is so surprising that I
suspect some mistake. The second period comprises
the years 151 and 152, and within this time three
different types appear Pietas bearing offerings, the
enthroned Pietas, and the temple. The first of these is
the most frequent. Eckhel gives an example of this
type dated to 150, but this is not recognized by Cohen.
The third period begins with the year 156, and the
characteristic type is the group of Pietas with children.
The type appears without the descriptive legend in 156,
and it is not until 159 that the inscription PIETATI AVG
appears with this type. But here the coins of Marcus
do not quite fall into the scheme of those of Pius, for
his types of Pietas with one or more children, which
form a connecting link between the first and fifth groups
of Pius' types, appear in the year 149. The remaining
coins of Faustina cannot be dated more nearly than to
the period after 141.
It is evidently only the first class of types that has a
direct bearing upon the question under discussion, for
they alone appear during the period in which the name
Pius was conferred upon the Emperor.
Now, the preceding historical sketch shows that
Antoninus Pius was not the inventor of these types.
Further, the earliest coins which bear them are earlier
than the first appearance of the cognomen, and, in fact, are
previous to the Emperor's accession. The question
therefore arises, whether the types can properly be held
THE COGNOMEN OF THE EMPEROR ANTONINUS PIUS. 35
to have any reference to the Emperor's cognomen. I
think they can. The second objection mentioned is by
no means a fatal one, for the vote of the senate which
conferred the right to use the epithet Pius as a surname
may be regarded as merely giving official recognition to
a quality already known to be characteristic of the
Emperor ; so that we may accept the connexion between
the pietas types and the Emperor's surname, if it seem to
be otherwise probable, even though they be antecedent
to its formal assumption. 48 As for the other objection,
it is, of course, true that the earliest coins of Antoninus
Pius reproduce with very slight variations the pietas
types of his predecessor, yet when we consider the very
large issue of pietas types during the reign of the first
Antonine, and the numerous and very striking innovations
which continue to be invented throughout the reign, and
when we further have regard to the marked prominence
of the pietas types on the coins of the Emperor's wife and
heir during his lifetime, and their comparative insignifi-
cance on the coinage of the succeeding reign, 49 it is hard
to believe that the obvious suggestion of a direct relation
48 This argument does not impeach the validity of the chronological
objections, adduced in 1 above, to attempts to associate the assumption
of the cognomen with particular incidents occurring before the accession
of the Emperor.
48 In arguments of this kind the content of the types is more impor-
tant than the actual number of coins which exhibit it. Thus under
Pius the pietas types are among those which have the most rich and
varied content put into them, and are subject to continual fresh inven-
tions. Under Marcus, on the other hand, Pietas falls back into the
rank of "stock-types;" it is subject to hardly any variation, and
is repeated in an unmeaning fashion along with such common-place
types as those of Aequitas and Felicitas. " Piety " is no longer the
characteristic virtue of the Emperor, but one of a series of quite con-
ventional qualities which form the general stock-in-trade of the Empire,
without reference to the character or policy of its immediate holder.
D 2
36 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
between the name of the "pious" Emperor and the
" piety " represented on the coins can have been unin-
tentional, more particularly if we bear in mind the
connexion of the early pietas types with the names
of Sextus Pompeius Magnus Pius, and L. Antonius
Pietas.
We may assume, then, that the pietas types are
intended to have explicit reference to the Emperor's
surname, and we are justified in seeking to find in the
content of the types some light upon the signification
of the name. We have seen that at the close of Hadrian's
reign there were three main classes of pietas types in
use : (i.) the praying or worshipping Pietas ; (ii.) the
enthroned Pietas, approximating to the character of
Clementia ; and (iii.) Pietas accompanied by a stork.
It is only reasonable to suppose that with this field of
choice before him, the new Emperor would select the class
of type best fitted to express his own peculiar form of
pietas. If, therefore, the majority of the literary authori-
ties were right in asserting that the Emperor received
the surname Pius "propter clementiam" we should expect
that the Clementia- Pietas form of the type, where Pietas
is enthroned with the patera and sceptre which belong
to her sister, would be selected. But this type does not
appear at all until the fourteenth year of the Emperor's
reign, when his cognomen had long been fixed, and then
only to disappear at once. Again, if the suggestion were
correct, that the cognomen was derived from Antoninus'
loyalty to his adoptive father's memory, we should
expect to see the form revived by Hadrian to give
expression to this restricted sense of the term, where
Pietas is accompanied by a stork. But neither does this
type appear, either here or anywhere else upon the
THE COGNOMEN OF THE EMPEROR ANTONINUS PIUS. 37
coinage of Pius. On the contrary, during the period
when the cognomen first comes into use, it is exclusively
the religious forms of the type that are employed. On
the coins issued just before and just after the bestowal
of the new surname we see Pietas praying, or burning
incense, or pouring libations at the altar. At the same
time, the inscription PIETAS is placed iipon the coins of
the crown-prince Marcus with a type representing a
group of cult-instruments. Eckhel 50 is no doubt right
in accepting these coins as a record of Marcus' admission
to the priestly colleges ; but the important point to
notice is that almost at the very time when the surname
Pius was coming into use, along with religious pietas
types on the coins, the term PIETAS is used with direct
reference to the rites of the State religion as symbolized
by the sacerdotal utensils. In short, the " piety of the
Emperor" (PIETAS AVGVSTl) is first and foremost "pietas
erga deos," the crowning point and the guarantee of the
"prisci mores" of the Roman nation. This corresponds
with what we otherwise know of the Emperor's character
and policy. Although not SetenSai'/zwv, his adopted son
informs us, yet he " did all things after the customs of
our forefathers ; " 51 and his biographer, in the Historia
Augusta, records that he never failed, save by reason of
sickness, to officiate in person at the public religious
rites, 52 and that he was appropriately compared with
Numa, 53 the founder of the Roman religion. So, too, we
50 Eckhel, vii. p. 46.
>l M. Antoninus, ets laurbj/, i. 16, Ti&vra Kara TO. irdrpta irpdffarwv.
M Hist. Aug., iii. 11, 5 : " Nee ullum sacrificium per vicarium fecit,
nisi cum aeger fuit."
53 Hist . Aug., iii. 13, 4, " qui rite comparetur Numae, cujus felicitatem
pietatemque et securitatem caerimoniasque semper obtinuit ; " cf.
Eutropius, viii. 1, " qui merito Numae Pompilio conferatur ; " Aurelius
Victor, Epitome, 15, " quamvis eum Numae contulerit aetas sua, . . ."
38 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
have an inscription, 54 dedicated during the years when
our first class of pietas types is still in force, by the
senate and people to the Emperor, " on account of his
peculiar devotion and care for the public religious rites."
Consistent with this is the respect for the ancient
religion shown in the issue of the beautiful mythological
series of coins in connexion with the nine hundredth
anniversary of the foundation of the city. 55 All this is
clinched by the explicit statement of Pausanias, who is
much nearer to the time of Pius than any of the historians
who are the main authorities for his reign. His evidence
is all the more valuable because it is an obiter dictum,
and clearly states a generally recognized fact. " The
Romans," he observes, " called this Emperor Pius, because
he was conspicuous for the reverence he paid to the
Divine." x
So say the coins.
It remains to consider briefly the remaining coins of
this reign bearing pietas types. They have not a direct
bearing upon the question proposed, but they may serve
to illustrate various aspects of the meaning of pietas.
The prevailing types of Faustina are clearly borrowed
with but slight variations from those of her husband,
and need not be further considered separately. The
44 C. I. L., vi. 1001
S P Q R
IMP CAESARI T AELIO HADRIANO
ANTONINO AVG PJO P Pj_
PONTIF MAX TRIB POT VI COS III OPTIMO
MAXIMOQ PRINCIPI ET CVM SVMMA
BENIGNITATE IVSTISSIMO OB INSIGNEM ERGA
CAERIMONIAS PVBLICAS CVRAM AC RELIGIONEM.
M See Eckhel, vii. pp. 29-33.
* 6 Paus., Tlfpifiy., viii. 43, 5 : Tovrov Evfff&r) f^>v fia.fftb.fa.
Puatoi Si6n Trj ts rb f7ov Tip.fj ^taAjoTa tyaivtro
THE COGNOMEN OF THE EMPEROR ANTONINUS PIUS. 39
second class of Pius' own types, that which appears in
151 and represents Pietas bearing offerings for sacrifice,
has equally clearly a religious significance, though
exactly why it should be introduced in this year it is
not easy to say. The third form, that of Clementia-
Pietas, which appears in the same year, has already
been discussed under Hadrian. It represents a side of
the Emperor's " piety " akin to that which is generally
held by the ancient authorities to be the predominant
one. Its appearance in this year may have been
occasioned by some manifestation of the Emperor's
" clemency," perhaps in connection with one of the
conspiracies mentioned by the biographers.
Before leaving this year, we may consider the other
form of pietas type which occurs during its course, that
of the fifth class, representing a temple. Eckhel 57
regarded this temple as standing for that of Hadrian
and Sabina. Cohen calls the figures in the cella
Augustus and Livia. A comparison with the coins of 159
inscribed, TEMPL. (or AED.) DlVl AVG REST, shows that
the two temples are practically identical, though this
does not count for much in the conventional art of the
coins. In either case there is a difficulty in date. The
dedication of the temple of Hadrian and Sabina can be
dated approximately to 145. 58 If, therefore, this coin
refers to the same temple, we are compelled to assume
some further work upon the building in 151. On the
other hand, the coins cited above are evidence that a
restoration of the temple of Augustus took place in 159,
so that if the temple of 151 is the same, we must suppose
a previous restoration in that year. There is little to
57 Eckhel, vii. p. 22. 58 See Hist. Aug., v. 3, 1.
40 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
choose between the two theories, though perhaps that
one is preferable which identifies the temple of 151 with
that of Augustus. In either case the subtle admixture of
the senses of " pietas erga deos " and " pietas erga parentes "
is evident, though it is more striking if the temple be that
of Hadrian. In connexion with this temple type we
may take that which occurs with the inscription PIETAS
AVG. and the obverse of DIVA FAVSTINA AVGVSTA. There
can be no doubt that this represents the temple dedicated
to the deified Faustina, and where the goddess of the
temple is at the same time the wife of the dedicator the
fusion of the two senses of pietas is apparent. The altar-
type of Faustina is probably an abbreviation of the
temple.
Finally, we come to the group of types representing
Pietas accompanied by children. There is no doubt
that Eckhel 59 is right in attributing these to the
institution of " puellae Faustinianae," an alimentary
foundation in honour of the deceased Empress. The
first appearance of the type, uninscribed, is in 156
(neglecting the probably spurious coin of 138,
already mentioned, which Cohen cites from Elberling).
But the pietas coins of Marcus show already in 149 a
type which seems to be most naturally regarded as the
earliest form of that of Pietas accompanied by children.
We may probably assign an alimentary foundation of
this kind to each of the three dates, 149, 156, and 159.
The content of the developed type is of peculiar interest.
As the institution commemorated was in honour of the
Emperor's late consort, the " piety " in question might
be taken to be that narrower sort which is the bond
49 Eckhel, vii. p. 26.
THE COGNOMEN OF THE EMPEROK ANTONINUS PIUS. 41
between members of a family. But one is tempted to
think, and this is suggested by the development of the
type through the coin of Marcus, that this " piety " is
rather an aspect of the wider virtue, and that while it
does not exclude the motive of conjugal affection, it is
rather the blossoming of the old stock of the Koman
pietas, which was in some sort the " whole duty of man,"
into the fine flower of benevolence or charity towards
the weaker members of society. The idea is, of course,
quite strange to the old classical spirit, but so too were
the alimentary institutions of the Empire strange to
the old Roman political and social scheme. Thought
was developing to fit the growth of institutions, and it
is hardly too extravagant to suppose that new spirit of
kindliness and humanity which was creeping over
Roman society at this period had produced the
conception, not perhaps quite consciously formulated,
that the best service the pious citizen could render to
his country or to the immortal gods was to cherish and
succour the needy and to be a father to the fatherless.
It is hardly without reason that this picture of Piety
taking little children into her arms was the model
followed at a later time by Christian artists, when they
sought to represent Charity, the flower of Christian
virtues.
C. HAROLD DODD.
Ill
A HOARD OF ROMAN AND BRITISH COINS
FROM SOUTHANTS.
(See Plates IH.-V.)
THE hoard of coins described in the following pages was
found some years ago in Southants. It was contained
in the earthenware pot here figured, which was broken
A HOARD OF ROMAN AND BRITISH COINS. 43
in the course of the discovery ; but a sufficient
number of the fragments were preserved to permit of
restoration. 3
The thanks of every one who is interested in early
British numismatics and archaeology are due to the
owner of the hoard, and to Mr. Mill Stephenson, who,
recognizing the importance of the discovery, obtained
permission for its examination and publication. A
typical set of the coins has been acquired by the British
Museum.
The hoard, which, so far as is known, has been re-
covered in its entirety, contains Roman coins, barbarous
or semi-barbarous imitations of Roman coins, native
British coins, both struck and cast, a few coins which
may be either British or Gaulish, and one or two
blanks.
A list of the coins follows. Verbal descriptions being
obviously inadequate to distinguish the varieties of the
cast coins, I have used rough diagrams (reduced to
about two-thirds of the original scale). Reference to
the plates will show what the coins are really like. The
references to Cohen (" C ") are to the second edition ;
for the Republican coins I have used Mr. Grueber's
Catalogue (" G "), as well as M. Babelon's work (" B ").
1 Mr. H. B. Walters informs me that this type is common on the
Continent from the first century onwards. From Mr. Reginald Smith
I learn that vessels of this character, with lattice pattern, were in use
in this country as late as the time of Constantine, as is proved by a
recent find in Wilts. The same pattern is found on pans which were
no doubt used for cooking.
44
NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
DESOEIPTION OF COINS.
No.
Description.
Reference.
No. of
specimens.
Weight
See Plate
in grs.
troy.
in
gnus.
REPUBLICAN DENARII.
1
Uncertain, probably obv.
1
.
Head of Eoma ; rev. Luna
in biga (172-151 B.C.)
2
M. Acilius Balbus ; plated,
B. I. 102, 1
1
III. 2.
without wreath on obv.,
G. I. 150, 1019
and reading BABVROM
(124-103 B.C.)
3
Q. Minucius Thermus ;
B. II. 235, 19
1
.
plated (90 B.C.)
G. II. 302, 653
4
Q. Lutatius Cerco (90 B.C.)
B. II. 157, 2
1
G. II. 297, 636
5
Q. Titius (87 B.C.)
B. II. 491, 2
1
G. I. 287, 2225
6
L. Rubrius Dossenus
B. II. 406, 1
1
(86 B.C.)
G. I. 311, 2448
7
Q. Antonius Balbus (?) ;
B. I. 158, 1
1
plated, and not serrated
G. I. 344, 2730
(82 B.C.)
8
Q. Caecilius Metellus Pius
B. I. 278, 47
1
Scipio (47-46 B.C.)
G. II. 570, I
9
T. Carisius (45 B.C.)
B. I. 314, 1
1
G. I. 527, 4056
10
M. Antonius (38-37 B.C.)
B. I. 188, 79
1
G. II. 506, 141
11
M. Antonius (32-31 B.C.)
B. I. 201, 108
1
G. II. 528, 195
12
Octavian ; plated (36 B.C.)
B. II. 59, 140
1
G. II. 415, 116
13
Octavian ; plated
B. II. 67, 164
1
(29-27 B.C.)
G. II. 17, 4368
LOCAL IMITATION.
14
C. lulius Caesar (50-49 B.C.)
(Concavo-convex fabric,
B. II. 10, 9
G. II. 390, 27
1
58-3
3-78
III. 1.
similar to limitation of
Vitellius, No. 17)
Tiberius
Vitellius
IMPERIAL DENARII.
C. I. 191, 16 1
C. I. 361, 72 1
LOCAL IMITATION.
Vitellius (same fabric as C. I. 361, 72
No. 14)
Carried forward
55-0 3-56 III. 3
17
A HOAED OF ROMAN AND BRITISH COINS.
45
No.
Description.
Reference.
No. of
specimens.
Weight
See Plate
in grs.
troy.
in
5rms.
IMPERIAL ASSES. 2
Brought forward . . 17
18
Agrippa (struck by Caligula)
C. I. 175, 3
1
19
Germanicus (struck by
C. I. 224, 1
1
Caligula)
20
Claudius (without P P)
C. I. 254, 47
1
21
C. I. 257, 84
1
22
Vespasian
C. I. 386, 247 ? 1
23 (without globe ?)
C. I. 398, 400 1
24
)
C. I. 407, 506
2
25
Vespasian or Titus ; rev.
1
worn smooth
26
Domitian
C. I. 481, 111
1
27
ii
C. I. 481, 125
1
28
ii
C. I. 499, 327
2
29
i>
C. I. 508, 453
4
30
H
C. I. 523, 647
1
31
(type Fortuna ?)
2
32
Nerva
C. II. 7, 61
1
33
Trajan
C. II. 55, 355
1
34
C. II. 66, 478
1
35
C. II. 72, 532
1
36
ii
C. II. 83, 627
1
37
Hadrian Cos. Ill
C. II. 137, 369
4
38 Uncertain (perhaps Trajan)
1
LOCAL IMITATIONS.
39
Of Claudius
C. I. 251, 14
2
/112-2
1 80-3
7-27
5-20
}-
135-8
8-80
I
40
3
u
C. I. 257, 84
11
{ to
to
III. 4.
( 74-8
4-85
41
Uncertain
1
BRITISH COINS.
STEUCK.
42
Type of Evans F. 1-3 (more
or less silver) and G. 5-6
(copper) Superior class
Evans F. 1-3
83
62-0
4-OS
III. 5, 6.
(av.)
(av.
1
Inferior class
Evans G. 5-6
206
52-3
3-3
III. 7, 8.
(av.)
(av.)
( 16-8
1-OJ
'I III
43
Type of Evans M. 13-14
Evans M. 13-14
[ 9
{ to
to
1 J.AA.
, 1 9, 10.
I 11*8
0-7 r
r \ > **
Carried for
ward
359
/
2 These " middle brass " appear to be all asses ; Nos. 25, 31, and 38 were,
however, returned to their owner before I had noted the denomination.
3 The average weight is 101-6 grs. (6-58 grms.).
4 The average weight is 14-03 grs. (0'91 grm.).
NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
No.
Description.
No. of
specimens.
Average wt.
See Plate
in grs. j in
troy, 'grins.
14
47
48
49
50
51
52
53
BRITISH COINS continued. CAST.
\ Brt. f rw'd. 359
12
(a) Hammered
after casting.
usual.
Carr. f'rw'rd.
3
18
409
35-5
39-4
30-9
33-8
33-5
32-5
28-1
31-8
33-0
40-0
32-8
2-30
2-55
2-00
2-19
2-17
2-11
1-82
2-06
2-14
2-59
2-13
III. 11.
III. 12.
III. 13.
III. 14.
III. 15.
III. 16.
III. 17.
III. 18,
19.
IV. 1.
IV. 2.
IV. 3.
A HOARD OF ROMAN AND BRITISH COINS. 47
No.
Description.
No. of
specimens.
Average wt.
See Plate
in grs.
troy.
in
grins.
BRITISH COINS continued. CAST continued.
55
50
57
58
60
61
62
63
Brt. f 'rw'rd.
Carr. f'rw'rd.
409
16
446
30-7
31-5
26-5
39-9
25-3
36-9
35-1
49-1
29-7
35-4
1-99
2-04
1-72
2-59
1-64
2-39
2-27
3-18
1-92
2-29
IV. 4.
IV. 5.
IV. 6.
IV. 7, 8.
IV. 9.
IV. 10.
IV. 11.
IV. 12.
IV. 13.
IV. 14.
48
NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
No.
Description.
Number of
specimens.
Average weight
See Plate
in grs. troy.
in grammes.
G5
66
67
68
69
71
1-2
BRITISH COINS continued. CAST continued.
Brt.
fd. 446
76
23
(thick
fabric)
4
22
9
Id
fd. 590
41-1
41-8
41-1
34-1
53-2
34-1
38-7
34-7
31-1
35-4
2-66
2-71
2-66
2-21
3-45
2-21
2-51
2-25
2-01
2-29
IV. 15.
IV. 16.
IV. 17.
IV. 18.
IV. 19.
IV. 20.
V. 1.
V. 2.
V. 3.
V. 4.
A HOAKD OF ROMAN AND BRITISH COINS. 49
No.
Description.
Number of
specimens.
Average weight
See Plate
in grs. troy.
in grammes.
7G
77
BRITISH COINS continued. CAST continued.
Brt.
fd. 590
79
80
81
82
83
13
17
20
Cd.
fd. 665
36-4
33-2
39-9
361
34-5
30-9
35-0
33-7
33-9
30-0
2-36
2-15
2-59
2-34
2-23
2-00
2-27
2-18
2-20
1-94
V. 5.
V. 6.
V. 7.
V. 8.
V. 9.
V. 10.
V. 11.
V. 12.
V. 13.
V. 14.
VOL. XL, SERIES IV.
50
NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
Weight
CAA
No.
Description.
Reference.
No. of
specimens.
in grs.
in
oce
Plate
troy.
grms.
GAUL, CHANNEL ISLANDS, OR BRITAIN.
Brought forward . . 665
84 i Base silver. Jersey type
Rev. Num.,
1
18-4
1-19
V.15.
1884, PI.
V. 7
85
Bronze. Jersey type
Muret-Cha-
1
49-8
3-23
V.17.
bouillet,
10,400
MISCELLANEOUS.
86
87
Base silver dump (unstruck
blank)
Circular piece of brass,
diam. 21'5 mm., flat on
one side, convex on the
other (unstruck blank)
Fragmentary or quite un-
certain bronze
Total
1
83-8
5-43
V.16.
1
111-0
7-19
8
677
The Koman coins range from the second century
before to the second century after Christ ; as the latest
pieces (of Hadrian's third consulship, 119 A.D., struck at
some time between 119 and 138 A.D.) are in very fair
preservation, we may take it that the hoard was buried
about the middle of the century.
The occurrence of a number of local barbarous imita-
tions is the most interesting feature of the Koman
portion of the hoard. It seems possible that some of
the plated denarii, which one is accustomed to regard
as issued from Roman mints for the benefit of the bar-
barians, were actually made by the barbarians themselves.
Thus the coin of M. Acilius Balbus [PL III. 2], had it been
made by purely Koman hands, would not have had a
blundered inscription, or lacked the wreath on the ob-
verse ; nor (if I have identified the coin correctly) would
A HOARD OF ROMAN AND BRITISH COINS. 51
the serrated edge have been missing from the piece of
M. Antonius Balbus. The most remarkable of the
denarii, however, are not plated ; they are Nos. 14 (Julius
Caesar) and 17 (Vitellius). These [PI. III. 1, 3] have a
peculiar, un-Eoman, and very Celtic fabric, with convex
obverse and concave reverse. There is not the least
doubt that they were made in the same workshop and
about the same time, that is in or after 68 A.D. Whether
they were made in Gaul or Britain, it is difficult to say
with certainty ; but it may be doubted whether the
Britons at this time could have produced anything so
good.
The imitations of the Roman copper coins, on the
other hand, are nothing new. The few specimens which
I have noted hitherto as being found in this country,
come from the South or East. One I remember being
sent me from Southampton ; one found at Santon
Downham, with coins of the Iceni, is in the British
Museum ; two were in Mr. Walters' Croydon hoard ; 5
and now we have a number from Dorsetshire. The
occurrence of such imitations on the German limes
has been noted by Dr. E. Eitterling. 6 He points out
that the large number which circulated indicates that
they were not private forgeries, but current coin issued
by the Gallic communities, and recognized officially.
Some of them bear the same official countermark TIA/ that
5 Num. Chron., 1907, p. 366 : Claudius, as our No. 40, and Nero,
rev. " S. C. Victory to 1. with globe ; " presumably = Cohen 4 , No. 288,
or one of the following numbers.
6 See " Das friihromische Lager bei Hofheim i. T." in Annalen des
Vereins fur Nassauische Altertumskunde und Geschichtsforschung,
xxxiv. (1904), pp. 36 ft. I owe this reference to Mr. George Macdonald,
who informs me that these local imitations do not occur in the North
of Britain. For imitations found in France, see the references ia
Blanchet, TraiU des Monnaies Gauloises, p. 431.
E2
52 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
appears on the regular imperial coins with the head of
Agrippa. 7 He maintains, with some show of reason,
that the small Gaulish copper coins having been called
in during the reign of Tiberius the right of the com-
munities to strike money was not wholly withdrawn,
but they were permitted to strike coins resembling the
Eoman copper. The types which they selected were
naturally those which circulated most commonly in the
province, viz. the Lyon type, with ROM ET AVG ; the
divus Augustus type, with PROVIDENT; the Agrippa, with
Neptune ; the Claudius, with Pallas. In Britain, as we
have seen, we find also another type of Claudius, and
a Nero, which seem to be imitated.
Were these imitations also made in Britain? Pro-
bably not, seeing that they are not found in great
quantities, and such as do occur seem to come from the
part of the island which is in touch with Gaul. Further,
it does not appear that the native coinage was called in.
The hoard before us is evidence to the contrary; and
similar evidence is afforded by the Honley hoard, buried
about 72 or 73 A.D. 8 If the native currency was not
withdrawn, there would be no object in allowing the
reproduction by native hands of the Eoman copper.
"We may take it, therefore, that the imitations of early
Roman copper found in this country are, as a general
rule, importations.
1 Which coins, as Ritterling has shown (ibid., pp. 34 f.), were not
struck before the reign of Tiberius ; they are contemporary with the
posthumous coins of Augustus. L. Laffranchi (Riv. Ital. di Num., 1910,
pp. 21-31) gives reasons for placing all these in the reign of Caligula.
8 Num. Chron., 1897, pp. 293 ff . This contained none of these imita-
tions, if I remember rightly. In describing it, I omitted to mention
the pertinent fact that the Brigantian coins contained in it were of
silver.
A HOAED OF ROMAN AND BRITISH COINS. 53
Eitterling gives the average weight of some 50
specimens of this class as about 4 grammes. The
average yielded by the coins in our hoard is, it will
be noticed, considerably higher. Possibly only the
heavier specimens found their way across the Channel.
The composition of the hoard shows that a great
number of the ordinary base silver and bronze coins
which are known to have been produced in South-West
Britain, especially in Dorsetshire, were still in circulation
along with Eoman coins [PI. III. 5-8]. There are 289
entire specimens of the classes which are illustrated by
Sir John Evans in his PI. F, 1-3 (silver), and G-, 5-6
(copper). The metal varies so much in quality that it
is almost impossible to draw the line between the two
classes ; nevertheless, they may be divided roughly into
a superior and an inferior class. Of the former, which
are, generally speaking, of better metal, better workman-
ship, greater thickness and concavo-convexity of fabric,
as well as slightly higher weight (average, 62'0 grains
= 4'02 grammes), there are 83 specimens ; of the latter
(average weight, 52'3 grains = 3 '39 grammes), there
are 206 specimens.
The find also contains nine base silver coins [PI. III.
9, 10], all slight varieties of the types illustrated by
Sir John Evans in PI. M, 13, 14 (weights, 16-8 to 11'8
grains; average 14*03 grains = 0'91 gramme). Evans
has noted that a billon coin from the Jersey find (there-
fore possibly struck in Gaul or the Channel Islands),
with a star of five curved rays on the obverse (Eev.
Num., 1884, PI. v. 7), has a reverse very closely
allied to that of these coins ; and curiously enough
a specimen [PI. V. 15] was contained in the hoard. It
is just possible that this reverse type may have been
54 NUMISMATIC CHEONICLE.
derived from the seated figure of Zeus on the coins of
Alexander the Great, of which a certain number of
barbarous Celtic imitations exist ; but I am not able to
trace the intermediate links.
Another Jersey type is the bronze coin illustrated
in PL V. 17 (cp. Muret-Chabouillet, No. 10,400). A base
silver dump, of 83*8 grains = 5'43 grammes, looks as
if it were an unstruck blank [PI. V. 16]. The average
weight of a large number of coins (70 or 80) of the
type Evans F, 2, found at Ockford, Fitzpaine Hill, near
Blandford, is said to have been 83 grains = 5*38 grammes
(Evans, p. 101).
I have left to the last the consideration of that con-
stituent of the hoard which will be of the greatest
interest to British numismatists. We have long known
certain cast coins of tin (Evans, PL H), the British
origin of which has not been fully established. We have
now a whole series of cast coins, the British claim to
which cannot reasonably be disputed [PL III. 11-V. 14].
The local moneyer, having lost the art of engraving
dies, evidently took to supplementing the currency
by coins cast in flat moulds. Of these cast coins
we find an extraordinarily interesting sequence, with
types starting at a stage removed not quite beyond
recognition from the already known struck coins, and
concluding in something more degraded than has
hitherto been forthcoming in the history of British
coins.
In addition to the pieces which are obviously cast, and
of the same types as one group of them, the hoard con-
tains three pieces [PL IV. 1] of a very flat fabric, which I
at first regarded as struck. On a second examination, the
various elements of the design appear to me as if they
A HOAED OF ROMAN AND BRITISH COINS. 55
had been hammered flat, having originally had higher
relief; and it may be suggested that the pieces were
cast in the ordinary way, and then hammered, in the
hope of giving them a greater resemblance in fabric to
the ordinary struck coins.
The chief element in the design, if such it can be
called, of the obverse of these coins, is a Y-shaped
object, which is derived from a combination of two
elements on the original degraded head, viz. one of the
crescent-shaped curls and the sort of fillet which con-
fined the hair, starting from the temple and going over
the back of the head ; this fillet becomes the stem, and
the crescent the fork of the Y. The metal is always run
in at the base of the Y, and the caster evidently thought
of the design as standing either like an upright Y, or
(more probably) on its head, not slanting downwards to
the right in accordance with the position of the fillet
and curl on the original head. I have therefore arranged
the diagrams and casts for illustration with the Y stand-
ing on its head. By turning the coin over from left to
right, one sees how the reverse design was meant to be
looked at. On those coins (groups 44-47, PI. III. 11-14),
which still preserve two of the dumbbell-like elements
which represent the legs of the horse on the reverse,
these elements, when the coin is turned over in the way
described, appear upright in the left-hand lower portion
of the design. But whether they represent the two
fore legs or the two hind legs of the animal, I do not
pretend to decide.
It is probable that the coins were cast in clay moulds,
which were made, as a rule, simply by impressing an
already existing coin into the soft clay. In this way we
may account for the gradual simplification of the type ;
56 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
a coin on which one of the pellets or curves had not
come out, owing to faulty casting, would produce a
mould from which would come new coins in which that
pellet or curve was lacking. Naturally, a certain num-
ber of the links are missing, but the series in PI. IV. 1-5
and PI. V. 10-14 show very clearly how the degradation
might proceed. It is, of course, difficult sometimes to
draw the line between accidental variations and real
kinds ; thus 65 might be regarded as an accidental varia-
tion of 64, while the two variations grouped under 57
might well have been separated into two kinds. The
latter remark also applies to 51. But having once
mounted the diagrams for reproduction, I have ventured
to let them stand as they are, since another find of coins
of this class would doubtless necessitate a complete
rearrangement. Needless to say, I cannot pretend to
have arranged all the varieties in order of origin ; the
material afforded by the hoard is insufficient for the
purpose, though it does suffice to illustrate one of the
most remarkable cases of morphological degradation
that is to be found in the history of coinage.
One question, finally, must not be disregarded: Are
these coins specimens of a regular currency, or are they
the produce of a single person's experiments, authorized
or not, extending over a comparatively short period
produce, in fact, which never came into general circula-
tion ? The lack of wear, in which these pieces contrast
curiously with the struck coins (some of the pellets
standing up as much as 1*3 mm. from the surface),
induces me to incline to the second alternative.
G. F. HILL.
IV.
CHARLES II's HAMMERED SILVER COINAGE.
(See Plate VI.)
A MARKED feature of King Charles II's hammered
money is the varied abbreviation of its obverse legend.
Hawkins gives such very meagre details on that point,
and I have come across so many unchronicled varieties,
that I have thought it worth while to set out all the
legends at full length, and to marshal the coins of each
issue in order, placing those with the fuller form of
legend first, and those with the less extended form next
in a declining scale.
This synoptical arrangement, though not a scientific
one, facilitates the discovery of new varieties, and
enables the collector to find an appropriate place for
them in his catalogue.
Most of the coins described in the following list are
in my own cabinet. Other rare examples are contained
in the limited but valuable collection in the British
Museum. I have added to the description of many
coins a numeral, indicating the order in which they are
mentioned by Hawkins, and when I describe a specimen
as "unpublished," I mean that it has not been par-
ticularly noticed by that writer. In several instances I
have failed to discover varieties which he mentions, and
have therefore given his references to the works of
58 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
Snelling or Ending, in the hope that those varieties
may still be found hidden in some private collections.
The index number prefixed to the description of a
given coin may, for the purpose of citation or cross-
reference, be used to denote the particular form of the
legend which it bears.
The type of the Hammered Coinage is uniform
throughout for all the denominations. On the obverse
the bust of the King is turned to the left in profile ; he
is crowned, his long hair flowing over the shoulders, and
he wears armour and a deep falling lace collar. On the
reverse is the royal shield of arms 1 and 4 England,
2 Scotland, and 3 Ireland placed upon a cross floury.
Any varieties will be noticed when they occur; but
these variations will be very slight. The legend on
the obverse giving the King's name and titles varies
slightly; but that on the reverse is uniformly CHRISTO
AVSPICE REGNO.
The First issue has a perfectly plain field, without
numerals of value or " inner circle," and bears the mint-
mark, a royal crown, upon the obverse only. The half-
crown, shilling, and sixpence (Nos. 1, 2, and 3) are
beautifully engraved; a proof of the care exercised in
their production being the manner in which the delicate
harp-strings, seven in number, are thrown into relief.
The stops of the legends are always level.
The half-groats have also been engraved with care,
but, from the nature of things, they are not quite so
well reproduced from the dies. On the latest example
(No. 6) colons are inserted for the first time in the
obverse legend.
The pennies have had less care bestowed upon them.
All the smaller coins seem to bear a harp with five strings.
CHARLES II'S HAMMERED SILVER COINAGE. 59
The silver half-pennies of this reign are indistinguish-
able because they were probably "rose half-pence,"
without any legend, struck from the old dies of Charles I.
The Second issue is distinguished by the very neces-
sary addition of a numeral indicating the value of each
coin ; an unaccountable omission in the First issue. They
differ little in other respects from the original issue, but
the obverse legends, with the exception of that on the
first half-crown, are somewhat more abbreviated. The
insertion of colons in the lettering now becomes the rule
instead of the exception.
The half-crown, shilling, and sixpence are mint-
marked like the former ones on the obverse only, but
the normal half-groat and penny (Nos. 19 and 21) bear
the mint-mark on both obverse and reverse, and are in
other respects remarkable coins because they differ from
the First issue and the remainder of the Second, not
only in the extreme abbreviation of their obverse
legend, M : B : F : ET . H : REX. , but also in their sym-
metrical shape. In these two details they resemble
the Fourth issue [cf. PI. VI. 6 and 7 with 12 et seq.].
They are not, in fact, hammered coins at all, but
milled, that is to say, produced by some mechanical
means, though the unique hammered half- groat (No. 18)
supplies the missing link between the First and Second
issues [PI. VI. 5].
I will here state, in anticipation of a conclusion which
I eventually draw, that there is in my collection a curious
milled penny (No. 22) with numerals but no inner circle,
which bridges the gulf between the Second and Fourth
issues [PL VI 8], for it not only has the most abbre-
viated legend of all, viz. M.B.F.&.H.REX., but it
bears a bust of the normal type, which nevertheless (as
60 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
in the Fourth issue), descends to the edge of the coin,
and the obverse legend commences in consequence at
the bottom of the left-hand side, while the mint-mark
appears on the reverse only (cf. half-groat, No. 20,
which is of exactly similar type).
All the half-crowns and shillings of the Second issue
bear a harp with seven strings, except the shilling, No.
15, which has eight. On the sixpences the harp has six
strings, and on the half-groat and penny, so far as I can
ascertain, four and five strings respectively.
The special feature of the Third issue, which followed
very closely upon the heels of the Second, is the super-
addition of an inner circle of dots to both sides of the
coins [PL VI. 9-11].
This was certainly not an improvement from an
artistic point of view, for the original design is thereby
spoilt. The mint-mark now appears on both the obverse
and reverse of the whole series.
The coins of the Third issue are not so well executed
as those of the two earlier ones. It is evident that the
effect of Simon's beautiful engraving was lost in the
hammering process, 1 unless much time and attention
were given to each coin, and consequently a rougher style
of engraving may have been deemed sufficient for the
purpose.
The half-crowns and shillings of this issue display
great variety in the abbreviation of their obverse legends,
and that fact seems to point to a large output of money
from the Mint. When, as is not unfrequently the case,
the obverse or reverse legend, or both, commence and
1 Samuel Pepys makes this observation in regard to the First
issue.
CHARLES Il's HAMMERED SILVER COINAGE. 61
end with a stop, the appearance of a pellet on either
side of the mint-mark is produced.
A groat and threepenny piece (Nos. 32 and 33) are
included in the Third issue. They bear a bust, herein-
after referred to as the second bust, and different from
that impressed on all the other hammered money, because
the long hair is represented as falling to the front and
back and leaving the shoulder bare. This point is not
without significance as I will explain later on [PI. VI.
10, 11].
I have reason to believe that the groat and threepenny
piece were the first of the series to be engraved at the
date of the commission which added those values to the
currency, because the remainder of the Third issue
reverts to the type of the earlier hammered money.
One of the half-groats (No. 35) has an abnormal
reverse legend, for it is punctuated with long oval
periods, the penultimate one being vertical instead of
horizontal. Compare the periods in the reverse legend
of penny, No. 18.
The pennies are usually executed in a very rough
fashion.
The harp on the half-crowns and shillings has seven
strings, but a specimen of the shilling, No. 30, in the
British Museum has six only. On the smaller values it
seems to have usually five strings, but on the threepence
it has four. This detail is not so clearly expressed as
in the case of the earlier issues.
The Fourth issue (with numerals but no inner circle)
consists of penny, twopenny, threepenny, and fourpenny
pieces, and is in consequence sometimes known as
"Simon's Maundy money" [PI. VI. 12-15]. It exhibits
a successful attempt to render these smaller coins
62 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
uniform in appearance. They are beautifully engraved
and struck. The crown on the King's head is repre-
sented with four arches, a detail never before inserted on
the small money.
The reason for omitting the usual mint-mark from the
obverse is that the bust (the second bust, it will be
observed) descends to the very edge of the coins, en-
croaches upon part of the space formerly occupied by the
legend, and thus renders extreme brevity (including the
substitution of an ampersand for the word ET) necessary.
I will here make a short digression, in order to notice
a paper which appeared many years ago in the pages of
the Numismatic Chronicle, 2 wherein it is sought to classify
the coins belonging to this mixed series of hammered
and milled money in a manner very different from that
adopted by Hawkins and the earlier writers. The paper
contains much valuable information, but the conclusions
arrived at therein are not altogether convincing. Its
writer attributes great importance to the shape of the
royal crown, and to the number of arches which compose
it, and suggests that that may form a guide to the
classification of the money.
All the half-crowns, shillings, and sixpences (except the
sixpence of the First issue) represent the crown as having
four arches. So do all the coins of the Fourth issue.
The above-excepted sixpence, and all the remaining
coins of the entire series, represent it as having two
arches only, so no information can possibly be derived
from that particular.
There is only one other point in the same paper
which calls for immediate comment, and that is the
2 Vol. XIX., N.S., p. 92.
CHARLES Il's HAMMERED SILVER COINAGE. 63
inclusion in a separate class of certain coins of the First
issue, viz. a sixpence and two pennies, which Kuding
says were struck without the usual mint-mark on the
obverse.
I have myself seen one instance only of a coin which
is deficient in that particular detail, viz. the penny
marked No. 9 in the subjoined list, but it is from an
abnormal die, and one which was evidently not intended
to be used at all [PI. VI. 2].
Euding's plate (Supplement VI.) is reproduced from
that of Folkes published in 1763. To rely upon a plate
executed without the aid of photography is to lean upon
a bruised reed, but I take Fig. 12, and perhaps also
Fig. II, 3 to represent imperfect specimens. The six-
pence illustrated in Fig. 10 of the same plate may not
have been so unequivocal as it there appears to be.
However, I see no reason for regarding those coins
which have no mint-mark as forming a specific type
of the hammered coinage. The above-cited paper (which
deals more particularly with the smaller values) dis-
tinguishes no less than nine different types of money.
It is more convenient for the present purpose to adhere
to Hawkins' simple classification of the coinage, and
I will now endeavour to fix the dates when the several
issues comprised in it were struck.
The King made his state entry into London on his
birthday, May 29, 1660, but great delay attended the
issue of a new coinage.
It was not until the 27th June that the first general
order was made directing the preparation of puncheons
3 Compare with those figures the description of penny (No. 9), penny
(No. 10), and sixpence (No. 3) respectively contained in the subjoined
list.
64 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
and dies for the gold and silver currency, and in the
same month a warrant was issued ordering the Wardens
of the Mint to furnish " irons " for coining money, and
to cause their chief graver Thomas Kawlins, to grave
the King's effigies thereon. 4
But Eawlins, though well qualified for the task, does
not appear to have taken any active part in it. The
preparation of designs for new seals may have taken
precedence at the moment.
On the 20th July Sir Kalph Freeman, the Master and
Worker of the Mint, executed an Indenture which pro-
vided for a coinage similar in all respects to that of the
late King, and, on the 10th of August, the two Wardens
and the Master and Worker were again ordered to furnish
irons, and to cause Thomas " Symons " to grave them. 5
Simon, as became a careful workman, was deliberate
in setting to work, so, on the 18th August, the Lords
Commissioners of the Treasury ordered him to give up
all other work until the Mint was ready to commence
operations, and " to use all speed therein suitable to the
absoluteness of the order." Simon still obstinately
refused to be driven. Another month elapsed and the
King's patience seems to have been exhausted, for, on
the 21st September, 1660, he sent an order under his
own hand to Thomas " Simons," one of the chief gravers,
" to lay aside all occasions, and forthwith to prepare the
original or master puncheons and charges, and also some
dies or stamps for the gold and silver coins, according
to the said order of the 27th June without fail." 6
I gather, however, from an entry in Samuel Pepys's
4 State Papers, Dom. Ser., Chas. II, vol. v. p. 85.
* Vertue, Works of Simon, p. 83.
9 Ibid., p. 84.
CHARLES Il'S HAMMERED SILVER COINAGE. 65
diary, that the First issue (without numerals or inner
circle) did not actually make its appearance until the
beginning of the year 1661 (new style). Meanwhile
the public had to make shift with the " cross and harp "
coinage of the Commonwealth (called in on the 30th
November, 1661), and with a motley collection of Spanish,
Portuguese, and French coins, which did duty as current
money. 7
The entry in Pepys to which I refer is as follows :
"Feb. 19, 1660-1. We met with Mr. Slingsby,
that was formerly a great friend of Mons. Blondeau, who
showed me the stamps of the King's new coin which is
strange to see how good they are in the stamp and bad
in the money for lack of skill to make them. But, he
says, Blondeau will shortly come over, and then we shall
have it better, and the best in the world."
The First issue continued to be struck until the
28th November, 1661, when the several pieces coined
by virtue of the said Indenture were ordered to have
their values stamped upon them. That clearly marks
the date of the Second issue (with numerals but no
inner circle), including the above-mentioned half-groats
and pennies, which were evidently produced by some
mechanical apparatus [PI. VI. 6, 7].
Where did Simon find such apparatus ? Not at the
Mint. He alone was acquainted with the art of coining
money by the mill, for he had only a few years pre-
viously, in association with Blondeau, produced such
for Cromwell, but much to the chagrin of the Mint
authorities had always kept his 'modus operandi a dead
7 See Proclamations of 29th January, 1661, and 7th September,
1661.
VOL. XL, SERIES IV. F
66 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
secret, and had employed the entire process outside the
precincts of the Mint.
The Government about this period were slowly making
up their minds to issue a milled coinage, and even to
bring Blondeau back to England, so it is not impossible
that Simon, who like many another genius was somewhat
eccentric, and a difficult person to deal with, had
resolved to anticipate the moneyers in producing a few
pieces of milled money by way of experiment, as the
sequel will show.
A commission dated soon after the said order of the
28th November, 1661, directed groats and quarter
shillings (that is to say, fourpenny and threepenny pieces)
to be added to the Eoyal coinage. 8
The last-mentioned coins form a leading feature of
the Third issue of hammered money with numerals and
inner circles, so it is thus possible to fix approximately
the date of its first appearance.
Meanwhile the new era in the annals of our coinage
had begun to dawn, for on the 17th January, 1662
(new style), the Privy Council ordered 1400 to be
paid to the Wardens of the Mint towards the erection
of houses, mills, and engines, for coining money by the
mill, and, exactly a week later, they issued another
extraordinary and often-quoted order, by which all
gravers were forbidden to grave or make any irons for
coining in any place but in his Majesty's Mint in the
Tower of London. By the same order Thomas Simon,
graver, was required speedily to bring in and deliver to
the officers of his Majesty's Mint all such tools and
engines for coining as he had in his possession. 9
8 Folkes, p. 103. 9 Vertue, op. cit. Appendix, p. 85.
CHARLES Il'S HAMMERED SILVER COINAGE. 67
Now this order was evidently aimed at Simon and
nobody else. It did not deprive him, as it has been
suggested, of his office, for he had not yet had time to
complete the engraving of the dies for the Third issue
of the hammered money. It merely sought to impound
certain " engines " which he had in his possession,
because, in view of the contemplated new regime, it was
contrary to public policy that any such should exist
elsewhere than in the Mint itself.
The " engines " referred to in the order were, I venture
to suggest, a small screw press with which Simon pro-
duced, at his residence in the Tower of London or else-
where, the milled half- groat and penny of the Second
issue and, as I submit, the original specimens of the
milled Fourth issue.
The latter, as I have already stated, resembles the
half-groat and penny of the Second issue in the extreme
abbreviation of its obverse legend, and in the fact of its
being milled, and it resembles the groat and three-
penny piece of the Third issue in bearing the second
bust.
So I conclude that it was struck between the date
of the said commission which added groats and three-
penny pieces to the public currency, and the date of the
said order of the 24th January, 1662 (new style), which
deprived Simon of his formidable engines.
Simon doubtless intended the Fourth issue for general
currency, but, if I am right in assigning its production
to the month of December 1661, it is unlikely that it
was then put into circulation, first because the authorities
were contemplating the early issue of an uniform type of
milled money, and secondly, because hammered pieces of
the same values were, at that very period, being struck
F2
68 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
and issued by them as part and parcel of the Third
issue.
Nevertheless some of the coins of the Fourth issue
exhibit signs of wear, and there are examples of the
threepenny piece which bear a harp with four, five, and
six strings respectively, thus indicating the use of several
dies for that particular coin. Hawkins suggests that the
Fourth issue was utilised as Maundy money, and it un-
doubtedly served as a model when, in 1670, a special
class of coins was devoted to that purpose. But though
its date and object are uncertain, it is properly described
by Hawkins as the Fourth issue.
And so the Third hammered issue in its entirety, all
made from Simon's dies, or at any rate from his designs,
held the field, and continued to be struck for such period
as the needs of the public demanded, and until the Mint
was ready to furnish an adequate supply of the new-
fashioned milled money. There can be no doubt that if
Simon had been allowed a free hand he would, at the
very commencement of the reign, have produced a milled
currency superior to any in the whole English series, but
his aspirations were thwarted by the persistent jealousy
of the moneyers, and his admirable workmanship was
marred by his being compelled to follow the old-fashioned
models of the previous reign, and to employ that relic of
barbarism the hammer.
CHAKLES Il'S HAMMEKED SILVER COINAGE. 69
LIST OF COINS.
FIRST ISSUE.
Without numerals or inner circle.
1. Half-crown. Mint-mark obv. only.
Qbv. CAROLVS . II . D . G . MAG . BRIT . FRAN .
ET . HIB . REX
Rev. CHRISTO AVSPICE REGNO Harp, 7 strings.
Hawkins 1. [PI. VI. 1.]
2. Shilling. Mint-mark obv. only.
Obv. CAROLVS . II . D . G . MAG . BRIT . FR . ET .
HIB . REX
Bev. CHRISTO . AVSPICE . REGNO . Harp, 7
strings.
Hawkins 1.
Two specimens in the British Museum have
no stop after REGNO.
3. Sixpence. Mint-mark obv. only.
Obv. CAROLVS . II . D . G MAG . BRIT . FRAN .
ET . HIB . REX
.Ret?. CHRISTO . AVSPICE . REGNO . Harp, 7
strings. Two arches only on the King's
crown.
Hawkins 1. Ruding gives an illustration
of this sixpence without the usual mint-mark.
Supplement, PI. vi. 10.
4. Half -groat. Mint-mark obv. only.
Obv. CAROLVS . II . D . G . MAG . BRIT . FR . ET .
HIB . REX
70 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
.Rev. -CHRISTO . AVSPICE . REGNO . Harp, 5
strings.
Hawkins 1.
I have in my own collection another speci-
men of the above coin in which all the stops
of the obverse legend have been omitted, but
there is an exceedingly minute pellet on
either side of the mint-mark. The harp
also has 5 strings.
5. Half-groat. Mint-mark obv. only.
Obv. CAROLVS II D G MAG BRIT FR FT H RFX
Bev. CHRISTO . AVSPICE . REGNO Harp, 5 strings.
Hawkins 2. Of. Snelling, PL xvi. 13. No
stops in obverse legend.
In the above described specimen from my
own collection the lower strokes of the E's
are omitted.
6. Half-groat. Mint-mark obv. only.
Obv. CAROLVS . II . D : G : MAG : B : FR : ET .
H : REX
Eev. CHRISTO . AVSPICE . REGNO . Harp, 5
strings. My Collection.
Unpublished. Colons are here inserted for
the first time.
7. Penny. Mint-mark obv. only.
Obv. CAROLVS . II . D . G . MAG . BRIT . FR . ET .
HIB . REX
Eev. CHRISTO . AVSPICE . REGNO . Harp, ?
strings.
Hawkins 1. Cf. Ruding, xxxiii. 5.
My Collection.
8. Penny. Mint-mark obv. only.
Obv. CAROLVS II D G MAG BRIT FR ET H REX
Rev. CHRISTO AVSPICE REGNO Harp, ? strings.
Hawkins 2 ; on the authority of Snelling,
PI. xvi. 12.
CHARLES II'S HAMMERED SILVER COINAGE. 71
9. Penny. No mint-mark.
Obv. CPOLVS II D . G . M . BP . F . FT . HI .
PFX
The tails of the R's and the lower strokes
of the E's are omitted, which show that the
engraving of the obverse legend was un-
finished.
Jj et?> CHRISTO . AVSPICE . REGNO . There is a
pellet over the King's bust in place of the
usual mint-mark. Harp, ? strings.
Hawkins 4. [PL VI. 2.]
The above-described coin is in the British
Museum. I have an inferior specimen in my
collection with 5 strings to the harp.
10. Penny. No mint-mark.
Obv. CAROLVS II D G M BR F ET H REX
v ^ CHRISTO AVSPICE REGNO Harp, ? strings.
Hawkins 3 ; on the authority of Ruding,
Supplement, vi. 11.
SECOND ISSUE.
With numerals but no inner circle.
11. Half-crown. Mint-mark obv. only.
Obv. CAROLVS . II . D . G . MAG . BRIT . FRAN .
ET . HIB . REX
Rev. CHRISTO . AVSPICE . REGNO . Harp, 7
strings.
Hawkins 1. My Collection. [PI. VI. 3.]
12. Half-crown. Mint-mark obv. only.
Obv. CAROLVS . II . D . G : MAG : BRI : FRA :
ET . HIB : REX .
Eev. CHRISTO . AVSPICE . REGNO . Harp, 7
strings.
Hawkins 2. British Museum.
72 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
13. Shilling. Mint-mark obv. only.
Obv. CAROLVS . II . D : G : MAG : BRI : FR : ET .
HIB : REX
Rev. CHRISTO . AVSPICE . REGNO . Harp, ?
strings.
Hawkins 3. British Museum.
14. Shilling. Mint-mark obv. only.
Obv. CAROLVS . II . D : G : MAG : BR . FR . ET .
HIB : REX
Rev. CHRISTO . AVSPICE . REGNO . Harp, 7
strings.
Hawkins 2. My Collection.
15. Shilling. Mint-mark obv. only.
Obv. CAROLVS . II . D G : MAG : BR : FR : ET .
HI : REX
Bev CHRISTO . AVSPICE . REGNO . Harp, 8
strings.
Hawkins 1. British Museum.
16. Sixpence. Mint-mark obv. only.
O&v. CAROLVS . II . D : G : MAG : BRI . FRA : ET
HI : REX
. CHRISTO . AVSPICE . REGNO . Harp, 6
strings.
Hawkins 1. [PI. VI. 4.] British Museum.
17. Sixpence. Mint-mark obv. only.
Obv. CAROLV S II . D : G : MAG : BRI [FR] ET .
HIB : REX
Bev. CHRISTO . AVSPICE . REGNO . Harp, 6
strings.
Hawkins 2. British Museum.
This is a very rare coin.
CHARLES Il'S HAMMERED SILVER COINAGE. 73
18. Hammered half -groat. Mint-mark obv. only.
Obv. CAROLVS . II . D : G MAG B FR ET .
H . REX
Eev. CHRISTO i AVSPICE / REGNO i Harp, ? 4
strings.
[PI. VI. 5.] My Collection.
This variety is transitional between the
First and Second issues. The legend on the
reverse has long oval periods as shown above.
(Compare No. 35.)
19. Milled half -groat (normal type). Mint-mark obv, and
rev.
Obv. CAROLVS . II : D : G : M : B : F : ET . H :
REX .
Eev. . CHRISTO . AVSPICE . REGNO . Harp, ?4
strings.
Hawkins 1, [PI. VI. 6.]
20. Milled half-groat (variety). Mint-mark rev. only.
Obv. CAROLVS -II.D.G-M.B-F.&- H. REX .
Eev. CHRISTO AVSPICE REGNO .
Formerly in Mr. Henry Webb's collection
(see Num. Chron., N.S. Vol. XIX. PI. IV. 12).
The bust, though of normal type, descends
to the edge of the coin, and the obverse
legend commences as in the Fourth issue
at the bottom of the left-hand side. (Compare
Penny, No. 22.)
21.' Milled penny (normal type). Mint-mark obv. and rev.
Obv. . CAROLVS . ii : D : G : M : B : F : ET . H :
REX .
Eev. . CHRISTO . AVSPICE . REGNO . Harp, 5
strings.
Hawkins 1. [PI. VI. 7.]
74 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
22. Milled penny (variety). Mint-mark rev. only.
Obv. CAROLVS . II.D.G.M.B.F.&.H. REX .
Eev. CHRISTO . AVSPICE . REGNO . Harp, 4
strings. [PL VI. 8.]
The bust, though of normal type, descends
to the edge of the coin, and the obverse legend
commences as in the Fourth issue at the
bottom of the left-hand side. The substitution
of an ampersand for ET in the obverse legend
is a remarkable variation. Hawkins does
not specifically notice this variety, but it is
very interesting as it forms with the half-
groat above (No. 20) a connecting link
between the Second and Fourth issues. This
coin is in my collection; another specimen
is in the British Museum, and a third was
formerly in Mr. Henry Webb's collection.
It is figured in Num. Chron., N.S. Vol. XIX.
PI. IV. 11.
THIRD ISSUE.
With numerals and inner circle.
23. Half-crown. Mint-mark obv. and rev.
Obv. CAROLVS . II . D : G : MAG : BRIT : FRA :
ET . HIB : REX .
Eev. . CHRISTO . AVSPICE . REGNO . Harp, 7
strings.
Unpublished. My Collection.
24. Half-crown. Mint-mark obv. and rev.
Obv. CAROLVS . II . D : G MAG . BRI : FRA : ET .
HIB : REX
Rev. . CHRISTO . AVSPICE . REGNO . Harp, 7
strings.
Unpublished. My Collection.
CHAKLES Il'S HAMMERED SILVER COINAGE. 75
25. Half-crown. Mint-mark obv. and rev.
Obv. CAROLVS II D : G : MAG : BRI : FR : ET .
HIB : REX
Rev.. CHRISTO AVSPICE . REGNO . Harp, 7
strings.
Unpublished. My Collection.
26. Half-crown. Mint-mark obv. and rev.
Obv. CAROLVS . II . D : G : MAG : BR : FR : ET .
HIB : REX .
Rev. CHRISTO . AVSPICE . REGNO . Harp, 7
strings.
Hawkins 1. [PI. VI. 9,]
Two of the three specimens in the British
Museum omit the stop after REX-
27. Shilling. Mint-mark obv. and rev.
Obv. CAROLVS . II . D . G . MAG . BRIT . FR . ET .
HIB . REX
Rev. . CHRISTO . AVSPICE . REGNO . Harp, 7
strings.
Hawkins 3.
There are two specimens in the British
Museum, one of which has a colon after
MAG : BRIT : and HIB : respectively, and the
other has a colon after MAG : only. The
stop after HIB is omitted, but it occurs after
REX . The reverse in both cases is similar
to the above-described coin. I only mention
this fact as indicating that several dies were
prepared.
28. Shilling. Mint-mark obv. and rev.
Obv.. CAROLVS . II . D : G . MAG : BRIT . FR . ET .
HIB REX
76 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
Rev . CHRISTO . AVSPICE . REGNO . Harp, 7
strings.
Hawkins 4. British Museum.
The obverse is evidently produced by a
spoilt or unfinished die which was not intended
to be used.
29. Shilling. Mint-mark obv. and rev.
Obv. . CAROLVS . II . D : G : MAG : BRI : FRA : ET .
HIB : REX .
Rev.. CHRISTO . AVSPICE . REGNO . Harp, 7
strings.
Hawkins 1.
The specimen in the British Museum omits
the stops before CAROLVS and after REX.
30. Shilling. Mint-mark obv. and rev.
Obv. CAROLVS . II . D : G : MAG : BR : FR : ET .
HI : REX .
Eev. . CHRISTO . AVSPICE . REGNO . Harp, ?
strings.
Hawkins 2.
The specimen in the British Museum omits
the stop after REX and also those on the
reverse before CHRISTO and after REGNO-
Its harp has 6 strings.
31. Sixpence. Mint-mark obv. and rev.
Obv. CAROLVS . II . D : G : MAG : BRI : FRA : ET .
HIB : REX
Rev.. CHRISTO . AVSPICE . REGNO . Harp, 6
strings.
Hawkins 1.
This appears to be the only sixpence
belonging to the Third issue.
OHAELES Il'S HAMMEKED SILVER COINAGE. 77
32. Groat, second bust. Mint-mark obv. and rev.
Obv., CAROLVS . II . D . G . MAG . BR . FR . ET .
HIB . REX .
Rev. . CHRISTO . AVSPICE . REGNO . Harp, 5
strings.
Hawkins 1. [PL VI. 10.]
On the obverse the hair is parted so as to
expose the shoulder. Of the two specimens in
the British Museum, one has the same obverse
as the above, but its reverse omits the stops
before CHRISTO and after REGNO. The other
omits the stops before CAROLVS and after
REX but has the same reverse.
33. Three-pence, second bust. Mint-mark obv. and rev.
Obv. . CAROLVS . II . D . G . M . BR . FR . ET .
HI . REX .
Rev. . CHRISTO . AVSPICE . REGNO . Harp, 4
strings.
Hawkins 1. [PI. VI. 11.]
On the obverse the hair is parted so as to
expose the shoulder.
34. Half-groat. Mint-mark obv. and rev.
Obv. CAROLVS . II . D : G : MAG : BRI : FRA : ET .
HIB . REX
Rev. . CHRISTO . AVSPICE . REGNO . Harp, ?
strings.
Hawkins 1.
Of the two specimens in the British Museum
one is similar to the above. The other has a
stop before CAROLVS and after REX on
obverse, but the same reverse.
35. Half-groat. Mint-mark obv. and rev.
Obv. CAROLVS . II . D . G . MAG : BRI : FRA : ET .
HIB : REX
Rev. CHRISTO - AVSPICE i REGNO - Harp, ?
strings.
Hawkins 1. See supra, p. 61.
My Collection.
78 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
36. Half-groat. Mint-mark obv. and rev.
Obv. CAROLVS . II . D : G : MAG : BRI : FR : ET .
HIB : REX
Rev. CHRISTO AVSPICE REGNO Harp, ? strings.
Hawkins 2.
This coin is given on the authority of
Snelling, PL xvi. 22.
37. Half -groat. Mint-mark obv. and rev.
Obv. CAROLVS . II . D : G : MAG : BR : FR : ET .
HIB : REX
Rev.. CHRISTO . AVSPICE . REGNO . Harp, ? 5
strings.
Unpublished. My Collection.
38. Penny. Mint-mark obv. and rev.
Obv. CAROLVS II D G MAG : BR : FR : ET . HIB REX
Rev. . CHRISTO . AVSPICE . REGNO . Harp, 5
strings.
Unpublished. My Collection.
39. Penny. Mint-mark obv. and rev.
Obv. CAROLVS . II . D . G . M . BR . FR . ET .
HIB . REX
R ev . CHRISTO . AVSPICE . REGNO . Harp, 5
strings.
Unpublished. My Collection.
40. Penny. Mint-mark obv. and rev.
Obv. CAROLVS . II . D : G : M B F ET HIB REX
(no stops).
Rev.. CHRISTO . AVSPICE . REGNO . Harp, 5
strings.
Hawkins 1.
The obverse of one specimen in the British
Museum reads . CAROLVS . II . D G M . B .
F . ET . HIB REX The obverse of another
reads CAROLVS . II . D . G : M : B : F : ET .
HIB : REX . but the reverses are in both
cases similar to that of the above-described
coin.
CHARLES Il's HAMMERED SILVER COINAGE. 79
FOURTH ISSUE.
With numerals but no inner circle.
The bust descends to the edge of the coin and divides the
legend, which commences at the bottom of the left-hand side.
The hair is parted so as to expose the shoulder. This issue
is milled not hammered , and the coins have the second bust of
the King.
41. Groat. Mint-mark rev. only.
Obv. CAROLVS . IIDG.MBF&.H. REX
Rev.- CHRISTO . AVSPICE . REG NO Harp, 6 strings.
Hawkins 1. [PL VI. 12.]
42. Three-pence. Mint-mark rev. only.
Obv. CAROLVS . II.D.G.M.B.F&H. REX
Rev. CHRISTO . AVSPICE . REG NO Harp, 5 strings.
Hawkins 1. [PL VI. 13.]
The specimens in the British Museum have
4 and 6 strings respectively to the harp,
which shows that several dies were used for
striking these coins.
43. Half-groat. Mint-mark rev. only.
Obv. CAROLVS . II.D.G.M.B.F.&.H. REX
Rev. . CHRISTO . AVSPICE . REGNO Harp, 7
strings.
Hawkins 1. [PL VI. 14, obv.]
44. Penny. Mint-mark rev. only.
Obv. CAROLVS .IID.G.M.B.F&.H. REX
Rev CHRISTO . AVSPICE . REGNO Harp, 6 strings.
Hawkins 1. [PL VI. 15, obv.]
T. H. B. GRAHAM.
NOTICES OF RECENT PUBLICATIONS.
Acs Grave, Das Schwergeld Boms und Mittelitaliens, einschliess-
lich der ihm vorausgehenden Rohbronzewcihrung, von Dr.
jur. E. J. Haeberlin. I er Band, enthaltend die Miinzver-
zeichnisse. Mit einem Atlas von 103 Tafeln Abbildungen.
Frankfurt a. M. (Joseph Baer & Co.), 1910. 7 10*.
STUDENTS of Roman Numismatics are already familiar with
the remarkable and epoch-making researches of Dr. Haeberlin,
as embodied mainly in three articles, one of which ("Die
Systematik des altesten romischen Miinzwesens "), published
in 1905, has already been summarized in these pages some
four years ago (Num. Chron., Series IV. Vol. VIII. pp. 107ff.).
The two other papers, which appeared in the Berlin Zeitschrift,
vols. xxvi. and xxvii., dealt with a very much wider range of
metrological problems than those presented by the early Roman
bronze. Dr. Haeberlin's researches are, it has always been well
known, based on an unrivalled collection of material. The
fine volumes which are before us help to give some faint idea
of the quantity and quality of that material, though hardly
of the amount of patient and thorough research that has been
required to bring order into and results out of it. Not that
researches, however patient and thorough, ever lead to great
discoveries, unless they are accompanied, as in this case, by
the historic sense and imaginative power. Beginning with a
nucleus of nine pieces of aes grave bequeathed to him by his
father, Dr. Haeberlin in some twenty years has amassed a
collection by far the largest in existence of about 2000
specimens. During twelve years all his leisure time has been
spent, apart from such study as is possible at home, in visiting
other collections in Great Britain, Denmark, Holland,
Germany, Austria, France, and Italy. He has weighed or
had weighed some 13,000 pieces, and made innumerable casts.
On the splendid plates (104 in number) no less than 1493
coins are illustrated. The first volume provides a catalogue
NOTICES OF RECENT PUBLICATIONS. 81
of all the known specimens, in two sections. The first con-
tains the amorphous bronze (aes rude) and the more primitive
" bars," popularly but wrongly known as aes signatum. The
second and much larger section comprises the aes grave, both
the circular (sometimes oval) pieces with which every one is
familiar, and the bars or bricks of a more developed form,
which may have been used not so much for coinage as for
certain ceremonial purposes. This aes grave is classified
geographically, under Latium with Campania (including Rome
and certain communities of Middle Italy with the right of
coinage), Apulia, Vestini, Picenum, Umbria and Etruria.
Brief descriptions of the finds of aes rude and the primitive
" bars " are given in the first section. When we come to the
second, some notion of the comprehensiveness of the work
may be gained from the fact that of the urban libral as, from
c. 335 to c. 286 B.C., no less than 1186 specimens have
been weighed and catalogued, and their state of preservation
recorded. Dr. Haeberlin finds that about 10 per cent, of these
are well over and about 30 per cent, well under weight, the
heaviest being over 13| unciae, the lightest being about 9|
unciae (the normal libra being 272,875 gr.).
The mass of materials brought together in this way naturally
contains much that is new and strange. It is impossible to
give details here, but one may call attention to the author's
specimen of the " brick " with a bull on both sides, with an
incised Umbrian inscription, meaning, apparently, that it was
dedicated in the temple of Sestinum ; and to the extraordinary
tressis recently acquired by the Berlin Museum, with a jani-
form head (Silenus and Nymph) on the obverse, and the head
of an antelope on the reverse.
The only person competent to criticize this work adequately
is the author himself. His views (with the exception of one
or two somewhat irresponsible attacks) have been generally
accepted by all serious numismatists (not always with due
acknowledgment) as in essentials correct. That there is much
that is hypothetical, he would be the first to admit ; that his
classification supplies a good working hypothesis, whereas
before there was mere chaos or empirical arrangement, no one
can deny. It is a great pleasure to be able to congratulate
the distinguished scholar and collector on his fine achievement.
G. F. HILL.
VOL. XL, SEEIES IV. G
82 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
Corpus Nummorum Italicorum. Primo Tentative di un Catalogo
Generate delle Monete Medievali e Moderne Coniate in
Italia o da Italiani in Altri Paesi, vol. i., Casa Savoia.
Roma, Accademia de' Lincei. 1910.
THE King of Italy's reputation not only as a collector but
also as a numismatist has for some time been well established.
We believe that it is about twenty years since His Majesty
began to form a cabinet of coins. At an early period he must
have realized that to bring together a general yet fairly
complete collection of coins which had been issued in Italy
only would be practically an impossibility. The coinages of
the Roman Republic and of the Empire form an unrivalled
series, if not of such artistic merit as their predecessors of
Magna Graecia yet far surpassing in their historical import-
ance. This field has already been gone over by many
numismatists, more especially by Cohen, whose Monn. de
I' Empire romain is in itself practically a " Corpus," and Babelon,
by his Monn. de la Republique romaine, has performed a similar
task for that series. As there then remained but little to be
done in either of those series, the King of Italy selected for his
more particular study the mediaeval and more recent issues
of his country, which are even of a more varied character.
The numerous series of coins which extend from mediaeval
times onwards have in a way been mostly described, but only
in a somewhat incomplete manner. Moreover, what has
been written is contained in many separate works and in
numberless articles to the various numismatic and historical
periodicals. Amongst the former may be briefly mentioned
Orsini on the coinage of Florence ; Promis on those of Savoy ;
Cinagli on Papal coins ; and more recently Count Papadopoli
on Venetian coins, Desimoni on coins of Genoa, and Fr.
Gnecchi on those of Milan. To bring together all that has
been described in almost a library of works, and to add what
has since been discovered in one comprehensive work, is the
object of the Corpus Nummorum Italicorum which the King of
Italy has undertaken.
The science of numismatics, if we may use such an expres-
sion, has had many devotees of fame and of royal lineage.
Not to go back to ancient times, Petrarch was an enthusiast
in this respect ; but he had to confine his attention to ancient
coins. His example created many followers, amongst whom
were Jean due de Berry, brother of Charles V of France ;
Lionel, Marquis d'Este, who formed a collection of ancient
coins, and whose successors added to it, but barbarously
defaced the splendid pieces by stamping on them the family
NOTICES OP RECENT PUBLICATIONS. 83
crest, an eagle ; Alphonso V of Aragon and Naples, of whom
we have the grand medals by Pisano ; and the Emperor
Maximilian I, who founded the Imperial Library at Vienna,
at the same time establishing the cabinet of coins which
remains illustrious to the present day. Later we have
Henry II of France and Catherine de Medicis, many of whose
coins were illustrated by Goltzius ; Henry IV, whose collection
formed the basis of the Cabinet des Medailles in Paris, which
Louis XIV used every effort to augment by employing agents
to collect all over Europe. In our own country every numis-
matist knows the interest which Charles I took in medals,
and how he always carried several about his person ; and that
the " King's Collection," formed by the Hanoverian sovereigns
and presented by George IV to the nation, was one of the
most extensive and valuable additions to the National Collec-
tion. Though many of these royal collectors encouraged the
production of numismatic literature, yet none appear to have
made any personal contributions. The King of Italy has
carried his studies and researches to a higher degree and
to a more practical purpose, for having formed an unrivalled
collection of mediaeval and more recent coins of Italy, he is
placing it on record, and is adding to it such pieces as are
known elsewhere. To produce a " Corpus " of Italian coins
from mediaeval times onwards is his aim and object, and we
welcome most heartily the appearance of the first volume,
which gives a description of the coins of the House of Savoy.
It is estimated, we believe, that when completed the " Corpus "
will consist of ten or more volumes, and will embrace a de-
scription of the issues of over 250 mints. Being a practical
numismatist, there is no one more competent than His Majesty
to superintend and direct so vast an undertaking.
The first volume, then, deals with the coinage of the House
of Savoy from its earliest time. A short historical account is
given of the Rulers and Princes of that House. Then follows
a description of the coins, with their denominations, types,
metals, sizes, and weights. To these are added some informa-
tion about the mints whence the coins were issued, and also
references to collections in which they occur. Keferences are
also given to the literature, and the state of preservation of
each piece is noted. From the introduction we learn that the
descriptions of the coins are mainly based on those in His
Majesty's collection and in the Royal Collection at Turin,
which was presented by the Crown. When a coin does not
occur in either of these collections its whereabouts is noted.
The series begins with the coinage of Count Amadeo IV of
84 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
Savoy (1232-1253), and is continued down to the present
time. The text fills 552 pages in large quarto, and there are
42 photogravure plates giving illustrations of all the different
types and many variations. The extent of the series and the
numerous differences in type and legend will come as a surprise
to many who are not very well acquainted with the series.
In many public and national collections some pages of
descriptions are represented by about half-a-dozen specimens.
We venture to make only one suggestion, which is that it
would have been of advantage if to each section some numis-
matic introductory note had been supplied. In the case of
the coinage of Savoy, which is mainly historical, not artistic,
this may not have been quite so necessary ; but in future
volumes, which will contain many extensive series such as
those of Milan, Mantua, Florence, Genoa, Venice, and the Papal
States, there is much not only of artistic merit but of the
highest importance numismatically and economically. It was
from Florence that Europe derived its gold mediaeval coinage,
and it was in Milan, Mantua, etc., that we see the origin of
the testoons and the works of Benvenuto Cellini, Leonardo
da Vinci, Caradosso, and other great artists.
We hope it will not be considered presumptuous if we offer
our congratulations to His Majesty on the publication of the
first volume of his great work, and if we add our best wishes
for its progress. The production of such large volumes is a
most arduous task ; but the speed with which the first one
has been passed through the press augurs well for the early
appearance of the next one.
H. A. GHUEBEB.
[We have been requested to state that His Majesty, the King
of Italy, has been pleased to appoint Signer Ulrico Hoepli,
Publisher, Galleria de Cristoforis, Milan, sole agent for
the sale of the Corpus Nummorum Italicorum. EDD.]
Num. Chron. Ser. IV. Vol. XI. PI. I
PIETAS' ON ROMAN COINS
Num. Chron. Ser. IV. Vol. XL PI. II
PIETAS' ON ROMAN COINS
Num. Chron. Ser. IV. Vol. XL PI. Ill
SOUTHANTS FIND
Num. Chron. Ser. IV. Vol. XL PL IV
SOUTHANTS FIND
Num. Chron. Ser. IV. Vol. XL PL V 'i '
16
SOUTHANTS FIND
Num. Chron. Ser. IV. Vol. XI. PI. VI *> "
-..
HAMMERED SILVER COINAGE OF CHARLES II
V.
SOME UNPUBLISHED GREEK COINS.
(See Plate VII.)
THE amount of study bestowed on all branches of Greek
numismatics, and the importance attached to minute
variations in type and fabric, encourage me in thinking
that the following coins from my collection may be
thought worthy of publication although no one of them
can claim to be of first-rate importance.
1. CHIOS.
Obv. Sphinx of archaic style, with curved wing, seated
1. on dotted (?) exergual line ; the r. forepaw
raised, and a tendril-like ornament projecting
from the back of its head. Between its legs a
cock's head 1. Border of small dots.
Rev. Deep incuse square divided into four rectangular
parts of unequal size.
grammes). Chian didrachm. [PI. VII. 1.]
(From the Philipsen Collection sold at Munich
in December, 1909, lot 2242 of Dr. Hirsch's
catalogue.)
Yery little seems to be known about the earliest silver
coinage of Chios. Even if the island is not allowed to
claim all archaic coins exhibiting a seated sphinx there
VOL, XI., SERIES IV. H
86 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
are enough varieties extant to account for issues lasting
well through the sixth century B.C., and probably further
back still. The specimens that we possess, however, of
these issues are so very scarce that it is hoped that no
apology may be needed for gathering together here the
few known facts concerning them, and for putting one or
two new ones upon record.
Since the Chians took a large share in the settlement
of the Milesian colony of Naukratis, founded early in the
seventh century B.C., it is not surprising that lower
Egypt should have preserved some of their relics. As
a matter of fact, the finds on and around the site of
Naukratis are our main source of supply for the particular
coins under consideration.
Before the discovery of the Sakha hoard in 1897, which
included several Chian didrachms, described partly by
Sir Hermann Weber 1 and partly by Dr. Dressel, 2 the
recognized sixth-century silver coinage of Chios was
limited to the type shown on PL xxxii. 1 of B. M.
Cat. ; Ionia, 8 in which a sphinx of refined archaic style
appears seated to 1. before an amphora, and to a few
disconnected pieces of peculiar weight and rude work-
manship. These are the two didrachms on the Aeginetic
standard, published by Canon Green well in Num. Chron.,
1890, p. 18, PL II. 15; the unusually light didrachm
published by the same author, ibid. p. 4, PL 1. 16 ; and an
unpublished didrachm in the British Museum Collection,
apparently belonging to the Euboic standard.
1 Num. Chron., 1899, pp. 276-278, PI. XVI. 2, 3, and 4.
* Zeitschrift filr Num., 1900, vol. xxii., pp. 238-241, PL viii. 6 and 7.
3 This coin, No. 2 of the Catalogue, is actually dated circa 490 B.C.,
but a similar piece from the famous silversmith's hoard at Naukratis
is given by Dr. Head to the year 500 B.C. or thereabouts, Num. Chron.,
1886, p. 5.
SOME UNPUBLISHED GREEK COINS. 87
These two groups in themselves provide but a skeleton
battalion to cover the sixth-century field as they are
separated from each other by at least a hundred years. 4
But the coins from the Sakha hoard, all of which are
struck on the characteristic Chian standard, fill the gap
almost completely. They fit in admirably in point of
style after Canon Greenwell's light didrachm, which,
judging from its incuse, is the oldest of all these coins
with the exception of his two Aeginetan didrachms, 5 and
they show, moreover, several stages of development both
in the obverse type and in the incuse reverse. This can
be readily seen by any one who will compare the plates
of the publications mentioned above. 6
The chief points of difference between these early issues
and the fully developed fifth-century type, or even the
intermediate class already referred to as No. 2 of the
B. M. Cat., are the absence of the customary amphora
everywhere, and, on certain specimens, the raised forepaw
of the sphinx, its curious head-ornament, and the occur-
rence of varying symbols in the field.
The amphora is not an essential part of the main type,
and one would hardly expect to meet with it on the
simpler work of an early period. Still, the introduction
of such a feature is a bigger saltus in the evolution of
the type than any that had taken place previously, and
seems to call for some explanation, such as a slight break
in the coinage. This can be found in the interval between
494 and 478 B.C. when, as it is generally recognized, the
4 Compare Dr. Dressel, op. cit.
5 These pieces belong to quite a different category, and seem to be
undoubtedly seventh-century coins.
8 Dr. Head has already collected all these coins under Chios in his
new edition of the Historic/, Numorum, 1911, but I have recapitulated
them here in order to make my case as complete as possible.
H2
88 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
islanders cannot have been in a condition to coin money.
The terrible vengeance taken by the Persians for the
part Chios had played at the battle of Lade must have
destroyed all political life for a time, even if the island
were not entirely depopulated.
If the sixth-century coinage were made to cease with
the genuinely archaic type of didrachm illustrated here,
Nos, 1 and 2, PI. VII., and if the intermediate class of
refined archaic type were moved forward to the early part
of the next period, say 478-450 B.C., we should then have
a distinct break in style and type as well as in time. As
at present arranged, no greater change appears to have
taken place in the type, after coinage was resumed under
the Athenian hegemony, circa 478 B.C., than is repre-
sented by the comparatively slight transition between
the coins illustrated under Nos. 1 and 3, PI. xxxii. of
the B. M. Cat. : Ionia. Though the foregoing may be
considered a somewhat fanciful argument, a more cogent
reason for the suggested change is to be deduced from
the style of Nos. 2, 3, and 4, PI. xxxii. of the B. M. Cat.,
which is surely too good for the early portion of the
period assigned to them. 7
To return to the principal part of the subject. The
unfamiliar attitude of the sphinx on some of the coins
described by Sir Hermann Weber and Dr. Dressel might
cause dispute as to Chios being their true place of origin. 8
7 Some most interesting examples of transitional coins are illustrated
in the Sale Catalogue, of the Philipsen Collection, Nos. 2243 and 2244,
PI. xxvi. The latter has the letter X engraved in one of the four
depressions of the incuse square. In the Sale Catalogue of the Sherman
Benson Collection, sold at Messrs. Sotheby's in February, 1909, a different
type is illustrated, No. 696, which seems to come between Nos. 1 and 2,
PI. VII., and No. 1, PI. xxxii., B. M. Cat. : Ionia.
8 Compare Dr. Dressel, op. cit.
SOME UNPUBLISHED GREEK COINS. 89
As a matter of fact, the raised forepaw serves as a
connecting link between the early electrum staters
belonging to the Phoenician standard, on some of which
it occurs and with which these silver didrachms are no
doubt contemporary, 9 and the large bronze issues of
Imperial times where this position became the rule.
Further confirmation, too, is afforded by a little electrum
coin of the sixth century published by M. Babelon, on
which a sphinx is depicted seated r. with its off forepaw
raised above the letter X. 10
The so-called " plumes " worn by the sphinx on these
early coins, but discarded later, seem to have been
commonly used on small works of art of the seventh and
sixth centuries. 11
It is hard to say exactly what the ornament is
intended to represent, but M. Babelon's description of it
as a vine-tendril 12 is very attractive on account of the
connexion of the sphinx with the worship of Dionysos.
If his view be accepted, an interesting parallel suggests
itself between the three olive-leaves on the helmet of
Athena at Athens in the fifth and fourth centuries,
8 See No. 2241 Sale Catalogue of Philipsen Collection, sold November,
1909 ; and No. 701, do. do., Lambros Collection, sold November, 1910 ;
also Babelon's TraiU de Num., part i., p. 191, No. 336, PI. viii. 9, where
one of the later electrum staters is figured showing a sphinx seated r.
with its further forepaw raised over an amphora surmounted by a bunch
of grapes. This coin, which weighs 15'34 grammes and is one of the
fifth-century Phocaic staters, thus exhibits the fully developed fifth-
century type combined with the raised forepaw.
10 Babelon's Traite de Num., part i., p. 191, No. 335, PI. viii. 7.
This coin weighs 1-14 grammes, and is a one-twelfth stater of the
Phoenician standard.
