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THE

NUMISMATIC CHEONICLE

AND

JOURNAL OF
THE ROYAL NUMISMATIC SOCIETY

THE /v

NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE

/// AND

JOURNAL

OP THE

OYAL NUMISMATIC SOCIETY

EDITED BY

HERBERT A. GRUEBER, F.S.A.,

I.ATH KF.F.PKR OF COINS, BRITISH MTSF.UM,

OLIVER CODRINGTON, M.D., F.S.A., M.R.A.S.,

AJfD

G. F. HILL, M.A.,

KF-EPEU OF COINS, BRITISH MCSEl'M.

FOURTH SERIES— VOL. XII.

Factnm abiit— monumenta manent.— Ov.

LONDON :
BERNARD QUARITCH, 15, PICCADILLY.

PABIS:
MM. ROLLIN ET FEU ARDENT, PLACE LOUVOIS, No. 4.

1912.

LONDON :

PRINTED BY WILLIAM CLOWES AND SONS, LIMITED,
DL'KE STREET, STAMFORD STREET, S.E., AND GREAT WINDMILL STREET, W.

CU"

- ' 6 • '•'

CONTENTS.

ANCIENT NUMISMATICS.

PAGE

The Influence of Agatliocles on the Coinage of Magna Graecia.

By C. T. Seltman 1

Two Hoards of Coins of Kos. By J. Grafton Milne, M.A. . 14

The Artistic Engravers of Terina and the Signature of Evaenetos

on its Later Didrachm Dies. By Sir Arthur J. Evans, F.R.S. 21

Notes on a Find of Roman Republican Silver Coins and of
Ornaments from the Centenillo Mine, Sierra Morena. By
G. F. Hill, M.A., and Horace W. Sandars, F.S.A. . . G3

The Elements of Primaeval Finance. By J. R. McClean, M.A. 113

Greek Coins acquired by the British Museum, 1905—1910. By

G. F. Hill, M.A 134

The Edwinstowe Find of Roman Coins. By G. C. Brooke, B. A. 149

Rare and Unpublished Coins of the Seleucid Kings of Syria,

By the Rev. Edgar Rogers, M.A 237

Hoards of Roman Gold Coins found in Britain. Part I. Second
and Fourth Century Hoards found at Corbridge, 1908 —
1911. By H. H. E. Craster, M.A 265

The Origin of Weight. By J. R. McClean, M.A. . . . 333
Helena N. F. By Percy H. Webb 352

li CONTENTS.

MEDIAEVAL AND MODERN NUMISMATICS.

PAGE

Palmer's Green Hoard. By H. A. Grueber, F.S.A. ... 70

Monetagium. By G. C. Brooke, B.A 98

Anglo-Gallic Coins. Henry V. By Lionel M. Hewlett . .179
The Quarter-Angel of James I. By H. A. Grueber, F.S.A. . 213
Anglo-Gallic Coins. Henry VI. By Lionel M. Hewlett . . 361

ORIENTAL NUMISMATICS.

The Coinage of the Maldive Islands, with some Notes on the

Cowrie and Larin. By J. Allan, M.A 313

MISCELLANEA.

Some Further Notes and Observations on Jewish Coins. By
the Rev. Edgar Rogers, M.A 110

A Rare Jewish Coin. By the Rev. Edgar Rogers, M.A. . . 223
Roman Coins from Anglesey. By G. F. Hill, M.A. . . .225
A Twelfth-Century Find. By G. F. Hill, M.A. . . .414

• *
OBITUARY.

Warwick William Wroth . 107

NOTICES OF RECENT NUMISMATIC PUBLICATIONS.

Die Antiken Mtinzen Nord-Griechenlands, Bd. II. Von F. Mtinzer

u. M. L. Strack. Erster Teil, Heft I. . . . .227

Recueil General des Monnaies Grecques d'Asie Mineure. par
W. H. Waddington, E. Babelon et Th. Reinach. T. I.,
4eme fasc 229

CONTENTS. ill

PAGE

I Medaglioni Romani. By Francesco Gnecchi . . . 230

Numisraatique Constantinienne. T. II. By Jules Maurice '. 232

Modern Chinese Copper Coins. By H. A. Ramsden . . . 235

History of Money in the British Empire and the United States.

By Agnes F. Dodd 235

LIST OF PIATES CONTAINED IN VOL. XII.

I'LATES

I. Agathocles and' the Coinage of Magna Graecia.

II. A Hoard of Coins of Kos.

III. Coins of Terina, &c.

IV. Evaenetos at Terina, &e
V. Coins of Terina, &c.

VI., VII. Acquisitions of the British Museum.

VIII. Anglo-Gallic Coins. Henry V.

IX.— XI. Seleucid Kings of Syria.

XII.-XIX. Corbridge Find (1911).

XX. Coins of the Maldive Islands.

XXI. Coins of Helena and Fausta.

XXII.— XXV. Anglo-Gallic Coins. Henry VI.

THE INFLUENCE OF AGATHOCLES ON THE
COINAGE OF MAGNA GEAECIA.

^See Plate I.)

OUK knowledge of the history of the Greek cities in the
south of Italy is unfortunately all too scanty. Were it
not for the abundance and beauty of their coinage we
should probably regard as small places of little import-
ance cities which were among the largest and most
wealthy of their time. The period in their history with
which this paper proposes to deal is the latter part of the
reign of Agathocles, Tyrant of Syracuse, 304-289 B.C.
At that time those cities had mostly sunk from their
former glory. Tarentum, Velia, and Metapontum alone
continued to issue coins in large quantities, while those
of the other cities that had escaped the yoke of the
Lucanians or Bruttians were striking money in small
quantities only.

The Greeks of Southern Italy would seem at this
period to have been threatened by three Powers : (i) The
Bruttians and Lucanians ; (ii) The Syracusans under
Agathocles; (iii) The Carthaginians.1 Their one hope
of freedom lay in the opposing interests of these Powers.

1 Home might be suggested as a fourth, threatening Power ; but the
Roman influence, though strong in Campania, was not as yet over-
shadowing the liberty of the southern Greek cities.

VOL. XII., SERIES IV. B

"Z NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.

Agathocles was, during the whole of his reign, the deter-
mined enemy of Carthage, while the Bruttians were
reckoned second only to the Carthaginians in the list of
his foes. That there was at this time a Carthaginian
sphere of influence in Southern Italy will be shown later,
and in all probability the existence of a common enemy
— Agathocles — united the Carthaginians and Bruttians
against him.

Agathocles made his first serious advance in the direc-
tion of Italy in 304 B.C. when he suddenly fell upon and
annexed the island of Lipara. In the following year
Cleonymus, the Spartan, came to the help of the Taren-
tines in their quarrel with Kome. Diodorus, from whom
we learn this, mentions two facts which bear upon this
subject. First, that the Metapontines, contrary to their
wont, were opposed to the Tarentines on this occasion ;
secondly, that Cleonymus had formed a notion of turning
his arms against Agathocles of Syracuse. It is conceiv-
able that Agathocles and the Metapontines were at that
time allied ; but more of this later.

In 298 B.C. we find the Syracusan tyrant master of the
island of Corcyra. Three years afterwards2 he made a
treacherous attack on Croton, in which he placed a
garrison. It was, however, in 294 B.C. that he organized
his big expedition against the Bruttians. He himself
commanded an army of 30,000 foot and 3000 horse,
while his fleet laid waste the coast. He besieged and
took the city of Hipponium, whose port he converted
into a naval base for his fleets. The Bruttians sued for
peace, which Agathocles granted after receiving 600

2 The authority for this date — 295 B.C. — is Holm, Some writers
place the seizure of Croton two or three years earlier.

AGATHOCLES AND THE COINAGE OF MAGNA GRAECIA. 3

hostages.3 So much the historians tell us. What other
cities fell under his sway, or what States contracted
alliances with him, they do not mention. Apparently
the tyrant himself considered his position in Italy
firmly established, for he returned to Syracuse leaving
his army in occupation. His mind was set on what he
intended to be the great achievement of his life — the
capture of Carthage. While he was preparing the great
armament which was to carry out this scheme, the
Bruttians suddenly rose; defeated his army, and regained
their hostages.4 It is extremely probable that they had
Carthaginian aid in this undertaking. For what better
check on his plans against their city could there have been
than a diversion created among his newly acquired pos-
sessions in Italy ? The ruthless old tyrant 5 did not live
either to punish the Bruttians or to carry out his great
scheme against Carthage. He died in the year 289 B.C.
The Syracusan coinage of Agathocles is distinguished
by the appearance of the triskeles, the three-legged
symbol, which is absent from all earlier issues as well as
from all later ones down to Roman times. Hill, in his
Coins of Ancient Sicily, has suggested " that the triskeles
was originally the private signet of Agathocles, and that
its adoption as the emblem of all Sicily belongs to a
later date. ... As a matter of fact, except on the coins
of Agathocles, it is never or rarely found in Sicily save
on coins of Eoman date."6 His first coinage, bearing
only the name of the Syracusans, has the triskeles in the
field of the reverse [PI. I. I],7 as also has the second

3 Holm, Geschichte Siciliens im Alterthum, vol. ii. pp. 261-263.

4 02?. cit., ibidem.

5 " Der alte Wiiterich," as Holm calls him, op. cit.

6 Hill, Coins of Ancient Sicily, pp. 152, 153.

' B. M. Cat. : Sicily, p. 192, No. 346—269-9 grains.

4 NUMISMATIC CHKONICLE.

issue struck after his victory over the Carthaginians in
Africa in 310 B.C. [PI. I. 2].8 Contemporary with this
last, as well as with the first, one must place the
Corinthian staters struck in Syracuse with the triskeles
in the field of the reverse [PL I. 3, 4].9 It may be
objected that the absence of the tyrant's name would
warrant their being placed only with the first issue of
tetradrachms. But No. 4 has a trophy behind the head
of Pallas on the obverse, which resembles the trophy
erected by Nike on the reverse of the tetradrachni
No. 2. Besides, in the case of an international coinage,
such as these " pegasi" were, the tyrant would avoid
giving offence by placing his name on them. The
drachm and copper pieces [PL I. 5, 6, 7] 10 should
probably also be placed in this second period, since on
these too the same trophy occurs behind the head of
Apollo on the obverse.

Turning now to the coins issued under the influence
of Agathocles in Magna Graecia, let us first take those
struck by him at

HIPPONIUM.

Obv. — ZQTEIPA Head of Pallas r., wearing crested
Corinthian helmet, on which griffin (or sea-
horse, Scylla, or no device).

Rev. — [Eir]QNIE£l[N] Nike standing 1., wearing long
chiton, holding wreath and sceptre ; in field
1. sometimes N I KA and crab ; sometimes
trophy of arms (or mark of value II).

M. Size 0-9" to 0-8". [PL I. 8, 9.] n

8 B. M. Cat. : Sicily, p. 196, No. 379—247-5 grains (plated).

9 B. M. Cat. : Corinth, p. 99, 10—132-2 grains ; 11—132-1 grains.

10 B. M. Cat. : Sicily, p. 193, No. 353—59-4 grains ; and Nos. 354, 355.

11 B. M. Cat. : Italy, p. 358, Nos. 7-11.

AGATHOCLES AND THE COINAGE OF MAGNA GEAECIA. 5

These copper coins must have been struck between
the years 294 and 289 B.C. They have points of strong
resemblance with the contemporary Syracusan pieces.
Artemis and Pallas are each called ZQTEIPA at Syracuse
and Hipponium respectively. In both cities we meet
Doric forms KOPAZ and NIKA, and the same trophy occurs
as symbol on the coins of both. The head of Pallas with
the griffin on the Corinthian helmet is a direct copy of
Agathocles' " Pegasi."

We know from history that the tyrant actually held
Hipponium and Croton with garrisons. Strangely
enough he has, so far as we know, left no mark on the
coinage of the latter place. From a study of the coins
we are able to supplement our scanty knowledge and to
say that in all probability Agathocles, whether as suzerain
or ally, has left his mark on the coins of three other
cities, at least, viz. — Terina, Metapontum, and Velia.

TERINA.

Obv.— TEPINAIQN (or •£). Female head to r. (or 1.),
wearing earring and necklace, hair rolled ;
behind neck, triskeles.

Rev. — Nike winged, wearing long chiton, seated 1. on
square cippus ; r. hand holding bird (or
caduceus) ; in field 1., "E .(or A, or star).

JR. i stater or tetrobol, 36-1 to 26'6
grains.12 [PI. I. 10.]

Terina had fallen into the hands of the Lucanians in
365 B.C., and had changed masters, being occupied by the
Bruttians nine years later. Alexander of Epirus afforded
the city a brief respite in 325 B.C. The coins described
above have often been assigned to the time of Dionysius

l'2 B. M. Cat. : Italy, p. 393, Nos. 43-50. The coin on our plate is
No. 43.

6 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.

of Syracuse.13 In the new edition of Historia Numornm,
however, Dr. Head says : — " The Thirds frequently have
the Sicilian triskeles below the head of the city, showing
them to have been struck under Sicilian influence, and per-
haps as late as the time of Agathocles." 14 But the most
conclusive arguments for assigning these pieces to this
period are advanced by Dr. Regling in his monograph on
Teriua,15 where he mentions three important facts :—
(i) Following Hill, that the triskeles must be regarded as
the personal signet of Agathocles rather than as the badge
of Sicily at this period; (ii) That the style of these
Thirds is extremely like that of Agathocles' tetra-
drachms [PI. I. 1] ; (iii) That the only hoard of coins
ever found on the site of Ancient Terina consisted of
copper coins of Agathocles. This last is a significant
fact. On looking at the map one can well imagine that
the city, which lay within sight of the port of Hipponium,
would be forced to accept the rule of Agathocles, though
it was perhaps euphemistically called an " alliance," or a
" liberation " from the Bruttian yoke.

METAPONTUM.

Obv. — Bearded head of Leukippos r., wearing crested
Corinthian helmet, around which laurel-
wreath ; behind the neck, Al.

Rev. — M ETA Ear of barley with blade to r. ; over it,
triskeles with wings at heels ; beneath it, 4>l.

JR. Stater, 126-0 grains. [PI. I. 11.] 1G

13 Head, Hist. Num., Ed. I., p. 98.

14 Ibid., New Ed., p. 113.

15 Pp. 56, 57.

16 Hunter Coll., Glasgow, Catal, vol. i., PL vi. 19, and Carelli, Num.
Hal. Vet., PI. cliv. 114. Two others are known: Catal. Collection,
Caprotti, Milan, March, 1910, PI. i. 193; and Catal. Vente Hartwig,
Rome, March, 1910, PI. iii. 223.

AGATHOCLES AND THE COINAGE OF MAGNA GRAECIA. 7

The head of Leukippos on this coin is undoubtedly the
latest of the whole series 17 with the oekist's head, being
of poorer style than any of its predecessors. The Corin-
thian helmet — the only one of the group with a crest —
may be compared with the crested helmets on our pieces
of Syracuse and Hipponium [PI. I. 3, 4, 8].

VELIA.

Obv. — Head of Pallas 1., wearing crested Athenian
helmet ornamented with curled wing ; behind
the head, K ; in front, 4>.

Eev. — YEAHTQN (in ex.). Lion walking 1. ; above
^ — I, between which triskeles with wings
at the heels.

M. Stater, 115-7 grains. [PI. I. 12.] 18

It is remarkable that the triskeles, both on this coin,
on the one of Metapontum, and on the silver drachm
and copper pieces struck at Syracuse [PI. I. 5, 6], have
winged talaria on each of their feet.

Now, we have already seen very strong evidence at
Terina of an occupation by — or at least of an alliance
with — Agathocles, of which history has told us nothing.
The triskeles on the coins is our clue to it. We must
conclude that the tyrant's dominion in the peninsula was
greater than any records we possess indicate. And when
we meet with coins of two cities each with his special
signet19 upon it — coins, moreover, whose style warrants

17 The earliest of the series with heads of Leukippos must be placed
about 340 B.C., as the head is copied directly from the large Syracusan
copper pieces of Timoleon's time with the head of the oekist Archias.
The neck-piece of the Corinthian helmet which occurs on the " Archias "
type is faithfully reproduced on this first " Leukippos " coin. Cf.
Catal. Vente Hartioig, Rome, March, 1910, PL iii. 224.

18 B. M. Cat. : Italy, p. 314, No. 95.

19 It may be objected that in each case the triskeles is but one among

8 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.

their being placed as late as the beginning of the third
century B.C. — we may surely suppose that we have here
the evidences of two other " alliances " contracted by the
wily tyrant. The whole " foot," excepting only the
" heel," of the Italian peninsula might be cut off by an
imaginary line drawn across from Metapontum to Velia.
With his garrisons at Croton and Hipponium, and those
of his allies at Terina, Metapontum, and Velia, so long as
his fleet held the sea Agathocles had Magna Graecia, out-
side the Tarentine sphere, in his power.

One other city was possibly also under the tyrant's
influence — Locri. Here, however, the evidence is not
strong. Bronze coins exist whose obverse type is either
a laureate head of Zeus with AIOI in the field, or a head
of Pallas in a crested Corinthian helmet, while the reverse
consists of AOK PON divided by a winged thunderbolt.
Of these Dr. Head has written, " In their reverse types,
style, and epigraphy the coins bear so close a resemblance
to the money of Agathocles that there can be no doubt
about their date." 20 However, this similarity may be due
as much to trade interests as to political influence.

a whole series of varying symbols on the staters of the two cities. But
we have a parallel case at Athens where the signets of Antiochus IV
and of Mithradates the Great (an elephant, and a star between two
crescents, respectively) are placed upon the coins, each as one among a
long series of other magistrates' symbols.

In passing, it is worth noting that in the vast series of Magna Graecian
coins the triskeles is known to occur only on one rare coin of one other
city beside the three — Terina, Metapontum, and Velia — mentioned here.
That instance is a small silver piece, ^ of a stater, of Caulonia, struck
quite 150 years earlier. There the triskeles is the obverse type, and
there it must in all probability be regarded as a variation of the same
idea of motion as is typified by the small running figure on the out-
stretched arm of Apollo on the staters. On quite a late coin of Suessa
Aurunca, struck under Roman dominion, a triskeles occurs. But Suessa
Aurunca was not a Greek town.

20 Hist. Num., New Ed., p. 103.

AGATHOCLES AND THE COINAGE OF MAGNA GRAECIA. 9

Considering the extent of the power of Agathocles in
Italy, it is with some surprise that one reads of the
suddenness and apparent ease with which the Bruttians,
who had been glad to accept a dishonourable peace, rose,
defeated the tyrant's army of occupation, and regained
their hostages. Probably they had outside help. Aga-
thocles was preparing a great expedition against Carthage,
in which two hundred ships were to take part. Evidently
he must have reduced his Italian squadron, which kept
open the communication between his various ports and
allies, for this purpose. • The Carthaginians knew where
to strike, and they struck. They probably helped the
Bruttians. Metapontum and Yelia, the two allies furthest
from Syracuse, might well be the first to throw off their
allegiance to the tyrant and admit his enemies. Of each
of these cities there exists a coin which may reasonably
be assigned to this period.

METAPONTUM.

Obv. — Head of Demeter, of Punic style and fabric, 1.,
wearing single earring and necklace ; hair
loose and crowned with barley. In front of
neck, three Punic letters 1.1 O -— Hebrew Tiy.

Eev. — META Ear of barley with blade to 1., altar
with flame upon it ; in field r., YA.

2R. Stater, 119'7 grains. [PI. I. 13.]

E. J. Seltman Coll.

It is unexpected and somewhat astonishing to come
across a stater of Magna Graecia with a characteristically
Punic obverse with Punic inscription combined with a
typically Greek reverse with Greek inscription. Being
unacquainted with Semitic script or languages I sub-
mitted the coin to Mr. S. A. Cook, of Cambridge, whose

10 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.

efforts in deciphering the obverse legend have been
untiring and invaluable. After going carefully into
the matter he has come to the conclusion that the letters
can best be read ny.

Now, a bilingual " IVth century inscription from
Larnax Lapethus (in Cyprus) is to *'A0rjv§ Swr^/cm Nfey,'
and the Phoenician equivalent reads * n^n W r\)]h ' — ' to
Anath the refuge of the living.' " 21 The second word
of this legend W must be taken as equivalent to Tiy.22
" Touching TW ; this is not found as a noun in Hebrew,
nor could it be the participle of a verb; but the root
* to take refuge ' is quite secure both in Hebrew and
Arabic. As a noun it would be pronounced in Hebrew
either 'awez or *uz. The appearance of 1 in Phoenician
to indicate simply a long u is striking, and is an argu-
ment in favour of 'awez (after the Hebrew) or a hypo-
thetical 'awz. Do not forget that my pronunciation is
quite tentative : Phoenician might have either form, or
even a more original *awz (w as a consonant not diphthong).
Concerning this, Eusebius (Pr. Ev., I. 10. 34 — the ref.
is second-hand) talks of a Phoenician deified ' Death '
called ' Mout ' or Oavarog ... if we have a deification
of * Death ' why not of ' Refuge,' ' Deliverance ' ? If so
this sort of abstract idea would explain why we find
here on the coin for the first time a noun T1V, whereas TitfJp
(ma'oz) is well-known in Hebrew as ' place of refuge.' I
stick to TW . . . and think your coin turns out — from my
point of view — more interesting than ever."

21 This and the following sentences enclosed in quotation marks are
from Mr. Cook's communications to me on the subject.

22 It must be pointed out that the letter 1 (vau), whose form should
be 1, appears at first sight to look like 2 on our coin. But a close study
of the coin convinces me that the lower horizontal bar is only a flaw of
a lumpy and irregular form. Mr. Cook concurs in this opinion.

AGATHOCLES AND THE COINAGE OF MAGNA GRAECIA. 11

Now, in the inscription from Lapethus mentioned
above the Greek 'A0»}v»j cruTtipa is translated into the
Phoenician " Anath the refuge." But "refuge" is a
more abstract idea than " saviour." Supposing, now,
one were translating from Phoenician into Greek and
were seeking for a more literal rendering of tlX? —
" refuge," surely one would take the word trwrvipta
rather than awrtipa — " safety " rather than " saviour."
The coin figured on PI. I. 14, gives us the key.23
It has the facing head of the same goddess as our
coin treated in a similar manner. Above the head is
written ZQTHPIA.

It is not suggested that the two pieces [Nos. 13 and
14] are contemporary — though they are not far apart in
point of time. But apparently a Carthaginian garrison
at some period near 300 B.C. held the citadel and mint of
Metapontum, and put a Carthaginian engraver to work,
who, taking a reverse that he found ready, made for it
an obverse with the head of the patron goddess of
Metapontum and of Carthage, and translated her imper-
sonation of ZQTHPIA into M— " safety " into " refuge."

VELIA.

Obv. — Head of Pallas r. wearing crested Athenian
helmet ornamented with curled wing ; behind
the head, <fc ; above, H.

Rev. — YEAHTQN (in ex.). Lion walking 1., head
nearly facing ; beyond, date-palm, on either
side of which, <b — I.

M. Stater, 106'8 grains (worn).

[PI. 1.15.] M

23 B. M. Cat. : Italy, p. 257, No. 144—120-9 grains.

24 Ibid., p. 314, No. 99.

12 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.

It is evident that this piece is almost contemporary
with No. 12 on PI. I. with the triskeles over the lion.
The treatment of the head of Pallas on one coin and
the other is identical, even down to the curled wing
on the helmet. The observation that this coin has its
prototype in the famous tetradrachm of Siculo-Punic
issue with the head of " Dido " in the diademed Phrygian
cap 25 is no new one. And it must be borne in mind that
the date-palm is as much the special mark of Carthage 26
as the triskeles is of Agathocles. It is improbable that
a coin-engraver of a free Greek city would make so
slavish a copy of the coin of a " barbarian " city of his
own free will, or place the badge of Carthaginian
dominion on it merely by way of varying his type.
Also, be it noted, there is no other symbol on the coin.
The date-palm of Carthage has taken the place of the
triskeles of Agathocles.

Is not the simplest and most straightforward explana-
tion the one already suggested above ; that the Cartha-
ginians, probably encouraged by a reduction of his
Italian squadron, attacked and invested Metapontum
and Velia, two of the most powerful cities allied to
Agathocles, and thereby struck a telling blow at his

power in Magna Graecia ?

CHARLES T. SELTMAN.

25 See Hill, Coins of Ancient Sicily, PI. x. 7 ; also B. M. Guide,
PL 26, 41, 42.

26 The date-palm (<t>o«/i£) was, of course, to the Greek the most natural
symbol of the Phoenician (*o?vt|). Its adoption as a canting-type on
the Punic coins of Sicily simply shows that the Carthaginians who
issued them realized the pun contained in the Greek words. There is
no word in the Semitic languages for the date-palm which could. suggest
any play upon Phoenicia or Carthage. In this connection note the
fairly analogous case of the elephant (which the Romans knew was
called "Kesar" in Phoenician) being placed on the denarii of Julius
Caesar.

AGATHOCLES AND THE COINAGE OF MAGNA GRAECIA. 13

P.S. — Sir Arthur Evans has expressed the view that
the coin of Metapontum with the head of Punic style
[PI. I. 13] has a Greek rather than a Phoenician legend
on the obverse, which he reads Z3A. On the other hand,
Professor Margoliouth of Oxford and Canon Cooke of
Eochester, besides Mr. S. A. Cook of Cambridge — all
specialists in Semitic languages — have read the three
letters as Phoenician. The upper stroke of the middle
letter seems to me conclusive. Incidentally, the piece
would not be the first example of a bilingual coin struck
among the Western Gre'eks. In the collection of Comte
Franz von Wotoch sold in Paris in December, 1901
(Catal. Sambon and Canessa, p. 25, No. 239, fig.) there
occurred a Syracusan tetradrachm resembling Du Chastel,
No. 51, with [ZVPAK]OZIO[N] as usual around the head. On
the reverse over the horses are the letters px, " ziz."
The parallel is striking, since in each case the original
name of the city has been retained in Greek on one side,
while on the other a Phoenician legend has been added.

C. T. S.

II.

TWO HOAEDS OF COINS OF KOS.

(See Plate II.)

A SMALL hoard of third-century drachmas of Kos
recently came into my possession. I obtained it from
Smyrna, but have no information as to the locality where
it was found. It comprises twenty-one coins, all of the
series [B.M.C. 76/83]-

Obv. — Bearded head of Herakles r., wearing lion's skin.

Rev. — Crab : above, KQIoN ; below, club and magis-
trate's name.

The magistrates' names, with the sizes, weights, and
position of dies of the individual specimens, are as
follows : —

IEPON . . .

mm.

3-15

grs

3J ...

2-88

33 ...

2-77

KAAAinniA[AZ]

2-87

NIKAF0PAZ

„

2-95

2-93

2-94

3-09

2-86

10.

cDIAINoZ . .

„

2-89

11.

2-97

12.

33 •

2-81

13.

33 •

2-98

[PI. II.
[PI. II.

[PL II.

[PI. II
t [PL II.
f [PL II.

/f [PL II.
/f [PL II.

[PL II.

2.]
3.]

4.]
5.]
6.]

7.]

8.]

9.]

10.]

11.]

12.]

13.]

TWO HOARDS OF COINS OF KOS. 15

14. <!>IAINoZ . . 15mm. 3-13 grs. /^ /|\ [PL IIj 14.]

15. „ . . 17 „ 2-86 „ ft [PL II. 15.]

16. „ . . 16 „ 2-67 „ t/1\ [PL II. 16.]

17. „ . . 15 „ 2-79 „ /M [PI- II. 17-1

18. „ . . 16 „ 2-48 „ ft [PL II. 18.]

19. ]ToPA[ ... 15 „ 3-16 „ ^ /f [PL II. 19.]

20. ]AAMo[ ... 15 „ 2-70 „ /j\\l/ [PL II. 20.]

21. ]PATI[ ... 16 „ 2-73 „ /f /f [PL II. 21.]

The name on 19 is most probably to be restored as
NIKAToPAZ; that on 20 is more open to conjecture, but it
might be APXlAAMoZ, wHich is a known Koian name. The
reading of the remains of the letters on 21 is very doubt-
ful. If they are correctly given above, the name may be
KPATIAAZ, which is found in a third-century inscription
of Kos (Paton and Hicks, No. 10, c. 70 and d. 43). It
should be noted that on the reverse of 2 the ethnic is
lower in the field than usual, and is divided by the
claws of the crab thus, K nio N.

The chief interest of the hoard arises from a comparison
of the dies used. This gives the following results : —

1 (of Hieron) and 17 (of Philmos) are from the same
die (obv. and rev.).

4 (of Kallippidas) and 10, 11, and 12 (of Philinos) are
from the same obverse die : of these 10 and 11 are also
from the same reverse die.

5 (of Nikagoras) and 13 and 14 (of Philinos) are from
the same obverse die ; 13 and 14 are also from the same
reverse die.

5, 6, and 7 are from the same reverse die ; 6 and 7 are
also from the same obverse die.

15 and 16 are from the same reverse die.

In the first place, it is clear from the number of
examples from the same dies in this small hoard that

16 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.

the number of dies in use at Kos at this period, and pre-
sumably therefore the number of coins issued, must have
been comparatively small.1

More important, however, is the clue given by the dies
to the sequence of the magistrates. A close examination
of 1 and 17 shows that the obverse die was more worn
when used for 1 than when used for 17. Similarly, 4
was struck when the obverse die was more worn than in
the case of 10, 11, and 12. Hence it appears that both
Hieron and Kallippidas used the old obverse dies of
Philinos. The sequence of the coins of Nikagoras and
Philinos is even clearer. Not only does 5 show a fresher
state of the obverse die than 13 and 14, but it appears
from comparison of the reverses of 5, 6, and 7, that 5 was
the latest struck of the three : 6 is the earliest, and on 7 a
flaw in the reverse die begins to show, which is still more
marked on 5. The conclusion is that 6 and 7 were struck
from the same dies, after which the obverse die failed
(there is a slight suggestion of a split developing in the
die on the obverse of 7), and a new obverse die was used
for 5 which lasted out 'the term of office of Nikagoras
and was handed over to Philinos.

It may be considered that the latter part of the above
argument is rather hypothetical, and might be weakened
if it were assumed that the dies were not used in regular
succession. But in any case there seems to be sufficient
evidence from the dies that Nikagoras preceded Philinos,

1 I have not invited any mathematician to undertake the intricate
work of calculating the probable number of dies used ; but I would
refer for comparison to my paper on " Alexandrian Tetradrachms of
Tiberius " in the Numismatic Chronicle for 1910, p. 333. In the hoard
discussed there I found two pairs from the same obverse and reverse
dies out of 136 coins ; in the present hoard there are three pairs out of
21 coins ; i.e. nearly ten times as many pairs in proportion to the total
number of coins.

TWO HOAKDS OF COINS OF KOS. 17

probably immediately, and that Philinos preceded Hieron
and Kallippidas.

The fact that both the last-named magistrates used the
old obverse dies of Philinos raises a difficulty as to their
order of office. Unless there were two eponymous magis-
trates for monetary purposes at the same time — which is
scarcely probable at this period in so small a state as
Kos — it would appear that an obverse die of Philinos
was not worn out during the magistracy of his successor,
and was brought into use again in the next term. There
might be various reasons to explain this : the old die
may have been put away or lost and then discovered
again : the immediate successor of Philinos may have
held office for a very brief time, or his issue of coins may
have been so small, even during a year, as not to wear out
all the old dies. Perhaps some ground for the last-
mentioned hypothesis may be found in the fact that
there are only three coins of Hieron in the hoard, and
only one of Kallippidas, against nine of Philinos and five
of Nikagoras. These comparative numbers may of course
be due to chance ; but, to judge from published examples,
the coins of Philinos are about the commonest of the
series, while I have not found any previous record of those
either of Hieron or Kallippidas.

There is a minor point of interest in the fact that the
only coin of Philinos struck with the dies in the position
^ \l/ is from the obverse die which was afterwards used by
Hieron, and that Hieron's coin from this die, and one of
his other two, were struck with the dies similarly placed,
while his third (which has a slight variation in the reverse
legend, as noted above) has the dies at an obtuse angle.
All the other coins in the hoard, except that of [Archi]-
damo[s?], have the dies arranged 4^-

VOL. XII., SERIES IV. C

18 NUMISMATIC CHKONICLE.

There is, unfortunately, no evidence as to the position
held by the magistrates whose names appear on the coins
of Kos. For ordinary purposes of dating, the eponymous
magistrate at Kos was the fj.6vap\og\ and it is fairly
reasonable to suppose that the coins were similarly dated
by his name ; although, as the object of the inscription
on the coin was probably not so much to date it as to
fix the responsibility for it on the issuing magistrate,
who may not have been the monarch, the possibilities
of other explanations of the name are considerable.

If the names are those of monarchs of Kos, it is worth
while to note that in an inscription from Kalymna(.R C.H.,
viii. 29), which gives a catalogue of the members of some
body, with their years of birth dated by magistrates whom
Mr. Paton (Inscriptions of Cos, p. 352) has shown to be
of Kos, and probably monarchs, the names of the magis-
trates Nikagoras and Philinos occur: moreover, the
catalogue is classified in age-groups, and the persons
born in the years of Nikagoras and Philinos are jrapOtvoi
or avyfioi ; in other words, these two magistrates' terms
of office fell within about sixteen years of the date of the
inscription.

It would, however, be hardly safe to date the coins of
NikagorR and Philinos on this doubly hypothetical basis,
especially as the Kalymnian inscription is placed by
Mr. Paton about 290 B.C., or over a century earlier than
the period usually assigned to this series of coins ; also,
the names of Hieron and Kallippidas do not occur
amongst the eponymous magistrates of the inscription,
though their absence might be explained on the supposi-
tion that they held office after the catalogue was com-
piled, while Nikagoras and Philinos might have been
monarchs just before that event. In fact, these two

TWO HOARDS OF COINS OF KOS. 19

names — Nikagoras and Philinos — were such common
ones in Kos, that there may have been several magis-
trates with either name.

At the same time, I am inclined to think that the
date usually given to these coins — circa 190-166 B.C. —
is somewhat too late, and that on grounds of style they
should be put back into the third century.

A second hoard, of third-century copper coins of Kos,
subsequently came into my possession through the kind-
ness of Mr. Edward Barff of Smyrna. These belong to
the series which is usually regarded as preceding the
silver coins described above, with the types [B.M.G.
103/110]-

Obv. — Head of Herakles 1., beardless, wearing lion's
skin.

Rev. — Crab : above, KCtloN ; below, club and magis-
trate's name.

The individual coins were struck by the following
magistrates :—

1. mriAPXoZ . . 15mm. 2'1 5 grammes

2. . . H „ 1-75 „

3. . . 15 „ 2-48

4. . . 15 „ 2-27 „

5. ZIMoZ .... 15 „ 2-45

6. „ .... 14 „ 2-77 „

7. „ .... 15 „ 2-69

8. „ .... 15 „ 2-56

9. 4>IAIZTHZ ... 15 „ 2-27 „
10. ]AMI[ (?)... 14 „ 2-20

The position of the dies is in all cases but one approxi-
mately /js 4s a slight deviation to the right being shown
in JSos. 2, 3, 4, and 8, and to the left in No. 9 ; in No. 10
the dies are placed ^ ^ .

c 2

20 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.

All the coins are from different reverse dies, but the
same obverse die was used for Nos. 1, 5, and 6, and for
Nos. 2 and 3. It is clear, from a comparison of Nos. 1, 5,
and 6, that the die was more worn when the two coins of
Simos were struck than when that of Hipparchos ; pre-
sumably, therefore, Simos succeeded Hipparchos as mone-
tary magistrate of Kos,

J. GRAFTON MILNE.

III.

THE AUTISTIC ENGRAVERS OF TERINA AND
THE SIGNATURE OF EVAENETOS ON ITS
LATER DIDRACHM DIES.

(See Plates III.-V.)

§ 1. THE WORKS OF 4> AND n : ATTIC INFLUENCES

AND THE SCHOOL OF ZEUXIS.

THE study of the coinage of Terina has been recently
placed on a new basis by the admirable and exhaustive
monograph of Dr. Regling, which in many ways may be
regarded as a model for this kind of research.1 The
greater accessibility of the material secured by this
work makes the occasion favourable for reconsidering
some of the current views concerning the master-pieces
of the Terinaean Mint, and their place in contemporary
art history, both numismatic and general.

Moreover, an additional motive for attempting this
has been supplied by the interesting discovery— to which
attention will be directed in the second Section of this

1 " Terina," Sechsundsechzigstes Programm zum Winckelmannsfeste,
von Kurt Kegling (Berlin, 1906). Dr. Kegling's work has been the
subject of a singular attack on the part of two of his colleagues, Messrs.
H. von Fritze and H. Gaebler in Nomisma (i. pp. 14 seqq.). For examples
of obliquity of archaeological judgment, and for the preposterous
chronological conclusions in which these writers have thus involved
themselves, reference may be made to the note at the end of this
paper.

22 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.

paper — that the signature of the great Syracusan engraver
Evaenetos must now be added to those that appear on
the civic dies. The new point of departure thus gained
will be seen at once to have a retrospective bearing on
the whole subject of artists' signatures on the coinage of
Terina.

One question which suggests itself at the outset is
whether sufficient attention has been paid in recent
years to the extraordinarily large pictorial element in
the finest designs on these dies, and on the closely allied
types executed by <l> at Pandosia.

Since the appearance of Mr. E. S. Poole's masterly
paper " On the Athenian Coin Engravers in Italy," 2 few
have failed to recognize the influence of Attic models
on a series of coins of Terina struck during the last
quarter of the fifth century B.C. The connexion with
the new Athenian foundation of Thourioi is established
by the work of the engraver whose signature, <t>, reappears,
together with the same distinctive style on the dies of
Terina.

The Attic element in <t>'s work so strongly impressed
itself on Dr. Furtwangler, that he has given expression
to the opinion 3 that the style of this artist, especially
as shown in the seated Nike Terina, " resembles in an
altogether surprising and unmistakable way the Par-
thenon frieze. He must have stood in the closest relation
to the sculptor of the frieze — to Phidias himself." Mr.
Poole, referring to the master-piece of the artist, com-
pares the way in which the figure of the Nymph seated
on the overturned hydria [PI. III. 4] 4 is seen beneath the

2 Num. Chron., 1883, pp. 269 seqq.

3 Meisterwerke, pp. 144, 145.

4 Regling, op. cit., Nos. 29, 30 (U.S. -77).

ENGRAVERS OP TERINA AND SIGNATURE OF EVAENETOS. 23

drapery with the reliefs of the balustrade of the Temple
of Nike Apteros, which also stand in such a near relation
to a type of the contemporary Terinaean engraver n.

The appreciations of these fine judges of Greek art
have, doubtless, a permanent value, but it seems to me
that such a design as that seen in PI. III. 4, with the
Nymph on the urn, is suggestive rather of the painter's
than the sculptor's methods. Here it is the instantaneous
element that first strikes the eye. The Nymph, literally
poised on the overturned hydria, her drapery drawn back
by the breeze and fluttering behind, the little bird just
perched on the back of her hand with its wings half spread
— never surely was a more pictorial composition intro-
duced into the field of a coin ! Indeed, mutatis mutandis,
the figure with its clinging drapery and legs drawn back,
balanced as it were on the round boss of the urn, evokes
points of sympathetic comparison with that most poetical
creation of the modern painters' craft, Watts's " Hope."

This exquisite design, moreover, leads us to another,
almost equally pictorial in character, on a coin [PL III. 5],5
the obverse type of which is also the signed work
of . The whole background of this is occupied with
a wall, its large isodomic blocks clearly marked, which,
from the lion's head with its spouting water seen on
one side, is clearly a reservoir (^a/mevrf). In front
of this the local Nymph, seated on the square base,
receives the water in her hydria — securing her equipoise,
the while, by throwing out behind her the left arm,
in which she holds a herald's staff. Between her and
the reservoir wall is a square basin on which a swan is
swimming. In the narrow space above the wall appears

5 Regling, op. cit., No. 34 (S. -ft).

24 NUMISMATIC CHEONICLE.

the inscription TESINA . . in small finely engraved
characters.

The swan here may in some sort be regarded as
the zoomorphic equivalent of the Water Nymph. At
Kamarina we see the local Nymph riding on the swan,
and the swan on the ampyx of a female head by
Evaenetos on a tetradrachm of Syracuse probably
indicates that it is the Nymph Arethusa who is there
portrayed.

The riddle of the piece is supplied by an inscrip-
tion, engraved, in fine, almost imperceptible letters like
TESINA . . above, on the cippus beneath the seated figure.
A comparison of several specimens shows that the true
reading is clearly

A
l

The uppermost letter is somewhat irregular, and the
n is written backwards like the q of TESINA . . . The
letters, moreover, both in size and fineness of engrav-
ing, correspond with those of the other inscription.

This reading of the inscription at once eliminates
the explanations founded on the erroneous versions
APH or AAH. With regard to the meaning of ATM, two
main theories have been propounded —

1. That it refers to some local source or its divinity.

2. That we have here the abbreviated name of an
engraver with some such name as AFHZIAZ.

Lenormant, in his Grande Greeef following Mannert,
has given good reasons for identifying the river Okinaros,
which, according to Lykophron, ran into the sea by

T. iii. p. 100 seqq. (see also Gazette Arch&ologique, 1883, p. 281

ENGRAVERS OF TERINA AND SIGNATURE OF EVAENETOS. 25

Terina, with the Fiume di Sambiase,7 or Fiume del
Bagni, which flows past the destroyed town and former
monastery of Santa Eufemia. This stream derives its
name from the neighbouring sulphur springs, the Bagni di
Sambiase, still famous till at least the sixteenth century,
for their healing qualities.8 But, from the distances
supplied by the Itineraries, these springs precisely corre-
spond with the station Aquae Angae, and Lenormant
acutely suggested that the Latinized name of the source
is only another version of the ATM recorded on the coin.
The view that Santa Eufemia is the local representative
of Terina itself receives corroboration from the fact that
bronze coins of Terina are constantly discovered there.9

It has indeed been urged that such an inscription
inserted in inconspicuous letters in a part of the
design presents all the distinguishing characteristics
of an artist's signature. This view was accepted by
Eaoul Kochette,10 who had not, however, Lenormant's

7 The local form of San Biagio.

8 Barrius, De Antiqiiitate et Situ Calabriae, Romae, 1571, p. 137
(Frankfort ed., 1600, p. 1060) : " Est in agro hoc Blasium pagus . . .
balneis nobilibus, aqua sulfurea est qua multis medetur morbis."

9 I myself possess a batch of these from this locality. The frequent
discovery of bronze coins, which had a more limited circulation, always
supplies a better topographical clue to the sites of autonomous cities
than do those of more precious materials. Pais (" Atakta," Annali delle
Universitd Toscane, xix. 1893) has put forward (pp. 16, 17) the somewhat
singular theory that, while Sta. Eufemia represents the harbour town
of Terina, the real city is to be sought at Tiriolo, twenty-five kilometres
inland. He deduces this from the fact that Thucydides (vi. 104, 2)
apparently speaks of the Terinaean Gulf as on the coast of the Ionian
Sea. He adds that " the Museum of Catanzaro is the Museum of Terina."
But a consensus of ancient authorities places the Sinus Terinaeus on
the west coast of what is now Calabria. Pais' theory involves the
very improbable supposition that the harbour town of Terina was not
situated on its gulf.

10 Lettre d M. le due de Luynes sur les Graveurs de Monnaies Grecques
(1831), pp. 43, 44. The counter-theory with which Raoul Eochette

26 NUMISMATIC CHKONICLE.

identification before him. It has since been re-
asserted by Pais,11 and adopted by Eegling in his
recent monograph on the Coinage of Terina.12

It is quite true that from its insertion on a part of
the design, and from its small dimensions, the inscription
conforms to the class of artists' signatures. But at the
same time, the fact must not be overlooked that inscrip-
tions supplying the names or epithets of divinities do
occur on coins in similar positions and in equally small
characters. The coinage of Metapontion supplies a
series of examples of such descriptive titles minutely
written on the truncation of the necks of the obverse
heads, such as f-vriEiA, NIKA, APOA, alternating with
signatures of engravers in the same position. At
Katane, too, we find a similar parallelism in the two
classes of inscriptions.

On the other hand, as already noted, so far as the
style and size of the letters go, no distinction can be
drawn between the characters on the base and those
of the TESINA . . above. In both cases they are small
and fine ; indeed, it looks as if the artistic sense of the
engraver revolted against any too conspicuous lettering
of any kind. The A~1H is thus on all-fours with the
other inscription, and, as shown above, the fact that it
is engraved on a part of the design, is not of itself
conclusive. Under these circumstances, Lenormant's
suggestive comparison between ATM and the AQVAE

had then to deal was that of Millingen (Ancient Coins of Greek Cities,
p. 43, &c.), founded on a wrong interpretation of "Aprjs in Lykophron
(Rathgeber, Grossgriechenland und Pythagoras, p. 6, and Tzetzes, s.v.).

11 Op. cit., p. 14, n. 1.

12 Op. cit., p. 39 : " An so verborgener Stelle wird eine erklarende
Beischrift nicht angebracht."

ENGEAVEES OF TEEINA AND SIGNATUEE OF EVAENETOS. 27

ANGAE of the Itineraries, on the site of the once celebrated
sulphur baths of Sambiase, may still be considered to
hold the field.

In this connexion the character of the type itself does
not seem to have been sufficiently taken into account.
The type cannot be looked on as merely containing an
allusion to some more or less inconspicuous local spring,
the rocky haunt of an eponymous Nymph. Kather it is
the most exhaustive glorification of an architecturally
arranged bath-station to be found in the whole range
of the autonomous Greek coinage. Its features are far
more fully indicated than those of the celebrated hot
baths of Himera. It is also to be observed that in
addition to the massive walls of the reservoir and of
the lion's head-spout from which the water rushes into
the urn, the swan swimming on the little tank below
conveys the idea of a much larger artificial basin for
bathing purposes. A swan does not swim in a trough.

There is another difficulty in the way of regarding
ATM as an engraver's signature, which must not be over-
looked. The other accepted signatures, 0 and P3 recur on
a series of types, and are occasionally coupled on opposite
sides of the same piece ; but there is nowhere else any
trace either of ATM or of its initial letter. At the same
time, the pictorial character of the design harmonizes
with that already described, in which the Nymph is seen
seated on the hydria, and as in both cases its obverse
type bears the signature 4>, there is good ground for
ascribing them both to the same numismatic artist. The
resemblance in style would be even greater were it not
for the unfortunate fact that all the reverse types known
bearing the inscription AfH are from a die with a flaw
which has blurred the face of the Nymph and obliterated

28 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.

the outline of the wing behind with a harsh transversal
line. The characteristic effect of the wing curving
forward like a halo in front of the head is thus
destroyed.

Without denying the influence of sculpture, it must
be said that the prevalent characteristics of both the
above types are of the pictorial order. In the case of
the design with the source the whole background is
full of detail to an extent which certainly would not
be found in any contemporary work of architectural
relief. It is true that in later Hellenistic times, when
the painter's methods had gained a much greater hold
on sculpture, parallels might be found for this varied
treatment of the background. But in the last quarter
of the fifth century B.C., to which this coin belongs,
such a phenomenon would have been non-existent.

When we remember that precisely at this period
Zeuxis made Kroton, the mother city of Terina, the centre
of his activities, and was engaged in decorating the
panels of the Temple of Hera Lakinia with a series of
designs, amongst them the celebrated Helen, it is
difficult not to accept Lenormant's view that the
markedly pictorial style of these and other more or less
contemporary types of this part of Magna Graecia was due
to the influence of the great Italiote painter. The facing
heads of Hera Lakinia that appear both on the coins of
Kroton itself and of its daughter city Pandosia, are
not improbably taken over from some well-known paint-
ing on the temple walls. Equally pictorial are the
reverse types with which they are associated — the seated
Herakles in the one case and the Pan in the other.

The tendency to facing delineations illustrated by the
head of Hera and the seated Pan, and the evolution of the

ENGRAVERS OF TERINA AND SIGNATURE OF EVAENETOS. 29

butting bull on the later didrachms by <J> at Thourioi is,
of course, a symptom of a tendency that becomes very
general on the dies both in Magna G-raecia and Sicily
during the last years of the fifth century. That this
was a characteristic of Zeuxis' method may be inferred
from the fact that he seems to have carried chiaroscuro^
so indispensable for such representations, to a higher pitch
than had yet been attained even by his master Apollo-
doros. When we remember that Kimon, who brought
this process to such perfection for the Syracusan Mint,
apparently began his career on the Italian side,14 it
seems highly probable that this fashion in numismatic art
went hand in hand with the dominant school of painting
of which Kroton supplies the richest illustration.

The exquisite didrachm of Pandosia [PI. Ill, 6] has a
special bearing on our present subject, since the <J> seen
in the field of the reverse, showing the seated Pan, may
with some probability be identified with the artist
whose signature is found on the above-mentioned coins
of Terina. The style of the piece is slightly later,
and the head of Pan turned three quarters round, in
sympathy with that of the Goddess on the obverse, is
itself a more advanced characteristic. The whole group,
with the dog at the foot of rock, on which the young God
rests, looking back with a sudden alertness in the same
direction in which his master gazes, is extremely
picturesque. In the case of a third stater, in which
this type is varied [PI. III. 7], the instantaneous element

13 Quintilian, xii. 10 : " Luminum umbrarumque invenisse rationem
Zeuxis traditur."

14 In my Syracusan Medallions, pp. 75, 76, I have shown that the
facing heads on the coins of Neapolis are the prototypes of Kimon's
" Arethusa."

30 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.

in the design is still more marked — two hounds being
seen on either side in the act of springing forward, as if
just released from the leash. The picturesque effect is
heightened by an engraved background covering the
whole lower field of the coin.

Upon this and another kindred sixth stater of Pandosia
[PI. III. 8] the inscription NIKO is seen in small letters
in the field, and probably represents a magistrate's name.
It is possible that an inscription hitherto misread, which
is engraved in small characters on an ithyphallic term
seen in front of the seated Pan on the didrachra, may
have the same explanation. A microscopic study of
this inscription as seen on the fine specimen of this
piece in the British Museum — in which I received the
valuable help of Mr. G. F. Hill — has enabled me to
establish the identity of most of the letters with
certainty. The reading suggested in the B.M. Cata-
logue, " -MAAYZ," is clearly erroneous. The five last
letters form -AAAQN, only a part of the transverse stroke
of the final N being visible, however. The first letter is
very difficult to decipher, but it shows part of a circular
outline, and has the appearance of a AAAON or ©AAAHN. If the former reading be
correct, the "term " may be regarded as a "canting badge."

These picturesque versions of the seated Pan have
a special interest in the present connexion, since Pan
was the subject of the " priceless " picture that Zeuxis
presented to his patron, King Archelaos of Macedon.
There can be little doubt, moreover, that the somewhat
later type, showing the infant Herakles strangling the
two serpents, which was also the federal type of the
league formed by Kroton against Dionysios of Syracuse
about 399 B.C., was adapted from the central episode

ENGKAVERS OF TERINA AND SIGNATURE OF EVAENETOS. 31

of Zeuxis' equally celebrated work, the Alkmene and
Amphitryon.15

In the works of <P we are bound to recognize the
influence of this Italiote school of painting, without
at the same time losing sight of the facts that Zeuxis
himself was a native of the joint Tarentine and Thurian
colony of Herakleia,16 and himself, therefore, not im-
probably of Athenian extraction, that he had worked
himself at Athens, and was in every way imbued with
the traditions of Attic sculptors.

When we come to consider the dies of the contemporary
Terinaean engraver who signs himself P, and who is so
closely associated with 4>, the comparisons evoked by his
designs lie more clearly in the field of sculpture than of
painting. There is less here of the instantaneous element,
nor have we any pictorial backgrounds comparable to that
of the Nymph at the fountain. The hydria or even the
throne as a resting-place for the seated figure is now
finally discarded in favour of the stone altar or cippus.
Even his standing figures are built on statuary principles.
In one case the Nymph [PI. III. 9] 17 leans one elbow on
a column. In the other well-known pose she places her
foot on a rock and rests in turn her elbow on her knee.

15 In 394 the same subject was chosen for the federal type of the
league formed after the battle of Knidos : cf. Waddington, Rev. Num.r
1863, p. 223 seqq. ; Kegling, Z. f. Num., xxv. 210 seqq.

16 The claims of Herakleia Pontica must certainly be rejected. The
centre of gravity of Zeuxis' activity was clearly on the Magna Graecian
side. He worked, moreover, in Sicily, witness his Alkmene at Agri-
gentum. The tradition that he was a pupil of Demophilos of Himera
again points to a Western origin.

17 Kegling, op. cit., No. 37 (TT-»). The example given here is from
my own collection (formerly Consul Weber's), wt. 7-46 grammes.
The signature of P occurs on both sides — on the reverse in a minute
form to the right of the column.

32 NUMISMATIC CHKONICLE.

Since the time of Mr. Poole's essay on " The Athenian
Coin Engravers in Italy," it has been generally admitted
that the last-mentioned type reflects the strong influence
of the kindred subjects on the balustrade of the Temple
of Nike Apteros, " though not necessarily of a particular
work," 18 The criticism that has been recently urged,19
that the scheme itself, as seen in the sandal-binder,
occurs already in mature archaic art — as in the case of
the Orestes of a Melian terracotta relief and of the figure
in the inner field of a red figure Jcylix by Duris — seems
to me to be beside the mark. What we have to deal
with here is not merely the coincidence of scheme, but
the sympathy of style and treatment, the modelling of
the figure beneath the drapery, the curving forward of the
wing, the suggestion of rhythmic motion. That the scheme
itself under one or other form was fashionable about this
period can be gathered, inter alia, from other coin-types,
such as the young river-god of Segesta or the Hermes of
Sybrita in Crete. But the correspondence with Attic
models visible in the subject as presented by P at Terina
goes far beyond mere generalities. Apart too from the more
purely pictorial and instantaneous elements, the same
influence is unmistakable in <J>'s compositions, and notably
in his consummate art of indicating the limbs beneath
the drapery. We have further to remember, as a link
of connexion with the cult of Nike Apteros, that though
the winged civic deity seen on the reverse of the great

18 Num. Chron., 1883, p. 276. Begling (op. cit., p. 45) points out that
the influence of the balustrade on the coin-types of Terina fits in with
the approximate date of that work, whether we accept Kekule's view
(Reliefs, p. 26) that it was executed soon after 432, or Furtwangler's
(Meistenverke, pp. 211-220), assigning it to the period 425-423 B.C.

1U H. von Fritze u. H. Gaebler, Nomisma, 1907, p. 21.

ENGRAVERS OF TERINA AND SIGNATURE OF EVAENETOS. 33

bulk of the Terinaean coins presents many attributes of
a Nymph, she has others, like the olive-wreath and
caduceus, which were appropriate to Nike,20 and that the
wingless figure of the more archaic coins is coupled with
the legend NIKA, and is, in fact, the Wingless Victory.

Apart from the suggestive reaction, indicated above,
of the master-pieces of contemporary sculpture and
-painting on designs executed by 4> and n for the mint
of Terina, there seems to me to be very strong evidence
that this influence of the great art centres of Mainland
Greece in part reached Terina from a numismatic
source. The coins of Elis, rich beyond all others in
variations of the Victory type, afford manifold materials
for comparison, and one of the finest of these, represent-
ing the well-known design [PI. III. 12], that Pistrucci
chose as his model on the Waterloo Medal,21 stands in
a very near relation to some closely allied reverse types
of Terina, in some cases presenting the signature P.22

This type is at home at Elis, where it descends from
a more archaic version ; at Terina it comes in suddenly
as an imported design.

On the Eleian piece in question the wings of the Nike
are spread in such a way as to supply a remarkable

20 See, especially, Regling, op. cit., p. 97.

21 In exhibiting this stater of Elis to the Society on March 17, 1910,
I referred to the close parallelism of the Victory on the reverse with
that seen on these Terinaean coins (Num. Chron., 1910, Proceedings,
p. 16). Milani (Romische Mitth., v. p. 99) had already made the general
observation (though without specifying any particular type) that the
seated figure on the Terinaean coins was closely related to that on the
coins of Elis, and that its prototype should perhaps be sought there.

22 In two cases (Regling, op. cit., Taf. ii. $, o>) the obverse types of
this series are signed (J>, but the reverse does not seem to present a
signature. In another case (op. cit., T?T?) the obverse bears <1> and the
reverse P. On another piece (op. cit., w] the signature P appears on
both sides.

VOL. XII., SERIES IV. D

34 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.

equipoise to the figure, the tips on either side coming
down towards the lower of the two steps on which she
is seated. She holds a wand transversely in her right
hand, and rests her left on the corner of the upper step.
The exergual space beneath the broad base is filled by
an olive-branch.23

All the Terinaean types of this category present the
same feature of the outspread evenly balanced wings.
In each case Nike Terina holds either a caduceus or an
olive-branch in her right hand, and rests her left on the
edge of the cippus, in .one case also grasping a wreath.
But, what is especially noteworthy, in place of the single
somewhat high base on which Nike Terina is seated
on some earlier types, there is now for the first time
introduced into the design a somewhat broader step or
stone platform below the cippus [PI. III. 13],24 which seems
to have been directly suggested by the lower step on the
coin of Elis.

There is, of course, no slavish copying. Owing to the
higher base on which Nike Terina is seated, the posture
of the legs is different — more of the right one appearing,
and the left leg being drawn more back. But the
general parallelism of the Eleian and Terinaean schemes
is remarkable. There is, moreover, one interesting point
of artistic criticism, which seems to have a conclusive
bearing on the relation of the two designs to one
another. The design as created by the engraver of the
Eleian die forms a beautifully proportioned harmonious
whole. The broad stepped base on which Victory rests,
and the semi-recumbent pose of her lower limbs entailed

23 Of. B. M. Cat. : Peloponnesus, PI. xii. 9 ; and for a better example
of the obverse type, PL x. 7.
« Of. Begling, Taf . ii. yr,.

ENGRAVERS OF TERINA AND SIGNATURE OF EVAENETOS. 35

by it, forms the natural complement to the descending
sweep of the wings on either side. Their tips almost
meet the ends of the lower step, and give a unity to
the whole composition. But, in the scheme as adopted
by the engravers of the Terinaean dies, the double spread
of the wings has no relation to the base, and the want
of equipoise between the two, due to the slight forward
stoop of the figure, gives it a certain appearance of
top-heaviness. The 'whole conception is artistically
unconvincing.

In glancing thus at some of the chief examples of the
earlier period of the signed coinage at Terina, I have
not hesitated to accept the opinion of such fine judges
as Poole, Gardner, Furtwangler, and more recently of
Dr. Jorgensen and Dr. Eegling, that the small letters
<l> and n, that appear on this series, belong in fact to
the artistic engravers of the dies.

As this opinion, however, has been lately challenged
on quite insufficient grounds, a brief consideration of the
question may not be out of place.

The link of connexion supplied by the occurrence of
the initial 4> at Thurioi and Terina was first pointed
out by Mr. E. S. Poole.25 In both cases the letter is
stowed away in an inconspicuous position — at Thurioi,
in the angle beneath the fore-part of the crest of the
helmet [PI. III. 2] ; at Terina, behind the neck of the
Nymph [PI. III. 4]. And, what is still more significant,
this similarity of procedure is associated on the dies
of both cities with heads respectively of Athena and
Nike Terina, which singularly resemble one another in

25 "Athenian Coin Engravers in Italy" (Num. Chron., 1883, pp. 269
seqq.).

36 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.

style and expression. On one of the Thurian didrachrns,
moreover, of this series [PI. III. 1], the <P is repeated in a
still more microscopic guise on the haunch of the butting
bull of the reverse,26 — a device wholly in keeping with the
methods in vogue among the artist engravers of Magna
Graecia and Sicily.27 The fluttering bird on the exergual
line beneath the bull on this and other parallel types
with <P on the obverse, is itself another link of connexion
with Terina. Beneath the bull it has no meaning, though,
as seen upon the hand of the seated nymph on a series
of Terinaean coins, it is an integral part of the design.
The comparison, however, is carried a step further by a
coin of Terina to which Dr. Kegling has recently called
attention.28 On this didrachm, the obverse of which
again presents the signature 0, a similar bird with
expanded wings appears beneath the seat on the reverse,
perched upon the exergual line in a manner perfectly
analogous with that of the Thurian piece [PI. III. 1].

Does the fluttering bird itself contain a reference to
the name of the engraver ?

On the reverse of one of the Thurian didrachnis on
which the bull is seen in a stage of development
closely parallel with that of the last-mentioned piece, the
place of the bird beneath the animal's legs is taken
by the letters P Y [PI. III. 2]. From their com-
paratively large size it may be gathered that the
engraver signs here rather in his quality as a mint

26 Of. Regling, op. tit., p. 43 (PL iii. Fig. 2).

27 So we find Kimon signing on a dolphin's side, Evaenetos on its

belly, and Eukleides — on an unpublished piece in my possession

placing the first three letters of his name on its back. In the same
way, we see E and H on dolphins at Tarentum.

28 Op. cit., p. 43 (No. 1 ; S-55).

ENGRAVERS OF TERINA AND SIGNATURE OF EVAENETOS. 37

official than as an artist — an alternative practice for
which, as we shall see, there are many parallels — but the
inscription may be reasonably regarded as a somewhat
fuller form of the <t> on the obverse. Professor P.
Gardner had already suggested that the name was in fact
4>PYriAAOZ,29 and that he was possibly the same engraver
whose signed work is found on more or less contemporary
coins of Syracuse. Whether this latter identification be
correct, and whether in turn the die-sinker should be
identified with the gem-engraver of the same name, are
points on which the existing materials, owing to their
disparate character, hardly allow us to pass a decided
opinion.

That the full name of <f> and 4> P Y may have been
Phrygillos, is itself not improbable, and in this connexion
Dr. Kegling has revived, with better evidence now in hand
to support it, a suggestion thrown out by M. Sambon,
that the fluttering bird beneath the bull on the coin of
Thurioi is, in fact, a kind of finch, the Greek QpvyiXog
(Latin fringilla), and as such the " canting badge " of
the engraver Phrygillos.30

What is certain is that the earliest work of <P with
which we have to deal connects itself with the Athenian
foundation of Thurioi. I have elsewhere shown31 that
the Thurian didrachms with this signature, though they
are somewhat later than the very earliest didrachm

29 Types of Greek Coins, p. 121.

30 Regling, op. tit., p. 44; A. Sambon, Cat. Maddalena, No. 409
(p. 48).

31 "The Evolution of the Scheme of the Butting Bull on Sicilian
and Magna Graecian Coin-Types" ("Contributions to Sicilian Numis-
matics," II., Num. Chron., 1896, pp. 135 seqq., and see especially pp.
139, 140).

38 NUMISMATIC CHEONICLE.

types of that city, struck in or shortly after 443 B.C.,32
exhibit the bull on the reverse under a comparatively
early aspect.33 This stage in the evolution of the type
was, in fact, already overpassed by the date, not later than
about 420 B.C., when the engraver MOAOZZOI begins his
activity. In other words, the activity of 4> at Thurioi
may be roughly set down as from 430, or shortly before,34
to 420 B.C. His earliest work on the dies of Terina must
more nearly approach the latter date.

A comparison supplied by one of the latest didrachms
of Cumae,35 struck, therefore, about 423 B.C., goes far to
support this view. It will be seen that the pursed lips
and general profile of the head on this piece [PI. III. 3],
present a distinct resemblance to the head within the
olive-wreath on the earliest dies executed by <t> at Terina.
At the same time, the Cumaean type is shown, by its
lower relief and the stiffer treatment of the hair, to be
a few years earlier in date.

The activity of n at Terina begins somewhat later than
that of . In his case the evidence is confined to this mint.
His initial appears on a series of obverse types in the same
place as <P, immediately behind the nape of the neck,

32 Cf. Dr. Christian Jorgensen's article in Corolla Numismatica, " On
the Earliest Coins of Thurion," pp. 166 seqq., and Plates viii., ix.

33 Jorgensen (op. cit., pp. 171 seqq.) places the first Thurian coins
with (J> at the beginning of his third Section.

34 The early diobol of Herakleia with the head of Herakles, signed <p
(which,' with Poole, I would refer to the artist of Thourioi and Terina),
belongs, as Jorgensen (op. cit., p. 175), to its earliest issue, c. 432 B.C.,
and is therefore a valuable indication for his chronology. The didrachm
of Herakleia with cp beneath Herakles on the reverse, is of approxi-
mately the same date.

*5 Eev. KYMAION. Cerberus on a mussel. See MiUingen, Sylloge
of Unedited Coins of Greek Cities and Kings, pp. 10, 11, and PI. i. 4,
from a coin in the Burgon Collection. The illustration of the obverse
here given [PI. III. 3] is from an electrotype in my possession, apparently
of the Burgon coin.

ENGRAVERS OF TERINA AND SIGNATURE OF EVAENETOS. 39

and, though, as will be seen below, his practice varies,
the signature is often extremely inconspicuous. On the
reverse types, where it is found more often than in the
case of <J>, it is placed not only in the field, but on
the cippus upon which the Nymph is seated, and in one
case, very minutely, on the rock upon which she rests her
foot [PI. III. II].36 It would be impossible to cite a clearer
example of a signature en artiste.

It is evident that some of the heads in P's " later
manner " are not up to the artistic level of those on his
earlier dies, which very closely reflect the style of his
associate and probable master, <t>. It is quite possible
that in this and in other cases where we have to deal
with signatures on coins, the initial of a more well-known
and artistic engraver may, under certain circumstances,
have been attached to the work of subordinate die-sinkers
in the same atelier, perhaps as a kind of official passport.
The tendency to adopt such a procedure would be
greatest in the later years of an engraver.

But where the signature was of this official class, it
may very well have covered the actual handiwork of a
subordinate.37 It is noteworthy, moreover, in this con-
nexion, that the obverse type of this series which presents

56 Regling, op. cit., No. 74 (\\-KKK). The example given in PI. III. 11
is from the British Museum.

37 The above remarks answer the objections recently raised by Messrs.
H. von Fritze and H. Gaebler (Nomisma, i. (1907), pp. 16 seqq.) re-
garding the <f> and P as artists' signatures. The criticisms put forward
in the above publication are in any case much exaggerated. There is
no sufficient reason for supposing that P covers the work of " three or
even sjx different engravers," though it is clear that some of the later
obverse types with this signature show a falling ofi in style. The earlier
work with which it is connected was no doubt executed under the strong
influence of (p, who appears to have been P's master, and this accounts
for the strong resemblance presented by certain dies.

40 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.

the most obviously inferior work (Regling, A A) is coupled
with a divergent form of the initial, n taking the place
of P. Would P himself have altered his otherwise
unvarying signature ? Something, no doubt, in the
inferiority of certain later works signed P may have been
due to the fact that he seems for some reason to have
been deprived during this period of the association of <J>,
who may reasonably be regarded as his master in the
die-sinker's art.

The die-sinkers of the period immediately preceding
that during which <P and P were active in the mint of
Terina seem already to have initialled some of their
works, if we may so interpret the letters A and © that
appear in the field of these pieces. The former initial
is seen behind a head of somewhat immature type,38 the
latter in one case beneath the throne of the seated
nymph in a design of great power and beauty.39 From
the initialling of dies to signing as author of a work of
monetary art the transition is really imperceptible.

It seems certain, moreover, as I pointed out in my
" Horsemen of Tarentum," 40 that at a somewhat later
date it was a usual practice in more than one of
the Magna-Graecian mints for engravers to sign in the
two capacities, both as a monetary official and en
artiste, both types of signature being often illustrated
in the same piece. Thus in the case of Philistion at

38 Kegling, op. cit., No. 24 (type Q).

39 Op. cit., No. 18 (type p). The same initial 0 recurs in a similar
position on No. 19 (type a). Dr. Regling (p. 36) regards the © as
" wohl einen Beamtennamen, schwerlich eine Kiinstlersignatur." He
admits, however (loc. cit.}, the possibility of A being an artist's signa-
ture from the position in which it appears by the nape of the neck.
As pointed out below, the two categories shade off into one another.

40 Nwm. Chron., 1889, pp. 118 seqy.

ENGRAVERS OF TERINA AND SIGNATURE OF EVAENETOS. 41

Velia, although on the obverse of his coins he adopts
the classical artistic device of inserting his name in full
in minute letters beneath the crest of Pallas' helmet,
there can be no reasonable doubt that the <Pi seen in
conspicuous letters on the reverse of the same coins
belongs to the same engraver, and stands as an index
of his official responsibility. So too Aristoxenos at
Herakleia supplements this official initialling of the
types by a signature hidden away in the design or on the
exergual line, while at Metapontion what appears to be
the same artistic engraver ingeniously combines both
practices by signing with a large and visible A, beneath
which the rest of the name is indicated in quite
microscopic characters.

It is perhaps necessary to mention here, though only
to reject in the most unqualified manner, the ingenious
theory advanced by Mr. J. E. McClean,41 that <t> and P,
where they appear, are numerals, and have reference to
the gold standard " introduced into Italy by Dionysios : "
ej> ( = 500), for instance, representing so many units. But,
as the group of coins before us was struck before the
advent of Dionysios to power even on the Sicilian side
of the Straits, it is impossible to suppose that this letter
can have reference to his new gold standard. How in any
case can a didrachm contain 500 units ? In what system
is the litra divided into 50 ? Finally, in the case of n
( = 5) how explain the pieces presenting both n and <1> ?
The whole theory, in every sense far-fetched, is quite
beside the mark as regards the present series.

41 « Tkg True Meaning of cj> on the Coinage of Magna Graecia,"
Num. Chron., 1907, pp. 107 seqq. Mr. McClean's argument is quite
unintelligible to me.

42 NUMISMATIC CHKONICLE.

§ 2. THE PERIOD OF SYRACUSAN INFLUENCE : DIES BY
THE HAND OF EVAENETOS.

The new discovery recorded in the present Section may
be thought to give something like the coup de grace to
the above-mentioned attempts to exclude <J> and n on
the master-pieces of the coinage of Terina from the
category of artists' signatures. The well-authenticated
appearance of the signature of one of the greatest of
monetary artists on a Terinaean die belonging to the
immediately succeeding period, throws at the same time
a retrospective light on the traditions of the Terina
Mint.

It has been demonstrated in the preceding Section,
that the earlier signed work on the coins of Terina
bears strong evidence of the influence of Attic models.
The works with which we have at present to deal bear
even more conclusively the impress of Syracusan art,
imposed by the ascendancy of the elder Dionysios.

Dr. Eegling, in his excellent monograph, has shown
that, about the beginning of the fourth century, coin-
types of a " new style " 42 make their appearance at
Terina, followed by others in a style justly described by
him as " rich."

The obverse type of the " new style " shows the head
of Nike Terina with somewhat elaborately curling
locks behind, caught up in a star-spangled sphendone
[PI. IV. 16]. The inscription in front of the head is
TEPINAIQN. Formally the obverse of this die may be
regarded as bearing a certain relation to some of the

42 Terina, p. 27, LL : " Neuer Stil : bald nach 400 v. C."

ENGRAVERS OF TERINA AND SIGNATURE OF EVAENETOS. 43

later types of n's second and third manner,43 showing a
similar baggy sphendone, though without the stars.
But the whole style and expression are widely different.
The elaborate treatment of the hair as well as the
starred bag of the sphendone suggest Syracusan com-
parisons— a suggestion which gains in force when we
regard the face of Nike Terina herself as here por-
trayed. The proud profile with which these luxuriant
details are associated can hardly fail to call up the
features of the Goddess of the Syracusan " medallions "
in Kimon's third manner.44 This is well brought out in
the enlarged phototype on PI. V. 1. To me at least the
head of this Terinaean type conveys the strong impres-
sion that, if not from the actual hand of Kimon, it
was executed in his atelier, and under his immediate
inspiration.

The two reverse types with which this " Kimonian "
obverse are associated,45 stand less apart in style from
the ordinary Terinaean series, though one of them
presents a new aspect of the seated Nymph. In this
case she is represented without wings, holding up a
patera, while a small Victory flies behind, holding out
an olive -wreath to crown her head [PI. IV. 16].

To understand the genesis of the other and somewhat

43 Regling, op. cit., Taf. I., AA, BB, SS, HH.

44 See my "Syracusan Medallions and their Engravers" (Num.
Chron., 1891, PI. II. Fig. 8). No tetradrachms in Kimon's " third
manner " are known, with which to compare the Terinaean type. On
his gold staters (loc. cit., Figs. 3, 4a, 46) the Goddess wears a starred
sphendone. Dr. Eegling, op. cit., p. 54, already noted with regard to
this type, " Die Haartracht, namentlich die von der Ampyx an und
an der sternbesetzten, gegen friiher verbreiterten Sphendone entlang
immer dichter werdende Lockenfiille erinnert ein wenig an die
syracusanischen Dekadrachmen des Kimon." He was not then
inclined to believe, however, in a direct or conscious connexion.

45 Regling, op. cit., Taf. III., w/j., vvv.

44 NUMISMATIC CHEONICLE.

later class of coins in the " rich " style, it is necessary to
have in view some of the latest types of the preceding
period with which it is formally connected.

The later didrachms associated with P betray a certain
deficiency in inventive power, and a tendency to stereo-
type the design of the Nike Terina seated on a square
cippus. Finally, the version of this scheme in which
the seated figure is seen with a bird perched on the
back of her hand becomes permanently fixed on the
local dies.

On PI. IV. 17 is given an example, this type belonging
apparently to the period that immediately followed
the close of n's activity, since it has no trace of a
signature on either side. This piece, formerly in the
Garrucci Collection,46 is referred to by Dr. Regling,47
but is not illustrated by him. The obverse, which is of
fine style, is of interest as presenting for the first time
the head with the hair rolled, and showing no signs of
sphendone, ampyx, or band of any kind. The eponymous
Nymph is represented as wearing an ear-ring with a single
drop — the ear-ring itself being an innovation — and the
inscription TEPl is written upright behind the head.
On the reverse, which is by no means equal to the
obverse in execution, the cippus is hung with a wreath,
apparently of olive, also a new feature.

46 Garrucci, Le Monete dell' Italia Antica, II., Tav. cxvii. 14. The
coin is now in my own collection. The reverse of the coin shows
graffito markings, read by Garrucci, AAXNA. This is no doubt the
piece referred to by von Sallet (Z. f. Numismatik, i. p. 88) as presenting
the graffito inscription KAAA beside the Nike (cf. Regling, op. cit., p. 30).
After an attentive study, I am unable to accept either of these readings.
The graffito lines are badly executed, but, read outwards, present some-
what the appearance of the Roman numerals XXXVI. Wt. 7*72
grammes.

47 Op. cit., p. 30.

ENGRAVERS OF TERINA AND SIGNATURE OF EVAENETOS. 45

This piece must still be considered as fitting on to
the earlier series belonging to the last quarter of the
fifth century, with which <t> and n are associated.
Its special importance, however, lies in the fact that
it forms a link of connexion with some remarkable
works in the " rich " style to be described below. It will
be seen that these latter types [PI. IV. 17-22] simply
reproduce, so far as their main outlines go, both the
obverse and reverse designs of the above-mentioned
didrachni. Of the class in question more than one
variety exists. It may be divided, moreover, into an
earlier and a later group. Of the first group Dr.
Eegling, in his recent monograph on the Coins of
Terina, cites two obverse dies and five reverses, only
differing from one another by almost imperceptible
nuances.48

Of these coins I am now able to publish two from my
own collection, the exceptional preservation of the first
of which has enabled me to discover on a detail of the
reverse the actual signature of the engraver.

The first of these specimens is from a remarkable
hoard found at Carosino, near Taranto, where it occurred
in company with a variety of staters belonging to the
finest period of the signed coinage of Tarentum.49 The
obverse type is not well centred, but the condition of
the piece is extraordinarily brilliant, and absolutely
fleur de coin.

48 Op. tit., pp. 28, 29. No. 78, obv. (MM); rev. (ooo). No. 79, obv.
(MM) ; rev. («mr). No. 80, obv. (MM) ; rev. (ppp). No. 81, obv. (MM) ;
rev. (a-ffff). No. 82, obv. (NN) ; rev. (TTT).

49 See note, p. 51, below. I am indebted to Monsieur M. P. Vlasto
for the indication of the original source of the coin. It was subsequently
included in the Hirsch Sale of 1905 (No. 259).

46 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.

The following is the full description of this interesting
didrachm : —

[TEPINAI]QN Head of Nike Terina to r., wear-
ing ear-ring with triple pendants and beaded
necklace. The hair is rolled and elaborately
waved. The whole in fine circle.
This obverse type answers to Regling, M M .

Winged figure of the Nymph seated on square
altar or cippus, resting on a narrow base.
She wears a sleeveless chitdn and himation.
On the ampyx above her forehead is the
inscription EYA in microscopic characters. A
bird with spread wings is perched on the back
of her r. hand, and her 1. rests on the back of
the cippus. The whole in a fine circle. The
design is of extraordinary relief.
Wt. 7-44 grammes. [PI. IV. 19.]

This reverse type answers to Regling, o-cnr.50

The second specimen in my possession is nearly as
brilliantly preserved as the other, and with the obverse
design better centred.

Olv. — T E P I N A I Q N . From the same die as the preceding .

Rev. — The type is almost identical, but from a different
die. The folds of the falling drapery are more
fully rendered and less stiff. On the ampyx of
the seated figure the A of the signature EYA
is faintly discernible. The design is in the
same exceptionally high relief.
Wt. 7-64 grammes. [PL IV. 20.]

1 Regling, ooo, London, Bank Coll.

The general resemblance of the obverse head, with its
luxuriant locks, to that of the Goddess on the Syracusan

50 Dr. Kegling (Op. cit., p. 29) cites examples of this type in the
following collections: Berlin, Cambridge, Jameson (once Montagu),
B. M. (Bank Coll.), Milan, Munich, Naples, Ward, and Warren.

ENGRAVERS OF TERINA AND SIGNATURE OF EVAENETOS. 47

dekadrachms by Evaenetos had already struck many
observers.51 But a wholly new complexion is put on
the matter by the discovery that the reverse type of the
above example bears the signature EYA, which can only
be referred to Evaenetos himself.

The letters are extraordinarily minute, and it was only
owing to the happy accident that I had in my possession
the absolutely fresh specimen described
above, that I was able to detect them.52
Even so, they are better seen under an
actual microscope than with an ordinary
lens. The accompanying illustration is my own greatly
enlarged copy.

Annexed is also a print from a photographic enlarge-
ment.

The final A is here very clear, the Y is also discernible;
but, curiously enough, the E, which is
visible even to the naked eye on the
coin itself, is a good deal blurred in
this reproduction, owing to its being
in shadow.

In face of this signature on the
reverse it becomes almost cerfain
that the obverse head — so suggestive
of the mannerisms of this engraver —
was not merely a copy, but was executed by the actual

51 E.g. Regling, Terina, pp. 54, 55; H. v. Fritze u. H. Gaebler,
Nomisma, i. p. 19.

52 My reading has been confirmed by Professor J. L. Myres, Mr. G. F.
Hill, and Dr. L. R. Farnell. On a fine specimen in the possession of
M. Robert Jameson (once Montagu) the E and the upper part of the
Y are clearly visible. An example in the Cabinet des M<§dailles (Old
Collection) shows the lower part of the E.

48 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.

hand of Evaenetos. The enlarged copies on PI. V. 2, 3,
which bring the head to the same scale as those of the
"Medallions," shows how close the resemblance really
is. The objection 53 raised to this view, that the
arrangement of the hair is less effective, owing to the
more definite line of division between the roll of hair
in front and that of the crown, loses its cogency when
we realise the limitations under which the engraver set
to work. For whatever reason, the design on either
side is a mere adaptation of the local Terinaean type
above described.54 It is simply a rendering of the old
subjects in a wholly new style.

Unquestionably the reverse design suffers from the
effect of the same limitations. It lacks the largeness
and poetry of the monetary master-pieces of the pre-
ceding age, such as the Nymph poised in the hydria
or drawing water at the fountain. It is based on a
model executed at a time when the art of the local
Terinaean engravers was already in a state of decadence.
On the other hand, in technical execution and minute
attention to detail, Evaenetos' figure of the seated
Nymph is unsurpassed. The relief itself is extra-
ordinarily high.

It is clear from the character of their two reverse types
(which are in the style of r) that the "Kiinonian"
pieces are earlier at Terina than those which show the
signature of Evaenetos. In my work on Syracusan

53 See Regling, op. cit., p. 54. " Es 1st die Haartracht, die Euainetos
bei seinen syracusanischen Dekadrachmen eingefiihrt hat und die
bier als bei einer Kopie namentlicb insofern minder grossartig wirkt,
als der Graveur gar zu angstlich den Wulst von den Haarwellen des
Hinterkopfes getrennt hat, wahrend bei Euainetos beides in einander
iibergeht."

54 See p. 44, and PL IV. 17.

ENGRAVERS OF TERINA AND SIGNATURE OF EVAENETOS. 49

"Medallions" and their Engravers I gave reasons for
supposing that the earliest of Evaenetos' dekadrachms
belong to the beginning of the tyrannis of Dionysios,
which was established in 406 B.C. Their first issue
could hardly have been later than 400 B.C.55 From
the evolution perceptible in the style of these, the
abundance of their issue, and the variety of dies used,
it is evident that their emission extended over a
considerable period. On the other hand, we have to
remember that the earliest didrachms with the signature
of Evaenetos go back at least to 415 B.C.,56 and he
must therefore have been, at a reasonable computation,
well over his thirtieth year by the time he began to
engrave his dekadrachm dies. It becomes difficult, there-
fore, to bring down his activity as an engraver of the
" medallions " lower than at most 375 B.C.,57 though their
issue from old dies may have still continued for a while
after that date.

The strong influence, if not something more, of Evae-
netos on non-Sicilian dies in the latest period of his
activity can be traced on the very beautiful type of a
drachm of Massalia issued about this period [PI. IV.
23], 58 The head of Artemis that here appears wears an

55 Three silver dekadrachms of Evaenetos, all in brilliant condition,
occurred in the West Sicilian (Contessa) hoard, deposited about 400 B.C.
See my Syracusan " Medallions" pp. 165 and 168, 169.

56 Op. cit., pp. 57 seqq. They are possibly a few years earlier than
415 B.C.

57 This is bringing the date slightly lower than Syracusan " Medal-
lions," p. 106, where 385 B.C. is suggested as the lowest limit. But
their first issue may have been a few years later than 406, and, con-
sidering the variety of the dies, twenty-five years is not perhaps too
long a period to assign to the activity of their engraver.

58 De La Saussaye, Numismatique de la Gaule Narbonnaise, PI. ii. 34,
and see p. 64. The specimen shown here [PI. IV. 23] is from my own

VOL. XII., SERIES IV. E

50 NUMISMATIC CHEONICLE.

olive-wreath — her distinctive local attribute59 — and
thus comes into a nearer comparison with the corn-
crowned head of the Sicilian Goddess on the deka-
drachms [PI. V. 4]. That the Massaliote type was
modelled on the latter design I had already pointed
out in my Syracusan " Medallions'' 60 but the parallel
now supplied by the smaller design of Evaenetos on
the coins of Terina suggests the conclusion that this
work too may have been actually executed in his
atelier. The style and arrangement of the hair, the cha-
racter of the profile, and a certain delicate touch which
is seen in the treatment of the eye and lower eyelid,
to my mind at least, reveal the master's hand. So far as
the design is concerned it is, indeed, a more successful
performance than the head on the didrachms of Terina,
where the artistic power of the engraver was trammelled,
as it would appear, by an inferior model. At Massalia,
on the other hand, the olive-crowned head of Artemis is
an entirely new conception, based on no local numis-
matic prototype, though the interweaving of the hair
with the foliage in a triple spray is a free variation of
the threefold arrangement of the green corn-blades on
the head of the Spring Goddess of Syracuse. There we
have the leaf without the ear; here, in the same way,
the spray without the berries.

In the case of this Massaliote piece there is no signa-
ture, and we may after all have to do with a design
executed rather under the immediate influence of
Evaenetos than by his own hand. But there are

collection. The lion on the reverse recalls some Velian types, but is
not equal to the head of Artemis as a work of art.

