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/// AND 





G. F. HILL, M.A. 






Factum abiit monumeuta manent. Ov. Fast. 




sor. l 





Ciccio (Mons. G. de). Notice sur un tetradrachme de Catane, 
avec la signature TTPOKAHZ ; et d'un autre de Syra- 
cuse, avec >| , probablement signature de Kirnon . . 356 

EVANS (Sir Arthur). Notes on the Coinage and Silver 
Currency in Roman Britain from Valentinian I to 
Constantine III (Plate XX) 433 

GKOSE (S. W.). Croton (Plate VIII) 179 

MAVROGORDATO (J.). A Chronological Arrangement of the 

Coins of Chios (Plates I, II, XVIII, XIX) , . 1,361 

NEWELL (E. T.). Some Cypriote 'Alexanders' (Plates 

XI1-XV) 294 

ROBINSON (E. S. G.). Quaestiones Cyrenaicae (Plates I1I-V1) 

53, 137, 249 

THOMAS (S. Pantzerhielm). A Coin of M. Aemilius Lepidus 520 

WALTERS (Frederick A.). Coin of Carausius overstruck upon 

an Antoninianus of Philip Senior ..... 135 

- Some Rare and Unpublished Roman Coins in my 
Collection (Plate XVI) 323 

WEBB (Percy H.). Helena N.F 132 

Overstrikes of Carausius . . 135 




BROOKE ^G. C.). Some Irregular Coinages of the Reign of 

Stephen (Plate VII) .105 

HILL (G. P.). The Technique of Simon Van de Passe 

(Plates X, XI) 230 

LOCKETT (R. Cyril). Hoard of Nine Anglo-Saxon Pennies 

found in Dorsetshire (Plate XVII) 336 

SYMONDS (Henry). Alexandre de Bruchsella . . .133 

- The Irish Coinages of Henry VIII and Edward VI 
(Plate IX) 192 

- The Pyx Trials of the Commonwealth, Charles II, 

and James II . . 345 


RABINO (H. L.).- Coins of the Shahs of Persia (continued and 

concluded) 243, 351 

RAMSDEN (H. A.). The Ancient Coins of Lin-Tzu . . 121 

INDEX 521 





I. Chios. Periods I, II. 
II. Periods III, IV. 
III. Coins of Cyrenaica. Periods I, IT. 
IV, V. Period III. 

VI. Periods IV, V. 

VII. Irregular Coins of the Reign of Stephen. 
VIII. Coins of Croton. 

IX. Irish Coins of Henry VIII and Edward VI. 
X, XI. The Technique of Simon Van de Passe. 

XII. Cypriote Alexanders. Kition. 
XIII, XIV. ,. Salamis. 

XV. .. Salamis, Paphos, Marion. 

XVI. Some Rare Roman Coins. 
XVII. An Early Anglo-Saxon Find. 
XVIII. Chios. Periods V, VI. 
XIX. Periods VI, VII. 
XX. Londinium-Augusta. 





" Videntur vero ex una parte Civitatis insignia, Sphinx scilicet 
tricorpor; . . . Ghiorum itaque insigne sed magis praecipuum 
Sphinx fuit. . . ."Leonis Allatii de Patria Homeri. 


THE coinage of Chios in ancient times deserves a 
more detailed study than has hitherto been given to it. 
The issues of the island-mint extended almost without 
a break over the whole period during which autono- 
mous Greek coins were struck. And, through the 
accident of its so-called alliance with Rome after the 
Mithradatic wars, Chios shared the privilege, accorded 
to Athens, and to so many towns in Asia Minor, of 
striking bronze in her own name when all the rest 
of the civilized world was acknowledging the imperial 
supremacy on its coinage. In the case of Athens, how- 
ever, the mint there seems to have been closed from 
the time of Sulla to that of Hadrian, while the various 
free cities of Asia Minor were of comparatively late 
foundation. From the point of view of duration, 
therefore, the Chian series is an important one. As 
the coinage of what was at one time the principal 
commercial state of eastern Hellas it is also worthy of 
study. There can be no doubt that the constancy 



with which its main monetary type was preserved 
must have been due, as it was at Athens, to the 
popularity enjoyed abroad by the issues of its mint. 
The problems afforded by its electrum staters, and the 
well-known references by Thucydides and Xenophon 
to its fifth-century silver tetradrachms, provide further 
points of interest ; while the bronze issues of imperial 
times bearing names of value yield a whole series of 
denominations that were probably of general use in 
Asia Minor and the islands of the coast during this 
period, but of which we have no other similar source 
of information. 

On the other hand, the general effect of the Chiaii 
series is monotonous when compared with the almost 
infinite variety of types produced by states like 
Syracuse, and Tarentum, Elis, and Cyzicus. In fact, 
the comparative neglect of Chios at the hands of 
numismatists may well be due to the dullness and 
lack of artistic interest inherent in its coins. Then, 
again, there have been very few finds recorded in 
which the island has figured with any prominence. 
There is a great want of those fixed points to which 
one looks for help in endeavouring to join up the links 
of the long chain. Even the boasted autonomy of 
Chios during imperial times becomes a source of diffi- 
culty owing to the absence of the Emperors' names 
on the coins, and conjecture has to take the place of 
what might be certainty. The student, in short, has 
to rely mainly on his observation of small technical 
<1< tails, and on the evolution of style. 

Since the great work of Mionnet, who, in the course 
of his comprehensive survey of Greek numismatics, 
recorded some hundred varieties of Chian coins, there 


has only been one attempt, so far as I know, to make 
a complete list of the published types. I refer to a 
little-known treatise by one Joh. Kofod Whitte of 
Copenhagen. 1 To a compilation of all the historical 
loci classici relating to Chios the author has added an 
alphabetical catalogue of the various coins known to 
him through publications or personal research. His 
total number of types amounts to 248, which is a great 
many for the period at which he wrote. I draw 
attention to this little book because of its remarkable 
accuracy, and because of the interest that an early 
work of this character cannot fail to arouse among 
numismatists. As is to be expected there is not much 
attempt in it at a scientific arrangement of the coins 
enumerated, but they are divided into eleven classes 
which, in their main lines, come very near to the 
results yielded by our far more voluminous material 
and consequently wider perspective. 

In the following pages I shall try to supplement 
le work of Kofod Whitte with as many of the facts 

it have come to light since his day as I have been 
able to collect. I cannot pretend to have ransacked 
every possible source of information ; but I have 
:udied most of the big collections, and have done my 
best not to neglect any minor opportunities that have 
offered themselves in the course of my quest. 

There is no need to discuss the significance of the 
main type 011 Chian money. When Leo Allatius wrote 
his famous description of the bronze coin with the 
figure of Homer on the reverse, the Sphinx was almost 
as unintelligible to him as were its riddles to the 

1 De Rebus Chioruni publicis ante Dominationem Romanomtn. 

B 2 


contemporaries of Oedipus. It has for long been 
accepted, however, as the emblem of Dionysus, and 
was probably distinct both from 77 pailra>8b$ KVODV of 
Sophocles,- and from the Ea-Harmachis of the 
Egyptians. Nor would it be profitable to open once 
more the question as to the relative merits of the 
theories regarding the religious or commercial origin 
of coin-types. As a matter of fact the Chian Sphinx 
seems to offer a compromise between the two. In its 
earlier days, at any rate, the city's badge partakes 
of a religious nature. Whether we look upon the 
Sphinx, especially in its hieratic attitude with one 
forepaw raised, as an attribute of Dionysus enjoining 
silence in respect of his mysteries, or as a guardian of 
the temple's treasures, there is nothing of the com- 
mercial element about it. But later on when first the 
amphora, and then the bunch of grapes were added to 
the type, the business interests of an essentially 
mercantile community were clearly being brought into 

This slow merging of a mystical aspect into a 
practical one is also suggested by the curious orna- 
ment which is to be observed on the head of the 
primitive Sphinx, but which is discarded with one 
exception a soon after the middle of the sixth century. 
This ornament, like the Sphinx itself, undoubtedly 
hails from the East, though both had apparently long 
been domiciled in the Aegean area. 4 Like so many 

1 Oed. Rex, 391. 

3 Electrum Stater struck at time of Ionian Revolt when religious 
Toolings must have been in the ascendant. P. Gardner, in J. H. S., 
1911, p. 151, and PI. vii. 1, though the particular coin selected for 
illustration is probably a forgery. 

Hogarth. Ionia ami the Est, Lecture iii. 


other elements in Hellenic art and culture we are 
driven to connect them with the recently discovered 
pre-Hellenic civilization/"' "We see the spiral ornament 
on the heads both of Sphinxes and Griffins, on the 
ivories from Spata, and from a tomb at Knossos, on 
a terra-cotta plaque from Praesos, and on some of the 
gold plaques from the foundation deposit of the great 
temple at Ephesus. It has been called by various 
names by those who have tried to account for its 
occurrence on coins bearing a Sphinx. To one it has sug- 
gested a vine- tendril, to others a feather or " plumes ". 7 
and to another again "the lock of immortality". 8 
This last theory is by far the most convincing. In 
discussing the Persephone relief in the National 
Museum at Athens, M. Svoronos draws attention to 
the separate lock of long hair on the head of Tri- 
ptolemus, and traces its origin back to Egypt. It was 
an emblem of immortality there, and, being specially 
characteristic of chthonic deities, it was used also in 
representations of their attributes. Sirens, Sphinxes, and 
rrifnns. The lotus-flower had a similar significance, 
id is sometimes seen grasped in the monster's up- 
used paws [PL I. 8], M. Svoronos thinks that the 
)iral ornament in question was a conventionalized 
lock of hair assuming a tendril-like form under the in- 
luence of the lotus-flower so often associated with it. 
Though we may be inclined to praise the Chians for 

8 See Sir A. J. Evans, J.H.S., 1912, p. 277. 
fi Babelon, Traite, part i, pp. 190-1. 

7 Dressel, ZeitscltriftfurNum., 1900, vol. xxii, pp. 238-41. Canon 
Greenwell, Num. Chron., 1890, pp. 4-5, and Sir H. Weber, Num. 
Chron., 1899, pp. 276-8. 

8 Svoronos, J. Int. cVArcli. Num., 1913, p. 228, and note referring 
reader to Das AtJtener National-Museum,^? J. Svoronos, pp. 113-14. 


the constancy which they showed to their national 
emblem on their coins, and for the sobriety with 
which it was invariably represented, we must not 
forget that the Sphinx was by no means the peculiar 
possession of the island-state. It has even been sug- 
gested 9 that the uplifted paw with which the Sphinx 
is shown on certain archaic silver coins ought to make 
one pause before attributing such coins unhesitatingly 
to Chios. In all the late bronze issues of the island, 
however, this position is the rule. Some of the early 
electrum 10 too, about which no doubt has ever been 
raised, also shows the Sphinx with one uplifted fore- 
paw [PI. I. 8 and PI. II. 10], as well as the late 
electrum stater [PI. III. 9]. There seems 110 reason 
therefore to hesitate about the attribution of these early 
silver pieces, especially as their weight and fabric 
agree with those recognized as being peculiar to Chios. 
On the analogy of the Griffins of Teos alone we may 
assume that it was customary to represent these and 
similar monsters with one forepaw raised, and it is 
most likely that there were familiar statues at Chios of 
Sphinxes in this attitude, though no mention of such 
has come down to us. Additional support is lent to 
this by the fact mentioned above that the raised fore- 
paw is a constant feature of the Sphinx on the Imperial 
bronze coinage, since we know that die-engravers at 
that time drew their inspiration largely from the 
statuary around them. 

9 Dr. Dressel, op. <-it. 

10 In .Y/>. Chroti., 1911, "Some unpublished Greek Coins," 
1. 89, 1 quoted an electrum twelfth from the Cabinet cles Medailles, 
Paris, as affording further confirmation of this. This coin can no 
longer be taken as trustworthy evidence. See below, note 28, for 
further remarks. 


Nevertheless, it is well to remind ourselves, when 
studying anepigraphic coins, that many peoples besides 
the Chians used the Sphinx as a badge. Among others 
Gergis in the Troad, Caunus in Caria, Perga in Pam- 
phylia, Aphrodisias in Cilicia, Idalium in Cyprus, and 
last, though not least, Asoros or Gasoros in Mace- 
donia, 11 all struck coins bearing a Sphinx as one of 
their types, if not the main one. And this use of the 
Sphinx, it must be remembered, was quite independent 
on the part of these smaller states. There was no 
alliance or obligation between them and Chios, still 
less any degree of relationship like that which induced 
the Teian colony of Abdera to use a Griffin as its 

It is not difficult as a rule to identify coins exhibiting 
a Sphinx alone, although a few aliens have crept into 
the Chian series in most of the national cabinets, 12 
since, in addition to peculiarities of style, both the 
flan and the incuse square had a character of their 
own at Chios. But when one meets with coins bearing 
double types, it is extremely difficult, if not impossible, 
to decide whether they should be attributed to one or 
other of these rival claimants, or looked upon as 
alliance pieces between Chios and one of her neigh- 
bours on the mainland. 13 

11 With regard to this hitherto unknown city, see Svoronos, 
Jour. Int. d'Arch. Num., 1913, p. 224. 

12 An instance from the B. M. Coll. is No. 39, Cat. Ionia, under 
Chios, an ancient forgery. On this piece the Sphinx is depicted 
to r., an arrangement never found at Chios on silver till the first 
century B.C., when it appears on one or two of the Attic drachms 
then struck. The whole style of the coin, besides, is totally 
unlike any Chian issue. 

13 See Num. Chron., 1913, pp. 427-8. 


Placed as she was athwart two of the principal 
highways of commerce in ancient times, it is not 
surprising that Chios became one of the earliest users 
of coined money among the Greek states. A large 
portion of the trade from the Far East that was borne 
along the Eoyal road 14 between Ephesus and Susa 
via Sardis,' must have passed by Chios on its way to 
Hellas and the West. With it in due course came the 
new invention of coinage, Miletus and other cities 
of the coast following the lead of Lydia, and Samos, 
Chios, and the rest carrying on the torch after a short 
interval. And less interesting from a purely numis- 
matic point of view, though equally important as a 
source of wealth, is the fact that Chios lay in the direct 
path of that other great trade-route which connected 
Egypt and Syria with the ports and wheat-fields of 
the Euxine. 

The people of Chios had always been traders. 15 The 
produce of the island was not sufficient to support 
them, as is shown by their constant agitation for the 
peraea of Atarneus. But, in order to deal with the 
problem of population and food supply, they seem at 
an early age to have had recourse to commerce rather 
than to the primitive expedient of colonization which 
prevailed in the eighth and seventh centuries. They 
had trading stations no doubt in plenty, but they ap- 
parently never drove out whole swarms from their 
midst with the object of founding cities at a distance. 16 

14 H.-rodotus v. 52-4. 

16 Aristotle, Politics, iv. 4. 

18 Fustel de Coulanges, Mtmoiw. *><> Vile de Chio, pp. 265-6, a work 
to which I am much indebted. There are records of a town called 
Chios in Egypt, which we may suppose to have been more trading 
station than colony, since it was most unusual among Greek states 
ur the metropolis to give its own name to the latter. 


Like those of the Aeginetans 17 in the west of the 
Aegean, the commercial operations of the Chians radi- 
ated from Ionia in all directions, and even imposed 
their monetary standard on some of their customers. 
The importance of the Chian standard, which has 
lately been so ably demonstrated, 18 made it the principal 
rival of the Aeginetic and the Euboic-Attic systems in 
the East up to the time of Alexander the Great. A 
little speculation as to its origin would perhaps not be 
misplaced before entering upon a detailed description 
of the coins themselves. 

All early traditions concur in describing the pre- 
historic inhabitants of Chios as the Carians, Leleges, or 
Pelasgians, who occupied all the islands and coasts 
of Asia Minor prior to the Ionian immigration. 19 Now 
that all myths are treated with respect until they are 
definitely proved to be worthless, there is satisfaction 
in finding confirmation of the above in some of the 
land place-names. The word Chios itself is probably 
ian, there was a town of the name on the Triopian 
promontory,' 20 and it certainly has 110 meaning in 
Greek. Of the same origin are also the village-names 
brantion and Bolissos (a name that still survives 
changed, at least in its written form), and the 
bour called Kaukasa. Kardamyle, another village, 
,nd still surviving like Bolissos, is a link with the 
leges, and their similarly named town in Messenia. 
inally, the mount Pelinaion recalls the Pelasgo- 


17 See Head, B. M. Cat., Attica, Introduction, p. Ixv. 

18 See P. Gardner, "Coinage of the Athenian Empire," J. H. S., 
1913, p. 147, and ff. 

19 See Strabo, xiii. 621; xiv. 632; Pausanias, vii. 2 and 4; 
Herodotus, i. 171. 

20 Stephanus Byzantius, sub voce. 


Thessalian town Pelinna. 21 But the most important 
tradition that has come down to us is that which con- 
nects Chios with the Minoan thalassocracy. 22 Oenopion, 
grandson or nephew of Minos, is supposed to have 
settled in the island, and reigned there as king, intro- 
ducing the cultivation of the vine, and destroying 
monsters in the approved heroic fashion. There must 
have been considerable affinity between the Minoans 
and the local peoples, and the rule of Oenopion and 
his sons seems to have been a success. Pausanias 
relates 2:5 that the tomb of Oenopion was venerated at 
Chios even in his day, and was one of the principal 
objects of interest there. Now, all this may be taken 
to show that Minoan influence was strong in the island 
during the second millennium B. c. We may assume 
that the Minoan civilization prevailed there. What 
then more likely than that weights and measures in 
use in Minoan Crete should have been introduced into 
prehistoric Chios with the vine and other advantages ? 
It must surely be generally admitted by this time 
that the so-called Phoenician weight standard was 
used in Crete at a period long anterior to the true 
Phoenicians and their wanderings.' 24 The characteristic 
Chian standard has always been looked upon as a 
derivative of the Phoenician, so, now that we venture 

ai See Fick, Voiyriechittche Ortsnamen, pp. 60-2. 

12 Pausanias, vii. \ and 5. 

Pausanias, vii. 5. It is surprising that Pausanias does not 
refer to the other myth that makes Oenopion the son of Dionysus. 
The connexion between the two, especially at Chios, is so obvious 
that the myth cannot fail to have existed there from the earliest 

14 See Sir A. J. Evans, "Minoan Weights and Currency," in 
Corolla Numismnt'tcu, particularly the "silver dump" figured on 
P 363. 


to substitute Minoaii for Phoenician, it is, to say the 
least, encouraging to find an independent tradition 
supporting the establishment of Minoaii culture in 
Chios. Positive evidence as to this is lacking up to 
the present. There are no remains such as Melos, 
Thera, and even Delos have provided in such abun- 
dance. But there are " pelasgic walls " near the village 
of Myrmiki (MvpjjLrjKt) in the S.E. of the island that 
invite the spade of the excavator. 

In the meantime, since the continuity of a weight- 
standard over such a long period of time cannot be 
proved, it seems better to use the term Graeco-Asiatic 
to describe the stater of the average weight of 
225-6 grains (14-616 grammes). 25 


On the analogy of the evidence left by all the sur- 
rounding states, the earliest coins of Chios were 
presumably of electrum dating from the latter part 
of the seventh century B.C. But a difficulty con- 
nts us here at the outset. None of the extant 
lectrum pieces are as rude in style as some of the 
ilver didrachms that formed part of the Sakha hoard, 
d of another similar find in Lower Egypt 2G [PL 1. 3], 
not to mention the doubtful pieces belonging to the 
Aeginetic standard 27 [PL I. 1 and 2]. We have, besides, 

25 In doing this I am following the late Dr. Head in his Coins of 
Ephesus, and Prof. P. Gardner in his Samos and Samian Coins. 

26 Num. Chron., 1890, p. 4, PL i. 16; Num. Chron., 1899, pp. 
276-7, PL xvi. 2 ; and Zeitsdirift fur Num., 1900, pp. 238-41 , 
No. 30, PL viii. 6. 

27 Num. Chron., 1890, p. 18, PL ii. 15. With regard to the 
general question of early Ionian silver see B. M. Cat., Ionia , 
Introd., pp. xxxii-iv. 


no electrum coin with a Sphinx of so primitive a type as 
that conjecturally attributed to Samos (B. M. Cat., Ionia, 

PI. iii. 20-2). 

We are driven to conclude, therefore, either that the 
first Chian issues in electrum have not come down to 
us, or that the island struck silver a little before it 
began to use electrum. We must also allow, if the 
above-mentioned attribution to Samos be correct, that 
coinage did not begin in Chios quite as early as it did 
in Samos. 

With that caution, then, we can proceed to examine 
the surviving coins. It is opportune to remark here 
that the first thing that strikes one on inquiring 
closely into any series of ancient coins is the immense 
amount of material to be dealt with, but after a very 
little shuffling and sifting it soon becomes evident 
that only comparatively few of the original issues are 
available for our study. 

To illustrate this let us confine ourselves for the 
moment to the electrum coins. In addition to the fact 
already mentioned that no really primitive specimens 
of coins in this metal exist, it is worthy of note that 
we have no divisional pieces that can with certainty 
be attributed to Chios. 28 Considering the numbers 

- M . Babelon, in Part i, p. 191, No. 335 of his Tralte, and PL viii. 7, 
includes a twelfth-stater from the Cabinet de France in his Chian 
series. This coin, however, ought to be given to Teos, or perhaps 
more correctly to Phocaea. It most certainly does not belong to 
Chios, as the animal depicted on it is a Griffin. This was first 
pointi-d out to me by Miss A. Baldwin, and I have since been able 
to verify her opinion by personal observation. There is a small 
electrum piece with a Sphinx of archaic style r. in the Cabinet de 
France, but it is too heavy for Chios besides being quite unlike any 
>f h.-r issues in style. It weighs 40 grains (2-59 grammes) ; clearly 
a Phocaic sixth. 


and varieties of these little coins that were struck by 
the states using them, it is curious that none should 
have survived if they were ever made. We know of 
at least six different issues of electrum staters pre- 
sumably belonging to Chios, but none of the thirds or 
sixths which the practice of other Asiatic mints would 
have led us to expect. We are almost justified in 
classing them, with the unknown staters of Phocaea, 
among those things that we may expect to find some 
day. On the other hand, if, as already suggested, there 
were no electrum current in Chios before the intro- 
duction of silver, the lack of small electrum pieces 
might straightway be accounted for, since fractions 
of the stater would have been more conveniently made 
in silver. 

The monetary standards employed at Chios must 
now be briefly considered, although the main facts 
concerning them are perfectly well known. 

In the case of the early electrum coinage the 

standard followed was the Graeco- Asiatic, or an adap- 

ition of it, in which the stater weighed about 

519-5 grains (14-18-14-24 grammes) at Miletus. At 

lios the weight does not seem to have exceeded 

8 grains (14-14 grammes). 

In the case of silver the statement cannot be made 
[uite so simply. As will appear below, the earliest 

sues seem to have followed various systems, as if the 
sers were feeling their way until the Chian standard 
>roper was finally established. The same phenomenon 
lay be observed in the early silver coinage of Erythrae, 
Miletus, and Samos. It is not intended to number 

long these different systems the peculiar Aeginetic 
staters [PI. 1. 1 and 2] with a crouching Sphinx, as they 


fall into quite a different category, and cannot be 
claimed as genuine products of the Chiaii mint. But, 
independently of them, we seem to find three different 
standards in the two small groups of coins that stand 
at the head of the true Chian issues. Though it may 
be urged that two or three isolated pieces make a 
slender foundation on which to build up a somewhat 
elaborate theory, the extreme rarity of the coins must 
be their excuse. 

They will be found described under Period I, but at 
present we are only concerned with their weights, 
which are as follows: 

10,") -10 grains (6-81 grammes), PI. I. 5 ; 113-6 grains 
(7-36 grammes), PI. I. 5 ; 120-0 grains (7-76 grammes), 
PI. I. 3 j and 129-9 grains (8-42 grammes), PI. I. 3. 

N>\v, though these coins are divisible, by their style, 
into two separate groups, there cannot have been any 
material lapse of time between their respective dates 
of issue. On the other hand, the variations in their 
weights are too great to be accidental, and the weights 
represent, besides, three well-known monetary systems. 
The first mentioned belongs clearly to the modified 
Oraeco-Asiatic or Phoenician system, the second and 
third to the Chian, and the fourth to the Euboic. 

The Euboic standard is known to have been used in 
coining early Asiatic silver (B. M. Cat., Ionia, Introd. 
p. xxxvi, and PI. xxxiv. 3, 4, and 6). Though the pieces 
referred to are of doubtful attribution they serve to 
exemplify the close connexion that had always existed 
between the opposite shores of the Aegean, and may 
even be taken as proof of the Asiatic origin of the 
Kuboic monetary system. It may safely be assumed 
(hat Chios had a share in whatever commercial trans- 



actions took place over the area in question, and coins 
struck by Chios on the standard prevailing in Euboea 
and elsewhere would, no doubt, have facilitated her 

The modified G-raeco- Asiatic system was indigenous 
to the whole district of Ionia, and one would naturally 
expect to find it current in one of the principal Ionian 
states. In fact, these silver didrachms, weighing about 
108 grains (7-00 grammes), or possibly a little more, 
may have been issued in connexion with some of the 
early electrum coins for the purposes of eastern trade. 
As will appear below, they are probably contemporary 
with what I take to be the earliest extant electrum. 

Twenty of such didrachms would have been equiva- 
lent in value to one electrum stater of 217 grains 
(14-14 grammes) max., at the conventional ratio of 
10:1 then ruling. Considering that the metal used 
or these electrum pieces was a natural alloy, it seems 

work of supererogation to try to arrive at the true 
proportionate values of silver and electrum coins by 
imating the actual amount of gold and silver con- 

ined in the latter. The ratio must have been a 

nventional one, and, as M. Th. Reinach has pointed 

t, 29 it was probably maintained at 10:1 until the end 
the fifth century B. c. It fell to 9 : 1 in sympathy 

ith the reduction that subsequently took place in the 
ue of gold, and later still, towards 330 B. c., to 7J :1, 
r which electrum ceased to be used for coinage. 
These equations can all be proved from actual facts, 
as the learned author proves them at length in the 

9 " De la valeur proportionnelle de Tor et de 1'argent dans 
1'antiquite grecque," Rev. Xttm., 1893 and 1902. 


treatise quoted, and there is no need to call in the 
question of alloy in any of the cases he gives. The 
fourth-century electrum issues of Syracuse and Carthage 
were of quite a different order, for there the gold used 
was deliberately and even fraudulently alloyed. 

The Chian standard, which regulated the bulk of 
the island's silver issues for more than 250 years, 
seems, on the evidence of these early coins, to have 
been employed there at least as soon as the Euboic 
and before the Graeco- Asiatic. 

The coin illustrated, PL I. 3, is the earliest known 
representative of the system, though it is contemporary 
with the similar coin struck on the Euboic standard 
as detailed below. They are undoubtedly the earliest 
coins of Chios that we possess ; and, on grounds of 
style, may safely be assigned, like the Aeginetic 
staters, to the end of the seventh century B. c. 

The Aeginetic system had already a fairly wide range 
at this time. As is shown by the staters with the 
crouching Sphinx, and others of various types that 
have been found with them, some sort of monetary 
union existed between Aegina, several of the Cyclades, 
and certain coast towns and islands of Asia Minor. 30 
There must have been a tendency among other small 
neighbouring states either to use the same standard 
or to adapt their own to it as the system best suited 
to the interests of their trade. At Teos the Aeginetic 
standard was taken over bodily, but Chios seems to 
have had sufficient independence to frame a standard 
of her own. 

Though it must remain nothing but a theory, by far 

' M .\<i,ii. Cin-on., 1884, p. 269, and 1890, p. 13. 




the most likely way to account for the rise of the charac- 
teristic Chian standard is to regard it as an adjustment 
between the Graeco-Asiatic and the Aeginetic systems. 31 
This was effected by raising the weight of the Graeco- 
Asiatic didrachm from 108 grains (7-00 grammes) to 
123 grains (7-97 grammes) max., which is almost 
exactly f of the Aeginetic stater weighing 196 grains 
(12-60 grammes). In other words, eight of the new 
didrachms would exchange against five of the latter 
without the necessity of any calculation or weighing. 

PERIOD I. 625-575 B.C. (?). 

It will of course be understood that the limits 
assigned to this period are only approximate. It is 
impossible to say exactly when coinage began in Chios, 
nor is there any historical event, between the dates 
suggested, of a nature likely to have left its mark on 
,ypes or standard. 

It was in the latter days of the Ionian League, and 
an oligarchical government held sway in Chios. There 
were occasional wars between the island and Erythrae 
towards the end of the seventh century, and before the 
turn of the sixth Chios sent troops to the assistance of 
Miletus when the latter was fighting against Alyattes 
of Lydia. In effect the relations between Chios and 
Miletus seem to have been intimate at this time. The 
Milesians, aided by contingents from the most enter- 
prising states of the coast and islands, had founded 
Naukratis in Lower Egypt early in the seventh 
century. In the great temple there, called the Hellenion, 
the names of all the peoples who contributed to its 

31 G. F. Hill, Handbook of Greek and Roman Coins, p. 39. 



erection were recorded, and that of the Chians stood 
at the head of the list. Constant communication must 
have been maintained between Egypt and Chios, for 
commercial activities were growing fast. It is not 
surprising, then, that, as stated above, some of the 
island's earliest coins should have been found in Lower 
Egypt. In fact, up to the present, the site of Naukratis 
has, so far as we know, been the only source of supply 
for the early silver didrachms. 

As regards artistic development it is well known how 
advanced Chios had already become. The seventh 
century saw the rise there of a whole school of early 
sculpture. The names of Malas, Mikkiades, and 
Archermus, members of a single family of sculptors 
who followed each other in direct line, have been pre- 
served for us by Pliny. 32 Glaucus, the metal-worker, 
who was patronized by Alyattes, was also a native of 
the island. It is tempting to think that some of these 
men, whom we associate with the dawn of art in the 
Greek world, may have influenced the die-cutters of 
the first Chian coins. 

The coins which I would assign to this period are 
the following, and I should like to remark here once 
for all that the lists of the various types given below 
do not aim at being exhaustive. 

When a type is rare I have recorded particulars 
of every specimen known to me either through publi- 
cations or through having been able to examine the 
collections containing them. 

32 Hist. Nat., xxxvi. 11. Commenting on Jex-Blake's translation, 
Dr. H. L. Urlichs remarks that Malas was not the great-grand- 
father of the sons of Archermus, mentioned later, but the point ia 
only of secondaiy importance here. 


In the case of common varieties I have been content 
to cite three specimens only, so as to give the extreme 
variations of weight, &c., with the addition of a quali- 
fying note such as not rare, common, and so on. 

1. Obv. Sphinx of rude style crouching 1. on plain 
exergual line ; wing curled ; and long hair 
gathered into rough knot on nape of neck. 
Before it indistinguishable object or objects. 

Rev. Incuse square roughly divided into four unequal 
parts, and small countermark similarly but 
more evenly divided. Both punch-struck. 

JR. 17 mm. 188 grains (12-18 grammes). Aegi- 
neticjstater. Coll. Sir H. Weber. 

- mm. 187 grains (12-12 grammes). Aegi- 

netic stater. Sotheby's Sale Cat. Warren 
Coll., 1905, No. 31. 

mm. 184-75 grains (11-97 grammes). 

Aeginetic stater. Coll. B. Yakountchikoff 
ex Coll. Prince Chakhouskoy. Egger's Sale 
Cat, 1908, No. 547. [PI. I. 1.] 


mm. 187 grains (12-12 grammes). Aegi- 

netic stater. Sotheby's Cat. Sherman Benson 
Coll., 1909, No. 695. 

- mm. 192 grains (12-44 grammes). Cab. de 
France, ex Taranto find. [PI. I. 2.] 

- mm. 190-75 grains (12-36 grammes). Mus. 

of Fine ''Arts, Boston, Mass., U.S.A., ex 
C. P. Perkins's Coll., No. 492 of Cat. 

This very rare and primitive coin was first published 
by Canon Greenwell in Num. Chron., 1890, p. 18, 
PI. ii. 15, while describing a hoard that contained 
three specimens of the type, one of which, now in 
Sir H. Weber's collection, is given above. 

c 2 


As already suggested, this coin cannot be unhesi- 
tatingly attributed to Chios, although it has been 
associated with the island for so long by numismatists 
that it would be presumptuous to omit it here. It is 
so totally different in style, however, from the usual 
products of the Chian mint that one is almost driven 
to prefer some other source of origin. On the other 
hand it would be difficult to conceive of a more fitting 
prototype for the well-known fifth-century didrachm 
of Chios than the coin next to be described, PI. I. 3. 
Practically every step in the development from one 
to the other can be traced. But the Aeginetic 
staters are altogether foreign to the series. As Canon 
Greenwell pointed out, the appearance of the Sphinx 
upon them partakes more of animal than of human 
characteristics. The work is different in many ways 
from that of No. 2, although the two coins are in 
all probability roughly contemporary, the prominence 
of the chin in No. 1 being especially remarkable. The 
object or objects in front of the Sphinx have been 
called by various names, but on no specimen known 
to me are they sufficiently clear to warrant a guess as 
to their nature. The association with Chios of course 
suggests an amphora, but I can see no justification for 
it, still less for a vine branch. There are at least two 
distinct dies to be recognized, both obverse and 
reverse, but the differences between them are of no 
importance. The countermarking of the coins seems 
to have partially obliterated the symbol in most speci- 
mens. I illustrate two in order to show that the 
smaller of the two incuse squares is really a counter- 
mark, and not part of the main punch mark as has 
been suggested. A reference to the plate will show 


that these coins are from the same reverse die, yet the 
small incuse occupies a relatively different position 
on each. 

It is the same countermark as occurs on the coin 
attributed to Cos in B.M.Cat., Caria, PL xxx. 1, to 
Cnidus, do. do., PL xiii. 7, and to Delos, Num. Chron., 
1890, PL ii. 11; also possibly on the gold stater of 
Phocaea, Num. Chron., 1875, PL x. 6. 

The globular, or bean-shaped, flan, the punch- 
striking of the reverse, and the small countermark 
of this coin are all Ionic in character, and quite dis- 
tinct from the typical Aeginetic incuse and anvil 
method of striking which mark the western group 
of coins so closely connected with it. 33 

It seems evident, therefore, that we have here an 
issue of some Ionian state in temporary league with 
Aegina and other cities, though there is nothing to 
show to what particular state it should be attributed. 

We come now to what may be considered to be the 
first genuine Chian issues, beginning with the earlier 
of the two groups of coins showing varying standards. 

2. Obv. Sphinx of rude style seated 1. on roughly 
dotted exergual line ; forelegs united and 
straddled ; wing curled ; hair long with a 
separate lock descending from crown of head 
and curling upwards at tip. In field 1. a rosette. 

Rev. Roughly quartered incuse square ; punch-struck. 
JR. 16-25 mm. 120 grains (7-76 grammes). Chian 
didrachm. Berlin Cab. ex Sakha hoard. 

[PI. I. 3.] 

16-75 mm. 129-9 grains (8-424 grammes). 
Euboic didrachm. Brit. Mus. 

33 See illustrations accompanying the late Mr. W. Wroth's 
description -of the famous Santorin hoard, Num. Chron., 1884, 
PI. xii, and Canon Greenwell's account of a similar find, Num. 
Chron., 1890, PI. ii. 9-16. 


These two coins, which, to the best of my belief, are 
the only known specimens of their type, were probably 
struck from the same obverse die, and certainly from 
the same reverse one, the British Museum specimen 
being the earlier. 

The Berlin specimen was published by Dr. Dressel 
in the Zeitschrift fur Numismatik, 1900, pp. 238-41, 
No. 30, and in the Numismatic Chronicle for 1911, 
pp. 85-93, I drew attention to the one in the British 
Museum. :J4 

Several points in connexion with these interest- 
ing coins have already been touched upon above. 
Attention may be drawn in passing to their very early 
style betrayed by the grotesque profile and the large 
head. They can safely be assigned to the end of the 
seventh century B.C., and are at least as old as the 
Aeginetic staters. 

It is interesting to note that the quartered incuse 
square already appears at this early date, and must 
necessarily be placed before the plain incuse of coins 
such as Nos. 4 and 5, although, in the absence of other 
evidence, the latter form is generally regarded as the 
more primitive of the two. 