11 See Num. Chron. for 1887, PI. IV. 23, 27, and 29, for its occurrence
on coins ; Bull, de Corr. Hell., ii. PI. xvii. 1 and 2, and PI. xviii. 1, for
ivories ; and some of the gold plaques exhibited in the British Museum
from the foundation deposit of the great temple at Ephesus.
12 See Traitt de Num., part i., pp. 190, 191.
90 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
amplified into the wreath encircling the reverse type of
coins of the New Style, 13 and the similarly convention-
alized vine-wreath on the head of the primitive sphinx,
reappearing in a complete form on the reverse of some of
the first-century drachms. 14
With regard to the symbols in the field, the references to
these in the Zeitsclirift fur Numismatik, mentioned above,
are the first that have so far been made to the best of my
knowledge. No. 30 of Dr. Dressel's paper has a rosette
in the field to 1., and No. 33 is described as having a
small head(?) to 1. between the legs of the sphinx.
These symbols must be classed separately like the coins
bearing them. In the case of No. 30, PL viii. 6, which
is the older coin of the two, the rosette looks like a pure
ornament in the Ionian manner, made for the purpose of
filling a blank space in the field ; but the small head (?)
of No. 33 is more in the nature of one of the marks
indicating some particular magistrate or officina. Such
marks were unusual in most mints at this early date,
though they appear to have been customary at Teos. 15
Coins bearing these marks cannot well be alliance pieces
as the adjunct is too insignificant in comparison with the
main part of the type. Besides, as Prof. P. Gardner has
pointed out in his Samos and Samian Coins, pp. 24-26,
their variety, when the symbols in question do occur,
precludes such an assumption. 16
13 See Beule's Monnaies d'Athdnes, p. 82, where, however, the wreath
is traced, perhaps more accurately, to the olive-spray on the old reverse
types.
14 Dr. Head calls this an ivy- wreath in both editions of the Historia
Numorum: Chios. See also No. 4, PI. zxxii., Brit. Mus. Cat. : Ionia,
where the obverse type of a fifth-century didrachm is enclosed in a
vine- wreath.
15 B. M. Cat. : Ionia, pp. 309-312, PI. xxx. 2, 3, 4, and 5.
16 Professor Gardner's No. 11, an electrum hecte of Lesbos referred
SOME UNPUBLISHED GREEK COINS. 91
The following list comprises all the coins that I have
been able to trace bearing these symbols :
Obv. Sphinx of rude archaic style, seated 1., on plain
exergual line. On its head a tendril-like orna-
ment ; in field, a rosette.
Rev. Deep incuse square, plain in the case of No. 1,
roughly quartered in Nos. 2 and 3.
1. Didrachm, published by Canon Green well,
Num. Chron., 1890, p. 4, PI. I. 16. Wt. 105-
grs. (6 '81 grammes).
2. Didrachm, published by Dr. Dressel, Zeit-
schrift fur Num., 1900, pp. 238-241, No. 30,
PI. viii. 6. Wt. 119- grs. (7-73 grammes). In
the Berlin Museum.
3. Didrachm, unpublished, but quoted by Dr.
Head in his Hist. Num.: Chios, .ed. 1911,
p. 599. Wt. 129-9 grs. (8-424 grammes). In
the British Museum.
It cannot be stated positively that there is a rosette
on No. 1, but I venture to include it here as there are
marks on the edge of the coin, judging from the illustra-
tion only, that suggest the presence of such a symbol on
the original die. The whole character of the sphinx too
is so like that of Nos. 2 and 3, that the coin falls naturally
into the same category. The same cannot be said of Sir
Hermann Weber's didrachm, PL XVI. 2 of Nwn. Chron.,
1899, although the sphinx there is also of very similar
style. It may be worth while remarking at this point
that, if the weights are to be trusted, the above group of
three coins represents at least two, and possibly three,
different standards. Canon Greenwell's didrachm, how-
ever, is probably only a light specimen of the ordinary
Chian standard.
to specially on p. 26, op. cit., is of particular interest in the present case
as a cock appears on it below the type. Compare also Head, Hist.
Num., p. 484, ed. 1887.
92 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
Obv. Sphinx of archaic style seated 1. on dotted exergual
line with r. forepaw raised. On its head ten-
dril-like ornament. Between its legs a cock's
head 1. Border of dots.
Rev. Deep incuse square, roughly quartered by lines
of varying thickness.
4. Didrachm, published by Dr. Dressel, Zeitschrift
fiir Num., 1900, pp. 238-241, No.33,Pl.viii. 7.
Wt. 121-2 grs. (7-86 grammes). In the Berlin
Museum.
5. Didrachm, published by Sir H. Weber, Num.
Chron., 1899, p. 277, No. 16, PI. XVI. 4.
Wt. 1119 grs. (7-244 grammes).
6. Didrachm, published now by the kind per-
mission of J. R. McClean, Esq. [PI. VII. 2.]
Wt. 119-7 grs. (7-76 grammes). In the
McClean Collection, Fitzwilliam Museum.
7. Didrachm, published now, PI. VII. 1. Wt.
121-8 grs. (7-895 grammes). In my collec-
tion.
I include Nos. 4 and 5 under this type on grounds of
general resemblance. It is impossible to assert that the
symbol between the legs of the sphinx is a cock's head
in either case, but both coins have some symbol or other
in that position, and it looks very much like the cock's
head on Nos. 6 and 7. It seems as well to notice them
here, therefore, as anywhere else. Although, in all pro-
bability, these four coins represent the same issue, they
are struck from different dies.
Obv. Sphinx of archaic style, seated 1. on plain exergual
line with its r. forepaw raised. On its head
tendril-like ornament. Between its legs a
flower. No border visible.
Rev. Incuse square of four divisions (not illustrated in
catalogue of O'Hagan Collection).
8. Didrachm, forming part of lot 587 of the
O'Hagan Collection, sold in London, May,
1908. Wt. 120- grs. (7-84 grammes).
9. Broken didrachm known to Dr. Dressel.
SOME UNPUBLISHED GEEEK COINS. 93
Dr. Dressel also kindly informs me that he knows of
no other silver coin of Chios of this early period with a
symbol in the field. M. Svoronos writes that he knows of
several such symbols on similar coins in private collec-
tions, but he gives no particulars of them beyond saying
that he has never seen the cock's head.
2. CHIOS.
Obv. Sphinx, with curved wing seated 1. on plain
exergual line. Before it a bunch of grapes.
Border of dots.
Rev. XlflN r., FAAYKOZ 1. of amphora. The whole in
vine-wreath tied below.
M. 0-75 (19-75 mm.); Wt. 54-8 grs.
(3 '55 grammes). Attic drachm. [PI. VII. 3.]
This drachm with the inscription XlflN in place of the
usual XIOZ appears to be unknown. I have been unable
to trace any other specimen. Mr. E. J. Seltman, from
whom I obtained the coin, suggests that it should be
dated 87-85 B.C., or a little while before Sulla made
Chios a free ally of Rome, after which event the well-
known series of Attic drachms is generally supposed to
have begun. The absence of any symbol gives the coin
a comparatively early look if taken by itself, since
symbols were not used on the first bronze issues of this
period. But the low weight, the rough workmanship,
and, above all, the word XinN, prompt me to select the
end of the series, 84 B.C., Imp. Times, instead of its
beginning as the proper place for the coin. There is
no lack of examples of drachms reading XIOZ, of which
17 The ff throughout this paper indicate the position of the dies
when fixed in accordance with the suggestion made by Dr. G. Mac-
donald in Corolla Numismatica, "Fixed and Loose Dies in Coinage."
94 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
the weight approaches much more nearly to the full
Attic standard than in this, and of which the style and
execution are more careful. The prominence of the
breast, too, so noticeable here in spite of the careless
drawing, is characteristic of the bronze coins of Imperial
times, when the female sex of the sphinx was insisted
upon much more than at any previous period of the
island's coinage. At this time, during the second and
third centuries A.D., the word XlfiN entirely superseded
the older XIOI, which up to then had prevailed unaltered.
It is probable, therefore, that in the drachm now pub-
lished, we have one of the latest, if not the very latest,
of the Chian mint's silver issues.
3. CHIOS AND ERYTHRAE.
Obv. AHMOC XIQN above diademed bust of Demos
r. Border of dots.
Eev. OMONOI AXI HN6PV 0PAI QN around Nude
statue of Erythraean Hercules standing r.
on plain exergual line, holding aloft club in r.,
and in 1. extending lion's mask r., from which
the two forepaws hang down. Border of dots.
/^^ M. 0-85 (22-00 mm.); Wt. 61-8 grs.
(4-01 grammes). [PI. VII. 4.]
4. CHIOS AND ERYTHRAE.
Obv. 6PV0PAION above Sphinx, seated 1. on plain
exergual line, raising r. forepaw over amphora
which leans outwards. Border of dots.
Rev. Practically identical with the preceding.
/jsf M. 0-85 (21-25 mm.); Wt. 77-1 grs.
(5-00 grammes). [PI. VII. 5.]
These two coins are of quite different types from the
specimens in the British Museum collection of the
SOME UNPUBLISHED GREEK COINS. 95
so-called alliance coins between Chios and Erythrae. It
is, of course, generally agreed to-day that the 6/uovomt
mentioned on this class of Imperial coins have nothing
in common with the avjLjLa-iai of the free Greek states. 18
5. ATHENS.
Obv. Head of Athena r. of rude archaic style in close-
fitting crested helmet.
Rev. A0[E] r., of Owl standing r., head facing in deep
incuse square. No olive spray.
M. 0-25 (5-75 mm.); Wt. 3-1 grs. (0-217
gramme). Attic tetartemorion of sixth century
B.C. (Bought in Athens.) [PI. VII. 6.]
There is no example of this denomination in the
British Museum Collection, the smallest coin there, be-
longing to the first Athenian issues, being a hemiobol
weighing 5'9 grains = 0*382 gramme. The coin cabinet
of Athens, however, has a similar piece to this weighing
24 grains (0*15 gramme), and that of Berlin has two,
of which one weighs 3'9 grains (O25 gramme) and the
other 2'8 grains (0'18 gramme). There was a good deal
of irregularity in the weighing of the blanks for these
small coins, and it is probable that all the above were
intended for quarter obols, though on the whole the
weights were more generally full than short at this early
period. 19
6. ATHENS.
Obv. Monogram &&. in middle of plain field.
Rev. Athena advancing r., carrying spear in r. hand
and extending 1. She is clothed in a long chiton,
18 Compare Lenormant's La Monnaie dans VAntiquiU, vol. ii.
pp. 60, 61, where the author describes some of these coins as records of
municipal acts of politeness between cities of different standing.
19 Compare Beule's Monnaies d'Atliines, p. 13, note 3, pp. 54, 63.
96 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
and wears besides crested Athenian helmet and
aegis. In field r. coiled serpent with head erect.
The whole in olive-wreath tied below (?).
0*9 /22'75
(8-40 grammes). [PL VII. 7.]
(From the Philipsen Collection, sold at
Munich in November, 1909, lot 995 of Dr.
Hirsch's catalogue.)
Whether this curious bronze piece is to be called a coin
or a tessera is a problem that I do not pretend to be able
to solve. Opinions on the subject are various and con-
tradictory. At first sight it might plausibly be taken
for a tessera on the score of its novel appearance, and its
failure to resemble any known type of Athenian copper
coin, at least on the obverse side. But, as M. Svoronos
says, what kind of tessera? I cannot do better than
quote his words written in reply to my inquiry on the
subject. " The Athenian bronze is most certainly a
coin and not a tessera, having the monogram AGE over-
struck upon the head of Athena. 20 The A0E may well
be a countermark on that Athenian coin, and it is pos-
sible, too, that this countermark had the effect of
changing the coin into a tessera. But what kind of
tessera? We can say nothing positive about this."
The fact that the flan is split would seem to bear out
this theory of overstriking. The question must apparently
be left unsettled for the present, but it is to be noted
that the reverse of the piece does not bear the letters
A0E, without which, in some form or other, none of the
bronze coins of Athens were issued previous to Imperial
times.
20 This refers of course to the obverse type of No. 563 of the B. M. Cat. :
Attica, a variety of which is illustrated, PI. xiv. 8.
SOME UNPUBLISHED GKEEK COINS. 97
7. AEGINA (?).
Obv. Helmeted (?) head r. , like that of Athena on the
late fifth-century coinage at Athens.
Rev. 1A (?) above sea-turtle, head downwards, showing
structure of shell with 10 plates to its carapace.
Incuse circle.
M. 0-2 (5-00 mm.); Wt. 1-4 grs. (0'177
gramme). Attic tetartemorion. [PI. VII. 8.]
(From the Philipsen Collection, sold at
Munich, November, 1909, lot 1029 of Dr.
Hirsch's catalogue.)
In 456 B.C. the island of Aegina became tributary to
Athens, and, though the regular issues of staters closed,
a small currency was inaugurated for local use. This is
represented by the triobol, No. 172 of the British Museum
Cat. : Attica, &c., PI. xxiv. 15, as shown by Mr. Earle Fox
in Corolla Numismatica : "Early Coinages of European
Greece."
After 431 B.C., when the inhabitants were completely
expelled by the Athenians till their restoration under
Lysander in 404 B.C., no money at all is supposed to have
been struck in Aegina, 21 as no local issues were pre-
sumably required. If the evidence of the little coin now
described were above suspicion, it would seem as though
our opinions on this subject, plausible though they are,
would have to be revised. We apparently have a coin
of Athenian weight and fabric 22 bearing the head of the
great tutelary goddess of Athens on the obverse, and the
sea-turtle of Aegina on the reverse, with the letters A I
21 Compare Head, B. M. Cat. : Attica, Introd., p. Ixviii.
22 The distinctive feature about the fabric is the method of striking
employed. As pointed out by Mr. Earle Fox in the paper referred to
above in Cor. Num., all Aeginetan coins are, to use his phrase, anvil-
struck. This coin, like the Athenian issues with which it is compared,
is, on the contrary, punch-struck.
98 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
retrograde. This is more or less what one might have
expected from the Athenian kleruchs, if they had wished
to make a local issue, even down to the adoption of the
sea-turtle on the reverse in place of their parent city's
crescent. 23 The sea-turtle rather than the land-tortoise
bears out Mr. Earle Fox's contention that the latter did
not make its appearance on the Aeginetan coinage till
after the return of the island's original population at the
end of the Peloponnesian war. 24 But it must be admitted
that the head on the obverse is not very like the head
of Athena on the supposed contemporary coins of the
same value at Athens, that the presence of the helmet is
doubtful, and that there is considerable uncertainty
about the letters on the reverse. The coin may belong
to some other mint. Until some more satisfactory source
of origin can be found for it, however, there may be some
justification for weaving a romance about it if it would
at least have the effect of drawing other similar coins
from their hiding-places in private collections.
8. LOCRI OPUNTII.
Obv. Amphora in high relief.
Rev. O in. one division of an incuse square, divided by
broad bands into five unequal parts in the
Aeginetan manner.
M. 0-4 (9-75 mm.); Wt. 9' grs. (0715
gramme). Aeginetic obol. [PI. VII. 9.]
(From the Philipsen Collection, sold at Munich
in November, 1909, lot 812, of Dr. Hirsch's
catalogue, and previously No. 1612 of the
Rhousopoulos Collection.)
This obol seems to be made in imitation of the
23 Compare B. M. Cat. : Attica, Nos. 197-206, and PI. v. 21.
24 Compare Earle Fox, op. tit.
SOME UNPUBLISHED GREEK COINS. 99
Aeginetan coinage, like the early issues of the neigh-
bouring city of Orchomenus in Boeotia. 25 As in the case
of the sprouting wheat-ear at Orchomenus, the amphora
on this coin comes sufficiently near to the tortoise in
appearance to be a colourable imitation of it, and the
incuse device of the reverse is closely modelled on the
late fifth-century Aeginetan pattern. 26
The earliest coins of Opous, properly speaking, in the
National Collection are the obols, Nos. 2-6 of the
B. M. Cat.: Central Greece, illustrated PI. i. 2, and
dated 387-369 B.C. Before them, circa 400-387 B.C., is
placed an obol, No. 1 of the Catalogue, PI. i. 1, which
has A on the reverse. Although this A, no doubt, stands
for AOKPQN, the O on the obverse probably shows that
Opous was the recognized place of mintage even at this
period. There seems, therefore, to be no objection to
placing the above piece a little earlier still on the
strength of its reverse, which, although only a conven-
tionalized incuse square, is older than the genuine
reverse type of No. 1, B. M. Cat. : Central Greece. 21
Since, according to Mr. Earle Fox's theory referred to
above, his Class v. of the Aeginetan coinage, on which
the first " testudo G-raeca " appears, did not begin till
404 B.C., there is no necessity for assigning this coin
to any earlier date than the opening of the period
400-387 B.C.
25 B. M. Cat. : Central Greece, Introd., p. xxxvi., and PI. viii. 3 and 6.
See also G. F. Hill's Historical Greek Coins, pp. 6, 7.
26 B. M. Cat. : Attica, PI. xxiv. 16 and 17. Earle Fox's class v.,
Cor. Num., p. 36.
27 Another reason for giving this coin an earlier date than the existing
B. Mus. specimens is that it is anvil-struck, like all Aeginetan coins,
whereas all subsequent types of Opous are punch-struck. Compare
Earle Fox, op. cit., p. 41, for a similar change at Corinth.
100 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
9. SYRACUSE.
Obv. Head of Pallas, full-face inclined to 1., in crested
Athenian helmet.
R ev Nude horseman walking r. on plain exergual
line. In field 1. above, eight-rayed star.
JR. O5 (12-75 mm.); Wt. 19- grs. (1'24
grammes). 1^-litra piece. [PL VII. 10.]
In Dr. Head's Coins of Syracuse, p. 29, the silver issues
of the restored democracy under Timoleon are tabulated.
The above coin clearly belongs to these issues, but it
differs from the varieties enumerated by Dr. Head in the
following particulars. His 1^-litra pieces are of two
different obverse types one with the head of Kyane to
1., and the other with that of Arethusa to 1. with dolphins.
Both these types have a half-pegasus on the reverse, and,
consequently, bear no resemblance to the above. On the
other hand, when this type does appear in Dr. Head's
list, it is on pieces of 2^ litrae, and the obverse has two
dolphins facing, in addition to the full-faced head of
Pallas. 28 This coin, being in very good condition, cannot
have lost much weight, and therefore seems to provide
us with a new type for the 1^-litra denomination.
My thanks are due to all the gentlemen who have so
kindly supplied me with information about the coins of
Chios : Dr. Dressel of Berlin, MM. Babelon and Svoronos
of Paris and Athens, Mr. Macdonald of Glasgow, and
Messrs. Wroth and Hill of the British Museum ; to Mr.
McClean for giving me permission to publish his
didrachm; and to Mr. E. J. Seltman, to whose keen
observation I owe the pleasure of possessing several of
the above-mentioned coins.
J. MAVROGORDATO.
28 Compare Head's Coins of Syracuse, PI. vi. 9, 11, and 14.
VI.
ON THE DATED COINS OF JULIUS CAESAR
AND MAEK ANTONY.
FIG. 1. Aureus of Julius Caesar with 11.
AMONG the most vexed problems of Roman numismatics
is to be reckoned the interpretation of certain coins of
Julius Caesar and Mark Antony which are inscribed
with numerals apparently indicating the age of the
issuing personage. 1 The precise meaning of these
symbols has been canvassed by numerous writers, but
no obviously satisfactory explanation of them has yet
been given. It may therefore be permitted to renew in
these pages the discussion of the subject.
On the coins of Julius Caesar the numeral n
has been held to subserve two purposes it signifies
that the mintage was a birthday issue, 2 and it reminds
the public who used this money that Caesar had reached
1 Babelon, Monnaies Consulaires, vol. ii. pp. 17-18 ; Cohen, vol. i.
pp. 10-11 ; Hill, Historical Roman Coins, pi. xi. nos. 58-9, and p.
103 ; Grueber, Coins of the Roman Republic, i. p. 505, nos. 3953-8.
2 Hill, loc. cit.
VOL. XI., SERIES IV. I
102 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
the age which qualified him to stand for a second
consulship. 3
The former of these hypotheses, though at first sight
the most alluring, will scarcely bear a closer scrutiny.
As the pieces in question are of Koman fabric, 4 they
could not have been struck before 49 B.C., the year of
Caesar's return to Koine from Gaul. But the birthday
which Caesar celebrated in 49 B.C. was his 53rd, not
his 52nd, 5 and cannot have been expressed by the
symbol 111.
Also by the time his birthday came round the exact
date is July llth Caesar had long ago exhausted the
Roman treasury ; already depleted on his arrival in Rome,
it was left absolutely empty by his depredations in the
month of April. Thus it is difficult to conceive from
what source the bullion for the mintage of July could
have been provided. Again, the coinage under con-
sideration was clearly of a military character, and no
doubt intended in the first place for the payment of
Caesar's troops. But the bulk of these had been trans-
ported to Spain during the spring, and therefore could
have benefited little by a contemporary striking of
money in Eome.
The " consular " theory is also open to several
objections, (a) Modern scholars who have duly read up
the matter in Momnisen's Staatsrecht may be aware that
52 was the age at which a man, after obtaining his first
consulship at 43, was legally entitled to sue for a second
3 Hill, loc. tit. ; De Sails, Revue Arch&ologique, July, 1866, pp. 17-22 ;
Grueber, i. p. 505 n.
4 De Salis, loc. cit.
4 Mommsen, History of Borne (Engl. Transl. ; ed. 1894), iv. p. 278 n.
The above objection still holds good, mutatis mutandis, if the traditional
date of Caesar's birth, 100 B.C., be retained.
DATED COINS OF J. CAESAR AND M. ANTONY. 103
tenure of office. But can the average Roman voter be
credited with such knowledge of the minutiae of the
Eoman constitution? Surely the hint embodied in the
cryptic XI I would have been too delicate to convey
the required information to the electors, (b) The
question of Caesar's re-election to the consulship was
no doubt a matter of burning importance to him so long
as he was seeking to evade impeachment by the peaceful
expedient of stepping out of one magistracy into another.
Once Caesar had crossed the Kubicon and thrown
constitutional procedure to the winds his investment
with office became a matter of indifference to him. It
remains true that he was in point of fact returned
consul for 48 B.C., but it does not follow that he had
courted this honour. Indeed, in April, 49, the time at
which he most probably struck the coins, 6 he had been
driven by the exigencies of his position to take a highly
arbitrary line of action and to cause widespread dis-
content by his autocratic methods. 7 It is therefore most
unlikely that Caesar selected this moment for soliciting
appointment to a constitutional post.
In the search for an alternative solution of the problem
it may be useful to consider the symbol 11 in connexion
with the reverse type of these coins, which in every case
displays an ostentatious trophy of Gallic spoil. This design
constitutes a veritable type parlant, for it illustrates most
aptly the reply made by Caesar to those who upbraided
him for raiding the reserve fund of the Eoman treasury, 8
6 This is the date accepted by de Salis and Grueber (locc. citt.).
1 Cicero, Ad Atticum, x. 4-8 ; x. 8-6 ; Plutarch, Caesar, ch. 35.
8 Appian, Bell. Civ., ii. 41 : rS>v re atyavaruv enivti
7rctA.at ffvv apo. 8rj/to<riaj reD^t/at, fufy ffaXeve
i. & 8e tfyi) Ke \TOVS avrbs es T
f ir6\ei rfyvapdv.
i 2
104 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
and it is all the more topical for being in all probability
graven upon the very metal whose appropriation Caesar
was seeking to justify. Now the publication of Caesar's
age may be taken as standing in relation to this pictorial
argument. The year of Caesar's birth, 102 B.C., is
distinguished in Eoman history by the repulse of the
Teutones and the reconquest of Roman Gaul at the
hands of C. Marius. This exploit of a kinsman Caesar
had been ever ready to bring back to the notice of the
public, 9 and fifty-two years after the event he had a very
special reason for recalling it to memory. Caesar him-
self by his recent conquests in Gaul had repeated
Marius' achievement on a larger scale : Marius had
stayed, Caesar had ended the northern peril. On this
showing the numeral J.U on Caesar's coins reinforced the
lesson of their reverse type : it invited comparison
between the events of 102 B.C. and those preceding his
return to Kome, and thus set him off as the second and
chief defender of Rome's northern frontier.
FIG. 2. Quinarius of Mark Antony with XL.
For the coins of Mark Antony which bear the symbols
XL and XLI 10 the current explanation is that they were
issued as a donative on the occasion of his birthday. In
the case of the coin marked XL the theory can hardly be
made consistent with chronology. Antony's natal year
' Suetonius, Divus Julius, ch. 11.
10 Babelon, op. cit., i. pp. 168-9, nos. 32 and 32a ; Cohen, vol. i. p.
51 ; Hill, op. cit., pi. xiii. nos. 76-7, and pp. 124-5 ; Grueber, op. cit.,
ii. pp. 394-7, nos. 40-45, 48-51.
DATED COINS OF J. CAESAR AND M. ANTONY. 105
was not 82 B.C., as has been commonly supposed, but 83 ; u
and it is highly probable that his birth took place in one
of the earlier months. 12 His fortieth birthday would thus
fall in a portion of the year 43, in which Antony neither
had any surplus funds for a donative nor yet any
authority to strike money at Lugudunum, the place at
which the coin was minted. 13
The legend LVGVDVNl on this same piece has been
regarded as a record of the opening of a new mint at
the foundation of that town. 14 This suggestion fits in
admirably with the interpretation of XL as marking the
age of Antony, for the date of Lugudunum's birth is
43 B.C. It remains to inquire why this inaugural issue
should make such unmistakable reference to Antony as
is contained in the legend XL. A clue may be found in
a passage of the Apotheosis of Claudius (ch. 6), where
the emperor Claudius, a native of Lugudunum, is de-
scribed as municeps Hard (sc. Antoni ; the readings
Planci and Munati have no MS. authority).
11 This point has been conclusively established by Gardthausen,
Augustus, vol. ii. p. 5, note 22.
12 Antony's last birthday was the occasion of a reconciliation
between him and Cleopatra, which caused Octavian to depart from
Italy before the end of the wintry season (Plutarch, Antonius, chs.
33_/iTO., 34 init.). The festival must have preceded Octavian's departure
by some weeks, and therefore cannot have taken place later than
February. On the other hand it cannot be referred back to the end
of 31 B.C., for this would leave no room for the numerous events
described by Plutarch, chs. 68-73, as falling between Antony's birthday
and the battle of Actium (September 2nd).
13 Plancus, the governor of Gallia Comata, remained ostensibly
loyal to the Senate till June, 43 (Cicero, Ad Familiares, xi. 13).
14 F. Bompois, Revue Numismatique, 1868, pp. 78-83. That the coin
marked XL was a military and not a municipal one, as Bompois sup-
poses, is shown by the type and legend (H. Willers, Numismatische
Zeitschrift, 1902, p. 85), and by the statement of Strabo (iv. p. 192) that
the A/ and A* coins of Lugudunum were proconsular.
106 NUMISMATIC CHEONICLE.
Further evidence of Antony's connexion with Lugudu-
num may be derived from a chronological consideration.
The senate's decree by which Munatius Plancus was
empowered to constitute Lugudunum as a municipium
was not issued until after the battle of Mutina 15 (end of
April, 43). In the ensuing two months Plancus could
not possibly have executed the commission, as during
this period he was demonstrably engaged in other
business at a distance from Lugudunum. 16 In the course
of June he placed himself under the imperium of Antony,
and even if at a later period of the year he took a share
in the foundation of the town he did so only as an agent
of his new chief. 17 The conclusion, therefore, is that
Antony became the official founder of Lugudunum, and
ranked not merely as its municeps but as its patronus. 18
If this argument be admitted, the symbol XL may be
regarded as an attempt to chronicle the establishment of
15 In the preamble of its despatch the Senate mentioned that it had
no further need of the services of Plancus (and Lepidus) Dio Cassius,
46. 50. This assertion is absolutely contrary to the complaisant tone
of the republicans in dealing with Plancus before the battle of Mutina.
16 Cicero, Ad Familiares, x. 9, 11, 15, 17, 18, 21, 23, 24.
' 7 A. de Boissieu, Inscriptions antiques de Lyon, p. 125 sqq. The
fact that Plancus settled a body of colonists at Lugudunum is attested
beyond dispute by C. I. L., x. 6087. But the organization of Lugu-
dunum as a colonia may have been subsequent to its establishment as
a municipium. Indeed the balance of evidence is in favour of this
assumption. For (a) C. J. L., x. 6087, mentions the colonization of Lugu-
dunum by Plancus subsequently to his land distribution at Beneventum
(after the battle of Actium), and conjointly with his foundation of
Baurica, which is proved by its modern name " Augst," to have carried
the title " Augusta," and therefore cannot be dated back beyond 27 B.C.
(b) Seneca, Ep., xci. 14, alludes to a conflagration at Lugudunum as
having occurred a hundred years after the colonization of the town. As
the fire took place in all probability during A.D. 64 (Tacitus, Ann. , xvi.
13 ; Hilgenfeld in Neue Jahrbilcher fur Pkilologie, Supplement 17, pp.
667-676), the colonization of Lugudunum cannot be referred to 43 B.C.
18 The connexion between the numeral XL and Antony's presence
at Lyon in 43 B.C. is also noted by Grueber, op. cit., ii. p. 394, n. 3.
DATED COINS OF J. CAESAK AND M. ANTONY. 107
the town by reference to the years of life of its patronus.
This method of dating by personal eras was notoriously
common in post- Alexandrine Greece ; and a close parallel
to the present case is provided by a coin of Nemausus,
which commemorates a visit of Augustus in 16 B.C., with
an inscription IA, denoting the 14th year of Augustus'
rule as computed from 31 or 30 B.C. 19 Except that the
symbol I A indicates a regnal year and XL a natal one
a difference due to Augustus in 16 B.C. being already re-
garded by the provincials as a monarch, whereas Antony
in the summer of 43 B.C. merely possessed a somewhat
doubtful " imperium " of the ordinary republican character
the analogy between the two numerals is complete :
the device in either case was intended as a subtle com-
pliment by which the history of the city was connected
with that of its patron.
The coin inscribed XLI may perfectly well be ex-
plained by the " birthday " hypothesis, for in the early
months of 42 B.C. Antony would have been in a position
to issue a donative currency. At the same time it is
equally possible to regard it as a lineal successor of the
coin marked XL. The subsequent discontinuance of this
19 A. v. Sallet, Zeitschrift fttr Numismatik, 1885, pp. 376-381; 0.
Hirschfeld, Wiener Studien, 1883, pp. 319-322. The interpretation of
the sign LI A as a numeral has been called into dispute, but Hirschfeld
has satisfied himself by autopsy that his view is the correct one. The
indistinctness of the lettering is simply due to the general roughness
of execution of the coin. Those who maintain that the forms LIA
are merely a decorative pattern are bound to explain why this piece of
meaningless decoration has been specially inset in a reserved space on
a prominent part of the coin.
The era on this coin is not a Eoman but an Egyptian one. This
singularity, as well as the crocodile and papyrus of the reverse type,
has been felicitously explained by Hirschfeld by the suggestion that
the colonists of Nemausus were Egyptian or Egyptianized soldiers
formerly in the service of Antony.
108
NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
series was no doubt due to the transference of Gaul from
the imperium of Antony to that of his rival Octavian by
the treaty of Brundisium (40 B.C.).
ADDITIONAL NOTE. Mr. Grueber has kindly suggested to
me that the era denoted by the mark IA on the coin of
Nemausus is derived, not from the investment of Augustus
with the kingship of Egypt, but from the battle of Actium.
This explanation is certainly more simple than that of
Hirschfeld ; and the analogy thus established with the mark
XL on Antony's coin becomes still more complete, as
Augustus' era no less than Antony's now acquires an
unofficial character.
M. CASPARI.
VII.
COINAGES OF THE TEIUMVIES, ANTONY,
LEPIDUS, AND OCTAVIAN, ILLUSTEATIVE
OF THE HISTOEY OF THE TIMES.
(See Plates VIII. and IX.)
IN selecting this particular period of the coinage of
Eome for the subject of this paper, I have been induced
to do so because by no other series of coins is the
development and extension of the Early Eoman Empire
more fully and vividly illustrated. The coins, which
are chiefly of gold and silver, the aureus and the
denarius, are in their types commemorative of most of
the principal events of those stirring times, and they
form a long series of contemporary records. In fact,
they take the place of medals of more recent date. I
shall take the coins in their chronological order, pre-
facing each issue by a few historical remarks, avoiding
detail so far as possible.
It was on the Ides or 15th March, 44 B.C., that Eome
witnessed one of the greatest tragedies in her history.
Caesar, the Conqueror, the Dictator, was assassinated by
those whom he had deemed his nearest and most trusty
friends. Till within a few months of his death Caesar
had spent his life in the battle-field. There was no
part of the Empire which had not been the scene of his
great military genius, and only recently by his victories
110 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
in Spain, Greece, and Africa had he broken up and
humbled the Pompeians. He was now able to turn his
attention to the internal regulation of the State. The
evils which he endeavoured to remedy were of old stand-
ing, and his active engagement in all political matters
from early youth made him familiar with every weak
point and with all the proposed remedies. Scarcely had
he entered on this task than he fell under the daggers
of the assassins. It is not necessary to depict the
consternation which prevailed in the capital. Amidst
all the turmoil and confusion there was one who main-
tained a comparative calm. This was Mark Antony,
Caesar's colleague in the consulship for the year. He
had a difficult part to play. Was he to take sides with
the conspirators, or was he to play a more subtle game
and obtain for himself a position which his colleague
had occupied ? The latter policy prevailed, and his first
act was to come to terms with the Senate. Having
obtained from Calpurnia, Caesar's wife, the papers of
her husband, Antony induced that body to recognize
the Acts of the Dictator and to accept a number of laws
which he alleged were amongst Caesar's papers, and
which already bore his signature. The Dictator's will
was immediately made public, and by his oration over
the body of Caesar, Antony so raised the feelings of
the populace against the murderers that they were com-
pelled to withdraw from the city. Antony was now the
most prominent man in the State, and he seemed likely
to obtain the position which Caesar had occupied.
Of this circumstance we possess some numismatic
evidence in a denarius, which must have been exten-
sively struck, as even at the present time it is not of any
particular rarity. It shows on the obverse the veiled
COINAGES OF THE TRIUMVIRS. Ill
head of Antony as augur with the symbols of his office,
the lituus and the one-handled jug (the capis), and on
the reverse a horseman (desultor) with two horses [PI.
VIII. 1]. This coin was issued by the moneyer or
triumvir of the Mint, P. Sepullius Macer, who but a few
weeks before had struck another piece with the same
reverse type, but having on the obverse the portrait of
Julius Caesar. This type was intended to commemorate
the numerous spectacles with which the latter had
recently entertained the people. It was also earlier in
the year that the Senate ordered that the portrait of
Caesar should be placed on the coinage : so we know the
precise date and also month of the issue of this coin of
Antony. I shall refer later to the subject of portraiture
on the Roman coinage.
A new and unexpected actor now appeared on the
scene in the person of the young Octavius, the adopted
son and great-nephew of the Dictator. He was in
Illyricum, to which province Caesar had sent him to com-
bine the study of the arts and arms, when he heard of
the murder of his great-uncle. At first Octavius hesitated
what course to take, but urged on by his friend Agrippa,
he proceeded to Italy, and on his arrival he heard of his
adoption into the gens Julia, and of his being the heir
of Caesar. At Brundusium he was saluted by his
soldiers as Caesar, and armed with copies of his uncle's
will, and the decrees of the Senate, he boldly assumed
the designation of Caius Julius Caesar Oetavianus. At
the beginning of May, Octavian, as we shall now call
him, arrived in Eome and demanded nothing but the
private property which Caesar had left him, but at the
same time he declared that he was resolved to avenge
the murder of his benefactor. Antony, who had in his
112 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
possession the money and papers of Caesar, refused to
give them up, but Octavian, having declared in the
usual way before the praetor that he accepted the
inheritance, and having promised to give to the people
a portion of his uncle's property, which had been be-
queathed to them by will, ultimately prevailed, and
thus won not only the favour of the people but also
the good-will of the Senate. An open breach between
Antony and Octavian was now inevitable, and each one
took steps to establish his position by an appeal to
military force. Antony went to Brundusium to take
command of the legions which had arrived from Greece,
and Octavian began collecting an army in Campania.
The struggle was, however, not to take place in the
neighbourhood of Eome, but at Mutina in Cisalpine Gaul,
which province had been given by Caesar in the previous
year to Decimus Brutus, but which Antony had since
persuaded the Senate to hand over to him. Finding
that his popularity in the Senate was on the wane,
Antony towards the end of November proceeded to
Cisalpine Gaul and laid siege to Mutina, where Decimus
Brutus had taken refuge. At Eome Antony was declared
a public enemy, and the Senate having determined to
support the cause of Brutus, the conduct of the war was
entrusted to the young Octavian and the consuls Hirtius
and Pansa. This was early in 43 B.C. Several battles
were fought with varied success, till at length in the
engagement of the 27th April, known as the battle of
Mutina, Antony was completely defeated. His position
was now alarming and almost desperate, as Lepidus, who
was Governor of Gallia Narbonensis, had not declared
which party he was inclined to support. Antony, how-
ever, played the role of flatterer with success, and the
COINAGES OF THE TRIUMVIRS.
113
two generals met with all their forces near Forum Julia,
27th May, 43 B.C. They were now able not only to
defend their position, but if necessary to prosecute the
war with greater vigour than ever.
This union of Antony and Lepidus is commemorated
by some interesting coins struck by the former in the
newly founded city of Lugdunum, which he made his
headquarters. They consist of denarii and quinarii, i.e.
half- denarii [PI. VIII. 2]. They have on the obverse
the name of Antony, which is accompanied by the attri-
butes of the augurship and a raven ; and on the reverse
the name of Lepidus and the emblems of the pontificate,
of which Lepidus had been elected chief, Pontifex
Maximus, on the death of Caesar. The presence of the
raven has not been satisfactorily explained, but as it is
accompanied by the lituus it must refer to the auguries.
The fact that the bird is placed on the right shows that
the omen was favourable. There is no hesitation in
assigning these coins to Lugdunum as there exist
similar pieces of the time bearing the name of that city,
and others bearing also the name of Antony.
Whilst this was happening in Gaul, Octavian was
shaping his future course of action in Italy. Both the
consuls Hirtius and Pansa having fallen at Mutina,
Octavian determined to obtain the consulship for him-
self, and with that purpose he set out with his army to
the capital, where he had encountered some opposition
from Cicero. Nothing daunted he arrived in Kome at
the head of his legions, and the Senate having no troops
to oppose him could offer no resistance, and on the
19th August, 43 B.C., Octavian with his cousin Q. Pedius
entered upon the consulship. The obsequious Senate
now proceeded to heap honours upon him. The Lex
114
NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
Curiata for his adoption under Caesar's will was at once
passed, and he was now by right as well as by courtesy
a Caesar. 1 He was to have money to pay the promised
bounties, to enjoy an imperium when with an army
superior to the consuls, to do what was necessary for the
protection of the city, and to take over the army lately
assigned to Decimus Brutus. His colleague Pedius at
the same time proposed a law by which the murderers
of Caesar were punished with aquae et ignis interdictio,
that is, with outlawry.
The events just mentioned did not pass without some
numismatic record. Velleius Paterculus (ii. 61) tells us
that amongst the honours paid to Octavian on his return
from the siege of Mutina was the erection of an equestrian
statue of him which was placed on the Kostra in the
Forum. This statue is shown on a gold coin having on
the obverse the portrait of Octavian, and on the reverse
an equestrian figure of Octavian holding in his right
hand a lituus ; below is represented a rostrum or prow
accompanied by the letters s.C. (Senatus consulto) [PI.
VIII. 3]. This inscription at once identifies it as having
been erected by order of the Senate. Till recently this
coin, on account of the presence of the rostrum, was
supposed to relate to the battle of Actium, and it was
held that the equestrian figure was not of Octavian, but
that it represented Eutyches and his ass Nikon, whom
Octavian met on the morning of the battle of Actium.
Octavian addressed the man and asked him who he was,
and he replied, "I am Eutyches, and this is my ass
Nikon." Octavian considered this meeting a happy
omen, and after the battle he caused a statue of Eutyches
and his ass to be erected on the spot where they had
1 E. S. Schuckburgh, Augustus, p. 68.
COINAGES OF THE TRIUMVIRS. 115
met. This identification, however, cannot be accepted,
because Octavian on this coin is represented with a beard,
which he did not wear after the battle of Naulochus, in
36 B.C., when Sextus Pompey, the last of the Pompeians,
was driven from Sicily. It is, however, possible that this
coin was not struck till somewhat after the event which
it records, as it was probably issued at Lugdunum after
Octavian had received the government of Gallia Trans-
alpina. Though it may not be contemporary, it, however,
records the event which we have mentioned.
Octavian remained in Borne only a short time, just to
see his measures carried out, and leaving the city under
the care of his colleague Pedius, he proceeded north with
the professed object of destroying Decimus Brutus, who
under the lex Pedia was now a condemned man. His
real purpose, however, was to come to an understanding
with Antony. Communications passed between them,
and it was arranged that Antony should crush Decimus
Brutus, and that Pedius should get the Senate to rescind
the decrees which declared Antony and Lepidus " enemies
of the State." The plans were successful. Decimus Brutus,
deserted by his troops, attempted to escape to Macedon
to join his brother Marcus, but he was betrayed by the
Gaulish chief Camillus, on whom he had formerly con-
ferred many favours, and by order of Antony he was put
to death. Antony then continued his march as though
to attack Octavian. The real intention, however, on both
sides was to come to terms, and in November, 43 B.C.,
on an island in a tributary of the Po, between Mutina
and Bononia, the three leaders, Antony, Lepidus, and
Octavian, met in conference. The result of the conclave
is thus recounted by Appian (Sell. Civ., iv. 2, 3) : " They
were in conference from morning till night for two days,
116 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
and came to this decision : that Octavian should resign
the consulship, and that Ventidius should take it for the
remainder of the year ; that a new magistracy for quieting
the civil dissensions should be created by law, which
Lepidus, Antony, and Octavian should hold for five years
with consular power with the title of triumviri, or tresviri,
reipublicae eonstituendae (for this title seemed preferable to
that of dictator, perhaps because of Antony's decree
abolishing the dictatorship); that these three should at
once designate the yearly magistrates of the city for five
years; that a distribution of the provinces should be
made, giving to Antony the whole of Gaul except the
part bordering the Pyrenees, which was called Old Gaul.
The latter, together with Spain, was assigned to Lepidus,
while Octavian was to have Africa, Sardinia, and Sicily,
and the other islands in the vicinity.
" Thus was the dominion of the Eomans divided by the
triumvirate amongst themselves. The assignment of the
parts beyond the Adriatic only was postponed, since they
were still under the government of Brutus and Cassius,
against whom Antony and Octavian were to wage war.
Lepidus was to be consul the following year and to
remain in Rome to do what was needful there, meanwhile
governing Spain by proxy."
By this arrangement it will be noticed that no mention
is made of Italy, as it was decided that it should remain
neutral ground as being the centre of liberty. Further,
Octavian undertook to put down Sextus Pompey, who
had possessed himself of Sicily. The triumvirate was
practically a dictatorship in commission ; their acta were
to be authoritative ; they were to be independent of the
Senate, superior to all magistrates, and to have the right
of proposing laws in the Comitia. Such a procedure Was
COINAGES OF THE TRIUMVIRS. 117
without parallel in history, and the terms of the agree-
ment were received with consternation in the capital ; but
deprived of the army the Senate had again to give way.
To commemorate the formation of the triumvirate, and
no doubt to instil its importance into the minds of the
populace, and more especially of the army, Antony
caused to be struck at Lugdunum, which was soon to
become the chief city of Transalpine Gaul, a series of
gold coins, aurei, bearing his portrait and those of his
colleagues. There were two separate issues, one with his
own portrait and that of Lepidus [PI. VIII. 4], the other
also with his portrait and that of Octavian [PL VIII. 5].
This circumstance shows that the coins were issued under
the orders of Antony, as there are no specimens which
give a combination of the portraits of Lepidus and
Octavian. On these coins each triumvir is given his
so-called official title in an abbreviated form, that is,
III VI R R. P. C. (Triumvir reipublicae constituendae). The
portraits cannot be said to be a work of art ; but this is
to be accounted for by the circumstance that the coins
were struck in a province where skilful die-engravers
were not obtainable. Moreover, as already mentioned,
the city of Lugdunum, where the coins were issued, was
of recent foundation, and at the time must have covered
a limited area.
It is probable that two points in connexion with this
local money may appear to be somewhat extraordinary :
one that we should have under a republic coinages issued
by generals without any apparent official stamp; the
other that some of the coins should bear portraits of
living men, an honour which is usually associated with
supreme kingly power. I shall therefore interrupt my
narrative to recount how this came about.
VOL. XI., SERIES IV. K
118 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
First of all as to the right or power to issue such coins.
To explain this I must go back to earlier days.
A few years after Rome had instituted her silver
coinage in the capital, which was in 268 B.C., she estab-
lished local issues of coins of the same metals, types, and
standards. This was done to relieve the pressure on the
Central Mint, and also to provide on the spot her legions
with the necessary supply of money for their pay. It
was of the nature of a military coinage. These local
issues were of two classes : one struck at various cities
under Koman suzerainty, such as Luceria, Beneventum,
Canusium, Hatria, Vibo, Croton, Capua, &c. ; the other
by moneyers, who under the control of the central
Mint performed their duties at the various military
centres. The city mints did not last long, for they came
to an end soon after the Second Punic War, c. 200 B.C.
The coinages of the local moneyers, however, continued
down to the early years of the first century B.C., when
they were put an end to by the passing of the Lex Julia
de civitate soeiis et Latinis danda in 90 B.C., and the Lex
Plautia Papiria de civitate soeiis danda in the following
year, which granted the rights and privileges of citizen-
ship to all the Italian States. These laws had the effect
of suppressing all issues of coins in Italy outside Rome.
The policy to be pursued by Rome was to consolidate
her dominion and to centralize her control, and in order
to carry out this policy it would appear that one of her
first acts was to abolish all independent coinages through-
out Italy, and so to put an end to separate and inde-
pendent action. 2
During the continuation of these local issues the supply
of money was sufficient to provide for the payment of
2 Cat. Roman Coins, Brit. Mus., vol. ii. p. 144.
COINAGES OF THE TRIUMVIRS. 119
the armies which were stationed in the provinces, but
when they were abolished the strain became so great on
the Central Mint that the Senate was compelled to
discover some mode of relief. A way out of the difficulty
was found by investing the generals in command of armies
with the power or imperium of striking money. This
they could do in their own names, or they could delegate
the authority to a subordinate officer, such as a legate,
a quaestor, a proquaestor, or some other person of military
rank.
This provincial money was instituted simultaneously
in the three principal divisions of the Empire, Spain,
Gaul, and the East, the latter including Greece and Asia
Minor. In Spain we have the coinages of the proconsul,
C. Annius Luscus, Q. Caecilius Metellus Pius, and
Pompey the Great, all of whom commanded in the
Sertorian war. In Gaul the only coinage is that of the
imperator, C. Valerius Flaccus, and in the East we have
those of Sulla and his quaestors, Lucius and Aulus
Manlius. These coinages were instituted simultaneously
in 82 B.C.
At first this right of striking money was but little
exercised by the commanders, and it was not until the
outbreak of the Civil War between Pompey and Caesar
that the provincial issues became general. Caesar was
the first to revive them in Gaul in 50 B.C., and his
example was quickly followed by the Pompeian leaders
in Spain and the East ; so that we have a series of coins
which commemorate the chief events in the provinces
from 49 B.C. to the death of Julius Caesar. The generals
now looked upon the privilege of coinage as a prescribed
right, and it was in virtue of this authority that Antony
began to strike money for the payment of his soldiers so
K2
120 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
soon as he arrived in Gaul after his failure at Mutina.
His example was followed throughout the provinces,
East and West, down at least till the time of the close
of the triumvirate, not only by the triumvirs themselves
and by their own generals, but also by those who were
opposed to them. It is this circumstance that makes the
coinages of the period of the triumvirate so interest-
ing, as they illustrate most of the chief events of the
time.
I will now briefly refer to the question of portraiture.
The type of the obverse of the denarius, which was the
unit of the silver coinage of Rome, was a head, male or
female. At first the head depicted was that of Roma
wearing a winged helmet. This type remained un-
changed for over 150 years, and the first break in its
continuity occurred on some denarii struck in 100 B.C.
by the quaestors L. Calpurnius Piso and Q Servilius
Caepio. The obverse of these coins shows the head of
Saturn and the reverse the two quaestors seated. This
coinage was a special one struck to provide for a largess
of corn ; and as the precise date of its issue is known, we
can fix this first change of the obverse type to the actual
year of its occurrence. 3 In spite of this sudden encroach-
ment the head of Roma still remained the prevailing
obverse type, but soon, like that of the reverse, it had to
give way to frequent changes, and we meet with those of
various divinities : Pietas, Vulcan, Saturn, Mars, Juno,
Minerva, Hercules, and others. A little later, that is,
after c. 80 B.C., some of the moneyers who were
members of the patrician families went one step further,
and extolled the antiquity of their descent by supplying
imaginary portraits of their supposed ancestors. We
3 Cat. Roman Coins, Brit. Mus., vol. i. p. 170, pi. xxix. 12.
COINAGES OF THE TRIUMVIRS. 121
therefore meet with the heads of Numa Ponipilius and
Ancus Marcius on coins of the Marcia gens ; of Koinulus
on coins of the Memmii ; and of Fontus, the son of Janus,
on those of the Fonteia gens. The moneyers were,
however, not long content to seek subjects for illustra-
tion of so early a period ; and they proceeded to figure
their less remote ancestors, who had won glory in the
service of their country. As examples may be mentioned
the portraits of Cornelius Scipio Africanus the Elder,
of Servius Sulpicius Rufus, famous for his relief of
Tusculum, and of M. Claudius Marcellus, the most
illustrious of the Marcelli, who was consul five times.
Of a still more recent date are the portraits of C. Coelius
Caldus, Sulla, C. Antius Eestio, Q. Postumius Albinus,
which are figured by their sons and grandsons; but
amongst all these types no portrait was given of a
living person who was contemporary with the issue of
the coin. These are historical memorials and do not
affect to be true portraiture.
The sanctity of the obverse had thus been secularized,
and it needed only one step further to bring the designs
on both faces of the coin into line, the reverse types
having for some time often recorded contemporary
events. This step was accomplished in 44 B.C., when
the Senate ordered that the portrait or effigy of Caesar
should be placed on the coinage. Caesar was now to
occupy a place which had hitherto been reserved for
divinities or for the great heroes of the past. 4
As this is the first instance of the portrait of a living
personage and of one who effected so much in the future
destiny of Rome, one example out of many may be cited.
The obverse of the coin, a denarius, struck by the
4 Macdonald, Coin Types, p. 193.
122 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
moneyer L. Aemilius Buca, gives the laureate head of
Caesar, and on the reverse the caduceus, the fasces, and
the celestial globe are symbolical of Caesar's universal
power ; and the united hands may typify the cordial and
peaceful feeling between himself and the Eoman people
[PI. VIII. 6]. The celestial globe may also record
Caesar's reformation of the Calendar. The portrait as
given on the coin corresponds closely with the appear-
ance of Caesar as described by Suetonius (Caesar, 45).
" He was tall, of a fair complexion, round-limbed, some-
what full-faced, with eyes black and lively. His bald-
ness gave him a great deal of uneasiness, having often
found himself upon that account exposed to the ridicule
of his enemies, and therefore he used to bring his hair
from the crown of his head forward. And of all the
honours conferred upon him by the Senate and the
people, he accepted or made use of none more gladly
than the right of perpetually wearing a crown." The
portrait on this coin clearly shows the hair drawn for-
ward from the crown to the forehead.
" What may have been the actual intention of the
Senate in granting this exceptional honour to Caesar is
a little uncertain. Was it a mark of royalty or divinity,
or of perpetual iinperatorship ? Dio (xliv. 4) in enume-
rating the honours which the Senate had heaped upon
the Dictator divides them into three groups : the first,
those which assured to him in perpetuity the military
imperatorship, the title of Dictator, and the honours of
a triumph ; secondly, those which conferred on him the
censorship for life and the inviolability of his tribunician
power ; and thirdly, those which invested him with the
outward signs of royalty which hitherto had not been
accorded to any Koman citizen. As the right of placing
COINAGES OF THE TRIUMVIRS. 123
his effigy on the coinage was included in the first group
of honours and not in the last, it was a formal recognition
of Caesar's position as the chief personage in the State,
not in the sense so much of Bao-tXtuc as of Imperator and
Dictator. This seems to explain itself by the fact that
within a few months of the death of Caesar the veiled
head of Antony in his capacity of Augur was placed on
the coins. It may be presumed that this could only
have been done under a special order of the Senate,
which could not have been intended to confer on Antony
any regal or divine distinction, but only to signify that
he was capable of taking over the guidance of public
affairs at a critical moment. Within a few weeks of
receiving this honour Antony was declared the enemy
of the Republic." 5
It is therefore not surprising, when we consider the
power which the triumvirs had arrogated to themselves,
that Antony should have gone one step further and
placed his effigy and those of his colleagues on his coins.
This act henceforth was not confined to those who under-
took the task of avenging the dead Caesar, and who
might in some sense be looked upon as his political
heirs, but it was participated in also by those of the
republican party who had directly or indirectly com-
passed his death. Amongst these were Sextus Pompey,
Labienus, and Brutus himself.
I have thought it well to say a few words on these
two special characteristics of the coinage of this period
as it will be better understood what took place during
the following years of the triumvirate in the provinces
both East and West. I will now resume my account
of the historical nature of the coins and their types.
5 Cat. Roman Coins, Brit. Mus., vol. i. Introd. p. xcv.
124 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
After dividing the government of the Konian State
amongst themselves the next step of the triumvirs was
to proceed to Rome in order to obtain a recognition of
their assumed powers. Octavian was the first to arrive,
and he was quickly followed by Antony and Lepidus.
The way had to be cleared, and for that purpose the
triumvirs determined to destroy their enemies, and if
possible to stamp out the republican party. Eome now
witnessed a repetition of all the horrors of the Sullan
and Marian massacres after an interval of fifty years.
The proscriptions were begun before the triumvirs
entered Eome, and according to Appian the names of
no less than three hundred senators and about two
thousand equites were placed upon the list; but many
escaped and found a refuge with Sextus Pompey in
Sicily, with Brutus in Macedon, and with Cassius in
Syria. We need not dwell on those terrible scenes with
which the names of some of the most illustrious Koman
citizens are associated. The triumvirs did not spare
their own relatives : Lepidus placed his brother Paulus
on the list ; Antony his uncle, Lucius Caesar ; and
Octavian conceded to Antony the inclusion of Cicero.
The Senate looked on in horror, and the triumvirs must
soon have repented their action. It is scarcely necessary
to say that of these events there is no numismatic record.
" The first task of the triumvirs after securing their
power at Kome was the restoration of unity and peace
to the Empire, which was now threatened at two points ;
Brutus and Cassius were in arms in the East and Sextus
Pompey in the West." 6 The opposition of Brutus and
Cassius seemed to be the more formidable of the two.
It was therefore decided that Antony should at once
8 Schuckburgh, Atigustus, p. 79.
COINAGES OF THE TRIUMVIRS. 125
proceed to Greece; that Octavian should be entrusted
with the task of crushing Pompey, and when that was
effected he was to join Antony ; and that Lepidus, who
had been appointed consul for the year 42 B.C., should
remain in Rome.
After the defeat of his brother Onaeus at Munda
in March, 45 B.C., Sextus Pompey took refuge in the
North of Spain, where for some time he maintained
a guerilla war against the generals of Caesar. On
Caesar's death a reconciliation was brought about with
Lepidus, who was then governor of Hither Spain and
Narbonese Gaul, and it was arranged that Pompey
should receive his patrimonial inheritance. On the
proposition of Cicero, Pompey was appointed by the
Senate commander of the naval forces of the Re-
public. The first part of the arrangement was never
carried out, as Antony had seized upon the estates of
Pompey's father and refused to give them up. To get
out of this difficulty Sextus was placed under the ban of
the lex Pedia, and thus included amongst the mur-
derers of the Dictator, though he was in Spain at the
time. Taking refuge on his fleet, Sextus cruised about
for some time plundering the coasts of Italy, and the
number of his followers having been increased by those
who had been proscribed, together with a multitude of
slaves, he soon found himself strong enough to take
possession of Sicily, which he then made his head-
quarters. Aided by Quintus Cornificius, who was
governor of Africa, Sextus continued his attacks on the
coasts of Italy and on the corn-ships, so that Rome was
in danger of being deprived of all her supplies. The
task of dislodging Sextus was entrusted to Octavian, but
the undertaking was not so easy as it was anticipated.
126
NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
For this service a fleet of galleys was equipped
in the ports of Ostia and Misenum, and Q. Salvius
Salvidienus Kufus, whom Octavian had placed in com-
mand, was ordered to engage the flotilla which Sextus
had mustered. The latter's vessels were light, and
proved more manageable in the shifting straits of
Messana where the fleets met, than the heavier barks
which were brought against him. Salvidienus was in
consequence compelled to withdraw with the loss of the
greater part of his fleet, which included also his stores.
Octavian, who had come to the extreme point of the
Bruttian peninsula with an army to support the naval
operations, finding that his means of transport were cut
off, broke up his camp, and under the excuse that he
had been summoned to Antony's assistance in the East,
directed his march to Brundusium.
The collapse of the attack of Octavian filled the
hearts of the Pompeians with joy. They proclaimed
Pompey Imperator for the second time, and bestowed on
him the title of "Son of Neptune." To record his
success Pompey issued some coins in gold and silver,
aurei and denarii. On the gold coins he depicts his
own portrait and those of his father Pompey the Great
and his brother Cnaeus [PI. VIII. 7J. These coins are
of special interest, as they supply the only identified
portraits of Sextus and Cnaeus Pompey. That of Sextus
is the most striking. It shows a large round head with
a slightly retreating forehead and a prominent brow. The
hair is thick, smooth but arranged in rolls, and the
beard short and curly, and covering the cheek. It is in
strong contrast to that of his brother with his high
arched skull, wig-like hair, slightly aquiline nose, and
sparse beard covering only the lower part of the cheek.
COINAGES OF THE TRIUMVIRS. 127
From their portraits the two brothers must have been of
quite different characters; the one though rough and
uncultured yet resolute and determined ; the other weak
and vacillating. Velleius Paterculus (Lib. ii. 73) thus
sums up the character of Sextus : " He was quite uncul-
tured, barbarous in his speech, strenuous in action,
prompt with his hand, quick in thought, wanting in the
good faith of his father, a servant of his own servants,
and a slave of his own slaves." The portrait of his
father is that usually found on coins of this period. It
is not a very striking one, and scarcely conveys the
impression of one who was so great a soldier and of
such a dominant character.
The silver coins display on the obverse the head of
Sextus Pompey's father, and on the reverse he is himself
typified as Neptune, a reference to the title given him
of " Son of Neptune," holding in his right hand an
aplustre or ornament which decorated the poop of a vessel,
and standing between the Catanean brothers, bearing
their parents on their shoulders, sudantes venerando
ponder e [PI. VIII. 8]. These figures may either refer
to the title of Pius which Sextus had assumed, or they
may show that the coins were struck at Catana, the
type occurring on autonomous coins of that city.
We must now change our venue and see what was
going on in the East. After the death of Caesar, Brutus
and Cassius remained in Italy for some months ; but
finding the populace under the influence of Antony
daily assuming a hostile attitude, they determined
to proceed to the provinces which had been assigned
to them ; Brutus to Macedonia, and Cassius to Syria.
Brutus first went to Athens, where he learnt that the
Senate had given over his province to Antony, who
128 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
in turn transferred it to his brother Cams Antony.
Without delay Brutus collected an army, mostly rem-
nants of the troops of Pompey the Great, and marched
into Macedonia. From there he proceeded to Illyricum,
where he increased his forces and encountered Caius
Antony, who, being unable to advance beyond the sea-
coast, had taken up a position at Apollonia. Here
Caius was besieged by Brutus, who soon compelled him
to surrender. He was kept prisoner for a short time,
but was put to death chiefly at the instigation of
Hortensius to revenge the murder of Cicero. Brutus
now proceeded to Thrace, and attacked the tribes in
order to obtain money for himself and booty for his
soldiers. That he was successful we shall see from
numismatic evidence. After that expedition Brutus
crossed over to Asia Minor in order to join Cassius, and
to continue his acts of plundering in other districts.
These events in Greece, of which we have but scanty
documentary records, are well illustrated by the coinage.
The first coin, a denarius, of this series is that issued
by Caius Antony on his arrival in Illyricum. On the
obverse is shown a male head wearing a broad-brimmed
cap (Jcausia), which is emblematic of Macedonia, as it
occurs frequently on the autonomous coins of that district,
and on the reverse the pontifical emblems, a record of
Antony's election to the college of pontiffs [PL VIII. 9].
In placing this head on his coins it is evident that Caius
Antony anticipated his governorship of Macedonia, which
he was not destined to realize. The coins struck by
Brutus are numerous and varied in their types. I am
therefore compelled to select three only of the more
important ones for illustration. Immediately after the
capture of Apollonia, Brutus issued denarii having on the
COINAGES OF THE TRIUMVIKS. 129
obverse the head of Libertas and on the reverse a lyre
between a plectrum and a laurel-branch [PI. VIII. 10].
The obverse illustrates the democratic principles of
Brutus, and is in accordance with the spirit of the speech,
which he made to his troops on the eve of the battle of
Philippi, when he exhorted his soldiers to keep before
their eyes, " Liberty, the Kepublic, and the destruction of
Tyranny and Despotism." The reverse type of the lyre
with the plectrum is a copy of the autonomous silver
coins of Apollonia ; so no doubt exists as to the place
of mintage of these coins.
Of his raid in Thrace there is a record in the form of
some aurei of rude design and workmanship. These
show on the obverse the consul Lucius Junius Brutus
walking between two lictors with the legend KOZQN
and a monogram R for Brutus, and on the reverse an
eagle holding a wreath in its claw and trampling on a
sceptre [PI. VIII. 11]. The obverse refers to the expul-
sion of the Kings of Rome by the ancestor of Brutus,
and the reverse is probably emblematic of the domination
of Eome in the province under his administration, and
his determination to stamp out any attempt to establish
despotism in the State. The legend KOZQN still needs
a satisfactory explanation. It has been suggested that
it is the name of a Thracian prince, who had been killed
by his own subjects, and whose widow, Polemocratia,
fearing lest her son Cotys should share a similar fate,
brought him to Brutus and sought his protection. At
the same time she placed at his disposal her husband's
treasures, amongst which was an unexpected amount of
gold and silver bullion, from which these coins were
struck. As the name of the husband of Polemocratia
was Sadala not Koson, it has been further suggested that
130 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
these coins were struck at Cossea in Thrace. 7 It was
also at this time that Brutus caused to be issued one
of the most interesting pieces of this epoch. On the
obverse is his own portrait, bare and with a slight beard,
and around the legend BRVT. IMP. (Brutus Imperator),
L. PLAET. CEST. (L. Plaetorius Cestus); and on the
reverse the cap of Liberty between two daggers with
the legend EID. MAR. (Eidilms Martiis) [PI. VHI. 12].
It need scarcely be mentioned that the reverse type
relates to the murder of Caesar. On the eve of the first
battle of Philippi, Brutus, addressing Cassius, said, " On
the Ides of March I devoted my life to my country,
and since then I have lived in liberty and glory." Dio
(xlvii. 25) makes special mention of this coin, for after
recounting the victories of Brutus in Thrace and
Macedon, he adds, " These were the exploits of Brutus ;
besides, he struck coins on which were represented a pileus
and two daggers to show by this design and also by the
inscription that he had in concert with Cassius given
liberty to his country." These are but three illustrations
of more than a dozen examples of coins struck by Brutus
or his generals in Macedonia. 8
I must now take you into Asia and briefly follow the
progress of Cassius. On his arrival there he received
the support of the pro-consul Lucius Trebonius, and
having, like Brutus, increased his army from the remnants
of the Pompeian legions, he attacked Dolabella, who
7 Head, Hist. Num., 2nd ed. p. 289, is of opinion that" Coson " was the
name of a Scythian king, who copied the reverse type of a denarius
which Brutus struck some years before as triumvir of the mint at
Home (Cat. Roman Coins, Brit. Mus., vol. i. p. 479), and that the
monogram R stands not for L. BR(utus) but for OAB = (Olbia), which
he says was the place of mintage where the eagle occurs as a coin-
type. This suggestion, however, seems improbable.
8 See Cat. Roman Coins, Brit. Mus., vol. ii. pp. 472-480.
COINAGES OF THE TRIUMVIRS. 131
had taken refuge in Laodiceia. The city was betrayed
to Cassius, and Dolabella, in order not to fall into the
hands of his enemies, commanded one of his soldiers
to put him to death. Cassius now proposed to march
against Cleopatra in Egypt, but the formation of the
Triumvirate and the arrival of Brutus caused him to
change his mind. The two leaders met at Smyrna.
Brutus was anxious to return at once to Macedonia ; but
Cassius thought it best to put down all their enemies in
Asia, collect as much booty as possible, and with their
united forces to meet the triumvirs in Greece. Having
decided upon this course Brutus proceeded to Lycia and
Cassius against Rhodes. After a severe naval action
Cassius obtained possession of the island by treachery,
executed a number of the leading inhabitants, and
plundered them so unmercifully that the booty obtained
is said to have amounted to 8500 talents. Brutus was
equally successful in Lycia. He first attacked Xanthus,
which surrendered after a severe struggle. This was
followed by the capture of the towns of Patera and
Andriace, the seaport of the Myraeans, who soon had to
deliver up their chief city. Loaded with booty the
two generals met at Sardes, where they were acclaimed
Imperators by their armies. Here they had some serious
differences, and they nearly came to an open rupture ;
but the common danger with which they were threatened
produced a reconciliation, and uniting their forces they
set out for Greece to meet the armies of Antony and
Octavian. It was at Philippi that their fate was decided.
In the first engagement Cassius's army was driven back,
and in his despair he committed suicide. In the second
battle Brutus shared the same ill fortune, and perished
in a similar manner.
132 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
As in the case of the campaign in Macedonia, the
numismatic records of those in Syria and Lycia are
numerous. We must therefore again limit our selection.
The coins which commemorate the defeat of the Khodian
fleet and the subsequent capture of the island, may be
classed amongst the most interesting pieces of the time.
These are of gold and silver. On the obverse of an
aureus is the head of Libertas with the name of Cassius.
This design is symbolical of the political views of the
commander. On the reverse is an aplustre, the branches
terminating in roses, an appropriate allusion to the
island of Ehodes, whose special symbol was the full-
blown rose [PI. VIII. 13]. There are also denarii of the
same types. But the interest of these coins is surpassed
by others which show on the reverse a crab holding an
aplustre in its claws; and below a loose regal diadem
and a rose [PI. VIII. 14]. These coins, which are full of
incident, were struck by a legate of Cassius, Marcus
Servilius. The aplustre, as we have seen, is symbolical
of naval victory. The crab is the symbol of Cos, and is
a well-known coin-type of that island. It was within
the territorial waters of Cos that the Eoman and Rhodian
fleets met, and the crab in consequence is represented
as holding within its grasp the fate of the contending
parties, and the right of granting victory. The loose
diadem recalls the circumstance that when Cassius after
his victory entered the city of Ehodes, the terror-stricken
inhabitants saluted him with the title of King and Lord ;
but he contemptuously answered that he was neither
their king nor their lord, but one who had chastised and
slain such, meaning Caesar (Plutarch, Brutus, 30). The
meeting of Brutus and Cassius is commemorated by other
aurei issued by the same legate Servilius. These also
COINAGES OF THE TRIUMVIRS. 133
have the head of Libertas on the obverse ; but on the
reverse a military trophy composed of a cuirass, a crested
helmet, a shield, and two spears [PI. VIII. 15]. As these
coins bear only the name of Brutus and not that of
Cassius, it is evident that they were struck for distribu-
tion specially amongst the troops of the former. Other
gold and silver pieces issued by the two generals, or in
their names by their quaestors, have for reverse types
a tripod recording the sacrifices to Apollo, which Cassius
offered to that divinity after his expedition against
Ehodes, and sacrificial implements relating to the
priestly offices held by Brutus. 9 Of the battles of
Philippi we have no direct numismatic evidence. This
may be accounted for in the circumstance that though
Antony held the chief command in those engagements
he did not wish to extol his own deeds above those of
his colleague Octavian.
The effect of these victories was the reunion of the
Eastern and Western parts of the Empire, which necessi-
tated a fresh distribution of the spheres of influence of
the triumvirs. No general re-division of the provinces
was made, except that Antony was to retain Gaul and
to receive in addition Africa and Octavian Spain and
Numidia. Lepidus, who was still consul, had fallen
under the suspicion of his colleagues, as he was supposed
to be holding treasonable correspondence with Sextus
Pompey. It was, however, agreed that if he was able
to clear himself of suspicion, Antony should give up
Africa to him. The real governors of the Empire were
Antony and Octavian, the former undertaking the adminis-
tration of the Eastern provinces, whilst the latter was to
superintend those of the West. Force of circumstances
9 Cat. Roman Coins, Brit. Mus., vol. ii. pp. 480-484.
VOL. XI., SERIES IV. L
134 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
ordained that this arrangement should continue for the
next ten years. To still further strengthen the hands
of these two triumvirs, Lucius Antony, the brother
of Mark, was nominated consul for the following year,
41 B.C. To commemorate this arrangement Antony
caused a series of gold and silver coins to be struck
showing his own portrait and those of Octavian and his
brother Lucius ; that of Antony, as on a former occasion,
being placed on the obverse [PI. IX. 1, 2]. As the
portrait of Lepidus does not occur we have strong numis-
matic evidence of the ban under which he had fallen.
The duty of issuing these coins was delegated to three
of Antony's quaestors, Marcus Barbatius Philippus,
Marcus Cocceius Nerva, and Lucius Gellius Publicola.
These coins were probably struck at Athens, where
Antony went after Philippi. From this time, with one
exception which we shall mention, all the coins which
bear the name of Antony were struck in the East and
those of Octavian in the West.
In accordance with their arrangement Antony went
to Asia Minor to crush the remainder of the Kepublican
party, and to collect money sufficient for the promised
rewards to his veterans. His visit to the East is com-
memorated by denarii with his portrait on the obverse,
and the radiate head of Sol on the reverse. Octavian
came westwards, where he found that the real control of
affairs was being exercised by Fulvia, the wife of Mark
Antony, against whom Lepidus had been powerless.
Octavian's first business in Home was the allotment of
land to the veterans : a task which Lucius Antony
wished to share with him. To this proposal Octavian
would not consent. Urged on by Fulvia, Lucius took the
part of those who had been evicted or were threatened
COINAGES OF THE TRIUMVIRS. 135
with eviction from their lands. This action made
Octavian unpopular, especially as some of the lands of
the Senators were impounded. An open breach soon
became inevitable, and it was hastened by some of the
troops of Octavian in the capital, who ordered that the
agreement between himself and Mark Antony should be
read, and who at once voted its confirmation, naming a
day on which Fulvia, Lucius, and Octavian were to
appear before them at Gabii. Octavian was present, but
Fulvia and Lucius Antony left Borne and proceeded to
Cisalpine Gaul. Octavian no longer hesitated, and
collecting his army, he marched in pursuit, overtaking
the refugees at Perusia, where they resorted for safety.
The city was at once besieged, and the blockade lasted
throughout the winter till March of the following year,
40 B.C., when Lucius was compelled through hunger to
surrender, receiving from his successful opponent more
favourable terms than he had expected. Appian (Bell.
Civ., v. 42-48) has given an interesting account of the
meeting of the two generals : both of whom acted as
Roman gentlemen, addressing each other in the politest
language, and with a total absence of recrimination.
During the siege of Perusia, Lucius Antony struck
some gold and silver coins. As Antony was nominal
governor of Cisalpine Gaul, Lucius issued the coins in
his brother's name, placing on the obverse his portrait
and the legend, M.ANTONIVS IMP. Ill VIR R. P. C. (Marcus
Antonius, Imperator, triumvir reipublicae constituendae),
and on the reverse a figure of Pietas holding a lighted
censer and a cornucopiae with the legend PIETAS COS.
[PI. IX. 3]. The reverse type and legend were long
a puzzle, as Mark Antony was not then consul : so the
legend could not relate to him. It refers, however, to
L2
136 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
Lucius, who had assumed the title or cognomen " Pietas "
just before the siege of Perusia, in order to signalize his
fraternal zeal (Dio, xlviii. 5). These coins were, there-
fore, struck by Lucius Antony for the payment of his
soldiers during the siege. Their rather rude design
and workmanship clearly indicate that they could not
have been struck at Eome, and for that reason they are
assigned to Cisalpine Gaul.
Besides these there are denarii issued by P. Ventidius
Bassus, who was a general of Mark Antony, and who had
been commanded to come from Transalpine Gaul to
relieve Perusia. Owing, however, to dissensions between
the generals of the relieving army no decided action was
taken, and the city was left to its fate. The chief com-
mander Ventidius did not, however, hesitate to strike
some coins on which he placed the portrait of Mark
Antony and a figure of Jupiter [PI. IX. 4]. The pur-
port of the reverse type has not been satisfactorily ex-
plained. Different views have been expressed as to
the date when these denarii were struck by Ventidius.
Lenormant 10 and others, who include Cavedoni and
Babelon, were of opinion that they were issued after the
victory of Ventidius over the Parthians at Gindarus in
39 B.C., and Borghesi u has put them after July, 38 B.C.,
when Antony took over the command in Syria, that is,
some time during the autumn of that year. The great
similarity of style and fabric between these coins and
those struck by Lucius Antony at the siege of Perusia
show that the two issues belong to the same date and to
the same locality of striking. There are other points
of similarity, viz. in the inscriptions and the portrait of
10 La Mon. dans I'antiq., vol. ii. p. 151.
11 CEuvres compl., t. ii. p. 63.
COINAGES OF THE TEIUMVIRS. 137
Antony. If these coins were struck in the East either
in 39 or 38 B.C. they would be of quite different fabric,
such pieces being as a rule in higher relief.
After the siege of Perusia Octavian turned his atten-
tion to the reorganization of the Gallic provinces, but
he did not long remain in that district, and was back
again in Eome before the autumn, as he feared a coalition
between Antony and Sextus Pompey, the former being
urged on by Fulvia, who had gone to Athens after the
fall of Perusia. Short as Octavian's sojourn was in Gaul,
we have a considerable series of coins bearing his portrait,
but the types are not of much historical interest. They,
however, establish the fact of his presence. Some of
them were struck by Octavian in his name only with
his portrait on the obverse and an equestrian statue on
the reverse, accompanied by the legend POPVL. IVSSV,
denoting that it was one of those which had been erected
by order of the Senate [PI. IX. 5]. Others have his
head and that of Julius Caesar, whilst a third series
was struck in his name by Lucius Cornelius Balbus,
whom Octavian had appointed propraetor in Gaul, and
by Q. Salvius Salvidenus Rufus, who after his disaster
in Sicily was made governor of Gallia Narbonensis, and
in 40 B.C. was consul designatus, a circumstance stated on
his coins, and which fixes the actual date of their issue. 12
Antony was in Asia when he heard of the fall of
Perusia, but crossing to Athens he met Fulvia, who
brought an offer of support from Sextus Pompey against
Octavian. Negotiations were opened with Sextus, and
Antony left for Italy, made some descents upon the
coast, and even threatened Brundusium with a blockade.
Another civil war seemed imminent, when the friends
12 Cat. Boman Coins, Brit. Mus., vol. ii. pp. 404-407.
138 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
of the triumvirs stepped in and a reconciliation was
effected. A conference was held at which Asinius
Pollio represented Antony, Maecenas Octavian, whilst
Cocceius Nerva attended as a friend of both parties.
The two triumvirs embraced, and a new division of
the Empire was agreed upon. An imaginary line was
to be drawn through Scodra (Scutari) on the Illyrian
coast. All west of that line up to the ocean was to
be under the care of Octavian, except Africa, which was
nominally in the hands of Lepidus ; all east was to go
to Antony. This was practically a confirmation of the
arrangement made after the battles of Philippi. In
order to give effect to this compact Antony married
Octavia, the sister of Octavian, Fulvia having recently
died at Sicyon. To commemorate these events Octavian
struck in Gaul coins giving his portrait and that of
Antony ; and the latter returned the compliment by
issuing similar pieces at Athens. 13
The Senate now took official acknowledgment of the
position of the triumvirs and placed their portraits on
some of the money issued at the Roman Mint ; but it
was only a mitigated compliment, as these coins bear
also the names of the moneyers, and on some of them
the reverse types refer to the history of the moneyers
themselves. The most remarkable piece connected with
these events is the gold coin struck by Antony to com-
memorate his marriage with Octavia. It shows on the
obverse the head of Antony, and on the reverse a female
portrait, but without any legend [PI. IX. 6]. In con-
sequence of the absence of any inscription the female
portrait has often been identified as that of Fulvia ; but
as it is precisely similar to those on later coins struck
13 Cat. Roman Coins, Brit. Mus., vol. ii. pp. 408, 497, 498.
COINAGES OF THE TRIUMVIES. 139
in the East during 39 B.C., it must be of Octavia. If of
Fulvia it would have been issued early in 40 B.C. ; but
when she met Antony in Athens after the siege of
Perusia, he received her with little grace, censuring her
severely for having caused the rupture between his
brother Lucius and Octavian. It was through grief at
this treatment that she fell ill and died at Sicyon on
her way to Italy.
The events of the next year, 39 B.C., were of still
greater moment, as they witnessed an agreement con-
cluded at Misenum, with Sextus Pompey, who was
accorded a share in the government, receiving for his
provinces Sicily, Sardinia, Corsica, and Achaia, a promise
of the consulship, and the restoration of his patrimony.
There are coins (quinarii) which seem indirectly to
refer to this arrangement. 14 They were struck by Antony,
and have for obverse type the head of Concordia, and
for reverse two right hands joined. After this compact
Sextus returned to Sicily, Antony and Octavia to
Athens, and Octavian to Gaul, where the disturbed state
of the country required his presence. This was the
beginning of a separate administration of the East and
West, and the different principles on which it was
carried out contributed largely to the general rupture
between the two triumvirs. The two men governed on
different principles. Antony's was the otiose policy of
setting up client kings, who would take the trouble
of government off his hands, pay him tribute, and
acknowledge his supremacy. 15 To Octavian, on the other
hand, fell the task of preserving order, and of establish-
ing Roman rule in countries nearer home ; but, above
14 Cat. Roman Coins, Brit. Mus., vol. ii. p. 438.
15 Schuckburgh, Augustus, p. 101.
140 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
all, he was bound to prevent Sextus Pompey from
again interrupting the commerce and corn supply
of Italy.
As soon as Antony reached Athens he began to
collect forces to carry on the war against the Parthians,
which had begun in the previous year. This war he
did not conduct himself, but entrusted it to his able
general Ventidius, whom we have already met with at
the siege of Perusia. Ventidius was successful. In the
first campaign 40-39 B.C., he prevented the union of
the Parthians under Pharnapates and the troops of
Labienus, a renegade Koman, who had gone over to the
enemy, and had invaded Syria and captured Antioch.
Labienus was compelled to escape to Cilicia, where he
was shortly afterwards captured and put to death.
Pharnapates was defeated, and fell in battle. The cam-
paign was renewed in the following year; but the
Parthians were again defeated by Ventidius in Cyr-
rhestica, and on this occasion their king Pacorus was
slain. For these victories Ventidius later received the
gratification of a triumph ; but at the time his services
were not acknowledged, as the honours were decreed by
the Senate to Antony on account of his superior rank
and in conformity with the law, because it was he who
was virtually in command (Dio, xlix. 21).
There are some interesting numismatic records of the
Parthian campaigns. The first to be mentioned are the
remarkable gold and silver coins struck by Labienus.
For his success in Syria he not only assumed the title
of Imperator, but he added to his gentile name that
of Parthicus, for which those of his own time derided
him, and Dio (xlviii. 26) remarks that Labienus
had departed from the custom of Koman commanders,
COINAGES OF THE TRIUMVIRS.
141
who took snch titles from the names of the people
whom they had conquered ; but he, on the contrary, had
assumed his from the victorious nation. On the obverse
is shown the portrait of Labienus with a beard, and on
the reverse a horse with bridle and saddle to which a
bag (probably a bow-case) is attached [PI. IX. 7]. The
horse has reference to the light cavalry for which
Parthia was so famous, and which had so often proved
disastrous to the Eoman legions. The figure of the
horse is not unskilfully rendered. Its small head,
rather thick neck, short legs, and long tail were probably
true to life. It is in marked contrast to representations
of horses which are met with at this time on the republican
coins. Still more interesting is the fact that we have a
portrait of Labienus himself.