59 Justin, 1. xliii. c. 4.

60 Page 112.

ENGRAVERS OF TERINA AND SIGNATURE OF EVAENETOS. 51

stronger reasons for recognizing his actual handiwork
on a coin which has been justly regarded as one of the
greatest masterpieces of the Tarentine Mint. Monsieur
M. P. Vlasto has made to me the interesting suggestion
that the E seen behind the veiled head of the Goddess
on the noble gold stater reproduced in PI. IV. 24, from a
fine example recently found near Taranto, may also repre-
sent his signature. It will be seen at once that, so far as
style is concerned, the head on this piece displays a con-
siderable parallelism with that on the die executed by him
for the Terinaean Mint, while, apart from the diaphanous
veil, the whole character of the face and the luxuriant
treatment of the hair bring the design into the closest
relation with the heads of Evaenetos' dekadrachms. This
is still better shown by the enlarged representation on
PL V. 5, from the magnificent specimen in the British
Museum. The reverse type of this Tarentine stater, in
which the infant Taras is seen in a suppliant guise before
his father Poseidon, has been justly recognized as one
of the finest of all Greek coin-types.61 The somewhat

61 In my " Horsemen of Tarentum," published twenty-five years ago,
I was led to associate this gold stater with my Fourth Period. It
seemed natural to see in the reverse type an allusion to the appeal of
Taras to the Spartan mother-city, and the arrival of Archidamos in
344 B.C. The connexion of the gold stater in question with the silver issue
in my Fourth Period of the " Horsemen " holds good, but it is clear, from
a note kindly supplied me by Monsieur Vlasto as to the composition of the
hoard of coins referred to above that has since come to light at Carosino,
that the dating of the whole group must be considerably thrown back.
M. Vlasto, through whose hands this remarkable hoard passed, informs
me that among the most recent types those represented were Nos. 1, 2,
3, 9, 10, 11, of PI. iv., and No. 7 of PL xi. of the " Horsemen " belonging
to my Fourth Period, as well as Nos. 7, 8, 9 of PI. iii. included by me in
the Third Period. What, moreover, is of special interest in the present
connexion, the fleur-de-coin specimen of Terina described above on
which the signature EYA has now been deciphered, belonged to the
same find. This piece, which must from its condition have been one

52 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.

conspicuous rendering of the E behind the head on the
obverse of this coin cannot be regarded as a valid
objection to the view that this may represent the master's
signature, when we recall the very conspicuous characters
in which his name appears on his later dekadrachms.
But a still better warrant for regarding the initial letter
here as that of Evaenetos is afforded by the gold fifty-
litra pieces struck from his Syracusan dies, on which his
signature is represented as in the present case by a
single E, behind the young male head.62

There can be no doubt that the employment of Syra-
cusan engravers for the mint of Terina, more especially
of the official die-sinker of Dionysios, stands in close
relation with the domination that he at this time exer-
cised in the toe of Italy. This begins with his expedi-
tion against Khegion in 391, bringing with it the defeat
of the Krotoniate fleet, and culminates in the crushing
defeat of the army of the Italiote confederates on the
Helleporos in 389. This was followed by the capture
of Skylletion, Hipponion, and Kaulonia, the territories of
which were added to those of Lokroi, the traditional
ally of the Syracusans. The capture of Rhegion followed
in 387, and in 379 of Kroton, the mother-city of Terina.

To defend the new Locrian state — Dionysios' Pro-
tectorate in Italy— he planned a line of fortification
across the Isthmus of Squillace at its narrowest point,
and the probable site of Terina, by the present Santa
Eufemia, would lie just outside the western end of this

of the latest coins of the hoard, itself affords conclusive evidence that
the Tarentine types of Period IV., including the gold stater signed E,
were struck before, at the latest, 375 B.C. (see p. 53). The specimen,
PI. IV. 24, is in my own collection. Its weight is 8-53 grammes.

62 B. M. Cat. : Sicily, No. 172 ; A. J. E., Syracusan " Medallions,"
PL v. Fig. 4.

ENGRAVERS OF TERINA AND SIGNATURE OF EVAENETOS. 53

projected " Vallum," which, however, seems never to
have attained completion.63 Terina, though apparently
allowed to retain a nominal autonomy — for its name
does not appear among the cities which the tyrant
annexed or destroyed — must have been in a position
of great dependence.

In view of these circumstances, we shall not be far out
in placing the beginning of the period of Syracusan
influence on the coinage of Terina at about 390 B.C. The
type in which Kimon's* influence is so marked may date
from about that year. The dies on which Evaenetos'
name appears were executed somewhat later, and must
be ascribed to the very close of the activity of that
engraver, perhaps almost as late as 375 B.C. The
mannerism of the head on the obverse itself suggests
a very late phase in his style.

Closely allied to this first group of coins in the
" rich " style, presenting the signature of Evaenetos,
are two other types, Nos. 83 and 84 of Dr. Eegling's list
[PI. IV. 21, 22]. So far as concerns the style and details
both of the head on the obverse of these coins and of
the seated figure on the reverse, it is impossible to
draw any distinction between the two. But No. 84
[PI IV. 22] presents the monogram 3" on its obverse, and
a crab is inserted in the exergual space of the reverse.64

The additional features exhibited by the last-
mentioned example will receive particular considera-
tion below. So far as the main types of these coins

63 Strabo, vi. 1, 10. I may be allowed to refer to my note on the
" Vallum of Dionysios " in Freeman's History of Sicily, iv. p. 203.

64 PI. IV. 22 is taken from an impression from the unique example of
this piece in the Imperial Cabinet at Vienna, kindly supplied me by
Dr. Kubitschek.

54 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.

are concerned, they undoubtedly bear a strong resem-
blance to those showing the signature of Evaenetos.
They have the appearance, however, of being of somewhat
softer execution and slightly posterior to these.65 It
will be observed that the head on these pieces, though
much in the same style, is distinguished by certain
minute divergences in detail, especially in the outline
of the nose, which is a shade less prominent. The face
of Nike Terina has, in fact, a certain individuality of its
own, which may well reflect the handiwork of a pupil
working in the master's traditions. It is still of great
beauty, but the seated figure on the reverse does not
seem equal, in design or execution, to that bearing the
signature of Evaenetos. One slight falling off may
be noted in the position of the wings. In the case of
the preceding class, as generally with this scheme —
the hind wing curves up over the crown of the Nymph's
head. But on the present example the upper part of
both wings is practically on the same level, the out-
lines of the two, which are not very clearly distinguish-
able, lying behind the head below the level of its crown.

If we may conclude that the above issues fit on to the
close of those presenting Evaenetos' signature, we may
perhaps bring down the date when the dies were
executed to about 370 B.C. But considering their very
close approximation to the others in style and design, it
would not be safe to bring them down below this limit.

This conclusion seems at first sight to conflict with
the ingenious explanation recently put forward of the
crab in the exergual space of the second of these coins

65 Dr. Eegling has been independently led to the same conclusion.
He observes of these two types (82 and 83 of his list) : " beide sind im
Stil ein wenig schwacher als 81."

ENGRAVERS OF TERINA AND SIGNATURE OF EVAENETOS. 55

[PI. IV. 22]. Dr. Kegling 66 sees in this the distinguishing
badge of the Brettians, and brings the issue of this
piece into connexion with their capture of Terina
in 356 B.C.

The crab itself is the constantly recurring emblem on
the Brettian coinage, and there can be no doubt that
the appearance of this symbol on the later bronze
coinage of Terina is to be taken as a badge of Brettian
domination.67 Diodoros, indeed, speaks of the Brettians
having not only taken but sacked Terina in 356,68 and,
even allowing for the possibility that the coin itself
might have been struck slightly before the actual over-
throw, under pressure of an enforced alliance, a serious
chronological discrepancy still remains. There is,
moreover, another feature, in this case on the obverse
side of the same didrachm, that also carries with it
late associations.

This is the appearance, in addition to the full civic
name TEPINAIQN in the field to the right, of a reduplica-
tion of the first letters of the name, to the left of the
head, in the monogrammatic form "E. The same abbrevia-
tion accompanied by a fuller version of the name on the
other side of the coin, occurs on some apparently con-
temporary diobols. But there does not seem to be
anything to be said in favour of the suggestion69 that
the monogram was taken over from these on to the die

86 Op. cit., p. 56.

67 I have already pointed this out in my "Horsemen of Tarentum,"
p. 110, note 137 (cited by Dr. Eegling, loc. cit).

68 xvi. 15, Olympiad 106, 1 : Kal TrpwTov /uei/ Tepivav Tr6\tv

69 Kegling, op. cit., p. 56, who also makes the alternative suggestion
that it is an abbreviation of a personal name, perhaps the leader of the
Brettians.

56 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.

of the larger denomination by a Brettian engraver
imperfectly acquainted with Greek. So far from being
barbarous, indeed, the die itself is of highly artistic
execution.

Another more probable explanation, however, lies ready
to hand. The abbreviated form of the civic signature is
altogether in conformity with the usage found on the
coinage of Corinthian model, and is no doubt
originally due to the transliteration for the Colonial
issues of the 9 of the mother-city. Often it is a single
letter, as at Leukas, on the early coins of Ambrakia, at
Thyrreion, and Dyrrhachion ; at times it is a monogram
or the first two or three letters of the name, as at
Anaktorion, or Astakos.

When in the course of the fourth century B.C. the
Italian Lokroi, Rhegion,70 and the neighbouring town of
Mesma struck " pegasi " in their own names, they con-
formed to the same practice of abbreviation.71 What,
however, is of more direct pertinence in the present
connexion, Terina herself issued a coinage of this Corin-
thian type [PL IV. 26], on which the civic name appears in
the same monogrammatic form "E as on the didrachm
under discussion.

The view has been put forward that these Teri-
naean " pegasi," which seem to be of great rarity,72 were

"'• The " pegasi " of Rhegion are distinctly later in type than those of
Terina. The Mesma example is also late and of barbarous fabric.

n Several of the Lokrian coins, however, show the fuller form of
the nfl.Tnf»T

T* One of the few specimens known of this rare type was acquired by
Dr. Imhoof Blumer at Beggio di Calabria (" Die Miinzen Akarnaniens,"
Numismatische Zeitschrift, 1878, p. 7, n. 7), illustrated by him, Monnaies
Grecques, 1883, PL A, 12. Its weight is 8-53 grammes. Thanks to the
kindness of Dr. Regling, I am able to reproduce this coin (now in the
Berlin Museum) on PI. IV. 26.

ENGRAVERS OF TERINA AND SIGNATURE OP EVAENETOS. 57

struck on the liberation of the city from the Brettian
yoke by Alexander the Molossian in 325 B.C.73 But this
theory must be unhesitatingly rejected. To any one
who has closely followed the evolution of the helmeted
head of Pallas on the long Corinthian series, it is clear
that the type, as seen on the " pegasus " of Terina, goes
back at least to the middle of the fourth century B.C.
The proportions of the casque, the angle at which it is
set on Pallas' head, the character of her locks, the wings
of the horse itself, are 'themselves clear indications of
this. But we have besides two comparisons which
supply convincing evidence as to the comparatively early
date of this type.

Dr. Imhoof Blumer, in first publishing this Corinthian
stater of Terina,74 pointed out that in its fabric it repro-
duces a peculiarity of the Syracusan " pegasi " — also
shared by those of Lokroi — namely, that the side with
the head of Pallas is somewhat convex, while that pre-
senting the pegasus is slightly concave, just the opposite
of the Corinthian tradition. But these Syracusan features
gain a special significance from the fact that this stater
of Terina exactly corresponds in style and design with
the earliest class of pegasi struck at Syracuse itself, and
presenting the civic legend in the archaizing form
ZYPAKOZION, with Oin place of n. As I have elsewhere
pointed out,75 the date of this class is approximately
fixed by the occurrence of a parallel type with the legend
AEONTINON, which must have been due to the restoration

r3 B. M. Cat.: Corinth, &c., p. xlix.; and Head, Historia Numorum,
2nd ed., p. 114.

74 " Die Miinzen Akarnaniens," loc. cit.

75 Syracusan Medallions, pp. 156 seqq., and cf. my note to Freeman's
Sicily, vol. iv. pp. 283, 284.

58 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.

of Leontine independence by Dion in 356 B.C. The
companion issue of Syracuse itself doubtless dates from
the time of his expedition in 357 B.C., and the intro-
duction of these Tr&Aot with the civic name of
Syracuse is only one more example of Dion's Corin-
thianizing policy.

We have therefore strong reasons for believing that
the Corinthian stater of Terina, which agrees so closely
both in style and design with these alliance pieces of
Syracuse and Leontinoi, was also struck about the time
of Dion's expedition.

It would appear, however, that when very shortly
after this date the Brettians had asserted their dominion
at Terina, for some reason or other, probably as a
medium of tribute, the citizens were temporarily
allowed to revive their traditional type of didrachm
issue, with the addition, however, on the reverse, of
the Brettian crab as the badge of their dependent
position. As this coinage seems to have followed almost
immediately on the short-lived issue of " pegasi," it was
no doubt owing to the influence of these that the
monogrammatic "E was taken over on the obverse.

But if, in agreement with Dr. Kegling, we place the
issue of this type in or about 356 B.C. we are again
brought face to face with an obvious difficulty. Apart
from the monogram and symbol, the types that it pre-
sents so closely resemble those of the coin [PI. IV. 21],
which can hardly have been struck, at the lowest esti-
mate, later than 370 B.C., that the considerable discrepancy
in date seems hardly explicable.

Yet the explanation is, after all, quite simple. The
" Brettian " type in question does not, in fact, represent
a new die, but simply the alteration of an old one.

ENGRAVERS OF TERINA AND SIGNATURE OF EVAENETOS. 59

As this may be thought a bold pronouncement, a
brief apologia may not be amiss.

The slight inequalities in the impression due to the
mechanical imperfections in the striking of ancient coins,
make it often a difficult and delicate task to ascertain
whether two or more specimens are actually from the
same die. It requires, at any rate, long numismatic
experience to be able to set aside such apparent diver-
gences as are accidental in their nature and due to
defective striking, to the different state of the die, the
running of the metal, or to the effects of wear and tear
on the coin itself. Undoubtedly, moreover, the old
engravers had processes— about which we are imperfectly
informed — by which it was possible to reproduce on
more than one die a similar design with marvellous
fidelity of detail.

Making all allowance, however, for difficulties such as
these, a very close comparison of this " Brettian " piece
[PI. IV. 22] with the earlier issue [PI. IV. 21] has convinced
me that the original die in both cases was the same both
for the obverse and reverse designs, but that in the case of
the later coin two additions have been made to the die,
namely, the 3", so inelegantly inserted behind the head,
and the crab in the exergual space of the reverse. No
one comparing the two heads can fail to remark the
striking identity in style and expression, notably in
the individual profile of the nose. The bad quality of
the impression on the reverse side of the " Brettian "
type, probably in part due to the used state of the die,
makes the comparison more difficult, but the coinci-
dence of certain minute details, such as the formation of
the wings above referred to, leads to the same conclu-
sion. The chronological discrepancy, therefore, loses its

60 NUMISMATIC CHKONICLE.

force. We have simply to do with an old die adapted to
suit new political requirements at a time when certainly
neither Evaenetos himself nor any pupil of his was likely
to have been available for the mint of Terina.

The chronological conclusions as to the issue of these
later didrachms of Terina may be thus summarized as
follows : —

The "New" or "Kimonian" type

[PI. IV. 16] . . . . ' . c. 390 B.C.

Coins of " rich style," signed by Evae-
netos [PL IV. 19, 20] . ' . c. 375 B.C.

Later issue of "rich" style [PL IV. 21]
(perhaps engraved by a pupil of
Evaenetos) c. 370 B.C.

Corinthian staters of Terina [PL IV. 26] 357 B.C.

"Brettian" type [PL IV. 22] (die of

later " rich " style altered) . . c. 356 B.C.

With this last issue, impressed with the badge of alien
dominion, the beautiful series of the didrachms of
Terina finally concludes,76 after running a course of
about a century and a half. When, about 300 B.C., with
the progress of Agathokles' arms on the Italian side of
the straits,77 Terina was for a while liberated from the
Brettian yoke, only silver coins of small dimensions
were issued. The tetrobols struck at this time bear
the triskeles emblem, now recognized as personal to
Agathokles,78 behind the Nymph's head, and show the
monogram ~E on the reverse. The main designs on
both sides are copied from the last didrachm types of

76 See note at the end of this section.

'7 Begling, op. tit., pp. 56, 57.

78 G. F. Hill, Coins of Ancient Sicily, pp. 152 seqq.

ENGRAVERS OF TERINA AND SIGNATURE OF EVAENETOS. 61

the "rich" style, and may be taken to reflect the
abiding popularity of the work of the great Syracusan
engraver for the civic mint.

With these Agathokleian " thirds " the silver issue
of the mint of Terina entirely ceases,79 though the local

79 Were it not for the prominent part taken by its authors, in recent
numismatic publications, it would be hardly necessary seriously to
confute the strange theory put forward by Messrs. H, von Fritze and
H. Gaebler (Nomisma, p. 19, &c.), that several rather poor examples
of fifth-century coin-types we're copied by the die-strikers of Terina
" after 300 B.C.," and the didrachm issue revived after having lapsed
for over half a century.

The types in question, L (and L>), M, N, P, Q of Dr. Kegling's
list, and so far as their general position in the coinage goes rightly
placed by him, are relegated in the above publication to the end of the
whole series, and strung together at the bottom of their plate (op. cit.,
Taf. II.).

It might have been thought that even a novice in numismatics would
have recognized the fact that these pieces are simply characteristic
examples of the uneven work to be found, even in the best period, at
Terina as in other Magna Graecian cities. In most instances the coins
in question are merely indifferent variations of well-known Terinaean
types belonging to the period that immediately precedes the activity of
(p. In other cases (the obverses M and N and reverses cj> and x), though
more individual in their character, they are clearly to be grouped with
the others.

To be able to distinguish the style of a period through superficial
deficiencies of execution belongs itself to the elements of archaeological
training. To imagine that the Greeks of the third century B.C. should
have been capable or desirous of imitating the types and style of a
series of coins belonging to a much earlier age, lies quite outside the
bounds of probability. The archaizing fashion of a later, antiquarian,
age is a very different matter. Nor was there anything in these
examples to tempt such a revival. Why, indeed, if they had imitated
earlier pieces should they have passed over what lay most ready to
their hand, and have deliberately excluded from the field of imitation
all the most recent, all the most abundant, all the most beautiful of the
civic types, and sought their models amongst a group of comparatively
undistinguished issues of over two centuries back ? To build up on
this fantastic basis a theory of the restoration of the didrachm coinage
of Terina after the time of Agathokles in the period of its last decline
and that too of full weight at a time when other Italiote Cities were
ceasing the issue of their larger denominations or reducing their

62 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.

bronze coinage, partly in close association with Rhegion,
subsisted somewhat later.

ARTHUR J. EVANS.

standard, may be truly described as the most " preposterous and per-
verse " proceeding in the history of recent numismatics.

IV.

NOTES ON A FIND OF KOMAN REPUBLICAN
SILVEE COINS AND OF OENAMENTS FEOM
THE CENTENILEO MINE, SIEEEA MOEENA.

THE Province of Jaen, in the northern part of Andalusia,
has once more proved true to its reputation as one of
the most prolific of the divisions of southern Spain in
archaeological discoveries, and especially in finds of
hoards of coins ; a fruitfulness to be accounted for by
its geographical position, which made it the key to the
passage from northern Spain, from Graul, and from Italy
to the fertile country of the Baetis, and to the impor-
tant Mediterranean coast towns of Cadiz and Malaga,
and by its exceptional richness in silver-lead mines,
most of which lie in that part of the Sierra Morena
where the discovery to which we refer was recently
made.

Many of the finds of Eoman coins from this province
have never been published, the only traces of them left
being a few isolated pieces in the hands of amateurs,
who state that they know where they came from, or the
tradition, generally founded on fact, of the discovery of
a " tesoro de muchas monedas de plata " in this or the
other district. Hoards of Eoman gold coins are, so far
as we are aware, unknown in the Province of Jaen. A
few scattered examples have been found, but, generally

64 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.

speaking, they are very rare. Of the finds of silver
coins that have been published the better known are —

The Castulo (Cazlona) find (Mommsen, II. p. 124;
Grueber, I. p. 190) ;

The two Oliva finds (Mommsen, II. p. 126 ; Grueber,
I. p. 191);

The Santa Elena find (Rev. Numisni., IV. Ser., tome ix.
1905, pp. 396-405, 511);

And the find from the Centenillo mine, recently
published in the Journal of Roman Studies (vol. i.
pp. 100 ff.).

There are, moreover, three further discoveries of hoards
of Roman coins known to the authors which have not
yet been published. The most important in number,
though perhaps not in interest, was made in 1907 in
the northern part of the Province, and not far from
Santa Elena. It consisted of about 972 silver and
copper coins of which by far the greater part belonged
to the third century of our era, although amongst them
there were a few that went back to the second century
(Antoninus Pius and Marcus Aurelius). The other
finds all came to light in the neighbourhood of the
Centenillo silver-lead mine, which lies in the Sierra
Morena, about six miles in a direct line N.W. from the
town of La Carolina. The first was made in 1896, and
consisted, so far as it has been possible to ascertain, of
about 181 republican coins contained in a small earthen-
ware jar which had been buried in a spoil heap at the
entrance to one of the Eoman adits. This hoard has
not been published, but from such evidence as it has
been possible to gather together, it was probably hidden
away soon after the year 50 B.C., which would make it
contemporaneous with the hoard discovered at el

EL CENTENILLO FIND.

Centenillo in the spring of 1911 and mentioned above.
The third discovery (which is the one with which this
paper is concerned) was also made in 1911 (June) at
a spot close to some springs of water about four kilo-
metres to the N.W. of the mine. The coins and other
objects, which came to light on digging the foundation

FIG. 1. — Silver Armlet ; and fragment of another ornament.

for a hut, were scattered in the soil, and if they had
originally been gathered altogether in a receptacle all
traces of it had disappeared. The hoard consisted of the
coins mentioned below, of the armlet and the fragments
of a tore which are shown in the accompanying photo-
graphs (Figs. 1, 2), of fragments of silver ear-rings and
of other ornaments.

VOL. XII., SEEIES IV. F

NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.

The armlet (which weighs 112 grammes) and the tore,
which are in silver, formed probably part of the medium
of exchange acknowledged in the country at the time
when the " treasure " was buried. This will account for

FIG. 2.— Silver Tore.

the fragmentary state of the tore which, when com-
plete, must have been a fine and attractive piece of
jewellery. The decoration, though simple in style,
shows care and taste in its execution. Both the armlet

EL CENTENILLO FIND.

and the tore are, as Senor Vives points out, Iberian in
motive and design, and do not show any Roman or
Graeco-Koman influence. They probably go further
back than the date of the burial of the hoard.

A list of the coins follows. We have given references
to M. Babelon's Monnaies de la Repullique Eomaine (" B ")
as well as to Mr. G-rueber's Catalogue ("G"), together with
the dates assigned by each author to the various issues ;
the places of mintage are given according to Mr. Grueber.

No.

Description.

Reference.

Approx.
date.

Where
struck.

No. of
speci-
mens.

Victoriate

G. I. 36. 295

229-217

Rome

B. I. 41. 99

Denarius, symbol knotted

G. I. 37. 300

staff

B. I. 47. 20

Denarius: Victory in biga

G. I. 74. 574

196-173

B. I. 40. 6

C • IVNI - C • F •

G. I. 89. 660

172-151

B. II. 101. 1

204

S • AFRA

G. I. 91. 670

172-151

B. I. 135. 1

200

L - SAVF

G. I. 111. 834

172-151

) 9

B. II. 421. 1

200

L. CVP

G. I. 113. 850

172-151

B. I. 444. 1

164

C. ANTESTI

G. I. 114. 859

172-151

B. I. 144. 1

174

C • MAIANI

G. II. 243. 434

172-151

Italy

B. II. 166. 1

194

C • VAL • C • F • FLAG

G. I. 120. 881

150-125

Rome

B. II. 510. 7

209

C • RENI

G. I. 121. 885

150-125

B. II. 399. 1

154

L • IVLI

G. I. 124. 899

150-125

B. II. 2. 1

136

SEX • PO • FOSTLVS

G. I. 131. 926

150-125

B. II. 336. 1

129

ON • LVCR • TRIO

G. I. 133. 931

150-125

B. II. 151. 1

164

M - BAEBI • O - F •

G. I. 133. 935

150-125

TAMPIL

B. I. 253. 2

144

AV. RVF

G. II. 246. 446

150-125

Italy

B. I. 242. 19

139

C • PLVTI

G. II. 248. 454

150-125

B. II. 329. 1

214

NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.

No.

Description.

Reference.

Approx.
date.

Where
struck.

No. of
speci-
mens.

C • CATO

G. II. 249. 461

150-125

Italy

B. II. 368. 1

149

Q- MINV • RVF

G. II. 250. 464

150-125

B. II. 227. 1

149

M • FAN • C • F -

G. II. 251. 468

150-125

B. I. 491. 1

149

M . CARBO

G. II. 252. 472

150-125

B. II. 288. 6

139

L • ANTES • GRAG

G. I. 142. 976

124-103

Home

B. I. 146. 9

124

M • ABVRI • GEM

G. I. 146. 995

124-103

B. I. 96. 6

129

Tl • MINVCI • C • F •

G. I. 148. 1005

124-103

AVGVRINI

B. II. 231. 9

114

M • PORC . LAECA

G. I. 151. 1023

124-103

B. II. 369. 3

129

CN • DOM

G. I. 151. 1025

124-103

B. I. 462. 14

114

Elephant's head symbol

G. I. 155. 1044

124-103

B. I. 273. 38

M -CALID&c.

G. II. 255. 474

124-103

Italy

B. I. 283. 1

108

CN • FOVLV &c.

G. II. 255. 476

124-103

B. I. 513. 1

108

M • VARG

G. I. 163. 1068

102

Rome

B. II. 525. 1

129

Q • FABI • LABEO

G. II. 264. 494

102-100

Italy

B. I. 480. 1

144

M • TVLLI

G. II. 266. 502

102-100

B. II. 503. 1

139

T • CLOVLI

G. I. 165. 1079

101

Borne

B. I. 360. 1

119

M • ACILIVS • M • F

G. I. 169. 1118

100

> ?

B. I. 103. 4

129

L • POST • ALB •

G. I. 171. 1129

99-95

B. II. 377. 1

134

Q • PILIPVS

G. I. 175. 1143

99-94

B. II. 186. 11

109

M - SERGI . SILVS

G. II. 269. 512

99-94

Italy

B. II. 442. 1

104

M • CIPI • M . F • (one

G. II. 271. 522

99-94

incuse)

B. I. 341. 1

T- DEIDI

G. II. 276. 530

99-94

B. I. 456. 2

112

L- PHILIPPVS

G. II. 277. 532

99-94

B. II. 187. 12

112

M • FOVRI • L • F •

G. II. 283. 555

93-92

PHILI

B. I. 525. 18

104

L • COSCO • M • F •

G. I. 186. 1189

Rome

B. I. 436. 1

EL CENTENILLO FIND.

Xo.

Description.

Reference.

Approx.
date.

Where
struck.

No. of
speci-
mens.

C • PVLCHER

G. I. 198. 1288

Rome

B. I. 345. 1

106

AP - CL • T • MAL- &c.

G. I. 199. 1290

>»

B. I. 347. 2

M' • AEMILIO LEP

G. II. 291. 590

Italy

B. I. 118. 7

112

CALD

G. I. 215. 1477

Rome

B. I. 369. 3

NOTES ON CONDITION OF THE LAST Six ISSUES.

41. Slightly worn. 42. Ditto. 43. One a good deal worn,
the other sharp. 44. Good. 45. Good. 46. Slightly worn.

It will be observed, on comparison with Mr. Grueber's
Table of Finds (Vol. III. of his Catalogue), that this
hoard belongs to the same group as the other Spanish
hoards of Pozoblanco, Cazlona, and Oliva. In that table
the latest coins in the Pozoblanco hoard are assigned
to 92 B.C., in the other two to 90 B.C. Unfortunately
our hoard is so small in number that it is of no assist-
ance in ascertaining the dates of coins contained in it.

We do not know what troubles occasioned the burial
of these hoards towards the end of the nineties. The
campaigns of T. Didius against the Celtiberians, which
began in 98, were over in 93, when he triumphed
de Celtibereis, as did P. Licinius Crassus de Lusitaneis.
It is possible that these triumphs did not represent an
effective settlement, but that subsequent troubles have
not been recorded, having been thrown into the shade
by the great crisis of the Social War.

G. F. HILL.

HORACE W. SANDARS.

PALMEK'S GREEN HOARD.

ON the 1st of May last year in the course of digging out
the foundations for a house in Palmer's Green, N., a
workman came across a number of silver coins (pennies)
which appear to have been buried together, but which
had not been placed in any kind of vessel. It is, how-
ever, quite probable that the coins had been wrapped in
some cloth or linen which had entirely perished. Had
this not been so, the coins would in course of time have
got separated and to some extent scattered. As it was
they were all pretty close together.

The hoard was claimed by the Crown as treasure-trove,
and, as customary, an inquest was held and the claim of
the Treasury was allowed. The coins were as usual sent
by the Treasury to the Museum, where I made a careful
examination of them. The result of this examination
was as follows : The hoard consisted in all of 217 coins
(one only a portion). Of these 208 were pennies of
Henry III of the long-cross type, struck at various mints
in England and of various issues. Five pennies were
Irish of the same reign and were struck in Dublin, and
4 others were of Alexander III of Scotland.

I give a list of the coins with descriptions —

PALMER'S GREEN HOARD. 71

HENRY III.
LONG-CROSS COINAGE.

PENNIES.

Obverse. Reverse.

Head of King, facing, wearing Long double-cross pommee ;
crown ; around, legend be- three pellets in each angle ;
tween two circles of dots. around, legend between two

circles of dots.

Glass I. with legend TSRCO' on reverse.
No mint-name (London).

i *ehSNRICVS : RQX 2JNS LIS T€R 0(1'

(Pellet each side of head.)

Class II. with legend TSRC(I' on obverse.
Same type as preceding. Same type as preceding.

Gloucester.
R6(X TGRai' ROS €RO N<3 LOV (2)

London.
Same. Nia OLS ONL VND (2)

York.
Same. IOH ON3 VSR WIC(

1 The star and crescent were the badge of Richard I and formed the
reverse type of the Irish coins of John and Henry III.

2 On this class the name of the mint sometimes occurs ; in such
cases the legend AN03 is transferred to the obverse, and LI6( omitted.

NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.

Class III. with numeral III. on obverse.
Obverse. Reverse.

Same type as Class I. Same type as Class I.

Canterbury.

*hQNRiaVS R6(X III' GIL B€R TCN (J^N

REX : Nia OLa OMa O^T (2)

(Pellet each side of head.)

R6(X •
(Pellet each side of head.)

Rax -

Rax : Nia OLa ON aJN (2)

*haNRiaVS REX • Ill'

Carlisle.

IOH ON a/R LQL

*haiSRiaVS

Exeter.

ION osia aaa TRQ (2)
Phi LIP ON aaa
WAL T6R

*hQNRiaVS R9X- III'
REX

Lincoln.

IOM ONL INa OLN
WIL L€M OML INC(

London.

RaX III' h€N RIO NLV NDE (3)

» >> \^J

(2)
(Pellet each side of head.)

RaX - hQM RIO NLV NDa

Rax: Nia OLa OML VND (2)

(Pellet each side of head.)

Rax - „ „ (3)

Rax • Nia OLa ONL VND

Rax: Nia OLa ONL VND (2)

(Pellet each side of head.)

PALMER'S GREEN HOARD.

Newcastle.

Obverse. Eeverse.

*h9NRIC(VS R6(X : III' htN RIO NMS WSCX

(Pellet each side of head.)

Northampton.

*hSNRiaVS RSX : III' Phi LIP OMN ORh

WIL L9V1 OMN CRh

Norwich.
#he(NRiaVS R6(X III' IOH OMN OR WIX

Oxford.
*h8ISRiaVS R9X • Ill' K)K MOM 0X0

Shrewsbury.
*h6(NRICVS RQX III' P6R ISOM SRO S6B

Winchester.
RSX III' IVR DJM OM W INCX

York.
*hQNRiaVS RQX • III' RO^ 6(RO NS .

Class IV. With Sceptre and Numeral III.

Same type as Class I., but Same type as Class I.
showing r. hand of King
holding sceptre.

Canterbury.

hQNRiaVS R6(X • Ill' <3IL BGR TOM CXJN (2)
(Pellets at sides of head.)

RG(X 61 L B6R TOM CtfN
(No pellets.)

R6(X SIL BSR TON OJN
(No pellets.)

NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.

Obverse. Reverse.

hatsRiavs Rax GIL BGR OMa JNT (2)

(With and without pellets.)

Rax-

(No pellets.)

Rax

(No pellets.)

REX -
(No pellets.)

REX-

(No pellets.)

(Pellets.)

Rax

(No pellets.)

Rax •

(Pellets.)

Rax • or Rax

(Pellets or no pellets.)

Rax •

(Pellets.)

Rax .

(Pellets.)

Rax

(Pellets.)

(Pellets or no pellets.)

Rax-

(Pellets.)

RaX - (or RaX)
(Pellets or no pellets.)

aNRiavs Rax • nr*

(Pellets.)

Rax

(No pellets.)

6IL BGR TOM 6NT

61 L LaB CRT

lOh SOM

IOM ON

ION ON aJN T6R (4)

ION ON aJN TaR

Nia OLa OMa OMT (is)

(One double-struck.)
ROB aRT OMa JNT (4)

ROB 6RT OMa JNT (4)
RGB fftT OMa JNT
Wfi_ TaR OMa JNT (5)
WS_ TaR ONa JNT
WIL L6M OMa JNT (17)
WIL LaM ONK JW
WIL LaM aON KJN

Durham.

Rax-

(No pellets.)

/RD CND VRh

3 This is a variation in the spelling of the King's name, which does
not appear to have occurred on any other coin in the hoard.

PALMER S GREEN HOARD.
London.

Obverse.

(No pellets.)

Rax-
(No pellets.)

Rax-
(Pellets.)

Rax
(No pellets.)

REX- or REX
(Pellets or no pellets.)

Rax
(No pellets.)

Rax
(Pellets.)

Rax
(No pellets.)

RQX
(No pellets.)

RaX • or RSX
(Pellets or no pellets.)

Rax-

(No pellets.)

R9X . or Rax
(Pellets or no pellets.)

Rax

(Pellets or no pellets.)

Rax

(No pellets.)

Rax

(No pellets.)

Rax

(Pellets.)

Rax

(No pellets.)

Rax

(No pellets.)

Reverse.
D,HV ION L>N Da

DJW IOM LVN D€N
DJJV ION LVN DaN
DJ1 VID ONL VND
4h€N RIO NL VND
h€N RIO NLV NDa (13)

h€N RIO NLV NDa (7)

(One broken.)
lOh SOM LVN D6N

5Nia OLa ONL VND
Nia OLa OML VND (7)
R€N JiVD ONL VND (14)
RGM J1VO ONL VND
Ria 7RD ONL VND (15)
Ria ffiD ONL VND (7)

M )) U II

(Retrograde.)
WJL TaR ONL VND (3)

WJL TaR ONL VND (3)
WJL T6R ONL VND (2)
WIL LaM ONL VND

4 Probably the same money er as of Class III.

5 No doubt the same moneyer as of Classes II. and III. (see below,
p. 88).

NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.

Obverse.

R9X •
(Pellets or no pellets.)

R3X

(No pellets.)
(Double struck.)

Reverse.
WIL L6M ONL VND (2)

WIL L6M OML VND (6)
LV NDS NLV ND6(

St. Edmundsbury.

ION ONS' 6(DVI VND

ION QMS' QDM VND
ION QMS' SIN TSD
RJN DVL FOM S'QD (3)
STQ PhJ» NSO

RSX III'
(No pellets.)

RQX
(No pellets.)

RSX
(No pellets.)

R8X
(No pellets.)

RSX
(Pellets.)

Uncertain mint (1)

IRISH.
HENRY III.

Dublin.
Head of King, crowned,facing, Long double-cross pommee ;

three pellets in each angle ;
around, RICX /RD OND IV6( (5).

sceptre on left; mullet of
five points (? cinquefoil)
on r. ; all within triangle,
at sides of which, hQNRI

avsR axnr

SCOTTISH.

ALEXANDER III.
LONG DOUBLE-CROSS ISSUE.

Series I.
Head of King to r., crowned ; Long double-cross poinmee ;

before, sceptre; around,
name of King.

in each angle, star of six
points ; around, name of
money er and mint.

RQX

Berwick.

RGB 6(RT ON BGR

PALMER'S GREEN HOARD. 77

Series II.

Obverse. Reverse.

Similar ; head of King, to 1. Same.

Berwick.
.fll_e(X.HNDff{ R6(X W3L T9R ON BGR

Edinburgh.
RQX Wl • LJ{ MO N •

Stt Andrews.
JJLEXANDS* R6(X TOM AS ON AN

In the case of a somewhat limited hoard like the
present one, it is not to be expected that much informa-
tion can be extracted, and I am all the more disinclined
to go into minute particulars because Mr. L. A. Lawrence
for some time past has given special attention to the long-
cross coinage of Henry III, and I have no doubt, when
he has completed his researches, that he will be able to
throw a good deal of light on the succession of the various
issues. Limited as it is, we are, however, able to extract
a certain amount of evidence from this hoard.

First of all, we will consider the institution of this so-
called new coinage (nova moneta) of Henry III. Hawkins
(Silver Coinage, ed. 1887, p. 195) says that " in 1248 a
new coinage was issued having the cross on the reverse
extending to the edge of the coin. Ending (Annals of
the Coinage, Vol. i. p. 184) is more cautious, and he says,
" Although the grant to the Earl of Cornwall bears date
on the 27th July, 1247, yet it appears that nothing was
done until the following year, when the coins were found
to be so corrupted and debased by the clippers and
counterfeiters that neither the English themselves nor

78 NUMISMATIC CHEONICLE.

even their foreign neighbours could any longer endure
it." This statement is not, however, fully endorsed by
the contemporary documents which have been brought
to light since not only Kuding but also Hawkins wrote.
We will therefore mention the following extracts.

In the Calendar of Patent Eolls, Henry III, published
in 1906 and 1908, the following entries relating to this
coinage occur : —

1247, June 13 (Heading) . The King issued a grant
to Richard, Earl of Cornwall, his brother, that new money
shall be made in England, and that he shall cause it to
be made in the King's name for five years, on condition
that the King and his heirs have a moiety of the profit
of the exchange (cambitionis) or mint (monetae), and the
Earl, his assigns or executors, shall have the other
moiety; saving to him and his assigns the money
(pecunia), which he shall lay out in making the said
mints.

Again, on July 27, 1247 (Woodstock). In consideration
of a loan of 1 0,000 marks, a grant was issued to Richard,
Earl of Cornwall, that the King will make new money
in England, Ireland, and Wales from All Saints, 32
Henry III, for seven years, so that the King and his
heirs have one moiety of that profit of the exchange and
mint and the Earl and his assigns the other moiety. On
the same day this same patent appears to have been
extended to twelve years, and it would seem from this that
the Earl did not think the term of seven years sufficiently
long to see himself recouped for his loan of 10,000 marks ;
so he at once got his patent extended for a period of five
years more.

The next entry relating to the Earl Richard in con-
nexion with the coinage is March 2, 1248, when he received

PALMER'S GREEN HOARD. 79

a further grant from the King that all moneys, which he
caused to be delivered through the King's land at the
exchange, shall be paid to the Earl or his assigns at his
pleasure with a moiety of the profit of the said exchange.
Again, on April 27 of the same year, William Hardel, as
Warden of the Exchange (Cambii), was appointed to
superintend the getting in of the old money and the
issue of the new ; and on the following day it was further
ordered that Hardel's appointment as Warden of the
whole Mint shall be noticed to all moneyers (monetarii]
and changers throughout England.

These last two extracts from the Patent Kolls show
very clearly that at least on March 2, 1248, the new
coinage had already been issued, and it may therefore
be safely concluded, apart from any other evidence, that,
as the Earl of Cornwall had from June 18 to November 1
(All Saints' Day) to prepare his new dies, he was ready
to begin the issue of his new money at the appointed
time. Moreover, as he had lent the King 10,000 marks,
he was no doubt anxious to see the return of his money
as soon as possible. The extension of his grant from
five years to seven and then immediately to twelve
proves that he had cause for some anxiety. But beyond
these facts we have other confirmatory information from
two quite independent sources.

John de Oxenede, under date 1247, relates that in
that year the English money began to be intolerable on
account of the detestable practice of clipping. To remedy
this evil the King ordered that a new die should be made
on which the cross was to extend to the outer edge of the
coin, which should remain of the same weight and fine-
ness. So that if any portion of the cross should be
clipped the coin would not be acceptable in currency.

80 NUMISMATIC CHEONICLE.

At the same time John de Oxenede drew in the margin
of his Chronicle a sketch of the reverse of the penny.

The second authority is the Chronica Maiorum et Vice-
Comitum Londoniarum which, under date 1247, states, Tune
omnino creata est nova moneta, scilicet, statim post festam
Omnium Sanctorum. This entry was made at the end
of the 31st year of Henry III during the shrievalty of
William Vyel and Nicholas Bat, who had entered on their
respective offices on the 29th September preceding. The
reign of Henry III began on October 28, 1216 ; so the
31st year of his reign would terminate on October 27 in
1247. It is quite possible that the people at first showed
some disinclination to part with the money to which
they had been accustomed for so long a period. In
this way the new issue may at its commencement
have been somewhat limited, and it therefore re-
quired orders from time to time to be issued to compel
the people to hand in their old money for new. Also we
shall see that up to March of the next year there was still
a good deal of the old money in circulation.

Having, I venture to think, satisfactorily fixed the
date of the institution of the new coinage, we may now
turn to the coins themselves, and may try to ascertain
what evidence the Palmer's Green hoard supplies for their
chronological classification. The order of classification
which I have adopted is that which has been proposed by
Mr. L. A. Lawrence 6 and which had been previously
suggested by Mr. P. Carlyon-Britton.7 As the reverses
throughout preserve a uniform type and only vary in the
legends, which give the names of the money ers and the

6 Brit. Num. Journ., 1908, pp. 436, 437.

7 Ibid., 1907, p. 26.

PALMER'S GREEN HOARD. 81

mints, we must look to the obverses for any guide or help.
The main differences are in the legends, there being only
one variation in the King's head or bust. According to
this classification the order would be—

I. Coins with head facing: legend, hSNRICVS REX;

or hQNRiaVS R6(X SNG.
II. Similar type : legend, hSNRICXVS R3X TetRCd'

III. Similar type : legend, hSNRiavS R6(X III'

IV. Similar type : head and r. hand holding sceptre ;

legend (as in Clas^ III.), hSNRICXVS R9X III'

This is practically the inverse order of that adopted
by Hawkins ; 8 but it must be borne in mind that when
Hawkins wrote in 1841 he had not available the great
mass of information since published, nor were the docu-
ments at the Public Kecord Office so accessible for refer-
ence as they are now. He placed first the coins which
in their obverse type resembled more closely those of the
short-cross class which had immediately preceded, viz.
the head of the King with the sceptre, and he transferred
to the end of the reign those which came nearest in the
obverse type to the subsequent issues of Henry's suc-
cessor, Edward I.

It will be seen that amongst the coins found at
Palmer's Green there existed only one piece of Class I.,
and four with the legend TORCd' (Class II.). The
various mints of Class III. were fairly fully represented,
but several of them only by a single specimen, whilst
those of London and Canterbury showed respectively
18 and 17 specimens. The bulk of the hoard was of
Class IV., for out of a total of 208 pieces 162 belonged

8 Silver Coinage of England, 3rd ed., pp. 195, 196.
VOL. XII., SERIES IV G

82 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.

to it, of which 90 were of London and 63 of Canterbury.
This circumstance alone lends considerable confirmation
to the order of classification here adopted ; for naturally
it would be of the last issue that we should expect to
find the largest number of specimens.

The presence of only one coin of Class I. in the hoard,
and the absence of those which are to be attributed to
the latest issues of Class IV., render it impossible to
enter on any definite discussion, based on the present
hoard, as to the entire period over which the long-cross
money extended. We may, however, offer some tenta-
tive remarks about the mints and the general classification.

The only mints which were in operation at the end of
the short-cross period were those of London, Canterbury,
St. Edmundsbury, and Durham,9 and there does not appear
to have been any increase on the institution of the new
coinage. In fact, in the National Collection the only
mints represented by this class are those of London and
Canterbury. Coins of St. Edmundsbury are, I believe,
known, but I have not met with them, and there are
none of Durham. With the change of the obverse
legend to hSNRiavs R6(X T6(R(XI therms a large addition
to the number of mints, and with the legend RSX ill
and no sceptre they reach their maximum ; but with
R$X ill and the sceptre they again return to practically
their original number, viz. London, Canterbury, St.
Edmundsbury, and Durham.

Now, is it possible to account in any way for this very
considerable variation in the number of mints in opera-
tion? If so it can only be done conjecturely, and I

9 See the evidence of the Colchester Find, Num. Chron., 1903,
pp. 161, 162.

PALMER'S GREEN HOARD. 83

would suggest that when the new money was first
issued no addition was thought necessary to those
places then exercising the right of coinage. When,
however, the output of coins was evidently not sufficiently
great to bring a return of the loan to the Earl of Corn-
wall he increased their number. That would be at the
time that the word TSRCU' was inserted after the
King's name. This policy was further marked in con-
nexion with the issue of the next class, that having
numerals after the King's name (RQX III); but later, for
reasons at present unascertained, the mints were again
reduced to their original number, that is, as they stood
at the end of the short-cross issue. As we have no
outside evidence we can only argue this point from
the coins themselves.

Though we possess no documents which directly refer
to these changes in the legends, we have some important
evidence in the Appendix to the Chronicle of John de
Oxenede as to when Class II. came to an end and
Class III. was instituted. An account is there given of
the trial of the pix, which took place in the 32nd year
of Henry, on Wednesday the next before the Feast of
St. Gregory (i.e. March 12, 1248). The trial was made
of the old money as well as of the new. There were
present at this ceremony the Mayor of London, Michael
Tovy, and the two sheriffs, Nicholas Bat and William
Vyel, and many others, including 13 goldsmiths
(aurifabri). The King was also present and the Earl
of Cornwall, William de Haverhill, the King's treasurer,
and William Hardel, who at that time was warden of the
exchange of London and Canterbury. The extended
office of the last, as we have seen, did not take place until
a few weeks later. The new money was pronounced to

G 2

84 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.

be good and legal (bona et legalis) ; but the old money,
as ten pennies had to be allowed to the pound weight of
silver, was condemned as neither good nor legal (non
erat bona nee legalis). This was due to the clipping
which the coins had undergone.

At the same time assays were made of two pieces of
silver of the weight of 40 solidi, of which one was of
pure silver, the other composed of metal which was to be
used for the coinage, and these were deposited in the
King's treasury at Westminster. Similar assays were
made of like pieces of silver of the weight of 40 denarii
to be sent to the various places where exchanges were
located. These were Canterbury, St. Edmundsbury,
Norwich, Oxford, Northampton, Lincoln, Winchester,
Gloucester, Exeter, York, and Ilchester.10 These include
all the mints, with the exception perhaps of Ilchester,
which issued coins having after the King's name the
word TQRCU'. So the trial of the pix was connected
with this second issue of the new money. But a still
more important transaction took place at the same time,
and this was the appointment, not only of the mints,
with the exception of London, Canterbury, St. Edmunds-
bury, and Durham, which were to issue future money,
but also the supplying of the names of the moneyers,
wardens, assayers, and clerks of each place, who were
to undertake and be responsible for the work. The
mints besides London and Canterbury were those of
Winchester, Lincoln, Gloucester, Oxford, Northampton,11

10 Irencester.

11 Wrongly given as Norwich; but the moneyers' names, William de
Gangy, Thomas Rinne, Philip son of Robert, and Lucas Parmentarius,
show clearly that Norwich was a mis-entry for Northampton.

PALMER'S GREEN HOARD. 85

Shrewsbury, Wallingford, Ilchester,12 Norwich, York,
Carlisle, Wilton, Exeter, Hereford, Bristol, and New-
castle. Now the mint-names and those of the moneyers
are those which are found on coins of Class III. ; so that
we have absolute evidence when coins of Class II. came
to an end and those of Class III. were instituted.13 No
doubt, though not mentioned, it was at the same time
ordered that a change in the King's name from hSNRItfVS
R6(X remar to hetNRiavs Retx ill should be made.

How long this issue lasted is a question which is not
easily answered. "We can only arrive at an approximate
date by a process of induction. The number of coins
which were present in the Palmer's Green hoard and
which are otherwise extant would lead one to suppose
that some time elapsed before the next change took
place and the sceptre type (Class IV.) was introduced.
So far I have been unable to obtain any evidence from
the Pipe Kolls, but, judging from the material relating
to the appointment of the moneyers which can be ex-
tracted from the Patent Kolls and Exchequer Accounts,
I am disposed at the present moment to put the com-
mencement of Class IV. not later than 1253, but more
probably to the end of the previous year. This would give
a period of about four years for the issue of Class III.

We will first take the evidence of the Patent Kolls
and supplement it with what we can find in the
Exchequer Accounts,

From 1249 to the early part of 1255 I have not met
with any mention in the Patent Rolls of the appointment

12 Ivecester.

13 For convenience of those who have not an opportunity of consult-
ing the publications of the Record Office, I append at the end of this
paper the list of moneyers and officers of the mints.

86 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.

of moneyers ; but at the latter date and subsequently
the following grants occur : —

1255, April 29 ( Westminster). Grant, for life, to Robert de
Cantuaria, the elder, king's clerk, for his maintenance, of a
die of the mint of Canterbury.14

1255, May 8 (Beading). Grant, for life, to William de
Gloucestre, king's goldsmith, of the die which Nicholas de
Sancto Albano held in the mint of London.

1255, November 14 (Windsor). Grant, for life, to Robert de
Cambio, clerk, of one of the king's dies in the mint of Can-
terbury, with all issues and commodities belonging to such a
die, he rendering at the Exchequer 100s. a year.

Mandate to John de Sumerkotes, warden of the king's
change, to cause the die to be delivered to him.

1256, January 10 ( Westminster). Grant, for life, to Nicholas
de Halou (or Haldlo) of one of the king's dies in the mint
of Canterbury, he rendering at the Exchequer 100s. a
year.15

Mandate to John de Sumercotes to deliver it to him.

1256, April 12 (Westminster). Grant, for life, to John Terri
of one of the dies in the mint of Canterbury with all the
issues and commodities pertaining to such die, he rendering
at the Exchequer 100s. a year.

Like letters for William Cokyn (Cockayne) of one die.

1256, October 25 (Westminster). Grant to Henry de
Frowick, Richard Bonaventure, David de Enefeld, Walter de
Brussel, William de Gloucestre and John Hardel, citizens of
London, of seven dies in the mint of London, saving the said
William his die there previously granted to him for life, to
hold to them for their lives with all issues &c.

1257, January 27 (Windsor). Grant, for life, to Robert de

14 Robert de Cantuaria held a die at Canterbury previous to 1237.
Patent Bolls, July 30, 1237.

15 Nicholas de Halou, Hanlo, Hadlo, &c., was a justice in eyre and
was much employed by the King. Whether he had a grant of a die
at Canterbury before 1256 I have not been able to ascertain. There
are coins of earlier issues bearing the name of " Nicole."

PALMER'S GREEN HOARD. 87

Cantuaria, king's clerk, son of Robert de Cantuaria, some
time king's clerk, of a die in the mint of Canterbury, for his
maintenance, he rendering yearly 100s. to the Exchequer.

1257, October 1 (Woodstock). Grant, for life, to William
de Gloucestre, king's goldsmith of London, of that die in the
mint of Canterbury, which Robert de Cantuaria, son of
Robert de Cantuaria sometime king's clerk and lately de-
ceased, held for life ; to hold with all the issues and profits
rendering 100s. a year at the Exchequer.

As the names of all the moneyers mentioned in these
grants occur on coins of Class IV. it is evident that their
issue could not have begun later than the year 1255.
From documentary information, and also from the evidence
of the coins themselves, it would appear that the grant
for life of a die was frequently preceded by tenure of
office of some years' duration. In the Exchequer Rolls
(Trinity 34, Henry III, i.e. 1250) it is stated that John
Terri, evidently the same moneyer who is mentioned
above as receiving a grant for life with William Cokyn
of a die at the Canterbury Mint, April 12, 1256,
was accused of issuing false money, and amongst those
who offered themselves as his sureties were Nicholas
de Sancto Albano, Henry de Frowick, Walter de Brussel,
Richard Bonaventure, David de Enefeld, and John
Hardel, all of whom, with the exception of Nicholas
de Sancto Albano, received grants for life of dies at the
London Mint on October 25, 1256. It is evident that
these were connected with the London Mint as early
as 1250, either as moneyers or in some other capacity,
since we possess coins of nearly all of them of Class III.
We may further conclude that John Terri was acquitted
of the charge brought against him as he went on striking
coins of Classes III. and IV. and received his grant for

88 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.

life five years later. We possess, however, more precise
information in the case of Nicholas de Sancto Albano,
who appears for many years previously to have been
associated with the Exchange if not with the mint of
London, for already in 1242 he received a farm of the
Cambium at London and Canterbury. As his name does
not appear with those who were granted dies for life at
the London mint on October 25, 1256, it is evident
either that he was dead or had resigned his office. The
former had happened, for the Patent Kolls, under date
March 6, 1253, state that a grant was made to the prior
and convent of Merton with respect to the houses which
Master Nicholas de Sancto Albano had in Stanigelane
in London, and which the abbot and canons of Wauthani,
executors of the will of the said Master Nicholas, sold
to the said prior and convent. His death must have
occurred either late in 1252 or quite early in 1253 ; and
as he struck some of the earlier issues of Class IV., we
can, I think, safely put the introduction of this type
to some time in 1252, probably at the end. This attri-
bution receives some confirmation in another entry in
the Patent Eolls, which relates to the restoration of
episcopal dies to Durham, and which is as follows :—

1253, June 12 (Windsor^. Restitution to Walter bishop of
Durham of the dies, which he used to have at Durham, as it
appears by trustworthy testimony and by the ancient dies
exhibited before the king and also by the money coined
thereof, which he showed before the king, that his predecessors
used to have their dies at Durham ; to hold to the Church of
Durham as his predecessors used to have them.

Walter Kirkham was appointed to the See of Durham
in 1249, and the earliest coins of the long-cross type

PALMER'S GREEN HOARD. 89

which we have of Durham are of Class IV.,16 so that if
the bishop exercised his right of coinage so soon as the
die was restored to the see, it is clear that this issue
had already been introduced. This is, therefore, an
additional reason for placing the commencement of
Class IV. to 1252.

The other extracts from the Patent Kolls do not need
much comment. It is, however, of some interest to note
that though William de Gloucestre received in April,
1255, the grant for life, of the die which had become
vacant by the death of Nicholas de Sancto Albano in
1252 or 1253, he had doubtless the use of it from the
latter date, as shown by the coins which bear his name.
Further, it is interesting to note the succession of the
moneyers at Canterbury. Eobert de Cantuaria received
in April, 1255, the grant for life of the die at that mint.
In January, 1257, he was succeeded by his son of the
same name. The latter's term of office was of short
duration, for he was dead before the 1st October of
the same year, and was succeeded by William de
Gloucestre, who now appears to have been in possession
of two dies, one in London, the other at Canterbury ; or
did he resign the former to take up the latter ?

The addition of the sceptre to the King's bust was
the last radical change in the type of the coinage, and
this type remained unaltered until some years after the
accession of Henry's son Edward I, as it was not until
1279 that the latter first placed his name on his coinage,
which consisted of groats, pennies, halfpennies, and
farthings.17 As the coins of Class IV. cover a period

16 There are no coins of Durham of Class III. in the National Col-
lection, and Mr. Lawrence informs me that he has not met with any.

17 Ending, Annals of the Coinage, vol. i. p. 191. An important issue

90 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.

of twenty-seven or twenty-eight years, it is not surprising
that such a large mass has come down to the present
time. Though the type remained practically unchanged,
there are numerous small variations of the obverse, which
consist of slight differences in the head of the King, but
chiefly in the addition of dots or pellets arranged around
it. More often there are only two dots on each side ; but
these vary up to at least six or seven. The curls of the
hair also vary in number, a small one being introduced
between the two larger ones. No doubt with a sufficiently
large quantity it might be possible to extract from these
variations some order of classification ; but in a limited
hoard like that of Palmer's Green, the evidence is not
sufficient ; and even the National Collection will have
to be considerably added to before any such results can
be obtained.

The Irish and Scottish coins in the hoard do not call
for much comment. The Dublin pennies were struck
in or after 1247, there being no money previously
issued for Ireland during this reign. When the long-

in connexion with this statement is that of Phelip de Cambio, who in
1278 was appointed a moneyer of the London mint in succession to
Reginald de Cantuaria on the Wednesday preceding the feast of St.
Dunstan (May 19) (K. R. Boll, Pasc., 6 Edward I, no. 51, m. 5). [I
am indebted to Mr. Earle Fox for this reference.] He struck coins of
Class IV. with the head and sceptre and with the name of " Henricus
Bex III." Hawkins (op. cit.t p. 195) has remarked on this issue,
" There is one coin of this type (i.e. with King's head and sceptre)
reading PHELIP ON LUND, which has the U in 'Lund' of the
old English character, not the Roman V as upon all the others ; the
workmanship too is very different, especially about the hair, which is
formed in wavy curls as upon the coins of the Edwards ; whereas upon
all the others it is composed of two curls on each side like the volutes
of an Ionic capital, as on John's coins." It is curious that having
remarked on the peculiar style of these coins Hawkins did not change
his order of the classes. The differences are so marked that this
issue might almost form a separate class of itself.

PALMER'S GREEN HOARD. 91

cross coinage was ordered in 1247, it was at the same
time directed that stamps should be graven of a new
incision or cut, and should be sent to Canterbury,
Divelin, and other places. Four years later there was
a further issue of pennies and halfpennies for Ireland,
in order, as it is thought, to pay the large and frequent
subsidies to Pope Innocent IV.18 There was, however,
no change in the type. There are only two moneyers'
names that appear on these Irish coins, Davi and
Ricard; so the .issue probably did not extend over a
long period. Eicard alone was represented in the hoard,
and his coins, numbering only five, presented no varieties
whatever, though they may have been from different
dies. The obverse type, the bust of the King holding a
sceptre, is only an adaptation of the money of Henry's
father ; but the occurrence of the numerals III would
lead one to suppose that they may not have been struck
before 1248. These coins are of no assistance in settling
the chronology of the English money.

The Scottish coins are of the long double-cross type,
which are now attributed to Alexander III, and not as
formerly to his father, Alexander II.19 They are of two
obverse varieties ; one with the head of the King turned
to right, crowned ; the other with the head to left, and also
crowned. Of the former type, which according to Burns'
classification is the earlier, the hoard contained only one
specimen struck at Berwick; of the latter type this
mint, and also those of Edinburgh and St. Andrews,
were represented. Burns 20 has placed the issue of the

18 Simon, Essay on Irish Coins, p. 13.

19 Burns, Coinage of Scotland, vol. i., p. 112.

20 Ibid., loc. cit.

92 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.

long double-cross coinage to A.D. 1250-1279 ; the intro-
duction of the long single cross being contemporaneous
with its institution in the English coinage.

It is somewhat difficult to fix the precise date of the
burial of the Palmer's Green hoard. With the excep-
tion of the later moneyers, amongst whom were Alein of
Canterbury and Phelip of London, it contained speci-
mens of the coinages of all who issued Class IV., including
those of Kandulf of St. Edmundsbury, who was appointed
to that mint eirc. 1258. I would, therefore, place the con-
cealment of the hoard about 1260 or perhaps a little later.

H. A. GRUEBER.

APPENDIX.

List of the Mints with their officers (Monetarii, Custodes,
Assaiatores, Clerici), which were ordered to strike money at
the trial of the pix held on the Wednesday before the feast
of St. Gregory in the 32nd year of Henry III, i.e. March 12,
1248 (see Chronica Johannis de Oxenedes, Rolls Series, Appen-
dix, pp. 318-324). The names in italics are those of moneyers
which occur on coins but not in the original list. Their
appointment was probably due to vacancies caused by death
or dismissal.

WINTONIA (Winchester).

Monetarii . Nicholaus Cupping.

Hugo Silvester.

Willelmus Prior.

Jordanus Drapparius.
Custodes . Walterus Coleman.

Robertus de la Dene.

Walterus Ruffus.

Johannes Aurifaber.
Assaiatores Robertus Aurifaber.

Petrus de Wormhol.
Clericus Robertus Poterel.

PALMERS GREEN HOARD.

LINCOLNIA (Lincoln).

Monetarii . Willelmus de Paris.

Ricardus de Ponte.

Willelmus Brand.

Johannes de Luda.

Walter ....
Custodes . Alanus de Gay tone.

Johannes Berne.

Johannes films Marenni.

Henricus Cocus.
Assaiatores Thomas de Bellofage.

Joharfn.es Aurifaber.
Clericus . Hugo films Johannis.

GLOUCESTRIA (Gloucester).

Monetarii . Johannes filius Simonis.

Ricardus le Francois.

Rogerius le Emcpse.

Lucas Cornubiae.
Custodes . Johannes Marescallus.

Alexander le Bret.

Ricardus de Celar.

Johannes de Esdrefelde.
Assaiatores Willelmus le Eiche.

Nicolaus de Theokebir.
Clericus . Henricus de Gloucestria.

Monetarii

Custodes

Assaiatores

Clericus

OXONIA (Oxford).
Henricus Simeone.
Gaufridus de Scocwille.
Adam Feteplace.
Willelmus Sarsorius.
Laurentius Whit.
Thomas sub Muro.
Walterus Aurifaber.
Johannes Alegod.
Radulphus Aurifaber.
Johannes le Flaminge.
Simon filius Rogeri.

94 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.

NORHAMTONE (Northampton).21

Monetarii . Willelmus de Gangy.

Thomas Rinne.

Philippus filius Robert!.

Lucas Parmentarius.
Custodes . Philippus filius Roberti.

Adam de Stanforde.

Willelmus filius Johannis.

Gaufridus Espiter.
Assaiatores. Robertus de Arderne.

Robertus filius Nicholai.
Clericus . Hugo filius Johannis.

SALOPESBIRIA (Shrewsbury).

Monetarii . Ricardus Pride

Nicholaus filius Ivonis.

Laurentius Cox loco Hugonis Champeneis.

Petrus filius Clementis.
Custodes . Robertus filius Johannis.

Lucas filius Waited.

Johannes filius Rogeri le Parmentarius.

Hugo le Vilain.
Assaiatores. Thomas Aurifaber.

Willelmus filius Hugonis.
Clericus . Nicholaus filius Nicholai de Scawerburi.

WALLINGFORDE (Wallingford).

Monetarii . Clemens Clericus.

Ricardus Blaune.

Alexander de Stanes.

Robertus Pecok.
Custodes . Johannes Robechild.

Simon Canon.

Johannes Hentelowe.

Gaufridus de Wicke.
Assaiatores Johannes Aurifaber.

Randulfus Aurifaber.
Clericus . Nicholaus des Estens.

21 As already mentioned, see supra, p. 84, note 11, the name Nor-
wicum is wrongly given here.

PALMER'S GREEN HOARD.

Monetarii

Custodes

Assaiatores

Clericus

IVECESTER (Ilchester).

Gervasius Gris.
Hugo le Rus.
Stephanus le Rus.
Radulfus Fardein.
Robertus Fromund.
Henricus le Cam.
Rocelin Barhud.
Walterus Witbred.
Eogerius le Norais.
Thurb Aurifaber.
Waltefus Loue.

NOEWICUM (Norwich).

Monetarii . Hugo le Brunham.

Jacobus Cocus.

Willelmus de Hapesburge.

Johannes Martun.
Custodes . Gilbertus de Ley.

Johannes Bartolomeus.

Willelmus de Chalvern.

Robertus Wenge.
Assaiatores Martinus Averre.

Henricus Aurifaber.
Clericus . Robertus le Tanur.

EBOEACUM (York).

Monetarii . Johannes de Seleby.

Alanus films Sansonis.

Raynerius Taliator.

Germias de Bedegate.

Thomas ....
Custodes . Robertus filius Thomae Verdenel.

Thomas Youel.

Robertus filius Thomae Alby.

Willelmus de Akaun.
Assaiatores Henricus Spari.

Ricardus Grusey.
Clerici . Andreas de Sebeby.

Petrus de Gamoc, ex parte regis.

NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.

Monetarii .
Custodes .

Assaiatores
Clericus.

Monetarii .
Custodes .

[Assaiatores]
Clericus

Monetarii .

Custodes .

Assaiatores
Clericus

KARLEL (Carlisle).

Johannes de Boltone.
Robertus de Chilay.
Willelmus de Thiparun.
Adam Caperun.
Thomas Speciarius.
Willelmus nlius Ivonis.
Alexander le Clerk.
Henricus le Taliure.
Willelmus Aurifaber.
Adam Garald.
Willelmus nlius Ivonis.

WILTONIA (Wilton).

Willelmus nlius Radulfi.
Willelmus Manger.
Johannes Berte.
Hugo Goldrun.
Robertus nlius Johannis.
Adam Atte.
Ead Herinc.
Rocelinus de Gube.
Johannes Acer.
Mathaeus Bolegambe.
Willelmus de Biscopestede.

EXONIA (Exeter).

Robertus Picon.
Philippus Tinctor.
Johannes de Egestone.
Walterus Okestone.
Walterus de Moletone.
Michael Pollard.
Robertus Cissor.
David de Medueye.
Johannes Hamelin.
Ricardus Bulloc.
Godefridus de Sowy.

PALMER S GREEN HOARD.

HEEEFORDIA (Hereford).
Monetarii . Ricardus Mamworthe.

Walterus Siward.

Rogerius le Mercer.

Henricus Hathefet.
Custodes . Gllbertus Seim.

Henricus Turg.

Johannes Foliot.

Nicholaus de la Punde.
Assaiatores Ricardus Senior.

Ricardus Junior.
Clericus . Ingaurfus de Sancto Mare.

Monetarii

Custodes

Assaiatores

Clericus

BRISTOUE (Bristol).
Jacobus La ware.
Henricus Langbord.
Walterus de Paris.
Elyas de Aby.
Roger ....
Jacobus le Clerk.
Robertus de Kilmain.
Henricus Adrian.
Willelmus Senare.
Petrus Aurifaber.
Walterus Aurifaber.
Willelmus de Bruges.

NOVUM CASTRUM (Newcastle).
Monetarii . Rogerius films Willelmi.

Johannes de Papede.

Henricus de Karlel.

Adam de Blakedone.
Custodes . Thomas de Marlberge.

Thomas Torand.

Johannes Withelarde.

Rogerius Russelle.
Assaiatores. Ricardus de Westmele.

Willelmus Aurifaber.
Clericus . Adam Clericus.

VOL. XII., SERIES IV.

H. A.

VI.
MONETAGIUM.

" Aluredus nepos Turoldi habet 3 toftes de Terra Sybi,
quam rex sibi dedit, in quibus habet omnes consuetudines
praeter geldum regis de monedagio." — Domesday, folio 336b.
(Lincoln).

" Monetagium commune, quod capiebatur per civitates et
per comitatus, quod non fuit tempore Edwardi regis, hoc ne
amodo fiat omnino defendo." — Charter of Liberties of Henry I,
1100; see also Matthew Paris, sub Anno 1100, and Stubbs'
Select Charters, p. 101.

THE above references to the tax called Monetagium
have been made the basis for the assignment of exact
dates to the issues of the several types of coins struck
by the Norman kings of England. Mr. Andrew l has
stated that this tax was introduced at some time subse-
quent to the Conquest, and that it " was, in effect, a
compact between King and people, that in return for
a hearth tax of twelve pence, payable every third
year, the money should not be changed oftener than
once in that period." Mr. Carlyon-Britton 2 follows
JRuding 3 in assigning to Du Cange the statement :
" There was formerly a payment of twelve pence every

1 Num. Chron., 1901, pp. 13 ff. Explaining, however, that he
believed the change referred to the legal tender and not to the types.

2 B. N. J., vol. ii., pp. 92-93.

3 Annals, 1840, vol. i., p. 163, note 2.

MONETAGIUM. 99

three years, due from each hearth in Normandy for
moneyage, and for feuage, or the privilege of cutting
wood in the forests for firing. It seems to have been
peculiar to that duchy, and was paid, or at least one
part of it, that the money might not be changed ; for
in those times the seigniorage which was taken upon
every alteration of the coins was highly oppressive, and
it was therefore commuted for by this tax. It was
introduced into England either at the time of, or soon
after, the Norman Conquest." Mr. Carlyon-Britton con-
tinues, " The duration of a type was thus fixed at a mini-
mum of three years, and it may be regarded as certain that
while this regulation was in force neither William I
nor William II would allow a type to be of longer
duration than three years. It therefore follows that
each type, in the absence of the demise of the Crown,
ran for a period of three years."

The statement attributed to Du Cange does not
appear in any edition of the Glossarium ; the explana-
tion of Monetagium in this work4 is quite clear and
of some importance ; the primary sense given is, " Id
quod Monetarii, seu Monetae fabricatores, domino, cuius
est moneta, exsolvunt ex monetariae fusionis et signa-
turae proventibus . . . (quotations from French charters,
etc.) . . . Haec autem exactio quam nostri Seigneuriage,
quod ex monetae signatura percipiatur, vocant, antiquis
penitus ignota, sub prima Kegum Franc, stirpe in usu
fuisse videtur . . . (reason for this statement follows)."
The second sense given by Du Cange is that to which
Euding refers: — "Praestatio quae a tenentibus et
vassallis domino fit tertio quoque anno, ea conditione

4 Du Cange, Glossarium Mediae et Infimae Latinitatis, sub
" Monetagium."

H 2

100 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.

ut monetam mutare ei non liceat, quae Focagium [et
Eevelatio monetae] dicitur, obtinebatque potissinmm in
Normannia . . . (quotations from charter of Louis
Hutin, 1315, pro Normannis; Yetus Consuetude Nor-
manniae ; charter of Henry I of England, quoted above ;
French charter of 1319) . . . Haec eadem praestatio
in minori Britannia5 obtinuit, ut in voce Foagium
docuimus ; concessa etiam aut usurpata ab iis quibus ius
cudendae nionetae competebat, quod in plurimis Chartis
legisse se testatur D. le Blanc, pag. 156 ... (statement
of its introduction into Aragon by Jaime I in 1236, and
of its removal in France by Charles V in 1380 ; quota-
tion from Peiresc) . . . " 6

It is, therefore, clear that the use of Monetagium as
a foundation on which to build a system of dating
coin-types is itself founded on the assumption that
the tax to which Domesday and Henry I's Charter of
Liberties refer is identical with the tax which is known
to have been instituted by William the Conqueror in
Normandy, and that Du Cange first lent credit to this
assumption by quoting Henry I's charter in this
sense beside the Consuetude Normanniae and French
charters.

Stubbs is more cautious in the glossary to his Select
Charters, where he translates monetagium, " mintage, a
payment by the moneyers for the privilege of coining ;
otherwise explained as a payment by the subjects to
prevent loss by the depreciation or change of coinage."

In order to consider whether the English tax should

5 Britannia minor is, of course, Bretagne.

6 With the two other senses, " Jus cudendi monetam " and " Monetae
officina," we are not here concerned.

MONETAGIUM. 101

be identified with that of Normandy, it is necessary to
examine what we know of the tax in Normandy, of its
use, its object, its institution and its result.

Du Cange we have quoted above ; he says without
ambiguity that it was a tax paid every third year to
the lord on condition that he should not be allowed
to change the money. To this we may add from the
Coutume de Normandie 1 : — " Monetagium autem est
quoddam auxilium pecuniae in tertio anno Duci Nor-
manniae persolvendum, *ne species monetarum in Nor-
mannia decurrentium in alias faciat permutari. Unde
sciendum est quod duo anni remanent liberi ; et in tertio
anno universaliter ab omnibus persolvetur qui [sc. habent]
mobile vel residentiam in terris, in quibus monetagium
solet reddi . . . (list of exemptions)." Here again it
is described as an "aid" payable to the duke every
third year in order that he may not change the money
current in Normandy ; thus two years are to be left
free of taxation, and in the third a general payment
is to be made by all property owners in lands where
the monetagium is levied. To the notes of this edition
of the Consuetudo Normanniae is added the quotation
from Hale,8 "But this payment was never admitted
in England. Indeed it was taken for a time, but it
was ousted by the first law of Henry I as an usurpa-
tion." In both these cases the meaning of monetagium
and its use in Normandy are quite clear ; it is a tax
levied triennially on condition of the duke ceasing to
change the coinage, and in both cases it is assumed,

7 ed. Gruchy, 1881, p. 43.

8 From Sir Matthew Hale's Common Law of England. He quotes
the Norman tax as a payment taken by the duke in order that he
should not change his money, payable every third year.

102 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.

without comment, that the same meaning must be
attached to the tax in its English use.

Further information about the Normandy tax may be
obtained from M. Lecointre-Dupont's letters on the
coinage of Normandy in the Revue Numismatique.9 He
shows how frequently the dukes of Normandy debased
their coinage in order to profit themselves by the
revenue thus obtained, and explains the monetagium to
have been a concession made to the people by William
the Conqueror ; he further fixes the date of this concession
as immediately preceding the Council of Lillebonne in
1080, because it was owing to the recent introduction of
the agreement by which William was to cease the
debasement of it that that assembly was called upon to
fix the weight and fineness of his Norman coinage. It
is quite clear from this that it was not the type but
the standard of the money which the duke undertook
never again to change, in fact M. Lecointre-Dupont
says his promise was never again to debase his money
("promit de ne plus alter er ses monnaies" -the
undertaking was not merely to leave it undebased
for periods of three years, but to leave it perpetually
undebased). M. Lecointre-Dupont then tells us the
result of the concession. The duke's money was now
fixed at a standard of purity exceeding that of the
neighbouring lords, who immediately got hold of his
new money and melted it down at their own mints,
giving to Normandy in exchange their base deniers.
Thus William was issuing money at a loss to himself; he
therefore did the only thing that was left for him to do,
namely, closed his mints in Normandy and issued no

9 Rev. Num., 1842, pp. 114 fi.

MONETAG1UM. 103

Norman coinage at all, so that the only money circulated
in Normandy was the base coinage of neighbouring barons.
Let us now summarize the salient features in the
circumstances attaching to this peculiar Norman tax,
and consider if any similar circumstances can be found
in England to give us grounds for assuming that a
similar tax was introduced into this country.

(1) Prior to the introduction of this tax the Norman
money was continually being debased for the duke's
personal profit.10 The English coinage, on the contrary,
had from the earliest times retained its high standard of
purity.

(2) In Normandy the tax was introduced as a con-
cession to the people. In England we know that the
tax was a burden (for its removal is one of the con-
cessions made by Henry I in his Charter of Liberties
in which he conceded certain limitations of his power
and the renunciation of evil customs introduced by
William I and William II), in fact, that it was one of
the burdens imposed by William I (it is mentioned in
Domesday and in Henry I's charter is spoken of as a
tax " quod non fuit teinpore Edwardi regis ") and
removed by Henry I as a concession to the people.

(3) It was instituted in, or very shortly before, 1080,
in order that money should not be changed at all in the
future as it had been in the past. In England no change
of any sort appears in the coinage at, or about, this date ;
it remains as it was under the Confessor and continues so
under William II ; even the change of types seems to go
on in the same way. Under William I we have eight

10 For the debasement of Norman money, see Rev. Num., 1842, pp.
108 ff. (Lecointre-Dupont) ; 1843, pp. 52 ft. (de LongpSrier) ; 1906, pp.
306 ff. and 1911, pp. 86 ff. (Luneau).

104 NUMISMATIC CHKONICLE.

types for a reign of 21 years, under William II five
types for 13 years, under Henry I fifteen types for 35
years.11

(4) It resulted in the monetary standard having to be
fixed by the Council of Lillebonne, a new coinage being
struck at a loss to the duke, and the consequent closing
of all Norman mints. No adjustment of the monetary
standard was necessary in England at this time, nor does
any seem to have been made ; the currency does not
appear to have undergone any alteration or reorganization.

We must therefore conclude that there is no true
relation between the Norman and the English tax of
Monetagium, or at least that no influence of the tax on
the English coinage can be induced from the purpose
and effect of the Norman tax bearing the same name.
The nearest connexion we can suppose to have existed
between the two is that the Norman tax suggested in
the mind of King William a new method of triennial
taxation under the threat of debasing the coinage if it
were not regularly paid. Even this, however, seems an
unnecessary conclusion when we do not even know that
the English tax was paid triennially : we only know that
there was a " geldum regis " called " monetagiurn " or
" monedagium," which is the only possible word that
could be used for a payment made for the right of
issuing coins, and perhaps we may with better reason
take it to mean quite literally what Henry I's charter
explains it to be, "a general payment-for-right-of-

11 In Edward the Confessor's reign also, if we eliminate the rare
" Harthacnut" type, which probably only lasted a very short time and
was not a true type of Edward's reign, we have ten types in a reign of
23 years, which gives precisely the same average as the succeeding
reigns (see in N. C., 1905, pp. 179 ff., Mr. Carlyon-Britton's arrange-
ment of the coins of the Confessor).

MONETAGIUM. 105

mintage (monetagium) levied on cities and shires (quod
capiebatur per civitates et per comitatus)," that is to
say, a tax paid to William I by the cities and shires
of the country in order to retain the right of having
coins issued at the provincial mints 12 ; this would be an
usurpation as the cities or shires had in the Confessor's
time the use of local mints without paying a tax for it,
and therefore the removal of the tax by Henry I would
be a concession in perfect agreement with the other
clauses of his Charter of Liberties in which he renounces
usurpations of his two predecessors.

Let us imagine the assumption correct that the Nor-
man and English systems of Monetagium are identical.
How can it even so affect the changes of types ? It has
already been shown that the evil for the remedy of
which the people of Normandy undertook to pay twelve
pence every three years was the debasement of the
weight and quality of the coinage. A glance at the
papers quoted above (see p. 103, note 10) will show
clearly how bad the Norman money had become ; the
coins are irregular in shape, almost illegible, and —
the really important point — of metal hopelessly base;
the types were not undergoing frequent changes ; on the
contrary, the temple fa£ade and the cross with pellets or
annulets remained as obverse and reverse types, and
became more and more degraded until they were scarcely
recognizable. It is therefore quite certain that were the
English and Norman taxes identical it could not be used
to refer to alterations of the coin-types.

Again, supposing the tax to be identical in both

12 It is thus identical with the payments de Moneta which are
frequent in Domesday; Sir Henry Ellis (General Introduction to
Domesday, p. 175, note 1) was of this opinion.

106 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.

countries and supposing also that it were the coin-types
that the King undertook not to alter : even so, it would
give no ground for a triennial alteration of types; the
changes were to cease altogether (" ea conditione ut
monetam mutare ei non liceat ") ; the payment was
triennial, the fixing of the coinage permanent.

In brief, Monetagium in England had not the same
sense as it had in Normandy, and therefore had no effect
on the English coinage. If it had the same sense in
England as in Normandy, it would affect not the types
but the quality of the coinage. If it had the same sense
and could be understood to refer to the coin-types, it
would not limit the changing of them to once in three
years, but prevent them being changed at all.

Thus it is certain that there is no ground whatever for
using Monetagium, take it to mean what you will, as a
basis for prescribing a period of three years to each type
and so fixing the date of each issue.

G-. C. BROOKE.

WARWICK WILLIAM WKOTH.

WARWICK WILLIAM WROTH, who died on September 26, 1911,
after an operation following on a very brief illness, was born
at Clerkenwell, London, on August 24, 1858. The staff of the
British Museum Medal Room, and the whole body of students
of ancient numismatics, have thus to deplore the premature
death of a scholar from whom many more years of work
might reasonably have been expected.

The son of the Rev. Warwick Reed Wroth, Vicar of St.
Philip's, Clerkenwell, Warwick Wroth was educated at the
King's School, Canterbury, and entered the British Museum
as an assistant in the Medal Room on July 22, 1878. His
sound classical training, combined with a remarkable memory
and a genuine artistic taste, fitted him admirably for the work
which he took up on Greek numismatics and archaeology.
He contributed articles to the Journal of Hellenic Studies and
the Numismatic Chronicle, and wrote also for the Athenaeum
and the Classical Review. But his chief work was naturally
embodied in the volumes which he prepared in the great
series of Catalogues issued by his Department. When he
began work on this series, it had already covered Western
Greece and Greece Proper ; the foundations of the system, as
planned by Poole, Head, and Gardner, were laid, and a
substantial portion of the structure already completed. Be-
ginning with the Catalogue of the Coins of Crete and the
Aegean Islands (published in 1886), he proceeded to deal
with the northern and north-western portions of Asia Minor,
the middle and southern portions being continued by his
colleagues. Pontus and Bithynia, Mysia, Troas, Aeolis and
Lesbos, followed in quick succession. After the completion
of a somewhat miscellaneous volume containing Galatia,
Armenia, and certain portions of Syria, he undertook the

108 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.

extremely difficult series of the Parthian Kings. This
volume, published in 1903, is one of his most useful pieces
of work, presenting as it does an exhaustive view of all the
available material. He now deserted Greek numismatics
for Byzantine. The two stately volumes on the Imperial
Byzantine Coinage, and the supplementary volume containing
the coins of the Vandals, Ostrogoths, Lombards, and the
Empires of Nicaea and Trebizond, were produced with re-
markable speed, and at once took rank as the standard works
on the subjects concerned. At the time of his death he had
returned to the sphere of Greek numismatics, and was engaged
on work preliminary to cataloguing the coins of Philip II and
Alexander III and the later kings of Macedon.

Allied with his numismatic work proper was a series of
biographies of numismatists, medallists, coin-engravers, and
other persons, which formed his contribution to fifty-six out
of the sixty-two volumes of the Dictionary of National Bio-
graphy. Shortly before his death he completed the manu-
script of the article on the late Sir John Evans for the
supplement to that publication.

But probably — though this will interest numismatic readers
less than what has been already said — Wroth was best known
to the outside world as an authority on the history of London,
especially in the eighteenth century. His admirable volume
on London Pleasure Gardens of the Eighteenth Century, in
which he was assisted by his brother, Mr. A. E. Wroth, and
its supplement on Cremorne, showed a combination of scholar-
ship and accuracy with pleasantness of style that is unhappily
only too rare in works on London antiquities. He possessed
a fine collection of prints relating to London, and his know-
ledge of English literature in general, and that of the
eighteenth century in particular, was very considerable.

He was of a somewhat retiring disposition, and was in
consequence personally little known except to those who
came into contact with him in his official capacity. Outside
official hours he preferred, especially of late years, to spend
his time in reading or extending his acquaintance with the
old London in which he was so keenly interested, rather than
in taking part in the work and administration of learned

WARWICK WILLIAM WROTH. 109

Societies, or in other objects which attracted many of his
colleagues. But visitors to the Medal Room found him not
merely courteous but genial, always ready to discuss diffi-
culties or impart information, and those who knew him in
this way will retain a very pleasant memory of their relations
with him.

G. F. HILL.

BIBLIOGRAPHY OF THE CHIEF PUBLICATIONS OF WARWICK
WILLIAM WROTH.

British Museum Catalogue of Greek Coins.
Crete and the Aegean Islands. 1886.
Pontus, Paphlagonia, &c. 1889.
Mysia. 1892.

Troas, Aeolis, and Lesbos. 1894.
Galatia, Cappadocia, and Syria. 1899.
Parthia. 1903.

British Museum Catalogue of Roman Coins.
Imperial Byzantine Coins. 1908.
Coins of the Vandals, Ostrogoths, and Lombards, &c.

1911.

The London Pleasure Gardens of the Eighteenth Century . 1896.
Cremorne and the Later London Pleasure Gardens. 1907.
Contributions to the Numismatic Chronicle.

Asclepios and the Coins of Pergamon. 1882 ; 1-51.
Apollo with the Aesculapian Staff. 1882 ; 301-305.
Coins of Isauria and Lycaonia. 1883 ; 177-180.
Cretan Coins. 1884; 1-58.
The Santorin Find of 1821. 1884 ; 269-280.
Seventeenth Century Tokens not in Boyne (with C. F.

Keary). 1884; 281-342.
Index to the English Personal Medals in the British

Museum (1760-1886). 1886; 286-323.
Eupolemus. 1891 ; 135-139.
Tickets of Yauxhall Gardens. 1898 ; 73-92.
Otanes and Phraates IV. 1900 ; 89-95.
On the Re-arrangement of Parthian Coinage. 1900;
181-202.

110 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.

The Earliest Parthian Coins. 1905 ; 317-323.

Greek Coins acquired by the British Museum. 1887-1903
(annually from 1888-1902).

Select Greek Coins in the British Museum. 1905 ;

324-341.
In Corolla Numismatica (1906).

On the Study of Byzantine Numismatics.
Contributions to the Journal of Hellenic Studies.

A State of the Youthful Asklepios. 1882 : 46-52.

Telesphoros at Dionysopolis. 1882 ; 282-300.

Hygieia. 1884; 82-101.

A Torso of Hadrian in the British Museum. 1885 ;
199-201.

Imperial Cuirass Ornamentation and a Torso of Hadrian
in the British Museum. 1886 ; 126-142.