With regard to the rosette in the field it is con- 
ceivable that it may commemorate some fleeting 
alliance with Erythrae. But I do not feel inclined 
to support the idea, the two states having been 
almost constantly at variance. Besides, a more plausible 
explanation of the symbol is to be found in the solar 

$4 In the course of ray remarks on that occasion I was wrong to 
place these coins in the same class as the didrachm published by 
Canon Greenwell in Num. Citron., 1890, p. 4, since the latter 
belongs to the group next to be described. 


emblem on certain coins of Paeonia and Macedonia. 35 
At first sight this may not appear quite obvious to 
those who have been accustomed to regard the Sphinx 
as a peculiarly Dionysiac attribute. 

M. Svoronos has shown us, however, in his most 
interesting paper, that both Sphinxes and Griffins 
figured in the imagery of the sun-worship that pre- 
vailed throughout nearly the whole district between 
the river Axius and the Rhodope mountains. This 
cult had its centre on the summit of Mount Pangaeum, 
and it can be traced from the Derronians in the west 
to the Sagraeans in the east, from the Laeaeans in the 
north to the island of Peparethus in the south through 
the prevalence on their coins of the solar emblem 
of a rosette of pellets in various forms. For details 
I must refer the reader to M. Svoronos's learned 

On the other hand, to the immediate north of Mount 
Pangaeum extended the land of the Edones, and to 
the east of it that of the Dionysians, where the worship 
of Dionysus had flourished from time immemorial. In 
fact the two cults seem to have overlapped both in 
their symbolism and in their geographical distribution. 

fie votaries of Dionysus adopted the KVK\OS 'HXt'ov, 
d those of Zeus the Sphinx and the Griffin. 
Among the Edones, who, as we have seen, were wor- 
snippers of Dionysus, was a city called Asoros or Gasoros, 
to which reference has been made above. This city 
ruck coins over a considerable time, for specimens 
are known representing the archaic, the transitional, 
and the fine periods of art, with a Sphinx to r. On 
a transitional piece, now in the Vienna cabinet, the 

33 J. N. Svoronos in Journal Int. tiArch. Num., 1913, pp. 193-280. 


solar emblem, of a form very similar to that on this 
archaic coin of Chios, is to be seen in front of the 

It seems highly probable that the Pangaean country- 
side may be the original home of the Chian Sphinx, 
and fresh force is thereby added to the supposition 
that the type under consideration may represent the 
first monetary issue made by Chios. The Sphinx in 
combination with the solar emblem was at home on 
the Thracian border of Macedonia, and was no doubt 
taken over with the new religion on its introduction 
into the Ionian island. The symbol then ceased to 
have any meaning in its new surroundings, and was 
forthwith discarded. In any case it never appears 
again on the coinage. 

The second group of coins exhibiting varying 
standards, which is the next to be examined, includes 
the earliest type of electrum stater that has come 
down to us. Judging by style alone, I venture to 
suggest that the staters described below were struck 
during the first quarter of the sixth century. This 
theory is supported by their similarity to the silver 
didrachms that accompany them here. These latter, 
as already observed, come sufficiently near to No. 2 in 
general appearance to show that no great interval of 
time can have separated them. 

Taking the electrum staters first, we have : 

3. Obv. Sphinx of rude archaic style seated r. on 
exergual line, consisting of two parallel lines 
with dots between. She has wing slightly 
curled ; hair lying in a thick mass on nape of 
neck, with a separate lock rising from crown 
of head and ending in a spiral curl ; and 
round ear-ring. Further foreleg shows behind 


Rev. Deep incuse square divided into four parts, and 


El. mm. 218 grains (14-14 grammes). Mile- 


sian stater. Cabinet de France. [PL I. 4.] 
. 216-2 grains (14-01 grammes). Mile- 

sian stater. Cabinet de France. 

These two coins are Nos. 331-2 of M. Babelon's Traite, 
vol. ii. The former was first published by Ch. Lenormant 
in Rev. Num., 1856, p. 12, PI. ii. 1, where he alludes to it 
as of tres ancien style. The second is a variety of it, 
and is the only other specimen of the type known to me. 
They differ mainly in the form of the exergual line, 
which, in the case of the latter, seems to consist of 
a row of dots only, but both are struck from the same 
reverse die. 

It will be noticed that the style of these coins is 
much better than that of No. 2, and the whole aspect 
of the Sphinx is more like what it assumed in later 
times, but the sloping forehead and coarse features 
typical of primitive work are still there. 

4. Obv. Sphinx of rude archaic style seated 1. on plain 
exergual line ; wing curled ; hair in uniform 
mass like an Egyptian wig, with long separate 
lock rising from crown of head and projecting 
backwards ; forelegs separate, but not drawn 
in perspective. 
Rev. Plain incuse square, punch-struck. 

JR. 15-00 mm. 116-8 grains (7-57 grammes). Chian 

didrachm. Berlin Cab. ex C. K. Fox Coll., 

Coll., 1873. [PL I. 5.] 
16-50 mm. 105-1 grains (6-81 grammes). Graeco- 

Asiatic didrachm. Coll. Sir H. Weber, from 

find in the Delta, 1890. 
15-00 mm. 11 3-6 grains (7-36 grammes). Chian 

didrachm. Coll. Sir H. Weber, from Sakha 

hoard, 1899. 


This type, which is clearly a direct descendant of 
No. 2, was first published by Canon Greenwell in 
Num. Chron., 1890, p. 4. 

The Berlin specimen and Sir H. Weber's < 
didrachm are from the same obverse die, while 
Sir H. Weber's Graeco-Asiatic didrachm is from the 
same reverse die as the Berlin coin. 

These didrachms must be considered earlier on the 
whole than the electrum stater No. 3, though the 
differences to be observed maybe partly due to careless 
execution. It is worthy of note that the dies for 
electrum coins seem, as a rule, to have been more 
elaborately prepared than those for silver ones. Another 
small point, illustrating this time the conscientiousness 
of archaic art, is that, throughout the sixth century, the 
forelegs of the Sphinx are almost invariably drawn so 
that both should be seen. And it may be broadly 
stated that, after the period when one foreleg is 
represented raised, the earlier coins have the legs 
further apart than those which succeed them. 

The paucity of dies, to which attention has been 
drawn, in all the coins hitherto described, shows that 
they cannot have been struck in large quantities. 
This is only what one would expect from such early 
issues, and helps to confirm their attribution to the 
dates suggested. 

PERIOD II. 575(?)-545 B.C. 

The early portion of this period is more remarkable 
in the history of Chios for the aesthetic and commercial 
progress made by her people than for any important 
political event. In 550 B. c., however, Croesus overthrew 
the Ionian League, though he refrained from subju- 


gating the two island states of Chios and Samos. The 
oligarchic or aristocratic form of government continued 
at Chios down to the time of the final extinction of 
the League by Harpagus in 545 B.C. 

Since all autonomous coining of electrum must have 
ceased with the imposition of Persian rule under 
Cyrus, as Prof. P. Gardner has conclusively shown, 36 
the task of fixing the date of the remaining Chian 
issues in this metal is considerably simplified. Three 
at least of the known types still unrecorded here must, 
in consequence of the above, fall automatically into 
the present period. They are none of them so old 
in style as the type last quoted, No. 3, nor are they yet 
suitable for inclusion among the coins of the Ionian 
Revolt, about which there will be more to say 
later on. 

As regards their individual arrangement it is of 
course impossible to be positive, and the order in 
which they are placed below is only intended to be 
mjectural. Still, by comparing these three widely 
livergent types with the more or less contemporary 
diver didrachms, which afford a far less broken scheme 
>f development, I hope to be able to show that the 
classes mutually support each other without neces- 
irily having been issued together. It is possible of 
>urse that some of the didrachms described under 
'eriod III may belong here, but in the present state 
)f our knowledge anything more definite than what 
am already proposing would be the merest guess- 

There is certainly no lack of material from this time 

36 "The Coinage of the Ionian Revolt," J. H. S., 1911, p. 156. 


onward, and it is clear from the variety of types how 
intense "was the artistic life of the time. The sculptor 
Archermus, the third of his line, was flourishing, of 
whom it has been said that he was the first to give 
wings to Nike. One is irresistibly reminded of this 
phrase by the beautifully finished stater [PI. I. 8], and 
what I like to look upon as its contemporary didrachm 
[PL I. 14], in which the Sphinx's two wings are shown 
in a fine perspective. This arrangement was never 
attempted again until the beginning of the Roman 

The following are the electrum coins referred to 
above : 

5. Obv. Sphinx of archaic style seated r. without exergual 
line ; wing curled ; hair in dense mass like 
an Egyptian wig ; only one foreleg showing. 

Rev. Plain incuse square ; punch-struck. 

El. j^^ mm. 216-97 grains (14-06 grammes). 

Milesian stater. Br. Mus. ex Bank Coll. 

[PL I. 6.] 

216 grains (14-00 grammes). Mile- 

sian stater. Berlin Cabinet. 

6. Obi-. Sphinx of archaic style seated r. without exergual 
line ; wing slightly curled ; hair in long straight 
ringlets ; only one foreleg showing. 

Rev. Plain incuse square : punch-struck. (The absence 
of quartering cross in this type may possibly 
be due to wear.) 

El. 19-00 mm. 217-75 grains (14-11 grammes). 

Milesian stater. Coll. B. Yakountehikoff ex 

Rothschild Coll. No. 370, Cat. 1900. 
l&OO mm * 216 ' 35 g rains ( 14>02 grammes). 

Milesian stater. Coll. R. Jameson, Cat. 

No. 1519, from Vourla find, 1911. [PI. I. 7.] 


7. O&y. Sphinx of refined archaic style, wearing round 
earring, and seated 1. without exergual line ; 
both wings showing, curled at tips ; hair long ; 
further forepaw raised and holding lotus 

Rev. Incuse square somewhat roughly divided into 
four parts ; punch-struck. 


El. mm. 216-5 grains (14-03 grammes). 

1 7 '00 

Milesian stater. Coll. B. Yakountchikoff ex 
Montagu Coll., No. 589, Sotheby's Cat, 


mm. 217-9 grains (14-12 grammes). 

Milesian stater. Coll. K. Jameson, Cat. 
No. 1520, ex Philipsen Coll., No. 2241. 
Hirsch's Cat., 1909. [PI. I. 8.J 


- mm. 217-13 grains (14-07 grammes). 

Milesian stater. Cabinet de France ; No. 335 

of Babelon's Traite, vol. ii. 
20-00 mm. 218-2 grains (14-14 grammes). 

Milesian stater. No. 1087, Cat. Egger, xlvi. 


The only point that these three staters have in 
common is the absence both of the exergual line and of 
the separate lock of hair. 

No. 5 is well known to all students of the National 
Collection, and was published in the catalogue for 
Ionia, p. 7, and PL i. 19. It was chosen by Prof. 
P. Gardner to illustrate his paper on the Gold Coinage 
of Asia in the Proceedings of the British Academy, 
1908, when he first propounded his theory about the 
coinage of the Ionian Revolt, but rejected later (J. H. S., 
1911, p. 154, note 11) as being of too early style. 

No. 6 was published by M. E-. Jameson in his 
description of the Vourla find (Rev. Num., 1911, 
pp. 60-8), when, without knowing of Prof. Gardner's 


paper, he came to the same conclusion about the 
probable issue of a federal coinage at the time of the 
Ionian Eevolt. The author there recognized that this 
particular coin is older than the majority of those 
composing the hoard to which the date of 500 B.C. is 
roughly assigned. 

This coin is of later style than No. 5, though it has 
a similar plain incuse. It is possible that the absence 
of the crossed lines in this case may be due to wear, 
since traces of what might have been quartering^ are 
to be detected in the square, whereas the reverse of 
No. 5 shows no signs of them at all. 

Both the coins here described are from the same dies. 

No. 7. So far as I am aware this beautiful stater 
has never been the subject of any special reference. 
It is an example of all that is finest in archaic art, 
and a proof of the high level reached by craftsmen in 
Chios at this period. Unfortunately none of the 
specimens that I have come across is in really good 
condition, M. B,. Jameson's coin being quite the finest 
of the four. This prevents any comparison of dies in 
the case of the obverses, but for the reverses two are 
recognizable, one between M. Yakountchikoff's and 
the Egger Cat. specimens, and the other between 
M. Jameson's and the French Cabinet's coins. 

This type affords the only instance of an electrum 
coin at Chios, with the exception of the fifth-century 
stater, in which the Sphinx is depicted to left. 

The silver didrachms that I suggest for this period 
are the following : 

8. Obv. Sphinx of archaic style seated 1. on plain exergual 
line ; wing curled ; hair in dense mass like an 
Egyptian wig ; both forelegs showing, but not 
dcaWQ in perspective. 


Eev. Plain incuse square ; punch-struck. 

M. 17-00 mm. 120-2 grains (7-79 grammes). Chian 
didrachm. Berlin Cabinet ex Imhoof-Blumer 
Coll. 1900. [PL I. 9.] 

9. Olv. Sphinx of archaic style seated 1. on dotted exer- 
gual line ; wing slightly curled ; hair long, 
with separate lock hanging from crown of 
head and ending in a spiral curl ; further 
forepaw raised holding a lotus-flower ; between 
fore and hind legs a cock's head 1. Circle of dots. 

Eev. Quartered incuse square ; punch-struck. 

M. mm. 121-3 grains(7-86 grammes). Chian 


didrachm. Berlin Cabinet, from Sakha 
hoard, 1899. [PL I. 10.] 
?mm. 1204 grains (7-80 grammes). Chian 
didrachm. Berlin Cabinet, from recent find 
in Egypt, 1914. 

1 K 00 

mm. 119-75 grains (7- 76 grammes). Chian 

didrachm. Coll. J. K. McClean, Fitzwilliam 
Museum, Cambridge. [PL I. 11.] 

10. Variety of preceding in which the Sphinx does not hold 

lotus-flower in upraised forepaw. 


M. - mm. 111-9 grains (7-244 grammes). Chian 

didrachm, from Sakha hoard. Num. Chron., 
1899, p. 277, No. 16. 

mm. 121-8grains(7-895grammes). Chian 

didrachm. My collection ex Philipsen Coll., 
No. 2242, Hirsch's Cat., 1909. 

11. Obv. Sphinx 1. like No. 9, except that the exergual 

line is plain, and that there is a lotus-flower 
between Sphinx's fore and -hind legs in place 
of the cock's head. 

Eev. Quartered incuse square of larger size than any 
hitherto described ; punch-struck. 



JR. - mm. 1204 grains(7-80 grammes). Chian 

didrachm. Coll. B.. Yakountchikoff ex 
O'Hagan Coll., No. 587 (part of) Sotheby's 
Cat., 1908. [PL I. 12.] 

Broken didrachm known to Dr. Dressel of 

12. Obv. Sphinx 1. like No. 9, but of somewhat later style 

and without either exergual line or lotus-flower 
in upraised forepaw. The separate lock on 
head is also doubtful. 

Rev. Quartered incuse square of earlier type than 
No. 11 ; punch-struck. 

JR. mm. 115-5 grains (748 grammes). Chian 

didrachm. Coll. Sir H. Weber from Sakha 
hoard, Num. Chron., 1899, p. 277, No. 15. 
17-00 mm. 119.75 grains (7-76 grammes). 
Chian didrachm. Coll. B. Yakountchikoff, 
No. 368, Hirsch's Cat.,vii. 1902. [PI. 1. 13.] 

13. 01)V. Sphinx of refined archaic style seated 1. on plain 

exergual line ; she wears round ear-ring ; both 
wings show in perspective curled at tips ; hair 
long with conventionalized lock of tendril-like 
form projecting from back of head ; further 
foreleg shows behind nearer. 

Rev. Quartered incuse square of similar type to No. 11 ; 


JR. 16-25 mm. 121 -6 grains (7-88grammes). Chian 
didrachm. Coll. B. Yakountchikoff ex Sher- 
man Benson Coll., No. 696, Sotheby's Cat., 
1909. [PI. I. 14.] 

No. 8. This coin is unique in my experience, and, 
although in bad condition, may be seen to have points 
of resemblance, especially about the head, with the 
first electrum stater of this period, No. 5. The manner 
in which the forelegs are drawn and the plain incuse 
square connect it with the silver didrachm, No. 4. 


This is the last time that the plain incuse appears 
in the series, and there is no sign here whatever of 
the punch having originally been quartered but worn 
smooth by use. 

Nos. 9-12. These types were first published by 
Sir Hermann Weber and Dr. Dressel in their descrip- 
tions of the Sakha hoard (see note 7 above). Judging 
from the varieties to be noted among them, their issue, 
taken as a whole, seems to have been a more plentiful 
one than any of its predecessors. I illustrate two coins 
of type No. 9 [PL I. 10 and 11] so as to show the cock's 
head and peculiar exergual line clearly. 

There must have been some little interval between 
No. 8 and the present group, which is distinguished 
from all other silver issues of Chios, previous to the 
Roman period, by the Sphinx's upraised forepaw. 
The design has suddenly become more ornate, and the 
dotted border, very finely executed on some specimens, 
is a novel and unusual feature for the period. Still, 
the large head and straightly falling mass of hair are 
typical of archaic art, and connect the group intimately, 
although the type is so different in other respects, with 
the electrum stater No. 6. The peculiar shape of the 
Sphinx's wing also does this, for no wing quite like it 
is seen again on the sixth-century didrachms, though 
it had already occurred on the earlier electrum [PI. 1. 4]. 
The upraised forepaw is, of course, a link with the 
electrum stater No. 7, which, as we have seen, 
may on general grounds of style be placed later than 
No. 6. 

No. 12, in spite of its older reverse, is, I think, a little 
later than the rest of these coins with the dotted border, 
because of the smaller head and the attempt made to 



show its shape beneath the hair." The flan is also less 
bullet-shaped. The two coins representing this type, 
which is the rarest of the group; are struck from the 
same dies, both obverse and reverse. Otherwise I have 
observed no community of dies between this and the 
other members of the group. 

With regard to the cock's head and lotus-flower 
symbols, it is difficult to say whether they should be 
regarded as magistrates' signets, or simply as adjuncts 
peculiar to the Sphinx. The former would not be 
inconsistent with the oligarchic government in power 
at the time, especially as just such a use was then being 
made of symbols at Teos. 38 But if the practice had 
ever been adopted, it is hard to see why it should have 
been abandoned before the coming of the tyrants. And 
yet we have the evidence of No. 12 to show that this 
must have taken place even within the limits of this 
particular group. 

The facts necessary for the settlement of the question 
are very incomplete, of course ; but until the sands of 
Egypt reveal more specimens I prefer to consider these 
symbols as mere accessories to the design of the coins. 

The lotus-flower, as we have seen, was associated 
with the Sphinx in its role as a chthonic deity, and 
the cock had a similar significance. 39 

87 When publishing this coin in Num. Chron., 1899, p. 277, Sir 
II. Weber placed it earlier than the type here called No. 10, but 
the dotted circle is not visible on his specimen. 

Jh B. M. Cat., Ionia, pp. 309-10, and PI. xxx. 2, 3, 4, and 5. 

39 See D'A. W. Thompson's Glossary of Greek Birds, sub voce aAe*- 
rpvutv, p. 24. It appears as an offering to the dead on some of the 
archaic Spartan bas-reliefs ; see the summary account of these 
monuments in Tod and Wace, Catalogue of the Sparta Museum 
(1906), pp. 102 ff. 


No. 13. This charming coin has never been published, 
and is unique to the best of my belief. No one can 
fail to recognize its close resemblance to the electrum 
stater No. 7. In fact, it might be the work of the same 
artist. Though this resemblance naturally confines it 
to the limits of the present period, it comes much 
nearer in general appearance to the more familiar types 
next to follow than to anything that has preceded it 
in the course of this review. It seems, in a word, to 
stand on the boundary between the rare coins that we 
have just studied somewhat minutely and the compara- 
tively common types of the later archaic period. 

It will have been noticed that all the coins just 
described, representing types 8-13, belong unequivo- 
cally to the local standard of Chios. The only piece 
about which a doubt might be raised is the former of 
the two specimens under No. 10, weighing 111-9 grains 
(7-244 grammes). But since it is well in excess of the 
maximum attained by the Graeco- Asiatic standard, 
it seems fair to regard it as a light specimen of the 
Chian system. In fact, from the beginning of this 
period till the middle of the fourth century or there- 
abouts, there is no reason to suppose that any other 
standard for silver but the local one was used at Chios. 

PERIOD III. 545-500 B.C. 

It has already been observed that the coinage of 
electrum must have ceased under the Persian rule that 
now controlled the affairs of Chios. On the other hand, 
there can be no doubt but that the coinage of silver 
largely increased from this time onwards. Not only 
is there a great variety of types, but the coins them- 
selves are no longer so rare as previously. 



The chief characteristics to be noted are the occa- 
sional use of a wreath round the type, and the gradual 
evolution of the amphora in front of the Sphinx. Two 
contemporary artists are worthy of mention. These 
were Bupalus and Athenis, the sons of Archermus, 
and enough is known about them to show that they 
worthily carried on the traditions of their family. 

The growth of trade in spite of foreign rule, that 
we may deduce from the more plentiful coinage, may 
possibly be connected with the acquisition by the Chians 
at this time of the territory of Atarneus. We are 
told that they owed this grant of fertile land to the 
generosity of Cyrus in return for treacherously giving 
up to him a Lydian called Pactyas, who had taken 
sanctuary at the temple of Athena Poliouchos in the 
island. 40 

"Whatever the truth of the story may be, the Chians 
benefited much from their new possessions, which 
contained silver mines and hot springs, as well as 
the direct means of increasing their food supply. 

Under the influence of the Persians a new party 
arose in the state that led to the overthrow of the 
oligarchy and the establishment of a tyranny. As in 
all the other cities of the League now subject to Persia, 
the tyrants in Chios were natives of the island, and 
one of them, named Strattis, has acquired a certain 

It was he who supported Histiaeus, tyrant of Miletus, 
in selfishly refusing to destroy the bridge over the 
Ister, and so ruin the Persians under Darius in Scythia. 
Histiaeus was rewarded for his services, but led the 

49 Herodotus viii. 106, and Pausanias iv. 35. 




revolt nevertheless. Strattis, who seems to have 
remained faithful to Darius during the early stages 
of the revolt, was deposed, and the aristocratic govern- 
ment was re-established in Chios. 

This rapid review of events between the fall of the 
Ionian League and the famous Revolt is sufficient for 
numismatic purposes, as we have no means of knowing 
whether or not the main political events of the day 
found an echo in Chios, and, if so, were accompanied 
by any particular issue of money. 

It would be of supreme interest if we could trace 
signs of the impression made on the vassal state by 
the death of Cyrus, for instance ; by the victories of 
Cambyses in Egypt, not at all an unlikely cause of 
celebration : or by the accession of Darius. We find 
coins with a wreath around the type, we note the 
introduction of a new symbol, and of an important 
alteration in the type, but we have no hint as to what 
brought about the changes. "We do not even know 
in what order the various issues, that inevitably fall 
into this period, followed one another. In attempting 
their arrangement I have adopted an order that is 
purely arbitrary, but at least has the merit of being 

Assuming that the amphora, when once introduced, 
was not again omitted from the type, it follows that 
coins without an amphora must come first. Then it 
will be noticed that the amphora takes different forms, 
which may be supposed to have preceded the time 
when its shape and position became fixed as we know 
them on the fifth-century didrachms. 

The development of the incuse square 011 the reverses 
will be found to confirm this arrangement on the whole, 


the punch-mark becoming shallower and the dividing 
lines broader as we approach the end of the group. 

There are still one or two other varieties which might 
have been mentioned, but the differences that distin- 
guish them from those given below are so slight that 
it is not worth while to include them as separate types. 
A case in point is referred to in note 41. The general 
characteristics of the period are the long hair of the 
Sphinx and the small size and irregular position of 
the amphora. 

The most important of the known types to be noted 
in this period are as follows : 

14. Obr. Sphinx of refined archaic style seated 1. ; body 

lean ; wing curled ; hair in queue ; further 
foreleg showing well in front of nearer in 
rough perspective. Around wreath of olive (?). 

/.Vr. Quartered incuse square divided by narrow bars 
into deep compartments ; punch-struck. 

M. - ^ A mm - 122-3 grains (7-93 grammes). Chian 
14 '00 

didrachm. No. 678, Ward Coll., Municipal 
Museum, New York. [PI. II. 1.] 


r A mm. 121-8 grains(7-90 grammes). Chian 

didrachm. Cabinet de France. 
_ e mm. 1 18-8 grains(7-70 grammes). Chian 


didrachm. My collection. 
Not rare. 

15. Obv. Sphinx of archaic style seated 1. ; coarse work ; 

wing curled ; hair apparently in long ringlets; 
further foreleg outlined behind nearer. 

//' >: Quartered incuse square divided by moderately 
narrow bars into shallowish compartments; 


M. 17-50 mm. 121-2 grains (7-86 grammes). Chian 
didrachm. Athens Cabinet. [PI. II. 2.] 

. 119-6 grains (7-75 grammes). Chian 

didrachm. Cabinet de France, No. 4969. 

16. Obv. Sphinx of unusually large size and refined archaic 

style seated 1. on plain exergual line ; wing 
slightly curled ; hair long ; further foreleg 
outlined behind nearer ; before its feet vase 
without handles on first specimen, and squat 
amphora on second. 

Rev. Quartered incuse square divided by narrow bars 
into deep compartments ; punch-struck. 


M. mm. 119-45grains(7-74grammes). Chian 


didrachm. Berlin Cabinet ex Coll. Philipsen. 
No. 2243 Hirsch's Cat., 1909. [PL II. 3.] 

mm. 1 18-65 grains(7-69grammes). Chian 

didrachm. Cabinet de France, No. 4968 a . 

17. Obv. Sphinx of refined archaic style seated 1. on plain 

exergual line ; wing curled in naturalistic 
manner ; hair long ; further foreleg outlined 
behind nearer. In field 1. small amphora with 
ball at point. 

JKev. Quartered incuse square divided by narrow bars 
into three very deep and one shallow com- 
partment ; punch-struck. 

M. 17-00 mm. 122-4 grains (7-94 grammes). Chian 

didrachm. Brit. Mus., No. 2, Cat. Ionia, 

Chios. [PL II. 4.] 
17-25 mm. 121-8grains(7-90 grammes). Chian 

didrachm. Cabinet de France ex Coll.Luynes, 

No. 4966. 
17-00 mm. 121-8 grains(7-90 grammes). Chian 

didrachm. Athens Cabinet. 

L8. Obv. Sphinx of refined archaic style seated 1. on thick 
exergual line ; wing curled ; hair in queue ; 
further foreleg showing behind nearer in good 


perspective. In field 1. small amphora with 
rounded handles, and ball at point. The whole 
on circular raised' shield with olive (?) wreath 

Hw. Quartered incuse square divided by narrow bars 
into deep compartments ; punch-struck. 

Ai . !Z^? mm . 120 grains (7-78 grammes). Chian 

didrachm. Coll. J. R. McClean, Fitzwilliam 

Museum, Cambridge. [PI. II. 5.] 
17-50 mm. 1 18-8 grains(7-70 grammes). Chian 

didrachm. Cabinet de France, No. 4963. 
17-50 mm. 121-8 grains (7 -90 grammes). Chian 

didrachm. My collection. 
Fairly common. 

19. Obv. Sphinx of refined archaic style seated 1. on plain 
exergtial line, wearing stephane and hair long ; 
wing curled in naturalistic manner ; further 
foreleg outlined behind nearer. Before its feet 
small amphora with ball at point. 

Rev. Quartered incuse square divided by broadish bars 
into irregularly shaped and moderately deep 
compartments ; punch-struck. 

JR.. mm. 122-25grains(7-93grammes). Chian 


didrachm. Coll. R. Jameson, Cat. No. 1521, 
ex Delbeke Coll., No. 195 ; Sotheby's Cat., 
1907. [PI. II. 6.] 


j _mm. 119- 4 grains (7-74 grammes). Chian 

didrachm. Municipal Museum, New York, 
No. 679, Ward Coll. 

mm. 121-35grains(7-87grammes). Chian 

didrachm. My collection. 

20. Obv. Sphinx of refined archaic style seated 1. on plain 
exergual line ; wing curled in naturalistic 
manner ; hair long ; further foreleg showing 
almost fully behind nearer. In field 1. amphora 
with ball at point. The whole in vine-wreath. 


Rev. Quartered incuse square divided by moderately 
narrow bars into compartments of irregular 
depth ; punch-struck. In the three deepest 
depressions the letters XIO. 

M. - mm. 121-8grains(7-90grammes). Chian 


didrachm. Cabinet de France, No. 4962. 
[PL II. 7.] 

17-00 mm. 120 grains (7-78 grammes). Chian 
didrachm. Coll. K. Jameson ex Taranto 
find, Eev. Num., 1912, PI. iii. 7. [PL II. 8.J 

21. Obv. Sphinx of small size and refined archaic style 
seated 1. on plain exergual line ; wing curled ; 
hair in queue ; further foreleg outlined behind 
nearer. Before it amphora on ground line with 
ball at point, and lines forming handles turned 
back over mouth. 

Rev. Quartered incuse square divided by moderately 
narrow bars into shallow compartments ; 

M. 16-25 mm. 119-75grains(7-76grammes). Chian 
didrachm. Berlin Cabinet ex Coll. C. R. 
Fox, 1873. [PL II. 9.] 

16-00 mm. 118-8 grains (7- 70, grammes). Chian 
didrachm. Athens Cabinet. 

17-00 mm. 122-2 grains(7-79 grammes). Chian 
didrachm. Museum of Fine Arts, Boston, 
Mass., U.S.A., ex Warren Coll., No. 1139 of 
Regling's Cat. 


Obv. Sphinx as preceding, but type arranged on raised 
circular shield. 

Rev. Quartered incuse square divided by broad bars 
into roughly shaped shallow compartments ; 

M. 16-50 mm. 11 8-5 grains (7-68 grammes). Chian 
didrachm. Museum of Fine Arts, Boston, 
Mass., U. S. A. From Naukratis, through 
Egyptian Exploration Fund. 


No. 14. It is not absolutely certain whether there 
is an amphora or not before the Sphinx on coins of 
this type, although there is no sign of it on any of the 
three pieces here described. The question must be 
considered to be still subjudice, however, as indications 
are to be observed on two specimens at Berlin that 
suggest an amphora. 

In any case I think that it is as well to place the 
type at the beginning of this group on account of 
the resemblance it bears to No. 13, although inferior 
as a work of art. The same trick of representing the 
Sphinx with its hind legs half bent, as if in the act of 
rising, may be noticed in both. It is also, on the 
whole, the most archaic looking of all the types 
assembled under this period. It is difficult, too, to be 
positive about the composition of the wreath. Ivy 
or vine-leaves were certainly to have been expected, 
but there may have been some reason for using an 
olive-wreath which the design suggests more than 
anything else. 

No. 15. This seems to be a rare type, and the two 
coins cited are the only specimens I have seen. They 
are both from the same dies. The type is remarkable 
for its unusually rough execution, although it shows 
the earliest signs of that massiveness in the bodily 
forms of the Sphinx which characterizes many of the 
subsequent issues. 

There is no doubt here about the absence of any 

No. 16 is a very difficult coin to attribute. The 
style and execution are good, and the weight being 
Chian there seems no reason to discredit its right to 
a place among the island's issues. But the vase-shaped 




vessel in place of an amphora is enough to have raised 
doubts as to this among some authorities. The absence 
of handles, in my opinion, is most likely due to careless 
engraving or a damaged die, as the Paris specimen, 
while certainly belonging to the same issue, though 
from a different obverse die, shows a similarly shaped 
vessel with handles. 

This type also seems rare, and has never been 

No. 17 is probably the most familiar of these sixth- 
century types. Apart from the doubtful case presented 
by No. 1 4, it may be said to record the earliest appear- 
ance of the real amphora on coins of Chios. The 
specimen from Athens also seems to furnish us with 
the first instance of the letters Xlo in the depression 
of the incuse square. The undoubted occurrence of 
these letters on later issues will be found referred to 
below. Although a transient feature of the coinage, 
it is a fact that has not hitherto been established. 

No. 18 seems to be modelled upon No. 14, although 
clearly of slightly later date. It is interesting as being 
the first issue to show the raised circular shield, as 
a background for the type, which later became an 
unfailing feature of the island's money. This convex 
field may not have been intentional at first, although 
it certainly became so afterwards, but its appearance 
here is an instance of the fact that what are so often 
taken for innovations in coins are frequently only 

Another well-known instance of this is the crescent 
n the reverse of Athenian tetradrachms, supposed at 
one time to have been first used on coins of the third 
period according to the British Museum Catalogue (see 


Attica, PI. iii. 3-5), but now known from the Taranto 
find to have originated much earlier (Rev. Num., 
June 1911, Nos. 14 and 15, PI. i. 11 and 12). 

No. 19. This is another common type. The issue 
is noticeable for its oval flans, and for the rough form 
of incuse. The quartering lines or bars become really 
broad now for the first time. 

No. 20. This highly finished type has been brought 
into prominence by M. Babelon's description of the 
Taranto find (Rev. Num., June 1911, PI. iii. 7), and pro- 
vides us with one of the few fixed points that we 
possess for the dating of Chian coins. The evidence 
of the hoard indicates that none of the coins contained 
in it were struck later than 510 B.C. This issue may, 
therefore, be safely assigned to a period some ten or 
twelve years prior to the Ionian Eevolt. On grounds 
of style it may confidently be placed later than the 
five types already described here, and for reasons given 
below the two succeeding ones, Nos. 21 and 22 must 
probably have followed it. 

On account of the interest and rarity of the type 
I am illustrating both the specimens described. They 
are the only ones known to me, and moreover they 
supplement one another in their details. It will be 
noted that the obverse dies are different, but the same 
reverse die has been used for both pieces. The Bib- 
liotheque specimen is probably the later of the two 
as the letters in the depressions of the incuse, which 
are undoubted on this case, are more difficult to dis- 
tinguish than on M. Jameson's coin. At no time do 
they show up well on being reproduced. 

No. 21. We have now reached a stage in the evolu- 
tion of the Chian didrachm that approximates very 


closely to the fully developed fifth-century type. 
"While still showing unmistakable signs of the archaic 
period of art in the treatment of the features of the 
Sphinx, and in its long hair, this coin will at once 
be recognized as the most advanced of those so far 

It presents, moreover, an apparently unimportant 
point of resemblance to the fifth-century coins that 
constitutes a certain link with them. I refer to the 
fact that the lines composing the handles of the 
amphora are continued after touching the lip and bent 
back in opposite directions over the mouth of the 
vessel. This I take to be a rough method of repre- 
senting an amphora closed with a stopper, which is 
the way in which the amphora is invariably repre- 
sented during the period of early fine art, and was only 
relinquished when more careless work was introduced 
just before the opening of the Peloponnesian war. 

It is mainly owing to this small detail that I venture 

assign this and the succeeding type to the period 
stween circa 512 B.C., marked by the unstoppered 

iphora-type No. 20, and the Ionian Revolt. 

No. 22 is a unique variety of the last in which the 
lised circular shield appears again. The reverse of 
the type is indistinguishable from those seen on the 
L- century coins, thus bringing the development 
ill one step nearer to that oft-mentioned goal. 41 

11 There is an archaic didrachm in Sir H. Weber's collection of 
similar style to the later coins of this group, but with an amphora 
stoppered as on the fifth-century pieces. It may be a little later 
than No. 22, and again it may be another case where a feature, 
common in later times, has appeared once and then been discarded 
for a period. See remarks under No. 18, above. 


Before leaving this period it will be as well just to 
mention the small pieces bearing a Sphinx in various 
positions on the obverse, and different types on the 
reverse, which, from their style, may all be said to 
belong to the sixth century. M. Babelon has suggested 
(Traite,voiL ii, p. 1134) that these coins may be alliance 
pieces between Chios and some of the neighbouring 
cities. If we could be sure of this the coins in question 
ought to find their place here, but considering the 
uncertainty that attends the question of these double- 
typed coins, I prefer not to go into it any further. 42 

None of the coins are of the Chian standard, and 
the style of all, with the exception of one bearing 
a Gorgoiieion on the reverse (Num. Chron., 1913, 
p. 268, PI. xiii. 9), is very unlike that of any known 
Chian issue. 

PERIOD IV. 500-478 B.C. 

With the outbreak of the revolt, as mentioned above, 
the tyrant Strattis was deposed, and the oligarchy was 
restored in Chios under magistrates called o-rparr^yoi. 
It is in the highest degree probable that this revival of 
the civic power was signalized in all the states of the 
League by fresh issues of electrum coins. 