Another coin is an aureus of Antony, which com-
memorates the first victory of Ventidius over the Par-
FIG. 1. Aureus of M. Antony : Victory over the Parthians.
thians, that in which Pharnapates perished. On the
obverse we have a full-length figure of Antony holding
a spear and a short sword, his left foot resting on a prow,
and on the reverse a lion walking and holding a short
sword in its paw ; above, a star. Antony is here repre-
sented as commander-in-chief, not only of the legions
serving in the East, but also of the Navy, and on the
reverse the lion may be symbolical of the domination of
142 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
Rome ; the star indicating the East, where the events
occurred. Of this remarkable coin only one specimen
has been known. It was formerly in the Paris Collection,
but it disappeared in the great theft of 1831. Since
then no other specimen has come to light. Fortunately
Morelli 16 has given an illustration of the coin, which
is here reproduced. The drawing is, however, not to
scale, being larger than the original piece, and there
exists some doubt as to the accuracy of the legends.
Another coin, which refers to the second campaign of
Ventidius, shows on the obverse Antony in the dress of
an augur holding the lituus, and on the reverse the
radiate head of Sol, also emblematic of the East. 17 There
are still other records, but I must pass on to more
important pieces.
We must now return to Italy, where trouble soon
arose with Sextus Pompey, who complained that Antony
had not carried out his part of the agreement at
Misenum ; first because he had not handed over to him
his patrimony, and secondly that he still held Achaia.
He therefore once more resumed the harassing of the
Italian shores and the intercepting of the corn-ships.
Octavian now determined to rid Italy of this constant
peril. He assembled his troops at Brundusium and
Puteoli, and invited Antony to his assistance. The
latter came at once, but owing to Octavian not keeping
the appointment he returned to Greece. Octavian there-
fore undertook the task himself. He ordered his ships
to be equipped in the ports of Ostia and Eavenna,
transported his troops from Illyricum, and set sail for
Tarentum. The hostile fleets met in the bay of Cumae,
lt Mon. fain. Num., pi. ii. no. 1.
17 Cat. Rom. Coins, Brit. Mus., vol. ii. p. 506.
COINAGES OF THE TKIUMVIKS. 143
and the Pompeians gained a considerable advantage.
This was followed by another naval battle in the Straits
of Messana, which still further reduced Octavian's forces.
This engagement was succeeded by two terrible storms
which the Pompeians were able to avoid, but which
practically annihilated the fleet of their enemy. Driven
to despair Octavian determined to change his generals,
and he therefore summoned Agrippa from Gaul, where
the latter had recently met with considerable success.
Octavian also sent Maecenas to Antony to ask him to take
part in the war. Antony sailed at once to Tarentum, but
Octavian in the meanwhile had changed his mind and de-
clined to meet him. When an open breach between the
triumvirs seemed imminent a reconciliation was effected
by the skilful mediation of Octavia. The triumvirs met,
and the gravity of the situation compelled them to lay
aside their mutual distrust. It was therefore arranged
that Antony should supply 120 ships to Octavian, who
in return provided him with 20,000 legionaries to carry
on the war against the Parthians. It was also agreed
that the triumvirate should be renewed for a further
period of five years. Armed with these additional ships,
Octavian renewed his attacks, but at first with little
success. At last the contending armies confronted each
other on the coast near the town of Naulochus, whilst
the fleets fought in the offing. The battle was most
fiercely contested on both sides, but at last the fleet
commanded by Agrippa was successful, and Pompey
was obliged to abandon his position, leave Sicily, and
take refuge in the East.
There are again so many numismatic records of this
final war with the Pompeian party that it is difficult to
know which to select for illustration.
144 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
Of Sextus Pompey there are silver coins which com-
memorate his successes at the beginning of the campaign.
One of these has on the obverse the head of Neptune, a
reference to Sextus's title of " Son of Neptune," and on
the reverse a naval trophy with representations of the
heads of the marine monsters, Scylla and Charybdis
[PL IX. 8]. Another coin, also a denarius, gives us a
representation of the pharos, or light-house, of Messana
surmounted by a figure of Neptune, and before it a
vessel furnished with a grappling iron, a trident, and a
staff with flag, and on the reverse Scylla wielding
a rudder with both hands, her body terminating in two
fish-tails and the foreparts of three dogs [PL IX. 9]. The
types of these coins clearly show that they relate to the
defeat of Octavian off the Scyllaean promontory, and
the destruction of his fleet by storms. The representation
of Scylla tallies with the descriptions given of her by
ancient writers. According to the Homeric version
(Od., xii. 85 f.) she was a fearful monster, yelping like a
dog, with twelve feet, six long necks, and on each a
hideous head, and therein three rows of teeth set thick
and close, with which she devoured those whom she had
snatched from the deep or from ships. Other traditions
describe her as a monster with six heads of different
animals, or with only three heads ; but the hybrid figure
on the coin is more in conformity with the tradition
that originally she was a beautiful maiden who was
beloved by the marine god Glaucus, but through jealousy
was metamorphosed by Circe in such a manner that the
upper part of her body remained that of a woman,
whilst the lower part was changed into a tail of a fish
or serpent surrounded by dogs. The pharos is that
which stood at the entrance of the harbour of Messana,
COINAGES OF THE TKIUMVIRS.
145
opposite to the fatal rock Scylla, and which served as a
warning to mariners to avoid Charybdis. Of Antony
besides a denarius with his portrait on the obverse, and
an united naval and military trophy on the reverse, 18 we
have a most remarkable series of bronze coins of various
types and denominations consisting of the sestertius
or 4-as piece, the tressis or 3-as piece, the dupondius
or double as, the as, the semis, and the sextans. Each
denomination is distinguished by a different or varying
obverse and reverse type, and by its respective mark of
value. We shall limit our illustrations to the three
principal pieces, the sestertius, the tressis, and the du-
pondius. On the first (see Fig. 2) are given the portraits
of Antony and Octavia; and on the reverse they are
FIG. 2. M. Antony : sestertius.
represented in the characters of Poseidon and Amphitrite
standing in a quadriga drawn by hippocamps ; below, the
mark of value is represented by the Greek numeral A
(i.e. four asses).
On the second piece, the tressis, we have on the obverse
the conjoined portraits of Antony and Octavian facing
that of Octavia, and on the reverse three galleys, and
below the Greek numeral r showing that the current
value of the coin was three asses (see Fig. 3).
18 Cat. Roman Coins, Brit. Mus., vol. ii. p. 509.
146
NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
On the third piece (see Fig. 4), the dupondius, the
obverse type shows the portraits of Antony and Octavia
FIG. 8. M. Antory : tressis.
face to face ; and the reverse two galleys, and below the
Greek numeral B (i.e. two asses).
These coins were struck by three of the naval com-
FIG. 4. M. Antony : dupondius.
manders of Antony, L. Calpurnius Bibulus, L. Sempronius
Atratinus, and M. Oppius Capito, who, it may be well
assumed, had taken part in the Sicilian war. The coins
here figured are all of Bibulus. The two others used
precisely the same types. The inclusion of the portrait
of Octavian is a record of the reconciliation of the two
triumvirs at Brundusium, and that of Octavia is a tribute
to her for the part which she played in bringing about
this reconciliation. Numerous questions have been
raised as to the time when these coins were struck and
their locality of issue, but these are points which we
COINAGES OF THE TRIUMVIRS. 147
cannot well discuss here as they would involve entering
into somewhat intricate and minute particulars. The
most important feature connected with these coins is that
they appear to have served as the basis of the bronze
money which was instituted at Rome a few years later
(c. 15 B.C.), and which remained unchanged for over two
centuries.
Though Lepidus took part in the war there are no
coins of his relating to it, nor did Octavian strike any
in Gaul ; but the victory of Naulochus had a most
remarkable and revolutionary effect on the coinage of
the Roman capital. Hitherto, almost since the intro-
duction of the silver money in 268 B.C., the coinage had
been under the care of special officers of the Mint, who
were three in number and bore the titles of " triumvirs
for casting and striking in copper, silver, and gold."
The names of these moneyers were inscribed on the
coins. This had been the practice till 36 B.C. when
the moneyer's names suddenly disappear and the coinage
was struck in the name of Octavian only, first as Caesar,
then* as Imperator, and later as Augustus. For some
time previously the influence of Octavian had been
increasing rapidly in Rome, whilst that of the other
triumvirs had been on the wane. Lepidus by his
constant intriguing had lost the confidence of his
colleagues, and Antony on account of his treatment of
Octavia and his association with Cleopatra had become
very unpopular. It was therefore to Octavian that the
Senate and the people looked for their safety, and no
greater proof of their confidence could be manifested
than in ordering that in future the coinage should bear
his name only. His portrait is usually shown on the
obverse, and on the reverse he is represented in a
148 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
triumphal quadriga referring to the ovation which was
granted to him on his return from Sicily [PI. IX. 10].
He is also shown on horseback or rushing forward as
leading his troops to battle and victory [PI. IX. 11], or
as addressing his troops after the victory.
From the battle of Naulochus to nearly the time of
that of Actium there are no coins which demand special
notice. Octavian for a while suspended his coinage in
Gaul, and Antony practically did the same in the East.
Lepidus also disappeared from the scene. He had been
so faithless to Octavian that the latter deprived him of
his province and banished him to Circeii, where he passed
the remainder of his days, surviving till 13 B.C. . The
only honour which Octavian allowed him to retain was
that of Pontifex Maximus ; but he was not permitted to
exercise the duties of his office in any way.
Though somewhat out of order in respect of date we
may mention here some coins (denarii) of Lepidus which
were issued by him during his governorship of Africa,
40-36 B.C. They form the only independent coinage struck
by him during his triumvirate, and they are of only one
type. On the obverse is the head of Lepidus with his
name and titles of Pontifex Maximus and Triumvir, and
on the reverse is that of Octavian with his titles of
Imperator and Triumvir [PI. IX. 12]. As it was mainly
through the influence of Octavian that Lepidus was put
in possession of his province of Africa, which Antony
continued to hold for some time after the division of the
Empire following the battles of Philippi, it was pro-
bably through gratitude that he associated the portrait
of Octavian with his own on his coinage.
After the battle of Naulochus Octavian remained in
Italy and occupied himself with the general administration
COINAGES OF THE TRIUMVIRS. 149
of affairs, the allotment of land to his soldiers and
the embellishment of Borne, more particularly with the
improvement of the public roads. In the East Antony
experienced a disastrous defeat from the Parthians ; but
two years later he was more successful in his invasion of
Armenia, which he celebrated by a triumph of extra-
ordinary splendour at Alexandria, where he laid aside
the character of a Eoman citizen and submitted himself
to the unbounded influence of Cleopatra. His conduct
alienated many of his friends, and Octavian, who had the
wrongs of his sister Octavia to avenge as well as ambition
to stimulate him, thought that the time had now come for
crushing Antony. Already at the beginning of 33 B.C.
the triumvirs entered upon a series of recriminations.
Antony reproached Octavian for having deprived Lepidus
of his share in the administration, and for having appro-
priated the lands of Italy and the armies of Sextus
Pompey. Octavian retorted by charging Antony with
having put Sextus Pompey to death, with seizing the
person of Artavasdes of Armenia and putting him to
death, an act of perfidy and a blot on the honour of the
Eoman people, with his connexion with Cleopatra, and
with conferring honours on the children of Cleopatra,
complaining especially of the intrusion of Caesarion, her
son by Caesar the Dictator, into the family of Caesar.
The Senate was unwilling to proclaim Antony a public
enemy, chiefly on account of those who were with him,
and who would share the same condemnation; so war
was openly decreed against Cleopatra. In anticipation
each side had for some months entered on preparations
for war. Early in 32 B.C. Antony left for Syria to
collect his legions, and shortly afterwards Cleopatra
followed with her fleet, both meeting at Ephesus.
VOL. XL, SERIES IV. M
150 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
Antony being unable to persuade Cleopatra to return
to Egypt, they sailed together for Samos, accompanied
by a tribe of players and musicians, so that, as Dio says
(I. i.), ** whilst the whole world was venting its anguish
in groans and tears that island alone was piping and
dancing." From Samos they went to Athens, where the
entertainments were renewed. Cleopatra, jealous of the
honours which the Athenians had conferred upon Octavia,
endeavoured to court the people by every mark of favour,
who in return decreed her public honours (Plutarch,
Antonius, 59). It was possibly on this occasion that the
well-known and interesting denarii which bear the por-
traits of Antony and Cleopatra were struck by order of
Antony as a final retort to the recriminations of Octavian,
and to the declaration of war by the Senate against
Cleopatra.
The obverse shows the head of Antony, behind which
is an Armenian tiara, referring to the recent campaign
in Armenia, and on the reverse is a striking though not
beautiful likeness of Cleopatra, and behind the bust the
stem of a prow, no doubt referring to the assistance
given by her to Antony in furnishing a navy [PL IX.
13]. The legend " Cleopatrae Keginae Kegum Filioruni
Regum " relates to the honours which had been paid to
Cleopatra and her children by Antony, who on the
occasion of his triumph at Alexandria, after the conquest
of Armenia, ordered that she should be styled Queen of
Kings, assigning to her at the same time Egypt, Cyprus,
Africa, and Coele-Syria. Caesarion was appointed her
successor, and of his sons by her, Alexander received
Armenia and Media, and Ptolemy, Phoenicia, Lycia, and
Cilicia, each one at the same time being given the title
of " King of Kings."
COINAGES OF THE TRIUMVIRS. 151
Besides these coins Antony struck a large series of
denarii and a few aurei, to be used for the payment of his
armies and navies, which were gathered together in the
sea-ports of Asia and Greece. These coins have on one
side a galley, and on the other three military standards
and the number of the legion for which they were struck
[PI. IX. 14]. Besides special pieces for the cohortes
praetoriae and speculatores and other special troops, the
number of legions recorded is thirty. If these thirty
legions were at their full strength it would give an army
of about 180,000 men. Plutarch (Antonius, 61) says that
Antony's forces consisted of 500 armed vessels, 100,000
foot, and 12,000 horse. These coins are of somewhat base
metal (Pliny relates that Antony mixed iron with his
silver), which shows that the issue was of the nature of
a " money of necessity " struck to meet a special emer-
gency in the midst of great military preparations.
On the 3rd September, 31 B.C., the contending forces
met off Actium, a promontory in Acarnania, where was
situated the ancient and famous temple of Apollo. The
history of this great battle is so well known that it is
not necessary to give an account of it here. The result
brought about the downfall and death of both Antony
and Cleopatra. The honours now paid by the Senate
to Octavian were unbounded. He was declared Imperator
perpetuo, not in the sense as accorded to generals in
consequence of victories achieved, for as such he had
received it already on seven separate occasions, but as
a praenomen or proper name, which was to be hereditary
and to descend to his children and posterity (Dio, xliii.
44 ; Hi. 41). All the coins struck at Borne were in his
honour, and most of them bear types connected with this
victory. He is represented in a triumphal chariot
M 2
152 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
bearing a laurel-branch, and on the reverse stands
Victory on a prow holding a wreath and a palm-branch
[PI. IX. 15] ; or he stands on the top of a rostral column,
i.e. a pillar ornamented with prows of vessels [PI. IX. 16].
Others have a united trophy of military and naval arms.
These subjects and many others were repeated over and
over again, year after year, not only on the coinage
struck in Eome, but also on those issued in Gaul and the
East.
By the battle of Actium the triumvirate, which for the
last six years had only existed in name, came to an end :
Antony was dead; Lepidus was in exile; Octavian
alone remained in power. In 27 B.C. Octavian was
proclaimed Augustus, a name which Suetonius (Au-
gustus, 7) tells us " was not only new, but much more
considerable than Quirenus or Romulus, which some of
his friends wanted him to assume, because religious
places and those wherein was anything consecrated by
augury were called Augusta." It is therefore to this
date that we may place the foundation of the great
Roman Empire.
H. A. GrRUEBER.
VIII.
THE STAMFOED FIND AND SUPPLEMENTAEY
NOTES ON THE COINAGE OF HENKY VI.
(See Plates X. and XI.)
ON October 22, 1866, a labourer named Eichard Christian,
in making a drain at the east end of St. George's Church,
Stamford, broke with his pickaxe a coarse brown clay pot,
which was found to be filled with groats ranging from
the reign of Edward III to the early part of that of
Edward IV. Strange as it now appears, little more than
slight local notice seems to have been taken at the time
of what has proved to be by far the most important find
of late Plantagenet coins that is on record, and no
account whatever of the hoard was attempted. Although
it is forty-four years after the event, I have thought that
it might even now be of interest to get together from
all possible sources the various records that exist, and
to endeavour by their aid to tell the story, however im-
perfectly, that should have been written when all the
materials necessary were ready to hand. I am indebted
to the kindness of Mr. Grueber, the Keeper of Coins in
the British Museum, for permission and facilities for
taking particulars of a correspondence connected with
the find, and of the coins subsequently acquired by the
Museum, of which one of his earliest duties was to enter
a detailed description in the archives.
154 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
Mr. Thomas Paradise, of the Stamford Mercury, appears
to have sent early information of the find to the Lords of
the Treasury, at whose instructions the local authorities
promptly laid hands on the hoard, securing for the Crown
2940 groats, although it was said that over 3000 were in
the pot when Christian broke it with his pick. In due
course the coins were forwarded to the British Museum
for examination and valuation, and they appear to have
remained there for a considerable time. On August 27,
1868, a letter was sent from the Treasury to Mr. Paradise,
in reply to one which he had written, stating that the
coins had been sent some time since to the British
Museum for examination and arrangement, and that the
value set upon them by the Trustees of the Museum was
one shilling each, at which price they proposed taking a
considerable number to add to the Collection. Having
regard to Mr. Paradise's early communication my Lords
propose, as he suggests, to make a grant of these coins
to be deposited in the " Stamford Institute," and to allow
any person locally interested to purchase specimens at
the price mentioned if they be furnished with their
names.
Mr. Paradise replied on August 29, 1868, stating that
" a meeting of the Committee of the Stamford Literary
Institute will be held on Wednesday evening next."
Mr. Paradise adds that he would like to secure some speci-
mens himself, and asks for a further 100 to be sent at the
price named for him to distribute at the same price to local
persons interested. He concludes by saying that Eichard
Christian, the labourer who found the coins, had received
the bullion value, which had relieved him from want
during a long illness. On September 2, 1868, there is a
letter from Mr. George Cayley, President of the Stamford
THE STAMFOKD FIND AND COINAGE OF HENKY VI. 155
Institute, to Mr. W. S. W. Vaux, the then Keeper of
Coins in the British Museum, asking him to make a
selection of the coins for the Institute in accordance with
the offer of the Treasury. The correspondence closes
with a letter dated September 14, 1868, from the Treasury
to Mr. Vaux requesting him to make a suitable selection
for the Stamford Institution, and specimens, not exceed-
ing 20, for Mr. Paradise himself, and a further selection
of 100 for him to sell locally at one shilling each.
Mr. Yaux subsequently made the selection for the
Stamford Literary Institute, as desired by the Treasury,
and 76 groats were sent, of which the following list is a
copy of that in the British Museum archives :
Edward III : London ... 4
York ... 3
Robert Bruce : Edinburgh . . 1
Henry IV, V, VI : London ... 25
Calais ... 20
York ... 1
Edward IV: London ... 22
After this selection the rest of the hoard appears to
have been put aside by Mr. Vaux and to have remained
in his care at the Museum until 1871, when, after a
preliminary selection of 255, 188 were finally retained
for the National Collection in September of that year,
and those not selected returned to the Treasury, where
they remained for between eight and nine years. These
were eventually purchased in three portions between
December, 1879, and April, 1880, by Messrs. W. S.
Lincoln and Son, the well-known dealers in New Oxford
Street, from whom others as well as myself have obtained
many specimens.
It appeared desirable to give the foregoing details
156 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
before attempting to classify the coins, in order to show
the sources from which I have been able to draw. In
addition to these an unexpected opportunity occurred
recently of examining Mr. Vaux's own selection of coins
for the Stamford Institute in 1868. These were in the
summer of last year (1910) sold by auction at Stamford
with other effects of the Institute on the winding up of
its affairs. This portion of the find was purchased by
Mr. A. H. Baldwin, of Duncannon Street, who has kindly
allowed me to take full particulars of all the coins.
The facts which I have been able to collect form a
really surprising story in the light of present-day interest
in coins of the period covered by the find. Even Mr.
Neck, who published his (for the time) valuable paper on
the Coinage of Henry IV, V, and VI in 1871, appears to
have been hardly aware that such important material for
his purposes was all the time he was writing lying within
such easy reach. He does indeed make allusion to the find
in a footnote (Num. Chron., New Series, Vol. XI. p. 97),
but says he has only seen a portion of it ; and even this
allusion must have been added after his paper was
practically completed, as many hitherto unknown varieties
of groats of Henry VI which were in the hoard are not
alluded to in any way.
Perhaps the most interesting question connected with
the present subject is the proportion of coins the hoard
contained of the various reigns and issues of which it
was composed, and I will put before the Society what I
have been able to gather from my investigations. The
coins were without exception groats, and the number is
believed to have exceeded 3000, although, as previously
stated, only 2940 were actually secured for the Treasury.
This number can be accounted for as follows :
THE STAMFOKD FIND AND COINAGE OF HENRY VI. 157
Sent by authority of the Treasury from the British
Museum to the Stamford Literary Institue,
1868? 76
Ditto, ditto, to Mr. Thos. Paradise of the Stamford
Mercury . . . . . . . .120
Purchased, September, 1871, by British Museum . 188
Purchased by Messrs. W. S. Lincoln & Son from the
Treasury, Dec., 1879 . '. ... . .216
Feb., 1880 480
April, 1880, all that remained (by
weight)? I860
2940
The last number tentatively given is, as will be seen,
that required to complete the total number. It cannot
be very far wrong as the amount paid by Messrs.
Lincoln and Son as bullion value appears to work out
at over a hundred more, but this uncertainty is accounted
for by our not having any record of what the bullion
value per oz. of silver was estimated at by the Treasury
in 1880. It would thus appear that we are able to
trace practically the whole of the coins up to the last-
named date. Those in the Museum I have been able
to classify, and also those originally sent to the Stamford
Institute; while in addition to having seen a large
number of those purchased by Messrs. Lincoln, both
the late Mr. Lincoln and his son were so good as to
give me their fullest personal reminiscences of the coins
that came into their possession. From the latter source
I learned that by far the largest portion, or perhaps
even as much as nearly 90 per cent, of the whole, con-
sisted of the common Calais groats of Henry VI, a
large number of which were consigned to the melting-
pot. There were a certain number of Edward III all
more or less worn and clipped, of both London and
158 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
York. Mr. Neck in his note quoting Mr. Justin Simpson
of Stamford, mentions two of Kichard II in rather poor
condition, but says that none of Henry IV were noticed.
There is, however, one in the British Museum from the
find, of the usual type, with the Roman N in London,
and another presumably from the find is mentioned
(although not described) in the Sale Catalogue of the
Collection of Mr. Samuel Sharp, F.S.A., of Great Har-
rowden Hall, near Wellingborough, sold April 3, 1883.
In this catalogue 113 groats are described as being
from the Stamford find. Of the other type of groats
now generally recognized as belonging to Henry IV
with the Lombardic ft in London, I have seen one
specimen from the selection sent to the Stamford
Institute, and there is another in the British Museum
[PI. X. 1]. Of Henry V there were a certain number,
but the most important feature of the hoard was the
comparatively large number of groats of Henry VI of
all the later issues, and of heavy groats of Edward IV,
most of which were nearly, if not quite, in mint con-
dition. There were a very few light groats of Edward IV
with the rose and sun mint-marks, one of which was
amongst those sent to the Stamford Institute. The in-
denture with Lord Hastings for the new or light coinage
of Edward IV was, it is interesting here to note, dated
from Stamford on August 13, 1464. The few light groats
in the hoard would show that not many had got into
circulation when it was concealed, and the date of this
event may therefore be put with fair certainty at not
later than about the beginning of 1465. Assuming that
Mr. Lincoln's estimate of the proportion of the common
Calais groats in the hoard is correct, there were pro-
bably between four and five hundred of the less common
THE STAMFORD FIND AND COINAGE OF HENRY VI. 159
varieties, which may be accounted for in the following
manner :
The Stamford Institute . . . .76
British Museum . . . . .188
The Sharp Collection (1883) . . .113
The Webb Collection (1894) . . .67
Total . . .444
The groats in the Sharp Collection may with all pro-
bability be assumed to be partially derived from the
number sent to Mr. Paradise for local distribution, and
partially from those not recovered for the Treasury,
Mr. Sharp having been a well-known local collector.
The groats from the Stamford find in the Webb Collec-
tion were probably obtained, to some extent at least,
from the Sharp Collection ; and those subsequently
appearing in the Montagu and other sales are all stated
to be from the two last-named collections. What
became of the coins not recovered for the Treasury,
and the 120 sent to Mr. Paradise of the Stamford
Mercury by authority of the Treasury in 1868, it
would be interesting to know, although my suggestions
probably account for many of them. There is no
reason to suppose that they were specially selected
for their numismatic value, although it is likely that
they would have been to a great extent well-preserved
specimens.
Having given a general account of the find, and what
it contained, and what became of the coins, it will now
be desirable to draw attention to those of special
interest amongst them. This I propose doing with
some reference to my paper on the Silver Coinage of
160 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
the reign of Henry VI published in Num. Chron.,
Fourth Series, Vol. II. pp. 224-266, and as a supplement
thereto. In the eight years that have elapsed since
I wrote that paper, nothing that I am aware has come
to light to alter in any important way the general
conclusions I then put forward, but at the same time
various coins then unknown to me have since come to
my notice enabling me to amplify what I previously
wrote. This has particularly been the case since giving
special attention to the Stamford find. Among the
coins sent to the Stamford Institute in 1868 was a
specimen of the extremely rare York groat of Henry VI
of the annulet coinage, which appears to have been
the only one in the hoard so far as can now be
ascertained, unless possibly the one in Mr. Neck's
Collection the only other known outside the British
Museum came from the same source. In addition to
its rarity this coin is of the greatest numismatic
interest, as it fixes the type of the earliest coinage of
Henry VI. No fresh varieties of the Calais or London
annulet groats were in the find, and were hardly to be
expected, but a few of the Calais annulet trefoil issue
have come under my notice. In my former paper, fol-
lowing Mr. Neck I remarked on the curious circumstance
of the trefoil to the left of the crown being omitted
on the half-groat of this issue, while appearing on the
groat and penny. I am now able to say that the half-
groat was struck with the trefoil on the obverse like
the other values, and that its absence on the half- groats
seen by Mr. Neck and myself was due to their being
mule coins struck from ordinary annulet obverse dies
with the annulet trefoil reverse, having the trefoil after
POSYI and an annulet in one quarter only. Even now,
THE STAMFORD FIND AND COINAGE OF HENRY VI. 161
however, I cannot produce a complete coin, but I have
a half-groat from what must have been a regular annulet
trefoil obverse die with the trefoil to the left of the
crown, and an annulet rosette reverse die [PI. X. 3].
The penny also, which in common with Mr. Neck I
described as having (unlike the groat and half-groat)
an annulet in two quarters of the reverse, is also a mule
coin, and I now have a penny with the annulet in one
quarter only, thus making it agree with the groat and
half-groat [PL X. 2].
The Stamford find furnishes several previously un-
known or unpublished varieties of the rosette-mascle
coinage, affording interesting evidence of the birth and
evolution (on the coins) of that hitherto unexplained
object, the heraldic mascle, which with various vicissi-
tudes retained its hold on the coinage in certain instances
until the end of the reign of Henry VI, and even into
the beginning of that of Edward IV.
In writing of the rosette-mascle coinage in my paper in
Num. Cliron., Fourth Series, Vol. II. p. 239, I said that no
Calais groats and half-groats had come under my notice
similar to those of London of the first variety. Since
then, however, I have found that there are several in-
teresting varieties of this type of Calais groat, specimens
of each of which I have obtained from coins in the
Stamford hoard. The first to mention is of what may
be termed the rosette coinage pure and simple. On the
obverse there are no distinguishing marks of any sort,
and the words are divided by single saltire stops. On the
reverse there is a rosette after POSVI and OC7YLISI6C, but
no mascle or any mark save the usual cross mint-mark
[PI. X. 4]. The coin I would place next in order is
exactly similar to the last, but a small mascle is placed
162 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
on the obverse after tyanRICC ; but the reverse is exactly
as before. There is a specimen of this groat in the
British Museum Collection, and Mr. H. Earle Fox has
another. These two and my own are the only specimens
that I have seen, and they are possibly all from the Stam-
ford find [PI. X. 5]. The groat that appears to follow is
one having an obverse similar to the first described, but
with a small mascle introduced into the spandrils of the
tressure on either side of the king's hair. There is no
mascle after tyffnRIGC or on the reverse, which is similar
to the previous coins [PI. X. 6]. Another groat of this
variety shows for the first time a small mascle between
LVI and LTV on the reverse [PI. X. 7]. The group is
completed by a groat, which like the last has a bust of
special character, with no mascle on the obverse, but like
the others having large single saltire stops between the
words. The reverse continues the small mascle before
LTV [PI. X. 8]. These groats are all more or less rare,
and would almost appear to have been trials for intro-
ducing the rosette and the mascle when these emblems
were decided upon. Perhaps but for the Stamford find
no specimens of some at least of the varieties might
have come down to us. After these tentative coins the
regular issue of the rosette-mascle groats of the ordinary
types was, as is well known, so prolific that they share
with those of the annulet coinage the distinction of
being some of our commonest mediaeval coins. I may
here mention that half-groats with mascles in the span-
drils of the tressure, as on the groats, are now also
known [PI. X. 9], while a rare penny having no emblems
on the obverse, and on the reverse a mascle before LTV
and a rosette after dTVLISier, may safely be attributed to
the same issue [PI. X. 10].
THE STAMFORD FIND AND COINAGE OF HENEY VI. 163
Of the " pine-cone " coinage the hoard presented no
varieties of groats not previously known, although it
afforded a considerable number of mules with reverses
from dies of previous and succeeding coinages. Perhaps
the most remarkable of these is the Calais groat having
an " annulet " reverse, of which there were a certain
number of specimens amongst those which Messrs. Lincoln
had [PI. XI. 1]. As I have said before, I believe that these
coins can only be accounted for by reason of economy at
the Calais mint when its prosperity was on the wane. The
Calais half-groat with a "pine-cone" obverse and an
annulet reverse is also now known, showing that an
appreciable amount of this peculiar money must have
been struck. Of the issue which I called that of the
"rose-leaf" there was a fair number of Calais groats and
some of London, some of the Calais specimens having
" pine-cone " obverses. The special features of this issue,
it may be well to recall, are a large clearly defined leaf
under the bust on the obverse, and a similar leaf at the
end of the outer reverse legend, usually under the final
Stt. Another variety of groat of about this period, of
which I noted two or three specimens amongst the
Stamford coins, has a leaf on the point of tressure on the
breast, but with no special marks of any sort in the legends
on either side, unless possibly a mascle before RGCX ; but
owing to the imperfect striking of the specimen which
I possess this detail is uncertain. The obverse mint-
mark is a cross fleury and that on the reverse a plain
cross.
To take the various coinages consecutively, we now
come to that which Hawkins designates as the "pine-
cone trefoil coinage," but which I have ventured to change
into " rose-leaf trefoil," as it is quite clear to those who
164 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
have made a study of the later coinages of this reign that
the pine-cone, which was evidently intended on the
coinage that properly bears its name, was not continued
after, although a leaf, carelessly mistaken for it, was
extensively used on most of the later issues of Henry VI.
On well-struck coins this leaf is quite unmistakable, the
central and lateral fibres being clearly indicated. Of the
rose-leaf trefoil coinage, which, as I said in my previous
paper, really consists of a number of issues gradually
varying as to the disposition of its characteristic emblems,
the Stamford find supplied a considerable number of
all the varieties, including some almost, if not quite,
unknown previously. The earlier varieties especially
must all have been rare up to this time, as the British
Museum possesses scarcely any specimens derived from
other sources. Of the latest variety, or what may be
called the trefoil coinage proper, where the trefoils occur
on either side of the bust, the Calais groats are some of
the rarest and most interesting in the find. Unknown to
Neck when he wrote on the coinage of Henry IV, V, and
VI, they afford evidence that the Calais mint was at work
later than he thought. Little money, however, can have
been coming from it at this time, as I can only trace five
or six of these trefoil groats from the find together with
about as many mules having obverses from pine-cone dies.
Of London trefoil groats those having the spandrils of
the tressure filled with pointed trefoils, as on the nobles,
were perhaps the least known previously, and even in the
find there do not appear to have been many. In my first
paper on the silver coinage of Henry VI (Num. Chron.,
Fourth Series, Vol. II. p. 253), I said that no half-groats,
pence, or halfpence are known having the trefoil at the
sides of the neck. I acquired later two halfpennies with
THE STAMFORD FIND AND COINAGE OF HENRY VI, 165
this feature from the Longstaffe Collection, and I believe
others are now known.
As with the previous coinage the pine cone is an
entirely inappropriate name for what is obviously a
leaf. I therefore propose to call it the leaf and pellet
coinage.
The peculiar groats to which I alluded (Num. Cliron.,
Fourth Series, Vol. II. p. 256), with no special charac-
teristics on the obverse beyond an unusual bust, but on
which the additional pellets appear for the first time on
the reverse in two quarters [PI. XI. 4], or in all four
[PI. XI. 3], although their position is not easy to fix with
certainty, must, I think, come here. I believe that this
variety was not known previous to the find, and I have
met with very few specimens. Two are in the British
Museum, and one was sent to the Stamford Institute, while
I obtained a fourth from the coins which Mr. Lincoln had.
Amongst groats of the regular type of this coinage in
the find were two very rare ones of Calais [PI. XI. 6], one
being a mule with the reverse from a trefoil die [PI. XI. 5],
which are quite the last so far discovered of this mint.
Of London groats I have seen one with four pellets in
the field of the obverse : two at the sides of the crown,
and two lower down at the sides of the hair. A groat in
the British Museum collection from the Stamford find
of the class to which I alluded in my original paper
(p. 259), as having a star of four points on either side of
the king's bust, is perhaps of more importance than I
then thought [PI. XI. 7]. I have since seen two other
specimens from the find, one of which was amongst the
selection sent to the Stamford Institute, and I now con-
sider them as belonging to a transitional issue connecting
the leaf and pellet coinage with the cross and pellet one.
VOL. XI., SERIES IV. N
166 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
Evidently a certain number of groats were struck with
the peculiarity referred to, and I have now a halfpenny
exactly similar with a leaf on the bust and a cross in
saltire on each side of it [PL XI. 10], which suggests the
probability of an issue of all silver denominations of
this type. This is confirmed by the fact that the latest
pennies of both York [PL XI. 8] and Durham [PL XI. 9]
have the same obverse features, save that on those of
Durham a B (for Bishop Booth) takes the place of one of
the saltire crosses. The groats of this type, which appear
to have been unknown previous to the Stamford find,
may therefore be considered important as not only proving
a distinct transitional London issue when the saltire cross
was first adopted as a special mark, but as giving the
type to the latest provincial coins of Henry VI previous
to his deposition.
Of the " cross and pellet " coinage there was a con-
siderable number of groats in the hoard, twenty being
amongst those selected by the British Museum, while
five were sent in the selection to the Stamford Institute.
The varieties comprise (1) those with mascles in the
obverse legends, (2) those having mullets in the obverse
and reverse legends, and (3) those having 5 after FRTVnd,
while some are without any of these features. The mullets
and mascles are variously placed, but usually after f]CnKI(I
and POSVI. Although previous to the Stamford find all
the later varieties of groats of Henry VI appear to have
been rare, this must have been due to their recoinage
under Edward IV, as the find affords evidence of their
comparative abundance in 1464 ; while the mint
accounts show that a very large quantity of silver was
coined into money during the last four years of Henry's
reign, when the cross and pellet type may be presumed
THE STAMFORD FIND AND COINAGE OF HENEY VI. 167
to have been the one in course of issue, including
7042 Ibs. 7 ozs. for the year 1459-60.
A new variety of type was just making its appearance
when Henry VI was deposed, that with the special
distinguishing mark of the fleur-de-lys upon the king's
neck, of which only groats are so far known [PI. XI. 11 J.
A few of these were in the Stamford hoard, but apart from
a single specimen in the British Museum, none seem to
have been previously known. Even the few in the find
appear to have been overlooked, as no specimen was
retained for the National Collection or sent to the Stam-
ford Institute, although there were several varieties of
mint-marks on the reverse.
A special feature of the hoard was the number and
variety of heavy groats of Edward IV, hitherto coins of
considerable rarity. All these I have described in Num.
Chron., Fourth Series, Vol. IX., in an article on the coin-
age of Edward IV, so I will only make short reference to
them here. They were all in practically mint condition,
and out of the number thirty-nine were retained for the
National Collection, while twenty were sent to the Stam-
ford Institute, one of the most interesting of the latter
having on the obverse two varieties of the rose mint-
mark side by side, one being the formal rosette and the
other the larger full-blown single rose. This piece is not
described in the list at the end of my paper as the coins
from the Stamford Institute only came under my notice
after I wrote it.
Although much belated and imperfect through lapse
of time, this record of the particulars which can now be
gathered about the great find of groats at Stamford in
1866 may still be welcome, especially to those who are
interested in the coinages of the later Plantagenet kings.
N 2
168
NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
At the same time it has afforded me an opportunity of
amplifying and correcting my paper on the silver coinage
of Henry VI, published in the Numismatic Chronicle of
1902. To these particulars I append a detailed list of
the coins from the find selected by Mr. Vaux both for
the British Museum and the Stamford Institute, and as
this paper deals mainly with the reign of Henry VI, and
is to some extent supplementary to my former papers on
his coinage, I give also the mint accounts which I have
obtained from the Record Office of the amounts of both
gold and silver coined between 1422 and 1460.
BECORD OP THE GROATS SELECTED FROM THE STAMFORD FIND BY
MR. VAUX FOR THE BRITISH MUSEUM COLLECTION AND FOR THE
STAMFORD INSTITUTE.
Reign.
British
Museum.
Stamford
Institute.
SCOTCH.
Robert III
Edinburgh
1
1
i
Perth
-i
James II
Edinburgh
1
ENGLISH.
Edward III
1351-60, London
3
2
Contemporary forgery
1
it
York
1
4
t)
1360-69, London
1
1
Richard II
none
none
Henry IV
Light coinage, London, with Roman H
1
,, English n
1
1
mint-mark cross pate'e with sunk circle
Henry V
With mullet on left breast
4
Henry VI
Annulet coinage, London
2
2
York
1
,, ,, Calais
3
9
Annulet trefoil issue, Calais
2
Contemporary forgeries
2
Rosette-mascle coinage, London (early)
2
1
Calais
5
9
Pine-cone mascle coinage, London
3
2
ii n n Calais
6
6
Rose-leaf issue, London
,, Calais
2
Rose-leaf trefoil issue, London, including
14
3
the several lesser variations
THE STAMFOED FIND AND COINAGE OF HENKY VI. 169
Reign.
Mint.
British
Museum.
Stamford
Institute.
Henry VI London
Henry VI
Henry VI
Calais
London
London
Calais
London
London
Trefoil Coinage.
With trefoils at sides of bust ;
mint-mark, cross fleury obv.
only
With trefoils forming two cusp-
terminals
Mint-mark, cross fleury obv.
and rev.
Pointed trefoils in spandrils of
tressure
Mule, pine cone obv., trefoil
rev.
With pellets at sides of crown
or in two quarters of reverse
With trefoils at sides of bust
and on rev. before LA and
810
Mule, pine cone obv. ; rev.,
trefoil coinage (trefoils in
inner legend)
Mule, pine cone obv. ; rev. no
distinguishing mark
Peculiar bust with no dis-
tinguishing marks on obv. ;
rev. has extra pellet in two
quarters. Mint-mark, cross
fleury on obv. only. See
PI. XI. 4.
Leaf and Pellet Coinage.
Leaf on point of tressure on
breast
Mule, obv. of this issue ; rev.
of trefoil coinage, trefoil after
LA
Leaf above point of tressure
which is fleured (two read
Leaf above point of tressure,
which is fleured ; saltire
cross at each side of neck
Leaf on neck
Cross and Pellet Coinage.
Beading AftSLI FRARa,
with mullet after hQRRICC
and POSVI
With mullet after FRAHCC
With mascle after hSHRICX
Beading A n,6L FRARC(*,with
mullet after hSFlRIQ and
POSVI
10
19
10
170
NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
Keign.
Mint.
British j Stamford
Museum.' Institute.
Cross and Pellet Coinage cont.
Edward IV
London
Mint-mark cross fleury, lis on
neck, pellets at sides of
crown and in two quarters of
reverse ; rev., mint-mark lis
Mint-mark, obv., cross fleury;
rev., none ; lis on neck, pel-
lets at sides of crown and in
two quarters of reverse
Mint-mark, obv., plain cross ;
rev., lis, otherwise as before
Mint-mark, obv. and rev., plain
cross, otherwise as before
Mint-mark, obv., plain cross;
rev., none
Mint-mark, obv., plain cross ;
rev., none ; reads DQI ;
mascle after FRTXRCt ;
otherwise as before
Mint-mark, obv. and rev., plain
cross ; lis on breast forming
fleur to point of tressure
Edward IV '< London
Heavy Groats.
Mint-mark, obv., plain cross;
rev., rosette, lis on neck ;
no extra pellets in quarters
of reverse
No pellets at sides of
crown or in two quarters of
reverse
Mint-mark, rose or rosette;
obv. and rev., crescent on
breast
As last, but rose and rosette
mint-marks together on
obverse
Mint-mark, obv. and rev., rose
or rosette, small trefoil of
pellets on point of cusp on
breast
As last, but nothing on cusp
of tressure on breast
11
13
THE STAMFOKD FIND AND COINAGE OF HENRY VI. 171
Reign.
Mint.
British
Museum.
Stamford
Institute.
Light Groats.
Edward IV
London
Mint-mark, obv. and rev., rose
2
(early var.), small trefoil on
bust ; eye after TfiS on rev.
,,
i)
Mint-mark rose ; obv. and rev.,
1
annulets at sides of bust ;
eye after TfiS on rev.
>!
,,
Mint-mark rose ; obv. and rev.
1
1
of usual later type
Mint-mark sun ; obv. and rev.,
3
usual type
,,
Norwich
Mint-mark, obv., rose (?) ; rev.,
1
sun, R on breast of king.
Reads ftORVICC
AMOUNTS OF GOLD AND SILVER COINED DURING THE REIGN OF HENRY VI,
FROM THE EXCHEQUER ACCOUNTS AT THE RECORD OFFICE (FOREIGN ROLL).
Date.
Mint.
Gold.
Silver.
Ibs. ozs. dwt.
Ibs.
ozs. dwt.
1422
Mar. 31, 1422, to Mi-
London
19,746 11 Oi
6,924 10
chaelmas, 1424
1423
Aug. 12
, 1423, to
Aug.
York
2,538 7 12J
330 3 10
14, 1424
1424
1424 to
1428 (Ruding)
Calais
2,834 9 7
67,745 4 10
Michaelmas, 1424, to
London
3,453 12 10
1,612 4 7
Michaelmas, 1425
1425
Michaelmas, 1425, to
i)
3,078 4 12J
2,702 9 5
Easter, 1427
Easter to Mich., 1427
762 2i 2
598 8 15
1427
Michaelmas, 1427, to
1,691 10 7
1,163 8 5
Michaelmas, 1428
1428
Feb., 1428, to
Aug.
Calais
361 3 10
89,660 9
(Ruding), 1431
1430
Michaelmas, 1428, to
London
1,528 10 7
2,894 9 17
Mar. 31, 1430
ii
Mar. 31
, 1430, to Mich.,
1,300 11| 2
2,814 9|
1431
1431
Michaelmas, 1431, to
1,143 4* 2
2,328 5 2
Michaelmas, 1433
1433
(Ruding
fr
Calais
26,182 10 dJ.
)>
Michaelmas, 1433, to
London
477 4 7
425 11^
Michaelmas, 1434
1434
June, 1434, to Michael-
,,
157 6 15
144 7 ob.
mas, 1434
1435
Michaelmas, 1434, to
300 1|
523 lOJ 2
next St. John Baptist,
1435
1436
Feb. to Mar., 1436
Calais
1,770
172
NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
Date.
Mint.
Gold.
Silver.
Ibs. ozs. dwt.
Ibs. ozs. dwt.
1436
June, 1435, to Michael-
London
505 7 6ob.
364 2 3qr.2d.
mas, 1436
1437
Michaelmas, 1436, to
339 9 5
547 J
Michaelmas, 1437
1438
Michaelmas, 1437, to
it
315 1 2 oh.
1,477 7
Michaelmas, 1438
1439
Michaelmas, 1438, to
>>
545 7 14f
4,288 9 15
Dec., 1439
1440
Dec., 1439, to Easter,
505 4
2,751 3
1441
1441
Easter (Apr. 16), 1441,
>)
691 3 11J
529 7 ob.
to Michaelmas, 1443
1444
Michaelmas, 1443, to
)>
243 8 14
155 8 15
Michaelmas, 1444
1445
Michaelmas, 1444, to
>)
162 3|
207 3
Michaelmas, 1445
ii
Michaelmas to Dec.,
>
37 8
41J 3J
1445
1446-7
Dec., 1445, to St. John
H
236J 1 8f
654 4
Baptist, 1447
1445-7
(Coined for obols)
1,872 lOf
1448-9
St. John Baptist, 1447,
n
292 9
789 11
to Oct. 11, 1449
1450
Oct., 1449, to Michael-
357 1 11
4,635 2 5
mas, 1450
>)
Michaelmas, 1450, to
)>
415 1 3f
10.789J 1 15
Easter (Apr. 9), 1452
1452
Apr. 9, 1452, to Apr. 1,
,,
262 J
4,089 8 16
1453
1453
Apr. 1, 1453, to Easter
123 10 7
3,605 5 5
(Apr. 21), 1454
1454
Apr. 21, 1454, to Easter
>i
149 6
5,469 10
(Mar. 28), 1456
1456
Mar. 28, 1456, to Mi-
it
128 2i 7
6,662 1
chaelmas, 1457
1458
Michaelmas, 1457, to
))
84 10
3,660 8
Michaelmas, 1458
"
Michaelmas, 1458, to
Michaelmas, 1459
H
/ 19 5 11 \
\ 29 3 14 j
3,103 2
1459-
Michaelmas, 1459, to
)>
113 2 15
7,042 7
60
Michaelmas, 1460
Complete accounts of the bullion coined at the Calais
mint, if they exist, are not at present available. This
is probably due to the fact that a quantity of documents
are still unclassed at the Eecord Office, and I have been
unable to find even those which were accessible to
Ending at the Tower. I have, therefore, for the sake of
THE STAMFORD FIND AND COINAGE OF HENEY VI. 173
completeness, quoted from him the amounts between
1424 and 1433 After that I have been a little more
successful, the "Foreign Koll" giving the account of
Joan Bokeland, " late widow and executrix of Richard
Bokeland, keeper of the mint at Calais," from February
10 to March 30, 1436, during which time 1770 Ibs. of
silver appears to have been coined into money. Pre-
vious to this it is recorded that, from March 30,
1435, to February 10, 1436, no return is given because
no money was coined on account of the war with the
Duke of Burgundy. There is later on for 1439-40 an
entry of 4 17s. 5<#. for the king's seignorage from
" denarii " coined at the Calais mint, but no weight of
bullion is given. This is the latest record that I have
been able to find.
DESCRIPTION OF PLATES.
PLATE X.
No.
1. Henry IV light groat of transitional type.
2. Henry VI Calais penny of annulet-trefoil coinage.
3. Calais half-groat, with obverse of the true
annulet-trefoil type with trefoil to left of
crown. Reverse from a rosette mascle die.
4. ,, Calais groat of the rosette coinage without
mascle.
5. Calais groat of earliest rosette mascle issue
with small mascle after ^GCREIGC.
6. ,, Calais groat of second (?) variety of the
rosette-mascle issue with mascles in two
spandrils of tressure, but none on reverse.
7. Calais groat, a variety of the last with small
mascle on reverse before LTV.
174 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
No.
8. Henry. VI Calais groat of early rosefcte-mascle issue
previous to introduction of rosettes and
mascles in obverse legend.
9. Calais half -groat of early rosette-mascle issue
with mascles in two spandrils of tressure.
10. Calais penny, corresponding with previous
groats and half-groats.
11. London half -groat of late rosette-mascle
type, one of the only two known with
cross floury mint-mark, and rosettes and
mascle in obverse legend.
PLATE XI.
1. Henry VI Calais groat of the " pine-cone " coinage
with reverse from a die of the annulet
coinage.
2. ,, London groat of the "trefoil" coinage, with
trefoils on points of tressure at sides of
bust.
3. ,, London groat of peculiar type without dis-
tinguishing marks on obverse, extra pellet
in four quarters of reverse.
4. ,, London groat, similar to last, with extra
pellet in two quarters only of reverse.
5. ,, Calais groat of leaf and pellet coinage with
reverse from a die of the trefoil coinage.
6. Calais groat of leaf and pellet coinage. The
latest known from the Calais mint.
7. ,, London groat of transitional type between
the " leaf and pellet " and " cross and
pellet" coinages; saltire crosses at sides
of bust.
8. York penny of same type (the latest known).
9. ,, Durham penny of same issue (also the latest
known).
10. ,, London halfpenny of same issue.
11. London groat. The latest of Henry VI with
lys upon neck.
THE STAMFORD FIND AND COINAGE OF HENRY VI. 175
The coins illustrated in the two foregoing plates are,
in addition to their reference (in most instances) to the
Stamford find, intended to be supplementary to Plates
VIII. to XI., Vol. II., Num. Chron. y Fourth Series, refer-
ring to a paper in the same volume on "The Silver
Coinage of the Keign of Henry VI."
FREDK. A. WALTERS.
IX.
COINS OF THE SHAHS OF PEESIA.
(Continued from N.S., Vol. VIII. p. 373.)
II. SILVER COINAGE FROM THE EEFORM OF THE CUR-
RENCY BY NADIR TO THE ACCESSION OF NASR-AD-
DlN SHAH. 1737-1848 A.D.
NADIR. 1736-1747 A.D. = 1148-1160 A.H.
As already mentioned in a previous article, Nadir
introduced during the second year of his reign a new
currency the particulars of which are given as follows
by Jonas Han way :
Dinars, Miscals. Grains.
The toman (imaginary) . . 10,000
Hazardinar which the English
called mildinar and the Rus-
sians Rouble .... 1000 5 360
Punsad -dinar, or Rupi, or Nadiri 500 2 180
Sisad-dinar, or six shahis . . 300 1| 108
Abbasi, or four shahis . . 200 1 72
Sad -dinar, or Mahmudi . 100 | 36
Shahi 50 \ 18
Bisti (imaginary) ... 20
The mildinar was computed as equivalent to an
English crown of five shillings.
Amongst the coins described I would draw attention
to Nos. 2 and 3, rare coins of the Period struck at
Darband and Kabul ; the latter with the prefix
COINS OF THE SHAHS OF PERSIA. 177
The weights of coins are l
Highest 353 180-1 108-3 70-8 18
Lowest 347-2 173-5 100-3 69 16-7
Average 350-3(5) 177-6(26) 105-3(32) 70-1(5) 174(6)
SAM. 1747 A.D. = 1160 A.H.
The only coins of the pretender Sam which have reached
us are half rupis, the weights being 88'5 and 78*4.
'ADIL SHAH. 1747-1748 A.D. = 1160-1161 A.H.
Of 'Adil Shah's coinage we only have the hazardinar
or double rupi of 360 grains, and the abbasi of 72
grains.
The weights are-
Highest 353-5 71-9
Lowest 353-5 68-7
Average 353-5(1) 69-6(10)
IBRAHIM. 1748-1749 A.D. = 1161-1162 A.H.
Ibrahim, as far as we can make out, struck the 3-abbasi
piece of 216 grains, the abbasi of 72, and the shahi
of 18 grains.
Mr. E. S. Poole mentions the 3-abbasi piece as equiva-
lent to 18 shahis; this is evidently a misprint for 12
shahis.
The shahi described under No. 8, and bearing the
inscription o^j- 5 ' w-*-^> ^ L5*^* ->*' an( ^ ^he date Isfahan
1161 A.D., may belong to the interregnum of three
months between the deposition of r Adil Shah and the
proclamation of Isma'il.
1 The figures in brackets indicate the number of coins on which the
averages are based.
178 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
The weights of coins are
Highest 215-4 72-1 17-5
Lowest 213-5 70 17-5
Average 214-4(2) 71-2(4) 17-5(1)
SHAH KUKH. 1748-1796 A.D. = 1161-1210 A.H.
Of the coinage of this unfortunate sovereign we have
the double rupi, the rupi, and the abbasi of 72 grains.
The coin of 112 grains may be overweight for the 6-shahi
piece of 108 grains. It is scarcely credible that it should
be underweight for 144 grains, or a 2-abbasi piece, unless
it is a debased and spurious coin.
I have attributed to Shah Eukh the Kazwin coin of
1161 A.H. described under No. 11 and bearing the
distich
13
^^a-Lo AX
The weights of coins are
Highest 359 177-8 112 72 18-1
Lowest 344-4 170-8 112 68-4 17-8
Average 353-7(5) 174-3(5) 112(1) 70-4(6) 17-9(2)
SULAIMAN II. 1749-1750 A.D. = 1163 A.H.
Of the coinage of Sulaiman II we only have the abbasi
of 72 grains ; the two specimens I know of weigh respec-
tively 69 '2 and 65'3 grains.
ISMA'IL III. 1750-1756 A.D. = 1163-1169 A.H.
The coins of Isma'll III which have reached us are the
rupi and the shahi of 18 grains. The weights are-
Highest 177-8 17-7
Lowest 170-7 17-4
Average 173-5 (9) 17-5 (2)
COINS OF THE SHAHS OF PEESIA. 179
KAKIM KHAN. 1750-1779 A.D. = 1163-1193 A.H.
Karim Khan issued at first the rupi of 180 grains, the
abbasi of 72, and the shahi of 18 grains. About 1282 A.H.
he introduces the 2-abbasi piece of 144 grains and seems
to have stopped issuing rupis.
Tiflls, Shamakhi, and Ganjah, towards the end of
Karim's rule, had local issues, based on the shahi of 12
grains, the series being 12, 24, 48, and 60 grains. 2
Before leaving the subject of the coinage of Karlm
Khan, I would draw attention to the non-conspicuous
way in which the invocation ^j^= ^ is introduced on
some coins. A good instance of this will be found in
coin No. 12, where we have
and No. 13
The weights of coins are
Highest
Lowest
177-5
173-6
143-1
141-1
107-3
106-3
72-1
65-6
17-8
17-4
Average
175-1 (4)
141-5(9)
106-8 (2)
69-1 (86)
17-6 (3)
2 Writing in 1777, Gme'lin says : " Les Persans ont de la monnoye
d'or, d'argent & de cuivre, tant ancienne que nouvelle. Les diffdrens
genres des pieces de cette monnoye portent la meme denomination, mais
varient en valeur. Et comme tous les souverains du pays ne sont nulle-
ment d'accord entre eux, il n'est pas possible qu'ils puissent convenir
de rien, relativement a la valeur des especes. Chaque Kan fait battre
sa propre monnoye, & determine sa valeur selon son bon plaisir."
James Morier mentions that a miscal of silver under Karim Khan
was equivalent to 300 dinars. The Tiflis, Shamakhi and Ganjah coins
of 60, 48, and 20 grains are therefore rupis, abbasis, and mahmudis.
The successors of Karim Khan, however, continued to issue the Rupi
of 180 grains.
180 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
and for the coins of Tiflls, Shamakhl, and Ganjah
Highest 58-1 48-3 25-2
Lowest 50-3 42-6 22-4
Average 55-3(3) 46-5(16) 23-8(2)
MUHAMMAD HASAN KHAN KAJAR
and the successors of Karim Khan down to Aka Muham-
mad Khan issued the rupi of 180 grains, the abbasi of
27 grains, and the shahi of 18 grains.
The weights are as follows :
MUHAMMAD HASAN KHAN. S 1750-1759 A.D.
= 1163-1173 A.H.
Highest 179-8 68-4
Lowest 175-2 68-4
Average 177 (6) 68-4 (1)
AZAD KHAN. 1753-1756 A.D. = 1166-1169 A.H.
Highest, 69 ; lowest, 68-2 j average, 68-6 (2).
KHAN OF GANJAH. ABOUT 1761-1776 A.D.
= 1175-1190 A.H.
Highest 71-5 17-2
Lowest 67-7 17-2
Average 69-6 (3) 17-2 (1)
SADIK KHAN. 1779-1782 A.D. = 1193-1196 A.H.
Highest 178-6 18-3
Lowest 169-4 18
Average 174-1 (3) 18-1 (2)
3 I am greatly indebted to Professor Dr. Niitzel of the Kaiser-Fried-
rich-Museum, Berlin, for a cast of a coin of Muhammad Hasan Khan
bearing the following distich :
15-^ -^ J-f
COINS OF THE SHAHS OF PERSIA. 181
f ALi MURAD KHAN. 1779-1785 A.D. = 1193-1199 A.H.
Highest, 178-4; lowest, 176-5; average, 177-4 (3).
JA'FAR KHAN. 1785-1789 A.D. = 1199-1203 A.H.
Highest, 179-7; lowest, 172-4 ; average, 176-5(5).
The date of Ja'far Khan's accession and of the death
of 'All Murad is given in the third and fourth lines of
the following chronogram 4 :
"""" *
.ft.*
AHMAD SHAH AND TIMUR SHAH.
Ahmad Shah Durrani and his son Tlmur Shah both
struck rupis of 180 grains at Mashhad in their own names.
These coins are usually included amongst Afghanistan
coins.
The distich used by, Ahmad Shah is
that used by Tlmur Shah
<OI jJ.j^-J.* jj JJ ij A^ w
AKA MUHAMMAD KHAN. 1779-1797 A.D.
= 1193-1211 A.H.
Aka Muhammad Khan continued to issue rupis of
180 grains, abbasis of 72 and shahis of 18 grains, but
about 1206 A.H. he introduced a coin of 195 grains
4 The explanation of the chronogram is as follows : from
-o5 =550 is taken away >tj.^JLc =355; but is added
= 1004 ; the result is 1199.
VOL. XI., SERIES IV. O
182 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
and its half of 97*5 grains, the two varieties being
apparently concurrent.
His coins which have reached us are not numerous
enough to allow us to form a very accurate idea of the
coinage of his reign.
The weights of coins are-
Highest 177-8 71-2 18-5 and 194-8 88-4
Lowest 166 71-2 16 182-4 88-4
Average 173-8(5) 71-2(1) 17(3) 189-4(6) 88-4(1)
FATH 'Am SHAH. 1797-1834 A.D. = 1211-1250 A.H.
The description of the coinage of Fath 'All Shah given
in the Catalogue of the Coins of the Shahs of Persia in
the British Museum is so inaccurate that it is difficult
to see how the figures given were ever arrived at.
As Baba Khan, before his proclamation, Fath 'All
Shah issued the rupi of 180 grains and the shahi of
18 grains.
After his enthronement, he reduced the rupi to
162 grains, and issued the , ^, , 1, and 1 rupi.
In 1816-17 he further reduced the weight of the
rupi to 144 grains, and we find of this period the , ,
I, and 1 rupi.
In 1826, on the thirtieth anniversary of his reign,
he introduced the coin of 108 grains called kran, ,jij3,
from the word karn, oA r 30 years' period. This
coin was equal to the tenth of the toman, or 20 shahis,
in value.
Coins Nos. 30 and 31 are of interest, having been
struck at Panahabad. They are half rupis, and when
the kran was struck, the name panahabad, or panabad,
was given to its half, or the 10-shahi piece.
The weights of coins are
COINS OF THE SHAHS OF PERSIA.
183
A.H. 1211-1212.
Highest 174-7
Lowest 170-7
Average 172-7(2)
pierced
12-
A.H. 1212-1232.
Highest 234
Lowest 234
Average 234 (1)
161-5
154
158-3(38)
81-8 38-7 20-2
70-6 28-6 19-8
75-7(6) 34-7(6) 19-9(4)
A.H. 1232-1241.
Highest 143-5 65-8 29 16-2
Lowest 128 64-5 29 16-1
Average 139(18) 65-1(2) 29(1) 16-1(2)
pierced
A.H. 1240-1250.
Highest 111-3
Lowest 102-2
54
48-5
19 (pierced)
19
Average 105-4(26) 51-5(2) 19(2)
MUHAMMAD SHAH/ 1835-1848 A.D. = 1250-1264.
Muhammad Shah continued his predecessor's last
coinage, but in the second year of his reign reduced
the weight of the kran to 30 nakhods or 90 grains, and
shortly afterwards to 28 nakhods or 84 grains.
He issued 2^, 5, and 10 Shahi pieces and 1 and 2
kran pieces.
The weights of coins are
A.H. 1250-1251.
Highest 107 22-3
Lowest 99-8 22-3
Average 104-3 (3) 22-3 (1)
A.H.
1252-1255.
Highest
Lowest
89-7
86-5
44-2
41
10-9
9-6
Average
88-1 (5)
43-6 (3)
10-3 (3)
02
184 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
A.H. 1255-1264.
Highest 165-1 84 40 8-4
Lowest 165-1 79-8 40 8
Average 165-1(1) 82-2(2) 40(1) 8-2(2)
HASAN KHAN SALAR.
According to Mr. E. S. Poole, Hasan Khan Salar,
who, after the death of Muhammad Shah, made himself
independent and struck money at Mashhad in 1265 A.H.
(1849), continued the formula of the late Shah, which
does not designate the sovereign except by allusion.
I am informed, however, that he made use of the
following distich on his coins :
DlSTICHS OP THE KAjAES.
The Kajars do not make use of a distich as a coin
inscription, although they have one on their seal. These
distiches are
Fath 'All Shah-
Muhammad Shah
*.
Nasr-ad-Din Shah
COINS OF THE SHAHS OF PERSIA. 186
Mu?affar-ad-Dln Shah
~JA
Muhammad 'All Shah
We find that Muhammad Shah is called on a medal
AX) I J.B jj
and that he makes use of the following invocation on
one of his heavy gold coins :
EVIDENCE OF COINS.
The table on pp. 186, 187 gives the maximum weights
of the various Persian coins for the period 1737-1848 A.D.
The most interesting coins, for this period, which I
examined were 5
NADIR
1. Tiflrs, 1151.
Obv. B.M. 214.
Rev. Ju U~.
I lot
(pierced) JR. 0'95. Wt. 68-3.
5 A number with " B.M." prefixed refers to that number in Keginald
S. Poole's Catalogue of the Coins of the Shahs of Persia in the British
Museum. A number with no letters prefixed refers to coins described
in the present list.
186
NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
PERSIAN CURRENCY, 1737-1848. EVIDEN'
Multiples .
Nakhods
Grains
2
120
360
72
16
1
60
80
48
L44
1
36
LOS
i
JO
30
24
72
TO
6
18
4
i
M
1
16
18
8
24
1
1
65
95
i
32J
(11
Nadir .
353
80-1
108-3
70-8
18
(2)
Sam .
38-5
(3)
'Adil .
353-5
71-9
Ibrahim
(4)
215-4
72-1
17-5
(5)
Shah Rukh .
359
177-8
112
72
18.1
(6)
Sulaiman II
69-2
Isma'Il III .
()
177-8
17-7
(7a)
(7a)
Karim Khan
177-5
143-1
107-3
721
17-8
58-1
48-3
25-2
(7o)
Muhammad Has-
179-8
68-4
an Khan
(76)
Azad Khan .
69
12-2
(7c)
Khan of Ganjah
71-5
17-2
(8)
Sadik Khan
1786
18-3
(80)
'All Murad Khan
178-4
(9)
Ja'far Khan
179-7
(10)
(lOa)
Aka Muhammae
177-8
71-2
18-5
194-8
88-4
Khan
(ID
Fath 'All Shah
174-7
12-8
Muhammad Shah
Hasan Khan
' Salar
The numbers in brackets show the chr
6 Pierced coins.
COINS OF THE SHAHS OF PERSIA.
187
)P COINS MAXIMUM WEIGHT (SILVER).
1
i
i
i
1
i
i
i
1 i
3
1
i
i
5
2
1
i
A
54
27
13*
6f
48
24
12
6
36 18
71
30
15
7i
3f
56
28
14
2-8
62
81
81-8
40*
38-7
20}
144
72 36
18
108
54
21-6
90
45
22*
HI
168
84
42
8-4
61-5
20-2
(13)
143-5
65-8
29
16-2 6
(U)
111-3
54
19 6
(15)
107
22-3
(16)
89-7
44-2
22-3
10-9
(17)
165-1
83-8
40
8-4
Cl6o)
86-5
)gical order of the various currencies.
188 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
2. Darband, 1154.
Obv. B.M. 216.
Rev. i i
I lop
51. 0-9. Wt. 176-5.
3. Kabul, 1151.
B.M. 224, but rev. ends
I I 01 >*
^R. 1-05. Wt. 348-8.
4. Ganjah, 1155.
B.M. 244, but date | | o C
^R. 0-85. Wt. 69-9.
I find numerous varieties of B.M. 234 dated 1150,
1151, 1152.
'ADlL SHAH.
5. Isfahan, 1160.
Obv. B.M. 277.
Rev.
1. 0-85. Wt. 71-4.
6. Kazwin, 1160.
Obv. B.M. 277.
Rev. t Ij^y
. 0-95. Wt. 67-4.
COINS OF THE SHAHS OF PERSIA. 189
IBRAHIM.
7. Astarabad, date obliterated.
Obv. Similar to B.M. 287
Eev. B.M. 224, but jtljJiwl and date obliterated.
JR. 0-70. Wt. 71.
8. Isfahan, 1161.
Obv.- A***
U U
OJ-JIUs
Eev. (jlyiol
*U*JLJI jl,)
y ";' >j^
(pierced) JR. 0-5. Wt. 16'8.
SHAH EUKH.
9. Rasht, date obliterated.
Obv.
. Within ornamental border
J
L
JR. 0-85. Wt. 171-4.
10. Kazwin, date obliterated
B.M. 315, but mint O-^>* an( ^ ^ ate obliterated.
M. 0-85. Wt. 49-5.
190 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
11. Kazwln, 1161.
Olv. AJUI *l <OI
Margin : names of Imams.
Rev.
J! lo
I I 1 CHiP ' >^
(twice pierced) ^R. 1. Wt. 68-3.
EABIM KHAN.
12. Rasht, 1178.
Olv. B.M. 344.
Rev. AW oU U3I
L inserted thus
JR. 0-85. Wt. 70-7.
13. Rasht, 117x.
Obv. B.M. 344.
Rev |
i*"' 3
COINS OF THE SHAHS OF PERSIA. 191
b inserted thus
JR. 0-9. Wt. 66-8.
14. Shamakhi, 1178.
Obv. B.M. 331.
Rev. ^tri^ Lj
I I V j^> A
<^J
Jl. 0-75. Wt. 68-6.
15. Kazwin, 1174.
Obv. Similar to 13, but ends
y. __
. Area
Margin
^ ! L5 J -5 L5 A>C * JL
(pierced) M. 0-95. Wt. 69-1.
16. Ganjah, 1187.
Obv. B.M. 325.
Rev. Within ornamental border
(pierced) ^l. 1-05. Wt. 50-3.
17. Mazandaran, 1178.
Obv. B.M. 345.
Rev. Within ornamental border
I IVA
(pierced) JR. 0-8. Wt. 69-9.
192 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
18. Mazandaran.
Obv. EM. 345.
Rev. ,/)
j'j
M. 0-75. Wt. 69-3.
19. Mazandaran, 1183.
Obv. B.M. 325.
Rev. Within ornamental lozenge.
u
M. 0-85. Wt. 107-3.
20. Kashan, 1182.
Obv. B.M. 324.
Rev. Within border of many foils elongated above and
below, on either side fleuron, and on either side
of both fleurons, three pellets.
3.* U
Beneath all | | A f-
M. 0-8. Wt. 68-2.
I find a great variety of coins of Karlm Khan the
dates and mints of some of them being : Isfahan, 1173-
1181 ; Tabriz, 1177-1186 ; Kasht, 1174-1185 ; Kashan,
1175^1183; Shiraz, 1170-1177; Tihran, 1178-1182;
Kazwin, 1166 and 1174-1176; Yazd, 1179-1181; and
Astarabad, 1177.
COINS OF THE SHAHS OF PERSIA. 193
21. Tiflls, 1194.
B.M. 366, but date - ' * ^ (pierced)
M. 0-75. Wt. 44-2.
22. Erivan, date obliterated.
Obv. B.M. 424.
Eev. jv*)^*
I Ob
Ijj-j )*e>
M. 0-75. (pierced) Wt. 45-3.
MUHAMMAD HASAN KHAN.
22A. Rasht, 1168.
Olv. B.M. 404.
Eev.
JL.5I
III 1A
^?. 1. Wt. about 180.
I find also B.M. 410, but date 1171 ; and B.M. 411, but
date 1169.
AKA MUHAMMAD KHAN.
23. Ganjah, 1208.
Border of pyramids of dots.
194 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
Bev. Within circle, above which j^a*.* l>
i r A )
f instead of f .
M. 1. Wt. 184
FATH 'ALI (BABA KHAN).
24. Kashan, 1212.
Olv. AX)
v flU
U. Ulj UaJLJ
100'
Bet;.
I r i r
(twice pierced) JR. 0-7. Wt. 12-
FATH 'ALT SHAH.
25. Urumi, probably 1225.
Obv. EM. 464.
51. 0-3. Wt. 156-4.
26. Urumi, date obliterated.
Olv. B.M. 525.
1. 0-75. Wt. 105-7.
27. Burujird, 1232.
Obv. EM. 464.
.Ret?.
rrr
51. 0-8. Wt. about 142.
COINS OF THE SHAHS OF PERSIA. 195
28. Burujird, 1241.
Obv.- B.M. 525.
Rev.
i rn
Si. 0-85. Wt. about 108.
29. Burujird, 1243.
Similar, but reverse varied and date [ |
SL. 0-8. Wt. about 108.
30. Panahabad, 1233.
Obv. *JUt 'Njl Alt N)
. Within circle, arched above
| rrr (pierced)
M. 0-9. Wt. 65-8.
31. Panahabad, 1234.
Similar, but date
M. 0-9. Wt. 64-5.
32. Tuisirkan, 1242.
Obv. B.M. 525.
Eev. ls..w t>
>R. 0-8. Wt. about 108.
33. Khiii, 1214.
Obv. B.M. 488.
Rev. Within circle, upper part of which is arched
i r
0-95. Wt. 155-7.
196 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
34. Khui, 1239.
Obv.EM. 464.
Rev. v
rr ( .
JR. O9. Wt. 142.
35. Army mint, 1242.
Obv. B.M. 525.
Rev. v
^R. 0-85. Wt. about 108.
30. Maraghah, date obliterated.
Olv. B.M. 488, but date obliterated
Rev. *JD
M. 0-75. Wt. 74-6.
NOTE. Gold ashrafis and silver rials or krans were struck
at Labijan and Fuman during the reign of Fath 'All Shah.
On these coins Lahijan has no prefix, but for Fuman we have
^)jU^J1 O-*^- I n ^ ca l histories Fuman, the former capital of
Biah-pas, has the prefix SjU*^)l jb and Lahijan, the former
capital of Biah-pTsh, that of (jU^l jb.
H. L. EABINO.
MISCELLANEA.
FORGERIES FROM CAESAREA MAZACA. Mr. Hasluck's note on
the Kaisaryeh forgeries in the Numismatic Chronicle, Ser. IV.
Vol. X. pp. 411-412, may be supplemented by some further
items of information in my possession. In June, 1908, a
quantity of coins obtained in Kaisaryeh and the neighbour-
hood were submitted to me for examination ; and they
included several specimens of Mr. Hasluck's types 3 and 4,
struck both in gold and in silver. ' There was also another
type, with a tortoise on the obverse, and the floral device of
types 2, 3, and 4 on the reverse, represented by two specimens
in silver.
These coins had been bought at Kaisaryeh itself and at
Killiz. I do not think they had reached Smyrna by
November, 1908, as I made a fairly exhaustive search of the
bazaars there during that month, and should have noticed at
once any examples of these forgeries, which had interested
me only a little while previously. It is rather curious that
the chief output would appear to have been in copies of one
of the commonest coins of Asia Minor the fifth- century
diobol of Miletus genuine specimens of which can be obtained
by the dozen at Smyrna or Constantinople at little more than
metal value.
J. G. MILNE.
HOARD OF SILVER COINS OF KNIDOS. A small hoard of
third-century silver coins of Knidos recently came into my
possession ; and though there are no novel types, most of the
magistrates' names appear to be unpublished for this series,
so that it is worth while to record them. I have not been
able to learn whether the eighteen coins published here
formed the whole of the hoard : they were all that reached
the Smyrna dealer from whom I got them.
In the following list are given, with the magistrates'
names, the sizes and weights of the specimens.
VOL. XL, SERIES IV. P
198
NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
Tetrobols.
(a) Obv. Bust of Artemis r., wearing stephane, drapery
round neck : bow and quiver at shoulder.
Rev. Tripod: on r., downwards, KNIAIDN : on 1.,
downwards, magistrate's name.
I.
API*ToKAEIA[HS] 14 mm.
2'48 grammes
2.
[0JEYTEAHS . 15
2-43
:;.
EYTEAH? . . 16
2-42
4.
innoKPATH[] . 15
2-26
5.
KAAAinnoS . . 15 ,,
2-08
(slightly chipped)
6.
KAEYMBPoToS . 15
2-42
7.
KAEYMBPoTo[?] 15
2-39
(b) Obv. Head of Artemis r., wearing stephane : quiver
at shoulder.
Rev. As (a).
8. ATIAS . .
. 14 mm. 2-35 grammes
9. AloKAHS . .
13
, 2-38
>
10. EnirENHS . .
14
, 2-54
5
11. EniroNo? . .
14
, 2-50
)
12. EniON . . .
14
, 2-56
9
13. ISTIAAAS . .
14
, 2-38
)
14. TEAESinno[S]
15
, 2-46
5
15. <plAoKAH3E . . .
13
, 2-49
|
Diobols.
Obv. Head of Aphrodite r., hair rolled under diadem :
border of dots.
Rev. Head and neck of bull r., head turned to front :
above, KNI, on 1. downwards and curving
below, magistrate's name.
12 mm. l'2l grammes.
. 12 1-14
12 1-26
16.
17. MNASIOEoS
18. SOSTPAToS
The style of the tetrobols of series (a) is distinctly better
than that of series (6). The coins No. 3 (of Theuteles) and
No. 4 (of Hippok rates) are struck from the same obverse die.
I am inclined to think that the obverse die of No. 14
(of Telesippos) was touched up after considerable wear and
used for No. 12 (of Epion).
J. G. MILNE.
NOTICES OF RECENT PUBLICATIONS. 199
NOTICES OF RECENT PUBLICATIONS.
Numismata Giaeca. Greek Coin-Types classified for immediate
identification by L. Anson. Summary and Plates of
Part I. (Industry : Vases, Recipients, Tripods, &c.).
Part I. : Industry (Plates i.-xxvii.) ; Part II. : War
(Plates i.-xxv.) ; Part III. : Agriculture (Plates i.-xxx.) ;
Part IV. : Eeligion (Plates i.-xxi.). London : L. Anson,
61, Regent Street, W. 14s. (17'50 fr.) each part.
THE author and publisher of this work has conceived the
excellent idea of a type-index of Greek coins, fully illustrated
and arranged under subjects. Opinions may differ widely
about what would have been precisely the best method of
carrying it out ; and it would be very easy to pick holes in
the scholarship and execution of the volumes before us, on
the ground of errors of commission as well as omission. We
prefer to point out that the work will undoubtedly be of
extreme use to collectors, and also to scientific students,
not only of numismatics, but of archaeology in general.
Any one, for instance, who wants to see illustrations of vase-
forms will find in Part I. over 600 illustrations. Many of
these forms, it is true, are the same ; and we think that even
from the point of view of the collector, who wants to identify
his particular variety with the least possible reference to
other books, Mr. Anson has given too many illustrations of
closely similar coins. An excellent feature, which doubles
the facility of identification of particular coins, is that,
wherever possible, both sides of each coin are reproduced.
The parts before us are limited to inanimate objects ; two
more parts will complete this section. The descriptive text
is to be published separately. Mr. Anson's real troubles
will begin when he comes to deal with representations of
human beings and gods ; and we should advise him to enlist
the services of a trained numismatist and classical scholar.
G. F. H.
Le Monete et le Bolle Plumbee Pontificie del Medagliere Vaticano
descritte ed illustrate da Camillo Serafini, <'c. Vol. prim.
LXII. Tavole. Ulrico Hoepli, Milano. MCMX.
IT is a somewhat remarkable coincidence that the two most
important works on Italian coins of modern times should
appear simultaneously. The other work to which we refer is
200 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
the first volume of the Corpus Nummorum Italicorum just
issued by His Majesty the King of Italy, and which was
noticed in the last number of the Numismatic Chronicle. In
their form of issue the two works are of great similarity. The
respective volumes are of the same size, and the descriptions
of the coins are given in the same manner. The subject-
matter is, however, different. In the case of the Corpus, the
description of the coins extends over a long period of years,
though confined to one particular series, viz. the coinage of
the House of Savoy. In the case of the volume before us one
series of coins also is treated of, but being of far greater
extent only a portion of it has been dealt with ; the remainder
will be described in future volumes. Intermixed with the
coins there are also described the Papal bullae. These not
only cover the whole period of the coinage, but even their
issues preceding it. Between these bullae and the coinage
there is no connexion, and we cannot help thinking that it
was a mistake to mix up the two series. The bullae should
have formed a separate volume, and the same principle should
have been adopted for their description as has been done in
the case of their illustration.
First of all as to the general order of the work. The coins
and bullae of each Pope are described separately, the former
preceding the latter. The coins are given after their metal,
denomination, description, weight, size, and preservation.
Coins of one denomination of a pontificate are classed together
irrespective of the year of their issue. To have attempted a
strictly chronological order of the various denominations and
metals would have made reference to the work almost impos-
sible, so that the order given is by far the most useful for
general reference, if not entirely scientific. The next division
is that of the various mints. There were two ways of dealing
with these alphabetical or topographical. For convenience
of reference we should have preferred the former, but Cav.
Serafini has adopted the latter. Naturally the coinage of
Rome stands first, and then follow those of Umbria, Marche,
Abruzzo, Romagna, &c. In the description of the coins no one
particular type has been adopted, and so far as possible the
standard founts have been used which nearest in style re-
semble the forms of the letters in the legends. To use one
fount throughout and to print legends in purely Roman
characters when the Lombardic letters are found on the coins is
not a good method and is somewhat distracting to the student.
To give all the "peculiars " would be impossible ; Cav. Serafini
has therefore shown good judgment in selecting founts, not too
numerous, which give a good idea of the letters on the coins.
NOTICES OF KECENT PUBLICATIONS. 201
The next point which we have to notice is that of the
" notes " on the coinage. For reasons of " symmetry " these
" notes," which supply the most valuable information re-
specting the history of the coinage, are placed together
after the description of the coins. To give them their
proper value the "notes" should have been incorporated
with the description of the coins, and from experience we
venture to think that it would not have made the pages
look unsyrnrnetrical, but on the other hand it would have
relieved the tabulated form, and so obviated to some extent
the monotony of the classification. In any case references to
the notes should have been given in the text. The omission
of these is somewhat serious and a little inconvenient.
Turning to the coins themselves, Cav. Serafini estimates
that the Papal Series in the Vatican Collection numbers
about 15,000 pieces. As the work will occupy three volumes,
we conclude that about one-third are described in the first
one. The series begins with Gregory III (A.D. 731-741), and
with a few breaks, more especially from the eleventh to the
fourteenth century when the coinage was supplied by the Roman
Senate, it is continuous down to Pius IX. At first the types
are of a conventional nature, and in the main are similar to
those of the Carolingian Series ; but in the ninth century,
under Stephen VI, the head of St. Peter occurs occasionally ;
but no material changes are noticeable till the introduction of
the Roman Senate money (c. A.D. 1184), when all convention
is thrown aside, and no limit appears to have been exercised.
Models were sought for everywhere, not only in the coinages
of other States of Italy, but also in those of the East. A
careful study of this series in this particular would be most
instructive and interesting, and would provide ample material
for many a treatise. When, after the accession of Boniface
VIII, the Papal coinage was resumed, this variation in type
was continued.
True portraiture appears to have had its origin under
Sextus IV (1471-1484), when we meet with that Pope's bust
executed in the most artistic style of the fifteenth century.
Cav. Serafini does not refer to it in his notes, but the records
of the mint would no doubt reveal the name of the artist.
This is an event which should certainly be put on record. It
is also quite possible that these coins influenced the types of
the English money, though it was not for nearly thirty years
later that Henry VII put his true portrait on the coinage.
It seems possible to trace an artistic similarity between the
Papal and the English coinages in this important change.
To analyze in the most superficial manner a hundredth part
202
NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
of the types would exceed the space of this notice, and we
can only call attention to them in a very cursory manner.
The work is copiously illustrated, so that any one interested
in the series has ample material for his guidance without
examining the coins themselves. We must not omit to draw
attention to the Introduction, which supplies a complete
history of the collection. It has been written by Mons.