Peparethus and its Coinage. 1907 j 90-98.
Dictionary of National Biography.

To this he contributed a very large number of biographies
of medallists, coin-engravers, collectors, and archaeo-
logists.

J. ALLAN.

MISCELLANEA.

SOME FURTHER NOTES AND OBSERVATIONS ON JEWISH COINS.

PERHAPS it will not be out of place if I add to my previous
papers on Jewish coins, which the Numismatic Chronicle has
kindly published, a few words by way of correction and
expansion. Every wayside gleaning is valuable, if a full
harvest of knowledge is to be reaped, and therefore with
gratitude to those friendly critics, who have helped to put me
right, I venture to add somewhat further to what I have
written.

1. The Type of the Jewish Shekels. Num. Chron., 1911,
pp. 1-5.

I am indebted to the Rev. H. F. B. Compston, of King's

MISCELLANEA. Ill

College, in the University of London, for the correction of a
piece of rather careless writing in this paper. I said that
" Simon " meant " the burst of spring." I ought more
accurately to have said that " the burst of spring " or Thassi
was a popular surname given to Simon to distinguish him
from his four brothers, who also had similar surnames l (vide
Stanley's Jewish Church, vol. iii. p. 269).

Simon — in Hebrew, |1M?B> — ig probably connected with VWP
= to hear, while Thassi — in Greek ®aoW — is akin to the
Hebrew N^. = first sprouts of the earth, and is connected
with N^? = to be green, to sprout.

As Mr. Compston has generously pointed out to me, this
does not in any way invalidate the argument of my paper.
On the other hand, it adds to the point. The type of the
coin would even more definitely denote Simon to its users, if
his popular name were thus pictorially and symbolically repre-
sented upon it.

Further, " Dr. Torrey " — I quote Mr. Compston — " makes
the interesting suggestions that the * surnames ' were the
original names (Enc. Sib., col. 2851), and that the scriptural
names were those which they received later as the princes
of the Jewish people (in the way that has been so generally
customary with kings, popes, caliphs, etc.) ; and he instances
Alexander Balas and Alexandra Salome " (vide Journal of the
Apocrypha, April, 1912). If this is true, it adds considerable
probability to the corrections of my interpretation of the
type of the shekels and their certain attribution to Simon
Maccabaeus.

It is just alike to the scholarly reputation of the Numismatic
Chronicle as well as to my own to make this correction and
to record my gratitude to Mr. Compston.

2. A New Jewish Tetradrachm. Num. Chron., 1911, pp.
205-208.

A most interesting publication of this tetradrachm with a
magnificent illustration occurs in a book written in the
eighteenth century. This has been brought to my notice
by Mr. H. D. McEwen. The book is entitled De numis
Hebraeo-Samaritanis, was written by Francis Perez Bayer,
and published at Valencia in Spain, where he was Arch-
deacon, in 1781.

This has not only escaped my notice, but the notice of such
eminent writers on Jewish Numismatics as De Saulcy and
Madden, and is a tribute to the excessive rarity of the coin.
While Bayer 2 figures the coin in other respects accurately

1 1 Mace. ii. 3. 2 Tab. vi. 1, p. 141.

112 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.

enough, he presents the obverse upside down, and is thus led
into such curiosity of interpretation, that his words are worth
quoting.

To begin with, in delightful simplicity he attributes the
coin to Simon Maccabaeus, presumably because the name
Simon appears on it — but numismatics was hardly an exact
science in Bayer's day.

This is what he says of the type and its meaning —

"Is vero typus qua parte aedificii frontem exhibet Hasmo-
naeorum mausoleum designare creditur quod Simon in urbe
Modin super sepulcra patris sui et fratrum suorum aedificavit,
altum msu, lapide polito ante et retro, cuiusmodi in Macha-
baeorum libris 3 describitur, Josephus 4 vero, opus visu mirabile
appellat, emus adhuc pyramidum vestigia ems aetate superessent "
(p. 145).

That is refreshing enough, but he goes on with even better
things —

" Bouterouvius, Calmetus, Froelichius et alii in eaindem
sententiam inclinant, cui utcumque iuvandae posset et illud
adiici, quod linea pro aedificio undatim serpens . . . mare
fortassis referat, a quo non longe id aedificium aberat ; cum
Simon super columnas quas excitaverat arma ad aeternam
memoriam, et juxta arma naves sculptas circumposuerit, guae
viderentur db omnibus navigantibus mare "5 (pp. 145, 146).

Finally with unblushing conjecture he continues, describing
the object between the pillars in the centre of the coin —

" Lyra vero in porticiis sive aedificii medio conspicua ad
restitutam Machabaeorum ductu ac robore ludaicae genti
laetitiam referri potest ; nee propterea loco non suo collocatam
quis dixerit, quod alias parum sepulcris congruat."

And as an excuse for this amazing guess, he adds that the
lyre is frequently found upon Jewish coins.

Bayer was no Doctor Dry-as-Dust. May he rest in peace.
He deserves well of us.

EDGAR ROGERS.

3 1 Mace. xiii. 27.

4 Josephus, Antiq., xiii. chap. vi. ; alias xi. n. 4.

5 1 Mace. xiii. 27.

Num. Chron. Ser. IV. Vol. XII. PL I.

AGATHOCLES

Num. Chron. Ser. IV. Vol. XII. PL II.

. .

f X
Vr

x'^lh

A HOARD OF COINS OF KOS

Num. Chron. Ser. IV. Vol. XII. PL III.

THOURIOI

PANDOSIA

WORKS BY

t* %

tef

TEIUNA: P

ELIS

TERINA
13 14

Imitation of Elis

COINS OF TERINA, &c.

Num. Chron. Ser. IV. Vol. XII. PI. IV.

EVAENETOS
LATER MEDALLION

i Prototype of Ev-
aen., at Terina

EVAENETOS : TERINA

Itr*

BRETTIAN TYPE

EVAENETOS AT TERINA, &c.

Num. Chron. Ser. IV. Vol. XII. PI. V. •

TERINA, ETC, 2:1

VII.
THE ELEMENTS OF PRIMAEVAL FINANCE.

THE factors which gcrrerned the economics of earliest
man were simple and forcible.

" The good old rule, the simple plan,
That they should take who have the power,
And they should keep who can." l

This rule would apply to the earliest form of govern-
ment by self help, as opposed to that exercised within
a community, however crude and elementary.

The idea of common wants is at the basis of civiliza-
tion, the true dawn of which is to be found in the pairing
of human beings. The peaceful exchange of necessary
commodities between members of a community marks
the genesis of trade and commerce.

For of a certainty, the peaceful exchange of goods,
without the application of force, is the primary essential
of all commercial dealings.

The earliest form of community was that of man and
wife with their attendant offspring. Within the pre-
cincts of the family, an ordered rule would be main-
tained by the physically strongest member. Outside
the realms of governed order, the primaeval law must
remain in force for ever.

The family of one man would grow with time, and

1 Wordsworth, Bob Boy's Grave.
VOL. XII., SERIES IV. I

114 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.

increase into a number of families. Living in separate
huts, each would be governed by its own pater familias,
and the whole community would be ruled by one
patriarchal head.

Though what is known as the patriarchal may be
only one of the many forms in which early com-
munities developed, yet they would all have the common
characteristic of an unwritten law directed towards the
maintenance of peace, enforcible by the chief, or the
ruling body which naturally took his place.

It is a natural law that with the growth of a com-
munity, each individual unit becomes less self-support-
ing. The power of acquisition under the primaeval rule
becomes limited, and another mode of obtaining fresh
and necessary material is required for the maintenance
of prosperity. To take an example from the more
common exigencies of a pastoral life : a bull from out-
side was needed to prevent inbreeding and deterioration
of the stock. Owing to the patriarchal or other early
form of rule, it was impossible to take one by force ; in
consequence, a peaceful exchange for another animal
belonging to some other member of the community
became the natural means of acquisition. So it was with
other necessaries, even to the purchase of a wife, which
formed a most important factor in the economy of early
races, as it does with the less civilized communities of
to-day.

Peace, being assured within the home circle, naturally
spread without amongst those whose intercourse was
daily, and whose interests were the same. The benefits
of the quiet enjoyment of property having been once
realized, pains would be taken to preserve it even at
some cost. A price of peace consonant with the dignity

THE ELEMENTS OF PKIMAEVAL FINANCE. 115

of the parties would automatically come into being. At
first it would take the form of a surreptitious bribe,
intended to curry favour with a more powerful neighbour.
This in time would become a recognized tribute, when
custom allowed of its open payment. As a consequence,
the protection of the community against enemies would
become the duty of the tribute taker, and to a certain
extent the tribute would be used for this purpose.

On the other hand, between equals, a treaty of peace
would be clothed in the guise of an alliance of marriage,
or an exchange of gifts, and the price of a wife would
constitute one of the forms of the price of peace. The
old custom of carrying off a wife, and the consequent
internecine and Homeric struggles, would become the
exception rather than the rule. Marriage would become
the basis of a treaty of peace between the contracting
parties, and the existence of the wife-mother from another
community would be the guarantee of its stability.

In this we find the true significance of marriages
negotiated between the rulers of the ancient communities
of the old world.

This price of a wife from the outer world was one of
the first instances of the direct and peaceful export of
the goods of one community into the bounds of another,
and the exchange of gifts would be another. The two
together constitute the beginnings of foreign commerce,
and are both variant forms of the price of peace.

The custom of exchanging commodities of equal value
was naturally limited to those persons between whom
conditions of peace existed, and would, to a great extent,
be local in its observance. Professor Eidgeway 2 has

2 Origin of Weights and Currency.

116 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.

pointed out its gradual development, and has shown
that when some special article was required from a
distance, it was ultimately obtained by a series of deals
effected between neighbours over a long distance. This
indirect trade cannot, however, be classed with direct
foreign commerce.

Its natural development within a friendly community
runs, however, on different lines. Amongst the various
families which formed such a corporation, the strongest
would eventually provide the ruler over them all.
Between the different units order would be preserved,
and security of property would exist, if the price
of peace were paid, and the primaeval law thereby
abrogated. This tribute — and also the price of a
marriage contract when made — must have been paid in
kind, and the exact amount would have been stipulated.
A tribute would take the form of so many head of
cattle, or so many measures of corn, or so many values
of some other commodity.

In this alternative is found the origin of a fixed and
standard value in which different classes of commodities
could be reckoned. The receiver of tribute would ap-
praise and rank the articles which. he would receive as
such. Within his domains the scale which he had
authorized would become customary, and would govern
the equal exchange between members of the community.
Hence we should expect to find in an elementary
community paying tribute to a ruling class, or to an
autocratic ruler, a system of barter in which the various
amounts of different classes of commodities, which were
equal in value for exchange, were regulated by their
rank in the payment of tribute.

This scale of values naturally only held good within

THE ELEMENTS OF PRIMAEVAL FINANCE. 117

the boundaries of the tributary clans to which it
belonged.

Wealth in precious metals had no privileged position
in such a system. It ranked a-n-Xw^ to-wc,3 simply
equally with other forms of property.

Such, probably, was the course of the development of
equal barter within the precincts of a community.
There was no tendency in it to make a good bargain,
or to gain profit. The simple exchange of superfluous,
or less needed, commodities, for others which were
necessary, was the only object in view. The extent of
this form of exchange is naturally limited to those whose
intercourse is friendly, and who are members of the same
community. It is the basis of Domestic Economy, as
understood by Aristotle, and any acquisition of wealth
that takes place under it is natural, and comes from the
increase of stock, or the fertility of the land, and is not
due to profit on an exchange.

Now, it has been pointed out that the bearing of gifts
to a foreign court would be the beginning of export
trade.

In a foreign country with different resources, and
another tribute taker, a varied scale of alternative values
would have become customary. To a certain extent, the
ambassadors bearing gifts would be impressed with the

k different values that obtained in different countries. It
would require, however, a continued contact with two
different scales of value, to give sufficient intimacy with
them and to accentuate the potentialities of foreign
trade. For instance, in one country ten oxen might
be worth thirty sheep, and in another forty. The chance

3 Aristotle, Polit., i. 9. 12576, 3.

118 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.

of obtaining ten sheep for the trouble of shipping the
necessary oxen would be apparent. The opportunity,
however, of taking advantage of it would also be
necessary.

Both the object-lesson and the means of benefiting by
it were given to the carriers, and they it was, who
eventually became the pioneers of foreign and inter-
national commerce.

We see, therefore, that the basis of Domestic Economy
consisted of equal barter, upon a fixed scale, of goods
which were necessary commodities ; while Foreign Com-
merce was based upon the scientific distribution of goods
in communities where the desire for them was the
greatest, and their rank in the domestic scale, therefore,
the highest.

The acquisition of wealth within the home circle was
gained from the increase of stock, and the produce of
the land. To gain wealth by trade, travel was essential,
and was in fact the dominant factor of finance. (This
element of travel has been so much neglected, that it
is necessary to insist very strongly upon it.) The object
of foreign trade was to exchange a commodity at a profit
in a country where the supply was insufficient, or at all
events relatively small.

Aristotle, therefore, though he differentiated between
Domestic Economy and what he terms Finance (\pi]fjia-
TUTTiKi]), failed to note that equal barter was the basis of
the former, and that the acquisition of wealth was not
only fundamental to foreign trade or finance, but its
actual cause in the beginning.

It must be borne in mind that a sufficiency, and not
a superfluity, of wealth was the desire of early man.
The desire for superfluity was bred in the wish of the

THE ELEMENTS OF PRIMAEVAL FINANCE. 119

merchant to satisfy his ambition, and to demonstrate
the success of his trading. It follows, therefore, that
within a self-contained country, only a simple system
of equal barter was necessary, based upon a fixed value.
This value was originally expressed alternatively in
different kinds of wealth, and in no particular one of
them was it originally formulated.

The Greek raXavrov is probably derived from a root
which meant "to carry,"4 and may have originally had the
force of "what was carried in tribute." Its later Homeric
meanings of (1) scales, (2) a standard weight of some
material, are instructive. For the material in question
had to be weighed first of all to ascertain its quality, or
specific value ; and a quantity thus appraised could then
be reckoned in valuable amount by units of weight.5

* 0. Schrader, Reallexikon der indogermanischen Altertumskunde,
points out that the Greek To.Ko.vrov is related to ra\d<rffai, rXyvai, " to
bear (or carry) ; " rd.Ka.pos, " a basket for carrying," Latin tollo, " I lift
(or I carry) ; " Sanskrit tul, originally, " to lift (or to carry)," then " to
weigh."

5 There is a passage in the Odyssey, 8, 392 seqy., which illustrates
this—

TWV ol fKacrros (papos evir\vves ^8e \ircava.

KOU xpvffolo TO.Xo.vrov evei/care n/n^cvros.

a?»J/a 8e •Ro.vro. <pep(i>/j.ev ctoAAea, ofpp* f

" Now each man among you bring a fresh robe and a doublet, and a
talent of valued gold, and let us speedily carry all these gifts together,
that the stranger may take them in his hands, and go to supper with a
glad heart."

The word raXavrov is here used in connexion with the verb Qepeu/,
which had the technical meaning of bearing tribute. *opa was the
recognized Attic word for tribute, and is itself derived from Qepeiv,
tpopav (ptpeiv, to bear tribute.

The expression, lv\ %*Pff^ ^XefI/» is also, technically, to receive tribute.
The phraseology of the whole passage is not only redolent of
expressions applicable to the payment of tribute, but the second
line in itself gives the whole act of tendering it in gold: "bring

120 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.

We are tempted, therefore, to compare the meanings
of the English scales and scale. For rdXavra would have
the former significance ; and the weight of the raXavrov
would give the position in the scale of values for barter
or tribute appropriate to the material in which the talent
was expressed. Thus we find talents of wool,6 talents of
worked hair,7 as well as talents of gold and silver. For
each material the talent had a different weight, but its
value in every case was probably at one time identical.
A talent would therefore be a value expressed in weight,
and the sequence of its meanings distinctly corroborates
the development which we have suggested for the
standard value in domestic economy.

The Egyptian deben, too, had the same significance
of a standard value. In fact, the first mention on
record of the term (XHIth Dynasty), gives a peculiar
example : " Then he gave me a heap of ten deben, sup-
plied with dates and half an ox," 8 " Heap " is a word
commonly designating a pile of offerings : " of " means
"of the value of." The material of these deben is so
heterogeneous, that no meaning of a standard weight
or quantity of any fixed article can even be inferred —
the only intelligible significance is value. This is
corroborated by the addition together of deben of gold,
electrum; and silver, to make one sum in the inventory

a talent of valued gold." A weight of gold was paid, after it had been
first valued.

The passage, too, gives an excellent example of the payment of the
price of peace, which is given to this stranger who comes into the
camp.

6 Aristophanes, Vesp., 1147.

7 Polybius, 4. 56, 3.

8 Breasted, Ancient Records, Egypt, i. 785. Inscriptions of Ameni-
seneb, temp. Khenser, XHIth Dyn.

THE ELEMENTS OF PRIMAEVAL FINANCE. 121

and valuation of the goods of Kameses III given by the
Harris Papyrus.9

Beyond equal barter on the basis of the standard
value? there would be no need for a self-supporting
country to go. In fact, we know that Egypt never felt
the need of a coinage before it became thoroughly sub-
jugated to the customs of the Greeks. It follows, there-
fore, that foreign trade did not enter into Egyptian
internal politics, and that the acquisition of wealth,
other than the natural produce of the land, was not an
object in life to the ordinary Egyptian.

Egyptian foreign trade was of a distinctly limited
nature. No foreign merchants were allowed to have
a depot within the country. Naukratis, the first open
port, was a concession to the Greeks in the fourth
century B.C. Foreigners were only allowed to settle
temporarily in the Delta. There is, however, no
evidence that even they were other than shepherds.

The "Shepherd" Kings of the middle dynasties were
probably members of these races, who gained an entry
into the country by false pretences. There is, however,
at present no sufficient evidence of their identity.

The great expeditions to foreign parts undertaken by
the Egyptians were usually royal enterprises, and no
element of general trade entered into their economy.
When undertaken by others, they would, more often
than not, take the form of private ventures, or predatory
expeditions, such as the men of Devon and Cornwall
used to fit out in the sixteenth century of our era. The
persons involved were the principals, and not agents ;
the object of the expedition was for some specific want,

9 Breasted, Ancient Records, iv. 151 seq.

122 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.

and not for general profit. The merchant, on the other
hand, was essentially a middleman, and his profits those
of his class.

Besides this, it must be noted that the travelling of
some Egyptian citizen upon the waters of the " Very
Green," 10 or Mediterranean, would in no way affect the
condition of the landward community. The traveller
would, for the time being, enter into the commercial
community of the Sea, and would have to obey its laws
and customs. If he could hold his own amongst the
merchants, and return home with a cargo of goods, he
would re-enter his country with other possessions than
he had taken away with him That was all. His newly
acquired goods would automatically come under the
scale of values which existed at the time, and could
be exchanged by equal barter with other forms of
commodity.

Again, the necessity of travel in order to gain a profit
on exchange is forced into view, and must always be
kept before us, in the consideration of the earliest
developments of finance.

In countries, however, which were not self-supporting,
foreign trade would of necessity become part and parcel
of their civilization. But civilization in such countries
would be of a fostered growth, and would spread from
the " factories " of the traders, situated near the source

10 Maspero, The Dawn of Civilization, p. 17. The name Uaz-oirit
(Uaz-ur), the Very Green was first recognized by Birch (The Annals
of Thothmes III, in Archaeologia, vol. xxxv. p. 162, and p. 46 of the
reprint) ; E. de Roug<§ (Notice de quelques textes hitroglyphiques recem-
mentpublies par M. Greene dans V Athenaeum frangais, 1855, pp. 12-14
of the reprint) ; and especially Brugsch (Geog. Insch., vol. i. pp. 37-40),
completed the demonstration. The Red Sea is called Qim-Oirit, the
Very Black. Petrie, " Great Green Water."

THE ELEMENTS OF PRIMAEVAL FINANCE. 123

of some supply. These peoples would be of two classes,
those of the land, and those of commerce. Their
civilization would be of a hybrid nature, and their ideas
of economy governed chiefly by the personal equation.
The strife between these rival factions is well exemplified
in historic times by the local struggles amongst the
inhabitants of the Ionian Islands.

On the other hand, the development of finance in
communities whose existence was based upon foreign
trade, such as those of Crete and of " the isles of the
Great Circle,"11 and the seaport settlements of the
Mediterranean, would be essentially different. Their
object was frankly and avowedly the acquisition of
wealth. Its attainment was the proof of a successful
life.

How, then, was the merchant, whose business it was
to carry and dispose of commodities, to acquire great
wealth by retaining them in his possession? He must
have some means of giving an outward sign of his
great riches, — there was no joy in the possession of
goods always in transit. His wealth always had to be
realizable, both to the senses, and in the technical
meaning of the word of the Twentieth Century A.D.
Some reserve fund had to be made of goods other than
those which were perishable. A hoard against the risks
and perils of travel was necessary. Some currency
acceptable by all traders, before the days of notes of
hand, had to be devised, for, without it, commerce would
be stifled. For ready cash was as necessary to trading,
as breath was to the body, especially in the days when
credit was unknown.

11 Breasted, Ancient Records, ii. 73.

124 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.

There would be no standard value possible amongst
a race of bargainers. For it was their business to
bargain with the different values of different countries.

Hence they made use of precious metal, durable,
compact, and desirable material ; in the earliest days,
they chose bronze and copper, from which weapons and
utensils could be made ; slightly later, silver, which
became " current with the merchant " ; 12 last of all, in
the days of pomp and luxury, gold, the most immutable
and the most desirable of them all.

As a direct consequence of this, the standard value of
the various communities, when expressed in precious
metal, and finally in gold, became the dominant form,
so that in the time of Pollux the idea became inverted,
and a gold coin was always a orar»j|o, or valuer™

The foregoing sketch of the separate beginnings of
Domestic and Foreign Trade will lead us to the con-
clusion that the precious metals became naturally the
currency of the merchant. At the same time, domestic
trade in a self-supporting country developed a system
of alternative values, whose equality was given in
standard units of value, which might be expressed in
any recognized form of commodity. The combination
of the two, or the local value expressed in precious
metals, in later times constituted the coin.

Now, the Greeks had a system which was a mixture
of the two. Some, like Solon, boldly took the risks
of foreign adventure, some, like the Arcadians, stayed
peacefully at home amongst their flocks and herds.
Others, like the Argives and the Aeginetans, became
pedlars and shop-keepers, — a very necessary class where

12 Gen. xxiii. 16. " Pollux, ix. 59.

THE ELEMENTS OF PRIMAEVAL FINANCE. 125

stores of foreign made goods were needed for the every-
day use of the community — though of a certainty a
despicable class in an elementary community. Their
courage was not great enough to allow them to take the
chance of the perils of travel, their industry was not
sufficient to earn the comparatively small but steady
profits of agriculture ; but their greed, and the cunning
of their wits, enabled them to drive hard bargains, and
— contrary to Aristotle's natural law — to earn their
livelihood at the expense of fellow -members of their
own community. From this class, much later, sprang
the money-lenders, who, from the safe basis of Aegina,
gained possession of the mortgages on Attic land, and
reduced to poverty the agricultural population of that
state. To this class a local currency was a necessity,
in which to hoard for opportunity their superfluous
wealth, which could only be expressed in such a form,
or in the intangible security of a mortgage on land,
slaves, or person. These last conditions, however, only
came into being in historic times.

But, though this digression is necessary to exemplify
the three peaceful developments of commerce, the
existence of such a race of pedlars was not possible till
quite late, when the " King's peace " was enforcible upon
the highways. Protection to the high-roads and sea
trade-routes only came after the pioneers of commerce
had established them. And those times were not yet.

Let us, therefore, return, and demonstrate clearly that
wealth in precious metals held no privileged position
among the early Egyptians. For their country gives
us the necessary example of a self-contained and self-
supporting community, which grew into great power and
prosperity in the most ancient times.

CHBOKICLE.

records left by the Egyptians cut upon the rocks,
the walls of fr^pk^ and the sides of tombs, give ample
material from which to deduce the frets.

From the small number of references to precious
before the time of the XHth dynasty, we must
that they formed no important actor in the
economy of ancient Egypt. From the rewards
received lor services rendered, agricultural produce,
of peace MM! war, WWH* to have
q^Hh Li the earliest times, land was also
this was before the times when the country
wholly in occupation. In the Biography of
a governor under Snefru, lEErd dynasty, we
find that the rewards conveyed to him were " 20 afa* of
land, 50 ataf to his mother, 12 «taf to his children, with
people and cattle.''

The first mtmtMm of gold is in the Inscriptions of
Pepi n, YIth dynasty. He says : "There was

given to roe the gold of praise.'' This was evidently
some decoration that he could wear. The symbol for
gold in hieroglyphics is a necklace with beads, and this

There is found a weight applicable to gold with the
cartouche of Chufu, IVth dynasty,1* but this is un-
doubtedly a case of the dedication of an object to a
~-7- -- mammA vWse movd mm QM&.

The imiUnrsn of the amounts, and the objects which
were made of gold, show that its uses were almost en-
tirely K«ijgd to decoration and ceremony.

THE ELEMENTS OF PRIMAEVAL FINANCE. 127

A contemporary account of the prosperity of Egypt
is given by the Teaching (sic) of Amenemltet I,17 Xllth
dynasty, and shows conclusively the proportionate values
attached to agricultural and metallic wealth.

" I was one who cultivated grain, and loved the Harvest God ;
The Xile greeted me in every valley ;
None was hungry in my years, none thirsted then;
One dwelt in peace through that which I did, conversing

concerning me.

All that I commanded was correct.
I captured lions, I took crocodiles,
I seized the people of Wawat,
I captured the people of Mazoi,
I caused the Bedwin to go like hounds.
I made a palace decked with gold,
Whose ceilings were of lazuli . . .
The doors were of copper,
The bolts were of bronze,
Made for everlastingness,
At which eternity fears."

There is a quaint conceit about this, and a certain
poetic utterance. It is the simple story of a ruler, in
whose country the " King's peace " is kept. The people
live in prosperity, blessed with agricultural riches. The
Nile rises with regular inundations, and gives no cause
for anxiety. Everything turns out well, and the mind
of the responsible ruler is at rest. He can spare time
to enjoy the hunting of lions and crocodiles. When
foreign people invade his borders, he hunts them. He
enjoys the sport; they do not interfere with his peace
of mind. He captures the Nubians, and takes their
golden ornaments; he makes the Bedwin run, as we

1: Breasted, i. 483 seq.

128 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.

should say, like stags. He gains nothing by catching
them, but it amuses him to see them run.

Then to his simple mind comes back the thought of
the trophies which he has captured from the Wawat and
the Mazoi, and he tells us how he decked his palace with
the gold, and, incidentally, how it had a ceiling of lapis
lazuli — blue, probably sprinkled with stars.

Then he bethinks himself of the copper of his country,
from which the doors are made, and of its manufacture
into bronze for the bolts. The working of copper is
already far advanced. He is proud of it, the staple
wealth of the country apart from agriculture ; his imple-
ments of war and peace are made of it. It is his security
"made for everlastingness, at which eternity fears."

There is a feeling of reverence displayed towards the
heavy and strong material, the undoubted mainstay of
his land, the supply on which he relied. His peace was
probably assured because " copper was plentiful without
end, bronze without limit," 18 as it was in the days of
his successor Usertsen (Sesostris) I.

Hence we have his wealth classified simply, (1) The
agricultural riches given by nature ; (2) The bronze and
copper wherewith to cultivate and protect those riches ;
(3) The gold, accidentally and opportunely obtained,
with which to decorate the whole.

He has sufficient, and needs not a wherewithal to
obtain more.

But whether it be from contact with the merchants
or from the pleasing effect of the trophies obtained by
hunting the Nubians, the desire for gold is born. The
old man, in the last year of his reign, desires fresh

18 Breasted, i. 534.

THE ELEMENTS OF PRIMAEVAL FINANCE. 129

trophies of gold to hang on the walls of his palace. He
can no longer hunt, yet he craves for new spoils, pro-
bably that they may remind him of his sporting days.

The love of chase for acquisitions has changed into
the love of hoarded possessions. The curse of Mammon
has fallen.

The epitaph of Amenemhet I is cut on a rock near
Komsko at the Second Cataract. It is dated the very
last year of his reign, and says simply, " Amenemhet
came to overthrow Wawat." 19 The inscription goes no
further.

From this time onward, there are almost continuous
records of expeditions to Nubia, either for conquest,
or to exact tribute, until finally that country, with its
assured revenue in gold, became a province of Egypt.
The gold, however, was the property of the king, and
not a general form of merchandise. It therefore can
be said for certain that gold only became a staple form
of wealth within the borders of Egypt, as late as the
time of the Xllth dynasty, and that, out of many others,
it was but one, though an important, form, primarily
passing through the hands of the. king.

It must be carefully noted, that directly subsequent
to the assured possession of gold as a form of wealth
by the Egyptians, the conquest of the country by some
foreign race took place ; and it was not till the time of
the XVIIIth dynasty that the country was reorganized
as an independent kingdom.

The fact that the precious metals were the currency
of the traders would lead us to suppose that these
conquerors were of that calling, and belonged to some

19 Breasted, i. 473.
VOL. XII., SERIES IV, K

130 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.

merchant race who inhabited the coasts or islands of the
Mediterranean. Their descendants may perhaps be
found in " the twenty-two kings of the Hatti land who
dwelt by the sea and in the midst of the sea." 20

The real reason why Egyptian internal economy re-
tained a system of equal exchange long after the precious
metals became the dominant form of wealth outside its
borders may incidentally be suggested here. Egypt was
a gold and copper producing country, and these metals,
for all internal purposes, would take rank naturally with
other forms of produce. Travel was not necessary to
acquire wealth in them. Hence no exaggerated idea
would be formed of their value. In addition, since
dealings in them could not be made at a profit within
the country, they would be but an unproductive form of
wealth ; and, in the earliest days, no desire would
naturally arise for their accumulation.

The further development of the deben or value into
a measure of weight in gold comes at a much later time.
The use of weight was at first but elementary in its
nature, and it was employed for the precious metals in
the place of, or alongside of, the customary measures of
capacity. The development of its uses cannot, however,
be dealt with here.

The scheme of elementary finance may thus be simply
stated. There developed early amongst semi-civilized
people inhabiting an area of country over which com-
munications were easy, a system of tribute paid to the
strongest amongst them by the various tribes, as a price
for peaceful occupation, and a security for personal
property. The ruler, or his treasurers, would draw up

20 Hogarth, Authority and Archaeology, p. 111.

THE ELEMENTS OF PRIMAEVAL FINANCE. 131

a list of what he would take out of the personal goods
of the tributary families or tribes by way of payment,
and he would assess certain recognized commodities in
quantities of equal value as the unit of tribute. Upon
this unit of value would be based a system of equal
barter throughout the community.

In every settled self-supporting community, however
large or however small, there existed originally this
system of equal barter, based upon the unit of value
of tribute. The best example of such a community was
Egypt, and the unit *vas the deben, in which the value
of all classes of commodities could be reckoned. A
better word expressing a standard value is found in the
Greek raXavrov, which is probably derived from the
bearing of tribute. (Another word, the Greek orarif/o,
valuer, came into being later, when precious metal was
used to express the unit of value, and meant the unit
of value so expressed, and in which the values of other
commodities could be reckoned.)

In any of these communities, it would originally have
been considered criminal to make profit by an exchange,
out of a member of the same community. There would,
however, as in every time, be persons to whom honesty
was unknown ; but such would be exceptions within the
borders of civilization.

It appears certain that in different communities
situated at a distance from one another, a different
official table or scheme of equal values would govern the
equal barter of the country, for the produce of the
countries would be different, and in one, skins of animals
and furs might be the most valued commodity, while in
another, wine, oil, or cattle would take the highest place.
Around these communities, and trading at a profit upon

132 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.

the difference in the scales of value of different goods
in the various countries, existed a race of carriers, who
became the first merchants of the world. The very
cause of this class as an independent race was the
desire to acquire wealth by foreign exchange and travel.
Travel was the work, the labour, the effort, by which
riches were to be acquired. Travel was, therefore, the
essence of this calling of money-making. It was the
moral justification of acquiring wealth by other means
than the ordinary productive powers of nature.

These men required for themselves a peculiar form of
wealth, other than agricultural produce, in which to
realize their gains, and that took the form of a currency
in precious metal. This metal, when manufactured of
an amount equal to the local unit value belonging to
a country, became naturally a coin, or orai-i/p, of that
country. The coin was therefore the joint produce of
the two systems of exchange.

Outside these two distinct classes were two others.
An important class were those who obtained their liveli-
hood by manufacturing goods, or by mining, or by some
free employment which entailed labour and skill. Their
profits were sanctioned by their personal toil. The
other, and a degenerate class in an elementary com-
munity, were the pedlars, shop-keepers, and later, the
money-lenders, whose wealth was gained chiefly from
the profits made in getting the better of a deal with
members of their own community. Both these classes
could well be contained in either of the chief divisions
of commercial communities, without altering the con-
dition of the whole.

In its greatest simplicity, therefore, early commercial
life may be said to have consisted of two classes, namely,

THE ELEMENTS OF PRIMAEVAL FINANCE. 133

those who gained their livelihood by the natural produce
of the land and their own skilled labour at home, and
secondly, those who, by the risk and danger of travel,
accumulated superfluous wealth from dealing in goods
which had in different countries a sufficiently distinct
degree of value to make trade in them lucrative.

There would seem to be little difference in this from
the state of affairs that holds good now, but when it
is considered how simply the coinage of each country
developed in later times from the manufacture, by these
very early merchants* of a weight of fixed value in
precious metal equivalent to the standard value of each
country, we can see definitely and clearly the beginning
of civilized trade and commerce before the days of a
recognized currency. Here, therefore, we appear to have
in all simplicity the primary elements upon which
finance was originally founded.

JOHN K. McCLEAN.

YIII.

GEEEK COINS ACQUIKED BY THE BKITISH
MUSEUM, 1905-1910.

(See Plates VI., VII.)

IN resuming the series of articles on the acquisitions of
the British Museum which the late Mr. Wroth con-
tributed to the Numismatic Chronicle until the year
1905,1 it seems best to clear the ground by a preliminary
article describing a small selection of Greek coins
acquired during the six years 1905-1910. In a sub-
sequent article I hope to deal more fully with the
acquisitions of 1911 and 1912, and afterwards to carry
on the series with regularity, possibly at intervals of
two years.

The selection may appear to be somewhat meagre.
But in order not to occupy space, I have omitted a large
number of coins which would have made more show,
either because they have been acquired at sales, in the
catalogues of which they have been described and, in
important cases, illustrated ; or because they have been
acquired with a view to completing a series of which
the official catalogue is or was at the time of the pur-
chase in preparation ; or, finally, because they have been
published elsewhere since their acquisition. Under the

1 Mr. Wroth's last article included one or two coins acquired in 1905,
but was not representative of the acquisitions of that year.

GREEK COINS ACQUIRED BY THE BRITISH MUSEUM. 135

first category come, for instance, coins acquired from the
sales of the following collections : Strozzi,2 E. F. Weber,3
and Philipsen.4 Under the second, large purchases,
especially of Macedonian regal coins (on the catalogue
of which Mr. Wroth was engaged at the time of his
death) and of Jewish coins (including 2616 specimens
from the Hamburger Collection). Under the third
category come, above all, the remarkable coins of
Peparethus, published by Mr. Wroth in the Journal of
Hellenic Studies, vol. xxvii. pp. 90 ff. ; and also coins like
those of Metellus in Crete and Brutus in Macedon (if
that counts as a Greek coin).5 But even when these
exclusions are taken into account, it must be admitted
that these have been but lean years, the rise in the price
of fine coins making it quite impossible for a Museum
to compete with the private collector.

1 have added to the descriptions of the coins an
arrow indicating the position of the axis of the reverse
die in relation to the obverse.

BRUTTIUM : CAULONIA.

1. Obv. — KAV Naked male figure advancing r., wielding
branch in r. ; on his outstretched 1. small running
figure ; in field r., stag r. with head reverted ;
cable border.

Rev. — Stag standing r.

<-M. 20-5 mm. Wt. 7'90 grm. (121-9 grs.).
[PI. VI. 1.]

2 Lots 8, 9, 110, 114, 120, 121, 125, 126, 133, 134, 138-140, 144-154,
156, 159, 161-171, 198, 200-204, 291-295, 340, 352, 451, 473, 547, 559, 560,
570-572, 581, 586, 616-618, 635-639, 648-654, 659, 660, 662-669, 742, 756,
757, 810, 811, 1103, 1169, 1211, 1236-1239, 1266, 1288.

3 Lots 8, 30, 33, 36, 37, 52, 67, 71, 74, 105, 144, 151, 161, 165, 167, 655,
845, 1782, 2151, 2231, 3668, 3902, 4229, 4231, 4236, 4251, 4254, 4255, 4262,
4273, 4276, 4335, 4369, 4645, 4678, 4679, 4699, 4707, 4712-4714, 4716, 4720.

4 Lots 1358, 2822, 3060.

5 See ray Hist. Gk. Coins, No. 97, and Hist. Eom. Coins, No. 71.

136 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.

A good specimen of the early transitional issues of
this mint, generally similar to B.M.C., Italy, p. 337,
No. 17. This class seems to have been issued but for
a short time, probably not long after 500 B.C. After-
wards the cable border disappears, and the inscription
is placed on the side with the stag as well as on the
other. Eventually the inscription is limited to the side
with the stag. This new coin and the one previously
in the British Museum necessitate a slight modification
in Macdonald's interesting argument (Coin Types, p. 133),
since it cannot be said that, when the stag appears as
an independent type, "from the first moment of its
appearance the ethnic is seen beside it."

SICILY: SEGESTA.

2. Obv. — Hound r. ; above, small female head r. ; border of

dots.

Rev. — ^MEErIEA^ T (?) Head of nymph r., wearing neck-
lace ; concave field.

TVR. 23 mm. Wt. 8-53 grm. (131-7 grs.).
[PI. VI. 2.]

This didrachm is only remarkable for the insertion
of four small letters between the first five letters of the
inscription. I had read them so as to complete the
inscription ZETEZTAION, but they are very obscure, and
after continued examination I seem to see MEIA, which
would, with the main inscription, make 2rx€<mt£(t/3)qu(t).

SARMATIA: OLBIA.

3. Obv. — Female head 1., the hair rolled and confined by a

wreath, of which two leaves only are visible at
the top.

Rev. — OA Dolphin 1. ; concave field.

/*N. 12 mm. Wt. 2'11 grm. (32-5 grs.).
[PI. VI. 3.]

GEEEK COINS ACQUIRED BY THE BRITISH MUSEUM. 137

A hemidrachra, of careless style, similar to the coin
illustrated by Pick (Munzen Nord-Griechenlands, I. i.
Taf. ix. 18), apparently of the third-second cen-
tury B.C.

4. Obv. — Female head facing, with long flowing hair, wear-
ing necklace.

Rev. — Eagle, with wings spread, head r., standing to
front on dolphin 1. : below, OABIO ; in field r.,
E ; concave field.

^M. 19 mm. Wt. 6'12 grm. (94-5 grs.).
[PL VI. 4.] For a larger denomination, with
the head'in profile, and the same monogram,
see Pick, op. cit., Taf. ix. 2.

MOESIA: CALLATIS.

5, OlVf — Head of Artemis r., hair in chignon; bow and
quiver behind neck.

Rev. — Mounted archer on prancing horse, shooting to 1. ;
below, KAA ; above, on r., ATA PA.

<-M. 18 mm. Wt. 5'73 grm. (88'5 grs.).
[PI. VI. 5.]

If this coin, which is of good fourth -century style, and
was purchased from a Bulgarian dealer, is rightly attri-
buted to Callatis, it is earlier than any other known
issues of that place. It is, indeed, earlier than any
known historical record of the city, which is first
mentioned in connexion with a war against Lysimachus
in 313 B.C., in which it played the leading part.6 It
must have been an important place for some time earlier,
and there is therefore nothing antecedently improbable
in the attribution to it of a coinage in the fourth century.

6 Pick, Munzen Nord-Griechenlands, I. i. p. 85.

138 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.

In weight and style the piece corresponds very well with
the contemporary coinage of Istrus.7

So much I had written when, by inquiry of Professor
Behrendt Pick and Dr. Imhoof-Blumer, I was reminded
of the fact that this identical coin has already been
published by the latter scholar.8 Dr. Imhoof considers
the attribution to Callatis probable, and notes that, by
the dress of the archer, he is not a Greek, but rather a
northern, perhaps Scythian, warrior. As to the reading
of the second part of the inscription, Dr. Imhoof wavers
between ATAIA and ATAKA, the latter suggesting the
Scythian name 'AraKa/z (Muller, F. H. G., iv. 72 = Prisci
Panitae fr. 1). The reading ATA PA seems to me more
probable than either of the others proposed. If it is
not, as Dr. Imhoof thinks it may be, a blundered con-
tinuation of the first part of the inscription (for
KAAAATlAvwv), we may perhaps see in it the name of
a local ruler rather than a magistrate of the city.

THRACE : MOSTIS.
6. Obv. — Young male head r.

Rev.— [BAZ]IAEn[Z] on 1. upwards, [MO]ZTIAOZ on r.
upwards. Caduceus ; concave field.

AJE. 11-5 mm. Wt. 1-90 grm. (29-3 grs.).
[PL VI. 6.]

The head on the obverse may be that of Hermes ;
there are traces behind it of an object, which may have
been a petasos, slung at the back.

7 The maximum weight of 7 '02 grm. is rarely reached even by the
earliest coins of Istrus (see Pick, op. cit., p. 159 ff.).

8 Zur griech. u. rum. Miinzkunde, p. 288, Taf. x. 22 = Bev. Suisse, xiv.
(1908), p. 268, PI. vi. 22. Owing to a misunderstanding, the coin is
there described as being in the Gotha cabinet.

GEEEK COINS ACQUIRED BY THE BRITISH MUSEUM. 139

RHOEMETALCES I.

7. Obv.— Head of Rhoemetalces r., diademed; in front,
jfl ; border of dots.

Rev. — BYZANTI[A] Head of Augustus r., bare ; in front,
g- ; border of dots.

/^M. 18-5 mm. Wt. 3 '20 grm. (49 '4 grs.).
[PI. VI. 7.]

A good specimen of the interesting Bu£avrm
described by Imhoof-Blumer, Journ. Intern., i. p. 17,
No. 11. The monograms are for Ba. PofjuT?(ra'AKac) and
Kaivap respectively.

CORINTH.

8. Qbv. — IMPLAVR VERVSAVG Bust of Yerus r., bare-

headed, wearing paludamentum and cuirass;
border of dots.

Rev.— CLICOR Chimaera springing r. ; border of dots.
<-JE. 27 mm. Wt. 9'96 grm. (153'7 grs.).
[PI. VI. 8.]

ACHAEA : BURA.

9. Obv.— AOYCen Tl - - CGOYH - - Bust of Septimius

Severus r. laur., wearing paludamentum and
cuirass ; border of dots.

Rev. — BOYP6A TOON Male figure (Dionysos?) seated
to front on throne with arched back ; he wears
himation, leaving his body nude to the waist,
with the end of the garment appearing over 1.
shoulder ; in his 1. arm he holds a sceptre, his
r. hand rests on his knee ; border of dots.

\sj.3S. 23-5 mm. Wt. 6-54 grm. (lOl'O grs.).
[PI. VI. 9.]

A similar, but not so well-preserved, coin was described
by Macdonald in the Hunter Catalogue (ii. p. 125, No. 1,

140 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.

PI. xxxvii. 22). The present specimen enables one to
correct the reading of the inscription, and to identify the
figure as not Demeter, but a male deity ; the way in
which the himation is worn is enough to prove this.
The effeminate appearance of the figure suggests
Dionysos, of whom there was a temple at Bura (Paus.,
vii. 25. 5).

The arched back to the throne is unusual, yet I can-
not think that it is meant for the arch of a niche behind
the seat.

CRETE : OLUS.
10. Obv. — Head of Artemis r.

Rev. — I/IOAO Male figure seated 1. (Zeus ?), r. hand ex-
tended holding eagle (?), 1. resting on sceptre;
concave field.

. 13-5 mm. Wt. 1-41 grm. (21-7 grs.).
[PI. VI. 10.]

Apparently a degenerate version of the coin described
by Svoronos, Num. de la Crete, p. 250, No. 6, PL xxii. 27.

IONIAN ELECTRUM.

11. Obv. — Half figure to r. of deity with curled wings, long
hair, and pointed beard, wearing flat head-
dress ; his hands are extended on either side.

Eev.— Oblong between two squares incuse, each filled
with irregular markiDgs.

/^Electrum (pale), 15 mm. Wt. 7*05 grm.
(108-8 grs.). [PI. VI. 11.]

The specific gravity of this coin is approximately 14*4,
which, according to Head's curve,9 represents 59 per
cent, of pure gold.

9 Num. Chron., 1887, p. 308.

GREEK COINS ACQUIRED BY THE BRITISH MUSEUM. 141

The coin is a half-stater of the " Phoenician " standard.
The type is puzzling. At first sight it suggests Ahura-
niazda, or rather (since the coin can hardly be later
than the seventh century) his Assyrian prototype
Ashur. The wings are treated in the conventional
Greek way ; but the headdress and hair (or wig) have
a distinctly Oriental air.

LYCIA.

12. Obv. — Lion standing r., with head reverted: border of

dots.

Rev. — Fore-part of bull 1. (1. leg only visible) in dotted
square, within incuse square.

^M. 23 mm. Wt. 9'00 grm. (138-9 grs.).
Double struck on rev. [PL VI. 12.]

13. Obv. — Boar to 1., head lowered ; on its haunch, triskeles

turning to r.

Rev. — Triskeles turning to 1., in dotted square within
incuse square.

/fwR. 16 mm. Wt. 2*75 grm. (42-5 grs.).
[PL VI. 13.]

A variety (owing to the symbol on the animal's
haunch) of the already known tetrobol (Babelon, Traite,
PL xxii. 5 or B. M. C., Lycia, p. 7, No. 36).

14. Obv.— Crab.

Rev. — Triskeles turning to r., in incuse square.

faM. 12-5 mm. Wt. 0-64 grm. (9'8 grs.).
[PL VI. 14.]

This belongs to the same period as the two preceding,
i.e. about 500-400 B.C. A crab occurs as the type of a
Lycian stater, B. M. C., Lycia, PL ii. 5.

142 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.

15. Obv. — Winged female figure, wearing long chiton,

advancing to r., both hands extended.

Rev. — Griffon, with curled wings, standing 1., r. fore-
foot raised ; in dotted (?) square within incuse
square.

4/^R. 7 ram. Wt. 0-30 grm. (4-6 grs.).
[PL VI. 15.]

Larger denominations with the same types have been
published (Babelon, TraM, PI. xxv. 7, 9, 10, 12). M.
Babelon places them beside the rather earlier Cilician
coins 10 with a similar figure on the obverse, without, how-
ever, vouching for the attribution. He dates them about
485-465. The British Museum possesses three coins of
the series, the two larger weighing 2'83 grm. (43*7 grs.)
and 1*26 grm. (19'5 grs.), the third being the little piece
just described. The first was the Montagu specimen11 ;
the second and third, however, were both acquired from
dealers with lots of Lycian coins. Before the acquisition
of these, I had already, on grounds of style and fabric,
moved the Montagu specimen to the Lycian series.

16. Obv. — Winged human-headed bull walking r.

Rev. — KOP Triskeles turning to r. ; all in dotted
square within incuse square.

/IM. 9 mm. Wt. 0-52 grm. (8-1 grs.).
[PL VI. 16.]

The stater and triobol of these types are already known
(Babelon, op. cit., Nos. 278, 278 bis).

10 In B. M. C., Lycaonia, &c.> p. cxviii, I showed reasons against the
traditional attribution of these coins to Mallus ; Imhoof-Blumer at
the same time (Kleinas. Miinzen., ii. p. 435) suggested Aphrodisias in
Cilicia, an attribution which may be said to hold the field.

11 Sale Catal., i. lot 646.

GEEEK COINS ACQUIRED BY THE BRITISH MUSEUM. 143

17. Obv. — Bird (dove?), standing 1., between two olive-

branches ; border of dots.

Rev. — KOP PA AE Triskeles turning to r. ; all in
dotted square, within incuse square.

/IM. 19 mm. Wt. 3'06 grm. (47'3 grs.).
[PL VII. 1.]

18. Obv. — Bull kneeling 1. ; above, small triskeles turning

tol.

Rev. — KO PA AE (si'c). Triskeles turning to 1. ; all
in dotted square within incuse square.

\|5l. 14-5 mm. Wt. 2-95 grm. (45-6 grs.).
[PL VII. 2.]

The omission of the P in the inscription is, of course, a
mere slip on the part of the engraver. For the obverse
type (without the symbol), cp. Babelon, Tmite, PI. xcvii.
13. Our coin is, however, ruder in style, and may belong
to the earlier series of Kuprlli's coins.

19. Obv. — Head of Athena r. in crested Corinthian helmet.

Rev. — F Triskeles turning to r. ; in field, diskeles
turning to r. ; all in dotted square within
incuse square.

fVR. 13 mm. Wt. 2-53 grm. (39'0 grs.).
[PL VII. 3.]

20. Obv. — Bearded head r., wearing crested Athenian helmet

decorated with olive-leaves.

Rev. — | ^ ^ Fore-part of winged human-headed bull
r. ; all in incuse square.

fa JR. 12-5 mm. Wt. 2-07 grm. (32-0 grs.).
[PI. VII. 4.]

Both these coins are at present placed with those of
Vakhssara. No. 19 shows, like many of that series, the
diskeles symbol in the field. As to No. 20, it is possible

144 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.

that the obliterated letter on the reverse may be a retro-
grade P and not F, in which case we should have a coin
of Kharoi or Khariga.

21. Obv. — Head of Athena r., wearing crested helmet
adorned with three olive-leaves.

Rev. — FA ^ £ Two lions seated, opposed, their heads
facing, each with one fore-paw raised ; between
them, ft; all in dotted circle within incuse
circle.

16 mm. Wt. 2-54 grm. (39-2 grs.).
[PL VII. 5.]

This coin combines the name VaJchs (which appears to
be an abbreviation of Vakhssaba, found on a triobol with
different types, Babelon, Traite, PI. cii. Fig. 7), with
the regular types of the city of Tlos. Whether the
name is a " dialectal variation " of Vakhssara, which is
found on a number of other coins of about the same time
(Babelon, PI. ci. 18— cii. 6), may be doubted.

22. Obv. — Head of Athena 1. in crested Athenian helmet

decorated with olive-leaves ; border of dots.

Rev. — ^ Head of bearded Heracles r. in lion-skin ;
behind, club downwards ; all in dotted square
within incuse square.

->M. 15-5 mm. Wt. 2-07 grm. (32-0 grs.).
[PL VII. 6.]

Apparently a new denomination of the coinage of
Arbbina.

PHELLUS.

23. Obv.— AVTKAIMAUITrOPA! - - Bust of Gordian III

r. laur., wearing paludamentum and cuirass.

Rev.— <J>GAA€ ITCx)N (in unusually large letters).
Female figure (Aphrodite?), wearing chiton

GREEK COINS ACQUIRED BY THE BRITISH MUSEUM. 145

and himation and veil, standing r., holding
apple in her 1., and pointing to it with her r.

/^JE. 28-5 mm. Wt. 14-09 grm. (217'4 grs.).
[PI. VII. 7.] Similar to the coin noted in
B. M. C., Lycia, p. Ixi.

TELMESSUS.

24. Olv.— Head of Alexander the Great r., with ram's horn,
as on coins of Lysimachus.

Rev. — Lion walking 1., r. fore-leg raised; in exergue,
[T]EAEMHZZE[nN]; above, TF

/1\^E. 16'mm. Wt. 3-71 grm. (57'3 grs.).
[PI. VII. 8.]

The head of Alexander the Great which appears on
this interesting coin may allude to his acquisition of the
city by treaty at the outset of his Persian expedition.
It is clearly copied from the type on coins of Lysi-
machus. On the reverse of the coin appears a monogram
which may be resolved into PT. Now, an inscription 12
of Telmessus of the year 241-0 B.C. records that at some
time one Ptolemy son of Lysimachus had received the
city of Telmessus from Ptolemy II of Egypt, whether
as a gift or otherwise is not certain. Mahaffy suggests
that this Ptolemy was the eldest son of Lysimachus of
Thrace and Arsinoe Philadelphus.13 If so, what more
natural than that he should have borrowed a type from
his father's coins? Even the lion of the reverse may
have been suggested by the type of the bronze coins of
Lysimachus, although its attitude is different. I would

12 V. B6rard in B. C. H., xiv. 162 f . ; Mahaffy in Grenfell, Revenue
Laws of Ptolemy Philadelphia, pp. lii. f .

13 This is declared impossible by BSrard, on account of the absence
of the title Bao-tAe'ws before the name of Lysimachus.

VOL. XII., SERIES IV. L

146 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.

therefore attribute this coin to Ptolemy son of Lysi-
machus, as governor of Telmessus about 241 B.C.

PlSIDIA : COMAMA.

25. Obv. — PSEPT GETACAES Bust of Geta r., bareheaded,

wearing paludamentum ; border of dots.

ReVt — COLAVGCO MAMENOR Goddess, wearing kala-
thos, and long veil which she holds apart with
her hands, moving to 1. ; border of dots.

^M. 19-5 mm. Wt. 4-22 grm. (65*1 grs.).
[PL VII. 9.]

A fine specimen, presented by Sir Hermann Weber, of
a type hitherto represented in the collection by a poorly
preserved coin of Antoninus Pius (B. M. C., Lycia, &c.,
p. 212, No. 1).

CYPRUS : MENELAUS OP SALAMIS.

26. Obv. — Head of Aphrodite 1., wearing turreted crown;

behind, downwards, MEN

Rev. — Head of goddess 1., wearing crown with semi-
circular plates, as on coins of Pnytagoras ;
behind, ^

/j^V. 11 mm. Wt. 2-75 grm. (42*5 grs.).
[PI. VII. 10.]

From the same dies as Col. Massy 's specimen (B. M. C.,
Cyprus, p. cxiii. PI. xxiv. 23).

SYRIA: ANTIOCHUS IV.

27. Obv. — Head of Antiochus IV r., diademed ; border of

dots.

Rev. — BAZIAEOZ j ANTIOXOY on r. downwards, GEOY |
EnicJ>ANOYZ on 1. downwards, NIKH<t>OPOY in
exergue. Zeus seated 1., holding Nike in r.,
resting with 1. on sceptre.

/^N. 21-5 mm. Wt. 8'57 grm. (132'3 grs.).
[PI. VII. 11.]

GREEK COINS ACQUIRED BY THE BRITISH MUSEUM. 147

Differing from the Paris specimen (Babelon, Eois de
Syrie, PL xii. 9) in the border of dots, instead of fillet-
border. These two specimens seem to be the only ones
that are known.

ANTIOCHIA AD ORONTEM.

28. Obv.— ZEBAZTOY fl Head of Augustus r., bare ;

in front, IB upwards ; border of dots (?).

Bev.— KAIZAPOZ on r. downwards, [0JEOYYIOY on 1.
downwards. Zeus seated 1., holding Nike on
r., resting 1. on sceptre; in field 1., ET and (ft ;
in exergue, 4>E

^M. 27-5 mm. Wt. 13-86 grm. (213'9grs.).
[PL VII. 12.]

This rare tetradrachm, unfortunately not well pre-
served, still seems to show more details than the speci-
men described by Pick in Zeitschr. f. Num., xiv. p. 310,
the date IB and the letters in the exergue being new.
The former confirms his dating of the coin, which he
connects with the series mentioning the twelfth and
thirteenth consulships, but bearing the ordinary type of
the Tyche of Antioch.

PARTHIA: "UNKNOWN KING."

29. Obv. — Bust of king 1., with short beard, diadem, spiral

necklace, and cuirass with 2fc on breast ;
border of dots.

Bev.— BAZIAEQZ above, M EfAAOY | A PZAKOY r.
downwards, [c|> I A]OTTATOPOZ | [E]YEPI~ETOYZ
below, ET7l<t>ANOYZ | <J>IAEAAHNOZ 1. down-
wards ; Arsaces seated r. on throne, holding
bow ; in field r., hP

A M. 30mm. Wt. 14-89 grm. (229-8 grs.).
[PL VII. 13.]

/^ JR. 30mm. Wt. 14'26grm. (220'Ogrs.).

148 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.

These two specimens of this rare tetradrachm, which
was formerly unrepresented in the British Museum (see
Wroth, B. M. C., Parthia, p. 58), are from the same dies.

EGYPT.

30. Obv. — 0EQN Busts of Ptolemy I and Berenice I r.
jugate ; border of dots.

Rev. — AAEA4>HN Busts of Ptolemy II and Arsinoe II
r. jugate ; border of dots.

A N. 13 mm. Wt. 3'45 grm. (53'2 grs.).
[PI. VII. 14.]

Of this drachm one other specimen only, at Paris, seems
to be known (Svoronos, Noju. IlroA., p. 90, No. 606).

MAURETANIA : PTOLEMAEUS.

31. Obv.— PTOLEMAEVS REX Bust r., undraped, dia-
demed.

Rev. — PIET ATI Altar, on front of which R A and
wreath ; below, remains of date, V (?) ; border
of dots.

^ tf. 15 mm. Wt. 3-11 grm. (48-0 grs.).
[PI. VII. 15.]

This is the coin mentioned in Mr. Head's Historia
Numorum2, p. 889. Unfortunately, only a portion of the
date numeral is on the flan ; that portion appears to be
a V, in which case the complete date was probably XV.

G. F. HILL.

IX.
THE EDWINSTOWE FIND OF KOMAN COINS.

THE circumstances of a find of denarii on Kingsland
Farm, Edwinstowe, Nottinghamshire, have been de-
scribed by Mr. E. Wilmshurst in Spink's Circular for
March, 1911 ; it contained 367 Eoman denarii ranging
from Nero (54-68 A.D.) to the second consulship of
Commodus (179-181 A.D.), x also one provincial denarius
of the Emperor Trajan, struck in his second consulship
(98-100 A.D.) for Lycia, and one contemporary forgery
cast from a denarius of Trajan's sixth consulship
(112-117 A.D.). The following list gives the number
of coins of each emperor found in the hoard : —

Nero (Aug. 54-68 A.D.) ... 1
Galba (Caes. 68-69 A.D.) ... 2
Otho (Aug. 69 A.D.) ... 1

Vespasian (Aug. 69-79 A,D.) . . 34 (including 4 " Con-
secration" coins)

Titus (Aug. 79-81 A.D.) ... 9

Domitian (Aug. 81-96 A.D.) . . 26
Nerva (Aug. 96-98 A.D.) ... 7

Trajan (Aug. 98-117 A.D.) . . 95

Hadrian (Aug. 117-138 A.D.) . . 94
Sabina (Aug. 128-136 A.D.) . . 5
Lucius Aelius (Adopted 1 36-1 38 A.D.) 2

1 Here and throughout this paper the dates assigned to consulships
are taken from Goyau's Chronologie de V Empire Romain.

150 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.

Antoninus Pius (Aug. 138-161 A.D.) 36 (including 4 "Con-
secration" coins)

Faustina Senior (Aug. 138-141 A.D.) 14 (including 12 " Con-
secration " coins)

Marcus Aurelius (Aug. 1 6 1-1 80 A.D.) 22

Faustina Junior (Aug. 147-176 A.D.) 9

Lucius Verus (Aug. 161-169 A.D.) . 2

Annia Lucilla (Wife 164-169 A.D.) . 6

Commodus (cos I.-II. = 177-181 A.D.) 2

Lycian denarius of Trajan (cos II.

= 98-100 A.D.) .... 1

Forgery of Roman denarius of Trajan

(cos VI. = 112-117 A.D.) . . 1

Total . . .369

The presence in the hoard of a Lycian coin, brought
probably by a soldier who had seen service in Asia
Minor, and of a contemporary forgery made by casting
from a genuine denarius is interesting, also the absence
of any legionary coins of Marcus Antonius (see B. H.
Cat. of Eoman Republican Coins, vol. ii. p. 527, note 3).

The condition of the coins down to the reign of Titus
is poor, they are much worn by circulation ; those of
Domitian and Nerva are similar but rather less worn ;
from Trajan to Antoninus the coins are mostly in good
condition, and a few specimens are very fine; from
Marcus Aurelius to the end the coins are mostly very
fine, and show but slight traces of wear from circulation.

The hoard was contained in a globular jug of light
buff ware with curved handle set on shoulder and lip ;
the lower side of the belly where it curves down to the
small base is ornamented with horizontal bands of red
paint. The narrow neck and handle were perhaps broken
off before the coins were deposited in the jug. It was
found broken, and only small fragments have survived.

THE EDWINSTOWE FIND OF ROMAN COINS.

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THE EDWINSTOWE FIND OF KOMAN COINS.

157

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161

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VOL. XII., SERIES IV.

162

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ANGLO-GALLIC COINS.

(Continued from Vol. VIII. p. 177.)
(See Plate VIII.)

HENBY V.

AT the date of Henry V's accession to the throne of
England, on March 20, 1413, France was divided
into two factions. The King of France, Charles VI, was
a madman, and a state of civil war practically existed
between the Burgundian party headed by the Duke of
Burgundy and the Armagnac party headed by the Duke
of Orleans, who were both struggling for the supreme
power in France.

England had already joined in the struggle, and in
May, 1412, Henry IV entered into an alliance with the
Arrnagnac party, promising them his support in exchange
for the cession of Aquitaine. Thomas, Duke of Clarence,
was appointed the King's lieutenant in Aquitaine on
July 11, 1412, and crossed into Normandy in August.
In November he went to Aquitaine, where he stayed till
the following summer.

From the beginning of his reign Henry V appears to
have contemplated an active intervention into French
politics. He finally formulated his demands in Febru-
ary, 1415. He laid claim to the throne of France, but

180 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.

intimated his willingness to accept certain terms instead.
These terms included the fulfilment of the treaty of
Bretigny, the cession of certain lands, and the hand of
Catherine of France in marriage. These terms were
rejected and others proposed and discussed, but without
result. Finally, war was declared, and on August 7,
1415, Henry embarked for France.

He landed at Harfleur, which he besieged and took on
September 22, 1415. On October 8, he set out from
Harfleur for Calais, leaving a garrison behind him. He
reached Calais on October 29, after having defeated the
French forces at Agincourt on October 25. He then
returned to England.

The only result of this first invasion was the capture
of Harfleur and the moral effect of the victory at Agin-
court.

In the summer of 1417, a second invasion was de-
termined on, and on August 1, Henry again embarked
for France. He landed near Trouville and proceeded to
lay siege to Caen, which fell on September 4. This time
Henry intended his campaign to be decisive, and on the
fall of Caen, he proceeded at once to lay the foundations
for the new government of the town. He posed as the
rightful Duke of Normandy, the heir of William the
Conqueror, and he offered peace and justice to all who
acknowledged him as such. He then proceeded to carry
out the conquest of Lower Normandy by taking Argentan
and Alenpon, staying at the latter place a whole month
to consolidate his conquests. In December, he laid siege
to Falaise, which fell on February 16, 1418. He then
returned to Caen, where he organized the government of
the Duchy, spending three months there and at Bayeux.
He provided for the civil administration of the Duchy,

ANGLO-GALLIC COINS. 181

revived the Eotulus Normanniae, appointed a Chancellor
and other minor officials, and created six Norman Earl-
doms.

In July, matters were ripe for the most serious under-
taking of the campaign, the siege of Kouen. On July 29,
Kouen was invested, and on January 19, 1419, it fell.
With Bouen in his possession, practically the whole of
Normandy was in Henry's power, and he was then free
to turn his attention to his larger claim to the throne
of France.

The English successes in Normandy did not have the
effect of uniting the Burgundian and Arrnagnac factions,
which were still as bitterly opposed to each other as
before. In fact, their quarrels paved the way for Henry's
successes, and by negotiating first with one party and then
with the other, Henry contrived to keep both apart. The
crisis came when the Duke of Burgundy was assassinated
by the Armagnac party in the presence of the Dauphin
on the bridge at Montereau on August 21, 1419. This
threw the Burgundian party entirely into the hands of
Henry, and the new Duke of Burgundy, Philip the Good,
backed by Queen Isabella, offered Henry the hand of
Catherine of France in marriage, with the Eegency of
France during Charles's lifetime, and the succession to
the throne, to the exclusion of the Dauphin, on Charles's
death. These terms were ratified on January 3, 1420, and
a formal treaty was signed at Troyes on May 21, 1420.

In the mean time, Henry had laid siege to Gisors, which
fell on September 24, 1419. He had returned to Kouen
at the end of November and had spent the following four
months there.

On December 1, 1420, Henry made his formal entry
into Paris, where he spent Christmas. He then returned

182 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.

to Kouen, where he held a parliament of the Estates of
Normandy. He left on January 19, 1421, for England,
where he arrived on February 1, after an absence of three
and a half years.

His stay in England was brief. He sailed again for
France on June 10, 1421, and resumed his operations
against the towns in Northern France which still held out
against him. The winter and spring were chiefly occu-
pied by the siege of Meaux, at which the English
suffered heavily through sickness. It was probably
during this time that Henry contracted the illness of
which he died. In the middle of August, 1422, he was
taken to his castle in the Bois de Yincennes, outside Paris,
where he died on the morning of September 1.

The Anglo-Gallic coinage of Henry V and Henry YI
has been exhaustively dealt with by M. de Saulcy in his
Histoire Nitmismatique de Henri V et Henri VI, Eois
d'Angleterre, pendant qu'ils out regne en France, pub-
lished in Paris in 1878. M. de Saulcy has collected and
published in this work all the known ordinances and
records relating to the coinage of this period. I have
extracted from his book sufficient information to enable
me to classify the coinages of these reigns, but I would
strongly recommend any one who wishes to study the
coins of this period to refer to M. de Saulcy's work itself,
where they will find the actual wording of the ordinances
and records fully set out.

The first of the ordinances 1 is dated May 8, 1419, four
months after the fall of Eouen, from Yernon-sur-Seine,
where Henry had gone for Easter to await a conference
with Queen Isabella and the Duke of Burgundy. It is

1 Patentes Normannie, 50.

ANGLO-GALLIC COINS. 183

addressed to the bailiffs of Evreux, Gisors, Caux, Kouen,
Caen, Cotentin, and Alencon, and regulates the price of
French money admitted to currency in Normandy. The
coins mentioned are as follows : —

The grand blanc of Charles VI with a shield of three fleurs-
de-lis.

The grand blanc of Burgundy.

The grand blanc of Brittany with nine ermines.

The three corresponding petits blancs.

The grand blanc of France was to be current for two blancs
and the petit blanc for one blanc. The same value was placed
on the grand blanc and petit blanc of Burgundy.

The grand blanc of Brittany was to be current for eight
deniers tournois and the petit blanc for four deniers tournois.

Although this is the first ordinance cited by M. de
Saulcy, it is certain that Henry had made some provision
for a coinage for Normandy before this date. It is
possible, as we shall see later, that he had established
a temporary mint at Caen either in September, 1417,
or, more probably, during his three months' stay from
March to May, 1418. He certainly struck coins at
Kouen very shortly after its capture, as such an issue is
alluded to in the ordinance of September 25, 1419, set
out below, but the ordinance providing for such coinage
has not yet been discovered. A careful search among
the Normandy Kolls at the Kecord Office might bring
it to light.

The neKt ordinance mentioned by M. de Saulcy is a
most important one. It is dated September 25, 1419,
from Gisors.2 It is as follows :—

"Henry to all &c. Greeting.

"Whereas after our joyful conquest and entry into our town

2 Pat. Norm, anni septimi Hen. V., p. la m. 19 dorso, m. 50 dorso.

184 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.

of Rouen, we ordered and commanded to be made at our mint
of Rouen gold and silver coins in petits moutons and gros in
the form and manner in which they were made before our said
conquest and entry, both in weight and fineness, without
diminution or addition thereto and saving the rights of our
Seigneur, except for the distinguishing marks (differences)
which have been ordered by us to be placed thereon. . . .

"On all our coins struck for the future, moutons d'or,
gros, demi-gros, quarts de gros, d'argent, mansois and petits
deniers, let there be placed on the large cross, in the centre
thereof, an Ti, as accurate as possible, with the distinguishing
marks which we have formerly ordered."

The ordinance proceeds to provide for the issue of
the quart de gros, mansois, and petit denier. This
apparently implies that these were new denominations,
of which it was necessary to give full particulars.

The quart de gros was to be current for five deniers
tournois, and was to be struck at the rate of 13 sols
4 deniers (i.e. 160 pieces) to the mark. The mark
weighed 4063*2 grains, which gives a weight of 25 '4
grains to the quart de gros. The type was to be on
the obverse a shield with three fleurs-de-lis, similar to
that on the demi-gros.

The double, or mansois, was to be current for two
deniers tournois, and was to be struck at the rate of
16 sols 8 deniers (200 pieces) to the mark, giving a
weight of 20'3 grains. The obverse type was to be three
fleurs-de-lis.

The petit denier was to be current for one denier
tournois, and to be struck at the rate of 25 sols (300
pieces) to the mark, giving a weight of 13*5 grains. The
obverse type was to be two fleurs-de-lis.

There are several important points to notice in this
ordinance. In the first place, it alludes to an issue of

ANGLO-GALLIC COINS. 185

moutons and gros made soon after the taking of Eouen
on January 19, 1419. It also alludes to the demi-gros
as a coin in currency, but not to its issue with the
mouton and gros. It provides for an entirely new issue
of moutons, gros, demi-gros, quarts de gros, mansois, and
petits deniers, which are all to be distinguished from
the former issue by having an h in the centre of the
cross on the reverse, and gives the types for the last
three denominations, which were evidently new.

The same ordinance also made the following pro-
visions :—

The English Noble should be current for " 48 gros of
our money on which hENRlCVS is written on the obverse
and which has a leopard beside the cross, which are
worth four francs."

The petit mouton, then current for 12 gros, should be
current for 18 gros of the aforesaid money, which were
worth 30 sols tournois,3 and should be of the same weight
and fineness as the mouton then current, namely, 22 carat
and 96 to the mark (giving a weight of 42'3 grains).

The English Noble should be current for 60 gros of
Charles, which were worth 100 sols tournois.

The ordinance further forbids the export of bullion,
and orders that it shall be brought to the Kouen Mint.

On January 12, 1420,4 a new issue was ordered.
Letters patent5 were addressed to the masters of the
mint at Kouen enjoining them, in order to do away with
the import into Normandy of French gold and silver

3 Note 30 sols tournois = 360 deniers tournois. A gros was worth
20 deniers tournois.

4 The date given is January 12, 1419 (old style). I have through-
out adopted the new style to avoid confusion.

5 Rot. Norm., anno 7 Hen. V., p. 2a m. 50 dorso.

186 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.

money which was debased both in weight and fineness,
to strike at Rouen gros current for 20 deniers tournois
at the rate of 6 sols 8 deniers (80 pieces) to the mark
(weighing 50- 8 grains). They were to have for obverse
type three fleurs-de-lis below a crown, and at the sides
of the fleurs-de-lis two leopards supporting the fleurs-de-
lis, with the legend HENRicvs FRANCORVM REX; in the
middle of the cross on the reverse an h, as accurate as
possible, with the distinguishing marks formerly placed
on the gros theretofore made, with the legend SIT MOM EN

DNI BENEDICTV.

The same letters patent also provide for the coinage
of gold florins, or petits fleurins d'or, called escus, at the
rate of 96 to the mark (weight 42*3 grains) which were
to be current for " 24 reaulx which are worth 2 francs."
The obverse type was to be a shield with the arms of
France and of England, and the legend HENRICVS DEI
GRA • FRANCIE • ET ANGLIE ; on the reverse, a cross with h
in centre, as accurate as possible, with two leopards and
two fleurs-de-lis in the angles, and the legend XPC-
VINCIT-XPC-REGNAT- XPC • IMPERAT.

The gros of this issue is quite common, but the ecu
has not yet been found, though there is no reason to
doubt that it was issued. The reaulx alluded to are the
same as the gros, the coin being known under both names.

On February 1, 1420, Henry issued an ordinance6
calling in certain money. This ordinance recites that
Henry had, on the taking of Rouen, ordered to be struck
at the Rouen Mint, and at his other mints in Normandy,
gros called royaulx, current for 20 deniers tournois, of
the same type, weight, and fineness as those struck there

6 Rot. Norm., m. 24 dorso.

ANGLO-GALLIC COINS. 187

before his conquest, and had placed thereon a distinguish-
ing mark ; and that it had come to his knowledge that
there had been imported into Kouen, and into Normandy
generally and other places which had submitted to him,
a large amount of money in gros of many countries not
under his rule, parts of France, Brittany, and elsewhere,
which gros were of similar pattern, or near thereto, to
those struck at Rouen before his conquest, but were of
less weight and fineness than those struck by him ; and
under cover of their similarity they obtained currency
in Normandy to the great detriment of himself and his
people ; and further, that, to obviate this, he had ordered
by letters patent (see p. 186) the striking of gros current
for 20 deniers tournois, having on the obverse three fleurs-
de-lis supported by two leopards, and an h in the centre
of the cross on the reverse, with certain distinguishing
marks, and also quarts de gros, mansois, and petits
deniers. The ordinance then provides that the said
coinage of gros, quarts de gros, mansois, and petits
deniers should be current in all Normandy and places
which had submitted to him, and also all other money
tneretofore struck by him according to the types there-
tofore ordered, but that the gros and other silver coins
not bearing those types should not be current after
May 1, 1420, up to which date all persons having such
money were permitted to deliver it up, and after that
date he forbade its currency on pain of forfeiture.

It will be noticed that there is no mention of a derni-
gros in this ordinance.

On April 14, 1420, officials were appointed to the
Mint at St. L6.6u On the 18th of the same month they

Gix Rot. Norm., rn. 24 dorso.

188 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.

were ordered7 to strike gros, current for 20 deuiers
tournois. The order sets out the type, weight, and
fineness of these gros, which are identical with those of
the Kouen gros of January 12, 1420 (p. 186), with the
exception that the gros of St. L6 was to bear as a
distinguishing mark a pellet below the second letter of
the legend on both obverse and reverse, and the reverse
legend is given as SIT NOMEN DOMINI BENEDICTVM.

On May 6, 1420, an ordinance was sent to the masters
of the mint at Rouen announcing a new issue.7 It sets
out that Henry, on the advice of his Council, had decided
to strike at all his mints for the future a gold coin
current for 22 sols 6 deniers tournois, and at the rate of
66 to the mark (weighing 61*5 grains), "of which deniers
of gold we will send you the type and the name by which
we wish them called, with the standards " (estallons).

It seems doubtful whether these deniers d'or were
ever struck. The dies were evidently not ready, and
the Treaty of Troyes was signed on the 21st of the same
month, necessitating a change in the King's titles.
There is no record of the dies being subsequently sent.

The same ordinance also provides for the issue of
deniers blancs d'argent, called gros, to be current for
20 deniers tournois and to be struck at the rate of 7 sols
2^ deniers (86£ pieces) to the mark (weight 47'1 grains).
This is a slight reduction in weight from the previous
issue. The ordinance further provides for the issue of
demi-gros, current for 10 deniers tournois and at the
rate of 14 sols 4J deniers (172J pieces) to the mark
(weight 23*5 grains). The ordinance adds, " of which
gros and demi-gros we send you the types with the

7 Rot. Norm., m. 10 dorso.

ANGLO-GALLIC COINS. 189

dies enclosed herewith and such moneys of silver shall
not be whitened but shall be issued as they come from
the hand of the workmen."

The ordinance proceeds : " And also we have ordered
to be made many moneys of silver and billon (blanches
et noires) of which at present we do not send you the
types." Then follows an order to take at once an
inventory of all gold and silver bullion at the mint, to
close all the trial boxes ("boites"),8 and not to permit
any more work on the dies (fers) then in use. These
dies, placed out of use, were to be broken, and the ordi-
nance continues, "and strike in our said mint the said
gros and demi-gros as is written, in the proportion of
two gros to one demi-gros, and place for a distinguishing
mark, on all the said moneys of gold and of silver, both
on obverse and reverse, under the first letter, a pellet."

A duplicate of this ordinance was sent to the mint at
St. L6, except that the ordinance concludes, " and place
for a distinguishing mark on all the said moneys of gold
and of silver, both on obverse and reverse, under the
second letter, a pellet."

Two " piles " and four " trousseaux " for the gros and
demi-gros were sent to St. L6.

Finally, it was ordered to place in the trial boxes one
denier of gold for every 11 marks (726 pieces) issued,
and of the silver and billon the usual proportion.

The Treaty of Troyes was signed on May 21, 1420.

On June 2, 1420, the necessary powers were given to
the Treasurer-General of Normandy to organize the mint

8 Boxes in which were placed a certain proportion of coins of every
issue, which were tested from time to time to see that they were of the
proper weight and fineness.

190 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.

at St. L6, and at the same time an order was issued to
take to the castle at Caen the chests (caisses) containing
the new coins which should be struck and which should
remain deposited there pending a new order duly issued
under the seal of the master of the mint at Caen.9

On June 16, 1420, the ordinance providing for the
new issue necessitated by the Treaty of Troyes appeared.10
The preamble is as follows: — "Henry, by the grace of
God, King of England, Heir and Kegent of the Eealm
of France and Lord of Ireland to the masters of Our
Mint in Our city and town of Rouen, greeting."

The ordinance provides for the issue of " blancs
deniers " called gros, current for 20 deniers tournois and
at the rate of 8 sols 4 deniers (100 pieces) to the mark
(weight 40'6 grains), " similar in type to those at
present struck at our said mint," except that they were
to bear on the obverse in place of the legend HENRI CVS
FRANCORVM REX the legend H REX ANGLIE ET HERES
FRANCIE.

A similar order was addressed to the masters of the
mint at St. L6.10

The gros struck in pursuance of this ordinance is of
similar type to that struck at Rouen under the ordinance
of January 12, 1420, and at St. L6 under the ordinance
of April 18, 1420. It is not of the type of the gros
struck under the ordinance of May 6, 1420.

On November 20, 1421, a new issue was decided on.
It is stated to have been ordered " on the advice of many
of our blood and lineage and of our Grand Council and
at the request of the three Estates of our country and
Duchy assembled at Eouen."

9 Rot. Norm., m. 32 dorso. 10 Pat. Norm., m. 29 dorso.

ANGLO-GALLIC COINS. 191

The letters patent n stated as follows : —

" We have struck in certain places of our said Duchy, a
great quantity of fine money, which should be current for
20 deniers tournois, and it is no longer advisable that such
money should continue in currency on account of the great
frauds and deceptions which he who calls himself Dauphin
and those of his party, enemies of our dear father of France
and of ourselves, has begun ; who has struck with the arms of
our dear father of France gros of too little value with the
intention of taking away for themselves the good gros struck
by our said father-in-law and ourselves, in order to enrich
themselves with our good'money and to impoverish our sub-
jects with their bad money, if our said money continues to be
of the type which we have ordered ; but to obviate for the
present their malice and to provide still for the public good
of our country of Normandy and the country which we have
conquered, money of equal value with the said money, we
have lately, with great deliberation, ordered to be struck in
our mints many deniers of gold and silver, that is to say,
deniers of fine gold called salutes, current for 25 sols, demi-
salutes current for 12 sols 6 deniers tournois, deniers blancs
called doubles current for 2 deniers tournois and pet its deniers
blancs current for one denier tournois ; and we order that the
ecus d'or struck for the future by our said father-in-law in his
mints shall be current for 22 sols 6 deniers tournois and the
moutons lately struck in the mints of our said father-in-law
and of ourselves for 15 sols tournois, the nobles struck by us
in England for 45 sols tournois, the half nobles for 22 sols 6
deniers tournois and the quarter nobles for 1 1 sols 3 deniers
tournois and the gros which have been struck in the mints
owning allegiance to our father-in-law and ourselves, formerly
current for 20 deniers tournois and a short time ago reduced
to 5 deniers tournois, from the date of the publication hereof
shall be current for 2 deniers and a maille tournois."

Similar letters were addressed to all the bailiffs of
Normandy.

11 Rot. Norm., m. 17 dorso.

192 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.

The author of the life of Charles VI (Pierre de
Fenin) 12 says, " King Henry struck small co\ns called
doubles, worth 3 mailles. These were commonly called
niquets. There was not at that period any other money,
and when one had 100 florins' worth of them, it was
a man's burden. It was a good money for its price ;
however he struck blancs doubles."

This completes the records of the coinage of Henry V.

We may summarize the results of these records as
follows : —

Soon after January 19, 1419, the mint at Kouen was
established, and the mouton d'or and gros d'argent were
struck. The demi-gros was also struck, possibly at a
temporary mint, before this date.

On September 25, 1419, the order was issued that
all coins should bear an Ti in the centre of the cross
on the reverse. The mouton d'or, and the quart de
gros, mansois, and petit denier were struck.

On January 12, 1420, the ecu d'or and the gros
with leopard supporters were issued. The ecu d'or is
not known at present.

On April 14, 1420, the mint at St. L6 was opened,
and the gros with leopard supporters was struck.

On May 6, 1420, a new gold coinage was ordered,
but probably never issued. A new type of gros and
demi-gros were issued.

On June 16, 1420, the gros with leopard supporters
and the legend " Heres Francie " was struck.

On November 20, 1421, the salute and demi-salute,
double tournois and denier tournois were issued. The
demi-salute is not known at present.

12 See Leblanc, p. 243.

ANGLO-GALLIC COINS. 193

We will now pass on to a description of the coins.

GOLD COINAGE.
Mouton d'Or.

First Issue. January 19, I4=l^-Se^tember 25, 1419.

*fi<3n, g oeu g QVI TOLL paafi mvpi miset

RO BIS. Stops, annulets; pellet below D of
mVDI (20th letter). Paschal Lamb to 1.,
within a tressure of ten arches ; beaded inner
circle. hP _ RX below, divided by the staff
of the banner. The banner is waving in the
wind and ends in two points ; the staff is
surmounted by a small cross.

Bev — *XPC( • VINCUT • XPCX • RSSMfiT • XPd •
INPQRfiT. Stops, quatrefoils ; pellet below P
in 3rd XP<X (20th letter). Cross fleury within
a quatrefoil compartment, with fleurs-de-lis
in spandrils ; no inner circle. Fleur-de-lis in
1st and 4th angles ; leopard passant guardant
to 1. in 2nd and 3rd angles. Quatrefoil
compartment enclosing a rosette in centre of
cross.

Wt. 39-2 grs. [PI. VIII. 1.]

British Museum.

The full weight of this coin is 42'3 grains. The pellet
under the 20th letter was the mint-mark of Kouen
under Charles VI. Henry subsequently altered the
mint-mark to a pellet under the 1st letter of the
legends, to signify that Rouen was his first or principal
mint.

This coin is not very common, but it is the commonest
of Henry's gold coins. Poey d'Avant describes two
specimens in the French National Collection, and there
was one specimen in the Montagu Collection.13

13 Lot 349 in the Montagu Catalogue is the Mouton of the second
issue.

yOL. XII., SERIES IV. O

194 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.

Second Issue. September 25, 14=19- January 12, 1420.

Obv.— *7N3n o D6(l o QVI TOLL 0 PQCm 2 fllVDI

JTIISS § nOBIS. Stops, annulets; pellet
under 20th letter. Type as first issue ;
ftp RX. below the Lamb.

Bev.— *XPC( • VIHCCIT • XPd . R6(6HAT • XPCX •
INP6(RfiT. Stops, quatrefoils; pellet under
20th letter. Type as first issue, but Ti in
centre of cross.

Wt. 38-2 grs. [PL VIII. 2.]

Bernard Roth Collection.

This coin is from the Montagu (lot 349) and O'Hagan
(lot 664) Collections.

This type is extremely rare. There is a specimen in
the French National Collection, which is described by
de Saulcy. He says it weighs 38'7 grains and has no
mint-mark.

I will here describe a niouton d'or which has been
attributed to Henry V, and I will then give my reasons
for considering that the attribution is a wrong one. I
have dealt with the matter somewhat fully, as it has
already been the subject of much controversy, and it
will be as well to set out the arguments here.

The attribution is based on a manuscript in the
archives of the Mint at Paris, known as Poullain's
manuscript. De Saulcy (op. cit., p. 75) quotes this
manuscript as follows : —

" Item, feist faire ledit Henri moutonnetz de pareille fa£on
de ceulx de France que faisoit faire le roy Charles VI6 a Paris,
le 20e jour d'octobre 1422, et les moutons lisoient Henricus,
et avoient trois 6C sur la banniere du niouton et sont a 22
caratz."

He adds that the illustration accompanying this note

ANGLO-GALLIC COINS. 195

is very defective. In the field below the lamb, h — R
only can be read ; the cross is surmounted by a trefoil,
and the banner has two points and is waving in the
wind (enroulee).