The staters of various types, but similar fabric, to 
which Head first drew attention (Num. Chron., 1887, 
p. 281), are now generally recognized as the coinage 
of the Ionian Revolt. The papers already referred to 
by Prof. P. Gardner and M. E. Jameson independently 
pointed to this event as the most likely source of the 

42 See above, p. 7, where attention is drawn to a note under 
"Miscellanea" in Num. Chron., 1913, giving all the facts relating 
to these doubtful coins. 


issue. It is a highly plausible theory, and as satis- 
factory as such things well can be. The chief point of 
interest for the present inquiry is the share that Chios 
may have had in this federal coinage. 

All the coins forming the group in question have 
one feature in common, to wit, the type of their 
reverse. This consists of a shallow incuse square 
neatly quartered by fine lines, and anvil-struck. 43 

The stater attributed by M. Jameson to Priene 
(Trouvaille de Vourla, PI. i. 4) differs from the rest in 
having no cross-lines in the incuse square, but this 
may be due, as he suggests, to a damaged die. Then 
the specimen with the Free Horse, attributed to Cyme 
(No. 7 of Prof. Gardner's list, Journ. Hellen. Studies, 
1911), seems also to be an exception on account of its 
punch-striking. But it can, I think, be shown to be 
too old for the period suggested, like its Chian com- 
tion. In her "Electrum Coinage of Lampsakos", Miss 
L. Baldwin illustrates a more probable candidate with 
te characteristic reverse, which quite satisfies the 
mditions. It will also be seen from this paper that 
[iss Baldwin, who gives the whole history of the 
question, pp. 27-32, agrees with M. Jameson's choice 
)f the coin to be ascribed to Chios at this juncture. 

In his description of the Vourla find (Rev. Num., 
HI, pp. 67-8) M. Jameson pointed out that a Chian 

iter showing this reverse had appeared at the sale 
of the Lambros collection (No. 701, Hirsch's Cat., 1910), 
and he subsequently assigned it to the date 500 B. c. 
(Cat. Jameson, No. 1520 a ). 

43 See Earle-Fox, "Early Coinage of European Greece," Corolla 
Numismatica, p. 34. 


Not only does this type justify its attribution from 
all points of view connected with style and fabric, 
but it is the only extant type to do so in my opinion. 
The stater described above under No. 5, which was 
selected by Prof. Gardner for this purpose in his " Gold 
Coinage of Asia", has since been rejected by him as of 
too early ^ate. Then the coin which he chose to take 
its place in his subsequent paper, " The Coinage of the 
Ionian Eevolt," is most probably a forgery, and I have 
purposely refrained from publishing it here. And 
finally, the only Chian stater in the Vourla find (type 
No. 6 of the present arrangement), which consisted, 
otherwise, of coins now regarded as contemporaneous 
with the Ionian Revolt, is also acknowledged by 
M. R. Jameson to belong to an earlier issue. 

A point to which, I think, hardly enough attention 
has been given is this very question of the reverse 
employed for the issue under discussion. All writers 
on the subject agree that the various members of 
this coin-group exhibit the same reverse, and the 
apparent exceptions to this have already been examined 

Though the suggestion put forward by Six (Num. 
Chron., 1890, p. 219) that Chios was the place of 
mintage of all these coins need no longer be seriously 
entertained, there is no denying the fact that they 
bear a strong family resemblance to one another both 
in style, fabric, and gold contents. 

But the fabric is not that of the Chian mint. I 
would go further and say that, if a common mint 
be postulated, then it must be some other city of the 
League and not Chios. The probability, however, is 
that each member struck its own share of the issue 


after agreeing to follow some general rule for the 
preservation of uniformity. 

If so, then Chios departed, for the time being and 
so far as regards the reverse, from the hitherto un- 
broken tradition of her mint. It will be noticed from 
the foregoing descriptions that all the island's coins, 
from the earliest times to the date at which we have 
now arrived, are what is known as punch- struck. 

This, judging from the very earliest electrum pieces, 
seems to have been the original method of coinage. 
But, at a comparatively early date, the rival method 
of anvil- striking, of which the Aeginetic coinage is the 
most familar type, came into use as well, and the two 
were pursued concurrently in different states. For 
instance, in the case of electrum previous to 550 B.C., 
coins attributed to Ephesus, Erythrae, Miletus, Samos, 
and Chios, show the punch- striking method. There 
are some that do not, but they are of doubtful origin. 
For silver previous to and shortly after 500 B.C. Miletus 
and Chios are alone among the Ionian states in em- 
ploying punch-striking. In other words they were 
more conservative. The coins of all the rest, Clazo- 
menae, Colophon, Ephesus, Erythrae, Phocaea, Teos, 
and Samos, are invariably anvil-struck. 44 

It is clear then that, though Miletus and Chios were 
the leading states in the Revolt, and set the weight- 
standard for the federal coinage, some other city or 
cities provided the model. 

44 Brit.Mus. Cat., Ionia, PL vi, viii, ix, xv, xxiii, xxx, and xxxiv. 
It will be noticed that when once the method of striking was 
changed, as in the case of Ephesus, Erythrae, and Samos, it 
was applied generally to all subsequent issues, at any rate until 
a reverse type was introduced. After that the question is more 
difficult to decide. 



On this ground alone the issue of Chios next to be 
described stands out among all her other electrum 
coins as an unusual product of her mint, and helps to 
prove that the coinage of which it evidently formed 
part was the outcome of peculiar circumstances. 

So far there has been no evidence of any silver issue 
that could be looked upon as contemporary with the 
Chian Revolt staters. The Vourla find seems to have 
proved that Clazomenae issued divisional pieces in 
silver to accompany her staters, and it has been shown 
that Lampsacus at least among the other cities did 
the same. 45 On the other hand the tetrobols, that 
Prof. Gardner suggests for Chios, are unquestionably 
of later date. 

The electrum stater proposed for the period of the 
Ionian Revolt is the following : 

23. Obv. Sphinx of strong archaic style seated r. ; wing 
curled in naturalistic manner; she wears 
stephane, round ear-ring, and hair long on neck 
with a separate conventionalized lock rising 
from crown of head and terminating in a 
tendril-like spiral ; the further forepaw is 
raised and grasps a lotus-flower (?). The tail 
bears a tuft. 

Rev. Quartered incuse square divided by fine bars 
into shallow compartments ; anvil-struck. 

El. - mm. 217-3 grains(14-08 grammes). Mile- 


sian stater. Coll. R. Jameson, Cat. No. 1520 a , 
ex Lambros Coll., No. 701, Hirsch's Cat., 
1910. [PL II. 10.] 

19-00 mm. 215-9 grains (13-99 grammes). Mi- 
lesian stater. Boston Museum, Regling, 
Sammlung Warren, No. 1736, Taf. xxxvii. 

19-50 mm. 214-5 grains (13-90 grammes). Mi- 
lesian stater. Munich Cabinet. 

45 P. Gardner, " Coinage of Ionian Revolt," J. If. S., 1911, p. 11 
and Miss Baldwin, op. cit., p. 19. 


It will be observed that, in addition to the unusual 
reverse, this coin has a much flatter flan than any 
other electrum stater of Chios. The work is archaistic ; 
and the revival of the conventionalized lock of hair 
at this moment of national crisis is most interesting, 
this being its last appearance on the coinage. On the 
other hand the treatment of the wing betrays the 
freer style that art had attained by this date, and 
connects the coin with didrachms Nos. 19-20. The 
stephane also had not been seen on anything earlier 
than the former of these two coins. The lotus-flower is 
not quite distinct, but it seems a more likely object 
judging from this stater's predecessors than the "little 
club ", by which term it is customary to describe it. 

It is unnecessary to recapitulate here the well-known 
story of the Eevolt, and the prominent part played in 
it by Chios, but the events subsequent to the terrible 
vengeance wreaked upon the island by Persia after the 
battle of Lade are not quite so familiar. 

There seems to be no doubt but that the population 
was swept together as in a net, 46 and deported whole- 
| sale, leaving nothing behind but ruined temples and 
ravaged vineyards. This took place about one year 
after the battle of Lade, say in 493 B. c. But the exile 
did not last long, for in this same year Artaphernes 
granted a constitution to the loniaiis, and the inhabi- 
tants of Chios began to return. An opportunity was 
soon found for the restoration of their old tyrant 
Strattis, 47 under whom the island remained faithful 
to Persia longer than some of its neighbours, and 
actually sided with Xerxes against Greece. 

The battle of Sal amis caused the national or aristo- 
cratic party to revive, and an attempt was made to 

4ci Herodotus vi. 31. " 7 Ibid. viii. 132. 

E 2 

assassin.,!.' Strains. Though this failed, ii was the 
i,,,liivi ! i -a use of the expedition of Leotychides and 
t he battle of Myi-nle. That echo from Plataea effectually 
strengthened the liands of I ho oligarchy, and Strait is 
disappears from history for the last time. 

It has been suggested that the destruction caused 
l.v the Persians' raid must have been so groat, that, 
Chics have been in no condition to coin money 
lor a rousiderable time. This barren period has 
generally been held to extend over the fifteen years 
between the battles of Lade and Myoale. But the fact 
that the inhabitants came back so soon after their 
exile has, I think, been overlooked. Strattis and his 
Me,li/ing party seem to have had nearly the whole 
of the above-mentioned period in which to rebuild 
the fortunes of the state. And though they may not 
have done much, it does not seem unreasonable to 
suppose that some coins were struck as .-> mark of their 
return to power. 

So far. however, it must be admitted that we cannot 
assign any particular issue to this period. It may be 
that types approximating to Nos. 21 and 22, perhaps 
even No. M\! itself, belong hero, or that the earliest 
coins with a In i uoh of grapes above the amphora were 
now struck tor the first time. But it is too line 
a point to bo settled by anything other than a luckily 
constituted tind. It is safest, on the whole, to leave 
all coins with an amphora only, as has been done here, 
to the period before the Ionian Revolt; and to assume 
that the bunch of Crapes was not introduced till after 

the battle of M vcale. 


('/'o Ac 




TM K numismatics of the Cyrenaica 1 have been ex- 
haustively treated by L. Miiller in the first volume of 
liis groat A r u/it/*ii/(t//(jue de rancienne Afrique? and any 
l;it,<;i- study of UH: siiino field must necessarily base itself 
upon his results, which in their broad outline remain 
unshaken. Sinco he wrote, however, fresh material 
has rapidly accumulated, and I think it is now possible 
l.o dofine the chronological limits of tlio various issues 
more cL >soly , and in some cases to clear up their historical 
relations. The coinage falls naturally into five periods. 
Th<; iirst period (<-. 570 r. 480) comprises a number of 

1 1 desire here to express my thanks, for their kind provision of 

Or of her iiiform;it ion, to the following; sehol,u>: : the Directors 
;ni'l hill' id' I. IK: ( ';i,l)i in',1 .,: of Paris, I Ii'ir.-.scl:-:, l!*-rliii, (/'ojuMiluijfen, 
At. IK-MS, <i<-lli,i, K.irl Milic, <il;i L;OW (I IK: II mil cri;ui Museum), 

Cambridge (UK- Kit /will him Museum;, Uoston (U.S.A.); also to 
Sir llcrmii.MM Wrlxjr, Dr. F. Imhoof-Blumer, Messrs. <*i;Kcc.kc, 
JwiiiMci-, I 1 ]. T. Newell, ;UK! l5;i,ldwiM ; ;i,n<l eipeciallj f,o f.hc Keeper 
of i, IK- Department of Coins ;m<l McdnJ.s in t,hc lirilish Museum, 

liolli foi- his c(;M:;l;inf lidp in disciisKi'M^ poinj,s as they ;i,roso, ;UK! 
lor In .;c,;ir<- in seeing this ;i.rlicl<: l.lirou^li UK- ])rcss. I'l'lic IvIiloi'K 
6 to ;n-knowlc(|M-c 1.1 K- kiml ;i ;i hnn-.i- ol' !)r. (icoi-;n- Mii.i-.donald 
in ri-iidin^ UK: pi-oof;-; of Iliix n.rl.iclc, wliicli Mr. li'.ohinson has boen 
uiiiililc l,o revise owin^' lo In:, ;i hscnee on militiiry scrvif:'-. | 

'' <'itf,<l licnci'foil h ;i : M . i, wifli Supplement ;is Snppl. ; indi vidmi,! 
Coin! puhli liel ly him are filed under UK- numliers he -_'i\ cs them, 
t.g. M. i, r,2, A:c. 

54 E. S. G. ROBINSON. 

types of great variety and interest. In the second 
period, which lasts till a few years after the fall of 
the Battiads (c. 480-c. 435), the types have become 
fixed, the head of Ammon and the silphium plant 
appearing on almost every coin. The third period 
(c. 435-c. 308) is marked by the completion of a change 
in weight-standard already begun in the sixth century, 
and, in a little while, by a plentiful gold coinage. 
The fourth period embraces the series struck in 
dependence, real or nominal, on the Ptolemies. Lastly, 
into the fifth period fall the coins issued under Roman 
suzerainty or jurisdiction. 


For the first period we have what is practically a 
Corpus in Babelon's Traite des monnaies grecques et 
romaines, 2 ifeme partie, T. i, pp. 1336-1363. 3 With one 
exception 4 no inscriptions have hitherto been noted 
on coins of this period, and attribution to the 
various cities, when it has been attempted, has been 
based on the vague indication of types. There are, 
however, apart from the coins of Euesperides 5 of which 
the earliest, inscribed EYE$, falls at the end of this 
period at least three archaic tetradrachms bearing 

1. Obv. Silphium plant with two whorls and three 
umbels, one springing on either side from 
the bases of the lower whorl, and the third 
crowning the stem; [on either side, silphium 

8 Cited as 2V., individual coins cited under their numbers, 
e.g. 2V. 2012, &c. 
4 No. 1, below. 
These are discussed below, Nos. 23-8. 


Rev. Gazelle standing on dotted line 1. ; in field above, 
silphium plant in pericarp, with button in 
cleft, point upwards; to L, silphium plant 
with one pair of leaves and one umbel, above 
which, K ; beneath gazelle's belly, K ; all in 
incuse square. 

Ai. 0-9. Wt. 2644 grs. B. M. Num. Chr., 1861, 
p. 201. 

1 A. Obv. Similar; arrangement of whorls varied; on 
either side of base, a silphium fruit. 

Rev. Similar, but silphium plant has two whorls and 
two umbels exactly as on obverse ; beneath 
gazelle's belly, ^. 

JR. 0-9. Wt. 259-3 grs. Paris = Tr. 2012, 
PI. Ixiv. 11 = M. i. 24. 

The latter coin has already been published by Babelon 
in his Traite. There the letter beneath the belly 
of the gazelle is called (following Muller) "objet 
incertain ". A comparison with the coin in the British 
Museum, however, suffices to show that though lying 
on its back 6 it is the same letter as appears on No. 1. 

r hether there was a second K on the reverse of No. 1 A 
is uncertain ; certainly there would not be room for it in 
the same place as on No. l,for the silphium on the reverse 
of No. 1 A is much taller, reaching right up to the cliin of 
the gazelle. There would, however, possibly be just 
space for it in the right-hand top corner, which is off the 
coin an unfortunate accident, as the inscription is very 
puzzling. The two letters cannot both form part of 
the same word, and it is impossible not to recognize one 
or other as the initial letter of Kvpavatov. Poole, who 

6 Cp. the somewhat later drachm of Euesperides in the Paris 
Collection, No. 25, below, where the inscription EV on the 
rever&e appears upside down. 

;,(> E. s. (. KOHIXSON. 

published the B.M. coin, 7 suggested K(oivbv)K(vpavatov) t 
which has little to recommend it. It is true that Hero- 
dotus speaks of the KOLVOV TO>V 'Id>va>v, but Ionia was not 
a city. In this, as in later times (KOLVOV T&V V^O-LWT&V, 
KOLVOV KprjT&v), the name implies a larger unity than 
the city state. "Would the inhabitants of Barce and 
Euesperides have been content to be named Kvpri- 
VCLLOL? Even granting the existence at this date of 
such a KOLVOV embracing the other cities, such an abbre- 
viation as K K which occurs on the Cretan copper of 
Hadrian and Antoninus (B. M. C. : Crete, pp. 5, Nos. 30 
seqq.) seems incredible. A similar objection applies to 
the amplification K(vpavaia>y) K(6////a),on the analogy of 
SevOa KOLLfia, even although the contemporary support 
from Crete of Toprvvos or <Pai<TTi'a)v TO iraiLia 8 might be 
adduced. That the second K might be a " mint mark " 
is not probable on so early a coin, but that it is 
possible is shown by the contemporary tetradrachms 
of Messene in Sicily. On the whole, seeing that both 
letters are kappas and that one of them is probably want- 
ing on the Paris specimen, perhaps the most satisfactory 
solution is to take loth as the initial of Kvpavaiov, re- 
garding the repetition as simply a device to fill up the 
empty field according to the custom of early art. The 
very decorative nature of the letter lends colour to this 
theory, which would also explain the absence of a second 
letter on the Paris coin where the space is occupied 
by an extra pair of silphium leaves. 

Ml*. Chron., 1861, p. 201. 

8 Head, in*t. .Venn. 2 , pp. 465 and 472. The numismatic connexion 
lictween Crete and Gyrene is often very close. 

9 Hill in .VMM. Chron., 1913, pp. 100-1. On. also coins of 
Barce, below, Nos. 19, 20. 


2. Obv. Silphium plant with two whorls and three 

umbels, arranged as on No. 1 ; in field to 
1. and r. a silphium fruit in pericarp with 
a button in the cleft and one at the point ; 
around ^t* [YJ 

P [A?] 

A [VI?] 

Rev. Two dolphins heraldically opposed downwards ; 
between them, silphium fruit in pericarp with 
point downwards, one button at the point and 
one in the cleft, from which springs a fleuron ; 
all in incuse square. 

Berlin. B. M. AL 0-8. Wt. 260 grs. (Cp. Tr., 
2002, PI. Ixiv. 1.) 

On the Berlin specimen the inscription, as far as 
the left side is concerned, is quite plain ; probably 
having regard to the symmetrical disposition of the 
first letters it is to be completed in full as above 
though it is very long for so early a coin. The 
inscription renders certain the attribution to Gyrene, 
made by Miiller 10 on the strength of the passage in 
Strabo, 11 describing (after Eratosthenes) the stelae set 
up by the Cyrenaean envoys to Ammon. 

3. Obv. Silphium plant with two whorls and five umbels, 

a pair springing from the base of each pair of 
leaves and one crowning the plant ; in field, 
to 1. and r. , silphium fruit. 

Rev. Bull standing r. ; behind, palm-tree ; in lower 
right-hand corner, 8 ; all in incuse square. 

M. 0-9. Wt. 262-3 grs. B. M. (also Coll. Jameson, 
No. 1347, PI. Ixix, and Fitzwilliam Museum, 

10 i, p. 17. 

11 Strabo (Teubner) i. 49 mil eVi orriAiSiW ava^ladai de\<j>has 
emypaxprju, e'xovras Kvprjvaivv dea>pS>v. It can hardly be meant 
though it has generally been so understood (e.g. by Miiller, I.e., 
and Babelon, Tr., p. 1351) that this is the actual inscription. At 
least we should have expected the Doric form 

58 E. Sc G. ROBINSON. 

There is no reason why the 8 (which unfortunately 
does not appear on the Jameson specimen) should not 
be the first letter of BAPKAION. The coin would 
then be parallel with No. 1, which also shows the initial 
only, and that likewise on the reverse, not the obverse. 
This would then be the earliest coin attributable to 
Barce. The type is interesting as well for its own 
sake, it does not occur otherwise in the Cyrenaic 
series, as for the anticipation of the design of later 
Carthaginian coins. The attribution of this coin with 
the bull to Barce raises the further question whether 
the following coin should not be assigned to the 
same city. 

4. Obv. Silphium fruit in pericarp ; in the cleft and at 

the point, a button. 

Eev. Bull's head facing. 

, Attic hemidrachm. Paris, wt. 32 grs., and Berlin 
(29-3 grs.). M. 0-5. (Tr. 2006, PI. Ixiv. 5.) 

5. Obv. Silphium with three whorls and five umbels, 

a pair springing from the bases of the two 
lower whorls and a single one crowning the 
plant ; in field r., above, lion's head 1. with 
open jaws and dotted truncation, and below, 
silphium seed with point upwards. 

Rev. Eagle's head r. with dotted truncation, holding 
snake in beak ; in r. top corner, floral volute ; 
all in dotted square ; incuse square. 

B. M. A\. 0-9. Wt. 2654 grs. (= Tr. 2005.) 

This coin has been often published, but in view of 
the historical references which have been read into it, 
it may be worth while attempting to define its date 
more accurately. Babelon, 1 - maintaining that the lion's 

12 Babelon, Tr., p. 1354 (following Head, Hist. Num.* p. 727); 
// ' .V//w/., 1894, pp. 274 seqq. 


head is similar to that on coins of Samos, and the 
reverse type to the coins of lalysus, brings the piece 
into relation with the expedition which Arcesilas III 
launched from Samos towards 528 to recover his 
kingdom, and assumes that R/hodes as well as Samos 
was his recruiting ground. 13 The lion's scalp facing is 
certainly a distinctively Samian type, but the lion's 
head in profile suggests south-western Asia Minor, 
and the style of the two coins bearing it, figured in 
the Traite, PL xi. 26 and 27 u as Samian, should surely 
lead us with Six 15 to place them in that district. Why 
too should the engraver, if he wished to refer to Samos, 
choose a type which, even granting that the coins just 
referred to are Samian, is quite isolated in that series, 
instead of the familiar facing lion's scalp with which 
the series 1G begins and continues. Head 17 has already 
suggested that the lion's head is borrowed from Lindus. 
We know that a contingent of Lindians under the 
sons of Panchis took part in the second colonization 
of Gyrene under Battus II shortly before 570, 18 and 
this lends added weight to Head's suggestion. At any 
rate all connexion with Samos vanishes, and there 
is no mention of any place save Samos in Herodotus's 
account of the return of Arcesilas. 19 

13 Ibid., p. 290, " Rhodes et Samos, les deux iles ou Arcesilas 
recruta son armee." 

14 = B. M. C., p. 352, Nos. 23 and 27. 

15 Num. Chron., 1890, p. 240. 

16 The fact that the earliest coins with lion's scalp (Traite, ibid., 
pp. 443 seqq.) are earlier than the two coins in question makes 
their isolation more prominent. 

17 Num. Chron., 1891, p. 4, followed by Ch. Blinkenberg, " La 
Chronique du Temple Lindien," p. 439. 

18 Inscriptions in Blinkenberg, op. cit., p. 329, xvii, and his 
comments, p. 353. 

19 iv. 162, 163. 

60 E. S. G. ROBINSON. 

A stylistic comparison shows that the lion's head 
on the coin of Gyrene is later than the staters of 
Lindus of the first period. It offers perhaps most 
analogy to the tetrobols of the second period (after 
:>00 B.C.), for example B.M.C.: Caria, p. 229, Nos. 9 
and 10, with the dotted truncation at the neck, and 
a very similar treatment of the "ruff". Again, the 
coins of lalysus which suggested the reverse type 20 
are later than the earliest coins of the other cities 
of Rhodes which have a type on only one side. They 
cannot be put much before the beginning of the fifth 
century, to which period they are assigned by Head 
(B.M.C.: Caria, p. 226), for Babeloii's earlier date 
(c. 530) rests ultimately on the assumption that our 
Xo. 5 was struck by Arcesilas III. Thus the arguments 
from style and from origin of types both alike com- 
pel us to place this coin after 500, and so reinforce 
the other arguments against its connexion with 
Arcesilas III and his expedition, c. 530. 

Traces of Rhodian influence are also visible on the 
following piece. 

6. Obi". Head of lioness facing; above, silphium fruit, 

point upwards ; dotted border. 

Jicr. Head of griffin r. in dotted square ; incuse 

B. M. M. 0-05. Wt. 60-8 grs. (2V. 2008.) 

In connexion with this coin may be considered two 
coins of Camirus. 

7. ol.r. Fig-leaf. 

li'i'i-. [Head of griffin 1. in incuse square.] 

2n On the staters the eagle has no snake in his beak ; this 
feature, however, appears on the hemidrachm. Traite, ibid., p. 467, 
No. 765, PI. xx. 11. Cf. Jin\ X,,m.. 1*94, pp. 274 seqq. 


El. 0-3. Wt. 84 grs. (B. M. C. : Car la, p. 223, 
No. 1, where the rev. is described as "incuse 
square within which a deeper small incuse 
depression".) On a specimen in Sir Her- 
mann Weber's collection the griffin's head 
is quite plain. 

8. Olv. Kose. 

Rev. KA ; griffin's head 1. 

A\. 04. Wt. 18-3 grs. [B. M. C. : Hid., 13.] 

No. 8 has been attributed by Imhoof to Karpathos 
or Kasos, 21 because neither obverse nor reverse type 
was known at Camirus ; but the reverse of No. 7 
deprives this argument of its force. 

On a general review of the first period it will be 
noted that the coins fall into two classes, the one 
without, the other with a type in the incuse of the 
reverse ; further, that in the first class the standard 
used for all denominations is the Attic, while in the 
second another standard giving a drachm of 53-4 grs. 
is employed for smaller denominations, side by side 
with the Attic, which it gradually displaces. 22 The 
nature of this new standard is puzzling ; in its later 
embodiments it has been lightly called "Asiatic" 
or Phoenician, which is obviously unsatisfactory. 
Regling 23 avoids the difficulty by describing the later 
coins as " Tetradrachmen eigenen Systems? ". 

It is not here proposed to discuss the origin of 
the new standard, but it is worth while roughly 

21 Monnaies grecques, p. 321. 

23 In the second period Attic subdivisions of the tetradrachm 
are practically non-existent (a didrachm in the British Museum, 
and an obol in Paris, both of Gyrene, are the only ones known to 
me). In the third period the tetradrachm itself is supplanted. 

23 Sammluny Warren, p. 213 ; though he calls the earlier drachms 
of the same standard Phoenician. 

62 E. S. G. ROBINSON. 

to determine the date of its introduction if we can. 
The same standard appears at two other places, 
Samos u and Ephesus. At Samos it is an innovation 
of the beginning of the fifth century, and is 
accompanied by a further innovation in the form of 
a reverse type. 25 The earliest coins which can with 
certainty be assigned to this island have no reverse type 
and are of a different standard. 2 ' 3 At Ephesus, if we 
accept the attribution of the pieces with a crawling 
bee seen in profile, 27 the standard appears towards the 
end of the second half of the sixth century, under 
Persian rule ; if we reject it, the first coins of such 
a weight are those with the usual Ephesian types 
given to the opening years of the fifth century. 28 "We 
shall not be far wrong, then, if we place the first appear- 
ance in S.W. Asia Minor of this standard (whatever 
its origin) in the last years of the sixth century, and 
in view of the close connexion of this district (and 
especially Samos) with Gyrene we may infer that the 
same years saw its first appearance in Africa as well. 
This brings us to another question, the approximate 
date of the introduction of a reverse type into the 
incuse of the earliest coins. Of the districts connected 

24 Where in later times its tetradrachms were so thoroughly 
established as to have acquired the name of oran/p Trar/no? (Hist. 
\iini-, p. 683, and reference there given). 

T,;iM, #*" partie, I. p. 283, No. 449 seqq. The style of 
these coins and the fact of their having a reverse type seems to 
preclude Babelon's attribution of them to Polycrates. 

-" I hit?., p. 278, No. 443 seqq. These cannot be much earlier than 
t In- hist quarter of the sixth century. 

" Ibid., p. 274, Nos. 435. 436 bis. Imhoof would give these to 

'" I hi, 1.. pp. 1:J7 seqq. and the tetradrachm B. M. C. : Ion ia, 
p. 49, No. 205, whose date has been corrected in Hist Xum 2 
p. 572. 


with Gyrene, Ionia does not take this step till the 
fifth century, for the coins of the Ionian revolt have 
still the plain incuse. In Caria, on the other hand, 
the change seems to take place earlier ; at Cnidus, for 
example, the head of Aphrodite begins about 550, 29 
i. e. about the same time as the appearance of a reverse 
type at Athens. On the other hand the cities of Rhodes, 
with which Cyrene stood in such near relations, are little 
if at all earlier in making the change than those of 
Ionia. 30 We ought not to be surprised, then, if the 
reverse type were introduced somewhat later in Cyrene 
than is generally acknowledged. The closing years 
of the sixth century may be indicated as the date 
of this innovation. 

A further argument may be drawn from another 
consideration. We have seen that the introduction 
of the new standard took place not earlier than 
the last years of the sixth century, say 525. No 
coins with a plain incuse are of the new standard ; 31 
but the earliest coins of the new standard have very 
simple types, one or two silphium seeds on the 
obverse, and a seed in a square incuse on the reverse. 
This suggests that the new standard was introduced 
not long after the reverse type. The evidence from 
finds is not at all conclusive, but does not contradict 

29 Ibid., p. 427, No. 699 ; the initial dating of these coins (650) 

B. M. C. : Caria and Hist. Num. seems too early. 

?0 See above, p. 60. 

u The coin published by Sir Hermann Weber in Num. Chron., 
1899, p. 286, No. 26, is only an apparent exception. The weight 
of this piece is 55-5 (i.e. above the maximum of the new standard); 
it is in bad condition and has been re-struck, both of which cir- 
cumstances would account for some loss of weight, while others 
of the same class (Traite, No. 1980) are obviously of the Attic 

64 E. S. G. ROBINSON. 

such a dating. The find of Myt-Rahineh consisted of 
archaic coins of the sixth and early fifth centuries, 
including two Cyrenaic tetradrachms with incuse 
reverses. Longperier 32 who published it dated its 
burial c. 525, during the Persian invasion of Egypt. 
It could not be earlier. The Taranto find :53 contained 
two Cyrenaic tetradrachms also with incuse reverses. 
The latest datable coins in the find were a tetradrachm 
of Chalcis with a Boeotian type (c. 510-507 B. c.), one 
of Eretria with the gorgoneion and lion's scalp in 
incuse square (530-480), and one of Peparethus with 
the grapes and the dolphin rider (c. 480). Thus in 
two finds buried, say between 525 and 480, no Cyrenaic 
tetradrachms with reverse types appear. On the other 
hand, in the goldsmith's hoard from Naucratis," 4 of 
which the latest coin is a Samian tetradrachm, struck 
after the Athenian conquest of 437, we have two Cyrenaic 
tetradrachms with reverse types, and none without. 

If the beginning of the second class of the first 
period, containing coins with a type on the reverse, 
is to be placed in the last quarter of the sixth century, 
when did the first class begin? This class consists 
of some ten varieties, the earliest of which, in the 
French collection, 35 is of very rough work. The style 
of the coin will not let us place it later than the first 
half of the sixth century. If on the other hand we 
refer it to the end of the seventh century, we are left 
with a very small number of pieces to fill the gap of 
a century or more before the appearance of the later 

82 Rev. Nwn., 1861, p. 425. 
" Rev. Num., 1912, p. 21. 
3< JVinn. Chron., 1886, p. '.'. 
85 Twite, No. 1973. 


coins. Though founded traditionally in 630, Gyrene can 
have been of little importance historically and economi- 
cally speaking till the great influx of settlers summoned 
by Battus II coupled with the growing friendship 
with Egypt under Amasis, raised the city to the 
first rank in wealth and splendour. Such an outburst 
of prosperity (c. 570) is just the occasion we should 
seek for the inauguration of the Cyrenaic coinage. 


The connecting links between the first and second 
periods are the coins bearing on the reverse the head 
of Zeus Ammon, 36 and those mentioned above bearing 
inscriptions, which now become universal. 37 The 
tetradrachms of the second period fall into three 
groups, as the art develops from archaic to transi- 
tional style. In the first the eye is represented in 
full, almond-shaped, and very large ; the hair is 
simply arranged it is smooth on the crown of the 
head, but along the temples, round which is bound 
a plait, appear three rows of tight curls. Both hair 
and beard are indicated in the most formal manner 
by nearly straight strokes, the truncation of the neck 
is left plain, and the whole is enclosed in a circular, 
not a square, incuse. Two good examples of the Attic 
tetradrachm of this first group are to be found in the 
Warren and Jameson Collections. 38 A didrachm also 
exists in the British Museum, the last Attic didrachm 
to appear in the Cyrenaic series for more than a 
century. The Attic standard is not, however, the only 

36 Traite, Nos. 2016, 2017, 2020, &c. 

7 Not till the third period do we meet anepigraphic coins again. 
38 Regling, Samml. Warren, Nos. 1340-1 ; Jameson, PI. Ixix. 1349. 


<><> , E. S. G. ROBINSON. 

one to be employed at this period, even for tetra- 
drachms, as the following coin witnesses. 

9. Qi Vt Silphium with two whorls and five umbels. 

Rev. Head of Animon r., bearded, with ram's horn 
(details as described above) ; inscr. K VPA 5 
outwards ; dotted border. 

B. M. JR. 1. Wt. 193-3 grs. (restruck ?). 
Though the restriking may account for some slight 
loss, the weight of this coin is certainly not Attic. 
It might be Aeginetic or Samian. The first alterna- 
tive is possible in view of the connexion with the 
Aegean, and especially with Crete, for which there 
is much evidence, and we have a later example at 
Cyrene of the employment of what seems to be the 
Cretan- Aeginetic standard. 39 But the weight though 
low is not too low for the Samian standard, 40 the use 
of which becomes general in the next period, and 
it is easier to regard the coin as an interesting 
anticipation of this later development. Of the same 
group and standard is a hemidrachm in the Ward 
Collection, 41 and to that must be added the following 
three coins with a different reverse type. 

10. Obv. Silphium plant with two whorls and three 
umbels; in field 1., seed. 

Rev. Head of the nymph Cyrene r., the hair bound 
with a pearl diadem and caught up behind 
en chignon ; incuse square, in the top corners 
of which K V [; bottom corners obscure]. 

A\. Wt. 49 grs. Brussels (Coll. Hirsch). 

See below, Silver Coinage of Fourth Period. 

Though the normal weight of the Samian tetradrachm is 
200-206 grains, we have early examples from Samos weighing as 
little as 188-3 and even 183 (B. M. C. : Ionia, p. 351 Nos. 19 
and 22). 

41 Ward Coll., No. 904. 


11. Obv. Silphium plant with two whorls and three 

umbels ; in field 1. a seed with its pericarp, 
around, four dots placed 

Rev. Head of Gyrene 1. as above, but of different 
style ; in front KVPA, behind N A ^> 
outwards ; dotted border ; circular incuse. 
JR. 0-6. Wt. 51 grs. Copenhagen (M. i. 116). 

12. Obv. Similar, but without seed. 

Rev. Head of Gyrene, of style similar to No. 11, but 
more advanced ; in dotted circle ; in incuse 
square, in the corners of which K V 

V d 

M. 0-55. Wt. 51-9 grs. B. M. = M. i. 115. 

The head on No. 12 has been described by Miiller 
as Apollo, 42 but there seems no reason to consider it 
as different from that on No. 11, the inscription 
KVPANA on which, it may be suggested, refers to the 
type as well as to the city. Parallel with these coins, 
and linking up with the next group, is the series 
of drachms and hemidrachms bearing the types of the 
liead of Ammon and silphium. 

13. Obv. Silphium plant. 

Rev. Head of bearded Ammon r. in dotted circle in 
incuse square, in corners of which K V 

B. M. /K. 0-6. Wt. 50 grs. V d 

The general arrangement of the hair is like that of 
the similar heads in the first group, and the eye though 
not so pronounced is still almost entirely full. On 
the other hand, the truncation of the neck is dotted. 
As a rule the silphium has no pair of umbels springing 
on either side above the highest whorl. The absence 
of these is a sign of early date, though the contrary 
does not hold. 

42 i. 115. 

F 2 

68 E. S. G. KOBINSON. 

Two early varieties may be mentioned here. 

14. Obv. Silphium plant with two whorls and three 


Rev. _ Head of Ammon as on No. 13 ; but inside the 
dotted circle to 1. and r. of head K V m 
incuse square. A ' 

B. M. M. 0-6. Wt. 50-7 grs. 

15. Ob v. Silphium plant as above. 

Eev. Head of Ammon as on No. 13, but 1. ; the hair 
is allowed to hang down as far as the nape of 
the neck, in the fringe appears the uraeus ; 
all in dotted circle in incuse square, in the 
corners of which V I >l 

Paris. M. 0-6. Wt. 53 grs. 