Stanislao le Grelle, of the Vatican Library. Like all national
or quasi-national collections, that of the Vatican had a some-
what slow growth, its foundation being laid so early as the
beginning of the seventeenth century. In the beginning of
the nineteenth century its interest attracted the attention of
Napoleon I, who had it conveyed to Paris. It was, however,
subsequently returned, but the double transit was almost
fatal, a considerable portion being lost sight of or at least not
traceable. The part relating to the Papal Series seems to
have received its main contributions in more recent times.
We need scarcely add that this work will prove invaluable,
not only to the student of numismatics, but also to the
historian and, as it progresses, to the artist. We can well
congratulate Cav. Serafini at having so far carried out in a
successful manner his laborious task.
H. A. G.
W. H. Valentine : Modern Copper Coins of the Muhammadan
Slates. With 78 plates and 6 maps. London : Spink
and Co. 1911. 10*. 6 d
ORIENTAL copper coins, though by no means lacking in his-
torical interest, offer little attraction to the collector, and
have been much neglected by writers on Oriental numismatics.
The object of Mr. Valentine's book is to supply a handy guide
to Oriental copper coins which will enable any one, though
ignorant of Arabic, to identify any specimens he may have.
The author's aim has been to illustrate every coin he could
obtain access to and to supply it, not only with a transcription
of its legends, but also with transliteration and translation.
He has spent some years collecting material for the work,
which is based on the British Museum Collection, and a
number of private collections, of which the most notable are
those of Mr. D. F. Howorth and of Mr. Howland Wood.
The coins have all been carefully and, judging from the
specimens we are acquainted with, very faithfully drawn.
The cost of producing such a work as this in the ordinary
way would have been prohibitive. The whole work, text as
NOTICES OF RECENT PUBLICATIONS. 203
well as plates, has therefore been lithographed, and we thus
have a work illustrating over a thousand coins with legends
in the Arabic character at a most reasonable price.
The plan of the work is strictly geographical, following
modern political divisions. It is divided into a number of
sections each of which has a brief historical introduction and
a map illustrating the mints. The title " Modern " coins
gives rather too limited an idea of the scope of a work which
in the Othmanli series begins with the coinage of Murad I
in the fourteenth century, and covers the whole Muhammadaii
world for the last three centuries, with the exception of India,
with which it is proposed to deal in a separate volume.
The Othrnanli section is one of the most valuable in the
book, though it is unfortunate that the author has not here
relaxed his rigid geographical arrangement a little, as we
have the coins of the same Sultan in five or six different
sections, and such coins as the autonomous Persian of Baghdad
appear out of place in a plate of Turkish coins, though they
are correctly attributed in the text. On the whole the
author's arrangement has the merits of simplicity and
uniformity, and is certainly the best for the class of reader
for whom the book is primarily intended. The coins of the
petty dynasts of South Arabia are very interesting, in
particular the coins of Kharfa and Tarim. The account of
the coins of Georgia will be of value, though they do not
strictly fall within the title of the book. In the long series
of coins of Persia and Afghanistan, collectors will find the
solutions of many of their puzzles ; the concluding section
of the book gives the first full account of the bilingual and
trilingual coins of Chinese Turkestan.
Besides the usual indices the work contains a list of mints,
numerous genealogical lists, metrological notes, tables of
alphabets and numerals, and a glossary. It is of course
inevitable that a book of this kind covering such a wide field
should be quite free from slips, as lithography does not permit
of correction in proof, but the few that we have noticed are
of quite minor importance. The book is much more than a
mere catalogue of coins ; it is planned to be an introductory
text book for the study of Muhammadan coins, and as such
it is to be heartily recommended to all who desire to take up
this fascinating study. It will be found indispensable to the
collector of Oriental coins, and we hope Mr. Valentine will
soon give us a similar volume on the Muhammadan coins of
India.
J. A.
204 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
H. A. Ramsden : Corcan Coin-charms and Amulets.
Yokohama. 1910.
THIS interesting little book will be welcomed by all interested
in the numismatics of the Far East, as filling up the last
serious gap in the literature of that field. Chinese charms
and amulets, or "temple money," as they are popularly called,
have been well illustrated by Chaudoir and Lockhart among
European writers, but the Corean pieces have been neglected
or confused with the Chinese. Mr. Ramsden has been careful
to confine himself to specimens which he knows are actually
used in Corea, and has been able to illustrate nearly 200
specimens. These pieces are distinguished from the Chinese
by their quaint shapes and more artistic designs and delicate
workmanship ; indeed, they display a striking originality and
seem to owe but littlo to Chinese influence. We must con-
gratulate Mr. Ramsden on his valuable monograph, and
would suggest to him that a work on the same scale on
Chinese amulets would be welcomed by numismatists, as,
though many have been published, no one has attempted a
scientific classification of them or given an account of
their uses.
J. A.
Num. Chron. Ser. IV. Vol. XI. PI. VII
SOME UNPUBLISHED GREEK COINS
Z.D'I
Num. Chron. Ser. IV. Vol. XL PL VIII
COINAGES OF ANTONY, LEPIDUS AND OCTAVIAN
Num. Chron. Ser. IV. Vol. XL PL IX
COINAGES OF ANTONY, LEPIDUS AND OCTAVIAN
.-)*< H
Num. Chron. Ser. IV. Vol. XL PI. X
I COINS (CHIEFLY) OF HENRY VI. FROM STAMFORD OR PREVIOUSLY
UNPUBLISHED
Num. Chron. Ser. IV. Vol. XL PI. XI
?H VAcSvM
t^N
r A * ^*O*v I TS ,i>^^^^y
COINS OF HENRY VI. FROM STAMFORD OR PREVIOUSLY
UNPUBLISHED
PROCEEDINGS
OP THE
KOYAL NUMISMATIC SOCIETY.
PROCEEDINGS OF THE
ROYAL NUMISMATIC SOCIETY,
SESSION 19101911.
OCTOBER 20, 1910.
SIR HENRY H. HOWORTH, K.C.I.E., F.R.S., F.S.A., President,
in the Chair.
The minutes of the meeting of May 26, postponed from
May 19, were read and approved.
The President announced that His Majesty King George V
had graciously consented to become Patron of the Society in
succession to the late King.
Mr. E. J. Jekyll, J.P., D.L., and the Rev. W.A. Laughlin,
M.A., were proposed for election as Fellows of the Society.
The following Presents to the Society were announced and
laid upon the table, and thanks were ordered to be sent to
the donors :
1. A. Blanchet : Monnaies inedites de Victorin et de
Tetricus Pere.
2. A. Blanchet : Notices Extraites de la Chronique de la
Revue Numismatique, 1910. Pt. 2.
3. A. Blanchet : Premiers Deniers de Lectoure et le sens
des Mots Mos et Vox. Nos. 1, 2, 3. Presented by the Author.
4. R. Dalton and S. H. Hamer: The Provincial Token
Coinage of the Eighteenth Century. Part 1. Presented by
the Authors.
4 PROCEEDINGS OF THE
5. E. Demole: De la Codification des me'thodes descrip-
tives en Numismatique.
6. E. Demole : Emission irreguliere de Pieces de Six-deniers
de Geneve en 1654. Nos. 5 and 6. Presented by the Author.
7. Sir E. Burning-Lawrence : Bacon is Shakespeare. Pre-
sented by the Author.
8. F. C. Higgins : The Chinese Numismatic Riddle. Pre-
sented by the Author.
9. "W. J. Hocking: Catalogue of Coins, Medals, &c., in
the Royal Mint Museum. Vol. ii. Presented by the Deputy
Master of the Mint.
10. Vicomte B. de Jonghe : Les Deformations successives
des Types sur les Stateres d'or Atre"bates. Presented by the
Author.
11. F. Lenzi : La Statua d'Anzio. Presented by the
Author.
12. Rowland Wood: The Canadian Blacksmith Coppers.
Presented by the Author.
13. Medallic Illustrations of the History of Great Britain
and Ireland. Plates cxi.-cxx. Presented by the Trustees of
the British Museum.
14. Nomisma. Part IV. Edited by H. von Fritze and H.
i
Gaebler. Presented by the Editors.
15. Annual Report of the Deputy-Master of the Mint for
1 909. Presented by the Deputy-Master of the Mint.
16. Report of the Madras Government Museum, 1909-1910.
Presented by the Acting Superintendent.
17. Medal in Silver and in Bronze of the New York
Numismatic Club. Presented by Frank C. Higgins, Esq.
Periodicals.
18. American Journal of Archaeology. Vol. xiv., Pts.
2 and 3.
19. American Journal of Numismatics. Vol. xliv., Pts.
2 and 3.
ROYAL NUMISMATIC SOCIETY. 5
20. Annual of the British School at Athens. No. xv.
21. Annual Report of the Horniman Museum.
22. Archaeologia Aeliana. Vol. vi.
23. Battaglie di Archeologie. No. 6.
24. Bonner Jahrbiicher. Heft. 118, with Supplement.
25. Bulletin of the Archaeological Institute of America.
Vol. i., No. 3.
26. Bulletin de Correspondence Hellenique, Mai-Juli,
1910.
27. Bulletin de la Societe des Antiquaires de 1'Ouest,
1909, Pb. 3.
28. Bulletin de 1'Academie Royale de Belgique. Nos.
3-8.
29. Canadian Antiquarian and Numismatic Journal.
Vol. vii., No. 2.
30. Forvannen Middelanden fran K. Vitterhets-Historie
och Antikvitets Akademie, 1909.
31. Journal International d' Archeologie Numismatique,
1909-1910. Pts. 1-4.
32. Journal of the Society of Antiquaries of Ireland.
Vol. xL, Pt. 2.
33. Monatsblatt der Numismatischen Gesellschaft in Wien.
Nos. 323-326.
34. Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy. Vol. xxviii.,
Nos. 3-11.
35. Revue Numismatique, 1910. Pt. 2.
36. Revue Beige de Numismatique, 1910. Pts. 3 and 4.
37. Rivista Italiana di Numismatica, 1910. Pt. 2.
38. Zeitschrift fur Numismatik. Vol. xxviii., Pts. 1
and 2.
Mr. F. A. Walters exhibited a ryal of Edward IV of
the type which he attributed to Calais with a fleur-de-lys
over the mast of the ship (Fig. 1), and a groat of the York
mint of the annulet coinage of Henry VI from the Stamford
6 PROCEEDINGS OF THE
hoard ; only one other specimen of the latter coin is known in
a private collection.
FIG. 1.
There was also shown the medal of the New York Numis-
matic Club, presented to the Society by Mr. Frank C. Higgins.
Obv. Bust of Mr. Higgins, first President of the club. Rev.
Hands holding coin and microscope, and name of the Club.
Mr. H. Alexander Parsons read a paper on "The Coin-
Types of Aethelred II " in which he proposed a final classifi-
cation of the types, and suggested the dates and meanings of
their issues. Hildebrand had attributed seven distinct issues
to Aethelred's reign and the authors of the B. M. Catalogue
eleven. Many of these could not be held to be distinct types.
By the elimination of mules, he reduced the number to five,
exclusive of the Agnus Dei type, which he would arrange
chronologically as follows : i. " Hand " type ; ii. " Crux "
type; iii. "Quadrilateral" type; iv. "Long Cross" type;
v. "Small Cross" type. To these distinctions of reverse
corresponded certain well-marked, graduated differences of
obverse. In support of this order Mr. Parsons showed that
it was consistent with the gradual transition from M-O to ON
in the reverse legends. The evidence of finds was also in his
favour, though that was not so reliable as might be wished,
on account of the incomplete descriptions of the hoards. As
regards the first and last types, valuable corroboration was
given by the fact that the "Hand" was the last type of
KOYAL NUMISMATIC SOCIETY. 7
Edward the Martyr, and the " Small Cross," the first of Cnut.
Though deprecating the tendency to exaggerate the import-
ance of the evidence of moneyers as a clue to chronology, he
showed that this evidence was on the whole in favour of his
rather than of Hildebrand's arrangement, as was also the
evidence of the mules. (This paper was printed in Vol. X.
pp. 251-290.)
NOVEMBER 17, 1910.
SIR HENRY H. Ho WORTH, K.C.I.E., F.R.S., F.S.A., President,
in the Chair.
The minutes of the meeting of October 20 were read and
approved.
Mr. E. J. Jekyll, J.P., D.L., and the Rev. W. A. Laughlin,
M. A., were elected Fellows of the Society ; while Messrs. B. C.
Chetty, J. E. Cree, W. Gunn, D. F. Howorth, T. Nesmith,
and the Mitchell Library were proposed for election.
The following Presents to the Society were announced and
laid upon the table, and thanks were ordered to be sent to
the donors :
1. Bulletin of the Archaeological Institute of America.
Vol. i., No. 40.
2. Journal of the Royal Society of Antiquaries of Ireland.
Vol. xl., Pt. 3.
3. A Literary and Historical Atlas of Europe (with
section on English coins by Mr. Roth). Presented by Bernard
Roth, Esq.
4. Monatsblatt der Numismatischen Gesellschaft in Wien.
No. 327.
5. A. Hubl : Die Miinzensammlung des Stiftes Schotten
in Wien. Vol. i., Roman. Presented by the Publishers.
6. Papers of the British School at Rome. Vol. v.
7. Proceedings of the Society of Antiquaries of Ireland.
Vol. xxiii., Pt. 1.
8 PROCEEDINGS OF THE
8. Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy. Vol. xxviii.,
Section C., Nos. 1 and 2.
9. Revue Nuinismatique, 1910. Pt. 3.
10. Rivista Italiana di Numismatica, 1910. Pt. 3.
11. Year Book of the American Numismatic Association.
Mr. T. Bliss exhibited seven shillings of Charles I of
Aberystwith (mm. book and book with inner circle), Bristol
(mm. Br.), Exeter (mm. rose), Worcester (mm. pear with
four pellets), and York (mm. lion and lion with four pellets).
Mr. L. A. Lawrence showed two forgeries of the " mace "
type of Stephen, reading OSWEF . ON . LVND and
OSWEF . ON . NORHA . struck on a short-cross, and an
Edward penny respectively.
Rev. Edgar Rogers showed a fine series of Jewish coins in-
cluding four shekels and two half -shekels of Simon Maccabaeus,
a specimen of the newly discovered large bronze coins of the
second revolt, reading " Jerusalem " instead of Simon, a bronze
coin of Eleazar, denarii of Trajan restruck by the Jews, and
a coin of Antiochus VII struck at Jerusalem with reverse
type, lily.
Mr. E. Shepherd exhibited three specimens of bronze coins
of Boeotia restruck on coins of Antigonus I and two base
gold Kidara Kushan coins reading Sri Shahi. Mr. Vincent
Smith has suggested that the legend is Sri Vahi, but these
specimens clearly support Cunningham's reading.
Mr. F. A. Walters showed a large brass of Otho struck
at Alexandria with reverse bust of Nike, of the greatest
rarity (cf. Dattari, Numi Alexandrini, No. 335).
Mr. G. C. Brooke read a Paper on " The Coin-types of
Aethelred II," in criticism of that read by Mr. H. A. Parsons
at the last meeting. Mr. Parsons also communicated a reply
to Mr. Brooke. Their chief point of difference was the
order of the types, and Mr. Brooke attempted to show that
after all Hildebrand's arrangement was the soundest. He
ROYAL NUMISMATIC SOCIETY. 9
also criticized the views put forward by Mr. Parsons as to
the evidence of finds and also to that of mule coins. These
papers were printed in Vol. X. pp. 370-380 and 381-387.
The Rev. Edgar Rogers read a short paper on the " Types
of the Jewish Shekels." The traditional interpretation of
the obverse type as the pot of manna and of the reverse as
Aaron's rod that budded, was unsatisfactory. He proposed
to interpret these types in the light of certain passages
describing Simon, the high priest, the son of Onias, from
the Book of Ecclesiasticus, which was composed about the
time of Simon Maccabaeus. The obverse type would then
be the " vessel of beaten gold " from which the high priest
poured out the wine, and the reverse some spring flower,
probably a lily, possibly referring to the meaning of the name
Simon. This paper is printed in the present volume, pp. 1-5.
DECEMBER 15, 1910.
SIR HENRY H. HOWORTH, K.C.I.E., F.R.S., F.S. A., President,
in the Chair.
The minutes of the meeting of November 17 were read and
approved.
Messrs. B. C. Chetty, J. E. Cree, W. Gunn, D. F. Howorth,
and T. Nesmith were elected Fellows of the Society, and
Mr. F. E. Burton, J.P., was proposed for election. The
Mitchell Library was added to the List of Subscribers.
The following Presents to the Society were announced and
laid upon the table, and the thanks of the Society were
ordered to be sent to the donors :
1. A. Blanchet : Notices extraites de la Chrordque de la
Revue Numismatique for 1910. Pt. 3.
2. A. Blanchet : Oeuvres d'Art du Moyen Age. Pre-
sented by the Author.
10 PROCEEDINGS OF THE
3. H. A. Grueber : Catalogue of Coins of the Roman Re-
public in the British Museum. 3 vols., 1910. Presented by
the Trustees of the British Museum.
4. H. A. Ramsden : Corean Coin-Charms and Amulets.
Presented by the Author.
5. Bulletin de 1' Academic Roy ale de Belgique, 1910.
Nos. 9 and 10.
6. Canadian Antiquarian and Numismatic Journal.
Vol. viii., No. 1.
7. Journal of Hellenic Studies. Vol. xxx., Pt. 2.
8. Monatsblatt der Numismatischen Gesellschaft in Wien.
No. 328.
9. Proceedings of the Cambridge Antiquarian Society.
Nos. Ivi. and Ivii.
On the motion of the President, a special vote of con-
gratulation to Mr. Grueber, on the completion of his
Catalogue of Roman Republican Coins in the British Museum,
was unanimously carried.
Mr. F. A. Walters exhibited a light groat of Henry IV,
with the name tyffRRIGC punched over RldftRD, which
strengthens the contention that the early or heavy groats
of Henry IV continued to bear the name of Richard II.
Mr. H. Symonds showed a rare bronze coin of Magna
Urbicawith reverse VENVS GENETRIX (Cohen, No. 11) found
in Dorsetshire, and a specimen of the base-metal touch-piece
of Charles I, pierced for suspension.
Mr. Henry Garside exhibited a very rare pattern sixpence
of 1887 having the date above and the value in words below
the usual " Jubilee " reverse design.
Mr. W. R. Hubbard showed a denarius of C. Serveilius,
63 B.C., restruck IMP . VES . by Vespasian, and an unpublished
large bronze coin of Hierapolis in Phrygia of the second
century A.D. Obv. Bust of the Senate, IEPA CVNKAHTOC;
ret;., Hercules sacrificing at an altar, IERATTOAEITQN.
ROYAL NUMISMATIC SOCIETY. 11
The Rev. E. Rogers showed a paper facsimile of a Mexican
dollar used at funerals in China.
Mr. Henry Symonds read a Paper on " The Trials of the
Pyx, the Mint Accounts and the Mint-marks of Charles I."
The proving of the coinage by assay was first regulated by
an indenture of Edward III, and the custom followed at
varying intervals from that time onward. The standard
plates were kept in the Chapel of the Pyx in the cloisters of
Westminster Abbey, which is popularly supposed to have
been the place of trial, but there is direct evidence to show
that at least from 1527 to 1640 the trial took place in the
Star Chamber in the old Westminster Palace. The Tower
mint alone appears to have been subject to trial ; the country
mints do not seem to have submitted their productions to be
tested. Mr. Symonds quoted from the records the warrant
to summon a jury, a report of the proceedings, and the
verdict on the trial of the Pyx for 1631. He next proceeded
to give a number of interesting quotations from the mint
accounts, one of the most important of which was an allow-
ance for payment " 5500 tokens of 2d. each used for the
healing of the King's evil." This proves that Charles I
used base-metal touch-pieces (cf. Medallic Illust.,ip\, xxxiii. 23).
This paper was printed in Vol. X. pp. 388-397.
Mr. J. G. Milne read a Paper on " Alexandrian Tetra-
drachms of Tiberius " from a recent find. Besides one coin
of Ptolemy II, the hoard contained 61 coins of Ptolemy XIII,
and 136 of the seventh year of Tiberius, soon after which it
must have been buried. This paper was printed in Vol. X.
pp. 333-339.
12 PROCEEDINGS OF THE
JANUARY 19, 1911.
SIR HENRY H. HOWORTH, K.C.I.E., F.R.S., F.S.A., President,
in the Chair.
The minutes of the meeting of December 15 were read
and approved.
Mr. Frank E. Burton, J.P., was elected a Fellow of the
Society.
The following Presents to the Society were announced, and
thanks were ordered to be sent to their donors :
1. G. F. Hill : Catalogue of Greek Coins in the British
Museum : Phoenicia.
2. Medallic Illustrations of the History of Great Britain
and Ireland. Plates cxxi.-cxxx. Nos. 1 and 2. Presented
by the Trustees of the British Museum.
3. Vicomte B. de Jonghe : Monnaies de Terina. Pre-
sented by the Author.
4. G. Macdonald : Coins found at Newstead. (Reprint.)
Presented by the Author.
5. American Journal of Archaeology. Vol. xiv., Pt. 4.
6. American Journal of Numismatics. Vol. xliv., Pt. 4.
7. Bulletin of the Archaeological Institute of America.
Vol. ii., No. 1.
8. Moiiatsblatt der Numismatischen Gesellschaft in Wien.
No. 328.
9. Numismatic Circular. Vol. xviii., 1910. Presented by
Messrs. Spink & Sons.
10. Transactions of the Japan Society. Vols. viii. and ix.
11. Revue Beige de Numismatique, 1911. Pt. 1.
12. Zeitschrift fur Numismatik. Vol. xxviii., Pts. 3 and 4.
13. Arpan Buday : Le Limes Romain en Allemagne. Pre-
sented by the National Museum of Transylvania.
14. Suomen Museo, Nos. xiii.-xvi.
15. Transactions of the Finnish Antiquarian Society.
Nos. xxi. xxiv.
16. Catalogue of Tokens in the Peterborough Museum.
Presented by C. Dack, Esq.
ROYAL NUMISMATIC SOCIETY. 13
Mr. G. F. Hill read a Paper on " Classical Influence on
the Italian Medal." The medallic art has been described as
in a sense the art par excellence of the Italian Renaissance ;
the medal appealed most strongly to Italians of the time by
the scope which it gave to the expression of individuality and
virtu. Ancient coins, especially of the Roman Empire, being
found in the soil more frequently than any other kind of
antiquity, were the chief means, apart from literature, by
which the memory of great men of antiquity was revived, and
were passionately admired by humanists from Petrarch
onwards. Imaginary portrait-medals were made where real
ones were not obtainable. The precursors of the true Renais-
sance medals were closely modelled on Roman coins or
medallions. Pisanello's first medal, of John VIII Palaeologus,
continues the series of Roman medallions of John's pre-
decessors in the Roman Empire. But the influence of classical
models on Pisanello is merely suggestive ; he shows no trace
of imitation. The great medallists of the Florentine school
imitate ancient models on the reverses of their medals, which
are mostly shop- work in which they were not interested,
while the portrait-obverses are original in conception and
execution.
The medallists of the Roman school in the fifteenth
century (such as Cristoforo Geremia) and of Venice (such
as Guidizani and Boldu) were strongly but naively influenced
by classical models. In the sixteenth century a more sophis-
ticated imitative art arose, of which Alessandro Cesati is the
best instance ; a group of medals with portraits of Augustus,
Priam, Dido, and Artemisia may be attributed to him. Cavino
of Padua represents a different school, that of the artists who
imitate with intent to deceive. The general inference to be
drawn from the study of the subject is that the following of
classical models was, except in the case of the greater artists,
detrimental to the sincerity and directness of the art. This
Paper will not be printed in the Chronicle.
14 PROCEEDINGS OF THE
FEBRUARY 16, 1911.
SIR HENRY H. HowoRTH,K.C.I.E., F.R.S., F.S.A., President,
in the Chair.
The minutes of the meeting of January 19 were read and
approved.
Mr. Felix W. Warre was proposed for election as a Fellow
of the Society.
The following Presents to the Society were laid upon the
table, and thanks were ordered to be returned to their
donors :
1. R. Dalton and S. H. Hamer : The Provincial Token
Coinage of the Eighteenth Century. Pt. ii. Presented by
the Authors.
2. Miss Helen Farquhar : Portraiture of our Stuart Monarchs
on their Coins and Medals. Pt. ii. Presented by the Author.
3. R. W. McLachlan : Canadian Card Money. Presented
by the Author.
4. Handbook to the Horniman Museum. Presented by the
London County Council.
"5. Bulletin de 1'Academie Royale de Belgique. Nos. 11
and 12 of 1910.
6. Memoires de la Socie'te Royale des Antiquaires du Nord.
1910.
7. Monatsblatt der Numismatischen Gesellschaft in Wien.
No. 330.
8. Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy. Vol. xxix.,
Sec. C, Nos. 1 and 2.
9. Proceedings of the Society of Antiquaries of Scotland.
Vol. xliv.
10. Revue Numismatique, 1910. Pt. iv.
Mr. Fredk. A. Walters exhibited a very rare bronze
medallion of Antoninus Pius with reverse, the Earth
with Four Seasons and a half circle of the Zodiac above
ROYAL NUMISMATIC SOCIETY. 15
(Cohen, No. 1168). There are specimens of this rare piece in
the British Museum and in the Bibliotheque Rationale.
Mr. Bernard Roth exhibited a unique gold stater of
Dubnovellanus, from the Cove Jones collection, having in
addition to the usual symbols a rayed disc similar to that
which is found on Gaulish staters of the Veliocasses, a
specimen of which was also shown.
Mr. H. A. Grueber read a Paper on the " Coinages of the
Triumvirs, Antony, Lepidus, and Octavian, illustrative of the
History of the Times." Mr. Grueber selected this period, as
in his estimation no other series of coins illustrated more
fully or vividly the development and extension of the Roman
Empire. The series opened with a coin of Mark Antony
bearing his portrait and struck almost immediately after the
death of Julius Caesar (44 B.C.), and was continued down to
the battle of Actium (31 B.C.). Some of the most remarkable
events commemorated were the wars in Sicily with Sextus
Pompey ; those of Brutus and Cassius in Greece and Asia
Minor ; and the wars with the Parthians and Armenians.
This Paper is printed in the present volume, pp. 109-152.
Sir Henry H. Howorth pointed how well the period chosen
for Mr. Grueber's paper illustrated the great interest of
Roman coins as historical documents as contrasted with the
lack of historical interest in modern coinage, where the
necessities of commerce required that the types of a standard
coin should be changed as little as possible. Mr. Walters
and Mr. Harrison also spoke.
MARCH 16, 1911.
H. A. GRUEBER, ESQ., F.S.A., Vice-President, in the Chair.
The minutes of the meeting of February 16 were read and
approved.
Mr. Felix W. Warre was elected a Fellow of the Society.
16 PEOCEEDINGS OF THE
The following Presents to the Society were announced and
laid upon the table, and the thanks of the Society were
ordered to be sent to their donors :
1. A. Blanchet : La Trouvaille de Marcillat.
2. A. Blanchet : Notices extraites de la Chronique de la
Revue Numismatique. 1911, Pt. 1. Presented by the Author.
3. Medallic Illustrations of the History of Great Britain
and Ireland. Plates cxxxi.-cxl. Presented by the Trustees of
the British Museum.
4. American Journal of Numismatics. Vol. xlv., No. 1.
5. Amiuaire de I'Academie Royale de Belgique, 1911.
6. Bonner Jahrbiicher. Vol. 119; 1, 2, and 3 with
Supplement.
7. Bulletin de la Societe des Antiquaires de 1'Ouest, 1910.
Pt. iv.
8. The Canadian Antiquarian. Vol. vii., Pt. iv.
9. Journal of the Royal Society of Antiquaries of Ireland.
Vol. xl., Pt. 2.
10. Monatsblatt der Numismatischen Gesellschaft in Wien.
No. 331.
11. Numismatische Zeitschrift. New Series. Vol. iii.,
1910.
12. Zeitschrift fur Numismatik : Sitzungsberichte, 1910.
Mr. F. A. Walters exhibited a series of groats illustrating
his paper, containing a number of unpublished varieties.
The Rev. Edgar Rogers showed four tetradrachms of the
Second Revolt of the Jews bearing the name of Simon,
restruck on tetradrachms of Antioch.
Mr. F. A. Walters read a paper on the " Stamford Find
and Supplementary Notes on the Coinage of Henry VI."
The hoard of about 3000 late Plantagenet groats, known as
the Stamford Find, was discovered on October 22, 1866.
Of this hoard 188 specimens were selected for the National
Collection ; about 50 went to the Stamford Institute, and the
ROYAL NUMISMATIC SOCIETY. 17
remainder was either disposed of in small portions or else
purchased by a London coin-dealer. Mr. Walters was thus
able to account for nearly the whole hoard. From a special
study of these coins Mr. Walters was able to modify and
supplement to a certain degree his previous paper on the
coinage of Henry VI, but in the main the hoard confirmed
his classification. This paper is printed in the present
volume, pp. 153-175.
APRIL 20, 1811.
ARTHUR J. EVANS, ESQ., D.Litt., F.R.S., &c., in the Chair.
The minutes of the meeting of March 16 were read and
approved.
Messrs. Coleman P. Hyman, W. Longman, and H.
Oppenheimer and the Rev. Professor H. Browne were
proposed for election as Fellows of the Society.
The following presents to the Society were announced and
laid upon the table, and thanks were ordered to be returned
to the donors :
1. P. Bordeaux : Les Ateliers temporaires etablis en 1642
et annees Suivantes.
2. P. Bordeaux : En Souvenir de M. Emile Caron.
Presented by the Author.
3. B. Y. Head: Historia Numorum. 2nd edit., 1911.
Presented by the Delegates of the Clarendon Press.
4. W. H. Valentine : Modern Copper Coins of the Muham-
madans. Presented by Messrs. Spink & Son.
5. Medallic Illustrations of the History of Great Britain
and Ireland. Plates cxli.-cl. Presented by the Trustees of the
British Museum.
6. Sotheby's Coin and Medal Sale Catalogues, 1908-1910.
3 vols., priced. Presented by Messrs. Sotheby, Wilkinson, &
Hodge.
b
18 PROCEEDINGS OF THE
7. Bulletin of the Archaeological Institute of America.
Vol. ii., No. 2.
8. Canadian Antiquary. Vol. xiii., No. 1.
9. Monatsblatt der Numismatischen Gesellschaft in Wien.
No. 332.
10. Proceedings of the Cambridge Antiquarian Society.
No. Iviii.
11. Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy. Vol. xxix.,
No. 3.
12. Revue Beige de Numismatique, 1911. Pt. 2.
Mr. W. J. Hocking exhibited specimens of recent Imperial
and Colonial coins and a composite medal illustrating the
effect of blows from the dies in striking ; he also explained
the process by which the design is transferred from the
sculptor's wax model to the actual dies.
Mr. Garside showed a specimen of the very rare proof
crown of 1879.
Mr. F. A. Walters brought a fine specimen of the second
brass coin of the Empress Domitia struck at Alexandria,
of which only one other specimen in much poorer condition
appears to be known (Fig. 2).
f
FIG. 2.
Dr. Arthur Evans exhibited a series of ancient British
coins illustrating the gradual degradation of the type.
Mr. G. F. Hill read a Paper on a hoard of Roman and
British coins found in South Hampshire near the Dorset
border. The hoard, which was contained in an earthenware
ROYAL NUMISMATIC SOCIETY. 19
pot, comprised 677 pieces in all, including 13 Republican
denarii dating from the period 172-151 B.C. to Octavian;
two denarii of Tiberius and Vitellius ; 21 asses from Claudius
to Hadrian ; imitations made in Gaul or Britain of denarii
and asses (including two of Julius Caesar and Vitellius) ; 83
silver and 206 copper British coins of the usual South West
type ; 9 silver British of another known type ; 1 silver and
1 copper coin of a type hitherto known to occur only in the
Channel Islands ; two blanks for striking coins, and the
special feature of the hoard over 300 cast copper coins
showing the final degradation of the native British type, the
head on the obverse being represented by a Y-shaped object
accompanied by pellets, the horse on the reverse by an
arrangement of pellets. Some 40 varieties of this type were
distinguishable in the hoard. This paper is printed in the
present volume, pp. 42-56.
MAY 18, 1911.
SIR HENRY H. HOWORTH, K.C.I.E., F.R.S., F.S.A., President,
in the Chair.
The Minutes of the meeting of April 20 were read and
approved.
Rev. Professor H. Browne and Messrs. W. Longman,
Coleman P. Hyman, and H. Oppenheimer were elected
Fellows of the Society, while Messrs. R. A. Coates and
A. H. Cooper-Prichard were proposed for election. Messrs.
Frank E. Burton and Felix W. "Warre were admitted.
The following Presents to the Society were announced and
laid upon the table, and the thanks of the Society were
ordered to be sent to their donors :
1. The Brinton Medal of the Numismatic and Antiquarian
Society of Philadelphia. Presented by the Society.
2. A. Blanchet : Notices extraites de la Chronique de la
Revue Numismatique.
62
20 PROCEEDINGS OF THE
3. A. Blanchet : Numismatique des Empereurs Gaulois.
Presented by the Author.
4. E. Demole : Correspondence de F. S. de Bally de Mont-
carra (1691-1767). Presented by the Author.
5. S. Ricci: II "Corpus Nummorum Italicorum." Pre-
sented by the Author.
6. Bulletin de 1' Academic Royale de Belgique, 1911.
Nos. 1 and 2.
7. Foreningen til ISTordske Fortids Bevarung : Aarsberet-
ning, 1909.
8. Monatsblatt der Numismatischen Gesellschaft in Wien.
Nos. 333 and 334.
9. Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy. Vol. xxix.,
Pt. 4.
10. Revue Numismatique, 1911. Pt. 1.
11. Revue Suisse de Numismatique. Vol. xvi., Pt. 3.
12. Ri vista Italiana di Numismatica, 1911. Pt. 1.
Mr. W. E. Marsh exhibited a penny of Henry VI struck
at Calais of the transitional type from the "annulet" to the
" rosette-mascle " coinages ; this denomination of this mint
and type was hitherto unknown (Fig. 3).
FIG. 3.
Mr. Bernard Roth showed an ancient British quarter-
stater of the type Evans E. 5, found at Bognor, and
Gaulish half- and third-staters of the Unelli, the half-stater
being the specimen found at Reculver in 1905, described
in the Proceedings of the Royal Numismatic Society for
March 16 of that year, and recently acquired by Mr. Roth.
ROYAL NUMISMATIC SOCIETY. 21
Mr. F. A. Walters showed a bronze medallion of Tiberius,
struck at Clypaea in North Africa by P. Cornelius Dolabella
in 23 A.D.
Mr. Henry Garside showed a set of the 1911 maundy
money, and a pattern half-crown of 1875 of the type of the
crown.
Mr. Grueber exhibited, on behalf of Mrs. Cripps of Ciren-
cester, a series of very rare or unpublished bronze coins of
Carausius, found at Cirencester, with the reverse types,
ADVENTVS AVG. (Emperor on horseback); PROVID. AVGVSTA
(Providentia seated); LEG XX VLPIA (boar); INVICTVS AVG.
(Sol rushing to 1.).
There was also shown the Brinton medal of the Numismatic
and Antiquarian Society of Philadelphia, presented to the
Society.
Mr. G. C. Brooke read a Paper entitled "Notes on the
Reign of William I," in which he gave the results of a com-
parison of the dies of a large series of coins of this reign.
The coin attributed to Berkeley was shown to belong to
Exeter, and other attributions were similarly corrected.
Several instances were given of one obverse die being used
by two or more moneyers, and in some cases an obverse die
was shown to have been used at two different mints. After
briefly considering the question whether London supplied the
provincial mints with all their dies, Mr. Brooke showed some
instances of a fraudulent moneyer effacing the inscription on
his die. Mr. A. H. Baldwin quoted an instance of long-
cross pennies struck by different moneyers with the same
obverse die. Mr. L. A. Lawrence suggested that dies were
made in London, and a puncheon used for obverse dies in
which two dies would be exactly the same. Mr. Brooke
replied that in the cases he had mentioned of a die being
used at two mints traces of rust and other flaws showed the
coins to be struck from one die and not from two dies made
from one puncheon.
22 PROCEEDINGS OF THE
JUNE 15, 1911.
ANNUAL GENERAL MEETING.
SIR HENRY H. HOWORTH, K.C.I.E., F.R.S., F.S.A., President,
in the Chair.
The Minutes of the last Annual General Meeting were
read and approved.
Messrs. L. G. P. Messenger and H. W. Taffs were appointed
scrutineers of the ballot for the election of office-bearers.
Messrs. R. Assheton Coates and A. H. Cooper-Prichard
were elected Fellows of the Society.
The following Report of the Council was then read to the
meeting :
The Council have again the honour to lay before you their
Annual Report as to the state of the Royal Numismatic
Society.
It is with deep regret that they have to announce the
death of the following five Fellows :
Colonel D. Lindsay Carnegie.
J. Cove Jones, Esq., F.S.A. Henry Rowlandson, Esq.
Samuel Page, Esq. James Verity, Esq.
The Council also much regret to announce the resignation of
the following ten Ordinary Fellows :
H. P. Blackmore, Esq., M.D. Maurice Jonas, Esq.
J. Dimsdale, Esq. W. E, Murphy, Esq.
H. Elliot Fox, Esq. A. L. Stride, Esq.
Mrs. Ida Mary Fox. E. Thurston, Esq.
Reginald Huth, Esq. A. H. S. Yeames, Esq.
On the other hand, they have much pleasure in announcing
the Election of the following seventeen Ordinary Fellows :
ROYAL NUMISMATIC SOCIETY. 23
Mitchell Library (F. T. Barrett, Esq.).
Rev. Prof. H. Browne. Coleman P. Hyman, Esq.
Frank E. Burton, Esq., J.P. J. Jekyll, Esq., J.P., D.L.
B. C. Chetty, Esq. L. P. Johnston, Esq.
R. Assheton Coates, Esq. Rev. W. A. Laughlin, M.A.
A. H. Cooper-Prichard, Esq. W. Longman, Esq.
J. E. Cree, Esq. T. Nesmith, Esq.
W. Gunn, Esq. H. Oppenheimer, Esq.
D. F. Howorth, Esq. Felix W. Warre, Esq.
The number of Fellows is, therefore :
Ordinary. Honorary. Total.
June, 1910 294 22 316
Since elected 17 17
Deceased
Resigned, &c 10
June, 1911 296 22 318
311
22
333
5
5
10
10
The Council have to announce that they have awarded the
Medal of the Society to Dr. Oliver Codrington, F.S.A.,
M.R.A.S., for his long and distinguished services to Oriental
Numismatics.
The Hon. Treasurer's Report, which follows, was then pre-
sented to the Meeting :
STATEMENT OF RECEIPTS AND DISBURSE-
FROM JUNE, 1910,
13r. THE ROYAL NUMISMATIC SOCIETY IN ACCOUNT
. d. s. d.
Cost of Chronicle
To Messrs. Clowes and Sons, Ltd., for print-
ing Chronicle 198 5
,, University Press (Plates for Chronicle) . 38 16
Artist Illustrators, Ltd. (Engraving
Coins) 10 5 9
F. Anderson, Drawing Coins . . 0114
247 13 6
Books, &c.
To C. Fox (Bookbinding) . . . . 416
Messrs. Hachette and Co. (Books) . 039
453
Lantern Expenses
To Simpson 550
Rent, &c.
To Eoyal Asiatic Society, Kent . . 30
Mrs. Harper, Refreshments, &c. . . 11109
41 10 9
Research Fund
To Miss Dracker, Search of Records . . . . 516
Addresses to the King
To Waterlow & Sons 910
Sundry Payments . . . . . . 9 13 4
Balance
To Research Fund 10 8 6
General Fund 384 11
004. q K
ocn ty o
716 19 9
MENTS OF THE ROYAL NUMISMATIC SOCIETY,
TO JUNE, 1911.
WITH PERCY H. WEBB, HON. TREASURER. <2Tr.
. d. 8. d.
By Balance in hand (General) . . . . 298 18 10
Montagu Bequest, transferred to Research
Fund 13 12 4
312 11 2
Subscriptions, &c.
By 2 Life Members at 15 15s 31 10
232 Ordinary Members at 1 Is. (less loss on
foreign cheques, &c., 3s. 2(7.) . . . 243 8 10
17 Entrance Fees 17 17
292 15 10
Sales of Chronicle, &c 81 10 1
Dividends on Stock
By General Fund : Dividends on 750 London &
North- Western Railway 4 % Pref. Stock . 28 5
Research Fund : Ditto on 50 ditto (Montagu
Bequest) 1 17 8
30 2
716 19 9
PERCY H. WEBB, Hon. Treasurer.
Audited and found correct,
W. BERESFORD SMITH,} Auditors
GEORGE C. BROOKE, / B
June 14, 1911.
26 PROCEEDINGS OF THE
The Reports of the Council having been adopted, the
President proceeded to present the Society's Medal to Dr.
Codrington, and addressed the Society as follows :
I have come here to-day in spite of my doctor to share
with you in the pleasure of conferring on our very old friend,
Dr. Codrington, the only distinction it is in the power of
this Society to give, namely, its Medal. When the Council
had a few days ago to decide upon whom the honour should
be conferred this year it was unanimously agreed that none
had greater claims both on account of the scientific value of
his work and his personal services to the Society than our
Librarian.
It will be well before I say anything more if I recite to
/ /
you a list of his achievements which has been kindly put
together for me by my friend Mr. Allan.
Dr. Codrington was elected a member of the Bombay
Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society in 1873, and was
appointed Secretary and Editor of the Journal in 1874, a
post which he held for several periods during the next twenty
years. His first communication to the Society's Journal was
on a find of Hindoo Coins at Wai in 1876, in which he
described a remarkable series of very early anepigraphous
Hindoo coins of previously unknown types. In 1877 he
published (with Pandit Bhagvanlal Indraji) a most important
paper on the coinage of the Andhras, throwing a good deal
of light on the chronological arrangement of this puzzling
series. This paper has formed the basis of all subsequent
work in the series. In 1881 he described a remarkably large
find of Oriental coins at Broach. The find evidently was a
merchant's treasure of the fourteenth century, and contained
a large number of previously unknown coins in gold and
silver. In 1883 he published his first paper on the Coins of
the Bahmani dynasty and a list of rare and unpublished
Arnavi coins. An account of the coinage of Kacch was
ROYAL NUMISMATIC SOCIETY. 27
published in 1887, and his catalogue of the Bombay Society's
coins in 1891. In addition to his numismatic writings Dr.
Codrington took an active part in the editing of the Journal,
and the arrangement of the Society's library and coin collec-
tions, both of which owe much to the interest he took in
them. On his retirement from India the Society elected
him a honorary member. Among his more important non-
numismatic contributions to the Bombay Journal may be
mentioned his article on the " Seals of the Kings of Satara,"
and his location with Khan Bahadur Ardesir Jamsedji of
the site of the Lake Sudarsana of the Girnar inscription,
throwing much light on the ancient geography of Western
India.
On his return from India Dr. Codrington was elected a
member of the Numismatic Society in 1886 and soon after-
wards Librarian. In 1894 he contributed to the Chronicle
notes on the Bani Basul and on a rare muhur of Taglak
Shah, and in 1895 an important monograph on the coinage
of Kacch and Kathiawar. In 1898 he wrote for the Chronicle
an interesting paper on the coinage of the Bahmanis, which
threw considerable light on the history of Southern India in
the fifteenth century. In 1902 he published an article on
"Rare Coins of the Khalifs," in which he described for the
first time many coins of the greatest historical interest.
Dr. Codrington had been elected a member of the Royal
Asiatic Society in 1877, and has held for many years the
post of Librarian to that Society. Though his official title
is that of Honorary Librarian, his catalogue of the Arabic,
Persian, Turkish, &c., MSS. in the Society's Library (1892),
and the card subject-index to the large collection of books in
the library which has been compiled by him, testify to the
active part he has taken in the arrangement of the library.
To the Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Dr. Codrington
has contributed several accounts of collections of coins from
Seistan.
28 PROCEEDINGS OF THE
In 1889 Dr. Codrington published his Bare and Unedited
Arabic Coins, which is the catalogue of an important collection
of Mongol and Persian coins.
His greatest work, however, is his Manual of Musulman
Numismatics (1902). This work embodies the results of a
lifetime's study of Oriental coins, and contains everything
necessary for the decipherment of every coin in the wide field
of Muhammadan Numismatics covering a period of twelve
centuries, and ranging from Spain to Turkestan. Every
legend is given, all the titles used by rulers, a list of dynasties,
and an invaluable list of some 1200 mints, which shows an
intimate knowledge of the Arab geographers. Since the
publication of this book there has been a remarkable increase
in the number of students of Oriental coins, particularly
in India, and there can be no doubt that this is due to
Codrington's Manual, which is to the Orientalist what the
Historia is to the Greek numismatist.
You will agree with me that this list embodies a life's
work of extraordinary variety and value. It has not only
been devoted to a field of research in itself difficult and
largely unattractive, but it has involved a command of
several Eastern languages, Indo-European and Semitic, of
a gift for disentangling involved Oriental script, of a great
mastery of the intricacies of Eastern history in several fields,
and of a patient survey of the chronology and of the mints
of many Eastern dynasties where kings have left few records
except coins.
The harass and toil of most of this work are hardly
matched in the more attractive and the more easy paths of
similar research in the Western countries. Meanwhile he
has maintained towards us, who as you know well are some-
times tiresome and exacting, an unfailing urbanity, and has
always been ready to pour out what knowledge he has to
assist others. This last is an amiable quality only found in
those whose purse of knowledge is full, and who can spare
ROYAL NUMISMATIC SOCIETY. 29
abundantly of their wisdom to lend or to give to others
without feeling much loss themselves.
My dear old friend, I do not know that I can say anymore.
I feel sure everybody here concurs in the matter of my remarks
even if they disapprove of their form. When you look at
this Medal it will, we hope, be a pleasant reminder to you of
the many friends you have made and of their regard and
esteem for you. We also hope you will enjoy that double
pleasure for many years, and that your pockets will always
be full of mohurs and your heart of gladness.
On receiving the Medal, Dr. Codrington replied :
Mr. President, It is a great honour for me to receive at
your hands this Medal which the Council have been so good
as to award me ; but when I think of the Orientalists who
have been our medallists in past years -Edward Thomas,
Cunningham, Tiesenhausen and Stanley Lane-Poole, who
taught me nearly all I know of numismatics and of the
distinguished ones in other branches of our study, names
and personalities so familiar to all in this room that I need
not mention them I cannot but feel how unworthy I am
to be classed with them, and that your kindness and desire
on this occasion to award the Medal to an Oriental student
place me in this honourable position.
My work with coins began just thirty-six years ago,
when on being appointed Secretary to the Bombay Asiastic
Society I found in their Museum among other valuables a
fine collection of coins, mostly Oriental, unarranged and
uncatalogued. Books on the subject were then but few, and
I had to puzzle out a good deal for myself until the first
volume of the British Museum Catalogue of Oriental Coins,
published in 1875, reached me, the first of a series, now
extended to sixteen volumes, which make our work so compara-
tively easy. It was, however, good training for me, and I
30 PROCEEDINGS OP THE
soon fell under the fascination of numismatics which probably
all here have felt, and this has remained with me ever since.
Not being much of a collector, my work has been chiefly with
other people's coins, and my pleasure has been in encouraging
beginners to study Oriental coins and to help them in diffi-
culties. Thus I have been associated personally or by corre-
spondence with students in possibly nearly all parts of the
world, and they will, I am sure be pleased to hear that the
Medal has again been awarded to an Orientalist, however
unworthy the medallist himself may be.
I beg to thank you, Mr. President, for all the kind things
you have said about me and also to the Fellows for the
cordial way in which they have received my name.
The President then delivered the following address :
THE PRESIDENT'S ADDRESS.
I must begin what I have to say to-night with an apology
for a lapse in my duty, which took place last year very much
against my inclination. I was unfortunately very unwell,
and was away in Italy, and could not be present therefore
at the annual meeting, and I am under obligations to my
friend Mr. Grueber for taking my place. I have not been very
strong lately, and cannot trust myself to give you an address
either in length or in quality worthy of this Society and its
traditions, and you will therefore have to exercise one virtue,
which we all esteem in others, namely, patience.
In surveying, very shortly, the progress of our science
during the last year, we necessarily begin with the coinage
of Greece, which in every respect is the crown of our studies.
In the unmatched artistic qualities of the coins, and the
variety and freshness of the types in the long range of
years and of space which it covers, and in the lessons which
it has to teach us about the chronology, the history, the
KOYAL NUMISMATIC SOCIETY. 31
local administration, the religion, and the domestic arts of
perhaps the most wonderful race the world has seen. For
many years past the coinage of Greece has been studied with
assiduity by a long line of English scholars from Leake down
to Head, and those whom I may call his pupils.
The last year has seen the production of an epoch-making
work on the Greek coinage, in the shape of the second
edition of Head's Historia Numorum, a work quite unmatched
elsewhere, which has occupied its author and other most
competent writers for many years. It is a wonderful
monument of condensed, precise, and accurate knowledge,
in which a multitude of scattered memoirs have been boiled
down, and in which the matter has been arranged with
singular lucidity. The book is indispensable. We ought to
be proud that it was written by an Englishman, and not an
Englishman only, but by one whose modesty, urbanity, and
unselfishness have been tested by us all, and you will allow me
from this chair to congratulate our old friend and colleague,
one of the pillars of this Society for nearly half a century,
upon his great feat. It is a pity that the necessity of com-
pressing the book into one volume has led to the cancelling
of certain portions of it, and we hope it may be possible that
they may appear in a supplementary volume or volumes,
which shall contain Dr. Head's various contributions to our
science.
This is not the only notable work on the Greek coinage
which has appeared during the interval I have named.
During the last twelve months there has also appeared the
twenty-sixth volume of the catalogue of Greek coins in the
British Museum. That catalogue is a monumental proof of
the assiduity, patience, and learning of its authors. Three or
four more volumes will complete it, and we shall then have,
in our language, an encyclopaedia of Greek numismatics with
only one rival, the Traite, now being published by Babelon.
The great collections of Paris and Berlin have both begun
32 PROCEEDINGS OF THE
a similar work, and in each case have stopped short at the
second volume, and those great collections, save in the
volumes referred to, are entirely buried and lost to the world
and science, and I am afraid will remain so for a century.
Only those can appreciate this loss who have studied the
volumes thus published, specially those of Babelon with
their overflowing wealth of illustration and out-of-the-way
knowledge.
It is true that we are promised, but the work is slowly,
very slowly progressing, a vast and complete corpus of all
known Greek coins, but this is hardly likely to appear
before all of us here are buried fathoms deep. Meanwhile
we should have been very thankful if the other great col-
lections in the world had done what the British Museum
and the Hunterian Collection have done, in publishing a
catalogue raisonnee of their contents. In this case, as in so
many others, the best is the greatest enemy of the good.
Do as we will our collections will continue to grow, as will
also our knowledge. Meanwhile, let us not forget the heroes
that are gone, and when we look at the number of hands
which have been employed in our great catalogue, let us
remember what was done a long time ago by Mionnet, with
his own pen alone. We have advanced greatly since his
day in our standards and our methods, but it is on his back
nevertheless that we stand.
The latest volume of the British Museum catalogue is a
worthy example of the highest level our science has now
reached I refer to Mr. G. F. Hill's catalogue of the Phoenician
coins in the Museum. If we compare the volume with that
which initiated the series, namely, the catalogue of the
Italian coins published in 1873, we shall notice what great
changes and improvements have been made. The coins
instead of being engraved are photographed, an absolute
necessity where niceties of style have to be discriminated.
The catalogue itself is preceded by a lordly preface of nearly
ROYAL NUMISMATIC SOCIETY. 33
150 pages, in which all the most important coins, whether in
the Museum or not, are discussed, and the most important in
foreign collections are photographed. The whole literature
has been industriously searched for illustrative matter, and
here may I say that, white English writers figure largely in
other fields of Greek numismatics, they are singularly absent
from this one. Mr. Hill, in fact, stands alone. Six, Babelon
and Reichardt, Luynes and Waddington, and very notably
Rouvier, have made special studies of the Phoenician coins,
and illuminated their most interesting types, so valuable for
the recovery of the mythology and ritual of a region which,
lying in between Egypt and Asia Minor, and forming syncre-
tisms with both, has created for us a most puzzling Pantheon,
so far away is the religion of the Phoenicians from the faith of
their nearest neighbours, and their nearest relatives, the Jews.
It is not possible in these few paragraphs to call attention
to the endless interest attaching to these for the most part
ugly coins, and to the many points suggested in Mr. Hill's
commentary on them. To the casual reader what is, perhaps,
the most surprising thing is, the comparative lateness of the
series. It is curious that this nation of traders (the Jews
and Armenians of the ancient world), who in many districts
gave the Greeks their weights and measures, should have
lagged so far behind them in having a native coinage.
It may be that the fact of neither gold nor silver nor the
ingredients of bronze having existed in Phoenicia, while
electrum, or white gold, was found in most of the rivers of
Asia Minor under the dominion of the Lydian kings, and
the similar existence of large deposits of silver ore in the
mountains and islands of Greece, led respectively to the
introduction of an electrum coinage in an inland area like
Lydia, and a silver one on the mainland in Aegina and
Attica, and that the traders of Phoenicia maintained their
primitive methods of barter after their neighbours had adopted
a currency.
c
34 PROCEEDINGS OF THE
One or two features in Mr. Hill's book can alone be
noticed. At last we have the excellent plan adopted of
giving the full history and provenance and year of acqui-
sition of each coin in footnotes instead of in the margin,
where it would be often crowded. The weights of the
coins are given in grammes as well as grains a very
useful equation for those who study the foreign litera-
ture. It seems a pity, however, that when the other large
collections of Phoenician coins all supply a quota of deside-
rata to the plates, that the largest collection of all, and
the richest, namely, that of Mr. Rouvier, of Marseilles, and
formerly of Beyrout, should not also have been similarly
represented. Mr. Hill makes ample and excellent use of the
MS. catalogue of the Rouvier coins, but it would have been
very useful and illuminating to have also had figures of his
rarest and best preserved coins in this catalogue which for
many years to come must be the monograph to which all will
turn who want to study the series scientifically. I should like
to mention one small fact I noticed, more as a proof of my
having read it through and with great interest than anything
else. The coin, a hemichalJcon, numbered 102 under Arados in
Mr. Hill's catalogue, is described in Babelon's catalogue of
the coins of the Achaemenidae, and is there figured on pi.
xxiii. fig. 10. A similar coin from the Berlin Collection is
figured on pi. xxxviii. fig. 7, in Mr. Hill's catalogue. Babelon
assigns the French coin to Arados without question, and
describes the head of the obverse as Tete tourelee de Tyche.
In the text Mr. Hill classes it with the coins of Arados, while
he puts a query after the attribution of the head to Tyche,
op. cit. 102, p. 15 ; but on p. 15 he says the attribution is
uncertain. To me there does not seem any evidence whatever
for assigning it to Arados. The monogram has clearly no
reference to the name Arados, nor can I anywhere recognize
M. Babelon's Tete tourelee de Tyche. The crown on the head
is a simple decorated Stephanos, and is quite unlike the
ROYAL NUMISMATIC SOCIETY. 35
mural crown occurring on the city goddess we call Tyche,
and which is worn by all the Tyches of Arados.
Turning to the Chronicle, we owe to Dr. Ettore Gabrici
the description of a new coin and a new mint. The obverse
consists of a bull with the head reversed, while the other
side of the coin has the same type in incuse, like the coins
of Sibaritis, but with the letters SO in the field. Dr. Gabrici
attributes it to Sontini, one of the cities of Lucania men-
tioned by Pliny.
We have also had an interesting paper from Mr. Seltman
on some rare tetradrachms from Sicily, four of them of
Thermae Himerenses, two with the name of the town, and
two others which Mr. Seltman assigns to the same place
from their marked resemblances of type and style, but which
are anepigraphic. They were all issued under the influence
of the Carthaginians after they had restored the old city of
Himera. A fifth coin, belonging to Camarina, exists in three
specimens, and is remarkable for its style and strong design.
The obverse has on it the bearded head of Melkarth, and the
reverse the figure of Carthage or Dido with a Phrygian
helmet, driving a quadriga. The first letters of the artist's
name are EXI, thus presenting us with the signature of a
new artist. A sixth tetradrachm, without any inscription on
it, but with a reverse like those of the coins from Himera
above-named, Mr. Seltman assigns to Camarina, because of
the swan in the exergue, a bird closely connected as a type
with that town.
While discussing Greek coins I ought to refer to the series
of papers on the coins of Sicily and Magna Graecia which
our colleague, Mr. Hands, has been publishing in the Numis-
matic Circular, and which I am glad to see referred to
with appreciation in a foreign periodical. He has gathered
round the coins which he discusses with insight a very large
mass of interesting geographical, mythological, and historical
matter, which cannot easily be found collected elsewhere,
c2
36 PROCEEDINGS OF THE
and out of which he has woven a very entertaining conspectus
of Southern Italian and Sicilian history in the days of Greek
domination.
We will now turn to the Roman series.
In my previous address I mentioned, in presenting the
Medal of the Society to Mr. Grueber, that the great work to
which the larger part of his life had been devoted, namely,
the description and arrangement of the Kepublican series of
Roman coins, was complete and about to be published, and
I postponed a notice of it until a subsequent address. Most
of you no doubt have seen it, a lordly work in three stout
volumes, with over a hundred plates ; but few of you can
have read it, as I have read it, through more than once, and
can therefore realize the wealth of new information, and new
induction, and the innumerable corrections of ancient and
modern errors which it contains, together with a vast mass
of historical and archaeological matter, quite indispensable to
the historian of the future, with which it is packed.
Its author had the good fortune of being tied by personal
friendship with the older students of Roman numismatics, a
class which has almost died out. We were always famous in
the early days for our collectors of Roman coins, and nearly
all the great rarities have at one time or another been in
English hands, and we all know intimately the names of
Pembroke and Northwick and Devonshire, of Trattle and
Tyssen and Thomas, of Wigan and De Salis, and Evans.
But we are apt to forget, however, how much we owe,
not merely to English collectors, but to English students
of the Roman series. Among the older men was Madden,
whose illuminating papers take up so much room in the
Numismatic Chronicle, but towering above them all, the first
man who really applied scientific induction to the Roman
series, who first taught us the value of arranging the
coins of the Republican series chronologically, instead of by
moneyers, and in the later series the enormous advantage of
ROYAL NUMISMATIC SOCIETY. 37
arranging them under mints, and whose wonderful eye was
the first to discriminate the products of the Imperial from
the local and provincial mints by their style. All this and
much more we owe to De Salis, a name hardly known to
many collectors, for he wrote few papers, and was fastidious
and modest to a fault. His life's work is incorporated in the
collections of the British Museum, which were arranged by
himself according to his own theories, and which he enriched
with the gift of thousands of coins, many of them of the
greatest rarity, or unique, and which he slipped into their
places without telling any one, with only the labels to tell
the story.
The work of De Salis is lavishly acknowledged by Mr.
Grueber on every page of his catalogue, where may also be
found references to the whole modern literature on the
subject ; so much is this the case that we are apt in reading
his book to overlook the fact that it is essentially his work,
and is full of his perspicacity, wide knowledge, and acuteness.
He is leaving the Museum in November, and he will leave
it in this work a noble parting gift.
Let me, in a paragraph or two, call your attention to some
other than the numismatic interest attaching to the book.
Many of you know what fierce discussions have taken place
about the credibility of early Roman history, about the
respective merits of Livy and Dionysius of Halicarnassus,
and about how much of what they reported was reliable
tradition, and how much of it they invented to glorify and
flatter the old Roman families. Well, as now arranged, the
coins supply us with evidence on the matter which is of some
importance. The moneyers after a certain date adopted the
plan of putting on the reverses of the coins representations
of the heroic deeds of their ancestors, and thus we have, going
back beyond Livy and Dionysius, and their older brother,
Fabius Pictor, a gallery of pictures of the Roman family
legends upon which to begin our criticism, which, however
38 PROCEEDINGS OF THE
fabulous in parts, have in others a very respectable
pedigree.
Again, there has been a good deal of discussion in regard
to the value of Roman tradition before the Gallic War. The
newest lights from the coins seem to support the notion that
before the Gallic War, Rome was a city of quite secondary
importance. It is at least remarkable that we should have
no Roman coins dating from before that catastrophe, when
coins were well known both in Etruria and Latium, and it
seems incredible that if Rome had been anything like what
the popular histories would have us believe it should not also
have had a coinage of its own. This completely supports the
very remarkable absence of any inscriptions dating from
before the Gallic War, save one or two which come to us
from extremely primitive times. It is quite incredible that
the Gauls should have completely swept away every trace of
inscription on stone, or metal, existing when they took the
place. This also confirms the view of those critics who date
the text of the Twelve Tables from after the Gallic invasion.
This view has been supposed to be incompatible with the
mention of certain coins in them which have hitherto been
dated from before the Gallic invasion, and which we now
know to date from after it.
Of course, a book which takes a long time to print is apt
to become a little out of date in certain points, and I will
name one in which my judgment, if I may venture to quote
it, does not agree with my friend, but does agree with
Dr. Haeberlin, namely, that none of the oblong bronze pieces
formerly attributed to Rome belong to that city, but in every
case belong to Latium, or the Oscan country, so that coins
represented on the four initial plates in the volumes ought, in
my judgment, to be transferred to Central Italy.
The earliest Roman coinage, I have no doubt, consisted of
cast round pieces, and not of quadrangular ingots, with symbols
on them, and there is no evidence that Rome had a coinage at
ROYAL NUMISMATIC SOCIETY. 39
all until the first half of the 4th century B.C. The apparently
primitive rudeness of the earlier cast pieces is due to the
roughness of the dies. The style of the various types is not
primitive but only coarse.
Another most interesting feature in the Republican series
when arranged in the fashion in this catalogue is the series
of Roman portraits contained on the coins. It is generally
held that it was not permissible until the time of Julius
Caesar to put the portrait of any living person on the coins.
The moneyers, however, were allowed thus to commemorate
their fathers and grandfathers and other ancestors, who
had done the State great service. Of course many of these
pictures of the heroic men are quite ideal and fanciful,
although it is curious how certain types arose and were
maintained, especially in the case of the more famous heroes
and those of the early heroic kings.
In regard to the later ones their individuality is so marked
that it seems impossible to doubt that they are real portraits
derived doubtless from the family portrait gallery of busts
in wax and other materials preserved by each of the great
families, and which were duly carried in procession at the
funeral of its members. In regard to one of these portraits
I have a theory of my own which I venture to offer, and
which involves a departure from the views hitherto published.
It is generally supposed that Julius Caesar was the first
person who put his own portrait on a Roman coin. I venture
to think that a similarly daring act was committed by a
very great personage who lived a generation before Caesar,
who was almost as great as Caesar himself, and quite as
daring and regardless of popular opinion, I mean the
Dictator Sulla. He was the first Roman to dare to strike
gold coins in his own name, although not in Italy, but when
in command of the Eastern army. I believe he not only
put his name, but his portrait on some of his coins, the head
is so striking, so individual, and so like the description of the
40 PROCEEDINGS OF THE
man as given us, who was treated as a demigod by the
Patrician party and given an Imperial funeral, that I have
very little doubt myself that on the coins I refer to we are
able to look face to face upon that splendid specimen of the
proudest caste the world has ever seen, namely, the Roman
patriciate. The Romans were at one time great admirers
and imitators of the Seleucid kings, and in the East
where personal adulation of successful men was very great,
it is perhaps not to be wondered at that the ever- victorious
general should have been thus honoured and with his own
approval.
The enormous mass of materials condensed in Mr. Grueber's
three volumes made it impossible to complete the subject as
I hope it will some time be completed, if we are to make
the Roman coins a real scaffold composed of absolutely
contemporary documents for the historian to build upon.
Babelon in his older work incorporated in his volumes a list
merely of the coins struck by the various cities of the Eastern
world, either issued by various Roman generals or after their
incorporation by the Romans. These coins are generally
classed as Imperial Greek and made continuous with the
autonomous Greek coins issued by the cities which struck
them, but it seems to me their interest is quite as great, if
not greater, as Roman documents showing the gradual
growth of that mighty Empire, and that they should be
treated both geographically among the Greek coinages of the
East and also under their Roman masters.
Another smaller series might well also be discussed in such
a supplementary volume or perhaps in a paper in the
Chronicle by Mr. Grueber himself, namely, the coins styled
" Restored," which were reissued by the Emperors, notably
by Trajan, and which present some very interesting
problems.
Concurrently with the appearance of Mr. Grueber's catalogue
there appeared a very fine work on a great scale, dealing
ROYAL NUMISMATIC SOCIETY. 41
with the early bronze coinage of Rome and Central Italy,
by Dr. Haeberlin, of Frankfurt, who has long been known as
a devoted student of the series, and who has made a wonder-
ful collection of it. I need not enlarge upon this quite indis-
pensable work, which has already been referred to in suitably
complimentary terms by Mr. Hill in the Chronicle. I can only
say that when the first volume of the Greek catalogue is
re-edited, which it is to be hoped will be before very long,
the whole of the Bronze series described in it will have to be
revised on a great scale.
In this behalf may I also mention a notable paper, which
is most suggestive, and seems to me largely very convincing,
written by my friend Mr. J. E. McClean, entitled, "A
Metrological Note on the Coinage of Populonia." What is
specially suggestive is, what he has to say on the fallacy of
averaging a large series of very divergerjt weights in the
coins-, and using this as a standard index. The divergence
in question is so great, and so continuous, that I know of
no theory that will completely account for it ; it would seem,
in fact, that bronze was so common and cheap at one time
that the mints were indifferent about the accurate weight
of the pieces, and that there was no normal standard or unit
generally recognized. I am of course speaking only of the
Bronze coinage.
Turning from the Republican to the Imperial series, we
have had a notable paper from our Treasurer on the coinage
of Julian, whom he rightly styles the Philosopher. He has
divided this coinage into three series, one from the time he
became Caesar, until he became Augustus, the second one till
the death of Constantius on November 3, 361, and the third
during the rest of his reign, which correspond, very closely,
with the three types of his coinage. These he has distributed
among the fourteen mints which issued coins in his name. One
very suggestive part of his paper is that in which he deals
with Julian's religious attitude as represented on the coins.
42 PROCEEDINGS OF THE
I have always felt that that attitude was in no wise a
recurrence to the ancient paganism of Rome, but rather a
setting up in opposition to Christianity of the newer gods
and goddesses which had been more recently added to the
Roman Pantheon and whose cult had been idealized by
passing through the crucible of the Alexandrian Philosophers.
May I suggest to my friend how interesting it would be if
he were to write a monograph on the introduction and
spread of this new theology, as illustrated by the Imperial
coinage.
A second notable paper on the Imperial series is that of
Mr. C. Harold Dodd on the use of the word Pius, as a
cognomen, by the Emperor Antoninus. He illustrates the
meaning of the word by the large series of the coins of
Antoninus with the type of Pietas, which he explains with
Pausanias, as meaning that he was conspicuous for the
reverence he paid to the Divine. The case he makes out
seems conclusive.
Mr. J. G. Milne lately read a paper before the Society,
involving one of those puzzles which seem to baffle solution,
an account of a hoard of 300 tetradrachms lately found in
Egypt, of which 136 were issued by Tiberius, the rest being
normal Ptolemaic coins. Those of Tiberius, however, are
very puzzling. They are rough in style, some of them with
the head of Augustus, and others with that of Tiberius ; they
vary in weight from 5| to 13^ grammes, while the proportion
of silver in them varies from 61 to 29 grammes. That they
are not private forgeries is almost proved from the fact that
they are nearly all from different dies, and it would seem
that, however issued, they must have come from the public
mint, where the corruption of the money ers must have been
phenomenal, and yet how the money-changers and bankers
could have been taken in, unless the coins were never weighed,
and never analysed, is very puzzling, so is the difficulty of
understanding how commerce could have been carried on on
KOYAL NUMISMATIC SOCIETY. 43
such terms. It is interesting to know that these tetradrachms
of Tiberius were withdrawn from circulation en masse directly
after his death, and do not occur in hoards containing the
coins of the later Emperors.
A still greater puzzle attaches to a hoard of coins from
South Hants, recently described in the Chronicle by Mr. Hill.
They consist of both silver and brass coins, 13 Republican
denarii and one imitation, 2 Imperial denarii and one
imitation, 30 Imperial brass and 14 local imitations, and 298
British coins of base silver.
If these had been all they would have afforded us little
difficulty ; it would have been an ordinary hoard of British-
made imitations with a certain number of Roman coins.
The puzzle attaches to the fact that, with these coins, occur
a large number, 306 altogether, which seem to me to have a
very doubtful claim to be called coins at all. They are in no
sense imitations of other coins we know ; they are marked
with a greater or less number of dots; a large number of
them also have on them a kind of two-pronged fork, on what
we may call the obverse, while others also have small
crescents. They vary in weight from 2 5 '3 grains to 53*2
grains with every intermediate grade.
Let us remember that the hoard was deposited, as late
or later than the third Consulate of Hadrian, when, so far
as we know, the whole of South Britain had been completely
Romanized, and lastly, the dots are arranged in every kind
of order, and their number is quite incommensurate with the
weight of the coins. Some of the dots, by the way, are united
by little straight lines, and others by crescents. These coins
are all cast. Further, this type of thing, be it a coin or
something else, has, so far as I know, only occurred in this
find. Can it be that the discs are counters of some kind,
or were used in some game, or possibly, in some magical
process ? Who can tell ?
We are, at all events, very grateful to Mr. Hill for
44 PKOCEEDINGS OF THE
presenting the facts so clearly, and giving us figures of all
their forms.
In the Anglo-Saxon series we are limited to three papers,
all, strangely enough, dealing with the coin-types of Aethelred
II, over the arrangement of which a most entertaining
and illuminating battle royal has taken place between Mr.
Parsons and Mr. Brooke, both Fellows of the Society. What-
ever else may be said, we are all grateful here when fights
of this kind take place in a good-humoured way, for we, at
least, must profit by the sifting of the facts and the inferences,
and we can only hope that both will live a long time, and
have many a merry bout over the coins of the most unfortunate
of our kings, who has been hardly treated by history, for
he never had a chance, and the abundance of whose coins,
in the northern museums, compared with them here, is a
good measure of the way we were plundered, and made to
pay toll, by the pirates in that miserable tenth century.
In the British Numismatic Journal for last year, Mr.
Carlyon-Britton has a most useful paper on uncertain Anglo-
Saxon mints, and some new attributions, with a special
supplement on the Winchcombe Mint. Some of his con-
tentions will no doubt lead to polemics, but, in the main, it
seems to me, he has made out his case, which is based on a
large amount of material.
A second very notable paper by Mr. Roth is profusely
illustrated, and is the result of a very conscientious survey
of all the great collections in the north of Europe in public
and private hands. The paper deals with that most puzzling
and difficult series, the Hiberno-Danish coins, and virtually
the whole of the material is now for the first time published
and photographed.
It rather breaks our hearts when we look over this long
series of largely unintelligible inscriptions to find how very
few indeed can be read. It would certainly have been a
grievous disappointment to my late friends, Vigfusson and
ROYAL NUMISMATIC SOCIETY. 45
York Powell, who expected a great deal from the publication
of this series, and were always pressing me to get those in the
British Museum published, to find how little the coins can
do fo us in helping to fix the dates and the pedigrees of
the Irish kings of Dublin, Limerick, and Waterford. We
must congratulate our friend and colleague on his fine
addition to the numismatic literature of these islands.
Coming down a little later we have had a most excellent
paper in the Chronicle on that interminable and most fasci-
nating subject, the Chronology of the Short-cross Period, by
Mr. Brooke. This has been the field where many champions
have fought, and it shows how much can still be done by one
so well equipped as a scholar and an historian, and who has
had a very large series of coins to discuss in solving puzzles
needing a nice judgment and insight to solve. It is very
pleasant to think that Mr. Brooke has now in hand the
beginning of the British Museum Catalogue of the post-
Conquest coins, and you will agree that no one is likely to do
it better than the author of this ideal paper.
In the British Numismatic Journal I ought to mention a
short but very suggestive paper by Mr. Shirley Fox on Die-
making in the twelfth century. In the same volume there is
a long and very interesting paper, beautifully illustrated, by
our colleague, Miss Helen Farquhar, on the portraiture of our
Stuart Monarchs. It is full of interest, and full of the original
research we expect, and never fail to get, from our colleague,
whose storehouse, of untapped information, on the subject she
has made her own, seems inexhaustible.
On the same period we have a quite excellent paper, in our
Chronicle, containing new facts, well condensed and clear,
by Mr. Henry Symonds, on the trials of the Pyx, the Mint-
marks and the Mint Accounts of Charles I, and also a mono-
graph by Mr. T. H. B. Graham, on the hammered money of
Charles II, of which he has quite an unrivalled collection.
In the field of Oriental numismatics there has appeared
46 PROCEEDINGS OF THE
during the past year a very useful and much-needed work by
Mr. W. H. Valentine, on the Modern Copper Coins of the
Muhammadan States, containing seventy-eight plates and six
maps, and published by Messrs. Spink and Co. This lass of
coins has been much neglected, nor are they very attractive
to the eye. What was needed was that some patient scholar
should survey the field, and prepare a manual to help students
to decipher the inscriptions on the coins, and to guide them
through the mazes of Eastern mints. The book is divided
into several sections, each with an historical introduction and
a map showing the mints, and it contains a list of mints,
genealogical lists of metrological notes, tables of the Arabic
and Georgian alphabets, and a vocabulary of Arabic words
and numerals occurring on coins.
This completes what I have to say about the literature
referring to coins proper. I have still a word or two to add
on the subject of medals.
It was a great venture when Sir Augustus Franks and
Mr. Grueber co-operated in bringing out their very familiar
work on English medals, known as the Medallic Illustrations
of English History, in which were incorporated the notes
made during a long series of years by Hawkins, whose un-
rivalled collection of the medals themselves is now at the
British Museum. It was a natural supplement to this
monograph that we should also have an atlas in which as
many as possible of these medals should be illustrated, not
by engravings, but according to modern methods. Upon this
work Mr. Grueber has been engaged for some time, and
every one present must have long ago realized the care,
patience, and industry which he has devoted to it in addition
to his many other duties. It is now approaching completion,
and I understand that he wishes before leaving the Museum
in November that the whole work should be out. There is
nothing like it on the same scale, and with such perfection of
workmanship. We owe him our thanks and congratulations.
ROYAL NUMISMATIC SOCIETY. 47
We hope it will not be long before the very fine collection
of foreign medals in the Museum is treated in the same way,
and we have in Mr. Hill a very competent person, who has,
perhaps, only one rival in his knowledge of this series in these
realms, namely, Mr. Rosenheim. During the past twelve
months he has published in the Chronicle a further proof of
what I am saying in a very interesting monograph on the
medals of Pope Paul II, in which all the types are, I believe,
figured. They form a very remarkable show, quite a new
departure in our studies, and also prove how rich is the
medallic section of our Museum.
It is right that I should also mention a third work, which
has been periodically in process of production in this country
and of which several volumes have appeared, giving the bio-
graphies and describing the work of all the known medallists
of all countries, and very generously illustrated. I refer
to the very fine work, very Avidely appreciated, of my friend
Mr. Forrer, our Fellow. It is to be hoped that he will be
able to complete this work on the same scale, and with the
same precision and accuracy, which mark those portions
already published.
I must now conclude, and I must do so as I commenced,
by an apology for the quality of my address, due to circum-
stances outside my control. Let me thank you for the kind
consideration you have shown me during my enforced absence
from many of your, meetings, and for the unfailing gentleness
and urbanity which I have met from every officer of the
Society, from its Council, and from all its members.
On the motion of Mr. Roth a vote of thanks was accorded
the President for his address.
The President then announced the result of the ballot for
the election of office-bearers for the session 1911-1912 as
follows :
48 PROCEEDINGS OF THE ROYAL NUMISMATIC SOCIETY.
President.
SIR HENRY H. HOWORTH, K.C.I.E., F.R.S., F.S.A.
Vice-Presidents.
ARTHUR J. EVANS, ESQ., M.A., D.LITT., F.R.S., V.P.S.A.
HERBERT A. GRUEBER, ESQ., F.S.A.
Treasurer.
PERCY A. WEBB, ESQ
Secret
JOHN ALLAN, ESQ., M.A., M.R.A.O.
FREDERICK A. WALTERS, ESQ., F.S.A.
Foreign Secretary.
GI JRGE FRANCIS HILL, T > ?
Librarian.
O, '^R ( ODRINGTON, ESQ., M.D., F.S.A., M.R.A.S.
Members of the Council.
G. 0. BROOKE, ESQ., B.A.
M. * HELEN FARQUHAR.
BARCLAY VINCENT HEAD, ESQ., D.C.L., D.Lr .., Pn.D.
REV. AR*. IUR CAYLEY HEADLAM, D.D.
LIONEL & . HEWLETT, ESQ.
L. A/ LAWRENCE, ESQ., F.S.A.
J. GRAPTON MIL\E, X'SQ., M.A.
MAX - JNHEIM, Ld^., F.S.A.
BERN. ROTH, ESQ., F.S.A.
Hr -RY SYMONDS, ESQ., F.S.^
\
X.
A NEW JEWISH TETEADRACHM.
Obv. Four pillars of shittim wood overlaid with gold
for the veil before the Holy of Holies in the
Tabernacle. Within, the ark and mercy-seat r
symbolically represented. Above, symbolical
representation of the pillar of fire ; all within
border of dots.
^ *3 UJ = plB>= Simon.
Rev. On r. a lulab or bundle of fruits ; on 1. ethrog or
citron ; border of dots.
= the deliverance of Jerusalem.
Wt. 215-6 grs. Size, 1 inch.
Provenance, Jerusalem.
(?) Traces of overstriking.
THIS variety of the tetradrachm of Simon Bar Cochab,.
issued during the time of the second Revolt, is of great
importance. It came into my cabinet through the kind-
ness of Mr. A. H. Baldwin, and hitherto has not been
published in England.
There are three similar specimens in the Hamburger
collection of Jewish coins, lately acquired by the British
Museum.
One of these is overstruck upon a tetradrachm of
VOL. XI., SERIES IV. Q
206 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
Antioch with remains of the name of Trajan ; a second
presents a curious mistake in the name "Jerusalem,"
which reads ty & "H ^ ^L- = Dt?n% the lamed being
omitted.
The interpretation of the type deserves a word of
explanation. Taking the reverse first, because there is
no difficulty, the bundle of fruits was carried in the
right hand, the citron in the left, by the faithful at the
Feast of Tabernacles (Lev. xxiii. 40, B.V., and Midrash
Vayyekra Rabba, 30).
The interpretation of the obverse is the carrying out
of a hint given me by Mr. Gr. F. Hill. It is usual to
find some sort of representation of a temple, tetrastyle
or hexastyle, upon coins of this date, with the deity of
the cultus in the centre of the piece. The Jews would
naturally find a difficulty here. They could not repre-
sent Jehovah, and the result is the curious object which
this variety and the rest of the series present. The
most popular interpretation has been that it is a door,
and represents the Beautiful Gate of the Temple, and
any illustration of the tomb of Darius at Persepolis
would confirm this. But the fatal objection is that in
Simon's time the Temple was destroyed, and there would
be no particular point in rallying the Jews around a
building which was associated alike with a previous
disaster and with the hated name of Herod. The further
opinion of Cavedoni and others, that it was the sacrariuin
of a Jewish synagogue with the aron or ark containing
the sacred books, must be rejected, as Dr. Churchill
Babington pointed out, because the ark with the sacred
books was itself formed like a Temple, and the books
were plainly visible through the glass, from the evidence
of the Catacombs.
A NEW JEWISH TETKADRACHM. 207
Neither of these interpretations is free from diffi-
culties.
I suggest instead that the four pillars are the pillars
which separated the Holy Place from the Holy of Holies
in the Tabernacle and not in the Temple. These were
in fact four, as is clear from Exod. xxvi. 31, 32.
The object within is the ark and mercy-seat, and the
curve at the top symbolically represents the meeting of
the wings of the cherubim, which is here expressed deli-
cately and without offending any Jewish proprieties.
The two dots are the ends of the staves upon which the
ark is carried when Israel journeyed. The wavy line
above is equally a symbolical representation of the cloud
by day and pillar of fire by night, which overhung the
Tabernacle (Exod. xl. 38).
All this fits in with the idea of the Tabernacle, and
is the Jewish method of expressing the ordinary type
of Temple and cultus coins.
But the importance of the coin lies, further, in the
assistance it gives to a logical and chronological attri-
bution of these tetradrachms. All the remainder of the
series are exactly the same in type, except that on the
obverse a star takes the place of the wavy line above
the four pillars, and in the case of those dated the first
year there is no such adjunct. It is natural to find in
this star a reference to Simon's name, Bar Cochab, the
son of a star.
With M. Eeinach I would assign them all to the
second Revolt, and the overstruck coins of Trajan confirm
this. It is almost inconceivable to imagine that a Simon
and Eleasar from 66 A.D. to 70 A.D. struck coins, and that
these were imitated by another Simon and Eleasar from
132 A.D. to 135 A.D. The whole science of Numismatics
Q2
208 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
does not contain any such desperately artificial attempt
as the impossible one to divide up coins bearing the
name of Simon and Eleasar into two such widely
separated epochs as the first and second revolts of the
doomed Jews.
Our tetradrachm suggests a natural sequence.