I have unfortunately been unable to inspect this
manuscript myself. The date is evidently wrong, as it
is after Henry's death.

M. Adrien de Longperier, in an article in the Numis-
matic Chronicle, 1st Series, Vol. XII, p. 8, gives the
wording of the manuscript as follows :

" Item, fit ouvrer ledit Henry en la meme annee (1415), en
les monnoyes de Normandie, moutonnets pareils a ceux du roy
Charles, la grande croix de devers la croix anglee de quatre
fleur-de-lys. Et ont ete faits a 22 karats et pour difference
ont trois C sur la banniere."

He adds that on the manuscript are drawings,
posterior to the text, and often inexact. This mouton
is figured with one C on the streamer of the banner, and
two others, placed thus : — C o, at the extremities of the
cross at the head of the staff. The horizontal arms of
the cross cut these letters and give them the appearance
of two a's.

The mouton which has been attributed to Henry V
on the authority of this manuscript may be described
as follows : —

Obv. — **<3ri • oen • QVI • TOLIS . peras • mvoi .

mise( • ROB. Stops, pellets; annulet under
n of ft (oft. Paschal Lamb to 1., looking back-
wards, with nimbus ; within a tressure of
nine arches. The staff of the banner is
headed thus gj^. The banner ends in three
points. hRU_RG(X below the Lamb, divided
by the staff of the banner.

196 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.

VinCUT • XPd • R6«3n,KT •
INPetRTTT. Stops, pellets; annulet below X
of first XPCX. Cross fleury within quatrefoil
compartment, with a fleur-de-lis in each
spandril ; no inner circle. A fleur-de-lis in
each angle, rosette in centre.

Wt. 38-7 grs. [PI. VIII. 3.]

British Museum.

This coin occurs with the annulet below the first,
second, and third letters of the legends, on the obverse
and reverse. It is commoner than either of the
rnoutons of Henry described above.

M. Adrien de Longperier, in his article quoted above,
ascribed these moutons to Henry Y, and his reasons
for so doing appear in the article. Doubts on this
attribution are expressed by M. Poey d'Avant and
M. de Saulcy. M. le Comte de Castellane in an
article in the Annuaire de la Societe Frangaise de Numis-
matique for 1896 (p. 465), entitled Restitution a Charles
Dauphin, fils de Charles VI de moutons attribues a Henri
V d'Angleterre, has, to my mind conclusively, proved
that the attribution of M. de Longperier is wrong.

Before discussing M. le Comte de Castellane's article,
I may say that on all specimens of this coin which I
have examined, the legend below the Lamb on the
obverse is capable of being read as fcRL instead of TiRi.
On some specimens it is quite clearly fcRL, and indeed
it is so rendered in the Murdoch Catalogue. It is very
easy to mistake a "ft for an Ti and an b for an I. Indeed,
in many cases, the legend is given in catalogues as hRll,
the second I being clearly the upward stroke at the
end of the U

We will now examine the reasoning by which M. le

ANGLO-GALLIC COINS. 197

Cointe de Castellane arrives at his conclusion that these
coins were struck by Charles the Dauphin, the son of
Charles VI.

If these moutons were struck by Henry V, they must
have been issued either at his mints of Kouen or St. L6,
after the final conquest of Normandy and the organiza-
tion of the mints ; or else at some temporary mint before
the fall of Kouen.

Kouen fell on January 19, 1419, and we have seen
(p. 184) that Henry, after his entry into Kouen, ordered
moutons to be struck " in the form and manner in which
they were made before our said conquest and entry."

At the date of the fall of Kouen, moutons were being
struck by Charles VI under a Koyal Ordinance dated
October 21, 1417, which provided that, in order to
distinguish them from the previous issue, they should
have on the obverse a little cross at the top of the staff
bearing the flag, where formerly there was a trefoil, and
on the reverse a little cross in one of the angles instead
of a fleur-de-lis.

The mouton of the first issue of Henry V described
above has a cross at the top of the staff bearing the flag.
The leopard takes the place of the cross in one of the
angles on the reverse.

After September 25, 1419, all moutons bear an h in
the centre of the cross on the reverse (see p. 184). The
niouton of the second issue described above fulfils this
condition.

The moutons of both the first and the second issues
bear a pellet below the 20th letters of the legends.
This was the distinguishing mark for the mint of
Kouen under Charles VI, and was continued by Henry
for some time.

198 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.

The issue of inoutons was discontinued on January 12,
1420, when the ecu d'or was issued.

St. L6 was taken by the Duke of Gloucester on March
12, 1418, but the mint was not opened there by Henry
until April 14, 1420 (see p. 187). This was subsequent
to the issue of the ecu d'or.

It is therefore impossible to attribute the moutons
under discussion to the mints of Kouen or St. L6.

Were they struck at some temporary mint before the
fall of Kouen? If so, they must have been issued
between August 1, 1417, when Henry landed in France
(see p. 180), and October 21, 1417, the date when
Charles VI altered the type of the French moutons.

These moutons always occur with the distinguishing
mark of an annulet below the 1st, 2nd, or 3rd letters of
the legends. We have seen that this was the method
then used in France for distinguishing the place of
mintage. At this date, these distinguishing marks were
those in use for the mints of Cremieu, Komans, and
Mirabel, in the Dauphiny. It is known that Charles
the Dauphin struck moutons at these mints. There are
records showing that 12;600 were struck at Cremieu,
17,400 at Komans, and 5000 at Mirabel. It is interesting
to note that of these disputed moutons which I have
seen, the majority have the annulet under the 2nd letter,
and no specimen was known with the annulet under the
3rd letter until 1897, when one was discovered in a
hoard of Koyal coins in the department of Cher, from
which it passed into the collection of M. de Marcheville.

These disputed moutons therefore exactly comply
with all the requisites of the moutons struck by Charles
the Dauphin at this period at his three mints in the
Dauphiny. It is inconceivable to think that Henry

ANGLO-GALLIC COINS. 199

struck them, as M. Adrien de Longperier seems to imply,
at Harfleur in 1415. He was only there from September
22 till October 8. He could not have done so anywhere
else on his march from Harfleur to Calais. It is scarcely
more probable that he struck them in the early part of
his second invasion, as he only sailed for France on
August 1, 1417, and did not take Caen until September 4.
The moutons of this type are much more numerous than
those which Henry undoubtedly struck at Rouen, and I
feel convinced that they were not the product of any
temporary mint.

I have thought it well to go into this question fully, as
these coins have been persistently attributed to Henry,
and ought not to be rejected without full consideration.

Ecu d'Or.

This coin was ordered to be struck on January 12, 1420,
but no specimen has been found at present. The type
was to be as follows : —

HENRICVS DEI GRfi • FRfiNCIE • E

A shield bearing the arms of France and
England.

XPC • VINCIT • XPC • RESN7TT • XPC • IMPERfiT.
A cross with leopards and fleurs-de-lis in
alternate angles. Ti in centre.

It was to be current for 24 gros, or two francs.

Denier d'Or.

This coin is likewise unknown and was probably never
issued. The ordinance, which provides for its issue, is
dated May 6, 1420, and states that the types and dies
will be sent later. There is, however, no record of the
types and dies ever having been sent.

200 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.

Salute d'Or.

Olv.— *h9HR x DQI * 6Rfi * RQX *

Stops, sal tires. The Annunciation
of the Angel Gabriel to the Virgin Mary.
The Angel is on the 1. and the Virgin on the
r., with a crowned shield bearing the arms of
France and England quarterly bet ween them,
surmounted by the word 7W8 on a scroll, to
which the Angel points ; sun and rays above.
The whole within a beaded inner circle.

• VIMCUT • XPCX' • RQSklrtT • XPCC •
IHPQRAT. Stops, mullets. Cross calvary,
with fleur-de-lis to 1. and leopard passant
guardant to r. ; h below, all within a tressure
of ten arches with fleurs-de-lis at the angles.
The whole within a beaded inner circle.

Wt. 60 grs. [PL VIII. 4.]

British Museum.

This coin, which is in mint state, was purchased at
the Kichardson sale (lot 87). Its full weight is 64'4
grains, and it was current for 25 sols tournois. It was
struck in pursuance of the ordinance of November 20,
1421.

There is another specimen in the Bibliotheque
Rationale, and a third specimen was in the Murdoch
Collection (PI. xi. 385).

Only three specimens were known to de Saulcy, namely,
the specimen in the French National Collection, one in
the collection of M. Fabre, and one which he states was
in the British Museum. He is, however, mistaken in
supposing that one was in the British Museum, as no
specimen was there before Mr. Bichardson's coin was
purchased.

From a manuscript in the French National Archives,14

14 Arch. Nationaks, reg. Z 1B, 3, 8 r°.

ANGLO-GALLIC COINS. 201

it appears that on March 22, 1423, "it was said of one
Johan Marcel, lately master of the mint at Rouen, that
his trial boxes of gold had been found of too much alloy.
One trial box of December 16, 1421, to January 10,
1423, where there were 104 salutes ordered to be made
of fine gold, with J karat alloy, was found to be with
^ karat alloy."

This trial box of 104 salutes represents an issue of
20,800 pieces. The salute of Henry V must be meant,
as Henry YI did not strike salutes before February 6,
1423. Perhaps the rarity of Henry V's salutes is due to
the fact that, as this issue of 20,800 pieces was not up
to the standard fineness, they were withdrawn from
circulation on the issue by Henry VI of salutes which
were up to standard fineness.

The same manuscript also states that during the time
that Loys de Cormeilles held the mint of St. L6, he had
made a trial box of gold, from May 22, 1422, to
October 26, 1422, containing 12 salutes, which were ^4
karat below standard fineness. This represents an issue
of 2400 of these salutes at the St. L6 Mint.

Demi-salute d'Or.

This coin was ordered to be issued at the same date as
the salute d'or, but no specimen has as yet been met
with.

SILVER COINAGE.

Gros.

First Issue. January 19, 1419-September 25, 1419.
Rouen.

i. Obv. — ^hetnmavs : FRHnaoRv ; RSX. stops,

pellets; pellet under the V of FRKkiaORV
(16th letter). Three fleurs-de-lis surmounted
by a crown, within a plain inner circle.

202 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.

Bev — *SIT : nome( : Dm : BSMflDiaTV. Stops,
pellets. Cross fleur-de-lisee, crown in 1st
quarter, leopard passant to 1. in 4th quarter.
Wt. 45-7 grs. [PI. VIII. 5.]

My Collection.

This coin was also known as the florette, or royal. Its
full weight was 50*8 grains, and it was current for
20 deniers tournois. The English noble was current for
48 gros, and the franc for 12 gros. It is quite common.

Under Charles VI, the mint-mark was a pellet under
the 15th letter of the legends, that is, under the V of
FRAMCXQRV in the legend KKROLVS FRSHaORV REX.
These gros were struck by Henry immediately after his
capture of Kouen, and the moneyers continued to place
the mint-mark under the V, oblivious of the fact that
hQRRiavs had one more letter in it than KSROLVS, and
that the V was consequently the 16th letter.

2. As No. 1, but a pellet between two of the fleurs-de-lis
on the obverse, and below the D of BeCHQDiaTV
(15th letter) on the reverse.

Wt. 43'7 grs. British Museum.

Second Issue. January 12, I4=20-May 6, 1420.
Rouen.

Ofa?.— ^hsriRiavs ; FRsnaoRv ; RSX. Stops,

pellets; pellet under V of FRAkiaORV.
Three fleurs-de-lis surmounted by a crown
and supported by a leopard rampant on
either side ; the whole within a plain inner
circle.

nom8 j Dm j BQkietDiaTV. Stops,
pellets; pellet under the D of BaHGCDiaTV.
Cross fleur-de-lisee, crown in 1st quarter,
leopard passant to 1. in 4th quarter ; h in
centre of cross ; the whole within a plain
inner circle.

Wt. ±7-7 grs. [PI. VIII. 6.]

British Museum.

ANGLO-GALLIC COINS. 203

This coin is fairly common. Its full weight is the
same as that of the previous issue, and it was current for
the same amount.

St. L6.

The mint at St. L6 was not opened until April 14,
1420. The gros of this issue was ordered to be struck
there on April 18. The mint-mark was to be a pellet
under the 2nd letters of the legends. Probably at this
date, too, the mint-mark of Rouen was altered to a pellet
under the 1st letters of the legends. The Treaty of
Troyes was on the point of being signed, and Henry
probably then decided on these mint- marks to designate
the 1st and 2nd mints of the Duchy of Normandy.

I have not met with any gros of this issue of the St.
L6 Mint.

Third Issue. May 6, 1420-Jiwe 16, 1120.
Rouen.

Obv.— *h : R6(X i KHGUS : Z j hSRSS | RRKMCUS.
Stops, pellets ; pellet under 1st letter of
legend. Leopard passant guardant to 1., two
fleurs-de-lis with pellet between them above,
one fleur-de-lis below ; the whole surmounted
by a crown and within a plain inner circle.

Rev. — *SIT i riomecn ; oomim : BetnecDicrrvm.

Stops, pellets; pellet under 1st letter of
legend. Cross fleur-de-lisee, with ft in
quatrefoil compartment in centre ; the whole
within a plain inner circle.
Wt. 42-9 grs. [PI. VIII. 7.]

British Museum.

This gros must be the coin struck in accordance with
the ordinance of May 6, 1420, although it bears the title
of "Heres Francie" and the Treaty of Troyes was not
signed until May 21, 1420. It cannot be assigned to
any subsequent issue, and the negotiations for the treaty

204 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.

would have been sufficiently advanced to enable the
dies with the new titles to be prepared. It is also an
extremely rare coin, and it will be noticed that this issue
was very soon superseded.

Its full weight is 47*1 grains, a slight reduction from
the previous issue. It was current for the same amount.

It will be noticed that the mint-mark has been altered
to a pellet below the 1st letters of the legends.

There is another specimen in the Bibliotheque
Rationale, and one was sold at the Murdoch sale
(PL xi. 395), which had been successively in the Hender-
son, Dimsdale, Thomas, Sparkes, Wigan, Marshain, and
Richardson collections.

St. L6.

Same legends and type as the gros of Rouen, bub
pellets under the 2nd letters of the legends on
obverse and reverse. The workmanship is not so
good as that of the Rouen coin.

Wfc. 39'5 grs. (pierced). British Museum.

Fourth Issue. June 16, UZQ-Novemler 20, 1421.

Rouen.

Obv— m.m. leopard, h : RSX : KMSLiet : 2 : hQRSS :
FRflMC(l6(. Stops, pellets ; annulet under 1st
letter of legend. Type exactly similar to
gros of 2nd Issue.

Rev. — m.m. leopard. SIT : nomQ : DHI : BQMQDiaTV.
Stops, pellets; annulet under 1st letter of
legend. Type exactly similar to gros of
second issue.

Wt. 32 grs. [PI. VIII. 8.]

My Collection.

The full weight of this coin was 40*6 grains, a consider-
able reduction from the former issues. It was current
for the same amount. It is identical with the coins
of the second issue, with the exception of the legend,

ANGLO-GALLIC COINS. 205

altered in conformity with the Treaty of Troyes and the
new mint-mark for Kouen. The leopard, too, takes the
place of the cross at the beginning of the legends.

This gros is fairly common.

St. L6.

The ordinance of June 16, 1420, which provides for
the issue of this gros was also addressed to the Mint
at St. L6, but I have not come across any gros of this
issue bearing the St. L6 mint-mark.

Demi-gros, or Guenar. *

First issue. September, 1417 (?).
Caen.

Obv.— *h6(RRia 8 Dl 8 6 8 FRSMC(ORV 8 REX. Stops,
annulets enclosing pellets. Shield bearing
the arms of France, pellet between the two
top fleurs-de-lis. The whole within a plain
inner circle.

ReVt — »I«SIT 8 nomet 8 oni 8 BSMecDicrrv. Stops,

annulets enclosing pellets; sun below the
cross. Plain cross pattee with fleur-de-lis in
1st and 4th angles and crown in 2nd and 3rd
angles ; the whole within a plain inner circle.

Wt. 41 grains. [PI. VIII. 9.]

My Collection.

From the Hazlitt Collection (PI. xv. 1185).

This is an extremely rare and very interesting coin.
M. de Saulcy describes a specimen in the collection
of M. Gariel, weighing 40*8 grains, and there is a
specimen in the Bibliotheque Rationale weighing
45-8 grains. M. de Saulcy states that there was a
specimen in the collection of M. Fabre, but as the
French National Collection did not possess a specimen
at the date of his book, it is possible that these are the
same coin. M. de Saulcy thought that the British
Museum possessed a specimen, but that is not the case.

206 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.

He also states that some years prior to 1878 an enormous
find of demi-gros, or blancs of 10 deniers tournois, of
Charles VI was carefully examined by M. Quandale, and
that it furnished three or four specimens at most of a
demi-gros of Henry V previously unknown. They
promptly passed into public and private collections,
and since then no more have been found.

To what date are we to assign the issue of this demi-
gros ? This subject has been dealt with by M". le Cornte
de Castellane in an article in the Revue Numismatique
Frangaise for 1895 (pp. 557 ff.). He considers that this
coin was struck at Caen for the following reasons : —

On January 19, 1419, Henry completed his conquest
of Normandy by the capture of Kouen. He immediately
ordered the issue of moutons and gros of the types and
in the manner in which they had been struck before his
conquest. At that date the coins of Charles VI were
issued there under the ordinance of October 21, 1417,
and the silver " etaient ouvrees sur le pied 60e."

On September 25, 1419, Henry continues this issue
and completes it by striking demi-gros, quarts de gros,
doubles tournois and deniers, and orders that all these
coins, moutons, gros, demi-gros, quarts de gros, mansois
(doubles tournois), and deniers should have an h in the
centre of the cross on the reverse.

This coin cannot, therefore, have been struck at
Kouen, as it bears no h. Still less can it have been
struck at St. Lo, where the mint was not opened until
April, 1420.

A manuscript15 preserved in the Bibliotheque
Nationale contains the following entry: —

15 Ms. Fr. 5920.

ANGLO-GALLIC COINS. 207

" Blans fais a Caen, au soleil au bout de la croix $
sont a 3d. 16gr."

Henry invaded Normandy on August 1, 1417. He
took Caen on September 4 following. At that date the
French regal coins were struck under the ordinance of
May 10, 1417, and the silver coins " etaient frappees
sur le pied 40e." That is the " titre " of this coin.

If Henry struck coins for his troops at Caen
immediately, he would probably have followed the type
and weight of those th$n current there. This demi-
gros is of a pure French type, without any modification
whatever.

This coin was, therefore, probably struck at Caen
in September, 1417, immediately after its capture
by Henry, and is the first piece issued by him in
France.

I think we may accept the Comte de Castellane's
reasoning. It will be recollected that the type of the
quart de gros ordered to be issued by the ordinance
of September 25, 1419, was to be "similar to that
of the demi-gros." The quart de gros struck in pur-
suance of that ordinance is similar in type to this demi-
gros, but with two very important modifications. The
first is, that it bears an h in the centre as ordered by the
ordinance, and the second is that in two of the angles
on the reverse are a crown and a leopard, and the other
two angles are empty.

It might be argued that this demi-gros was struck
at Kouen before September 25, 1419, but if this
were the case, we should expect to find the crown and
leopard in the angles of the reverse, as on the quart de
gros, whereas we have two fleurs-de-lis and two crowns.
The gros struck before September 25, 1419, also has

208 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.

a crown and a leopard in the angles of the reverse,
which is an additional reason for expecting the same on
any demi-gros struck during that period.

The weight, too, is against the argument that this
demi-gros was issued at the same period as the first issue
of gros. The full weight of the gros was 50*8 grains.
The full weight of this demi-gros must have been very
nearly as much.

I think, therefore, that the evidence is in favour of
this coin having been issued at Caen in September, 1417.
It cannot have been struck at Kouen after Septem-
ber 19, 1419, and it does not correspond with the
gros struck there before that date. On the other hand,
it does correspond with the French regal demi-gros
struck at Caen at the date of Henry's capture of that
town.

Second Issue. May 6, 1420-Jwwe 16, 1420.

The ordinance of May 6, 1420, which provided for the
issue of the gros of the third issue (see p. 203) at Kouen
and St. L6, also provided for an issue of derni-gros current
for 10 deniers tournois and weighing 23*5 grains. They
were to be struck in the proportion of one to every two
gros. Only very few specimens of the gros are known,
and the demi-gros has not yet been discovered.

Quart de Gros.

fiaMRiaVS . FRKMaORV . R6(X. Stops, pellets.
Shield bearing the arms of France within
beaded inner circle.

nosnet . oni - BaMQDicrrv. Stops,

pellets. Cross patt^e, h in centre, within
beaded inner circle; crown in 1st quarter,
leopard passant in 4th quarter.

Wt. 23-4 grs. Renault Collection (?).

ANGLO-GALLIC COINS. 209

This coin was struck in pursuance of the ordinance of
September 25, 1419. It is unique, and was published
by Poey d'Avant (PI. Ixviii, 16), who states that it was
found in Normandy and that it was in the Museum of
Avranches. M. Kenault communicated it to him. M. de
Saulcy states that he was unable to find it in the Museum
at Avranches, and assumes that it must be in the private
•collection of M. Kenault.

The full weight of the coin is 25*39 grains, and it was
struck at the rate of 160 to the mark. It was current
for 5 deniers tournois.

Mansois, or Double Tournois.

First Issue. September 25, 1419.

1. Obv.— ^TiGRRIQVS - FRfiCCORV REX. Stop, pellet;

annulet under the S of h6HRIC(VS. Three
fleurs-de-lis within an inner circle.

Rev.— mon, I ETfi | DVP | LEX | . Cross pattee, each
limb terminated by a fleur-de-lis, which pierces
an inner circle and divides the legend. An
"h within a circular compartment in the centre
of the cross.

M. le Chevalier d'Achon's Collection.

2. As No. 1, but the obverse legend ends RE.

M. le Chevalier d'Achon's Collection.

This coin was unknown to de Saulcy and was published
by M. le Chevalier d'Achon in the Gazette Numismatique
Frangaise for 1897 (p. 299). The author states that, some
years previous to that date, he had obtained five speci-
mens of the coin from a find in Normandy. They are all
badly engraved and struck, and on none are the legends
complete, but they show the two varieties described
above. On the first, the cross on the obverse at the

VOL. XII., SERIES IV. P

210 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.

commencement of the legend is very thin ; and on the
second the X is omitted from the word REX, both faults
being due to lack of space.

The five examples weigh together 71*87 grains, an
average of 14-37 grains. The full weight was 20'31
grains, or 200 to the mark.

The mansois was current for two deniers tournois, that
is, the same as the coin usually known as the Double
Tournois. M. le Comte de Castellane makes some in-
teresting remarks on the use of the term mansois in his
article on the denier tournois of September 25, 1419,
cited below (p. 212). He tells us that during the
feudal period a denier of the coinage issued by the
Counts of Maine was worth two deniers of Anjou or two
deniers tournois, their equivalent. Consequently, one
could say that a denier of Maine, or mansois, was in fact
a double tournois. Although in 1419, the coinage of
money in Maine had been stopped for a long time, one
sees the tradition preserved intact. The ordinance of
September 25, in fact, employs most judiciously the
word mansois to indicate a double tournois, while it
terms a petit denier the coin which was to be current for
one denier tournois.

Second Issue. November 20, 1421.
Rouen.

1. Obv.— *h i R0X : KMGL : hetRQS : FRfiHC(. Stops,
pellets ; pellet under 1st letter of legend.
Leopard, crowned, passant guardant to 1.,
fleur-de-lis above ; the whole within a.
beaded inner circle.

ROMS : Dm • B6(He(DiaTV. Stops^
pellets; pellet under first letter of legend.

ANGLO-GALLIC COINS. 211

Cross pattee, Ti within a quatrefoil compart-
ment in centre ; the whole within a beaded
inner circle.

Wt. 31 5 grs. [PI. VIII. 10.]

My Collection.

The full weight of this coin was 36'08 grains and it
was current for two deniers tournois. It is quite common.

2. Obv.— RSX : fiMSL : h6(R6(S : FRAHaOR. Type as
* last.

Rev. — As last.

Wt. 35-1 grs. M. de Saulcy's Collection.

I have a specimen in my collection with this curious
obverse legend.

St. L6.

Obv. — *Ti i RSX j KMGL : "hetRSS j FRfiMCf. Stops,
pellets ; pellet under 2nd letter of legend.
Type as last.

Bev. — *S[T : ROMS : DHI : BSHSDiaTV. Stops,
pellets; pellet under 2nd letter of legend.
Type as last.

Wt. 33 grs. British Museum.

Petit Denier, or Denier Tournois.

First Issue. September 25, 1419.

Obv.— *T\etoRiavS o Re(X. Stop, annulet. Two
fleurs-de-lis within an inner circle.

Rev.— *TVROMVS o CUVIS. Stop, annulet; annulet
under the S of TVROHVS. Cross pattee, with
"h within a circular compartment in the centre,
within an inner circle.

Wt. 10-6 grs.

M. le Chevalier d'Achon's Collection.

This coin, which was unknown to M. de Saulcy, was

212 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.

published by M. le Comte de Castellane in the Gazette
Numismatique Frangaise for 1902 (p. 121). It was found
in Normandy some years previous to that date.

The full weight was 13'5 grains, or 300 to the mark.
It was current for one denier tournois.

Second Issue. November 20, 1421.
Rouen.

RSX. Stop, pellet; pellet under
1st letter of legend. Leopard, crowned,
passant guardant, to 1., within beaded inner
circle.

t — 0TVR |OnV|Sai|VIS|. Annulet at begin-
ning of legend, pellet under 1st letter. Long
cross extending to edge of coin, Ti in centre ;
beaded inner circle.

Wt. 13-8 grs. My Collection.

The full weight of this coin was 18 grains, or 225 to
the mark. It is fairly common.

St. L6.

. — ^TiQriRiavS o RQX. Stop, annulet; pellet
under 2nd letter of legend. Type as last.

. — ©TVR | OriV I S ai I VIS. Annulet enclosing
pellet at beginning of legend; pellet under
2nd letter. Long cross pattee with h in
centre as on last ; plain inner circle.

Wt. 15 grs. [PL VIII. 11.]

My Collection.

LIONEL M. HEWLETT.

(To be continued.)

XI.
THE QUARTER-ANGEL OF JAMES I.

THROUGH the liberality of Mr. Alexander Mann, the
British Museum has recently acquired a very remarkable
piece belonging to the English coinage. It is a quarter-
angel of James I, the existence of which till a short
time ago was unknown to numismatists. The coin was
purchased by Mr. Mann at a sale, which took place at
the rooms of Messrs. Sotheby, Wilkinson & Hodge, on
Monday, November 14, 1910 (lot 64). It had been the
property of Mr. John Ellinan Brown, who had formed a
small and miscellaneous collection of Greek, Roman,
Anglo-Saxon, and English coins and medals. It is very
strange that this piece, which is at present unique,
should have been hidden away amongst a number of
coins of no particular interest. The owner, judging by
the rest of his collection, probably picked it up by
chance and never realized its importance.

This coin, of which a figure is given above, may be
described as follows : —

214 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.

Obv. — The Archangel, St. Michael, standing to front
with his r. foot on the Dragon, into whose
jaws he thrusts his spear. Leg. IACOBVS •
D'. G'. AN'. SC'. FR'. ET. HI'. REX; m.m. lis.

Rev. — The royal shield quarterly : 1 and 4, England
and France ; 2, Scotland ; 3, Ireland. Leg.
TVEATVR - VNITA • DEVS; m.m. lis.

A7. Size, -7 in. Wt. 19-6 grs.

The inscription on the obverse, which gives the titles of
King of England, Scotland, France, and Ireland, at once
identifies this coin with the first issues of James I, as
on October 20, 1604, he assumed the titles of King of
Great Britain, France, and Ireland, and ordered that this
style should be used upon all his coins. This quarter-
angel was, therefore, struck at some time between March
24, 1602/3, the date of James's accession to the throne
of England, and October 20 of the following year, a
period of one year and seven months ; but, as we shall
see, it will be possible to reduce very considerably the
actual time during which this coin was struck.

On May 20, 1603, the King renewed the indentures
with Sir Richard Martin and his son Richard as master
and worker of the Mint, which had previously been made
with them by Elizabeth on September 28 in the one and
fortieth year of her reign (1599). This appointment
was for the period of their natural lives, with remainder to
the survivor. Under the terms of these indentures, Sir
Richard Martin and his son were ordered to " make and
coyne of such gold as shall be delivered to them for that
purpose three manner of moneys of gold ; that is to say,
one piece thereof to be called the Angel running for ten
shillings of which three score and thirteen should go to
every Ib. weight of Troy ; and one other piece, which

THE QUARTER-ANGEL OF JAMES I. 215

shall be called the Angelet, half of the Angel, running
for five shillings, of which one hundred and forty-six
should go to every Ib. weight of Troy ; and the third
piece which shall be called the quarter-angel, running
for two shillings and sixpence, of which two hundred
four score and twelve should go to the Ib. weight of
Troy. Further it was ordered that every pound weight of
Troy of these monies of gold should hold their number
and be in value thirty-six Pounds and ten shillings of
sterling and shall be in fineness at the co-mixture
melting down and casting out of the same into Ingots
twenty and three carats three grains and a half of fine
gold, and half a grain of alloy to the pound weight of
Troy, which twenty-three carats three grains and a half
of fine gold and half a grain of alloy is the old right
standard of the moneys of gold in England." The other
gold coins which were ordered to be made under these
indentures were the sovereign, half-sovereign, crown or
quarter-sovereign, and half-crown or eighth-sovereign.
These were, however, to be of crown gold, which con-
tained 22 carats of fine gold and 2 carats of alloy.

These standard gold coins were the sanie as were
ordered by indenture in the forty-third year (1601) of
Elizabeth. They were to be of the same current values
also ; the only variations being that the title of King of
Scotland was to be added to the royal style and the
arms of Scotland were to be placed in the second quarter
of the shield, and those of Ireland, which now appeared
for the first time upon the money, in the third quarter.

The fact that none of these angels and their parts
were known to exist at the present time led to the sup-
position that the part of the indenture to Sir Richard
Martin and his son relating to the angel gold had never

216 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.

been carried out; and as no diligent search had so far been
made amongst the public records and those at the mint,
Kenyon 1 says, " this first coinage (i.e. of James I) con-
sisted of sovereigns, half-sovereigns, crowns and half-
crowns, all of which have for mint-mark the Scottish
thistle. They were made of 'crown ' gold and are all rare."

Having supplied the details of the orders and
indentures under which these angel gold coins were to
be struck, we will now see if we have any further evidence
of their actual issue, for it is only the smallest of the
three denominations which is at present known to us.

Omitting all reference to the silver money for the
sake of brevity, it may help if I give in as few words
as possible the chief events relating to the gold currency
subsequent to the indentures of May 21, 1603, appoint-
ing Sir Kichard Martin and his son master and worker
at the Mint, down to June, 1605.

June 7, 1603.— Trial of the pyx in the Star Chamber
of Elizabethan gold coins with m.m. 2, comprising
angels, halves, and quarters in fine standard, and twenty
shillings, ten shillings, five shillings and half-crowns in
the crown standard (22 carats).

March 13, 1604. — The King and Queen shortly after
their coronation visited the Mint and struck coins for
distribution.

May 22, 1604. — Trial of the pyx, comprising gold
coins in the crown standard only of the four
denominations, with the mint-mark thistle, weighing
33J sovereigns to the pound.

October 20, 1604. — James assumes the title of King of
Great Britain, &c.

1 Gold Coins of England, p. 135.

THE QUARTER-ANGEL OF JAMES I. 217

November 11, 1604. — A new indenture is made with
Sir Kichard Martin and his son, Kichard, to coin gold of
the crown standard at the rate of £37 4s. to the pound
by tale.

November 16, 1604. — A proclamation is issued speci-
fying the new designs adopted for the coins under the
new indenture.

June 20, 1605.— Trial of a double pyx is held ; the
first was of coins of the fine and of the crown standard,
comprising pieces of all denominations struck under the
indenture of May 21, 1603, and bearing the mint-mark
" flower de luce." The second was of coins in crown gold
only struck under the indenture of November 11, 1604.
These also had the " flower de luce " mint-mark.

From the above synopsis it will be seen : (1) that the
trial of the pyx which took place on June 7, 1603, was
connected entirely with the gold coins of Elizabeth, and
included pieces of the two standards of gold, fine gold
and crown gold ; (2) that on March 13, 1604, the King
and Queen visited the Mint and struck coins for dis-
tribution ; (3) that again on May 22, 1604, a trial of the
pyx occurred, but the coins submitted for trial were of
crown gold only, and that no angels or parts were
included, consequently we may conclude that none had
been issued up to that date. These coins all bore the
mint-mark, a thistle, which was on that occasion changed
to the " flower de luce," a very important point in con-
nexion with the quarter- angel under consideration;
(4) that on October 20 of the same year James assumed
the title of King of Great Britain ; (5) that on November
11 following Sir Kichard Martin and his son were
ordered to strike coins of the crown standard gold only,
the types of which were announced by proclamation five

218 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.

days later, on November 16; and (6) that on June 20,
1605, at a trial of a double pyx, the coins of fine gold
included only those that were struck under the indenture
of May 21, 1603, bearing the mint-mark, a " flower de
luce " ; but that the coins of crown gold were those
issued under the indenture of November 11, 1604, also
bearing the mint-mark, a " flower de luce."

Taking these circumstances in connexion with the
quarter-angel now described for the first time, we can fix
its issue within a very narrow limit not exceeding six
months ; that is, between May 22, 1604, and the following
October 20. For our present purpose we need only take
the obverse legend and type. Here we have the titles of
King of England, Scotland, France, and Ireland which
were used on all the coins from James's accession till
October 20, 1604, when, as we have seen, James assumed
those of King of Great Britain, France, and Ireland.
This therefore puts the issue of our coin previous to that
date ; but we are able to reduce this period very con-
siderably, for the mint-mark on it is a " flower de luce,"
which as mentioned above, was adopted for the coinage
instead of the thistle mint-mark on May 22, 1604; so
that its issue must have occurred at some time between
that date and October 20 of the same year, a period of
five months.

We can now turn our attention to the type of the re-
verse, which is of a most unusual character. The obverse
type, the Archangel St. Michael and the Dragon, was
the original design for the angel and its parts, and it
remained so throughout their issue, since its institution by
Edward IV, and that of the reverse, a ship bearing a shield,
with the royal arms surmounted by a cross. The legend
on the obverse was always the name of the sovereign and

THE QUARTEK-ANGEL OF JAMES I. 219

his or her titles; but that on the reverse underwent
considerable variation. These we need not notice except to
mention that Mary adopted for her angels and half-angels
the legend, "A domino factum est istud et est mirabile,"
more or less abbreviated. Elizabeth followed her sister's
example, but on her quarter-angel completed her titles
" Et Hibernie Kegina Fidei." On the present coin this
stereotyped design is abandoned, and we have in its
place a plain royal shield and the legend " Tueatur unita
Deus." This design and legend are mere adaptations
from other coins. The shield is the same as that which
occurs on the twopence of James I of his first coinage
bearing the mint-marks, a thistle or a lis ; and the legend
is taken from the quarter-sovereign, which is of the same
date and issues. As compared with that of the obverse
the workmanship of the reverse is very inferior, almost
rude, and it gives one the impression that the die was
hurriedly made and for a particular purpose or occasion.
To account for this it has been suggested that perhaps
the angel and its parts were struck either on the occasion
of the King's coronation or on that of his visit with the
Queen to the Mint on March 13, 1604 ; but the presence
of the mint- mark, a " flower de luce," together with the
absence of any specimens from the trial of the Pyx
on May 22, 1604, renders this suggestion absolutely
impossible.

From the evidence of this quarter-angel and also from
that of contemporary documents, it may be taken as a
certainty that some time during 1604 the angel and the
half-angel were also struck ; but their non-existence, so
far as we are at present aware, and the great rarity of the
quarter-angel, would suggest that the coinage was a very
limited one. On this point also we are not without some

220 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.

information ; for Mr. Hocking tells me that in a con-
temporary manuscript at the Mint, which specifies the
amount coined in annual periods ending March 31, he
finds that 36 Ibs. of Angel coin was struck in 1603-42 and
9 Ibs. in 1604-5, making 45 Ibs. in all. The custom was
to set aside for the trial of the pyx one coin out of each
journey-weight (15 Ibs.) of gold pieces, and the fine gold
coins found in the pyx on June 20, 1605, amounted in all
to 17s. 6d. — that is to say, one angel, one half-angel, and
one quarter-angel — the three pieces corresponding in
number with what would be selected in the ordinary way
from 45 Ibs. of metal. From this there appears to have
been coined 15 Ibs. of metal of each denomination ; which
according to the information supplied in the indenture
of May 21, 1603, re-appointing Sir Richard Martin
and his son Eichard master and worker of the moneys,
would produce 1095 angels, 2190 half-angels, and 4380
quarter-angels. Of all this number at present we
know of only one specimen, and that of the smallest
denomination.

It seems impossible to account for the almost entire
disappearance of this issue. Mr. Hocking has, however,
suggested to me that it might have been caused by the
various proclamations for the substantial reduction in
weight of the coinages which were occasioned by the
desirability to correlate the English and Scottish moneys
or by way of the prevention of the prevalent practice of
culling out, melting, and transporting out of the country
the heavy coins. This known practice, coupled with the
fact of the short time that the coinage was in progress,

2 This date suggests that angel money with the mint-mark, a thistle,
though not known to exist, may also have been struck.

THE QUARTER-ANGEL OF JAMES I. 221

might be sufficient to account for the practical disappear-
ance of this issue. We know, however, that the quarter-
angel of James I was still in currency during the reign of
Charles I ; for there are in the National Collection two
specimens of a coin-weight, which were recently presented
by Dr. Parkes Weber, and which have on the obverse a
representation of St. Michael and the Dragon with the
name of James I, and on the reverse the marks of value
IIS iXDand the letter B, showing that they were made by
Nicholas Briot.3 Being, somewhat worn these weights
are each one grain under their full weight, viz. 18*6
grains instead of 19'6 grains. It may also be noted that
in a proclamation by Charles II dated August 26, 1661,
raising the value of the current coins, the half- angel and
the quarter-angel are named with the heavy angel ; but
the light angel is mentioned without its fractions, from
the circumstance that the last were never issued. When
James reduced the weight of the angel in 1619 he did
not continue the half-angels or quarter-angels, nor did
Charles I issue either of the smaller denominations.
The proclamation of Charles II, therefore, shows that
the existence of the quarter-angel was recognized so late
as 1661.

These quarter-angels besides referring to those of
James I may also have related to similar pieces of

3 In 1612 the current value of the angel was raised to 11s., so that the
quarter-angel was worth 2s. 9d. In 1619 the weight of the angel was
reduced and made current for 10s. This last piece is known as the
light angel. These coin-weights no doubt belong to the series which
were ordered by proclamation December 20, 1632. They were ordered
to be of a circular form and to bear certain marks by which they might
easily be known from the weights which were formerly used. Nicholas
Briot who made the dies for them was appointed chief engraver to the
Mint in the following year. — Ruding, Annals of the Coinage, vol. i. p. 386.

222 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.

Henry VIII and Elizabeth, who were the only other
sovereigns to strike this denomination. There were no
further issues, therefore, of the quarter-angel after 1604.
The angel was resumed by James in 1605 ; but the half-
angel was not reproduced till 1610. Charles I struck only
angels, and not later than 1634.

I cannot close this brief account of the newly dis-
covered quarter-angel of James I without expressing my
special thanks to Mr. Hocking who has supplied me with
most of the facts connected with its issue. Mr. Hocking's
knowledge of the records of the Mint is unfathomable,
and this knowledge is so frequently placed at the dis-
posal of others that they often obtain the credit which
is really due to him.

H. A. GRUEBER.

MISCELLANEA.

A RARE JEWISH Com.

COLLECTORS of Jewish coins are familiar with the rare large
brass pieces issued during the second and last revolt of the
Holy Nation against the Romans.

The general description is as follows : —

Obv. — Laurel-wreath joined by jewel; border of dots.
Rev. — Two-handled vase ; border of dots.

Vide Madden, Coins of the Jews, p. 203, 87 (wrongly attributed to
the first revolt), and p. 244, 39.

The former reads, on the obverse, within the wreath in
three lines—

224 NUMISMATIC CHKONICLE.

that is, "Simon Nasi (? Prince) of Israel;" and around the
type on the reverse —

rbxb

nn«

that is, " First Year of the Redemption of Israel."

The latter reads on the obverse, within the wreath, the
single word —

that is " Simon ; " and on the reverse, around the type —

£<7W3: qgt ^w

in1? IP

~\rh undoubtedly stands for TYTfk and would read, " Year two
of the Deliverance of Israel."

Judging from the analogy of the rest of the coinage, both
silver and copper, these coins should be overstruck, but extant
specimens show no traces of overstriking. The weight appears
to vary from 568 grains to 390 grains. Roman sestertii of
Vespasian or Titus or even Trajan might thus have been used.

I have before me now a new type from a recent find, which
has not been previously published in England.

The reverse reads within the wreath —

that is " Jerusalem."

It shows two dates. Of the first year a specimen has lately
been acquired by the British Museum.

The obverse reads around the two-handled vase —

This is like the first coin illustrated by Madden, and it
obviously belongs to the first year of the revolt, viz. 132 A.D.

The piece of the second year, which I have in my collection,
is similar to the British Museum specimen illustrated above,
and reads —

This is like the second coin in Madden, and would be of the
year 133 A.D.

MISCELLANEA. 225

I suggest that the former was struck after the Nasi piece.
Simon and Eleazar began the revolt together. Eleazar on his
coins styles himself " priest," irTDn "itt^N. Simon might well
style himself K1^, " Prince." After his quarrel with Eleazar,
he might then strike the Jerusalem pieces and be emboldened
at the end of the second year, as his influence grew stronger,
to substitute his own name without any modifying title, ITSJO^.

It will be instructive to find a large copper of this or similar
type undated to make a parallel with the tetradrachm of the
revolt.

The denomination appears to be that of the Roman sestertius,
though both the specimens which I possess are lighter than
Roman first brass, against which I have weighed them, while
Madden's weight of 568 grains seems impossibly heavy.

EDGAR ROGERS.

ROMAN COINS FROM ANGLESEY.

THE following small find of Roman Republican and Imperial
coins, which I have been allowed by the kindness of Lady
Reade to examine, is perhaps worth putting on record. They
were found together, all in one spot, while the foundations of
"Western Heights" were being dug in the field called
" Pare Stryd," Llanfaethlu, Anglesey, North Wales, some time
in the seventies. In the lower part of the same field, I am
informed by Lady Reade, are still to be seen the remains
of a long trench, which could have served no agricultural
purpose ; this and the name " stryd " may point, like the
coins, to Roman occupation.

The coins are for the most part in rather bad condition ;
but the latest issues (such as those of Domitian) owe their
state rather to corrosion or external deposit than to wear.
It is probable, therefore, that the little hoard was buried
not very long after A.D. 87, the date of issue of the latest
coins.

The reduction of Anglesey was one of the first undertakings
of Agricola, and was completed by A.D. 80. This hoard may
have belonged to one of his soldiers ; but it is just as likely,
considering that it contains old coins of the kind which
circulated in Britain among the natives long after they had
gone out of use in more civilized parts of the Empire, to have
been a native's treasure.

G. F. H.

VOL. XII., SERIES IV. Q

226

NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.

No.

Description.

Denomina-
tion.

References.

Approx.
date.

P. Paetus

Denarius

Grueber, I.

B.C.

150-125

120. 877

2 ' M. Baebius Q. F. Tampilus

Grueber, I.

150-125

133. 935

3 ; Manius Fonteius (ctmk. M

Grueber, I.

on obv.)

194. 1228

4 L. Piso Frugi (symbol, bird ;

Grueber, I.

details obscure)

254 ff.

5 C. Vibius C. F. Pansa

Grueber, I.

289. 2238 f.

J J J>

Grueber, I.

290. 2244 f .

L. Titurius

Grueber, I.

297. 2322

M. Plaetorius M. F. Ces-

Grueber, I.

tianus (ctmk. V)

441. 3596

A. Plautius

Grueber, I.

490. 3916

L. Plautius Plancus

Grueber, I.

516. 4004

L. Flaminius (ctmk. O)

>»

Grueber, I.

566. 4201

M. Antonius (legionary

coins —

LEG III

Grueber. II.

528. 193

„ X (ctmk. L)

Grueber, II.

„ XI

529. 202
Grueber, II.

31-30

529. 203

15-

illegible ; one ctmk. S,

Grueber, II.

anotber C X

528 ff.

Octavian (triumpbal arch,
IMP CAESAR)

Grueber, II.
14. 4348

29-27

Octavian (Scarpus)

Grueber, II.

29-27

585. 6

(Aegypto capta)

>»

Grueber, II. 28

537. 245

Augustus (IMP. XIII)

Grueber, II. 8-5

442. 216

,, (Caius and Lucius

-j

Cohen, 1.69.

Caesares)

A.D.

23-

Tiberius (Pontif. Maxim.)

Cohen, I.

(of one the rev. only is

191. 16

preserved ; possibly the

shell of a contemporary

forgery)

Nero (luppiter custos)

Cohen, I.

—

288. 123

„ (Victory)

as or

Cohen, I.

dupondius

299. 303

or 304

MISCELLANEA.

227

No.

Description.

Denomina-
tion.

References.

Approx.
date.

Vitellius (Concordia P. E.)

Denarius

Cohen, I.

A.D.

357. 21

28-

Vespasian (Cos IIII ; Augur

Cohen, I.

72 or 73

Tri. Pot.)

371. 45

Vespasian (Ceres August.)

Cohen, I.

—

372. 54

(Eagle)

as or

Cohen, I.

—

dupondius

404. 480-

484

Titus (Tr. p. IX, imp. XV,

Denarius

Cohen, I.

cos VIII.)

454. 309

Domitian (Cos V)

Cohen, I.

474. 49

Domitian (Tr. pot. II, cos

Cohen, I.

VIIII, des. X)

520. 601

Domitian (Cos XII. Gens.

sestertius

Cohen, I.

Per.)

497, 310

Domitian (Cos XII. Gens.

as or

Cohen, I.

Per.)

dupondius

481. Ill

Domitian (Cos XII. Gens.

Cohen, I.

Per. ; Moneta Augusti)

499. 327.

var.

Domitian (Cos XIII. Gens.

Cohen, I.

Per.)

481. 125

Domitian (Cos XIII. Cens.

Cohen, I.

Per.)

481. 126

—

NOTICES OF RECENT PUBLICATIONS.

Die antiken Milnzen Nord-Griechenlands, Bd. II. : ThraJcien.
Bearb. v. F. Miinzer u. Max L. Strack. Erster Teil,
Heft I. Berlin. 1912.

THIS first fascicule of the first part of the second volume of
the Berlin Corpus is the work of Professor Strack, who has
been especially assisted by Dr. von Fritze. It contains the
coins of the Thracians (with 'H/aaKAeous Sam/pos) and of the
three cities of Abdera, Ainos, and Anchialos : 690 coins,
described in 308 pages, with 8 admirable plates. The dis-
tinguished quality of the work that is being put into these
volumes is so well known that it is unnecessary to dwell upon
it. As regards the method, it is to be noted that certain
subtilties, which were introduced in recent parts, such as the
attempt to reconstruct the dies, have been discarded, the

228 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.

author considering that the results thus attained do not
justify the trouble. I would suggest that discretion might
have been used, and that in the fine artistic series, such as
those of Abdera and Ainos, the evidence of the dies is
worth having ; also the relative positions of the obverse
and reverse dies are worth noting. The introductions to the
various mints are valuable studies of the economic, historical,
and geographical problems connected with the coinage.

A comparison with the British Museum Collection has
revealed one or two minutiae which may be worth putting
on record.

Abdera. 78, No. 8, and 86, No. 2, are now in the
British Museum. 158 is only a specimen on which the
magistrate's name has been obliterated ; traces of letters are
visible, but cannot be read. 164 : a variety has a star (?)
as symbol in the right-hand bottom corner of the linear square.
246 : a new specimen reads certainly TITO. 247 : a new
specimen reads OYECriACIANO | AYTO | KPATORI and AOME-
TIANOKAICAPIABAHPEI | TAI. 250: a new specimen reads
T6PMA; do the others also? 252: a new specimen has
AAPIANOCKAICAP. The British Museum has also recently
acquired specimens of Nos. 242, 244, and 249.

Ainos. 279 : Is Pan really aTroo-Koircvw ? His 1. hand is
nowhere near his head. The British Museum acquired a
specimen of this in 1907. 302 : The British Museum specimen
shows an olive rather than a laurel branch ; the tree is different
from that illustrated in PI. iv. 27. 337 : " bei den Falschen"
should have been added after the word London. An interest-
ing coin, apparently not in the Corpus, was acquired in 1908 :

Obv. — Head of Apollo r., laureate, of good style.
Rev. — Forepart of goat standing r., between A [I]

N I
O N
M. 13 mm. Wt. 42-6 grs. (2-76 grm.).

The head is possibly meant for the same god who appears
on No. 378, of which, since only ill-preserved specimens are
known, the identification is left uncertain.

Anchialos. 496 and 620. The references to the British
Museum Catalogue should have been inserted.

G. F. H.

NOTICES OF RECENT PUBLICATIONS. 229

Recueil General des Monnaies grecques d'Asie Mineure . . .
par W. H. Waddington . . . E. Babelon et Th. Reinach.
Tome I., 4eme fasc. : Prusa, Prusias, Tins. With 13
plates (99-111). Paris : Leroux. 1912.

THIS publication proceeds with great rapidity. The fifth
fascicule, containing introduction, indexes, and supplement,
completing the first volume, is in the press. The present one
describes 187 coins of Prusa, 79 of Prusias, 179 of Tius. The
British Museum Catalogue (published twenty-three years ago)
enumerates of the same three towns 42, 8, and 23 specimens,
a few of which, however, are in the Recueil grouped under
a single head, as being more or less duplicates. The contrast
between the figures serves *to indicate the enormous amount
of work that remains to be done on the coinage of Asia Minor
alone, as well as the growth of material since Mr. Wroth's
volume was issued. And even to the lists of the Recueil a
few more coins may be added, which have been acquired by
the British Museum more or less recently. I note them here
(they are all of bronze) :

Prusa.

1. Pertinax. Obv. Same die as Bee., No. 62. Rev.
FIPOY CA6QN Tyche 1., with rudder and cornucopiae.
29-5 mm.

2. Sept. Severus. Obv. AVT . A- CGHTI • • C6VHPOC - H€P
Bust r., bearded, in paludainentum and cuirass. Rev. F1POV
CA 6QN Zeus as on Rec., No. 19. 28'5 mm.

3. Caracalla. Obv. ANTON I NOG AVroVCTOC Bust r.,
laureate. Rev. HPOVCA EflN Demeter standing 1., r.
holding branch (?), 1. resting on long torch. 21 mm.

4. Elagabalus (or Caracalla?). Obv. ANTON GINOCAVr
Bust r., beardless, laureate, wearing paludainentum and
cuirass. Rev. FP OY | CAE1AIN Flaming circular altar,
garlanded. 17 mm.

5. Maximinus. Obv. riOVOVHMAZIMEINOCAV Bust r.,
laureate, wearing paludamentum and cuirass. Rev. FP
O V and (in exergue) CAEQN Male figure r. in biga. 25 mm.

Prusias ad Hypium.

1. A specimen of No. 42, reading APMEN on obv.

2. Caracalla. Obv. AVTKMAVPHAIOC ANTONINOCAVr
Bust 1., beardless, laureate, wearing paludamentum and
cuirass. Rev. nPOVCieQN l~l POCVniQ Caracalla to 1. in

230 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.

military dress, with spear in 1., sacrificing with patera in r.
over naming garlanded altar. 27 '5 mm.

3. Caracalla. Obv. • AVT • M - AVPHAIOC ANTHNINOCAV
Bust r., laureate, beardless, with drapery on 1. shoulder. Rev.
nPOV GIG QN and (in exergue) nPOCvnin Eagle, holding
wreath in beak, on altar between two signa (as on No. 57,
but from a different die). 26'5 mm.

4. Geta. Obv. ncermre - - - Bust r., bare-headed.
Eev. nPOVCienNriPOCVni Eagle, as on No. 63 of Diadu-
menian. 16f5 mm.

Tius.

1. Imperial times. Obv. T€ IOC Bust of Teios r., dia-
demed. Eev. TIA NQN Caduceus. 22'5 mm. (from the
Babington Collection).

2. Eecueil, No. 75 : an untouched specimen in the British
Museum confirms the reading BIAAAOC.

3. Geta. Obv. T6TACA VfOV - - Bust 1., laureate. Eev.
TIA | NnN Bull walking r. 22-5 mm.

It may further be noted that the coins Prusa 101 and Tusi
64 are now in the British Museum.

G. F. H.

I Medaglioni Eomani. 3 Vols. By Francesco Gnecchi.
Ulrico Hoepli. Milano. 1912.

THOSE who are interested in ancient numismatics, especially
Roman, will gladly welcome this monumental work. It is a
Corpus of Eoman Medallions, and its object is to describe all
known examples in public and private collections. As a
collector Comm. Gnecchi possesses a large series of these
medallions, some of the greatest importance ; and he would
have been much commended if he had given us only a
description and illustration of such pieces ; but he has acted
in a much more liberal and generous spirit, and at very great
labour and no doubt at very great personal expenditure, he
presents the world with a Corpus. The work is issued in
three volumes of royal quarto size, which are divided up as
follows : — Vol. I contains a description of medallions in gold
and silver ; Vol. II of those in bronze of large module
(gran modulo) ; and Vol. Ill of those in bronze of lesser
modules (moduli minori), to which are added such pieces as
were issued by the Senate, bearing on them the letters S. C.
Each piece when possible is illustrated by photography ; and

NOTICES OF RECENT PUBLICATIONS. 231

these illustrations fill no less than 162 plates. The medallions
of gold extend from Augustus to Justinian I ; those of
silver from Doinitian to Arcadius ; and those of bronze from
Trajan to Arcadius, and together they number many hundreds.

About this order of classification it is quite possible that
there may be some difference of opinion. The separation of the
various pieces according to metals is a somewhat arbitrary
one, and seems scarcely to commend itself when dealing with
objects which are of a chronological nature. It is not a
scientific classification, and is, so to say, somewhat confusing,
though the work is supplied with very full indexes. For
instance, many of the medallions which are classified as of
moduli minori are in fact of larger size than those of gran
modulo ; so unless in tlie first instance one turns to the
indexes it is impossible to be certain of finding the piece if
one looks under the reign when it was issued. We cannot
therefore help thinking that if the subject had been treated
more chronologically, that is, reign by reign, with a division
of metals, the results would have been more satisfactory. In
a monumental work of this nature the simpler the form the
better it is. A strictly chronological order under each reign
may not have been possible, for, unlike coins pure and simple,
medallions do not lend themselves entirely to such classification.
Few bear their date of issue ; and many cannot be identified
with the events which they were intended to commemorate.

In his Introduction Comin. Gnecchi has given his definition of
a " medallion." " It is," he says, " a genuine piece in any metal
issued above or below in weight to the ordinary and simple
currency." This definition is rather a liberal one, and in our
opinion it has supplied Comm. Gnecchi with the opportunity of
including in his descriptions a considerable number of pieces
which do not in any way partake of the nature of a medallion.
For instance, the aureusof EJagabalus figured on PI. 1, No. 8,
is described as weighing 6*850 grams (105'5 grs.) : not at all
an unusual weight as many gold aurei of that emperor run up
to 112-115 grs. ; on PI. 4, No. 11, is figured a similar coin
of Diocletian, the weight of which is 5'46 grams (84-2 grs.) :
this weight again is not exceptional. Many of the later
pieces in silver of the Constantine period must be considered
in the same light, as a double-siliqua is not a medallion ; and
when we come to the bronze pieces we meet with many small
ones which evidently have been plated denarii or which have
served as small change in the East, at Antioch, Alexandria,
&c. We cannot help thinking, therefore, that Comm. Gnecchi
has been somewhat too liberal in his selection. It is unfortu-
nate, as at the present time there is such a strong inclination

232 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.

to treat any piece a little abnormal in weight as a " medallion,"
and in consequence to place a fictitious market value upon it.
The author has also discussed the Roman medallion
from practically every point of view : its origin, its mode
of issue, its metals, its value as a currency, its denomi-
nations, its art, type, &c. He has evidently given a great
deal of study to his subject and has formed definite views,
all of which are deserving of careful consideration. He is
evidently a firm believer in the view that all these medallions
were intended for currency in spite of their variation in
weight. In the case of most of the gold pieces we quite agree
with him, for it can be clearly shown that they are as a rule
multiples of the aureus or the solidus, and it is quite possible
that this is the case with many of those of silver ; but the
irregularity of the weight of those of bronze leaves consider-
able doubt in one's mind. Why should not the emperors
have issued pieces corresponding to medals of the present
time ; pieces commemorating events, which were not intended
for actual currency ? However, this is evidently not Comm.
Gnecchi's view, and in order to prove his case he has relied
upon what we consider rather weak evidence. Dr. Kenner of
Vienna is of the same opinion ; but he holds that the bronze
pieces represent a heavy and a light standard. Comm. Gnecchi,
however, differs, and says, " Whatever may be the size of
the medallion all had an equal value in commerce and each
one represents two sestertii." To prove his case he weighs
a large number of pieces of various reigns from Hadrian to
Gallienus, and he finds, whether the number is small or large,
that they average in weight reign by reign from 40-56 grammes,
and that therefore each piece in currency was of the value
of two sestertii. This seems to be carrying the doctrine of
averages to rather an extreme point. However, Comm.
Gnecchi may be right, but at present we are unable to agree
with him entirely. In any case, as we have already re-
marked, what Comm. Gnecchi has written is deserving of
careful consideration.

Numismatique Constantinienne. Tome II. By Jules Maurice.
Paris: Ernest Leroux. 1911.

THE second volume of the above book will more than ever
impress the reader with the importance of the numismatic
history of the period of which it treats, and with the great
care that has been bestowed upon it by the author. It is
surprising, also, to note how many rare coins occur, and,

NOTICES OF EECENT PUBLICATIONS. 233

whether from the historical point of view or that of the mere
collector of rarities, the work is of very great interest.

It treats of the coinage of London, Lyons, Aries and
Tarragona, and so completes the notices of Western mints.
It also includes Siscia and Sirmiuin in central Europe, and
Serdica, Heraclea, Thessalonica, and Constantinople in the
nearer East. The detailed descriptions of these mints are
preceded by introductory chapters which deal fully and
lucidly with the religious history of Constantine the Great,
the monetary marks and the appearance of Christian types
and symbols on certain coins, of which a very useful table is
inserted.

The author believes, and gives what seem ample reasons
for his belief, that the introduction of these symbols was not
generally due to the initiative of the central monetary authori-
ties, nor even, in some cases, to that of the heads of the
various mints, but arose from the Christian sympathies of
individual engravers, and he explains that such modifications
of the types prescribed by the central authority are particularly
to be looked for in those mints which, having limited accom-
modation, allowed their artificers to carry on their work in
their own homes and workshops.

He considers, however, that the mint of Siscia acted by
direct Imperial order when it placed Christian monograms on
the helmet of the Emperor on the well-known small bronze
coins bearing the reverse legend VICTOR I AE LAETAE PR I NO
PER, for such an interference with the Imperial portrait
without due authority would have been highly obnoxious to
Roman custom.

It is perhaps difficult to explain why this issue was confined
to one mint if it is to be accepted as a public declaration of
the adherence of Constantine to the Christian faith, and the
same remark applies to the scarce coin inscribed SPES PVBLICA
which has for reverse type a standard surmounted by the
monogram of Christ. For this coin also, the author presumes
the express authority of the Emperor, and indeed so con-
spicuous a religious type could hardly have been issued
without it. The coins bearing Imperial portraits with up-
turned eyes were struck in many mints, but their allusion to
Christianity is not so obvious, and, although M. Maurice calls
Eusebius to his support, it seems still open to us to doubt
whether the use of Christian types during the reign was
sufficient to indicate that the religion of Constantine, who
was only baptized on his death-bed, was of more than a
political character.

The chapter on the London mint will naturally attract

234 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.

British readers. It is interesting to note how large a
number of unpublished pieces are there described, and to
find, still existing, errors or local methods of spelling similar
to those which constantly occur on the British issues of
Carausius. The termination AG for AVG is found in both
reigns, and the legend BEAT TRANQLITAS is reminiscent of
many earlier blundered inscriptions.

The author discusses the adoption by Constantino of the
cult of Sol, when he desired to claim descent from Claudius
Gothicus, who professed that cult, and points out that, from
the reform of Aurelian, in 274, the name of Apollo disappears
from the coinage of the Empire, as indeed one would expect
it to do, seeing that the world was craving to worship some-
thing more substantial than the mythical deities of the
ancients. The only exceptions appear on coins of Carausius,
and the author asks if that Emperor was not entirely swayed
by Gallic influences and traditions anterior to the reign of
Aurelian. To this we may give an affirmative answer.
Carausius was a great imitator, and many of his types were
undoubtedly taken from those of the Gallic Emperors. He
did, however, dedicate so great a number of coins to Apollo
as to suggest that he acted from a religious motive, and
recognised in that god his principal tutelary deity.

The student of mint-marks will find the book most useful,
but it will hardly assist those who endeavour to attach
fanciful interpretations to such marks. The difficulty which
many collectors have found in distinguishing the coins of
Constantinople from those of Aries, issued during the period
in which the latter city bore the name of Constantina, is
solved so far as the period under consideration is concerned
by attributing to the latter mint those marks which com-
prise the letters CONST, while all those reading CONS are
given to Constantinople. In this matter the author con-
flicts with some earlier writers, but a careful examination of
the coins seems to indicate that his attribution is entirely
correct.

The present volume comprises an immense amount of
valuable information rendering a scientific study of the period
possible and even easy, and is in no way inferior to that
which preceded it.

M. Maurice is carrying out a great numismatic and historical
achievement, and the completion of it will be awaited with
much interest.

P. H. W.

NOTICES OF KECENT PUBLICATIONS. 235

H. A. RAMSDEN : Modern Chinese Copper Coins. Worcester,
Mass., U.S.A. 1911.

WE are glad to have in collected form the useful series of
papers that Mr. Ramsden has been contributing to the
Numismatist on the copper and brass coins of European fabric,
which the Chinese Government has been trying to introduce
in the last ten years to displace the cast cash which have
done duty for centuries. It yet remains to be seen whether
the experiment will be a success. This little book is well
illustrated, and the useful glossary and introductory notes
contain all that is required by the student unacquainted with
Chinese. Though they do not strictly fall within the scope
of this book, Mr. Ramsden might have included the brass
struck Kwang-Tung cash of 1889, as forming an interesting
link between the old currency and the coins here described.
The author does not appear to have met with copper coins of
the Sze Chuan province. The British Museum possesses
the 20 and 10 cash pieces in red copper and yellow brass, but
they are probably patterns.

J. A.

History of Money in the British Empire and the United States.
By Agnes F. Dodd. Longmans, Green & Co. London,
New York, &c. 1911.

THIS is one of the most interesting works of its nature that
has appeared in recent times. It is a treatise not only on the
actual coinage of the two great English-speaking nations of
the world, but on all other matters relating to money from an
economic point of view, including the history of paper currency
and its effects, of banking, of the establishment of a gold
standard in this country, of bimetallism, &c.

The Author has divided her work into two separate parts :
the first dealing with money in the British Empire ; the
second with its general history in the United States.

The first section consists of a series of chapters on the
English coinage, tracing its origin under Roman domination
on to the Anglo-Saxon and Early English periods; thence
through the rule of the Plantagenets, the Tudors, the Stuarts,
to the present time, or rather to the end of the reign of
George III, since when it has remained on the same basis
and in uninterrupted stability. In each chapter besides the
history of the coinage, a short account is supplied of its
economic side ; that is, the value of money as a commodity,

236 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.

or in other words its purchasing power. It is often a very
difficult question to determine offhand what was the pur-
chasing power of say 20s. at a particular period, or what a
certain sum of the fifteenth century would represent now.
These and other like questions Miss Dodd has attempted to
answer period by period, and she has taken as her basis the
prices of labour, of various articles of consumption such as
meat, wheat, barley, &c., clothes, and other commodities.
Naturally as wealth increased there was a general tendency
to a rise in prices; but this upward tendency was often
affected by some temporary disturbance of an economic
nature ; and phases like these are satisfactorily accounted for.
It is on this account that this work will be useful, not only to
the numismatist, who may wish to burrow below the surface,
but also to the economist, to whom some knowledge of the
English coinage is indispensable.

The two chapters on the " Adoption of the Gold Standard "
and on " Bimetallism " are exceedingly clearly written, and
are most illuminating. In the first instance it is shown how
very gradually England was compelled to adopt a gold
standard, chiefly owing to the vicissitudes which the silver
money experienced at various times, either from debasement,
clipping, or exportation ; and in the chapter on bimetallism
the writer has stated very impartially the views of the
monometallist and the bimetallist, a question which a few
years ago engaged a good deal of public attention ; but
which, since Germany has adopted a gold standard, has been
allowed gradually to subside. Bimetallism, generally, could
only be adopted by a unity of nations : a union which is
capable of being disturbed at any moment.

There are other chapters, such as those which deal with
the origin of paper money and its development, the establish-
ment of the early banking system, and the currency of India,
which are quite deserving of careful study.

No doubt many also will be interested in the origin and
development of money in the United States ; though it does
not possess the charm of antiquity which encircles that of the
mother-country .

Miss Dodd has gone to the first authorities for her informa-
tion, and she has used it to the best advantage. Her language
is very clear, and she has the great quality of expressing her
thoughts in so plain and simple a manner that even to the
uninitiated the most difficult problems seem quite intelligible.

H. A. G.

Num. Chron. Ser. IV. Vol. XII. PI. VI

;

ACQUISITIONS OF THE BRITISH MUSEUM

Num. Chron. Ser. IV. Vol. XII. PI. VII.

ACQUISITIONS OF THE BRITISH MUSEUM

Num. Chron. Ser. IV. Vol. XII. PL VIII.

Y - *•

ANGLO-GALLIC COINS

HPMRY \7

PROCEEDINGS

OF THE

ROYAL NUMISMATIC SOCIETY.

PROCEEDINGS OF THE
KOYAL NUMISMATIC SOCIETY.

SESSION 1911—1912.

OCTOBER 19, 1911.

SIB HENRY H. HOWORTH, K.C.I.E., F.R.S.,F.S.A., President,
in the Chair.

The minutes of the meeting of May 18 were read and
approved.

The President referred to the heavy loss sustained by the
Society by the deaths of two of its Fellows, Mr. Max Rosen-
heim and Mr. Warwick Wroth.

Messrs. F. W. Jones, E. S. G. Robinson, and Maurice
Rosenheim were proposed for election as Fellows of the
Society.

The following Presents received since the May meeting
were announced, and thanks were ordered to be sent to the
donors : —

1. Broggen, A. W. : Et Myntfuiid fra Foldsen i Ryfylke,
Norge. Presented by the Author.

2. Blanchet, A. : Notices Extraites de la Chronique de la
Revue Numismatique, 1911. Pt. 2. Presented by the Author.

3. Codrington, O. : Coins from Seistan. Presented by the
Hoyal Asiatic Society.

4 PKOCEEDINGS OF THE

4. Costello, J. B., and M. J. Blake : Trade Tokens of the
County of Galway in the Seventeenth Century. Presented
by L. Fletcher, Esq.

5. Demole, E. : Medailles Genevoites decernees au "Secours
Suisse." Presented by the Author.

6. Demole, E. : Sur une Monnaie d'Auguste. Presented by
the Author.

7. Dodd, Miss A. E. : A History of Money in the British
Empire and the United States. Presented by the Publishers.

8. Gardner, P. : The Earliest Coins of Greece Proper.
Presented by the Publishers.

9. Gnecchi, F. : Appunti di Numismatica Romana, C, CI,
and Oil. Presented by the Author.

10. de Jonghe, Yicomte B. : Un Sou d'Or Pseudo-imperial.
Presented by the Author.

11. Medallic Illustrations of the History of Great Britain
and Ireland. Plates cli-clxx. Presented by the Trustees of
the British Museum.

12. Laffranchi, L. : Caracalla e Elagabalo.

13. Laffranchi, L. : Bibliografia Numisinatica Romana.

14. Laffranchi, L. : Varieta. Presented by the Author.

15. Seltman, E. J. : Su alcuni Tetradrammi Sicilian!
rari. Presented by the Author.

16. Wroth, W. : Catalogue of the Coins of the Vandals,
Ostrogoths, and Lombards in the British Museum.
Presented by the Trustees of the British Museum.

17. Aarbogen for Nordisk Oldkyndighed og Historic, 1910.

18. Foreningen til Norske Fortidsmindesmerkers Bevaring
Aarsberetning for 1910.

19. American Journal of Archaeology, xv., Pt. 2.

20. American Journal of Numismatics, xlv., Pts. 2 and 3.

21. Annual of the British School at Athens, 1909-1910.

22. Annual Report of the Government Museum, Madras,
1910-1911.

23. Annual Report of the Horniman Museum.

ROYAL NUMISMATIC SOCIETY. 5

24. Annual Report of the Smithsonian Institute, 1909.

25. Annual Report of the United States National Museum,
1910.

26. British Numismat;c Journal. Vols. iii to vi. Presented
by Miss Helen Farquhar.

27. Bulletin de 1'Academie Royale de Belgique. Nos.
3-8.

28. Canadian Antiquarian Journal, viii., Pt. 2.

29. Forvannen-Meddelanden fran K. Vitterhets-Historie
og Antikvitets Akademien, Stockholm, 1910.

30. Journal of Hellenic»Studies. xxxi., Pt. 1.

31. Journal International d'Archeologie Numismatique,
1911. Pt. 3. Presented by M. J. N. Svoronos.

32. Journal of the Royal Society of Antiquaries of Ireland.
xli., Pt. 2.

33. Monatsblatt der Numismatischen Gesellschaft in Wien.
Nos. 335-338.

34. Numismatist, June-September, 1911.

35. Nordiske Fortidsminden. Vol. ii., Pt. 1.

36. Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy. Vol. xxix.,
Nos. 5-8.

37. Revue Beige de Numismatique, 1911. Pts. 3 and 4.

38. Revue Numismatique, 1911. Pt. 2.

39. Revue Suisse de Numismatique. xvii., Pts. 1 and 2.

40. Suomen Museo, 1910.

Mr. J. G. Milne exhibited an unpublished Alexandrian
tetradrachm of Severus Alexander, with reverse Julia Mamaea
holding model of a gateway.

Mr. F. A. Walters exhibited a medallion (in two metals)
of Commodus, without reverse, and a tetradrachm struck at
Antioch with portraits of Mark Antony and Cleopatra.

Mr. L. G. P. Messenger exhibited a small bronze coin of
Constantine II, with reverse SPES PVBLICA; labarum with
the Christian monogram above.

Mr. Bernard Roth exhibited the quarter- stater (weight

6 PROCEEDINGS OF THE

19'6 grains) of Cunobelinus found at Westerham in 1889 and
referred to by Sir John Evans in his " Supplement," p. 560,
having the obverse legend CA1 — CV and the reverse CVM.

Mr. Henry Garside exhibited a series of recent coins of
Australia (Sydney mint), Canada (Ottawa mint), and the
Straits Settlements.

Mr. Henry Symonds exhibited a series of coins illustrating
his paper on the Bristol mint.

Mr. Henry Symonds read a paper on " The Bristol Mint of
Henry VIII and Edward VI," based on his researches in
contemporary documents. The mint of Bristol was reopened
in 1546 by Henry VIII, owing probably to the commercial
importance and geographical situation of the town. William
Sharington was appointed Under-Treasurer to the mint, which
was the only country mint of the period to have a graver on
the staff. Mr. Symonds gave numerous details regarding the
changes in the mint staff, the salaries paid, and the amount
of bullion coined, .with an account of Sharing ton's wholesale
issue of the prohibited " testoons." On his dismissal, Sharing-
ton was succeeded by Thomas Chamberlain. A reference to
the coining of silver " with the print of angels " was quoted ;
none of these coins, which, the author of the paper suggested,
may have been used in the ceremony of " touching," is known
to have survived. Mr. Symonds pointed out that previous
writers had assumed that the mint was reopened three years
earlier than it really was, and suggested alterations in the
present distribution of the coins of this period between
Henry VIII and Edward VI. (This paper was printed in
Vol. XI. (1911), pp. 331-350.)

NOVEMBER 16, 1911.
H. A. GRUEBER, ESQ., F.S.A., Vice-President, in the Chair.

The minutes of the last meeting were read and approved.
Messrs. F. W. Jones, E. S. G. Robinson, and Maurice

ROYAL NUMISMATIC SOCIETY. 7

Rosenheim were elected Fellows of the Society ; Mr. Luther
Clements was proposed for election.

The following Presents received since the last meeting were
announced, and thanks were ordered to be sent to the donors: —

1. A. Blanchet : Notices Extraites de la Chronique de la
Revue Numismatique, 1911. Pt. 3. Presented by the Author.

2. Medallic Illustrations of the History of Great Britain
and Ireland. Plates clxxi-clxxxiii and Indices. Presented
by the Trustees of the British Museum.

3. Ramsden, H. A. : Chinese Paper Money. Presented by
the Author.

4. Kamsden, H. A. : Modern Chinese Copper Coins.
Presented by the Author.

5. Annual Report of the Deputy-Master of the Mint, 1910.

6. Archaeologia Cantiana. xxix.

7. Canadian Antiquarian and Numismatic Journal,
viii., Pt. 3.

8. Journal of the Royal Society of Antiquaries of Ireland,
xli., Pt. 3.

9. Monatsblatt der Numismatischen Gesellschaft in Wien.
No. 339.

10. Numismatist. October, 1911.

11. Numismatische Zeitschrift, 1911. Parti.

12. Proceedings of the Cambridge Antiquarian Society,
lix. and Ix.

13. Revue Numismatique, 1911. Pt. 3.

14. Rivista Italiana di Numismatica, 1911. Pt. 3.

15. Transactions of the Japan Society, vol. ix.

Mr. F. A. Walters exhibited a half-angel of the first coinage
of Henry VII of which only three specimens appear to be
known.

Rev. E. Rogers showed a series of Parthian drachms of
Mithradates II, Phraates IV (new portrait), Phraates and
Musa, Vonones I (unpublished reverse, Victory to 1. instead
of r.), Artabanus IV (unpublished portrait, tentatively

0 PROCEEDINGS OF THE

attributed to this monarch), Osroes (a fine specimen of this
rare coin), and a copper coin of Volagases II with rev. Tyche
turreted.

Mr. L. A. Lawrence showed a series of long-cross pennies.

Mr. C. T. Seltman exhibited a silver stater of Metapontum
of peculiar fabric which he believed to bear a Phoenician
inscription.

Mr. H. B. Earle Fox exhibited the following Greek bronze
coins, all apparently unpublished : —

1. Athens. Triptolemos in car drawn by dragons to 1. ;
Rev. A®. Two owls, face to face, in wreath of olive ; between
them, plemochoe.

2. Athens of Imperial times. Rev. Herakles /xtW^s, hold-
ing branch in r. hand ; and in 1. club, which rests on altar.
(A very rare type, of which no satisfactory specimen has been
published.)

3. Corinth (Roman colony). Domitian. Rev. Female
figure, wearing diplois and chiton, standing to 1. ; 1. arm rests
on column ; extended r. hand holds uncertain object.

4. Corinth (Roman colony). Domitian. Rev. Figure,
apparently female, standing to r. ; 1. hand rests on long
trident j r. hand hangs down and holds uncertain object.
(Apparently unpublished.)

5. Corinth (Roman Colony). Hadrian. Rev. Emperor,
holding simpulum, to 1. ; before him flaming altar. (Appa-
rently unpublished. Mr. Earle Fox published this same
reverse associated with obverse head of Aphrodite (or Lais),
from a coin in the Paris collection, which he attributed to the
time of Hadrian (Journal International, 1903).)

6. Corinth (Roman colony). Hadrian. Rev. Concordia,
" Corint. et Patr." The two cities as nymphs sacrificing.
(Known hitherto only from Leake's Num. Hell., where an
electrotype is described.)

7. Achaean League. Patrae. Usual types with AXAION
riATPEON ; in exergue ZIMQ - - No coins of Patrae of

ROYAL NUMISMATIC SOCIETY. 9

copper of the league have yet been published, although the
silver is very common.

8. Lacedaemon. Bearded head r., showing marked
individuality and evidently a portrait, not the usual conven-
tional head of Herakles. Rev. A A. Club and magistrate's
name. Possibly a portrait of Eurycles.

Mr. C. T. Seltman read a paper on "The Influence of
Agathocles on the Coinage of Magna Graecia," in which he
called attention to a number of coins of Metapontum and
Velia bearing the triskeles, the symbol of Agathocles, and
presumably struck by him. Among the coins described by
Mr. Selfcman was one of Metapontum with obverse type of a
barbarous style, bearing a legend which he believed to be
Phoenician, and explained as such. Sir Arthur Evans pointed
out that the inscription was really Greek, being AEZ written
retrogade, a reading which was supported by Mr. Earle Fox.
(This Paper is published in this volume, pp. 1-13.)

Mr. H. A. Grueber read an account of a find of long-cross
pennies recently made at Palmer's Green which threw
additional light on the chronology of the period. (This paper
is published in this volume, pp. 70-97.)

DECEMBER 21, 1911.

SIR HENRY H. HOWORTH, K.C.I.E., F.R.S., F.S.A., President,

in the Chair.

The minutes of the last meeting were read and approved.
The following Presents received since the last meeting were
announced and thanks were ordered to be sent to the donors : —

1. A rupee of Siva Simha, King of Assam. Presented by tlie
Government of Eastern Bengal and Assam.

2. Journal of Hellenic Studies, xxxi., Pt. 2.

3. Monatsblatt der Numismatischen Gesellschaft in Wien.
No. 340.

10 PROCEEDINGS OF THE

4. Numismatist. November, 1911.

5. Proceedings of the Society of Antiquaries of London,
xxiii., Part 2.

Mr. Luther Clements was elected a Fellow of the Society.
Messrs. Cumberland Clark, Herbert A. Druce, R. H. Forster,
F.S.A., Newton H. Harding, and G. Hamilton Smith were
proposed for election.

Sir Arthur Evans exhibited a series of coins illustrating his
paper on " Artistic Engravers of Terina," &c.

Mr. Henry Garside exhibited some recent Colonial issues.

Mr. Webb showed a series of Roman tesserae, on which Mr.
Messenger read a brief paper.

Sir Arthur Evans read a paper 011 " The Artistic Engravers
of Terina and the Signature of Evaenetos on its Later
Didrachm Dies." The first part dealt with the works signed
<£ and p, the view that these were engravers' signatures being
maintained. Stress was laid on the pictorial method visible
in the work of <£ at Terina and Pandosia — strikingly illus-
trated by the detailed background of the fountain scene, and
by the instantaneous element in such compositions as the
Nymph on the hydria, and the hunter, Pan, slipping the leash
off his hounds. It was natural, in this and other features,
such as the facing head of Hera, to trace the influence of
Zeuxis, already invoked by Lenormant in this connexion.
On the didrachm of Pandosia signed <$> the inscription on an
ithyphallic term hitherto given as MAAYZ was shown to read
[<£] A A AON, and the symbol was therefore apparently the
" canting badge " of a magistrate. In the case of p the sug-
gestion of works of Attic sculpture, such as those of the balus-
trade of the Temple of Nike Apteros, was undoubted, but
one version of his Nike Terina was directly derived from a
coin-type of Elis.

In the " rich" style of the later didrachms of Terina, struck
shortly after 400 B.C., Syracusan influence becomes dominant —
the direct result of Dionysius's campaigns from 391 onwards.

KOYAL NUMISMATIC SOCIETY. 11

The head of Nike Terina on the earlier of these shows the im-
press of Kimon's latest " medallion " style. The heads on the
others at once recall those of the decadrachms of Evaenetos.
The extraordinarily fine condition of a specimen from a recent
South Italian find had now enabled Sir Arthur Evans to
detect the actual signature EYA in microscopic characters on
the band above the forehead of the seated nymph. This
discovery supplies the first example of the signed work of a
Silician artist at an Italian mint. A somewhat later variety
of this class, exhibiting a crab — the Brettian symbol — in the
exergue, had been witli great probability referred by Dr.
Regling, in his recent monograph on the coins of Terina, to
the date of its occupation by the Brettii — 356 B.C. It was
now shown that the crab and the monogram E behind the
obverse head had been inserted on an old die dating from the
Dionysian period. (This Paper is printed in this volume, pp.
21-62.)

JANUARY 18, 1912.

SIR HENRY H. HOWORTH, K.C.I.E., F.R.S., F.S.A., President,
in the Chair.

The minutes of last meeting were read and approved.

Messrs. Cumberland Clark, Herbert A. Druce, and R. H.
Foster, F.S.A., were elected Fellows of the Society.

The following Presents received since the last meeting
were announced, and thanks were ordered to be sent to
the donors : —

1. de Jonghe, Vicomte B. : Quelques Monnaies d'Anne de
la Marck. Presented by the Author.

2. Sambon, G. : Repertorio Generale delle Monete Coniate
in Italia5 &c., 1912. Presented by the Author.

3. Archaeologia Aeliana. New Series, vii.

4. American Journal of Archaeology, xv., 4.

14 PKOCEEDINGS OF THE

The following Presents to the Society were announced, and
thanks were ordered to be sent to the donors : —

I. Catalogue of the International Exhibition of Contem-
porary Medals. Presented by the American Numismatic Society.

2 (a). Demole, E. : L' Accord de Skathagen et la Medaille
frappee a cette occasion.

(6). Demole, E. : La Premiere Monnaie d'Or de Neuchatel.

(c). Demole, E. : Les Collections Orientales de Henri
Murser a Charlotten fils. Presented by the Author.

3. Farquhar, Miss H. : Portraiture of our Stuart Monarchs
on their Coins and Medals. Pt. iii. Presented by the Author.

4. Gnecchi, F. : I Medaglioni Romani. 3 Vols. Presented
by the Author.

5. Maurice, J. : Numismatique Constantinienne. Vol. ii.
Presented by the Author.

6. Ogden, W. S. : Shakespeare's Portraiture on Medals ; and
a Medal of Shakespeare designed by Mr. Ogden ; both pre-
sented by him.

7. Numismatist. January, 1912.

8. Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy, xxix., No. 9.

9. Revue Numismatique, 1911. Pt. 4.

10. Revue Suisse de Numismatique. xvii., Pt. 3.

II. Rivista Italiana di Numismatica, 1911. Pt. 4.
12. Zeitschrift fur Numismatik. xxviii., Pts. 1 and 2.
Mr. J. Grafton Milne exhibited an undated Alexandrian

tetradrachm of Vespasian, apparently a mule with an obverse
from the die for the bronze coinage and a reverse for the billon.

Mr. F. A. Walters, F.S.A., showed a heavy noble of
Henry IV of the Calais Mint (119*4 grains) having a flag at
the stern of the ship and a coronet mint-mark on the rudder,
of which only two other specimens are known.

Mr. Percy H. Webb exhibited a third brass of Gallienus :
obv. GALLIENVS AVG, with radiate bust f . ; rev. IO CANTAB,
Jupiter standing r., holding thunderbolt in r. and spear in 1. The
reverse legend is an abbreviation for IOVI CANTABRORVM.

ROYAL NUMISMATIC SOCIETY. 15

Mr. Bernard Roth, F.S.A., showed a rare gros d'argent of
Henry V, and two moutons d'or of Henry V and two of
Charles the Dauphin; also a series of ancient British and
Roman coins and fibulae and a late Bronze Age torque found
at Peterborough.

Mr. Henry Garside exhibited the new rupee of British India
of George Y.

Mr. L. A. Lawrence, F.S.A., showed a large bronze plaque
with busts of Charles IV of Spain, his queen, and their six
children, which appears to be quite unknown.

Mr. Lionel M. Hewlett read the fourth portion of his
treatise on Anglo-Gallic coins, which dealt with those struck
by Henry V in Normandy. The earliest of these was probably
the rare demi-gros or guenar, which Mr. Hewlett considers
may have been struck at Caen, where Henry stayed for some
months to organise the government of Normandy before pro-
ceeding to lay siege to Rouen. Immediately after the fall of
Rouen, Henry struck moutons in gold and gros in silver there.
On September 25, 1419, he ordered that all coins struck for
the future should bear the letter H in the centre of the cross
on the reverse. He opened a second Mint at St. L6 on April
14, 1420. The mint of issue was designated in the manner
usual in France at that time, by placing a pellet under a cer-
tain letter of the legends. At first, Henry used the same
mint-mark for Rouen as that adopted by Charles VI, but
after the opening of the mint at St. L6 he placed a pellet
below the first letters of the legends to designate the Rouen
Mint and below the second letters of the legends to designate
the St. L6 mint. The mouton with four fleurs-de-lis in the
angles on the reverse which has been ascribed to Henry V on
the strength of Poullain's manuscript should be ascribed to
Charles the Dauphin, who struck it at the mints of the
Dauphiny. (This Paper is printed in this volume, pp. 179-
212.)