The interest of No. 15, which is one of the earliest 
of its class, lies in the presentation of the head of 
Ammon. It gives the only example I know of at 
Gyrene of the wig-like Egyptian treatment of the 
back hair, which is so noticeable a feature of the con- 
temporary coins assigned to Golgoi with the types 
obv. Hermes, rev. Head of Ammon. 43 This is the first 
appearance too of the uraeus, which does not occur 
again for more than half a century. 

From this time the coins of Barce and Euesperides 
are exactly like those of Gyrene, and can only be 
distinguished by the legends. The puzzling letters 
T and A, which appear on some of the drachms of 
Barce, will be discussed later. 44 

This series of drachms leads into and overlaps with 
the second group of tetradrachms of the period. 

43 B. M. C. : Cyprus, p. 70. < 4 See p. 78. 


16. Obv. Silphium with two whorls, five umbels, and root. 

ft eVt Head of Zeus Ammon r. (fine archaic style) ; 
in front, BAP } ; thick dotted border in 
circular incuse. 

Attic tetradrachm (Hunter Coll. (Barce). M. 1-35. 
Wt. 266-5 = Macdonald, iii, p. 578, No. 1). 
Also Samian drachm, B. M. (Gyrene. 
M. 55. Wt. 53-8), and hemidrachm, B. M. 
(Gyrene. M. 04. Wt. 24-8 grs.). 

The style of this head (which occurs both at Barce 
and at Gyrene) is more advanced than that of No. 9 and 
the two coins in the Warren and Jameson Collections, 
and the hair is differently arranged. The plait coiled 
round just above the nape of the neck remains, and 
the fringe of curls above the forehead ; but the hair 
on the crown and back of the head gives the impression 
of being waved and crimped. Only one corner of the 
eye is now seen, and on well-preserved specimens the 
eyelash is clearly visible ; the truncation of the neck 
is dotted. Corresponding to the tetradrachm are a 
drachm and hemidrachm of similar treatment, the 
head on the reverse being in a dotted square in place 
of the usual circle. 

The third and last group in the second period provides 
us with several interesting pieces, and some puzzles. 
It is the most numerous of the three, and consists 
largely of tetradrachms. 


Obv. Silphium plant with two whorls and five umbels 
in field to 1. and r. M 3 

[E V] 

Rev. Head of bearded Ammon r., the eye about three- 
quarter face, the hair arranged as on No. 9 ; 
in front, KVPA ) outwards ; dotted border. 

Berlin (M. Suppl. 121 A). M. 14. Wt. 244 
grs. (corroded). 

70 E. S. G. KOBINSON. 

18. Obv. Silphium plant, as on No. 17; to 1. and r. of 

base [E] V 

Eev. Head of bearded Ammon r., with the hair 
arranged as on No. 16, but the beard breaking 
into loose curls and the eye more in profile ; 
in front KVPA 3 
Berlin. JR. 1-05. 

Another example in Copenhagen completes, and is 
in turn completed by, No. 18. The obverse of the 
Copenhagen specimen seems to be from the same die, 
and reads E to 1. of the base of the silphium, the space 
for the V being off the coin. The reverse, though from 
a different die, is very close in style to No. 18; un- 
fortunately, the space in front of the face is badly 
corroded, and this renders the inscription illegible, 
but presumably it also was KVPA. 


19. Olv. Silphium plant with two whorls and five 


Rev. Head of bearded Ammon r., with the hair and 
beard treated as on No. 18 ; in front >ISA8 } 
outwards ; behind, T. 

Berlin. JR. 1-05. Gwinner (same dies). 

20. Obv. Silphium plant with two whorls and five 

umbels (the base of the stalk off the coin). 

Rev. Head of bearded Ammon r., the hair in rows of 
tight curls, the beard curling freely in triple 
border ; in front of the nose and encroaching 
on to the border, T ; all in incuse square, in 
the corners of which B A 

M Tdl 

B. M. Attic tetradrachm. JR. 1. Wt. 2494 ere. 
(20 a). 

On another coin (20b) from the same dies in the Hirsch 
Collection at Brussels, the silphium plant is struck 


higher up on the flan, revealing on either side of the 
base of the stalk a letter, of which a corner may be 
seen on the Museum specimen. These letters, though 
largely formed, are straggling and very uncertain: 
they seem to resemble T E, but the lowest bar of 
the E and part of the T are off the coin. In connexion 
with this piece another coin may be studied. 

21. Ob v. Silphium plant with two whorls and five 

umbels ; at base of stalk to 1. and r., 3 T. 

Rev. Head of Ammon r., style advanced towards 
transitional, the beard slightly curling; in 

front of face, Sk; all in dotted circle, in circular 

Paris (Samian drachm). Wt. 50-6 grs. =M. Suppl. 
331 A. Bompois, PI. I. 10. 

22. Obv. Silphium plant with two whorls and five 

umbels ; to 1. and r. of base of stalk K V ; 
in field r. A. ? (the last letter doubtful). 

Rev. Head of Zeus Ammon r., of coarse type, the 
hair and beard treated as in No. 20 ; in front 


of the face A ; all in incuse square. 

B. M. M. 145 (Attic tetradrachm). Wt. 2484 grs. 

Gyrene Euesperides. 

In connexion with Nos. 17 and 18, on which the 
name of Euesperides has already been recognized by 
Muller, 45 it is necessary to go closely into the history 
and early numismatics of that city. 

The earliest coins attributable to this, the western- 
most of all the cities of Cyrenaica, are the following : 

45 Muller, Suppl., p. 8, Nos. 121, 121 A, and note. 

72 E. S. G. ROBINSON. 

23. Obv. Silphium with two whorls and three umbels; 

to 1. and r. of base of stalk, E $. 
Rev. Dolphin 1. ; beneath, EY ; above to 1. and r., a dot; 

incuse square. 

B. M. M. 0-45. Samian drachm. Wt. 48-6 grs. 
(very rough style). 

24. Obv. Silphium with two whorls and five(?) umbels. 

Rev. Dolphin to r. diagonally downwards; beneath, 
cloven hoof (of a gazelle?) ; above, EV ; all in 
incuse square. 

Warren Collection. 46 M. 0-55. Samian drachm. 
Wt. 53-5 grs. 

Two varieties of this coin, which have given rise 
to some confusion by their imperfect condition, are 
worthy of mention. 

25. Obv. Similar to No. 24 (? trace of letter E to 1. of base 

of stalk, the larger part being off the coin). 

Rev. Similar to No. 24, but above tA (sic). 
Paris. M. 0-6. Samian drachm. 

26. Obv. Similar to No. 24 (again trace of E ?). 

Rev. Similar, but dolphin to 1. , diagonally upwards ; 
beneath, in 1. bottom corner of the incuse 
square, V. 

Brussels (Coll. Hirsch). M. 0-6. Wt. 41 grs. 
(worn). Samian drachm. 

27. Obv. Similar to No. 24 (again traces of letters?). 

Rev. Dolphin r., beneath a crab's claw, above EV ; 
circular incuse. 

Brussels (Coll. Hirsch). M. 0-5. Wt. 45 grs. 
(worn). Samian drachm. 

28. Obv. Silphium as on No. 13. 

Rev. Head of bearded Ammon r. as on No. 13, but 
E V 

46 Regling, Samml. Warren, p. 214, No. 1367. 


B. M. M. 0-65. Wt. 47-3 grs. Also Samian 
drachms and hemidrachms (B. M. M. 0-55. 
Wt. 19-7 grs.) 

Of Nos. 25, 26, and 27, either the reverses are much 
corroded or the lower part of the field is off the coin, 
but on all there are traces of letters as indicated, on 
No. 25 what might clearly be the top bar of an E. 
With No. 23 before us, it may be suggested that all 
these obverses should be read E . The reverse in- 
scription of No. 25 has been read as F V, 47 and referred 
to a town Hydrax, a reading superficially supported 
by the fact that on No. 26 V appears apparently alone. 
But (1) Hydrax is a place unknown save for Ptolemy 
and Synesius, and therefore not a priori likely to have 
been a mint in the archaic period ; (2) on No. 26, though 
no letter is visible save V, the whole length of the field 
above the dolphin's back, where there would be room for 
the letter E, is off the coin; (3)No. 24 incontestably reads 
EV, and is so closely bound by style, type, and fabric 
to Nos. 25 and 26 that it must surely issue from the 
same mint. All these considerations render it almost 
certain that Nos. 24-6 belong to Euesperides, a con- 
clusion that would be confirmed if the reading on the 
obverse of these coins turns out, as is here suggested, 
to be ES. 

Nos. 23 and 27 are certainly, to judge by style, earlier 
than No. 28. If we may admit the argument from 
the succession of types at Gyrene and Barce, where 
the various animal and general types appear first, 
to be ousted by Zeus Ammon, Nos. 24-6 are also 
earlier, though stylistically there is little difference. 

47 Hist. Num.' 1 , p. 873, note. 

74 E. S. G. ROBINSON. 

Now No. 28 is one of the large series of drachms and 
hemidrachms, issued equally at Gyrene and at Barce,to 
which reference has been made above. That series 
overlaps and so connects the first and second groups of 
this period, i. e. its date is c. 480-460. Nos. 23-7, or 
at least Nos. 23 and 27, are therefore not later than 
c. 480. But here we are faced with a historical diffi- 
culty, since the accepted date of the foundation of 
Euesperides is c. 460. 48 

Most of our information about the early history of 
Euesperides is contained in Pindar, Pythian V, and 
the Scholiast's notes thereto. The relevant passage runs 
as follows: TavTa Sk Tnorourcu [6 AiSvpos] TrapaTiOt- 
ra GtorifJLov K TOV TrpcoTOV Trepl Kvprji>r)$ <E\OVTCL 
SiaTTiTTTOva-ai' 8t rrjv irpagiv a/0-#o/ze*>oy 'ApK(riXaos 
Kal /3oiA6/^ej>oy 81' avTov ray '.Eo-Trep^ay oiKicrai 7re//7ret 
IJL\V e/9 ray TravrjyvpeLS ITTTTOVS a^X^cro^ray Ev(f>r]fjLov 
ayovTa, viKrja-as Se ra IlvOia Kal TTJV kavrov irarptSa 
o-T(/)dva)o- Kal enoiKovs e/y ray 'Eo-Trep^ay crvveXeyev. 
\v ovv T\VTa' KdppcoTos #e rfjs 'ApK(ri\dov 

6 roivvv TlivSapos roi)y eraipov y KaQo[JLi\>v TO Karanpa- 
X0\v T<i>Ev<t>rifj.(t> ra> Kappa>Ta> Trpoo-^x/re' povov yap Karop- 
Oaxrai (f)rj(nv avrov ayayovra TO o-TpaTLcoTLKov.^ 

This passage has been taken to prove that Euesperides 
was founded by Arcesilas IV to secure his uncertain 
throne. 50 But surely this is not the natural interpretation 
of the passage : in such a case we should have expected 

! / /.s/ . X,t m.\ p. 873, Euesperides, and Pauly-Wissowa (where 
.o account of the city itself is given), s.v. Hesperiden, "Die nach , 
der Uberliefemng 460 gegrtindete Stadt Euesperides " 
Find., Schol. (Teubner), pp. 175-6. 
" Urn sein wankendes Regiment zu stutzen." Busolt ii. 2 535. 


npa-yfj-ara for Trpagii/, which must mean either " good 
success" or "the business" generally, and is not used 
with the political significance of irpaypa. The passage 
here quoted is taken out of its context ; I would suggest 
that 7rpais refers not to the fortunes of Arcesilas, 
but to the previous plantation (or plantations) of 
Euesperides. Such an explanation would also give 
point to the Si' avrov of the next phrase. The whole 
sentence would then run : " Arcesilas saw the business 
was falling through (imperfect), and wished to colonize 
Hesperides on his own account, so he sent," &c. Like 
Hiero of Syracuse, Arcesilas wishes to make a display 
of his wealth and power, and Euesperides is colonized 
like another Catana-Aetna. That, like Hiero again, 
Arcesilas had the intention of providing himself with 
a retreat in case of need, is made probable by the fact 
that he fled there on the revolution at Cyrene only to 
meet his death. 51 Theotimus, however, does not say so. 

That Euesperides existed previous to 460 is also 
shown by a passage of Herodotus, referring to the 
Persian expedition in the closing years of the sixth 
century: ouro? 6 Ueptrecof crrparoy rfjs Ai,(3vr]$ e/caoraro) 
es Eveo-jrepiSas rjXde. 52 Finally, we have the literary 
evidence confirmed by the coins Nos. 23-8 described 
above, of which all, judging by style and by com- 
parison with the issues of Barce and Cyrene, should be 
earlier than 460, and some earlier than 480. 

That Euesperides cannot have been in a flourishing 
way, probably because of the attacks of Libyans, to 

51 Heraclides, Pol. iv. 4, who calls him " Battus ". 

52 Herodotus iv. 204. In this passage EjWTrepi'Sas has been taken 
to mean the name of the district and not the town, but only 
because it was supposed that the town did not then exist. 


which its exposed position rendered it particularly 
liable, is suggested by the fact that from the period 
before 460 no coins larger than the drachm have come 
down to us. 

It is difficult to resist the conclusion that ourNos. 17 
and 18 were struck in direct connexion with Arcesilas's 
attempt to revive Euesperides for his own benefit, 
possibly even for the pay of the o-TpaTicoTiKov, which 
the eclat of his Pythian victory enabled him to enroll 
in Greece. In this connexion it is interesting to note 
that the style of No. 17 is quite different from that 
of the other Cyrenaic heads of Ammon, and rather 
recalls the art of Greece Proper. Now Arcesilas's 
Pythian victory was won in 462. Our Nos. 17 and 18, 
therefore, or at least No. 17, which seems to be the 
earlier, were struck in that year or the year following 
"alliance" coins of Gyrene and Euesperides. Even 
if we may not take for granted that these coins were 
issued on the immediate occasion of Arcesilas's planta- 
tion, we may at least assume that they were issued 
between that event and the tyrant's downfall, i. e. 
462 and c. 450. 


At Barce, in the third group of the second period, 
we get an exactly similar phenomenon, though the 
readings are not always so clear, and there is a greater 
element of doubt about the explanation of some features. 
It is best perhaps to begin from the clearest and work 
towards the more uncertain. 

Our No. 21 was described originally by Bompois, 53 

Bompois, Medailles grecques frappdes dans la Cyrenat'que, p. 53, 


and then published by Muller in his Supplement. 54 
Both authors, however, miss the significance of the 
inscription on the obverse, and take the retrograde 9 
(which the engraver has placed so that the dotted circle 
encroaches upon its upright stroke) for a symbol, 
" possibly the half of a grain of silphium." The /? 55 
then becomes the beginning of a name, for Bompois 
that of a town, Darnis or Ardanixis, for Muller that 
of a magistrate. The shape of the B is very similar 
to that on Nos. 3 and 22. Once the first letter is 
recognized as a B we cannot resist recognizing the 
whole as the beginning of the ethnic BAPKAION, so 
that, if TE represents Teucheira, the piece falls into 
line with the contemporary alliance pieces of Gyrene 
and Euesperides. Such a connexion would be amply 
confirmed by what we know of the history of Barce 
and Teucheira. Teucheira was a port which served the 
inland city of Barce. It was close to it geographically, 
and was politically subordinate. Herodotus calls it 
iro\iv rr 

54 p. 15. 

55 The occurrence of a monogram so early is rather surprising ; 
but not much later, in the next period at Gyrene, on one of the 
earliest coins of the magistrate NiW, we find the O and N of the 
ethnic ligatured. 

56 iv. 171. In Pauly-Wissowa, s. v. Barke, it is stated that Euespe- 
rides was also at some time part of the domain of Barce, but the 
only reference given in support of this statement rather points to 
the opposite, The passage is in Diodorus, xviii. 20. 3, and is perhaps 
worth giving to correct the error. Thimbron having overawed the 
Cyrenaeans 8ie7rpe<r/3ev(raTO de KOI Trpbs ras XXay iroXeis at)v <rvp.- 
fiax^v a>? fjieXXovTOs avrov TTJV 7r\rj(n6x<i)pov \L^V 

Gyrene revolts . . . T&V 5e Bap/cauoj/ Knl T&V e Ecr7repiTa>i> 
TO> Qiftpwvi Kvpijvaloi . . fTropOovv rf]v TO>V atrrvvofuov x<u>pav. This is 
confirmed for an earlier period by the language of Herodotus in 
the passage quoted above. 'Ao-ftvcrTcwv fie e \ovrat TO irpbs c<nrcpi)s 
i" OITOL vrrep EupKrjs otKe'overt, Kari]Kovres eirl ddXaanrav (ear' 

78 E. S. G. KOBINSON. 

On No. 20, as has been mentioned, the letters are not 
so clear, but the reading T E (from the Hirsch specimen) 
seems the most likely, besides being along the line 
of least resistance. The inscription, whatever it is, is 
bound to be either an ethnic or what is termed for con- 
venience' sake a moneyer's name or mint letter. The first 
alternative is most likely, because (1) it is in the place 
regularly employed for the ethnic, both in this period 
(when the inscription appears on the obverse at all) 
and in the next, and (2) if a conclusion to be reached 
later is correct, the T on the reverse is to be regarded as 
a mint letter, and we should not expect another on the 
same coin. Granted that it is an ethnic, it might be a 
continuation of the inscription begun on the obverse, 57 
but no possible ingenuity can read the letters as A I , 
which is what in that case they would have to be. Nor 
again are they KV or EV, the only other alternatives 
that we have reason to expect. This tetradrachm then 
should be placed side by side with the drachm No. 21, 
which it resembles in the freer treatment of the beard 
and eye. 

The letter T which occurs on the reverse raises 
a very difficult question, to which it is not possible 
to give a satisfactory answer. This letter occurs only 
on coins of Barce, and its occurrence there seems to be 
arbitrary : for example, we find it in varying positions 
on the regular series of drachms mentioned above 
linking the first and second groups; we find it also 
on a tetradrachm of the third group (here No. 19) 

Evnrptdar. Aw^'O"*^" ft* Kara p.t<rov T/}? %<*>pi]S OLK^OIXTL I' 
(dvos, KaTrjKOVTfs f TTi 6a\a<T<Tav Kara Tai'^ei/ja Tro'Xii/ 7779 Hap/cai'^9. The 
language implies that Euesperides was not a rroXt? rf/? 'BnpKu 
' ('p. the coin figured in Coll. Jameson, PI. xcvi. 1343 B. 


which, though the beard is more freely treated, recalls 
in style the weaker coins of the second group. It is 
often inserted upside down, sometimes encroached on 
by the border in such a way as to leave its real nature 
open to doubt, and is always on the reverse. Miiller, who 
first noted it, suggests that it may be the initial letter 
of Teucheira, 53 but there are two reasons against this. 
First, on certain other coins the letter A (and possibly 
the letter A) 59 occurs in exactly the same circumstances, 
and no explanation can be admitted which does not 
equally cover all cases. Supposing, as is likely, that 
A is a misreading for A , we have to find another city 
beginning with A with which Barce is to be in alliance. 
The only possibility is Darnis, that last resort of all who 
are puzzled by A in the Cyrenaic series. Darnis was 
the most easterly city of Cyrenaica, just on the borders 
of Marmarica, and therefore the most unlikely place 
to hold close relations with Barce. Ptolemy is the first 
witness to its existence as a town at all, and it does 
not become of importance till late imperial times. 
If the reading A is to stand as well, the difficulty 
becomes hopeless. The second reason why T can- 
not be the initial of an ethnic is, that on our No. 20, 
where it occurs on the reverse, we already have on the 
obverse letters which must represent an ethnic, whether 
of Teucheira or no is immaterial for the moment. To 
have three ethnics on one coin would be almost in- 

58 i, p. 85. 

59 A is alleged to occur on a coin quoted from Pellerin by 
Miiller, which, he says, is not in the Paris Collection. Now there 
is in the Paris Collection a piece reading A with a little stroke 
on one side which might have been taken for A, and this is 
possibly the coin referred to. Dr. Iinhoof-Blumer tells us that he 
has never met with A. 

80 E. S. G. ROBINSON. 

conceivable. We must fall back, then, upon the conclu- 
sion that both T and A (and A if it exists) are simply 
" mint letters ", though the practice of putting magis- 
trates' names on coins does not begin in the Cyrenaica 
for another half-century. It must be confessed that 
it would be surprising to find such a use (it did not 
become a general custom) so early, although in view 
of the contemporary or even earlier practice at Messene 
quoted above 60 it is not impossible. 

Barce Cyrene. 

The interesting piece, No. 22, remains. Of the letters 
on the obverse, the K and V are quite plain though 
carelessly formed ; the P is not so certain : if it is 
accepted, the inscription ran in a circle outwards. 
Though the style of this coin is coarse, it is more 
advanced in such details as the eye and beard than are 
any of the other alliance coins. The type of Ammon, 
much nearer the ram than the ideal presentations 
of the second group, recalls the brute nature which 
comes out so strongly in the heads of the next 
period. "We shall not be far wrong in putting it 
towards the very end of the second period, to which 
it clearly belongs. Even if the third letter of the in- 
scription be not regarded as proven, it is incontestably 
an " alliance " coin of Barce and Cyrene. These two 
cities, rivals for the hegemony of Cyrenaica, were 
more often at enmity than friendship. The issue of 
" alliance " coins of Barce-Teucheira looks like a direct 
answer to the menace implied in the " alliance " coins, 
Cyrene-Euesperides. What can have been the occasion 
of the issue of alliance coins of Barce-Cyrene ? 

60 See p. 56, note, and cp. No. 1. 


The coins of Cyrene-Euesperides, according to the 
theories here advanced, were issued by Arcesilas 
after B. c. 462. Herodotus's account of Cyrenaic history, 
though he makes no direct mention of such an event, 
implies the previous fall of the kingly house. The 
famous oracle cannot but be, as Busolt points out, a vati- 
cinium post eventum. Herodotus's account is worked up 
from material gathered during a visit which probably 
took place about 443. G1 Allowing time for the oracle 
to establish itself in circulation, the fall of Arcesilas 
cannot have occurred much later than 445 ; for other 
reasons it is probably not much earlier than 450. 
Arcesilas had made himself hated : there were many 
powerful exiles. Is it not likely that the exiles retired 
on Barce, the natural enemy of their own city, and 
thence plotted the tyrant's downfall? Barce would 
naturally be willing to do all in her power to harm 
the government of her rival. If, as has been suggested 
on the poor authority of Polyaenus, 62 Barce was already 
a republic, the likelihood is increased. May we not 
see in this coin the recognition of help aiforded in the 
successful attempt of the Cyrenaeans to expel their 
king? Such help would be very needful to the new 
government of Gyrene. Arcesilaus still lived ; at first 

01 Jacoby in Pauly-Wissowa, s.v. Herodotus, p. 254. 

52 Polyaen. vii. 28, describing the siege of Barce by Arsames, 
presumably c. 483, speaks of ot apxovres as being sent by the 
besieged city to treat for terms. This has been taken to show 
that Barce had already ejected her kingly house : but (1) Busolt 
and Meyer regard the incident as a duplication of the Aryandes- 
Barce story ; (2) if, as is very possible, it does refer to a second 
siege, Polyaenus is very likely to have written the story in accord- 
ance with his own ideas of what an ancient Greek city was like, 
and to have been mistaken in mentioning the apxovrfs who (3) may 
anyhow quite well have co-existed with a king; see p. 73, note 47. 


82 K. s. G. ROBINSON. 

he had fled to his stronghold Euesperides, where later 
he was to meet his death. The city would be full 
of disaffection, dissatisfied revolutionaries or adherents 
of the old regime equally a menace to the new 
government. Friendly and close relations with Barer 
would be for the moment essential. 

With he "alliance" coins Gyrene -Euesperides, Barce- 
Cyrene, the name of Gyrene ceases to appear till well 
on into the next period when the transitional style 
is almost over. There is no such gap in the Barcaean 
series. Its style develops continuously into the third 
period, whose beginning we may define arbitrarily, 
though with convenience, by the final supersession of 
the Attic by the Samian weight standard. At least 
two coins of Attic weight seem to have been struck at 
Barce after the issue of the Barce-Cyreiie " alliance " 

29. Obv. Head of bearded Ammon r., the eye three- 

quarter face, the beard and the hair realisti- 
cally treated though not curled ; in front, 
BAP 3; triple dotted border. 

Her. Silphium with two whorls (three visible leaves) 
and seven umbels ; in incuse square. 

Paris. M. M. Attic tetradrachm. Wt. 263 grs. 

30. Obv. Silphium plant with two whorls (three visible 

leaves) and seven umbels ; traces of root to r. 

Rev. Head of bearded Ammon r., the horn curling 
above, not round ; the ear, the beard, and hair 
realistically treated, the latter breaking into 
loose curls all over the head ; dotted circle, 
round the outside of which BAP]KAIO[N O, 
circular incuse. 

B. M. A\. 1. Attic tetradrachm. Wt. 258-1 grs. 
Ward Coll., No. 903 (differentdies), 259-5 grs. 



Nos. 29 and 30 stand close together, (1) by reason 
of the treatment of the hair which, though differently 
conceived in the two cases, in both is freer than any- 
thing which has preceded, (2) in the representation 
of the silphium. Here for the first time we find what 
is comparatively common on later coins a whorl con- 
ceived as having two pairs of leaves at right angles to 
each other, instead of a simple pair in a straight line. 
Of course only three leaves would be visible, the other 
being at the back. To correspond to this extra pair 
of leaves (of which one only is visible) we have an 
extra umbel; presumably there would be another 
umbel at the back to correspond to the other (invisible) 
leaf. In fact every subsidiary umbel G3 corresponds to 
a leaf above which it rises. The result is that, in the 
new presentation of the whorl, two leaves and two 
umbels appear seen from the side, one leaf and one 
umbel seen from the front. No. 29 is further remark- 
able for the use of the obverse for the head, here an 
isolated example of the practice which becomes general 
after the turn of the century. No. 30 shows equally 
convincingly that it stands on the threshold of the 
next period ; besides the general freedom of style and 
the type of silphium, referred to above, one particular 
feature, the rather weak variation of the ram's horn, 
is repeated on three occasions in the third period. 64 
A striking similarity in the conception of the head, 
though the style is a little more developed, occurs later, 
as on the drachm No. 38, published below. With these 
two coins the series of Attic tetradrachms ends. 

83 i. e. all except the main flower on top. 

64 See below, Nos. 34-6; on No. 34 we have also the same 
circular arrangement of the legend. 


84 E. S. G. ROBIXSOX. 

What was the date of the final victory of the Samian 
standard which marks the beginning of the third period? 
It is generally supposed 65 that the change took place as 
a result of the expulsion of the Battiads, which (as we 
have seen above) can be dated with some certainty 
to the years 455-445 ; but if our explanation of the 
Barce-Cyrene alliance coin is correct, the Attic standard 
must still have been in use in the Cyrenaica after the 
revolution, a conclusion which is supported by the 
developed style of Nos. 29 and 30. The principal mint 
from which tetradrachms of Samian weight had hither- 
to been issued was Samos. Now in 439 that island 
revolted, and after a protracted siege was reduced by 
the Athenians. Though it has been generally assumed 
that the mint began to work again immediately after 
the capitulation, such a concession would seem to be at 
variance with the general practice of Athens in the 
matter of the rights of coinage, about which she was 
particularly jealous towards her subject allies. Further, 
the obvious change in style between the pieces of the 
earlier period (B. M. <?.: Ionia, p. 353, Nos. 28-41), and 
of the series supposed to begin in 439 (ibid., pp. 357 if., 
Nos. 82-99), seems to demand a chronological explana- 
tion. 66 If we may assume that the Samian mint ceased 
operations for some years after the reduction of the city, 
the resulting shortage of tetradrachms of Samos which 

M Miiller, passim, and Hist. Num. 2 , p. 868, where the date of this 
event is given as 431, which must be too late. 

66 If, with Professor Gardner ("Samos and Samian Coins," Xunt. 
Chron., 1882, p. 244), we could place in the gap the Samian coins 
of Attic weight (B. M. C.: Ionia, p. 361, Nos. 126-8) all would be 
simple. But the square shape of the lion's scalp, the tilt of the bull's 
neck, his decoration, the presence of symbol or monogram all point 
to these rare coins falling after the dated series. 



(to judge by the issue of drachms of Samian weight at 
Gyrene must have been very popular in Cyrenaic ex- 
change) would give us an excellent reason for the issue of 
Cyrenaic tetradrachms on that standard. This would 
be not so much a strikingly new departure as the 
consummation of a change begun the best part of a 
century before by the introduction of Samian drachms, 
and at least anticipated by the tetradrachm No. 9 
described above. 

It may be worth while here to note two pieces of 
negative evidence which throw some light on con- 
temporary history. First, according to one account, 67 
Barce was subjected to a second siege by the Persians 
just before Xerxes' invasion of Greece, and was reduced 
and heavily punished. Events of such a nature would 
explain the entire absence at Barce of coins of the 
first group of the second period, corresponding to 
No. 9 above of Gyrene, an absence which is remarkable 
in view of the fact that the last issues of the first period 
and the second group of the second are represented. 
Secondly, it has been hinted above that Gyrene after 
the expulsion of the Battiads was in a weak condition, 
and this is confirmed by the alliance coin No. 22, Barce- 
Cyrene. We even get an indication from the disposition 
of the two ethnics on this coin that Barce may have 
been the predominant partner. On all the other 
"alliance" coins published above Cyrene-Euesperides, 
Barce-Teucheira the name of the predominant state 

c7 Polyaen. vii. 28. See above, p. 81, note 62. If, as Meyer and 
Busolt suppose, this is a duplication of the earlier siege it is a veiy 
circumstantial one. But why should it be a duplication? Polyaenus 
knows of the other siege as well, and if we must have duplication, 
it is easier to grant duplication of particulars than of the whole. 


(Gyrene or Barce as the case may be) appears on the 
reverse beside the head of Ammon, the name of the 
dependant on the obverse with the silphium ; now in 
the Barce-Cyrene " alliance " coin, the name of Barce 
appears on the reverse, that of Gyrene on the obverse. 
Further, as has been observed above, there are no coins 
of Attic weight at Gyrene later than the Cyrene-Eue- 
sperides ' ; alliance " pieces, to correspond to our Nos. 1), 
30 at Barce. Once more, to anticipate somewhat, after 
the beginning of the next period there is still nothing 
to correspond to the Barcaean transitional tetradrachms 
of the new weight ; when the Cyrenaean tetradrachms 
do begin again, they are often of poor and coarse work. 
Only on some hypothesis of temporary weakness can 
we explain this apparent cessation of the tetradrachm 
coinage at Gyrene for something like twenty years. 

Finally, towards the end of the second period I would 
place the following coin ; from which town of the 
Pentapolis it issued, the absence of inscription prevents 
our even guessing. 

31. Obv. Silphium plant with two whorls and five 
umbels, and with root. 

Rev. Head of bearded Ammon r. ; dotted circle in 
circular incuse. 

Paris. ,Y. 0-5. Wt. 53 grs. Samian drachm. 

This very interesting piece is the first of the Cyrenaic 
gold issues. The head recalls, in the arrangement and 
treatment of the hair, the second group of the second 
period (No. 16) ; the eye is not yet seen in profile. It 
is interesting to note that the same standard is 
'niployed for the gold as for the silver drachms. 



The third period begins and ends with a change in 
the silver weight standard. The beginning is marked, 
as we have seen above, by the introduction (c. 435) 
of the Samian standard for tetradrachms, the end by 
the introduction of the Rhodian standard after 308. 
The latter date we can fix with some precision. Since 
Alexander the fortunes of Gyrene had become in- 
volved for better for worse with those of Egypt ; after 
a short period of revolt under Ophelias, Magas was 
sent in 308 to recover the cities for his stepfather, 
a task which he successfully accomplished. From 
that date down to Magas's rebellion the district was 
Egyptian. Now c. 305 Ptolemy changed the standard 
of his satrapal coins from Attic to Rhodian. It is a 
safe deduction that the issue of the Cyrenaean coins 
of Rhodian weight followed that change. 

Within this period (435-305) a continuous develop- 
ment may be observed. Towards the close of the fifth 
century magistrates' names begin to appear freely on 
the coins, and the head is moved from the obverse 
to the reverse. Early in the fourth century a plentiful 
coinage in gold, and on a new standard, the Attic, 
begins ; half a century or so later the Samian silver 
standard is superseded once more by the Attic, 
didrachms taking the place of tetradrachms. The 
obverse type shows much variety ; instead of the ever- 
lasting bearded Ammoii we find Eros, Dionysus, and the 
beardless Ammoii. Towards the close of the century 
a bronze coinage is introduced. 

As in the last period, the issues of Barce and Gyrene 
run closely parallel in style to each other. But it is 

88 E. S. G. ROBINSON. 

remarkable that whereas the early years of the period, 
say down to about 420, seem to be empty at Gyrene and 
full at Barce, after the end of the century the positions 
are reversed. There are very few coins of Barce that 
we can put later than c. 390, nor does the city share in 
the plentiful gold issue of the fourth century. Some 
pieces have no ethnic, and in such cases it is almost 
impossible to decide by style to which city they belong, 
unless they bear an already familiar magistrate's name. 
The omission of the ethnic is curious, and seems to be 
quite arbitrary. Throughout the previous period its 
presence on all tetradrachms and almost all subdivisions 
is constant. 

In the earlier part of this period (say down to 
c. 390) small denominations are much rarer than in the 
latter. 68 In addition to the drachm, the hemidrachm, 
and the obol, we find a coin of about 15 grs., presum- 
ably a trihemiobol (see below, p. 95). 


32. Obv. Silphium plant with two whorls and seven 

Rev. Head of bearded Ammon laureate r.; IAMSAQ }. 
B. M. jR. 1. Wt. 195-7. Samian tetradrachm. 

The severity of the treatment, the formality of the. 
hair and beard, mark this coin as transitional. It 
forms with another in the British Museum and a coin 
(from the same die) in Paris a group which must stand 
at the head of the series of tetradrachms of Samian 

Another group may also be mentioned which looks 

18 This is even more the case at Gyrene than at Barce. 


back to the last coins of the previous period, 
especially No. 30. 

33. Obv. Silphium plant with three whorls and seven 


Eev. Head of bearded Ammon 1., laureate (hair 
and beard still formal); BAPKAION O ; 
circular incuse. 

Paris. Ai. 1-1. Wt. 205 grs. Samian tetra- 

34. Olv. Head of bearded Ammon 1., diademed, the hair 

and beard more freely treated, the horn curling 
above the ear; B]APKA[ION P. 

Eev. Silphium plant with four whorls and nine 
umbels ; circular incuse. 

Paris. M. 1-1. Wt. 203 grs. Samian tetra- 

The circular arrangement of the legend, the head 
turned to the left, contrary to the usual practice, and 
the peculiarity of the horn (on No. 34) link up these 
two coins with No. 30. On No. 34 the head appears on 
the obverse, a feature it has in common with No. 29 
of the last period. By this too, as well as by other 
peculiarities, No. 34 is linked up with two other coins 
which may be mentioned here. 

35. Olv. Head of bearded Ammon 1., laureate, hair 

treated very much as in 34, the horn 
curling above the ear. 

Rev. Silphium with three whorls and seven umbels ; 
in field 1., owl ; B A : circular incuse. 
P K 

B. M. M. 1. Wt. 198-5 grs. Samian tetra- 

36. Obv. Head of bearded Ammon r., laureate ; freer 

style, the horn still curved above the ear ; in 
front, traces of letters (inn?). 

90 E. S. G. KOBINSOX. 

Her. Silphium with three whorls and seven umbels; 
B A 

P K ; circular incuse. 
A I 

B. M. Al. 1. Wt 202.7 grs. Samian tetm- 

No. 35 illustrates a practice far commoner at Barce 
than at Gyrene, the addition to the main type of sym- 
bols in the shape of animals or plants. The letters on 
the obverse of No. 36 can only refer to a magistrate. 
The style of this coin is not early ; it is the only one 
with a magistrate's name on which the head is on the 
obverse, but the points noted (the curl of the horn, &c.) 
bring it into close connexion with coins, e. g. No. 35, 
which do not bear a magistrate's name, and which yet 
themselves, as far as style goes, would naturally be 
classed after coins of the earliest magistrates. It seems 
to follow inevitably that magistrates' names do not 
appear on this series at a definite point once for all, but 
that anonymous coins were still intercalated for some 
time between the signed issues. It is worth noting, 
however, that oil the later unsigned issues, e. g. Nos. 35 
and 43, there is a symbol, though it must be confessed 
that on No. 35 this seems to be more an adjunct to the 
type than a symbol strictly so called. 