The tetradrachms bearing the legend on the obverse,
* I- a/ ^ Z = D^EW = Jerusalem ; and the reverse,
= i ?ioc rhxb nns r\)& = first year of the redemption
of Israel, belong to the year 132 A.D., when Simon
had not made good his supreme claim as leader.
To the year 133 A.D. I would assign the tetradrachms
bearing the date ,3 V", year 2, and reading, obverse,
.^Adlf */ = P 1 " ^ = Simon; and reverse-
ly/ I \*> ^^ X*7*?^4 ^W = D^n> nnr6 yy
= second year of the deliverance of Jerusalem ; to
the following year the undated tetradrachms, still
presenting the star, and to his final issue, say early in
135 A.D., the tetradrachm, which I have described in
this paper, when Simon's popularity was on the wane,
and every adventitious aid was needful for his cause,
until at last victory was impossible for the Jews, and
Simon's defeat handed him down to posterity the dis-
credited Messiah, Bar Koziba, son of a lie.
I am confirmed in this opinion by the fact that, like
the dated coins of the second year, the word ninn^ is
used instead of rbx>. These are then the last Jewish
coins ever issued, for immediately afterwards the doom
of the nation was complete and the prophecies of woe
fulfilled.
EDGAR EOGERS.
XI.
CHRONOLOGY OF THE EASTERN CAMPAIGNS
OF THE EMPEROR LUCIUS VERUS.
(See Plates XII. and XIII.)
THE coins of the Emperors, Marcus Aurelius Antoninus
and Lucius Aurelius Verus, are fully dated by their
tribunician years. I accept Mommsen's view that the
tribunician year of Marcus, as of all emperors since Trajan,
began with December 10, 1 and that although Verus
received the tribunicia potestas in March, the first year
of its tenure was held to close on December 9, 161, thus
bringing his dating into line with that of his colleague.
The coins of Marcus, bearing the date TR. POT. XV,
and those of Verus with TR. POT the coins, that is,
of the first year of their joint reign, March-December,
161 P.O. are entirely occupied with types that concern
the accession of the emperors. The most notable are
those which bear the inscription CONCORDIAE AVGVS-
TOR(ww), 2 commemorating the first division of the
NOTE. In the articles dealing with the reign of Marcus Aurelius
Antoninus, I wish to acknowledge my debt to my friend and former
tutor, Mr. A. S. L. Farquharson, of University College, Oxford, who
both helped with suggestions and kindly permitted me to draw upon
the literary and epigraphic material collected for his forthcoming
monograph on this emperor. C. H. D.
1 Where special accuracy is not required, I commonly speak of (e.g.)
162 as identical with the tribunician year, December 10, 161-Decem-
ber 9, 162. In one or two cases the odd month makes a difference to
the calculation.
2 See Cohen, vol. iii., Marc-Aurdk, 69, &c. ; L. Verus, 44, &c. ; cf.
Eckhel, vol. vii. p. 89.
210 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
imperial power between the two "fratres Concordes" and
those which represent the emperors presiding at a
Congiarium, inscribed UB(eralitas) AVGVSTOR(ww), 3 and
recording the dole given to the people in connexion
with the accession of the new rulers. There is no trace
on the coins of any wars or rumours of wars.
It is not until the next tribunician year, December 10,
161-162 P.C., that any special types make their appear-
ance, which suggest a reference to military affairs. For
this year there is a gold coin of Verus, which I describe
from a specimen in the British Museum : 4
Obv. IMP. CAES. L. VERVS AVG. Bust facing r., palu-
date.
Rev, PROFECTIO AVG. TR. P. II. (on margin). COS. II.
(in exergue). Emperor, paludate, on horseback
to r., holding spear in r. hand.
A7.
The significance of this type is quite clear. The
Emperor L. Verus is setting out on an expedition. We
need have no hesitation in referring the coin to the
" Expeditio Orientalis" 5 There are, as we should expect,
no coins of Marcus with this reverse, but on a large bronze
medallion of his occurs an obviously kindred type. 6
Obv. IMP. CAES. M. AVREL. ANTONINVS AVG. P.M. TR.
P. XVI. COS. III. Bust r., laureate, loricate,
paludate.
Rev. No inscription. The two emperors, loricate and
paludate, on horseback, cantering r. ; Marcus
See Cohen, vol. iii., M.-A., 401-406; L. V., 116-118; cf. Eckhel,
vol. vii. pp. 49, 89.
4 Cf. Cohen, L. V., 132-138.
4 Cf. C. I. L., iii. 7505 (a veteran of Leg. V. Macedonica) " FVNCT(s)
EXpediT(ione) ORIENTAL! SVB STa*(io) PriSCO, IVL(w) SEVERO,
Mart(io) Vero C(larissimis) V(iris)."
This medallion is not in Cohen ; I describe a fine specimen in the
Kgl. Miinzkabinett, Berlin.
EASTERN CAMPAIGNS OF L. VERUS. 211
apparently is the one nearer the spectator and
slightly in advance, Verus riding to the 1. of
his colleague, and slightly to the rear; each
emperor holds a spear in r. hand ; they are
preceded by a soldier, equipped with loric, spear,
and shield, who marches r., but looks back
towards the emperors.
This is clearly, in spite of the absence of an ex-
planatory inscription, a PROFECTIO type. Now in the
Life of Marcus by Capitolinus, 7 we have a narrative of
the events connected with the departure of Verus. After
the senate had agreed to the mission of Verus to the
East, both emperors left the city together, and arrived
at Capua. Marcus then returned to Eome ; Verus pro-
ceeded, but had got no further than Canusiurn when he
fell ill. Marcus took vows in the senate for his colleague's
recovery, and hastened after him. Hearing, however, that
Verus had already set sail, he returned to Eome and
duly paid his vows. The principal points of this narra-
tive reappear in the Life of Verus. 8 We shall not be
far wrong, therefore, in attributing this medallion to
the ceremonious departure of the two emperors from
the city, " amicis comitantibus a senatu, additis officiorum
omnium principibus." Eckhel 9 sees a memorial of the
vows for Verus' health in the following type, which is
fairly common in gold and bronze, and which I describe
from a gold coin of Marcus at Berlin :
Obv IMP. M. AVREL. ANTONINVS AVG. P.M. Bust r.,
paludate, loricate.
7 Historia Augusta, iv. 8, 9-11.
8 Hist. Aug., v. 6, 7.
9 Eckhel, vol. vii. p. 49 ; for the type cf. Cohen, M.-A., 553-557.
212 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
Rev. SALVTI AVGVSTOR. TR. P. XVI. (margin). COS. III.
(exergue). Female figure, wearing ore'<avos,
long XITWV, and ifj-driov, standing 1., holding in
1. hand sceptre, in r. hand patera, from which
she feeds a snake coiled about a garlanded altar
of columnar form.
A7.
It is certainly tempting to see in the appearance of
this $a?ws-type just at this time a trace of the incident
recorded by Capitolinus. The fact that the dedication
is " to the Health of the Emperors " (both of them) is no
objection to this interpretation, for the persons of the
two rulers very largely coalesce for public purposes, and
would almost certainly do so in a religious ceremony.
Nor again, I think, is the interpretation necessarily invali-
dated by the fact that the same type is found with an
obverse of Verus 10 (as, for example, on a gold coin in the
British Museum). But I feel doubtful whether on the
coins 'Yyte/a-Salus can always be kept strictly to her
proper sphere, of healing actual bodily disease. The
recurrence of the type is rather too frequent for such
a significance always to be found. Verus' restoration to
health might possibly be alluded to in the type of
FORTVNA REDVX which occurs on his types alone for
this year. 11 The " Eeturning Fortune " (or " Keturned
Fortune " ; or is " Redux " active in sense ?) might
perhaps be the health of the emperor recovered in
answer to his brother's vows. But this type appears very
frequently, and its significance is not always clear. I
do not think it would be possible to limit it to any one
particular meaning. It denotes in general that things
10 Of. Cohen, L. V., 169 ; and the medallion of Verus, 347, with Salus
and Aesculapius.
11 See Cohen, L. V., 86-91.
EASTERN CAMPAIGNS OF L. VERUS. 213
are taking a turn for the better, in whatever connexion
it may be. The one impossible interpretation is the
received one which connects it always with the return
of an emperor to Eome. Here it would fit the circum-
stances, for Marcus did return to Rome twice during the
year (though why celebrate such very unimportant " re-
turns," and if they must be celebrated, why record
them only on the coins of the emperor who did not
return ?) ; but it is not possible to work it out con-
sistently. Apart from other considerations, it would
be quite impossible to bring the emperors from the ends
of the earth with sufficient frequency and rapidity to
save the credit of the coins as historical documents.
I do not think, then, that it is safe to find a definite
record of the events narrated by the biographers in any
of the coins of this year except the medallion of Marcus
with the riding emperors, and the PROFECTIO coins of
Verus. The latter might cause some difficulty. We have
already decided that the medallion of Marcus repre-
sents the departure of the emperors from Eome. What
" Profeetio" then, is recorded on the coins of Verus,
where he appears alone? The only " profectiones " of
the younger emperor alone would be from Capua after
Marcus had left him, from Canusium after his recovery,
and the final departure from Italy for the East. 12 But
the last " profectio " would be by ship and not on horse-
back, while the others would be perfectly unceremonious
aifairs, without any claim to be recorded on coins. But
to ask for a definite incident or scene of which the coin-
type is a true picture is to demand a realism which has
12 It was probably from Hydruiatum ; see Corpus regni Neapolitani,
443, ap. Napp, De Rebus imperatore M. Aurelio Antonino in Oriente
gestis : p. 105.
214 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
no place in numismatic art, and to neglect the true
symbolic character of coin-types. Eckhel seems to be
slightly guilty of this mistake which it is very difficult
to avoid in seeking to find history in the coins when in
speaking of this type continued into the next year (for
this year he does not know it) he asks whether the
"profectio " is from Eome for the East or from Antioch
for the Euphrates. 13 I should say rather that this coin
simply records the fact that the emperor received a
mission to the East, and does not represent (in any
pictorial or quasi-pictorial sense) his actual departure.
If one desires to attach it to a definite and paiticular
historical event, one would not be far wrong in saying that
it commemorates the senatus consultum " ut Imp. Caes.
L. Verus Aug. ad Parthicum Bellum proficiscatur," if one
may invent the text of such a decree from the words of
Capitolinus. The medallion of Marcus stands on a some-
what different level. Occasionally we find that events
regarded as unusually important receive an additional
and special commemoration in a type which approaches
more nearly to a picture. Such types occur especially
on the large bronze medallions, which are without the
letters S. c. (Eckhel's Aes maximi moduli, here JE 1 "). Even
in such cases of course the symbolical character is by no
means lost: in the present example the single soldier
symbolizes the whole body of troops which marched out
with the emperors; and in most cases this symbolical ele-
ment is still stronger. Here it is quite appropriate that
Verus strikes the coin recording the fact of his mission to
the East, while Marcus strikes the medallion which com-
memorates his own part in accompanying his colleague
13 Eckhel, vol. vii. p. 90.
EASTERN CAMPAIGNS OF L. VEKUS. 215
(" Verurn . . . prosecutus ornavit "), by a type represent-
ing (in a sense) the scene of their departure.
From the coins, then, we can definitely date Verus'
departure from the city for the East to his second
tribuniciaii year, 162 P.O. The time of year we cannot
gather from the same source. But it is not until the
next year, 163, that we have a record of his arrival in
an interesting bronze coin : u
Obv. IMP. CAES. L. AYR EL. VERVS AVG. Bust r. (seen
from back), laureate, loricate.
Eev. FELIC. AVG.TR. P. III. (margin). COS. II. (exergue)
S. C. Galley rowed over waves 1. ; it is manned
by 4 rowers (though many more oars are visible!)
and a steersman who sits 1. in the stern ; upon
the stern are two military standards, and by
the prow an object which might be a small sail
on a mast (as Cohen), or a vexillum.
M\
There is no difficulty in finding here a record of the
emperor's prosperous voyage to the East. The route he
took, judging from the narrative in Capitolinus' Life, 15
was probably by ship to Corinth, thence across the
Isthmus to Athens, and then by ship over the Aegean
and along the coasts of Asia, Pamphylia, and Cilicia to
Antioch. The coin would probably be struck immedi-
ately the news of his safe arrival in Syria reached Rome.
We may therefore reasonably date, his landing at the
very end of the shipping season in 162. 16 That he was
still at Rome on March 28 of that year would appear
from Fronto. 17 He probably left not much later. The
11 Of. Cohen, L. V., 69-84 ; Eokhel, vol. vii. p. 90.
13 Hist. Aug., v. 6, 9.
18 That he was already there before the end of 162 appears from
C. L L., iii. 129, ap. Napp, op. cit., p. 110.
17 Ed. Naber, p. 118.
216 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
sickness at Canusium, the hunting in Apulia, and the
festivities in the cities of Greece and Asia Minor, 18 would
account for the remainder of the period during which
navigation was continued. It was therefore too late
to commence a campaign in 162. But the year, we may
suspect, was not wasted by the military authorities, even
if it was by the pleasure-loving emperor. The disaster
to Severianus at Elegeia had taken place before Verus
left Home ; 19 the defeat of Attidius Cornelianus in Syria
probably took place early in this year. 20 No doubt the
time Verus spent on the outward voyage was devoted to
bringing up to the front the legions which we know to
have been transferred from the West for this purpose
to the Eastern frontier, and to beginning, at any rate,
the process of restoring discipline among the legions of
the East which we should have known in any case to
have been necessary, and which has also left its trace on
the literary authorities in the perverted narrative of
Vulcacius Gallicanus. 21
It was in 163 that the operations began. Cohen gives
a coin 22 bearing the inscription TR. POT. III. COS. II., and
ADLOCVT., with a type representing the emperor address-
ing five soldiers. The Allocutio is the familiar symbol
of the commencement of a campaign. Such is its use
on Trajan's column, for example, and elsewhere. The
beginning of the first campaign of the war therefore
falls in 163. To obtain further details of it we have to
look to a comparatively few coins, all of the same or
closely similar type, belonging, we may assume, to the
18 Hist. Aug., v. 6, 7-9.
19 Dio Cassius, Ixxi. 2 ; cf. Fronto, p. 209.
20 Hist. Aug., iv. 8, 6 ; v. 6, 9. 21 Ibid., vi. 3, 8-6, 5.
22 Cohen, L. V., 1-3.
EASTERN CAMPAIGNS OF L. VERUS. 217
very close of the year. These coins are struck in the
name of Verus only, in all metals, but predominantly in
silver and gold. The distinguishing marks of all are
the addition of the titles ARMENIACVS and IMP. II. to the
emperor's name, and a type, of which the main motive is
the same throughout an Oriental figure seated in an
attitude of grief, surrounded by the symbols of defeat.
The proportion of these coins to those with TR. POT. III.
and without IMP. n. in the Berlin Collection (taking this
as typical) is as 8 : 19. They were therefore minted, pre-
sumably, near the end of the year, very near the end,
since the types are so closely uniform. 23 Some of them,
at any rate, were certainly minted at Borne, as they
include bronze coins. Allowing, therefore, for the
necessary interval, we are brought to a date about Sep-
tember for the event which gave rise to the types. At
this point I will describe the main varieties, from
specimens in London and Berlin : 24
Obv.L. VERVS AVG. ARMENIACVS Bust r., loricate,
paludate.
Rev. TR. P. III. IMP. II. COS. II. (margin). ARMEN.
(exergue) [sometimes]. Female figure, wearing
Oriental headdress (tiara), short tunic, and
trousers, seated 1. on the ground ; the head rests
on the r. hand, the r. elbow on the r. knee ; the
1. hand rests upon a bow and quiver lying
together on the ground ; w to r. in the back-
ground, a trophy.
A7. [PI. XII. 1.]
23 The proportion cannot be transferred directly to the year, for on
the introduction of a new type there would probably be a considerable
batch of the new coins struck, and the output would be greater than
during the later months of the old types.
24 Of. Cohen, vol. iii., . V., 4, 5 ; also 219.
23 Eckhel (vol. vii. p. 90) describes a type in which the hand rests on
a prow. Cohen gives no such type, and from an examination of the
218 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
Obv.L. VERVS AVG. ARMENIACVS Head r., bare.
Rev. TR. P. III. IMP. II. COS. II. (margin). ARMEN.
(exergue) [sometimes]. The same female figure
seated 1. in the same attitude of grief ; in the
background, to 1., shield and vexillum ; on some
specimens, traces of other arms lying about.
M.
Obv.L. VERVS AVG. ARMENIACVS Head r., bare.
Bev. TR. P. III. IMP. II. COS. II. (margin). ARMEN-
(exergue) S. C. The same female figure, seated
1., in the same attitude of grief, 1. hand resting
on ground (without bow and quiver) ; in back-
ground, to r., trophy, to 1. shield and vexillum.
M* (rare).
On some of the bronze coins (especially the large
bronze) this type appears worked into an effective com-
plex design. Cohen gives such a coin for this year. 26
I describe the type from a specimen in the Paris
Cabinet.
Obv. IMP. CAES. L. AVREL. VERVS AVG. ARMENIACVS
Head r., laureate.
Rev.V\CT. AVG. TR. P. III. IMP. II. COS. II. S. C.
Female figure as above, seated r., in attitude of
grief as above ; in background, shield ; to 1.
Victory (winged female figure) clad in ore'^avos
and \ITWV , standing r., holding in both hands a
trophy.
JE\ [PI. XII. 2.]
specimens at London and Berlin, I am convinced that it was this bow
and quiver that misled Eckhel. Without being acquainted with the
upper course of the Euphrates, I imagine that the theory of a naval
battle, between Elegeia and Samosata, will hardly commend itself!
And nowhere else could a naval victory affect Armenia.
26 Cohen, L. V., 330.
EASTERN CAMPAIGNS OF L. VERUS. 219
This series of types is perfectly clear. On all of
them appears the weeping Armenia, with various symbols
of a Koman victory.
The year therefore was occupied with a campaign in
Armenia, which in autumn ended in a " Victory of
Augustus" (VICT. AVG.), for which Verus received the
Salutatio imperatoria, and assumed the name Armeniacus.
We may compare the coins of Trajan with DAC(ia) CAP(to) 27
and PARTHIA CAPTA, 28 celebrating successful campaigns
in Dacia and Parthia. On the coins of Marcus these
distinctive types are missing, together with the surname
ARMENIACVS. 29 But the title IMP. II. is found, both with
the current types of Concordia, 30 Providentia, 31 and
Salus, 32 and with special types connected with Victory.
The occurrence of such types in the present year I
accept from Cohen; 33 I describe them from specimens
otherwise dated which I have seen :
Olv. M. AVREL, ANTONINVS AVG. P. M. Head r.,
laureate.
Eev. TR. P. XVII. IMP. II. COS. III. (margin) S. C.
Victory in ore'^avos and ^mov, advancing 1.,
holding in r. hand wreath, in 1. hand palm-
branch.
27 Cohen, vol. ii., Trajan, 117-121.
28 Ibid., 184.
29 Cohen gave in his first edition (vol. ii., M.-A., 745-747) three coins
with ARMENIACVS dated to this year. These are not repeated in the
later edition ; in their place in the catalogue come three with the same
types and without ARM E N I ACVS (828-830). Clearly the first descrip-
tion was a mere error. The literary authorities allow for an interval
between the assumption of the title by Verus and its adoption by
Marcus : Hist. Aug., iv. 9, 1.
30 Cohen, vol. iii., M.-A., 42. 31 Ibid., 559 sqq.
32 Ibid., 522 sqq. 33 Ibid., 828-9 and 830 sqq.
220 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
Obv. M. AVREL. ANTONINVS AVG. P. M. Head r.,
laureate, or radiate.
R ev . JR. P. XVII. IMP. II. COS. III. (margiu) S. C.
Warrior with helmet, loric, and boots, armed
with a parazonium, running 1., holding in r. hand
a small figure of Victory, in 1. hand trophy (over
1. shoulder).
1& a " d 2 . [PI. XII. 3.]
About the former of these there is no difficulty at all.
It is the most general and indefinite Victory-type in
use, consisting simply in a figure of N'cr)- Victoria, with
her attributes. The other type deserves some slight
comment. The warrior fully armed is a figure found in
various types. As a typical warrior we shall not be
wrong in seeing in him Mars, the personification of War.
Here he is equipped with the attributes of Victory a
trophy and a small figure of Nncrj- Victoria. He is there-
fore Victorious War Mars Victor. The type appears
as early as the reign of Vitellius, on one of whose coins
it is actually labelled MARS VICTOR. 34 The same inscrip-
tion is found earlier still on a coin of Galba with a
somewhat different type. 35 The present type was adopted
and perpetuated by Vespasian, 36 and no doubt by this
time would readily be recognized without an explanatory
inscription. Curiously enough, when Marcus himself
uses the inscription, it is to introduce a fresh type 37 (in
172 P.O.), while the present type, or one closely similar,
is given by Cohen 38 with the inscription MARTI VLTORl.
The type under consideration is interesting as showing
the way in which readily recognized attributes were
3 Cohen, vol. i., Vitellius, 58. 35 Ibid., Galba, 138.
38 Ibid., Vespasien, 265. 3 " Ibid., vol. iii., M.-A., 431.
38 Ibid., 430.
EASTERN CAMPAIGNS OF L. VERUS. 221
used to particularize a figure, and is a good example of
the symbolic method of Eoman numismatic art.
The occurrence of these Victory-types with the inscrip-
tion MP. II. on coins of Marcus, without ARMENIACVS or
the specific types of the Armenian victory, is significant
of the relation of the colleagues to one another. Both
held the auspices in precisely equal measure, and in
consequence a victory won under the auspices of either
was under the auspices of both, and a salutation of one
was equally a salutation of the other. Marcus therefore
of necessity becomes IMP. II., and places upon his coins
a record of the victory which justified the assumption of
the title. Yet his natural modesty led him to seem to-
claim as little as possible any share in his brother's
victories, won while he was at home, and in consequence
he refused (at first) to assume the name ARMENIACVS, or
the specific types which justified that name. Hence
the Victory-types he uses are as vague as possible, that
he might merely account for the salutatio without seem-
ing to be boasting of a victory won by his colleague.
One might express the state of the case by saying that
the general fact that the armies had been victorious
belonged of necessity to both emperors, but Marcus
preferred that the actual victory itself should belong to
his brother specially.
The conclusion arrived at above that the campaign
which resulted in the Armenian victory and the second
salutatio lasted till late in the year 163, and that the
coins recording it belong quite to the close of the year,
is confirmed by the fact that the next year, 164, pro-
duces a copious crop of coins referring in one way or
another to Victory, without increasing the number of
the imperatorial title from which it is fair to conclude
VOL. XI., SERIES IV. R
222 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
that the decisively victorious campaign which they
commemorate had already closed (seiL in the autumn
of 163). 38a I proceed to a description and discussion of
some of the most interesting types. The Armenia-types
and the Mars- Victor and Victory-types of Marcus are
continued. Then comes the assumption of the name
ARMENIACVS by Marcus, and the appearance upon the
coins of both emperors of a new Victory-type. 39
Obv. L. VERVS AVG. ARMENIACVS )
or [Bust r., laureate.
ANTONINVS AVG. ARMENIACVS;
Bev. TR. P. INI. IMP. II. COS. II. \
or [Victory, wear-
P.M. TR. P. XVIII. IMP. II. COS. III.)
ing oT<avos and XITCOV, leaving r. side bare to
waist, standing r. ; she supports with the 1. hand
a shield placed upon a palm-tree, and holds in
the r. hand an instrument which may be a
peg, or a graving tool ; the shield is usually
inscribed
A7. [PI. XII. 4, 5.]
Here again the reference is obvious. We have a
personification of the victory won by the emperors
( Victoria Augustorum), engaged in setting up a memorial
ssa r^he conclusion is not a necessary one in all such cases, but the
very distinctive character of these types (discussed immediately below)
makes it almost certain here.
39 Cf. Cohen, vol. iii., M.-A., 466-467 ; L. 7., 247 sqq. Victory may
be regarded either as inscribing the shield, or as affixing it to the tree ;
the fact that the shield is occasionally blank would perhaps slightly
suggest the former view, which may possibly receive some confirmation
from the type of Victory holding upon her knee (as Cohen, vol. iii.,
M.-A,, 323), or upon a cippus (cf. Cohen, vol. ii., Traj., 247), a shield
similarly inscribed. If this view be the true one, the instrument in the
right hand would be a graving tool.
EASTERN CAMPAIGNS OF L. VERUS. 223
of the conquest. This type is normally used with defi-
nite reference to a specific victory, and one which gained
the salutatio. But in the number of the salutatio there
is no increase during this year, so that the reference
must be to the victory of 163. Since therefore the
appearance of this type which, as it were, states the
justification for ARMENIACVS IMP. II., is delayed till this
year, we may regard it as certain that the assumption
of the titles is to be dated at the very close of the
campaigning season of 163 P.O.
The three Victory-types we have just considered form
a neat example of the way in which the Roman imagi-
nation worked. Starting with the idea of victory, the
artist proceeds at once to personify : the personification
is already at hand in the Greek NMOJ, who is provided
with a further identification in her proper attributes of
the laurel -wreath and the palm. The victory is won
by an emperor Nt'icn inscribes a shield with the words
VIC. AVG. and affixes it as a memorial to a palm-tree
(her own tree). The victory results in a conquest
of Armenia Nncr} with her trophy stands exultantly
beside a poor pigmy Armenia weeping among her
captured arms. On these lines it was possible to
particularize a recognized type in any number of
different ways, and we shall meet with several further
examples.
The more obvious form of symbolism, approaching an
abbreviated picture, is also exemplified among the coins
of this year. Take the following large bronze : 40
Olv.L. AVREL. VERVS AVG. ARMENIACVS Head r.,
bare.
"> Of. Cohen, L. V., 256 533.
R2
224 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
Eev.TR. P. INI. IMP. II. COS. II. (margin). S. C.
(exergue). The emperor on horseback, gallop-
ing 1., his paludamentum flying loose from his
shoulders ; in his r. hand he brandishes a spear ;
beneath the horse's fore legs is a small figure,
fallen upon hands and knees, and looking up
and backwards at the emperor.
Here we have Verus riding down a figure typifying the
Armenian power. It is a more concrete form of symbol
than the others, but still a pure symbol especially as
we are credibly informed that Verus did not take part
in the campaign personally, but took his ease among the
groves of Daphnae while his troops under Statius Priscus
overran Armenia. 41
There are some subsidiary types connected with the
victory of 163, which well deserve notice. The Mars
Victor of the previous year is repeated in 164. 42 With
this figure in mind we shall not find much difficulty in
recognizing Mars again in the following type, which
occurs on coins of both emperors : 43
Rev.-TR. P. Mil. IMP. .11. COS. II. \Warrior in
P.M. TR. P. XVIII. IMP. II. COS. III.)
helmet, loric, cloak, and boots, standing r.,
holding in r. hand spear, point downwards, and
laying 1. hand on shield which rests on ground.
M l an(1 2 . [PL XII. 6, 7.]
This type is in fact identical with that of Pius with
which is associated the inscription MARTI VLTORl. 44 The
41 Hist. Aug., iv. 8, 12, 9, 1 ; v. 7, 1 ; Dio (Ixxi. 2) gives him
credit for directing affairs from headquarters : AIOTOTTWV e/catrro fcai ras
rov iro\4(t.ov xopitylas aQpolfav.
42 Not in Cohen ; but cf. vol. iii., M.-A., 835.
43 Cf. Cohen, M.-A., 468 sqq. ; L. V., 228 sqq.
44 Cf. Cohen, vol. ii., Antonin., 550.
EASTERN CAMPAIGNS OF L VEBUS. 225
lowered spear is, I think, a part of the type, although I
have noted several specimens in which the lowered point
is not visible. This may be due merely to bad preserva-
tion. The majority of the coins which I have seen show
it, and I do not remember a case in which the spear was
definitely upright. I have noted a similar variation
among the MARTI VLTORl coins of Pius, but there too
the best preserved coins have the point decidedly
downwards. On the coins of Commodus with the same
inscription ^ I have nowhere noted that the spear is
reversed. But these coins are rare, and I have seen
only much-worn specimens. The lowered spear would
be quite consistent with the general tone of the type,
which distinctly suggests repose (in strong contrast to
the vigorous action of Mars Victor). The war-god has
finished his avenging task, and rests after the fight,
leaning on his spear, while he has let down his shield
from his wearied arm, and allows it to rest on the
ground. If the lowered point is really a part of the
type, it would connect this Mars with the figure which
appears on the coins of Commodus 46 with the legend
MART() PACAT(on'), and holds an olive-branch and a
reversed spear ; as well as with the MARTI PACIFERO
type of Septimius Severus, 47 which differs considerably
from the present one, but also holds a reversed spear.
On the other hand, the Mars Victor of Pescennius
Niger 48 and of Septimius Severus 49 holds his spear
with the point downward. Amid all this confusion of
types and names, there seems at any rate no doubt that
4S Of. Cohen, vol. iii., Commode, 346 sqy. 4(i Cf. ibid., 349-353.
47 Cf. ibid., vol. iv., Sept. Sev., 315.
48 Cf. ibid., vol. iii., Pesc. Nig., 50.
48 Cf. ibid., vpl. iv., Sept. Sev., 319.
226 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
this resting warrior of Marcus is intended to convey the
idea of the completion of a war. For the sake of dis-
tinction merely I shall refer to it as Mars Ultor, on
the analogy of the closely similar types of Pius and
Commodus, not because I think that that name in any
way describes the action of the figure, as does the
inscription MARTI VICTORI, for instance. Mars Ultor is
simply a figure of the Pantheon, 50 who may appear in
various roles on the coins, whenever a war of vengeance
calls for his presence. As a matter of fact, Marcus ten
years later actually applies the inscription MARTI VLTORl
to the type here identified as Mars Victor. 51 In any
case the ideas of victory, vengeance, and pacification
lay not far apart in the Eoman mind. The suggestion
of the type that the fighting is now over is confirmed by
the fact that this type succeeds that of Mars Victor on
the coins. I am not aware of any coin of Marcus with
ARMENIACVS and Mars Victor, nor of any coin of his
with Mars Ultor and without ARMENIACVS. For the
coins of Verns we have of course no distinction between
the earlier and later, and Mars Victor does not appear at
all on the coins of this emperor.
There is yet another warrior-type of this year, found
on the coins of Marcus without ARMENIACVS, and on
coins of Verus : 52
Eev.TR. P. Illl. IMP. II. COS. II. Warrior mde
TR. P. XVIII. IMP. II. COS. III. S. C.J
except for helmet, and short cloak floating at
waist, stepping r., carrying spear in r. hand
and trophy over 1. shoulder.
^E 1 . [PI. XII. 8 ; PI. XIII. 1.]
*> See Cohen, vol. i., Aug., 189. sl Cf. ibid., vol. iii., M.-A., 430.
42 Cf. ibid., vol. iii., M.-A., 832 sgg. ; L. V., 236.
EASTERN CAMPAIGNS OF L. VEEUS. 227
This type, which is exceedingly common on the coins
of the Antonine Emperors, but without an explanatory
inscription, might be taken for another Mars Victor ;
and, indeed, there is a coin of Galba which gives the
same attributes to a figure which it calls MARS VICTOR. 53
But his standing Mars is not identical with our present
type ; nor are the types of Vespasian with the same
attributes, inscribed MARS VLTOR 54 and MARS CON-
SERV(ator). 55 The type, in fact, seems to come in without
any introduction, and it is not till we reach the pre-
tenders who followed Commodus that we meet with any
explanatory inscription. The coin of Pescennius Niger
bearing this type and MARTI AVGVSTO 56 is not much
help, nor can we really get much out of the inscription
MARTI INVICTO 57 which sometimes accompanies the same
type on coins of this pretender. But we cannot look for
much reliable information here. Niger was a free-lance,
outside the proper imperial tradition. He never reached
Koine, and his coins, struck in the East, are of wretched
style and often of quite barbarous workmanship. From
such a makeshift coinage we could hardly expect much
evidence of value. Clodius Albinus, however, was-
during the period of his recognition by the senate and
Severus a quite respectable person, different from the
rude revolutionary, and his coinage falls more into line
with the Antonine tradition even than that of Pertinax
and Julianus. Now he employs the type we are dis-
cussing, and calls it MARS PATER. 58 So does Severus. 59
53 Cohen, vol. i., Galba, 138.
54 Ibid., vol. i., Vesp., 270. 5S Ibid., Vesp., 264.
56 Ibid., vol. iii., Pesc. Nig., 48. 5: Ibid., Peso. Nig., 49.
58 Ibid., vol. iii., Albin., 45.
59 Ibid., vol. iv., Sept. Sev., 311. This is in 195, but on coins struck
"228 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
It would appear, therefore, that after his vagaries on the
irresponsible coinage of Niger, this trophy-bearing Mars
has settled down to the character of Mars Pater, i.e.
Mars the father of Komulus, and progenitor of the
Koman people. Experience has already shown us that
it is not safe to argue directly from the name given to
a type by one emperor to the character of the type as
used by another emperor ; but in this case there is a
slight piece of evidence which inclines me to think that
Albinus and Severus were preserving a true tradition of
the identity of this figure in labelling him MARS PATER.
In the beautiful and interesting series of coins struck by
Pius with types illustrating the legendary history of the
Roman nation from the flight of Aeneas from Troy to
the exploit of Horatius Codes, there is one which
represents the appearance of Mars to Ehea Silvia 60
[PL XIII. 2]. The resemblance between the youthful
Mars of this type, who hovers in the air, nude except
for a helmet and a short cloak floating at the waist, and
carries shield and spear, and the trophy-bearing Mars of
our present type, is too strong to escape notice. 61 The
Bhea Silvia coin bears the date COS. II., without any
tribunician year. It belongs, therefore, to the period
140-143 P. c. Now it is just during this period that the
Mars Tpoiraio<j>6pot; we are considering first appears on
the coins of Pius. 62 I suggest, therefore, that the figure
in 198, when he was still only an adventurer, he inscribed the type
MART(i) VICTO(ri).
60 Cf. Cohen, vol. ii., Antonin., 885 sqq.
41 The Mars who appears to Rhea Sylvia is a beardless, youthful figure ;
the type under consideration varies in this respect ; on the particular
example before us he is bearded.
2 I cannot find any such coin in Cohen, but there are several examples
at Berlin ; it bears no inscription except S. C.
EASTERN CAMPAIGNS OF L. VEBUS. 229
of Mars, wearing nothing but a helmet and a light cloak
about the waist, was recognized as the Mars who was the
father of Eomulus (the original was no doubt some
statue), and as such was introduced into the Rhea Silvia
type. The employment of the figure in a Victory-type
I should explain as follows : Given a Mars who was
recognized as the father of Rome's founder, there was
a representative of the Roman people as a military
power to hand. When, therefore, a victory called for
some recognition in the coinage, this figure was taken
and armed with a trophy. If this identification be
correct, we have a method of personification rather
different from those we have yet seen. Mars Pater is
quite a personal figure, like Mars Ultor, but more indi-
vidual, and unlike Mars Victor, who in my view is
merely Victorious War; but as the progenitor of
the Roman nation, he stands for that nation on its
military side. The type as we have it on the coins of
Marcus and Verus for 164, represents the Roman people
carrying away the spoils of the Armenian victory. In
any case, of course, there is no doubt about the signifi-
cance of the type from an historical point of view. The
investigation into its exact character is one which bears
rather upon the history of thought, and of art in par-
ticular. It may be observed that the appeal to Pius is
one that carries some weight in these matters, on account
of his evident antiquarian tastes. Marcus followed him
in this respect ; Commodus is more independent ; and
the pretenders who followed him are quite reckless of
historical or antiquarian propriety. Albinus (who was
related to the Antonines) is truest to the tradition;
Severus less so, but better than the other three. In this
case the true tradition is perhaps more likely to have
230 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
survived, since the type was rarely out of use throughout
the whole period, whenever events gave occasion for it.
The next type I shall deal with brings out a some-
what similar use of personification, yet with a distinct
shade of difference. It occurs only on the coins of
Verus, and is, so far as I know, unique :
Rev. TR. P. MM. IMP. II. COS. II. Male figure of mas-
sive proportions, nude except for a lion's skin
covering the head and hanging down over the
1. arm ; he stands front, with his head turned
1., and holds in the 1. hand a club, in the r.
hand a branch.
AT.
The figure is not hard to recognize. Cohen gives an
example which makes the identification. Its inscrip-
tion reads HERC(ttZes) PAC^/er). 63 Hercules in the
capacity of peacemaker is rather a strange figure :
probably we have to find the significance of the type
not in any abstract quality which is bound up with it,
but in what it stands for, as I have supposed to be the
case with Mars Pater. Verus, who was somewhat vain
of his fine figure, probably regarded Hercules with
especial devotion as his patron, and thought him a
suitable personage to use when he wished to hint rather
delicately at his own exploits. So he placed the giant
on his coins, in repose, with the olive-branch of peace
in his hand, to indicate that he was himself engaged in a
pacific task. How far such a use of a divine figure involves
the emperor's identification of himself with the deity in
63 Cohen, vol. iii., L. F., 112. The inscription might also be com-
pleted HERCules PACofor, bringing it in line with the Mars Pacator
quoted above, but the parallel with other types bearing the olive-branch
leads us to prefer Pacifer.
EASTERN CAMPAIGNS OF L. VERUS. 231
point, is another question. Numismatists have been too
ready to describe a figure as " the emperor in the person
of " such and such a deity. For any such direct identifi-
cation some quite special indication is needed. Hercules
is here simply as the patron of Verus, in the first in-
stance. Yet the use of such a type when it was quite
clear that the real "paci/er" in question was the
Emperor Verus himself would probably suggest a sort
of identification, but in a quite unobjectionable way.
The case is quite different when Commodus puts the
head of Hercules on the obverse of his coins and inscribes
his own name. Summing up, then, Hercules Pacifer is
no abstraction like Mars Victor, nor merely a representa-
tive figure such as I have supposed Mars Pater to be,
but an actual deity, to whom the emperor desires to
pay especial devotion, engaged in the act attributed
to him in the inscription, yet with a soupgon that
the real "peacemaker" is the emperor a Hercules
on earth. 64
As the allegorical figures of Victory had a corre-
sponding type symbolizing the course of the victorious
campaign in more concrete fashion, so has this peace-
making Hercules a pendant in an interesting type
presenting in parallel fashion the end of the war the
reconciliation. I give a description from a gold coin in
64 This evidence of the devotion of Verus to Hercules is interesting
in relation to the subsequent development of Hercules-types under
Gommodus, an emperor who, if we may trust the biographers, had more
in common with his father's colleague than the name which they both
bore. The Hercules-type of the earlier half of Commodus' reign (occur-
ring in 183 and 184) has in fact no more extravagant meaning than the
present coin of Verus. It is only later that the title Hercules Coni-
modianus indicates an ulterior meaning, and finally the emperor
himself appears with the features and attributes of the hero.
232
NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
the British Museum, showing some slight divergences
in detail from the specimen given by Cohen : 65
Obv. L. VERVS AVG. ARMENIACVS Bust r., laureate
and loricate.
Rev. TR. P. Mil. IMP. II. COS. II. (margin). REX ARMEN.
DAT. (exergue). A platform tills the greater
part of the field : upon it the emperor is seated
1., in loric and paludamentum, on a sella curuUs,
attended by a cloaked military figure, standing
1. behind the emperor's chair, and by another
soldier in loric and cloak, who stands on the
emperor's r., extending his r. arm as if calling
the emperor's attention to a male figure who
stands front, with head turned 1., on the ground
to the 1. of the platform, clad in a short full
tunic, and raising his hand to his forehead ;
the emperor is extending his r. hand towards
this standing figure.
A7. [PI. XIII. 3.]
The coin explains itself. The conquered Armenians
are receiving a king from the hands of the Emperor
Verus. The figure standing before the platform is no
less a person than Sohaemus, descendant of Achaemenes
and of Arsaces, and senator and consul of Kome. 66 The
figure to the emperor's right we may, perhaps, without
being too fanciful, call Statius Priscus, the conqueror of
Armenia ; while the figure who on these occasions regu-
larly appears behind the emperor's chair is ordinarily,
and no doubt correctly, identified as the praetorian
prefect. It might be thought that this coin would
suggest that the Emperor Verus officiated in person at
the ceremony of investing King Sohaemus with the
crown. But our experience will make us chary of
expecting too great accuracy of detail in these matters ;
63 Cohen, vol. iii., L. V., 157 sqq.
66 See Eckhel's note on this coin, vol. vii. p. 91.
EASTERN CAMPAIGNS OF L. VERUS. 23o
and further, there is a coin of Pius 67 bearing the same
inscription, and representing that emperor crowning a
predecessor of King Sohaemus, at a date when it seems
quite certain that Pius was not in the East. This coin,
then, will count for nothing in the face of the entire
lack of epigraphic evidence for the emperor's presence
in Armenia, and the negative evidence of the statement
in the life 68 that Verus spent his time mainly at
Antioch, Daphnae, and Laodicea, but undertook one
journey to Ephesus, and another to the Euphrates
implying that there was no third journey.
We are not yet through with the types of 164. One
at least deserves more than passing mention. On the
silver and bronze of Marcus 69 a frequent type of this
year represents a tall female figure, wearing a helmet, a
long \ITMV falling to the feet and gathered at the waist,
and the aegis upon her breast. She lays her left hand
on a shield which rests on the ground, and her spear
leans on her left arm ; the right hand holds a branch.
There can be no difficulty in recognizing Pallas Athene,
who does duty for Minerva. She is in repose ; her spear
and shield are no longer in use ; and the olive-branch
marks her out as Minerva Pacifera Marcus' substitute
for the Hercules Pacifer of Verus. Probably it would
be too fanciful to find in the choice a suggestion of the
difference in their characters. There is, however, an
appropriateness in the figure of Minerva which is more
easily recognized than in the case of Hercules, for she
is a warlike goddess, the wearer of the aegis, and fre-
quently appears on coins fighting the emperor's battles.
67 Of. Cohen, vol. ii., Antonin., 686. 68 Hist. Aug., v. 7, 4-7.
69 Cf. Cohen, vol. iii., M.-A., 842 sqq.
234 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
This type is found both with and without ARMENIACVS,
though predominantly without. It cannot therefore be
dated exclusively to the first part or exclusively to the
second part of the year. The whole year is to be regarded
as occupied in the restoration of peace after the successes
of the previous year in the " pacification " of Armenia.
A medallion given by Cohen 70 for this year, with the
two emperors crowned by Victories, I leave for subsequent
discussion. A large bronze also given by him for 164 re-
presents Rome greeting Verus. 71 One's first thought on
seeing such a type would be of a return of the emperor.
That is, of course, out of the question. The idea must be
simply that Rome congratulates Verus on his successes.
Before proceeding further I will sum up briefly the
results obtained so far. Up to the end of 164 there has
been only one decisively victorious campaign, resulting
in the conquest of Armenia. The year 164 has been
spent in the pacification of the country, and with the
coronation of King Sohaemus the Armenian incident is
closed. As yet there has been no mention of Parthia.
I pass to 165 P.C., dated by the nineteenth tribu-
nician year of Marcus, the fifth of Verus. During the
course of this year the title PARTH(tcws) MAX(*/nws)
appears for the first time on the coins of Verus, with
IMP. III. on the coins of both emperors. Taking the
Berlin Collection as a standard again, we find the
following proportions :
CoinsofVeruswithARMENIACVSIMP.il. . . 18) 9fi
ARM.PARTH.MAX.IMP.il!.. 8j
MarcuswithARMENIACVSIMP.il.. . 20) i
ARMENIACVS IMP. III. 11 J
J Cohen, vol. iii., L. V., 348. 71 Ibid., L. F., 181.
EASTERN CAMPAIGNS OP L. VERUS. 235
(On one coin of Marcus the imperatorial number is
quite illegible, though the tribunician date is clear :
comparison with Cohen renders it probable that this
coin had IMP. II. thus making the proportions more
nearly equal for the two emperors.)
From this we may conclude that the coins with the
additional titles belong to the close of the year though
the change is a trifle earlier than the similar change in
163. 72 Allowing again for the interval between the
event and its commemoration in the coins, we may fix
the new salutatio in August or September, 165 P.O.
The year 165, then, was given to a campaign against
Parthia, which issued successfully in the early autumn.
I proceed to describe the types connected with this
victory. 73
Obv.L. VERVS AVG. ARM. PARTH. MAX. Half-bust r.
Eev.TR. P. V. IMP. III. COS. II. Figure in Oriental
headdress (tiara), short tunic and trousers,
seated on ground r., with hands behind back :
in background to r. quiver, bow, and small
hexagonal shield (l.-r.).
M. [PL XIII. 4.]
Obv. L. VERVS AVG. ARM. PARTH. MAX. Head r.,
radiate.
. JR. POT. V. IMP. III. COS. II. S. C. Figure in
Oriental headdress (tiara), short tunic, trousers,
and (?) cloak, seated on ground 1., with hands
behind back ; to 1. trophy, at foot of which
hexagonal shield.
72 The greater variety of the types with the new titles for this year
suggests that those titles were in force for a more considerable portion
of the year.
73 Of. Cohen, I/. V., 193 sqq_.
236 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
Obv L. VERVS AVG. ARM. PARTH. MAX. Head r.,
laureate.
R ev . JR. POT. V. IMP. III. COS. II. S. C. Figure in
Oriental headdress (tiara), short tunic, and
trousers, seated r. on ground, with hands
behind back : in background to 1. trophy, at
foot of which hexagonal shield; to r. quiver,
bow, and hexagonal shield (l.-r.).
m.
This is obviously a companion type to the Armenia of
163. There is no explanatory inscription, but we need
have no hesitation in referring the type to the Parthian
victory. There are, however, obvious differences between
this type and the Armenia. The attitude is different :
this figure is clearly a captive with bound hands;
Armenia was simply seated in an attitude of grief.
There is some difficulty about the sex of the present
figure. Cohen has enunciated a canon that a figure
with hands bound behind is always a male captive,
while a figure seated in an attitude of grief is a female,
representing a female captive, if found in company with
another captive, or the personification of a country if
found alone. In my own notes of the coins I have seen
I waver somewhat between male and female for these
Parthian types, but I have no real reason for rejecting
Cohen's canon. According to this, we have here a
Parthian captive, seated with bound hands among his
own lost arms (the small shield, bow, and quiver), and
standing for the defeated hosts of the Parthian empire.
One might find a reason for the difference in the fact
that the Armenian war was one of subjugation (or
" pacification "), while the object of the Parthian war
was simply to humble the power of the Parthian
Empire. But I am not sure that this distinction can
EASTERN CAMPAIGNS OF L. VERUS. 237
be maintained, for the following reasons : (a) Cohen
gives coins of this year with a type identical with the
Armenia of 163, but without a descriptive legend. 74
Cohen himself describes this figure as Armenia, but aa
it occurs with TR. P. V. IMP. III., and therefore was
struck after the Parthian victory, I can see no reason,,
apart from preconceived ideas of propriety, for not
describing it as Parthia; (b) the coins of Trajan with
PARTHIA CAPTA bear, according to Cohen, 75 the type of
a trophy between two captives, and not a personification
of the province ; yet Trajan certainly thought of the
subjugation of Parthia as a desirable and practicable
aim ; and indeed the type of DAC(ia) CAP(to), 76 which
certainly commemorates a complete subjugation, is-
parallel with our type of a Parthian captive, in that it
shows, according to Cohen, not Dacia, but a Dacian
weeping. The type commemorating the redactio in
formam provinciae introduces the personification of
Dacia. 77 I do not think, then, that Verus was careful
to distinguish between what he accomplished against
Armenia and what he accomplished against Parthia,.
although it may be that the predominance of "captive "-
types on the Parthian coins is intended to bring to the
front the Parthian army, while the clear personification
of the Armenian types emphasizes the effects of the war
on the country itself. 78
74 Cohen, vol. iii., L. V., 190-192. 7S Ibid., vol. ii. ( Traj., 184.
76 Ibid., Traj., 117-121. ' 7 Ibid., Traj., 125.
78 It may be useful to transcribe in brief from Cohen the principal
corresponding types of Vespasian and Domitian, celebrating the successes
of those emperors in Judaea and Germany.
Cohen, vol. i., Vesp.
229-231, IVDAEA Female figure seated with hands behind back.
VOL. XI., SERIES IV. S
238 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
As before, there is a type of a more concrete character
answering to these allegorical types. It is closely
similar to one which we have already considered. I
give the description from a gold coin in the British
Museum : 79
Obv.L. VERVS AVG. ARM. PARTH. MAX. Bust r.,
laureate, loricate, paludate.
R ev . TR. P. V. IMP. III. COS. II. The emperor, bare-
headed, with loric, and paludamentum floating
from shoulders, on horseback galloping r. ; in
his r. hand he holds a spear with which he
thrusts downward at a small figure clad in tiara
and cloak, resting on the ground on his knees
and 1. hand, while he raises the r. arm in sup-
plication to the emperor, towards whom his
face is uplifted.
A7.
This clearly is a companion type to the one which
represented the emperor trampling on the Armenian
power. As it here occurs with the Parthian title and
the third salutatio, we may fairly assume that the
prostrate figure stands for the Parthian power, broken
in the campaign of 165. I may observe in passing that
a more elaborate form of the Armenian type recurs on
a large bronze medallion of this year, given by Cohen,
with the inscription ARMENIA to distinguish it. It is
232-238, IVDAEA CAPTA Two captives male with hands
behind back, female weeping
and arms.
239, IVDAEA CAPTA Emperor, and Judaea weeping.
240, IVDAEA CAPTA Judaea weeping among arms.
241, IVDAEA DEVICTA Judaea standing with bound hands.
Of. also ibid., Titus, 107-119.
Ibid., Domit., 135-137, GERM AN I A CAPTA Trophy and two captives,
male and female.
On Vesp., 239, Cohen has a note somewhat similar in effect to the one
-cited on the Verus coins.
Cf. Cohen, vol. iii., L. F., 275.
EASTERN CAMPAIGNS OF L. VERUS. 239
accompanied by the legend TR. P. v. IMP. u., and there-
fore belongs to the part of the year before the Parthian
victory. Another medallion of this year described
by Cohen, 80 and similarly inscribed, represents the
emperor crowned by Victory, with a suppliant Armenia
at his feet.
Returning to the Parthian types, there is only one
more coin of Verus which I shall describe. It also is
in the British Museum : 81
Obv L. VERVS AVG. Bust r., paludate.
Rev. TR. P. V. IMP. III. COS. II. Victory in XITW, ad-
vancing 1., holding in 1. hand palm-branch, in
r. hand wreath.
A7.
I mention this coin only to point out the peculiarity
of the inscription. The IMP. III. makes it certain that
the coin was struck after the Parthian victory, yet the
new title does not appear at all. But as ARMENIACVS,
too, is absent, no importance can be attached to the
omission. The type needs no comment. It represents
the Parthian victory, depicted in the most general form.
The imperatorial title is of course the only thing
which distinguishes the later coins of Marcus from the
earlier for this year. The most interesting of the types
accompanied by IMP. ill. is perhaps one which represents
a female figure clad in helmet, \ITMV, and IfidrLov, seated
left, with a shield leaning against her chair to the right.
Her attributes are somewhat doubtful. Cohen gives
them as a small figure of Victory and a spear. 82 I have,
however, carefully examined the Berlin specimen, and
80 Cohen, vol. iii., L. V., 14. 81 Cf. ibid., L. V., 271.
82 Ibid., M.-A., 481.
S2
240 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
am quite sure that the object in the right hand is the
pafladHMfi, and I think that the left hand holds, not a
spear, but a 'parazonium [PI. XIII. 5]. Possibly Cohen
may be right as regards the specimen in the Cabinet de
France, but I do not think he is implicitly to be trusted
when it comes to such small points as the difference
between a Victory, a palladium, and a Cupid. The
palladium, if I am right, would be fairly conclusive
evidence. It is the constant attribute of two personages
only Vesta and Rome. Here, of course, it is Rome,
and indeed Cohen makes the identification without that
evidence, and no doubt quite rightly. But I confess
that I cannot see the relevance of this coin, if one is to
try and bring it into relation with the Parthian War,
and I rather suspect it may have been anxiety on this
point that quickened Cohen's imagination to provide the
palladium with the wings of a Victory ! I ana myself
inclined to think it has nothing at all to do with the
war in the East and not the less inclined because the
coins of Verus for this year supply us with a Rome-
type which clearly has reference to his own exploits. 83
Marcus would seem to have deliberately avoided adopting
his brother's Parthian types, just as he refused the title
Parthicus, till the next year, and as we have seen him
abstaining from the use of at any rate the most marked
and definite Armenian types, until he consented to wear
the corresponding title. That this Rome-type, although
coinciding with the title IMP. III., has nothing to do with
the Parthian victory, would be certain, if it could be
demonstrated that it disappears on the assumption of
the Parthian title. Cohen gives no instance of its
83 See Cohen, vol. iii., L. V., 268.
EASTERN CAMPAIGNS OF L. VERUS. 241
appearance with ARM. PARTH. MAX. In the Berlin
Collection, however, are two middle bronzes of 166
bearing this type and the Parthian title. The clinching
argument, therefore, is wanting ; yet I think we are
justified in regarding the type as having a reference
quite outside Eastern affairs. I have seen no other
types of Marcus bearing IMP. III., which could be brought
into relation with the war in the East. There is an
Annona type, 84 with clear reference to Marcus' administra-
tive work, 85 a perfectly non-committal Providence, 86 and
a third type of a female figure with cornucopiae and
short caduceus, having an orb at her feet, which I believe
to be Felicitas [Orbis] 87 another quite commonplace
and comparatively unmeaning type. What, then, is
the meaning of the Koine-type ? Perhaps as she is a
seated Rome, wearing the long chiton, while the coin
of Verus I have referred to has a walking Rome in
military costume, it may be implied that Marcus is
the guardian and representative of the Roman power
at home, in its own seat, while Verus has the mobile
power of Rome with him. The palladium, however, is
the symbol of the stability of the city, and is particularly
associated in legend with dangers from the barbarians
of the North. Could it have been put on the coins as
a hint to the frightened populace of the capital that the
barbarians who were battering at the doors of Italy could
not touch the Eternal City ? The type of Rome seated
with the palladium is actually found on coins of Pius
with the inscription ROMA AETERNA. 88 On coins of
84 Of. Cohen, vol. iii., M.-A., 484.
85 Of. Hist. Aug., iv. 8, 9 ; 11, 3.
86 Of. Cohen, vol. iii., M.-A., 801 sqq. 87 Of. ibid., M.-A., 480.
88 Cohen (vol. ii., Antonin, 694) again calls the object a Victory, but I
242 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
Clodius Albinus again a closely similar type appears
with ROMAE AETERNAE. 89 We have already noted the
coin-types of Albinus as representing a return to the
genuine Antonine tradition. On the other hand,
the Eternal Rome of Commodus bears a Victory on all
coins which J have seen, 90 and so, if Cohen is right,
does that of Pescennius Niger, 91 just as we should expect
from emperors who are but indifferent authorities for
the antiquarian niceties of mythographic art. We may,
therefore, with some assurance style our present type
Roma Aeterua, and may fairly suspect a reference to
the stability of the city in face of threatened dangers.
Of such dangers there was certainly no lack. It is
evident that throughout these years there was chronic
unrest in the North. We hear of revolts of Cauchi
and Catti, 92 in the course of which the latter overran
Khaetia. 93 Moreover, it was only by the greatest
vigilance on the part of the local governors that the
Marcomanni and their allies were prevented from break-
ing out. 94 At the same time the legions were absent
in the East, and even the frontier garrisons on the North
had been weakened. The figure of Eternal Eome seated,
with the palladium, the divine pledge of her immortality,
in her hand, would be no ineffective reply to the panic
that must have been threatening in the city. If this
interpretation be the true one, we have here the first
reference to the troubles on the northern frontier that
filled the remaining part of Marcus' reign. The coins
feel quite sure, from an examination of the Berlin example, that it is
the palladium.
89 Cf. Cohen, vol. iii., Alb., 61.
9a Cf. ibid., Comm., 647-648. > Ibid., P. N., 59.
92 Hist. Aug., ix. 1, 7, 8. " Ibid., iv. 8, 7.
94 Ibid., iv. 12, 18.
EASTERN CAMPAIGNS OP L. VERUS. 243
of the following year still show Kome with her palladium,
and throughout the second stage of the German War,
170-176, she is a constant figure, either with the single
sceptre, or with a Victory, or seated among the spoils of
her foes. A danger on the northern frontier must have
been felt to concern the capital itself much more nearly
than a disturbance away on the Euphrates. Yet even in
relation to the Parthian War we have already found the
personification of the city sharing in the celebrations
of the victory (in the Rome and Verus coin of 164) ;
and in this year she perhaps reappears in a fresh type,,
which, however, belongs to the earlier part of the year,
the period previous to the Parthian victory, to which
period therefore I now pass.
I describe the Rome-coin first, from a specimen at
Berlin : 95
Obv.L. VERVS AVG. ARMENIACVS Head r., radiate.
Eev. TR. P. V. IMP- II. COS. II. Female figure in helmet,
short tunic, and boots, stepping 1., holding in
r. hand Victory, in 1. hand trophy.
M.
I have called this figure Eome, in accordance with the
usage of Cohen. But there is no explanatory inscription,
and in the Amazonian figure portrayed there is really
nothing to fix the identification. A similar figure
sometimes passes for Virtus, sometimes for Fides. How-
ever, it matters little in this particular case what name
we give to the figure. The important point is that she
carries the symbols of victory ; and whether that victory
is regarded as being won by the valour of the emperor
or the loyalty of his legions, or by Eome herself, whose
95 Cohen, vol. iii., L. V., 268.
244 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
ministers both emperor and legions were, is a compara-
tively small point. The coin indubitably testifies to
a victory : but what victory ? As we saw, there was
no campaign in 164, the whole year being occupied
with the settlement of affairs in Armenia. The Parthian
victory of the present year is not yet won. Does the
type, then, refer back to 163 ? Hardly, for it is a new
type, and one would scarcely expect a new type cele-
brating a victory to appear for the first time more than
a year after that victory. Now I have already observed
that the imperatorial title was given at the close of a
victorious campaign, and not necessarily after the first
single victory. There is no reason why single victories
should not have occurred during the campaign which
ended in the assumption of the titles PARTH. MAX. IMP.
ill. I suppose, therefore, that our present type com-
memorates some such victory, and marks an important
stage in the campaign, short of its completion. The
other types associated with Victory are old ones, and
may be connected with this incidental success, or, far
more probably, be mere continuations of the types of
previous years. We have Victory inscribing a shield
VIC. AVG., the trophy-bearing Victory with Armenia,
Victory with palm and wreath, the weeping Armenia,
the trophy-bearing Mars (Pater), and the resting Mars
(Ultor) all these in association with IMP. II. on the
coins of one or both of the emperors.
These I pass over with the bare mention. Then we
have a new type, appearing on coins of both emperors : %
Obv.L. AVREL. VERVS AVG. ARMENIACVS \
M. AVREL. ANTONINVS AVG. ARMENIACVS P. Iff./
Bust r., laureate, loricate, paludate.
1)6 Of. Cohen, vol. iii., M.-A., 804 ; . 7., 188, 189.
EASTERN CAMPAIGNS OF L. VERUS. 245
Rev.TR. POT. V. IMP. II. COS. II. t Bea rded male
TR. POT. XIX. IMP. II. COS. III. S. C.f* 5 '
figure, in loric" and boots, standing 1., holding
in 1. hand sceptre, and supporting with r. hand
military standard ; before him another standard,
behind him two more. The standards are sur-
mounted by various devices a Victory, an
eagle, a laurel wreath, and another object which
I fail to recognize ; but not always in the same
order.
M 1 . [PI. XIII. 6, 7.]
Along with these coins I must give an obviously
kindred type, which I know only from a much-worn
specimen at Berlin, and which does not appear in
Cohen :
Obv. ANTONIN VG Bust of Marcus r., radiate,
paludate.
Rev. POT. XIX C S. C. Female figure
in crT<t>avo<s and XITWV, standing 1., supporting
with each hand military standard.
M\
(The close analogy with the preceding type
would lead one to fill in the missing imperatorial
title as IMP. II.)
The first of these types is no doubt correctly described
by Cohen as representing the emperor standing in the
midst of military standards. Now, standards are a
natural abbreviation for the troops which served under
them. The type, therefore, represents the emperor in
the midst of his troops. Its appearance on the coins
of both emperors indicates that it records an event of
some importance. I believe that event was the con-
centration of troops for the beginning of the Bellum
Parthicum proper. I do not think it would be quite
safe to attempt anything more detailed, though it is
246 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
tempting to try to draw conclusions as to the nature of
the troops in question. On some of the Verus coins (not,
however, on all of them) the emperor holds the standard
with a Victory. Now, on Trajan's Column appear
standards of the praetorians bearing this symbol. It is
somewhat tempting, therefore, to see in this standard,
which is particularly closely attached to the emperor, a
symbol of his praetorian guard, in which case it would be
attractive to see in the remaining standards the symbols
of three army-corps under the three generals whose names
are regularly mentioned in connexion with this war,
Avidius Cassius, Statius Priscus, and Martius Verus. 97
But here I am on unsafe ground. The second type de-
scribed is an abbreviation of the first. The figure probably
represents Fides Exercitus, or perhaps Virtus Legionum.
The only important type remaining for the early part
of 165 is the familiar one of Liberalitas, which appears
on coins of both emperors with the legend IMP. II. The
person of the Liberality of the Emperors is as usual figured
as a female in art<j>avoQ, \ITWV and [^ariov, standing left,
holding in her left hand a cornucopiae, and in her right
an instrument probably intended for an abacus (Cohen
regularly styles it a "tessera" and other writers have
followed him). I should be content with merely men-
tioning this type, which has not much to do with the
chronology of the war, but that Cohen has been guilty
of an extraordinary muddle in connexion with these
particular coins. This Liberality is not numbered on
any coins known to me, or, indeed, to Cohen himself, 98
97 Cf. Hist. Aug., v. 7, 1, &c. The three occur in Dio, Ixxi. ; Cassius
in ch. 2; Priscus and Verus in the Dionean fragment from Suidas
printed at the end of this book (in the Tauchnitz Text).
98 Eckhel (vol. vii. p. 92) gives one with LIB. AVG. II., but as it is
EASTERN CAMPAIGNS OF L. VERUS. 247
but it is clearly the second of the reign, for none appears
between 161 and 165. Unfortunately, however, Cohen
found in the catalogue of Welzl a coin of 161 with
LIBERAL. II." Accordingly, he has put the first two con-
giaria in 161, and he amalgamates this undefined one
with the LIBERAL. III. of the next year. 100 In the
catalogue of Verus, on the other hand, he has rightly
called the undefined Liberality of this year the
second. 101 The coin of Welzl is clearly due merely to
an error, or else it is a forgery. There can be no reason-
able doubt that the arrangement adopted in the catalogue
of Verus is the true one. The present is the second
congiarium. We have no record of any special event
which called it forth. We know that Rome was much
troubled with scarcity in these years ; the distribution
may have been an attempt to alleviate the distress,
though even apart from this it must have been a politic
measure to keep the people fairly contented in the face
of a very serious situation. These considerations would
probably be quite sufficient to account for a congiarium
in this year.
As I have been obliged to depart considerably from
the chronological order in the coins of this year, I will
give a brief resume of the results I have tried to establish.
The beginning of the Parthian War proper is marked
by the type of the Emperor among Military Standards.
An incidental victory, important but not decisive, during
the campaign has left its traces in the type of Home
(or Fides, or Virtus) with Victory and trophy ; while
implicitly rejected by Cohen, I do not recognize it. It rests ultimately
upon the exceedingly dubious authority of Vaillant.
M Cohen, vol. iii., M.-A., 407. 10 Ibid., M.-A., 74-76, 408-411.
101 Ibid., L. V., 119-122.
248
NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
the close of the victorious campaign is represented by
the assumption of the titles PARTH. MAX. IMP. III., and
by a crop of types which I have recognized as dis-
tinctively Parthian.
I pass to 166 P.c. This year again is divided clearly
into two parts by the appearance of IMP. nil., implying
a further victory, on the coins of both emperors, along
with that of PARTH. MAX. on the coins of Marcus for the
first time. The two changes appear to be absolutely
concurrent. I will again use the proportions of coins
with the different inscriptions in the Berlin Collection
as a standard for determining roughly the date of the
change.
Coins of Verus with TR. POT. VI [IMP. III.] . . . 11)
TR. POT. VI. IMP. INI. . . 13 25
doubtful l)
Marcus with ARMENIACVS TR. P. VI. \
[IMP. III.] . . .18
ARM. PARTH. MAX. TR. P. ^38
VI. IMP. Mil. . . . 17
> ,, doubtful ..... 3J
From these data it appears, if we argue along the same
lines as before, that the change on the coins took place
about the middle of the year, or very little later, allowing
for the greater output of the new and special types.
The campaign which won this salutatio, therefore, must
have been a very short one, and have finished before the
middle of the year.
The assumption of IMP. Mil. receives an explanation on
the coins of both emperors in a type of Victory with an
inscribed shield. As the type is practically identical
with that celebrating the Armenian victory of 163, it is
unnecessary to give a complete description. The shield
is, however, inscribed in this case not VIC. AVG., but
EASTERN CAMPAIGNS OF L. VERUS. 249
v\c(toria) PAR^foW). 102 We have also the companion type
of the emperor riding down an Oriental enemy identical
with that of last year, but with IMP. Mil. 103 Cohen gives
also a type 103a which he takes to represent the presenta-
tion of a Parthian king to the troops. The central fact
of the year, therefore, is a short and decisive Parthian
campaign.
But here we encounter difficulties. The assumption
of IMP. Mil. by both emperors and of PARTHICVS MAXIMVS
by Marcus is not the only change in the titles during
this year. There are a very few coins of both emperors
which give the titles ARM. PARTH. MAX. MEDIC. So far
as I know the new title appears only with one type. I
have not seen any coins of this character, but I describe
the type from Cohen : 104
Qbv.L. VERVS AVG. ARM. PARTH. MAX. MEDIC.
M. ANTONINVS AVG. ARM. PARTH. MAX. MEDIC.
Bust r., laureate, with aegis.
. JR. POT. VI. IMP. INI. COS. II. \ T ,
TR. POT. XX. IMP. Illl. COS. III. S. C./ J
in. a quadriga stepping to 1.
The type clearly represents the triumph of the emperors.
What, then, was the date of the triumph ? If we calculated
from the proportions of coins with and without MEDICVS
102 Of. Cohen, vol. iii., M. -A., 807; L. V., 276 so^.
103 Of. ibid., L. V., 275. Cohen gives the type, for this year, only
with IMP. III. (No. 287), but the Berlin Collection has an undoubted
specimen with IMP. Illl.
lo3 *Ibid.,L. V., 288.
104 Ibid., vol. iii., M.-A., 814 ; L. V., 205. Cohen gives for the latter
coin the reading IMP. III., but M. de Foville, of the Bibliotheque
Nationale, Paris, kindly informs me that the specimen in the Cabinet
de France, which is much worn, shows nevertheless sufficient trace of
the fourth I to authorize the restoration of IMP. Illl., in agreement
with the companion-coin of Marcus ; and this reading I can confirm
after examining a cast of the original.
250 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
we should be obliged to place the event in the closing
days of the year. But the case is not so simple. The
title in question apparently never occurs on any other
coins. According to Eckhel, a closely similar type
occurs nest year without MEDIC., 105 and certainly the
title does not appear with any other types after this year.
Obviously, therefore, we can get nothing as to the date
from the relative muinbers of coins, since those with
MEDIC, are an isolated phenomenon. It would appear,
indeed, that the title Medicus was not taken quite
seriously. It was merely assumed for the purposes of
the triumph. It might be tempting to see in the three
titles Armeniacus, Parthicus Maximus, and Medicus, the
counterpart of the three victories corresponding to IMP. II.,
IMP. in., and IMP- Mil. respectively. But in that case
IMP. nil. would have to be a Median victory, whereas
we have already seen that it is definitely characterized
as a Parthian. Further, the next year produces coins of
Verus with three trophies, at the foot of which sit three
Oriental captives, 106 evidently symbolizing the three
victories for which the salutationes were given. Yet on
these coins MEDICVS does not appear. This title, then,
was probably an afterthought of Verus, and was not
regarded as having any special relation to the actual
facts of the case. If we may assume, as would seem to
follow from the numismatic data, that the title was not
used before the triumph, we have a date before which
the triumph must have taken place, in an inscription 107
105 Eckhel, vol. vii. p. 93 ; Cohen does not recognize this coin, though
he gives the corresponding one of Marcus, vol. iii., M.-A., 885; cf. Eckhel,
vol. vii. p. 58.
108 Not in Cohen, but cf. vol. iii., L. V., 300, 301.
107 C. I. L., vi. 360, ap. Napp, op. cit., p. 109. Here, however, the
numismatic evidence must be admitted to be inadequate to establish
the inference.
EASTERN CAMPAIGNS OF L. VERUS. 251
which gives both emperors the titles Armeniacus,
Parthiciis Maximus, Medicus - viz. August 23, 166 P.O.
From the coins, however, nothing certain on this point
can be gathered. There is one type of the following
year which I must notice in passing, as it might cause
trouble in connexion with the date of the triumph.
It is a repetition of the type of Borne greeting Verus
which we have already met in 164. 108 If the type had
occurred here for the first time it would strongly have
suggested the return of Verus to Borne in 167 or late
in 166. But, as we have seen, its first appearance is
under circumstances which make such an interpretation
inconceivable, so that it need cause no anxiety here. It
is simply one of the types with a general reference to
Verus' success.
In connexion with the triumph there is one more
problem. The coins show a congiarium in 166, 109 and
another in 167. 110 Which was the one accompanying
the triumph ? One would have thought the one in
166 ; m but it is not so, for at this ceremony the emperors
are still only IMP. III. It therefore took place during
the first half of the year. (It is, perhaps, worth noting
that the purely conventional and symbolic character
of the congiarium type is clearly shown by the fact
that in this case both emperors appear as taking part
in the congiarium, when Verus was still in the East.)
The congiarium of 167, therefore, must be the one
connected with the triumph, if any.
108 Of. Cohen, vol. iii., L. V., 319; but this has TR. P. VIM. ; I have,
however, seen specimens at Berlin with TR. P. VII.
109 Cf. ibid., vol. iii., M.-A., 74-76; L. V., 123.
110 Cf. ibid., M.-A., 77; L. V., 52.
111 So Eckhel, vol. vii. p. 51, says it was given " occasione Veri in-
columis reversi et belli Parthici feliciter confecti."
252 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
There is a further difficulty about the assumption of
the titles PARTH. MAX. [MEDIC.] by Marcus. Capitolinus
connects it definitely with the triumph. 112 If so, how
is it that PARTH. MAX. appears simultaneously with
IMP. nil., while MEDIC, appears for the first time on the
triumph coins of both emperors ? Evidently the Parthian
title was assumed by Marcus earlier in the year, on the
news of the second Parthian victory (VIC. PAR.).
The whole question of the triumph, and of the events
succeeding the close of the final campaign, cannot be
regarded as satisfactorily illustrated from the coins.
But for the first half of the year we have several inte-
resting types. In the first place, there is a new Victory-
type, which I will describe : 113
OJyt, _5 L - VERVS AVG. ARM. PARTH. MAX. >
*M. ANTONINVS AVG. ARM. PARTH. MAX.i lead
r., laureate.
P virT Awr / TR - p - Vl - cos - " W- 4. -4.V.
Bw.-VIC T. AVG.| TR p xx CQS , {Victory with tur-
relate crown, and X<.TWV, flying 1., holding garland
in both hands.
M. [PI. XIII. 8, 9.]
This coin is evidently prior to the final Victory, yet
being an entirely fresh type it probably does not merely
recall the successes of last year. Probably, therefore, it
is a victory incidental to the campaign of 166. Now, a
turrelate Victory can hardly mean anything other than
a victory over a fortified town, i.e. the capture of a city.
Now, we know 114 that during the Parthian War the twin
112 Hist. Aug., v. 8, 5. " Habuit hanc reverentiam Marci Verus, ut
nomina quae sibi delata fuerant, cum fratre communicaret die triumphi,
quern pariter celebrarunt." This statement, however, is in any case
manifestly not accurate.
113 Of. Cohen, vol. iii., M.-A., 987-990; L. V., 336.
114 Hist. Aug., v. 8, 3 ; Dio, Ixxi. 2.
EASTERN CAMPAIGNS OF L. VERUS. 253
cities of Seleucia and Ctesiphon were taken and de-
stroyed. To that event, and more especially to the sack
of the capital of the Parthian Empire, we may refer this-
type, and we are probably to date that event to the
early months of 166. Apart from this, we have a record,,
in all probability, of a battle belonging to the first half
of this year in a type representing Victory placing a
small oval shield upon a trophy. 115 There is no-
explanatory legend, but the type is clear enough.
I shall notice only one more type of this year, a fre-
quent one on the silver coins throughout. The type repre-
sents a female figure in the usual garb of ore^avoc, X IT( *> V >
and Ifjiariov, standing left, holding in the left hand a cornu-
copiae, and in the right hand a branch. The accompany-
ing inscription is PAX or PAX AVG., and the type occurs
both wi tli l M P. 1 1 1 . and with IMP. 1 1 1 1 ., as well as without any
imperatorial title. 116 This is the first time we have met
with Pax herself, although types suggesting peace have-
already been recorded. I draw a distinction between
the cessation of a particular war, resulting in the " paci-
fication" of a territory, which is represented by such
types as Hercules Pacifer, Minerva Pacifera, and even
the resting Mars Ultor, and the conclusion of a real
and definite peace, such as was secured at the close of
the Parthian War in 166.
For this year 166, then, we have an unusually detailed
chronology. The early months of the year are occupied
by a rapid and victorious campaign against Parthia,
involving at least one battle, and the sack of the capital
city. This campaign closes, not later than the middle
of the year, with the fourth salutatio, and the conclusion
11S Of. Cohen, vol. Hi., L.V., 282 sgg.
118 Cf. ibid., vol. iii., M.-A., 434 sgg. ; L. V., 126 sqq_.
VOL. XI., SERIES IV. T
254 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
of peace. At some late date before the end of the year
Yerus returns, the title Medicus is assumed, and the
triumph for the successful war in the East is celebrated.
There remains the task of collecting the facts we
have discovered from the coins, and bringing them into
relation with the events as recorded by the literary
authorities. The narrative of Dio, 117 or rather of Xiphi-
linus, is brief. Vologeses invaded Armenia, cut to
pieces Severianus and his army at Elegeia, and advanced
into Syria. Verus, arriving at Antioch, sent Cassius
against the Parthians. The war was a defensive one for
a while, until Vologeses, being deserted by his allies,
was forced to retire, when Cassius pushed forward into
the enemy's territory, sacked Seleucia, destroyed the
royal palace at Ctesiphon, and led his plague-stricken
forces back into Syria. It seems clear that we have
nothing here of the Armenian War. We are with the
army operating against Parthia the whole time. Xiphi-
linus tells us that the text of Dio failed him for the war
in the East, 118 and doubtless for this reason our narrative
is more scanty. Capitolinus, in the Life of Marcus, 119
starts with the defeat of A.ttidius Cornelianus, the
governor of Syria. Verus leaves for the East and
settles at Antioch and Daphnae. Statius Prisons cap-
tures Artaxata and reduces Armenia, with the result
that both Emperors receive the title Armeniacus. We
are then carried with a leap to the close of the war
4t projiigato autem lello uterque Parthieus appellatus est."
In the Life of Verus the account is naturally somewhat
117 Dio, bud. 2 (epit. of Xiph.).
118 Xiph. Epit. of Dio, Ixx. 2 ov crufcrai . . . oaa ovros (6 AOV/CJOS) tls
-rbf Kara Ovo\oyai<rov ir6\f/j.ov . . . tSpafft.
119 Hist. Aug., iv. 8, G, 9-14 ; 9, 1, 2.
EASTERN CAMPAIGNS OF L. VERUS. 255
fuller. The Parthians, we learn, had killed a legate
(unspecified), and cut to pieces certain legions (also
unspecified), and Syria was on the verge of revolt. 120
Arrived at Antioch, Verus entrusted the war to his
legates, Statius Priscus, Avidius Cassius, and Martins
Verus. The war lasted four years from Verus' arrival.
The army occupied Armenia and penetrated into Baby-
lonia and Media. 121 The emperors received the names
Armeniacus, Parthicus, Medicus. 122 Verus had divided
his time for the most part between Antioch, Daphnae,
and Laodicea, but had once been induced to go as far as
the Euphrates. 123 We learn incidentally that Seleucia
was first surrendered, and afterwards sacked by Cassius'
troops; and that while in Babylonia the troops con-
tracted the plague. 124 At the close of the war, as we are
told with the delightful vagueness of these writers, Verus
gave " regna regibus, provincial vero comitibus suis" and
returned to Home for the triumph. 125 That is all. A
further fragment of Dio records Cassius' crossing of the
Euphrates, 128 and another the founding of Katvrl UoXig
in Armenia by Statius Priscus. 127 This fragment has
also much to say of the exploits of Thucydides, the
agent of Martius Verus in Armenia ; but of this I will
say nothing at present, as I wish to reserve it for fuller
discussion.
How do the facts ascertained from the coins fit in
with this meagre narrative ? First, as to the duration
of the war, the words of Capitolinus are : " Egit autem
120 Hist. Aug., v. 6, 9. m Ibid., v. 7, 1. 122 Ibid., 7, 2.
123 Ibid., 1, 3-6. 124 Ibid., 8, 2, 3. 125 Ibid., 7, 8, 9.
126 Frag. Dion. ap. Suidam, s.v. Ztty/j.a, printed in Tauchnitz Text at
close of book Ixxi.
127 Frag. ap. Suidam, ibid.
T 2
256 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
per quadriennium Verus hiemem Laodieeae, aestatem apud
Daphnen, reliquam partem Antiochiae" 128 Now, we have
seen that Verus' arrival is to be dated at the end of the
autumn of 1 62. This gives him a winter (at Laodicea) to
start with, in agreement with the language of the Life ;
and the " quadriennium " would end with the autumn
of 166, which is, as we have seen, the date of the
triumph. In the second place, the coins show quite
clearly that the war had two distinct phases, a Bellum
Armeniacum and a Bellum Parthicum, successive in
order of time. The first campaign, that of 163, was
in Armenia, and lasted till late in the year. In the
second year there was no fresh campaign. The time
was spent in the " pacification " of the province, culmi-
nating in the coronation of King Sohaemus. We may
identify the events of this biennium with the exploits of
Statius Priscus in the Life of Marcus, and connect with
them the founding of Kaivt] rioAtc (= Nor-Khalakh)
in the Dionean fragment. Capitolinus is right (in the
Life of Marcus) in treating the Armenian War as a
complete whole, and suggesting that the Parthian War
is a fresh phase. There is in 165 a concentration of
legions. We found on the coins a possible suggestion
that the three army-corps were all brought together for
the beginning of the Parthian War. I think, at any
rate, we are justified in holding that there was in this
year a definite fresh beginning, and we must suppose
that in 163-164 the troops not engaged in Armenia
were being subjected to the very necessary process of
discipline until the army-corps of Priscus was free to
take its part in the fresh advance. The greater part
128 Hist. Aug., v. 7, 3.
EASTERN CAMPAIGNS OF L. VERUS. 257
of 165 is taken up with a campaign against Parthia,
resulting in a fresh " salutatio," and the assumption of
the title PARTHICVS MAXIMVS. This was probably Dio's
defensive campaign, though I should give to the- phrase
tiriovra TOV OuoXoyaiaov virtfifivf a wider meaning than
merely the repulsion of an attack on Syria. Ever since
the time of Trajan Mesopotamia, or at least the north-
western part of it, had been looked upon as belonging
vaguely to the Koman " sphere of influence," and opera-
tions in that region might fairly be regarded as part of
a defensive campaign. Now, we have abundant evidence
of fighting in North- Western Mesopotamia during this
war. In fact, it is clear that it was in this region that
the bulk of the fighting was done. The purpose of this
paragraph is not to investigate evidence outside the
coins, so I will merely mention a few points which I
have noted in regard to operations in Mesopotamia. An
inscription of Claudius Fronto, 129 who was " legatus
Augustorum pro praetore exercitus legionarii et auxili-
orum," goes on to mention Armenia, Osrhoene, Anthe-
musia, in connexion with the Eastern expedition.
Osrhoene and Anthemusia are both districts in Northern
Mesopotamia. In the Letters of Fronto 13 we find that
Nicephorium and Dausara were sacked both towns in
the same region, the former on the Euphrates, the latter
near Edessa in Osrhoene. Lucian mentions a siege of
Nisibis, 131 further east, in the district of Mesopotamia
known as Mygdonia, and the capture of Edessa itself, 132
as well as a battle at Sura, 133 near Nicephorium, but on
the Syrian side of the river. Further, he complains of
129 C. I. L., vi. 1377, ap. Napp, op. cit., p. 117. " Ed. Naber, p. 121.
131 Quomodo historia, &c., 15. 1M Ibid., 22.
133 Ibid., 29.
258 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
the historians of the war for making an error about his
native town of Samosata, 134 which lies on the Koman side
of the Euphrates in Comrnagene, but on the direct road
to Edessa. These indications suffice to show that the
really stiff fighting of this war took place along the line
of the Euphrates from Samosata to Nicephorium, and
within the region of Mesopotamia bounded by the
Euphrates, and by its tributary called in Kiepert's
map Aborrhas Araxes, on a feeder of which, called the
Mygdonius, Nisibis stands i.e. almost exactly the region
which in later times formed the Roman province of
Mesopotamia. Now there can be no doubt, from the
mere length of time occupied, that the campaign of
165 was the really serious one of the Parthian War.