16 PROCEEDINGS OF THE

MARCH 21, 1912.
H. A. GRUEBER, ESQ., F.S.A., Vice-President, in the Chair.

The minutes of last meeting were read and approved.

The following presents received since the last meeting were
announced, and the thanks of the Society were ordered to be
sent to the donors.

1. (a) Laffranchi, L. : Un Centenario Numismatico nell
Anticheto.

(6) Laffranchi, L. : Agrippa e Macriano.
(c) Laffranchi, L. : Contributi Corpus della Falsification!
(2 parts). Presented by the Author.

2. Bulletin de 1' Academic Royale de Belgique, 1911,
12; 1912, 1.

3. Finska Forminnesforeningens Tidskrift. xxv.

4. Numismatist. March, 1912.

5. Proceedings of the Society of Antiquaries of Scotland,
1910.

6. Transactions of the Yorkshire Numismatic Fellowship.
Vol. i., Pt. 2.

Mr. Grueber read a Paper on the " Buildings of the Forum
as illustrated by Coins." Having distinguished between the
different kinds of fora which existed in Rome, the writer
gave a brief account of the early history of the Great Forum
and its gradual development, fixing the date of erection
of many of the edifices, vestiges of which remain to the
present day. For his illustrations, with one exception, he
selected coins of the period of the Republic. These supplied
amongst others figures of the Sacellum of Venus Cloacina,
the Basilica Aemilia, the fountain Juturna, the Temple of
Vesta, the Rostra, the Puteal Scribonianum, and the Temple
of Julius Caesar. A coin of Nero was employed to supply
an illustration of the Temple of Janus, which is supposed to
have been the first one erected in the Forum, and does not
appear on earlier pieces. Mr. P. H. Webb exhibited a series of

ROYAL NUMISMATIC SOCIETY. 17

Republican denarii illustrative of the paper, and Mr. Walters
showed a sestertius of Hadrian, rev. Temple of Venus and
Roma, said to have been designed by the Emperor himself,
and to have stood in the Foruni.

APRIL 18, 1912.
PERCY H. WEBB, ESQ., Treasurer, in the Chair.

The minutes of last meeting were read and approved.
The following Presents 'received since the last meeting were
announced, and thanks were ordered to be sent to the donors.

1. Stapleton, H. E. : Catalogue of the Provincial Cabinet
of Coins in Shillong. Presented by the Government of Eastern
Bengal and Assam.

2. American Journal of Numismatics, xlvi., Pt. 1.

3. American Journal of Archaeology, xvi., Pt. 1.

4. Bonner Jahrbiicher. Vol. 120, Pts. 1-3.

5. Bonner Jahrbiicher. Suppl. to Vol. 120.

6. Monatsblatt der Numismatischen Gesellschaft in Wien.
No. 344.

7. Numismatist. April, 1912.

8. Proceedings of the Cambridge Antiquarian Society.
Ixi.

9. Revue Beige de Numismatique, 1912. Pt. 2.

10. Rivista Italiana di Numismatica, 1912. Pt. 1.

11. Suomen Museo. xviii.

Mr. J. Graf ton Milne exhibited a copper coin of Julia
Maesa struck at Aspendus, with rev. Serapis, Isis, and
Demeter, and a copper coin of Claudius Gothicus struck at
Sagalassos with rev. Boule and Demos.

Mr. Bernard Roth, F.S.A., showed a fine series of Anglo-
Gallic coins of Henry VI, in gold, silver, and billon.

Mr. Lionel M. Hewlett read the concluding portion of his
treatise on Anglo-Gallic coins, which comprised the coins

18 PROCEEDINGS OF THE

struck by Henry VI. These differed from the previous coins
of the series in being regal instead of feudal. Henry II
had struck coins as Duke of Aquitaine and Earl of Poitou ;
Edward III, although he claimed the throne of France,
struck coins as Duke of Aquitaine only, and similarly
Henry V struck coins as Duke of Normandy • but Henry VI
was de facto King of France and struck coins as such from
the French Regal Mints. The coins struck at the Dijon
mint were issued by the Duke of Burgundy from dies pre-
pared locally. The coins of Henry VI consist of a Salute
and Angelot in gold, a grand blanc and petit blanc in silver,
a tresin, denier tournois, denier parisis, and maille tournois
in billon.

MAY 18, 1912.

SIR HENRY H.HOWORTH, K.C.I.E., F.R.S., F.S.A., President,
in the Chair.

The minutes of last meeting were read and approved.
The following Presents received since last meeting were
announced, and thanks were ordered to be sent to the donors.

1. Blanchet, A.: Notices Extraites de la Chronique de la
Revue Numismatique, 1912. Pt. 1.

2. Serafini, C. : Le Monete et le Bolle Plumbee Pontificie
del Medagliere Vaticano. Vol. ii. Presented by the Author.

3. Bulletin de 1' Academic Roy ale de Belgique, 1912,
2 and 3.

4. Bulletin de Correspondence Hellenique. xxxvi. (1912),
Pt. 1.

5. Monatsblatt der Numismatischen Gesellschaft in Wien.
No. 345.

6. Numismatist. May, 1912.

7. Revue Numismatique, 1911. Pt. 1.

Mr. L. G. P. Messenger exhibited a bronze coin of
Severus Alexander, which he believed to be a double

BOYAL NUMISMATIC SOCIETY. 19

sestertius, as it was nearly double the weight of the sestertius
of the period.

Mr. H. Alexander Parsons exhibited a sovereign with
name of Henry VIII, which he would attribute to Edward VI,
as it had the purely Roman letters and the cinquefoil stops ;
and four testoons of Edward VI with mint-mark bow, but with
the TIMOR, &c., instead of the INIMICOS, &c., legend, with mint-
mark rose of 1549, with legends reversed, with mint-mark obv.
pheon, rev. arrow, and with mint-mark Y of 1550.

Mr. F. A. Walters, F.S.A., exhibited a penny of Stephen
of Hawkins type, No. 268, of the Bedford Mint, reading
ALPINE ON BEI.

Mr. L. A. Lawrence, F.S.A., showed a shilling of Charles I
with mint-mark negro's head on both sides, and shield with
plume on reverse.

Mr. W. E. Marsh exhibited two half-crowns of Queen
Victoria, 1 87 1 , of the ordinary Wyon type ; the Royal Mint
has no record of an issue of half-crowns in that year.

Mr. Henry Garside exhibited the new Indian rupee of
George V with the improved design of the elephant on the
king's pendant, and a British Imperial bronze farthing of
1877, not struck for circulation.

Mr. Henry Symonds, F.S.A., read a paper on " Edward VI
and Durham House," in which he was able to prove the
existence of a working mint during the reign of Edward VI
in the Strand palace of the Bishop of Durham. He attributed
the coins of Henry VIII and Edward VI bearing the mint-
marks, bow, grappling-iron, and swan, to John Bowes at this
mint, and not to Martin Bowes at the Tower, and proposed
an interesting explanation of the Redde Cuique, &c., legend
on certain debased coins.

18 PROCEEDINGS OF THE

struck by Henry VI. These differed from the previous coins
of the series in being regal instead of feudal. Henry II
had struck coins as Duke of Aquitaine and Earl of Poitou ;
Edward III, although he claimed the throne of France,
struck coins as Duke of Aquitaine only, and similarly
Henry Y struck coins as Duke of Normandy • but Henry VI
was de facto King of France and struck coins as such from
the French Regal Mints. The coins struck at the Dijon
mint were issued by the Duke of Burgundy from dies pre-
pared locally. The coins of Henry VI consist of a Salute
and Angelot in gold, a grand blanc and petit blanc in silver,
a tresin, denier tournois, denier parisis, and maille tournois
in billon.

MAY 18, 1912.

SIR HENRY H. HOWORTH, K.C.I.E., F.R.S., F.S.A., President,
in the Chair.

The minutes of last meeting were read and approved.
The following Presents received since last meeting were
announced, and thanks were ordered to be sent to the donors.

1. Blanchet, A.: Notices Extraites de la Chronique de la
Revue Numismatique, 1912. Pt. 1.

2. Serafini, C. : Le Monete et le Bolle Plumbee Pontificie
del Medagliere Vaticano. Vol. ii. Presented by the Author.

3. Bulletin de 1'Academie Royale de Belgique, 1912,
2 and 3.

4. Bulletin de Correspondence Hellenique. xxxvi. (1912),
Pt. 1.

5. Monatsblatt der Numismatischen Gesellschaft in Wien.
No. 345.

6. Numismatist. May, 1912.

7. Revue Numismatique, 1911. Pt. 1.

Mr. L. G. P. Messenger exhibited a bronze coin of
Severus Alexander, which he believed to be a double

BOYAL NUMISMATIC SOCIETY. 19

sestertius, as it was nearly double the weight of the sestertius
of the period.

Mr. H. Alexander Parsons exhibited a sovereign with
name of Henry VIII, which he would attribute to Edward VI,
as it had the purely Roman letters and the cinquefoil stops ;
and four testoons of Edward VI with mint-mark bow, but with
the TIMOR, &c., instead of the I N I M I COS, &c., legend, with mint-
mark rose of 1549, with legends reversed, with mint-mark obv.
pheon, rev. arrow, and with mint-mark Y of 1550.

Mr. F. A. Walters, F.S.A., exhibited a penny of Stephen
of Hawkins type, No. 268, of the Bedford Mint, reading
ALPINE ON BEI.

Mr. L. A. Lawrence, F.S.A., showed a shilling of Charles I
with mint-mark negro's head on both sides, and shield with
plume on reverse.

Mr. W. E. Marsh exhibited two half-crowns of Queen
Victoria, 1871, of the ordinary Wyon type; the Royal Mint
has no record of an issue of half-crowns in that year.

PROCEEDINGS OF THE

JUNE 20, 1912.

ANNUAL GENERAL MEETING.
PEKCY H. WEBB, ESQ., Treasurer, in the Chair.

The Minutes of the Annual General Meeting of June 16,
1911, were read and approved.

Messrs. Henry Symonds and H. W. Taffs were appointed
scrutineers of the ballot for the election of the Council and
Officers.

Mr. Harold Mattingly was elected a Fellow of the Society.

The following Report of the Council was then read and
laid before the meeting : —

The Council have again the honour to lay before you their
Annual Report as to the state of the Royal Numismatic
Society.

It is with deep regret that they have to announce the
death of the following Honorary Fellow : —

Conferentsraad C. F. Herbst, formerly Director of the
Museum in Copenhagen,

and of the following seven Fellows : —

Sir Charles Bennet Lawes-Wittewronge.
Rev. S. Maude, M.A. Major-Gen. F. W. Stubbs,R.A.

Max Rosenheim, Esq., F.S. A. John Ward, Esq., F.S. A.
Frederick Seebohm, Esq., Warwick Wroth, Esq.
F.S.A., LL.D., D.Litt.

They have also to announce the resignation of the following
seven Fellows : —

Rev. Edwin Burton. J. S. Pitt, Esq.

Robert Day, Esq., F.S. A., H. J. Selby, Esq.

Major R. P. Jackson. W. S. Talbot, Esq., I.C.S.
A. W. Page, Esq., F.S.A.

ROYAL NUMISMATIC SOCIETY. 21

On the other hand, they have much pleasure in announcing
the Election of the following ten Fellows : —

Cumberland Clark, Esq. Fred. W. Jones, Esq.

Luther Clements, Esq. Harold Mattingly, Esq., M.A.

Hubert A. Druce, Esq. E. S. G. Robinson, Esq., B.A.

B. H. Forster, Esq., M.A., Maurice Rosenheim, Esq.

LL.B., F.S.A. G. Hamilton Smith, Esq.
Newton H. Harding, Esq.

The number of Fellows is, therefore : —

June, 1911 . ,

Ordinary.

, ... 296

Honorary.

Total.

318

Since elected .

. . . . 10

Deceased .

306
. . . . 7

22
1

328

Resigned .

. . . 7

292

313

The Council have to announce that they have awarded the
Medal of the Society to Lieu tenant-General Max Bahrfeldt,
Dr. Phil., for his distinguished services to Roman Numis-
matics.

The Hon. Treasurer's Report, which follows, was then laid
before the Meeting : —

STATEMENT OP RECEIPTS AND DISBURSE-

FROM JUNE, 1911,
JBr. THE ROYAL NUMISMATIC SOCIETY IN ACCOUNT

£ s. d. £ «.

To Cost of Chronicle—

Printing

224 8 10

Plates and Illustrations . . .

64 15 9

289 4

To Books, &c

9 7

To Lantern Expenses ....

4 4

To Rent, &c

41 12

To Investments —

Purchase of £142 London and North

Western Railway Co. 4% Consolidated

Preference Stock at 104 .

. 149 6

To Sundry Payments

10 16

Balance —

General Fund 204 19 3

Research Fund 12 6 2

217 5 5

£721 16 10

MENTS OF THE ROYAL NUMISMATIC SOCIETY,

TO JUNE, 1912.

WITH PERCY H. WEBB, HON. TREASURER. (JTr.

£ s. d. £ s, d.
By Balance in hand —

General Fund 384 0 11

Research Fund 10 8 6

394 9 5

By Subscriptions, &c. —

226 Ordinary Members at £1 Is. (less loss on
foreign cheques, 2s. 2d.) .... 237 3 10

9 Entrance Fees 990

A Member, on a/c of 1912 . . . .060

246 18 10

By Sales of Chronicles 47 12 6

By Dividends on Investments —

- General Fund 30 18 5

Research Fund 1 17 8

32 16 1

£721 16 10

PERCY H. WEBB, Hon. Treasurer.

Audited and found correct,

BERNARD ROTH, \

W, BERESFORD SMITH,/

June 14, 1912.

24 PKOCEEDINGS OF THE

The Reports *of the Council and of the Treasurer having
been adopted, Mr. Webb presented the Society's Medal to
Mr. Grueber, to be forwarded to General Bahrfeldt, who was
unable to attend.

Mr. Webb drew attention to the great services that
General Bahrfeldt had rendered to Roman Numismatics
extending over a very long period, his first contribution
having been published in 1874. General Bahrfeldt had long
been an Honorary Fellow of the Society, and it was a
pleasure to feel that the name of another distinguished foreign
fellow-worker is to be added to the list of Medallists.

In accepting the Medal on behalf of General Bahrfeldt,
Mr. Grueber said :—

MR. TREASURER, LADIES AND GENTLEMEN — •

I must first express to you General Bahrfeldt's deep
regret at not being able to be present here this evening to
receive the Medal which the Council of the Royal Numis-
matic Society has awarded to him. He has, therefore, re-
quested me to act as his sponsor. I need scarcely say that I
am very glad in the circumstances to undertake that duty.

Naturally the first remark I must make is to thank you,
Mr. Treasurer, for the complimentary terms which have
accompanied your placing the Medal in my hands. What
you have said bears the stamp of truth and fact, for there
is no man living who has done more for Roman Numismatics
than General Bahrfeldt. When his name was proposed at
the Council for the Medal, I remarked that he had contributed
some hundreds of articles, reviews, &c. This remark was
questioned. However, I felt pretty sure of my statement,
and I was correct, for in 1896, when he was elected an
Honorary Member of the Swiss Numismatic Society, M.
Stroehlin drew up a list of his writings, which numbered 932
separate articles and reviews. Since that date General Bahr-
feldt's pen has been even more prolific, and I think the

KOYAL NUMISMATIC SOCIETY. 25

number now is not far short of 1400, which includes his
editorship of the Numismatisches Literatur-Blatt, a monthly
publication. It would be quite impossible for me to give
you even an epitomised list of his more recent productions :
but I can tell you that he has assailed some of the most
difficult problems of the Roman Republican coinage and
generally with success. Before General Bahrfeldt sits down
to write his treatise he provides himself with casts from every
possible source of the coins which bear upon his subject. By
these means he has made many startling discoveries, and
broken down many traditions.

His knowledge of all the public collections in Europe and
of many private ones is most extensive, and he told me when
on a visit to London recently that when he once had seen
a coin he never forgot it, and even if he did not make a note
he recollected where he had seen it.

I owe General Bahrfeldt a deep debt of gratitude per-
sonally because he was so good as to read the proofs of my
" Roman Republican Coins " and he saved me from many a
blunder, which lack of intimate acquaintance with other
collections than that of the British Museum would have led
me into.

I will now read the letter which General Bahrfeldt has
addressed to the Council of the Society.

Allenstein, May 20, 1912.

To THE COUNCIL OP THE ROYAL NUMISMATIC SOCIETY,
LONDON.

Mr. H. A. Grueber has informed me that the Royal
Numismatic Society of London has awarded me its Silver
Medal for my work in the domain of the Coinage of the
Roman Republic. As I have been for a number of years an
Honorary Fellow of the Society, this new honour is specially
gratifying to me, and I hasten to express my most heartfelt
thanks to the Society for this appreciation of my work. I

26 PROCEEDINGS OF THE

must, however, not omit to say that in my work I have
received the valuable aid of the Directors of the Public
Collections in Great Britain, which include those of London,
Oxford, Cambridge, and Glasgow, and much is due to their
help that I have obtained some success in my studies.

With the expression of my thankfulness and deep esteem,
I am,

Yours faithfully,

(Signed) MAX BAHRFELDT, Dr. Phil.,
Lieut.-General and Commander of the 37th Division.

On account of the unavoidable absence of Sir Henry
Howorth the customary President's address was not delivered.

The result of the ballot for the Council and Officers for the
ensuing year was announced. The list is as follows : —

President.
SIR HENRY H. HOWORTH, K.C.I.E., F.R.S., F.S.A.

Vice-Presidents.

SIR ARTHUR J. EVANS, M.A., D.LITT., LL.D., PH.D.,

F.R.S., F.S.A.
BERNARD ROTH, ESQ., F.S.A., J.P.

Treasurer.
PERCY H. WEBB, ESQ.

Secretaries.

JOHN ALLAN, ESQ., M.A., M.R.A.S.
FREDERICK A. WALTERS, ESQ., F.S.A.

Foreign Secretary.
GEORGE FRANCIS HILL, ESQ., M.A.

Librarian.
OLIVER CODRINGTON, ESQ., M.D., F.S.A., M.R.A.S.

ROYAL NUMISMATIC SOCIETY.

Members of the Council.

THOMAS BLISS, ESQ.

G. C. BROOKE, ESQ., B.A.

Miss HELEN FARQUHAR.

H. B. EARLE Fox, ESQ.

HERBERT A. GRUBBER, ESQ., F.S.A.

BARCLAY VINCENT HEAD, ESQ., D.C.L., D.LITT., PH.D.

L. A. LAWRENCE, ESQ., F.S.A.

J. GRAPTON MILNE, ESQ., M.A.

LiEUT.-CoL. H. WALTERS MORRIESON, R.A., F.S.A.

HENRY SYMONDS, ESQ., F.S.A.

XII

KAKE AND UNPUBLISHED COINS OF THE
SELEUCID KINGS OF SYRIA.

(See Plates IX.-XI.)

To the collector, who is not a mere collector, but in
some degree a student, a series of coins provides an
interest just in proportion as it remains unworked, and
offers problems for solution to which his efforts may
contribute.

For this purpose the coins of the Seleucid Kings of
;Syria are nearly ideal. They have so far not been com-
pletely or even thoroughly studied. In consequence
much remains to be done in their classification and
attributions.

In itself the series presents a high artistic standard, a
careful portraiture, and a wide variety of type, ranging,
as it does, from 312 B.C. to 69 B.C. The famous
tetradrachm of Antiochus VI well illustrates this, or the
superb drachm which is described below and figured on
PI. X. 9. But the interest of the series does not abide at
home, and is in no sense confined to narrow limits. The
Seleucid kings, perhaps more than any other personages
of antiquity, have profoundly influenced the life and
thought of to-day. They came into contact again and
again with the Jews. The Hellenizing policy of
Antiochus Epiphanes produced the Maccabees. There

VOL. XII., SERIES IV. R

238 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.

is hardly any tragedy of antiquity more moving than
this. Their conflict with the Jews made the conditions
of Christianity. The Jews appealed to Rome. Koine
thus found a footing in Palestine, and a Roman
Governor crucified the Christ, where a Hebrew patriot
had failed to keep the Holy Land for Jehovah.

It was a tremendous conflict between Greek beauty
and Hebrew holiness. Our Seleucid series shows us the
religion, the manners, and the customs of those whose
ideal of progress found a set back, because it was not
based upon the ideal which we have made our own : the
beauty of holiness.

It is curious that of late years, when Greek coins have
attracted so much attention, this series has fallen behind.
It is not difficult of study. An elementary knowledge
of Greek is sufficient. There is nothing monotonous
about the classification of the series, as there is, let us
say, about the coins of Parthia or the Ptolemies. The
series needs attention and patience to throw light upon
the most interesting period of the world's history.

It is with this intention that I venture to transcribe
the following notes on coins in my collection. I have
deliberately omitted to describe in detail minor varieties :
for example, a half-chalcous of Antiochus I with an
interesting countermark of a trident on the reverse,
which exhibits Apollo, seated with his lyre beside him ;
a magnificent tetradrachm of Antiochus II J with Apollo
seated on the reverse, holding his bow in his hand, and
the monogram A/ in the field left ; to say nothing of
mere varieties of monograms and dies, which occur freely
in any collection of Seleucid coins. These ought some

1 See PI. IX. 2.

COINS OF THE SELEUCID KINGS OF SYRIA. 239

day to be carefully tabulated, and a really scientific
classification of this most interesting and important
series would be the outcome.

My collection is a comparatively small one, just over
two hundred and fifty specimens; and yet it presents
varieties which, without egotism, I may claim will add to
the general study of the series. The Seleucid coins occur
in considerable numbers in gold, silver, and copper.

SELEJJCUS I (NICATOE).
1-32 A.S. 312-280 B.C.

1. Obv. — Laureate head of bearded Zeus to r. Border of

dots.

Rev. — Athene standing, fighting in a car to r., drawn by
four horned elephants. She wears Corinthian
helmet ; her r. hand holds a thunderbolt ; in
her 1. a shield. Above, in field r., anchor with
ring. BAZIAEHZ (1.) ; ZEAEYKOY (r.).

M. 0-6. Attic drachm. Wt. 55£ grs.

[PL IX. 4.]

This drachm presents neither symbol nor monogram,
nor the letter 0, a most unusual phenomenon. Possibly
the ring of the anchor arises from a confusion in the
mind of the designer, who had the ordinary piece with
the 0 before him ; and attached the circle of the © to
the anchor, which would be intelligible realism.2

2. Obv. — Tripod-lebes with cover \ handles joined by wreath.

Border of dots.

Eev. — Inverted anchor, flanked on r. by monogram B,
on 1. by bunch of grapes. Border of dots.
BAZIAEOZ (r.); ZEAEYKOY (1.).

M. 0-4. Attic obol. Wt. 9J grs.

[PL IX. 1.]

2 Cf. Mr. E. J. Seltman's article in the Revue Numismatigue, 1911,
pp. 161 ff.

K 2

240 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.

This variety of the rare obol of Seleucus is quite
unpublished. Both specimens described in the B.M.C.
and by Babelon have the anchor flanked by A— K.

3. Obv. — Head of Athene to r. in Corinthian helmet.
Border of dots.

Rev. — Elephant to r. Beneath elephant jvp; in field
r. B.

M. 07. Half-chalcous. Wt. 61 grs.

[PI. IX. 5.]

The larger denomination, which I also possess, has
been described by Babelon. This half-chalcous, in
excellent preservation, does not appear to be published.
It is executed in quite a good style.

ANTIOCHUS I (SOTER).
32-51 A.S. 280-261 B.C.
4. Obv. — Diademed head of King to r. of young type.

Rev. — Tripod-lebes ; eagle to r. between feet of the
tripod ; field concave and 1. monogram j£, and
probably another too worn to distinguish : it
might be A. BAZI (r.) ; ANTI in exergue.

M. 0-5. Lepton. Wt. 18 J grs.

[PL IX. 3.]

I possess a couple of specimens of this interesting
little coin. The nearest approach to it is the lepton
illustrated by Babelon, PI. v. 13, but in this example
the obverse is the full-faced bust of Apollo. Dr. Mac-
donald has recently published a specimen, which is in
the B.M. Collection ; but he attributes it to Antiochus II,
on the ground of portraiture. I am compelled to differ ;
both my specimens resemble Antiochus I far more than
Antiochus II.

COINS OF THE SELEUCID KINGS OF SYRIA. 241

SELEUCUS II (CALLINICUS).
66-86 A.S. 246-226 B.C.

5. Obv. — Diademed head of King to r. Border of dots.

Rev. — Elephant walking to r. with mahout holding
goad; behind elephant, indistinct monogram.
Border of dots. Above, BAZ1AEOZ ; below,
ZEAEYKOY.

M. 0-0! Dilepton. Wt. 30'5 grs.

[PI. IX. 6.]

Both the B.M.C. and the Hunterian Collection publish
chalcoi of this type, which are sufficiently rare. This
denomination seems to be as yet unpublished. It does
not appear in Babelon. It rather leads one to suppose
that a particular type was adopted for a complete series
of denominations, and suggests the many gaps which at
present exist in the Seleucid coins may some day be
filled up, and the completeness and richness of the series
be demonstrated.

6. Obv. — Head of Apollo to r., laureate; hair rolled.

Rev, — Dioscuri on horseback to r. ; behind, indistinct
monogram; in front, A/ (probably). BAZIAEQZ
(above) ; ZEAEYKOY (below).

M. 0-6. Half-chalcous. Wt. 41 '5 grs.

[PI. IX. 8.]

The B.M.C. publishes a chalcous of this type, which
Babelon prefers to give to Seleucus I. At present there
are no more grounds for the one attribution than for
the other.

242 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.

ANTIOCHUS HIERAX.

85 A.S. 227 B.C.
7. Obv. — Diademed head of King to 1. Border of dots.

Rev. — Apollo laureate, naked, seated upon omphalos to
r. ; holds in r. hand arrow ; in 1. bow. In field
Ljjbeyond inscription, an owl. BAZIAEQZ (r.) ;
ANTIOXOY (1.).

JR. 1-2. Attic tetradrachm. Wt. 262 grs.

[PL IX. 7.]

The presence of the owl upon this tetradrachm is
exceedingly interesting. The late Sir Edward Bunbury,
in his paper on the unpublished coins of the Kings of
Syria, illustrated one, with the owl upon the knee of Apollo
(Num. Chron., Ser. III. Vol. III. PI. IV. 6), which he
attributed to Antiochus II, because it could not be either
Antiochus I or III. For a like reason I attribute this
tetradrachm to Hierax. It is of hasty workmanship, as
many of his coins must have been ; then it bears a
symbol and not a monogram merely. Other coins of
Antiochus II and Hierax, bearing the owl, which are
rare, are published by M. J. P. Six in the Num. Chron. 9
Ser. III. Vol. XVIII, pp. 236, 237.

In the vexed question of the attribution of the coins
of the early Antiochi, I suggest that the presence of a
symbol is a general, though not invariable, ground for
an attribution earlier than the first coins issued by
Antiochus III, for the two following reasons : Symbols
are common on the tetradrachms of Alexander the
Great, which served as the starting-point of the Seleucid
series, and after the earlier years of Antiochus III prac-
tically disappear, and monograms take their place.
This would be quite natural in a settled kingdom. A

COINS OF THE SELEUCID KINGS OF SYRIA. 243

symbol would give the authenticity of a recognized city :
a monogram would be sufficient, when a king, like
Antiochus III, had established his position and could
appoint recognized moneyers.

Thus, with Babelon, I would attribute the B.M.C.
specimen, PL viii. 5, of which I possess an example
from a broken die, to Hierax. On the other hand, two
tetradrachms in my possession similar in treatment only
add to the puzzle. I have attributed both of them to
Hierax. One shows a lotus flower in the field left, and
monogram w right. This might possibly belong to
Antiochus III, though I have seen exactly the same
reverse with a head, which is similar to the other
tetradrachm 3 in my collection. This, however, bears no
symbol, but the monogram & in the field left. I feel
morally certain that this is not Antiochus III. It is
much better work than any certain specimen of his, and
might well be the issue of Hierax's most successful year.
At the same time it is of the utmost importance to
remember that even in the worst times a die-engraver
might have been exceptionally gifted ; and the por-
traiture of the series is a very unsafe guide. One man
worked with his fingers, the other with a hammer and
chisel ; one man was an artist, the other a mechanic.

The owl is most interesting. It occurs on the coins of
Soli in Cilicia from 386-333 B.C., and also on the tetra-
drachm of Antiochus Epiphanes (BM.C. : Seleucid Kings),
in combination with the monogram SA. This Mr.
Gardner attributed to Salamis, an attribution which is
not possible. Probably this coin belongs to Sardes, if
ZA is not a moneyer's name. Obviously it suggests some

3 See PI. IX. 10.

244 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.

connexion with Athens, entirely natural in the case of
Epiphanes, who had been a magistrate in Athens ; but it
is quite different with Hierax. No compliment to him
could have been intended, and perhaps it is merely the
patriotic expression of some Athenian die-engraver.

8. Obv. — Diademed head to r. 1 Border of dots.

Rev. — Apollo seated on omphalos to 1., naked, but wears

fillet ; holds arrow in r., bow in 1. hand. In field

1. monogram A/. ?for A/M. Mint purporting to
be Antioch. BAZIAEHZ (r.); ANTIOXOY (1.).

M. 0-7. Attic drachm. Wt. 64 grs.

[PI. IX. 11.]

There are clear traces of overstriking on the obverse,
apparently on a drachm of Seleucus I ; for the anchor
remains above the King's head, and there are indistinct
fragments, which might be part of the chariot, the
elephants' trunks, and the legend. The portrait is quite
exceptional, and new. That this is a drachm of Hierax I
am convinced, and further, from the fact that it is an
overstruck coin, I would put it somewhere in his un-
successful years.

SELEUCUS III (CEEAUNUS).
86-90 A.S. 226-222 B.C.

9. Obv. — Diademed head of Apollo to r. with hair rolled.

Border of dots.

Rev. — Tripod-lebes with cover, wreathed with laurel;
in field r. the monogram (?) o ; in exergue,
anchor. BAZIAEHZ (r.) ; ZEAEYKOY (1.).

^E. 0-7. Chalcous. Wt. 76 grs.

[PI. IX. 9.]

The presence of the characteristic Seleucid symbol,

COINS OF THE SELEUCID KINGS OF SYRIA. 245

the anchor, is peculiar and appropriate. Its use is
considerably more popular with Antiochus III. It then
apparently disappears from the coinage for a time, and
reappears under Alexander I (Bala), Demetrius II,
Alexander II (Zebina), and Antiochus VII. It was
apparently introduced by Seleucus I, and appears on the
silver coinage with the legend and types of Alexander
the Great, which he issued upon the death of the
Conqueror. On the coinage of Parthia and Comniagene
it appears to show alliance with Syria. Its sporadic
existence must have some definite significance. Students
of Jewish coins are familiar with the anchor upon coins
of Alexander Jannaeus and Herod the Great, etc. ; but
this hardly tends to elucidate its meaning.

ANTIOCHUS III (THE GREAT).
90-126 A.S. 222-187 B.C.

10. Ol>v. — Diademed head to r. ; hair curiously waved.
Border of dots.

Rev. — Bearded Apollo seated on omphalos to 1. ; holds
in r. hand arrow, in 1. bow. Apollo is naked
and has hair bound with fillet j wears beard,
or has very elongated chin. In field 1. the
monogram to and AC, or ^. BAIIAEQZ (r.) ;
ANTIOXOY (1.). [Traces of overstriking, and
probably flaws in die ; partly double-struck.]

M. 1-2. Attic tetradrachm. Wt. 26S-5 grs.

[PL IX. 12.]

This is a most interesting coin. The arrangement of
the hair on the obverse is different from anything pub-
lished, and is apparently Parthian in general character ;
on the other hand, the reverse is unusually good for
Eastern workmanship. The second monogram is most
interesting. Is this a lunar C, and, if so, how does it

246 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.

come here? Babelon considers the earliest example to
be on a tetradrachm of Alexander Bala, 163 A.S., 149 B.C.
Here is a much earlier instance of the use, if this
reading is correct. If it is not a lunar C, what is it ? I
am confirmed in my opinion that it is a lunar C by the
fact that Mr. GL F. Hill, in his Handbook of Greek and
Roman Coins, p. 213, quotes from Imhoof-Blumer,
Monn. Gr., p. 427, an even earlier example in the money
of Seleucus II. The obvious Eastern fabric of this
tetradrachm makes the use of the lunar C more remark-
able. We are here in the beginning of a change in
epigraphy. It can hardly resolve itself into a date.
The treatment of the Apollo is equally interesting. It
is exceptional and noteworthy; though it should be
noticed that in the Seleucid series, especially in those of
Eastern or barbarous fabric, there is a tendency of
accommodation, and a bearded Apollo, if indeed it is
bearded, might be a concession to popular Parthian
opinion. Of. the reverse of the drachm of Antiochus IV
[PL X. 4].

The provenance of this tetradrachm was, I think,
Persia.

11. Obv. — Diademed head to r. Border of dots.

Rev. — Apollo seated on omphalos, as usual. Border of
dots. In field 1. the monogram -p. Actually
upon the omphalos the letter A. BAZIAEQZ
(r.) ; ANTIOXOY (1.). [Of barbarous fabric.]

M. 0-8. Drachm. Wt. 65-5 grs.

[PL IX. 13.]

The interesting feature of this drachm is the presence
of the usual Parthian mark A. I have seen a tetradrachm
with the same mark. The provenance of such coins
would be of invaluable assistance in determining the

COINS OF THE SELEUCID KINGS OF SYRIA. 247

extent of the Syrian power, which obviously reached in
some periods so far as India.

12. Obv. — Head of Apollo to r., hair rolled in curls. Border

of dots.

Rev. — Apollo naked, standing to 1., leans on tripod,
holds arrow in r. hand. 1 Border of dots.
BAZIAEHZ (r.) ; ANTIOXOY (1.).

M. 0-8. Half-chalcous. Wt. 59 grs.

[PL IX. 14.]

I possess as well a*dilepton of this type. I have a
strong feeling that the B.M.C. attribution to Antiochus
III is wrong, and that these coins really belong to
Antiochus IV, whose devotion to Apollo is much more
understandable. His love of Greek culture would make
him anathema to Josephus, and the Jewish historian's
account of his character must be properly discounted.

13. Obv. — Elephant with mahout to r. Border of dots.

Rev. — Victory to r. holding crown ; in field 1. mono-
gram A ; in exergue ? . . A . — a date. Cf .
B.M.C., p. 27, 33, PKA. BAZIAEQZ (r.) ;
ANTIOXOY (1.).

M. O9. Two chalcoi. Wt. 122 grs.

[PL IX. 15.]

This is a singularly interesting coin, which speaks
alike of the alliance of Antiochus III with India, and
his consequent history. It is quite unpublished, and
possibly unique, though its rather poor condition is to
be deplored.

14. Obv. — Head of King to r. Border of dots.

Rev. — Tripod with cover ; in field 1. monogram K\ .
? Border of dots. BAZIAEOZ(r.); ANTIOXOY (1.).

M. 0-8. Chalcous. Wt. 98 grs.

[PI. X. 1.]

248 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.

This is at present an unpublished coin, which obviously
belongs to Antiochus III from its characteristic portrait.
Possibly it was minted at Ptolemais.

SELEUCUS IV (PHILOPATER).
126-138 A.S. 187-175 B.C.

15. Obv. — Diademed head of King to r. Border of dots.

Rev. — Apollo laureate, seated on omphalos, chlamys
over r. knee ; holds in r. hand arrow, in 1.
bow. In field r. NB, 1. stanchion (?) and ZA.
BAZIAEHZ (r.); ZEAEYKOY (1.).

JR. 1-1. Attic tetradrachm. Wt. 257'5 grs.

[PL X. 2.]

This tetradrachm is exceedingly rare. It is quite a
new portrait with border of dots instead of fillet border.
I have lately acquired it from Syria. The presence of
the monogram in the field (left) goes to prove the force
of what I have already said about the British Museum
tetradrachm of Antiochus IV with the symbol, owl, and
the same monogram ZA.

M. J. P. Six makes it quite plain that this particular
coin was minted at Sardes, and Sir Edward Bunbury
was probably wrong when he described a variety in his
collection as presenting a torch. The torch should be a
stanchion (fer-de-lance, Six). Sardes is far more probable
than Salamis for Antiochus IV; and Salamis is quite
impossible for Seleucus IV.

ANTIOCHUS IV (EPIPHANES).
138-149 A.S. 175-164 B.C.

16. Obv. — Head of King to r., diademed. Border of dots.

t — Apollo seated 1. on omphalos, chlamys beneath
and over r. knee ; holds in r. hand arrow, in 1.

COINS OF THE SELEUCID KINGS OF SYKIA. 249

bow. In field r., cornucopiae ; 1., monogram,
^j; below monogram, n. BAZIAEOZ (r.) ;
ANTIOXOY (1.).

JR. 0-7. Attic drachm. Wt. 52 grs.

[PI. X. 3.]

The portrait of Antiochus is barely idealized : this fact
and the characteristic appearance of the reverse suggest
Eastern workmanship, especially in the treatment of the
bow, which is similar to bows appearing on Parthian
coins. Its peculiarity* consists in the position of the
cornucopiae, and its interest lies in the monogram ^~j.
I suggest that this is a barbarous imitation of A/ for
Antioch, and M for Metropolis, and in connexion with
this that AN or Ai are merely barbarous imitations of
A/ and do not stand for any city whose name begins with
A/, and that coins bearing these monograms purport to
be minted at Antioch, while in fact they are really very
Eastern workmanship or barbarous. Probably other mono-
grams of well-known mints are so imitated with no real
knowledge, and this may be part of the key to the puzzle
of the infinite variety of monograms, which occur on the
series.

I have carefully examined about twenty different
specimens of similar workmanship. They are from
different dies, but all exhibit the same monogram ^
and are obviously Eastern in fabric.

DEMETRIUS I (SOTER).
151-162 A.S. 162-150 B.C.

17. Obv. — Head of King to r., diademed; clear traces of

overstriking. Fillet border.

Rev. — Apollo seated on omphalos 1., diademed, and
wearing chlamys folded on omphalos and over

250 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.

r. knee ; holds in r. hand arrow, in 1. bow.
Head from original coin clearly visible. Border
of dots. BAZIAEQZ (r.) ; AHMHTPIOY (1.) ;
ZQTHPOZ (in exergue).

JR. O7. Attic drachm. Wt. 60-5 grs.

[PI. X. 5.]

This is a particularly interesting coin, and was probably
originally issued by Timarchus. An entirely similar
instance of overstriking is to be found in the B.M.C.
tetradrachm of Demetrius and Laodice, Plate xv. 2.
Babelon says, " Cette nouvelle empreinte parait indiquer
que Demetrius a voulu effacer de 1'histoire jusqu' au
nom merne de Timarchus et faire disparaitre ses
monnaies," which sufficiently accounts for the exceeding
rarity of Timarchus' coins.

It will be remembered that Timarchus had been one
of the favourites of Antiochus Epiphanes, and had been
appointed Satrap of Babylon. Upon the death of
Epiphanes, he took advantage of the minority of
Antiochus V, and raised the standard of revolt. With
the assistance of his brother Heraclides he had been
proclaimed king in Babylon. Demetrius on his accession
in 162 B.C. quickly repressed the revolt and put Timarchus
to death. His savage defacement of the coinage of
Timarchus is evident not only of Oriental effort to wipe
out all remains of a defeated rival, but of the real
popularity of the conquered Timarchus. This drachm
is a valuable monument of Oriental human nature. It
has been suggested to me that this is merely a restrike
of one of Demetrius' own drachmae, but the curious
remains of the original coin on the obverse are clearly
too thick for an exergual line and are much more likely
to be the defaced impression of the Artemis, which occurs
on the drachm of Timarchus in the B.M.C. , PI. xxviii. 6.

COINS OF THE SELEUCID KINGS OF SYRIA. 251

18. Obv. — Diademed head to r. ; behind 6.

Rev. — Apollo naked standing to r. ; leans on tripod r.
and holds in r. hand an arrow. Border of
dots. The coin has a cast flan and bevelled
edge. BAZIAEQZ (r.) ; AHMHTPIOY (1.).

M. 0-7. Chalcous. Wt. 81 -5 grs.

[PL X. 7.]

This is a remarkably interesting coin, because it bears
the mark of value on the obverse. Dr. Imhoof-Blumer
and M. Babelon have already published coins, as has the
B.M.C., of Antiochus IV and Alexander Bala with marks
of value upon them, and Dr. Imhoof-Blumer has sug-
gested their true significance. This is a quite new
example of a coin bearing a mark of value ; it has
recently reached me from Syria.

ALEXANDER I (BALAS).
160-168 A.S. 152-H4 B.C.

19. Obv. — Head of King to r., diademed. Border of dots.

Rev. — Zeus seated on throne without back to 1.,
diademed ; wears chlamys over knees, holds
Victory in r. hand crowning himself, with 1.
leans on long sceptre. BAZIAEQZ AAEZAN-
APOY (r.); 0EOTTATOPOZ EYEPfETOY (1.).

M. 1-15. Attic tetradrachm. Wt. 255-5
grs. [PI. X. 6.]

This tetradrachm is exceedingly rare on account of
the border of dots on the obverse. The B.M. possesses
no similar specimen, and Babelon only gives one, viz.
No. 798, which has the monogram KP in the exergue.

The fillet border instead of the border of dots first
appears on the coins, which were once attributed to
Antiochus, son of Seleucus III. Personally I still cling

252 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.

to this attribution, but the latest edition of the Historia
Numorum dismisses the attribution with scorn, and gives
them wholesale to Antiochus V. I confess that the
presence of the fillet border is the best evidence of
such attribution, but I submit that if portraiture goes
for anything at all, the old attribution is preferable. If
Dr. Head, or rather Dr. Macdonald, is correct, then the
fillet border first appears in the later issues of Antiochus
III, and this would make the classification of the com-
plicated series of Antiochus II and Antiochus Hierax
the easier. It is safe to say that, excepting the alleged
coins of Antiochus, son of Seleucus III, no tetradrachm
with a fillet border is earlier than the later years of
Antiochus III. Seleucus IV returns in a few certain
instances to the border of dots ; and the border of dots
appears upon a solitary tetradrachm of Antiochus IV
(B.M.C., PL xi. 1 ; Babelon, PL xii. 3), and in the type
of Seleucus IV of which a description is given here
(PL X, 2). I have always wanted to query this latter
attribution, but this tetradrachm of Alexander disturbs
my theory.

With these solitary exceptions the fillet border in one
form or another — that is, more or less elaborated — lasts
until the end of the Seleucid series, always excepting
coins of Phoenician mints, with the Ptolemaic reverse of
an eagle, upon which the border of dots is invariably
present.

20. Obv. — Radiate and diademed head to r. Fillet border.

Rev. — Apollo standing naked to 1. ; holds in r. hand
arrow, with 1. leans on bow. BAZIAEQZ (r.) ;
AAEZANAPOY (1.).

M. 0-5. Half-drachm. Wt. 26 grs.

[PL X. 8.]

COINS OF THE SELEUCID KINGS OF SYRIA. 253

All previously published specimens have a border of
dots upon the obverse. This is distinguished from them
by a fillet border. The alternation of fillet border and
dotted border in the later kings of the Seleucid series
appears to be dictated only by the caprice of the moneyer,
although usually the larger denominations present the
fillet border and the smaller the border of dots. This
specimen is an exception to the rule and therefore is
worthy of consideration.

ANTIOCHUS VI (DIONYSUS).
167-170 A.S. 145-142 B.C.

21. Obv. — Diademed and radiate head of King to r. Border

of dots.

Rev. — Apollo naked, seated to 1. on omphalos; laureate
head ; his chlamys below him and folded over
his r. knee. In his r. extended hand he holds
an arrow ; in his 1. a bow resting upon the
ground. Between his legs the letter K. In
exergue the date HZP (168 A.S., 144 B.C.).
Probably struck at Carne. BAZIAEOZ
ANTIOXOY (r.); EfllcpANOYZ AIONYZOY (1.).

JR. 0-7. Attic drachm. Wt. 64-5 grs.

[PL X. 9.]

This perfect little drachm is illustrated to show how
highly artistic is the work to be found upon the Seleucid
coins at their best. The B.M.C. specimen of the same
date has the monogram HP (i.e. for Heraclea). The work
is worthy to rank with the best period. Indeed, all the
fleur-de-coin pieces of the series possess real artistic
merit.

22. Obv.— Diademed head of King to r. ; below, ZTA. Fillet

border.

VOL. XII., SERIES IV. S

254 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.

Rev. — Dionysus standing to 1., clad in chiton ; holds in
r. hand cantharos, in 1. thyrsus adorned with
wreath.- Border of dots. BA . AN. (1.).

M. 0-6. Half-chalcous. Wt. 39-5 grs.

[PI. X. 10.]

This is an interesting piece, because it is the solitary
example which bears the letters ZTA on the obverse.
Their presence beneath the head of Antiochus YI with
the reverse type of Dionysus is significant, when you
remember that according to the mythology Staphylos
was the son of Dionysus. The interpretation of ZTA has
always been a puzzle ; and it is difficult to believe
that it is only a romantic name for Tryphon, or even
that it stands for the name of a second official in
the guardianship of the ill-fated boy king. Probably
it is an allusion to the claim of Antiochus VI to be
Dionysus. It is hardly a mere coincidence that the ivy
leaf finds a place in the border of the beautiful tetra-
drachms which belong to him.

DEMETRIUS II (NICATOR).
Second reign. 182-187 A.S. 130-125 B.C.

23. Gbv. — Diademed head of King to r., wears full beard
and hair waved in Parthian fashion. Fillet
border.

Rev. — Zeus diademed, and clad in chlamys, seated on
throne to 1. ; holds sceptre in 1. and in r. little
Victory, who crowns him. Slightly double-
struck. In field 1., AN. In exergue, date

rnp. 183 A.S., 129 B.C. BAZIAEOZ

AHMHTPIOY (r.); GEOY NIKATOPOZ (1.).

JR. 1-15. Attic tetradrachm. Wt. 264 grs.

[PI. X. 11.]

This coin has been mounted as a brooch, and the
surface presents both the smoothness due to attrition,

COINS OF THE SELEUCID KINGS OF SYRIA. 255

and the marks of the fire, while part of the solder
remains on the obverse. This treatment of the head
combining the Parthian rendering of the hair with the full
beard is unique among tetradrachms, although a similar
type is known among the drachms of Demetrius. It
differs from the famous Bunbury specimen in the British
Museum, in that this example is fully bearded, and the
Bunbury specimen shows only a slight beard.

It should be carefully compared with the tetradrachms
of Mithradates I of Parthia (B.M.G.: Parthia, PL iii.
7-12). The treatment of the hair, the eye, and the beard
on the obverse are similar, while on the reverse the A
instead of A, and the upturn of the top stroke of the 2
are easily paralleled. The letters AN in the field to left
would be the Parthian equivalent for AN, which, as I have
already said, is a common practice in the Syrian series of
Eastern fabric, and purport that the coin was struck at
Antioch.

The history of Demetrius and his captivity in Parthia
is so well known that it does not need to be set out here.
It is sufficient to remember that in the year rnp, i.e.
183 A.S., 131 B.C., Demetrius was put forward as a
candidate for the Syrian throne by the Parthian king
against Antiochus VII. Sidetes. I suggest that Demetrius
had adopted the Parthian dress and appearance : more
gentis parihicae, as Longperier 4 writes of him.

This coin, then, would be the work of a Parthian artist
on the spot before he left for his campaign. In the next
year he had established his position in Syria, and a
Greek artist continues the bearded type, and a fairly
common series beginning from Al~lP and running on to
inp, 187 A.S., 125 B.C., would be naturally explained.

4 Eois Parthes Arsacides, p. 28.

256 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.

This full-bearded type, as well as the slightly bearded
Bunbury specimen, seems to me to throw light upon a
very extraordinary tetradrachm, which Babelon assigns
to the first reign of Demetrius and illustrates on
PL xix. 15.

It is slightly bearded and bears upon the reverse
Apollo seated with the usual attributes. Because of
this type of reverse Babelon does not hesitate to place
it in the first reign. He says that the head is juvenile,
and the reverse type does not appear in the second reign.

The argument from the youthfulness of the face may
be dismissed without much trouble. Iconography is a
poor guide in the Seleucid series. Kejuvenating a
monarch's portrait is an ancient form of flattery. On
the other hand, there is not much to choose between this
and the tetradrachm with reverse Zeus seated and the
date AHP (PL xxii. 9) on the score of looks. This is
obviously the second reign.

With regard to the reverse, although Babelon states
that the type of Apollo is unknown in the second reign
(cf. Intro, cxlvi) he actually illustrates a bronze coin
(PL xxii. 16) with the same reverse of the second reign.

This is curious logic, and I submit that the ground
for classification should be sought elsewhere.

The tetradrachm in question has the legend BAZlAEnz
AHMHTPIOY GEOY NIKATOPOZ. Every other tetra-
drachm of the first reign, except those of Phoenician
mints, which have merely BAZIAEOZ AHMHTPIOY, which

is USUal, reads BAZIAEQZ AHMHTPIOY GEOY <J>IAAAEA4>OY

NIKATOPOZ, whereas all the tetradrachms of the second
reign read with the one I am considering BAZIAEQZ
AHMHTPIOY 0EOY NIKATOPOZ.

I therefore conclude that coins with tplAAAEA^OY upon

COINS OP THE SELEUCID KINGS OF SYRIA. 257

them belong to the first reign and those without belong
to the second, and that the type of the reverse has
nothing at all to do with the attribution. It is quite
as natural in the second reign as in the first.

The curious irony of it all is that on this ground I
would like to transfer the bronze with reverse of Apollo
because of the presence of <1>IAAAEA<POY to the first reign,
as well as the other illustrated upon the same plate,
No. 18 : obv. head of Apollo, rev. Tripod. Such a
classification has at le'ast a real ground for its making,
and does not appear to be so arbitrary as Babelon's. It
is quite conceivable that by the second reign of
Demetrius his affection for his brother had ceased to be
a political asset.

24. Ob v. — Diademed and bearded head of King to r.

Rev. — Eagle to 1. on prow; palm under r. wing. In
field 1., )£, and traces of club monogram; r.
AZ; and date, CHP. Struck at Tyre.

2R. I'l. Phoenician tetradrachm. Wt.
214-5 grs. [PI. X. 12.]

This coin, which has suffered from wear and tear, is
singularly interesting and is typical of the surprises
which are still in store for the collector of the Seleucid
series.

Tetradrachms of Phoenician mints with the exception
of one with the monogram ft, which is described by
Bayer, Mionnet, Bunbury, and Babelon, and attributed
to Ptolemais with the date EHP, all continue the beard-
less type of the first reign. Bunbury with some justice
queries the attribution to Ptolemais ; and this query
only adds to the interest of my coin. Despite its
battered condition, it is indubitably struck at Tyre — or

258 NUMISMATIC CHKONICLE.

perhaps it would be more accurate to say, it professes to
be struck at Tyre. That starts a delightful series of
problems. Babelon publishes a beardless head type of
the same coin, struck at Tyre (1207 of his catalogue).
What is the significance of this double type ? Why is
this bearded type struck at all ? Demetrius was of
course sufficiently established by this time. Suppose
him in love with Parthian customs, as well as with a
Parthian wife, and you account for the bearded type ;
but the provocation of it all is that in the very next
year inp, he strikes at Tyre both a tetradrachm and a
didrachm of the beardless type, of which I possess
a magnificent specimen,5 which is as yet apparently
unpublished, though the tetradrachms of both cnp and
EHP are well known.

ALEXANDER II (ZEBINA).

184-190 A.S. 128-123 B.C.

25. Obv. — Diademed head of King to r. ? Fillet border.

Rev. — Zeus, diademed, seated to 1. on throne with back ;
holds in r. hand winged Victory, who crowns
King's name; in 1. long sceptre; clad in chlamys.
Below throne, monogram, Pi ; in field 1., I^P ;
in exergue, ©HP. 189 A.S., 124 B.C.
BAZIAEOZ (r.); AAEEANAPOY (1.).

M. 1-1. Attic tetradrachm. Wt. 260 grs.

[PL XI. 2.]

This tetradrachm has a special interest, not only from
the fact that it is dated, which is unusual (the B.M.C.
has no dated specimen), but also from the treatment of
the figure of Zeus. His right leg is raised and is
apparently resting upon a bar of the throne. This led

3 PI. x. 13.

COINS OF THE SELEUCID KINGS OF SYRIA. 259

me to suspect the coin at first, but the edge shows two
distinct marks of a hard, genuine patina.

CLEOPATRA (THEA) AND ANTIOCHUS VIII (GRYPUS).
187-192 A.S. 125-121 B.C.

26. Obv. — Diademed head of Grypus to r. Fillet border.

Rev. — Owl standing r. on amphora ; in field r., traces
of monogram; in exergue, date ©PIP or °1P.
BAZIAIZZHZ KAEOriATPAI (r.) ; BAZIAE^Z
[ANTIOXQY] (1.).

M. 0-7. Chalcous. Wt. 80 grs.

[PI. XL L]

This is quite a new type: all published specimens
have a radiate head6 on the obverse, and KAl on the
reverse. Although there is plenty of room for the
KAl on the reverse, it is deliberately omitted in this
example.

ANTIOCHUS VIII (GRYPUS).
192-216 A.S. 121-96 B.C.

27. Qbv. — Middle-aged diademed head of King to r. Fillet

border.

Eev. — Diademed Zeus seated to 1. on throne with back,
with chlamys over knees ; holds in 1. hand
long sceptre, in r. little Victory, who crowns

him; in field 1. monogram, E; below throne

the letter F; all in wreath. BAZIAEQZ
ANTIOXOY (r.) ; EHItpANOYZ (1.).

M. 1-1. Attic tetradrachm. Wt. 249 grs.

[PI. XL 4.]

6 An interesting confirmation of this coin is to be found in a chalcous
of Antiochus VIII, which has come into my possession since writing
this paper. In good preservation it presents a similar diademed head
and has on the reverse an eagle with sceptre, date BflP, and aplustre
with inscription BAZIAEQZ ANTIOXOY— remainder off the nan.

260 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.

This tetradrachm, which represented him as a middle-
aged man, well illustrates his nickname Grypus, the
hook-nosed. Other tetradrachms present the feature
considerably less developed, and show the portrait of a
considerably younger man.

The B.M.C. attributes this somewhat large series of
coins to Antiochus XI, but the omission of <t>lAAAEA<POY
is generally accepted now as sufficient ground for giving
it to Grypus. On the other hand, it is difficult to
be satisfied with the attribution of the copper coins,
having on the reverse a double cornucopiae, to Grypus,
because their fabric is so entirely unlike his coins ; and
though there is a similarity of likeness it is not impossible
to find the same features as are evident in the tetradrachm,
reading BAZIAEQZ ANTIOXOY Eni<t>ANOYZ IAAAEAcJ>OY,
which is published by Babelon, and is undoubtedly
Antiochus XL The omission of the full title on a
copper coin is by no means unusual in the Seleucid
series.

Various monograms have already been published, but
this with the r beneath the throne is new, though other
letters and monograms appear again and again.

28. Obv. — Diademed head to r. Border of dots.

Rev. — Cornucopiae filled with fruits; in field 1.,
monogram E. BAZIAEOZ ANTIOXOY (r.) ;
EnicJ>ANOYZ (1.).

M. 0-9. Two chalcoi. Wt. 122 grs.

[PL XI. 3.]

This coin calls for no remark except that it is a
specimen of the double chalcous, which is well known
in the single variety.

COINS OF THE SELEUCID KINGS OF SYRIA. 261

ANTIOCHUS IX (CYZICENUS).
196-217 A.S. 116-95 B.C.

29. Obv. — Diademed head of King to r., with slight

whisker. Fillet border.

Rev. — Athene to 1. in chiton and peplos, wears crested
helmet, holds winged Victory in r. hand away
from her, in 1. long spear and shield adorned
with head of Medusa; in field r. flower (?),
1. monogram AP. BAZIAEflZ ANTIOXOY (r.) ;
<t>IAOriA;rOPO£ (L). Wreath border.

JR. 1-3. Attic tetradrachm. Wt. 262 grs.

[PI. XI. 6.]

This is a curious piece of work. The flan is unusually
broad : the likeness of the King is uncommon. Mostly
the portraits show a slight beard and moustache, though
some are clean shaven. The treatment of Athene is
remarkable : she is almost an inch in length. The
symbol in the field (right) resembles the lily on the
Jewish shekels more than anything else. Dr. Macdonald,
Hunter Catalogue (PI. Ixx. 8), attributes a tetradrachm
of Seleucus VI with a similar five-leaved flower in the
field left to the mint at Seleucia ad Calycadnum.

30. Obv. — Diademed head to r., probably slightly bearded.

Fillet border.

Rev. — Winged Victory marching to L, holds wreath in
r. hand. In field 1. monogram Ffl, and in
exergue traces of further monogram or date.
BAZIAEHZ ANTIOXOY (r.); cfclAOriATOPOZ (L).

JR. O7. Attic drachm. Wt. 52-5 grs.

[PL XL 5.]

This is an entirely new type of drachm. All drachms
of Antiochus IX are scarce although the tetradrachms
are abundant. Babelon publishes a similar type in bronze.

262 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.

PHILIP (PHILADELPHIA).
220-229 A.S. 92-83 B.C.
31. Obv. — Head to r. diademed. Fillet border.

Rev. — Zeus laureate, seated 1. on throne with back ;
holds in r. hand Victory without wings, who
offers him ribboned palm ; in 1. hand sceptre.
In field 1., Xj ; below throne, /R> ; in exergue,
A. BAIIAEHZ $IAinnOY (r.) ; EFWANOYZ
[4>IA]AA[EA4>OY] (I.).7

JR. 1-1. Attic tetradrachm. Wt. 231 grs.

[PL XI. 7.]

This piece is interesting both for the new monogram
and for the substitution of a palm for a wreath in the
Victory's hand. The work is much rougher than is to
be found on the usual type of Philip's tetradrachms,
and suggests an Eastern origin.

The monogram is evidently meant to stand for Antioch.

Another interesting tetradrachm of Philip in my
collection [PL XI. 8] has a much younger head than
usual on the obverse, and differs from all published
varieties by showing no letter under the throne, but
merely the monogram in the field left A. Its provenance
is Syria.

Since writing the above I have been able to add yet
another tetradrachm (PI. XI. 9), which is distinguished by
a careful young portrait, and the most pronounced fillet
border ; while the reverse of the ordinary Zeus seated
type, presents a curious collocation of monograms. In

7 I have since seen another tetradrachm from a different die with
the palm instead of wreath. So this feature appears to be deliberate
and not accidental.

COINS OF THE SELEUCID KINGS OF SYRIA. 263

the exergue are the letters AN, below the throne A and

in the field left © ; the cursive omega, being singularly
interesting, though not unknown.

ANTIOCHUS XI (PHILADELPHIA).

220 A.S. 92 B.C.
32. Obv. — Laureate head of King to r. Fillet border.

Rev. — Half -naked Zeus, seated to 1. on throne with back,
laureate head, chlamys on his knees. In his
extended r. hand he holds little Victory with-
out wings, who presents him with wreath;
with his 1. leans on a long sceptre. In field
1. monogram, tyj. Whole surrounded by
laurel wreath. BAZIAEOZ ANTIOXOY (r.);
EHI0ANOYZ c|>IAAAEA4>OY (1.).

-31.1-0. Attic tetradrachm. Wt. 238*5 grs.

[PL XI. 10.]

These tetradrachms of Antiochus XI are naturally
very rare from the short length of his reign. This is
similar to the specimen in the British Museum, though
it shows the monogram on the reverse more clearly and
is generally in better preservation ; and though it has
already been published by Babelon, it is worthy of
being recorded here. It is equally well worth recording
that Dr. Macdonald has published a variety in the Zeit-
schrift fur Numismatik, 1912, p. 106. This specimen
is to be found in the Berlin Museum. Its variation
consists in the monogram $ over A in the field left
beyond the inscription, and below the throne right A.
Unhappily the flan is small, and so the wreath on the
obverse is hardly apparent in the illustration.

There remains a problem for students of the Seleucid

264 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.

series, to which I have referred in the course of this
paper, namely, the elucidation of the monograms — nearly
400 — which appear upon the coins. Many are likely to
remain an insoluble problem, but many are illiterate
imitations of the monogram of the famous mint at
Antioch, and more or less varieties of AN • M (Metropolis).
A parallel is to be found in the imitations of the Jewish
shekels, of which the inscriptions are often nonsense, or
on the paper Chinese dollar, which was copied from the
Mexican. I feel sure that such letters and monograms

as y, Al, AN, A, W, Al, \fl/, A, &c., really purport that the
coins bearing them were minted at Antioch, wherever, as
a matter of fact, they were actually issued, and this is
particularly noticeable in coins of Eastern fabric. The
pre-eminent popularity of the Antioch mint was traded
upon to give the required cachet to other issues.

EDGAR KOGERS.

XIII.

HOAKDS OF ROMAN GOLD COINS FOUND IN
BKITAIN.

BY H. H. E. CBASTER AND F. HAVERFIELD.

PART I.1

SECOND AND FOURTH CENTURY HOARDS
FOUND AT CORBRIDGE, 1908-1911.

BY H. H. E. CRASTER.
(See Plates XII.-XIX.)

(i.) CORBRIDGE SECOND-CENTURY HOARD.

FOR five years excavations have been proceeding, under
the direction of the Corbridge Excavation Committee, on
the site of the Roman town of Corstopitum, near Cor-
bridge, in the county of Northumberland. The season
of 1911 was made memorable by the discovery, on
September 14, of a bronze jug which -was found to
contain one hundred and fifty-nine Roman aurei. The
local associations of the find are not quite certain. Here,
however, we are concerned only with the fact that, on
the jug being lifted by the finders, the weight of its
contents, amounting to about four pounds, proved too
great for the decayed bronze ; the bottom fell out, and a

1 This is Part I. of a paper on " Hoards of Roman Gold Coins found
in Britain," that is, hoards consisting wholly or largely of gold pieces.
Part I., by Mr, Craster, deals with the two Corbridge finds. Part II.,
giving an account of other finds, will appear in a subsequent number of
the Chronicle.

266

NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.

stream of gold coins poured forth. The coins were collected
and counted, to the number of one hundred and fifty-nine ;
but there is every probability that an aureus of Trajan
(No. 83 in the following list), found next day in the soil
on or close to the spot where the jug had stood, had
fallen out of the jug, and that the total should con-
sequently be given as a hundred and sixty. In addition
to the 'aurei, two bronze coins were found filling the
narrow neck of the jug, where they had been placed,
not, of course, with any object of hoarding, but merely to
act as a stopper to the narrow neck. Possibly they were
also intended to deceive the casual finder into the belief
that the contents of the jug were merely bronze. These
coins were the following : —

1, Obv. — IMP CAES NER TRAIANO OPTIMO AVG GERM.

Radiate and draped bust of Trajan r.
Rev.— DAC PARTHICO P M TR P XX COS VI P P.
Within a wreath, SC Semi-as of Trajan ;
Cohen 123; 116-117 A.D.

2. Obv.— HADRIANVS AVGVSTVS P P.
Hadrian r.

Laureate head of

. — COS Ml S C. Salus r., feeding a serpent which
she holds in her arms. As of Hadrian ; Cohen
371; 127-128 A.D.

The gold coins represented the following emperors :

Nero .... 10
Oalba .... 3
Otho .... 3
Vitellius and L. Vitellius 1
Vespasian . . .15
Titus . . . .11
Domitian ... 5
Trajan . . . .47
Marciana ... 1
Hadrian and Trajan . 1

Hadrian . . 35

Sabina .... 3

Aelius .... 1
Antoninus Pius . .12
Antoninus Pius and M.

Aurelius ... 1

Faustina, senior . . 7

Marcus Aurelius . . 4

Total . .160

ROMAN GOLD COINS FOUND AT CORBRIDGE. 267

The ten aurei of Nero all fall within the last five years
of his reign (64-68 A.D.), and are subsequent to the
reduction of the gold standard effected in 64. In that
year the ratio of the aureus to the pound weight was
reduced from forty to fifty-five, this being equivalent to
a reduction from S'175 to 7*266 grammes per coin. The
four aurei of Marcus date from within the reign of Pius,
the latest of his coins belonging to the eleventh year of
his tribunician power (157 A.D.). The latest of the coins
of Pius belongs to the twenty- second year of his tri-
bunician power (159-160 A.D.). The seven coins of
Faustina the Elder are not easily datable; one was
struck in her lifetime (137-140), while the other six are
" consecration " coins. On six out of the seven coins the
empress is shown in diademed coiffure ; only on one of
the consecration coins is her head veiled. The date of
change in coiffure on the coins of this empress cannot be
accurately determined, but is not later than 156-157 A.D.,
the veiled bust being found on Alexandrian coins of that
year (twentieth year of Pius).

Thus, whether the coin-series of Pius, of Marcus, or of
Faustina be taken, the termination of the series is found
to be not earlier, and very little later, than 159 A.D.
There was a comparatively small output of gold coinage
in the last eighteen months of Pius (160-161); con-
sequently the money might have been deposited in 160
or 161 and yet failed to include any money minted in
those years. Yet, when one takes into consideration the
probable rapidity with which gold circulated, and the
fact that the coin series of Faustina and of Marcus
-close before that of Pius, it seems improbable that
the deposit is later than 161, and it may therefore
be provisionally assigned to the years 160-162 A.D.

268 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.

The historical significance of this date is considered
later.

A noticeable feature in the collection is the entire
absence both of coins of Domitian, as sole emperor, and
of those of Nerva, and a consequent gap in the series
extending from 80 to 98. On the other hand, the pre-
ceding sixteen years (64-80) are represented by no fewer
than forty-eight coins, and these include types of con-
siderable rarity, whereas the coins of Domitian, absent
from this series, were struck in large quantities, and are
generally of frequent occurrence. This circumstance
might suggest that we have to deal with two collections,
of which one was amassed between the years 64 and 80,
and the other between the years 98 and 159 ; that the
whole forms a hoard superimposed upon a hoard, and
that the second-century hoarder had acquired and added
to his stock a first-century deposit that had, for one
reason or another, ceased to be added to after 80 A.D.
But against this surmise must be set the fact that few of
the early coins lack signs of wear. The absence of
Domitian and Nerva coins is no doubt due to circum-
stances peculiar to the hoard, and cannot be explained on
currency grounds ; but it is probably useless to speculate
on those circumstances.

One inference may, however, be safely drawn. The
wealth here accumulated began to be collected in the first
century. It seems unlikely, at the very least, that a
capitalist of the reign of Trajan should have collected, in
addition to forty-eight coins of that reign, as many more
of Nero, his immediate successors, and the early
Flavians. It is still more impossible to think that the
coins of the short-lived emperors, Galba, Otho, and Vitel-
lius, survived in use to any extent into the second century,

KOMAN GOLD COINS FOUND AT CORBKIDGE. 269

or that so many as seven examples of their reigns should
be found in a collection of a hundred and sixty coins,
unless that collection dates its origin from Flavian
times. Where the hoard was accumulated is a different
and less answerable question, nor can we tell whether
the accumulators were private persons or some official
treasury.

The hoard may, then, be taken to be the savings of
several generations, which began to be laid by in the last
quarter of the first century and was hidden about
160-162. Accumulation was steady and gradual ; con-
sequently, the hoard is unusually representative and
contains comparatively few duplicates. It possesses the
further feature of including a specially large proportion
of rare types, a circumstance that may be partly
fortuitous, partly due to a natural predilection of the
owners to put by artistic and uncommon coins by pre-
ference to the ordinary currency of the day. The
following are the rarest types represented :—

GALBA.

. — IMP SER GALBA CAESAR AVG P M.
Rev— IMP. No. 11.

OTHO.

Olv. — IMP M OTHO CAESAR AVG TR P.
Bev.— PHK ORBIS TERRARVM. No. 14.

Obv.—MP M OTHO CAESAR AVG TR P.

Rev. — SECVRITAS P R (two specimens, Nos. 15 and
16).

VOL. XII., SERIES IV. T

270 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.

YlTELLIUS AND LUCIUS VlTELLIUS.

0fo. — A VITELLIVS • GERMAN IMP TR P.
Rev.—L VITELLIVS COS III CENSOR. No. 17.

TRAJAN AND TRAJAN SENIOR.

Obv.— IMP TRAIANVS AVG GER DAC P M TR P COS
VI P P.

Rev.— DIVVS • PATER • TRAIANVS. No. 82.

MARCIANA.

Obv. — DIVA AVGVSTA MARCIANA.
Bev.— CONSECRATIO. No. 96.

HADRIAN AND TRAJAN.

Obv.— IMP CAES TRAIAN HADRIAN OPT AVG G • D
PART-

Rev. — DIVO TRAIANO • PATRI AVG. No. 97,

HADRIAN.

Obv.— HADRIANVS AVGVSTVS.
Rev.— COS III. No. 112.

FAUSTINA THE ELDER.
Obv. — DIVA AVG FAVSTINA.
Rev. — PVELLAE FAVSTINIANAE. No. 151.

Much the rarest of these coins is the Vitellius, of
which an example, though from a different die, was
acquired in the Due de Blacas' collection by the British
Museum.

Gold ceased to be struck in the provincial mints of

ROMAN GOLD COINS FOUND AT CORBRIDGE. 271

Gaul and Spain after the reign of Vespasian, and it is
therefore not surprising that almost every specimen in
the find is from the Kome mint. No specimens can be
pronounced Spanish, but three at least are of Gallic
origin. These are —

GALBA.

1. Obv.— IMP SER GALBA CAESAR AVG P M. Laureate

head r.

Rev. — IMP. Galba on horseback r., raising r. hand.

VESPASIAN.

2. Obv.— IMP CAESAR VESPASIANVS AVG. Laureate

head r.

Rev. — COS TTi TR POT. Aequitas standing 1., holding
balance and sceptre.

3. Obv.— IMP CAESAR VESPASIANVS AVG. Laureate

head r.

Rev. — TR POT COS Ml. Aequitas standing 1., holding
balance and sceptre.

As might naturally be expected, specimens of the
same type are, more often than not, struck from different
dies. The hoard does not include more than four pairs
of exact duplicates : i.e. coins struck from the same
obverse and reverse dies. These are the coins numbered
in the following list: 28-29, 120-121, 129-130, and
138-139. Nos. 29-30, 130-131, and 143-144 are struck
from the same obverse but different reverse dies. There
is a larger number of specimens of distinct obverse but
identical reverse dies. These are Nos. 30, 36 ; 65, 66 ;
91, 93 ; 104-105 ; 108-109 ; and 131-132.

The standard weight of the Neronian aureus (from

272 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.

64 A.D.) is 7 '266 grammes, or 112 grains Troy measure.
Naturally, the coins are rarely that exact weight. Twenty-
seven specimens out of the hundred and sixty exceed
it; the majority fall below. The Neronian and Flavian
aurei range from 108 to 113 grains ; those of Trajan and
Hadrian exhibit greater fluctuations, namely, from 105*3
to 113*6 and from 107*7 to 114*1 respectively; while
those of Pius and Faustina approximate closest of all
to the standard, and range from 109*3 to 112*7. The
heaviest coin in the series is one of the latest, namely,
an aureus of Marcus (No. 158), weighing 115*8 grains.

Taken as a whole, the coins are in remarkably good
-preservation. In specially fine condition are —

. No. 57. Trajan, rev. P • M • TR • P • COS • III! • P . P

No. 97. Hadrian and Trajan, rev. D I VO TRAIANO • PATRI

AVG

No. 112. Hadrian, rev. COS III

No. 126. Hadrian, rev. ADVENTVI AVG ITALIAE

No. 144. Antoninus Pius, rev. COS II 1 1

No. 149. Antoninus Pius, rev. FORTVNA OPSEQVENS

No. 156. Faustina Senior, rev. AVGVSTA

Some of the gold coins were tarnished, but cyanide
of potassium was found effective for removing the stain,
and left the gold in its original bright condition.

Since the coins fell out of the jug at the moment when
it was lifted, it was impossible to determine their strati-
fication or to discover whether the latest coins lay at the
top, but it is on the face of things unlikely that they
had always been stored in the same receptacle. At the
same time, the jug must be regarded as a receptacle for
storing savings, into which its owners had dropped aurei
as they accrued; as, in fact, a growing bank deposit
account, rather than as a utensil hastily picked up by

ROMAN GOLD COINS FOUND AT CORBRIDGE. 273

a fugitive preparing to make off with his cash. Dis-
cussion2 has turned round the question whether the jug
and its contents do or do not constitute " treasure trove,"
and — the same question in another form — whether the
jug of coins was purposely buried or was accidentally
dropped on or near the spot where it was found. What-
ever be the answer, it is indubitable that we have to deal
with a hoard that had for many years been accumulating
and been safely guarded and therefore concealed ; though
whether the place of its original concealment was the
place of its recent discovery is incapable of strict proof.

The historical importance of the hoard lies in the fact
that its successive owners continued to add to it down to
the year 160-162, and that at that time savings ceased
to be added to it and the hoard was itself abandoned.
Whether the jug was left where it had stood below the
floor of a house and the house above it destroyed, or
whether it was taken up from its hiding-place and dropped
in a hurried flight, matters little. In either case it
furnishes evidence of danger threatening Corstopitum in
160-162 A.D. That troubles at this time overshadowed
Northern Britain is well known. Literary allusions to
the province, other discoveries made at Corstopitum, and
other coin-finds made in the Mural district, and various
inscriptions, show that clearly enough.

(1) There occurred at some time during the reign of
Pius (138-161) a revolt of the Brigantes. The geographer
Pausanias states that Pius took away a large portion of their
territory because they had begun to invade the territory
of the Grenunians, who were tributary to the Eomans.3

2 See below, p. 277.

3 'A7T6Te/i6TO 5e Kal r<av ez/
KOI OVTOI (Tvv OTT\OIS T)p£av €s

274 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.

This step used generally to be connected with the
conquest of Southern Scotland about 140 A.D. by Lollius
Urbicus, in the earlier part of the reign of Pius; but
discoveries made in 1903 have shown that it belongs
rather to the governorship of Cn. Julius Verus (about
157-160), and that there was a widespread revolt in
Northern Britain at the time.4 Verus does not seem to
have succeeded in quelling it. When Marcus mounted
the throne in 161, a British war was in progress, and
Calpurnius Agricola was despatched, probably in 162 or
163, to deal with it.5 Presumably he was successful ;
certainly we hear of no further British troubles till
about 180.

(2) Other discoveries made at Corstopitum on the site
of two buildings point to troubles overtaking the place
at this period. Coins and pottery unite in fixing the
commencement of work upon " Site XI " — probably a
great store-house — as subsequent to 140 A.D. The

Pausanias VIII, xliii. 4. What exactly r^v Tevowiav p.oipav means, and
where it was, is unknown. The idea mentioned by Mommsen (rom.
Gesch. v. 172 n.) that it was Vinovia (Binchester) is not very probable.

4 For details, see Haverfield, Journal of the Derbyshire ArchaeoL
Society, xxvi. (1904) ; Archaeologia Aeliana, xxv. (1904) 142 ; and Pro-
ceedings of the Soc. of Antiquaries of Scotland, xxxviii. 454. His con-
clusions have been generally accepted, and further evidence from
Scotland has been adduced by Dr. G. Macdonald, Roman Wall in
Scotland, pp. 9, 398.

5 Hist. Aug., vita Marci 8 : imminebat etiam Brittanicum bellum . . .
et adversus Brittanos quidem Calpurnius Agricola missus. The date of
his governorship is not known exactly. Julius Verus was seemingly
succeeded by Statius Priscus, but he had left by 163 and is usually
assigned to the years 161-2. On the other hand, Agricola saw service
in Germany at some date after 166 and before 170. In the passage
quoted from the Historia Augusta, he is coupled with one Aufidius
Victorinus who was sent to Germany, apparently, when Agricola went
to Britain, and we know that this Aufidius was probably in Germany
in 162. Probably, therefore, Agricola came to Britain about 162, and
stayed two or three years.

ROMAN GOLD COINS FOUND AT CORBRIDGE. 275

ground-plan was barely completed, and work therefore
cannot have been proceeding for more than two or three
years, when building was discontinued, and the edifice,
planned upon an exceptionally large scale, was left
unfinished. Excavations at the north-west corner of the
building have revealed marked signs of second-century
occupation over-lying the foundations of the unfinished
building. Archaeological evidence, therefore, points to
the commencement and sudden discontinuance of this
great work as alike occurring about the middle of the
second century, and as falling within the reign of Pius —
that is, before 161 A.D. The date of the destruction of
the pottery-store is perhaps more open to question ; yet
the character of the Samian potsherds with which its
floor was strewn suggests a date about or shortly after
the middle of the second century, and the occurrence of
a coin of Pius, of the year 152, embedded in its clay
floor, points in the same direction.6

Finally, the well-cut slab with the erased dedicatory
inscription SOLI INVICTO, erected by Calpurnius Agricola
and discovered during the past season (1911) at Cor-
stopitum, points to the erection of new buildings of
architectural pretensions during the governorship of
Calpurnius, at a time when quiet had presumably been
restored.

(ii.) CORBRIDGE FOURTH-CENTURY HOARD.

Besides the gold find made in 1911, the excavations at
Corstopitum have yielded a hoard of gold coins of later
date. This was discovered in September, 1908, and has

8 Haverfield, Proceedings of the London Society of Antiquaries, 2nd
Series, vol. xxiii. p. 118.

276 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.

been described in the report on the excavations for that
year (Archaeologia Aeliana, 3rd series, vol. v) ; it may
be noticed again here, since no description of it has yet
been given in the Numismatic Chronicle. It was found
in the disused furnace of a building of mean construction
and very late Eoman date. Close to the very end of the
Koman occupation, but before the deposit of the hoard,
the floor of this building had been raised to the level of
the top of the furnace, leaving the latter as a convenient
hiding-place below the floor level. The treasure was
wrapped up in a piece of leaden sheeting, and comprised
forty-eight aurei solidi and a gold ring with small
round loop and large bezel from which the stone was
wanting.

The coins belonged to the following emperors :—
Valentinian I, 4 ; Valens, 2 ; Gratian, 16 ; Valentinian II,
8 ; Theodosius, 5 ; Magnus Maxirnus, 13. Three types
of reverse are represented, namely, VICTORIA AVGG (33
specimens), RESTITVTOR REIPVBLICAE (14 specimens),
PRINCIPIVM IVVENTVTIS (1 specimen). The somewhat
rarer type of VOTA PVBLICA is not represented in the
hoard. The PRINCIPIVM IVVENTVTIS coin of Gratian is
from the Constantinople mint ; two of the four coins of
Valentinian I are from the Eoman mint ; one aureus of
Gratian and one of Theodosius are stamped COM without
further specification of the place of minting ; the
remaining forty-three aurei were minted at Trier. Thus
forty-three out of forty-eight examples are the product
of a single mint. Three officinae were in operation at
Trier up to the revolt of Maximus in 383, and their
respective mint-marks were TROBC, TROBS, TROBT. The
number of examples from each are eleven, four, and
fifteen respectively.

ROMAN GOLD COINS FOUND AT COBBRIDGE. 277

An edict issued by Constantine in 312, and renewed
by Valentinian I in 365, established the weight of the
aureus solidus at 4'55 grammes ( = 70'22 grains). With
the exception of the Constantinople aureus, which
weighs 82'2 grains, and an aureus of Maximus weighing
70*4 grains, all the coins in this hoard fall below the
standard weight, and vary from 67'7 to 70'0 grains.
This lightness of weight is not due to wear, since all
the coins are fresh and in good condition, but is a
general characteristic of late Koman gold coinage. One
of the coins of Gratian (No. 23 on the list) is a
contemporary forgery and weighs 67*3 grains only.

As the larger Corbridge hoard, described above, has
for its starting-point the Neronian " reformation " of the
gold coinage in 64 A.D., so this find commences with
Valentinian's reform of 365 A.D. It terminates after
the accession of Maximus in 383, but, as it contains no

example of the Trier mint-mark ^L? in use after 388, the

hoard may be assigned to the reign of Maximus, and may
be approximately dated to 385-387 A.D. Corstopitum
has yielded copper coins with the SALVS REIPVBLICAE
reverse — a type in use between 392 and 395 — and the
life of the place must consequently have been prolonged
for five or ten years after the deposit of the Corbridge
find. Nevertheless, this hoard remains one of the last
vestiges of the Koman occupation of Northern Britain.

Both the Corbridge finds were claimed for the Crown
under the law of Treasure Trove. The claim was dis-
puted by the Duke of Northumberland, who, as lord of
the manor of Corbridge, asserted his right, under an
ancient grant, to treasure trove found within the limits
of his manor. This claim was, however, withdrawn in

278 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.

the month of January last (1912) as the result of pro-
ceedings instituted by the Crown in the Court of
Chancery, and the two hoards have since then been
handed over by the Lords of the Treasury to the
Trustees of the British Museum. The Trustees have
very wisely determined to retain both hoards intact, and
they now form separate collections in the Department
of Coins and Medals.

Mr. H. A. Grueber, of the Museum, has been kind
enough to weigh the coins of the two Corbridge hoards,
to supply notes of coins in the National Collection
which illustrate the Corbridge Second-Century Find,
and to give other valuable help and advice. The eight
plates of coins from the Second-Century Find illustrating
this paper have been prepared by the Oxford University
Press. Twenty-six coins in the hoard are left unillus-
trated, being duplicates of specimens. figured. In the
ensuing catalogue references are given in every case to
the plate upon which each coin is figured. The coins
are arranged, so far as it was possible, in chronological
order.

ROMAN GOLD COINS FOUND AT COEBRIDGE. 279

DESCRIPTION OF THE COINS.

(i.) CORBRIDGE SECOND-CENTURY HOARD.

NERO.
54-68 A.D.

1. Obv.— NERO CAESAR Head of Nero r., laureate.

Rev. — AVGVSTVS GERMANICVS Nero radiate,
standing facing, holding laurel branch and
Victory.

Wt. 111-6 grs. Cohen,7 p. 281, 44
(64-68 A.D.). [PI. XII. 1.]

2. Obv.— NERO CAESAR AVGVSTVS Head of Nero

r., laureate.

Rev.— AVGVSTVS AVGVSTA Augustus standing 1.,
radiate, holding patera and sceptre,8 and
Livia standing 1., veiled, holding patera
and cornucopiae.

Wt. 111-5 grs. Cohen, p. 281, 42
(64-68 A.D.). [PI. XII. 2.]

3. QbVt — Similar.

Beo.— CONCORDIA AVGVSTA Concordia seated 1.,
holding patera and cornucopiae.

Wt. 111-5 grs. Cohen, p. 283, 66
(64-68 A.D.). [PL XII. 3.]

4. Obv. — Similar.

Rev. — SALVS in exergue. Salus seated 1., holding
patera.

Wt. 110-5 grs. Cohen, p. 300, 313
(64-68 A.D.). [PL XII. 4.]

7 Unless otherwise mentioned, the references are to the second
edition of Cohen's Mannaies f rappees sous V Empire Romain.

8 Cohen incorrectly reverses the order of the objects.

280 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.

5-9. 060.— Similar.

Rev.—\VPP\TER CVSTOS Jupiter seated 1., hold-
ing thunderbolt and sceptre.9

Wt. 110-4 (2), 110-0, 109-6, 108-4 grs.
Cohen, p. 287, 118 (64-68 A.D.).

[PL XII. 5.]

10. Obv. — IMP NERO CAESAR AVGVSTVS Head of
Nero r., laureate.

Rev.— IVPPITER CVSTOS Similar to Nos. 5^9.

Wt. 111-3 grs. Cohen, p. 288, 120
(64-68 A.D.). [PI. XII. 6.]

GALBA.
68-69 A.D.

11. Obv.— IMP SER GALBA CAESAR AVG P M Head
of Galba r., laureate.

Rev. — I M P in exergue. Galba on horseback gallop-
ing r., raising r. hand.10

Wt. 108-0 grs. Cohen, p. 326, 96
(68-69 A.D.). [PL XII. 7.]

12-13. Obv. — IMP SER GALBA AVG Head of Galba r.,
bare.

Rev. — SPQR • OBCS (in two lines) within oak
wreath.11

Wt. 111-0 grs. Cohen, p. 338, 286
(68-69 A.D.). [PL XII. 8, 9.]