37. Obv. Silphium plant with two whorls (showing three 
leaves) and seven umbels ; on either side of 
the stalk springs a similar silphium plant in 
miniature ; B A 

P K 

A I 

Itec. Head of bearded Ammon r. 

B. M. M. 1. Wt. 199-3 grs. Samian tetra- 


No. 37 belongs to another anonymous group, examples 
of which are probably the commonest coins of Barce. 
The style of the head of Ammon is coarse, the hair 
and beard freely treated in luxuriant curls, the eye 
heavy, with the pupil strongly marked. The head is 
still on the reverse. The whorls of the silphium are 
of the kind already noted under Nos. 29 and 30. The 
style is freer than on No. 32, though not so good ; the 
inscription has followed the silphium plant on to the 
obverse. Coins of this class lead into and doubtless 
overlap the series bearing magistrates' names, which 
we may now discuss. 

The magistrates already recognized at Barce are 
4>AIN- -, KAINin, KYYEAH Til OlAnN(O^), 
and AKEIO, to these I would add the uncertain 
name flfl ? on No. 36 above, and AAAI . 

The earliest magistrate seems to be <I>AIN . With 
this name we have one tetradrachm at Paris (Muller, 
i. 317), and the following drachm. 

88. Obv. Silphium with two whorls (of three leaves), 
seven umbels, and root ; V\ <l> 
I A 

Eev.~ Head of bearded Ammon r., transitional style, 
hair loose ; in front SAB } dotted circle ; 
circular incuse. 

B. M. M. -75. Wt. 50-2 grs. Samian drachm 
(misnumbered 36 on Plate IV). 

The style of the head of Ammon recalls No. 30 of 
the last period, though it has not the same peculiar 
treatment of the horn. To these two coins I would 
add the following tetradrachm from Parma. 

39. Obv. Silphium plant with two whorls and seven 
umbels, at the base of which a recumbent 
gazelle: in field 1. upwards. MIO. 


Rev. Head of bearded Ammon r., laureate (?), the 
hair and beard rather formal ; in front 
!) ; circular incuse. 

Parma. Al. 1. Wt. 197-5 grs. 

The style of the reverse of this coin recalls the group 
to which No. 32 belongs. Imhoof, who has published 
it, 09 apparently regards it as being a variety of No. 322 
in Miiller's work, in which case it would correct Miiller' s 
reading. Muller's reading of his No. 322, however, 
seems to be right, and we are still left with the - N IO - 
on the present coin. It is part of a word of which the 
rest is off the coin ; the ethnic is already accounted for, 
so it must be a magistrate. Of the magistrates at Barce, 
always supposing it to be one of those known already, 
<t>AIN and KAINIH present themselves as possi- 
bilities. As a completion of the first, 0AINIO5 (the 
local dialect genitive of a nominative $alvis) may be 
suggested ; from the distribution of the extant legend 
we should expect three or four more letters, which is 
what is required. If KAINIH is preferred we must 
suppose either that O is written for H (which is not 
the case on any other coins of this magistrate) or that 
the name is in the nominative KAINIO5, which would 
be exceptional though not unparalleled. 70 On the 
whole, though it must always remain a conjecture that 
<t>AIN should be completed $ao>ios-, I incline to the 
first alternative, because (1) a genitive is much more 
usual than a nominative, (2) <I>AIN - - - seems an earlier 
magistrate than KAINIfl, for, besides the style of the 
tetradrachm (and drachm No. 38 above) the ethnic of 
the latter is on the head side. Now the coin under 

Z.f. N., Bd. vii, p. 30, No. 2. 


70 At Gyrene we find NIKIS as well as NIKIOS . 


discussion seems earlier than the KAINIfl group, for it 
also has the ethnic on the head side, and its style 
suggests that of the group to which No. 32 belongs. 
Against this argument must be put the fact that the 
gazelle of the obverse occurs (in a different position) 
on a coin with KAINIH. 71 

Next in order seems to come KAINIfl ; of this magis- 
trate we have two tetradrachms in Paris, 71 and the 
following smaller denominations. 

40. Obv. Silphium plant with two whorls and five 

umbels ; dotted circle. 

Rev. Head of bearded Ammon r., hair and beard 
free; in front. KAINIft, 3 outwards; clotted 

B. M. A\. 045. Wt, 25-2 grs. Samian hemi- 

41. Obv. "Triple silphium," consisting of three sprouts 

of silphium, each with one whorl and three 
umbels springing from a central pellet ; 
linear circle. 

Eev. Head of bearded Ammon r., hair and beard 
rather formal (as on M. i. 322) ; in front 
KAI }; dotted circle. 

B. M. M. 0-4. Wt. 15 grs. Samian trihemiobol. 

The triple silphium is a type which here appears for 
the first time. 

Of KYYEAn Til <!>IAnN(OS) we have a tetra- 
drachm at Vienna. 72 The fact that the ethnic is on the 
head side would a priori make us put this coin earlier, 
but the style does not seem specially early, though of 
course the head is still on the reverse, and the older 
position of the ethnic may be explained by the length 

71 M. i. 322, 323. 72 M. i. 324. 

94 E. S. G. KOBIXSON. 

of the magistrate's name which would require more 
room than was available round the head. To the 
Vienna coin I would add the following : 

42. Obi\ Triple silphium ; linear circle. 

y,v,. Head of young Ammon r., beardless and horned ; 

in front, KYfEAfl. 3; dotted border. 
" B. M. M. 04. Wt. 11-3 grs. Samian trihemi- 

Of AKE3IOS, so far as I know, only tetradrachms 
exist. T:> ' The facing head on some of his coins would 
presumably date them to the turn of the century when 
the enterprise of the Syracusan engravers had brought 
this position into popularity. 

Lastly, I would assign the following coin to Barce : 

43. Olv. Triple silphium; dotted border. 

ft cv> Head of young Ammon r. ; behind neck C AAA ; 

in front, I outwards ; dotted border. 
B. M. A\. 0-35. Wt. 12-7 grs. Samian trihemi- 

There are two reasons for assigning this coin to 
Barce. Most of the other coins with the types of the 
head of Ammon, and the triple silphium, can be defi- 
nitely connected with this city, either by the ethnic 

or by a magistrate ; and the name AAAI at once 

suggests 'AXageip, which is a good Barcaean name, as- 
sociated in a previous generation with the royal house. 74 

The denomination of these little pieces with the 
triple silphium is puzzling ; the type itself is unusual. 
occurring only twice apart from this group on an isolated 

73 M. i. 318-21. 

74 Herodotus iv. 164. The restoration of the name is indeed 
practically certain, for there seems to be no other proper name 
in Greek beginning with the same four letters. 


tetradrachm of AKEIO$ at Barce, 7:> and 011 the series 
of fourth-century gold triobols at Gyrene. Its use on 
triobols suggests that it has a practical significance. 
Besides the weights of those here published, 15, 12-7, 
11-3, others weigh 13-5, 13-2, 15-3, and 14. 70 The lowest 
weight 11-3 (our No. 4.2) can be partially explained 
by the fact that the coin is restruck. Now an obol 
of the Samian drachm of 53 grs. would weigh 8-8, and 
a trihemiobol consequently 13-2, which is the central 
point round which the weights of these coins gravitate. 
If we can assume them to be trihemiobols we have an 
explanation of the type such as may be offered in the 
case of the gold triobols the denomination is indicated 
thereby as the triple of the unit. 

Here the series of Barce practically ends, save for 
unimportant copper. Only a very few silver coins can 
be dated later than c. 390. Among them may be noted 
the following. 

44. Olv. Head of bearded Ammon r., laureate, hair and 
beard free ; behind the neck, ear of corn ; 
linear border. 

Rev. Silphium with two whorls and five umbels ; to 
r., BAP } ; triple circle border. 

B.M. JR. 1. Wt. 194-9 grs. Samian tetra- 

This coin cannot be much earlier than the middle of 
the fourth century ; the style is comparatively weak, 
and linear borders are found at Cyrene on coins of 
that period, those of the magistrates 0EY<1>EIAEY$ 
and IAONO. The peculiar coin at Berlin (from the 
Fox collection) 7T is best mentioned later. 78 Gold coins 

75 M. i. 321. 7G M. i. 45, 46, 328, and Brit. Mus. 

77 M., Suppl., 325 A. 78 See below, No. 68. 

9(> E. S. G. ROBINSON". 

which may be assigned to Barce will be considered 
in discussing the early anepigraphic gold. 

Cyrene : the silver coinage down to c. 390. 

At Cyrene the history of the early coinage of the 
third period, say down to 390, is practically the same 
as at Barce, with the important exception (noted above), 
that though there are plenty of coins of rude workman- 
ship there are none of the severe transitional style 
with the ethnic on the head side, such as begin the 
series at Barce. The earliest pieces are those without 
magistrates' names, corresponding to the Barcaean 
group to which No. 37 belongs. The style of these 
coins is often very rough indeed, sometimes recalling 
the more barbarous products of Cretan mints. That 
of most coins of the earliest magistrate NIKI3 is 
exactly similar, which points to overlapping, though so 
far I have not been able to establish this by community 
of dies. In this group, apparently, the head is never on 
the obverse. The anepigraphic silver tetradrachms 
will be discussed later. 

On signed coins down to c. 390 we find two names, 
NIKIOS and APISTOMHAEOS, less than half the 
number occurring at Barce, though the coins of either of 
these magistrates are far commoner than any of those 
at Barce. This looks as if they covered approximately 
the same period of time, the magistrates at Barce 
holding a shorter tenure of office than those at Cyrene, 
though style would indicate that the earliest magistrate 
at Barce $ab(io$), Nos. 38 and 39 above, is earlier 
than NIKI?. In the time of Nikis the head is moved 
from the reverse to the obverse of the coin, though 
this change does not seem to have been made then once 


for all, for under APISTOMHAEO5 we get one example 
with the head on the reverse (No. 47 infra), while some 
of Nikis's coins with the head on the reverse seem more 
advanced in style than others with the head on the 
obverse. For instance, the coin in Miiller (i. 37) seems 
later than the following. 

45. Ob v. Head of bearded Arnmon r., laureate and dia- 

demed (the tie showing in heart-shaped knot 
at the back), the hair and beard curling free, 
the eye three-quarter face, pupil and lashes 
strongly marked ; in front, in straggling letters 
MIKIS } outwards. 

Rev. Silphium with two whorls (of three leaves) and 
five umbels ; on either side of stalk, a shoot. 

B. M. M. 1-1. Wt. 201-8. Samian tetradrachm. 

This coin, apart from its exotic style, is remarkable 
for the case of the proper name. The nominative is 
practically unknown at Gyrene. A certain number of 
tetradrachms with NIKIOS have no ethnic, but, even if the 
community of name were not sufficient to give these to 
Gyrene, we have at least one which shares an obverse 
die with a coin inscribed KYPA. The following coin 
of Nikis, which will be useful later, may be here 

46. Obv. Head of bearded Ammon r., hair and beard 

free ; in front, NIKI^ } outwards. 

Rev. Silphium with two whorls and five umbels ; 
K Y 

A (the die pitted with rust). 
N A 

B. M. M. M. Wt. 198-5 grs. Samian tetra- 
drachm. Also Paris, with the obv. inscrip- 
tion clearer. 


<)8 E. S. G. ROBINSON. 

Most of the coins of API5TOMHAEO5 are well 
known ; they are of fine style as a rule. Apart from 
the one with facing head (No. 47) there appear to be 
three signed obverse dies of this magistrate to six 
reverses. The following piece has been published be- 
fore, 79 but in view of its importance may be described 
again here. 

47. Olv. Silphium with two whorls (three leaves) and 
seven umbels ; in front r v a gazelle standing 
on its hind legs and browsing off the highest 
leaves; around, APISTOMHAEOS Q. 

Rev. Head of bearded Ammon, directly facing, with hair 
and beard in heavy curls, wearing diadem 
from the centre of which rises uraeus ; beneath, 
KYP ANA o- outwards; dotted border. 

Karlsruhe, 1-05. Wt. 206-5 grs. Samian tetra- 

This coin has many points of interest. The uraeus on 
the diadem does not often occur; the obverse type 
with the gazelle reminds one of Barce rather than 
of Gyrene ; the head on the reverse shows that the 
change introduced in this respect under Nikis was 
not final ; lastly, the facing head itself is a remark- 
able achievement, and leads on to one still more 
remarkable. The great impetus to the representation 
of the facing head came from the famous Syracusan 
dies of Euclidas and Cimon, which date from the years 
immediately preceding the close of the fifth century. 
We have noticed a similar and contemporary innova- 
tion (of very wooden style) at Barce under the later 
magistrate AKE3IOS. Given the date of the Syracusan 

Z.f. N., vii, p. 29. 


pieces, the appearance of the facing head at Gyrene 
may be dated round the year 400. It may be interest- 
ing to collect the various examples of this rare type. 
Besides the one mentioned above, we have these three. 

48. Obv. Head of bearded Ammon facing, laureate, slightly 

turned towards the r., the beard hanging in 
curls, the hnir not so free as on No. 46. 

Rev. Silphium with two whorls and five umbels ; 
K V 
P A 
N A 

Collection of Herr Giesecke. M. 0-95. Wt. 203 
grs. Samian tetrad rachm. 

49. Obv. Head of bearded Ammon facing, slightly turned 

to the 1., hair and beard freely curling, wearing 
diadem with uraeus ; around, laurel wreath. 

Rev. Silphium with two whorls (of three leaves) and 
five umbels : V N 
P A 
A H 

B. M. A\. 14. Wt. 203-8 grs. Samian tetra- 
drachm = M. Suppl. 141 A. 

50. Obv. Head of bearded Ammon facing, slightly turned 

to the 1. ; no wreath or diadem, hair and beard 
as on last. 

Rev. Silphium with two whorls (of three leaves) and 
five umbels ; KVPANAIOS O retrograde out- 

Copenhagen. M. 145. Wt. 205 grs. = M. Suppl. 
141 B. 

It is puzzling that of all the coins with facing heads 
only one bears the name of a magistrate. No. 48 is 
struck from the same reverse die as No. 46, which 
bears the name NIKI3, and when employed for No. 46 
(the die had rusted. No. 48 therefore is earlier than 
po. 46, and was presumably struck under the same 


100 E. S. G. ROBINSON. 

magistrate. A similar argument can be applied to 
No. 49 ; the reverse die was used in conjunction with 
a die of APlSTOMHAEO *, and, judging by its state, 
this use took place at a later date. No. 49 was therefore 
almost as certainly struck under API3TOMHAEO5 
as was No. 48 under NIKI3. As regards No. 50 we 
have no linking of dies to go upon, but the head is 
much simpler than that on Nos. 47 and 49, while the 
silphium of the reverse resembles in style that on the 
coins of NIKI5. 

During this period smaller denominations are even 
rarer than at Barce; besides the very uncommon 
drachm of usual types (the head still on the reverse), 
the following coin may be mentioned : 

51. Olv. Triple silphium ; across field AS-YX ; dotted 

Rev. Head of Gyrene facing, turned slightly to r. 
with diadem, under which the hair is gathered 
in loops along the forehead ; around, traces of 
letters ? 

B. M. JR. 04. Wt. 14-5 grs. Samian triobol. 

This piece is of the same denomination as those of 
Barce described above, Nos. 40-42 ; the head is pre- 
sumably that of Gyrene, and so far as one can judge 
must represent the same conception, full-face, as 
appears a little later on the small gold coins in profile. 
For a somewhat similar treatment at Lesbos, cp. 
B. M. C. : Troas, &c., p. 160, No. 49. 

A word may be said about the anepigraphic tetra- 
drachms of this period, which in themselves have 
rather an anomalous appearance. They may be divided 
into two classes, those with a magistrate's name but no 


ethnic, and those with neither magistrate's name nor 
ethnic. I am inclined to think that many coins which 
at first sight seem to fall into [one or other of these 
classes, especially the second, do so only through their 
condition ; in fact, I can find no tetradrachm of which 
it can be definitely stated that it has no inscription on 
either side. Of three in the British Museum which 
seem to be such, the first is in very worn condition, and 
the other two (the heads on which greatly resemble 
some of those on coins of Nikis) are so badly struck that 
though there is no ethnic the place where we should 
expect the magistrate's name is off the coin. Of those 
with a magistrate's name, but no ethnic, we may 
reasonably assume that when the name occurs also defi- 
nitely at Gyrene or at Barce the coin may be assigned 
to that place. When the name does not occur else- 
where, the question becomes practically insoluble: of 
such coins three are worthy of discussion. 

52. Obv. Silphium plant with two whorls and five umbels. 

Rev. Head of Zeus Ammon r. (very rough work) ; 
behind A ; circular incuse. 


B. M. (double-struck.) JR. 0-95. Wt. 205-2 grs. 
Samian tetradrachm. 

This piece has already been published by Miiller, 80 
who regarded the inscription on the reverse as being 

ui, and therefore assigned the coin to the Macae, a 

Libyan tribe. But a closer examination shows that the 
lower letter is really a double struck T (retrograde), 
and with that vital letter gone Miiller's construction 

80 M. i. 344. 

102 E. S. G. EOBINSON. 

falls to the ground. Bompois 81 had already seen, 
though on faulty grounds, the inherent improbability 
of Mliller's attribution. He brought the coin into con- 
nexion with one in his own collection reading KVPANA, 
and behind the head A. This he regarded as the 
same as the upper letter on our No. 52, and took both 
to be the initial of a magistrate's name, perhaps 
AIBY3TPATO5. Not recognizing Miiller's " mem " as 
being really a T, he had to explain it as a letter inserted 
to give the coin currency in Carthaginian dominions. 
But we may doubt very much whether Bompois' coin 
ever read A on the reverse at all. There is a coin in 
Berlin which as far as one can judge from Bompois' 
engraving, is from the same dies, and the " A " behind 
the head on this seems to be simply a curl exaggerated 
by a slight flaw in the die. If we recognize the second 
letter as a H on our No. 52, the first letter cannot be 
a consonant, and therefore it must be A. the only 

vowel whose shape makes it a possibility. AP 

then is almost certainly a magistrate ; the rough, 
almost barbarous, style of the coin might lead us to 
give the coin to Gyrene rather than to Barce, but such 
an attribution can be only tentative. 

Besides this coin there is the very fine stater bear- 
ing on the reverse the name AIBY5TPATO3. 82 All 
the specimens of it I have seen come from one 
obverse and two reverse dies. Miiller (I. c.) suggests 
the attribution to Barce for three reasons, (1) the 
presence of the uraeus, (2) the symbol on the obverse 
and the magistrate's name on the reverse, which he 
compares with the coin of KYYEAfl TH <l>IAnN 

81 Op. cit., pp. 77 seqq. 

82 M. i. 41. 


(Muller, i. 324), and (3) the two shoots which occur on 
either side of the silphium plant, remarking that 
there is no coin at Gyrene which offers these criteria. 
But (1) the uraeus occurs as often at Cyrene as at Barce 
(e.g. under Nikis and Aristomedes) ; (2) though the 
symbol on the obverse is a Barcaean touch, the 
magistrate's name round the silphium occurs under 
Aristomedes at Cyrene (on No. 46) ; (3) This form of 
silphium is really commoner at Cyrene than at Barce. 
The style of the head and the treatment of the silphium 
suggest the finer issues of API3TOMHAEO& On the 
other hand, the symbol (spray of laurel) on the obverse 
is rather a Barcaean feature, and the name itself would 
perhaps suggest Barce, where the population was to 
a much greater degree mixed with the indigenous 
stock. The uraeus which is worn has a curious peculi- 
arity; it seemingly does not rise from a diadem, but 
appears to be fixed in the middle of something more 
rigid (rather like a stephane), which encircles the brow 
but not the back of the head. The following coin may 
also possibly belong to AIBYSTPATOS. 

53. Obv. Head of bearded Ammon 1., of rather similar 
style, without diadem or uraeus : symbol 
behind head (?). 

Rev. Silphium with two whorls and five umbels ; in 
front r., upwards, SAT . 

E. T. Newell. JR. 1-05. Wt. 178 grs. (cleaned). 
Samian tetradrachm. 

Unfortunately, the necessary cleaning of this coin 
has reduced it considerably in weight; at the same 
time most of the surface is gone, so that it is impossible 
to make out what the reverse inscription was, or 
whether the remains behind the neck on the obverse 



are really traces of a symbol. If they are. it must be 
just such another symbol as on the coin above, while 
the remains of the reverse inscription suggest 
[AIBVST]SAT[O3J. Since the above was in type, 
however, Mr. Newell informs me that, having re- 
examined the coin, he thinks the letters are more 
probably OAT. 


(To be continued.) 




(PLATE VII. 1-6.) 

IN the Silver Coins of England, Hawkins assigns 
these coins to partisans of the Empress " who wished 
to use Stephen's dies, but not to acknowledge Stephen's 
title ", and this view is now, I believe, prevalent ; in 
his account of the Sheldon Find (Brit. Num. Journ., 
vol. vii, pp. 59 ff.) Mr. Andrew goes further, and sees 
in the various countermarking crosses personal badges 
or devices, attributing coins of various mints to various 
magnates, those of Nottingham to Peverel, those of 
Thetford to Bigod, &c. 

The obverse dies from which these coins were struck 
were countermarked in various ways : by a network of 
cuts [PL VII. l] ; by a cross cut, or perhaps punched, 
on the die [PI. VII. 2, 3, 5] ; by an incision and a small 
cross [pi. VII. 4] ; or by two lines cut across the die 
[PI. VII. 6] ; by whom or for what purpose this erasure 
was made is very difficult to understand. The attri- 
bution to barons hostile to Stephen not only assumes 
their usurpation of the privilege of coining, which is 
an assumption justified by contemporary documents, 
but attributes to them so keen a desire to publish their 

KM; o. a BROOKE. 

disregard o!' Stephen's claim to the throne t hat, having 

MUM -how come into possession ol' royal dies and thereby 

..I'ji safe innansof making-considerable profit, by coinage, 

they ha/.anled the possibility of passing their (joins 

into currency for the sake of issuing a manifesto 

i nst Stephen's sovereignty. Tho Kmpress certainly 

had de.Votors who fought seriously Ibr the Angevin 

cause, but. they were few and were mostly magnates 
of the western counties, such as Robert of Gloucester. 
Brian Fitz Count, &c., whereas thoso oountermarked 

coins seem I.. li;ive been issued mostly ill the eastern 
ennui ies (at Not I Migham, Norwich, Thet ford, Stamford ; 
Bristol is an exception), where the barons were for t lie 
most part, if not loyal to Stephen, either supporters 
of the party from time to time favoured by fortune, 
or fighting for their own personal profit. Peverel, 1 for 
instance, the owner of Nottingham (<astle, seems to 

liave been originally on the side of the Empress, and 
to have come over to Stephen about the time of the 
ratification of the treaty with Henry of Huntingdon 

at NuM ingham ; hence Robert's attack on Nottingham 
mlllOat Ralph Parallel's instigation. In 1141 IVverel 
\\as one of the prisoners taken at tho battle of Lincoln, 

and handed over his castle to the Kmpress to redeem 

his person. Geoffrey of Mandeville is, of course, an 
extreme case of tho time-server, but no doubt many 
of the barons acted on the same principles though less 
successfully. 'fh.>ii:;li m.t impossible, if seems to me 
unlikely that dies captured by barons such as these 
would have been so countermarked for manifesto 

i.'ini .i\. Foundations of England, vol. ii, pp. ;>T;>. :!'.'!, -101, 

'i.| ii'lrrriii'rs thriv ;M\CII. 


purposes as to risk the acceptance in general currency 
of coins which, if struck from the dies uncouiitermarked, 
would certainly pass unquestioned. 

The assumption that the countermarking of the coins 
liad for its object the obliteration of the king's figure 
< -an not be accepted without question. That it effects 
Hi is purpose is certainly true in some cases: on the 
I Bristol coins [PI. VII. l] nearly the whole obverse is 
obliterated ; on the Norwich and Thetford coins 
[Pi. VII. 2, 6] the king's figure is thoroughly obscured ; 
on tho Nottingham coins [PL VII. 3] partly; at 
Stamford [PI. VII. 4], from which mint we have coins 
struck from the same obverse die prior to the counter- 
marking, the countermarks do not obliterate the king's 
image at all. The York coin [PI. VII. 6] must, I think, 
be considered as coming in a separate category, as the 
dies are extremely coarse, and may have been con- 
temporary forgeries. 

Tim weight of these countermarked coins varies; the 
two known coins of Bristol weigh 23-2 and 20-2 grains ; 
of Norwich I have tho weight of three coins only (many 
specimens are known), and these weigh 17-5, 19-5, and 
211 grains ; the Nottingham coins seem always to be 
light, and vary between 14 and 17 grains; one of the 
two known Stamford coins weighs 14-8, the other is a 
t weighing 13-8 grains ; two coins struck from 
same obverse die before it was countermarked 
weigh J 7- 7 and 1 5-ti grains. A Thetford coin in the 
Museum weighs 15-7 grains; I do not know 
the weight <>l'tlie specimen lignred in tho accompanying 
plate (Sothoby sale, 26. vii. 11, lot 553). Tho coins 
lia\e |)(M>n found in the Nottingham, Dartford, and 
Sheldon hoards, that is to say, they are doubtless con- 

108 G. C. BROOKE. 

temporary with the uncountermarked coins of the 
same type the first of Stephen. 

It seems to me not unnatural to attribute this 
countermarking, or erasure, of obverse dies to an 
intention to put the die out of action, in just the same 
way as dies at the present day, if kept, are obliterated 
by some mark in order to prevent them being used 
tor forgery. I am inclined, therefore, to assign the 
countermarking of these dies, not to an enemy who 
had obtained possession of them, but to the original 
and lawful holder of them, that is to say, to assume 
that the monetariw or custos cuneorum in this way 
rendered his dies unfit for further service in fear of 
their capture by the king's enemies. By the oblitera- 
tion of the obverse, or standard, dies the reverse, or 
trussel, dies would be rendered useless, and so the 
enemy would not, if he captured the mint, have easy 
means at his disposal of imitating the king's coinage. 
One can well imagine occasions among the many 
raids and sieges of this period (such, for instance, as 
Gloucester's attack on Nottingham in 1140) when such 
a danger may have been imminent. Whether it would 
have been easier in an emergency of this sort to destroy 
the dies completely, I am not prepared to say ; if so, the 
method of obliteration may perhaps have been pre- 
ferred in order to retain the alternative of using the 
erased dies again in case they were not seized by 
the enemy or of denouncing the currency of the 
countermarked money in case of their capture. How- 
ever this may be, it is evident that, if my suggestion 
is right, these dies were put to use after the erasure 
was made, whether on behalf of the king or his enemies 
it is impossible to say ; in some cases the good weight 


and good metal of the coins point rather to the king's 
moneyers as the makers, while other coins, notably 
those of Nottingham, show the low standard of weight 
that is more consistent with a baronial coinage. 

( PLATE VII. 7, 8.) 

The original attribution of these coins by Mr. Rashleigh 
(Xum. Chron., 1850, pp. 165 ff.) to the Earl of Warwick 
was shown to be untenable by Mr. Packe (Xum. Chron., 
1896, p. 64), who offered an alternative baron as the 
issuer of this coinage. 

In Brit. Num. Journ., vol.vii, pp. 81 ff, Mr. Andrew 
asserts that Stephen himself and the Empress Matilda 
were the only persons who could have issued so wide- 
spread a coinage. Stephen he rules out as impossible, 
"for his name and title have no break in their se- 
quence," 2 and so by a process of elimination he arrives 
at the conclusion that Matilda struck these coins. From 
the coins he reaches the same conclusion by an in- 
terpretation of PERERIC and PERERICM as a mutilated 
form of Impe rat rids. I am unable to feel convinced 
by this ingenious interpretation of the legend; and, 
while I agree with Mr. Andrew's proposition that no 
other person than Stephen or the Empress can have 
issued this coinage, I cannot accept the Empress as a 
possible candidate for this distinction. Her movements 
during the brief period of her success are well known : 
her movement from Gloucester, where she received 
Stephen as prisoner, to Cirencester on Feb. 13, 1141, 
and her negotiations there three days later with the 

2 Apetitio principii, for this is the subject of the inquiry. 


Legate ; her conference with the Legate on March 2 
at Wherwell, near Andover, and arrangement of terms 
for securing the throne ; her arrival at Winchester the 
following day, her hallowing there as "Lady and Queen" 
of England; her delay at Oxford, Eeading andSt. Albans, 
while the Londoners are persuaded to accept her; the 
final consent of the Londoners a few days before June 24, 
and her admission to Westminster ; the disgust of the 
Londoners at her demand of a subsidy, refusal to grant 
the good laws of the Confessor, &c. ; the arrival of 
Queen Matilda and William of Ypres with an army 
raised in Kent, and their admission on June 24 by the 
Londoners; the flight of the Empress; her siege of 
Winchester on July 31, and her own defeat by the 
army of William of Ypres and escape (Sept. 14) through 
Ludgershall and Devizes to Gloucester ; the capture of 
Robert of Gloucester and his exchange for Stephen ; 
the stay of the Empress at Oxford for the winter of 
1141-2, and her move to Devizes in March, and the 
sending of an embassy to urge her husband to come 
over; the arrival of Duke Henry at Bristol in late 
autumn ; the siege of the Empress in Oxford by Stephen 
from September to December 1142, and her flight at 
Christmas to Abingdon and thence to Wallingford, 
which practically closes her active career in the war, 
which at this period commences to be fought on behalf 
of her son's claim to the throne instead of her own. 

The coins are known of the Bristol, Canterbury, 
Lincoln, London, Stamford, and perhaps Winchester, 
mints. At Winchester coins might have been issued 
in the name of the Empress after her hallowing as 
Lady and Queen on March 3, 1141. She was at London 
only a few days ; but it is perhaps not impossible for 


dies to have been made for her in that short time. So 
far as we know, the Empress was never at Canterbury, 
Lincoln or Stamford, and never in a position to employ 
these mints. Canterbury castle was in the hands of 
Eobert of Gloucester's men in 1135, and refused ad- 
mission to Stephen ; but the mint was evidently in his 
hands at this period, since Canterbury coins of his first 
type are not uncommon, and there is no reason to 
suppose that it ever fell into the hands of the Empress. 
She did not go there, and it was in this part of the 
country that troops were raised by Stephen's queen 
and William of Ypres. Lincoln castle was in the hands 
of Ralph of Chester; it was seized by him in 1140, 
and remained intact through the sacking of the town 
after the battle of Lincoln ; Ralph surrendered it to 
Stephen in 1146. Stamford was apparently always in 
the king's hands until it surrendered to Henry in 1153. 

The coins are of good weight, varying from 19 to 23 
grains, and apparently of good quality. Their style 
is quite regular, and cannot be distinguished from that 
of the ordinary coins of the reign. They are made with 
the usual punches of the period, and by the money ers 
whose names appear at these mints on Stephen's coins. 
Their strong contrast with the coins of the Empress 
may be seen by comparing on the plate these coins 
[PL VII. 7, 8] with those of Matilda [PL VII. 9, 10]. 3 

Hence the following dilemma arises : if they are to 
be attributed to the Empress they are either earlier 
or later than her named coinages, which are coarse 
and rough in workmanship. Therefore, they either 

3 With regard to the reverse of the coin figured as PI. VII. 10, 
see below, p. 114. 

112 G. C. BROOKE. 

show, if earlier, that Matilda's coinage is at the same 
time progressive in orthography and retrogressive in 
style, or, if later, that it is progressive in style while 
retrogressive in orthography. 

It seems, then, that these coins, from their style and 
quality and their places of mintage, must be regarded 
as, for a period, the regular coinage of the realm, that 
is to say, the coinage issued by the authorities of the 
king's mints. At the time of Stephen's captivity, the 
anarchical condition and the uncertainty of events, 
which gave many barons the opportunity to sell their 
allegiance at a high price, caused some at least of the 
ecclesiastics, so William of Malmesbury tells us, to 
attach themselves to the Empress's side after obtaining 
Stephen's permission to temporize. The position of 
the mint officials, we may well suppose, was a most 
difficult one. The coins which they issued, bearing 
as they did the names of the money ers, must in future 
time be positive evidence of their loyalty or disloyalty 
at this crisis. If, as seemed probable, the Empress were 
to obtain the throne, the issue of coins in Stephen's 
name would convict the moneyers, and with them the 
other officials, of active sympathy with the deposed 
king; on the other hand, should Stephen regain the 
throne afterwards, their loyalty to Matilda during 
the period of her ascendancy would, if they struck 
coins in her name, presumably be properly punished 
on his return. I am therefore disposed to believe that 
the mint officials, like the clergy, temporized, and that 
they put on the obverse of their coins an inscription 
which was as unintelligible to contemporaries as it is 
to students of the present day. It would thus at least 
be possible to prove to both the king and the Empress 


that they did not at this time issue a coinage in the 
name of the other, and at the same time the quality 
and good appearance of their coinage would prevent 
it being questioned by a public which was then for 
the most part illiterate. The dependence of the pro- 
vincial mints upon the central authority at London, 
whether they received their dies from London or only 
received instruments and orders from there at this 
period, would account for the uniformity of this in- 
scription at mints so far distant from each other, a 
peculiarity for which I am at a loss to account if the 
inscription is to be considered as even a stereotyped 
blunder of Imperatricis. (It always occurs as PERERIC 
or PERERICM; Mr. Andrew gives also PERERIC I, which 
I believe to be a misreading of a coin from the same 
die as others which read clearly PERERICM.) I venture 
to think that a parallel for this temporizing use of 
a meaningless inscription may be found in the Danish 
coinage of 1144-7, the period of the struggle of Magnus 
and Swein ; some coins of this period are figured and 
described by Hauberg (Myntforhold og Udmyntninger i 
DanmarJc, p. 49, and PI. viii. 1-7) which bear the 
unintelligible name IOANST with the title REX. 


(PLATE VII. 9, 10.) 

I have introduced this coinage here chiefly with 
| a view to showing its contrast with the PERERIC 
coinage, and its connexion with that bearing the name 
| of Henry of Anjou. 

The Empress's coins are all of poor, clumsy work, 
[the dies being evidently engraved without the assis- 



tance of the usual punches, with the exception of the 
reverse of her Oxford coins, one of which is figured 
on PI. VII. 10. The reverses of these Oxford coins 4 
are the only specimens of Matilda's coinage that I have 
seen which have the least resemblance in style to the 
regular coins of Stephen, and in this isolated case 
the resemblance is so striking, and the evidence of 
the use of regular punches in the making of the dies 
is so strong, that I am disposed to believe that at some 
time the mint establishment at Oxford with its officials 
and instruments fell into the Empress's hands. This 
is most likely to have happened at Easter 1141, when 
Eobert d'Oilly surrendered his castle to her, and she 
remained for a time at Oxford before proceeding to 
Reading and St. Albans. Other occasions on which 
she might have struck coins at Oxford are after her 
flight from London in June 1141, or when she was 
besieged there by Stephen from September to December 
of the following year ; but the occasion of her triumphal 
progress to London, and the surrender of the castle of 
Oxford to her, seems the most probable. 

Other mints that can be discerned with some 
certainty are Bristol and Wareham, neither of which 
affords any evidence of the date of her issues, as both 
places were in her hands during the greater part of 
the civil war, though Wareham fell into Stephen's 
hands for short periods in 1138-9 and 1142. The mint- 

4 Two specimens are known, one in British Museum (the specimen 
here figured), the other in Mr. H. M. Reynolds's collection (Rashleigh 
sale, lot 630) ; these coins are struck by the same moneyer, 
Sweting. who also struck coins of Stephen's first issue, and are 
from different dies ; in both cases the obverse is of the usual coarse 
work of the Empress's coins and the reverse of the normal punched ! 
work of Stephen's regular coins. 


reading C A is open to many interpretations. 5 I have 
already said that Canterbury does not seem to be a 
possible mint for the Empress to have used. I am 
inclined to attribute this reading to the borough of 
Calne in Wiltshire. 