Accordingly I put all this fighting into the year 165.
The incidental victory which we found recorded on the
coins before the close of the campaign may well be
the successful crossing of the Euphrates by Cassius
described by the Dionean fragment, and implied in
the mention by Lucian and Fronto of fighting at Sura
and Nicephorium. The troops probably wintered in
Mesopotamia, and the campaign of 166 was a rapid dash
into the centre of the enemy's country. There was a
decisive battle and the capital was sacked. To this
the coins bear witness. In this year, too, the Median
expedition must be placed. I have given reasons for
supposing that it was not a very important undertaking
at any rate in its results. By the way, I have not seen
a discussion of the question, which Media was invaded.
It seems generally to be assumed that the army pushed
straight on from Babylonia into Media Major. If so,
it can have been nothing more than a demonstration.
134 Quomodo historic/,, 24.
EASTERN CAMPAIGNS OF L. VERUS. 259
But may it not have been a simultaneous advance direct
from Northern Mesopotamia into Media Atropatene?
Operations here might be of some use in securing the
south-eastern frontier of Armenia. The literary records
seem to me rather .to imply that the army returned
directly from Babylonia without going any further in that
direction. If the advance into Media was a parallel
and simultaneous campaign further north, then the odd
victory of this year, previous to the salutatio, might
possibly be a Median one. It is interesting to note
that it is only the final victory of 166 that is expressly
entitled Victoria Parthica, and that this corresponds
with the language of the inscription of Fronto quoted
above : it reads " leg. Augg. pr. pr. exereitus legionarii
et auxilior. per orientem in Armeniam, et Osrhoenam,
et Anthemusiam ductorum ; leg. Augg. legioni primae
Minerviae in exspeditionem Parthicam deducendae.'*
Here, too, the " expeditio Parthica " follows, as distinct
from the operations in Armenia and in Mesopotamia.
As to the date of the close of the war the inscriptions
agree pretty well with the coins. According to an
article in Hermes, the fleet is fixed by epigraphic evidence
on the Orontes on May 24, 135 and as we have seen, the
triumph may have been over by August 23. The end
of the war, and the return of Verus, therefore belong to
the middle of the year 166. The settlement referred to
in the words, "regna regibus, provincias vero comitibus
suis dedit," need not necessarily be placed in its entirety
before Verus' return. He probably hastened to reach
Borne on account of the threatening state of affairs in
the West.
C. HAROLD DODD.
135 Hermes, xxxii. p. 289.
260 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
APPENDIX I.
ON SOME TYPES OP THE PERIOD BETWEEN THE CLOSE OP
THE PARTHIAN WAR AND THE DEATH OF VERUS.
WE have already seen that types connected with the triumph
of 166 run over freely into 167, some appearing for the first
time in the latter year, others repeated from the year before.
In 168, however, amid the types of the new German War,
we find Eastern types still recurring. There are two which
I should like to consider in particular. Unfortunately I
have seen neither. Both I describe after Cohen's illustrations.
The first is as follows : 136
Obv M. ANTONINVS AVG. ARM. PARTH. MAX. Bust r.,
laureate, loricate, with aegis on breast; seen from
front.
Rev. TR. P. XXII. IMP. Mil. COS. III. Two Victories, stand-
ing face to face, holding between them a shield
SPQR
VIC
bordered with a laurel wreath, and inscribed D . ,-,,,
r An I H I
CAE
Beneath the shield an Oriental captive in tiara, short
tunic, and trousers, seated 1. in attitude of grief.
This medallion is a dedication on the part of the senate and
people to the Parthian Victory. The two Victories who hold
the shield probably stand for the two victorious campaigns
which won the third and fourth salutationes, and the captive
is a type of 165 introduced here along with the two Parthian
Victories, just as the weeping Armenia of 163 was introduced
into a type along with the single Armenian Victory (v. p. 218).
136 Cohen, vol. iii., M.-A., 893. The similar type 831 is obviously no
genuine coin.
EASTERN CAMPAIGNS OF L. VERUS. 261
In the contents of the type, then, there is no difficulty. We
may assume that the medallion records a congratulatory vote
of the senate. But why is the vote so late? The type is, so
far as appears, an entirely new one, occurring for the first
time two years after the final victory over Parthia ; and it
seems to be quite isolated.
The other type is a more familiar one. It occurs on a
medallion of Verus : 137
Obv.L. VERVS AVG. ARM. PARTH. MAX- Head r.,
laureate.
Rev. TR. POT. VIM. IMP. III). COS. III. ARMENIA The
emperor, bareheaded, with loric and paludamentum,
on horseback r., thrusting down with his spear at a
prostrate figure in Oriental costume ; behind him two
soldiers, one of whom carries the emperor's helmet,
and one a standard.
Now, this type is an exact counterpart of one of 165, 138
with merely the date changed. In the interval there has
been no mention of Armenia. Why this sudden revival?
The Armenian Victory is an even older story than the
Parthian. Of course it is possible that we have here merely
a renewed reference to the triumph, but if so it is a very
strange reference, for neither of the types was used in
connexion with the triumph in 166 or 167. A new type
generally means some fresh development in the course of
events; but in 168 affairs seemed to be quiet in the East.
The types would, I think, be easily accounted for if it could
be shown that there was a small outbreak in Armenia this
year, calling for a campaign on the part of one of Verus'
new governors in the East. A small success under such
circumstances would just provide the senate with an excuse
for a congratulatory vote. The types would of course
commemorate not the petty incident but the great victory,
yet the commemoration would be occasioned by a fresh
success in the same region.
137 Cohen, vol. iii., L. V., 16 ; cf. Eckhel, vol. vii. p. 93.
138 Cohen, vol. iii., L. V., 15.
262 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
I think it may be possible to discover such an episode in
the fragment of Dio, to which I have already alluded, dealing
with the exploits of Thucydides in Armenia. 139 In this
fragment we find Martius Verus entrusting one Thucydides
with the task Karayajflv Soai/xov eis 'Apfttviav. He arrived at
Kcuvr/ IldXts, which was held by a garrison stationed there by
Statius Priscus, put down Aoyw re KCU tpyw certain people,
vca>Tpiv Treipw/AcVovs, and made the New City the Capital of
Armenia.
This fragment has commonly been taken to record the
installation of King Sohaemus at the close of the Armenian
War of 163-4. 140 Suppose it is so : how does the story fit in
with the facts already ascertained? In 164 Statius Priscus
captures Artaxata and founds Kaivrj IIoAis, and leaves a
Roman garrison there. He then retires from the country
and from history. What, then, is the state of affairs in
Armenia meanwhile? There is no king; and the Roman
garrison at the New City is the only result of the year's
campaign. Priscus has retired as though his work was done.
But certain rash persons attempt vewTepieiv. It is not a very
serious matter, however, and Martius Verus, who apparently
during the winter has replaced Priscus, does not even trouble
to enter Armenia in person, but sends his officer Thucydides,
who is easily able to <rw<poviiv the disturbers of the peace
they are indeed even amenable to reason (Ao'yos) when backed
up by action (epyov) and to accomplish his mission of setting
up Sohaemus as king.
Surely this version of the story is not very plausible. The
whole object of the Armenian War was to place the Roman
nominee on the throne, and yet we are to believe that Priscus
retired from the country after the first campaign, leaving
only a garrison in his New City, and without troubling about
the king, while the accomplishment of the real object of the
war was, after all, a matter for a subordinate officer with a
139 Frag. Dion. ap. Suidam, s.v. Mprioy.
140 That the Bellum Armeniacum was completed in these two years,
and that Sohaemus was made a king in 164, has already been shown to
be certain from the numismatic evidence.
EASTERN CAMPAIGNS OF L. VERUS. 263
small detachment ! Moreover, is not vetaTepi&w TrapwjutVous a
rather unusual term for what was really simply the renewal
of the struggle of the previous year? And was it quite
courteous to Sohaemus, or likely to conciliate the Armenians
to their new king, to send him along in a casual way by the
hand of a mere underling the delegate of a delegate ? But
there is a more fatal objection. The expression used here
is Karayayciv 2oai/x,oV. Sohaemus, then, had been in Armenia
before. We are driven to the conclusion that the object of
Thucydides' mission was to restore Sohaemus. But there is
no evidence that he was ever king of Armenia before Verus'
expedition ; rather there is strong evidence against ifc. H1
The passage cannot, therefore, be referred to the installa-
tion of Sohaemus in connexion with Verus' Armenian War.
Surely its natural interpretation would be that some time
after Sohaemus had been set on the throne in 165, there were
disturbances (VewTepio-ftos) which caused him to flee for assist-
ance to Martius Verus, and that the latter then entrusted
his subordinate Thucydides with the task of conducting him
back.
It is possible that we have a reference to such distur-
bances in a passage of the epitome of Dio, 142 where it is
recorded as an instance of Marcus' clemency that he did not
kill, but banished to Britain, the satrap Tiridates, rd re ev
TT; 'Ap/xen'a rapa^aj/ra, KOL TOV TOJV 'Hvio^wv (BamXea aTroCT^a^ai/ra,
T(3 T B^pO) 7TtTl/XWVTl Ol TTCpl TOTTTCOV TO />OS 7ravaT6lVO/X,VOV.
The satrap ! Tiridates was a Parthian, then. The natural
explanation is that we have one of the usual Parthian efforts
to stir up trouble in Armenia. Verus sends to expostulate,
but Tiridates flies to arms. What Verus ? Not the emperor,
for Dio calls him Aov/aos, when he does not give him his full
name. The other two of the name who are active in the
East are (a) Julius Verus, who was governor of Syria some-
time between the recall of Attidius Cornelianus and the
beginning of the rule of Avidius Cassius i.e. some time
141 See authorities quoted by Eckhel, vol. vii. p. 91, and Mommsen,
Provinzen, p. 407, n. 2.
142 Dio, Ixxi. 14.
264 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
between 162 and 166 " 3 and (I) our friend Martius Verus.
The former could hardly be meant here, for his governorship
falls entirely within the period of the Parthian War, and
obviously the episode of Tiridates does not belong to that
period. Now, Martius Verus was, we know, governor of
Cappadocia at the outbreak of Cassius' revolt in 175. 14J It
is probable that he entered upon that office in 166, imme-
diately after holding the consulship. 145 He was one of Verus'
"comites" in the East, and came in for his share when Verus
was giving "regna regilus, provincias vero comitibus suis."
Martius Verus, therefore, would be in 168 governor of
Cappadocia, and so (like the ill-fated Severianus?) the
natural protector of Armenia. I proceed to reconstruction.
After L. Verus' departure from the East, the Parthian
king who probably had not been humbled so completely as
might have been desired, owing to the emperor's haste in
leaving the scene of war, on account of the plague and the
imperative call of the West renewed his schemes against
Armenia. Tiridates perhaps, from his name, an Arsacid
was given a satrapy on the frontier, with instructions to do
what he could with Armenia. As soon as Verus was safely
occupied with the German War, Tiridates commenced opera-
tions by descents across the frontier, in the course of which
he killed the king of the Heniochi (subjects or clients of
Rome, we may suppose). Martius Verus sent to expostulate
with Tiridates. He immediately flew to arms, no doubt in
anticipation of assistance from malcontents within the country.
He was in part successful ; an attempt at a revolution took
place at Kaivr) IIoXis, which resulted in shutting up the Roman
garrison and sending the pusillanimous king Sohaemus to the
knees of his protector Verus. As a whole, however, the
" Mommsen (Provinzen, p. 406, n. 2) places his term of office con-
jecturally in 163-164.
14 Dio, Ixxi. 23, 6 8t S^i MdpKos irapb rov B^pou, rov TT)S KomraSo/cj'aj
&PXovros rty Itravaaracriv avrov /j.a6ui/. Is it possible, by the way, that
this fact, that Verus Martius Verus warned Marcus of the revolt,
lies behind those wonderful products of the imagination, the letters of
L. Verus given by Vulcacius Gallicanus in Hist. Aug., vi. 1, 2?
145 See Napp, op. cit., p. 68.
EASTERN CAMPAIGNS OF L. VERUS. 265
Armenians were fairly well content, and at any rate did not
want a renewal of the war. A small expedition was arranged
by the governor of Cappadocia, which relieved the garrison at
Kaivr) IIoAis, pacified the malcontents, and restored Sohaemus.
Tiridates, isolated, fell into the hands of the enemy, and was
sent to Marcus in the West. He was regarded as a serious
offender that is required by the context in Dio and in lieu
of being put to death was banished to Britain, where he
would be as far as possible from the only place where he was
dangerous. The whole affair was only a passing episode.
There was no fighting that entitled the emperors to a fresh
salutatio. Overshadowed by the greater events on the
Danube the episode was lost to history. But the senate saw
in it an opportunity for passing a congratulatory address to
the emperors, and Marcus a propos issued a medallion cele-
brating the victories of the great Parthian War, while Verus,
with more explicit reference to the actual event in question,
revived his ARMENIA type. It would be too much to say
that the prostrate foe in the type is the meddlesome Tiridates,
but that is the sort of impression he wished to be conveyed.
This reconstruction is, of course, highly speculative, and it
may be thought that two coin-types are but a flimsy founda-
tion. But if the theory propounded explains two otherwise
very puzzling medallions, and provides a consistent interpre-
tation of two passages in the literary authorities, which other-
wise remain out of connexion with the history, then it is not
entirely in the air. One can well believe that Armenia had
many such experiences besides this disturbance of Tiridates,
which have left no trace in the troublous history of that
unhappy country.
APPENDIX II.
MESOPOTAMIA AFTER THE PARTHIAN WAR.
WE have seen that the bulk of the'^fighting in the Parthian
War took place in that region of Mesopotamia which in the
time of Severus was a Eoman province. The question arises
whether the province was constituted as a result of Yerus'
266 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
operations. That such was the case is the belief of many
authorities cited by Napp. 146 Schiller 147 gives the view a
hesitating approval. Napp himself is doubtful in face of the
lack of evidence. Mommsen 148 speaks not of a province, but
of the occupation of the district through client states. I do
not propose to discuss the general question, but merely to
ask whether the Roman coins (leaving out of account the
Greek issues cited by Mommsen and Napp) supply any
evidence which would support one view or the other.
I am again dependent on Cohen for materials. He gives
a bronze medallion as follows : 149
Obv.L. VERVS AVG. ARM. PARTH. MAX. Bust 1., laureate,
loricate.
R ev . TR. P. Vllll. IMP. V. COS. III. Marcus and Verus
standing in military costume facing each other, each
crowned by a Victory, each holding spear, and placing
one foot on a river-deity (male to 1., female to r.) ;
between them a captive.
JE m .
Now, this type of a captive between two rivers recalls at
once the striking personification of Mesopotamia on the Arch
of Trajan at Beneventum as a female figure between two
river-deities. With this parallel in mind it is tempting to
quote a coin of Trajan given by Cohen, 150 the reverse of
which is as follows :
.Ber. ARMENIA ET MESOPOTAMIA IN POTESTATEM
P. R. REDACTAE. S. C. Trajan standing r. in
military costume, holding spear and parazonium, and
placing one foot on a female figure reclining on the
ground ; on either side, a river-deity reclining, holding
a rose-bough and leaning on an urn.
M l .
It would be very attractive to see in the Verus coin a
record of Mesopotamia in potesiatem populi Romani redacta.
Verus would then claim to be the renewer of Trajan's work
as indeed to some extent he was.
146 Napp, op. cit., p. 36.
147 Schiller, Ocsch. d. rom. Kaiserzeit, vol. i. p. 642.
148 Mommsen, Prov., p. 408. 149 Cohen, vol. iii., I/. V., 328.
110 Ibid., vol. ii., Traj., 39.
EASTERN CAMPAIGNS OF L. VERUS. 267
But the date, 169, is somewhat suspicious. If Mesopotamia
was made a province at all it was made a province in 166.
Why, then, this long interval of three years 1 Further, there
is another medallion of Verus 151 which may throw light on
the subject :
Obv.L. AVREL. VERVS AVG. ARMENIACVS IMP. II. TR.
P. Mil. COS. II. Head r., laureate.
Rev. No inscription. Same type as No. 328.
Here, then, we have the supposed Mesopotamia type
appearing with the Armenian title and the Armenian
salutatio in 164, before the operations in Mesopotamia started.
The land between the rivers in this case, therefore, is
Armenia. And, after all, the reminiscence of the Trajan
coin does not suggest Mesopotamia any more than Armenia.
Verus still claims to be the successor of Trajan, but in respect
of his work in the northern country. What the two rivers
may in this case be I know not. Perhaps they are still
Euphrates and Tigris, which, after all, are both rivers of
Armenia. Or one of them may be the Araxes. That need
not trouble us, for if Trajan saw fit to inscribe ARMENIA on
his coin, there was no reason why Verus should not imitate
the type and imply Armenia. The revival of the type in 169,
I should connect, although a year late, with the Armenian
and Parthian revivals discussed in Appendix I., and attribute
it to the same cause.
The result of this inquiry, therefore, is merely negative.
The only possible allusion to Mesopotamia on the imperial
coinage is shown not to provide any evidence for the treat-
ment of Mesopotamia after the war, and we are thrown back
upon external evidence.
C. H.
151 Cohen, vol. iii., L. V., 348.
XII.
NOTES ON THE KEIGN OF WILLIAM 1.
(See Plates XIV.-XVII.)
I. THE BERKELEY MINT.
THE only coin of William I attributed to the Berkeley
Mint is that described in the British Numismatic Journal *
by Mr. Carlyon-Britton, to whom it belongs. In this
attribution there are two points which arouse suspicion :
the first is the strange reading BARE I for this mint, and
the second the unusual form of A which appears in this
reading. The form of the letter A which is used through-
out the " Paxs " type, with the exception of this one coin,
consists of two upright strokes set either parallel to each
other or sloping towards each other at their upper ends
(EH, %\} 2 5 on this coin, however, the limbs of the letter
A are wedge-shaped, united at the apex, requiring a form
of the letter similar to that seen commonly in the third
and fourth classes of the Short-cross series (^). But a
coin in the British Museum struck from the same dies as
this " Berkeley " coin shows the correct reading of the
mint to be EXEEI [PL XIV. 1] ; a flaw in the punches
1 B. N. J., vol. vi. p. 147 ; illustrated on PI. xiii. (Fig. 1) of the same
volume.
2 In the word PAXS the different form of A is always used, perhaps
as a conventional form or as one more decorative to the type ; in the
Pax types of Harold and Henry I the same difference is made between
the lettering of the type and that of the legend.
NOTES ON THE REIGN OF WILLIAM I. 269 1
used for the horizontal strokes of the letter E has given
this letter somewhat the appearance of a B or E, and the
two wedge-shaped marks of the second letter, which were-
mistaken for the limbs of an A, are seen to be the lower
limbs of X ($). The legend in full should therefore be
LIFJ7INE ON EXEEI. The reading EXEEI, is con-
firmed by other Exeter coins struck by the same
moneyer with the same obverse die. Mr. Carlyon-
Britton has accepted this view, and therefore approves
of the removal of his coin from Berkeley to Exeter.
II. COMPAEISON OF DlES.
The fact that the obverse, or standard, die lasted longer
than the upper, or reverse, die has naturally resulted in
many of the coins that now survive bearing the impres-
sion of the same obverse die though different dies were
used for the reverse, and from this point of view a
comparison has been made of the dies of all coins of
William I in the British Museum. 3 Small results could
be obtained from the rarer types, but the " Paxs " type
is, thanks to the Beaworth hoard, so well represented in
the National Collection, which contains between six and
seven hundred coins of this type alone, that it has
yielded some interesting results. Coins struck from the
same obverse die may be divided into three groups :
(1) those struck by the same moneyer at the same mint ;
(2) those struck by different moneyers at the same mint ;
(3) those struck at different mints.
3 Several coins in other collections have also been examined, notably
that of Mr. Carlyon-Britton, some of which are mentioned and illus-
trated in this paper ; to him and to several other gentlemen, who have
kindly lent coins, my thanks are due.
VOL. XL, SERIES IV. U
270 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
(1) Coins struck with the same obverse die by the
same money er at the same mint are of course common
enough, and with this class investigations bring little
result beyond assigning correct attributions, e.g. the
eighteen halfpennies found in the Beaworth hoard can
in this way be attributed to their mints, which are :
Dover (1), Ipswich (1), Lincoln (1), London (1), Norwich
{!), Southwark (1), Wareham (2), and Winchester (10)
A coin of the " Paxs " type, which reads SPRIEELINZ
ON El [PL XIV. 2], and which seems to be the only coin
of the moneyer Spraeclinc that can be attributed to
Chichester, is struck from the same obverse die
as a Winchester coin reading SPRUE LINE ON PN^
[PI. XIV. 3]. Winchester coins of this moneyer are
common, and there seems little doubt that the El
coin was also struck at that mint; the inscription was
probably blundered by the engraver, and the three letters
PIN fell out between ON and El through the work-
man mistaking the N of ON for N of PIN. This form
of ellipse is very common in manuscripts and even in
printed books of the present day ; on coins a close
parallel may be seen in the Montagu Sale Catalogue,
Part V., Lot 76, in which the coin of William I's " Two-
Stars " type, reading " Anderboo on Cst " (for Wincst),
omits the same three letters as are omitted on this
Spraeclinc coin. 4 A similar error occurs on the " Paxs "
type coins reading GODJ7INE ONMDNEI, one of which, in
Mr. Carlyon-Britton's collection [PL XIV. 4], is struck
from the same obverse die as a coin in the British Museum
reading CODEINE ON LVND [PL XIV. 5], leaving no
doubt of the correct attribution of these coins to London.
4 B. N. J., vol. vi. p. 168.
NOTES ON THE REIGN OF WILLIAM I. 271
In the same category may be placed the coin of the
" Paxs " type, reading 60DESBKASD OKI 5 [PI. XIV. 7],
as it is struck from the same obverse die as one reading
GODSBRAN) ON SEF, and another, in Mr. Carlyon-
Britton's collection, reading GODSBRILSD ON SE [PI. XIV.
6, 8], and was therefore most probably struck at Shaftes-
bury and the first letter of the mint omitted. 6 In the
same type an obverse die at Chester connecting a coin
reading VNNVLF ON EESTEE [PI. XIV. 9] with coins of
Sunoulf [PL XIV. 10] strengthens the probability that
one moneyer is intended in these two forms, as also
in Osbern and Esbern at Salisbury ; at Bristol Brwode
is probably an error for Brihtword, whose obverse die
is used in conjunction with a reverse bearing this
name.
(2) The following is a complete list of pairs (and
occasional triplets) of moneyers using the same obverse
die at the same mint on coins of the "Paxs" type in
the British Museum (numbers are added in brackets
where more than one die is used by the same pair of
moneyers) :
BATH .... Aegelmie and Osmaer.
BRISTOL . . . Brunstan and Swegn.
CANTERBURY . . Aelfred and Burnod.
Aelfred and Wulfric.
Godric and Wulfric (2).
Godric and Simaer.
DOVER .... Edword and Goldwine.
Lifwine and Lulfric.
EXETER .... Lifwine and Semaer (2).
Lifwine and Sewine.
5 B. N. J., vol. ii. p. 52, and vol. iii. p. 138.
Of. also N. C., 1910, p. 302.
U2
272
NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
GLOUCESTER . . Silac, Silac Wine, and Ufgaet.
Silac Wine and Ufgaet.
HEREFORD . . Lifstan and Ordwi.
IPSWICH . . . Aelfric and Wulfwine.
LEWES .... Oswold and Winraed.
LONDON .... Edric and Eadwi.
NORWICH . . . Godwine and Howord.
Godwine and Ulfcitel.
NOTTINGHAM . . Atser and Mann.
OXFORD .... Swetman and Wulfwi.
SHAFTESBURY . . Aelnod and Cnihtwine.
Aelnod, Cnihtwine, and Godesbrand.
SHREWSBURY . . Aernewi and Godesbrand.
Aernewi, Godesbrand, and Segrim.
WALLINGFORD . Aegelwine and Swirtinc.
WILTON .... Sefaroi and Sewine.
WINCHESTER . . Aestan and Brunic (2).
Aestan and Spraeclinc.
Aestan and Liofwold.
Godwine and Liofwold (4).
WORCESTER . . Baldric and Sewine.
YORK .... Aleif and Leisine.
The use of four different obverse dies by the same pair,
Godwine and Liofwold, at Winchester, and of two dies
by five pairs (at Canterbury, Exeter, Shaftesbury, Shrews-
bury, and Winchester), militates against a theory that
this phenomenon of two or more moneyers using the
same die is due to the demise or retirement of one
moneyer and the passing on of his obverse die to his
successor. Indeed, at Winchester the pair using four
different dies seems rather to point to a state of things
similar to that described by Mr. Kenyon 7 as existing in
the reign of Henry III at the Shrewsbury Mint, where
' N. C., 1899, p. 122.
NOTES ON THE REIGN OF WILLIAM I. 273
pairs of moneyers appear to have worked in relays, in
which case one might possibly assume that such pairs of
moneyers were not careful to keep their obverse dies
separate.
The most interesting pairs are those of Shaftesbury
and Shrewsbury. Mr. Carlyon-Britton 8 has tentatively
attributed coins of the nioneyer Cnihtwine to St.
Edmundsbury, but as this moneyer uses two dies that
are also used by Aelnod of Shaftesbury, there seems no
doubt that his coins of type viii. were struck at Shaftes-
bury, nor is there any difficulty in attributing his coins
of other types to the same mint, one of which in the
British Museum (of the "Two-Stars" type, Hks. 238)
reads EITPINE ON SAF. The moneyer Godesbrand has
always given difficulty ; coins bearing that name with
mint-readings SE and S in the British Museum Catalogue
of Anglo-Saxon coins (Edward the Confessor) were attri-
buted to Shaftesbury, but a coin, recently acquired, with
the reading SCR, makes it probable that these were all
struck at Shrewsbury. In the reign of William I coins
of this moneyer of types vi. (243) and vii. (239), which
read SEF, SE, belong presumably to Shaftesbury ;
type viii., however, has the readings SEF, SE, E, SI, SRI ;
the occurrence of coins with the first two readings (SEF,
SE) struck from the same obverse die as coins of Aelnod
of Shaftesbury, and the occurrence of others with the last
two readings (SI, SKI) struck from two obverse dies used
by Aernewi of Shrewsbury, leave little room for doubt
that there was a moneyer of the name of Godesbrand at
both these mints, and that coins reading SEF, SE, or E 9
8 Spink's Circular, 1902 ; B. N. J., vol. iii. p. 132.
9 See above, p. 271.
274 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
must be attributed to Shaftesbury and those reading SRI
or SI to Shrewsbury.
(3) Coins of the " Paxs " type occur, struck from the
same obverse die. at the following pairs of mints :
BARNSTAPLE (Seword) and EXETER (Semier). [PI. XV.
1-4.] That this die was used first at Barnstaple and
then sent to Exeter may be seen by the first L and the
R in the inscription ; the letters are quite clean on the
Barnstaple coins (Nos. 1, 2), but on the Exeter coins
(Nos. 3, 4) scratches may be seen in the L and a spot
of rust at the top outer edge of the R. One coin of
each mint in the National Collection, and one of each
in Mr. Cadyon-Britton's collection, are figured on the
plate. This is further confirmation, if any were needed,
of the interpretation of the mint as Barnstaple instead
of Bardney. 10
CANTERBURY (Godric) and HYTHE (Edred). [PI. XV.
5, 6.] The die was used first at Canterbury and
afterwards at Hythe. The Hythe coin (No. 6) was
struck when the die was badly rusted (it is curious
that apparently all Hythe coins of the " Paxs " type
were struck from rusty dies), but at the time the
Canterbury piece (No. 5) was struck the die was clean ;
also on the Canterbury coin are just visible the be-
ginnings of two cracks, one starting in a triangular
flaw under the second L of the inscription (the flaw
appears twice owing to double striking) and extending
just beyond the right side of the king's chin ; the other,
a very fine line, stretching diagonally from right to
left across the neck. On the Hythe coin these cracks
have grown so as to be now clearly visible, and the one
across the face has extended through the field from
chin to shoulder.
GUILDFORD (Seric) and CHICHESTER (Bruman). [PI. XV.
7-10.] This die was sent from Guildford to Chichester.
10 N. C., 1897, pp. 302 ff. ; 1898, pp. 274 ff.
NOTES ON THE REIGN OF WILLIAM I. 275
On one of the Guildford coins struck from this die
in the British Museum (No. 8 on the Plate) and on
Mr. Carlyon-Britton's specimen, a tiny mark of rust is
just visible in the curve of the arm, on another specimen
in the Museum this is not yet visible (No. 7) ; on one
Chichester coin (No. 9) this is seen slightly increased,
and on another (No. 10) it has grown to about
yjr inch in diameter, in which condition it also appears
on Chichester coins belonging to Mr. Lincoln and
MM. Rollin and Feuardent. Also the outline of the
crown on the latest Chichester coins is furred with
rust on the side near the sceptre, which is just notice-
able on the earlier Chichester piece, but on the Guild-
ford coins the outline is perfectly clean and sharp ; the
neck, too, shows similar growth of rust, the earlier coins
showing no rust here.
MARLBOKOUGH (Gild) and SALISBURY (Esbern and Osbern n ).
[PI. XV. 1113.] A crack across the second L of the
inscription, invisible on the Marlborough coin (No. 11),.
but clearly marked on a Salisbury coin (No. 12) in the
British Museum, and more strongly pronounced on
another in Mr. Carlyon-Britton's collection (No. 13),
shows that this die was in use first at Marlborough
and afterwards at Salisbury. This is confirmed by a
mark of rust in the outer edge of the upright stroke of
the P, which is just perceptible to the naked eye on the
Marlborough coin, but on the Salisbury pieces has in-
creased considerably ; the angles of the initial cross
show a similar growth of rust.
SALISBURY (Esbern) and MARLBOROUGH (Gild). [PL XV.
14-17.] That this die went from Salisbury to Marl-
borough is proved by a crack across the face which is
seen on the Salisbury coins (Nos. 14, 15) stretching
from the king's right eye to the fleur of his sceptre ;
on the Marlborough coins (Nos. 16, 17) it has extended
beyond the eye as far as the inner circle. Besides two
Salisbury coins in the British Museum, one belonging
11 See above, p. 271.
276 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
to Mr. Carlyon-Britton and two belonging to Mr. Ready
show the crack in its earlier condition, and the two
coins of Marlborough, one in the British Museum and
the other in Mr. Carlyon-Britton's collection, both show
it extended across the field.
These two Marlborough coins [PI. XV. 11, 16],
struck from two obverse dies of which one went to
Salisbury and the other came from Salisbury, are struck
from the same reverse die [PI. XV. 11 a, 16 a], that
last mentioned (whose obverse die came from Salis-
bury) being struck later than the other (whose obverse
die was afterwards sent to Salisbury) as the earlier
piece shows the die quite clean and the later one was
not struck till its whole surface was furred with rust.
SALISBURY (Esbern and Osbern) and WILTON (Sewine).
[PI. XVI. 1-3.] This die was used first at Salisbury,
afterwards at Wilton. A Salisbury coin from this
obverse die (No. 1) shows the field to left of the fore-
head quite clean, another (No. 2) has a slight scratch
and scarcely perceptible pin-prick which has grown on
the Wilton coin (No. 3) sufficiently to be clearly visible :
more traces of rust appear on this coin which are not
seen on the Salisbury pieces. Another Salisbury coin,
in the possession of Mr. Carlyon-Britton, and two be-
longing to Mr. Lincoln were struck from this obverse
die before any trace of rust appeared.
WILTON (Sefaroi and Sewine 12 ) and SALISBURY (Osbern).
[PI. XVI. 4-7.] This die went the contrary way,
from Wilton to Salisbury. The Sefaroi coins (Nos. 4,
P.C.B., and 5, B.M.), of which four more specimens
belong to Messrs. Spink and one other to the National
Collection, show a clean surface on the neck and a very
few small points of rust in the field to left ; the Sewine
coin of Wilton shows rust-marks on the neck and more
and larger marks in the field, and the Salisbury coin
shows the die in similar condition to this Sewine piece,
though being worn the marks are less clear. These
12 See above, p. 272.
NOTES ON THE REIGN OF WILLIAM I. 277
would prevent any possibility of judging whether this
or the Sewine coin were the earlier, but the cleaner
surface of the Sefaroi coins proves that the die was
in use at Wilton before it went to Salisbury. The
sharper angles of the initial cross also mark the
Sefaroi coins as earlier than the Sewine and Salisbury
pieces.
CRICKLADE (Aelfwine) and WILTON (Aelfwine). [PI. XVI.
811.] The die was sent from Cricklade to Wilton.
A small mark of rust is seen attached to the inner
circle below the upright of the third L on two Crick-
lade coins (Nos. 9, 10) belonging to Mr. Carlyon-
Britton and Mr. Talbot Ready ; on the British Museum
piece (No. 8), the earliest struck, there is no trace of
this, but on the Wilton coin (No. 11) it is larger and
connects the L with the inner circle. Traces of rust
may also be seen in the E of Willelm and between the
E and L which do not appear on the Cricklade coin in
the National Collection.
SHREWSBURY (Godesbrand) and ST. DAVID'S (Turri).
[PI. XVI. 12-14.] This pair has already been noticed
by Mr. Carlyon-Britton." The die went from Shrews-
bury to St. David's ; the crack just visible to left of
the neck on the British Museum coin of Shrewsbury
(No. 12) is slightly increased on Mr. Carlyon-Britton's
coin of the same mint (No. 13) and on the St. David's
coin, also in Mr. Carlyon-Britton's collection (No. 14)
it is considerably thickened ; other scratches and rust-
marks are more pronounced on the St. David's coin
than on those of Shrewsbury.
~ LONDON (Aelfred) and SOUTHWARK (Osmund). [PI. XVI.
15-17.] The die was in use at London before it went
to South wark ; the Southwark coins (No. 17) show
the die to be very rusty, notably in the field to left
of the head ; the beginning of this streak of rust is
just visible in a few small spots on the inner circle
of the London coins (Nos. 15, 16); the die has also
13 B. N. J., vol. ii. p. 50.
278 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
cracked across the neck since the London coins were
struck.
LONDON (Godwine) and IPSWICH (Alfwine or Ulfwine).
[PI. XVI. 18, 19.] The Ipswich coin (No. 19) is in
poor condition, and no conclusion can be drawn from
the state of the die at which mint it was first used.
Of the Second or " Bonnet " type the following pairs
are connected in this way :
LONDON (?) (uncertain moneyer) and THETFOBD (Cinric).
[PI. XVI. 20, 21.] The reverse of the London coin
(No. 20) is blundered and the attribution therefore
not quite certain; it seems to read ON LVND ON
LVND.
THETFOBD (Cinric) and an uncertain mint, MAINT . . .
(Brhtwi). [PI. XVII. 1, 2.] The second coin (No. 2)
reads BRHTPI ON MAINT, and its attribution is
quite uncertain. Mainestune in Yorkshire, suggested
by Sainthill, 14 will not suit the case of the die being
used also at Thetford ; a similar objection meets the
idea, which is naturally raised by the moneyer's name,
that MAINT is a blundered attempt at Malmesbury.
Of the Third or " Pavilion " type a die went from
LONDON (Sibode) to EXETER (Aelfwine). [PI. XVII. 3-6.]
The outline of the V and S is clear on the two London
coins (Nos. 3, B.M., and 4, P.C.B.), but on the Exeter
coins (Nos. 5, B.M., and 6, P.C.B.) rust has formed
at the top of the second stroke of V and in the curves
of S. On the London piece in the National Collection
all the jewels of the crown are distinct, a smear of rust
hanging above them on the upper line ; on the Exeter
coins this rust has extended and obliterates four of the
jewels.
Of the four dies used at London, two were sent from
London, one to Southwark and the other to Exeter, and
14 Akerman, N. J., vol. ii. p. 49.
NOTES ON THE REIGN OF WILLIAM I. 279
of the other two it seems natural to assume that they
also were sent from London on the appointment of a new
moneyer or on the issue of a new type, an old die being
sent instead of a new one in order to avoid the delay of
making the obverse die.
Of the other pairs of mints it will be noticed that in
each case, except one, the die served two mints which
lay very little distance apart, Cricklade and Wilton
being the farthest, a distance of about forty miles as the
crow flies ; the one exception, Shrewsbury and St. David's,
is hardly a true exception, for Shrewsbury, which com-
manded the roads to Central and South Wales as Chester
did the Northern road to Anglesey, is, historically speak-
ing, the nearest English town to St. David's, though
Hereford is geographically five or ten miles nearer. The
natural inference, however, that the small mints were
served with dies from larger mints in their district is
untenable, for though in some cases {e.g. Canterbury-
Hythe, Shrewsbury-St. David's) the die is sent from the
larger to the smaller mint, yet other and more frequent
examples show the reverse case (e.g. Barnstaple-Exeter,
Guildford-Chichester, Cricklade-Wilton), and if we could
assume these cases to be caused by the closure of the
smaller mint and the return of the dies to the mint that
supplied them, we are still met with the difficulty that
a die goes from Wilton to Salisbury and another from
Salisbury to Wilton, both of which mints issued coins of
the last two types of William I and of the first two types
of William II, showing that neither mint can be assumed
to have closed at this period ; also a die goes from Marl-
borough to Salisbury and, later, 15 another from Salisbury
13 From the condition of the reverse die ; see above, p. 276.
280 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
to Marlborough, showing that the die was not sent from
Marlborough to Salisbury owing to the closure of the
Marlborough Mint, unless it be assumed that it were
closed for a time and reopened shortly after, and the old
reverse die returned in a rusty condition together with a
fresh obverse that had been in use previously at Salisbury
an absurd assumption. One can only deduce that it
was sometimes possible, perhaps on occasions of urgent
necessity when speed was the only consideration, 16 for a
money er to obtain an obverse die from a money er of
a neighbouring mint. The one certain conclusion that
may be drawn is that not all dies used in the provincial
mints were received from London; or at least not direct
from London. 17 The opinion that all dies were issued
16 Such an occasion might be the visit of the king. Cf. Domesday of
Hereford (folio 179) : " Quando veniebat rex in civitatem, quantum
volebat denarium faciebant ei monetarii de argento scilicet regis."
17 At the meeting of the Royal Numismatic Society on May 18, 1911,
at which this paper was read, Mr. Lawrence put forward a suggestion
that all dies were made in London, and that, in order to facilitate the
making of obverse dies, a puncheon was made from which several
obverse dies were punched ; this suggestion is very important, as coins
struck from dies which were made with the same puncheon would have
the appearance of being struck from the same die, and, could we accept
this theory, the coins mentioned in this paper as being struck at different
mints from the same obverse die would thus be explained as having been
struck from different obverse dies which were themselves made from
one puncheon. That this theory suggested by Mr. Lawrence is un-
tenable, is shown by the traces of rust to which attention has been
drawn throughout the paper. That these marks are caused by rust on
the die is shown by two things, (1) they are in relief on the coin and
therefore incuse on the die, (2) they are seen to spread and thicken on
later issues from the same die. With this puncheon theory these marks,
in order to appear en two coins would, if the coins were struck from
two dies made from the same puncheon, appear on both dies, and there-
fore be originally on the puncheon with which the two dies were made ;
but the steps between puncheon and coin are two, so that what appears
in relief on the coin is in relief on the puncheon (being incuse on the
intermediate form, or die), and no flaw in relief on a metal surface can
NOTES ON THE REIGN OF WILLIAM I. 281
from London, or another central mint, rests originally
on the following three passages in Domesday :
(1) 18 "In civitate VVirecestre quando moneta vertebatur
quisque monetarius dabat xx solidos ad Lundoniam pro
cuneis monetae accipiendis."
(2) 19 "Septem monetarii erant in civitate [Hereford].
Unus ex his erat monetarius episcopi. Quando moneta
renovatur dabat quisque eorum xviii solidos pro cuneis
recipiendis; et ex eo die quo redibant usque ad unum
mensem dabat quisque eorum regi xx solidos et similiter
habebat episcopus de suo monetario xx solidos."
(3) 20 " Tres monetarios habebat ibi [in Sciropesberie]
rex, qui, postquam coemissent cuneos monetae ut alii
monetarii patriae, xv die dabant regi xx solidos unusquis-
que ; et hoc fiebat moneta vertente."
Kuding 21 deduced from these passages that all dies
were made in London and thence distributed to provincial
gradually grow as these flaws have been shown to do on all these coins,
as, for instance, the smear of rust over the jewels of the crown on the
London-Exeter coins of the Pavilion type (PL XVII. 3-6), nor yet can
flaws in relief gradually decrease, which must have happened were the
order in which I have said these were struck incorrect. Perhaps the
clearest instance is the Guildford-Chichester coins, where the mark in
the curve of the arm is seen growing gradually larger (PI. XV. 7-10)
or, if my order were incorrect, gradually smaller. Any cleaning of the
dies would not gradually lessen such a flaw, but remove it altogether or
leave it altogether. The only flaw that will fulfil this condition is an
incuse flaw caused originally either by rust or a scratch which goes
deeper as the rust eats further into the metal surface, and gradually
causes larger flaws in relief on the impressions taken from that surface.
As then these flaws show themselves to be incuse in their original form
there is clearly one step only from the original instrument to .the coins
themselves ; the original instrument, therefore, is not a puncheon that
struck dies, but the actual die that struck the coins.
18 Vol. i. folio 172. 10 Ibid., 179. 20 Ibid., 252.
21 Annals, vol. i. pp. 43, 49 ; vol. ii. p. 135.
282 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
mints, a theory generally accepted by later writers, 22
modified by an occasional extension of die-engraving
powers to Winchester 23 and other towns, 24 these writers
all agreeing that this conclusion is required by the close
resemblance between coins struck at different mints.
But the passages in Domesday give no authority for
such a theory ; each passage states that a payment was
made for receipt of dies when the money was changed,
neither says that dies were received on any other occasion
than when the money was changed ; in fact, the Shrews-
bury passage puts it very definitely, saying that fifteen
days after the moneyers bought their dies they made a
payment to the king and this was done when the money
was renewed. Nor does there seem sufficient reason for
adopting this theory to account for the close resemblance
between coins struck in various parts of the country. We
know that each mint had to get an obverse and reverse
die from London whenever a new type was issued, and
the natural assumption seems to be that the provincial
mints used this as a model from which to make other
dies (using the original also for coining). There is no
reason why skilful workmen should not reproduce their
originals almost exactly, for we know from marks on
the coins that some system of measurement was used in
spacing out the surface of the die. 25 Thus the greater or
22 British Museum Cat. of English Coins, vol. ii. pp. civ, ex ; Grueber,
Handbook of Coins of Great Britain and Ireland, pp. xxiii-xxiv ; Law-
rence, B. N. J., vol. ii. pp. 411 ff. (noting occasional exceptions).
13 Carlyon-Britton, B. N. J., vol. ii. p. 91.
24 Packe, N. C., 1893, pp. 129 ff. (who looked upon the types as being
in great measure contemporary). Sainthill, N. C., 1840, p. 45, ignoring
Domesday, suggested that coins of the different types were sent to the
provincial mints to copy.
B. N. J., vol. ii. p. 91.
NOTES ON THE EEIGN OF WILLIAM I. 283
less skill of the workmen employed will account for the
close resemblance of some and the marked difference of
other coins compared with the majority of the same type.
This difference is noticed in many individual coins, and
has frequently been remarked in one or two instances as
showing that certain mints at least (e.g. St. David's 26 )
may have engraved their own dies. Notable instances
during this reign are the following :
Type ii. " Bonnet " type . Lincoln (two obverse dies of
Sefward closely resembling
each other, of very poor
work).
Norwich (an obverse die of
Aedwine of coarse work).
Type iii. " Pavilion" type . Winchester (an obverse die of
Goldinc).
Type iv. "Two Sceptres" Lincoln, Stamford, and York
type coins.
Type vi. " Sword" type . Exeter (an obverse die of
Wulfwine).
Type viii. " Paxs " type . St. David's coins and the
Shrewsbury die which was
sent to St. David's.
Another important point in this connexion is the re-
production of the same mistake on different dies. A
singular instance of this is seen on Thetford coins of the
moneyer Cinric of type ii., one of which reads
EINKIE ON +IEOTNF
and the other
EINRIE ON D + IEOTNF. [PI. XVII. 7, 8.]
B. N. J., vol. ii. p. 413.
284 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
The omission of the initial cross might possibly be
intentional. The mistake at the beginning of the mint
on the first coin is easily explained : instead of punching
a curve after the cross at the beginning of the mint-
name to make D (4O) the engraver has punched an
upright stroke (+1); the second coin seems to follow on
this, and apparently the second die was engraved from
the first, in this case the workman knowing that the
mint should begin DEOT, and being puzzled by the
blunder on the die he was copying (possibly supposing
it to be meant for H) put in D and left the H (?) after it.
This mistake cannot be explained as a misreading by the
London engraver of the inscription given him to inscribe
on the die, for the first is essentially an engraver's error
(the use of a wrong punch), and the second seems to be
copied from the first. Unless dies were made at the
provincial mints, such errors as this and the " local " work
of dies of which examples are given above seem quite
inexplicable.
III. ALTERATIONS OF DIES.
Two "Paxs" coins in the British Museum read re-
spectively
+ IELRIE ON J7EKJ7IE
and +LIFKIE ON J7EEJ7IE [PL XVII. 9, 10.J
These two coins are both struck from the same reverse
die, the " Aelric " coin having been first struck and the
die then changed to "Lifric." Doubtless the London
engraver had mistaken the moneyer's name, and when
the mistake was discovered, after some coins had been
struck, the die was altered ; whether the die was sent
NOTES ON THE RETGN OF WILLIAM 1. 285
back to London for alteration or altered at Warwick
there is nothing definite to show; but one can hardly
believe that the moneyer would go to the expense and
trouble of a journey from Warwick to London to have
the mistake put right ; if it was done at Warwick there
must have been the necessary engraving irons to hand
at that mint, as the correct name is evidently punched
with ordinary irons. No other coins of Aelric are known
struck at Warwick. A similar alteration may be seen at,
Maldon on a coin of the same type reading +IELFORD
ON MIEL [PI. XVII. 11], on which the D is clearly
punched over a previous E and the OR perhaps over N.
More interesting is a series of coins struck from altered
dies belonging to the first three types of William I ;
the coin of type i. [PI. XVII. 12], which belongs to Mr.
Carlyon-Britton and has been published by him, 27
seems to have read originally
+ELFSI ON LVNDE
and to have been altered to
+ELPP(orD?) I ON EXEE(S?) DE
by punching strokes over the original inscription (see
Fig. 1 below). Coins of type ii. from one reverse die
have the original inscription
+ IELFS ON LVNDENI
altered in a similar way to
+IDEFI ON EV(or A?) I I E NI
[PI. XVII. 13, and Fig. 2 below.J
Two coins in the British Museum struck from this
27 B. N. J., vol. v. p. 101.
VOL. XI., SERIES IV. X
286 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
altered reverse die have the same obverse die as a coin
reading
+IEOLFSI ON LVNDEN [PI. XVII. 14]
which confirms the attribution of these coins to the
moneyer Aelfsi. 28
A coin of the third type in Mr. Carlyon-Britton's
collection reads
+ IELFSI ON LVNDENEN [PI. XVII 15]
which legend is partly defaced by cuts on the die over
the mint and moneyer's names (see Fig. 3).
FIG. 1.
HELFSONLIINDENI
FIG. 2.
FIG. 3.
It will be noticed that these three dies belong, ap-
parently, all to the same moneyer, Aelfsi ; that they are
dies of three consecutive types, the first three of the
reign ; that the alterations are not accidental but clearly
intentional, as in each case the moneyer's name and the
important part (i.e. the beginning) of the mint-name has
suffered and ON and the last few letters of the mint have
escaped ; and further, in the first two cases clearly, and
possibly in the third also, the intention was to change
the mint-reading to that of another well-known mint
{viz. Exeter and Canterbury ; to the latter mint the
" Idcfis " coins were for a long time attributed). The
28 B. N. J., vol. iii. p. 144.
NOTES ON THE KEIGN OF WILLIAM I. 287
weight of the first coin is 16'3 grains, a low weight for
coins of the first type which are fairly constant in
weight. Type i. coins of London in the British Museum
all weigh above 18'5 grains except two struck with un-
altered dies by the moneyer Aelfsi, and these weigh
16'5 and 17'3 grains. Coins struck from the second
altered die weigh 18*1, 17, and 15'9 grains, and many
coins of the second type weigh as low, but it is interest-
ing to see that the " Bonnet " type coins of Aelfsi in the
British Museum with unaltered dies weigh as much as
18'2, 19-5, and 20-5 grains. The coin of the third or
"Pavilion" type weighs 17 '5 grains, which is also not
remarkably low for this type, but the only coin of Aelfsi
of this type that the British Museum possesses weighs as
high as 21 '3 grains. There seems no doubt that these
three altered dies were the work of a fraudulent moneyer
who issued coins of low weight at the very commence-
ment of the reign with his dies unaltered, and then, having
rather ingeniously tampered with his dies in the hope
of avoiding detection, he issued coins of low weight (and
perhaps baser metal) with these altered dies, taking care
at the same time to keep the coins he issued from his
untouched dies well up to, or rather above, the average
standard ; and one can hardly resist the temptation of
noting here a fact which may be mere coincidence, that
no coins of this moneyer are known later than type iii.,
and of concluding from this that he suffered the penalty
he so well deserved. It is interesting to note that the
forgeries of the first two types are evidently worked with
regular coining irons, which seems to show that the
moneyers at least had access to the engraver's tools if
they had not sets of their own.
G. C. BROOKE.
x2
288 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
DESCRIPTION OF PLATES.
PLATE XIV.
1. Exeter. + LIFJ7INE ON EXEEI. British Museum.
From same dies as " Berkeley " coin.
2. Winchester? -j-SPRIEELBt ON El. British Museum I
3. Winchester. -f SPRAELIN: ON PIsC. f
From same obverse die.
4. London. +60DJ7INE OISNDNEI. Mr. Carlyon-Britton [
5. + GODJ7INE ON LVN). British Museum f
From same obverse die.
6. Shaftesbury. +60DSBRAN)ONSEF British Museum *
7. Shaftesbury? + GODESBRANX)NI
8. Shaftesbury. + 60DSBRAN)ONSC Mr. Carlyon-l
Britton
From same obverse die.
9. Chester. +VNNVLF ON EESTRE British Museum >
10. +SVNOYLF ON LEEI \
From same obverse die.
PLATE XV.
1. Barnstaple. +SEPORD ON BAED British Museum^
2. ,, Mr. Carlyon-Britton I
3. Exeter. +SEMIER ON IEXEE British Museum |
4. ,, Mr. Carlyon-Britton-'
From same obverse die.
5. Canterbury. +60DRIE ON ENTLE British Museum )
6. Hythe. +EDRED ON HIVDI f
From same obverse die.
7. Guildford. + SERIE ON 6ILDFRD British Museuim
c
9. Chichester. + BRVMAN ON'tlEST
10. +BRVMAN OICIE
From same obverse die.
11. HA. Marlborough. +EILD ON MIERLEB Brit. Mus.j
12. Salisbury. +OSBERN ON SERB British Museum
13. Mr. Carlyon-Brittonj
From same obverse die.
NOTES ON THE REIGN OF WILLIAM I. 289
14. Salisbury. +ESBRN ON SERBR British Museum
15. + ESBRN ON SERBRI
16. 16A. Marlborough. + EILD ON MIERLEB Brit. Mus. I
17. Mr. Carlyon-
Britton J
From same obverse die.
PLATE XVI.
1. Salisbury. +OSBERN ON SLERBI British Museum)
2. +ESBRN ON SERBIR
3. Wilton. +SEJ7INE ON J7ILTV
From same obverse die.
4. +SEFAROI ON J7ITI Mr. Carlyon-Brittom
5. British Museum
6. +SEJ7INE ON J7ILTV
7. Salisbury. +OSBERN ON SIER
From same obverse die.
8. Cricklade. +IELFJ7INE ON ERIE British Museum
9. Mr. Carlyon-
Britton
10. Mr.W.T.Ready
11. Wilton. +IELFJ7INE ON J7ITV British Museum
From same obverse die.
12. Shrewsbury. + GODESBRAND ON SI Brit. Mus.
13. Mr. Carlyon-
Britton
14. St. David's. + TVRRI ON DEVITVN Mr. Carlyon-
Britton
From same obverse die.
15 London. +ALFRIED ON LVN British Museum)
16. + ALFRED ON LVND
17. Southwark. +OSMVND ON SVDI
From same obverse die.
18. London, -f GODJ7INE ON LVND British Museum)
19. Ipswich. +IILFJ7INE ON GPIcc V I
From same obverse die.
20. London (?) ONIVND ON LVND (?) (blundered) Brit.^
Mus. I
21. Thetford. EINRIE ON D+IEOTNF (= PI. XVII 8).
Mr. Carlyon-Britton-'
From same obverse die.
290 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
PLATE XVII.
1. Thetford. EINRIE ON D+IEOTNF Brit.Mus.)
2. Uncertain mint. +BKHTri ON MAINT j"
From same obverse die.
3. London. +SIBODE ON LVNDEN British Museum
4. Mr. Carlyon-Britton
5. Exeter. +^ELFf INE ON EXEI British Museum
6. ,, Mr. Carlyon-Britton
From same obverse die.
7. Thetford. EINRIE ON +IEOTNF British Museum.
8. EINRIE ON D+IEOTNF (= PL XVI. 21).
Mr. Carlyon-Britton.
9. Warwick. + IELFRIE ON f>ERJ7IE British Museum )
10. + LIFRIE ON J7ERJ7IE f
From same reverse die (altered).
11. Maldon. +IELFORD ON MIEL British Museum.
Moneyer's name altered from IELFNE (?).
12. London. +ELFSI ON LVNDE altered to ELPri ON
EXEESDE. Mr. Carlyon-Britton.
13. +JELFS ON LVNDE NI altered to IDEFI
ON EA- -ENI. British Museum.
14. 4-^EOLFSI ON LYNDEN From same obverse
die as preceding. Messrs. Rollin and Feuar-
dent.
15. + +ELFSI ON LYNDENEN Inscription
partly defaced. Mr. Carlyon-Britton.
G. C. 'Bjroo
XIII.
A FIND OF NOBLES OF EDWAED III AT
EAST EAYNHAM, NOEFOLK.
(See Plates XVIII.-XXI.)
AN important find was made in December, 1910, at
East Eaynham, consisting of 200 nobles of the fourth
coinage (1351-1377) of Edward III ; they are mostly in
very fine condition, and the majority weigh between
118 and 11 9 grains. Of these coins 165 were struck
at the London Mint, and belong to the following issues :
A. 1351-1360. (With French title, but without
Aquitaine) . . . . . . . . . 67
Mules of 1351-1360 and 1360-1369 .... 2
B. 1360-1369. (Without French title, but with
Aquitaine) ........
Mules of 1360-1369 and 1369-1377 . .2
C. 1369-1377. (With both French and Aquitaine
titles) 6
The remaining 35 were struck at Calais, and are
attributed as follows :
1363-1369 23
Mules of 1363-1369 and 1369-1377 . .7
1369-1377 ...... -5
Owing to the rare occurrence of so large a hoard of
nobles it has been thought desirable to note all the
292 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
varieties which occur, and also to discover how much, if
any, evidence may be obtained from a comparison of the
dies from which these coins are struck. The 200 coins
are struck from 119 obverse and 179 reverse dies; dupli-
cates are few, only 9 sets of two coins and 3 sets of three
coins being struck from the same pairs of dies. This
shows a large number of obverse dies used in conjunction
with two or more reverse dies, by means of which
connecting links are formed, giving clear evidence of the
sequence of the subdivisions into which the main issues
(1351-1360, 1360-1369, 1369-1377) are here divided.
These and many other details are noted in the following
list, and in it are included several coins belonging to the
British Museum which are considered to add something
to the evidence obtained from the coins in the find. Such
coins are, for the sake of clear distinction, not numbered
but labelled with a letter within square brackets ([],
[6], &c.). The term "Mule" is used to denote coins
struck from an obverse and reverse die belonging to two
different issues (see [a], 68, 69, 158, 159, [ee], [//]), which
therefore connect two of the main issues, and the term
" Sub-mule " is invented to denote coins which connect in
a similar way the subdivisions (e.g. Nos. 22-36). At the
end of the list is given an analysis of the classification
and notes upon the varieties of type and inscription,
showing the periods at which changes are made. The
ropes of the ship are numbered from stern to prow, that
is, " Ropes 3 and 2 " means " 3 ropes from stern, 2 from
prow."
FIND OF NOBLES OF EDWARD III AT EAST RAYNHAM. 293
LIST OF COINS.
MULE CONNECTING ISSUE OF 1346-1351 AND ISSUE OF
1351-1360.
DGE 6E7t E8X
1 FE7TOC D l]YB' On ship lis, lion,
2 lis, lion, 2 lis, lion, lis. Ropes 3 and 3.
Type of 1351-1360, subdivision (1).
i^a * TRTvnsiecns * pecK i mecDivm *
ILLOEVfft * IB7TT ff in centre ; lis over
lion's head in 1st quarter. Type of 1346-
1351. [PI. XVIII. 1.]
A. ISSUE OF 1351-1360.
(1) Coins with G in centre of reverse.
[b] Obv. Same die as preceding.
f.i^e o 7TVT6M I TRTYTlCieKS I P6E I
MGDIVM o ILLORV o IB7VT Lis in 2nd
quarter.
[c] Obv. GD/WTTD' Dei 6E7V E6X
FE7VTCC' D l]YBe' On ship lis, lion,
2 lis, lion, 2 lis, lion, 2 lis. Ropes 3 and 3.
Rev. +ineS' o T^VTGM TETTKCieTIS I P8E S
M6DIV S ILLOEV = IB7VT Lis in 2nd
quarter.
[d] 06v. Same die as preceding.
vTem TESKaiffTis PE
ILLOEVm IB^T Lis in 2nd
quarter.
Obv. GD/WftRD D6I GR EGX
"^ o FESKC' D I]YB On ship 2 lis,
lion, 2 lis, lion, 2 lis, lion, lis. Ropes
3 and 3.
Rev.
pecR o maDiv ILLOEV IBST
in 2nd quarter. [PI. XVIII. 2.]
294 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
SUB-MULE CONNECTING A (I) AND A (2).
Obv. et/DWSRD Dffl o 6RS K6CX
1 FRSTCCC' D I?YB' On ship lis,
lion, 2 lis, lion, 2 lis, lion, lis. Ropes
3 and 3.
Rev. -- hltyl SVTffm o TESTCdieCTCS P
maDivm ILLOBVJR IBS Lis in 2nd
quarter. 6 in centre.
(2) Coins with 6C I'M centre of reverse. Annulets as stops.
To facilitate description the general type of the obverse
and reverse of these coins, varieties of which will be
described in the list, is assumed to be as follows :
Obv. et/DWTVRD = Dffl GRTV E6CX TttlGL'
"1 FR7UKI = D f^YB On ship lis,
lion, 2 lis, lion, 2 lis, lion, lis. Ropes
3 and 3.
P
iLLORvm IBTTT Lis above
lion's head in 2nd quarter. Small ff in
centre.
[/] Obv. Same die as preceding (No. 1). "K and VL
for TV and II.
Rev. P for P. Lis in 3rd quarter.
2. Obv. S and K for TV and II.
# et ,._;X and K for TV and II. P for P. Large ff
in centre.
3. Obv. Same die as preceding.
Eev.'R and K for TV and II. P for P. ILLORV
for ILLOKVm. Large 6C in centre.
[</] Obv. Same die as preceding.
Rev. ft and TC for TV and II. P for P. IJ]ff for
It]d. ILLORV = IBS o Large in
centre.
FIND OF NOBLES OF EDWAKD III AT EAST RAYNHAM. 295
[/*] Obv. Same die as preceding.
Rev. IBft for IBftT. Lis in 1st quarter.
4. Obv. Same die as preceding.
Rev. LLOEVm for ILLORVm. Lis in 4th
quarter.
5. Obv.'K and VL for ft and II. 1}Y for 1]YB.
Rev.'R and VL for ft and II, except in IBftT. P
for P. Large 6C in centre.
6. Obv. X and VL for ft and II. On ship 2 Us, lion,
2 lis, lion, 2 lis, lion, 2 lis.
Rev. Lis in 3rd quarter.
[] Obv. Df?IB for D f?YB. On ship 2 lis, lion,
2 lis, lion, 2 lis, lion, 2 lis.
Rev. Lis in 3rd quarter.
[ft] O&v. On ship 2 lis, lion, 2 lis, lion, 2 lis, lion,
2 lis.
Rev. Lis in 1st quarter.
[7] Obv. f}IB for f]YB. On ship 2 lis, lion, 2 lis,
lion, 2 lis, lion, lis.
Rev.KVTdttl for ftVTGCm.
7. 06w. Same die as preceding.
Rev.SnS.DIStt for mffDIVm. Annulet after
IBftT. Lis in 1st quarter.
8. Obv. Annulet omitted between D and fjYB. On
ship lis, lion, 2 lis, lion, 2 lis, lion.
Rev. No varieties.
9. Obv. Same die as preceding.
Rev. Annulet omitted between ILLOBVSH and
IBftT.
\m] Obv. Dill for D tyYB. On ship lis, lion, 2 lis,
lion, 2 lis, lion, 2 lis.
Rev. Lis in 3rd quarter.
296 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
10. Obv. Same die as preceding.
Rev. No varieties.
11. Obv. Annulet at beginning of legend. 1]IB for
f]YB. On ship 2 lis, lion, 2 lis, lion,
2 lis, lion.
Rev. Annulet after IB7TT. Lis in 1st quarter,
12. Obv. Same die as preceding.
Rev. No lis above lion's head.
13. Obv. On ship Hs, lion, 2 lis, lion, 2 lis, lion.
Rev. No varieties.
14. Obv. DfjY B. On ship -2 lis, lion, 2 lis, lion,
2 lis, lion, lis.
Rev. No varieties.
15. Obo. DJ]Y = B. On ship lis, lion, 2 lis, lion,
2 lis, lion.
Rev. Annulet after IB7VT. [PI. XVIII. 3.]
16. Obv. 6C/DW7TD for GC/DW7TBD. FRaild for
FRTQia. On ship 2 lis, lion, 2 lis, lion,
2 lis, lion, lis.
Rev. No varieties.
17. 1 Obv. d/ DW7YRD for ff/DWTTRD. RffX
omitted. D 17 Y B 6C On ship-
lion, 2 lis, lion, 2 lis, lion. Ropes 3 and 1 .
Rev. Large S in centre.
18, 19. 2 Obv. Annulet at beginning of legend. D f}Y B.
On ship lion, 2 lis, lion, 2 lis, lion. Ropes
3 and 1.
Rev. Annulet omitted between ILLORVJH and
IB7YT.
(Same dies.)
See also No. 22. 2 See also No. 23.
FIND OF NOBLES OF EDWAED III AT EAST RAYNHAM. 297
20. 3 Obv. On ship lion, lis, lion, lis, lion. Ropes
2 and 3.
Rev. No varieties.
\n~\ 3 Obv. Same die as preceding.
fi ev . TETTIIdiail S Annulet omitted between
ILLOEVfll and IBTtT.
[0] Obv. Annulet at beginning of legend. Annulet
omitted between EGCX and 7VII6L. On
ship lion, 2 lis, lion, 2 lis, lion. Ropes
3 and 1.
Rev. Coronet mint-mark. Annulet omitted be-
tween ILLOEVm and IB7TT. Large & in
centre.
2 1. 4 Obv. a/BWTYRD for a/DWfiRD. On ship-
lion, lis, lion, lis, lion, Ropes 2 and 1.
Rev. Coronet mint-mark. Annulet omitted be-
tween ILLORVm and IB7YT and inserted
after IBT^T. Large 6C in centre.
[PI. XVIII. 4.]
SUB-MULES CONNECTING A (2) AND A (3).
(a) With obverse of Annulet coinage, A (2), and reverse of
Saltire coinage, A (3).
22. Obv. Same die as No. 17.
Rev. Saltires in place of annulets. No other
varieties.
23. Obv. Same die as Nos. 18, 19.
Rev. Saltires in place of annulets. Double saltire
after TKTUIdlffllS. Annulet at end of
upper limb of cross.
See also Nos. [p] and 24-27. 4 See also No. 28.
298 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
[p] Obv. Same die as Nos. 20, [].
Bev. Saltires in place of annulets. Saltire after
IBfiT.
24. Obv. Same die as preceding.
Be v. Saltires in place of annulets. Saltire omitted
between ILLORVm and IBfiT.
25,26,27. Obv. Same die as preceding.
Bev. Saltires in place of annulets. Double saltire
after TKTUlCCIffllS. I^GC for Djd. Two
annulets at end of upper limb of cross.
(Same dies.)
28. Obv. Same die as No. 21.
Bev. Saltires in place of annulets. Saltires omitted
between last three words.
29. Obv. Annulet at beginning of legend. DI^Y B.
On ship lion, lis, lion, lis, lion. Ropes
2 and 1.
Bev. Saltires in place of annulets. ILLOVSft for
ILLOEVm.
30. Obv. No varieties.
Bev. Saltires in place of annulets. TR7U IdlGLI Id
for TKTUIdiailS.
31, 32. Obv. On ship 2 lis, lion, 2 lis, lion, 2 lis, lion, lis.
Bev. Saltires in place of annulets. Double saltire
after TRTUIdlffllS. Annulet at end of
upper limb of cross.
(Same dies.)
(b) With obverse of Saltire coinage, A (3), and reverse of
Annulet coinage, A (2).
33. Obv /6CDW7VED x Dffl x 6R7V x RffX * Ttt I6L x
1 x FRTCIICt x DtjYB. On ship lion, 2
lis, lion, 2 lis, lion. Ropes 3 and 3.
Bev. Large 6C in centre.
FIND OF NOBLES OF EDWABD III AT EAST RAYNHAM. 299
34. Obv. x ff/DWTCRD x DffI x 6R7Y x R6CX x 7UI6L x
1 x FRTttld x Df}YB Ornaments and
ropes as preceding.
Rev. No varieties.
35. Obv. Similar to preceding, one saltire after GR7L
Rev. Coronet mint-mark. ILORVfll IB7TT
Large 6C in centre.
36. Obv. Similar to preceding. D tyY x B. On ship
lion, lis, lion, lis, lion. Ropes -3 and 1.
Rev. Coronet mint-mark. Annulet after IBAT.
Large ff in centre.
(3) Coins with 6C in centre of reverse. Saltires as stops.
The general type for the following coins, varieties of
which are described, is assumed to be :
Obv. 6C/DW7TRD x DffI x GRft x EffX x 7UI6L x
"1 x FRTUia x D I? YB On ship lis, lion,
lis, lion, lis, lion, lis. Ropes 3 and 1.
Rev. -- hl?ec x TCVTffm x TRTVIIdlffUS x P x
mffDiym x iLLORvm x IBTST Lis
above lion's head in 2nd quarter.
[q] Obv. Saltire at beginning of legend. On ship
lion, lis, lion, lis, lion.
Rev. If?CC for I^ff. TVVffm for TYVTffm. Single
saltire after TRTttldlffHS. Annulet at
end of upper limb of cross.
[r] Obv. Same die as preceding.
Rev. Two crescents at end of upper limb of cross.
37. 5 Obv. Same die as preceding.
Rev. Two annulets at end of upper limb of cross.
6 See also No. [s],
300 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
38. 6 Obv. No varieties.
Rev. Same die as preceding.
39. Obv. Same die as preceding.
Rev. Two annulets at end of upper limb of cross.
40. Obv. Same die as preceding.
Rev. Two pellets at end of upper limb of cross.
Large ff in centre.
4144. Obv. Same die as preceding.
Rev. YB7VT for IBfiT. Two pellets at end of
upper limb of cross. Large 6C in centre.
(Three duplicates and one from different
reverse die.)
[] Obv. FRTYTUId for FRTUId. On ship lion,
2 lis, lion, 2 lis, lion. Ropes 3 and 3.
Rev. Same die as Nos. 37, 38.
45. Obv. Same die as preceding.
Rev. Il]d for Ifjff. Single saltire after
TRTttldiailS.
46. Obv. Same die as preceding.
Rev. Two pellets at end of upper limb of cross.
Large 6C in centre.
47. Obv. Annulet at beginning of legend.
Rev. Ityd for I^ff. Annulet at end of upper limb
of cross.
48. Obv. Saltire at beginning of legend.
Rev. Ityd for ItyS. Annulet at end of upper limb
of cross.
49. Obv. Saltires omitted after 7TII6L and FRTttld.
On ship lion, 2 lis, lion, 2 lis, lion.
Rev. -Ifyd for Ityff. Annulet at end of upper limb
of cross.
6 See also No. [].
FIND OF NOBLES OF EDWARD III AT EAST RAYNHAM. 301
50. Obv. TttlGLI for TttlGL. On ship lion, 2 lis,
lion, 2 lis, lion. Ropes 3 and 2.
Rev. Il7(I for Ityff. Annulet at end of upper limb
of cross.
\f\ Obv. Sal tire at beginning of legend. Saltir&
omitted after FRTUId ; D B for D^YB.
On ship lion, lis, lion, lis, lion. Ropes
2 and 1.
Rev. ItyCC for If}6L Two annulets at end of upper
limb of cross.
51. Obv. No varieties.
Rev. Two annulets at end of upper limb of cross.
52. Obv. No varieties.
Rev. TKTniaiailS for TRTttiaiffHS. Two-
annulets at end of upper limb of cross.
53. Obv. Double saltire at beginning of legend.
Rev. Two annulets at end of upper limb of cross.
54. Obv. Ropes 3 and 2.
Rev. Two annulets at end of upper limb of cross.
[v\ Obv. Same die as preceding.
Rev. Ifyd for It]Q:. Large GC reversed (B) in
centre. Two pellets at end of upper limb
of cross.
55, 56. Obv. Same die as preceding.
Rev. YB7VT for IB7TT. Two pellets at end of
upper limb of cross. Large 6C in centre.
(Different reverse dies.)
57. Obv. Saltire at beginning of legend. Ropes
3 and 2.
Rev. Two annulets at end of upper limb of cross.
VOL. XI., SERIES IV. Y
302 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
58. Obv. Same die as preceding.
Rev. Two pellets at end of upper limb of cross.
Large 6C in centre.
59. Obv. Saltire before and double saltire after C of
a/DWTTRD.
Rev. Two pellets at end of upper limb of cross.
Large 6C in centre. [PI. XVIII. 5.}
60, 6.1. Obv. No varieties.
Rev. YBfiT for IBT^T. Two pellets at end of
upper limb of cross. Large 6C in centre.
(Different reverse dies.)
[to] Obv. ^ for 1. D' B for Df}YB.
Rev. Two pellets (?) at end of upper limb of cross
Large GC in centre.
62. Obv. 6C/DW7TD for 6C/DW7YRD. 1 for 1.
Rev. Double saltire after nVTffm.TRTttldlff I IS,
fllffDIVSH, and IB7TT. Two pellets (?)
at end of upper limb of cross. Large 6C
in centre.
63. Obv. Same die as preceding.
Rev. Two pellets at end of upper limb of cross.
Large Q. in centre.
64. Obv. Same die as preceding.
Rev. Double saltires except after Ityff, P, and
IB7YT. Two pellets over crown in 2nd
quarter. Large 6[ in centre.
[x] Obv. 1 for 1.
Rev.YBKT for IB7TT. Two pellets at end of
upper limb of cross. Large 6C in centre.
65. Obv. tfor 1. Ropes 3 and 2.
Rev. If](I for 1 1}S. Two annulets at end of upper
limb of cross. No lis in either quarter.
FIND OP NOBLES OF EDWARD III AT EAST KAYNHAM. 303
66. Obv. Same die as preceding.
Rev. Two annulets at end of upper limb of cross.
67. Obv. Same die as preceding.
Rev. YB7TT for IBTtT. Two pellets at end of
upper limb of cross. Large 6C in centre.
MULES CONNECTING ISSUE OF 1351-1360 AND ISSUE OP
1360-1369.
(a) With obverse of 1351-1360 and reverse of 1360-1369.
68. Obv, Same die as preceding (Nos. 65-67).
Rev. + lf}(T x ftVTa' x TRTTRSiaVS * F x
mSDIVm * ILLOEE' x IB7TT Lis in
2nd quarter. Annulets instead of trefoils
at angles of central compartment. Large
& in centre.
(b) With obverse of 1360-1369 and reverse of 1351-1360.
69. Obvx a/DWTYRD x DGCI x GR7V x E6CX x
TUISLieC x ^x TTpVTTT x DIIS[f}?] On
ship lion, 2 lis, lion, 2 lis, lion. Ropes
3 and 2.
TETUicciecns x P x
iLLOEvm x IBTYT Lis in
2nd quarter. Two pellets at end of upper
limb of cross. Large GC in centre.
[PI. XVIII. 6.]
B. ISSUE OP 1360-1369. LARGE 6C IN CENTRE.
(1) Transitional varieties of type and inscription.
[y] Obv. a/DW7TRDVS * DGCI * 6R7V RSX
TCnGLia * "t * 7U)VT7T x D x ' On
ship lis, lion, 2 lis, lion, 2 lis, lion, lis.
Ropes 3 and 3.
Rev. -- \-ItiCL' x TVVTffm * TETTRSiaVS x F x
mSDlVm J ILLORR' x IB71T Lis in
2nd quarter. Annulets at angles of central
compartment.
Y2
304 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
[z] Obv. ff/DWTTEDVS * DGCI * GR7S * EffX x
7VR6L' x DemS' x f}YB' On ship lis,
lion, 2 lis, lion, 2 lis, lion, lis. Ropes
3 and 2.
Eev. fifjcc s TvvTecm x TRTtnctiems x p x
meCDIYStt x ILLORR' x IB7VT Lis in
2nd quarter. Annulets at angles of central
compartment.
[aa] Obv. Same die as preceding.
Rev. -- f-If}(T x TVVTam *. TRTfRSIGmS x PffE x
meCD' x ILLOEB * IBfiT Lis in 2nd
quarter. Annulets at angles of central
compartment.
70. Obv. Same die as preceding.
PGCR
ILLORVm x IB7VT x Lis in 2nd quarter.
Annulets at angles of central compartment.
[PI. XVIII. 7.]
[bb] Obv. Same die as preceding.
Rev. +it}d' x TYVTecm *. pecR x snecDivm j
ILLORVm x IB7TT Lis in 2nd quarter.
Annulets at angles of central compartment.
[cc] Obv. ff/DWARD' x Dffl x 6E7T x EffX x
DRS' x f]IBR' x 1 x TTttP On ship lis,
lion, 2 lis, lion, 2 lis, lion, lis. Ropes
3 and 3.
Rev. +I1?CT x 7VVT6C' x TRftRSIffnS x PCR x
mffDVm x ILLORR' x IBftT Lis in
2nd quarter. Annulets at angles of central
compartment.
71. Obv. Same die as preceding.
Eev. -fIJ]CC x
x ILLORR' x IB7YT Lis in
2nd quarter. Annulets at angles of central
compartment.
FIND OF NOBLES OF EDWARD III AT EAST RAYNHAM. 305
Obv. Same die as preceding. The R of
has been erased so that it now reads
x p> x
mecDivm x ILLOKR' x IBTTT Lis in
2nd quarter. Large pellets at angles of
central compartment.
72. Obv. 6C/DW7YED' x Dffl x 6R7T x RffX x fiNGL' x
DNS' x f]IB' x 1 * 7fd>' x On ship lis,
lion, 2 lis, lion, 2 lis, lion, lis. Ropes
3 and 3.
Rev. Similar to preceding.
73. Obv. Same die as preceding.
Eev. Similar to preceding. Double saltire after
IBfiT,
(2) No lis over head of lion in either quarter of reverse. Tre-
foils at angles of central compartment on reverse. 7Y unbarred
in 7VQT and I BAT. Saltire at beginning of obverse legend.
74, 75. Obv. x ffD/WfiRD * DffI * 6R7V * R6CX
DRS * f?IB x S x TtQT On ship 2 lis,
lion, 2 lis, lion, 2 lis. Ropes 3 and 2.
.Bey..fiyct x TvvTam * TRT^nsians ^ PGCR $
maDiv 5 iLLORvm j IBTTT NO HS in
either quarter.
(Different dies.)
76. Obv. No varieties.
Eev. mamvm * ILLORV 5 for maDiv x
ILLORVJIl ^
77. 06v. No varieties.
Rev.ttlCLDV for
78. Obv. No varieties.
memiv for maDiv. [Pi. xix. 8.]
306 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
79. Obv. Same die as preceding.
Rev. Saltires omitted betweea ILLORVJR and
, mecDiV for
80. Obv. Legend as preceding. On ship lion, 2 lis,
lion, 2 lis.
Rev. Same die as preceding.
81. Obv. Same die as preceding.
Rev. mam v for
82-94. Obv. x ffD/WTCRD * DSI * GKft * EffX * 7VR6L *
DHS 5 l?YB * X x fiQT On ship lion,
2 lis, lion, 2 lis. Ropes 3 and 2.
j iLLORvm j IBTVT
(These 13 coins are struck from 10 ob-
verse and 13 reverse dies.)
95. Obv. Same die as one of the preceding coins (82-94).
Rev. Saltires omitted between PffR and 5H6CDIV.
SUB-MULES CONNECTING B (2) AND B (3).
With obverse of B (3) and reverse of B (2).
967 Obv. Annulet instead of saltire at beginning of
legend. "A barred in GRX and !SQT.
Rev. No varieties.
97. 8 Obv. Annulet instead of saltire at beginning of
legend. R barred in !SQT. Ropes 3
and 1.
Rev. ILLORV for ILLORVJH. ff prone ( ffl) in
centre.
1 See No. 99. 8 See Nos. 100, 101.
FIND OF NOBLES OF EDWAKD III AT EAST KAYNHAM. 307
98. <J Obv. Annulet instead of saltire at beginning of
legend. 7$. barred in SQT. Saltires
omitted between f}YB, X and SQT.
Ropes 3 and 1.
Rev. No stops in legend. meCDIVSIl ILLORV
for MffDIV ILLORVftl. 6C supine (W ) in
centre.
(3) K barred in IBST, barred or unbarred in GRft and T^QT.
Annulet at beginning of obverse legend.
99. Obv. Same die as No. 96.
Eev. hlfTCC 7TVTffm * TRfiRSIffRS PR
memiv * ILLOEVSH *
100, 101. 060. Same die as No. 97.
JRe. No varieties.
(Different reverse dies.)
102. Obv. Same die as No. 98.
Rev. No varieties.
103-118. Obv. o aD/WTTKD * Dffl J 6RA * R6CX jf
7YO6L * DRS * f^YB x S x 7YQT On ship
lion, 2 lis, lion, 2 lis. Ropes 3 and 2.
* TVVTffSIl JTRT^RSieCRS * P6CR
iLLORvm * IBST
(These 16 coins are struck from 7 obverse
and 13 reverse dies.)
119-150. Obv. SQT for 7YQT ; some have 6R7V, others 6RS.
J. No varieties. [PI. XIX. 9.]
(These 32 coins are struck from 18 ob-
verse and 29 reverse dies. One of these
reverse dies was used to strike one of the
coins with 7VQT (Nos. 103-118), another
to strike No. 154.)
9 See No. 102.
308 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
151. Obv. From same die as two of preceding coins
(Nos. 149, 150).
Rev. Trefoils omitted in two spandrils of reverse.
152. Obv.'KQT for 7TQT. Ropes 3 and 1.
Rev. No varieties.
153. Obv. SQT for 7TQT. 6RS for GK7C. Saltires
omitted between D6CI and 6E7V.
Rev. No varieties.
154. Obv. Same die as preceding.
Rev. No varieties (same die as No. 125).
155, 156. 10 06w. SQT for 7VQT. Crescent in forecastle of
ship.
Rev. No varieties. [PI. XIX. 10.]
(Same obverse die.)
157. 11 Obv.'KQT for TtQT. 6RS for 6E7T. Crescent
in forecastle of ship.
Rev. No varieties.
MULES CONNECTING ISSUE OF 1360-1369 AND ISSUE OF 1369-
1377. OBVERSE OF 1369-1377 AND REVERSE OF 1360-1369.
158. Obv. o ffD/WfiRD x DffI x 6 x EffX
X x FR7T 5 DOS f^YB x Sx 7TQT On
ship lion, 2 lis, lion, 2 lis. Ropes 3 and 2.
Rev. Same die as coin of previous issue (No. 156).
[PI. XIX. 11.]
[ee] Obv.KT for 7TQT.
Rev. Same die as coin of previous issue (No. 157).
10 See also No. 158. " See also [ee].
FIND OP NOBLES OF EDWARD III AT EAST KAYNHAM. 309
159. Obv. GR7V for 6. TtRGL for 7t R6. Ropes 2 and 2.
Rev. ILLORV for ILLORVStt. 6C reversed (B)
in centre.