9 These five specimens are all from different dies.

10 Cohen (loc. cit.) derives his knowledge of this type from Caylus, but
there is another specimen in the British Museum, struck from different
dies from the Corbridge example. The aurei of this fabric were minted
in Gaul.

11 These two coins are from different dies.

ROMAN GOLD COINS FOUND AT COKBRIDGE. 281

OTHO.
69 A.D.

14. Obv. — IMP M OTHO CAESAR AVG TR P Head of
Otho r., bare.

Rev.— PAX ORB IS TERRARVM Pax standing 1.,
holding olive-branch and caducous.

Wt. 110-0 grs. Cohen, p. 352, 2
(69 A.p.). [PI. XII. 10.]

15-16. Obv.— Similar.

Rev.— SECVRITAS P R Securitas standing 1., hold-
ing wreath and sceptre.12

Wt. 110-2, 110-0 grs. Cohen, p. 353, 16
(69 A.D.). [PI. XII. 11, 12.]

VlTELLIUS AND LUCIUS VlTELLIUS.
69 A.D.

17 Obv.— Pi VITELLIVS • GERMAN IMP TR P Head
of Yitellius r., laureate.

Eev.—L VITELLIVS COS III CENSOR Draped bust
of L. Vitellius r., laureate, before him a
sceptre surmounted by an eagle.13

Wt. 110-0 grs. Cohen, p. 367, 3
(69 A.D.). [PI. XII. 13.]

12 Cohen (loc. cit.) borrows his description of this type from Caylus.
There is a specimen in the British Museum, and another in the
Valton CoUection, Bibl. Nat., Paris (Rev. Num., 1912, p. 57). The two
Corbridge specimens are from different dies. On the first example the
wreath is of oak leaves ; on the second, it is of laurel.

13 Of this coin, representing the Emperor Vitellius and his father
Lucius Vitellius, Cohen mentions only the specimen formerly in the
Blacas Collection and now in the British Museum.

282 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.

VESPASIAN.
69-79 A.D.

18. Obv.— IMP CAESAR VESPASIANVS AVG Head of

Vespasian r., laureate.

Rev. — COS ITER TR POT Female figure seated 1.,
holding branch and caduceus.

Wt. 111-2 grs. Cohen, 1st edition,
p. 274, 35 (70 A.D.). [PI. XII. 14.]

19. Obv.— IMP CAESAR VESPASIANVS AVG TR P Head

of Vespasian r., laureate.

Rev.— COS ITER TR POT Neptune standing 1., r.
foot on prow of vessel, and holding dolphin
and sceptre.

Wt. 112-0 grs. Cohen, p. 375, 92 (70
A.D.). [PI. XII. 15.]

20. Obv.— IMP CAESAR VESPASIANVS AVG Head of

Vespasian r., laureate.

Rev. — COS FiT TR POT Aequitas standing 1., hold-
ing scales and sceptre.14

Wt. 111-7 grs. Cohen, p. 376, 101
(71 A.D.). [PI. XII. 16.]

21. Obv.— Similar.

Rev.— TR POT COS IN Similar.15

Wt. 111-0 grs. Cohen, p. 410, 548
(71 A.D.). [PI. XII. 17.]

22-23. Obv. — IMP CAES VESPAS AVG P M TR P TTTl P P
COS HTl Head of Vespasian r., laureate.

14 Cohen (loc. cit.) mentions only a specimen in M. Bollin's Collection,
but there is another exampledn the British Museum. The aurei of this
fabric were minted in Gaul.

15 This type, a variant of the last, is likewise a product of a Gallic
mint.

EOMAN GOLD COINS FOUND AT CORBRIDGE. 283

Rev.— PACI AVGVSTI Nemesis walking r., holding
caduceus in 1. hand, before her feet a
serpent.16

Wt. 111-0, 1117 grs. Cohen, p. 389,
284 (72 A.D.). [PI. XIII. 1, 2.]

24. Obv.— IMP CAES VESP AVG P M COS FlTT Head

of Vespasian r., laureate.

Rev. — VIC AVG (infield). Victory standing on globe
r., holding wreath and palm.

Wt. 109-1 grs. Cohen, p. 413, 586
(72-73 A.D.) [PI. XIII. 3.]

25. Obv.— IMP CAES VESP AVG P M Head of Ves-

pasian r., laureate.

Rev. — NEP RED Neptune standing 1., r. foot on
globe, holding acrostolium and sceptre.

Wt. 110-0 grs. Cohen, p. 388, 272
(72-73 A.D.). [PI. XIII. 4.]

26. Obv.— IMP CAES VESP AVG CEN Head of Ves-

pasian r., laureate.

Rev. — VESTA Temple of Vesta with four columns
and flight of steps up, a statue in the
interior and two flanking the temple.

Wt. 110-4 grs. Cohen, p. 413, 578
(72-73 A.D.). [PI. XIII. 5.]

27. Obv.— IMP CAESAR VESPASIANVS AVG (from r. to

1.). Head of Vespasian r., laureate.

Rev. — COS VI (in exergue). Bull advancing r. with
head lowered.

Wt. 111-4 grs. Cohen, 1st edition,
p. 276, 54 (75 A.D.). [PI. XIII. 6.]

16 These two coins are from different dies.

284 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.

28-30. Obv.— IMP CAESAR VESPASIANVS AVG (from r. to
1.). Head of Vespasian 1., laureate.

fteVf — AETERN ITAS Aeternitas standing 1., holding
heads of Sol and Luna, before her feet a
lighted altar.17

Wts. 109-6, 109-3, 108-5 grs. Cohen,
p. 370, 23 (75-79 A.D.). [PI. XIII. 7.]

31. Obv.— IMP CAESAR VESPASIANVS AVG (from r. to

1.). Head of Vespasian r., laureate.

fteVt — jR POT X COS Vllll Woman with mural
crown, standing r., holding spear and fruit.18

Wt. 110-4 grs. Cohen, p. 411, 557
(78 A.D.). [PL XIII. 8.]

32. Obv. — DIVVS AVGVSTVS VESPASIANVS (from r. to

1.). Head of Vespasian r., laureate.

Rev. — EX (in field) ; SC on buckler leaning against
funereal column surmounted by an urn, on
each side a palm-branch.19

Wt. 113-0 grs. Cohen, p. 378, 148
(79 A.D.). [PI. XIII. 9.]

TITUS.
71-81 A.D.

33. Obv.— T CAES IMP VESP PON TR POT Head of
Titus r., laureate.

jjev._VlC AVG (in field). Similar to No. 24.

Wt. 109-3 grs. Cohen, p. 457, 352
(72-73 A.D.). [PI. XIII. 10.]

17 The reverses of Nos. 28, 29, are from the same die, but all three
specimens are from the same obverse die. Cohen (loc. cit.) cites an
example from the Trouvaille du Lycte Napoleon. There is also a
specimen in the British Museum, and another in the Valton Collection
(Rev. Num., 1912, p. 9).

18 Cohen (loc. cit.) takes his description of this type from Caylus.

19 On this specimen the shield is blank, the die having been blurred ,
or rather, the letters have been effaced by wear.

KOMAN GOLD COINS FOUND AT COKBRIDGE. 285

34. Obv.— T CAES IMP VESP CENS (from r. to 1.).

Head of Titus r., laureate.

Rev. — PONTIF TRI POT (from r. to 1.). Titus
seated r., holding sceptre and branch.

Wt. 111-6 grs. Cohen, p. 443, 168
(73-75 A.D.). [PI. XIII. 11.]

35. Obv.— T CAESAR IMP VESPASIANVS (from r. to 1.).

Head of Titus r., laureate.

Rev.— COS V (in field). Heifer r.20

Wt. 109-8 grs. Cohen, p. 433, 53
(76 A.D.). [PL XIII. 12.]

36. Obv. — T CAESAR IMP VESPASIANVS • (from r. to 1.).

Head of Titus r., laureate.

Rev.— AETERNITAS Similar to Nos. 28-30.21

Wt. 111-3 grs. Cohen, 1st edition,
p. 342, 1 (75-79 A.D.). [PI. XIII. 13.]

37-38. Obv. — T CAESAR VESPASIANVS (from r. to 1.).
Head of Titus r., laureate.

Rev— ANNONA AVG Annona seated 1., holding
ears of corn (?) in r. hand, 1. arm resting on
arm of chair.22

Wts. 110-2, 110-7 grs. Cohen, p. 430,
16 (75-79 A.D.). [PL XIII. 14.]

39. Obv.— IMP TITVS CAES VESPASIAN AVG P M (from
r. to 1.). Head of Titus r., laureate.

0 This type is known to Cohen only from the old catalogues of the
Cabinet de France. There is, however, a specimen in the British
Museum from the Koyal (Geo. III.) Collection. The heifer has been
recognized as the masterpiece in bronze by Myron, which was placed in
the Acropolis at Athens and which later was brought to Rome by
Vespasian and placed in the Forum Pacis (B. M. Cat. : Bom. Coins,
vol. ii. p. 543).

21 The reverse is from the same die as No. 30.

22 These two specimens are from different dies.

VOL. XII., SERIES IV. U

286 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.

R P Vllll IMP Xllll COS VII P P Venus
standing r. with back turned, holding
helmet and spear ; her 1. arm rests on a
column.

Wt. 111-6 grs. Cohen, p. 452, 267
(79 A.D.). [PI. XIII. 15.]

40. Obv. — Similar.

Rev. — Same legend. A Capricorn 1. ; below it, a
globe.23

Wt. 111-5 grs. Cohen, p. 452, 279
(79 A.D.). [PL XIII. 16.]

41. Obv.— Similar.

Rev.— TR P VlTTF IMP XV COS VTT P P Triumphal
quadriga 1. ; in the car, a flower.24

Wt. 109-6 grs. Not in Cohen (79 A.D.).
[PL XIII. 17.]

42. Obv.— Similar.

Rev— TR P TX IMP XT COS VliT P P Winged
thunderbolt on throne.

Wt. 110-4 grs. Cohen, p. 455, 315
(Jan.-June, 80 A.D.). [PL XIV. 1.]

43. Obv. — Similar.

Rev. — Same legend. Dolphin over a tripod.

Wt. 109-5 grs. Cohen, p. 455, 320
(Jan.-June, 80 A.D.). [PL XIV. 2.]

23 Cohen (loc. cit.) borrows his description from Caylus.

24 Cohen (p. 453, 292) gives this type in silver. Aurei of this design
have been hitherto unrecorded. There is, however, a specimen in the
JBritish Museum from the Royal Collection.

ROMAN GOLD COINS FOUND AT CORBRIDGE. 287

DOMITIAN.
71-96 A.D.

44-45. Obv.— CAES AVG F DOM IT COS M (from r. to 1.).
Head of Dornitian r., laureate.

Rev. — No inscription. Domitian on horseback
galloping 1., raising r. hand and holding
sceptre in I.25

Wts. 111-4, 111-0 grs. Cohen, p. 524,
663 (73*A.D.). [PL XIV. 3.]

46. Obv. — CAESAR AVG F DOMITIANVS (from r. to 1.).
Head of Domitian r., laureate.

Rev. — COS V (in exergue). Sarmatian kneeling r.,
holding up ensign.

Wt. 112-4 grs. Cohen, p. 474, 48
(76 A.D.). [PL XIV. 4.]

47-48. Obv.— Similar.

Rev. — COS V (in field). Wolf 1., suckling Romulus
and Remus ; below, a crib.26

Wts. 110-9, 109-0 grs. Cohen, p. 474,
50 (76 A.D.). [PL XIV. 5, 6.]

TRAJAN.
98-117 A.D.

49. Obv. — IMP CAES NERVA TRAIAN AVG GERM Head
of Trajan r., laureate.

25 These two specimens are from different dies.

26 These two specimens are from different dies. The inscription on
the obverse of No. 48 reads CAESAR AVG F. DOMITIANVS. An
aureus of this type was formerly found at Corstopitum, and is now in
the Duke of Northumberland's coin cabinet at Alnwick Castle (Bruce
Lapidarium Septentrionale, p. 330 note).

u 2

288 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.

Rev.— P • M • TR • P • COS • II • P • P Fortune
standing 1., holding rudder on prow of
vessel in r. hand, and cornucopiae in 1.

Wt. 110-9. Cohen, p. 40, 205 (98-99
A.D.). [PI. XIV. 7.]

50. Obv. — Same legend. Bust of Trajan r., laureate.

Rev. — p . M • TR • P • COS • M • P - P Germania
seated 1. on pile of shields, holding olive-
branch in r. hand and resting 1. arm on
shield.

Wt. 113-9. Cohen, p. 40, 207 (98-99
A.D.). [PL XIV. 8.]

51. Obv.— Similar to No. 50.

Rev. — p . M • TR • P • COS • Til . P • P Hercules
standing facing on a cippus, holding club
and lion-skin.

Wt. 111-4. Cohen, p. 41, 215 (100 A.D.).
[PL XIV. 9.]

52. Obv.— Similar to No. 49.*

Rev.— P - M • TR • P COS • III - P . P Similar.

Wt. 111-1. Cohen, p. 41, 215 (100 A.D.).
[PL XIV. 10.]

53-55. Obv.— Similar to No. 50.

Rev— P • M • TR • P • COS • INI • P • P Similar
to Nos. 51 and 52.28

Wts. 107-0, 105-3, 110-4. Cohen, p. 43,
232 (100-103 A.D.). [PL XIV. 11, 12.]

27 In the present catalogue the portrait on the obverse is described
as bust when the folds of the toga (sometimes described by Cohen as
the aegis) are seen over the left shoulder, and as head where the drapery
is absent. Cohen gives this type with head only on the obverse. The
present hoard furnishes examples both of head (No. 52) and bust
(No. 51).

is These specimens are from different dies, and the reverses show
minor varieties of lettering, namely —

P • M TR P • COS • III! - P • P (No. 53),
P • M • TR • P . COS • Illl • P • P (No. 54).
P • M • TR • P COS • Illl • P • P (No. 55).

ROMAN GOLD COINS FOUND AT COKBRIDGE. 289

56. Obv.— Similar to No. 49.

Rev.—P • M • T • R • P • COS • Mil . P . p Trajan
standing facing, holding spear and para-
zonium, being crowned by Victory, who
holds palm in 1. hand.29

Wt. 109-5 grs. Cohen, p. 44, 253 (100-
103 A.D.). [PI. XIV. 13.]

57. Obv. — Similar to No. 50.

Rev.— P • M • JR • P • COS • Illl • P • P Similar
to No. 56.

Wt. 112-4 grs. Cohen, p. 44, 251 (100-
103 A.D.). [PI. XIV. 14.]

58. Obv. — Same legend. Draped bust of Trajan r.,

laureate.30

Rev. — Similar.

Wt. 113-6 grs. Var. of Cohen, p. 44,
251 (100-103 A.D.). [PI. XIV. 15.]

59. Obv.— Similar.

Bev. — P • M • TR • P COS Illl P . P Trajan stand-
ing 1., with mantle over 1. arm and holding
spear in 1. hand, erecting a trophy on a
Dacian, upon whom he rests his r. foot.31

Wt. 109-5 grs. Var. of Cohen, p. 44,
254 (100-103 A.D.). [PI. XIV. 16.]

60. Obv.— IMP NERVA TRAIANVS AVG GER • DACICVS

Bust of Trajan r., laureate.

-9 Cohen (loc. cit.) gives this type from the Trouvaille du Lycfe
Charlemagne. There are two specimens of it in the British Museum.

30 This type of obverse is not given in Cohen.

31 Cohen (loc. cit.) gives a specimen in the Cabinet de France, having
on the obverse the laureate bust with the " aegis." The present variety,
having laureate and draped bust on the obverse, is unrecorded by Cohen,
but an example of it, from the Montagu Collection, is in the British
Museum.

290 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.

ftev> — p . M • TR • P • COS • V • P • P Dacia seated
r. on rock, resting head on 1. arm, below a
curved sword.32

Wt. 111-2 grs. Cohen, p. 45, 259 (104
A.D.). [PI. XIV. 17.]

61. Obv.— IMP TRAIANO AVG GER DAC P M TR P
Draped and cuirassed bust of Trajan r.,
laureate.

ReVt — COS V P P SPQR OPTIMO PRINC Libertas
standing 1., holding cap and sceptre.

Wt. 111-0 grs. Cohen, p. 26, 70 (104-
111 A.D.). [PL XV. 1.]

62-63. Obv.— Similar.

Jtev. — Same legend. Arabia standing 1., holding
branch and reed (?) ; at her feet a camel.33

Wts. 113-0, 108-2 grs. Cohen, p. 27, 88
(104-111 A.D.). [PI. XV. 2, 3.]

64. Obv.— Similar.

Bev.—COS .V-P-PS-P.Q.R. OPTIMO PRINC
Trajan advancing r., raising r. hand and
holding spear.31

Wt. 111-0 grs. Cohen, p. 27, 91 (104-
111 A.D.). [PL XV. 4.]

65-66. Obv.— Similar.

Rev.— COS V P P S • P • Q • R • OPTIMO PRINC
Eagle on thunderbolt looking I.33

Wts. 110-4, 108-8 grs. Cohen, p. 28,
96 (104-111 A.D.). [PL XV. 5.]

32 Cohen (loc. cit.) mentions only a specimen in M. Rollin's collection.

33 These two coins are from different dies.

34 Cohen (loc. cit.) borrows his description from Caylus, and in-
accurately describes the obverse as laureate and cuirassed bust in place
of laureate draped and cuirassed bust. There is a specimen in the
British Museum similar to this example.

35 The reverses of these two specimens are from the same die.

ROMAN GOLD COINS FOUND AT CORBRIDGE. 291
67-70. Obv.— Similar.

Bev. — COS .V.P.P.S-P.Q.R. OPTIMO PRINC
Ceres standing 1., holding ears of corn and
torch.36

Wts. 111-8, 109-6, 112-0, 111-4 grs.
Cohen, p. 25, 65 (104-111 A.D.).

[PL XV. 6, 7.]

71. Obv. — Similar.

Rev.— COS V P P S P Q R OPTIMO PRINC (infour
lines) within oak wreath.

Wt. 111-6 grs. Cohen, p. 28, 101 (104-
111 A.D.). [PI. XV. 8.]

72. Ofo.— Similar.

Rev.— COS V P P S P Q R OPTIMO PRINC In
exergue ALIM • ITAL Trajan standing 1.,
distributing food to two children.

Wt. 109-6 grs. Cohen, p. 19, 15 (104-
111 A.D.). [PL XV. 9.]

73-74. Obv. — IMP TRAIANO AVG GER DAC P M TR P COS
V P P Draped and cuirassed bust of
Trajan r., laureate.

Rev.— S • P • Q • R OPTIMO PRINCIPI (in three
lines) within oak wreath.37

Wts. 111-5, 110-0 grs. Cohen, p. 78,
581 (104-111 A.D.). [PL XV. 10.]

36 These four specimens are all from different dies. They exhibit
two varieties of lettering on the obverse, viz. : IMP TRAIANO AVG
GER DAC P M TR P (on Nos. 68 and 69) and IMP • TRAIANO AVG
GER DAC P M TR P (on Nos. 67 and 70). Cohen takes his descrip-
tion from Caylus. The type is, however, represented in the British
Museum.

37 These two coins are from different dies.

292 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.

75. Obv. — Similar.

Rev.—S • P • Q • R • OPTIMO PRINCIPI Trajan
standing 1., placing r. hand on knee and
holding sceptre in 1., resting r. foot on head
of a Dacian.38

Wt. 112-6 grs. Yar. of Cohen, p. 69, 511
(104-111 A.D.). [PI. XV. 11.]

76. Obv. — Same legend. Head of Trajan r., laureate.
Rev. — Similar to No. 75.

Wt. 111-0 grs. Cohen, p. 69, 511 (104-
111 A.D.). [PI. XV. 12.]

77. Obv. — Same legend. Bust of Trajan r., laureate.

fiev.—S P Q R OPTIMO PRINCIPI Trajan driving,
in four-horsed chariot 1., holding branch
and sceptre.39

Wt. 112-0 grs. Yar. of Cohen, p. 67, 493
(104-111 A.D.). [PI. XV. 13.]

78. Obv.— Similar.

Rev. — Same legend. Trajan on horseback galloping
r., holding spear in r. hand and trampling
on an enemy.40

Wt. 111-6 grs. Yar. of Cohen, p. 68, 501
(104-111 A.D.). [PI. XV. 14.]

79. Obv. — IMP TRAIANO AVG GER DAC P M TR P COS

VI P P Draped and cuirassed bust of
Trajan r., laureate.

38 This type with draped bust on obverse is new. The next specimen,
with laureate head on obverse, is known to Cohen only through Caylus.

39 Cohen mentions a specimen of this reverse in the Cabinet de France
with laureate and draped bust on the obverse. An example of the
present variety having a laureate bust with "aegis" on the obverse,
from the Royal Collection, is in the British Museum.

40 Cohen catalogues a specimen in the Cabinet de France having this
reverse and laureate and draped bust on the obverse, but does not record
the present variety, neither is it represented in the British Museum.

ROMAN GOLD COINS FOUND AT CORBEIDGE. 293

Rev. — s • P • Q • R • OPTIMO PRINCIPI Three
standards surmounted respectively by a
hand, an eagle, and a wreath.

Wt. 111-6 grs. Cohen, p. 77, 576 (112-
113 A.D.). [PL XV. 15.]

80. Obv.— Similar.

Rev. — Same legend. Genius standing 1., holding
patera and ears of corn.

Wt. 112-4 grs. Cohen, p. 59, 397 (112-

113 A.D.). [PI. XV. 16.]

81. Obv.— Similar.

Rev. — Same legend. Column surmounted by statue
of Trajan, at its base two eagles.41

Wt. 110-6 grs. Yar. of Cohen, p. 76,
557 (112-113 A.D.). [PL XV. 17.]

82. Obv. — IMP TRAIANVS AVG GER DAC P M TR P

COS VI P P Draped and cuirassed bust of
Trajan r., laureate.

Rev.— DIVVS • PATER • TRAIANVS Draped bust
of Trajanus pater r., bare.42

Wt. 112-9 grs. Cohen, p. 103, 2 (114

A.D.). [PI. XVI. 1.]

83. Obv.— IMP^TRAIANO AVG GER DAC P M TR P COS

VI P P Draped and cuirassed bust of
Trajan r., laureate.

Rev. — FORVM TRAIAN (in exergue). Building with
six columns and central door ; on the top

41 Cohen records an example of this reverse, with laureate bust on
the obverse, as being in the British Museum. He probably alludes to
an aureus from the Royal Collection ; but this has a laureate draped
and cuirassed bust on the obverse, and therefore is similar to the present
specimen.

42 Cohen mentions only a specimen formerly in the possession of
M. Herpin. There are, however, two specimens in the British Museum
from the de Salis and Blacas collections respectively. They are struck
from the same obverse dies, but those of the reverse vary.

294 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.

of the pediment a quadriga led by two
soldiers in which is Trajan holding laurel-
branch and crowned by Victory ; on either
side of the chariot a trophy and Victory ;
statues in niches and medallions between
the columns.43

Wt. 112-2 grs. Cohen, p. 35, 167 (114
A.D.). [PI. XVI. 2.]

84. Obv.— IMP CAES NER TRAIANO OPTIMO AVG GER
DAC Draped and cuirassed bust of Trajan
r., laureate.

Rev.— P M TR P COS VI P P S P Q R Similar
design to No. 80.

Wt. 110-2 grs. Cohen, p. 46, 275 (114-
116 A.D.). [PI. XVI. 3.]

85-89. Obv. Similar.

Rev.— P M TR P COS VIPPSPQR In exergue,
FORT RED Fortuna seated 1., holding
rudder and cornucopiae.44

Wts. 112-6, 112-4, 109-6, 110-6, 109-6.
Cohen, p. 34, 153 (114-116 A.D.).

[PL XVI. 4, 5, 6.]

90. Obv. — Similar.

p M TR P • COS VI P P • S P Q R In exergue,
SALVS AVG Salus sea ted 1., feeding serpent
entwined round altar, and leaning 1. arm
on chair.

Wt. 112-0 grs. Cohen, p. 53, 331 (114-
116 A.D.). [PI. XVI. 7.]

43 This specimen was found lying in loose soil on or near the spot
where the jug containing the hoard had been found on the previous
day, and doubtless belonged to it.

44 All five specimens are from different dies. ' They exhibit three
varieties of lettering on the reverse, viz. :

P M TR P COS VI P P S P Q R Nos. 85, 86, 87.

P M TR P COS • VI P P S • P Q R No. 88.

P M TR P COS • VI P P • S • P • Q • R No. 89.

EOMAN GOLD COINS FOUND AT CORBKIDGE. 295

91. Olv. — Similar.

jfret;. — REGNA • ADSIGNATA Trajan seated 1. on
platform, a soldier standing before and
behind him; in front of him three kings
standing.

Wt. 112-0 grs.. Cohen, p. 51, 324 (116
A.D.). [PL XVI. 8.]

92-93. Obv.— IMP CAES NER TRAIAN OPTIM AVG GER
DAC PARTHICO Draped and cuirassed
bust of Trajan r., laureate.

Rev.— Similar to No. 9 1.45

Wts. 110-6, 110-0 grs. Cohen, 1st
edition, p. 34, 207 (1] 6-1 17 A.D.).

[PI. XVI. 9.]

94. Olv. — Similar.

Rev.—P M TR P COS VI P P S • P • Q • R In
exergue, PARTHIA CAPTA A trophy, seated
at its base two Parthians, each holding a
quiver with bow.

Wt. 110-2 grs. Cohen, p. 38, 184 (116-
117 A.D.). [PI. XVI. 10.]

95. Olv.— IMP CAES NER TRAIAN OPTIM AVG GERM

DAC Draped and cuirassed bust of Trajan
r., laureate.

Rev.— PARTHICO P M TR P COS VI P P S P Q R
Draped bust of sun-god r., radiate.

Wt. 111-2 grs. Cohen, 1st edition, p. 18,
99 (116-117 A.D.). [PI. XVI. 11.]

MARCIANA.
Died circa 114.

96. Obv.— DIVA AVGVSTA MARCIANA Draped bust of

Marciana r., diademed.

Rev. — CONSECRATIO Eagle walking 1. on sceptre
and looking r.

Wt. 110-6 grs. Cohen, p. 100, 3 (114-
117 A.D.). [PI. XVI. 12.]

45 The reverses of Nos. 91 and 93 are from the same die.

296 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.

HADRIAN.46
117-138 A.D.

97. Obv. — IMP CAES TRAIAN HADRIAN OPT AVG G • D
PART • Cuirassed bust of Hadrian r.,
laureate.

Rev.— DIVO TRAIANO • PATRI AVG Draped and
cuirassed bust of Trajan r., laureate.

Wt. 113-4grs. Cohen, p. 245,1 (117 A.D.).
[PI. XVI. 13.]

98-100. Obv.— IMP CAESAR TRAIAN HADRIANVS AVG
Draped and cuirassed bust of Hadrian r.,
laureate.

Rev. — P M TR P COS III Jupiter standing facing,
holding thunderbolt and sceptre.47

Wts. 108-4, 112-2, 109-6 grs. Cohen,
p. 193, 1058 (121 A.D,).

[PL XVI. 14, 15.]

101. Obv.— Similar.

Rev. — Similar, but Jupiter seated 1.

Wt. 112-0 grs. Cohen, p. 194, 1060
(121 A.D.). [PI. XVI. 16.]

46 The chronology of the reign of Hadrian is largely conjectural. The
coins of his reign are here arranged in the order suggested by Laffranchi
(Rivista Italiana di Numismatica, 1906, pp. 329-374). Definite dates
can, however, be perhaps assigned to the following groups of coins
represented in this hoard : —

A.D. 117. Obv.— IMP CAES TRAIAN HADRIAN OPT AVG G . D

PART.
A.D. 119-124. Obv.— IMP CAESAR TRAIAN HADRIANVS AVG

Rev.— P M TR P COS III

A.D. 125-127. Obv.— HADRIANVS AVGVSTVS Rev.— COS III
A.D. 127-130. Obv.— HADRIANVS AVGVSTVS P P or HADRIANVS

AVGVSTVS with P P in reverse inscription.
A.D. 130-138. Obv.— HADRIANVS AVG COS III P P

47 These three specimens are from different dies.

KOMAN GOLD COINS FOUND AT CORBRIDGE. 297

102. Obv. — Similar.

Rev.—P M TR P COS III In field, HERO GADIT
Hercules standing r., holding club and
apple, behind him the prow of a vesselr
before him the river-god Baetis.48

Wt. 111-0 grs. Cohen, p. 174, 814
(122 A.D.). [PI. XVI. 17.]

103. Olv.— Similar.

Rev. — p M TR P • COS III • Genius standing 1.,
holding patera and ears of corn.49

Wt. 110-3 grs. Cohen, p. 197, 1092
(123 A.D.). [PI. XVII. L]

104-105. Obv.— Similar.

J$ev. — p M TR P COS III Rome seated on cuirass
1., holding Victory and spear, below her
a helmet.50

Wts. 113-0, 112-0 grs. Yar. of Cohen,
p. 197, 1097 (123 A.D.).

[PL XVII. 2.]

106. Obv. — Same legend. Bust of Hadrian r., laureate.

Rev. — Same legend. Neptune standing 1., holding
acrostolium and trident, mantle over 1.
shoulder.51

Wt. lll'O grs. Cohen, p. 195, 1079
(124 A.D.). [PI. XVII. 3.]

48 Cohen mentions only a specimen in the British Museum.

49 Cohen mentions only a specimen in M. Rollin's collection, but
there are two in the British Museum. These and the Corbridge speci-
mens are all struck from the same reverse die, but each specimen
varies in the obverse type.

50 The reverses of these two specimens are from the same die. Cohen
(loc. cit.) catalogues a similar specimen in the Cabinet de France, but
does not record the helmet below the seated figure. He records (p. 198,
1104) an aureus of similar design from the Trouvaille du Lyc&e Napoleon,
with the helmet and also with a shield behind the seated figure. The
shield is absent from the present specimens.

51 Cohen records (loc. cit.) a similar specimen from the Trouvaille du
Lycfc Napoleon, with laureate head on the obverse. There is an example

298 NUMISMATIC CHKONICLE.

107. Obv.— HADRIAN VS AVGVSTVS Draped and cui-
rassed bust of Hadrian r., laureate.

Eev. — COS III Hadrian on horseback galloping
r., holding spear.52

Wt. 111-3 grs. Var. of Cohen, p. 141,
414 (126 A.D.). [PL XVII. 4.]

108-110. Obv. — Same legend. Bust of Hadrian r., laureate.

Eev. — COS (round edge) 171 (in exergue). Wolf
r., suckling Romulus and Remus.53

Wts. 111-0, 108-6, 111-0 grs. Cohen,
p. 141, 420 (126 A.D.).

[PI. XVII. 5, 6.]

111. Obv.— Similar to No. 108.
Rev. — Similar, but wolf 1.

Wt. 110-2 grs. Cohen, p. 141, 422
(126 A.D.). [PL XVII. 7.]

112. Obv.— Similar to No. 108.

Eev. — COS III Column surmounted by helmet,
suspended from it a parazonium and
spear ; at its base a shield with Medusa's
head as boss, a cuirass, and pair of
greaves.54

Wt. 111-4 grs. Cohen, p. 145, 473
(126 A.D.). [PL XVII. 8.]

in the British Museum. The portrait on the obverse of the present
specimen is properly a bust, a loop of drapery being visible over the left
shoulder.

52 This coin has a reverse of similar design to No. 115, from which it
differs in the disposition of the legend on the reverse and the character
of the bust on the obverse. Although unnoticed by Cohen, an example
of this variety is in the British Museum.

33 The reverses of Nos. 108 and 109 are from the same die.

84 Cohen's description (loc. cit.) is taken from Caylus. The beautiful
condition of the specimen makes it possible to correct Caylus' repro-
duction. The armour on the right of the base of the column is not a
helmet, as given by him, but a pair of greaves. A Medusa's head
ornaments the boss of the shield.

ROMAN GOLD COINS FOUND AT CORBRIDGE. 299

113-114. Obv.— Similar to No. 108.

. — Same legend. Hadrian on horseback ad-
vancing r. and raising r. hand.50

Wt. 111-7 grs. (2). Cohen, p. 140,
406 (127 A.D.). [PL XVII. 9.]

115. Obv.— Similar to No. 108.

_ReVt — COS • ITT (in exergue). Similar design to
No. 107.

Wt. 112-9 grs. Cohen, p. 141, 414
(127 A.D.). [PI. XVII. 10.]

116. Obv. — Same legend. Bust of Hadrian r., bare-

headed.

ftev. — COS 1 1 1 • P • P Hadrian in military dress
standing 1., raising r. hand and holding
spear ; before him two, behind him one
standard surmounted respectively by a
wreath, a hand and an ensign.56

Wt. 110-4 grs. Cohen, p. 147, 485
(130 A.D.). [PI. XVII. 11.]

117. Obv.— HADRIANVS AVG COS III P P Draped

bust of Hadrian r., bare-headed.

Rev. - IVSTITIA AVG Justitia seated 1., holding
patera and sceptre.57

Wt. 112-0 grs. Yar. of Cohen, p. 180,
878 (130 A.D.). [PI. XVII. 12.]

55 These two specimens are from different dies.

58 Cohen (loc. cit.) mentions only a specimen in Sig. Gnecchi's collec-
tion. There is, however, a duplicate from the same dies (obv. and rev.)
in the British Museum.

57 Cohen (loc. cit.) records an aureus of similar design in the British
Museum, with bare head of Hadrian on the obverse. The present
example has a draped bust on the obverse, and so constitutes a new
variety. The present piece and that in the British Museum are struck
from the same reverse die.

300 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.

118. Obv.— Similar.

Eev. — ROMA AETERNA Rome, helmeted, seated
1. on cuirass, holding in her r. hand heads
of Sol and Luna, in her 1. a spear, behind
her a shield.

Wt. 110-0 grs. Cohen, p. 215, 1303
(131 A.D.). [PI. XVII. 13.]

119. Obv.— Similar.

Eev.— IOVI VICTORI Jupiter seated 1., holding
Victory and sceptre.

Wt. 110-2 grs. Cohen, p. 178, 863
(131 A.D.). [PI. XVII. 14.]

120-121. Obv. — Same legend. Bust of Hadrian r., laureate.

Eev. — VICTORIA AVG Victory advancing r.,
looking back, and holding wreath and
palm.58

Wts. 111-9, 110-0 grs. Var. of Cohen,
p. 227, 1453 (132 A.D.).

[PI. XVII. 15.]

122. Obv. — Same legend. Head of Hadrian r., bare.
ReVt — Similar to Nos. 120, 121.

Wt. 112-0 grs. Cohen, p. 227, 1453
(132 A.D.). [PI. XVII. 16.]

123. Obv.— Similar to No. 122.59

Rev. — Same legend. Victory standing 1., holding
in her r. hand an eagle with wreath in his
beak, in her 1. a palm.

Wt. 112-0 grs. Cohen, p. 227, 1459
(132 A.D.). [PI. XVII. 17.]

58 An example of this type is in the British Museum, although
unrecorded by Cohen. Both obverse and reverse of these two specimens,
and of that already in the Museum, are from the same dies.

59 Cohen describes the portrait on the obverse as a bust. No drapery,
however, is visible in this specimen.

ROMAN GOLD COINS FOUND AT CORBRIDGE. 301

124. Obv.— Similar to No. 122.

ReVt — GENIO • P • R Genius standing 1., with
patera and cornucopiae, at his feet a
lighted altar.

Wt. 111-4 grs. Cohen, p. 173, 800
(133 A.D.). [PI- XVIII. L]

125-126. Obv.— Similar to No. 117.

JRey.—ADVENTVI AVG ITALIAE Hadrian stand-
ing r., raising r. hand and holding roll ;
facing him Italy standing 1., holding
pater* and cornucopiae ; between them a
lighted altar.60

Wts. 114-1, 112-7 grs. Cohen, p. 110,
42 (135 A.D.). [PL XVIII. 2, 3.]

127. Obv. — Same legend. Head of Hadrian 1., bare.

R€Vf — AEGYPTOS Egypt recumbent 1., holding

sistrum in r. hand, 1. arm supported on

basket ; in front of her an ibis on altar.61

Wt. 113-7 grs. Cohen, p. 114, 96

(137 A.D.). [PI. XVIII. 4.]

128. Obv.— Similar to No. 127.

Rev. — HISPANIA Spain recumbent 1., holding
olive-branch and resting 1. arm on rock ;
in front of her a rabbit.

Wt. 107-7 grs. Cohen, p. 176, 828
(137 A.D.). [PI. XVIII. 5.]

129-131. Obv.— Similar to No. 122.

.Ret>.— LIBER ALITAS AVG - VII Liberalitas stand-
ing 1., holding tessera and cornucopiae.62

Wts. .110-4, 112-4, 113-0 grs. Cohen,
p. 183, 942 (137 A.D.).

[PI. XVIII. 6.]

co These two coins are from different dies.

cl Cohen (loc. cit.) mentions only a specimen from the Trouvaille du
Lycde Charlemagne.

i2 All three specimens are from the same obverse die, and Nos. 129
and 130 are also from the same reverse die. Nos. 131 and 132 are from
the same reverse die but from different obverse dies.

VOL. XII., SERIES IV. X

302 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.

132. Obv.— Similar to No. 127.
Rev.— Similar to No. 129.63

Wt. 111-1 grs. Cohen, p. 184, 944
(137 A.D.). [PI. XVIII. 7.]

SABINA.
128-136 A.D.

133. Obv.— SABINA AVGVSTA Draped bust of Sabina

r., diademed, with hair in " queue."

Rev.— IVNONI REGINAE Juno standing 1. veiled,
holding patera and sceptre, at her feet a
peacock.64

Wt. 110-4 grs. Cohen, p. 251, 46
(128-129 A.D.). [PI. XVIII. 8.]

134. Obv.— Similar.

Rev. — VESTA Yesta seated 1., holding palladium
and sceptre.

Wt. 112-4 grs. Cohen, p. 253, 78
(134-135 A.D.). [PI. XVIII. 9.]

135. Obv.— SABINA AVGVSTA Draped bust of Sabina
r., diademed, coiffure relevee.

Rev.— Similar to No. 134.

Wt. 110-4 grs. Cohen, p. 253, 79
(134-135 A.D.). [PI. XVIII. 10.]

63 This coin is only known to Cohen through the medium of Caylus.
There is, however, a specimen in the British Museum. The reverses of
this specimen and of No. 131 are from the same die.

64 Cohen mentions only a specimen in the British Museum. There
are in fact two specimens there : one from the Cracherode Collection,
the other from that of the Bank of England.

EOMAN GOLD COINS FOUND AT CORBRIDGE. 303

AELIUS.
136-137 A.D.

136. Obv.—L - AELIVS CAESAR Head of Aelius 1.,

bare.

Rev.— TRIB POT COS II, in exergue CONCORD
Concordia seated 1., holding patera in r.
hand, and resting 1. arm on cornucopiae.

Wt. 112-4 grs. Cohen, p. 259, 12
(136TA.D.). [PI. XVIII. 11.]

ANTONINUS Pius.
138-161 A.D.

137. Obv. — IMP T AEL CAES HADRI ANTONINVS

Head of Antoninus Pius r., bare.

Eev.— AVG PIVS • P M TR - P COS DES II Pietas
standing r., veiled, raising r. hand and
holding box of perfumes in 1., at her feet
a lighted altar.

Wt. 112-0 grs. Cohen, p. 277, 70
(138 A.D.). [PI. XVIII. 12.]

138-139. Obv.— ANTONINVS AVG PIVS P P Head of
Antoninus Pius r., bare.

Eev.— TR POT COS II Similar to No. 137, but
Pietas stands I.65

Wts. 111-6, 110-0 grs. Cohen, 1st
edition, p. 313, 278 (139 A.D.).

[PI. XVIII. 13.]

140. Obv.— ANTONINVS AVG PIVS P P TR P COS III
Draped and cuirassed bust of Antoninus
Pius r., bare-headed.

65 These two coins are duplicates, i.e. from the same dies, both obverse

ttnd reverse.
..

304 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.

JKey.—AVRELIVS CAESAR AVG Pll F COS. Head
of Marcus Aurelius r., bare.66

Wt. 112-2 grs. Var. of Cohen, p. 409,
13 (140-144 A.D.). [PI. XVIII. 14.]

141. Obv. — Same legend. Draped and cuirassed bust

of Antoninus Pius r., laureate.

Rev. — IOVI STATORI Jupiter standing facing,
holding sceptre and thunderbolt.

Wt. 111-0 grs. Cohen, p. 314, 459
(140-144 A.D.). [PI. XVIII. 15.]

142. Obv.— ANTON IN VS AVG PIVS P P TR P COS III!

Head of Antoninus Pius 1., laureate.

Rev. — LIB Illl (in exergue). Antoninus seated
1. on platform ; before him stands Liber -
alitas pouring money into the hands of a
suppliant.67

Wt. 111-8 grs. Var. of Cohen, p. 318,
494 (145-147 A.D.). [PI. XVIII. 16.]

143-144. Obv.— ANTON IN VS AVG PIVS P P Draped and
cuirassed bust of Antoninus Pius r.,
laureate.

Rev. — COS Illl Felicitas standing facing, looking
1., holding Capricorn and caduceus.68

Wts. 112-7, 111-4 grs. Cohen, p. 296,
250 (145-148 A.D.).

[Pis. XVIII. 17 ; XIX. 1.]

66 Cohen (loc. cit.) records an aureus in the British Museum of similar
design, but having the bare head of Antoninus on the obverse. This
coin constitutes a new variety.

67 Cohen (loc. cit.) catalogues an aureus of this type in the Cabinet de
France, having the laureate bust of Antoninus to right on the obverse.
Specimens with a laureate head to right on the obverse are in the
British Museum although unrecorded by Cohen. The Corbridge
example supplies a new variety of obverse to this type.

68 These two specimens are from the same obverse die, but from
different reverse dies. On the reverse of No. 144 (PI. XIX. 1) the
caduceus is winged ; on the other specimen it is without wings.

ROMAN GOLD COINS FOUND AT COBBRIDGE. 305

145. Obv.— ANTONINVS AVG PIVS P P TR P XI Head

of Antoninus Pius r., laureate.

Rev.— COS Illl In field LIB V Liberalitas
standing 1., holding tessera and cornu-
copiae.69

Wt. 110-4 grs. Cohen, p. 319, 504
(148-149 A.D.). [PL XIX. 2.]

146. Obv. — ANTONINVS AVG PIVS P P TR P XII

Draped bust of Antoninus Pius r.,
laureate.

Rev. — COS Illl • Aequitas standing 1. with scales
and cornucopia e.

Wt. 109-6 grs. Cohen, p. 296, 235
(149-150 A.D.). [PL XIX. 3.1

U7. Obv.— ANTONINVS AVG PIVS P P TR P XV Head
of Antoninus Pius 1., laureate.

Rev. — COS Mil Antoninus standing 1., holding
globe in r. hand and scroll in 1.

Wt. 112-0 grs. Cohen, p. 300, 305
(152-153 A.D.). [PL XIX. 4.]

148. Obv.— ANTONINVS AVG PIVS P P IMP II Head

of Antoninus Pius r., laureate.

Rev, — TR POT XXI COS Illl Victory advancing
1., holding wreath and palm.

Wt. 110-6 grs. Cohen, p. 369, 1030
(158-159 A.D.). [PL XIX. 5.]

149. Obv.— ANTONINVS AVG PIVS P P TR P XXII

Bust of Antoninus Pius r., laureate.

Rev.- -FORTVNA OPSEQVENS In exergue COS
Illl Fortuna standing 1., holding in r.
hand patera and rudder placed on prow
of vessel, and in 1. cornucopiae.

Wt. 111-2 grs. Cohen, 1st edition,
vol. vii. p. 140, 16 (159-160 A.D.).

[PL XIX. 6.]

Cohen (loc. cit.) mentions only a specimen in the British Museum.

306 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.

FAUSTINA I.
Died 141 A.D.

150. Obv. — FAVSTINA AVG ANTONINI AVG P P Draped

bust of Faustina I r.

_Rev._ IVNONI REGINAE Throne, upon it a
diadem and sceptre, to 1. a peacock, to r.
a basket of fruit.70

Wt. 109-6 grs. Cohen, 1st edition,
p. 432, 93; cp. vol. vii. p. 158 (138-141
A.D.). [PL XIX. 7.]

151. Obv. — DIVA AVG FAVSTINA Draped bust of

Faustina I r.

.Rev.—PVELLAE (in exergue) FAVSTINIANAE A
building showing two storeys. In the
upper one stands the Emperor holding a
scroll in his 1. hand and pointing with his
r. hand to a plan on a table, on the other
side of which are two female figures
(Matronae ?), one of whom is seated and
points with a staff to the plan. In the
lower storey stand two men, each carry-
ing an infant ; in the background are
four female figures standing facing, and
behind them three small children.171

Wt. 110-4 grs. Cohen, p. 433, 261
(141-156 A.D.). [PL XIX. 8.]

152. Obv.— DIVA - AVG FAVSTINA Draped bust of

Faustina I r.

70 There are two specimens of this type in the British Museum. One
is struck from the same obverse and reverse dies, the other from the
same reverse die only.

71 Cohen describes a similar specimen in the Cabinet de France, and
gives the inscription on the obverse as DIVA AVGVSTA FAVSTINA,
evidently in error, since the accompanying wood-cut gives tbe same
legend as the Cor bridge example. His description of the reverse is not
correct ; the standing figure on the left in the upper storey is the
Emperor. He holds a scroll (volumen) in his 1. hand and not a child.

ROMAN GOLD COINS FOUND AT CORBRIDGE. 307

Jtev. — No inscription. Temple-front with six
columns and door in centre, a flight of
five steps leading up to it ; at each corner
of the pediment a caryatid, and at its
apex a quadriga ; figures in the pediment.

Wt. 111-0 grs. Cohen, p. 441, 316
(141-156 A.D.). [PI. XIX. 9.]

153. Obv.— Similar.

Rev. — AETERNITAS Aeternitas standing 1., hold-
ing globe and sceptre.72

Wt. 112-7 grs. Var. of Cohen, p. 415,
35 (141-156 A.D.). [PL XIX. 10.]

154. Olv.— DIVA FAVSTINA Draped bust of Faus-

tina I r.

Rev.— AVGVSTA Female figure (Fortune) stand-
ing 1., holding patera and rudder resting
on globe.

Wt. 112-0 grs. Cohen, 1st edition,
p. 427, 43 (141-156 A.D.).

[PI. XIX. 11.]

155. Obv. — Similar.

Rev. — Same legend. Ceres standing 1., holding
torch and sceptre.

Wt. 109-5 grs. Cohen, p. 420, 95
(141-156 A.D.). [PI. XIX. 12.]

156. Obv. — DIVA FAVSTINA Draped bust of Faustina I

1., veiled and diademed.

Rev.— Similar to No. 155.73

Wt. 109-3 grs. Cohen, p. 421, 98
(141-161 A.D.). [PL XIX. 13.]

72 Cohen (p. 415, 34) records this type in silver. Aurei with this
obverse type have been hitherto unrecorded. Cohen (ibid., 35) gives a
specimen in the Cabinet de France with veiled bust of Faustina on the
obverse, and there is one in the British Museum.

73 This coin is known to Cohen only through Caylus.

308 - NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.

MAKCUS AUBELIUS.
138-180 A.D.

157. Obv.— AVRELIVS CAESAR AVG Pll F COS Head

of Marcus Aurelius r., bare.

Rev.— HONOS Honos standing 1., holding branch
and cornucopiae.74

Wt. 112-4 grs. Cohen, p. 25, 235
(140-144 A.D.). [PL XIX. 14.]

158. Obv. — AVRELIVS CAESAR AVG Pll F Draped

bust of Marcus Aurelius 1., bare-headed.

Rev.— TR POT III COS II Bona Fides standing
facing, looking r., holding two ears of
corn and basket of fruit.75

Wt. 115-8 grs. Cohen, 1st edition,
p. 482, 217 (149 A.D.). [PL XIX. 15.]

159. Olv.— AVRELIVS CAES ANTON AVG Pll F Head

of Marcus Aurelius 1., bare.

Rev.— TR POT X COS II Pallas standing r.,
poising javelin in r. hand and holding
shield on 1. arm.

Wt. 110-4 grs. Cohen, 1st edition,
p. 485, 237 ; cp. vol. vii. p. 163 (156 A.D.).
[PL XIX. 16.]

160. Obv.— AVRELIVS CAES ANTON AVG Pll F Draped

and cuirassed bust of Marcus Aurelius 1.,
bare-headed.

Rev.—TR POT XI COS II Apollo standing 1.,
holding patera and lyre.

Wt. 110-0 grs. Cohen, p. 70, 705
(157 A.D.). [PL XIX. 17.]

74 Cohen (loc. cit.) mentions only a specimen in the British Museum.

75 A specimen in the British Museum is struck from the same obverse
die.

ROMAN GOLD COINS FOUND AT CORBRIDGE. 309

(ii.) CORBRIDGE FOURTH-CENTURY HOARD.

VALENTINIAN I.
364-375 A.D.

1. Obv.—D. N. VALENTINIANVS P F AVG Draped and

cuirassed bust of Valentinian I r., diademed.

Rev.— RESTITVTOR REIPVBLICAE Valentinian
standing facing, holding labarum and a
Victory on a globe. Mint-mark RT.

Wt. 69-0 grs. Cohen, p. 90, 28. Rome
mint. 364-375 A.D.

2. Obv.— Similar.

Rev. — Similar. Mint-mark Rcr.

Wt. 69-4 grs. Cohen, p. 90, 28. Rome
mint. 364-375 A.D.

3-4. Obv. — Similar.

Rev. — VICTORIA AVGG Two emperors seated facing,
holding a globe ; between them a palm-
branch ; behind them a Victory facing.
Mint-mark TROBC

Wts. 68-8 (2) grs. Cohen, p. 93, 43.
Trier mint. 364-375 A.D.

VALENS.
364-378 A.D.

5. Obv.—D N VALENS P F AVG Draped and cuirassed
bust of Valens r., diademed.

Rev. — Similar to No. 3. Mint-mark TROBC

Wt. 68-8 grs. Cohen, p. Ill, 53. Trier
mint. 364-375 A.D.

310 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.

6. Obv.— Similar.

Bev. — Similar to No. 3. Mint-mark TROBT

Wt. 68-4 grs. Cohen, p. Ill, 53. Trier
mint. 364-375 A.D.

GRATIAN.
367-383 A.D.

7. Olv. — D N GRATIANVS P F AVG Draped and cui-

rassed bust of Gratian r., diademed.

Rev.— PRINCIPIVM IVVENTVTIS Gratian with
nimbus standing r., holding spear and
globe. Mint-mark #CONS"fr

Wt. 82-2 grs. Cohen, p. 130, 28. Con-
stantinople mint. 367-375 A.D.

8. Obv.— Similar.

Rev. — Similar to No. 3. Mint-mark COM.

Wt. 69-4 grs. Cohen, p. 131, 38. Un-
certain mint.76 367-383 A.D.

9-11. Obv.— Similar.

.Ret;.— Similar. Mint-mark TROBC.

Wts. 69-0, 68-4, 68-3 grs. Cohen, p. 131,
38. Trier mint. 367-383 A.D.

12-14. Obv.— Similar.

Rev. Similar. Mint-mark TROBS.

Wts. 69-4, 69-2, 68-4 grs. Cohen, p. 131,
38. Trier mint. 367-383 A.D.

15-21. Obv.— Similar.

Rev. — Similar. Mint-mark TROBT.

Wts. 69-8, 69-6 (2), 69-4 (3), 68-7 grs.
Cohen, p. 131, 38. Trier mint. 367-383

A.D.

76 The mark COM, an abbreviation for Comes Sacrarum Largitionum,
is the stamp of the chief financial minister, and does not, when un-
accompanied by other marks, assist in locating the mint.

ROMAN GOLD COINS FOUND AT CORBRIDGE. 311

22. Obv. — D N GRATIANS P F AVG Draped and cui-
rassed bust of Gratian r., diademed.

Mint-mark TRO3."
Wt. 67-3 grs. Cohen, p. 131, 38. Trier
mint. 367-383 A.D.

VALENTINIAN II.
375-392 A.D.

23. Obv.—D N VALENTIN I ANVS IVN P F AVG Draped
and cuirassed bust of Valentinian II r.,
diademed.

fieVt — Similar. Mint-mark TROBC.

Wt. 68-6 grs. Cohen, p. 143, 36. Trier
mint. 375-383 A.D.

24-30. Obv.— Similar.

Rev. — Similar. Mint-mark TROBT.

Wts. 70-0, 69-6, 69-4, 69-0 (2), 68-7,
68-6 grs. Cohen, p. 143, 36. Trier mint.
375-383 A.D.

THEODOSIUS.
379-395 A.D.

31. Obv.—D N THEODOSIVS P F AVG Draped and
cuirassed bust of Theodosius r., diademed.

Rev. — Similar. Mint-mark COM.

Wt. 70-0 grs. Cohen, p. 159, 37. Un-
certain mint. 375-383 A.D.

32-35. Obv. — Similar.

Rev. — Similar. Mint-mark TROBC.

Wts. 69-6, 69-4, 68-4, 68-2 grs. Cohen,
p. 159, 37. Trier mint. 375-383 A.D.

77 A contemporary forgery. The V of GRATIANVS is omitted on the
obverse. The mint-mark TRO3 is intended for TROBS.

312 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.

MAGNUS MAXIMUS.
383-388 A.D.

36. Olv.—D N MAG MAXIMVS P F AVG Draped and
cuirassed bust of Maximus r., diademed.

Bev. — Similar. Mint-mark TROB.

Wt. 68-0 gra. Cohen, p. 168, 9. Trier
mint. 383-388 A.D.

37-48. Obv.— Similar.

Rev.— Similar to No. 1. Mint-mark S*|R

Wts. 70-4, 69-6, 69-5, 69-2 (2), 69-0,
68-8 (2), 68-6, 68-5, 68-0, 67-7 grs. Cohen,
p. 167, 4. Trier mint, 383-388 A.D.

H. H. E. CBASTER.

XIV.

THE COINAGE OF THE MALDIVE ISLANDS
WITH SOME NOTES ON THE COWRIE
AND LAEIN.

(Se* Plate XX.)

THE Maldive Islands are a dependency of Ceylon, lying
some 400 miles to the west of it. They have been but
little visited by Europeans, and until recently their coins
were rarely to be found in European collections. The
coins that have been previously published are few in
number ; M. F. Soret published a coin of Muin al-Din
of the year 1212 A.H. in the Revue Beige cle Numismatique,
1856, p. 174, but he misread the name as Muiz al-
Din; five coins of three Sultans are given by Weil
in the Oriental volume of the Fonrobert Catalogue,
Nos. 3871-3875, and there are six coins of five Sultans
in the fourth edition of the Catalogue of the Batavian
Society's Collection (1896), p. 180. A large and a small
coin of Imad-al-Din (1835-1882 A.D.) have been pub-
lished by Mr. Bell in his Report, pp. 118 and 121, and
the same two coins are figured in the Voyage of F.
Pyrard, p. 233, where also is an illustration of a larin
obtained in the Maldives.

The British Museum had very few coins of this series
till 1893, when a fairly representative collection was
presented to it by Mr. P. E. Eadley. Through the
kindness of the Kev. W. G. Searle, I have been enabled
to examine a large number of coins in the Fitzwilliam

314 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.

Museum, Cambridge, and Mr. I). F. Howorth has also
allowed me to examine his collection. In addition, Mr.
H. W. Codrington of the Ceylon Civil Service has sent
me a list of coins in the Colombo Museum and in his
possession. These collections have provided me with
sufficient material for this paper, which it is hoped
may have the effect of bringing to light further
specimens of the coinage of these islands.

Our knowledge of the history of the Maldives is
derived almost entirely from the accounts of the few
travellers who have visited them, of whom the most
important are Ibn Batuta (1344-13-46) and Francois
Pyrard de Laval (1602-1607), and from the Government
records in Ceylon for recent years. All information
available till 1881 was collected by Mr. H. C. P. Bell,
of the Ceylon Civil Service, in his Report on tlie Maldive
Islands presented to the Ceylon Government in 1881
(published in 1883). For the purposes of this paper it
will be sufficient to state that the inhabitants of the
Maldives in the twelfth century became converts to
Islam, which has strongly influenced their civilization.
Arabic is the language of the coin-legends and not
Maldive. Since the middle of the seventeenth century
the Maldives have been voluntarily under the suzerainty
of Ceylon, to which an embassy is annually despatched
bearing tribute. The Sultans are nevertheless still
practically independent.

Before proceeding to deal with the actual coinage of
the Maldives, which does not begin till the end of the
seventeenth century, some notice must be taken of the
earlier currency of the islands, the cowrie and the larin,
on account of their importance in the commerce of the
Indian Ocean.

THE COINAGE OF THE MALDIYE ISLANDS. 315

The Maldives have been famous from the earliest
times for their wealth in cowries, and they appear to
hare been the sole source of supply of this currency to
India and Africa. The Arab geographers, Snlaiman1
and Masudi* in the tenth and Idrisi3 in the eleventh
centuries, all note the use of cowries as currency in
these islands*. Masndi and Idrisi give us an account
of how they were obtained. Branches were thrown into
the sea to which the molluscs attached themselves;
they were then hauled out and dried in the sun, and
when clean taken to fill the royal treasury.

Ibn Batata,4 the famous Moorish traveller, who spent
about a year and a half in the Maldives between 1344
and 1346, gives a similar account of the use of cowries,
and adds that 400,000 were worth a dinar of gold. They
were exported to Bengal and also to Africa, where he
had himself seen them in use at Mali and Juju in the
Sudan, where they were worth 1150 to the dinar of
gold.

Barbosa,5 an observant Portuguese soldier, who was
in the East early in the sixteenth century, notes that
there was traffic in cowries between the Maldives and
Cambay and Bengal, where they were preferred to copper
for sm*ll transactions.

Francois Pyrard de Laval, a French sailor, who was
wrecked on the Maldives in 1602 and kept a prisoner

jKTfcsJTafe.UMS.p.S.
et de CoorteiDe, La Prairie* <TOrr 1863-71, t. L pp. 337,

» Trad, par Janbett, 1836, t. L p. 39.

4 Texte et Trad, par Defremerj et Sangametti. 1858, k ir. p.

* FoavfrqfF. PpmddeLml, edited for the Hettnjft Society by
A. Gtaj and H. CL P. BeD, i«L iL p. 4T7.

316 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.

there till 1607, has left a very full account of the
Maldives of his time. His journal has been edited for
the Hakluyt Society with valuable notes by Messrs. A.
Gray and H. C. P. Bell, of the Ceylon Civil Service.
His account of the currencies of the time is detailed
and important for this paper.

" The coin of the realm is silver only and of one sort.
These are pieces of silver of the value of about eight
sous of our money as long as the finger and doubled
down. The king has them struck in his island and
stamped with his name in Arabic characters. Though
foreign coins are current, they are only taken at their
just weight and value, and must be silver or gold ; all
others are rejected. The king coins larins only and no
pieces of less value : for the use of trade they cut the
silver and pay by weight for the value of the goods bought.
They take no silver without weighing and proving it,
and every one has weights for this purpose. Then in
place of copper and small change they use the shells of
which I shall presently speak. 12,000 are worth a larin.
There is another kind of wealth in the Maldives, viz.
certain little shells containing a little animal, large as
the tip of the little finger and quite white, polished and
bright. They call them ' boly/ and export to all parts
an infinite quantity in such wise that I have seen thirty
or forty whole ships loaded with them without other
cargo. All go to Bengal, for there is a demand for
them at high prices. The people of Bengal use them
as ordinary money although they have gold and silver
and other metals ; all the merchants from other places
in India take a large quantity to carry to Bengal where
they are always in demand; for they are produced
nowhere but at the Maldives on which account they

THE COINAGE OF THE MALDIVE ISLANDS. 317

serve as petty cash. These cowries are put up in bags
of 12,000 and are taken as counted." 6

The use of the cowrie (eypraea moneta) as currency
is well known. We cannot go fully into the question
of its use here, but it may be as well to point out that
its use was by no means limited to savage or primitive
peoples. It was used in India, more particularly in
Bengal, as small change for centuries, and it would
appear that the sole soyrce of supply was the Maldive
Islands. Deposits of cowries have been found in
excavations in ancient buildings in India,7 Fa Hien
notes that in buying and selling, cowries were used
in India about 400 A.D.8

We will confine ourselves to its use in Bengal in the
sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, and illustrate its
importance from contemporary records.

Tavernier, discussing the coins of India, says : " Their
other small Money are the little Shells which they call
Cori ; the sides whereof turn circularly inward. Nor
are they to be found in any part of the World but the
Maldives Islands. They are the greatest part of the
revenue of the King of that Island. For they are
transported into all the territories of the Great Mogull :
into the Kingdoms of Visapour and G-olconda : and into
the islands of America to serve instead of money. Near
the Sea they give 80 for a Pecha, but the further you go
from the Sea the less you have; so that at Agra they
will not give you above 50 or 55 for a Pecha." 9 Among
Tavernier's other references to the use of the cowrie in

6 Abbreviated from Voyage of F. Pyrard de Laval, vol. i. pp. 232-240.

7 Cunningham, Archaeological Survey of India, x. 78 ; xiv. 17 ;
xvi. 104, &c.

8 Records of Buddhistic Kingdoms, transl. by Legge, 1886, p. 43.

9 Travels in India, p. 22, English edition, by J. P. London, 1684.

VOL. XII., SERIES IV. Y

318 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.

India may be noted his statement that all along the
Coromandel coast, from Cape Comorin as far as Bengal,
they have little other money than the fanarn, the pecha
of copper, and the shells which pass for small money.

J. Albert de Mandelslo, who was in Gujarat about
1638, writes : " They also make use of Almonds whereof
thirty-six make a Peyse as also of certain shells which
they call Kaurets and are gathered on the seaside,
eighty whereof amount to a Peyse." 10

Bowrey's account of the countries round the Bay of
Bengal contains a good deal of information about the
currency of the period (c. 1669-1679). On the cowrie
he says : " The Nabob and Some Merchants here (i.e.
Hugly) and in Ballasore and Piplo have about 20 Saile
of Ships of considerable burden that annually trade to
sea, some to Ceylone, some to Tanassaree. Those fetch
elephants and the rest, 6 or 7 yearly, go to the twelve
thousand Islands called Maldiva to fetch cowries and
Cayre and most commonly doe make very profitable
voyages." n

"Cowries (all the moneys known to the ignorant
Ourias) are small shells brought from the Islands of
Malldiva A greate quantitie passe for one Rupee, not
less than 3200." 12

" Their small moneys are cowries, being small shells
taken out of the sea, passing very current by tale.

1 gunda is 4 cowries.

5 gundas is 1 burrie or 20 cowries.

4 burries is 1 pone or 80 cowries.

10 Voyages into the East Indies, transl. by J. Davies, 1662, p. 85.

11 Account of Countries round the Bay of Bengal, Hakl. Soc., 1905,
p. 179.

12 Ibid., p. 200.

THE COINAGE OF THE MALDIVE ISLANDS. 319

16 pone make 1 cawne or 1280 cowries.
2 cawne and J is 1 rupee or 3200 cowries.13

They seldom rise or fall more than two Pone in one
Rupee and that only in Ballasore at the arrival of the
Ships from Insulae Maldivae." u

W. Hedges in his Diary (1683-1688) refers frequently
to ships going from Bengal to the Maldives for cowries.
When he visited these islands he saw " the Houses
which were Magazines for ye cowries that were taken
for the King." 15

These quotations will suffice to show that the source
of the cowrie for currency in India was the Maldives
and had been from early times. Their use was not
limited to Bengal, but spread into Assam and Sylhet,
where enormous quantities were in circulation until quite
recently.16

The larin was one of the standard currencies of the
Indian Ocean about the end of the sixteenth century.
It appears to have been first struck probably about the
beginning of the sixteenth century at Lar in the Persian
Grulf, from which it takes its name. It became an
exceedingly popular coin on account of the purity of
its silver, and its use spread from the Persian Gulf
down the west coast of India to Ceylon. It was thus
described by William Barret, an English merchant, in
his account of the money and measures of Balsara
(al-Basra) in 1584. " The sayd larine is a strange piece

18 Gunda = Ganda or rati berry ; burry = bauri ; Pone = pan ; Cawne
= kahan. Cf. Alex. Hamilton, Account of East Indies, Edin., 1827.
Table of weights, p. 7, vol. ii., Oriya and Bengal, " 80 cowries to a Poon ;
32-36 Poon to a Rupee current."

14 Ibid., p. 218.

15 Diary, Hakl. Soc., 1887, p. 11.

16 Cf . Gait, History of Assam, p. 272.

320 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.

of money, not being round like all other current money
in Christ ianitie, but is a small rod of silver of the great-
nesse of the pen of a goose feather wherewith we use to
write and in length about one eighth part thereof, which
is so wrested that the two ends meet at the juste halfe
part and in the head thereof there is a stamp Turkesco
and these be the best current money in all the Indies
and six of the larines make a ducat." 17

In view of the importance of the larin in the commerce
of Western Indian and the Persian Gulf in the sixteenth
and seventeenth centuries, it may be of interest to give
a few further quotations from contemporary travels as
to its use there. Pedro Texeira in his account of Basora
(al-Basra) at end of the seventeenth century, says : " The
silver coins are first the larins, long money with both
ends bent, worth sixty-five maravedis a-piece and
secondly round coins called xays of the shape and value
of our real sexillo. This is of a lower standard than the
other which is very fine." 18 Of Lar, he writes : " There
is also the city of Lar or Lara, as we Portuguese pro-
nounce it, whence are called laris, a money of the finest
silver, very well drawn and current throughout the
east." 19 Captain Jourdain in his Journal (c. 1610-1619}
tells us in his account of Dabul in Bijapur that "the
factour of the Portugualls there pays the Governor of
Dabul two thousand larins per year for the monopoly of
selling wine." 20

Van Linshoten, describing the money of Goa, says :

17 Hakluyt, Principal Voyages, vol. vi. p. 12. (Hakl. Soc., Extra Ser.,
1904.)

w Travels, Hakl. Soc., 1902, p. 30.

19 Ibid., p. 241.

20 Journal, Hakl. Soc., 1905, p. 198.

THE COINAGE OF THE MALDIVE ISLANDS. 321

" There is also a kind of money out of Persia called
Lariins which are long, very good, and fine silver with-
out any alloy." 21

Sir Thomas Herbert was at Lar in 1627, and thus
describes the larin : " Near this Byzar the Lames are
coyned, a famous sort of money being pure silver but
shaped like a date stone, the King's name or some
sentence out of the Alcoran being stamped upon it ; in
our money it values ten pence." 22

Tavernier, in discussing the coinage of Persia, gives
a full account of the larin. " This 23 Money is called
Larin and signifies the same with our Crowns : The five
pieces are as much in value as one of our Crowns and
the Ten Half-Larins as much. Only the Five Larins want
in weight Eight Sous of our Crown. This is that which
the Emirs or Princes of Arabia take for the Coining of
their Money ; and the profit which they make by the
Merchants that travel through the Desart either into
Persia or the Indies. For then the Emirs come to the
caravans to take their Tolls and to change their Crowns,
Keals or Ducats of Gold for these Larins. ... If these
five Larins did but weigh as much as a Crown or Keal of
Spain, the merchants would never be much troubled.
But when they come to Persia or the Indies, they must
carry their money to the Mint, as I have said in another
place, and lose about eight Sous in a Crown which
amounts to 14 per cent. As for what remains, the
Larins are one of the ancient Coins of Persia and though
at this day they are only current in Arabia and at
Balsara nevertheless from Bragdatt to the island of

21 Voyage to the East Indies, Hakl. Soc., 1885, i. p. 242.

22 Some Years' Travels, London, 1665, p. 130.
!3 Referring to his illustration.

322 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.

Ceylan, they traffick altogether with the Larin and all
along the Persian Gulf, where they take eighty larins
for one Toman which is fifty Abbasis." 24

Chardin thus describes the larin about 1675. " II y a
une monnoye tout le long du Golphe Persique, nommee
Larins, qui est celle dont on s'y sert le plus dans le
Commerce. Larin veut dire monnoye de Lar qui est
le nom de la Ville capitale de la Caramanie deserte,
laquelle etait un Koyaurae particulier, avant Abas le
Grand, Koi de Perse, qui la conquit & 1'incorpora a
son Koyaume, il y a quelque six-vingt ans. Cette mon-
noye est d' argent fin & vaut deux Chayes & demi qui
font onze sols trois deniers de notre monnoye. Elle
est d'une figure tout extraordinaire : car c'est un fil rond,
gros comme une plume a ecrire, plie en deux de la
longueur d'un travers de pouce, avec une petite marque
dessus qui est le coin du Prince. Comme on n'en bat
plus depuis la conquete du Eoyaume on n'en voit plus
gueres : mais on ne laisse pas de cornpter par cette mon-
noye en tout ce Pai's-la & aux Indes, le long du Golphe
de Cambaye & dans les Pai's qui en sont proche. On
dit qu'elle avait cours autrefois, dans tout I'Orient." '

Such quotations might be multiplied considerably,
but these are sufficient to show the high esteem in which
the larin was held on account of the purity of its silver.
Most authorities give its exchange value as about ten-
pence in English money. The approximate weight is
74 grains.

Pyrard's statement that the King of the Maldives
struck larins in his own name is interesting. There

24 Moneys of Persia, p. 1 (Figs. 1 and 2), London, 1684.

25 Voyages, Amsterdam, 1735, iii, p. 128.

THE COINAGE OF THE MALDIVE ISLANDS. 323

seems no reason to doubt the accuracy of this statement,
or that the larins in circulation in the Maldives were
not all imported from the mainland. In India larins
were struck by various Kajas, notably by the Adil Shahi
dynasty of Bijapur.26

Though it is impossible to attempt a complete classi-
fication of the larins from their fragmentary inscriptions,
it is evident that several quite different legends occur.

Professor H. H. Wilsqn discussed one series in Num.
Cliron., 1854, p. 180. For the obverse, if the term may
be used, he suggested the reading, oU> JjU ^.U ^UaLJI,
which is most probably correct, though, as Dr. Codrington
has pointed out, the king's name is usually written
aUJt ,>U. The reverse he read <t£~t 4&tj ^}y T>^> which
is as satisfactory a reading as has been proposed; the
first two words are certainly correct. The legends on the
larins of Persia and Bijapur have been fully discussed by
Dr. Codrington in the J.B.B.B.A.S., vol. xviii. pp. 36,
37, and an interesting account of their circulation is
given by Dr. G-erson da Cunha in his Contributions to
Indo-Portuguese Numismatics, pp. 40-45. Finds of larins
have been frequently made in the Bombay Presidency.

In Ceylon the larin was doubled up like a hook, and
was familiar to seventeenth-century travellers as "fish-
hook money." According to Knox, "There is another
sort (of money) which all people by the king's permission
make and do make. The shape is like a fish hook, they
stamp what mark or impression on it they please. The
silver is purely fine beyond pieces of eight." 27

A fourth variety of the larin comes from the Arabian

26 Codrington, Musulman Numismatics, p. 118.

27 B-. Knox, Historical Relation of Ceylon (Glasgow, 1911), p. 156.

324 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.

side of the Persian Gulf, where it still circulates. It is
of about half the usual length, of base metal, almost
wholly copper, and is called tawil (i.e. J^k, " long ").
The traces of inscriptions on the specimens I have seen
are quite undecipherable. W. G. Palgrave's28 account
of this coinage may be quoted : " But in Hasa we find an
entirely original and a perfectly local coinage, namely,
the ' Toweelah/ or ' long bit,' as it is very suitably called,
from its form. It consists of a small copper bar, much
like a stout tack, about an inch in length, and split at-
one end, with the fissure slightly opened; so that it
looks altogether like a compressed Y. Along one of its
flattened sides run a few Cufic characters, indicating the
name of the Carmathian prince under whose auspices
this choice production of Arab numismatics was achieved ;
nothing else is to be read on the Toweelah, neither date
nor motto. Three of these are worth a 'gorsh,' and
accordingly every copper nail separately may equal
about three farthings. This currency is available in
Hasa, its native place, alone ; and hence the proverb,
* Zey Toweelat-il-Hasa,' ' like a Hasa long bit,' is often
applied to a person who can only make himself valuable
at home. Silver and gold Toweelahs were issued in the
days of Carmathian glory ; but they have been long
since melted down."

It is evident from Pyrard's account that at the begin-
ning of the seventeenth century the currency of the
Maldives consisted of larins and cowries only, and the
Sultans had not yet begun to issue a coinage in
the stricter sense of the word. The first Sultan to issue
coins appears to have been Muhammad (1691-1700 A.D.),

28 Journey through Central and Eastern Arabia (London, 1865), ii. 179.

THE COINAGE OF THE MALDIVE ISLANDS. 325

to whom may be attributed the first of the two silver
coins in the Fitzwilliam Museum (PI. XX. 1). The
legends on this coin appear to have been adopted from
the well-known formula, ^-aJl^ JA)| w^&>td (>cuM »->jUp)
js*~J\3 j-JI ^y, though there does not seem to be room for
some such word as w-*».lo on the reverse ; this formula
is common on Othmanli coins of the sixteenth and seven-
teenth centuries, which must have been known in the
Maldives as they were widely employed in the trade of
the Indian Ocean and have been found as far south as
Ceylon. The pretentious title of " Sultan of Land and
Sea " is not an unfitting one for the " Sultan of 12,000
Islands," and might be of independent origin, but the
fact that we have another portion of the Othmanli
formula on the reverse points to its having been adopted
from Turkish coins.

The legends on the second piece are very incomplete,
but the date is clear enough to justify the attribution to
Muhammad Imad al-Din (1704-1721 A.D.). The weights
of these two coins, 74 '3 and 73 '4 grains respectively, show
that they were struck on the standard of the larin. They
were probably known as laris, as the survival of the name
for the copper coins shows. It is probable that few of
these silver coins were issued, as early in the eighteenth
century the Indian rupee was introduced which displaced
the larin and has since remained the standard coin of the
Maldives.29

No silver coins are known till the present century,
and probably none were struck. We have, however, a
regular coinage in copper from the reign of Ibrahim

29 Of. Transactions of the Bombay Geographical Society, vol. i. p. 88 ;
Memoir of the Maldives, by Messrs. Young and Christopher.

326 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.

Iskandar (1720-1749) onwards. There are three denomi-
nations, of these coins, the largest weighing about 146
grains and the others a half and quarter that weight.
These coins are known as the " large," " half," and
"small" lari respectively (Mr. H. W. Codrington).
Some of the later Sultans appear to have issued a still
smaller denomination, one-eighth of a lari. The metal
of the earlier coins is copper with a large admixture of
tin, while the later pieces, with the exception of a few
small brass coins, are practically pure copper. The
earliest copper coin described in this paper bears the
date 1146 A.H., and we have a regular series from that
date onwards.30

As is usual in Arab series, there is little variety in the
types of these coins. The obverse bears the Sultan's name,
which usually includes the name Iskandar (jj^.£~>t), and
the reverse the Hijra date with the title >a~Jtj j-*H &\kL*t
which we have already found on the earliest silver coin.
An exception to this type is formed by the small coins
of Muiz al-Din, the reverse legends of which give
the name of his father o-JJ^t >& o--*' &U*LJ\ ^>jl. The
execution of these pieces is quite up to the average of
Muhammadan copper coins.

The finest product of the Maldive mint, however, is the
gold muhur of Hasan Nur al-Din (PL XX. 13), which
will bear comparison with the best products of the
Mughal die-engravers. I owe my knowledge of this
piece to Dr. Codrington, who kindly gave me a Descrip-
tion of it from a rubbing in his possession from a specimen
in Ceylon. Since then Mr. H. Chapman has sent me

30 Mr. Bell mentions a coin of 1129 A.H. in his Beport, p. 121, note 2,
but gives no particulars.

THE COINAGE OF THE MALDIVE ISLANDS. 327

a cast of a specimen in the Fitzwilliam Museum, so
that I am able to illustrate it. Among the remarkable
features of the legends of this coin are the phrase ^$+>
(Js»~&, which has not before been noted on a coin, though
usual in manuscripts, and the final words of the legend
sfe ^>x> which, as Professor E. von Zarnbaur has sug-
gested to me, is probably a pious exclamation, meaning,
"who shall rise from the dead."

The reigning Sultan has recently issued a silver
piece of 4 lariat [PI. XX. 23], evidently of European
mintage, for my knowledge of which I am indebted to
Mr. W. H. Valentine. The obverse gives the full title
of the Sultan, while the reverse drops the familiar
replacing it by the denomination

> the mint "Male in the Maldives"
and the date.

MUHAMMAD. 1691-1700 A.D.
Obverse. Reverse.

JR. 0-6. Wt. 74-3. [PL XX. 1.]
MUHAMMAD IMAD AL-DIN. 1704-1721 A.D. '

JR. 0-6. Wt. 73-4. [PI. XX. 2.]

328 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.

IBRAHIM ISKANDAR. 1720-1749 A.D.
Obverse. Eeverse.

-ffl. 0-8. Wt. 146-3. [PI. XX. 3.]

2. Similar.31 | | c ^

^S. 0-75. Wt. 148-4.

3. Similar. Ill*

jE. 0-85. Wt. 145-4.

4. Similar. II CT

JE. 0-6. Wt. 73 (half-lari).

AL-MUKARRAM MUHAMMAD IMAD AL-DlN. 1749-1754 A.D.

#H
\

^E. 0-75. Wt. 148-2. [PL XX. 4.]
2. Similar. ^J!

I MA

. 0-75. Wt. 148-5. [PL XX. 5.]

31 The first two coins are in the Fitzwilliam Museum, the second
belongs to Mr. D. F. Howorth, while the fourth is in the Colombo
Museum. The legends have been completed from a specimen of the
year 1146 in the British Museum.

32 The final word of the reverse legend is not certain on any specimen,
but it is most probably iJ>»-A. It does not appear on the later coins.

THE COINAGE OF THE MALDIVE ISLANDS. 329

AL-GHAZI HASAN Izz AL-DIN. 1760-1766 A.D.
Obverse. Reverse.

1 1

M. 0-85. Wt. 146-4.

2. Similar (order varied). Similar.33

! I ^v
<U w (without ij)

M. 0-75. Wt. 141-3. [PI. XX. 6.]

AL-GHAZI MUHAMMAD GHIYAS AL-Dm. 1766-1773 A.D.
1.

Jt^ jJt 34

. 0-8. Wt. 150. [PI. XX. 7.]

2. Similar, but reverse begins j

and

M. 0-5. Wt. 22. [PI. XX. 8.]
3.

M. 0-5. Wt. 32. . [PI. XX. 9.]

33 The specimen illustrated is from Mr. D. F. Howorth's collection,
but the British Museum has specimens of both dates.

34 The large piece is in the Fitzwilliarn and the others are in the
British Museum. The last piece must be of Ghiyas al-Din, though
the change of title is remarkable.

330 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.

MUHAMMAD Muiz AL-Dm. 1773-1778 A.D.
Obverse. Reverse,

JE. 0-75. Wt. 143-8. [PI. XX. 10.]

2-3.

I I AA

^E. [PL XX. 11, 12.]
HASAN NUR AL-DIN. 1778-1798 A.D.

A7. 1-2. Wt. 192-3 (ringed). [PI. XX. 13.]

2. &U*LJ\ OU*^
O-***— ^ J-**^'^ >*"

v>s^ jy I MV

JE. 0-8. Wt. 148-3.

3. Similar. . | f • •

^E. 0-8. Wt. 148-7.

35 The above legend is completely given in the two specimens illus-
trated, one of which (No. 2) belongs to Mr. Howorth and the other to
the Fitzwilliam Museum. The British Museum has also specimens.

THE COINAGE OF THE MALDIVE ISLANDS. 331

Obverse. Reverse.

4. Similar. | f . V .

M. 0-8. Wt. 151-7. [PL XX. 14.]
5-8. Similar : years, | M ^ (&• 0-4. Wt. 33. [PL XX.
15]) ; I M v (JE. 0-45. Wt. 23-5) ; | r • * (M. 0-24.
Wt. 22-6); | r • f (-El. 0-45. Wt. 31-2).

MUIN AL-DlX ISKANDAR. 1798-1834 A.D.
1.

j r i rc

& - w
^1. 0-8. Wt. 149-3. [PI. XX. 16.] (Fitzwilliam.)

2-7. Similar : years, | f M (&• 0'45. Wt. 37*5) ; | T M
(M. 0-4. Wt. 25-5. [PI. XX. 17]) ; I T T I (^E. 0-4.

wt. 32-6); i rrA (^E. o-4. wt. 2i«9); i rr^

(M. 0-4. Wt. 28-3); | rpA (^E. 0-45. Wt. 36-2).

MUHAMMAD IMAD AL-Dix. 1834-1882 A.D.
1.

A 0-75. Wt. 120. [PL XX. 18.]

2. Similar. JE. O35. Wt. 29.

3. Similar. ^IkJL,

JB. 0-75. Wt. 138-3. [PL XX. 19.]

36 I am unable to explain the last word on tbe reverse of PI. XX. 18.
It occurs only on coins of this year.

332 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.

4-8. Similar. Years: jTcv (0-4. Wt. 22-5); |

(0-55. Wt. 38-3. [PI. XX. 20]); | fvl (0-35
Wt. 73-3); | r^r (0-4. Wt. 22-6); | f^A (0-4
Wt. 29-7. [PI. XX. 21]).

IBRAHIM NUR AL-!)IN. 1882-1900 A.D.
Obverse. Beverse.

&. 0-4. Wt. 15. [PI. XX. 22.]
MUHAMMAD IMAD AL-DIN. 1900-1904 A.D.

i r r *

M. 0-6. Wt. 38-4. [PI. XX. 23.]

^B. 0-45. [PI. XX. 24.]

MUHAMMAD SHAMS AL-DIN ISKANDAR. 1904- A.D.

Mr. H. W. Codrington informs me that coins have
been struck in England for this king, but I have
been unable to procure specimens.

J. ALLAN.

Num. Chron. Ser. IV. Vol. XII. PL IX.

SELEUCID KINGS OF SYRIA

Num. Chron. Ser. IV. Vol. XII. PL X.

SELEUCID KINGS OF SYRIA

Num. Chron. Ser. IV. Vol. XII. PL XL

!wt

SELEUCID KINGS OF SYRIA

Num. Chron. Ser. IV. Vol. XII. PI. XII.

CORBRIDGE FIND (1911)
NERO — VESPASIAN

Num. Cftron. Ser. IV. Vol. XII. PI. XIII.

'^X

CORBRIDGE FIND (1911)
VESPASIAN — TITUS

Num. Chron. Ser. IV. Vol. XII. PI. XIV.

JJWJ i J

?V\ x e. %

^ USl

*vA <^ ^ -:^>

I t

^/^v*. %*5f*?' 7* ^

- Vv < ^i"x

K ^ MWk\ . <v iV 4- v

Mry

CORBRIDGE FIND (1911)
TITUS — TRAJAN

Num. Chron. Ser. IV. Vol. XII. PI. XV.

.^VH

w x

CORBRIDGE FIND (1911)
TRAJAN

Num. Chron. Ser. IV. Vol. XII. PL XVI.

CORBRIDGE FIND (1911)
TRAJAN — HADRIAN

Num. Chron. Ser. IV. Vol. XII. PL XVII.

r XLJU

ifer

CORBRIDGE FIND (1911)
HADRIAN

Num. Chron. Ser. IV. Vol. XII. PL XVIII.

- «<

u V- IS. "• ' - ir. :::

"%P

CORBRIDGE FIND (1911)
HADRIAN — ANTONINUS PIUS

Num. Chron. Ser. IV. Vol. XII. PI. XIX.

: fflclfa

v-' \c<i|A- ~ .A VVo

ifl
it

•Bftf^

CORBRIDGE FIND (1911)
ANTONINUS PIUS — MARCUS AURELIUS

Num. Chron. Ser. IV. Vol. XII. PL XX.

COINS OF THE MALDIVE ISLANDS.

XV.
THE OBIGIN OF WEIGHT.

IN any attempt to trace from the beginning the employ-
ment by man of a natural physical phenomenon, it is
necessary to keep before us the development of the
human mind since the days of our ancestors of the Stone
Age. There should be no need to insist upon the
absolute simplicity of the ideas and actions of early man.
For their minds and intellects were not fully developed ;
their doings and thinkings would be like those of our
children ; and the simpler we can show their methods to
have been, the more likely are our conclusions to be
true. We must, therefore, be careful not to attribute to
them our present idea of weight, defined as it is in the
minds of most of us by the uses to which we put it.
The first human conception of it would most certainly
be different, and we must attempt to realize how it
would arise.