The coins are usually of low weight : those of which 
I have obtained the weight vary from 15 J to 18-| grains. 
The obverse inscriptions are more or less abbreviated 
forms of Matildis Comitissae, Imperatricis or Matildis 

The coinage of the Empress may be assumed to have 
commenced any time after her arrival in the autumn 
of 1139. As the later limit of its issue I suggest the 
second half of the year 1142 : my reasons for this I can 
better explain when I deal with the coinage of her son. 


(PLATE VII. 11-16.) 

A coinage by Henry of Anjou, which was known as 
*' the Duke's money ", is mentioned by Roger of Hoveden 
in the following passage : 

"Anno gratiae MCXLIX, qui est xiin regni regis 
Stephani,Henricus duxNormannorum venit in Angliam 
cum magno exercitu, et reddita sunt ei castella multa 
et munitiones quarnplures; et fecit monetam novam, 
quam vocabant monetam ducis ; et non tantum ipse, 
sed omnes potentes, tarn episcopi quam comites et 
| barones, suam faciebant monetam. Sed ex quo dux 
ille venit, plurimorum monetam cassavit." 

5 The Canterbury coins of the PERER 1C issue read + PILLEM: 
ON: CANP: which does not, I think, admit of more than one 


116 G. C. BROOKE. 

In his introduction to Hoveden's Chronicle (Rolls 
Series, No. 51, p. Z), Stubbs says of this passage, which 
appears to be an original statement, and not, like 
most of the period 1148-69, copied from the Melrose 
Chronicle : " The notices of the years 1148 to 1169 
which are neither taken directly from the chronicle of 
Melrose, nor connected closely with the Becket context, 
are very few, and some of them, I think, of very 
questionable authenticity ... Of the striking of money 
by Henry in 1149, called ' the duke's money ', and of 
the appointment of Henry as justiciar to Stephen in 
1153, it is impossible to say that they are false, but 
equally impossible to say that they are in the least 
degree probable." 

However, it has since become possible to attribute 
some coins, I think with certainty, to the Duke Henry. 
They have at one time been attributed to King Henry I, 
an attribution inconsistent with finds of these coins 
and their style, &c.; at another time to Henry, Earl 
of Northumberland, who could not have struck coins 
at Bristol and Hereford, at which mints some of these 
coins were certainly struck; but their attribution to 
Henry of Anjou is now generally accepted. 

These coins are always of low weight, varying from 
12^ to 17^, usually 15 or 16, grains, and of coarse work, 
though usually of better execution than those of his 
mother, the Empress. They may be roughly divided 
into two issues, (I) with profile bust, (II) with bust 
full- face ; these being subdivided into I a with reverse 
of Stephen's first type [PI. VII. 11], I b similar reverse, 
but variant with voided cross moline and annulets 
inserted [Pl.VII. 12], I c with reverse similar to Henry I's 
last type [PI. VII. 13] : the form of bust, and espe- 


cially the shape of the crown, frequently varies on this 
type ; II a with reverse as I c but pellets in place of 
fleurs on limbs of cross and angles of quadrilateral 
[PI. VII. 14, 15] there are again varieties in style of 
bust II b similar to preceding, but cross on reverse 
voided. The mints possible of interpretation are: 
Of type I a Hereford, of I b Gloucester, of I c CRST, 
for which I suggest Cirencester in preference to 
Christchurch, which was at this time, I think, the 
name of the monastery only, the place being still 
called Twynham : of II a Bristol, where the same 
moneyer's name, Arefin, occurs on both the Empress's 
and the Duke's coins, Sherborne (?), "Wiveliscombe (?). 

Henry of Anj ou visited England on four occasions 
during Stephen's reign : 

(1) Late in 1142, sent by his father to Bristol, where 
he stayed four years, returning to Normandy in 1146. 

(2) Spring, 1147, with a small band of adventurers. 
Failing in his attacks on both Cricklade and Bourton 
(Gloucestershire?), he returned in May of the same year. 

(3) Early 1149, apparently to be knighted by King 
David. He landed at Wareham, was at Devizes on 
April 13, and was knighted on May 22 at Carlisle. 
"We know nothing of the rest of his movements till 
his return in January 1150. 

(4) January 1153, with a force said to consist of 
150 men-at-arms and 3,000 foot-soldiers. Eeduced keep 
of Malmesbury, and raised siege of Wallingford (the 
object of his expedition), visited Bristol, and made an 
armed progress through the Midlands. After the death 
of Eustace, the son of Stephen, in August 1153, nego- 
tiations were begun and culminated in the Treaty of 
Wallingford, ratified at Winchester onNovember 6, 1153. 

118 G. C. BROOKE. 

To return then to Roger of Hoveden : the statement 
that there was a coinage of Henry of Anjou is obviously 
true. At the same time, it is equally obvious that the 
whole of the phrase which I quoted above is confused 
in respect of chronology: it was not in 1149, but in 
1153 that the Duke came with a large army and reduced 
several castles. Similarly, too, if Henry issued his 
coinage during the visit of 1149, i.e. between early 
1149 and January 1150, and if all the magnates, earls, 
barons and bishops alike were making their own 
coinages, it could not have been during the same 
period, 1149-50, that he suppressed their issues. 
Hoveden has evidently no clear knowledge of the 
four several visits of Henry, and has apparently, after 
confusing the last two visits, made a perfectly true 
statement, that there was a coinage in Henry's name, 
and also irregular coinages of various magnates which 
Henry (presumably at a later visit) suppressed. 

Mr. Andrew, Brit. Num. Journ., vol. vi, pp. 365-6, 
has assigned the profile types of Henry to the visit 
of 1149, and the full-face types to that of 1153; 
but, in spite of the statement in Roger of Hoveden, 
I should move the whole of the Duke's coinage to an 
earlier date. His use of the type of the first issue of 
Stephen is probably due to the use of that type by his 
mother, and I think that the coinage of the Empress 
and Henry form a more or less continuous currency 
in the Angevin part of the country. Matilda probably 
continued to issue coins in her own name until the 
second half of 1142, when her claim to the throne was 
abandoned on behalf of her son. This change in the 
object of the Angevin party is pointed out by Round 
(Geoffrey of Mandeville, pp. 184-6), who notices the 


important guarantee in the charter of the Empress to 
Aubrey de Vere, not later than June 1142, that she would 
obtain her son's ratification ; and this ratification was 
given in Henry's confirmation in a charter which is attri- 
buted to July-November 1142. It is clear that, about 
the time of Henry's first visit to England, the Empress 
abandoned her own claim to the throne, which was 
evidently hopeless, and from this time played an 
inconspicuous part while her party was held together 
not by, but in the name of, the young Duke Henry. 

It is to this period that I should assign the earliest 
issue in the Duke's name. Were this issue so late as 
1149 I think it unlikely that it would have been 
modelled on the first coinage of Stephen, for that would 
by then no doubt have been superseded in currency, 
and the coinage of the Empress would, if it continued 
so long, have probably changed its type, as indeed that 
of Henry does later. The finds of Henry's coins, I think, 
point to this conclusion. Their absence from the 
Awbridge find gives one reason to suppose that 
his coinage was recalled either after the Treaty of 
"Wallingford or after his accession, and I do not 
therefore think it likely that his full-faced issues and 
the imitations of them in the name of William (whoever 
he may be) and other magnates can be placed so late 
as 1153. A representative selection of coins from the 
Winterslow find (c. 1804) 6 seems to have found its way 

6 I attach no importance to the statement in Sir H. Eliis's 
Introduction to Domesday Book that this find contained "a large 
assemblage of pennies from the Saxon times to the reign of 
Stephen", because this statement, in itself so very improbable, is 
easily explained by the attribution at that time of coins of 
Henry of Anjou to Henry I, and of coins of William (the baronial 
imitations of Henry of Anjou's coins) to William I and II. 

120 G. C. BROOKE. 

into the B. C. Roberts collection, and thence the find 
is known to have contained coins of the first three 
of Stephen's types, and of all the varieties of Henry 
of Anjou's two types except I a. The absence of coins 
later than Stephen's third type from the Roberts col- 
lection does not prove their absence from the find ; 
but, in conjunction with the absence of the Duke's 
coins from the Awbridge find, the evidence tends to 
show that the Henry coins should be placed earlier 
than 1153. One coin of Henry of Anjou, type la, in 
the Bute find, which contained a few coins of Stephen, 
of the first type only, with some Scottish coins, seems 
to me to be positive evidence of the issue of this 
coinage at least as early as the latter part of 1142. 

I do not think that the interpretation of the mint- 
names on these coins would help in any way to date 
the coinage. I consider that these issues in the name 
of Henry represent less a personal issue of his own 
than the coinage of the Angevin party in England 
continuing that in the name of the Empress, issued 
first towards the end of 1142, and changed in type, 
from profile to full-face, probably not many years after 



1 2 345 



WHEN we consider the long and uninterrupted 
numismatic history of China, which covers a more 
extensive, continuous, and unbroken period than that 
of any other country, it will perhaps come as a surprise 
to hear that there is known but one series of Chinese 
coins where the principal inscription appears incised 
instead of in relief. We were so far only acquainted 
with its existence, since all other information, excepting 
the value, had been hitherto lacking. Further par- 


122 H. A. RAMSDEN. 

ticulars about these coins, which have now been 
assigned to the ancient city of Lin-tzu (^]g), will 
no doubt be considered of sufficient interest to merit 
being here minutely recorded. 

It is true that the well-known series of beautiful 
round bronze coins, made by the famous usurper 
Wang Mang (3^) about A. D. 9-23, with raised 
characters reading "Ta tsien wu shih" yC;OL~H> or 
"Great coin worth fifty", counts among its numerous 
issues one in lead where this inscription is found 
incised ; but as the legend is the same in all of them, 
it cannot rightly claim to be regarded as a separate 
series, since it is but a variety of the regular type. 

I had in my hands a few years back at Hsiang fu 
(SSrJi'f )> the s it e of the ancient capital of Kuan Tchung 
(BB4 1 )' a fl at circular bronze coin, shaped after the 
Yuan fa (IJfelj) series of early round money, with 
the two characters incised on either side of the central 
round hole ; bat as this particular specimen appeared 
to me suspicious at the time, I did not take the trouble 
to investigate it further, and only mention it as it was 
probably the copy of some genuine original. Perfectly 
different was another and larger piece, apparently 
authentic, which I had submitted to me at Tientsin 
last year. It had also two incised characters diffe- 
rent from those in the above, placed one on each 
side of the central circular aperture, but I was un- 
fortunately unable to retain it long enough in my 
possession to allow a rubbing to be taken, or even 
closely examine it as carefully as it required, so that 
I can no more than allude to it here. The above-cited 
instances are the only cases, to my knowledge, where 
the principal inscriptions, are to be found incised on 


any of the ancient Chinese coins issued for currency 

Certain specimens of the ku pu (l&^fij) or weight 
money of the city of An Yh (T Q) are sometimes found 
with the incised ideograph for Kiu (f^), written in an 
archaic style on the under side, but as this additional 
mark was afterwards incised by hand to serve only 
as a further guarantee to the coin itself, since its 
meaning is "Treasury" (weight), it cannot be con- 
sidered as other than a counterstamp. Some of the 
early round coins of that country are also often found 
with a character or other symbol, generally incised 
on the reverse side, to serve as a distinguishing mark 
to differentiate the various issues. Such additional 
signs, usually a numeral added after the coins were 
made, can scarcely be regarded as forming part of the 
original legend, and consequently need not further 
occupy our attention here. 

In view of the trials that Sino-archaeologists ex- 
perience in determining the date when inscriptions 
were incised on Chinese bronzes, specially in the case 
of ancient swords and other warlike weapons, it is 
fortunate for numismatists that coins of that coun- 
try with incised legends are not numerous. We are 
only too well acquainted with the many difficulties 
which must first be overcome before we are able to 
ascertain correctly if such inscriptions were contem- 
poraneous with the casting of the piece or added after- 
wards at a later period. As such inscriptions increase 
the value, both commercial and scientific, of all objects 
thus treated, this deceptive practice can readily be 
accounted for. 

If I am not mistaken, the only numismatic work, 

124 H. A. KAMSDEN. 

native or foreign, that includes any examples of the 
Lin-tzu series of coins with incised inscriptions, is 
the Ku Chuan Hui (-j&^JS). Its learned author, 
Li Tso-hien ($45t), mentions that he had seen but 
two specimens, both of which are illustrated. They 
appeared to him authentic, but he did not know where 
or when they were made, nor could he give any other 
particulars about them. He was also unaware that 
the square varieties existed, and the two known to 
him belonged to the more common circular issue, both 
with the same value inscription, but slightly differently 
written in each case. They correspond to the group 
which includes No. 2-7 illustrated in the figure which 
accompanies this article. It is no wonder that this 
eminent numismatist, perhaps the most critical that 
China has ever produced, was nonplussed, and unable 
to attribute them. The legend, consisting only of 
a value inscription, was not sufficient by itself to 
permit of many conjectures. It is only with the 
appearance of further specimens bearing the two 
additional characters indicating their place of origin 
that we have been able to assign them to the ancient 
city of Lin-tzu and surrounding locality. 

Lin-tzu, in the old state of T'si (jgf), is one of the 
most ancient and best-known cities of early China. 
We find it referred to in various native works as 
a place of considerable importance, both powerful and 
wealthy. Playfair, in his Cities and Towns of China, 
mentions it under No. 3895, as situated in lat. 36 55', 
long. 118 32', in Ching Chou-fu (ftffljfc), which is now 
modern Shantung (llj^) province. Neither the Yellow 
Eiver. nor the Grand Canal touched Shantung in those \ 
days, and Lin-tzu was evidently situated with reference \ 


to the local rivers, which flowed into the Gulf of 
Pechili, so as to take full political advantage of the 
salt, mining, and fishing industries. We have a full 
account of how the statesman-philosopher Kwan Tsu 
(-?)> about 650 B. c., reconstructed the economic life 
of both people and city. The boastful statement attri- 
buted to the deformed philosopher Yen Tsu (^H 1 ! 1 ), who 
in 560 B. c. visited the court of the semi-barbarous state 
of Ts'u ( J|), when he took the opportunity of enlarging 
upon the magnificence of this city, is worth quoting 
in full: "It is," said he, "surrounded by a hundred 
villages ; the parasols of the walkers obscure the sky ; 
their perspiration runs in such streams as to cause 
rain ; their shoulders and heels touch together, so 
closely are they packed." As Parker says in Ancient 
China Simplified, " Exaggerations apart, however, there 
is every reason to believe that Lin-tzu was a magni- 
ficent city." 

The coins of Lin-tzu known to collectors are of two 
distinct shapes round and square. As the former 
have so far been the only varieties edited, those of 
a square shape are, I believe, here recorded and 
described for the first time. They are the more 
interesting of the two, as some of them have the name 
of the place of issue inscribed on their surface besides 
the weight value. Twelve specimens, comprising 
examples of most of the known varieties, of both 
round and square issues, will be found reproduced in 
the accompanying figure. 

Of the round coins there are two sizes. They all 
bear on the obverse the same incised inscription 
Sze Tchu (153^), or " Four Tchus ", on each side of the 
central circular aperture. The reverse or under sides, 

126 H. A. KAMSDEN. 

with the exception of the one below mentioned, are 
flat and uninscribed. The largest of the circular 
varieties, reproduced over No. 1, is of the greatest 
rarity, one other specimen only being known to exist. 
It is a thick piece, one of the thickest that I have 
so far seen (3-5 mm.), with what might be termed 
a raised edge or border on the outer circumference 
of the reverse or under side, forming a sort of rim, 
coin fashion, which is not shown in the figure. The 
smaller varieties, Nos. 2-7, which are the commonest 
type, are flat on both sides. It will be noticed that 
they are all more or less of the same size, having also 
a uniform thickness of 2 mm. The manner of writing 
the inscriptions, in a bold and pleasing style, shows 
but little variation, excepting perhaps No. 2, where 
the character Tchu is differently fashioned, and may 
have been the work of a distinct engraver. 

The square series comprises various issues, each of 
which must be treated separately. Nos. 8, 9, and 10, 
of an average thickness of 1*5 mm., have the central 
aperture in the same position as in the round series. 
Like them, they also have flat and blank reverses. 
In No. 8, which might be considered as the connecting 
link between the round and square shapes, the value 
inscription " Tze Tchu " alone adorns this specimen, 
while in the two following, Nos. 9 and 10, the two 
characters for Lin-tzu are engraved on the right and 
Tze Tchu on the left of the central hole. The remaining 
specimens, Nos. 11 and 12, averaging 3-25 mm. in 
thickness, are markedly different from any of the three 
preceding square varieties, and present several distinct 
and unusual features. The hole in both cases has been 
bored lengthwise, perforating the side edges instead of 


from top to bottom, as in all the others. On account 
of the thickness, these punctures are comparatively 
small, but yet sufficiently large to allow a thick thread 
to be passed through. No. 11 has the ordinary value 
inscription Tze Tchu occupying the entire surface 
of the obverse or upper side, while the reverse or 
under side is flat and devoid of any inscription what- 
ever. No. 12 will be seen to have on the one side, 
or reverse, the value inscription Tze Tchu written 
identically as in No. 11, but with the addition on the 
other side, or obverse, of a perfectly different name- 
legend from that of Lin-tzu, as found on coins Nos. 9 
and 10. This is the only instance, to my knowledge, 
where inscriptions are to be found on both the obverse 
and reverse sides of these incised coins. The name 
hero consists of the character Tsou (JJJj), written in the 
same archaic style as that employed on the Lin-tzu 
series. There is a city of this same name, not so very 
| far distant from Lin-tzu, which was formerly to be 
found on lat. 35 30', long. 117 10', in Yenchou fu 
(^^Hjj^), also in the modern province of Shantung; 
it is mentioned by Playfair under No. 6576. My friend, 
Mr. Mikami (H_h) f Tokyo, who has also a similar 
piece in his collection, is of opinion that this inscription 
stands for the name or sign of some individual or 
trading concern. Should this turn out to be the case, 
which is not at all probable, it would be the only 
instance where the name of a person or business 
concern is found on any of the coins of China. "We 
know that commercial and other guilds, and, perhaps, 
even private traders, were in the habit of issuing 
money during those early periods, but such pieces 
always bore the name of the city and not that of any 


individual. The general practice of free coinage was 
not forbidden until 135 u. c., when the government 
exercised the sole prerogative of supplying the circu- 
lating mediums required for currency purposes. 

The patination, both in the square and round varieties, 
is more or less uniform in all the specimens here dealt 
with. The smooth and polished surface in the majority 
of cases and the rounded edges show that they had 
been subjected to a considerable amount of use during 
some early part of their existence. The form of writ i n^ 
the inscriptions, in an archaic style of the period, is 
considered as of the best, and certainly no ignorant 
person was employed in writing these characters. 
i:>i.h the incising of the inscriptions and the boring 
of the holes appear to have been done afterwards by 
hand, as no two are ever found to be exactly alike. 

I have purposely left until the end one of the most 
important considerations in connexion with these 
coins, which must be fully investigated before their 
study can in any manner be regarded as complete. 
I refer to their weight. The specimens in my collection, 
all marked with the weight-value Tze Tchu, give the 
following results : 

No. 1. 
., 2, 

1 . 1 1 MI size 
< M'tlinary s 

circular piece .... 

5 grammes 

ze circular pioco 








, r, 







.M'-'iimn size square piece 



Largo si/.- ^|iiai<- [.ire,. 


.. lo. 

" ' > 


.. 1 1. 

Small size squuro piece 



.. I -. 




From the above figures we arrive at the following 


ze round piw ; , 5 grm. >rage of round pieces, 

Ordinary si//: round piw;, 2-1 grin,) 3*5 grm. 

Medium hi//; square piw;, 1-0 grrn.) . 

square piece, 2-4 grm. [j erag 

j " '' ^ im * 

The average weight of all the specimens, both 
round and square shaped pieces, is 2-9 grammes, 
arid without No. 1, which is doable the weight of 
any of the others, the mean average would be 
2-2 grammes, which figure is probably the nearest 
computation to the correct general weight. It will 
be seen by the above table that there is quite a differ- 
ence between the lightest piece (No. 8 with 19 grms.) 
and the heaviest (No. 1 with 5 grms.), to which great 
discrepancy I would here like to call attention, as it 
will be referred to later. 

With the exception of No. 1, which is cast, all the 
Iffpecimens in my collection, as well as those which 
J have been able to examine elsewhere, appear to have 
cut to shape from a larger planchet. This process 
rould allow of more accurate results as regards the 
reight, since by the old primitive method of casting 
such regularity could be maintained. In the various 
ip:s ordinary round size (Nos. 2-7), larger square 
i (Nos. 9 1 ()). and the smallest square size (Nos. 1 1-12; 
re is very little to choose between the individual 
its of each coin. But the difference between the 
ht of the various groups themselves is so 
that there must have been a reason for 
comparatively great divergence. Besides the 
cation that these distinct groups formed 

[,, roc. XT, 

130 H. A. KAMSDEN. 

different series, where each individual coin approxi- 
mately maintained its own standard, it may also 
be that they were issued at different periods, if not 
in different localities. Anyhow, the times of their issue 
could not have been widely separated, as the workman- 
ship, manner of writing the inscriptions, metal, &c., 
show little variation in all the groups. 

It has been suggested that these small inscribed 
pieces of copper were only weights, and had no con- 
nexion with currency, the square-shaped issues, and 
specially Nos. 11-12 with the hole edgewise, lending 
strength to this theory. On the other hand, the 
evidence from the circular specimens with a round 
central hole for stringing them together, would more 
than counterbalance the foregoing consideration, since 
no more faithful representation of the early round 
coins of ancient China could be found than the one 
figured over No. 1. Again, should they have been 
merely weight-measures, it would be difficult to 
account satisfactorily for the great difference in their 
actual weights, which in such a case would be more 
uniform, the more so when it is considered that the 
process by which they were made lent itself to a certain 
degree of accuracy. Experience with the early round 
coins of ancient China, besides, teaches us that the 
value inscription may at the beginning have been the 
actual weight, but as time went on this indication 
became merely a nominal legend. In the latest issues 
the weight was almost infinitesimal, and bore no recog- 
nized relation to the original weight. 

In conclusion, I will remark that the square coins 
of Lin-tzu with an incised inscription, which is the 
rarest of the two shapes, have already been imitated. 


I have seen a most dangerous forgery of the piece 
described in this article under No. 10. Unless com- 
pared side by side with a genuine specimen it would 
be difficult to detect that it is spurious. The weight, 
as is generally the case with imitations of the early 
issues of China, is a good deal heavier than that of the 
original, the piece in question weighing a little over 
3 grammes, with an exaggerated thickness of 3 mm. 
One cannot help admiring, if not respecting, the 
activities of Chinese forgers, since it is quite remark- 
able that it should occur to them to issue imitations 
of a coin which had not yet even been edited ! 


Note. Owing to the Author's regretted death, this 
article has not had the benefit of his revision. 



M. MAURICE in his paper 1 raises a new point, and perhaps 
I may have leave to make a very short comment thereon. 
Before doing so, I desire to say that I have not denied the 
existence of Helena the younger, but only that her name or 
effigy has yet been found on any coin. The new arguments 
which M. Maurice skilfully raises against me are based on 
the fine bust which he illustrates, on a specimen of the N.F. 
coin which bears a more youthful portrait than the specimen 
which was illustrated in the Numismatic Chronicle in 1912 
(Plate XXI, No. 1), and on the remarks of Lady Evans in her 
paper quoted by him. But has he not fitted his evidence to 
his conclusions rather than vice versa? He says that 
St. Helena "porte toujours deux varietes de coiffures", but 
his own witness, Lady Evans, adds a third, saying, " Helena 
sometimes reverts to the simple Greek knot." 2 Now the 
assertion that St. Helena used but two varieties of coiffure is 
only correct if the coins inscribed N.F. are not attributed to 
her, and the principal reason given by M. Maurice against 
such an attribution is that they bear a third variety of 
coiffure. It seems that each assertion requires the other to 
support it and that the argument proceeds in a circle. In 
fact, the assertions can be proved only by the authoritative 
decision of the very point at issue, viz. the correct attribu- 
tion of the coins bearing the three varieties of portrait. 

It is submitted, therefore, that the hairdressing argument 
fails, and it may incidentally be pointed out that a coiffure 
resembling that of the bust does not appear on the ordinary 
coinage of the Empress Helena till the posthumous issue of 
A.D. 337, and even then it differs from that of the bust, in 
that a row of curls is worn between the bandeau and the 
forehead, similar to that which appears on the coins bearing 
the title Augusta ; while it must be particularly noted that 
the corresponding portion of the hair on the bust is treated 
exactly like that on the N.F. coins ; and this, I submit, is 
a somewhat important aid to my contention. There is no 
proof of the statement, " Cette princesse aurait adopte, des le 
debut de sa vie, le genre de coiffure qu'elle conserva tou- 
jours." It is contrary to M. Maurice's own evidence, and to 
his own correct conclusion that the bandeau type was a late 

1 Num. Chron., 1914, pp. 314-29. 2 Ibid., 1906, p. 60. 


one. If there was any coin struck in her honour before she 
was granted the diadem in A.D. 325, we must expect to find 
on it another form of coiffure. 

Tertullian objected to woollen bands ; what then is more 
likely than that, when Helena was but a Saint in retirement, 
she dressed her hair most simply ? 

I venture also to dissent to the statement, " Nous ne 
possedons que des effigies de Sainte Helene agee, tandis 
que le buste est celui d'une jeune femme/' 3 Several of 
the portraits of the coins of the Augustan series are those 
of a young woman, and many others show a face much 
younger than that of St. Helena could have appeared when 
they were struck, for she was then in her eighth decade. 
It does not, therefore, appear that the bust must have been 
carved when she was young, and it is no certain evidence 
that she wore the bandeau in her youth. Judging only 
from the photograph, we may even doubt if it is intended to 
represent a very young woman. 

M. Maurice also alleges a difference in feature between the 
N.F. and the Augustan portraits. I must not repeat the 
arguments I have already put forward on this point, 4 but 
I challenge comparison of No. 6 with No. 11 on his plate, 
and suggest that the profiles are identical. Also I challenge 
comparison of the N.F. specimen published on Plate XXI of 
the Chronicle for 1912 with the profile of the bust. I suggest 
that the brow, nose, and mouth are identical on bust and 
coin, and that the last-mentioned feature is very character- 
istic, and is to be found similarly depicted on many coins on 
both plates, particularly on the N.F. coin of M. Maurice. 
Again, what female feature could be heavier than the nose of 
the bust, which, however, may be a reproduction ? The chin 
is less developed than that on the N.F. coins, and though this 
weaker chin is also found on the coins with the " bandeau ", 
or later coiffure of St. Helena, the strong chin of the N. F. 
coins is exactly reproduced on most of the Augustan series. 
Both forms of chin are found on coins undoubtedly attribu- 
table to St. Helena. 

My most courteous opponent has, therefore, failed to 
convince me, and I must leave the decision between us in 
the hands of our brother numismatists. 


ALEXANDRE DE BRUCHSELLA, engraver at the Tower mint 
from Michaelmas, 1494 to Michaelmas, 1509. 

In Num. Chron., ser. 4, vol. xiii, pp. 351-3, 1 communicated 
to the Society the name of this graver, who was employed at 

3 Ibid., 1914, p. 318. + Ibid., 1912, pp. 355-7. 


the Tower until the death of Henry VII in April 1509, but 
not afterwards, as I then believed. I have, however, since 
met with clear evidence that Alexandre was retained in his 
office by Henry VIII for about six months, and consequently 
we may assume his personal responsibility for the dies used 
in striking the first coinage in the new reign. The proof of 
his service being thus extended is based upon an entry in 
a Memoranda roll of the Exchequer, which runs as follows : 

''Writ to the Barons of the Exchequer, Easter term, 
1 Henry VIII. 

Whereas Alexandre Bruchsella by commandment to him 
given ' by our mouthe ' has exercised and occupied the 
office of graver of our coining irons within the Tower from 
the Feast of Easter in the 24th year of our late father 
Henry VII until the Feast of St. Michael in the 1st year 
of our reign, for the occupation whereof we have granted to 
him the sum of five pounds for the said time, to be taken 
from the profits of the mint. This sum had been already 
paid, and the Treasurer and Barons are authorized to allow 
the amount in the accounts of William Stafford, warden. By 
privy seal at Greenwich, No. 17 March 1 Henry VIII, 1509-10" 
(K. R. Mem. roll, No. 289). 

A search through the roll of the succeeding year failed to 
disclose any further mention of Alexandre, a result which 
was to be expected, as the warrant of privy seal which 
appointed his successor, John Sharp, states that the office 
was conferred as from Michaelmas, 1509. 

The majority of the gravers of dies and seals were, as is 
well known, also goldsmiths, and this fact suggests a possi- 
bility that the artist who is the subject of this note was 
identical with one of two goldsmiths who are mentioned by 
A. Pinch art in Itevue de la Numismatique beige, 2nd series, 
vol. ii (1852), p. 223, in a list of gravers in the Low Countries. 
Pinchart tells us that Albert Durer recorded in his Diary 
of Travel of 1520-1 that he had met Alexander the gold- 
smith at dinner in Antwerp. Pinchart then alludes, on 
p. 224, to the existence of a goldsmith named Alexander 
van Brugsal, who was known in the Low Countries in 

In point of date the last-named craftsman is the nearer 
to our Alexandre de Bruchsella, who, if he was a native of 
Flanders, may conceivably have visited London, when his 
presence was required at the Tower. Be that as it may, 
I think that it will be appropriate to repeat here a line 
quoted by Pinchart when he summed up the case as between 
the two Alexanders in regard to the authorship of certain 
Flemish medals : 

Devine si tu peux, et choisis si tu I'oses. 



I am indebted to Mr. G. F. Hill for drawing my attention 
to the above-mentioned volume of the Belgian Numismatic 
Society's publications. 



THE interest of this piece lies in its being overstruck by 
Carausius on a base silver coin, and in the possible question 
as to whether at the beginning of his reign the later base 
' Antoniniani ' may not have been still in circulation at a 
higher value than the contemporary copper ' 3rd brass ', and 
whether previous to the issue of silver denarii Carausius 
may not have intentionally continued the former base 
currency until it was superseded in the Empire generally 
by the good silver coinage of Diocletian and Maximian. 

The coin in question is overstruck on a base Antoninianus 
of Philip I of the type of Cohen, No. 50. 

Bev. FIDES EXERCITVS 'Four military ensigns of 
which the third is surmounted by a Roman eagle '. 

The Carausius obverse is overstruck on the reverse of the 
Philip coin leaving one of the standards and VS of EXER- 
CITVS still visible. The reverse of Carausius is on the 
obverse of the Philip, which is only partly obliterated, 
leaving the back of the head and . . P M IVL PHIL . '. 

The portions of the Carausius striking visible are : 

Olv ARAVSIVS AVC, radiate bust to right. 

Rev. . . . AVC, standing figure to left with cornucopiae. 

The missing portion of the legend is probably PAX, but 


OVERSTRIKES of Carausius, evidence perhaps f of the haste 
in which he carried out his usurpation, are found in sufficient 
numbers to justify the belief that they formed or supple- 
mented his first issue, and were officially current, but still 


they are scarce. Lord Selborne has no less than 24 among 
the 545 coins of Carausius in the Blackmoor Hoard, but I do 
not think that I saw more than a like number among the 
numerous other collections which I examined a few years 
since. It is reasonable, however, to assume that there are 
many pieces so well overstruck that, though we may suspect 
the fact, no identifiable traces of the original coin remain 

No rule of striking is discernible ; obverse is sometimes 
on obverse and sometimes on reverse. Sometimes we can 
trace the older bust, or part of it, at others only portions of 
the reverse type or legends are visible, and some curious 
combinations arise. Some specimens are figured in Num. 
Chron., 1907, plate V. On No. 8 the profiles of Claudius 
Gothicus and Carausius are both visible, on No. 9 the 
obverse inscription reads IMP CARAVSIVSICVS CAES 
(the coin being originally of Tetricus II), and on the reverse 
of No. 10 the letters IMP C VICTOR IN are still legible. 

The style of the overstrikes affords some ground for 
attributing them to the early moneyers of the London Mint, 
as they resemble some of the rougher issues which bear its 
mintmark, and this seems consistent with the view that 
places them among the first issues of the reign. It seems 
that the mint of Colchester was not established until more 
skilful moneyers were available. 

The coins of many emperors, from Gallienus to Diocletian 
inclusive, were made use of, but hitherto no overstrike has 
been published which falls without those limits, or is made 
on a white metal coin. 

Taking the great Blackmoor find as some guide to the 
condition of the currency in Britain during the period, 
which we may fairly do, as it was, no doubt, a deposit of 
government funds, and as its evidence seems to be supported 
by that of other recorded finds, it would appear that the 
coins in circulation were mostly those from about the time 
of Gallienus onward. The coin now published is therefore 
of particular interest on account of its metal and date. 

As it is of a very poor alloy and weighs about 37 grains 
against an average weight of about 60 grains, which appears 
to have been aimed at in the reign of Philip, it may be that 
it had, even before it was restruck, fallen into use as one of 
the common small bronze currency. The denarii of 
Carausius, though they are sometimes of inferior silver, 
were evidently intended to be a true silver issue. 

P. H. WEBB. 



Period I B.C. 625-575 (?) 


r, , * 




Period II. B.C. 575 (?)-545- 


25 J 


Period III. B.C. 545-500. 

Period IV. B.C. 500-478. 


' ' A 

a /i 

29 31 29 



49 ^O-TT^rx' ^-Z^**" 52 



58 59 60 61 62 63 64 






& M 

J^~^ffa\ rJi' 


t&\ & 




(Continued from p. 104. SEE PLATES III-VI.) 

The Gold Coinage. 

We can now approach the gold issues of Gyrene. 
As has been mentioned above, 83 the first Cyrenaic gold 
coin was probably struck towards the close of the second 
period ; it is a drachm of Samian weight, the same 
weight as was employed for contemporary silver 
drachms. Fairly soon in the next period we meet the 
folio wing pieces, without magistrates' names, and mostly 
ithout ethnics. 

Obv. Head of bearded Ammon 1., careful work, hair 
not very free, eye three-quarter face, pupil 

Rev. Silphium with two whorls and five umbels ; 
K Y ; linear circle ; circular incuse. 
P A 
M A 

Gotha. N. -55. Wt. 53-2 grs. Samian drachm. 

>5. 01)v. Silphium plant with two whorls and five 

Rev. Head of bearded Ammon r., the hair and beard 
curling elaborately ; dotted circle ; circular 

B. M. N. 045. Wt. 264 grs. Samian hemi- 
drachm. Another (coarser style), B. M. 
AT. 0-35. Wt, 26-3 grs. 

63 p. 86, No. 31. 


138 E. S. G. ROBINSON. 

56. Obv. Head of youthful Ammon r. ; dotted circle. 
Rev. Ram's head r. ; dotted circle. 

B. M. N. 0-35. Wt. 134 grs. (The true weight is 
less, as the coin has been mounted and 
retains some solder.) 

57. Obv.- Head of nymph r., the hair bound thrice round 

and coiled over the ear ; dotted circle. 

Rev. Head of bearded Ammon r., rather coarse style. 
B. M. N. 0-3. Wt. 13 grs. 

58. Obv. As last. 

Rev. Head of youthful Ammon r., hair loose, eye 
three-quarter face. 

Paris. N. 0-3. Wt. 13-6 and 14-2. 

59. Obv. Similar (?) ; die damaged. 

Rev. Head of bearded Ammon facing, with uraeus. 
B. M. AT. 0-3. Wt. 13 grs. 

It is possible that No. 56 may belong to Barce, for 
the only other known occurrence of the rani's head as 
a Cyrenaic coin type is on certain coins of that city 
of the close of the first period. 84 But this cannot be 
regarded as decisive, and the style of the coin affords 
no criterion. The style of the reverse of No. 55, as 
Dr. Head has pointed out, 85 is more suggestive of some 
of the Ammon heads of Barce than of any of those of 
Gyrene, but as it can be easily paralleled in both series 
a decision on such grounds is difficult. The same is true 
of No. 57. It might be urged that the female head 
on Nos. 57-9, which is habitually described as Gyrene, 
would decide the attribution to the city to which the 
nymph gave her name. But even if Gyrene were not 

84 M., Suppl., 290 A. Cp. also the full figure on^E of Barce, 
No. 80 below. 
Hist. Num.\ p. 873. 


an ancient Greek goddess as Studniczka argues, at least 
her sphere was wider than that of a mere city-eponym. 
This well-marked type of head with the curious arrange- 
ment of the hair occurs, it is true, on later gold coins 
of the same denomination, bearing the signature I A, 
presumably the Cyrenaean magistrate IA3HN, but it 
is also found on the following which belong to the 
close of the second or beginning of the third period 
at Barce. 