[//] Obv. = ffDW/ftRD' x DI * GRft x E6CX x fiRGL x
|1 x FRTYna' x DRS x l^IB' x ft * 7VQ'
Ship of new type having prow and stern
embattled. On ship lis, lion, lis, lion,
lis, lion, lis. Ropes 3 and 1.
Rev. Same die as preceding.
C. ISSUE OP 1369-1377.
160. Obv. Same die as preceding [ff].
maDivm ; iLLOEVm * IBZTT j Pellet
in front of GC in centre.
161, 162. Obv. Similar. Single sal tire throughout.
Rev. Similar, saltires omitted after IB7JT.
(Different dies.)
[gg] Obv. 7VQVT' for 7YQ'.
Rev. ILLORV for ILLORVfl*. Saltires omitted
after IBET.
163. Obv. 7YQVIT for 7YQ'. Single saltire throughout.
Rev. -TRTVRSieCS for
164, 165. Obv. 7VQV.TT for 7TQ'. Single saltire throughout.
Rev. Saltires omitted after IB7JT.
[Cf. PI. XIX. 12.]
(Different dies.)
[hh] Obv. - ffDW/TSRDVS x DI x 6R7V x Rax x
7VR6L x ft x FRTTRa' x DRS x J^IB' x fl x
TTQ'T Ship and ornaments as before.
Rev. No varieties.
310 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
COINS ATTRIBUTED TO THE CALAIS MINT.
ISSUE OF 1363-1369.
(a) No flag at stern of ship.
166-171. Obv. x 6CD/WARD x DffI x 6R7V RffX ;
7TR6L * DOS 5 f]YB r X >- TCQT' On
ship lion, 2 Us, lion, 2 lis. Ropes 3 and 2.
PffR x
mecDiv 5 ILLORVM x IBTVT a in
centre. [Of. PI. XX. 24.]
(These 6 coins are struck from 2 obverse
and 5 reverse dies.)
172, 173. Obv. Saltire omitted at beginning of legend.
Rev. No varieties.
(From different obverse and same reverse
dies.)
174. Obv. ffDo/WfiRD * DffI 6RS * BGCX *
TtRGL * DRS J fiYB x x x AQT' Orna-
ments as preceding.
+ Itl'a x TVVTSm J TRTTRSIffnS * PffR jj
meCDIVJR x ILLORV x IBftT x tt in
centre. [PI. XX. 25.]
(b) Flag at stern of ship.
175, 176. Obv. xGCD/WTTRD * Dffl x 6R7T ; RffX x 7VR6L J
DRS ; J]YB r X >- 7YQT' On ship -lion,
2 lis, lion, 2 lis. Flag at stern. Ropes
3 and 2.
TVVTffm x TRTTRSlffnS x PffR x
maDiv x iLLORvm x IBKT a in
centre.
(From same obverse and different reverse
dies.)
FIND OF NOBLES OF EDWARD III AT EAST RAYNHAM. 311
177-182. Obv. Saltire omitted at beginning of legend.
Rev. No varieties. [PL XX. 26.]
(These 6 coins are struck from 5 obverse
and 6 reverse dies.)
183-188. Obv. Voided quatrefoil (c) at beginning of legend.
Saltires instead of trefoils between I]YB,
S and 7TQT'
fiev.No varieties. [PL XX. 27.]
(These 6 coins are struck from 4 obverse
and 6 reverse dies. One coin reads
for T^RGL, on another the saltires
omitted between PffR and MSDIV.)
MULES CONNECTING ISSUE OF 1360-1369 AND ISSUE OF
1369-1377.
(a) No flag at stern of ship.
189, 190. Obv. oGCD/WT^RD x Dffl * 6 x EffX x 7TR6 x x x
FR7V * DRS x IjYB x X x SQT On ship-
lion, 2 lis, lion, 2 lis. Ropes 3 and 2.
Eev. (-I^'OC x TVVTff m * TR7TRSI6CRS x P6CK x
maDIV x ILLOBVm x IBST a reversed
(D) in centre. [PL XXI. 28.]
(Same dies.)
191. Obv. Same die as preceding.
Eev. Saltires omitted between TRTTRSlffRS and
PffR. a in centre.
(b) Flay at stern of ship.
192-194. Obv. O SDW/fiRD' x DI x 6R7Y x RffX x
TtRGL' x fl x FET^Rtt' x DRS x hIB' x ft x
7YQY1T x New type of ship with prow
and stern embattled. Flag at stern. On
ship lis, lion, lis, lion, lis, lion, lis. Ropes
3 and 1.
mecDiv x iLLORvm x IBST a in
centre. [PL XXI. 29.]
(From 2 obverse and 2 reverse dies.)
312 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
195. Obv. Single saltire throughout. Saltire omitted
after 7TQVIT.
Rev. As preceding. No varieties.
ISSUE OF 1369-1377.
196-198. Obv. Same die as preceding (No. 195).
Rev. +i\i'a ; nvTffm TRTtnsiems
snecDivm * ILLORVSI* IBTTT a and
pellet in centre. Two pellets beside lis at
end of upper and lower limbs of cross.
(From same obverse and different reverse
dies.)
199. Obv. Similar to preceding.
Rev. Double saltire after IB7VT.
200. Obv. Same die as preceding.
Rev. Pellets omitted at end of lower limb of cross.
[PL XXI. 30.]
The following summary shows the connexion between
divisions and subdivisions by mules and sub-mules :
MULE connecting third coinage (1346-1351) with fourth
coinage A (1351-1360), subdivision (1) [PL XVIII. 1;
XIX. 13].
This is noted as a transitional piece in Num. Chron.,
1898, p. 39, but the reverse has all the features of the
earlier coinage, except that 7T is unbarred and lis is
added over lion's head on reverse: the large round
lettering with Lombardic 571 and n, closed CC and GC,
all more ornamentally and tastefully done than in the
later issue ; " Autem " also has not yet come into the
inscription ; saltires are used as stops. The obverse die
is used also with a true reverse of the fourth coinage
A (1). In the half-noble series mules of this type are
common, and also with obverse of A (2) and reverse of
the third coinage [PL XIX. 13] ; possibly reverse dies
FIND OF NOBLES OF EDWAKD III AT EAST RAYNHAM. 313
were cut after the model of the third coinage for some
time after the fourth coinage was issued.
A. 1351-1360.
(1) Open 6 in centre of reverse [PL XVIII. 2 ; XXI. 18].
The earliest coins have open C and 8 in obverse and
reverse inscriptions, but on later coins, while 6 is
retained in the centre of the reverse and in the obverse
legend, closed CC and GC appear in the reverse legend
(see [cT|, \_e~]~). On the quarter-nobles this is reversed,
the open C and G being used in obverse and reverse
inscriptions, and closed 6C in the centre of the reverse
[PI. XX. 18]. The Roman M and unbarred TV
similarly give way to Sft and K. Barred ~VL is used
throughout. The stops are always annulets.
SUB-MULE connecting subdivisions (I) and (2).
The reverse shows subdivision (1) in its furthest stage
of development with the open 6 in the centre as its only
distinct feature. The abbreviation Il]CC has already
come in and P in the place of P6CR. The obverse die
is seen on coin [/] with a reverse of subdivision (2)
having closed 6[ in the centre of the reverse.
(2) Closed 6C in centre. Annulet stops [PI. XVIII. 3 ;
XX. 19].
Barred 'R and VL continue, but are probably soon
changed to TV and II, as coin [/], whose obverse die
forms the previous sub-mule, has these letters un-
barred on the reverse. The form P with abbreviation
mark (for P6CR) is also changed about the same time
to a plain P ; it occurs but once in conjunction with un-
barred TV and 1 1 (on coin [/] mentioned above). All
dies which form sub-mules connecting this subdivision
with the next have the forms TV, II, P.
In the centre of the reverse a small 6C is used except
on a few early coins which have "A, 'YL, and P (Nos. 2,
3, [</], 5), and on some coins at the end of the issue
which are connected by their obverse dies with the
next issue (Nos. 17, [o], 21, 33, 35, 36) ; in the next
issue (subdivision 3) the large ff seems to occur only,
and always, on coins which have two pellets, or no
314 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
mark beside the lis at the end of the upper limb of
the cross ; on the later issues the large 6C is always
used. The fleur-de-lys over the lion's head 011 the
reverse occurs usually in the second quarter ; that the
varieties of its position do not occur in any chronological
sequence is amply proved by the fact that it occurs in
the second, first, and fourth quarters with the same
obverse die (Nos. 2-4, [#], [^]), also with one obverse
die it appears in second and third quarters (Nos. 1
and [/], 10 and [*]), in second and first quarters
([Z] and 7), in first quarter and omitted (11 and 12).
These varieties are likely to be accidental ; as each
quarter of the reverse is, but for this fleur-de-lys,
precisely similar, the engraver might easily hold his
die the wrong way up when he commences engraving
the inscription. Throughout the saltire issue (A 3)
and the transitional issue following (B 1), it occurs
regularly in the second quarter with one exception
(No. 65), where it is omitted. After the transitional
period (B 1) the lis is always omitted.
The variety of rail ornament on the ship is not so
great as would at first sight appear. On the earliest
coins the theme is always two lis followed by one lion
an indefinite number of times (usually three) ; the
ornament begins sometimes with one lis and sometimes
with two lis and sometimes with a lion, but the theme
remains the same and stretches from end to end of the
rail. A change seems to come at the end of this
annulet series (A 2), when a theme is adopted in which
one lis alternates with one lion, lis usually but not
always commencing ; this occurs also on many coins of
the next issue (A 3), but the previous theme continues
to be used at the same time (coin [s] has one style of
ornament used with a reverse which occurs also with
an obverse having the other style, Nos. 37, 38) and
survives alone on the early coins of 13601369 (B 1).
During the issue of B (2) it is modified to the stereo-
typed form " lion, 2 lis, lion, 2 lis," which does not
stretch from end to end of the rail. This type is the
FIND OF NOBLES OF EDWARD III AT EAST RAYNHAM. 315
only one in use till 1369, when the alternation of a
single lis and lion is again adopted.
The coronet mint-mark on the reverse is used for a
short time at the end of this issue [PI, XVIII. 4], the
position of these coins being shown by its occurrence
with a saltire obverse (Nos. 35, 36), and with an
annulet obverse which is used also with a saltire
reverse (see Nos. 21, 28).
On quarter-nobles of this issue a pellet takes the
place of 6C in the centre of the reverse [PI. XX. 19].
SUB-MULES connecting subdivisions (2) and (3).
Some of these have annulet obverses, and others
saltire. Of the former some of the obverse dies are
used also with true annulet reverses (see Nos. 22-28).
(3) Saltire stops [PI. XVIII. 5 ; XIX. 14 ; XX. 20].
In this series occur the varieties of marks on the
reverse placed beside the lis at the end of the upper
limb of the cross. Some coins have no mark in this
position, some have one annulet, some two annulets,
and some two pellets. One coin ([r]) has two crescents,
which are perhaps an error for annulets. These marks,
like the lis over the lion's head, seem to occur contem-
poraneously and not in succession ; on " sub-mules "
with annulet obverse and saltire reverse three different
varieties are found : no mark, one annulet, and two
annulets. With the same obverse die are used one
annulet and two annulets ([</] and 37), two annulets
and two pellets (39 and 40), no mark, two annulets,
and two pellets ([], 45, and 46); though two pellets
occur on mule 69, mule 68 is struck from the same
obverse die as strikes coins 65 and 66, which have the
two annulets. Some coins have Y instead of I in
" Ibat " ; these all have the two pellets, which is also
the case with coins with a large GC in the centre of the
reverse. It seems probable that these small marks are
the privy-marks of a mint official or die-engraver. Two
pellets are again found, usually at both upper and
lower ends of the cross, on coins of Calais of the last
issue (Xos. 196-200) ; on one coin (No. 64) the pellets
316 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
are placed over the crown in the second quarter. On
a few coins the abbreviation for " Et " between the
English and French titles is slightly altered by the
addition of a lower limb instead of a seriph ( "-L for 1)
(see Nos. 62-67). These coins, some of which are
struck from the same obverse die as mule No. 68, seem
to belong to the end of this issue. The two forms, ItyGC
and 1173, are both used, and as both occur frequently
on coins which have the same obverse die, they seem to
be contemporaneous.
MULES connecting A subdivision (3) and B subdivision
(1) [PI. XVIII. 6].
One mule has an obverse, the other a reverse of the
earlier issue.
B. 1360-1369 [PL XVIII. 7 ; XIX. 15 ; XX. 21].
(1) Transitional issue with various obverse and reverse
inscriptions.
The form of the king's title is not yet stereotyped as
" Rex Angl Dns Hyb & Aqt." On the reverse occur
both forms P and PffR ; " Illorum " is usually abbre-
viated to ILLORR'. TRTttlSiemS is now spelt cor-
rectly, though the form TRTTRdietnS still occurs and
a variety TRfinSlQTS. R is taking the place of the
unbarred Roman 1 1, but barred N is also found. Q
is generally written as 6 upside down, so that the tail
hangs to left instead of right (P). Annulets or large
pellets instead of trefoils are placed at the angles of
the central compartment of the reverse. The fleur-de-
lys is still placed over the lion's head in the second
quarter of the reverse.
On most quarter-nobles of this issue the central com-
partment of the re verse is omitted and an annulet or large
pellet placed in each angle and in the centre of the cross.
The half -nobles of this issue omit R6C in the reverse
inscription, some nobles similarly omit TRTVOSIffOS
[PI. XVIII. 7 ; XIX. 15].
As no Calais coins are found of this type, and the
Calais mint first issued gold in 1363, I should assume
B (1) to last from 1360 to 1362 or 1363.
FIND OF NOBLES OF EDWARD III AT EAST EAYNHAM. 3 IT
(2) TC in IB7TT. Sal tire at beginning of obverse legend
[PI. XIX. 8 ; XX. 16, 22].
The obverse and reverse inscriptions are now fixed,,
trefoils are again placed at the angles of the central
compartment of the reverse, the lis over the lion's head
is omitted. This subdivision is distinguished from the
next by the unbarred TV in IBTVT and by the sal tire,
which invariably begins the obverse inscription (it is
omitted, however, on the quarter-nobles). Lombardic
n and correct Q are invariable, and X takes the place
of I as abbreviation for " Et."
At the beginning of this division a change takes place-
in the form of X ; on quarter-nobles of B (2) both forms
of X (^ and X) occur.
SUB-MULES connecting subdivisions (2) and (3).
These have obverses which are used also to strike
true coins with IBST reverses. Such obverses are
marked by the annulet at the beginning of the obverse
legend and the barred X in 7QT which, though not
invariable in subdivision (3), never occurs on coins of
subdivision (2). The reverses are marked as belonging
to subdivision (2) by the unbarred TV in IBTVT.
(3) X in IBST. Annulet at beginning of obverse legend
[PI. XIX. 9 ; XX. 17, 23].
The S, always barred in IBST, is sometimes barred
and sometimes unbarred in TVQT and also in 6RTV.
The barred "K in SQT and GRA seems not significant
of any special period, for SQT occurs both on mules of
B (2) and B (3) (see 96-102), and on coins whose-
reverse dies form mules of B (3) and C (see Nos. 155
157). Both 6RTV and 6RS occur on mules 96-102, and
both again on crescent coins 155-157. At the end of
the series occur a few nobles with a crescent on the
forecastle [PI. XIX. 10] ; their position at the end of
this series is shown by two coins (156, 157) whose
reverse dies are also used to make mules with the issue
of 1369-1377.
On the half and quarter-nobles, where the inscription,
is not the same as on the nobles, the distinctive barred
VOL. XI., SERIES IV. Z
318 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
"A of subdivision (3) is always the last A in the legend.
Thus on the reverse of the half-noble the second "K of
T^RGV^S, and on the reverse of the quarter-noble the
"K of GLORIA, are always barred in subdivision (3)
and unbarred in subdivision (2) ; on the obverse of the
quarter-noble the "K of SOGL corresponds with that
of SQT on the noble and half-noble. Though the
saltire is omitted at the beginning of the obverse
inscription on quarter-nobles of subdivision (2), in
subdivision (3) the annulet distinguishes coins of this
issue as in the higher denominations. The quarter-
nobles have a fleur-de-lys instead of 6C in the centre of
the reverse in both subdivisions (2) and (3).
MULES connecting B, subdivision (3), and C [PI. XIX. 11].
These all have the obverse of the later issue. The
first three (158, 159, [ee]) show an obverse similar to
that of the previous issue (B 3), with the addition of
the French title, an obverse apparently not found with
true reverses of C ; the fourth (\_ff~\) has a new type of
obverse of much finer work than the previous issues of
the fourth coinage ; the most obvious difference is seen
perhaps in the ship, which has the fore and aft castles
battlemented and an anchor rope let out from the
bows. This new style of ship continues from this year
(presumably 1369) till the end of the heavy coinage of
Henry IV (1412). The obverse die of this last mule
also forms the true coin 160.
C. 1369-1377 [PI. XIX. 12].
The new style of ship on the obverse of this issue is
mentioned above ; the lettering of the inscriptions is
also of better work and differs in some points. The
abbreviation for " Et " again changes (from X to fl).
The A in " Ibat " has an angular bar (Z). In the
centre of the reverse a pellet always appears in front
of the 6C. The Aquitaine title varies from 7YQ to
7TQVIT. The annulet which begins the legend is
placed above the sail of the ship. I have not seen any
London half-nobles of this issue, though their existence
is shown by one which has CD on the obverse altered
FIND OF XOBLES OF EDWARD III AT EAST RAYNHAM. 319
to RICC and R punched over 6C in the centre of the
reverse ; it has the second A of " Arguas," which
should correspond with the 7S of IB7ST, unbarred,
otherwise it corresponds with the nobles. Nor have
I yet seen any quarter-nobles of either the London
or Calais Mint of this issue. Kenyon is certainly
not justified in giving those with the compartment
on the reverse having trefoils at its angles to this
latest issue, such are the quarter-nobles mentioned
above which have a fleur-de-lys in this compartment,
and correspond minutely with the nobles of B (2)
and B (3).
The nobles attributed to the Calais Mint have for
convenience been placed together at the end. The issue
of 1363-1369, and the mules of this and the subsequent
issue, are divided into two classes : (a) those without,
and (b) those with a flag at the stern of the ship. These
classes seem to have been issued contemporaneously, as
mules are formed with both types connecting the issues
of 1363-1369 and 1369-1377. The attribution to Calais,
which there seems no reason to doubt, rests on the CC in
the centre of the reverse, a feature common to the two
classes of the first issue. Another feature which they
have in common is the substitution of trefoils for saltires
between f]YB, X and 7VQT ; these trefoils, however,
change to saltires on what are assumed to be the later
coins of the same issue. On mules of the flag type
(class b) a is placed in the centre of the reverse, and
with a pellet added, as on London coins, throughout the
later issue (all of which coins are of the flag type) ; but
in spite of 6C replacing CC these coins are connected with
Calais by the flag, and also by a voided quatrefoil
beginning the legend (usually placed over the ship's
sail), which is also seen on the late coins of flag type of
z2
320 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
1360-1369, which have a in the centre of the reverse
(183-188). A half-noble, which forms a mule between
the two issues, has CC in the centre of the reverse, though
it has the flag obverse [PI. XXI. 33]. The issues are
thus classified :
1363-1369
(a) Without flag [PI. XX. 24, 25; XXI. 31].
Of these coins Nos. 166-171 [PI. XX. 24] are
clearly parallel to B (2), the IB7VT coins of the London
Mint, having the TV unbarred in IBTVT and the saltire
at the beginning of the obverse legend; and No. 174
[PI. XX. 25] is equally clearly parallel to B (3), the
IBST coins of London, having 7$. barred in IBST,
6R3, and SQT. The annulet on this coin, instead of
beginning the legend, is placed after the 6CD of
ffDWTVRD. Nos. 166-171 have trefoils between the
last three words of the obverse legend, and No. 174
has saltires. Nos. 172 and 173 are similar to 166-
171, but have the saltire omitted at beginning of the
obverse legend.
(6) With flag [PI. XX. 26, 27; XXI. 32].
Nos. 175-182 [PI. XX. 26], which have a saltire
or nothing at the beginning of the obverse legend and
TV unbarred in IBTVT and TVQT, seem parallel to
Nos. 166-173 and B (2) of the London series. The
trefoils are here also found in place of saltires between
the last three words of the obverse legend. On Nos.
183-188 [PI. XX. 27] these trefoils are changed to
saltires, and a voided quatrefoil begins the obverse
legend, but TV remains unbarred in IBTVT. It will
be noticed that this change of trefoils to saltires
appears in class (a) only on the coin (174) which
has the K barred in IBST and SQT and an
annulet in 6CD - WTVRD ; the voided quatrefoil which
begins the obverse legend is used also on the mules of
this class and the next issue CNos. 192-195), and
throughout the 1369-1377 issue, and has not appeared
FIND OF NOBLES OF EDWARD III AT EAST RAYNHAM. 321
on any previous issue. These coins (183-188) seem
therefore to be parallel to No. 174 and the IBST
coins (B 3) of London ; or perhaps should rather be
classed as sub-mules with obverse of a late issue of
class (b) parallel to B (3) and reverse of an earlier issue
of class (b) parallel to B (2), as the mules 192-195
certainly seem to show the existence of a reverse in
class (b) which has the 2 barred in IBXT, and substi-
tutes C for CC in the central compartment, which would
then be parallel to B (3), and so form a true reverse
for the obverse of Nos. 183-188.
MULES connecting issues of 1360-1369 and 1369-1377
[PI. XXI. 28, 29, 33].
These mules are of both classes, (a) and (b). The
three of class (a), Nos. 189-191 [PI. XXI. 28], show
the same type of obverse as the preceding issue with
the addition of the French title ; the annulet is placed
at the beginning of the inscription. Those of the flag
type, Nos. 192-195 [PI. XXI. 29], have the new
obverse with new type of ship, finer lettering, and fl
as abbreviation for " Et," precisely similar to the
London issue of 1369-1377, except for the voided
quatrefoil which begins the legend and is now placed
over the ship's sail ; &, as before mentioned, takes the
place of CC in the centre of the reverse.
It may be said that these coins (Nos. 189-195), being
by no means few in comparison to the scarcity of all
Calais nobles of this reign, should rather be treated as
true coins of an early issue of 1369-1377, and not
as mules connecting the two issues. I have no fault to
find with this opinion, and believe it to be quite
possible that the type of reverse with "K barred in
IBST was not changed during the first year or two of
the 1369-1377 issue; and with the flag type (Nos.
192-195) one may well believe that the change from
CC to C in the centre of the reverse marks the issue of
1369-1377. As regards the chronological sequence
and the actual date of these coins, it makes no
difference whether they be regarded as mules or true
322 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
coins, they must in any case have been issued in 1369,
or very shortly after. I prefer to class them as mules
from analogy with the London issues, for Nos. 189-191
are exactly parallel to Nos. 158, 159, and [_ee], of
which 158 and \ee\ are certain mules, as their own
reverse dies strike true coins (156 and 157) of the
earlier issue (B 3). Possibly the reversing of the letter
in the centre of the reverse compartment (see Nos.
159, 189, 190) may be a deliberate change used to
mark the reverse dies of the new issue (1369-1377), as
the pellet beside the 6C marks the reverse dies issued
in conjunction with the obverses which have the new
type of ship and the abbreviation fL In this case our
classification will be :
LONDON. CALAIS.
Mules connecting B (3) and C (a)
Nos. 158, [?]. No. 191.
C (a), old type of obverse with French title added,
letter reversed in centre of reverse
No. 159. Nos. 189, 190.
Sub-mules connecting C (a) and C (b)
[//]. Nos. 192-195.
C (/>), new type of obverse and reverse. (At London
IBET, at Calais IB7VT)
Nos. 160-165, [gg], [hit]. Nos. 196-200.
I think there is certainly something to be said in
favour of this classification. But it must be remembered
that the gold currency of the last eight years of this
reign is very poorly represented at the present time,
especially the Calais issues, which during these years
were greater than those of the London Mint. The
few specimens of Calais gold coins that have been
found in the English hoards must not be taken to
represent the relative proportion of the various issues
of this mint.
FIND OF NOBLES OF EDWARD III AT EAST RAYNHAM. 323
1369-1377 [PL XXI. 30, 34].
These nobles all have the flag at the stern of the
ship, and, as the London coins, a pellet in front of 6C
in the reverse compartment ; they differ from the
London coins in having TV unbarred in IB7YT, a voided
quatrefoil commencing the obverse legend (placed above
the ship's sail) and two small pellets beside the lis at
the end of the upper and lower limbs (on one coin,
No. 200, upper limb only) of the cross on the reverse.
All in this find and in the National Collection have
TIQVIT for the Aquitaine title.
From the few specimens known, it seems that the
Calais half-nobles follow closely the issues of the nobles
(after the year 1363). In the last issue, however, the
old abbreviation (X) for " Et " is used instead of fl, and
the pellets do not appear beside the lis at the ends of the
reverse cross, nor the pellet beside the 6C in the centre of
the reverse. A mule half-noble in the British Museum
[PI. XXI. 33] has the obverse of 1369-1377, and a reverse
with tt in the centre, and the second TV of TTRGVTVS
(which corresponds to the TY of IBTVT) unbarred.
Quarter-nobles cannot with any certainty be attributed
to Calais. As far as one can judge from the few existing
specimens, the London issues of quarter-nobles seem to
follow closely the issues of nobles down to 1369 ; of the
last issue, 1369-1377, no quarter-nobles are, so far as I
am aware, at present known. The three subdivisions,
B(l), B (2), B(3), are clearly marked as on the nobles :
B (1), the transitional issue, has varieties of legends
similar to those noted on the nobles, and also varieties
of reverse type, of which the common one is figured on
PI. XX. 21 ; B (2) and B (3) both have a fleur-de-lys in
the central compartment of the reverse ; B (3) [PI. XX. 23]
has the 7L sometimes barred in SRGL and always in
324 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
, like the S in SQT and IBET on nobles of this
class, and also corresponds with the nobles in having an
annulet at the beginning of the obverse legend, whereas
quarter-nobles of B(2) [PI. XX. 22], like the corresponding
nobles, have the unbarred TV in TTRGL and GLORI7V, though
they differ from the nobles in having the saltire omitted
at the beginning of the obverse legend.
There is also a series of quarter-nobles belonging
apparently to the subdivisions B (2) and (3) which have
in the centre of the reverse an annulet or a voided
quatrefoil. I have seen five varieties :
With annulet in centre of reverse :
(i) In all points, except the substitution of this
annulet for the fleur-de-lys, similar to quarter-
nobles of B (2) [PL XXI. 35].
(ii) As (i), with addition of a cross enclosed in a circle
above the shield [PI. XXI. 36].
(iii) As (ii), with addition of a pellet beginning the
obverse legend.
With voided quatrefoil in centre of reverse :
(iv) Except for the substitution of this voided quatre-
foil for the fleur-de-lys, similar to quarter-
nobles of B (2), with addition of a plain cross
above the shield [PI. XXI. 37].
(v) As (iv), but with crescent instead of plain cross
above shield (F. A. Walters Collection) [PI.
XXI. 38].
There seems to me some probability in an attribution
of these coins to the Calais Mint, and for this attribution
I will here give as briefly as possible my reasons, though
it is admitted that no very clear proof is available, and
the attribution rests largely on the negative evidence of
FIND OF NOBLES OF EDWARD III AT EAST RAYNHAM. 325
apparent impossibility of fitting these in with the London
nobles. The last of the five varieties here mentioned
[PL XXI. 38] can be approximately dated ; the crescent
above the shield on its obverse connects it clearly with
the short issue of nobles which have a crescent on the
forecastle of the ship (Nos. 155-157). These are shown
by the mules 158 and [ee], which are struck from the
same reverse die as two of these coins, to come right at
the end of the third subdivision of 1360-1369 (B 3), i.e.
immediately before class C (1369-1377). This quarter-
noble, variety (v), should therefore correspond with the
B (3) quarter-nobles and have the A barred in AR6L and
GLORIA, and with this the obverse fits (there is a trace
of something that may be an annulet at the beginning of
the legend, but it may possibly be a flaw in the surface) ;
but on the reverse the TV in 6LORITV is unbarred ; it
must therefore, if a London coin, be a " sub-mule " be-
tween B (2) and B (3). This seems to me a serious
difficulty, as crescent quarter-nobles, if muled at all,
should (like the nobles) be muled with the next issue,
1369-1377 (cf. 158, [>]). In the above notes on Calais
nobles, however, it has been shown that there seems good
reason for believing that the unbarred TV continued at
Calais longer than at London, and that the barred A was
only introduced just before the 1369-1377 issue, 12 and a
half-noble mentioned above, 13 which combines a 1369-
1377 obverse with a 1363-1369 reverse with CC in centre
and TV in TVR6VTVS unbarred, strongly confirms this. At
Calais, therefore, a crescent coin with unbarred TV in
6LORITV is not unnatural,and thus the attribution to Calais
removes the difficulty of considering it a mule between
12 See above, p. 321. 13 See above, p. 323.
326 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
B (2) and the crescent issue of B (3), which the London
attribution necessitates. The annulet, whether it exists or
not, at the beginning of the obverse legend, will equally
fit Calais, as it is found on nobles 174, 189-191, and not
on Nos. 183-188. A further point to be noticed on this
coin, in common with variety No. (iv), is the voided quatre-
foil in the centre of the reverse. A similar, perhaps
identical, symbol appears at the beginning of the obverse
legend and on the king's breast on a York penny of
1360-1369 ; and another, perhaps similar, is seen in the
centre of the reverse of one of the transitional quarter-
nobles of B (1), presumably of London, on the die of
which the regular compartment, traces of which are still
visible, seems to have been erased, and this symbol put in
its place (the annulets which were at the angles of the
compartment remaining round this symbol). Later the
voided quatrefoil, undoubtedly identical with that in
the centre of these quarter-nobles, occurs regularly on
flag nobles from the middle of the 1363-1369 issue to the
end of the 1369-1377 issue (see Nos. 183-188, 192-200).
As it occurs so regularly on these late coins of Calais, I am
inclined to consider it as a mark at this time peculiar to
this mint ; if it was used previously at York and London
on the penny and quarter-noble above mentioned, a
parallel may be found for the adoption at Calais of
a symbol used elsewhere at an earlier period in the
pellets which are seen at the end of the cross on
the reverse of London nobles of A (3) (Nos. 40-44, &c.),
and never again except on Calais coins of the last
issue (Nos. 196-200). If we attribute these quarter-
nobles with voided quatrefoil to London we must assume
that there is a corresponding issue of London nobles, of
which some specimens seeing that at Calais this symbol
FIND OF NOBLES OF EDWARD III AT EAST RAYNHAM. 327
marks a long continuous issue, and not a short output
like the crescent of B (3) or the coronet of A (2) must
surely have appeared in so large and apparently complete
a hoard of London nobles. This symbol, then, which I
take to be at this time peculiar to Calais, connects variety
(v) with variety (iv), on which is seen a plain cross
above the shield [PI. XXI. 37] ; this plain cross again
connects (iv) with (ii) and (iii) [PI. XXI. 36], on which
coins it is placed within a circle. On these coins is seen
an annulet in centre of the reverse which is the sole
point of difference between variety (i) [PI. XXI. 35] and
the ordinary quarter-nobles of B(2).
Thus there seems to be a thread of argument, perhaps
a slight one, by which these five varieties may be
connected not only with each other, but also, through
No. (v), with the issue of nobles attributed to the Calais
Mint ; but if they may not be attributed to Calais, I am
at present quite at a loss to find how they may be fitted
in with the London nobles. My opinion is that on
Calais quarter-nobles the mark of subdivision B (3), the
annulet, was removed from the beginning of the obverse
legend to the centre of the reverse, and thus variety (i)
was formed. Later, a further mark of difference was
added by means of a cross in a circle above the shield,
forming varieties (ii) and (iii). As on flag nobles a voided
quatrefoil takes the place of the annulet, so on the
corresponding quarter-nobles this is found, like the
annulet, in the centre of the reverse, the circle is removed
from the cross above the shield, and so variety (iv) is
made ; and finally the mark of difference is removed to
make room for the mark of issue, or crescent, which is
used also at London, and thus we arrive at variety (v).
This, of course, assumes the existence of Calais crescent
328 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
nobles, but that is to my mind an easier assumption,
considering the comparative rarity of Calais coins, 14 than
that of London nobles with a voided quatrefoil to corre-
spond with those quarter-nobles (iv) and (v).
This paper will naturally seem incomplete without
any reference to the silver coins or any attempt to trace
the corresponding issues of silver, but the arrangement
of the gold coins and the connexion by obverse dies of
their several issues has occupied considerable length both
of time and space. It is therefore hoped that it will be
possible later to make some attempt to connect the silver
with these issues of gold, and to publish the results,
if any can be obtained, in a future number of the
Numismatic Chronicle.
G. C. BROOKE.
LIST OF COINS FIGURED ON PLATES XVIII-XXI.
These coins are all, with the exception of No. 38 on
PI. XXI, in the British Museum. Those from the East
Eaynham Find are marked with the letters E.R.F.
Numbers, or letters in brackets, will be found identify-
ing specimens which are described in the list of East
Raynham nobles.
PLATE XVIII.
1. Noble. Mule, o&w.!351-1360(Al); rev. 1346-1351. [a].
2. 1351-1360, A 1. [].
3. A 2. E.R.F. 15.
4. with Coronet mint-mark.
E.R.F. 21.
5. A 3. E.R.F. 59.
6. Mule, obv. 1360-1369 (B 1); rev. 1351-1360
(A 3). E.R.F. 69.
7. 1360-1369, B 1. E.R.F. 70.
14 See above, p. 322.
FIND OF NOBLES OF EDWARD III AT EAST RAYNHAM. 329
PLATE XIX.
8. Noble. 1360-1369, B 2. E.R.F. 78.
9. B 3. E.R.F. 132.
10. ,, ,, ,, with Crescent on forecastle.
E.R.F. 155.
11. Mule, obv. 1369-1377 (C) ; rev. 1360-1369
(B 3). E.R.F. 158.
12. 1369-1377, C (similar to 164).
13. Half-noble. Mule, obv. 1351-1360 (A 2) ; rev. 1346-
1351.
14. 1351-1360, A 3.
15. 1360-1369, B 1.
PLATE XX.
16. Half -noble. 1360-1369, B 2.
17. B3.
18. Quarter-noble, 1351-1360, A 1.
19. A 2.
20. A3.
21. 1360-1369, B 1.
22. B2.
23. B3.
24. Calais Noble, 1363-1369 (a), parallel with B 2. (Same
dies as 169.)
25. parallel with B 3. E.R.F.
174.
26. ., (b), parallel with B 2. E.R.F.
181.
27. parallel with B 3 (?). E.R.F.
188.
PLATE XXI.
28. Calais Noble. Mule, obv. 1369-1377; rev. 1363-1369
(a). E.R.F. 189.
29. Mule, obv. 1369-1377; rev. 1363-1369
(6). E.R.F. 192.
30. " 1369-1377. E.R.F. 200.
330 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
31. Calais Half-noble, 1363-1369 (a), parallel to B 2.
32. ,, ,, ,, (o) ,, ,,
33. Mule, 060. 1369-1377; rev. 1363
1369.
34. 1369-1377.
35. Quarter-noble, var. (i). Calais (?).
36. var. (ii).
37. var. (iv).
38. var. (v). (Mr. F. A. Walters.)
G. C.
XIV.
THE BKISTOL MINT OF HENKY VIII AND
EDWAKD VI.
THE Norman castle of Eobert Earl of Gloucester shel-
tered within its walls the Tudor mint with which I am
about to deal, and doubtless the same stronghold pro-
tected the moneyers of the Angevin and later kings,
who had worked in the western city which then claimed
the second place in England.
The mint at Bristol had been closed after the death
of Edward IV in 1483, and was not reopened until 1546,
when Henry VIII set up a new and unusually complete
establishment, as will presently appear.
I shall hope to make clear from official sources the
history of its inception, the results of its working, and
the causes which brought about its untimely end in the
second year of Edward VI, after a short but by no means
humdrum life of some three and a half years. Having
attempted that, I propose to consider in the light of the
documentary evidence the attribution and arrangement
of the Bristol coins of the period.
It may be conjectured that the geographical position
and commercial importance of the city were the deter-
mining factors with Henry's Council when they advised
the restarting of the mint in 1546. The decision to
transfer the coining of Irish money from the Tower of
London to Bristol indicates that the latter was regarded as
332 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
the most convenient port from which to make shipments,
and as regards English territory the situation of the town
was no less favourable ; a triangle of royal mints, with
the apex at York and the base resting on Canterbury
and the mouth of the Somerset Avon, practically covered
the whole country and facilitated both the collection of
bullion and the distribution of the finished products.
The people of Bristol were not slow in appreciating
the benefits to be derived from the existence of an ex-
change and mint within their boundaries, as is shown
by one of the earliest references to the subject in which
Henry thanks the civic authorities for having enter-
tained William Sharington (of whom much will be heard
later) at what was probably an inauguration ceremony
and a feast.
A few years previously, in 1542, the king had erected
a bishopric in the city, Paul Bushe being the first
occupant of the see, but the mint which soon followed
was in no way under the control of the ecclesiastical
power, as had been the case in two or three of the older
cathedral towns.
The historical evidence begins with the appointment
of the chief officers ; Patent Eoll 37 Henry VIII (1546),
part 13, all being dated April 5 :
To William Sharington a grant of the office of under-
treasurer of the exchange and mint in the city of Bristowe.
200 marks p. a.
Roger Wygmore, the office of comptroller. 40.
Thomas Marshall, assay master. 40.
James Pagett, teller (numismator). 40 marks.
Giles Evenet, graver of the irons. 20.
Wm. Goldsmythe, porter (hostiarius). 10.
All the grants to take effect from the Feast of the Annuncia
tion then last past.
THE BRISTOL MINT OF HENRY VIII AND EDWARD VI. 333
On a Patent Boll of 38 Henry VIII I find Wm,
Dunche as auditor.
The lesser offices were not granted by letters patent
from the Crown, but the names of the holders will appear
later among the accounts.
Having made these appointments, the king with
characteristic caution placed some of the grantees under
a bond in order to secure himself against any short-
comings, a not unnecessary form of insurance as the-
sequel will show. A Close Koll of 37 Henry VIII,.
part 13, records that Wm. Sharington, esq., was bound
by recognizance in 1000 marks sterling to observe the
covenants of an indenture dated April 1, 1546, and that
Roger Wygmore, gen., and Thos. Marshall, goldsmith, of
S. Mary Wulner, were respectively bound in 500 marks,,
with sureties in each case. On April 4, 1546, a warrant
ordered Mr. Cofferer to deliver 1000 "in the prest"
(i.e. by way of advance) to Sharington for provision
of gold and silver bullion to be coined at Bristol,,
thus furnishing the new undertaking with working
capital.
On the 1st of the same month the indenture for the-
mint had been executed, but the original deed is not to-
be found, in addition to which the neglect to enrol it
in the usual manner upon the Close Eolls has deprived
us of any opportunity of learning its terms and pro-
visos. If this important instrument, or an enrolment,
had survived, its contents would have supplied much
information which is now wanting. A similar comment
must, unfortunately, be made with regard to every one
of the later commissions directed to the Bristol officers,.
and were it not for some useful details included with
the accounts, there would be no facts within reach to-
VOL. XI., SERIES IV. 2 A
334 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
prove what standards had been ordered. So we must be
grateful for the half loaf.
I have already said that Henry allotted a full com-
plement of officers to his new mint, the number having
been enlarged by the addition of a graver. This latter
appointment is of some importance, seeing that no other
English country mint of the period had such an official
upon the staff. A search among the papers of South-
wark and York reveals the negative evidence that no
allowance was claimed for the fees of any gravers, and
the same with regard to Canterbury, the irons for which
were made by the smith in the Tower. Therefore the
employment of an artist at Bristol was certainly excep-
tional, and should be borne in mind when comparing
the coins with those issued from the central mint in
London. Again, no other contemporary provincial mint
was entrusted with the coining of gold.
The Bristol undertaking having been set on foot, the
first milestone on the road is an account prepared and
vouched by the master, or under-treasurer as he is for-
mally styled, Wm. Sharington, covering a period of
eleven months from May 1, 38 Henry VIII (1546), to
March 31, 1 Edward VI (1547). The output of the
mint between the dates is illustrated by the figures
given below, some of which are extracted from a parallel
account in the Domestic State Papers, fractions of 1
and 1 Ib being omitted throughout.
1. Gold of 20 cts. fine was coined to the extent of
213 Ibs. weight.
2. Silver of 4 oz. fine was coined to the extent of
16,833 Ibs. weight.
Silver bullion of 4 oz. was not used during August and
September, 1546, " by reason of coining of Irish money."
THE BRISTOL MINT OF HENRY VIII AND EDWARD VI. 335
3. " Harpe grotes " of 3 oz. fine silver were coined to
the extent of 3657 Ibs. weight, being valued at 34s.
the Ib.
(Exch. Accts. 302/30 and S. P. Dorn. Ed. VI, vols. 1
and 4.)
It should be here noted that Henry VIII died on
January 28, 1546-7, about eight months after the re-
opening of this mint, and that Sharington received the
honour of knighthood at the coronation of Edward VI.
Next follows a second account by the under-treasurer for
six months from April 1, 1 Ed. VI (1547), until Sep-
tember 30 then next ensuing, during which time
1. Gold of 20 cts. fine was coined to the extent of
204 Ibs. weight.
2. Silver of 4 oz. fine was coined to the extent of
6838 Ibs. weight.
The striking of Irish currency was entirely discon-
tinued during this half-year, and Sharington was indebted
to the king in the sum of 8654 at the close of the
transactions.
As the document supplies the names of certain
officers who have not yet been mentioned, it will be
desirable to transcribe them, as Kuding's list is very
far from being complete :
John Barnes, surveyor of meltings, 26. 13. p.a.
John Elles, finer, 20. 0. 0.
Wm. Redfern, chief melter, 13. 6. 8.
Thos. Smythe, overseer of moneyers, 10. 0. 0.
Eowland Trytell and Thos. Petytt, chief blanchers, 13. 6. 8
each.
Geo. Knighte, clerk of the irons, 20. 0. 0.
The annual fees in the aggregate were 426.
It is much to be regretted that the accountant did not
2 A2
336 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
state the quantities of each denomination in addition to
the total weight, but the figures were generally presented
for audit in this skeleton form.
There are no accounts from Sir W. Sharington of a
later date than the return ending September 30, 1547,
consequently there is a dearth of information until
another under-treasurer tabulates the results of his
stewardship as from January 1, 1548-9, but much had
happened at Bristol Castle during the interval.
Edward YI had good reason to suppose that Sharington
was implicated in the misdeeds of Lord Seymour of
Sudeley, and therefore sent down four commissioners
named Chamberlain, Fisher, Berwick, and Eecorde to
take possession of the mint in January, 1548-9, and to
sequestrate the property of the under-treasurer. The
measure of his offences may be gauged by a confession
made on February 2, 1548-9, when he was a prisoner in
the Tower, the details of which were printed by Strype
in Eccl. Memorials. Sharington admitted that during
May, June, and July, 1547, he had coined testons (i.e.
of Henry VIII) "to a great sum," in defiance of the
prohibition against striking such pieces, that he had
defrauded the king by shearing the money to an amount
exceeding 4000, that he had made the coins too light
beyond the limits of the " remedy " provided by the
indenture, and, finally, that he had falsified the books
and burnt the documents. One other citation may be
made from his subsequent admissions : he acknowledged
having said to Seymour, " if you give me a little warn-
ing I shall be able to make you as much as I shall have
stuff to make it of," and later, "that he (Seymour)
should not lack if I were able to make it and if the
mint did stand at Bristol."
THE BRISTOL MINT OF HENRY VIII AND EDWARD VI. 337
Truly a lamentable condition of affairs, which may
explain in some degree the absence of many written
instruments.
The sins of the late under-treasurer were but lightly
visited upon him; by good fortune or influence he
escaped the headsman's block, and in the end was par-
doned by letters patent of November 5, 1549. I have
often read that Sharington " counterfeited " testons in
the mint under his control, but it would perhaps be
more accurate to say that these coins were unauthorized
or unlawful, seeing that they were of the correct type,
standard and weight, and now undistinguishable from
those struck at the same place before the testons of
Henry were condemned by Edward's proclamations. It
should be remembered that the young king's debased
pieces of twelve pence were never officially designated
as testons but invariably as shillings, the former term
being apparently anathema, and generally qualified by
the words " lately called."
We now reach the last phase of the mint's operations,
when Sir Thomas Chamberlain had been appointed
under-treasurer, and was engaged in straightening out
the tangled skein left by his predecessor. The former
has given to us a most careful statement of all that was
found when he and his brother commissioners seized the
castle on behalf of the king, together with an account
relating to the moneys struck during the ten months
which elapsed before the final closing of the doors. A
few material extracts from this lengthy document are
next appended.
338 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
Exchequer Account 303 6.
The period covered is 1 year 2 months and 25 days,
from 1 Jan. 2 Ed. VI (1548-9) until 25 Mar. 4 Ed. VI
(1550). The heading recites that Chamberlain and
three other officers of the mint had struck silver moneys
in accordance with (1) a commission of 24 Jan. 1548-9,
authorizing them to coin at Bristol shillings and half-
shillings of 8 oz. fine silver, and to continue the striking
of groats, half-groats, pence and half-pence of 4 oz. fine,
as ordered by an indenture with Sharington of 16 Feb.
1547-8, and also to continue the converting of testons
in accordance with a commission of the last-named date ;
and (2) a commission directed to Peckham, Chamberlain
and others, dated 12 April 1549, and authorizing them
to strike shillings of 6 oz. fine.
This recital serves a useful purpose by proving the
issue of instructions which are not mentioned elsewhere
in existing records. It will be noticed that one com-
mission orders shillings and sixpences of the 8 oz. stan-
dard, but it is doubtful whether full effect was given to
the order as the smaller denomination is unknown in
connexion with Bristol.
Among sundry items of bullion found in the mint
were three parcels of sterling silver weighing about 43
Ibs., which, "being coined with the print of angels,"
and valued at 4s. Wd. the ounce, amounted to 125.
The meaning of the entry and the identification of the
silver angels form a crux which I cannot solve, but I
shall hope for enlightenment when these particulars
become known to our Fellows. Meanwhile, it has
been suggested to me that the pieces were used at
the ceremony of " Touching," and it is not unlikely
THE BRISTOL MINT OF HENRY VIII AND EDWARD VI. 339
that an explanation must be sought for in that direc-
tion.
There was also a significant discovery of 1839 Ibs. of
testons valued at 49s. the lb., together with a few that
were claimed by private persons. I am disposed to
infer, although it is not so stated, that this large quantity
of the prohibited coins must be connected with Sharing-
ton's misdemeanours.
Three instances occur of the spoliation of the churches
for mint purposes, two of which furnish information pre-
viously unknown, as I am told, to the respective
capitular bodies. The accountant had received
1. From the Dean and Chapter of Salisbury 323 Ibs.
gilt silver plate at 5s. Sd. the ounce, 1097 ; and 42 Ibs,
parcel gilt, at 4s. 10^., 123. Also "tenne coopes,"
for want of plate to make up the levy of 2000 marks,
valued at 112. These items were surrendered in obedi-
ence to a letter from the Privy Council of July 31,
1549, but no inventory accompanied them.
2. From the Bishop, Dean and Chapter of Wells,
30 oz. of gold being the fore part of a cross appertaining
to the said church, at 50s. the ounce, 75. And 128 Ibs.
of silver plate, viz. 59 Ibs. at 5s. 8d. and 69 Ibs. at 4s. Wd.
the ounce, 402. Also " one myter " which was sold
for 14.
3. From the parish churches of Bristol, through the
Mayor and Aldermen, 119 Ibs. of gilt plate at 5s. 6d.,
394, and 165 Ibs. of white and parcel gilt at 4s. 10^.
the ounce, 479.
Within the time of the account the undermentioned
quantities of money were struck, and I would call
attention to the absence from the list of any gold coins
or Irish harp groats.
340 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
Of 4 oz. fine silver, 5978 Ibs. weight. Ceased October
31, 1549.
Of 6 oz. fine silver, 306 Ibs. weight. Struck in May
and June, 1549.
Of testons brought in by the subjects and converted
into 4 oz. fine, 13,576 Ibs. weight, valued at 48s. the Ib.
Ceased October 31, 1549.
Of certain other testons and fine silver converted into
6 oz fine, 538 Ibs. weight, valued at 72s. the Ib. Struck
in May and June, 1549.
During this period of honest activity from January to
October, 1549, either 38 or 39 moneyers were working in
each month, their pay varying from 5d. to 8d. per diem,
with the addition of "borde wages" and liveries for
summer and winter.
That Chamberlain did not omit the proving of the
moneys made under his care is shown by an allowance
for 1 Ib. of groats of 4 oz., and Ib. of shillings, which
had been melted at two assays of the pyx before the
high treasurer.
It was to be expected that changes would occur among
the staff under the new regime, as some of the senior
men probably shared the fate of the late master of the
mint.
Eobert Kecorde is now comptroller; John Walker,
teller; John Mune, provost of the moneyers; Stephen
Lathebury, surveyor of the melting-house. A new office
is created, viz. the receivership of testons, which was held
by John Smith at 16 per annum. This appointment was
presumably to assist the mint in carrying out the pro-
clamation of April 10, 1548, which forbade the uttering
of testons and ordered them to be brought in for conver-
sion into smaller currency. John Oilman, keeper of the
THE BRISTOL MINT OF HENRY VIII AND EDWARD VI. 341
castle, received a reward for faithful services, and Giles
Evenet, the graver, remained at his post.
The risings which took place in the city about 1549
evidently caused anxiety, as I find that a sum of 62
was spent upon " artilerye," and other necessaries for the
defence of the building. The weapons that were acquired
consisted of bows, arrows, javelins, morris (Moorish) pikes,
demi launce staves, flasketts and matches. Among the
various materials provided were 96 dozen of coining irons
at Is. doz., the only expenditure upon tools directly used
in the industry. The purchase of a " greate boate " for
13 tells us that the mint had access by water to the
river Avon, and in May of this year Oliver Dawbeney
conveyed 7000 from the castle to Ireland in two
voyages, but on other vessels.
Although the account nominally extends to Lady Day,
1550, the work came to an end in October, 1549, the
remaining months being occupied in preparations for
winding up. Chamberlain relates in the course of some
Chancery proceedings that he had been sent as ambas-
sador to Denmark in June, 1549, leaving Eecorde in
charge at Bristol, and that when he returned to England
after six months' absence the mint had been dissolved
and the workmen discharged. This confirms, substan-
tially, the date of the latest coining mentioned in this
account. It is not without interest, having regard to
one of the mint-marks, that the signature of T. Chamber-
lain at the foot of the last skin of parchment exhibits an
intention to form a monogram of the letters T and C.
The concluding document is yet another account : Sir
Edmund Peckham, the high treasurer of all the mints,
makes a return of the sums received by him from each
undertaking, between 36 Henry VIII and 5 Edward VI.
342 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
These amounts represent "the revenue and increase of
the bullion coined," or, in other words, the profit derived
by the Crown. The figures for Bristol show how lucra-
tive even a country mint might be, when efficiently
managed.
(Declared accounts. Pipe Office. 2077.)
Eeceived from Sir W. Sharington October 5, 38
Henry VIII to October 20, 2 Edward VI 47,536.
This shows an annual yield of 23,700, approximately.
From Sir T. Chamberlain 31 March, 3 Edward VI to
October 24 in the same year 9083. An annual yield
of 15,500, approximately. From Sobt. Eecorde, in the
last-named year, 1318. This was probably a final
payment made by the comptroller during Chamberlain's
absence abroad.
On the same roll there is a detailed list of the plate,
&c., found at Sharington's house on Tower Hill and at
Lacock Abbey, Wilts. These articles had been sent to
the Jewel House, evidently for the purpose of being
melted, but the king relented, and by his "gracious
liberality" a portion was restored to the dismissed
under-treasurer. Some of his effects, to the value of
929, did, however, find their way into the Tower
crucibles, a penalty which seems quite appropriate in
view of the means by which so much of the wealth was
gained.
I can now leave the evidence obtainable from Govern-
ment manuscripts and turn to the Bristol coins of the
sixteenth century, all of which can be satisfactorily
identified as regards their place of issue, although there
are certain other points less easy of solution which will
be discussed later.
The chronological arrangement of the Bristol coinages
THE BRISTOL MINT OF HENRY VIII AND EDWARD VI. 343
of Henry VIII by Mr. E. L. Kenyon in his two volumes
on the Gold Coins and the Silver Coins of England, and
by Mr. H. A. Grueber in the British Museum Handbook,
is based upon the belief that this mint was working for
two or three years before the date on which it was in fact
established. We have seen that the undertaking was
authorized in April, 1546, and that the first coins were
struck in the following month. Accepting, as I think
we must, the accuracy of all these documents, it follows
that Henry's coinages of both metals fall into the class
known as the 5th Tower issue of 1545, and should no
longer be included among the 3rd and 4th issues of
1543 and 1544, to which years some of the coins have
been assigned. Moreover, the transfer would not rest
upon the calendar only; the Bristol standards of fineness
were 20 cts. for gold and 4 oz. for (English) silver, these
proportions corresponding exactly with the two standards
used at the Tower in and after 1545.
The Bristol gold pieces of Henry (consisting of the
sovereign, half-sovereign, crown, and half-crown) do not
show any direct indication of the name of the city
whence they came, their attribution being founded upon
the mint-mark which chances to be of a very distinctive
character. The monogram formed by the letters WS
is accepted by numismatists as representing the initials
of Sharington, the first master, and I may add that no
gold coins bearing other mint-marks have been allocated
to Bristol Castle.
The silver coins, unlike those just described, do not
solely depend upon the mark for identification, as they
all bear upon the reverse the words, or a variant of
" Civitas Bristolie." Their denominations include the
teston for l'2d. (of unhappy memory), the groat, half-groat
344 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
and penny, the last-named being without a mint-
mark. Passing to the coins of Edward VI, we approach
the difficulty to which I have already adverted. No
gold coins bearing the name of this king have been
identified as the product of the undertaking at Bristol,
yet it will be remembered that Sharington's second
account states that a considerable weight of gold bullion
was coined during Edward's reign.
As to the silver coins of Edward, there are only three
bearing his attributes which can be definitely given to
Bristol, viz. the penny and halfpenny exhibiting the
profile portrait (the former having the mint-mark trefoil),
and the shilling dated MDXLIX also with the profile
portrait, but depending upon the mint- mark for its
association with that city. The mark in question is
another cipher or monogram comprising the letters TO,
which are held, and rightly I believe, to be intended to
express the name of Thomas Chamberlain, the second
under-treasurer. I have previously cited an extract
proving that he struck a small quantity of 6 oz. silver
in May and June, 1549, and to this coinage I would
assign the profile shilling with the TC mark. 1 It is
quite natural that Evenet the graver, having designed a
cipher for Sharington's coins, should follow the same
course, and similarly perpetuate the name of the new
master.
But there are also a limited number of groats and a
still smaller number of half-groats bearing the TC
mark with the legends and bust of Henry VIII. If the
cipher has been correctly interpreted it must mean that
1 There is another shilling of the same year, marked t only, which
is sometimes placed at Bristol ; this attribution is very doubtful, and
the letter is not a capital as in the monogram.
THE BKISTOL MINT OF HENRY VIII AND EDWARD VI. 345
both coins were struck at least two years after Henry's
death, and that they were contemporaneous with the
1549 shilling of Edward which has the same mark. The
significance of this monogram raises the general ques-
tion : What has become of the gold coins struck by
Sharington while he was in office under Edward, and
where are the numerous 4 oz. silver coins made by
Chamberlain after his arrival on the scene in the second
year of that king ? An answer can be found in a closely
reasoned article by Sir John Evans on "The Debased
Coinage bearing the name of Henry VIII " (Num. Chron.,
Series 3, Vol. VI. p. 114), in which the writer reviews the
whole series, the Bristol issues receiving their due share
of comment and explanation. The main note running
through our late President's treatise is his firm con-
viction that many coins of Henry's latest types were
posthumous, and that some of those struck at Bristol
might be regarded as belonging to the coinage of his
son Edward.
I am able to-day to carry the argument a stage beyond
the point where it was left by Sir John Evans twenty-
five years ago. If it can be proved that Edward VI
ordered, in set terms, the officers of one of his mints to
use the portraits and legends of Henry VIII, such a
fact would raise the presumption that similar instruc-
tions may have been included in one or more of the
missing indentures and commissions relating to Bristol.
There is an equal probability that a complete collection
of Edwardian mint documents would disclose similar
orders throughout the kingdom, as it appears to be
somewhat unlikely that one particular establishment
would be singled out for carrying into effect so great a
departure from the usual practice in such matters. Let
346 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
us examine the nature of the evidence which is, for the
present, the one fragment of affirmative testimony
bearing on the subject.
Pat. Kolls, 4 Edward VI, part 6, m. 17 dors. Dated
1 Feb. (1550-51).
This commission is directed to Sir John Yorke and
others of the mint at Suffolk House, in Southwark,
authorizing them to melt down and recoin certain testons
into pieces of smaller denominations, as to which the
following words are used :
" And the same shall be ... made and printed with
the hole face and inscripcion of our most deare late
ffather."
It will not be necessary to quote the other portions of
the entry, as I may have occasion to return to it in some
future notes on Edward's coinages at other towns. I
think that no clearer proof could be desired of the fact
that the young king intentionally used Henry's name
and portraits (at all events when converting testons) as
late as the fourth year after his accession to the throne,
and it would seem to be a fair inference that such
instructions to the officials were not given for the first
time in 1550-1.
Applying these conclusions to the Bristol coins which
lie in the debatable zone between the two reigns, we
may, I feel assured, permanently remove to the period
of Edward VI all the groats and half-groats bearing the
attributes of Henry VIII in conjunction with the
ciphered mark TO.
There remain three classes of coins with regard to
which it appears impossible, owing to the overlapping
of the types and the AVS mark, to erect a boundary fence
and say how many of each should be assigned to Henry
THE BRISTOL MINT OF HENRY VIII AND EDWARD VI. 347
and to Edward ; consequently the respective proportions
must be left undetermined until a key is found which
will enable these perplexing coins to be arranged in
accordance with the exact dates of striking. It may be
that an examination of all the varieties of stops and
ornaments in the legends and in the forks of the cross
would furnish a guide to the years and months in which
they were used. The coins to which the father and son
can at present show an equally good title may be thus
classified
1. The gold issues bearing Henry's name and portrait
with the WS mark. If a comparison be made of the
respective weights of bullion coined in each reign it will
be seen that they are nearly identical ; therefore any
given gold piece has an almost equal chance of belonging
to either monarch.
2. The groats and half-groats of Henry with WS, and
perhaps the penny without a mark. Here again the
two former coins were certainly struck by Sharington
under both kings, and possibly by Chamberlain during
a short time.
3. The testons of Henry which were the subject of
Sharington's confession. Pieces of this denomination
were admittedly struck at Bristol in Edward's first year,
and I am not aware of any means by which the just and
the unjust can be differentiated.
I would suggest, in explanation of the comparative
rarity of coins bearing the TO cipher, that the WS was
in use for some time after Sharington's departure, owing
to the confusion which must have prevailed when Cham-
berlain took the reins, and that TC was not used until
May, 1549, in which month the dated profile shilling of
Edward was struck with the same mark. This would
348 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
give a period of only five months, May to October, during
which the later monogram was placed upon the coins.
Sir John Evans alludes in his article to " the beautiful
though somewhat peculiar Lombardic alphabet " which is
noticeable in the legends of the Bristol coins. Any
variations from the Lombardic characters used at other
mints may with confidence be attributed to the local
graver, who continued to utilize this alphabet for groats
and smaller pieces after the date when Roman letters
had been adopted for similar denominations at the Tower.
The sovereign occurs, however, with the legends in both
characters throughout.
Giles Evenet, if judged by his productions, may be
regarded as a man of some talent, whose skill was not
inferior to that of his contemporaries at the Tower mint.
It is perhaps an open point as to what extent the work
on the Bristol dies was exclusively his own and not
inspired from headquarters in London; but much of it
may be safely credited to Evenet himself. There is one
interesting fact which goes to prove that his son, or a
relative, possessed similar qualifications. Among the
archives of the Corporation of Bristol is a minute of the
year 1578 which states that a number of farthing tokens
for the use of the city were received by the Mayor on two
occasions from Edward Evenet, goldsmith, who had pre-
sumably engraved the dies. But it must be confessed that
these sixteenth-century tokens are not comparable with
the regal coins of thirty years earlier (cf. a paper by Mr.
J. E. Pritchard, Num. Chron., Series 3, Vol. XIX. p. 350).
The history of the shilling with the mint-mark TO
extends beyond the death of Edward, as a certain number
of these coins came under the ban of Elizabeth in 1560,
and are to be found bearing a portcullis "right before
THE BRISTOL MINT OP HENRY VIII AND EDWARD VI. 349
the face " as a warning to all concerned that the current
value was then only \d. I have not, however, yet seen
an example from this mint with the countermark of a
greyhound "behind the neck," which denoted a still
lower standard, and fixed the value at 2%d. These
symbols of degradation may have been placed upon
Chamberlain's shillings in the disused workshops of the
castle in which they .had been originally struck, as
Bristol was one of the towns appointed for the stamping
of Edward's base coinage. An Elizabethan writer has
set down in the following words his method of separating
the acceptable from the unacceptable pieces : " In the
good testons the image of the King has a short neck and
a round face, and in the ill testons the Prince has a long
neck and a lean face."
It now only remains to touch upon the Irish coinage
struck at Bristol, which consisted solely of the denomi-
nation known here as the groat, and in Ireland as the
sixpence. These coins were similar in type to those of
the first and second Irish issues of Henry, having the
Arms of England in the field of the obverse and a harp
in that of the reverse. Apart from the documentary
evidence, the mint-mark WS is the one definite link
which attaches the groats to this mint, as was the case
with some of the English coins issued from the same
place. Dr. Aquilla Smith mentions in Num. Chron.,
N.S., Vol. XIX. p. 157, three varieties of legend, each of
which is in Lombardic characters with Arabic numerals.
i. Rev. ws err ^iBaKniec EGCX 38.
2. without "38."
3. FEsnaiec GCT ^iBetEniec nax without
" 38."
If specimens of Nos. 1 and 3 are examined it will be
VOL. XI., SERIES IV 2 B
350 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
noticed that the latter has a narrower harp in addition
to the alterations in the legend.
The Exchequer accounts already quoted show that
" harpe grotes " of 3 oz. fine silver were made by Sharing-
ton during August and September, 1546, and that his
succeeding account, which ran from April to September,
1547, contained no reference to the striking of Irish
money. We have also seen that there was then a period
of fifteen months, as to which no returns are known to have
survived, until January 1, 1548-9, when Chamberlain be-
gan his account of the operations in the final year, which
did not include any addition to the currency for Ireland.
The deduction from this historical evidence would be
that harp groats were not made in Bristol after the death
of Henry VIII, but the existence of the dated and
undated varieties suggests a possibility that the coins
from which the regnal year "38" is absent may have
been struck during the period for which the accounts
are missing, that is, in the first and second years of
Edward VI. It seems improbable that there would have
been such a change in the dies during the two months
mentioned by Sharington, both of which fell within
Henry's 38th year, while, on the other hand, if Henry's
type and legend were used for Ireland after his son's
accession, the disappearance of the figures which dated
the groats would not be altogether strange. But however
doubtful we may feel as to what happened at Bristol
during the year which has no annals, it is beyond question
that the striking of Irish money was discontinued when
Thomas Chamberlain became master there, a step which
can be attributed to a decision to reopen in 1549 the
mint at Dublin.
HENRY SYMONDS.
XV.
A NOTE ON THE FIKST ISSUE OF GOLD
COINS AT ATHENS.
THE question as to the date of the first issue of gold
coins at Athens, and the circumstances under which they
were issued, can no longer be considered as open to con-
troversy. I do not propose to re-state here the arguments
on which is based the accepted view, 1 namely, that this
issue dates from 407-406 B.C., and was due to grave
financial stress at Athens, but merely to call attention
to a small piece of evidence which confirms the correct-
ness of the accepted view as regards the second part of
the question. This evidence consists of a passage, un-
fortunately incomplete, in an Attic inscription belonging
to the first quarter of the fourth century B.C. ; to be
precise it is a fragment of a record of the sacred objects
preserved in the Parthenon, dating from some year
between 385 and 375 B.C. Part of the stone has been
published in Inscriptions Graecae, ii. 2, No. 665, and I
recently identified and published 2 a further fragment
from the same inscription ; in lines 11-13 of these two
stones, when combined, occurs the following entry :
1 Of. Kohler, Z. f. N., xxi. pp. 7 foil. ; Head, Historia Numorum,
ed. 2, p. 373. I am much indebted to Mr. Head for enabling me to
consult the proof sheets of the revised edition, which had not appeared
when this note was written (March, 1911).
2 Journal of Hellenic Studies, xxix. (1909), pp. 172 foil.
2s2
352 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
01
Ka aK[JiOVl(TKOl
Tfj|t Sij/io<T<at a<t>payt$[t\. It will be seen that the letters
describing precisely what coins were struck with these
implements are missing, but we know exactly how many
letters are lost, and the restoration proposed suits the
epigraphic requirements.
We may with advantage examine the precise meaning
of the phrase before we proceed to discuss the restoration
from the numismatic aspect. I have already pointed
out, 3 in publishing the inscription, that the restoration
aAa/3[acTTo0/jioj v\ivn] is certain, in the light of the
corresponding passage in the record belonging to the
next year, 4 which is unluckily either broken away or
illegible at this point except for the letters o0 [?'/*]*?
uA[ti>r/]. The d\afia<TToOi)Kri, which I at first described
as an ointment-box, is more likely to have been some-
thing of the nature of a pierced rack, into the compart-
ments of which the \apaKrflpeg and oK/iow'<ricot were
inserted vertically, in the manner of the ointment -vases
(uXaflcKTTpa) in the object figured as an aAaj3a<rro0'/cT) by
Daremberg and Saglio. 5 The fact that it was sealed
((rtvi'ifjiavrai rfjt Srjjuoat'at a-^/oaytSt) lends colour at first to
the view that the object was a box, but is not a valid
objection to the other explanation, for the rack may well
have had a lid, or perhaps there was some method of
locking the rack so that the objects could not be removed
from it without breaking the seal.
The restoration of the next word as aoraroc is uncer-
tain, but I have no other suggestion to offer, except
3 Loc. cit., p. 176.
4 I. G., ii. 2, 6G6, 1. 5.
5 Diet, des Antiquitts, s.v. Alabaster, i. p. 177, figs. 207, 208.
NOTE ON THE FIRST ISSUE OF GOLD COINS AT ATHENS. 353
possibly fcXetor//, and the point is unimportant. The
Xa/oaKrrjjOEe were clearly the actual dies from which certain
coins, to be discussed later, were struck, and there is no
need to cite again the sources of our knowledge of the
method of striking coins in the ancient world. 6 The
precise meaning of the word aKfiov/o-Kot, which I previously
explained 7 as the anvils, which " no doubt were used for
fixing the lower half of the die into," is uncertain, as the
word occurs nowhere else. It should naturally mean
" small anvils," but Mr. G. F. Hill has suggested to me
that it perhaps means the lower dies, as opposed to the
XojoaKTrjjoee, which were on this view the upper dies only.
This certainly disposes of the possible objection that
there would have been no point in dedicating in the
Parthenon, and preserving there, such common objects
as moneyers' anvils ; but as against this we may note
(1) that in a later inscription of the same class 8 two
hammers (atyvpai) are preserved along with twenty-one
Xa/oaKTTjjoee (unfortunately no explanation is there given
of the origin of this lot of dies), and (2) that a likely
restoration of another inscription of the same class 9 gives
us the word a[V]juov[Y]e, which seems to point to the
preservation of anvils among the sacred objects in the
Parthenon. Thus it is perhaps simpler to take aKfj-ovianoi
in the literal sense, in view of these passages, and, as we
shall see below, the whole coining apparatus may have
been actually used in the Parthenon on some occasion,
and thereafter have been solemnly preserved there intact.
The restoration efio-iv olg roue XP Vfr fJ/coTrrov is at
6 See G. F. Hill, Handbook of Greek and Roman Coins, pp. 143 foil.
7 Op. cit., p. 177, ad init.
8 J. G., ii. 2, 721B, col. II., 1. 15.
9 I. G., ii. 2, 742A, 1. 3 ; of. J. H. S., xxix. (1909), p. 177, note 17,
354 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
first sight unsatisfactory on epigraphical grounds, as the
word roue is spelt with upsilon, while \pvao(v)g is spelt
without it. Such inconsistency, however, is not impos-
sible, and is indeed far from rare, in Attic inscriptions
of the earlier years of the fourth century : it is of course
equally possible that the engraver wrote roe xpixrovg,
and that one of these two alternatives is correct may be
inferred from I. G., ii. 2, 666, the record of the following
year, where the restoration of the same phrase has to
occupy one space less than in our present inscription to
fit the number of letters missing, which is achieved by
reading roc XP V<T ' W The word ^pvaol (= xpvaot
ararjjOc)> which I hope to demonstrate to be correctly
restored here, occurs both in inscriptions and ancient
authors, and is the most likely word, on merely internal
grounds, to denote gold coins. That the XP V<TO ?> * n other
words the first issue of Attic gold coins, were the coins
struck with these implements will, I venture to think,
be plain in view of the following considerations.
(1) The mere fact of the preservation of certain coin-
ing-implements in one of the treasure-houses of Athena
and not in the state mint, 11 or in one of the work-shops
connected with it, points to some abnormal issue.
(2) The use of the word IKOTTTOV points to a currency
of which the issue had ceased before the date at which
the inscription was engraved (probably between 385 and
375 B.c.). 12
(3) The number of dies cannot have been very large
if they could be contained in an aAaj3a<rro0/jo), together
10 See the restoration given in J. H. S., xxix. (1909), p. 181.
11 For the evidence as to the State Mint (' hpyvpoKoirtlov) see Babelon,
Traitt, I ', pp. 507 foil., 832 foil.
12 J. H. S., loc. cit.
NOTE ON THE FIRST ISSUE OF GOLD COINS AT ATHENS. 355
with the aKfiovivKOL. That they are to be identified with
the twenty-one dies mentioned in the inscription of later
date to which I have referred, is an assumption incapable
of proof. Assuming that the dies in our present inscrip-
tion were those from which the first Attic gold coins were
struck, they could not have numbered less than eight
(four for the obverse and four for the reverse), as we know
of four different denominations belonging to this issue, 13
and it is incredible that there was only one pair of dies
cut for each denomination. Under the circumstances
there is no real obstacle to the suggested identification
of our dies with this other lot of twenty-one, but I prefer
to leave the point open. 14
To satisfy these conditions we must look for an issue
of Athenian coins which were struck (1) under exceptional
circumstances, namely, in close connexion with the cult
of Athena Parthenos, and not at the mint in the usual
way ; (2) at a date before (at the latest) 375 B.C. ; (3) in
limited numbers. And there seems no refuge from the
conclusion that the gold currency which was struck from
the melted-down golden statues of Nike (which were
preserved prior to 407-406 B.C. in the Parthenon, and
disappear from subsequent records 15 ), in the grave
financial crisis which involved Athens in the closing
years of the Peloponnesian war, will alone suit the
13 Hist. Num., ed. 2, loc. cit. (J stater, stater, hekte, and J hekte).
14 There is nothing surprising in the total number of the dies here
being an odd number, for probably more reverse dies were cut for the
issue in question than obverse dies. Mr. Hill, to whom I am indebted
for many helpful suggestions, reminds me that reverse dies wore out or
broke more rapidly than obverse-dies, owing to the greater protection
afforded to the latter by the surrounding mass of the anvils in which
they were embedded. (G. Macdonald, J. H. S., xxiii. (1903), p. 100;
G. F. Hill, B. M. Coins, Phoenicia, pp. xxxiii. foil.)
15 Cf. Foucart, B. C. H., xii. (1888), pp. 283 ff.
356 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
requirements of our inscription and thus justify the resto-
ration roue \PV<TO(V)Q. And we may perhaps go further,
and suggest that, in view both of the close connexion
between this issue and the worship of Athena, 16 and of
the deposition among her treasures of coiners' hammers
and (probably) anvils, perhaps on this very occasion, this
first issue of Athenian gold coins, and possibly the second
issue as well which seems to have taken place under
somewhat similar circumstances, 17 was actually struck
within the walls of the Parthenon.
ARTHUR M. WOODWARD.
16 Of. Kohler, Z. f. N., xxi. p. 15. " Die Goldpragung der Athener
hat in engcr Beziehung zu dcm goldencn Festapparat auf dcr Akropolis
gestanden : dicsc Schatze sind den Athenern ein Nothpfennig gewesen."
17 Hist. Num., ed. 2, p. 375.
MISCELLANEA.
FIND OP ALEXANDRIAN COINS IN LONDON.
IN the autumn of 1908 some workmen during excavations
for the erection of a house in Fetter Lane, E.C., dug up an
earthenware pot containing 46 coins of billon and copper
struck at Alexandria. Unfortunately I was unable to obtain
any portion of the pot which would have enabled me to a
great degree to fix the date of concealment of the coins. I
was, however, assured by the workman, from whom I obtained
the coins, that they were all found together, and that none
of them were obtained from any other part of the excava-
tions. The long period over which the coins extend might
raise some doubt as to the time of their concealment ; but it
is quite possible, from the analogy of finds made from time to
time in Egypt, that the coins may all have been in currency
together so late as the second half of the third century that
is, to the reign of Carinus 283-285 A.D. I venture therefore
to suggest that their burial may have occurred about this
date. The following is a list of the coins. The identifications
will be sufficient if I give the types of the reverses only.
1. Nero: rev. I~IPON NEOY ZEBAZTOY. Emperor seated;
year, LE.
2. Nero: rev. AYTOKPA. Bust of Serapis ; year, LIB.
3. Vespasian: rev. AAEZANAPEIA. Alexandria standing, holding
wreath and sceptre; year (on 061;.), LB.
4. Nerva : rev. Serpent with caduceus and ear of corn; year, LA.
5. Ant. Pius : rev. Spes standing, holding flower ; year, LA.
6. Ant. Pius : rev. Victory walking, holding wreath and palm ;
year, LG.
7. Commodus : rev. YflATOC TO A. Jupiter seated ; in exergue ;
year, LKF.
8. Commodus : rev. Head of Serapis : date uncertain.
9. Commodus : rev. Athena standing, holding Victory and shield ;
year, LP.
10. Commodus : rev. Head of Serapis ; year, Lf.
11. Commodus : rev. Athena standing, holding spear and Victory ;
year, L6.
358 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
12. Severus Alexander: rev. Fortuna recumbent on couch, holding
rudder ; year, LA.
13. Severus Alexander : rev. Athena standing, holding Victory and
shield ; year, LG.
14. Julia Mamaea : rev. Head of Serapis ; year, LI A.
15. Gordian III : rev. Eagle ; year, LA.
16. Gordian III: rev. Bust of Athena; year, LS.
17. Tranquillina : rev. Concordia standing, holding double cornu-
copiae; year, LS.
18-20. Philip I: rev. Eagle; years, LA; LB; L.
21. Philip I : rev. Bust of Jupiter ; year, Ll~.
22-24. Philip I : rev. Victory standing, holding wreath and palm ;
years, Ll~; L6 ; LS.
25. Otacilia Severa : rev. Serapis standing ; year, Ll~.
26. TrajanDecius: rev. Alexandria standing, holding sceptre ; year, LA.
27. Valerian: rev. Athena standing, holding spear and shield ; year, LB.
28. Valerian : rev. Victory standing, facing, holding wreath and palm ;
year, Lf~.
29. Valerian : rev. Concordia standing, holding double cornucopiae ;
year, LA.
30. 31. Valerian : rev. Eagle ; years, LA ; LZ.
32, 33. Valerian : rev. Alexandria standing, holding head of Serapis ;
years, L6 ; LZ.
31. Valerian: rev. Head of Serapis; year, LZ.
35. Gallienus : rev. Athena seated, holding Victory; year, LH.
36. Gallienus: rev. Eagle; year, LIA.
37. Salonina : rev. Concordia standing, holding double cornucopiae ;
year, LA.
38. Salonina: rev. Eagle; year, LS.
39. Claudius II: rev. Victory standing to r. ; year, LB.
40. Claudius II : rev. Victory standing to 1. ; year, LB.
41. Aurelian : rev. Eagle standing between two sceptres ; year, LA.
42. Probus : rev. Eagle ; year, LA.
43. Carinus : rev. Spes standing, holding flower; year, LB.
44-46. (Uncertain).
F. D. RlNGKOSE.
NOTICES OP RECENT PUBLICATIONS.
Corpus Nummorum Italicorum. Vol. II. Piemonte-Sardegna,
Zecche d'Ollremonti di Casa Savoia. Roma. Tipografia
dclla U. Accademia de 1 Lincei, 1911.
THE second volume of this great " Corpus " has followed
very speedily on the first one. It is a proof of the activity
and zeal of the King of Italy and of those who may be
associated with him in the production of this monumental
work. This volume, as the title tells us, deals with the ultra-
montane districts of the House of Savoy, Piedmont and
Sardinia. The former came under the rule of that illustrious
house so far back as the twelfth century ; the latter at a
NOTICES OF RECENT PUBLICATIONS. 359
much later date. The descriptions of the coins occupy
nearly 500 pages, and the Plates which supply illustrations
of all the important pieces number 48. The arrangement is
under districts and mints ; that is, the coinage of each town
is described separately.
The more important series of Piedmont are those of the
coins of Asti, Carmagnola, Casale, Desana, Masserano, and
Tassarolo. The coinage of Turin, the present capital of
Northern Italy, takes quite a second position. The earlier coins,
those of the 12th-13th centuries, consist chiefly of deniers ;
but many of the States and cities before the end of the latter
century began to issue the grosso or gros, a denomination
which found its parallel in the groat of Edward I of England,
the institution of which has now been definitely fixed to the
year 1279. The English coin was evidently based on these
foreign pieces, and it is therefore interesting to note how
quickly the money of this country conformed to that of the
continent ; though it was close on a century before the groat
was firmly established as a unit of the coinage here. The
next important change in type and denomination of the
Italian coins was the introduction of the teston and of
portraiture, and we find excellent early examples in the
money of Asti (Ludovico, Duca d'Orleans, 1465-1498), of
Carmagnola (Ludovico II, Marchese di Saluzzo, 1475-1504;
and Margarita di Foix, 1504, the latter issuing more a
medal than a coin) ; of Desana (Pietro Berard, 1516-1529 ;
and Giovanni Bartolomeo Tizzone, 1525-1533), and of Mas-
serano (Ludovico II da Solo, 1528-1532). Most of these
pieces are works of art in portraiture, and a careful study of
the artists who produced them would well repay the labour.
A search into the records of the various mints would no
doubt reveal to us much. The coinage of Sardinia is of a
comparatively late date, and the early coins are chiefly
Spanish in value and type ; in consequence they have but
few of the characteristics of the contemporary issues of Italy.
The chief mints are those of Cagliari and Villa di Chiesa ;
but none of their productions take us back before the fifteenth
century. The first coinage of Cagliari is of Alfonso V of
Aragon (1416-1458). It was in 1721 that Sardinia became
an appanage of the House of Savoy, and its first money was
then struck at Turin. The Plates, which are indispensable
to a work of this nature, are fairly well executed ; but they
show a need of clearness and detail.
Whilst offering our congratulations on the issue of this
second volume, and our best wishes for the future of the
360 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
work, we would venture on one suggestion ; it is, that it
would facilitate reference very considerably if a list of con-
tents were given at the beginning of each volume.
H. A. G.
Chinese Paper Money. H. A. RAMSDEN. Yokohama. 1911.
THIS little book, which is the first of a projected series of
Manuals of Far Eastern Numismatics, presents in a convenient
form much information regarding Chinese paper money
which is not readily accessible to the collector. The author
has based this book mainly on the works on currency by
Klaproth, Edkins, and Morse, and on the Chinese writers on
the subject. Full descriptions with numerous illustrations are
given, either from specimens in the author's collection or
from Chinese numismatic works, of all paper money issued
by the Chinese Government from the institution of "flying
money" by Hsien Tsung (806-821) A.D. to the extensive
issue of assignats during the troubled years of the Tai Ping
Rebellion (1851-1853). Mr. Eamsden follows Edkins and
Morse in saying that the first issue of Mongol Government
notes took place in 1260, the first year of Kublai Khan.
It is, of course, well known that Kublai Khan issued notes
on a very large scale after his accession, but the Mongols
issued notes before they were actually Emperors of China.
Marco Polo's account of Kublai's currency, which Mr.
Ramsden gives as a supplement, has been frequently quoted.
An earlier and less known visitor to the Mongol Court,
William of Rubruck, who visited Mangu Khan in 1254, how-
ever, tells us that "the common money of Cathay is a paper of
cotton in length and breadth a palm, and on it they stamp lines
like those on the seal of Mangu" (transl. Rockhill, p. 201).