The amount that a man could carry would, one would
think, be the first realized amount of weight ; l and this
would be expressed in the number of such and such an

1 0. Schrader, Reallexikon der indogermanischen^ Altertumskunde,
Strassburg (1901), p. 928, points out that the Greek ra.Xa.vrov is related
to raActo-o-ot, rXriva.1, "to bear," rdXapos, "a basket for carrying," Latin
tollo, " I lift," Sanskrit tul, originally " to lift," then " to weigh." " Die
Grundbedeutung von To.Ka.vrov durfte daher ' Hebung ' (sc. der zu
wiegenden Masse) sein."

VOL. XII., SERIES IV. Z

334 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.

article, or in a volume of such and such a material. The
measure would not be one of weight, but of number and
size in material. The present conception of weight as a
form of measurement is not an elementary idea. The
visual tests of size and number must have come before it
in all elementary attempts at comparison. The physical
phenomenon of weight, separated from the size and
material in which it is expressed, would be a notion of
quite late development in the human mind. The
elementary idea must have been a fixed size of an
ascertained material, probably conceived in the amount
that a man could carry.

We are helped towards the solution of the problem of
determining the earliest practical expression of weight
by the fact that it was first used in determining the
value of quantities of precious material, especially
metals. A perusal of the Ancient Records of Egypt, as
translated by Professor J. H. Breasted, of the University
of Chicago, will satisfy the reader upon this point.
Professor Kid ge way, in his Origin of Currency and
Weight Standards, has limited its earliest employment
to the measurement of quantities of gold, but he has
not, perhaps, considered, from the point of view put
forward here, as we shall see later, the practical use
to which weight was first put. His conception of its
use would seem to be as a measure of quantity rather
than quality.

Though first of all only realized as the heaviness of a
fixed quantity of an ascertained substance, we know from
the fact that the Egyptians manufactured small weights
out of stone before the end of the Old Kingdom, that the
idea of weight had by that time become separated from
the material in which it primarily existed. For the

THE ORIGIN OF WEIGHT. 335

weights are no longer manufactured of a fixed size and
capacity of the substance of which they were a standard,
but are made of another and more convenient material
of equal weight, though of necessity of different bulk.
We therefore find that the conception of weight had by
that time progressed to a certain extent, namely, it had
become separable from the material substance in which
it originally existed. These early examples of weights,
however, give no indication of the use to which they
were actually put ; it is 'only possible to point out that
a standard weight of gold was no longer manufactured of
a fixed measure and size of gold itself, but was re-
presented in a separate material, namely, stone, of a
different bulk and measurement.

In the early days of barter, the existence of a fixed or
standard quantity of any substance or object, gold or
otherwise, would show that the measure was a basis of
comparison, and therefore would naturally be one of
price. It might, therefore, easily be supposed that the
earliest weight standards 2 known were, for the sake of
example, the price of an ox, or a boat, or a measure of
corn. They may have become so in the days when these
weights were manufactured ; but, as a simple capacity or
volume of gold would have served the purpose equally
well, such an exchange would not have forced into being
the use of weight as a measure. For measures of
number and capacity were the earliest reckoners
employed, and as they were perfectly adequate for the
purposes of ordinary barter, there would be no apparent
reason to change them into units of weight. (For

2 Griffith, Proceedings of the Society of Biblical Archaeology, vol. xiv,
pp. 442, sec[.

336 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.

instance, 10 cubic inches of gold would be as valuable as
the corresponding weight of the same metal.)

Now, as we have seen, weight was first used as a
measure of the value of precious metals. So long, how-
ever, as the currency of a country consisted of objects or
substances of one quality only, be it pure gold or sea-
shells, number and capacity sufficed for the determina-
tion of price. There would be no need to alter the
determinant into weight ; the original measures would
retain their position undisturbed. Directly, however, a
material was introduced as a form of wealth, which
depended upon its weight for its worth, the value of
capacity as a determinant of price would cease. Weight
thereupon became a test of quality rather than of
quantity, and, as such, was necessary for the determina-
tion of different values of a precious material of this
nature. We come down, therefore, to the fact, which
ought to have been recognized all along, that these
earliest standard weights, known as the Royal Weights
of Egypt, which are marked " 10 units," " 4 gold units,"
46 5 gold units," &c., are the test weights of ten measures,
four measures, five measures, &c., of precious material,
reckoned in measures of a given capacity. Gold, if it
scaled the requisite weight per measure, would be pure
gold. We can now see clearly, that if this be true, the
elementary use of weight was to ascertain the value of
precious metal by its specific weight or gravity, that is
to say, by its weight per measure, or density.

It must be remembered that we are here examining
the point of view of men who lived many thousands of
years ago, and we must not allow our modern definitions
of such terms as mass and density to enter into our
consideration; for, if we do so, we shall fail to realize

THE ORIGIN OF WEIGHT. 337

the immense difference that exists between the modern
and ancient scientific conceptions of weight.

We next approach the question, what valuable sub-
stance was of such variable weight per measure as to
force upon the notice of men the recognition of weight
as a separate physical quality concealed in the mass of
a precious material ?

The Egyptian records, as given by hieroglyphic in-
scriptions, which have been so ably compiled and trans-
lated by Professor J. H, Breasted, would seem to be the
only authority to which it is possible to refer in this
matter. As we have pointed out before, Professor Kidge-
way has given it as his opinion that gold was the first
material for which weight was employed, and with this
the ancient records are practically in agreement. The
different classes of gold, which in early times came into
the market in Egypt, around the two great commercial
centres lying at the First Cataract, and at Koptos, over
a hundred miles north, continued, according to him, to
exist well into the Greek period in Egypt, and even now
can be traced in the different qualities of commercial
gold current in Abyssinia. It would be too much, how-
ever, to say that these different qualities existed in the
earliest periods of Egyptian history ; 3 but we may con-
fidently suppose that gold of variable degrees of purity
came into the hands of the early Egyptian kings. Their
stewards and treasurers then occupied the place taken
later by the Priests of Ammon, whose power in the
treasury appears entirely predominant when we first hear
of them after the recordless period of the Shepherd
Kings, or Hyksos.

3 Ancient Records, Egypt. Historical Documents, by James Henry
Breasted (1906).

338 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.

Even though we may not hold the opinion that these
different qualities of gold were sufficiently marked to
bring about the necessity for a weight test, yet, when
we consider the record of the Priests of Ammon during
the Middle Kingdom in Egypt, and there note the
abundant supply of electrum (a natural mixture of gold
and silver), we cannot but think that this precious metal
must have been known during the Earlier Kingdom.
Its markedly light weight would have come under the
notice of the king's treasurers, when, owing to its
similarity in colour,4 and the predominant admixture of
gold in its composition, it would be scarcely distinguish-
able from the pure gold of the tributes from the southern
neighbours of the country.

It seems to be necessary to show the abundance of
this supply of electrum, in order to prove that the
varying weights of the different qualities of gold were
so apparent, that they forced upon the Egyptians the
necessity of taking into account weight in assessing the
value of quantities of precious material, and in order to
demonstrate the probability that gold was the first
precious metal which introduced weight into the ordinary
business affairs of commercial life.

The evidence that electrum was one of the chief
imports into Egypt is to be found in many of the early
records 5 of tribute, and further, it was used to excess in
the temple decorations. The green gold of Punt 6 would
certainly get its colour from the silver it contained ; the
weighing scene of the treasures of Punt shows piles of

4 The variation in the colour of electrum gives no indication to the
proportion of gold that it contains.

5 Electrum. Breasted, Ancient Records, Egypt, v. index.

6 Punt Beliefs, Der-el-Bahri Temple. Breasted, ii. 265.

THE OKIGIN OF WEIGHT. 339

electrum,7 and there are many other mentions in the
inscriptions of the importation of this mixture of gold
and silver into Egypt. There is no need, therefore, to
prove further that in the different qualities of gold
found in the Egyptian market, there were a sufficient
number of degrees of purity to make the weight of the
metal an important factor in its value. We must take
electrum, therefore, as a precious metal which, by its
comparison with pure gold, probably gave the necessary
object-lesson to the Egyptians of the value of weight as
a test of worth in precious metal.

It may be interesting to the reader to learn that the
earliest supplies of gold were obtained by chasing the
inhabitants of Nubia for the beads and ornaments which
they wore. It was only in the time of Thothmes II
that the first tributes were raised from the mines which
existed in the southern deserts. Expeditionary forces
were then organized under some trusty general, or close
adherent of the king, to collect the precious metal, which
had already been smelted at the mines. For in these
times which we are considering, no gold was imported
in the rough ore ; it was all in metallic condition, so
that the method of assessing the value was in no wise
complicated by any other process than refining. It is
reasonable, therefore, to suppose that with these various
examples of different qualities of metallic gold spread
before them for valuation, the treasurers of the king's
household would have recourse to weight as a measure
of value, and as the obvious criterion of purity.

Now we have seen that measures of capacity and
number were those first used by mankind, and it has

7 Punt Beliefs, Der-el-Bahri Temple. Breasted, ii. 274.

340 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.

also been shown that, amongst the substances to which
these measures were applied, there was one, namely, gold,
which required the measurement of its weight per
volume, to ensure the correct knowledge of its quality.
To this we have but to add the fact, that gold and
electrum appear to have been the first precious metals
to which weight was applied. If, therefore, the phenome-
non of weight was first used as a measure of value and
as a criterion of purity, we should expect to find, in any
accounts of weighing, an exact record of measure and
weight, both of which had to be taken in order to ascertain
the standard of purity and the consequent value of the
precious metal. We must, therefore, turn to the records,
to see if this actually be the case.

There are many references to the quantity of electrum
and gold measured by the sack,8 or by the lieket? the
number of deben at which they were valued being given
subsequently. The lieket appears to be the measure of
capacity in most common use amongst the Egyptians,
and the deben was the unit of value at which goods were
assessed in all temple accounts. From this we see that
the fact is distinctly stated that precious material had
to be measured before it was weighed, and the joint
mention of both measuring and weighing leaves little
doubt as to the reason for the latter. Had this last
proceeding only been for the purpose of measuring and
reckoning up the quantity of gold, there would have
been no need to measure it first. Both factors were
necessary, size and weight, to determine the intrinsic
value of the bullion; when this was arrived at, the

8 Inscription of Thutiy. Breasted, iii. 37 ; iv. 550.

9 Idem, v. index.

THE ORIGIN OF WEIGHT. 341

number of units alone would suffice, and value would be
on some graduated scale per lieket or bushel.10

There are many additional pieces of evidence that
tend to prove that weighing was primarily used for the
determination of worth and purity, in contradistinction
to a means of reckoning an amount of the substance
weighed. We have in the Harris Papyrus a record n of
the manufacture of balances for Barneses III. " I made
for thee balances of electrum ; the like of which had
not been made since the time of the god. Thoth sat
upon it as guardian of the balances, being a great and
august ape of gold in beaten work. Thou weighest
(doest the weighing) therein before thee, when thou
(reckonest or appraisest (?)) of gold and silver by
the hundred-thousands." Thousands would seem to be
the technical term for thousands of certified deben.12 The
symbolism of the purity of the beaten gold, in which the
ape of Thoth13 is manufactured, when compared with
the electrum, or baser metal of the balances, is very
significant.

Further, we may turn to the Book of the Dead, the
most sacred and ancient of Egyptian rituals, and
examine the words used in connexion with the weighing
which forms its climax.

There are many chapters to this book which were
handed down from the most ancient traditions of the
country, and their order in date is not known. But we

10 E.g. different qualities of grocery at so much a pound.

11 Breasted, iv. 256.

12 The measure by thousands would appear to be the reduction of a
mass of pracious material to its value in standard debens ; vide
Inscription on walls of Medinet Habu treasury, idem, iv. 30 ; Punt
Reliefs, ii. 278 ; Psalm cxix. 72, " thousands of gold and silver."

13 Thoth, the Recorder.

342 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.

must take it that this weighing scene, which describes
impressively the scene of the Last Judgment of the
Dead, has in it all the elements of truth with regard to
the earliest use of balances by the Egyptians. All we
need say here, with regard to this sacred ordeal pre-
scribed by the Egyptian religion, is that the heart of
the dead has to pass the scales, whatever that may
indicate.14 The Ka, too, or alter ego, of the deceased, is
also subject to the test, and it may be that all the parts
of the dead man, spiritual or animal, had in turn to be
weighed and tested.

What, however, concerns us here, is the object and
result of the weighing.

Just before weighing, we have this phrase spoken on
behalf of the dead, " I am here with Osiris, my measure
is his measure." 15 Therefore we have the dead already
measured and prepared for the weighing. The Ka and
the heart have already been invoked on his behalf : to the
latter the appeal has been made, " Let there be no fall of
the scale against me in the presence of him who is at the
balance ; " 16 to the former, " The scale of the balance
rises, Truth (or Law) rises high to the nose of the god." 17

Then comes the weighing scene.18 Thoth with his
note-book does the recording ; Maat, the goddess of
justice, law, and all that is immutable and unchangeable,
stands by; she is also the deity of measures, and
perhaps standards. In one pan of the scales is her
feather, emblematic of justice, truth, and correct
measure ; in the other pan is the heart.

14 It may be that the heart was the tribute paid to the gods before
entering the divine circle or community.

15 Eenouf , Book of the Dead, cxxiv.

10 Idem, xxx. a. 17 Idem. cv. 18 Idem, cxxv.

THE OKIGIN OF WEIGHT. 343

If that which is best happens for the dead, the
feather of Maat, emblematic of truth, will " rise high to
the nose of the god." Then the heart will have shown
itself heavier than the bare standard of the law ; heavy
enough to show the purity of its composition, unalloyed
by traces of sins which have been purged away by the
funeral rites.

Then the dead sings, " I come to thee, Lord of Light,
glorified and purified."^ He has passed the final test of
the weighing. So the soul passes up the steps to the
Circle of the G-ods, with the assured and joyful cry, " I
am pure, I am pure, I am pure, I am pure." 19 He sings
anthems to his purity, for he has been " weighed in the
balances, and " not " found wanting." 20 Job, in his pro-
testation of his integrity, desired this trial : " Let me
be weighed in an even balance," he cries, " that God
may know mine integrity." 21

Weighing, therefore, was the test of purity, and
purity that of worth. In the very ancient days, when
the Book of the Dead was composed, this conceit
of the weighing scene was humanly inspired, and
imagined as taking place in the judgment hall of the
dead, in poetic symbolism of the earthly test for purity
of refined gold that had passed through the furnace. It
would naturally be thought that the soul of the dead
should be tested in a similar manner, and with the same
object. What was thus poetically imagined for the
lower world, would be true of the upper. The weighing,
therefore, of precious metals upon earth would be to test
their purity and value ; and for this purpose only were

19 Benouf , Book of the Dead, cxxv. 20 Book of Daniel, v. 27.

21 Book of Job, xxxi. 6.

344 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.

the scales used when first they were employed by
mankind.

Again the reader must remember that he has before
him the very ancient idea of weight as realized by men
of long ago, and he must not consider that his modern
conceptions of density and mass were then ordinary
thoughts. The narrative will suggest sufficiently well
the difference between the old and the new, to show
him that the idea of those days was something totally
different, and perhaps less simply expressible.

The employment of weight as a determinant of quality
or worth survives in its scientific use to this day. It is,
in fact, only the lay mind which conceives it as a
measure pure and simple. The accuracy of balances
and their general use have made its employment for the
measurement of small quantities not only possible, but
an absolute necessity. It must be remembered, however,
as Professor Eidgeway points out, that many of our
weights bear names which are those of measures of
capacity.22 The true use survives in the determination
of specific gravity, which was in reality the employment
first given to weight.

It is idle to suppose that Archimedes, in the middle
of the third century B.C., was the first to discover the
difference in weight between equal quantities of gold
and silver ; for that is what the statement that he dis-
covered specific gravity in reality amounts to. His
researches were in the direction of the accurate measure-
ment of the capacity of certain well-known shapes,
probably for purposes of weighing, as a glance at his

22 Origin of Currency and Weight Standards, p. 115. " The English
coomb, the Irish barrel, the bushel, and the peck, are indubitable
evidence."

THE ORIGIN OF WEIGHT. 345

written works will show. The following are preserved
to us : On the Sphere and Cylinder, On the Measurement
of the Circle, On Conoids and Spheroids, On Spiral Lines,
The Psammites (sand-reckoners), On the Equilibrium of
Planes and their Centres of Gravity, and On Floating
Bodies. The course of his studies is very clear, and the
hydrostatical element involved in his work on floating
bodies would naturally bring before him the important
factor of the weight of water displaced by a given
enclosed body. Upon this displaced weight of water,
which obviates the necessity of accurately measuring the
surfaces of an enclosed body, in order to arrive at its
contents, the modern and easy method of estimating the
specific gravity of a substance is based. It was only
this simple method of determining the weight per
capacity that Archimedes discovered. To obtain the
required result before his time, accurate surface measure-
ments were necessary, and certain shapes, as, for example,
the crown, which has been made famous by the popular
story of his discovery, offered insuperable difficulties.
Hence, it is natural in every way that, in days so long
before his time as those of the Middle Egyptian King-
dom, we should find that precious material was measured
before it was weighed, and that it was manufactured into
definite shapes for that purpose, e.g. rings in Egypt.

There is, as we have shown, much corroborative
evidence of this measuring and weighing ; there is also
mention of flat plates of gold " which could not be
weighed,"23 presumably because their worked surfaces
defied measurement. The inscription of Thutiy 24 gives

23 Annals of Thutmose III. Breasted, ii. 447.

24 Inscription of Thutiy. Idem, ii. 377.

346 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.

us the best example of the Egyptian method of
estimating their wealth.

" His majesty commanded to make ... of electrum
of the best of the highlands, in the midst of the festival
hall ; measured by the heJcet for Amon, in the presence
of the whole land.

" Statement thereof : — Of electrum 88J heket, making
. . . (x +) 57^ deben ; for the life, prosperity, and health
of the king — life for ever."

This is the record of the weighing of the electrum
after the return of the expedition from Punt. It is the
natural corollary to the weighing scene in the relief
describing that undertaking, cut upon the walls of the
temple of Der-el-Bahri. The electrum is measured and
weighed, and the number of deben it contains stated ; for
there can be little doubt that a deben is a unit of value,
and not an absolute weight, and that its weight differs
with the precious material of which it is manufactured.

If proof of this were needed, we have the inventory of
the goods of Barneses III, given in the Harris Papyrus.
There the deben of gold, electrum, and silver are added
together, giving a total value ; this is done in each of
the many separate accounts, and if the weight, not the
value, was the reckoner, there could be absolutely no
sense in the proceeding. Hence we must take it, that
the Egyptian deben was a value ; and that it was esti-
mated for precious metals from the weight per measure
of the material.25

25 The innumerable stone weights, every one of which is different in
its value, found at Naukratis and elsewhere, and enumerated at length
by Professor Petrie and others, are easily explainable as the tallies of
different consignments, and as recording the weight per measure of
their respective consignments, which would be equivalent in value to
a recognized and accurate weight of standard metal. They would, in
fact, each be an elementary

THE ORIGIN OP WEIGHT. 347

There is no word giving an absolute weight in the
ancient Egyptian records ; hence the conception of weight
in the minds of those early people must have been of
the nature of a test, and the use to which it was put, was
to estimate the purity and value of precious material.
Again we turn to the weighing scene in the Book of the
Dead, from which the scales of Justice may — longo
intervallo — be descended, and read how the soul, refined
and measured in the course of the funeral ceremonies,
passes the final test of \he God of Justice of the Egyp-
tians, and approaches the supreme divinity, after being
weighed, with the resulting joyful exclamation : " I am
pure, I am pure, I am pure, I am pure." 26 Beyond this
there can be no necessity to go, and there is little doubt
that we have now discovered the manner in which the
phenomenon of weight was first used, corroborated as it
is by the truths of a religious ceremony ; and this idea
of weight per capacity must have been the dominant
meaning for many centuries, as a determinant of value
of precious metals.

We do not mean to say, however, that weight was not
used directly and simply in relation to precious metals ;
but that the result of the weighing was so many values
rather than so many weights. To weigh and to value
were practically synonymous. Weight and value, how-
ever, were not equally so ; weight per measure deter-
mined the value of a specific valuable material. If, as
the result of weighing, a certain number of measures of
pure gold weighed tea deben, the value of that amount
was ten deben. A. heap, however, of ten deben would be a

26 " Blessed are the pure in heart, for they shall see God," St. Matt.
v. 8, comes direct from the holy religion of Egypt.

348 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.

heap of the value of ten deben, and not a heap of so many
debens or pounds weight.

The Greek verb IOTIJJUI would seem to carry on the
Egyptian idea of estimating " of gold and silver by the
hundred-thousands/'27 and thereby fixing or appraising
the value of a quantity of bullion.

Xenophon, Cyropaedia, 8. 2. 21, gives us the whole pro-
cess of valuing goods, in much the same way as we have
seen took place with the Egyptians, ra §1 apiO/uLovvreQ
KOL jjitTpovvTtQ KOI i(TTavT££ (sc. \pi]fjLaTa). He again
has the same sequence in Memorabilia, i. 19.

The silver tablets found in the temple of Artemis at
Ephesus evidently use the word ?<rr»jju£ in the same sense.28
Herondas, vii. 68, says, jcat OTTJO-OV i?c KOT* iorlv a^iov rt/iTje.

This true meaning of appraising by weight per
capacity continues in the Latin aestimare, and it is
difficult to see how it ever had any other meaning, when
dealing with precious material. In fact, absolute weight,
per se, seems to vanish from the meaning of the word,
weighing being the only one and the original process of
determining value.

Hence in all dealings with ancient weights, we must
limit their use and meaning to weight per capacity, and
look upon them 'as standards of purity and value, and
not as measures of quantity.

Pollux, Onomasticon, ix. 57, distinctly corroborates
this statement : 6 SE \pvvovs (jrarrip pvav i^vvaro.
"Now the gold stater was equivalent to a mina." The
gold valuer is a measure (which is of standard weight).

KCU jap EV TOiq torajufvotc TTJV fjLvav TTJC /ooTTrJc

27 Psalm cxix. 72.

28 Excavations at Ephesus, Hogarth, p. 123. rerpa^ovra pvsai TO

5 ... xPv(ro (archaic Greek).

THE ORIGIN OF WEIGHT. 349

i. "For when things are valued (precious metals
are weighed), they call the measure which tips the scale
(that is, which is of standard weight) a stater."

/ecu orav EMTOKK Trfvraorarfjpov, TTEVTCI/HVOVV $OKOV<JI
\tyuv " and when they say TrsvraoTarrjpov (which in the
time of Pollux would naturally mean ( of the value of
five staters '), they seem to mean Trtvra/ivouv " (which is
five measures of standard weight ; in the time of Pollux
a standard weight simply).

d>e lv rrj ^(jjcriKparovQ Tra/oaicarafl/jKy ; as in the Deposit
of Sosikratos (circ. 300 B.C.)

orav yap, oT/xat, ACVKOS aV0p(07ros Tra^us
apyos Xdfir) St/ceAAav, eiwfloos Tpv<£aV,
TrevracrraT^pov, ytyi/erai TO TZTCV/X,' aVa>.

" I fancy when a pale and podgy man,
A lazy fellow given up to luxury,
Picks up a pitchfork for five staters good,
His broken breath comes wheezing thickly forth." w

The example is intended to be clear evidence of the
original synonymity of weight and value. It demon-
strates that o-rarrjjo would suggest a weight, that
being the determining incident of value; though pvd.
Trie /OOTTTJC would be a better expression. Obviously
there is no word for weight which has not also the signi-
ficance either of value or measured size. Parenthetically
this passage also shows that a pitchfork originally con-
tained a measure of copper of an ascertained value.

t'oTi fjLtvToi KOL vojutffjua (TTaTijp. " For all that a stater
is also a coin."

Finally, we come to the passage from Aristotle (written
circ. 335-323 B.C.), Polit., i. 9, 1257a, 31 seq. : " For as

29 The translation is by A. B. Cook, to whom I owe jaiy best thanks
for this, and many confirming references.

VOL. XII., SERIES IV. 2 A

350 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.

the benefits of commerce were more widely extended by
importing commodities of which there was a deficiency,
and exporting those of which there was an excess, the
use of a coinage was an indispensable device. As the
necessaries of Nature were not all easily portable, people
agreed, for the purposes of barter, mutually to give and
receive some article which, while it was itself a com-
modity, was practically easy to handle in the business of
life, some such article as iron or silver, which ivas at first
defined by size and weight (value) ; although they finally
went further, and set a stamp upon every coin to relieve
them from the trouble of using the scales, as the stamp
impressed upon the coin was an indication of how much
it was worth. Thus it was after the invention of a coin-
age (not necessarily stamped), as the result of necessary
barter, that . . . Retail Trading came into existence,
at first simply by equal barter, and afterwards, as
experience progressed, more and more as a scientific
means of gaining a large profit."

We therefore find Aristotle saying that the valuer, or
stater, was at first defined simply by both size and weight,
but that when the stamp was put on it guaranteeing the
coin, further weighing (or valuing) was unnecessary, as
the stamp was sufficient to show how much it was worth.
The stamp does not give its measure of weight, but its
standard of purity.

With this present in our minds, we see in the deben,
the stater, and the solidus, the units of barter or price
originally determined in amount for the precious metals
by the weighing per capacity of the peculiar metal or
quality of metal in which each was expressed.

The talent, too, was used by the early Greeks in
this way; for the Homeric gold talent is the direct

THE ORIGIN OF WEIGHT. 351

progenitor of the gold stater,30 while the talent of copper
is given by the ingots found in Crete, Sardinia, and
Cyprus.31 We must note, too, the meaning of the word
ToXavrovyoQ (raXavrov, t\u\ holding the scale; metaph.
turning the scale of battle. The similarity of use when
compared with juva TTJC /ooTrrJc is significant. A talent
may perhaps mean the amount that turns the scale.
This, however, would be a derived interpretation apart from
the original meaning of that which is carried as tribute.

Originally, all kinds of goods were estimated in this
class of unit, vide the Harris Papyrus ; later, only the
precious metals, being used as money, were weighed out
as staters, or units of price.

We are therefore led to the conclusion that weighing
and valuing were synonymous in the earliest days, and
that weight was only present in the practical minds of
commercial men as the test of value, which was deter-
mined by the heaviness of a standard measured quantity
of a stated precious material.

The change from this idea of a measure of quality
to one of quantity would come gradually from the use of
scales ; and though for many scientific purposes the con-
ception of weight is still the same, yet the daily use of
balances and weights, for the measure of quantity, ha&
so overshadowed the original use, that the classical
student of the present day may well be forgiven for his
conception of weight as a measure of quantity, and
nothing further.

J. K. McCLEAN.

io Eidgeway, J. H. S., vol. x. p. 92.

31 Corolla Numismatica : A. Evans, " Minoan Weights and Currency."

2 A2

XVI.
HELENA N. F.

(See Plate XXI.)

M. JULES MAURICE, in the second volume of his
Numismatique Constantinienne, p. 456, says — " Les deux
Nobilissimae Feminae doivent etre la jeune Helene et
Fausta," and again, "Les effigies de la jeune Helene
presentent des cheveux ondules sans aucune decoration
speciale. La figure est tres jeune et plus ronde que
celles de Fausta ou de Helena Augusta. Les traits sont
un peu lourds, beaucoup moins fins que ceux de Fausta
et moins caracterises que ceux de Helena Augusta. On
peut distinguer la jeune Helene a ce qu'il me semble
apres examen, de Fausta comme de Saint e Helene."

M. Maurice is so accurate an observer and so logical
a thinker that one hesitates to differ from him, but I
think that in this matter there is ground for doubting
the correctness of his conclusion.

It seems clear from the context that he attributes the
coins reading FAUSTA N. F. to the wife of Constantine
the Great, and with that attribution, which carries me
some way towards my goal, I entirely agree. The pro-
file on the rather poor specimen of the coin reading N. F.
from the Mint of Thessalonica illustrated by him (PL
xiv. 6) is similar to that on the beautiful piece from
the same mint inscribed FLAV MAX FAVSTA AVG which

HELENA N. F. 353

he also illustrates (PL xiv. 11), and I have seen other
specimens of the former coin with and without mint-
marks which certainly bear portraits of the lady who
appears on the coins of Aries, Nicomedia, Treves, and
other mints with the title of Augusta. A specimen of
the N. F. type without mint-mark, another marked
TSA, and one of the Augustan type from Nicomedia,
will be found on the plate illustrating this paper [PL
XXI. 26, 27, and 28].

The author gives cogent reasons for fixing the issue
of the N. F. coins in 323 and 324 A.D., and he quotes
from Theophanes the statement that Constantine crowned
his mother, St. Helena, in the year 325, and accorded
her the honour of having monies struck in her name.
For this and other reasons he includes the Augustan
coins of Helena and Fausta in the issue which took
place between November 8, 324, and the execution of
Fausta in August, 326. Those of Helena continued to
be struck for some time afterwards, while those of Fausta
ceased at her death. The N. F. coins were therefore
issued before St. Helena was accorded the honour of
appearing as Augusta with the diadem.

It is admitted that the coins in honour of the mother
and the wife of the Emperor on which the title Augusta
occurs were simultaneously issued, as also were those
reading HELENA N. F. and FAVSTA N. F. In default of
evidence to the contrary, one would expect to find the
same two ladies classed together in each issue.

Of St. Helena and Fausta Augusta much is recorded,
but Helena the younger does not find any mention in
history, and were it not for the fact, to which M. Maurice
refers, that her name is coupled with that of Crispus in
the Theodosian Code, in a manner which leads to the

354 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.

conclusion that she was his wife, we should have no docu-
mentary authority for her existence. It therefore requires
clear evidence to justify the attribution of coins to her,
especially as none of the other younger ladies of the
Imperial Court received such honour. I have not over-
looked the extremely scarce piece inscribed CONSTANTIA
N. F., but this coin was, as M. Maurice shows, not issued
till many years later.

Crispus was born about the year 300, and put to death
in 326 when he had only attained to the dignity of
Caesar. His wife was probably younger than himself,
and was certainly a personage of no great note or she
would hardly have been ignored by the historians. Is
it likely, therefore, that her father-in-law would have
accorded her a coinage in company with the Empress
his wife, while his mother, whom he deservedly held in
the highest honour, remained without this distinction ?

Again, if Constantine honoured Helena the younger
by placing her portrait on coins, why did he do so for
so short a time, and in so limited an issue as that bearing
the title N. F. ? One would at least expect her coinage,
once commenced, to continue in issue concurrently with
the new series in honour of his wife and mother, espe-
cially as the coinage of her husband Crispus was still in
circulation.1 If, on the other hand, one assumes that
Helena N. F. was the mother of the Emperor, then it
is not surprising to find that the whole N. F. issue gave
place to a new and more important series honouring
the same ladies under the higher title. This was ad-
mittedly so with the coins which bear the name of Fausta.

1 M. Maurice considers that it continued at least till March 1, 326.
Num. Chron., Series IV. Vol. III. p. 273.

HELENA N. F. 355

The case for Helena the younger seems therefore to
have little to support it but the appearance of the
portrait on the N. F. coins, and unless that portrait shows
a face younger than that of Fausta and much younger
than that of St. Helena, as depicted on the Augustan
series, that support may also fail.

In 323 St. Helena was between 70 and 80 years of
age, Helena the younger could not well have been more
than 25, and Fausta, who married Constantine in 307,
was probably not under 35. We may gather that the
money ers of those days did not altogether neglect to
flatter their Imperial mistresses, for the coins of Fausta
depict a lady who might well have been ten years younger
than she actually was at the time of their issue. The
presumption is, therefore, that each lady was older, not
younger, than she is depicted on any coin.

I suggest that an examination of the coinage of
Helena Augusta will show that in most mints she is
portrayed as a lady considerably older than Fausta, and
even in some few, notably that of Treves, where her
portrait is more youthful, it is still older than that of her
daughter-in-law.

The coins of Konie, Aries, and Antioch depict a lady
who may even be over 70, while some of those of Treves
suggest a lady not over 30, and yet it is impossible to
doubt that all of them, bearing as they do the dia-
demed portrait of the Empress and the reverse legend
SECVRITAS REIPVBLICE were struck in honour of St.
Helena.

The uniformity of the reverse type precludes the
attempt, which might otherwise have been made, to
attribute the coins to the elder or younger lady in
accordance with the apparent age of the portrait.

356 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.

Neither in this series nor in that issued in 337 A.D.
in commemoration of St. Helena and the Empress
Theodora (the second wife of Constantius Chlorus), who
were both then dead, was the same reverse type used on
the coins of two Empresses.

The further fact that all the coins of Helena Augusta
bear the diadem is conclusive on this point, for that
honour was not granted even to Fausta, the reigning
Empress, and therefore could not possibly have been
allowed to her daughter-in-law, the younger Helena.

We may here note that one mint, that of Treves, did
issue a coin inscribed FLAV MAX FAVSTA AVG, bearing a
diademed bust, but this was only a moneyer's error, for
the portrait is undoubtedly that of Helena and the
reverse legend is SECVRITAS REIPVBLICE [see PI. XXI. 29],

It therefore appears that the mere fact that a portrait
is young does not exclude the possibility that it was
intended for St. Helena (and this may be so whether
the title reads AVG or N. F.), while, on the contrary, an
old portrait cannot be that of the younger Helena.

The coins of Helena N. F. are rare, but I have
examined two fine specimens (one of which is figured
on PI. XXI. 1) and a number of illustrations, notably
those of MM. Maurice and Gnecchi. Differing with
much diffidence from those eminent authorities, I quite
fail to find the indication of youth which they discover.
The coins seem to me to portray an aged lady with a
grave and thoughtful face (older indeed than any por-
trait of Helena on the Augustan series, except perhaps
that struck at Home), supported by a strong neck and
a broad bust, which, though rounder than that of Fausta,
is so because it is older, not younger. It is, perhaps,
not too fanciful to say that the face is saintly. The

HELENA N. F. 357

appearance of age is less marked on some of the illustra-
tions, but I think they are quite consistent with it. The
features seem to me to comprise a steady and serious eye,
a large nose, somewhat curved, a mouth larger and
firmer than that of Fausta, a projecting chin, and a
finely rounded jaw.

Comparing these coins with good specimens of the
Augustan series, I think that the jaw and chin are
similarly depicted in most of the mints. Even the
youthful portraits of Treves seem to show these features,
while some pieces of Antioch, Heraclea, and Mcomedia
do so most clearly. The nose and mouth are almost
exactly reproduced at Borne, and there are several
mints, e.g. Antioch and Aries, and (as to the nose) Con-
stantinople, in which some of the moneyers actually
exaggerated them.

The same features may also be traced in some of the
PAX PVBLICA coins of the commemorative issue in 337,
though by reason of their small size and somewhat
inferior workmanship, the point is not very clear. The
coins of Alexandria [see PL XXI. 2] bear portraits
which are exceptional and of little artistic merit. M.
Maurice has not overlooked this, and points out that the
position of this mint was itself exceptional, it alone
being separated from the Central Government by the
sea, and that it may well be that the authentic portrait
of the Empress had not arrived when the issue was made.
It will also be remembered that the portraiture on many
other coins struck in Alexandria during the Constan-
tinian period is poor.

It may be noted that in many mints special care
seems to have been taken in the issue of the Augustan
series of both Helena and Fausta, and the coins are

358 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.

distinctly superior to most of the contemporary small
bronze pieces. The coins of the N. F. series are also
very carefully engraved.

To sum up, I venture to suggest that a careful exami-
nation of the portraits on both series of coins discloses
nothing which conflicts with the theory that arises from
such historical facts as are available, but on the contrary
lends it much support, and I think we may safely hold
that the only Helena depicted on the coinage of the
Eoman Empire is the lady known to us as St. Helena.

On p. 130 of his work M. Maurice mentions a curious
and unique piece in the cabinet of Col. Voetter struck
in the name of FL IVL HELENAE AVG with the reverse
type GLORIA EXERCITVS, and suggests that it may be
attributable to Helena the wife of Julian. If this attri-
bution was correct it would be the only known coin
bearing the name of that lady.2 M. Maurice does
not illustrate it, but I venture to suggest that it is but
an accidental combination of the obverse of the PAX
PVBLICA type of 337 A.D., with a reverse which was then
common but ceased to be issued before the reign of
Julian.

It is well, perhaps, to add a word with reference to
the converse view to that of M. Maurice which has
been taken by some numismatists, viz. that the N. F.
coins are those of St. Helena and the Augustan series
that of Helena the younger. The arguments against
this view are similar to those urged against an
attempt to divide the Augustan series between the
two ladies. The use of the diadem in the one case
and its absence in the other are conclusive, and, as

2 Num. Chron., Series IV. Vol. X. p. 247 (1910).

HELENA N. F. 359

above mentioned, the mint-marks prove that the Augus-
tan series of Helena, though not of Fausta, continued
after the deaths of Crispus and Fausta, when the younger
Helena must have fallen into obscurity. M. Maurice
shows this clearly, and it seems that the above-mentioned
theory is quite untenable.

In selecting coins for illustration, I have, so far as
space will allow, included several specimens from such
mints as present any marked diversity in their treatment
of the portrait. These variations no doubt arise from
the employment of several engravers. The reverse types
of Nos. 1, 26, and 27 are as shown in No. 1. Those of
Nos. 2 to 24 inclusive and of No. 29 are as shown in
No. 2. No. 25 is of the PAX PVBLICA type, and No. 28
is of the common type of the Empress Fausta with the
legend SALVS REIPVBLICAE.

The following is a detailed list of the coins, the
mint-marks being exergual unless otherwise shown : —

HELENA N. F.
No. 1. Without mint-mark.

FL. HELENA AUGUSTA.

No. 2. Alexandria . SMALB
„ 3. Antioch . . SMANTI
,, 4. Similar, but with varied portrait.
„ 5. Antioch . SMANTZ

T| F
CONST

360 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.

No. 9. Cyzicus . . SMKP*

„ 10. ,, . . SMKA*

„ 11. Heraclea . SMH6

„ 12. London . . PLON

„ 13. Lyons . . PLG

„ 14. Nicomedia . SMNP

„ 15. „ . MNS

„ 16. Rome . . RQS

„ 17. Sirmium . SIRM

„ 18. Siscia . . ESISu

„ 19. Tarragona . T^T

,, 20. Thessalonica . SMTSP

„ 21. Treves . . *PTRE

„ 22. „ . . STR^

„ 23. „ . . STR

„ 24. „ . . STR

FL. IVL. HELENAE AVG.

No. 25. Constantinople CONSG

FAVSTA N. F.

No. 26. Without mint-mark.

„ 27. Thessalonica . TSA

FLAV. MAX. FAVSTA AVG.

No. 28. Nicomedia . SMNB
„ 29. Treves. With bust of Helena

PERCY H. WEBB.

XVII.
ANGLO-GALLIC COINS.

(Continued from p. 212.)

VI.

(See Plates XXII. -XXV.)

HENRY VI was nine months old on his accession to
the English throne on September 1, 1422, and he was
only a few weeks older when, on the death of Charles VI
on October 22, 1422, he succeeded to the throne of
France, by virtue of the agreement entered into on the
marriage of Henry V and Catherine of France. He was
proclaimed King of France at Paris, and the Dukes of
Bedford and Gloucester were appointed Eegents.

The Anglo-Gallic coinage of Henry VI is on a different
footing from the previous coins of this series. Hitherto
we have been dealing with French feudal coins, struck
by English rulers by virtue of their possession of an
earldom or duchy in France. We have seen how
Henry II struck coins as Duke of Aquitaine and Earl of
Poitou; even the Anglo-Gallic coins of Edward III,
although he laid claim and actively asserted his claim
to the throne of France and styled himself King of
France on his coins, can only be considered as feudal
coins struck for Aquitaine or Ponthieu. The coins of
Henry V are, perhaps, more in the nature of regal
coins, as they follow the types of the regal coins of
Charles VI, but they were only issued from the local

362 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.

mints of Normandy, and, at any rate after the Treaty
of Troyes, are not, properly speaking, regal coins. The
coins of Henry VI, on the other hand, are French regal
coins. He was de facto King of France, and these coins
were struck by him as King of France in the French
regal mints, as well as in the mints of Normandy.

At the date of his accession to the French throne, he
was acknowledged as King of France by the northern and
eastern parts of the country. The parts south of the
Loire for the most part acknowledged the claim of the
Dauphin.

The Eegent, the Duke of Bedford, was bent on main-
taining the English supremacy in France, and he
strengthened his position by marrying the sister of the
Duke of Burgundy.

For the first few years of Henry's reign, the English
succeeded in holding their own. They began, however,
to lose ground in 1429, when the French, headed by
Joan of Arc, captured Orleans. This was followed up by
other French successes, and in July Charles the Dauphin
was crowned King at Eeims. In May, 1430, Joan of Arc
fell into the hands of the Duke of Burgundy's soldiers,
who handed her over to the English, and in the follow-
ing year she was burnt at the stake as a heretic. This,
however, did not help the English cause, as the French,
encouraged by her example, continued to press on, and
by 1434 little more than Paris and Normandy were left.

In 1435 Bedford died, and shortly afterwards the
Duke of Burgundy renounced his alliance with the
English and joined the Dauphin. He concluded with
him the treaty of Arras, by which Charles ceded to him
the towns of the Somme, with the profits of the mints of
Amiens and St. Quentin.

ANGLO-GALLIC COINS. 363

In 1436 Paris fell, and Calais was besieged by the
Duke of Burgundy. England, however, made an effort
and drove off the army investing Calais, and recovered
several places in Normandy.

The English managed to hold what they had gained
for a few more years, but in 1442 they lost the whole of
Guienne and Gascony, with the exception of Bordeaux
and Bayonne. In 1444 a truce was arranged, which
was strengthened by the marriage of Henry to Margaret
of Anjou in 1445. In 1449, however, the war was
renewed, and in 1450 Kouen fell and the whole of
Normandy was lost. In 1451 the French attacked
Bordeaux and Bayonne, which, in the absence of help
from England, were forced to capitulate. Thus the
whole of the English possessions in France, with the sole
exception of Calais, passed into the hands of the French,
and the history of the Anglo-Gallic coinage practically
reaches its close.

The coins of Henry VI consist of a salute and an
angelot in gold ; a grand blanc and petit blanc in silver ;
a tresin, denier tournois, denier parisis, and maille
tournois in billon.

On the death of Charles VI on October 22, 1422, the
masters of the mint applied to the Council to know
whether they were to cease striking coins, and were told
that they were to continue to strike coins as heretofore.1

A new coinage was ordered2 to be prepared on
November 2, 1422, with the name and arms of Henry,
and on the 23rd of the same month a Eoyal Ordinance 3
appeared, providing for the issue of the grand blanc.

1 Registre de la bibl. de la Sorbonne, H. 1, 9, No. 174, 132 v°.

2 Bibl. Nationak, ms. fr. 5524, fo 123, r° et v°.

3 Archives Nationales, registre Z 1B, 58, f° 172 r°.

364 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.

This ordinance states that there were at that date no
silver coins current of greater value than two deniers
tournois, and it had therefore been decided to coin
blancs deniers, current for 10 deniers tournois, at the
rate of 6 sols 3 deniers (75 pieces) to the mark, giving a
weight of 54-17 grains. The type was to be, on the
obverse two shields with the arms of France and
England with Henricus above, and on the reverse a cross
with Henricus below.

Another manuscript 4 also alludes to this issue of
grands blancs, and adds also particulars of an issue of
petits blancs, current for 5 deniers tournois, at the rate
of 150 pieces to the mark, giving a weight of 27*08
grains.

On January 28, 1423,5 a Koyal Ordinance 6 was issued
giving currency in Normandy to the denier blanc,
double tournois, petit denier tournois, and maille
tournois " recently struck."

On February 6, 1423, the gold salute was ordered to
be struck.7 It was to be at the rate of 63 to the mark,
giving a weight of 64'5 grains, and current for 25 sols.
It was to bear the arms of France and of England, and
to have a hand in place of the sun over the scroll of the
"Ave Maria."

On June 4, 1423, a Eoyal Ordinance was issued pro-
viding for a complete coinage of salutes, grands blancs,
petits blancs, tresins, deniers tournois, and mailles
tournois.8 The provisions for the salute and the grand

4 Bibl. Nat., ms. fr. 5524, 124 r°.

5 Throughout this article the date is given according to the New
Style.

6 Arch. Nat., reg. Z 1B, 58, f° 172 v° et 173 r°.

7 Ibid., reg. Z IB, 58, f<> 173 v°, registre entre 2 ais.

8 Ibid., reg. Z IB, 58, 175 r° et v°.

ANGLO-GALLIC COINS. 365

blanc merely repeat the provisions contained in the
former ordinances. The petit blanc was to be current
for 5 deniers tournois, and to be struck at the rate of
12 sols 6 deniers (150 pieces) to the mark, giving a
weight of 27'08 grains. The tresin, current for 3 deniers
tournois, was to be struck at the same rate as the petit
blanc ; the petit denier tournois, current for one denier
tournois, at the rate of 18 sols 9 deniers (225 pieces) to
the mark (weight IS'OS grains) ; and the petite maille
tournois, current for one maille tournois, at the rate
of 25 sols (300 pieces) to the mark (weight 13'54
grains).

These coins are stated to have been struck from
June 4, M23, to April 13, 1436.9

Another manuscript10 also alludes to the coinage of
the petit blanc, tresin, denier tournois, and maille
tournois, and is accompanied by illustrations. The
illustrations do not, however, agree with the known
types of Henry Yl's coins. For the petit blanc, an
illustration is given of the tresin, with the legend
FREnaoRvm = err^ AnsLia - instead of TVRONVS: TRIPLSX:

RRANCX.

FIG. 1.— Petit blanc.

9 Reg. entre deux ais, 88 r°.
10 Bibl. Nat., 5524, 125 ic> a 12G vy.

VOL. XII., SERIES IV. 2 B

366

NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.

For the tresiD, an illustration is given of the ordinary
double tournois of Henry V.

FIG. 2.— Tresin.

For the denier tournois and maille tournois, illustra-
tions are given of coins resembling those of Henry Y,
with h in centre of the cross on the reverse, and the
initial only of the king's name in the legend on the
obverse. The types are as follows :—

FIG. 3. — Denier tournois.

Denier tournois.

0&t>.— * h • R6(X - FRTmaia • 6(T - 7\nSL. Leopard
passant to 1., fleur-de-lis above.

t — ^TVRONVS • CIVIS. Cross with h in centre.

ANGLO-GALLIC COINS. 367

FIG. 4. — Maille tournois.
Maille tournois.

Obv.— * h - FRKfta • 6(T • ArieL . RetX. Fleur-de-lis
and leopard passant to 1.

. — ^ OBOLVS • CXIVIS :. Cross with h in centre.

On September 6, 1423, a new issue of salutes was
ordered to be struck.11 The new salute was to be
current for 22 sols 6 deniers instead of 25 sols, and was
to be struck at the rate of 70 pieces to the mark instead
of 63, giving a weight of 58*04 grains instead of 64*5
grains. It was to bear the arms of France and England
as on the former salutes, but a sun was to take the place
of the hand above the scroll of the Ave Maria.12

On December 17, 1423, certain marks were ordered to
be placed on the coins,13 so that, if any gold or silver
coins should be found of insufficient weight or fineness,
it would be known under what master of the mint they
were struck. On the salutes, the M of IMPSRTXT was to
be formed thus : M instead of fll as heretofore ; on the
grands blancs and the petits blancs the three small
pellets between each word on the reverse were to be
placed thus : {

A manuscript states that on March 1, 1424, were
struck francs a cheval of fine gold, at the rate of 80 to

11 Arch. Nat., reg. Z 1B, 58, 177 ro.

12 Registre entre 2 ais, 159 v».

13 Ms. fr. 5524, 126 r°.

2 B 2

368

NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.

the mark, current for 20 sols. The following illustra-
tion (Fig. 5) accompanies the manuscript :—

FIG. 5. — Franc a cheval.

This is the only mention found of the franc a cheval,
and it is doubtful if it were ever struck.

On May 31, 1424, an issue was ordered of deniers
parisis. Letters patent u were addressed to the masters
of the mints, stating that the issue of deniers and mailles
tournois had been ordered, and adding, " It has come
to our notice that there is need of a coinage of petits
deniers parisis in our town of Paris." The letters patent
provide for the issue of petits deniers parisis iioirs,
current for one denier parisis, and at the rate of 180 to
the mark, giving a weight of 21 grains.

Another manuscript 15 alludes to the issue, and is
accompanied by the following illustration (Fig. 6) :—

FIG. 6. — Denier parisis.

14 Sorb. H., 1, 9, n° 174, 197 r». 15 Ms. fr. 5524, 126 r° et v°.

ANGLO-GALLIC COINS. 369

There is an ordinance1*5 set out in the Archives
Xationales, which follows almost exactly the wording of
the letters patent recorded in the Archives de la Sorbonne
providing for the issue of deniers parisis, but it gives
the date of issue as May 31, 1423. I think that
both ordinances must allude to the same issue of deniers
parisis, and that the later date is the correct one, as the
earliest issue by Henry VI of deniers tournois and
mailles tournois, of which we have a record, is the issue
of June 4, 1423. The wording of the letters patent
seem to imply that the deniers tournois and mailles
tournois had been in use for some little time, and were
insufficient for the need of Paris, which wanted a denier
parisis as well. If this issue of deniers parisis had been
made on May 31, 1423, it would imply a previous issue
of deniers tournois and maille tournois of which there is
no record, which seems unlikely.

Another issue of deniers parisis was ordered on
November 12, 1426,17 and was actually made on
December 30, 1426.18 They were of the same weight
and alloy as the previous issue, but the type is altered.

. 7. — Denier parisis.

1(i Arch. Nat., reg. Z 1", 58, 181 r<\
17 Ms. fr. 5524, 128 r°.

Arch. Nat., reg. en papier du carton Z 1B, 914 ; ibid., reg. Z 1B, GO,
12 V.

370

NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.

The Manuscrit Fran£ais 5524 19 states that on October
22, 1425, there were struck at the Mint of Kouen salutes
of gold, of 23| karats, at the rate of 63 pieces to the mark
(weight 64'5 grains), current for 25 sols tournois. The
manuscript gives the following illustration (Fig. 8) :—

FIG. 8.— Salute.

This entry seems to be a mistake of the chronicler.
It will be seen that the obverse type is similar to the
salute of Henry Y, but the legend shows that it is not
his, and the leopard mint-mark occurs. The reverse
type is the usual type of Henry VTs salutes. It will be
remembered that the ordinance of September 6, 1423,
provided for the issue of salutes, and those of Eouen of
that issue are quite common.

On November 20, 1426, a list of authorized coins was
sent to the Provost of Paris.20 They were as follows :
Salute, noble, half-noble, quarter-noble, grand blanc,
petit blanc, denier parisis, and denier tournois. It is
added that the double should be current at the rate of
three to a petit blanc.

On January 1, 1427, the currency of ecus and

19 Ms. fr. 5524, 126 v°.

20 Arch. Nat., reg. Z 1B, 60, 13 r° a 14 v".

ANGLO-GALLIC COINS. 371

motitons and all other gold coins, except the salute and
the noble, was forbidden.21

On May 24, 1427, a new gold coin, the angelot, was
issued.22 The order provides for the issue of petits
deniers of fine gold, called angelots, which should be
current at the rate of three for two of the salutes then
struck in the coinage of France ; they were to be struck
at the rate of 105 to the mark, giving a weight of 38'6
grains. The issue was to be made without delay.

On June 22, 1435, Charles VII issued an order23 that
the blancs bearing the arms of France and England,
theretofore current for 8 deniers parisis, should be current
for 6 deniers parisis.

The Manuscrit Frangais 5524 states 24 that on July 21,
1435, were struck by order of the king, angelots current
for 32 sols 6 deniers tournois, at the rate of 48 to the
mark, giving a weight of 84'66 grains. It illustrates the
coin (Fig. 9), which it will be noticed is of the same type as
the ordinary angelot, with the addition of the h below the
cross on the reverse, and bears the mint-mark of Eouen.
It seems doubtful whether this issue ever took place.

/'*

FIG. 9.— Angelot of July 21, 1435.

21 Sorb. H., 1, 11, 166 bis, petit cahier insure' dans la registre.

22 Arch. Nat,, reg. Z 1«, 60, 15 r° et v '. 23 Ibid., 3.
-4 Ms. fr. 5524, 129.

372 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.

On April 13, 1436, Paris was retaken by Charles VII.
The manuscript in the Bibliotheque Nationale 25 is worth
quoting fully.

" Inasmuch as on Friday, the 3rd April after Easter,
in the year 1437 2G the town of Paris, by God's help, was
retaken by Our Sovereign Lord, the King of France,
Charles, seventh of that name, there will be no more
mention made in this work of the said Henry, King of
England, as regards Paris, but only for the countries of
Guienne, Picardy and Normandy, inasmuch as from
henceforth the power of the said English commenced to
decline daily and on the other hand the French com-
menced to retake the towns places and fortresses, where
the said King of England and his predecessors had
encroached on the crown of France ; also the said Henry,
King of England, continued the coinage of his moneys
in the countries which he occupied in France, of the
weight, type, value and fineness, and in the type and
manner aforesaid, until the month of December 1453,
when, by the gift of God, the said Henry, King of
England, and Catherine and the English, who had long
occupied part of the said realm of France, were, in
warlike and victorious fashion, expelled therefrom."

One can sympathize with the author of this manu-
script who in his account of the French coinage had so
long been compelled to record the issue of coins by a
usurping prince, and his joy in recording that no longer
would the pages of his work be sullied by the name of
Henry.

The same manuscript 27 states that on September

25 Ms. fr. 5524, 132 r° et v«.

26 This is a clerical error. April 13, 1436, is the correct date.

27 Ms. fr. 5524, 132 v<> et 133 r°.

ANGLO-GALLIC COINS.

373

10, 1453, currency was given for Guienne to the follow-
ing coins, struck at Bordeaux in the name of Henry,
King of England, and in other places in Guienne,
and also in England by command of the Captain Talbot
(afterwards Earl of Shrewsbury) of England, then Lieu-
tenant-General of Henry in Guienne, who had then re-
taken the town of Bordeaux and many fortresses in
Guienne : —

Talbots, of 23 karats^ struck in Guienne, of 2 deniers
18 grains weight each piece, for 21 sols 8 deniers
tournois (Fig. 10).

fl /

FIG. 10.— Talbot.

Angelots of gold struck in London of 23 J karats of
3 deniers weight, for 32 sols G deniers tournois (Fig. 11).

FIG. 11.— Angel.

Petits hardis, old and new, of the Prince of Wales,
of King Edward, and of King Henry of England, father

374 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.

of the said King, of 22 grains weight, each piece for
4 deniers tournois (Fig. 12).

FIG. 12.— Petit hardi.

It will be noticed that the talbot is the same type
as the hardi d'or, and the petit hardi is the same type
as the hardi d'argent, described under Henry IV, the
only difference being in the ornaments on either side of
the king on the obverse, and the legend on the reverse,
of the talbot. It may be that the coins described under
Henry IV should be attributed, the hardi d'or to Henry
VI and the hardis d'argent, or some of them at any
rate, to Henry V, " the father of the said King."

The angel is of the same type as the English angel
of Henry VII.

The author of the manuscript adds a final note of
triumph. "Inasmuch as, by the grace of God, in the
month of December, about Christmas time, the English
were entirely victoriously expelled from the realm of
France, and their possessions completely reduced to the
obedience of the crown of France, except the town of
Calais alone, there will be no more mention in this work
of the ordinances, statutes and edicts of Henry, King of
England, his governors and lieutenants, generals and
others, who at that time retreated in their confusion to
Calais and England."

I have now set out the principal manuscripts dealing

ANGLO-GALLIC COINS, 375

with the coins of Henry VI, but there are several other
manuscripts dealing with details, which now claim
attention.

The chief of these relate to the mint-marks of the
various towns which struck coins for Henry.

On December 12, 1422, the following mint-marks
(" differances ") were decided on for the grand blanc28: —

Paris. A crown, in thfc place of the customary small cross.

Tournai. A small tower.

Arras. A lozenge.

St. Quentin. A rowel or mullet.

Chalons. A crescent.

Troyes. A rose.

Macon. A trefoil.

Nevers. A star.

Auxerre. A mill-rind (fer de moulin).

Dijon. A little sun.

Tournai never recognized Henry, and consequently no
mint was established by him there. On the contrary,
Charles himself established a mint at Tournai, where he
struck salutes in the year 1433.29 It is interesting to
note that in the ordinances of Charles VII there is no
mention made of an issue of salutes, but he struck
salutes both at Tournai and at Beauvais. The former
town was situated in the middle of, and the latter close
to, the country occupied by Henry, and it is easy to
understand that it was necessary for Charles VII to
strike coins there of a type and value to which the in-
habitants of those towns would be accustomed. Between
1422 and 1435 Charles VII struck at Tournai a number

28 Arch. Nat., registre dit : entre 2 ais f° 159 r".

29 Rev. num. fr., 1907, p. 515.

376 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.

of coins differing from those struck by him in his other
mints.

Another manuscript 30 gives a fuller list of mint-marks.

Paris. The crown.
Rouen. The leopard.
St. L6. The fleur-de-lis.

Arras. A trefoil. (This is the mint-mark of Macon.)
Amiens. A lamb.
Troyes. A rosette.
Chalons. A crescent.
Tournai. A tower.
Nevers. A star.
Auxerre. A mill-rind.
Le Mans. A root.

Dijon. A Veronica. (This is the correct mint-mark of
Dijon.)

The ordinance of February 6, 1423, which provides for
the first issue of salutes, also provides that the following
mint-marks should be placed at the beginning of the
legends, both on the obverse and reverse :—

Paris. A crown.

Rouen. A leopard.

Auxerre. A mill-rind.

Le Mans. A root.

St. L6. A fleur-de-lis.

Amiens. A lamb.

Dijon. A Veronica.

And in other places where Henry struck salutes, a crescent.

On December 11, 1422, the general masters of the
Mints decided to place in the trial boxes (boites) one
denier d'or for every 200 pieces struck, and one denier
of the silver or billon coinages for 60 sols, that is, for
every 720 pieces struck.31

30 Ms. fr. 5920. 3l Arch. Nat., reg. Z 1«, 58.

ANGLO-GALLIC COINS. 377

On November 13, 1-123, an order32 of the king was
delivered to one Casin du Pie to open a mint at Amiens.

The order of December 17, 1423, which provided for
special form of M on the salutes and the stops on the
grand blanc and petit blanc, also provided for the
following mint-marks on the petites mailles tournois : —

Rouen. A pellet under the C of HENRICVS and of CMS.
St. L6. A pellet under the S of HENRICVS and of CIVIS.

On February 19, 1424, an order33 was sent to the
master of the mint then newly established at Amiens,
that he should place on the salutes, grands blancs, and
other silver coins a little lamb, after the fashion of an
Agnus Dei.

Another interesting manuscript concerning the mint of
Amiens has recently been published by M. Louis Caillet.34
It is a report of Jean de Vaulx, master of the mint at
Amiens, concerning his expenses for thirty-six days
during 1436.

It will be recollected that by the treaty of Arras,
entered into between the Dauphin Charles and the Duke
of Burgundy, Charles had ceded to the duke the profits
of the mints of Amiens and St.- Quentin (see p. 362).
The question raised by this document is whether Jean
de Vaulx was responsible to Charles or to the duke, and
does not concern us, but the document states that the
journeys of Jean de Vaulx were undertaken on account
of the trial boxes of the Amiens mint. These trial
boxes were three in number, two containing about 320
salutes d'or and the third 33 grands blancs. These

32 Arch. Nat., reg. Z 1B, 3, 17 v°.

33 Registre entre 2 ais, 160 r°.

34 Rev. num., 1909, p. 502.

378 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.

must be the coins of Henry VI struck at Amiens, and
represent issues of -64,000 salutes and 23,760 grands
blancs.

On October 22, 1425, a Royal Ordinance 35 was issued
to open again a mint at Le Mans. It is worded as
follows : —

"Whereas the town of Le Mans has lately been
retaken and placed under our sway, by the advice of our
well beloved uncle John, Regent of our Realm of
France, Duke of Bedford, we wish and ordain that there
shall be made and built anew, in the said town of Le
Mans, a mint at which shall be struck and coined such
and similar coins of gold and silver as are coined in our
other mints."

Dies were subsequently sent for the coinage of salutes,
grands blancs, petits blancs, and petits deniers tournois,
and an order issued 36 to place a mint-mark of a root
on the salutes, grands blancs, and other silver moneys.

On July 24, 1428, the master of the mint at Le Mans
applied to be discharged on the ground that, on the
entry of the enemy into the town of Le Mans, he had
been robbed and had nothing with which to issue the
coinage. He offered to hand over the plant for the
coinage, if he was paid for it.37

Some of the manuscripts deal with the regulation of
the currency. On January 27, 1423, an ordinance38
was issued, addressed to the Provost of Paris, stating that
Charles VI had struck salutes of 25 sols tournois, doubles
tournois, and petits deniers tournois, and that it had

35 Arch. Nat., reg. Z 1B, 60, 3 v°.

36 Eegistre entre 2 ais, 80 r°.

37 Arch. Nat., reg. Z 1», 3, 117 v°.

38 Ibid., reg. Z 1B, 58, 173 r» et v°.

ANGLO-GALLIC COINS. 379

coine to the notice of the Council that "Charles, our
adversary " was striking, in the mints of the towns
obedient to him, deniers of gold called ecus and
moutons, of inferior fineness, and doubles deniers tournois,
false and bad, which were not of the value, nor even half
the value, of those of Charles VI recently struck, all
which coins he had made of similar type and fashion to
the ecus, moutons, and doubles deniers tournois at that
date current in the reajrn of France. It was therefore
absolutely forbidden to take or pass at any price
whatever any of the said coins, whether of gold or of
silver, struck in the towns not obedient to Henry, but in
the hands of his adversary Charles, on pain of forfeiture,
etc.

It will be recollected that Henry had ordered an issue
of salutes, current for 25 sols, on February 6, 1423. It
was found, however, that traders preferred the old ecu to
the salute, which they would only accept at the price of
an ecu. A Koyal Ordinance 39 was therefore issued on
March 5, 1423, fixing the price of the salute at 25 sols,
the rnouton at 15 sols, and the ecu at 22 sols 6 deniers,
that is, 9 salutes for 10 ecus, and 3 moutons for 2
ecus.

On June 22, 1423, letters patent 40 were addressed to
the Provost of Paris, fixing the currency of certain coins
as follows : —

The salute, for 25 sols touruois.

The salute, struck in Normandy by Henry V, bearing the
arms of England only, for 25 sols tournois.
The English noble, for 45 sols tournois.

30 Arch. Nat., reg. Z 1B, 58, 174 vo et 175 r°.
40 Ibid., reg. Z 1B, 58, 179 r° & 180 r<>.

380 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.

The half-noble and quarter-noble, for 22 sols 6 deniers
tournois, and 11 sols 3 deniers tournois respectively.

The grand blanc, with the arms of France and England,
for 10 deniers tournois.

The petit blanc, with the same arms, for 5 deniers tournois.

The petit denier noir, called tresin, similarly made with
the same arms, for 3 deniers tournois.

The petit deniers tournois and petite maille tournois, lately
ordered to be struck, for one denier tournois and one maille
tournois respectively.

The double denier tournois and petit denier tournois, not
long since ordered to be struck by Charles VI in the mints
in Normandy, as follows — the double for two deniers tournois
and the petit denier called noirez for one maille tournois.

All the ecus, old and new, and rnoutons struck in time past
at the said mints and at other mints " both of our coins and
of others," were not to be taken except for bullion, under pain
of forfeiture, etc.

On September 6, 1423, letters patent41 were addressed
to the Provost of Paris, stating that "the enemy and
adversary of Us and Our Realm, who meddles with
carrying our Arms of France, has exerted and does
exert himself each day to strike doubles deniers of two
deniers tournois, bearing our said Arms of France, of
less weight and alloy than those struck by our grand-
father, King Charles, whereby we and the whole of the
Realm of France have been greatly deceived and
damaged, and may be still more so, if' we take no steps
to remedy it, and wishing to obviate the frauds and
deceptions of our said enemy and adversary, and for the
good of our people, to prevent them being defrauded and
deceived by taking the said doubles deniers for a higher
value than they have, and seeing that those which our

41 Arch. Nat., reg. Z 1», 58, 177 v° et 178 r°.

ANGLO-GALLIC COINS. 381

said grandfather and also our father struck, in France
and in Normandy, are of good weight and alloy, we
ordain that 12 of the said deniers doubles struck in
our coinage of France and of Normandy which are
current for 2 deniers tournois each shall be current as
follows : Six doubles for the grand blanc of 10 deniers
tournois now struck by us with the arms of France and
England, and three for the petit blanc with the same
arms, and for no more. The salutes of gold newly struck,
with the arms of France and England, at the rate of 70
to the mark, for 22 sols 6 deniers tournois, in blancs of
two blancs of 10 deniers tournois and petits blancs of 5
deniers tournois, and for 27 sols in doubles both of
France and Normandy. And moreover since in our
good town of Paris the people are accustomed to deal
in parisis we order that the deniers noirs which we have
lately struck, to which we have given currency at 3
deniers tournois, should be taken in future for 2 parisis
and no more."

The double tournois which is ordered to be current at
the rate of six for the grand blanc had previously been
current at the rate of five for the grand blanc.

There are also numerous manuscripts relating to the
issues of different coins at different mints, setting out
the numbers struck, the appointments of gardes, contre-
gardes, maitres particuliers, tailleurs, and essayeurs.
The particulars of the various issues will be given under
the descriptions of the coins in question. For par-
ticulars of the officers of the mints and the text of the
manuscripts recording their appointments, I would refer
the reader to De Saulcy's book, where these will be
found fully set out. I will only add that the ordinances
relating to the Dijon Mint are in the name of the

VOL. XII., SERIES IV. 2 C

382 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.

Duke of Burgundy, the remainder in the name of
Henry VI

We will now pass on to the description of the coins
struck by Henry VI.

GOLD COINAGE.

Salute.

There are two issues of this coin. The first issue was
struck in accordance with the order of February 6, 1423,
and weighs 64*5 grains (63 to the mark). It was current
for 25 sols tournois. The second issue was struck in
accordance with the order of September 6, 1423, and
weighs 58*04 grains (70 to the mark). It was current
for 22 sols 6 deniers tournois. The salute of the second
issue differs in type from the salute of the first issue, in
having a sun over the scroll of the " Ave Maria " instead
of a hand.

First Issue. February 6, 1423.

No salutes of this issue are known at present, but no
doubt they were struck. The records show that the
master of the mint at Paris received orders to strike
this salute on February 7, 1423 42; on March 12, 1423,
the Royal Ordinance for this issue was sent to Dijon 43 ;
on May 8, 1423, two pairs of dies of these salutes for
Rouen were delivered, and one pair for St. L6 44 ; on June
17, 1423, the returns made by the master of the mint at
St. Quentin show that he had struck these salutes.45 It
would seem, therefore, that the salute of this issue was

42 Sorbonne, reg. H. 1, 9, no 174, f° 5 r°. 43 Ibid., f^ 133 r°.

44 Arch. Nat., reg. Z;1B, 3, 10r°. 45 Ibid., 11 v°.

ANGLO-GALLIC COINS. 383

struck at any rate at Paris, Dijon, Bouen, St. L6, and
St. Quentin, though no specimens have at present come
to light,

Second Issue. September 6, 1423.
Paris.

On October 4, 1423, Pierre de Landes was appointed
master of the mint.46

On December 14, 1423, Arnoullet Eame was appointed
master of the mint, and on the 17th of the same month
he was ordered to place an M in the place of the Hi in
impe(R7vr (see p. 367).

On April 14, 1426, Guiot de Hannin was ordered to
place a pellet under the T of R€«3NfiT for the period
during which Eegnault Turnery was master of the
mint.47

On January 18, 1435, Andriet Marcel was ordered to
place an annulet under the ft of iMPSRfiT and under the
Q of RSX, on the beaded inner circle (le guy parmi, c'est
a dire a cheval sur le grenetis).48

On February 19, 1435, Gaulchier Vivien was ordered
to place the same special mark on his salutes as that
ordered for Andriet Marcel. This probably means that
no salutes were struck in the preceding month by
Andriet Marcel, and his mint-mark was therefore
adopted for his successor.

1. Obv. — m.m. crown. h9MRIC(VS : D6U : 6RR :
FRfiaoRV : 5 : fiSLlQ : R6(X. Stops, pellets.
Two shields side by side, that on the 1. bear-
ing the arms of France, that on the r. the
arms of England. Behind the shields, the

46 Arch. Nat., reg. Z 1B, 3, 14 r°. <7 Ibid., 64 v°.

48 Registre entre 2 ais, 147 r°.

2 c 2

384 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.

Virgin Mary on the 1., her head surrounded
by a nimbus, and the Angel Gabriel on the
r. Between them the word 7W8, written
upwards, on a scroll, surmounted by sun's
rays.

Eev. — m.m. crown. XPCX * VIHCXIT * XPCX * RSSMfiT *
XPCX * IMPetRTXT. Stops, star of five points.
Plain cross, h below ; fleur-de-lis to 1., leopard
passant to r. The whole within a tressure of
ten arches with fleurs-de-lis at the angles.

Wt. 53-5 grs. [PI. XXII. 1.]

My Collection.

The form of the M in impQRTrr shows that this coin
was struck before December 17, 1423. It is, therefore,
probably the salute of Pierre de Landes, struck from
October 4 to December 14, 1423.

2. Obv. — As No. 1, but the Virgin has a double nimbus,

and 7W6( is written downwards.

Rev. — As No. 1, but IMPSRTXT.

Wt. 51-5 grs. De Saulcy Collection.

This is probably the salute of Arnoullet Kame, struck
after December 17, 1423.

3. Same type as No. 2. Annulet -under the 9 of R6(X

and ft of

Thomas Brookes Collection (Sotheby, 1904),
Lot 4.

This is the salute of Gaulchier Vivien, struck after
February 19, 1435.

4. Obv. — m.m. crown; annulet below. hCXIIRICXVS (sic) :
oeu : <3Rfi : FRfidORV : z : fi<3Lie( : Rax (sic).
Type as before. Virgin has single nimbus ;
written upwards.

ANGLO-GALLIC COINS. 385

Rev. — m.m. crown; annulet below. XPC( * VIIICXIT *

xpa ; RaeiiTrr ; xpa ; iiipaRTrr. stops,

pellet and star. Usual type.

Wt. 53 grs. [PI. XXII. 2.]

British Museum.

5. Obv. — m.m. crown; annulet below. hQRiavS : Dai :

6Rfi : FRfiaORV : Z : TXSLa : Rax. Type as
before. The Virgin has single nimbus. TWa
written upwards.

Rev. — m.m. crown; annulet below. XPCX : VIMCUT :
XPa I RaGHfiT : XPa I IHPaRftT. Stops,
pellets. Type as before,

Walters Collection.

6. Obv. — m.m. crown ; annulet below. hetMRIQVS D6U :

SR7V . FRfiMaORV : Z fiGLia : Rax. Type
as before. The Virgin has no nimbus visible.

Rev. — m.m. crown; annulet below. XPQ' . VIIIQIT :

xpa' . RasiiAT : xpa' . nipaR^r. Type as

before.

Walters Collection.

Amiens.

The mint here was established on November 13, 1423,
and the mint-mark of an Agnus Dei ordered on February
19, 1424 (see p. 377). From August 2, 1426, to No-
vember 17, 1435, 207,400 salutes were struck by
various masters of the mint.49

1. Ohv.— m.m. Agnus Dei. haHRiavS * Dai * GRA *
RRAaORV * Z * ESLia * RSX. Stops, sal-
tires. Type as before. Virgin with single
nimbus ; RVa written upwards.

Arch. Nat., reg. 138, du carton Z, 1«, 815.

386 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.

Eev.— m.m. Agnus Dei. XPC* • VIMCUT • XPC( •
R6C6HAT • XPa • IMPSRKT. Stops, rosettes.
Type as before.

Wt. 53-0 grs. [PI. XXII. 3.]

British Museum.

2. Olv.— m.m. Agnus Dei. hSHRICCVS * D6U * SRH *

FRKCXOR'm * 2 * fi<3LI6( * RSX. Stops, sal-
tires. Type as No. 1.

Eev. — m.m. Agnus Dei. XPCJ • VIMCXIT . XPCX •
R6CSHAT • XPCX . IMPSRST. Stops, rosettes.
Type as No. 1.

Wt. 53*1 grs. De Saulcy Collection.

3. As No. 2, but reading hSRICXVS on obverse.

Wt. 53-6 grs. British Museum.

4. As No. 1, but annulet under the last letter but one

of the legends.

Wt. 53 grs. British Museum.

The salutes without a secret mark are probably the
earlier issues.

Auxerre.

On May 28, 1428, two sets of dies for the salute were
sent to Thevenin Boursier, master of the mint at Auxerre,
and were acknowledged on June 12, 1428. 50

Obv. — m.m. mill-rind (fer de moulin).

oeu : 6Rft : PR^aoRV : 5 : sGLiet : Rax.
Usual type. 7W9 written upwards.

Eev. — m.m. mill-rind. XPCC * VIMCUT * XPCC *
RS6MHT * XPa' * imPSRftT. Usual type.

Wt. 51-5 grs. De Saulcy Collection.

50 Arch. Nat., reg. Z 1B, 3, 113 v°.

ANGLO-GALLIC COINS. 387

Chalons-sur-Marne.

On September 9, 1427, there were sent to Jehan
Brisset two " piles " and four " trousseaux " to strike
salutes.51

Obv. — m.m. crescent. hSMRiaVS : D6U : (3RR :
RRfiOtORV : 5 : HSLI6C : RQX. Usual type.
Virgin with double nimbus ; SV6( written
upwards.

Rev.— m.m. crescent. XPCC * VIHCXIT * XPC(' *
RSSHRT * XPO' * ICTiPQRAT. Usual type.

Wt. 53-8 grs. [PI. XXII. 4.]

British Museum.

The ordinance of February 6, 1423, which provided
for the first issue of salutes, also provided for certain
mint-marks on the salutes struck at Paris, Rouen,
Auxerre, Le Mans, St. L6, Amiens, and Dijon ; and adds,
"and in other places where Henry struck salutes, a
crescent." This salute, however, belongs to the second
issue, and I think that we may assume that by that
time the crescent had been allocated to Chalons alone,
as on the silver coins, as we have a salute of Troyes with
the mint-mark rose, and it should have a mint-mark
crescent if the mint-marks under the order of February
6, 1423, were still in force.

Le Mans.

The mint at Le Mans was reopened on October 22,
1425 (see p. 378), and two sets of dies for the salute were
sent from Paris on the 27th of that month.52

On July 17, 1432, it was decided to place a pellet

51 Arch. Nat., reg. Z 1B, 3, 94 r«. 52 Ibid., 165 r°.

388 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.

under the star which followed the word Ra6M7\T on the
reverse.53

Obv. — m.m.root. hSHRiaVS : DSI : SRA :

Z : 7N3LIS : R6(X. Usual type. Virgin with
double nimbus ; RVS written downwards.

Rev. — m.m. root. XPCT * VIMC(IT * XPCC * R6(6MRT *
XPO' * imPaRST. Usual type.

Wt. 53-6 grs. [PI. XXII. 5.]

British Museum.
Rouen.

From March 18, 1433, to October 1, 1444, Etienne
Marcel struck 355,600 salutes. His special mark is an
annulet enclosing pellet (annulet a ung point massif)
under the last letter of the legends.

From October 21, 1444, to November 19, 1444, Jaquet
de Bresmer struck 5200 salutes. His special mark is a
star of five points under the last letter of the legends.

From January 23, 1445, to October 21, 1445, Guillemin
le Musnier (alias Guillaume le Monnier) struck 80,600
salutes.

From October 30, 1445, to November 27, 1445,
Guillaume le Monnier and Thomassin Erquanbout, joint
masters, and from November 27, 1445, to October 20,
1446, Thomassin Erquanbout, sole master, struck 23,000
salutes. The special mark for this period is a pellet
under the last letter but one of the legends.

On November 10, 1446, Guillaume le Monnier struck
2000 salutes.

From December 10, 1446, to December 9, 1447, Pierre
de Preaulx struck 19,600 salutes. From January 16,
1448, to January 16, 1449, he struck 14,600 salutes. His

53 Arch. Nat., reg. Z 1B, 3, 157 r°,

ANGLO-GALLIO COINS. 389

special mark is an annulet enclosing pellet under the
last letter but one of the legends.

The whole of this information as to the coinage of
salutes at Kouen is contained in a register 54 preserved
in the Archives Nationales intituled "Ouverture des
boistes de la monnoir de Eouen, du temps des Anglois."

It will be noticed that no issue of salutes is mentioned
before 1433, but it is probable that salutes were issued
before that date. The/'boite" which was opened pro-
bably only contained coins struck since Etienne Marcel
was appointed to the mint, and the manuscript does not
prove that there was no previous issue.

Salutes occur with the special mark of a pellet below
the last letter of the legends. This may be the special
mark of some money er before Etienne Marcel, or possibly
of Guillaume le Monnier from January 23, 1445, to
October 21, 1445. The manuscript makes no mention
of his special mark, but it will be noticed that he struck
over 80,000 salutes during that period.

It is interesting to note that the commonest type of
Kouen salutes is that bearing Etienne Marcel's special
mark, and that he struck more than double as many
salutes as his successors.

1. Obv. — m.m. leopard. hQHRiavS : D6U

RRfiCXORV : Z : fi6l_ie( : Rax. Stops, pellets.
Type as before; the Virgin has a double
nimbus and 7W6( is written downwards.

Rev.— m.m. leopard. XPCC * VIMCUT * XPCC *
RS6HKT * XPCC * imPSRfiT. Stops, stars.
Type as before.

Wt. 51 grs. British Museum.

34 Arch. Nat., reg. Z 1383, du carton Z 1», 963-967.

890 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.

This salute has no secret mark, and is therefore pro-
bably the earliest struck, before Etienne Marcel's
appointment.

2. As No. 1, but annulet enclosing pellet below the last

letter of the legends.

Wt. 53-1 grs. [PL XXII. 6.]

My Collection.

(From the Montagu and Kesteven Collec-
tions.)

3. As No. 2, but the annulet enclosing pellet is placed

within, instead of upon, the inner circle on
reverse.

Wt. 53-8 grs. British Museum.

These two salutes belong to Etienne Marcel's issue,
from March 18, 1433, to October 1, 1444.

4. As No. 1 , but pellet under the last letter of the legends.

Wt. 53 grs. My Collection.

This is possibly the salute of Gruillaume le Monnier,
struck between January 23, 1445, and October 21, 1445.

I have not come across any specimens of the salutes
of Jaquet de Bresmer (October 21, 1444-November 19,
1444), Guillaume le Monnier and Thorn assin Erquanbout
(October 30, 1445-October 20, 1446), or Pierre de
Preaulx (December 10, 1446-December 9, 1447).

St. L6.

1. Obv.— m.m. fleur-de-lis. hQMRICXVS : D6U : <3RA :
FRACXORV : Z : ESLIS : RQX. Usual type.
Virgin with double nimbus. AV6( written
downwards.

Rev.— m.m. neur-in-lis. XPCX * VIMaiT * XPCX *
RSSMET * XPC( * IJnPSRET. Usual type.

Wt. 53 grs. My Collection.

ANGLO-GALLIC COINS. 391

2. As No. 1, but XPCC throughout on reverse.

Wt. 53-4 grs. British Museum.

3. Obv.— m.m. fleur-de-lis. hSMRICCVS : D6(l : 6RE :

RRAaORVIU : Z : ^6LIQ : RQX. Pellet
under last letter but one of the legend.

Rev. — As No. 1, but pellet under last letter but two
of the legend.
Wfc. 53-1 grs. My Collection.

4. As No. 3, but reading hSRICXVS on obverse.

Wt. 53 grs. [PI. XXII. 7.]

British Museum.

The last two coins are of much rougher workmanship
than No. 1.

5. ObVf — As No. 3, but secret mark annulet under I of

Rev. — As No. 3, but secret mark annulet under first
I of VIMC(IT.
Wt. 54 grs. De Saulcy Collection.

St. Quentin.

On June 17, 1423, Jaquotin du Pre took the mint at
St. Quentin and promises to strike salutes.55

1. Obv.— m.m. mullet. hSHRICWS : DSI : <3R7\ :
RRSaORV : Z : fi6LI6( : R6(X. Usual type.

Rev.— m.m. mullet. XPC( • VIHCXIT • XPC( • RSSHTXT •
XPa • IJUPSRAT. Usual type.

W. Talbot Ready. Catalogue No. 1.

I have not seen this coin, and cannot guarantee the
accuracy of the legends.

55 Arch. Nat., reg. Z 1B, 3, 11 v°.

392 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.

Troyes.

Obv— m.m. rose. hQHRiaVS : D6U : <3RA : RRTOORV :
5 : ESLiet : RSX. Usual type. Virgin with
single nimbus ; EV6( written upwards.

Rev. — ra.m. rose. XPCX * VIMCUT * XPa * R6K3MAT *
XPa * imPQRAT. Usual type.

Wt. 53-2 grs. [PI. XXII. 8.]

My Collection.

Dijon.

The mint at Dijon is on a different footing to the
mints already mentioned, as it was under the control of
the Duke of Burgundy, and was not a royal mint. The
patterns for the salute d'or, grand blanc, petit blanc, and
petit denier were prepared by Jehan Dast, a goldsmith
of Dijon, and were not sent from Paris.56

On June 30, 1423, Philip of Burgundy addressed
letters to the general master of his mints at Burgundy,
providing for the issue of the salute d'or of the type
issued by Henry on February 6, 1423, that is, the salute
at the rate of 63 to the mark and current for 25 sols
tournois. The original of this document is preserved
among the Archives de la Cote d'Or (Monnaies, B.
11210).

No specimen of the salute of this issue, struck at
Dijon, is known at present.

It will be noticed that this manuscript speaks of mints.
The Duke of Burgundy had a mint at Auxonne as well
as at Dijon, but no coins of the Auxonne mint are known,
and there is no record of the mint-mark allocated to that
mint.

On August 10, 1424, Philip of Burgundy addressed
letters to Jehan de Plaine, general master of his mints,

56 Archives de Dijon, reg. B 11215, f° 101 ro.

ANGLO-GALLIC COINS. 393

providing for the issue at Dijon of salutes d'or of the
type issued by Henry on September 6, 1423, that is, the
salute at the rate of 70 to the mark, and current for 22
sols 6 deniers tournois. This document appears only to
allude to the mint at Dijon. The original is also
preserved in the Archives de la Cote d'Or.

From March 6, 1425, to March 13, 1436, 149,000
salutes were struck at Dijon by various masters of the
mint.57

In 1436 the Duke of Burgundy renounced his alliance
with England, and went over to the side of Charles VII.

1. Obv. — m.m. St. Suaire or Veronica. heCRRICXVS * DSI *

* RR7UXORV * 7\6LI * RSX. Usual type,
but the Angel Gabriel is in profile instead of
half facing ; 7WQ written downwards.

Bev. — m.m.Veronica. XPCJ VIHCUT * XPC(

inPQRTTr J. Usual type.

Wt. 51-6 grs. [PI. XXII. 9.]

British Museum.

2. Obv.— As last.

Rev.— m.m. Veronica. XPC( * VIMCUT * XPC( * RS6-
H7XT * XPa I IHP9R7XT. Usual type.

Wt. 52 grs. Walters Collection.

3. As last, but reading V na IT (sic).

Wt. 51-8 grs. Bernard Roth Collection.

4. Obv.— As last.

Eev.— m.m. Veronica. XPCC * VIHC(IT £ XPCC *
RSSftfiT I XPa' * IJUPaRfiT. Usual type.

Wt. 45-2 grs. My Collection.

57 Arch, de Dijon, reg. B 11213, fo 14 v°, 11215, f° 107 v° a 111 r°,
118 v°, 120 v° a 122 r°.

394 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.

5. Obv.— m.m. Veronica. hSRIQVS * DSI * SRS *

RRSaORV * Z £ EGLI6( * R6(X. Stops, sal-
tires ; a five-pointed star under the last letter
of legend. Usual type, the Angel Gabriel
half face ; 7W6( written upwards.

Eev.— m.m. Yeronica. XPC( * VIMC(IT * XPCX *
RQ6HAT * XPa * IMPetRTTT *. Stops, a five-
pointed star; a five-pointed star under the
first letter of legend.

Wt. 53-1 grs. De Saulcy Collection.

6. Obv. As No. 4, but reading hSRISVS (sic).
Eev. — As No. 4, but reading inPGCRAT.

Wt. 53-3 grs. Walters Collection.

Auxonne.

No coins are known of this mint, but the fact that
there was a mint here is established by an entry in the
Archives de Dijon58 that Jehan de Plaine, general
master of the mints of the Duke of Burgundy, had
arrived at Dijon to open the "boites" of deniers d'or
et d'argent of the mints of Dijon and Auxonne. On
January 26, 1430, he opened two " boites " of salutes
struck at Auxonne.