60. Olv. Head of nymph as on Nos. 57-9 ; behind, 
BAPK C; dotted border. 

Eev. Head of bearded Ammon r., hair and beard in 
heavy curls, eye three-quarter face ; dotted 
square, in corners of which "0 00 ; incuse 
square. N 2> 

B. M. JR. 04. Wt. 12-6 grs. Samian trihemi- 

This coin certainly connects the nymph type defi- 
nitely with Barce. The appearance of the inscription on 
both sides is not unusual ; but on the obverse there seem 
to be traces of a fifth letter which cannot but be A. May 
not the obverse inscription refer closely to the type 86 
and give us here the name of a nymph Barce made to 
match Gyrene ? 

Nos. 56-9 are the first of a long series of which the 
normal weight seems to be 13-13-5, though some of 
the earliest, e.g. No. 58, weigh a little more. It is 
obvious that this weight can be very easily related 
to the hemidrachms, Nos. 54 and 55, and to the drachm 
of the last period. It is exactly a quarter of the 
Samian drachm of 53-4 max., so that the coins are 
trihemiobols. Thus the early gold series consisted of 

86 Cp. KYPANA above, No. 10. 

L 2 

14:0 E. S. G. ROBINSON. 

drachm, hemidrachm, and trihemiobol of 53-4, 27, 
13-13*5 grs. respectively. It is noteworthy that at 
the rate of 15 : 1, which seems to be certainly established 
for silver against gold in the last years of the fifth 
century in Sicily, a gold piece of 13-5 grs. would be 
worth 13-5x15 = 202-5 grs. of silver, or just about 
the weight of the contemporary tetradrachm. It is 
noteworthy, too, that the unit of the earliest gold 
coins at Gela is of the same weight, which is that of 
the Sicilian litra. 

To find gold and silver equivalents in Greek numis- 
matics must always be an uncertain task, but this 
coincidence between the values of the contemporary 
silver tetradrachm and gold trihemiobol seems too 
close to be overlooked. These little gold pieces form 
a bridge to connect the older gold issue with the new 
issue of staters of Attic weight which began in the 
opening years of the fourth century. While the earliest 
of them weigh a decimal or two more, Nos. 57 and 
59 represent the most usual weight, say 13-3. This 
is exactly a tenth of the new stater, and as such it 
is grafted on to the new system, where it is a common 
piece right down to the end. 

A feature of the numismatics of the early fourth 
century is the outburst in the Aegean basin of a gold 
coinage of Attic weight, to which Athens herself had 
given the impetus 87 by her issue of necessity 
in 408. Style would date the earliest gold of Rhodes 88 

87 P. Gardner, "Coinage of the Athenian Empire," in J. H. S., 
1914 ; Woodward, Num. Chron., 1911. Though no staters of the 
earliest issue at Athens have come down to us, xp vff0 ^ standing as 
it does alone in the inscription, must refer to staters ; and anyhow 
we have drachms. 

88 B.M.C.: Caria, p. 231, No. 10. 


to about the year 390, and the staters of the Chalcidian 
League are not much later. The new gold issue at 
Gyrene is another instance, and falls chronologically 
into line with the rest. "We may win confirmation of 
this by examining the silver series. Most (though 
unfortunately not all) of the magistrates whose names 
occur on the gold are represented on the silver as well, 
and there are none of them whom for reasons of style 
we should put as early as Nikis or Aristomedes. Of 
this gold coinage the denominations are 

Stater 133-5 grs. 
Drachm 66-5 ., 
Triobol 34 
Tenth 13-3 

the first and last being the commonest. 89 The 
magistrates whose names we find on staters are 
XAIPIO5, nOAIAN0EY5, while a tenth of rather 
early style has the name APlTIO (which also appears 

on the silver tetradrachms) and another reads KY0 . 

There are, besides, two drachms struck from altered 
dies, on each of which traces of the old name show 
through, and in one case this name does not seem to 
be already familiar. 

It is, I think, possible by a comparison of dies and 
by other arguments to establish within certain limits the 

89 There is a coin in the Catalogue of a Late Collector (Sotheby, 
Wilkinson and Hodge, 1900), lot 483 (not illustrated), with the 
types of the drachm and inscription XAIPIO^, of which the 
weight is given as 44 grains. If both inscription and weight are 
rightly given, this would be an anticipation of the tetrobol of 
the next period (M. i. 205). 

142 E. S. G. ROBINS'" -N. 

succession of these magistrates. It is the usual thing 
in this series to find several gold coins from the same 
die. and in two cases one and the same obverse die 
is employed by three different magistrates. Now, if 
we may assume that the magistrates succeeded each 
other without overlapping, we have here the materials 
for accurate arrangement, at least as far as these two 
groups are concerned. It is necessary first to give 
grounds for such an assumption. At first sight two 
examples of such a phenomenon as three magistrates 
using the same obverse die would rather suggest that 
the magistrates were contemporary, especially when 
we find that the one who falls in the middle uses other 
obverse dies as well. But a close examination of every 
one of the coins concerned to which I could get a 
has convinced me that under each magistrate the 
die has progressively deteriorated. Thus, though flaws 
vary in size under magistrate C. they are never smaller 
under C than under B. and so on. 90 In the case of 
two magistrates of one of these groups we get con- 
firmation of a similar nature from a common die 
in the drachm series. We may take it. then, that 
it is as probable as things of this nature can be in 
Greek numismatics, that the magistrates were succes- 
sive, and not contemporary. 

The types of the gold staters are well known. 
On the obverse they bear a quadriga, sometimes 

* I am much indebted to my colleague, Mr. G. C. Brooke, for 
very patient help in this matter. I submitted to him a series of 
coins from these two dies without telling him in what order I 
thought they should be placed, and in the case of casts without 
giving him the reverses. Though based simply on the condition 
of the obverse die at the time of striking, his arrangement brought 
all coins of the same magistrate together and the magistrates 
themselves into the same succession as had seemed right to me. 


driven by Victory ; the reverse is occupied by Zeus. 
The reverse types fall into two classes, according 
as they represent a seated or a standing figure. 
The standing figure always has the ram's horn ; the 
seated figure, except in one instance, never. While 
the former (often accompanied by his ram) is Ammon, 
the latter (who generally appears with the eagle) is 
probably, as Miiller 91 has pointed out, the Arcadian 
Zeus Lycaeus, for whose presence at Gyrene the hill 
of Zeus Lycaeus (Herod., iv. 203) is evidence and the 
advent of Demonax (ibid., 161) would account. The 
parallel between this type and that of the early coins 
of the Arcadian League is striking. 

We may now make some attempt at a chronological 
arrangement. Their use of the same obverse die brings 
PIOS XAIPI05 DOAIANeEYStogether in the order 
mentioned. At the same time the KYXAIPIO^ group 

is stylistically later than the KYAIO30 group, as 

is shown by a glance at the later issues of ROAIAN- 
0EY3, the last of which links up closely with the 
unique stater of the Ptolemaic period at Paris (see 
below, Nos. 71 and 98). Where should APISTAfOPA, 
XAlPE<t>flN, and AAMflNAKTOS be placed? All 
these three use as reverse type Zeus Ammon stand- 
ing, with short hair ; the style, which in the case 
of the first two is crude, is very similar, and in itself 
would indicate an earlier date than that of the 
KYXAIPIOS or nOAIAN0EY5 groups. Further, 
these latter groups hang together not only stylistically 
but also in virtue of both obverse and reverse types. 

91 op. cit., p. 67. 

144 E. S. G. KOBINSON. 

On the obverse in each case, above the chariot, which 
is proceeding at a walk, is a solar disk, a feature 
unknown on any of the other obverse dies ; in fact the 
KYXAIPIO^ die gives the impression of being directly 

suggested by the KYAIO30 die. Again, under 

every magistrate in the first group, and under the 
first two in the second group (save possibly in one 
instance, where it may be a seated Ammon; see M. 
i. 189, and the discussion of this coin below), the reverse 
is occupied by the seated Zeus Lycaeus. Under the last 
of the second group, PIOAI AN0EY3, we find throughout 
the standing Zeus Ammon. Style and the development 
of types thus point irresistibly to a direct succession 
from the KYAIOS0 - - group to the KYXAIPIO5 
group. As has been hinted above, and as will be de- 
monstrated later, CIOAIAN0EYS, the last of the latter 
group, must come down to the beginning of the 
Ptolemaic era. The APlSTArOPA XAlPE<t>niSI- 
AAMHNAKTO3 group will therefore come at the 
beginning of the series. 

This conclusion is confirmed by two other con- 
siderations. The first, though it offers only negative 
evidence, is worth taking into account. Under 
the only known subdivision is the tenth. Under 
KYAIOS0 - - and 0EY<I>EIAEY5 we find the drachm 
as well; IA3HN adds the triobol; and the whole 
set is maintained under XAlPlO^ 92 (except the 
tenths), and under nOAIAN0EYS. Thus if the 
order suggested for these magistrates be correct 

<J2 KYXAIPIO^ stands in an exceptional position; his staters 
are very rare (I have only seen four including the Brit.Mus. specimen) 
and there are no subdivisions bearing his name, not even tenths. 
It may be suggested that his tenure of office was soon cut short. 


the system becomes more complex as time goes on, 
till a maximum number of subdivisions is reached. 
which is maintained till the end of the series. The 
second point has reference to the relative die positions. 
Dr. Macdonald (Hunter. Cat., iii, p. 588, note) has 
already remarked that the die positions on the 
gold staters are irregular except for XAIPIO^ and 
nOAIAN0EY. My own experience confirms this 
except that I would add KYXAIPIO. We may 
presume that the rest of the coins, on which the die 
position is constantly varying, precede those of these 
three magistrates, among whose coins I have met with 
only one example of irregularity. 

Having roughly settled the order of the magistrates 
we may notice some pieces which for one reason or 
another demand discussion. 

61. Obv. Head of youthful Ammon r. ; behind, API; in 

front, $TIO retrograde ^> ; linear border. 

Rev. Head of Gyrene as on No. 57, but 1. 
B. M. N. 0-3. Wt. 12-6 grs. 

62. Obv. Head of bearded Ammon r., diademed, wearing 

uraeus ; linear border. 

Eev. Head of Cyrene r., hair rolled, with tresses 
hanging down on either side of neck ; in front, 

B. M. M. 0-8. Wt. 13-3 grs. 

63. Obv. Similar; no diadem or uraeus ; behind, API C , 


Eev. Facing head of Cyrene, slightly turned to r., 
wearing ear-rings. 

B. M. M. 0-3. Wt. 13-3 grs. 

64. Obv. Similar, head 1. ; behind, XAI 3, outwards. 
Eev. Similar. 

B. M. M. 0-3. Wt. 134 grs. 

146 E. S. G. KOBINSON. 

Its fine style and the shape of the letters would 
lead us to place No. 61 early in the century; that 
we have no staters of APl^TIO^ may be an accident, 
and at all events there is a silver tetradrachm. 93 The 
fact, unusual on these small coins, that the name is 
written at length might lead us to put the coin after 
those of API^TAFOPA, who signs on the tenths as 
API (cp. No. 63), the assumption being that it was 
necessary to write the name in full to avoid confusion ; 
but the earlier style as well of reverse as of obverse 
will hardly allow this. 

There is no doubt as to the reading of No. 62. 94 
Unfortunately it has sometimes influenced the reading 
of other tenths, really of KYAIO50 - - with the in- 
scription KYA. The types of KYA are different, on 
the obverse the beardless horned head, on the reverse 
the nymph with her hair rolled, but no hanging 
tresses. To judge by the presence of the latter on his 
coin, KY0 - - cannot come very early in the series. 
Nos. 63 and 64 are obviously very close in style ; as 
we have seen, the facing head is characteristic of the 
beginning of the fourth century at Gyrene. API - 
and XAI --, it is true, are capable of very various 
terminations, and among magistrates already known 
on Cyrenaean coins we have API3TOMHAEO3, API- 
from which to choose. But the facing-head type and 
the style in general are rather early for XAIPIOS, 
while as for API - - - (1) no other gold of API5TOMH- 
AEO3 is known, and (2) if it were APl^TIOSwe might 
expect the name in full as on the other tenth, No. 61. 

98 Macdonald, iii, Gyrene, 23-4. 
94 M. i. 219. 


We Lave already seen that their gold staters bring 
APlSTArOPA and XAIPE^HN very close together, 
and we may therefore conclude with some probability 
that Nos. 63 and 64 bear the same names in more 
abbreviated form. 

65. Olv. Quadriga r. at the gallop, driven by male figure 

in long chiton; in exergue, KYPANAION; 
dotted border. 

Rev. Ammon standing to front, his head r. ; 1. hand 
resting on sceptre, r. on hip ; in field 1., owl. 

Paris. N. 0-65. Wt. 132-8 grs. 

66. Obv. Similar (same die). 

Rev. Similar (same die), but in addition in, field r., 
silphium; around, XAIPE<I> fl N O. 

B. M. N. 0-7. Wt. 133-5 grs. 

67. Olv. Horseman r. ; behind, KYPA, above which, 

traces of previous inscription. 

Rev. Silphium with two whorls and five umbels ; 
K Y 
P A 
N A 

Paris. N. 0-5. Wt. 66 grs. 

68 a and b. Obv. Horseman 1. (of large fine style) ; behind, 

Rev. Silphium with two whorls and five umbels ; 
I A 

5 'o 

M O 

68 a. Berlin. N. 0-6. Wt. 66-5 grs. 
68 b. B. M. N. 0-6. Wt. 64-8 grs. 

All these coins have a similar interest, for in every 
case the die has been altered. That the reverses of 
Nos. 65 and 66 are from the same die, is shown by 
various indications, notably the accidental nick in 

148 E. S. G. ROBINSON. 

the middle of the sceptre ; yet between the striking 
of the two coins a magistrate's name and a symbol 
have been added. 

Of No. 67 one cannot make out the underwritten 
inscription, though its traces are provokingly plain : 
it begins with an A, A, or N, and finishes after three 
or four letters, as Miiller 95 has noted, with a P. 
Further than this we cannot go. 

No. 68 a, formerly in the collection of Dr. Imhoof- 
Blumer, and published first by Bompois 9G and later 
by Miiller, 97 is a great puzzle. The I, A, are thick and 
indistinct. Bompois regarded it as reading either 
from a nominative IA3IHN, or simply as 
into which an I had crept by the mistake 
of the engraver. Miiller, on the other hand, seeing 
an upright stroke above the left lower whorl of the 
silphium mistook for an iota what is in reality a flaw, 
and read the whole as IASIONIO5 from IA3IONI5 
on the analogy of other Cyrenaic names. Dr. Regling, 
who very kindly made a close examination of the 
coin for me, writes as follows: "The coin has been 
double- struck with such force as to alter all the 

A I 

shapes. Originally the inscription was probably O . 

O V\ 

One can see that the present A arises out of I, and the 
3, N and O out of other letters ; during this alteration 
the little accidental I beside the middle O may have 
been added, or it may have been left as the remnant 
of the $ that previously stood there ; the small letters 
2 belong to a later engraving of the die/' 

95 i, p. 69. 

96 Bompois, op. cit., pp. 119, 120. 

97 M., Suppl., No. 52 A. 


None of these explanations seems to me adequate, 
especially in view of the London specimen (68 b), which 

I A 

though in poor condition plainly reads $ O , while 

M O 

the rest of the letters are practically obliterated, only 
faint traces of them being visible with the glass. That 
the same peculiarities are reproduced on both specimens 
puts the theory of double striking out of court, though 
the reading on the Museum example seems to show 
that what was really intended was lA^ONO. We have 
already remarked on the thickness of the letters I, A, 3 ; 
I would suggest that the original inscription was 

K Y 

A lo, and that the die was then altered, the 

I A 

intention being that it should read > . There are 

N O 

clear traces of what would have been the lower bar of 
the K ; the left bar of the A is much thicker than the 
right; and the 3 is misshapen. The N and O below 
would be newly cut, while the on the r. were let 
alone, whence their greater sharpness and relative 
smallness. Unfortunately the I on the right survived 
as well, presumably through an oversight, and from the 
die in this condition the Berlin specimen was struck. 
Later still, the die was again taken in hand and the 
offending I as well as the 3 immediately below it 
erased. From the die as now altered the London 
specimen was struck. That the almost complete dis- 
appearance of the I and on the latest coin is due to 
a second alteration of the die, and not to faulty striking, 
is indicated by the fact that the flaw above the left 

150 E. S. G. ROBINSON. 

leaf of the lower whorl (which Miiller took for an I) 
appears as before. There is no chronological difficulty, 
for KYAIOS - - is the first of the group of which 
IAONO is the last. In style the horseman on this 
coin suits well with the horseman on those of the 
previous magistrate 0E[Y<I>EIAEY ], M. i. 198. Both 
are of a larger style than is usual, and both are turned 
to the left a position otherwise unknown in the drachm 
series. Apparently from the same obverse die as the 
lA^ONO 98 drachm there is another coin, the reverse 
of which reads simply KYPA. In this case there is 
no corn-grain on the obverse, which shows that the 
obverse die too has been touched up before being used 
for No. 68. The coin (M. i. 197), with our Nos. 65, 
67, and M. i. 196, forms a group characterized by 
the absence of any personal name. The obverse die 
of No. 67 is found in three combinations in an order 
which its condition allows us to establish as follows, 
(1) with a reverse of KYAIO3, (2) with the present re- 
verse KYPA, and (3) with a reverse of 0E[Y4>EI AEYl). 
No. 67 was therefore struck after the regular intro- 
duction of magistrates' names on the gold series. The 
same must be true of M. i. 197, and almost certainly 
of M. i. 195, the arrangement of the legend on which 
strongly suggests the drachm of KYAIO, M. i. 198. 
Is the omission of a magistrate's name due to accident 
or to design? Possibly sudden death may now and 
again have caused an interregnum during which urgent 
necessity for money may have arisen ; but the general 
run of the series seems rather to indicate carelessness 
as a cause. 

98 In Paris. M., No. 197. Another splendid example in the 
Fenerly Bey Coll. (Egger), PI. xxii. 853. 


Of the lax arrangements of the mint (which, 
it is true, are most in evidence during the time 
APlSTAfOPA IA3ONO) we have proof in the 
alteration of the dies spoken of above, and especially 
in our No. 67, where the ethnic appears on both sides. 
On all the signed gold drachms down to IAONO- the 
name is on the reverse, and the ethnic (when present) 
on the obverse, whereas on the issues of'X AIPIO^ and 
P1OAIAN0EY3 the positions are reversed. Of the 
unsigned drachms, none of which as we have seen 
fall later than IAONO, two out of three (our No. 67, 
and M. i. 197) have the ethnic on the reverse, in 
the case of the first in addition to the ethnic on the 
obverse. But at this period, especially under KYAIO^--, 
dies of the same size and style, with ethnic on the 
reverse, were in use for the silver drachms, and it is 
possible that at need these were employed for the 
gold also. 

It may be objected that among the gold triobols 
at least we find several without a magistrate's name. 
If this were true, it would lead us to reconsider our 
opinion about the unsigned drachms, but if we examine 
the alleged examples as given by Miiller (M. i. 209 
and 210) we shall find that as a matter of fact these 
two coins belong to IA5ONO and HOAIANeEYS 
respectively. The coins are struck on a smallish flan, 
and the inscription is weakly cut on the outer edge 
of the die. For example, under i. 209 Miiller cites 
a Payne Knight coin (Num. Vet., p. 214, D 1), which 
though it shows no trace of a magistrate on the obverse, 
is from the same die as another piece in the British 
Museum, on which the inscription IA is plain. 
Coins from this obverse die are not uncommon, but my 

152 E. S. G. ROBINSON. 

experience is that in. more than fifty per cent, of cases 
the I A* does not appear. The same is true of M. 
i. 210. 

Before leaving these triobols a small point may be 
noticed which, such as it is, supports the general chro- 
nology of magistrates here advanced. "We have noticed 
that the ethnic does not appear on the reverse in the 
drachm series till the time of XAIPIO3 and HO A IAN- 
GEY*. Now on the triobols of IASONOS, both ethnic 
and signature appear on the obverse, while under 
XAIPIOS and DOAIANGEYS, though the signature 
remains on the obverse, the ethnic has gone round to 
the reverse exactly as on the drachms. 

Mention has been made above of the magistrates 
KYAIOSGfENOYS] and KYXAIPIOS. As they appear 
here for the first time, it may be well to publish the 
two staters on which these readings are based. 

69. Obv. Quadriga, driven by charioteer in long sleeveless 

chiton r. ; above, KYPfANAION] ^divided 
by star of nine rays ; linear border. 

Rev. Zeus Lycaeus seated 1. on throne, his 1. resting 
on the back, his outstretched r. holding eagle ; 
behind, KYAIOSG} ; linear border. 

B. M. S. 0-8. Wt. 132-6 grs. 

70. Obv. Similar, but the star has a central disk, and 

only half of it is shown; to 1. KYPANAI 
ON C. 

Rev. Similar ; in field 1., thymiaterion ; behind, 
KYXAIPIOS retrograde!). 

B. M. N. 0-8. Wt. 133 grs. 

No. 69 is very puzzling. The reverse inscription 
is absolutely certain. The way it is written shows 
that the G must be an integral part of the name; 
besides, on these staters we never find anything in 


the way of an. additional letter, or even symbol, for 
the owl and silphium onNos. 65 and 66, and the jerboa 
and locust which appear on some of the drachms are 
in the nature of adjuncts. The only possible com- 
pletion is as KYAIOSGENOYS, genitive of KYAIOS- 
0ENH3. But this would be a most irregular form; 
the name KvSocrOei'rjs (already known) 99 or a form on 
the analogy ofKaXXLo-Oevrjs might have been expected. 
The inscription KYAIO, occurring on the gold 
drachms and silver tetradrachms 10 and drachms, has 
hitherto been taken as a Doric genitive of the nomina- 
tive KYAIS on the analogy of XAIPIO5, NIKIOS, &c. 
But it cannot be regarded as a different name from the 
one appearing on our gold stater, for 0EY4>EIAEY, 
the successor of KYAIO3, uses the same obverse dies for 
his staters and drachms as are employed for No. 69, 
and for the drachms bearing KYAIOS. Of No. 70 
I know three other examples, one in Gotha, one 
in Paris, and one from a London sale (Stanford). 101 
The third letter has been taken, in the case of the 
Gotha and Paris specimens, for a 4> or Y, but on 
the latter, and on the Stanford coin, it is quite clearly 
a X set crosswise, as on most of the XAIPIO^ pieces. 

An examination of these gold staters reveals much 
diversity in fabric as well as in style. The flan is 
either small and dumpy, or spread ; and the style 
varies with the fabric. These differences in style and 
fabric are not chronological ; they co-exist side by side 

99 Pape-Benseler, Gr. Eigenn., s.v. 

B0 M. i. 135 ; on this coin the shortness of the inscription is 
not due to lack of room. 

101 Sotheby, Wilkinson and Hodge, 1907 (Stanford Coll.), 
PI. ii. 97. 


154: E. S. G. KOBINSON. 

under more than one magistrate. Compare, for example, 
under 0EY<I>EI AEYS, M. i. 184 with M. i. 185 ; under 
I ASniM, M. i. 189 with the stater in the Warren (Greeii- 
well) Collection, PL xxxi. 1349 ; and under HOAIAN 
0EYS, M. i. 192 with "Warren (Greenwell), PL xxxi. 
1347. There is no corresponding distinction of fabric 
in the case of the other magistrates ; but these employ 
only one obverse die each for all their staters which I 
have examined. On all coins of the broad style and 
spread fabric, from APIZTAFOPAS to HOAIAN0EYS, 
the horses are walking ; on all of the other style and 
fabric, from XAlPE<!>ftN downwards (except possibly 
under AAMflNAKTOS, and at the very end under 
f"IOAIAN0EY), they are galloping. Again, the magis- 
trate's name is in the nominative on XAIPE<l>nN's 
staters and on the dumpy stater of IAHN (M. i. 189), 
but these are the only two instances of this usage in 
the whole series. Finally, on the last-mentioned stater 
the Zeus though seated is Ammon, as on the rest 
of the same fabric, not Lycaeus as on the coins of 
spread fabric. 

It seems to be more than chance which connects 
the groups of the thick and of the spread fabric, 
each with itself, and contrasts them with each 
other. Little as we know about the organization of 
the Greek mints, it looks as if we had here to do 
with two separate officinae, which worked at irregular 
intervals, and independently of each other. Such a 
theory would explain, for example, the issues of 
0EY4>EIAEY3. Under this magistrate we have coins 
of both fabrics. Of the spread fabric one obverse die 
is used in connexion with three reverse dies, the same 
die being used by his predecessor KYAIO30 - -, and 


his successor IA3ONO3, which shows that it was not 
worn out in his time. Side by side with these, however, 
we have one reverse and two obverse dies of the thick 
fabric which are not coupled with any dies of the 
spread fabric. Clearly the two sets must have been in 
use simultaneously. 

Three other gold coins which do not appear in Miiller 
may be here mentioned. 

71. Obv. Quadriga r. driven by Nike wearing wreath; 

above, KYPANAION ; linear border. 

Rev. Zeus Ammon standing ]., his 1. resting on lotus- 
tipped sceptre ; in his outstretched r. he holds 
patera over thymiaterion ; in field r. upwards, 

B. M. N. 0-8. Wt. 132-6 grs. 

72. Ob v. Quadriga r. as on No. 69 ; above, star ; no inscrip- 


Rev. Zeus Lycaeus seated 1. ; in front eagle mounting 
with serpent in beak ; behind I CON I (sic). 

E. T. Newell. N. 0-75. Wt. 132-8 grs. 

73. Obv. Quadriga with rayed disk as on No. 70 ; the 

inscription, which is also arranged exactly as 
on No. 70, reads KYPNAI ON(c)C. 

Rev. Zeus Lycaeus seated 1., r. resting on sceptre; 
behind, eagle ; in field 1. upwards, KYPA 
NAION retrograde. 

N. 0-75. Wt. 128 grs. 

No. 71 is the latest coin of nOAIAN0EYS; the 

| minuteness of the style and. the tiny letters with their 
larked pointing attach it to the gold stater of the 
)lemaic era in Paris. 102 

Nos. 72 and 73 are interesting as showing the 
)0pularity which the Cyrenaean gold staters must have 

Babelon in Eev. Num., 1885, p. 399, PI. xv. 7, No. 98, below. 

M 2 

156 E. S. G. KOBINSON. 

enjoyed on the limits of the Greek world. No. 72 was 
acquired in Egypt, as was also probably No. 73. 103 They 
are both of obviously barbarous work, and directly copied 
from coins which we possess. For example, No. 72 is 
modelled down to the smallest details on the coin of 
IAONO, an example of which is to be found in 
the Warren (Greenwell) Collection (PL xxxi. 1349). 
Now this issue of IA5ONO3 is the last of those 
which share the common KYAIOS0-eEY<l>EIAEYS- 
IA3ONO3 obverse die, and owing to the worn con- 
dition of the die the ethnic is very faint on all 
specimens that I have seen. On the copy (No. 72) it 
does not appear at all, while the reverse inscription is 
a blundered attempt at |AONO. No. 73 is more 
vigorous, and at the same time more barbarous. The 
obverse is copied from the common KYXAIPIO3- 
XAlPlOS-nOAIAN0EYS die, again down to the 
smallest details ; cp. the solar disk and the arrange- 
ment of the legend. The reverse is copied from the 
reverse dies of 0EY<I>EIAEY5 and IASONOS, with 
the eagle behind the throne of Zeus (e.g. "Warren 
(Greenwell), PI. xxxi. 1348, 1350), though the ethnic in 
crudely-formed letters takes the place of a magis- 
trate's name. The inscription on the obverse has given 
rise to some confusion. In Huber's sale catalogue it is 
printed as KOI N ON, to which it bears some superficial 
resemblance, but a closer examination shows it to be 

103 It came originally from the collection of C. G. Huber, 
Austrian Consul in Egypt : from his sale (lot 1276) it passed into 
the Addington, Ashburnham and O'Hagan Collections. The light 
weight of the coin enables me to identify it in these changes of 
ownership ; it is important to maintain the identification in view 
of the deductions that have been drawn from the misreading of 
the obverse. 


what we should a priori expect, a blundered attempt 
at the ethnic. Muller (Additions, vol. iii, p. 188), accept- 
ing the reading from Huber's catalogue, very naturally 
brings the coin into connexion with the other KOINON 
issues, when of course it would be of great importance. 
As it is, it gives with No. 72 an instance of a local 
imitation of the Cyrenaean issues. Who was responsible 
for these imitations cannot be determined, but the 
fact that one of them most probably, the other certainly, 
came from Egypt would indicate North Africa, and 
some Libyan tribe, as their home. 

Before leaving the gold series we may shortly 
examine two other theories as to the date of the 
Cyrenaean gold issues. The first is due to Sir Arthur 
Evans. On p. 62 of his work on Syracusan Medallions 
and their Engravers, he argues that the winged 
charioteer, occurring occasionally on Sicilian tetra- 
drachms at the close of the fifth century, is the result 
of Cyrenaean influence. This type " stands ... in a very 
close relation to a well-marked group of quadriga types 
that appear on some contemporary coins of Kyrene . . . 
The facing tendency of both horses and chariot, and 
the winged charioteers . . . are all found on a fine 
series of Kyrenaean gold staters which, from the early 
character of their style and epigraphy, must have 
been struck about the same period as our Sicilian 
pieces, and which in fact mark the flourishing epoch . . . 
that ensued on the fall of the Battiadae . . . But, 
whereas on the Sicilian dies the recurrence of such 
schemes is altogether isolated, in Kyrene they are 
obviously at home, and we may even trace the genesis 

104 Published in Num. Chron., 1891. The references here given 
ai'e to the republication. 

158 E. S. G. ROBINSON. 

of one of the most important features of the design, 
the wings, namely, of the charioteer, which seem to 
have been suggested by the . . . mantle of the driver on 
a slightly earlier stater" [the AAMHNAKTO3 coin, 
M. i. 194]. Such a view, which would place the 
beginning of these Cyrenaean staters as early as 430- 
420, leaves out of account the general relations of the 
Greek coinages with each other. As we have seen 
above, it is not till the next century that we find an 
outburst of gold coinage of Attic weight, the result of 
the first Athenian issues in 408. Also, as we have 
suggested, the expulsion of the Battiads does not seem 
to have caused a sudden outbreak of prosperity at 
Gyrene. But (what is more important) if the con- 
clusions reached above are sound, it is not till the 
last magistrate I"IOAIAN0EY, i.e. till after at least 
340-330, that we find in the chariot a winged figure 
of the type required by Sir Arthur Evans. 105 Such an 
interval, too about half a century seems to preclude 
the possibility of the f"IOAIAN0EY type being a 
development of the AAMHNAKTOS type. 

The second theory was advanced by Six in the 
Numismatic Chronicle for 1897 (p. 220). Starting from 
the assumption that the silver didrachms of Attic 
weight were struck under Magas, an assumption which 
he bases on an ingenious explanation of the types 
of Eros and Hermes, he is necessarily led to the con- 
clusion that, as the gold staters share two magistrates 
with the silver didrachms, they must be contemporary. 
This conclusion he attempts to reinforce by a com- 

105 A winged figure does occur on one die under 
(Warren (Greenwell), PI. xxxi. 1350), but here both chariot and 
figure are facing ; even so the coin cannot be much earlier than 
the middle of the fourth century. 


parison between the seated Zeus Lycaeus and the seated 
Zeus, or Alexander type, on tetradrachms of Seleucus I 
and Antiochus I, suggesting further that the seated 
Zeus type was adopted to replace the standing type of 
nOAIAN0EY and KAEA out of compliment to the 
Syrian king, whose daughter Magas wedded. With 
his dating of the silver Attic didrachms we shall deal 
later, but in regard to the gold staters it may be noted 
that Six's theory brings the coins signedflOAIANGEY^, 
and even those with KAEA in monogram, 100 before the 
coins of 0EY4>EIAEYS and IASONOS, which seems 
stylistically out of the question, while, though there 
is a certain superficial resemblance between the staters 
of XAIPIO and the Alexander type with the right 
leg drawn back, the closest parallels to the attitude of 
the Zeus on the coins of GEY<I>EI AEYS and IASONO5 
are to be found rather in that of Baal-tars at Tarsus, 
or of Zeus Lycaeus on the even earlier coins of the 
Arcadian League. 107 

The Silver Coinage. 

The silver coinage of the second part of this period 
is subordinate to the gold issues. Granted the patch- 
work nature of our evidence, which depends upon one 
or two big finds, it is yet remarkable that, while all 
the magistrates whose names occur on silver, except 
the last, occur also on the gold, the converse does not 
hold good, and that, while down to 390 tetradrachms 
are comparatively common, after the introduction of 
the gold currency they become very scarce, till under 

106 This is the stater of Ptolemaic times, and Phoenician (not 
Attic) weight, published by Babelon in Rev. Num., 1885, PI. xv. 7. 

107 See above, p. 143. 

160 E. S. G. ROBINSON. 

KYXAIPIO3 and XAIPIO all silver coinage seems 
to disappear. Under FIOAIANGEY^ who follows, we 
find a new silver coinage consisting of Attic di- 
drachms, new denominations of a new standard, 
and these continue till the end of the century. 
Silver coins occur with API^TIO^ 108 (tetradrachm), 
APISTAFOPA 109 (drachm), KYAIOS 110 (tetradrachm 
and drachm), 0EY4>EIAEYZ m (tetradrachm and 
drachm), IA3ONO3 112 (tetradrachm and drachm), and 
(Attic didrachms). 

These coins do not offer us much of interest; 
I have not been able to find any die-couplings to 
throw light upon the chronological sequence, but 
the arguments from types and from weight standard 
go to confirm the order already suggested by the gold 
issues. The types are, as before, the horned head and 
the silphium, but under 0EY<I>EIAEY5 and IA5ONOS 
we find for the first time on the tetradrachms the 
beardless head which we have already noticed on 
drachms. Now KYAIOS and APISTIO5, both of whom 
we have placed earlier than 0EY4>EIAEY, have the 
bearded head only; 0EY<DEIAEY^ ni has both the 
bearded and the beardless head; IAONO$, and all 
after him down to Ptolemaic times, have the beardless 
head only. In the same way (apparently after a break 
in the silver issue) the Attic weight is introduced under 
I~1OAIAN0EY who, the gold series has indicated, 

108 Macdonald, iii. Cyr. 23-4. 109 In Brit. Mus. 

110 M. i. 135 (Copenhagen), and Brit. Mus. 

111 Warren (Greenwell), Nos. 1359-61 ; for the Attic didrachm 
reading 0EY<!>EI AEYS, see below, No. 79. 

112 Brit. Mus. (Num. Chron., 1892, p. 19) and Paris. 

113 See the discussion of these coins below, 75-9. 


should be placed at the end of the series. I would 
suggest that those drachms of this period which seem 
anepigraphic owe their apparent lack of a magistrate's 
name merely to condition or to careless striking : for 
example, if we examine the two coins M. i. 146 and 
M. i. 147, we find that on the latter all the field behind 
the neck, where we should expect the name, is off the 
flan. Most of the " anepigraphic " pieces resemble very 
closely the signed drachm of KYAIO - - . m 

Silver Coinage of Attic Weight. 

As we have noted, there seem to be no silver coins 
(or none extant) of KYXAIPIOS or XAIPIO5. Under 
riOAIANGEY^ the new silver coinage of Attic weight 
begins. It consists of the following pieces: 

74. Obv. Head of beardless Ammon 1., hair frizzed in 
tight curls behind ; upwards and outwards, 
nOAIAN} ; dotted border. 

Rev. Silphium plant with three whorls and seven 
umbels ; K Y ; dotted border. 

P A 

B. M. A\. 0-85. Wt. 129-3 grs. Attic didrachm. 
(Berlin : same obv. but different rev. die. 
Petrograd : same obv. die as No. 75 (?) ; wt. 
131-5 grs.). 115 

74 A. Obv. Head of beardless Ammon r., the style recalling 
that on coins of the Ptolemaic period ; in 
front, HO A] I AN !) outwards ; dotted border. 