The date 1237 given by Macgowan (History of China, p. 420)
for the introduction of paper money among the Mongols as
distinct from the Yuan dynasty of China, which did not
strictly begin to reign till 1280, seems to be the preferable
one. In addition to the works quoted by Mr. Ramsden,
there is much valuable material on the earlier history of
Chinese paper money in Vissering's On Chinese Currency
(Ley den, 1877), a work which is not well enough known to
English writers on the subject. Mr. Ramsden's book ought
to stimulate an interest in those interesting historical
documents, which have been quite neglected by collectors.
J. A.
INDEX.
A.
Aaron's rod as reverse type of
Jewish shekel, refuted, 2
Actium, hattle of, 151 ; coins
commemorating, 151, 152
'Adil Shah of Persia, coinage of,
177 ; coins of, 188
Aegina, early silver coin (tetarte-
morion) of, 97
Agrippa, M. Vipsanius, commands
fleet for M. Antony against
Sextus Pompey and gains
battle of Naulochus, 1 43
Ahmad Shah of Persia, coinage
of, 181
Aka Muhammad Khan, Shah of
Persia, coinage of, 181 ; coins of,
193
Albinus, Decimus Brutus, coins of,
with head of Pietas, 21
Alexandria, triumph at, of M.
Antony after conquest of
Armenia, 149
Alexandrian coins, found in Lon-
don, 357
'All Murad Khan, Shah of Persia,
coinage of, 181
ALLAN, JOHN, M.A. :
Modern Copper Coins of the
Muhammadan States, by W.
H. Valentine, notice of, 202
Corean Coin-Charms and Amu-
lets, by II. A. Bamsden, notice
of, 204
Chinese Paper Money, by H. A.
Bamsden, notice of, 360
Alteration of dies of William I,
284-287
Andriace, capture of, by M. Junius
Brutus, 131
Angels, silver, issued at the
Bristol Mint, 338
Anson, L., his Numismata
Graeca noticed, 199
Antoninus Pius, his cognomen dis-
cussed, 6-41 ; literary evidence
relating to the origin of the
name Pius, 6-14 ; date of
first issue of his coins with
title of Pius, 8; "Pietas" as
coin-types of, 14-19 ; Mars and
Bhea Silvia, as coin-type of, 228
Antony, Caius, defeated by M.
Junius Brutus at Apollonia and
taken prisoner, 128 ; strikes
coins on his arrival at Apollonia,
ibid.
Antony, Lucius, strikes coins in
honour of M. Antony with type
of Pietas, 23-25 ; his cognomen
" Pietas," 24 ; appointed consul,
134 ; coins commemorating,
ibid. ; his dissensions with
Octavian, 134, 135 ; is besieged
by Octavian in Perusia, 135 ; and
surrenders, ibid. ; strikes coins
during siege of Perusia, 135 ; his
assumption of the cognomen
" Pietas," 136
Antony, Mark, coins of, with
figure of Pietas, 23 ; with
numerals XL. and XL I., 104-
108 ; their connexion with the
foundation of Lugudunum, 106-
108 ; assumes chief position in
the State after the death of
J. Caesar, 110 ; coins of, com-
memorating, ibid. ; his first
portrait on the coinage, 111,
113 ; his quarrel with Octavian,
112 ; besieges Mutina, 112 ;
his defeat and retreat to Gaul,
ibid. ; unites his forces with
those of Lepidus, 113 ; coins
commemorating, ibid. ; forms
362
INDEX.
triumvirate with Lepidus and
Octavian, 115, 116 ; strikes coins
in commemoration of, 117 ;
subsequent proscriptions in
Rome, 124 ; undertakes war in
the East against Brutus and
Cassius, ibid. ; defeats Brutus
and Cassius at Philippi, 131 ;
redistributes with Octavian
the Provinces after the battle
of Philippi, 133 ; strikes coins
to commemorate the consulship
of L. Antony, 134 ; his invasion
of Asia Minor commemorated
by coins, ibid. ; coins of, struck
by L. Antony during siege of
Perusia, 135 ; opens negotia-
tions with Sextus Pompey and
attacks Brundusium, 137 ; third
distribution of the Provinces
with Octavian, 138 ; marries
Octavia, ibid. ; coin com-
memorating, ibid. ; issues coins
to commemorate treaty of
Misenum, 139 ; returns with
Octavia to Greece, ibid. ; declares
war against Parthia, 140 ; coins
of, commemorating, 141 ; assists
Octavian in the war against
Sextus Pompey, 143 ; issues
coins to commemorate the
battle of Naulochus, 145-147 ;
his conquest of Armenia and
triumph at Alexandria, 149 ;
confers honours on Cleopatra
and her sons, ibid. ; his rupture
with Octavian, ibid. ; visits
Samos and Athens with Cleo-
patra, 150 ; coins struck by him
at Athens in honour of this visit,
ibid. ; issues coins at Ephesus
for his navy and army before
battle of Actium, 151 ; his defeat
at Actium and death, ibid.
Apollonia, Macedonia, capture of,
by M. Junius Brutus, 128 ; coins
in commemoration of, 128, 129
Appian, historian, his account of
the formation of the triumvirate
of Antony, Lepidus, and Oc-
tavian, 115
Armenia, conquest of, by M.
Antony, 149 ; by L. Verus,
commemorated by coins, 217-
219, 222-234, 261; chronology
of, 253-256
Armeniacus, title of, assumed by
L. Verus, 219 ; and by M.
Aurelius, 234
" Army Mint," Persian.coin of, 196
Astarabad, coin of, 189
Athens, silver and copper coins
of, 95; coins of M. Antony struck
at, 134 ; first issue of gold coins
at, 351-356; implements for
striking of, deposited in the
Parthenon, 351 sqq. ', identifica-
tion of the coins, 355
Attidius Cornelianus, his defeat
in Syria, 216, 263
Augustus, title of, conferred on
Octavian, 152
Aurelius, Marcus. See Marcus
Aurelius
Avidius Cassius commands in
Parthia for L. Verus, 246, 255,
263
Azad Khan, Shah of Persia,
coinage of, 180
B.
Barbatius Philippus, M., strikes
coins for M. Antony to com-
memorate the consulship of L.
Antony, 134
Barnes, John, surveyor of meltings
at the Bristol Mint, 335
Barnstaple and Exeter inter-
change obverse dies of " Paxs "
coins of William I, 274
Beautiful Gate of the Temple,
supposed representation of, on
Jewish tetradrachm, 206
Berkeley Mint, coin of William I
wrongly attributed to, 268
Berwick, , a commissioner for
the Bristol Mint, 336
Bonnet type of William I, inter-
change of obverse dies of,
illustrated, 278
Bristol, churches of, supply bullion
and plate to Bristol Mint, 339
Bristol, corporation of, orders
token-money in 1578, 348
Bristol Mint, reopened under
Henry VIII, 331 ; chief officers
of, 332, 333, 335, 340 ; the only
local mint to issue gold in the
reigns of Henry VIII and
Edward VI, 334 ; output of coins
at the, 1546-1547, 334, 335 ;
illegal issues of testoons at, 336,
INDEX.
363
337 ; exchequer account of, for
1548-1550, 338; silver angels
struck at the, ibid. ; bullion
supplied to, by ecclesiastical
bodies, 339 ; coins issued at the,
in 1549, 340 ; date of its actual
foundation, 343 ; standard of
metals used at the, ibid. ; coin-
age of the, discussed, 343-350
Bristol, See of, created by Henry
VIII, 332 ; Paul Bushe its first
occupant, ibid.
British base silver and copper
coins found in Southants, de-
scribed and illustrated, 45-50 ;
their types, 53-56; most degraded
form of, 54-56; process of
manufacture by casting, 55, 56
BBOOKB, GEORGE C., B.A. :
Notes on the reign of William I,
268-290
A find of nobles of Edward III
at East Baynham, Norfolk,
291-330
Brutus, Decimus, retires to Mu-
tina, where he is besieged by
M. Antony, 112 ; his death, 115
Brutus, M. Junius, his departure
for Macedon, 124, 127 ; defeats
and captures Caius Antony at
Apollonia, 128 ; his invasion of
Thrace, ibid. ; strikes coins to
commemorate his victories in
Greece, 128, 129 ; joins C. Cas-
sius at Smyrna and invades
Lycia, 131 ; coins commemo-
rating, 133 ; meets Cassius at
Sardes, 131 ; coins commemo-
rating, 132, 133 ; defeated at
Philippi and death, 131
Buca, L. Aemilius, strikes coins
with portrait of Julius Caesar,
122
Burujird, coins of, 194, 195
Bushe, Paul, first Bishop of
Bristol, 332
C.
Caesarea Mazaca, forgeries of coins
from, 197
Calais groats of the rosette-mascle
coinage in the Stamford find,
161, 162 ; and of the pine-cone
and rose-leaf coinages, 163 ; and
of the pine-cone-trefoil coinage,
164 ; and of the pellet coinage,
165, 166; list of in the Stam-
ford find, 168, 169
Calais half-nobles of Edward III,
their classification, 323
Calais, mint of, bullion of gold and
silver coined at the, during the
reign of Henry VI, 171-173
Calais nobles of Edward III found
at East Eaynham, their descrip-
tion, 310-312 ; notes on classifi-
cation of, 319-328
Calais quarter-nobles of Edward
III, their classification, 323-
328
Calpurnius Bibulus, L., strikes
coins for M. Antony, after the
victory of Naulochus, 146
Canterbury and Hythe, inter-
change obverse dies of " Paxs "
coins of William I, 274
Capitolinus, Julius, Roman author,
his explanation of the cognomen
Pius in connexion with Anto-
ninus Pius, 6, 7, 9-12
Carlyon-Britton, P. W. P., and a
supposed coin of the Berkeley
Mint, 268
CASPAEI, M., M.A. :
Dated coins of Julius Caesar and
Mark Antony, 101-108
Cassius, C., his departure for Syria,
124, 127 ; defeats Dolabella and
takes Laodiceia, 130, 131 ; is
joined at Smyrna by Brutus and
takes Rhodes, 131 ; coins com-
memorating, 132, 133 ; meets
Brutus at Sardes, 131 ; coins
commemorating, 132, 133 ; de-
feated at Philippi and death,
131
Chalice, type of, on Jewish shekel,
forms of the, 2 ; its significance,
3,4
Chamberlain, Sir Thomas, a com-
missioner for the Bristol Mint,
336; appointed under-treasurer
to succeed Sir William Sharing-
ton, 337 ; moneys issued by him
and others during, 1548-1550,
338; appointed ambassador to
Denmark, 341 ; his monogram
of TC on coins of Bristol, 341,
344, 346-348
Charles II, hammered silver coin-
age of, 57-79 ; classification of,
58-68 ; described, 69-79
364
INDEX.
Chichester and Guildford inter-
change obverse dies of " Paxs"
coins of William I, 274
Chinese Paper Money, by H. A.
Ramsden, notice of, 360
Chios, unpublished silver coins
(didrachms, drachms, &c.) of,
85-94 ; classification of early
coins of, 86-89 ; symbols on, 89-
93
Chios and Erythrae, copper coins
of, 94
Cleopatra, honours conferred on,
by M. Antony, 149 ; war declared
against, by Roman Senate, ibid. ;
accompanies M. Antony to Sa-
mos and Athens, 150; coins
struck at Athens in honour of
her visit, ibid. ; her death, 151
Cnidus. See Knidos
Cocceius Nerva, M., strikes coins
for M. Antony to commemorate
the consulship of L. Antony, 134
Cofferer, , delivers bullion at the
Bristol Mint, 333
Coinage, implements for, of gold
money of Athens, deposited in
the Parthenon, 351 sqq. ; the
coins identified, 355
Corean Coin-Charms and Amulets,
by H. A. Ramsden, notice of, 204
Cornelius Balbus, L., strikes coins
for Octavian in Gaul, 137
Cornificius, Quintus, assists Sex-
tus Pompey in Sicily, 125
Corpus Nummorum Italicorum,
vol. i., notice of, 82 ; and vol. ii.,
358
Cricklade and Wilton interchange
obverse dies of " Paxs " coins of
William I, 277
Cross and pellet coinage of Henry
VI, struck in London, coins of,
in the Stamford find, 166
Cumae, battle of, 142 ; coins com-
memorating, 144
D.
Darband, coin of, 188
Dawbeney, Oliver, conveys money
struck at Bristol to Ireland, 341
Dies, obverse, of coins of William
I, interchange of, 269-284 ;
nature of changes, 269 ; repeti-
tion of dies by same moneyer,
270 ; interchange of dies by
moneyers of same mint, extent
of, 271-273 ; interchange of dies
of different mints, 274-284 ;
where made, whether all in
London or some locally, 280-
284 ; alteration of dies, 284-287
Dion Cassius, his explanation of
the cognomen Pius in connexion
with Antoninus Pius, 13
Distichs on seals of the Kajar
rulers of Persia, 184
DODD, C. HABOLD, M.A. :
The cognomen of the Emperor
Antoninus Pius, 6-41
Chronology of the Eastern Cam-
paigns of the Emperor Lucius
Verus, 209-267
Dolabella, P. Cornelius, is defeated
by C. Cassius and slain, 130, 131
Dunche, William, appointed audi-
tor of the Bristol Mint, 333
E.
East Raynham, find of nobles of
Edward III at, 291-330 ; analy-
sis of, 291, 292 ; description of,
293-312 ; notes on classification
of, 312-328
Eastern campaigns of L. Verus,
commemorated by coins, 209-
267 ; chronology of, 254-259
Edward III, groats of, in the
Stamford find, 168 ; find of
nobles of, at East Raynham,
291-330; analysis of, 291, 292;
description of, 293-312 ; notes
on classification of, 319-328
Edward IV, heavy groats of, in
the Stamford find, 167, 170, 171
Edward VI and the Bristol Mint,
331-350 ; early coins of Bristol
with his father's name and por-
trait, 345: also of Southwark,
346
EID. MAR. on coins of M. Junius
Brutus, 130
Elles, John, finer at the Bristol
Mint, 335
Empire, Roman, first division of
the, under the triumvirate of
Antony, Lepidus, and Octavian,
116 ; second division of, 133 ;
third division of, 138
Erivan, coins of, 193
INDEX.
365
Erythrae and Chios, copper coins
of, 94
Evenet, Edward, supplies token-
money to the corporation of
Bristol in 1578, 348
Evenet, Giles, graver to the Bristol
Mint, 332, 341, 344, 348
Exchequer accounts relating to
bullion in gold and silver coined
at London and Calais during
the reign of Henry VI, 171-173 ;
and of the Bristol Mint under
Edward VI (1548-1550), 338
Exeter and Barnstaple inter-
change obverse dies of " Paxs "
coins of William I, 274 ; and
London (pavilion type), 278
F.
Path 'All, Shah of Persia, coinage
of, 182 ; distich on his seal,
184 ; coins of, described, 194-196
Fetter Lane, London, find of
Alexandrian coins in, 357
Finds of coins :
East Raynham (nobles of Ed-
ward III), 291-330
Fetter Lane (Alexandria), 357
Knidos (Greek), 197
Southants (Roman and Bri-
tish), 42-56
Stamford (English), 153 sqq.
Fisher, , a commissioner of the
Bristol Mint, 336
" Fortuna Redux" types of L.
Verus, 212
Fulvia, wife of M. Antony, incites
L. Antony against Octavian,
134, 135 ; promotes coalition of
M. Antony and Sextus Pompey,
137 ; her death, 139
Finnan, coins of, 196
G.
Galba, coin of, with figure of
Pietas, 25, 26
Ganjah, coins of, 188, 191, 193
Gellius Publicola, L., strikes coins
for M. Antony to commemorate
the consulship of L, Antony,
134
Gilman, John, keeper of Bristol
Castle, 340
VOL. XI., SERIES IV.
Gold coins of Athens, first issue
of, 351-356; implements for
striking, deposited in the Par-
thenon, 351 sqq. ; identification
of the coins, 355
Goldsmythe, William, appointed
porter (hostiarius) of the Bristol
mint, 332
GRAHAM, T. H. B. :
Charles IPs hammered silver
coinage, 57-79
Greek coins, unpublished, 85-100
GBUEBEB, H. A., F.S.A. ;
Coinages of the Triumvirs, An-
tony, Lepidus, and Octavian,
illustrative of the History of
the Times, 109-152
Corpus Nummorum Italicorum,
vol. i., notice of, 82 ; vol. ii.,
358
Le Monete e le Bolle Plumbee
Pontificie del Medagliere Vati-
cano, &c., by Camillo Serafini,
notice of, 199
Guildford and Chichester inter-
change obverse dies of " Paxs "
coins of William I, 274
H.
Hadrian, coins of, with figure of
Pietas, 30-33
Haeberlin, Dr. E. J., his Aes
Grave, Das Schwergeld Roms
und Mittelitaliens, &c., noticed,
80
Half-nobles of Edward III struck
at Calais, their classification, 323
Hammered silver coinage of
Charles II, 57-79 ; classification
of, 58-68; description of, 69-
79
Hasan Khan Salar, Shah of Per-
' sia, coinage of, 184
Henry IV, groats of, in the Stam-
ford find, 168
Henry V, groats of, in the Stam-
ford find, 168
Henry VI, coinage of, supplemen-
tary notes on, in connexion
with the Stamford find, 153
sqq. ; groats of, in the Stamford
find, 168, 169; amount of bul-
lion in gold and silver coined
in London and at Calais during
his reign, 171-173
2 c
366
INDEX.
Henry VIII and the Bristol Mint,
331-350
Hercules Pacifer, type of, on coins
of L. Verus, 230
Herennius, M., coin of, with head
of Pietas, 20
HILL, G. F., M.A. :
A Hoard of Roman and British
Coins from Southants, 42-56
Dr. E. J. Haeberlin's Aes
Grave, Das Schwergeld Roms
und Mittelitaliens, &c., notice
of, 80
L. Anson's Numismata Oraeca,
notice of, 199
Hirtius, Aulus, consul, attacks M.
Antony at Mutina, 112; his
death, 113
Holy of Holies in the Tabernacle,
representation of, on Jewish
tetradrachm, 205-207
Hythe and Canterbury inter-
change obverse dies of " Paxs "
coins of William I, 274
I.
Ibrahim, Shah of Persia, coinage
of, 177 ; coins of, 189
Ipswich and London interchange
obverse dies of " Paxs " coins of
William I, 278
Ireland, money for, issued at the
'Bristol Mint, 335, 349, 350; its
conveyance to Ireland, 341
Isfahan, coins of, 188, 189
Isma'Il III, Shah of Persia, coinage
of, 178
J.
Ja'far Khiln, Shah of Persia, coin-
age of, 181
James II of Scotland, groats of,
in the Stamford find, 168
Jewish coins of the Second Revolt,
attribution of, 207, 208
Jewish shekels, type of, explained,
1-5
Jewish tetradrachm, a new, 205
Julius Caesar, dated coins of, with
numerals J.II, 101-104; his
death and political status, 109 ;
his portrait on Roman coins,
121, 122; its significance, 122,
123
K.
Kabul, coins of, 188
Kajar rulers of Persia, distichs on
their seals, 184
Karlm Khan, Shah of Persia,
coinage of, 179 ; coins of, 190-
192
Kashan, coins of, 192, 194
Kazwm, coins of, 188-191
Khan of Ganjah, Shah of Persia,
coinage of, 180
Khiii, coins of, 195, 196
Knidos, hoard of silver coins found
at, 197
Knighte, George, clerk of the
irons at the Bristol Mint, 335
KOZQN on coins of Brutus, its
doubtful explanation, 129, 130
L.
Labienus Parthicus, Q., com-
mands Parthians against Rome,
and is slain, 140 ; coins of, ibid.
Lahijan, coins of, 196
Laodiceia, capture of, by C.
Cassius, 131
Lathebury, Stephen, surveyor of
the melting-house at the Bristol
Mint, 340
Le Monete e le Bolle Plumbee
Pontificie del Medagliere Vati-
cano, by Camillo Serafini,
notice of, 199
Lepidus, M. Aemilius, triumvir,
unites his forces with those of
M. Antony in Gaul, 112, 113;
coins commemoratiag, 113 ;
forms triumvirate with Antony
and Octavian, 115, 116; coins
commemorating, 117 ; subse-
quent proscriptions at Rome,
124 ; his banishment to Circeii,
148 ; coins struck by him in
Africa, ibid.
Liberalitas type on coins of L.
Verus and M. Aurelius struck
in 165 A.D., 246
Lily triple, reverse type of Jewish
shekels, its identification, 2, 3 ;
its significance and cryptic
allusion to Simon Maccabaeus,
4,5
Local coinages under the Roman
INDEX.
367
Republic, origin of, and dura-
tion, 117, 118
Locri Opuntii, early silver coin
(obol) of, 98
London, Alexandrian coins found
in, 357
London groats of the pine-cone
and rose-leaf coinages in the
Stamford find, 163 ; and of the
pine-cone-trefoil coinage, 164;
and of the pellet coinage, 165,
166 ; and of the cross and
pellet coinage, 165, 166; list
of, in the Stamford find, 168-
171
London Mint, bullion of gold and
silver coined at the, during the
reign of Henry VI, 171-173
London nobles of Edward III,
found at East Eaynham, de-
scription of, 273-309 ; notes on
the classification of, 312-319
London and ; Southwark inter-
change obverse dies of " Paxs "
coins of William I, 277 ; and
Ipswich, 278 ; and Thetford
(bonnet type), 278 ; and Exeter
(pavilion type), 278
Lucius Verus, coins of, illustrating
his Eastern campaigns, 209-267 ;
chronology of, 253-259
Lucius Verus, date of his first
tribunicia potestas, 209 ; his
departure for his Eastern cam-
paigns, 211 ; his arrival in Syria
commemorated, 215 ; date of
the commencement of the war,
216 ; his conquest of Armenia
commemorated, 217-219, 222-
234, 261 ; assumes cognomen
Armeniacus, 219 ; his conquest
of Parthia commemorated, 234-
239, 244-246, 248-253, 260 ; his
"Roma" type, a reference to
his Eastern campaigns, 243,
244 ; his " Liberalitas " type of
165 A.D., 246; assumes titles of
Parthicus Maximus and Medi-
cus, 249-251, 255 ; his triumph
for Eastern victories, 249-252 ;
peace with Parthia proclaimed,
253 ; his return to Rome, 254 ;
chronology of his campaigns,
254-259
Lugdunum, a municipium, date
of, 106 ; its foundation marked
by coins of M. Antony, 106-108 ;
coins of Antony and Lepidus
struck at, 113
Lulab on Jewish tetradrachm, 205,
206
M.
Macer, P. Sepullius, issues coins
at Rome with portraits of Julius
Caesar and M. Antony, 111
Maraghah, coin of, 196
Marcus Aurelius, " Pietas," as
coin-type of, 19, 20 ; date of his
tribunicia potestas, 209 ; coins
of, illustrating the departure
of L. Verus for his Eastern
campaigns, 210, 211 ; and re-
covery of L. Verus from sickness,
211, 212 ; commemorates con-
quest of Armenia by L. Verus,
219-229, 233, 234; assumes
name of Armeniacus, 234, 235 ;
and of Parthicus, 240, 255;
his " Roma " type on coins, a
reference to his administration
of the Empire in Europe, 239-
243 ; commemorates Parthian
campaign of L. Verus, 244-246,
248 ; his " Liberalitas " type of
165 A.D., 246 ; assumes titles of
Parthicus Maximus and Medi-
cus, 249-251, 255; celebrates
triumph for Eastern victories of
L. Verus, 249-252 ; peace pro-
claimed with Parthia, 253
Marlborough and Salisbury inter-
change obverse dies of " Paxs "
coins of William I, 275
Mars and Rhea Silvia, type of,
on coins of Antoninus Pius, 228
Mars Victor, type of, on coins of
M. Aurelius, 220 ; and on coins
of L. Verus, 224-230
Marshall, Thomas, appointed
assay-master of the Bristol
Mint, 332 ; his guarantee, 333
Martius Verus, commands in
Parthian war for L. Verus, 246,
255, 262 ; is appointed governor
of Cappadocia, 264 ; defeats the
satrap Tiridates, 264, 265
MAVROGORDATO, J.
Some Unpublished Greek Coins,
85-100
Mazandaran, coins of, 191, 192
Media, conquest of, by L. Verus,
258, 259
INDEX.
Medicus, title of, assumed by
M. Aurelius and L. Verus,
249-252
Mesopotamia after the Parthian
war constituted a province,
coins relating to, 266
Messana, first battle of, and
victory of Sextus Pompey, 126 ;
coins commemorating, 126, 127 ;
second battle of, victory of
Sextus Pompey, 143 ; coins
commemorating, 144, 145
Milled coinage, when first adopted
by Charles II, 66, 67
MILNE, J. GBAFTON, M.A.
Forgeries from Caesarea Ma-
zaca, 197
Hoard of silver coins from
Knidos, 197
Minerva Pacifera, type of, on
coins of M. Aurelius, 233
Mints of William I, interchange
of dies amongst the, 274-284
Miscnum, treaty of, between
M. Antony, Octavian, and Sextus
Pompey, 139 ; coins com-
memorating, ibid.
Modern Copper Coins of tJte
Muhammadan States, by W. H.
Valentine, notice of, 202
Moneyers (monetarii), their names
excluded from the coinage of
Borne after the battle of Naulo-
chus, 147
Moneyers of William I, and the
interchange of obverse dies,
271-273
Muhammad, Shah of Persia, coin-
age of, 183 ; distich on his seal
and medal, 184, 185
Muhammad 'All, Shah of Persia,
distich on his seal, 185
Muhammad Hasan Khan, Shah of
Persia, coinage of, 180 ; coins of,
193
Mules and sub-mules, definition
of, in the classification of the
nobles of Edward III, 292;
analysis of, in connexion with
the East Baynham hoard, 312-
328
Mune, John, provost of moneyers
of the Bristol Mint, 340
Mutina, siege of, by M. Antony,
112
Muzaffar-ad-Din, Shah of Persia,
distich on his seal, 185
N.
Nadir, Shah of Persia, coinage of,
176 ; coins of, 185, 188
Nasr-ad-Dm, Shah of Persia, dis-
tich on his seal, 184
Naulochus, battle of, 143 ; coins
struck by M. Antony in com-
memoration of, 145-147 ; its
effect on the coinage of the
Boman Mint, 147
Nobles of Edward III of London
and Calais found at East Bayn-
ham, 291-330 ; description of
293-312 ; notes on the classifi-
cation of, 312-328
Nor-Khalakh (Koi^ U6\is), a city
of Armenia, founded by Statius
Priscus, 255, 256, 262
Norwich, groat of, in the Stamford
find, 171
Numismata Graeca, by L. Anson,
notice of, 199
Numismatic Works, notices of :
Aes Grave, Das Schwcrgeld Boms
und Mittclitalicns, E. J. Hae-
berlin, 80
Chinese Paper Money, H. A.
Bamsden, 360
Corean Coin-Charms and Amu-
lets, H. A. Bamsden, 204
Corpus Nummorzim Italicorum,
vol. J., 82; vol. ii., 358
Le Monete e le Bolle Plumbee
Pontificie del Medagliere Vati-
cano, &c., Camillo Serafini,
199
Modern Copper Coins of ttie
Muhammadan States, W. H.
Valentine, 202
Numismata Graeca, L. Anson,
199
0.
Octavia, sister of Octavian, is
married to M. Antony, 138 ; coin
commemorating, ibid. ; goes
with M. Antony to Greece, 139 ;
reconciles M. Antony and Octa-
vian before battle of Naulochus,
143 ; her portrait on coins com-
memorating this victory, 145,
146
Octavian, his arrival in Italy after
death of Julius Caesar, and his
line of action, 111 ; his breach
with M. Antony, 112 ; attacks
INDEX.
369
M. Antony at Mutina, 112 ; re-
turns to Rome and is elected
consul, 113 ; receives extended
powers from Senate, 114 ; eques-
trian statues erected to, com-
memorated on coins, 114, 115 ;
joins M. Antony and Lepidus
and forms triumvirate, 115, 116 ;
coins commemorating, 117 ;
subsequent proscriptions at
Rome, 124 ; undertakes war
against Sextus Pompey in Sicily,
125 ; his fleet defeated in Straits
of Messana and his departure
for the East, 126 ; defeats Brutus
and Cassius at Philippi, 131 ;
redistributes with M. Antony the
Provinces, 133 ; coins of, struck
by M. Antony to commemorate
the consulship of L. Antony,
134 ; returns to Rome after
battle of Philippi, 134 ; his dis-
sensions with L. Antony, 134,
135 ; besieges L. Antony in
Perusia, 135 ; reorganizes the
Gallic provinces and issues
coins, 137 ; third distribution
with M. Antony of the Pro-
vinces, 138 ; strikes coins in
commemoration of, ibid. ', de-
clares war against Sextus Pom-
pey, 142 ; his defeat at Gumae
and Messana, 142, 143 ; his
victory at Naulochus, and his
portrait on bronze coins struck
by M. Antony, 145, 146 ; all the
coinage of the Roman Mint
issued in his name after battle
of Naulochus, 147, 148 ; his rup-
ture with M. Antony, 149; de-
feats M. Antony at Actium, 151 ;
coins in commemoration of, 151,
152 ; receives title of Augustus,
152
Octavius. See Octavian
Oppius Capito, M., strikes coins
for M. Antony on victory of
Naulochus, 146
P.
Pacorus, King of Parthia, his de-
feat and death, 140
Pagett, James, teller (mimisma-
tor) of the Bristol Mint, 332
Panahabad, coins of, 195
Pansa, C. Vibius, consul, attacks
M. Antony at Mutina, 112 ; and
is slain, 113
Parthenon, implements for strik-
ing gold coins at Athens de-
posited in the, 351 sqq. ; the
coins identified, 355
Parthia, campaign against, by M.
Antony, 140 ; coins commemo-
rating, 140-142 ; conquest of,
by L. Verus commemorated,
234-239, 244-246, 248-253, 260 ;
chronology of, 254-259
Parthicus, title of, assumed by
Quintus Labienus, 140
Parthicus Maximus, title of, as-
sumed by M. Aurelius and L.
Verus, 249
Patara, capture of, by M. Julius
Brutus, 131
Pavilion type of William I, inter-
change of obverse dies of, de-
scribed, 278
" Paxs " type of William I, inter-
change of obverse dies of, de-
scribed, 270-284
Peckham, Sir Edmund, high trea-
surer of the mints, issues coins
at Bristol, 338 ; his accounts of
the Bristol Mint, 341, 342
Pedia, lex, passing of, 114
Pedius, Q., elected consul with
Octavian, 113 ; passes lex Pedia
which condemns murderers of
J. Caesar, 114
Pepys, Samuel, and the hammered
coinage of Charles II, 64, 65
Persia, Shahs of, their coinage
from 1737-1848, 176-196
Persian currency in silver (1737-
1848), maximum weights of, 186,
187
Perusia besieged by Octavian, 135
Petytt, Thomas, chief blancher
at the Bristol Mint, 335
Pharnapates, Parthian general,
defeat of, 140
Philippi, battle of, 131
Pellet coinage of Henry VI, coins
of, in the Stamford hoard,
struck in London and Calais,
165, 166
Pietas, as coin-types of Antoninus
Pius, 14-19 ; and of Marcus
Aurelius, 19, 20 ; and of the
Roman Republic and early em-
perors, 20-33 ; representations
370
INDEX.
of, on coins, classified, and
their connexion with the cog-
nomen Pius, 33-41 ; cognomen
of, assumed by L. Antony, 136
Pine-cone coinage of Henry VI,
coins of, in the Stamford find,
struck in London and Calais,
163
Pine-cone-trefoil coinage of Henry
VI, coins of, in the Stamford
find, struck in London and
Calais, 164
Pius, cognomen of the Emperor
Antoninus, 6-41 ; literary evi-
dence relating to, 6-14 ; earliest
occurrence of, on his coins, 9 ;
and Pietas types on coins, their
connexion, 33-41
Plaetorius Cestus, L., strikes coins
for M. Junius Brutus with legend
EID. MAR., &c., 130
Polemocratia, Thracian princess,
seeks protection of M. Junius
Brutus, and supplies him with
her treasure, 129
Pompey, Sextus, coins of, with
figure of Pietas, 22 ; his career
after the battle of Munda, 125 ;
takes Sicily, ibid. ; is attacked
by Q. Salvius Salvidienus Bufus,
and gains battle of Messana,
126; coins commemorative of,
126, 127 ; personified as the
" Son of Neptune," 127 ; opens
negotiations with M. Antony,
137 ; received a share in the
government of the Provinces
under the treaty of Misenum,
139; his descent on Italy, and
victories at Cumae and Messana
and subsequent defeat, 142,
143 ; coins commemorating his
victories, 144, 145
"Profectio" types of L. Verus
and M. Aurelius relating to the
Eastern campaigns, 210, 211,
213-215
Proscriptions at Rome on the for-
mation of the triumvirate of
Antony, Lepidus, and Octavian,
124
Provincial coinages under the
Roman Republic, origin of, and
duration, 117-120
Provincial dies and their manu-
facture temp. William I, 280-
284
Quarter-nobles of Edward III
struck at Calais, their classifi-
cation, 323-328
R.
RABINO, H. L. :
Coins of the Shahs of Persia
(1737-1848), 176-196
Ramsden, H. A., his Corean
Coin-Charms and Amulets
noticed, 204; and his Chinese
Paper Money, 360
Rasht, coins of, 189, 190, 193
Recorde, Robert, commissioner
and comptroller of the Bristol
Mint, 336, 340, 341
Redfern, William, overseer of
moneyers at the Bristol Mint, 335
Rhea Silvia and Mars, type of, on
coins of Antoninus Pius, 228
Rhodes, capture of, by C. Cassius,
131 ; coins commemorating, 132
RINGBOSE, REV. P. D., M.A. :
Find of Alexandrian coins in
London, 357
Robert III of Scotland, groats of,
in the Stamford find, 168
ROGERS, REV. EDGAR, M.A. :
The type of the Jewish shekels,
1-5
A new Jewish tetradrachm, 205
" Roma " type on coins of M.
Aurelius, 239-243; its special
reference to the power of
Rome in Europe, 241-243 ; on
coin of L. Verus, its reference to
his Eastern campaigns, 243, 244
Roman Empire, first division of,
under the triumvirate of An-
tony, Lepidus, and Octavian,
116 ; second division of, 133 ;
third division of, 138
Roman Imperial copper coins
(asses) found in Southants, 45 ;
date of, 50 ; British imitations
of, 51, 52
Roman Imperial denarii found in
Southants, 44 ; date of, 50 ;
British imitations of, 51
Roman Republican denarii found
in Southants, 44 ; date of, 50 ;
British imitations of, 50, 51
Rose-leaf coinage of Henry VI,
groats of, in the Stamford find,
struck in London and Calais, 163
Rosette-mascle coinage of Henry
INDEX.
371
VI, groats of, in the Stamford
find, struck at Calais, 161, 162
S.
Sfidik Khan, Shah of Persia, coin-
age of, 180 ; coins of, 193
St. Davids and Shrewsbury inter-
change obverse dies of " Paxs "
coins of William I, 277
Salisbury, See of, supplies bullion
to the Bristol Mint, 339
Salisbury and Marlborough inter-
change obverse dies of " Paxs "
coins of William I, 275 ; and
Wilton, 276
" Salus " type of M. Aurelius relat-
ing to illness of L. Verus, 212
Salvius Salvidienus Eufus, Q., at-
tacks Sextus Pompey in Straits
of Messana and is defeated, 126;
strikes coins for Octavian in
Gaul, 137
Sam, Shah of Persia, coins of, 177
Sardes, meeting of M. Junius
Brutus and C. Cassius at, 131 ;
coins struck at, 132, 133
Sempronius Atratinus, L., strikes
coins for M. Antony after victory
of Naulochus, 146
Sepullius Macer, P. See Macer,
P. Sepullius
Serafini, Cav. Camillo, his Monete
e le Bolle Plumbee Pontificie
del Medagliere Vaticano, &c.,
noticed, 199
Servilius, Marcus, strikes coins
for 0. Cassius commemorating
the taking of Rhodes, 132
Seymour of Sudeley, Lord, his
malpractices in connexion with
the Bristol Mint, 336
Shah Rukh, Shah of Persia, coin-
age of, 178 ; coins of, 189
Shahs of Persia, coinage of (1737-
1848), 176-196
Shamakhl, coin of, 191
Sharington, Sir William, ap-
pointed under-treasurer of the
Bristol Mint, 332; his guaran-
tees, 333 ; his duration of office,
334 ; is knighted at the corona-
tion of Edward VI, 335; his
indebtedness to the king, ibid. ;
renders his accounts for 1548-
1549, 336 ; his defalcations, and
Lord Seymour of Sudeley, ibid. ;
dismissal of, 336 ; is pardoned,
337 ; plate found at his resi-
dences in London and at La-
cock Abbey, 342 ; his monogram
(WS) on coins of Bristol, 343,
346, 347 ; and on money for
Ireland, 349
Shekels, Jewish, type of, explained,
1-5
Shrewsbury and St. Davids inter-
change obverse dies of " Paxs"
coins of William I, 277
Silver coinage, hammered, of
Charles II, 57-79 ; classification
of, 58-68 ; described, 69-79
Simon Bar Cochab, tetradrachm
of, 205
Simon Maccabaeus, type of his
shekels, explained, 1-5 ; the
lily, his symbol, 5
Simon, Thomas, makes dies for
hammered coinage of Charles II,
64-68
Smith, John, appointed receiver of
testoons at the Bristol Mint, 340
Sohaemus invested with crown of
Armenia by L. Verus, 232-234,
262, 263, 265
Southants, hoard of Roman and
British coins, found in, 42-56
Southwark Mint, coins of, of
Edward VI, with his father's
name and portrait, 346
Southwark and London inter-
change obverse dies of " Paxs "
coins of William I, 277
Spartianus, Decius, his explanation
of the cognomen Pius in con-
nexion with Antoninus Pius, 7,
8, 10
Stamford find, particulars of its
discovery, contents, and dis-
persal, 153 sqq. ; list of coins
in the, 168-171
Statius Priscus commands in the
Armenian war for L. Verus, 224,
232, 254 ; and in the Parthian
compaign, 246, 255 ; founds city
of Nor-Khalakh (Kcm^ Il6\is),
255, 256, 262
Stork, the symbol of Pietas, 23-25
Sudeley, Lord Seymour of. See
Seymour of Sudeley, Lord
Sulaiman II, Shah of Persia,
coinage of, 178
SYMONDS, HENRY, F.S.A.
The Bristol Mint of Henry VIII
and Edward VI, 331-350
372
INDEX.
T.
Tabernacle, Holy of Holies in the,
representation of, on Jewish
tetradrachms, 205-207
Temple, Beautiful Gate of the,
supposed representation of, on
Jewish tetradrachms, 206
Testoons (or Testons), illegal issue
of, at the Bristol Mint, by Sir
William Sharington, 336, 337,
339 ; demonetization of, 340
Thetford and London interchange
obverse dies of bonnet type
coins of William I, 278
Thrace, conquest of, by M. Junius
Brutus, 128 ; coin struck in
commemoration of, 129
Tiflis, coins of, 185, 193
Timur, Shah of Persia, coinage of,
181
Tiridates, Parthian satrap, de-
feated by Martius Verus and
banished to Britain, 263-265
Titus, coins of, with figure of
Pietas, 28
Trajan, coins of, of the Pietas
type, 28-30
Triumvirate concluded between
Antony, Lepidus, and Octavian,
115, 116 ; coins commemorating,
117
Tfiisirkan, coin of, 195
Trytell, Rowland, chief blancher
at the Bristol Mint, 335
U.
Unpublished Greek coins, 85-100
Uriimi, coins of, 194
V.
Valentine, W. H., his Modern
Copper Coins of the Muham-
madan States noticed, 202
Ventidius Bassus, P., strikes coins
in honour of M. Antony during
the siege of Perusia, 136 ;
commands in the war against
the Pathians, 140
Verus, Lucius. See Lucius Verus
Verus, Martius. See Martius Verus
Vibius Pansa, C. See Pansa, C.
Vibius
Victory types on coins of M.
Aurelius, 219, 222, 252 ; and on
those of L. Verus, 222, 252
Vologeses, King of Parthia, in-
vades Armenia, 254
W.
Walker, John, teller of the Bristol
Mint, 340
WALTERS, FBEDK. A., F.S.A.
The Stamford find and supple-
mentary notes on the coinage
of Henry VI, 153-175
Weights of the Persian currency
in silver from 1737-1848, 186, 187
Wells, See of, supplies bullion to
the Bristol Mint, 339
William I, notes on the reign of,
268-290 ; dies of his coins
compared, 269-284 ; repetition
of obverse dies of his coins by
the same moneyer, 270; inter-
changes of dies of moneyers of
the same mint, extent of, 271-
273 ; interchange of dies of
different mints, 274-284 ; manu-
facture of his dies, whether all
in London or some locally, 280-
284 ; alterations in his dies,
284-287
Wilton and Salisbury interchange
obverse dies of " Paxs " coins of
William I, 276 ; and Cricklade,
277
WOODWARD, ARTHUR M., M.A.
A note on the first issue of gold
coins at Athens, 351-356
Wygmore, Roger, comptroller of
the Bristol Mint, 332; his
guarantee, 333
X.
Xanthus, capture of, by M. Junius
Brutus, 131
Y.
Yorke, Sir John, strikes coins of
Edward VI at Southwark with
name and portrait of Henry
VIII, 346
LONDON : PRINTED BY WILLIAM CLOWES AND SONS, LIMITED,
DUKE STREET, STAMFORD STREET, S.E., AND GREAT WINDMILL STREET, W.
Num. Chron. Ser. IV. Vol. XI. PI. XII.
EASTERN CAMPAIGNS OF L. VERVS
ILLUSTRATED
Num. Chron. Ser. IV. Vol. XI. PI. XIII.
EASTERN CAMPAIGNS OF L. VERVS
ILLUSTRATED
NUM. Chron. Ser. IV. Vol. XL PI. XIV.
PENNIES OF WILLIAM I (enlarged to $ of original size)
f'K
PENNIES OF WILLIAM I (enlarged to of original size)
Si, 2. Barnstaple
3, 4- E*
Exeter
7, 8. Gnildford
9, 10. Chichester
514, 15. Salisbury
1 6, 17. Marlborough
Num. Chron. Ser. IV. Vol. XL PL XVI.
PENNIES OF WILLIAM I (enlarged to $ of original size)
$ i, 2. Salisbury I 8, 9, 10. Cricklade | 15, 16. London I 20. London
i 3. Wilton | ii. Wilton ( 17- Southwark { ai. Thetford
4, 5, 6. Wilton ( 12, 13. Shrewsbury \ 18. London
7. Salisbury ) 14. St. David's ( 19- Ipswich
Num. Chron. Ser. IV. Vol. XL PI. XVII.
PENNIES OF WILLIAM I (enlarged to | of original size)
1. Thetford
2. Uncertain
3, 4. London
5, 6. Exeter
Num. Chron. Ser. IV. Vol. XL PI. XVIII.
EDWARD
Nobles
Nobles
1 360-1369(61)
Num. Chron. Ser. IV. Vol XL PL XIX.
VIZ'
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Calais Nobles,
Num. Chron. Ser. IV. Vol. XI. PI. XXI.
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LIST OF FELLOWS
OF THE
RO Y A.L
NUMISMATIC SOCIETY
1911
PATRON
HIS MAJESTY THE KING
LIST OF FELLOWS
OF THE
ROYAL
NUMISMATIC SOCIETY
1911
The sign * indicates that the Fellow has compounded for his annual
contribution : f that the Felloio has died during the year.
ELECTED
1909 VICE-ADMIRAL H.S.H. PRINCE Louis OF BATTENBERG, G.C.B.,
G.C.V.O., K.C.M.G., Admiralty, Whitehall, S.W.
1873 *ALEXKIEFF, M. GEORGES D', Maitre de la Cour de S.M
1'Empereur de Eussie, 40, Sergnewskaje, St. Petersburg.
1907 ALLAN, JOHN, ESQ., M.A., M.R.A.S., British Museum, W.C.,
Hon. Secretary.
1907 ALLATINI, ROBERT, ESQ., 18, Holland Park, W.
1892 AMEDROZ, HENRY F., ESQ., 48, York Terrace, Regent's Park,
N.W.
1884 ANDREWS, R. THORNTON, ESQ., 25, Castle Street, Hertford.
1909 ARNOLD, EDWIN L., ESQ., 108, Nightingale Lane, S.W.
1900 AVEBDRY, RT. HON. LORD, P.O., F.R.S., High Elms, Down,
Kent.
1882 BACKHOUSE, SIR JONATHAN E., BART., The Rookery, Middleton
Tyas, R.S.O., Yorks.
1907 BAIRD, REV. ANDREW B., D.D., 247, Colony Street, Winnipeg,
Canada.
1909 BALDWIN, Miss A., 415, West 118th Street, New York, U.S.A.
1902 BALDWIN, A. H., ESQ., Duncannon Street, Charing Cross,
W.C.
1905 BALDWIN, PERCY J. D., ESQ., Duncannon Street, Charing
Cross, W.C.
1898 BANES, ARTHUR ALEXANDER, ESQ., The Red House, Upton,.
Essex.
1907 BARRON, T. W., ESQ., Yew Tree Hall, Forest Row, Sussex.
1887 BASCOM, G. J., ESQ., The Breslin, New York, U.S.A.
1896 BEARMAN, THOS., ESQ., Melbourne House, 8, Tudor Road r
Hackney.
4 LIST OF FELLOWS.
ELECTED
1906 BEATTY, W. GEDNEY, ESQ., 55, Broadway, New York, U.S.A.
1910 BENNET-POE, J. T., ESQ., M.A., 29, Ashley Place, S.W.
1909 BIDDULPH, COLONEL J., Grey Court, Ham, Surrey.
1880 *BIEBER, G. W. EGMONT, ESQ., 4, Fenchurch Avenue, E.G.
1885 BLACKETT, JOHN STEPHENS, ESQ., C.E., Inverard, Aberfoyle,
N.B.
1904 BLACKWOOD, CAPT. A. PRICE, 52, Queen's Gate Terrace, S.W.
1882 *BLISS, THOMAS, ESQ., Coningsburgh, Montpelier Road,
Baling, W.
1879 BLUNDELL, J. H., ESQ., 157, Cheapside, E.G.
1907 BOSANQUET, PROF. R. C., M.A., Institute of Archaeology,
40, Bedford Street N., Liverpool.
1896 BOULTON, SIR SAMUEL BAGSTER, BART., J.P., D.L., F.R.G.S.,
Copped Hall, Totteridge, Herts.
1903 BOUSFIELD, STANLEY, ESQ., M.A., M.B. (Camb.), M.R.C.S.,
35, Prince's Square, W.
1897 BOWCHER, FRANK, ESQ., 35, Fairfax Road, Bedford Park, W.
1906 BOYD, ALFRED C., ESQ., 7, Friday Street, E.G.
1899 BOYLE, COLONEL GERALD, 48, Queen's Gate Terrace, S.W.
1895 BRIGHTON PUBLIC LIBRARY, The Curator, Brighton.
1910 BRITTAN, FREDERICK J., ESQ., 28, Gowan Avenue, S.W.
1908 BROOKE, GEORGE CYRIL, ESQ., B.A., British Museum, W.C.
1905 BROOKE, JOSHUA WATTS, ESQ., Rosslyn, Marlborough, Wilts.
1911 BROWNE, REV. PROF. H. BROWNE, 35, Lower Leeson Street,
Dublin.
1896 BRUUN, HERR L. E., 101, Gothersgade, Copenhagen.
1878 BUCHAN, J. S., ESQ., 17, Barrack Street, Dundee.
1881 BULL, REV. HERBERT A., M.A., J.P., Wellington House,
Westgate -on - Sea.
1910 BURKITT, MILES CRAWFURD, ESQ., Trinity College, Cambridge.
1897 BURN, THE HON. MR. RICHARD, I.C.S., M.R.A.S., Naini Tal,
Allahabad, India.
1881 BURSTAL, EDWARD K., ESQ., M. Inst. C.E., North Green,
Datchet, Bucks.
1904 BURTON, REV. EDWIN, St. Edmund's College, Old Hall, Ware.
1911 BURTON, FRANK E., ESQ., J.P., Ruddington House, Rudding-
ton, Notts.
1878 *BUTTERY, W., ESQ. (address not known).
1904 CAHN, DR. JULIUS, Niedenau, 55, Frankfurt-am-Main,
Germany.
LIST OP FELLOWS. 5
ELECTED
1886 CALDECOTT, J. B., ESQ., The Stock Exchange, E.G.
1908 CALLEJA SCHEMBEI, REV. CANON H., D.D., 50, Strada Saluto,
Valletta, Malta.
1904 CAMPBELL, W. E. M., ESQ., I.C.S., Kheri, United Provinces,
India.
1894 CARLYON-BEITTON, P. W. P., ESQ., D.L., J.P., F.S.A., 43,
Bedford Square, W.C.
1898 fCARNEGiE, COLONEL D. LINDSAY, 6, Playfair Terrace, St.
Andrews, N.B.
1905 CAETHEW, COLONEL E. J., J.P., Woodbridge Abbey, Suffolk.
1910 CHETTY, B. C., ESQ., Curator, Mysore Government Museum,
Bangalore.
1886 CHURCHILL, WM. S., ESQ., 102, Birch Lane, Manchester.
1891 *CLAUSON, ALBERT CHARLES, ESQ., Hawkshead House, Hat-
field, Herts.
1911 CLEMENTS, LUTHER, ESQ., Charlton House, Peckham Bye, S.E.
1903 CLULOW, GEORGE, ESQ., 51, Belsize Avenue, Hampstead,
N.W.
1911 COATES, B. ASSHETON, ESQ., Kilworth House, Rugby.
1886 CODRINGTON, OLIVER, ESQ., M.D., F.S.A., M.B.A.S., 12.
Victoria Boad, Clapham Common, Librarian.
1895 COOPER, JOHN, ESQ., Beckfoot, Longsight, Manchester.
1906 COSSINS, JETHRO A., ESQ., Kingsdon, Forest Boad, Moseley,
Birmingham.
1902 COVERNTON, J. G., ESQ., M.A., Director of Public Instruction,
Rangoon, Burma.
1910 CREE, JAMES EDWARD, ESQ., Tusculum, North Berwick.
1886 *CROMPTON-ROBERTS, CHAS. M., ESQ., 52, Mount Street, W.
1884 DAMES, M. LONGWORTH, ESQ., I.C.S. (retd.), M.B.A.S.,
c/o J. Allan, Esq., British Museum, W.C.
1900 DATTAEI, SIGNOR GIANNINO, Cairo, Egypt.
1902 DAVEY, EDWAED CHARLES, ESQ. (address not known).
1878 DAVIDSON, J. L. STRACHAN, ESQ., M.A., Balliol College,
Oxford.
1888 DAWSON, G. J. CROSBIE, ESQ., M. Inst. C.E., F.G.S., F.S.S.,
May Place, Newcastle, Staffordshire.
1886 *DEWICK, REV. E. S., M.A., F.S.A., 26, Oxford Square, Hyde
Park, W.
1868 DOUGLAS, CAPTAIN B. J. H., Rosslyn, Hardy Road, "West-
combe Park, S.E.
6 LIST OF FELLOWS.
ELECTED
1905 EGGER, HERE ARMIN, 7, Opernring, Vienna,
1907 ELDER, THOMAS L., ESQ., 82, East Twenty-third Street, New
York, U.S.A.
1893 ELLIOTT, E. A., ESQ., 16, Belsize Grove, Hampstead, N.W.
1904 ELLISON-MACARTNEY, BT. HON. WILLIAM GREY, P.C., The
Boyal Mint, E.
1895 ELY, TALFOURD, ESQ., M.A., D.Litt., F.S.A., Ockington,
Gordon Boad, Claygate, Surrey.
1888 ENGEL, M. ARTHUR, 23, Bue Erlanger, Auteuil, Paris.
1872 *EVANS, SIR ARTHUR J., M.A., D.Litt., LL.D., F."B.S.,
V.P.S.A., Corr. de 1'Inst., Whitebarn, near Oxford, Vice-
President.
1892 *EVANS, LADY, M.A., Britwell, Berkhamsted, Herts.
1904 *FARQUHAR, Miss HELEN, 11 Belgrave Square, S.W.
1886 FAY, DUDLEY B., ESQ., 287, Beacon Street, Boston, Mass.,
U.S.A.
1902 FENTIMAN, HABRY, ESQ., Murray House, Murray Boad, Baling
Park, W.
1910 FISHER LIBRARY, THE, University. Sydney, N.S.W.
1908 FITZ\VILLIAM MUSEUM, The Curator, Cambridge.
1901 FLETCHER, LIONEL LAWFORD, ESQ., Norwood Lodge, Tup-
wood, Caterham.
1898 FORRER, L., ESQ., 11, Hammelton Boad, Bromley, Kent.
1894 *FOSTER, JOHN ARMSTRONG, ESQ., F.Z.S., Chestwood, near
Barnstaple.
1891 *Fox, H. B. EARLE, ESQ., 37, Markham Square, S.W.
1905 FRANCKLIN, EDWARD, ESQ., 20, Hyde Park Square, W.
1868 FRENTZEL, BUDOLPH, ESQ., 46, Northfield Boad, Stamford
Hill, N.
1882 *FRESHFIELD, EDWIN, ESQ., LL.D., F.S.A., New Bank
Buildings, 31, Old Jewry, E.G.
1905 FREY, ALBERT B., ESQ., 36A, Hampton Place, Brooklyn, New
York, U.S.A.
1896 *FRY, CLAUDE BASIL, ESQ., Stoke Lodge, Stoke Bishop,
Bristol.
1897 *GANS, LEOPOLD, ESQ., 207, Madison Street, Chicago, U.S.A.
1871 GARDNER, PROF. PERCY, Litt.D., F.S.A., 105, Banbury Boad,
Oxford.
1907 GARDNER, WILLOUGHBY, ESQ., Deganwy, North Wales.
1889 GARSIDE, HENRY, ESQ., 46, Queen's Boad, Teddington.
LIST OF FELLOWS. 7
ELECTBD
1904 GOLDNEY, FRANCIS BENNETT, ESQ., F.S.A., M.P., Abbots
Barton, Canterbury.
1894 GOODACRE, HUGH, ESQ., The Court, Ullesthorpe, Kugby.
1910 GOODALL, ALEX., ESQ., 5, Maria Street, Kirkcaldy, N.B.
1907 GOUDY, HENRY, ESQ., M.A., LL.D., D.C.L., Regius Professor
of Civil Law, All Souls College, Oxford.
1899 GOWLAND, PROF. WILLIAM, F.I.C., M.C.S., F.R.S., F.S.A., 13,
Russell Road, Kensington, W.
1904 GRAHAM, T. HENRY BOILEAU, ESQ., Edmund Castle, Carlisle.
1905 GRANT DUFF, EVELYN, ESQ., C.B., British Consulate General,
Budapest.
1891 *GRANTLEY, LORD, F.S.A., Oakley Hall, Cirencester.
1865 GREENWELL, REV. CANON W., M.A., F.R.S., F.S.A., Durham.
1903 GRIFFITH, FRANK LL., ESQ., M.A., F.S.A., 11, Norham
Gardens, Oxford.
1871 GRUEBER, HERBERT A., ESQ., F.S.A., Keeper of Coins,
British Museum, Vice- President.
1910 GUNN, WILLIAM, ESQ., 19, Swan Road, Harrogate.
1899 HALL, HENRY PLATT, ESQ., Toravon, Werneth, Oldham.
1898 HANDS, REV. ALFRED W., The Rectory, Nevendon, Wickford,
Essex.
1904 HARRIS, EDWARD BOSWORTH, ESQ., 5, Sussex Place, Regent's
Park, N.W.
1904 HARRISON, FREDERICK A., ESQ., 10-12, Featherstone Street,
E.G.
1903 HASLUCK, F. W., ESQ., M.A., The Wilderness, Southgate, N.
1902 HAVERFIELD, PROF. FRANCIS J., M.A., LL.D., F.S.A., Christ
Church, Oxford.
1864 HEAD, BARCLAY VINCENT, ESQ., D.Litt., D.C.L., Ph.D., Corr.
de 1'Inst., 26, Leinster Square, Bayswater, W.
1906 HEADLAM, REV. ARTHDR CAYLEY, M.A., D.D., King's College,
London.
1886 *HENDERSON, JAMES STEWART, ESQ., F.R.G.S., M.R.S.L.,
M.C.P., 1, Pond Street, Hampstead, N.W.
1901 *HENDERSON, REV. COOPER K., M.A., 8, Via Garibaldi, Siena,
Italy.
1906 HERCY, THOMAS F. J. L., ESQ., J.P., D.L., 40, Albert Palace
Mansions, Battersea Park, S.W.
1892 HEWITT, RICHARD, ESQ., 28, Westbourne Gardens, W.
1900 HEWLETT, LIONEL M., ESQ., 27, Roxborough Park, Harrow-
on-the-Hill, Middlesex.
1903 HIGGINS, FRANK C., ESQ., 5, West 108th Street, New York,
U.S.A.
8 LIST OF FELLOWS.
ELECTED
1898 HILBERS, THE YEN. G. C., M.A., V.D., St. Thomas's Rectory,
Haverfordwest.
1898 HILL, CHARLES WILSON, ESQ. (address not known).
1893 HILL, GEORGE FRANCIS, ESQ., M.A., British Museum, Foreign
Secretary.
1898 HOCKING, WILLIAM JOHN, ESQ., Royal Mint, E.
1895 HODGE, THOMAS, ESQ., 13, Wellington Street, Strand, W.C.
1910 HOWORTH, DANIEL F., ESQ., 24, Villiers Street, Ashton-
under-Lyne.
1878 HOWORTH, SIR HENRY H., K.C.I.E., F.R.S., F.S.A.,
30, Collingham Place, Earl's Court, S.W., President.
1883 HUBBARD, WALTER R., ESQ., 6, Broomhill Avenue, Partick,
Glasgow.
1885 HUGEL, BARON F. VON, 13, Vicarage Gate, Kensington, W.
1908 "HUNTINGTON, ARCHER M., ESQ., Secretary to the American
Numismatic Society, Audubon Park, 156th Street, West
of Broadway, New York, U.S.A.
1911 HYMAN, COLEMAN P., ESQ., 14, Warrington Crescent, Maida
Vale, N.W.
1910 JEKYLL, EDWARD J., ESQ., J.P., D.L., Higham Bury, Ampthill.
1879 *JEX-BLAKE, THE VERY REV. T. W., D.D., F.S.A., Deanery,
Wells.
1911 JOHNSTON, LEONARD P., ESQ., The Cottage, Warningcamp,
Arundel, Sussex.
1911 JONES, FREDERICK WILLIAM, ESQ., 22, Ramshill Road,
Scarborough.
1873 KEARY, CHARLES FRANCIS, ESQ., M.A., F.S.A., Savile Club,
Piccadilly, W.
1874 *KENYON, R. LLOYD, ESQ., M.A., J.P., D.L., Pradoe, West
Felton, Salop.
1876 KITCHENER, FIELD-MARSHAL VISCOUNT, OF KHARTOUM, G.C.B.,
O.M., K.P., G.C.S.I., G.C.M.G., c/o Messrs. Cox & Co.,
Charing Cross, S.W.
1901 KOZMINSKY, DR. ISIDORE, 20, Queen Street, Kew, near
Melbourne, Victoria.
1883 "LAGERBERG, M. ADAM MAGNUS EMANUEL, Chamberlain
of H.M. the King of Sweden, Director of the Numis-
matic Department, Museum, Gottenburg, and Rada,
Sweden.
1871 *LANG. SIR ROBERT HAMILTON, K.C.M.G., The Grove,
Dedham, Essex.
LIST OF FELLOWS. 9
ELKUTED
1906 LANGTON, JOHN GORDON, ESQ., F.C.A., F.I.S., 90, St. Mary's
Mansions, St. Mary's Terrace, Paddington, W.
1910 LAUGHLIN, REV. A., M.A., Nogales, Arizona, U.S.A.
1898 LAYER, PHILIP G., ESQ., M.R.C.S., 3, Church Street, Col-
chester.
1899 fLAWES-WlTTEWRONGE, SlR CHARLES BfiNNET, BART., The
Studio, Chelsea Gardens, S.W.
1877 LAWRENCE, F. G., ESQ., Birchfield, Mulgrave Road, Sutton,
Surrey.
1885 *LAWRENCE, L. A., ESQ., F.S.A., 44, Belsize Square, N.W.
1883 *LAWRENCE, RICHARD HOE, ESQ., 15, Wall Street, New York.
1871 *LAWSON, ALFRED J., ESQ., Smyrna.
1893 LESLIE-ELLIS, LIEUT.-COL. HENRY, D.L., F.S.A., F.R.G.S.,
Magherymore, Wicklow.
1900 LINCOLN, FREDERICK W., ESQ., 69, New Oxford Street, W.C.
1907 LOCKETT, RICHARD CYRIL, ESQ., Clounterbrook, St. Anne's
Road, Aigburth, Liverpool.
1911 LONGMAN, W., ESQ., 27, Norfolk Square, W.
1898 LUND, H. M., ESQ., Waitara, Taranaki, New Zealand.
1903 LYDDON, FREDERICK STICKLAND, ESQ., 5, Beaufort Road,
Clifton, Bristol.
1885 *LYELL, ARTHUR HENEY, EsQ.,F.S.A., 9, Cranley Gardens, S.W.
1895 MACDONALD, GEO., ESQ., M.A., LL.D., 17, Learmonth Gardens,
Edinburgh.
1901 MACFADYEN, FRANK E., ESQ., 2, Grosvenor Road, Jesmond,
Newcastle-on-Tyne.
1895 MARSH, WM. E., ESQ., Marston, Bromley, Kent.
1897 MASSY, COL. W. J., 96, Oakley Street, Chelsea, S.W.
1880 *MAUDE, REV. S., Montolt, Midhope Road, Woking.
1905 MAVROGORDATO , J., ESQ., 4, Dalmeira Court, Hove.
1906 McCLEAN, JOHN ROBINSON, ESQ., M.A., Rusthall House, Tun-
bridge Wells.
1901 McDowALL, REV. STEWART A., 5, Kingsgate Street, Win-
chester.
1905 McEwEN, HUGH DRUMMOND, ESQ., Custom House, Leith, N.B.
1868 MCLACHLAN, R. W., ESQ., 55, St. Monique Street, Montreal,
Canada.
1905 MESSENGER, LEOPOLD G. P., ESQ., 151, Brecknock Road,
Tufnell Park, N.
10 LIST OF FELLOWS.
ELECTED
1905 MILLEK, HENRY CLAY, ESQ., 35, Broad Street, New York,
U.S.A.
1897 MILNE, J. GRAFTON, ESQ., M.A., Bankside, Goldhill, Farn-
ham, Surrey.
1906 MITCHELL-INNES, E. A., ESQ., K.C., Churchill, Hemel Hemp-
stead, Herts.
1910 MITCHELL LIBRARY, THE, Glasgow, F. T. Barrett, ESQ.,
Librarian.
1906 MITCHISON, A. M., ESQ., 11, Chelsea Embankment, S.W.
1898 *MONCKTON, HORACE W., ESQ., F.L.S., F.G.S., 3, Harcourt
Buildings, Temple, E.G.
1888 MONTAGUE, L. A. D., ESQ., Penton, near Crediton, Devon.
1905 MOORE, WILLIAM HENRY, ESQ. (address not known).
1879 MORRIESON, LIEUT.-COL. H. WALTERS, R.A., F.S.A., 42, Beau-
fort Gardens, S.W.
1904 MOULD, RICHARD W., ESQ., Newington Public Library,
Walworth Road, S.E.
1900 *MYLNE, REV. ROBERT SCOTT, M.A., B.C.L., F.S.A., Great
Amwell, Herts.
1909 NAGG, STEPHEN K., ESQ., 1621, Master Street, Philadelphia,
U.S.A.
1893 NAPIER, PROF. A. S., M.A., D.Litt., Ph.D., Headington Hill,
Oxford.
1905 NATHAN, SIDNEY, ESQ., M.D., 50, Harrington Gardens, S.W.
1910 NESMITH, THOMAS, ESQ., c/o J. Munro & Co., 7, Rue Scribe,
Paris.
1905 NEWALL, HUGH FRANK, ESQ., M.A., Madingley Rise, Cam-
bridge.
1906 NEWBERRY LIBRARY, Chicago, U.S. America.
1905 NEWELL, E. T., ESQ., Box 321, Madison Square, New York,
U.S.A.
1909 NIKLEWICZ, H., ESQ., 28, Park Place, Brooklyn, New York,
U.S.A.
1904 NORFOLK, DUKE OF, E.M., K.G., Arundel Castle, Arundel.
1904 NORTHUMBERLAND, DUKE OF, K.G., 2, Grosvenor Place, S.W.
1898 OGDEN, W. SHARP, ESQ., Hill View, Danes Road, Rusholme,
Manchester.
1897 "O'HAGAN, HENRY OSBORNE, ESQ., Al4, The Albany,
Piccadilly, W.
1882 OMAN, PROF. C. W. C., M.A., F.S.A., All Souls College,
Oxford.
1911 OPPENHEIMER, HENRY, ESQ., 12, Southwick Crescent, W.
LIST OF FELLOWS. 11
ELECTED
1904 PAGE, AETHUE W., ESQ., Woodstock House, Sion Hiil Place,
Bath.
1890 fPAGE, SAMUEL, ESQ., 12, Viokers Street, Nottingham.
1903 PAESONS, H. ALEXANDEE, ESQ., " Shaftesbury," Devonshire
Eoad, Honor Oak Park, S.E.
1882 *PECKOVEE OF WISBECH, LOED, LL.D., F.S.A., F.L.S.,
F.E.G.S., Bank House, Wisbech.
1896 PEEES, C. R., ESQ., M.A., F.S.A., 14, Lansdowne Boad,
Wimbledon.
1894 PEEEY, HENEY, ESQ., Middleton, Plaistow Lane, Bromley,
Kent.
1862 *PEREY, MAETEN, ESQ., M.D., Spalding, Lincolnshire.
1909 PETEESON, F. W. VOYSEY, ESQ., B.C.S. (retd.), 38, Bassett
Boad, W.
1888 PINCHES, JOHN HARVEY, ESQ., 21, Albert Embankment, S.E.
1910 POETEE, PEOFESSOE HAEVEY, Protestant College, Beirut,
Syria.
1889 POWELL-COTTON, PsECY H. GORDON, ESQ., Quex Park,
Birchington, Thanet.
1887 PEEVOST, SIE AUGUSTUS, BAET., F.S.A., 79, Westbourne
Terrace, W.
1903 PEICE, HABEY, ESQ. (address not known).
1911 PEICHAED, A. H. COOPEE-, American Numismatic Society,
156th Street, New York, U.S.A.
1878 PEIDEAUX, COL. W. F., C.S.I., F.B.G.S., Hopeville, St.
Peter's-in-Thanet, Kent.
1899 PEITCHAKD, JOHN E., ESQ., F.S.A., 12, St. John's Boad,
Clifton, Bristol.
1906 BADFORD, A. J. VOOGHT, ESQ., Vacye, College Boad, Malvern.
1902 BAMSDEN, HENEY A., ESQ., Charge d' Affaires of Cuba, P.O.
Box 214, Yokohama, Japan.
1887 BANSOM, W., ESQ., F.S.A., F.L.S., Fairneld, Hitchin, Herts.
1893 BAPHAEL, OSCAE C., ESQ., New Oxford and Cambridge Club,
68, Pall Mall, W.
1890 BAPSON, PEOF. E. J., M.A., M.B.A.S., 8, Mortimer Road
Cambridge.
1905 RASHLEIGH, EVELYN W., ESQ., Stoketon, Saltash, Cornwall.
1909 RAYMOND, WAYTE, ESQ., South Norwalk, Connecticut, U.S.A
1887 READY, W. TALBOT, ESQ., 66, Great Bussell Street, W.C.
1903 REGAN, W. H., ESQ., 124, Queen's Road, Bayswater, W.
1876 *BOBEETSON, J. D., ESQ., M.A., 17, St. George's Court,
Gloucester Boad, S.W.
12 LIST OF FELLOWS.
ELECTED
1911 ROBINSON, E. S. T., ESQ., The Towers, Sneyd Park, Bristol.
1910 ROGERS, REV. EDGAR, M.A., St. Sepulchre's Vicarage, 5,
Charterhouse Square, E.G.
1903 fRosENHEiM, MAX, ESQ., F.S.A., 68, Belsize Park Gardens,
N.W.
1911 ROSENHEIM, MAURICE, ESQ., 68, Belsize Park Gardens, N.W.
1900 ROSKELL, ROBERT N., ESQ., 1, Gray's Inn Square, W.C.
1896 *ROTH, BERNARD, ESQ., J.P., F.S.A., King's Wood, Enfield.
1903 RUBEN, PAUL, ESQ., Ph.D., Alte Rabenstrasse, 8, Hamburg,
Germany.
1904 RUSTAFFJAELL, ROBERT DE, ESQ., Luxor, Egypt.
1872 *SALAS, MIGUEL T., ESQ., 247, Florida Street, Buenos Ayres.
1877 *SANDEMAN, LIEUT.-COL. JOHN GLAS, M.V.O., F.S.A., Whin-
Hurst, Hayling Island, Havant, Hants.
1906 SAWYER, CHARLES, ESQ., 9, Alfred Place West, Thurloe
Square, S.W.
1875 SCHINDLER, GENERAL A. HOUTUM, C.I.E., 5, Thurleigh Road,
Balham, S.W.
1905 SEARLE, REV. W. G., M.A., 11, Scroope Terrace, Cambridge.
1904 SEEBOHM, FREDERICK, ESQ., LL.D., Litt.D., F.S.A., The
Hermitage, Hitchin.
1907 *SELTMAN, CHARLES T., ESQ., Kinghoe, Berkhamsted, Herts.
1890 SELTMAN, E. J., ESQ., Kinghoe, Berkhamsted, Herts.
1900 SHACKLES, GEORGE L., ESQ., Wickersley, Brough, R.S.O., E.
York s.
1908 SHEPHERD, EDWARD, ESQ., 2, Cornwall Road, Westbourne
Park, W.
1896 SIMPSON, C. E., ESQ., Huntriss Row, Scarborough.
1893 *SIMS, R. F. MANLEY-, ESQ. (address not known).
1896 SINHA, KUMVAR KUSHAL PAL, RAis OF KOTLA, Kotla, Agra,
India.
1883 SMITH, R. HOBART, ESQ., 4, West 129th Street, New York,
U.S.A.
1892 SMITH, VINCENT A., ESQ., M.A., M.R.A.S., I.C.S. (retd.), '
116, Banbury Road, Oxford.
1890 SMITH, W. BERESFORD, ESQ., Kenmore, Vanbrugh Park Road
West, Blackheath.
1905 SNELLING, EDWARD, ESQ., 26, Silver Street, E.G.
1909 SOUTZO, M. MICHEL, 8, Strada Romana, Bucharest.
1894 SPINK, SAMUEL M., ESQ., 17, Piccadilly, W.
LIST OP FELLOWS. 13
ELECTED
1902 STAINER, CHARLES LEWIS. ESQ., 10, South Parks Road, Oxford.
1869 *STKEATFEILD, REV. GEORGE SIDNEY, Goddington Rectory,
Bicester, Oxfordshire.
1864 f*STUBBS, MAJOR-GEN. P. W., R.A., 2, Clarence Terrace, St.
Luke's, Cork, Ireland.
1910 SUTCLIFFE, ROBERT, ESQ., 21, Market Street, Burnley, Lanes.
1909 SYMONDS, H., ESQ., F.S.A., Union Club, Trafalgar Square,
S.W.
1896 *TAFFS, H. W., ESQ., 35, Greenholm Road, Eltham, S.E.
1879 TALBOT, LIEUT.-COL. THE HON. MILO GEORGE, Corsham
Court, Corsham, Wilts.
1897 TALBOT, W. S., ESQ., I.C.S., c/o Messrs. King & Co., 9, Pall
Mall, S.W.
1888 TATTON, THOS. E.,EsQ.,Wythenshawe, Northenden, Cheshire.
1892 TAYLOR, R. WRIGHT, ESQ., M.A., LL.B., F.S.A., 8, Stone
Buildings, Lincoln's Inn, W.C.
1887 TAYLOR, W. H., ESQ., The Croft, Wheelwright Road,
Erdington, near Birmingham.
1887 THAIRLWALL, F. J., ESQ., 12, Upper Park Road, Haverstock
Hill, N.W.
1890 THOMAS -STANFORD, CHARLES, ESQ., J.P., M.A., F.S.A.,
Preston Manor, Brighton.
1896 THOMPSON, SIR HERBERT, BART., 9, Kensington Park
Gardens, W.
1896 THORBURN, HENRY W., ESQ., Cradock Villa, Bishop Auckland.
1903 THORPE, GODFREY F., ESQ., Falklands, 62, Nightingale Lane,
Balham, S.W.
1894 TRIGGS, A. B., ESQ., Bank of New South Wales, Yass, New
South Wales.
1887 TROTTER, LIEUT.-COL. SIR HENRY, K.C.M.G., C.B., 18,
Eaton Place, W.
1903 VINTER, WALTER FREDERICK, ESQ., Lindisfarne, Walton-on-
Thames, Surrey.
1874 VIZE, GEORGE HENRY, ESQ., 15, Spencer Road, Putney, S.W.
1899 VLASTO, MICHEL P., ESQ., 12, Allee des Capucines, Marseilles,
France.
1892 VOST, LIEUT.-COL. W., I.M.S., Muttra, United Provinces,
India.
14 LIST OF FELLOWS.
ELECTED
1905 WACE, A. J. B., ESQ., M.A., Leslie Lodge, Hall Place, St.
Albans.
1883 WALKER, B. K., ESQ., M.A., Watergate, Meath Boad, Bray,
Ireland.
1897 WALTERS, FRED. A., ESQ., F.S.A., 87, Old Queen Street,
Westminster, S.W., Hon. Secretary.
1894 WARD, JOHN, ESQ., J.P., F.S.A., Farningham, Kent.
1911 WARRE, FELIX W., ESQ., 231A, St. James's Court, Buckingham
Gate, S.W.
1901 *WATTEBS, CHARLES A., ESQ., Highfield, Woolton Boad,
Wavertree, Liverpool.
1901 WEBB, PERCY H., ESQ., 4 & 5, West Smithfield, E.G., Hon.
Treasurer.
1885 *WEBER, F. PARKES, ESQ., M.D., F.S.A., 19, Harley Street,
W.
1883 * WEBER, SIR HERMANN, M.D., 10, Grosvenor Street, Gros-
venor Square, W.
1884 WEBSTER, W. J., ESQ., Melrose, Beulah Boad East,
Thornton Heath.
1904 WEIGHT, WILLIAM CHARLES, ESQ., 6, Ship Street, Brighton.
1905 WEIGHTMAN, FLEET-SURGEON A. E., F.S.A., Junior United
Service Club, Charles Street, St. James's, S.W.
1899 WELCH, FRANCIS BERTRAM, ESQ., M.A., Oswestry School,
Oswestry, Shropshire.
1869 *WIGRAM, MRS. LEWIS, The Bookery, Frensham, Surrey.
1908 WILLIAMS, T. HENRY, ESQ., 85, Clarendon Boad, Putney,
S.W.
1910 WILLIAMS, W. I., ESQ., 22, High Durham Street, Bishop
Auckland, Durham.
1881 WILLIAMSON, GEO. C., ESQ., F.B.S.L., Burgh House, Well
Walk, Hampstead, N.W.
1906 WILLIAMSON, CAPT. W. H. (address not known).
1869 WINSER, THOMAS B., ESQ., F.B.G.S., F.I.A., 81, Shooter's
Hill Boad, Blackheath, S.E.
1904 WINTER, CHARLES, ESQ., Oldfield, Thetford Boad, New
Maiden, Surrey.
1906 WOOD, HOWLAND, ESQ., 93, Percy Street, Brookline, Massa-
chusetts, U.S.A.
1860 WORMS, BARON G. DE, F.B.G.S., F.S.A., V.P.B.S.L., F.G.S.,
D.L., J.P., 17, Park Crescent, Portland Place, W.
1903 WRIGHT, THE HON. MR. H. NELSON, I.C.S., M.B.A.S.,
Allahabad, United Provinces, India.
1880 fWROTH, W. W., ESQ., Assistant-Keeper of Coins, British
Museum.
LIST OF FELLOWS. 15
ELECTED
1889 YEATES, F. WILLSON, ESQ., 7, Leinster Gardens, Hyde
Park, W.
1880 YOUNG, ARTHUR W., ESQ., 12, Hyde Park Terrace, W.
1898 YOUNG, JAMES, ESQ., 14, Holland Eoad, W.
1900 ZIMMERMANN, REV. JEREMIAH, M.A., D.D., LL.D., 107, South
Avenue, Syracuse, New York, U.S.A.
HONORARY FELLOWS
ELECTED
1898 His MAJESTY VICTOR EMMANUEL III, KING OF ITALY,
Palazzo Quirinale, Rome.
1891 BABELON, M. ERNEST, Mem. de 1'Inst., Bibliotheque Nationale,
Paris.
1903 BAHRFELDT, GENERAL-MAJOR M., Allenstein, East Prussia.
1898 BLANCHET, M. J. A., 10, Bd. Emile Augier, Paris.
1898 DRESSEL, DR. H., Munz-Kabinet, Kaiser Friedrich Museum,
Berlin.
1899 GABRICI, PROF. DR. ETTORE, S. Giuseppe dei Nudi, 75, Naples.
1893 GNECCHI, COMM. FRANCESCO, Via Filodrammatici 10, Milan.
1886 HILDEBRAND, DR. HANS, Riksantiquarien, Stockholm.
1873 IMHOOF-BLUMER, DR. F., Winterthur, Switzerland.
1893 JONGHE, M. LE VICOMTE B. DE, Rue du Trone, 60, Brussels.
1878 KENNER, DR. F., K.K. Museen, Vienna.
1904 KUBITSCHEK, PROF. J. W., Pichlergasse, 1, Vienna.
1893 LOEBBECKE, HERR A., Cellerstrasse, 1, Brunswick.
1904 MAURICE, M. JULES, 33, Rue Washington, Paris.
1898 MILANI, PROF. LUIGI ADRIANO, Florence.
1908 Mo WAT, COMMANDANT ROBERT KNIGHT, 10, Rue des Feuillan-
tines, Paris.
1899 PICK, DR. BEHRENDT, Mtinzkabinet, Gotha.
1895 REINACH, M. THEODORE, 9, Rue Hammelin, Paris.
1891 SVORONOS, M. J. N., Conservateur du Cabinet des Medailles,
Athens.
1886 WEIL, DR. RUDOLF, Schoneberger Ufer, 38, in., Berlin, W.
LIST OF FELLOWS.
MEDALLISTS
OF THE ROYAL NUMISMATIC SOCIETY
ELECTED
1883 CHARLES ROACH SMITH, ESQ., F.S.A.
1884 AQUILLA SMITH, ESQ., M.D., M.R.I.A.
1885 EDWARD THOMAS, ESQ., F.R.S.
1886 MAJOR-GENERAL ALEXANDER CUNNINGHAM, C.S.I., C.I.E.
1887 JOHN EVANS, ESQ., D.C.L., LL.D., F.R.S., P.S.A.
1888 DR. F. IMHOOF-P T MEEj Winterthur.
1889 PROFESSOR PERCY GARDNER, Litt.D., F.S.A.
S lf90 MONSIEUR J. P. Six, Amsterdam.
1891 DR. C. LUDWIG MULLER, Copenhagen.
1892 PROFESSOR R. STUART POOLE, LL.D.
1893 MONSIEUR W. H. WADDINGTON, Senates . Mt ,ib. i de 1'Institut
?aris.
1894 ' HARLES FRANCIS KEARY, ESQ., M.> ~\S.A.
xd95 PK~ % ESSOR DR. THEODOR MOMMSEN, Berlin.
1896 FREDERIC W. MADDEN, ESQ., M.R.A.S.
1897 DR. ALFRED VON SALLET, Berlin.
1898 THE REV. CANON W. GREENWELL, M.A., F.R. .A.
1899 MONSIEUR ERNEST BABELON, Membre de ut Con-
servateur des Medailles, Paris.
1900 PROFESSOR STANLEY LANE-POOLE, M.A., Litt.D.
1901 S. E. BARON WLADIMIR VON TIESENHAUSEN, St. Petersburg.
1902 ARTHUR J. EVANS, ESQ., M.A., F.R.S., F.S.A., Keeper of the
Ashmolean Museum, Oxford.
1903 MONSIEUR GUSTAVE SCHLUMBERGER, Membre de 1'Institut
Paris.
1904 lis MAJE^ Y VICTOR EMMANUEL III, KING OF ITALY.
1905 SIR HERMANN WEBER, M.D.
1906 COMM. FRA .CESCO GNECCHI, Milan.
1907 BARCLAY VINCENT HEAD,_ESQ., D. Litt., L C.L., Ph.D., Cor?
de I'lnst.
1908 PROFESSOR DR. HEINRICH DRESSEL, Berlin.
1909 H. A. GRUEBER, ESQ., F.S.A.
1910 DR. fRiEURicH EDLER VON KENNER, Viunn-.
1911 OLIVER CODRINGTON, ESQ., M.D., M.R.A.S., F.S.A.
'.
. MAR 1 1958
CJ
i
N6
ser.4
v.ll
The Numismatic chronicle
and journal of the Royal
Numismatic Society
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