Angelot.

Struck in accordance with the order of May 24, 1427.
Weight 38'6 grains (105 to the mark).
The angelot is two-thirds of a salute.

Paris.

Obv. — m.m. crown. hSMRIQVS : RRRMC(ORV : QT :
SHSLIQ : RSX. Stops, pellets. An Angel
with outspread wings standing facing, holding
two shields bearing the arms of France and
England, within a beaded inner circle.

58 Arch, de Dijon, reg, B 11215, f° 115 v°.

ANGLO-GALLIC COINS. 395

Rev— m.m. crown. XPQ : VIHaiT : XPC( : RSSMET :
XPa : imPQRAT. Stops, pellets. A plain
cross, dividing a fleur-de-lis and a leopard,
within a beaded inner circle.

Wt. 35-8 grs. [PI. XXIII. 1.]

British Museum.

Chalons.

On February 14, 1429, were delivered to Jehan Revier
two " pilles " and four " trosseaux " to strike angelots.59
I have not found any. angelots bearing the Chalons

Le Mans.

Obv.— m.m. root. hQHRIQVS : FRAMSORV : ST :
EMSLia : R3X. Type as before.

Bey.— m.m. root. XPO' : VIMCdT : XPQ' : R6CSMAT :
XPa : imPQRTTT. Type as before.

Wt. 35 grs. [PI. XXIII. 2.]

British Museum.

Rouen.

On September 30, 1445, Guillemin le Musnier struck
600 angelots. On November 10, 1446, he struck 100.

From December 10, 1446, to December 9, 1447, Pierre
de Preaulx struck 2100 angelots. From January 16,
1448, to January 16, 1449, he struck 1400.60

Etienne Marcel, who was master of the mint from
1434 to 1444, placed no secret mark on the angelots
struck by him. Presumably, Guillaume le Monnier
placed the same mark (a pellet under the last letter but
one of the legends) on the angelots as on his salutes, and
Pierre de Preaulx also placed his secret mark, an
annulet enclosing pellet under the last letter but one of
the legends, on his angelots.

59 Arch. Nat., reg. Z 1B, 3, 128 r°.

60 Ibid., reg. Z 1383, carton Z 1B, 963-967.

396 NUMISMATIC CHKONICLE.

Obv. — m.m. leopard. hQHRiavS : RRAMQORV : 6(T
AM(3Lie( : R6(X. Usual type.

Rev.— m.m. leopard. XPCX : VIMCXIT : XPa : RSSHAT
XPa : imPQRAT. Usual type.

Wt. 29-6 grs. [PL XXIII. 3.]

British Museum.

St. L6.

Obv. — m.m. fleur-de-lis. hSMRICWS : RRAMCXORV

err : AM6Lie( : RQX. Usual type.

Rev.— m.m. fleur-de-lis. XPCX' : VIHaiT :

RS6MAT : XPa' : imP6(RAT. Usual type.

Wt. 35-7 grs. [PI. XXIII. 4.]

British Museum.

Pattern angelot.

There is a piedfort, in the Bibliotheque Nationale, of
base silver, which is evidently struck from a die of a
pattern for the angelot. The obverse type was ap-
parently accepted, and the reverse type rejected.

Obv.— m.m. leopard. heCMRICXVS : FRAMC(ORV : 6IT :
7CM6Lie( : R6IX. Same type as ordinary
angelot.

Rev.— m.m. fleur-de-lis. RIAT ° PAX ° in ° VIRTVTQ o
TV A o 6T °. Cross pattee with quatrefoil
centre, within a tressure of eight arches ; a
fleur-de-lis crowned in each angle, a pellet in
the angles of the tressure.

[PI. XXIII. 5.] Cab. de Fr.

ANGLO-GALLIC COINS. 397

SILVER COINAGE.

Grand blanc.

Issued in accordance with the ordinance of November
23, 1422, at the rate of 75 pieces to the mark (weight
54*17 grains), and current for 10 deniers tournois.

Paris.

On December 17, 1423, an order was issued to join
together the stops on the reverse thus : {

On September 28, 1428, twenty-four sets of dies for
the grand blanc were received from the engraver. On
December 17 following, four sets of dies were returned
to him.

1. Obv.— m.m. crown. FRAMCXORVm : QT j AH6LI6C ;

R6X. The shields of France and of England
side by side, hetRIQVS above.

Rev.— m.m. crown. SIT ; nOMSH : Dm ; B3Me(DiaTV.
Plain cross dividing fleur-de-lis and leopard ;
hSRiavs below with a straight line under.
Tne cross is broadly formed, and the fleur-
de-lis and leopard are large.

Wt. 497 grs. [PL XXIII. 6.]

My Collection.

2. Obv.— As last.

Rev.— m.m. crown. SIT ; nome(H \ DHI

TVfll. Type as before, but the cross is less
broad, and the fleur-de-lis and leopard smaller.

Wt. 4:9-7 grs. My Collection.

3. Usual type, but with pellet under the first letter of the

legends.

Cab. de Fr.

4. Usual type, but with stops on reverse joined together.

[PI. XXIII. 7.] Cab. de Fr.

VOL. XII., SERIES IV. 2 D

398 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.

Amiens.

From April 7, 1424, to December 7, 1434, 380,260
grands blancs were struck at this mint.61

Obv. — m.m. Agnus Dei. FRfiMC(ORVm ; QT •
RQX. Usual type.

Bev.—m.m. Agnus Dei. SIT ; nOJTlSM j Dfll
DICTV. Usual type.

Wt. 46-9 grs. [PI. XXIV. 1.]

Walters Collection.
Arras.

I have not come across a grand blanc of this mint, nor
any record of one. It ought, however, to have been
struck. The order of November 23, 1422, was sent to
Arras on the 14th of the following month. The mint-
mark of Arras was a lozenge.

Auxerre.

The order of November 23, 1422, was sent to Auxerre
on the 18th of tho following month.

On March 3, 1428, a trial box of the Auxerre mint
was opened, and found to contain 15 sols 8 denier s of
grands blancs, that is, 188 pieces. This represents an
issue of 135,360 grands blancs. About two-fifths of
the issue were below standard. Six sets of dies for
the grand blanc were promised to be sent to Auxerre
on May 28, 1428.

1. Obv.— m.m. Fer de moulin. RRKNCXORVm ; QT :
fiNSLiet : R8X. Usual type.

Rev. — m.m. Fer de moulin. SIT | ftOfllSN \ DRI J
BaNSDiaTV. Usual type.

Wt. 47-5 grs. [PI. XXIII. 8.]

Walters Collection.

61 Arch. Nat., reg. en papier Z 1380, du carton Z 1B, 815.

ANGLO-GALLIC COINS. 399

2. Obv. — As last.

Eev.— As last, but reading BetNetDICXTVm.

Wt. 41-9 grs. [PI. XXIII. 9.]

Walters Collection.
Chalons.

The order of November 23, 1422, was sent to Chalons
on the 18th of the following month. On June 27, 1423,
600 marks of silver were sent to Chalons to strike the
grands blancs and other moneys then struck at the
other mints.62

1. Obv. — m.m. crescent. RRflMC(ORVm: 6(T •

R6(X. Usual type.

Eev. — m.m. crescent. SIT \ ftOmetM j Dm : B«He(-
DiaTV. Usual type.

Wt. 44-8 grs. [PL XXIV. 2.]

My Collection.

The crescent is placed with points upwards on this
coin.

2. Obv.— As last, but reading RRMaORVJTl.

Rev. — As last.

Wt. 50-8 grs. British Museum.

3. As No. 1, but crescent placed with points to r.

Le Carpentier Collection (Poey d'Avantr
No. 3197).

Le Mans.

Six sets of dies for the grand blanc were sent to Le
Mans on October 27, 1425. On July 17, 1432, it was
decided to remove the pellet placed before the mint-
mark on the dies of the grand blanc of Andriet Marcel,
which were to be broken.

62 Sorb. H., 1, 9, no 174, 173 v°.

2 D 2

400 NUMISMATIC CHEONICLE.

1. Obv. — m.m. root, pellet to 1. RREMaORVm ; 6(T :

TfHSLIQ : R«X. Usual type.

Rev. — m.m. root, pellet to 1. SIT ; ftOmSM : DH1 :
BgMSDIOTV. Usual type.

Wt. 48-4 grs. De Saulcy Collection.

This is the grand blanc struck prior to July 17, 1432.

2. Obv. — m.m. root alone. Legends and type as last.
Rev. — m.m. root alone. Legends and type as last.

Wt. 43 grs. [PI. XXIV. 3.]

My Collection.

3. Obv.— As last.

Rev.— As last, but reading BaHQDIC(TVm.

Wt. 49'2 grs. De Saulcy Collection.

4. Obv. — As last.

Rev. — As last, but reading B8Me(DIC(TVfi.

[PI. XXIV. 4.] Walters Collection.

I am doubtful about the attribution of this coin.
The mint-mark appears to be a root, but is much more
regularly formed than the usual mint-mark of Le Mans.
It is in the form of a circle with five bent claws.

These grands blancs were struck after July 17, 1432.

Macon.

The order of November 23, 1422, was sent to Macon
on the 18th of the following month.

Obv.— m.m. trefoil. RRffkiaORVm j 6[T ; SHSLIQ ;
RQX. Usual type.

Rev.—m.m. trefoil. SIT ; nomSH ; Dm ; B9M9-
DKTTV. Usual type.

Wt. 44-7 grs. [PL XXIV. 5.]

My Collection.

ANGLO-GALLIC COINS. 401

Nevers.

The order of November 23, 1422, was sent to Nevers
on January 6, 1423.

1. Obv. — m.m. star. FRAMaORVJTC : 60"

R9X. Usual type.

Bev.— m.m. star. SIT : ROmQH ; Dm ;
Usual type.

Wt. 46-7 grs. My Collection.

2. Obv.— As last.

Rev. — As last, but reads FlOfllM.

Wt. 42 grs. [PI. XXIV. 6.]

British Museum.

3. Obv.— As last.

Rev. — As last, but reads ROJTIQ.

Wt. 46-9 grs. De Saulcy Collection.

The illustration of this coin in De Saulcy's book gives
the reading ROM ecu.

4. Obv.— As last.

Eev. — As No. 1, but reads BetHSDICTr, and a pellet
to the 1. of the fleur-de-lis.

Wt. 48-8 grs. De Saulcy Collection.
Rouen.

Between July 5 and November 4, 1423, 1,226,160
grands blancs were struck at Eouen. Between February
21, 1433, and May 23, 1440, 200,985 grands blancs were
struck.

On November 17, 1428, and again on the 29th of the
same month, complaints were made that some of the
grands blancs of Eouen were without the abbreviation

402 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.

mark over the hQRiavs on the obverse. They were
melted down.63

1. Obv. — m.m. leopard. RREHC(ORVm | 6TT
R3X. Usual type.

Rev. — m.m. leopard. SIT ; ROmSM •; Dm : B8M9-
DiaTV. Usual type.

Wt. 48-3 grs. My Collection.

2. Same legends and type as last, but pellet under the
last (20th) letter of the legends, and a small
cross on the reverse.

Wt. 47-7 grs. [PL XXIV. 7.]

My Collection.
St. L6.

Some grands blancs of St. L6 were found without the
abbreviation mark on the hQRitfVS on the obverse, at
the same time as those of Kouen (see p. 401).

Obv. — m.m. fleur-de-lis. RRSMCXORVm = 6CT = SHSLI6C =
RQX. Usual type.

Rev. — m.m. fleur-de-lis. SIT = ftOmSM = DHI =
BSMQDICTrV. Usual type. Large leopard
and fleur-de-lis on either side of the cross.

Wt. 47-9 grs. [PL XXIV. 8.]

My Collection.

St. Quentin.

The order of November 23, 1422, was sent to St.

•

Quentin on December 14, 1422.

On March 5, 1427, a pellet is ordered to be placed
under the 16th letters of the legends.64

I have not come across a specimen of the grand
blanc of St. Quentin struck before March 5, 1427, but

63 Arch. Nat., reg. Z 1B, 3, 124 v° et 125 ro et v°.

64 Eegistre entre 2 ais, 159 v°.

ANGLO-GALLIC COINS. 403

no doubt it exists. Poey d'Avant does not mention the
pellet in the specimen quoted by him (No. 3195), but he
gives no illustration of the coin.

Obv.--m.rn. spur rowel. RRENaORVM | 6tT ; TfNSLIQ :
R9X. Pellet under I of ANSLI6C. Usual
type.

Rev.—m.m. spur rowel. SIT ; ftOmflN ; Dm 1 BflN6(-
DIC(TV. Pellet under D of BQNatD I CO" V. Usual
type.

Wt. 47-7 grs. De Saulcy Collection.

The mint-mark is formed like a five-pointed star,
pierced in the centre. Poey d'Avant describes the mint-
mark as a pierced star.

Troyes.

The order of November 23, 1422, was sent to Troyes on
December 18, 1422.

1. Obv.— m.rn. rosette. RRAMCXORVm ; ST ; SHSLI6( j

R6(X. Usual type.

Rev.— m.m. rosette. SIT •; nomeCH ; Dai f B6CHe(-
DiaTV. Usual type.

Wt. 45-6 grs. [PI. XXV. 1.]

British Museum.

2. Obv.— As last.

Rev.— As last, but reading B6(He(DiaTVm. The rosette
is stated to have its petals hollowed out.

Wt. 48-4 grs. De Saulcy Collection.

3. Obv.— As No. 1.

Rev. — As No. 1, but reading HOJTIM (sic).

Quoted by De Saulcy, who does not state
in whose collection it occurs.

404 NUMISMATIC CHKONICLE.

Dijon.

From March 1, 1423, to September 14, 1435, 878,100
grands blancs were struck at Dijon by various masters
of the mint.65

Obv. — m.m. St. Suaire or Veronica. RREMCXORVm g
6(T g EHSLia g ReCX. Stops, annulets. Usual
type.

Rev.— m.m. Veronica. SIT g nome(H g DHI § B6(Ha-
Dicm/m gg. Stops, annulets. Usual type.
Wt. 46-1 grs. De Saulcy Collection.

It will be recollected that the mint of Dijon belonged
to the Duke of Burgundy. De Saulcy considers that
this coin was struck just before he went over to the side
of Charles VII, in 1436, as the stops used are similar to
those used on the coins of Charles VII struck by the
Duke of Burgundy after his treaty with him.

Auxonne.

Grands blancs were also struck by the Duke of
Burgundy at this mint, as appears from the entry in the
Archives de Dijon quoted above (p. 394). On January
26, 1430, two trial boxes of grands blancs struck at
Auxonne were opened.

Petit blanc.

Issued in accordance with the ordinance of June 4,
1423, at the rate of 150 pieces to the mark (weight
27*08 grains), and current for 5 deniers tournois.

Paris.

1. 06v. — m.m. crown. h9N RICXVS RGX. The shields of
France and England side by side, the outer
sides overlapping the inner circle and divid-
ing the legend.

Arch, de Dijon, reg. B. 11215, f° 92 et se%.

ANGLO-GALLIC COINS. 405

Rev. — m.m. crown. SIT : nOfliei : Dm :

Plain cross, dividing h - R, within inner circle.
Wt. 23 grs. [PL XXV. 3.]

British Museum.

2. Obv.— m.m. crown, annulet below. hQN . RiaVS • RSX.
Stops, stars. Type as last.

Rev. — m.m. crown, annulet below. As last.

Wt. 25 grs. Published by Delombardy
(No. 147).

Compare the salute *of Paris, No. 4 (p. 384), and the
denier tournois (p. 408).

Chalons.

Obv. — m.m. crescent. hSM RICXVS RSX. Usual type.

Rev.— m.m. crescent. SIT : nOSUS : DHI : B6(He[DiaTV.
Usual type.

Wt. 23-4 grs. De Saulcy Collection.
Le Mans.

On October 27, 1425, two sets of dies for coining petits
blancs were sent to Le Mans.

On July 17, 1432, the pellet placed before the mint-
mark was removed.

Obv.— m.m. root. hflH RIOVS RSX-. Pellet before
mint-mark. Usual type.

Rev. — m.m. root. SIT : ROMS : Dill : BQH6(DiaTV -
Pellet before mint-mark. Usual type.
Wt. 21-8 grs. De Saulcy Collection.

This coin was struck before July 17, 1432.

Rouen.

Obv.— m.m. leopard. hSM RiaVS R6(X. Usual type.
Rev. — m.m. leopard. SIT • nomg : DHI |

Usual type.

Wt. 21-1 grs. [PI. XXV. 4.]

My Collection.

406 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.

Troyes.

Obv. — m.m. rose. hQM RIQVS RQX. Usual type.

Rev.— m.m. rose. SIT : noma : Dm
Usual type.

Van Peteghem Collection; published by
De Saulcy.

Poey d'Avant describes a demi-blanc from the Le
Carpentier Collection with the mint-mark pierced star,
or fer de moulin (Monnaies feodales de France, No.
3213). This must be the spur rowel, the mint-mark of
St. Quentin. He also describes two demi-blancs with
the mint-mark a Maltese cross (Nos. 3216, 3217), which
is probably the mill-rind, the mint-mark of Auxerre.
These he states are in the French National Collection,
which he says also contains demi-blancs with the mint-
marks trefoil (Macon) (No. 3218), Paschal Lamb (Amiens)
(No. 3220), and cross (No. 3219) (uncertain), but when I
applied to the Bibliotheque Nationale for casts of these
coins for illustration, I was informed that they did not
possess them.

Dijon.

Between February 13, 1427, and August 29, 1435,
35,000 petits blancs were struck.

Obv.— m.m. St. Suaire or Veronique. hSH RiaVS REX.
Usual type.

Rev. — m.m. Veronique. SIT : ftOmeC : DIT.I
DICTTV. Usual type.
Wt. 20-3 grs. De Saulcy Collection.

Tresin.

Issued in accordance with the ordinance of June 4,
1423. The order to the masters of the mints is dated

ANGLO-GALLIC COINS. 407

June 22, 1423. It was struck at the rate of 150 to the
mark (weight 27*08 grains) and was current for 3 deniers
tournois.

Paris.

The engraver of the mint at Paris was ordered to
engrave thirteen sets of dies for the tresin, and between
June 26 and 28, 1423, 62,880 tresins were struck.

Obv.— m.m. crown. hSMRI av S • R6(X. Stop, pellet.
The shields of France and England, side by
side, surmounted by a large crown. The
outer sides of the shield overlap the inner
circle, dividing the legend.

Rev.— m.m. crown. TVROHVS • TRIPL9X - FRAMCX.
Stops, pellets. Plain cross, dividing fleur-de-
lis and leopard, within an inner circle.

[PI. XXV. 5.] Cab. de Fr.

M. de Saulcy describes and illustrates another specimen
from the Gariel Collection, weighing 25 grains.

Rouen.

The type (" patron ") of the tresin was sent to Eouen
on June 22, 1423, with a note to the engraver to place a
leopard in the place of the crown on both obverse and
reverse. I have not come across a specimen of the
tresin struck at Eouen.

Denier tournois.
First Issue.

Issued in accordance with the ordinance of June 4,
1423, at the rate of 225 pieces to the mark (weight
18*08 grains), and current for one denier tournois.

408

NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.

Paris.

Obv. — m.m. crown, annulet below. - he(NRIC(VS • RSX •.
Stops, stars. Fleur-de-lis and leopard passant
to 1., within beaded inner circle.

Eev. — m.m. crown, annulet below. • TVRONVS •
FRANCOS • Stops, stars. Cross pattee,
within beaded inner circle.

Wt. 17 grs. Published by M. 1'Abbe
Gamier in the Annuaire de la Societe de
Numismatique, 1884, p. 68.

Compare the salute of Paris (p. 384) and the petit
blanc (p. 405). This coin bears the star stops which
also appear on the petit blanc with the same mint-
mark.

Auxerre.

Obv.— m.m. Fer de moulin. hQNRIQVS ° R3X. Usual
type.

Eev.— m.m. Fer de moulin. TVRONVS ° FR7\NC(ie(.
Usual type.

Wt. 15 grs. [PI. XXV. 6.]

British Museum.

Chalons.

Obv. — m.m. crescent. hQNRIQVS ° RQX. Usual type.

Rev. — m.m. crescent. TVRONVS ° FRANCUQ. Usual
type.

Wt. 14-6 grs. [PI. XXV. 7.]

British Museum.

Le Mans.

On October 27, 1425, two sets of dies for the denier
tournois were sent to Le Mans.

Obv.— m.m. root. hSNRICWS ° R6(X. Usual type.

Eev. — m.m. root. TVRONVS ° RRTXNaiQ. Usual type.
Wt. 14-1 grs. De Saulcy Collection.

ANGLO-GALLIC COINS. 409

Rouen.

Etienne Marcel struck 69,345 deniers tournois of this
issue between March 20 and April 10, 1441.

The type (" patron ") of the denier tournois was sent
to Kouen on June 22, 1423. The engraver is told to
place a leopard in the place of the crown on the obverse
and reverse.

Obv. — m.m. leopard. haNRIC(VS ° RQX. Usual type.

Rev. — m.m. leopard. TVRONVS ° PR7XNC(I9. Usual
type.

Wt. 17-2 grs. [PI. XXV. 8.]

My Collection.

St. L6.

1. Obv.— m.m. fleur-de-lis. hSNRiavS ° RSX. Usual

type.

Rev.— m.m. fleur-de-lis. TVRONVS ° RRfiNCUQ. Usual
type.

Wt. 14-8 grs. De Saulcy Collection.

2. As last, but words separated by mullets on obverse

and reverse.

Wt. 13-3 grs. De Saulcy Collection.

3. Obv.— m.m. fleur-de-lis (?). h3NRIC(VS ° -R6( • R6(X.

Two annulets after hflNRiavS. Stops, mul-
lets. Usual type.

Rev.— m.m. fleur-de-lis (?). TVRONVS •
Stop, mullet. Usual type.

Wt. 15-1 grs. My Collection.

Unfortunately, this coin is not well preserved, but the
mint-mark appears to be a fleur-de-lis. It would be
interesting to attribute it to the second or third issue
of Rouen, but I cannot do so with any certainty.

410 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.

Troyes.

Obv.— m.m. rose. hSNRiavs ° RQX. Usual type.
Rev. — m.m. rose. TVRONVS « RRfiNC(ie(. Usual type.

Wt. 14-8 grs. [PI. XXV. 9.]

De Saulcy Collection.
Dijon.

Between September 5, 1426, and October 23, 1427,
69,750 deniers tournois were struck at Dijon.66

Obv. — m.m. St. Suaire or Veronica. hflNRICWS *> RSX.
Usual type.

Rev.— m.m. Veronica. TVRONVS ° FRANCOS. Usual
type.

Wt. 17-2 grs. De Saulcy Collection.

Second Issue.

This issue was made by Pierre de Preaulx at Eouen
between June 22, 1447, and December 9, 1447, and con-
sisted of 85,840 deniers tournois, at the rate of 231 to
the mark. This gives a weight of 17'6 grains, a slight
reduction from the previous issue.

This issue is distinguished from the previous issue
by the words of the legend being divided by a " hollow
stop " (point creux).

No denier tournois of this issue has yet been
published.

Third Issue.

This issue was also made by Pierre de Preaulx at
Eouen on January 16, 1448. It consisted of 97,200
denier tournois, at the same rate as those of the first
issue, i.e. 225 to the mark, weighing 18' 08 grains. It

66 Arch, de Dijon, reg. B. 11215, f° 97.

ANGLO-GALLIC COINS. 411

was distinguished from the previous issue by mullet
stops.
No denier tournois of this issue has yet been published.

Maille tournois.

Issued in accordance with the ordinance of June 4,
1423, at the rate of 300 to the mark, weighing 13'54
grains. The writ for this issue was sent out on June 22,
1423, but was not accompanied by the types for the
maille tournois, which were to follow as soon as possible.

On December 17, 1423, the general masters of the
mint were ordered to place a pellet under the Q of
hSMRiavs and the a of CUVIS for those at Eouen, and a
pellet under the S of hSMRiavs and the S of CUVIS for
those struck at St. L6.

Rouen.

Obv— hQHRigvS • R6(X. Stop, pellet; pellet under
the a of hflMRiavS. Leopard passant to 1.,
cross pattee above, extending to edge of coin.

Rev.—OBOLVS • CUVIS. Stop, pellet; pellet under
the a of CUVIS. Fleur-de-lis, cross pattee
above, extending to edge of coin.

[PI. XXV. 10.]

St. Ld.

As last, but pellet under the S of hSMRICCVS and
CUVIS.

Cab. de Fr.

Denier parisis.
First Issue.

The first issue of deniers parisis was made on May 31,
1424, and was at the rate of 180 to the mark, giving
a weight of 21 grains.

412 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.

Paris.

On June 5 and 7, 1424, and September 7, 1424,
90,840 deniers parisis were struck ; and on January 5
and 7, 1425, 29,212 pieces were struck.

On September 6, 1424, three sets of dies to strike
deniers parisis were delivered to the mint, and on
September 9 following thirteen sets of dies were delivered
up, " the striking of deniers parisis having ceased."

Obv.— RRTttXORV • Z • 7\SL . R6(X. Stops, pellets.
hQRI across field; fleur-de-lis and leopard
below, within beaded inner circle. The whole
surmounted by a large crown which extends
to the top of the coin.

Rev.—m.m. crown. PA j RISI | VSOO | MS. Stop,
annulet. Large cross pattee, within beaded
inner circle, a fleur-de-lis at the end of each
linib, dividing the legend.

Wt. 18-6 grs. [PI. XXV. 11.]

My Collection.

Second Issue.

Struck in accordance with the order of November 12,
1426, and issued on December 30, 1426. This issue was
struck at the same rate to the mark as June 1.

Paris.

From December 30, 1426, to January 13, 1427,596,362
deniers parisis were struck. Thirty-one sets of dies
were delivered to the engraver on December 30, 1426.

Olv— FR7UXORV • Z - 7X6L • R6(X. Stops, pellets.
KetRI across field, within beaded inner circle,
and surmounted by a large crown extending
to the top of the coin.

ANGLO-GALLIC COINS. 413

Rev. — m.m. crown. PfiRISIVS = C(IVIS. Stop, annu-
let. Small cross pattee, fleur-de-liace, within
beaded inner circle.

Wt. 16-6 grs. [PL XXV. 12.]

British Museum.

Amiens.

On February 8, 1427, 34,560 deniers parisis were
struck at Amiens. I have not come across any specimen
of this issue. The names of the mint master and
moneyer are those of the officials at the Paris mint at
that date, and it seems possible that the chronicler is
mistaken in his statement that this issue was made at
Amiens.

LIONEL M. HEWLETT.

VOL. XII., SERIES IV. 2 E

MISCELLANEA.

A TWELFTH-CENTURY FIND.

THE following record, though it concerns a trifling matter, is
of some numismatic interest ; and though it does not here
appear in print for the first time, has probably met the eyes
of few numismatists : —

"De portu Dovrensi juvenis Curbarannus, arte sutoria
victus sibi necessaria quaerens, mira quadam et mera sim-
plicitate pro sancti martyris anima orafcionem Dominicam
quotidie dicere solebat, nesciens quod injuriam martyri faciat
qui pro martyre orat. Absque intermissione id agenti dig-
natus est se sanctus in somnis ostendere, dicens, ' Curbaraiine,
dormis, an vigilas ? ' Vigilare se profitenti, molendino quodam
ei designate, sic rursus intulib, ' Scis molendinum illud ? ' Et
juvenis, 'Scio, domine; tu quis es?' 'Ego sum,' inquit,
* Thomas Cantuariensis archiepiscopus ; vade ad molendinum
praefatum et suine quod ibi sub sambuco reperies ; jus turn
enim est ut saltern in aliquo devotionis tuae servitium tibi
rependam.' At ille diluculo consurgens, juxta illud prae-
ceptum Dominicum, 'Primum quaerite regnum Dei et justitiam
ejus,' ad ecclesiam oraturus proficiscitur. Inde regrediens,
ad memoriam visione reducta, divertit ad molendinum ;
statimque sub sambuco praetaxato denarium spissitudinis
plurimae reperit aeruginatum, quern vel aurichalceum aesti-
mans vel cupreum cum ostendisset, alius eo longe astutior
dentibus attrectatum aureum esse deprehendit. Diligenter
igitur a rubigine emundatus imaginem et superscriptionern
Diocletiani Augusti comperitur habere ; pretium ejus argenteis
quadraginta praestare non ambigitur ; erat enim de auro
primo et purissimo, appendens argenteos quinque."

From the Miracula Sancti Thomae, by Benedict of Peter-
borough, ed. by J. C. Robertson (Materials for tlie History of
Thomas Becket, ii.), p. 1 56. Benedict became Prior of Christ
Church, Canterbury, in 1175, and Abbot of Peterborough in
1177 ; he died 1193 or 1194. Since the silver penny of the
time weighed normally about 22 grains, and the aurei of
Diocletian rarely exceed 90 grains, the coin found must have
been an exceptional one or the pennies used as weights light
specimens.

G. F. H.

INDEX.

Abdera, unpublished coin of, 228

Aelius, L., gold coins of, found
at Corbridge, 303 ; silver at
Edwinstowe, 171

Aenos, unpublished coin of, 228

Agathocles, tyrant of Syracuse,
conquests of, 2, 3 ; triskeles, his
symbol, 3, 4 ; coins issued under
his influence at Hipponium, 4 ;
at Terina, 5,6; at Metapontum,
6, 7 ; at Velia, 7, 9, 11, 12 ; at
Metapontum, with supposed
Punic inscription, 9-11 ; the
latter also read as Greek, 13

ATM, legend on coin of Terina, and
its meaning, 24-27

Alexander I, Balas (of Syria),
tetradrachm of, 251; half-
drachm of, 252

Alexander II, Zebina, tetradrachm
of, 258

Alexander III (of Scotland), coins
of, found at Palmer's Green,
76,77

ALLAN, J., Esq., M.A., M.RA.S. :—
Bibliography of Warwick

Wroth, 109, 110
Notice of Modern Chinese
Copper Coins, by H. A.
Ranisden, 235

The Coinage of the Maldive
Islands, with some Notes on
the Cowrie and Larin, 313-
332

Angelot of Henry VI, 394-396

Anglesey, Roman coins found in,
225-227

Annia Lucilla, silver coins of,
found at Edwinstowe, 177

Antiochia ad Orontem, tetra-
drachm of Augustus of, 147

Antiochus I, lepton ascribed to,
240

Antiochus II, Hierax, tetradrachm
of, 242 ; drachm of, 244

Antiochus III, tetradrachm of,
245 ; drachm, 246 ; copper coins
of, 247, 248

Antiochus IV, stater of, 146

Antiochus VI, drachm of, 253 ;
half chalcous of, 254

Antiochus VIII, tetradrachm of,
259 ; chalcoi of, 250

Antiochus IX, tetradrachm of,
261 ; drachm of, 261

Antiochus XI, tetradrachm of,
263

Antoninus Pius, gold coins of,
found at Corbridge, 303-305 ;
silver coins found at Edwin-
stowe, 171-173; in Anglesey,
226

(Archi)damos, magistrate of Kos,
15

Augustus, tetradrachm of, of
Antiochia ad Orontem, 147;
silver coins of, found in Angle-
sey, 226 ; see also Octavian.

Aurelius, Marcus, gold coins of,
found at Corbridge, 308 ; silver
found at Edwinstowe, 175

Babelon and Reinach. See Wad-

dington.
Berenice and Ptolemy I, gold

drachm of, 148
BROOKE, G. C., Esq., B.A. : —

Monetagium, 98-106

The Edwinstowe find of Roman
Coins, 149-178

416

INDEX.

Bowrey, his account of the cowrie,

318
Bura, bronze coin of Septimius

Severus of, 139

Callatis, earliest coin of, in the

British Museum, 137
Caracalla, coin of Prusa of, 229 ;

of Prusias, 229, 230
Carosino, coins of Terina found

at, 45
Caulonia, early transitional coin

of, in the British Museum, 135,

136
Centenillo mine, Koman coins

from, 63-69

Chardin, on the cowrie, 322
Charles the Dauphin, mouton d'or

of, wrongly ascribed to Henry V,

194-199
Cleopatra Thea, and Antiochus

VIII, chalcous of, 259
Comama, bronze coin of Geta of,

146
Commodus, coins of, found at

Edwinstowe, 177
Corbridge, finds of Roman gold

coins at, 265-312
Corinth, bronze coin of L. Verus

of, in the British Museum, 139
Cornwall, Richard, Earl of, granted

half profits of new coinage by

Henry III, 78
Cos. See Kos.
Cowries, use of, as currency,

315-319

CEASTEB, H. H. E., Esq., M.A.,
and Prof. F. HAVEBFIELD : —

Hoards of Roman Gold Coins
found in Britain, Part I,
265-312

Curbarannus finds aureus of Dio-
cletian, 414

Deben, an Egyptian weight, 120
Demetrius I, drachm of, 249 ;

chalcous of, 251
Demetrius II, tetradrachm of,

254, 257
Demi-gros or guenar of Henry V,

205-208

Demi-salute d'or of Henry V, 201
Denier d'or of Henry V, 199
Denier Parisis of Henry VI,

411, 413
Denier tournois of Henry V,

211-212 ; of Henry VI, 407-411
Diocletian, aureus of, found at

Dover in the twelfth century,

414
Domitian, gold coins of, found at

Corbridge, 287 ; silver coins

found at Edwinstowe, 155-158 ;

in Anglesey, 227
DODD, Miss A. F. :—

Notice of her History of Money,

235, 236
Double tournois. See Mansois.

Ecu d'or of Henry V, 199
Edwinstowe, Roman denarii

found at, 149-178
Egypt, early mention of gold in,

126-128

Elagabalus, coin of Prusa of, 229
Elis, influence of Victory of, on

coins of Terina, 33
EVANS, Sir ARTHUR J. : —

The Artistic Engravers of Terina,

and the Signature of Evae-

netos on its later Didrachms,

21-62

Evaenetos, signature of, at Terina,

46 ff. ; date of, 49, 53

Faustina, sen., gold coins of,
found at Corbridge, 306 ; silver
found at Edwinstowe, 174
Faustina, jun., silver coins found

at Edwinstowe, 177
Finds of Coins : —
Anglesey (Roman, 150 B.C.-

87 A.D.), 225-227
Centenillo (Roman, 229-90 B.C.),

63-69
Corbridge (Roman, 54-180 A.D.),

265-308
Corbridge (Roman, 364-388

A.D.), 309-312
Dover (Roman), 414
Edwinstowe (Roman, 54-192

A.D.), 149-178

INDEX.

417

Finds of Coins — continued

Kos (third century drachms of),

14-19
Kos (third century copper of),

19-20
Palmer's Green (long-cross), 70-

•37

f engraver at Terina, 31, &c.
Galba, gold coins of, found at

Corbridge, 280 ; silver, found at

Edwinstowe, 151
Geta, bronze coin of Comama of,

146 ; of Prusias, 230 ; of Tius,

230

al-Ghazi, Hasan Izz al-Din, Mai-
dive Sultan, coins of, 321
al-Ghazi, Muhammad Ghiyas al-
Din, Maldive Sultan, coins of,

329
GNECCHI, Comm. F. : —

Notice of his I Medaglioni

Romani, 230-232
Gordian III, bronze coin of Phellus

of, 144

Grand-blanc of Henry VI, 397-404
Gratian, gold coins of, found at

Corbridge, 310, 311
Gros d'argent of Henry V, 201-

204
GBUEBEB, H. A., Esq., F.S.A. :—

The Palmer's Green Hoard,
70-97

The Quarter-Angel of James I,
213-222

Notice of The History of Money
in Great Britain and the
United States, by Miss A. F.
Dodd, 235, 236
Guenar. See Demi-gros.

Hadrian, gold coins of, found at

Corbridge, 296-302; silver at

Edwinstowe, 164
Hasan Nur al-Din, Maldive Sultan,

coins of, 330
Helena, N. F., attribution of coins

with this legend, 352-360
Helena, wife of Crispus, 353-355
Helena, wife of Julian, suggested

explanation of coin attributed

to, 358

| Henry III, long-cross coins of,
found at Palmer's Green, 70-
97 ; Irish ditto, 76

Henry V, Anglo-Gallic coinage of,
179-212; his movements in
France, 179-182 ; ordinances for
French coinage, 182-192; de-
scription of coins, 193-212

Henry VI, Anglo-Gallic coins of,
361-413 ; history of, in France,
361-363; ordinances of, for
coinage, 363-381 ; contemporary
description of his coins, 365-
374 ; mint marks, 375, 376 ;
coins described, 376-413

Herbert, Sir Thomas, on the
larin, 321

HEWLETT, LIONEL, H. : —
Anglo-Gallic coinage of Henry

V, 179-212

Anglo-Gallic coinage of Henry

VI, 361-413

Hieron, magistrate of Kos, 14
HILL, G. F., Esq., M.A. :—

Obituary of Warwick Wroth,
107-109

Greek Coins acquired by the
British Museum, 1905-1910,
134-148

Roman Coins from Anglesey,
225-229

Notice of Die antiken Milnzen
Nord-Griechenlands, vol. ii.,
Thrakien, I, 1, by F. Miinzer
and M. L. Strack, 227-228

Notice of Waddington's Becueil
General, ed. by E. Babelon
and T. Reinach, 229, 230

A Twelfth- century Find, 414
HILL, G. F., Esq., and SANDARS,
HORACE W., Esq., F.S.A. :—

Notes on a Find of Roman Re-
publican Coins and Ornaments
from the Centenillo Mine,
Sierra Morena, 63-69
Hipparchos, magistrate of Kos, 19
Hipponium, copper coin of, of

timo of Agathocles, 4

I Ibn Batuta, on the cowrie, 315
Ibrahim Iskandar, Maldive Sul-
tan, coins of, 328

i Ibrahim Nur al-Din, Maldive
Sultan, 332

418

INDEX.

James I, quarter-angfcl of, 213-222 ;
date of, 219, 220; coin- weights
for, 221

Jewish coins, notes on unpub-
lished, 110-112

Kallippidas, magistrate of Kos, 14
Kos, two hoards of coins from,

14, 20; order of magistrates

of, 16, 17 ; date of, 19
(K)rati(das), magistrate of Kos,

Larin, account of the, 319-324 ;

legends on, 323-325
Locri, influence of Agathocles on

coins of, 8
Long-cross coins found at Palmer's

Green, 70-97 ; mints of, 82, 83 ;

dates of classes of, 88
Lycia, unpublished tetrobols of, in

the British Museum, 141-145;

coin of Trajan of, found at

Edwinstowe, 178

Magnus Maximus, gold coins of,

found at Corbridge, 312
Maille-tournois of Henry VI, 411
Maldive Islands, coins of the,

313-332

Mansois of Henry V, 209-211
Marciana, gold coins of, found at

Corbridge, 295
Martin, Sir Bichard, ordered to

coin angels, etc., for James I,

214, 215
Mauretania, gold coin of Ptolemy

of, 148
Maximinus, bronze coin of Prusa

of, 229
MCGLEAN, J. B., Esq., M.A. :—

The Elements of Primaeval
Finance, 113-133

The Origin of Weight, 333-351
Menelaus of Salamis, gold coin of,

146

Metapontum, stater of, with sup-
posed Punic legend, 9-11 ; pos-
sibly Greek, 13 ; stater of, with
triskeles, the symbol of Aga-
thocles, 6

MILNE, J. GEAFTON, Esq., M.A. :—
Two Hoards of Coins of Kos,
14-20

Monetagium, 98-106; quotations
from Du Gauge on explained,
99, 100; in England and in
Normandy, 102-104 ; not a
means of dating coin-types,
103-106

Mouton d'or of Henry V, 193-
194; erroneous attribution of,
194-199

Muhammad, Maldive Sultan,
coins of, 324-327

Muhammad Imad al-Din I, Mal-
dive Sultan, coins of, 325, 327

Muhammad Imad al-Din II, coins
of, 331

Muhammad Imad al-Din III,
coins of, 332

Muhammad Shams al-Din, coins
of, 332

al-Mukarram Imad al-Din, coins
of, 328

Muin al-Din, coins of, 331

Muiz al-Din, coins of, 330

MUNZEB, F., and STRACK, M. L. :—
Notice of their Antike Miinzen,
I, i., 227

Nero, gold coins of, found at Cor-
bridge, 279 ; silver in Anglesey,
226 ; at Edwinstowe, 151
Nikagoras, magistrate of Kos, 14
Nike Apteros on coins of Elis and

Terina, 32, 34

Normandy, monetagium in 102 ;
monetary conditions in the
eleventh century in, 102-103
Notices of Books : —
Dodd, A. F., History of Money,

235, 236
Gnecchi, I Medaglioni Eomani,

230-232

Munzer, F., and Strack, M. L.,
Die antilcen Miinzen Nord-
Oriechenlands, II, I, i., 227,
228

Bamsden, H., Modern Chinese
Copper Coins, 235

INDEX.

419

Notices of Books — continued
Waddington, W. H., Eecueil
General, (ed. E. Babelon and
Th. Beinach), I. 4, 229

Octavian, coins ;of, found in

Anglesey, 226

Olbia, heniidrachms of, 136-137
Olus (Crete), bronze coins of, in

the British Museum, 140
Otho, gold coin of, found at Cor-

bridge, 281; silver at Edwin-

stowe, 151

Palgrave, W. G., Arabian traveller,

on the taicil, 324
Palmer's Green, long-cross coins

found at, 70-97
Pandosia, didrachm of, by 4>, 29 ;

<J>AAAQN, 30
Parthia, tetradrachms of unknown

king of, 147

Pertinax, coin of Prusa of, 229
Petit blanc of Henry VI, 404-406
tp, an engraver at T«rina; Attic

element in his work, 22 ff .
d> at Thurium, 38
<t> on coins of Magna Graecia,

McClean's theory of, 41
Phellus, bronze coin of Gordian

III of, 144
Philip Philadelphos, tetradrachm

of, 262

Philinos, magistrate of Kos, 14
Philistes, magistrate of Kos, 19
<J>PY[riAAOZ], engraver at Thu-
rium, fluttering bird (&pvyi\os),

his badge, 36, 37
Poullain's manuscript, niouton

d'or of Charles the Dauphin

wrongly ascribed to Henry V,

on authority of, 194-199
Prusa, unpublished coins of, 229
Prusias ad Hypium, unpublished

coins of, 229
Ptolemy I and Berenice, gold

drachm of, 148
Ptolemy, son of Lysimachus,

governor of Telmessus, in 241

B.C., 126

Ptolemy of Mauretania, gold coin

of, 148
Pyrard de Laval, Francois, his

"account of the Maldives, 315-

317

Quart de gros of Henry V, 208-
209

Bamsden, H., Modern Chinese

Copper Coins, notice of, 235
Bhoemetalces I, coins of, in

British Museum, 139
BOGEBS, Bev. E., M.A. :—
Further Notes on Jewish Coins,

110-112.

A Bare Jewish Coin, 223-225
Bare and Unpublished Coins of
the Seleucid Kings of Syria,
237-264

Sabina, gold coin of, found at

Corbridge, 302
Salamis, gold coin of Menelaus of,

146
Salute d'or of Henry V, 200 ; of

Henry VI, 382- 394
Segesta, didrachm of, acquired by
the British Museum, with in-
scription 2e-ye(rTa£(f8)eju(t), 136
Seleucus I, tetradrachm of, with-
out monogram, 239 ; obol of,
239

Seleucus II, dilepton of, 241
Seleucus III, chalcous of, 214
Seleucus IV, tetradrachm of, 248
SELTMAN, C. T., Esq. :—

The Influence of Agathocles on
the Coins of Magna Graecia,
1-13

Severus, Septimius, bronze coins
of Prusa of, 229; of Bura of,
139
Simon Nasi, large bronze coins of,

223-225

Simos, magistrate of Kos, 19
Spain, finds of Boman coins in,
64, 69

420

INDEX.

Syracuse, tetradrachm of, with
Punic inscription, 13

Sze-Chuan (Chinese province), un-
published copper coins of, 235

/, etymology of, 149

Tavernier, on the cowrie, 317 ; on
the larin, 321

Tawil, Arabian larin, 323-324

Telmessus, bronze coin of, struck
by Ptolemy, son of Lysimachus,
145, 146

Terina, coin- engravers of, 21-62 ;
tetrobol of, with triskeles, 5

Theodosius, gold coins of, found
at Corbridge, 311

Tiberius, coins of, found in Angle-
sey, 226

Titus, gold coins of, found at
Corbridge, 284-286; silver at
Edwinstowe, 154 ; in Anglesey,
227

Tius (Bithynia), unpublished coins
of, 230

Trajan, gold coins of, found at
Corbridge, 287-295; silver at
Edwinstowe, 159-163; Lycia,
coin of, at Edwiustowe, 178

Valens, gold coins
Corbridge, 309

of, found at

Valentinian I, gold coins of, found
at Corbridge, 309

Yalentinian II, gold coins of,
found at Corbridge, 311

Velia, stater of, with triskeles,
symbol of Agathocles, 7 ; with
palm tree, Carthaginian symbol,
12

Verus, L., bronze coin of Corinth
of, 139

Vespasian, gold coins of, found at
Corbridge, 282-284 ; silver at
Edwinstowe, 151-153 ; in Angle-
sey, 227

Vitellius, gold coins of, found at
Corbridge, 281 ; silver in Angle-
sey, 227

WADDINGTON, W. H., notice of his

Eccueil General, I. 4, 229
WEBB, PBECY H., Esq.: —

Notice of J. Maurice, Numis-
matique Constantiniennc, Vol.
II, 232-234

Helena, N. F., 352-360
Weight, origin of, 333-351
Wroth, Warwick, obituary ot,

107-109; bibliography of, 109,

110

Zeuxis at Kroton, 28, etc.

LONDON : PRINTED BY WILLIAM CLOWES AND SONS, LIMITED,
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Num. Chron. Ser. IV. Vol. XII. PL XXL

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Num. Chron. Scr. IV. Vol. XII. PL XXII.

wSSi

ANGLO-GALLIC COINS
HENRY VI

Num. Chron. Ser. IV. Vol. XII. PI. XXIII.

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ANGLO-GALLIC COINS
HENRY VI

Num. Chron. Ser. IV. Vol. XII. PL XXIV. i, 2 (.

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< :A\C.
fell V ll^jf

_\V •* •*•»" ». .- '--«.

ANGLO-GALLIC COINS
HENRY VI

Num. Chron. Ser. IV. Vol. XII. PI.

&£ ^ 6 ^^Y

•

ANGLO-GALLIC COINS
HENRY VI

LIST OF FELLOWS

.OF THE

ROYAL

NUMISMATIC SOCIETY

1912

PATKON

HIS MAJESTY THE KING

LIST OF FELLOWS

OP THE

ROYAL

NUMISMATIC SOCIETY

1912

The sign * indicates that the Fellow has compounded for his annual
contribution : f that the Fellow has died during the year.

ELECTED

1909 ADMIRAL H.S.H. PRINCE Louis OF BATTENBERG, G.C.B.,

G.C.V.O., K.C.M.G., A.D.C., F.E.G.S., 24, Queen's

Gate, S.W.
1873 *ALEX£IEFF, M. GEORGES D', Maitre de la Cour de S.M..

1'Empereur de Eussie, 40, Sergnewskaje, St. Petersburg.
1907 ALLAN, JOHN, ESQ., M.A., M.E.A.S., British Museum, W.C.r

Hon. Secretary.

1907 ALLATINI, EGBERT, ESQ., 18, Holland Park, W.
1892 AMEDROZ, HENRY F., ESQ., M.E.A.S., 48, York Terrace,

Eegeat's Park, N.W.

1884 ANDREWS, E. THORNTON, ESQ., 25, Castle Street, Hertford.
1909 ARNOLD, EDWIN L., ESQ., 108, Nightingale Lane, S.W.
1900 AVEBURY, ET. HON. LORD, P.O., F.E.S., D.C.L., LL.D., High

Elms, Down, Kent.

1882 BACKHOUSE, SIR JONATHAN E., BART., The Eookery, Middletora

Tyas, E.S.O., Yorks.
1907 BAIRD, EEV. ANDREW B., D.D., 247, Colony Street, Winnipeg,

Canada.

1909 BALDWIN, Miss A., 415, West 118fch Street, New York, U.S.A.
1902 BALDWIN, A. H., ESQ., Duncannon Street, Charing Cross.

W.C.
1905 BALDWIN, PERCY J. D., ESQ., Duncannon Street, Charing

Cross, W.C.
1898 BANES, ARTHUR ALEXANDER, ESQ., The Eed House, Upton ,

Essex.

1907 BARRON, T. W., ESQ., Yew Tree Hall, Forest Eow, Sussex.
1887 BASCOM, G. J., ESQ., The Breslin, New York, U.S.A.
1896 BEARMAN, THOS., ESQ., Melbourne Houne, 8, Tudor Eoad*

Hackney.

4 LIST OF FELLOWS.

ILBCTKD

1906 BEATTY, W. GEDNEY, ESQ., 55, Broadway, New York, U.S.A.
1910 BENNET-POE, J. T., ESQ., M.A., 29, Ashley Place, S.W.

1909 BIDDULPH, COLONEL J., Grey Court, Ham, Surrey.

1880 *BIEBER, G. W. EGMONT, ESQ., 4, Fenchurch Avenue, E.G.

1885 BLACKETT, JOHN STEPHENS, ESQ., C.E., Inverard, Aberfoyle,

N.B.

1904 BLACKWOOD, CAPT. A. PRICE, 52, Queen's Gate Terrace, S.W.

1882 *BLISS, THOMAS, ESQ., Coningsburgh, Montpelier Road,
Baling, W.

1879 BLUNDELL, J. H., ESQ., 157, Cheapside, E.G.

1907 BOSANQUET, PROF. R. C., M.A., Institute of Archaeology,

40, Bedford Street N., Liverpool.

1896 BOULTON, SIR SAMUEL BAGSTER, BART., J.P., D.L., F.R.G.S.,

Copped Hall, Totteridge, Herts.

1903 BOUSFIELD, STANLEY, ESQ., M.A., M.B. (Camb.), M.R.C.S.,

35, Prince's Square, W.

1897 BOWCHER, FRANK, ESQ., 35, Fairfax Road, Bedford Park, W.
1906 BOYD, ALFRED C., ESQ., 7, Friday Street, E.G.

1899 BOYLE, COLONEL GERALD, 48, Queen's Gate Terrace, S.W.

1895 BRIGHTON PUBLIC LIBRARY, The Curator, Brighton.

1910 BRITTAN, FREDERICK J., ESQ., 28, Gowan Avenue, S.W.

1908 BROOKE, GEORGE CYRIL, ESQ., B.A., British Museum, W.C.

1905 BROOKE, JOSHUA WATTS, ESQ., Rosslyn, Marlborough, Wilts.

1911 BROWNE, REV. PROF. H. BROWNE, 35, Lower Leeson Street,

Dublin.

1896 BRUUN, HERR L. E., 101, Gothersgade, Copenhagen.
1878 BUCHAN, J. S., ESQ., 17, Barrack Street, Dundee.

1881 BULL, REV. HERBERT A., M.A., J.P., Wellington House,

Westgate-on-Sea.

1910 BURKITT, MILES CRAWFURD, ESQ., Trinity College, Cambridge.

1897 BURN, THE HON'BLE MR. RICHARD, I.C.S., M.R.A.S., Naini

Tal, Allahabad, India.

1881 BURSTAL, EDWARD K., ESQ., M. Inst. C.E., North Green,
Datchet, Bucks.

1911 BURTON, FRANK E., ESQ., J.P., Ruddington House, Rudding-

ton, Notts.
1878 *BUTTERY, W., ESQ. (address not known).

1904 CAHN, DR. JULIUS, Niedenau, 55, Frankfurt-ain-Main,

Germany.

1886 CALDECOTT, J. B., ESQ., The Stock Exchange, E.G.

LIST OF FELLOWS. 9

ELECTED

1908 CALLEJA SCHEMBRI, EEV. CANON H., D.D., 50, Strada Saluto,
Valletta, Malta.

1904 CAMPBELL,W. E. M., ESQ., I.C.S., Lucknow, United Provinces,

India.

1894 CARLYON-BRITTON, P. W. P., ESQ., D.L., J.P., F.S.A., 43,

Bedford Square, W.C.

1905 CARTHEW, COLONEL E. J., J.P., Woodbridge Abbey, Suffolk.
1912 CAVE, CHARLES J. P., Ditcham Park, Peterfield.

1910 CHETTY, B. C., ESQ., Curator, Mysore Government Museum,

Bangalore.

1886 CHURCHILL, WM. S., ESQ., 102, Birch Lane, Manchester.
1912 CLARK, CUMBERLAND,^, Chepstow Villas, W.

1891 *CLAUSON, ALBERT CHARLES, ESQ., Hawkshead House, Hat-
field, Herts.

1911 CLEMENTS, LUTHER, ESQ., Charlton House, Peckham Eye, S.E.

1903 CLULOW, GEORGE, ESQ., 51, Belsize Avenue, Hampstead,

N.W.
1911 COATES, E. ASSHETON, ESQ., 15, Onslow Crescent, S.W.

1886 CODRINGTON, OLIVER, ESQ., M.D., F.S.A., M.E.A.S., 12,
Victoria Eoad, Clapham Common, Librarian.

1895 COOPER, JOHN, ESQ., Beckfoot, Longsight, Manchester.

1906 COSSINS, JETHRO A., ESQ., Kingsdon, Forest Eoad, Moseley,

Birmingham.

1902 COVERNTON, J. G., ESQ., M.A., Director of Public Instruction,
Eangoon, Burma.

1910 CREE, JAMES EDWARD, ESQ., Tusculum, North Berwick.
1886 *CROMPTON-EOBERTS, CHAS. M., ESQ., 52, Mount Street, W.

1884 DAMES, M. LONGWORTH, ESQ., I.C.S. (retd.), M.E.A.S.,
Crichmere, Edgeborough Eoad, Guildford.

1900 DATTARI, SIGNOR GIANNINO, Cairo, Egypt.

1902 DAVEY, EDWARD CHARLES, ESQ. (address not known).

1878 DAVIDSON, J. L. STRACHAN, ESQ., M.A., Balliol College,
Oxford.

1888 DAWSON, G. J. CROSBIE, ESQ., M. Inst. C.E., F.G.S., F.S.S..
May Place, Newcastle, Staffordshire.

1886 *DEWICK, EEV. E. S., M.A., F.S.A., 26, Oxford Square, Hyde
Park, W.

1868 DOUGLAS, CAPTAIN E. J. H., Eosslyn, Hardy Eoad, West-
combe Park, S.E.

1911 DRUCE, HUBERT A., ESQ., 65, Cadogan Square, S.W.

b LIST OF FELLOWS.

ELECTED

1905 EGGEB, HERR ARMIN, 7, Opernring, Vienna,

1907 ELDER, THOMAS L., ESQ., 32, East Twenty-third Street, New
York, U.S.A.

1893 ELLIOTT, E. A., ESQ., 16, Belsize Grove, Hanipstead, N.W.

1904 ELLISON-MACARTNEY, ET. HON. WILLIAM GREY, P.O., The
Eoyal Mint, E.

1895 ELY, TALFOURD, ESQ., M.A., D.Litt., F.S.A., Ockington,
Gordon Eoad, Claygate, Surrey.

1888 ENGEL, M. ARTHUR, 23, Eue Erlanger, Auteuil, Paris.

1872 *EVANS, SIR ARTHUR J., M.A., D.Litt., LL.D., F.E.S.,
F.S.A., Corr. de 1'Inst., Whitebarn, near Oxford, Vice-
President.

1892 *EVANS, LADY, M.A., c/o Union of London and Smith's Bank,
Berkhamsted, Herts.

1904 *FARQUHAR, Miss HELEN, 11 Belgrave Square, S.W.

1886 FAY, DUDLEY B., ESQ., 287, Beacon Street, Boston, Mass.,
U.S.A. .

1902 FENTIMAN, HARRY, ESQ., Murray House, Murray Eoad, Ealing

Park, W.

1910 FISHER LIBRARY, THE, University. Sydney, N.S.W.
1908 FITZWILLIAM MUSEUM, The Curator, Cambridge.

1901 FLETCHER, LIONEL LAWFORD, ESQ., Norwood Lodge, Tup-
wood, Caterham.

1898 FORRER, L., ESQ., 11, Hammelton Eoad, Bromley, Kent.
1912 FORSTER, E. H., ESQ., M.A., LL.B.,F.S.A., 2, Enmore Eoad,

S.W.
1894 *FOSTER, JOHN ARMSTRONG, ESQ., F.Z.S., Chestwood, near

Barnstaple.

1891 *Fox, H. B. EARLE, ESQ., 37, Markham Square, S.W.

1905 FRANCKLIN, EDWARD, ESQ., 20, Hyde Park Square, W.

1868 FRENTZEL, EUDOLPH, ESQ., 46, Northfield Eoad, Stamford

Hill, N.
1882 *FRESHFIELD, EDWIN, ESQ., LL.D., F.S.A., New Bank

Buildings, 31, Old Jewry, E.G.

1905 FREY, ALBERT E., ESQ., New York Numismatic Club, P.O.
Box 1875, New York City.

1896 *FRY, CLAUDE BASIL, ESQ., Stoke Lodge, Stoke Bishop,

Bristol.

1897 *GANS, LEOPOLD, ESQ., 207, Madison Street, Chicago, U.S.A.
1912 GANTZ, EEV. W. L., Norton Eectory, Market Drayton.

LIST OF FELLOWS. 7

ELECTED

1871 GARDNER, PROF. PERCY, Litt.D., F.S.A., 105, Banbury Eoad,

Oxford.

1907 GARDNER, WILLOUGHBY, ESQ., Deganwy, North Wales.
1889 GARSIDE, HENRY, ESQ., 46, Queen's Eoad, Teddington.
1904 GOLDNEY, FRANCIS BENNETT, ESQ., F.S.A., M.P., Abbots

Barton, Canterbury.

1894 GOODACRE, HUGH, ESQ., Court, Lutterworth, Leicestershire.
1910 GOODALL, ALEX., ESQ., 5, Maria Street, Kirkcaldy, N.B.
1907 GOUDY, HENRY, ESQ., M.A., LL.D., D.C.L., Eegius Professor

of Civil Law, All Souls College, Oxford.
1899 GOWLAND, PROF. WILLIAM, F.I.C., M.C.S., F.E.S., F.S.A., 13,

Eussell Eoad, Kensington, W.

1904 GRAHAM, T. HENRY BOILEAU, ESQ., Edmund Castle, Carlisle.

1905 GRANT DUFF, EVELYN, ESQ., C.B., British Consulate General,

Budapest.

1891 *GRANTLEY, LORD, F.S.A., Oakley Hall, Cirencester.
1865 GREENWELL, EEV. CANON W., M.A., F.E.S., F.S.A., Durham.

1903 GRIFFITH, FRANK LL., ESQ., M.A., F.S.A., 11, Norham

Gardens, Oxford.

1871 GRUEBER, HERBERT A., ESQ., F.S.A., British Museum.
1910 GUNN, WILLIAM, ESQ., 19, Swan Eoad, Harrogate.

1899 HALL, HENRY PLATT, ESQ., Toravon, Werneth, Oldham.

1898 HANDS, EEV. ALFRED W., The Eectory, Nevendon, Wickford,

Essex.

1912 HARDING, NEWTON H., 110, Pine Avenue, Chicago, U.S.A.
1904 HARRIS, EDWARD BOSWORTH, ESQ., 5, Sussex Place, Eegent's

Park, N.W.
1904 HARRISON, FREDERICK A., ESQ., 10-12, Featherstone Street,

E.G.
1903 HASLUCK, F. W., ESQ., M.A., The Wilderness, Southgate, N.

1902 HAVERFIELD, PROF. FRANCIS J., M.A., LL.D., F.S.A., Christ

Church, Oxford.
1864 HEAD, BARCLAY VINCENT, ESQ., D.Litt., D.C.L., Ph.D., Corr.

de 1'Inst., 26, Leinster Square, Bayswater, W.
1906 HEADLAM, EEV. ARTHUR CAYLEY, M.A., D.D., King's College,

London.
1886 *HENDERSON, JAMES STEWART, ESQ., F.E.G.S., M.E.S.L.,

M.C.P., 1, Pond Street, Hampstead, N.W.
1901 *HENDERSON, EEV. COOPER K., M.A., 8, Via Garibaldi, Siena,

Italy.
1906 fHERCY, THOMAS F. J. L., ESQ., J.P., D.L., 40, Albert Palace

Mansions, Battersea Park, S.W.

LIST OF FELLOWS.

KLKCTED

1892 HEWITT, EICHARD, ESQ., 28, Westbourne Gardens, W.

1900 HEWLETT, LIONEL M., ESQ., Woodcroft, Harrow-on-the-Hill,

Middlesex.
1903 HIGGINS, FRANK C., ESQ., 5, West 108th Street, New York,

U.S.A.

1893 HILBERS, THE VEN. G. C., M.A., V.D., St. Thomas's Bectory,

Haverfordwest.

1898 HILL, CHARLES WILSON, ESQ. (address not known).

1893 HILL, GEORGE FRANCIS, ESQ., M.A., British Museum, Foreign

Secretary.

1883 HOBART, B. H. SMITH, Hobart, New York, U.S.A.
1898 HOCKING, WILLIAM JOHN, ESQ., Eoyal Mint, E.
1895 HODGE, THOMAS, ESQ., 13, Wellington Street, Strand, W.C.

1875 HOUTUM - SCHINDLER, GENERAL SlR ALBERT, E.G. I.E.,

M.R.A.S., Petersfield, Fenstanton, Hunts.

1910 Ho WORTH, DANIEL F., ESQ., 24, Villiers Street, Ashton-

under-Lyne.

1878 HOWORTH, SIR HENRY H., K.C.I.E., F.E.S., F.S.A.,

30, Collingharn Place, Earl's Court, S.W., President.

1883 HUBBARD, WALTER E., ESQ., 6, Broomhill Avenue, Partick,

Glasgow.
1885 HUGEL, BARON F. VON, 13, Vicarage Gate, Kensington, W.

1908 *HUNTINGTON, ARCHER M., ESQ., Secretary to the American
Numismatic Society, Audubon Park, 156th Street, West
of Broadway, New York, U.S.A.

1911 HYMAN, COLEMAN P., ESQ., 14, Warrington Crescent, Maida

Vale, N.W.

1910 JEKYLL, EDWARD J., ESQ., J.P., D.L., Higham Bury, Ampthill.

1879 *JEX-BLAKE, THE VERY EEV. T. W., D.D., F.S.A., 13,

Ennismore Gardens, S.W.

1911 JOHNSTON, LEONARD P., ESQ., The Cottage, Warningcamp,

Arundel, Sussex.

1911 JONES, FREDERICK WILLIAM, ESQ., 22, Eamshill Eoad,
Scarborough.

1873 KEARY, CHARLES FRANCIS, ESQ., M.A., F.S.A., Savile Club,

Piccadilly, W.

1874 *KENYON, E. LLOYD, ESQ., M.A., J.P., D.L., Pradoe, West

Felton, Salop.

1876 KITCHENER, FIELD-MARSHAL VISCOUNT, OF KHARTOUM, G.C.B.,

O.M., K.P., G.C.S.I., G.C.M.G., c/o Messrs. Cox & Co.,
Charing Cross, S.W.

1901 KOZMINSKY, DR. ISIDORE, 20, Queen Street, Kew, near
Melbourne, Victoria.

LIST OF FELLOWS. 9

ELECTED

1883 *LAGERBERG, M. ADAM MAGNUS EMANUEL, Chamberlain
of H.M. the King of Sweden, Director of the Numis-
matic Department, Museum, Gottenburg, and Rada,
Sweden.

1871 *LANG, SIR EGBERT HAMILTON, K.C.M.G., The Grove,
Dedham, Essex.

1906 LANGTON, JOHN GORDON, ESQ., F.C.A., F.I.S., 90, St. Mary's
Mansions, St. Mary's Terrace, Paddington, W.

1910 LACGHLIN, DR. W. A., M.A., Box 227, Reno, Nevada, U.S.A.

1898 LAYER, PHILIP G., ESQ., M.E.C.S., 3, Church Street, Col-
chester.

1877 LAWRENCE, F. G., ESQ., Birchfield, Mulgrave Road, Sutton,
Surrey.

1885 *LAWRENCE, L. A., ESQ., F.S.A., 44, Belsize Square, N.\V.

1883 *LAWRENCE, RICHARD HOE, ESQ., 15, Wall Street, New York.

1871 *LAWSON, ALFRED J., ESQ., Smyrna.

1893 LESLIE-ELLIS, LnsuT.-CoL. HENRY, D.L., F.S.A., F.R.G.S.,

Magherymore, Wicklow.

1900 LINCOLN, FREDERICK W., ESQ., 69, New Oxford Street, W.C.

1907 LOCKETT, RICHARD CYRIL, ESQ., Clounterbrook, St. Anne's
Road, Aigburth, Liverpool.

1911 LONGMAN, W., ESQ., 27, Norfolk Square, W.

1893 LUND, H. M., ESQ., Waitara, Taranaki, New Zealand.

1903 LYDDON, FREDERICK STICKLAND, ESQ., 5, Beaufort Road,
Clifton, Bristol.

1885 *LYELL, ARTHUR HENRY, EsQ.,F.S.A., 9, Cranley Gardens, S.W.

1895 MACDONALD, GEO., ESQ., M.A., LL.D., 17, Learmonth Gardens,
Edinburgh.

1901 MACFADYEN, FRANK E., ESQ., 11, Sanderson Road, Jesmond,

Newcastle-on-Tyne.

1895 MARSH, WM. E., ESQ., Marston, Bromley, Kent.
1897 MASSY, COL. W. J., 96, Oakley Street, Chelsea, S.W.

1912 MATTINGLY, HAROLD, ESQ., M.A., British Museum, W.C.

1905 MAVROGORDATO , J., ESQ., 4, Dalmeira Court, Hove.

1906 MCCLEAN, JOHN ROBINSON, ESQ., M.A., Rusthall House, Tun-

bridge Wells.

1901 MCDOWALL, REV. STEWART A., 5, Kingsgate Street, Win-
chester.

1905 McEwEN, HUGH DRUMMOND, ESQ., F.S.A.(Scot.), Custom
House, Leith, N.B.

1868 MCLACHLAN, R. W., ESQ., 55, St. Monique Street, Montreal,
Canada.

10 LIST OF FELLOWS.

ELECTED

1905 MESSENGER, LEOPOLD G. P., ESQ., 151, Brecknock Koad,
Tufnell Park, N.

1905 MILLER, HENRY CLAY, ESQ., 35, Broad Street, New York,

U.S.A.

1897 MILNE, J. GRAFTON, ESQ., M.A., Bankside, Goldhill, Farn-

ham, Surrey.

1906 MITCHELL-INNES, E. A., ESQ., K.C., Churchill, Heniel Hemp-

stead, Herts.

1910 MITCHELL LIBRARY, THE, Glasgow, F. T. Barrett, ESQ.,
Librarian.

1906 MITCHISON, A. M., ESQ., 11, Chelsea Embankment, S.W.

1898 *MONCKTON, HORACE W., ESQ., F.L.S., F.G.S., 3, Harcourt

Buildings, Temple, E.G.

1888 MONTAGUE, L. A. D., ESQ., Penton, near Crediton, Devon.
1905 MOORE, WILLIAM HENRY, ESQ. (address not known).

1879 MORRIESON, LIEUT.-COL. H. WALTERS, E.A., F.S.A., 42, Beau-
fort Gardens, S.W.

1904 MOULD, EICHARD W., ESQ., Newington Public Library,
Walworth Eoad, S.E.

1900 *MYLNE, EEV. EGBERT SCOTT, M.A., B.C.L., F.S.A., Great
Amwell, Herts.

1909 NAGG, STEPHEN K.,'EsQ., 1621, Master Street, Philadelphia,

U.S.A.
1893 NAPIER, PROF. A. S., M.A., D.Litt., Ph.D., Headington Hill,

Oxford.
1905 NATHAN, SIDNEY, ESQ., M.D., 11, Bolton Gardens, S.W.

1910 NESMITH, THOMAS, ESQ., c/o J. Munro & Co., 7, Eue Scribe,

Paris.

1905 NEWALL, HUGH FRANK, ESQ., M.A., Madingley Eise, Cam-

bridge.

1906 NEWBERRY LIBRARY, Chicago, U.S. America.

1905 NEWELL, E. T., ESQ., Box 321, Madison Square, New York,

U.S.A.
1909 NIKLEWICZ, H., ESQ., 28, Park Place, Brooklyn, New York,

U.S.A.

1904 NORFOLK, DUKE OF, E.M., K.G., Arundel Castle, Arundel.
1904 NORTHUMBERLAND, DUKE OF, K.G., 2, Grosvenor Place, S.W.

1898 OGDEN, W. SHARP, ESQ., F.S.A., Naseby, East End Eoad,

Finchley, N.
1897 *O'HAGAN, HENRY OSBORNE, ESQ., Al4, The Albany,

Piccadilly, W.

LIST OF FELLOWS. 11

ELECTED

1882 OMAN, PROF. C. W. C., M.A., F.S.A., All Souls College,

Oxford.
1911 OPPENHEIMER, HENRY, ESQ., 12, Southwick Crescent, W.

1903 PARSONS, H. ALEXANDER, ESQ., " Shaftesbury," Devonshire

Koad, Honor Oak Park, S.E.
1882 *PECKOVER OF WISBECH, LORD, LL.D., F.S.A., F.L.S.,

F.E.G.S., Bank House, Wisbech.
1896 PEERS, C. E., ESQ., M.A., F.S.A., 14, Lansdowne Eoad,

Wimbledon.
1894 PERRY, HENRY, ESQ., Middleton, Plaistow Lane, Bromley,

Kent.
1862 *PERRY, MARTEN, ESQ., M.D., Spalding, Lincolnshire.

1909 PETERSON, F. W. VOYSEY, ESQ., B.C.S. (retd.), 38, Bassett

Eoad, W.

1888 PINCHES, JOHN HARVEY, ESQ., 21, Albert Embankment, S.E.

1910 PORTER, PROFESSOR HARVEY, Protestant College, Beirut,

Syria.

1889 POWELL-COTTON, PERCY H. GORDON, ESQ., Quex Park,

Birchington, Thanet.
1887 PREVOST, SIR AUGUSTUS, BART., F.S.A., 79, Westbourne

Terrace, W.
1903 PRICE, HARRY, ESQ. (address not known).

1911 PRICHARD, A. H. COOPER-, American Numismatic Society,

156th Street, New York, U.S.A.
1878 PRIDEAUX, COL. W. F., C.S.I., F.E.G.S., Hopeville, St.

Peter's-in-Thaiiet, Kent.
1899 PRITCHARD, JOHN E., ESQ., F.S.A., 22, St. John's Eoad,

Clifton, Bristol.

1906 EADFORD, A. J. VOOGHT, ESQ., F.S.A., Vacye, College Eoad,
Malvern.

1902 EAMSDEN, HENRY A., ESQ., Charge d' Affaires of Cuba, P.O.

Box 214, Yokohama, Japan.
1887 EANSOM, W., ESQ., F.S.A., F.L.S., Fairfield, Hitchin, Herts.

1893 EAPHAEL, OSCAR C., ESQ., New Oxford and Cambridge Club

68, Pall Mall, W.
1890 EAPSON, PROF. E. J., M.A., M.E.A.S., 8, Mortimer Eoad

Cambridge.

1905 EASHLEIGH, EVELYN W., ESQ., Stoketon, Saltash, Cornwall.
1909 RAYMOND, WAYTE, ESQ., South Norwalk, Connecticut, U.S.A.
1887 EEADY, W. TALBOT, ESQ., 66, Great Eussell Street, W.C.

1903 EEGAN, W. H., ESQ., 124, Queen's Eoad, Bayswater, W.

12 LIST OF FELLOWS.

ELHCTED

1876 *EOBERTSON, J. D., ESQ., M.A., 17, St. George's Court,
Gloucester Eoad, S.W.

1911 EOBINSON, E. S. G., ESQ., B.A., British Museum, W.C.

1910 EOGERS, EEV. EDGAR, M.A., 18, Colville Square, W.

1911 EOSENHEIM, MAURICE, ESQ., 18, Belsize Park Gardens, N.W.
1900 EOSKELL, EGBERT N., ESQ., 1, Gray's Inn Square, W.C.

1896 *EOTH, BERNARD, ESQ., J.P., F.S.A., King's Wood, Enfield,,
Vice-President.

1903 EUBEN, PAUL, ESQ., Ph.D., Alte Eabenstrasse, 8, Hamburg,

Germany.

1904 EUSTAFFJAELL, EGBERT DE, ESQ., Luxor, Egypt.

1872 *SALAS, MIGUEL T., ESQ., 247, Florida Street, Buenos Ayres.

1877 *SANDEMAN, LIEUT. -CoL. JOHN GLAS, M.V.O., F.S.A., Whin-
Hurst, Hayling Island, Havant, Hants.

1906 SAWYER, CHARLES, ESQ., 9, Alfred Place West, Thurloe

Square, S.W.

1905 SEARLE, EEV. W. G., M.A., 11, Scroope Terrace, Cambridge.

1907 *SELTMAN, CHARLES T., ESQ., Kinghoe, Berkhamsted, Herts.
1890 SELTMAN, E. J., ESQ., Kinghoe, Berkhamsted, Herts.

1900 SHACKLES, GEORGE L., ESQ., Wickersley, Brough, E.S.O., E.
Yorks.

1908 SHEPHERD, EDWARD, ESQ., 2, Cornwall Eoad, Westbourne

Park, W.
1896 SIMPSON, C. E., ESQ., Huntriss Eow, Scarborough.

1893 *SIMS, E. F. MANLEY-, ESQ. (address not known).

1896 SINHA, KUMVAR KUSHAL PAL, EAIS OF KOTLA, Kotla, Agra,

India.
1912 SMITH, G. HAMILTON, ESQ., Killoran, Seymour Eoad,

Finchley, N.

1892 SMITH, VINCENT A., ESQ., M.A., M.E.A.S., I.C.S. (retd.),

116, Banbury Eoad, Oxford.
1890 SMITH, W. BERESFORD, ESQ., Kenmore, Vanbrugh Park Eoad

West, Blackheath.

1905 SNELLING, EDWARD, ESQ., 26, Silver Street, E.G.
1909 SOUTZO, M. MICHEL, 8, Strada Eomana, Bucharest.

1894 SPINK, SAMUEL M., ESQ., 17, Piccadilly, W.

1902 STAINER, CHARLES LEWIS, ESQ., 10, South Parks Eoad, Oxford.

1869 *STREATFEILD, EEV. GEORGE SIDNEY, Goddington Eectory,
Bicester, Oxfordshire.

LIST OF FELLOWS. 13

1910 SUTCLIFFE, EGBERT, ESQ., 21, Market Street, Burnley, Lanes.

1909 SYMONDS, H., ESQ., F.S.A., Union Club, Trafalgar Square,
S.W.

1896 *TAFFS, H. W., ESQ., 35, Greenholm Eoad, Eltham, S.E.

1879 TALBOT, LIEUT. -CoL. THE HON. MILO GEORGE, Corsharn
Court, Corsham, Wilts.

1888 TATTON, Tnos.E.,EsQ., Wythenshawe, Northenden, Cheshire.

1892 "TAYLOR, E. WRIGHT, ESQ., M.A., LL.B., F.S.A., 8, Stone
Buildings, Lincoln's Inn, W.C.

1887 TAYLOR, W. H., ifsQ., The Croft, Wheelwright Eoad,
Erdington, near Birmingham.

1887 THAIRLWALL, F. J., ESQ., 12, Upper Park Eoad, Haverstock
Hill, N.W.

1890 THOMAS-STANFORD, CHARLES, ESQ., J.P., M.A., F.S.A.,
Preston Manor, Brighton.

1896 THOMPSON, SIR HERBERT, BART., 9, Kensington Park
Gardens, W.

1896 THORBURN, HENRY W., ESQ., Cradock Villa, Bishop Auckland.

1903 THORPE, GODFREY F., ESQ., Falklands, 62, Nightingale Lane,
Balham, S.W.

1894 TRIGGS, A. B., ESQ., Bank of New South Wales, Yass, New
South Wales.

1887 TROTTER, LIEUT.-COL. SIR HENRY, K.C.M.G., C.B., 18,
Eaton Place, W.

1912 VAN BUREN, A. W., American School, 5, Via Vicenza,
Eome.

1903 VINTER, WALTER FREDERICK, ESQ., Lindisfarne, Walton-on-
Thames, Surrey.

1874 VIZE, GEORGE HENRY, ESQ., 15, Spencer Eoad, Putney, S.W.

1899 VLASTO, MICHEL P., ESQ., 12, Allee des Capucines, Marseilles,

France.
1892 VOST, LIEUT.-COL. W., I. M.S., Muttra, United Provinces,

India.

1905 WAGE, A. J. B., ESQ., M.A., Leslie Lodge, Hall Place, St.
Albans.

1883 WALKER, E. K., ESQ., M.A., Watergate, Meath Koad, Bray,
Ireland.

14 LIST OF FELLOWS.

ELECTED

1897 WALTERS, FRED. A., ESQ., F.S.A., 37, Old Queen Street,
Westminster, S.W., Hon. Secretary.

1911 WARRE, FELIX W., ESQ., 231A, St. James's Court, Buckingham
Gate, S.W.

1901 *WATTERS, CHARLES A., ESQ., Highfield, Woolton Road,
Wavertree, Liverpool.

1901 WEBB, PERCY H., ESQ., 4 & 5, West Smithfield, E.G., Hon.
Treasurer.

1885 *WEBER, F. PARKES, ESQ., M.D., F.S.A., 19, Harley Street,
W.

1883 * WEBER, SIR HERMANN, M.D., 10, Grosvenor Street, Gros-

venor Square, W.

1884 WEBSTER, W. J., ESQ., Melrose, Beulah Eoad East,

Thornton Heath.

1904 WEIGHT, WILLIAM CHARLES, ESQ., Wilton Dene, Wilbury Hill

Eoad, Letch worth.

1905 WEIGHTMAN, FLEET-SURGEON A. E., F.S.A., Junior United

Service Club, Charles Street, St. James's, S.W.

1899 WELCH, FRANCIS BERTRAM, ESQ., M.A., Oswestry School,
Oswestry, Shropshire.

1869 *WIGRAM, MRS. LEWIS, The Eookery, Frensham, Surrey.

1908 WILLIAMS, T. HENRY, ESQ., 85, Clarendon Eoad, Putney,
S.W.

1910 WILLIAMS, W. I., ESQ., 22, High Durham Street, Bishop
Auckland, Durham.

1881 WILLIAMSON, GEO. C., ESQ., F.E.S.L., Burgh House, Well
Walk, Hampstead, N.W.

1906 WILLIAMSON, CAPT. W. H. (address not known).

1869 WINSER, THOMAS B., ESQ., F.E.G.S., F.I.A., 81, Shooter's
Hill Eoad, Blackheath, S.E.

1904 WINTER, CHARLES, ESQ., Oldfield, Thetford Eoad, New
Maiden, Surrey.

1906 WOOD, HOWLAND, ESQ., 93, Percy Street, Brookline, Massa-
chusetts, U.S.A.

1860 WORMS, BARON G. DE, F.E.G.S., F.S.A., V.P.E.S.L., F.G.S.,
D.L., J.P., 17, Park Crescent, Portland Place, W.

1903 WRIGHT, THE HON'BLE MR. H. NELSON, I.C.S., M.E.A.S.,
Bareilly, United Provinces, India.

1889 YEATES, F. WILLSON, ESQ., 7, Leinster Gardens, Hyde
Park, W.

LIST OF FELLOWS. 15

KLECTED

1880 YOUNG, ARTHUR W., ESQ., 12, Hyde Park Terrace, AY.
1898 YOUNG, JAMES, ESQ., 14, Holland Eoad, W.

1900 ZIMMERMANN, REV. JEREMIAH, M.A., D.D., LL.D., 107, South
Avenue, Syracuse, New York, U.S.A.

HONORARY FELLOWS

ELECTED

1898 His MAJESTY VICTOR EMMANUEL III, KING OF ITALY,
Palazzo Quirinale, Rome.

1891 BABELON, M. ERNEST, Mem. de 1'Inst. Bibliotheque Nationale,
Paris.

1903 BAHRFELDT, GENERAL-MAJOR M., Allenstein, East Prussia.
1898 BLANCHET, M. J. A., 10, Bd. Emile Augier, Paris.

1898 DRESSEL, DR. H., Miinz-Kabinet, Kaiser Friedrich Museum,

Berlin.

1899 GABRICI, PROF. DR. ETTORE, S. Giuseppe dei Nudi, 75, Naples.
1893 GNECCHI, COMM. FRANCESCO, Via Filodrammatici 10, Milan.
1886 HILDEBRAND, DR. HANS, Riksantiquarien, Stockholm.

1873 IMHOOF-BLUMER, DR. F., Winterthur, Switzerland.

1893 JONGHE, M. LE VICOMTE B. DE, Rue du Trone, 60, Brussels.

1878 KENNER, DR. F., K.K. Museen, Vienna.

1904 KUBITSCHEK, PROF. J. W., Pichlergasse, 1, Vienna.
1893 LOEBBECKE, HERR A., Cellerstrasse, 1, Brunswick.
1904 MAURICE, M. JULES, 33, Eue Washington, Paris.

1898 MILANI, PROF. LUIGI ADRIANO, Florence.

1908 fMowAT, COMMANDANT ROBERT KNIGHT, 10, Rue des Feuillan-
tines, Paris.

1899 PICK, DR. BEHRENDT, Mimzkabinet, Gotha.

1895 REINACH, M. THEODORE, 9, Rue Hammelin, Paris.

1891 SVORONOS, M. J. N., Conservateur du Cabinet des Medailles,

Athens.
1886 WEIL, DR. RUDOLF, Schoneberger Ufer, 38, in., Berlin, W.

16 LI?T OF FELLOWS.

MEDALLISTS

OF THE KOYAL NUMISMATIC SOCIETY

ELECTED

1883 CHARLES KOACH SMITH, ESQ., F.S.A.

1884 AQUILLA SMITH, ESQ., M.D., M.E.I.A.

1885 EDWARD THOMAS, ESQ., F.E.S.

1886 MAJOR-GENERAL ALEXANDER CUNNINGHAM, C.S.I., C.I.E.

1887 JOHN EVANS, ESQ., D.C.L., LL.D., F.E.S., P.S.A.

1888 DR. F. IMHOOF-BLUMER, Winterthur.

1889 PROFESSOR PERCY GARDNER, Litt.D., F.S.A.

1890 MONSIEUR J. P. Six, Amsterdam.

1891 DR. C. LUDWIG MULLER, Copenhagen.

1892 PROFESSOR E. STUART POOLE, LL.D.

1893 MONSIEUR W. H. WADDINGTON, Senateur, Membre de 1'Institut ,

Paris.

1894 CHARLES FRANCIS KEARY, ESQ., M.A., F.S.A.

1895 PROFESSOR DR. THEODOR MOMMSEN, Berlin.

1896 FREDERIC W. MADDEN, ESQ., M.E.A.S.

1897 DR. ALFRED VON SALLET, Berlin.

1898 THE EEV. CANON W. GREENWELL, M.A., F.E.S. , F.S.A.

1899 MONSIEUR ERNEST BABELON, Membre de 1'Institut, Con-

servateur des Medailles, Paris.

1900 PROFESSOR STANLEY LANE-POOLE, M.A., Litt.D.

1901 S. E. BARON WLADIMIR VON TIESENHAUSEN, St. Petersburg.

1902 ARTHUR J. EVANS, ESQ., M.A., F.E.S., F.S.A., Keeper of the

Ashmolean Museum, Oxford.

1903 MONSIEUR GUSTAVE SCHLUMBERGER, Membre de 1'Institut,

Paris.

1904 His MAJESTY VICTOR EMMANUEL III, KING OF ITALY.

1905 SIR HERMANN WEBER, M.D.

1906 COMM. FRANCESCO GNECCHI, Milan.

1907 BARCLAY VINCENT HEAD, ESQ., D. Litt., D.C.L., Ph.D., Corr.

de 1'Inst.

1908 PROFESSOR DR. HEINRICH DRESSEL, Berlin.

1909 H. A. GRUEBER, ESQ., F.S.A.

1910 DR. FRIEDRICH EDLER VON KENNER, Vienna.

1911 OLIVER CODRINGTON, ESQ., M.D., M.E.A.S., F.S.A.

1912 GENERAL-LEUTNANT MAX BAHRFELDT, Dr.Phil.

i3 BCPT. MAR 1 1958

ser./+

v.12

The Numismatic chronicle
and journal of the Royal
Numismatic Society

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