Eev. Similar (of florid style) ; [no ethnic?]. 

Hunter (Macdonald III. Cyrene, No. 25). 1. 0-8. 
Wt. 133-6 grs. 

74 B. Obv. Similar (head 1.) ; behind, FIOAI } outwards. 

Eev. Similar ; K Y 
P A 

Gwinner. M. 0-4. Wt. 15-2 grs. Attic trihemiobol. 
Another in Paris. 

114 M. i. 145. 115 M. i. 142. 

162 E. S. G. ROBINSON. 

75. Olv. Similar (head 1.); in front, 

outwards ; dotted border. 

Rev. Hermes standing naked three-quarters r., with 
petasus behind his neck, chlamys falling from 
his shoulders, and winged sandals ; his 1. 
hand rests on his hip, and in his r. he holds 
a filleted caduceus ; in field 1., upwards and 
outwards, AAMUKYPAM - - ; dotted border. 

M. 0-85. Sir Hermann Weber; wt. 130 grs. 
Gotha ; wt. 131 grs. Bompois ; wt. 132 grs. 
(with silphium? behind the head), op. c'tt., 
pp. 121-2. 

76. Obv. Young male head r., wearing wreath of ivy(?), 

and long hair which hangs on either side 
of neck; behind, quiver; in front, retrograde, 
ONnAI3<l>;> outwards; heavy dotted 

Rev. Eros winged, advancing r., playing on the lyre ; 
across field AAMn[KYPA - -(?)]. 

M. 0-8. Paris. Wt. 130 grs. 

77. Olv. Similar (same die), name almost invisible. 

Rev. Silphium with three whorls and seven umbels 
to 1. ; to r. palm-tree with fruit ; between, 
KYPAM (retrograde) upwards ; dotted border. 

B. M. M. 0-8. Wt. 124-5 grs. 

78. Obv. Similar (different die) ; no name visible in front. 

Rev. As No. 77 ; silphium has four whorls ; inscrip- 
tion from 1. to r. downwards. 

Imhoof. M. 0-85. Wt. 125 grs. Paris : same 
dies, wt. 112 grs. (much worn and battered) 
= M. i. 183. 

79. Olv. Head of young Dionysos r. with ivy wreath, hair 

hanging in long curls on both sides of neck ; 
behind, thyrsos; in front, 0EY<I>EIAEY$5 ; 
dotted border. 

Rev. Silphium with six whorls and seven umbels; 
in field r., ear of barley (?) ; K Y 

P A 
Paris. A\. 0-8. Wt. 130 grs. 


This group of coins stands closely bound together 
by weight, legend, types, and style, and it must be 
studied as a whole. With it goes a copper coin in 
Turin, Obv. Head of Artemis with quiver at shoulder, 
and AAMHKYPANA. Rev. Nike flying, r. holding 
wreath and taenia. 116 

The identity of the head on Nos. 76-8 is open to 
doubt. The first of the coins to be published (the 
Paris specimen of No. 78) is in such poor condition, 
and has besides received such rough usage, that the 
features at first sight do not much resemble those of 
the Imhoof specimen. This is due to a blow which 
can be traced slantwise across the neck, and to the 
spreading of a crack in the die in front of the fore- 
head. Thus disfigured the head was taken by Miiller to 
be a portrait of Ptolemy I, with which the low weight 
of the coin seemed to agree. A glance, however, at 
the head on the Imhoof coin is enough to gainsay 
this attribution, and the abnormally low weight is 
sufficiently accounted for by poorness of condition. 
Svoronos, who published No. 76, 117 calls the head 
Apollo. Imhoof in publishing his specimen of No. 78 
prefers Dionysos. 118 The crucial factors are the wreath 
and symbol; as appears from Nos. 76-7 the latter 
cannot be a thyrsos, can in fact only be a quiver. 
The wreath is more obscure, though it seems more 
like ivy than laurel. Apollo the archer we can under- 
stand, but what is a quiver to Dionysos ? It is tempting 

116 M. i. 236 (fig.). 
17 Rev. Num., 1892, pp. 212 and 506. 

Zurgr. und rom. Milnzk., p. 246: 1. He also reads E and fl H 
in front of the neck, but a comparison with the other casts from the 
same and similar dies would show that these " letters '' are merely 
the hair which falls to r. of the neck. 

164 E. S. G. ROBINSOX. 

to bring the head into connexion with the reverse 
type to which it is joined on No. 76. May it not be that 
of an adolescent Eros with his quiver ? As for the ivy 
wreath, Eros from the fourth century is often closely 
associated with Dionysos ; on occasion he even holds 
the thyrsos, and fills the place of the god. 119 If it be 
not Eros, it must be Apollo ; for the adjunct is certainly 
a quiver, and No. 79 and the bronze coin with Artemis 
mentioned above indicate that in this group the 
adjunct should be connected with the main type. 
Whether No. 78 ever bore the name <!>EIAflNO is 
doubtful, for in both of the known examples the surface 
(to judge by casts) leaves much to be desired in the 
place where No. 76 would lead us to look for the 
inscription. That both dies are from the same hand 
is obvious, and in view of the ease with which the name 
has already disappeared from No. 77, Pheidon may well 
have signed No. 78 as well. 

With No. 79 we face a very different question. At 
first sight it would seem as if the name EY<I>EIAEY3 
must necessarily bring this coin into line with the rest 
bearing that name, and that it must therefore belong 
to the middle of the fourth century. But may there not 
have been a second 0EY<l>EI AEY^ perhaps a descendant 
of the first ? The arguments in favour of this view, 
though none of them is in itself conclusive, seem to 
have a cumulative weight which is almost over- 

Assuming that the other issues reading 0EY4>EI- 
have been correctly placed before 

19 See Furtwangler, Eros in der Vasenmalerei, p. 41. I owe this 
suggestion to Mr. Hill. 


i. e. about the middle of the fourth century, and also 
that FIG A I AN BE YS is the last of the magistrates whose 
name appears on the gold, then, if No. 79 is grouped 
with the other 0EY<J>EIAEY coins, there would be a 
gap of more than a quarter of a century between No. 79 
and Nos. 75-6, and yet No. 79 has stylistically every 
mark of being the later of the two. Further, the Attic 
standard would have been introduced at Gyrene before 
c. 350 (at a time, too, when we can find no adequate 
reason for it), to be replaced immediately by the Samian 
under lason, then restored again under HO A IAN- 
GEY $. Some smaller points of style may be indi- 
cated. All the heads on the coins of 0EY<I>EIAEY3, 
I A SO NO 5, and riOAIANGEYS (except the latter's 
gold triobols, and No. 74 A above) are turned to the left, 
whereas on the coins of <I>EI AflNOS and on No. 79, the 
head is turned to the right. On No. 79, as on coins 
of <I>EI AflNOS, the long hair appears on both sides of 
the neck, a slightly affected manner common at the 
end of the fourth century, e. g. on some of the gold 
staters of Alexander, on the Apollo head at Abydos 
(B. M. C.: Troas, p. 2, No. 11 "after 320"), at Metapon- 
tum, and at Syracuse under Agathocles. Once more, 
the silphium on No. 79 bears no resemblance to 
that on the reverses of OEY<!>EIAEY3, being much 
plumper and more florid, while it has a decided affinity 
to that on the didrachms of FIOAI AN0EYS, and on the 
earliest issue of Rhodiaii weight which heads the next 
period. 120 The innovation in type, too, comes more 
naturally as a companion innovation to that under 
than as a unique appearance in a series 

123 M. i. 148. See below, No. 84. 

166 E. S. G. ROBINSON. 

of Ammon heads. Evidence of another kind is available 
in the copper coin reading 0E (see below, No. 99), and 
in a gold stater of Attic weight and Alexandrine types, 
inscribed HTOAEMAin KYPANAIOM in Athens. The 
latter bears as symbol a silphium plant accompanied by 
0EY, 121 which shows that after 308 there was a magis- 
trate at Gyrene whose name began with the letters 
0EY- -. 

The <!>EIAnNO group is closely connected with 
flOAIAN0EY by the inscription A AMU, and it can 
be more suitably placed after, than before, that magis- 
trate, since we have no gold reading <I>EIA1NO$, 
and the sequence of types would also be more orderly, 
as is shown by the following list : 


Obv. Head of Ammon 1. Rev. Silphium KYPA 


Obv. Head of Ammon 1. Rev. Silphium KYPA 


Obv. Head of Ammon 1. Rev. Hermes A A Mil KYPA 

Obv. Head of Eros(?) or Rev. Eros AAMfl KYPA 

Obv. Head of Eros (?) or Rev. Silphium and palm-tree 
Dionysos KYPANA 


Obv. Head of Dionysos r. Rev. Silphium KYPA 

Issue of Ehodian weight 

Ob v. Head of Ammon r. Rev. Silphium KYPA 

These pieces of Attic weight had never been con- 
sidered as a whole till Six published his study of 

121 Svoronos, No/niV/zara TO>V IlToXe/u'a>v, No. 61, PI. iii. 7. 


them. 122 His conclusions are in brief as follows. The 
whole group is to be given to the time when Magas was 
independent of Ptolemy II ; and No. 76 refers to the 
marriage of Magas (whose name Six reads in the fillet 
on the copper coin referred to above (M. i. 236)) 
with Apame, princess of Syria, in 274, while No. 75 
symbolizes the prosperity and security which trade 
enjoyed under his reign. Against so late a date there 
is much to be urged. In the first place the style of 
Nos. 75-8 can scarcely be brought down so far as 
274, 123 while, if the chronological sequence of the gold 
staters as given above be substantially correct, the 
period during which f"IOAIAN0EY$ coined would 
then cover about half a century. Further, the theory 
offers no adequate explanation of the curious inscription 
AAMI1KYPAN, or of the types of No. 75, or Nos. 77, 
i 78 ; and lastly, it would push the whole series of Ehodian 
j didrachms, M. i. 149 seq., which are obviously later 
I than the coins of Attic weight, still further on into 
I the reign of Ptolemy II, though some of the mono- 
grams they bear (e.g. \ FT^ KE) occur also on coins of 
the Egyptian series necessarily assigned to Ptolemy I. 
If the inscription on the fillet of the bronze coin 
mentioned above (M. i. 236) exists (of which there 
is some doubt), and if it is to be read MAFA^, 124 that 
would be decisive in favour of Six's theory. But as 

122 Six in Num. Chron., 1897, p. 220, and references there to the 
previous publications of isolated coins by Bompois and Svoronos, 

and to Muller's recognition of the true interpretation o 
KYPANA as against the former. 

128 A point noted by Imhoof in his publication of No. 78, Zur gr. 
und rom. Munzk., p. 246, No. 7. 

24 I have not been able to examine either the coin itself 
or a cast. 

168 E. S. G. ROBINSON. 

it is so uncertain no argument at all can be based 
on it. Can we find any more adequate explanation of 
the character and date of these pieces ? I think we 
may, but in order to do so it will be necessary first 
to summarize the history of the last quarter of the 
fourth century at Gyrene. 

In the year before the death of Alexander the 
Great, party strife was so violent in the city that 
one of the factions fled to Cydonia in Crete, where 
they succeeded in persuading Thimbron, the suc- 
cessor of Harpagus and thus the disposer of very 
considerable resources, to assume their protection, 
and attempt their reinstatement. After various turns 
of fortune the Macedonian adventurer succeeded in 
investing the city, and so stringent was his pressure 
that, in spite of the previous purge, party dissensions 
again showed themselves within the walls. The 
wealthy citizens fled, some to Thimbron, some to 
Ptolemy. The satrap of Egypt, eagerly seizing on the 
occasion, sent an expedition to reinstate the wealthy 
exiles. This expedition was successful, though Thim- 
bron and the Cyrenaean demos joined hands to face 
the enemy, and towards the end of the year Ptolemy 
arrived to finish the conquest in person. We are not 
informed what the nature of the settlement was, but 
presumably the position of the wealthy exiles was 
established at the expense of the demos, while 
Ophelias, one of Ptolemy's lieutenants, was left at the 
head of a Macedonian garrison. 

This arrangement was not destined to last long ; in 
313, when Ptolemy was occupied with Antigonus, 
revolt broke out afresh, but was soon crushed by 
an expedition under Agis and Epaenetus. A new 


settlement was attempted under which Ophelias was 
installed as governor. In the next year Ophelias, 
watching his chance when Ptolemy had marched 
against Demetrius, asserted his independence. He suc- 
ceeded in conciliating his subjects, and in maintaining 
his rule for four years, till, dragged into the African 
adventure of Agathocles, he perished by Sicilian 
treachery. Ophelias had early entered into friendly 
relations with Athens, and had married Eurydice, a 
daughter of the noble house of Miltiades. Enticed to 
throw in his lot with Agathocles against the Car- 
thaginians, he approached the Athenians with a view 
to an alliance, and many Athenians joined him to 
assist in the conquest of Africa, for the agreement 
with Agathocles was that the Carthaginian possessions 
in Africa should fall to Gyrene, those in Sicily to 
Syracuse. When the expedition had reached the 
Carthaginian borders after an arduous journey, Ophelias 
was treacherously murdered, and the remains of his 
forces, incorporated into the Syracusan army, never 
saw their homes again. After this blow Gyrene seems 
to have been easily reconquered for Ptolemy by his 
stepson Magas in 309-8. 125 
If we may assign our group of coins to the time 

f Ophelias, we can find a satisfactory explanation of the 
difficulties. The suggestion is supported by the date 

)f the gold stater reading KYPANAION HTOAE- 
MAIOY 0EY, which Svoronos, quite independently 

f the questions here raised, assigns to the period 
immediately succeeding the reduction of Gyrene by 

25 For the history see Diod. xviii. 19 seqq., xix. 79, xx. 40-42, 
ind Justin, xxii. 7. 


170 E. S. G. ROBINSON. 

Magas in 308. 12 The reasons for putting the didrachm 
reading 0EY<t>EI AEY at the end of the group are like- 
wise independent of the assumed date of the royal coin. 
The origin of the standard used is discussed below, 
a propos of the Attic didrachms of Euesperides. As 
to the inscription AAMH KYPANAION which we find 
on coins of nOAIANGEYS and 4>EIAniMOS, as well 
as on the copper, I would suggest that it has a very 
definite significance, and refers to a restoration of the 
demos by Ophelias in support of his usurped position. 
The position of Ophelias was exactly parallel to that 
of Agathocles, or of the tyrants of earlier times, the 
democratic basis of whose power is well known. We 
know that the interference of Ptolemy in 323 led to 
the reinstatement of the wealthy party as against the 
demos. It is only reasonable to suppose that the 
rising in 313, crushed by troops from Egypt, was a 
counter revolution of the demos against the dependants 
of Ptolemy. When in the following year Ophelias 
revolted from Ptolemy, the natural course for him to 
take would be to pose as the champion of the demos. 127 
It is possible, too, to find a satisfactory explanation 
of the new types, if we refer the coins to this period. 
Six's interpretation of the reverse of No. 76, Eros 
playing the lyre, as alluding to the marriage of Magas, 
is very attractive. Magas, it is true, seems to be out 
of the question. 128 But why not Ophelias ? How notable 
his marriage was politically, we can see from the words ' 

126 Svoronos, loc. cit. 

127 The coinage of the restoration after 308 (see Svoronos, Nos.61 
seqq.) with HTOAEMAin KYPANAION looks almost like a 
direct answer to AAMH KYPANAION. 

128 See above, p. 167. 


of Diodorus ; 129 and how important a personage was the 
Athenian heiress, we learn from the fact that after the 
death of her husband and her return to Athens she 
married no less a person than Demetrius Poliorcetes. 130 
Along the same lines we can get an adequate explana- 
tion of the Hermes on a reverse of nOAIAN@EY 
(No. 75), which precedes the coin of <!>EIAnNO$. 
Six explains the type of Hermes as being simply 
a general reference to the commercial prosperity of 
the age. Surely a more complete explanation is 
needed for so startling an innovation, for this is 
the first silver coin (except a few small fractions) in 
the whole Cyrenaic series which does not show the 
silphium plant, or its seed, as a main type. Hermes 
is doubly connected with Aphrodite, as a god of 
fertility and as a guide. He it is who brings together 
Aphrodite and Anchises, Eurydice and Orpheus, 
Omphale and Heracles. On a fine relief from South 
Italy 131 we find him standing with caduceus, facing 
Aphrodite, on whose arm is Eros holding the lyre 
(as on No. 76). At Athens, the home of Ophellas's 
bride, we find a cult of Hermes Fi flu/Kerrey, Aphrodite, 
and Eros Wflupoy. 132 It does not, then, seem too fanciful 
to see in the Hermes type another allusion to the 
marriage of Ophelias. The head on the issues of 

29 XX. 40. *O de 'O<^>eXXar . . . npbs p.fv ' A.6rjvaLovs Trepi (rv/u/Ma^i'a? die- 
7rtfj.TTTO yeyap-TjKcos ~Ev6vdiKr)v rr]v MtXriaSou dvyarepa TOV TTJV 7rpoo~rjyopiav 
(pepovros fls TOV o~TpnTtjyfjO-avTa TWV ev MapadStvt VIKYJO-UVTUV. dia 617 
Tavrrjv rrjv (7nyap.iav KOL rrjv a\\r)v (nrovSrjv (j?f } vrrijpxev d7ro$fttfiyp.tvos 
f Trjv iro\iv Kal TroXXol ra>i> *AdT}vaia>v 7rpodvfj.a>s vTrrjuovaav fls rf)v 
oT-pareinv [against Carthage]. 

30 Plutarch, Vit. Dem. xiv, who calls her Eurydice, whereas in 
Diodorus the name is Euthydice. 

81 Figured in Roscher's Lexicon, s.v. Eros, vol. i, p. 1351. 
132 Pauly-Wissowa, s.v. Hermes, 8. 1, cols. 741, 757. 

N 2 

172 E. S. G. ROBINSON. 

, if it be accepted as an adolescent Eros, 
makes another link in the chain. 

Ophellas's coup d' etat presents a sufficient explanation 
of the bronze coin with the type of Nike and the in- 
scription AAMflKYPANA. while the Carthaginian 
adventure gives a reason for the appearance of the 
palm-tree side by side with the silphium on Nos. 77 
and 78. Agathocles and Ophelias had arranged that 
the one should take the Sicilian, the other the African 
possessions of Carthage, and for the latter to show the 
type of Carthage on his coins would be but to anticipate 
the realization of a by no means fantastic project. In 
this connexion a small point is perhaps worth recording. 
The treatment of the hair on Nos. 76-9 whereby the 
locks appear on either side of the neck has been noted 
above, as also the fact that the same treatment makes its 
appearance for the first time at exactly the same date 
on the Kore-heads of Agathocles (310-304 B.C.). 133 

Barce, later issues. 

The coinage of Barce during the opening years of 
this period was described above. Thereafter it under- 
goes an almost complete eclipse. The latest tetradrachm 
(No. 44) has been already mentioned, and its similarity 
to the issues of 0EY<DEIAEYS and IASONOS pointed 
out. This would indicate a date of about 360-50. There 
is also in the Berlin collection (late Fox) 134 a silver 
coin of very unusual weight with the magistrate's 
name TIMOKPATEY5. The style of the beardless 
head on the obverse, and of the florid silphium on the 

138 Hist. Num.*, p. 181. 

184 Fox, Engravings, Ft. I, PI. viii. 167. M., Suppl., 325 A. 


reverse, would suggest that it is contemporary with 
the nOAIANGEYS issues. The weight of the coin 
is 159-8 grs., but it has lost a certain amount by 
oxydization. In this connexion may be noted another 
issue, of somewhat later style, the weights of which 
are 80-90 grs. 135 The standard which appears here 
will be discussed later. 

Three copper coins are assigned to Barce by Miiller. 136 
The first shows the same types as the copper of Cyrene 
M. i. 247-9, and it may be surmised (especially as the 
publication is due to Sestini) that it properly belongs 
there. The last is a coin formerly in the possession of 
the Society of Antiquaries of Scotland, and published in 
the Numismatic Chronicle The types are Obv. Head 
of bearded Ammon r., Rev. Eagle 1.; to 1. upwards, 
BAPKAI. The flan of the coin is, as the illustration 
shows, of the regular Ptolemaic form with bevelled edge 
and cracked rim, and the piece belongs to the third or 
second century. No other example is forthcoming, 
and this one has disappeared from sight. It may be 
suggested that the inscription is simply I1TOAE- 
MAI[OY BASIAEHS] misread the whole of the field 
behind the eagle where BA^IAEH^ would have stood 
is off the coin and that the coin is really a common 
Ptolemaic coin such as Svoronos, op. tit., No. 453. The 
description of the second of the three (M. i. 330) is as 
follows : 

80. Obv. Free horse cantering r. ; above B A ; dotted border. 
Rev. Earn standing r. ; above HP ? A ; dotted border. 
Paris. JE. 0-65. Wt. 105 grs. = M., No. 330. 

135 M. i. 47, &c. 13G M. i. 239-331. 

137 Num. Chron., 1852, p. 144 (fig.). 

174: E. S. G. KOBINSON. 

Unfortunately the inscription on the reverse is not 
clear: the A is certain, and the preceding letter has 
been read as a B by Muller, who regards it as the initial, 
thus producing the same inscription on both sides. 
On a close examination of the coin I think HP A may 
be the true reading. The following would support this 

81. Obv. Head of Ammon bearded r. ; dotted border. 
Eei\ Ram r. ; above HPAKAEIA. 

Paris. M. 04. Wt. 187 grs. = M., No. 343. 

No. 81 was published by Muller doubtfully as of 
the town Heraclea, 138 but the last letter is certainly 
a A, and the inscription must therefore be a name ; 
there would be room for an ethnic on the obverse in 
front of the face (but on this unique specimen that 
portion of the field is off the flan). The type of the 
ram is proved for Barce as well by the archaic silver 
drachm 139 as by our No. 80. These two bronze coins 
would belong to the end of the fourth or the beginning 
of the third century. 

Euesperides, Later Issues. 

The coinage of Euesperides, like that of Barce, practi- 
cally ceases during the fourth century. There is, how- 
ever, in the Turin Library 140 a tetradrachm of Samian 
weight, which to judge by the triple border U1 of the 
obverse and the full inscription EYE^FIEPITAN should 

la M. i. 343. 

139 M., Suppl., 290 A (Brit. Mus.). 

140 Imhoof in Z.f. JV., vii. p. 30, No. 3. I have been unable to 
get a cast of this coin. 

141 Cf. the triple border on the coins of Barce with the facing 
head under AKESIOS (M. i. 321). 


belong to the first half of the fourth century. There 
is also another silver coin of later date in the Luynes 
collection, Paris : 

82. Olv. Head of river nymph r., wearing wreath of 
lilies (?) and water plants ; the hair is long 
and falls on either side of the neck ; behind, 
ESflEPl C outwards; dotted border. 

Eei: Goat r. ; before him silphium with three whorls ; 
beneath, silphium with two whorls; behind, 
TIMAmPA C ; linear border. 

Paris (Luynes). M. i. 334. M. 0-8. Wt. 130 grs. 

The animal on the reverse has been explained as a 
gazelle, 142 but its awkward motions, its characteristic 
attitude, its tail and possible beard all seem rather to 
suggest (as Miiller noted U3 ) a goat. The head on the 
obverse has been described as the river-god Lethon. 
Doubtless it is to be brought into connexion with the 
copper coins 144 showing a head inscribed AHTHN or 
AH0J1N, but both of these heads seem to be feminine. 
The only real difference between the two types is that 
the one has long hair, while on the other the hair is 
rolled ; both seem to have a wreath of water plants, 
though on the copper it is not so elaborate. As 
for the alleged horn on the silver coin, which is 
the real ground for the designation river-god, it 
seems to be merely the bud of some water plant, 
perhaps a lily. The weight of this coin and its 
style especially such a detail as the appearance of 
the hair on either side of the neck bring it into line 
with the issues of nOAIANeEY$-0EY<l>EIAEY^. 

42 Imhoof-Blumer u. Keller, Tier- und Pftanzenlilder, PI. iii. 4. 

143 Miiller, op. cit., i. 92, note 3. 

144 M. i. 338-9, where the wreath is called a diadem. 

176 E. S. G. KOBINSON. 

For the return to the Attic standard at Eues- 
perides as well as at Gyrene, in these coins of the close 
of the fourth century, there must be some definite 
explanation, and it seems best found in the spread of 
Alexander's currency and in the decimal ratio of gold 
to silver of which that currency was the sign. 145 There 
is no reason why any of these coins should be earlier 
than 430, while arguments have been adduced to show 
that most of them are later than 312. It may be asked 
why in such a case should we find an Attic didrachm 
instead of the tetradrachm, the unit of Alexander's 
currency. It has been suggested above that one of the 
reasons of the popularity of the little gold piece of 
13-3 grs. was that when it first was issued it was the exact 
equivalent of a Samian tetradrachm. At the decimal 
ratio the little gold piece is still the equivalent of the 
silver unit if that unit be an Attic didrachm. Simi- 
larly, when in Ptolemaic times the Rhodian didrachm 
supersedes the Attic as the unit, the weight of the little 
gold piece drops in sympathy to just over 11 grs. 

Besides the bronze coins, with the head of Lethon 
or Leton, which may be a little earlier than the 
silver, there are two other issues. One has a head 
of Zeus Ammon, laureate, on the obverse, and on 
the reverse a trident and EY. 14G The style of this 
head very strongly recalls the head of Zeus Eleutherios 
on the last issues of the Syracusan democracy before 
Agathocles, 147 and suggests that it is of the same date, 
c. 320. The other seems not to have been noticed 
before : 

115 Reinach, L'Hit>toiiv par les monnaies, p. 73. 

'"' M. i. 337-8. 

147 B. M. C.: Sicily, p. 189, Nos. 313 seqq. 


82 a. Olv. Head of youthful Ammon 1. 

Rev. Silphium ; E Y 
Athens. M. 0-5. 

This coin and the two others just mentioned presum- 
ably stand in a ratio of value to each other of 1 : 2 : 4. 

Before leaving the silver coinage of the fourth cen- 
tury we may notice some smaller fractions which have 
nothing to indicate the place of issue. Fractions, even 
drachms, of this period are comparatively rare, and these 
coins are interesting besides for their unusual types. 

83. Olv. Head of Zeus Ammon bearded r. ; dotted border. 

Rev. Eagle standing r., its head turned to 1. ; dotted 

Paris. M. 0-3. Wt. 7-5 grs. Samian obol. 

83 A. 01 v. Head of Zeus Ammon bearded, facing, inclined 

to r. 

Rev. Kam (?) standing r. in front of palm-tree. 
Paris. M. 0-35. Wt. 7-6 grs. Samian obol. 

The head on the first of these little coins recalls 

that on the gold tenths of KYG (No. 62, above). 

At first sight, judging by the reverse type, other- 
wise unknown at Cyrene, we might seem to be in 
Ptolemaic times, but apart from questions of style the 
eagle has its wings shut tight and its head turned 
back, while the weight is most satisfactorily explained 
as a Samian obol (8-7 max.). No. 83 A shows on its 
reverse the scheme of animal and palm-tree which 
we meet with in the Carthaginian series and in 
archaic times at Barce (No. 3). The weight of 
these two coins would place them before the group 
of Attic weight under HOAIANGEYS. Connected 
by type with the last is the little coin published 

178 E. S. G. ROBINSON. 

by Dressel 148 with the types Obv. Head of Ammon 
facing, Rev. Head of Pallas r. The weight of this 
piece is 6grs., while a specimen in the British Museum 
weighs 4-4 grs., and the denomination is therefore 
probably an Attic hemiobol. The use of the Attic 
standard implies the period of I"IOAIAN0EY^ or later, 
a dating which is confirmed by the style of the copper 
issue of exactly similar types published by Babelon. 14 ' 
The shortage of small silver coins towards the end of 
the period is doubtless to be explained by the intro- 
duction of a copper coinage, at first unsigned, and then 
(in early Ptolemaic times) with magistrates' names. 
That these copper issues did not in general begin till 
the close of the period is indicated by the form of the 
silphium, which corresponds to that on the FIOAIAN- 
0EYS-<I>EIAnNOS-eEY4>EIAEYS silver, and by the 
lack of any correspondence between magistrates' names 
on the two metals. As it is difficult to divide them, 
and as most of them belong to the third century, they 
are best considered later. 


" Z.f. N., xxiv. p. 91, PI. iv. 8. 

149 Rec. Num., 1885, p. 398, No. 6, PI. xv. 6. One of the British 
Museum specimens (= B. M. C.: Lycia, &c., p. 262, No. 54) has a 
symbol (pileus) behind the head. 

(To be continued.} 




IN Historia Numorum 2 , p. 98, Head gives a broad 
description of one class of staters belonging to the 
years B.C. 330-299. 

olive-branch, with spread 
wings. [PI. VIII. 7.] 

Tripod with conical cover. 

Symbols. Ear of corn and 

Letters and monograms. Vari- 
ous. -51. Staters, c. 118 grs. 

He adds : l "It will be remarked that the staters of 
Croton, from first to last, are of full weight, averaging 
120-118 grs. Of course we often meet with specimens 
both heavier and lighter, but the evidence all tends to 
prove that no legal reduction took place at Croton as 
it certainly did at Tarentum, Heraclea, Thurium, &c., 
circ. B.C. 281. The inference is that no staters were 
struck at Croton after B.C. 299." 

These Croton coins of obviously late workmanship 
need further consideration, more especially as there is 
an obverse type, existing, so far as I have observed, in 
three main varieties, and not noticed by Head. The 
type to which I refer is that of an eagle, with head 

1 Cp. Evans, Horsemen of Tarentum, p. 138, " at Kroton, 

sacked by Agathokles in 299, no didrachms or silver staters of 
reduced weight are forthcoming . . . ." 

180 S. W. GROSE. 

turned back, standing upon a thunderbolt. In the field 
above are letters or a monogram. The specimens known 
to me may be described as follows. Unless otherwise 
stated the coin is in the McClean collection, a full 
catalogue of which is now being prepared. 

1. (a) Ol>v. Eagle, 1., head turned back ; standing with 

closed wings on thunderbolt ; to 1. and r. above, 
<!> I 

Rev. KPO to 1., inwards. Tripod lebes ; to r., 
caduceus, upwards ; plain exergual line. 
Wt. 92-6 grs. (6-0 grins.). [PL VIII. 9.] 

(Z>) Another specimen of the same (with caduceus). Milan 
Sale, April 27, 1911, No. 116. Wt. 934 grs. 
(6-05 grms.). 

(c) Another specimen. Strozzi Sale, No. 1227. Weight 
not given. 

2. (a) Obv. The same. 

Eev. KP[O] to r. inwards. Tripod lebes; to 1., 
cornucopia ; ex. and lower part of tripod off 
flan. Wt. 101-5 grs. (6-58 grms.). [PI. VIII. 

(fc) Another specimen. Hartwig Sale, No. 451. Wt. 
101 grs. (6-55 grms.). 

3. (a) Obv. The same, but eagle r. and, to r., bearded 

terminal figure of Hermes, 1., holding phiale in 
extended r. hand and caduceus in 1. hand to 
side. Thunderbolt indistinct. 

Rev. KPO to r., inwards. Tripod lebes ; to 1., 
Nike flying, r., the upper part off flan ; double 
exergual line. Wt. 102-6 grs. (6-65 grins.). 
[PI. VIII. 11.] 

(&) Another specimen. Hunter, PI. IX. 18. Wt. 101 grs. 
(6-54 grms.). From the same dies? Assigned 
to c. 420-390 B.C. 

(c) Another specimen. Hirsch Catalogue, XIII, No. L'i'3. 
Same obverse die. Reverse varied. Wt. 
93-8 grs. (6-08 grms.). (Catalogue reading 
9PO an error?) 

CROTON. 181 

(d) Another specimen. Benson Sale, No. 121 = Archaeo- 

logist and Traveller Sale, No. 28. Keverse 
varied. Wt. 102 grs. (6-6 grms.) or 103 grs. 
Thunderbolt very clear. 

(e) Another specimen. Milan Sale, April 27, 1911, 

No. 115. Eeverse as last. Wt. 94-6 grs. 
(6-13 grms.). Thunderbolt very clear. 

(/) Another specimen. Paris Sale, March 24, 1902, 
No. 368. Weight not given. Thunderbolt 
very clear. 

(g) Another specimen. Hirsch Catalogue, XVI, No. 178. 
Wt. 104-2 grs. (6-75 grms.). 

(h) Another specimen. Hartwig Sale, No. 452. No weight 

4. (a) Obv. Eagle r., standing with closed wings on 

thunderbolt ; head turned back ; to 1. and r. 
above, N I. 

Rev Tripod lebes ; to r. , Nike flying 1. to crown 

Maddalena Sale, PL IV. 17, No. 516. Wt. 984 grs. 
(6-38 grms.). 

(b) Another specimen (to judge from the Plate) seems to 

be Caprotti Sale, No. 263, where the catalogue 
description gives <l> I (?). Wt. 94-9 grs. 
(6-15 grms.). 

(c) Another specimen. Paris Sale, June 22, 1906, No. 137. 

Weight not given. 

(d) Another specimen. Genoa Sale, April 26, 1909, 

No. 1023. Weight not given. 

5. (a) Obv. Similar, but above, K. 

Rev. Similar, but Nike to 1., flying r. 

Hhsch Catalogue, XXXI, No. 111. Wt. 96-4 grs. 
(6-25 grms.). 

6. (a) Obv. Similar, reading <l> I. Eagle's head not 

turned back (unique in this respect ?). 

Rev. As before. 

Milan Sale, April 27, 1911, No. 114. Wt. 95-7 grs. 
(6-2 grms.). 

182 S. W. GROSE. 

7. (a) Obv. Eagle standing r. on thunderbolt ; head 

turned back ; above to 1., % (S K) ; to r., wreath. 

Rev. Die of Benson Sale, No. 121 (see above 3 d). 
Wt. 964 grs. (6-25 grms.). [PI. VIII. 12. ] 

(b) Another specimen. Rev. varied, no Victory but KPO 

inwards. Wt. 994 grs. (644 grms.). [PI. 
VIII. 13.] 

(c) Another specimen. Monogram blurred. On rev., to 

r., Nike flying 1. to crown tripod ; inscr. as in 
last ; from the Babington Sale, No. 41. Wt. 
100 grs. (648 grms.). [PI. VIII. 14.] 

(d) Another specimen. Ward, No. 110. W. 96-6 grs. 

(6-26 grms.). 

(e) Another specimen. Hirsch Catalogue, XV, No. 789 = 

Chevalier dell' Erba Sale, No. 137? Wt, 
103-5 grs. (6-73 grms.). 

8. (a) Obv. Eagle 1., head turned back, standing with 

spread wings on olive-branch. KPOTHNIA- 
TAN following the curve of the wing. 

Rev. Tripod lebes with two handles and conical 
cover ; in field 1., ear of barley, with leaf to 1., 

and c I m ne ld r., K, P, c|< Ml, above to 1., 
and below a dolphin ; linear circle. 

From the Maddalena Sale, No. 51 7 = Hirsch Cata- 
logue, XV, No. 795. Wt. 101-5 grs. (6-57 grms.). 
[PI. VIII. 8.] 

(b) Another specimen. Wt. 96 grs. (6.22 grms.). 

(c) Another specimen. B.M. 82. Wt. 101-5 grs. 

(6-57 grms.). 

(d) Another specimen. Hunter, No. 39. Wt. 99-5 grs. 

(645 grms.). 

(e) Another specimen. BunburySale(l), No.209. Weight 

not given. 

(/) Another specimen. Hirsch Catalogue. XXX, No. 289. 
Wt. 96-4 grs. (6-25 grms.). 

No specimen of these eight varieties is given in 
Carelli or Garrucci. The coin last described may be 

CROTON. 183 

the earliest of the series. The eagle stands on. ail olive- 
branch as on Croton coins of the fifth century, and 
a border encloses the reverse type. But in any case 
the reverse type and the distribution of the symbols 
there are copied from the coin with the python and 
corn-ear symbols. 2 It is here described last because it 
is generally well known and universally accepted as 
late. The monogram *]< on No. 7 brings that set into 
close relation with No. 8. But the reverse die of 7 a 
is combined with an obverse with the small Hermes 
figure in 3d. As this last coin reads 4> I on the 
obverse, it involves, in turn, all the other coins which 
read those letters (Nos. 1 and 2). Nos. 4 and 5 reading 
N I and K are linked to the other groups by the 
occurrence of the letters, or by the Victory on the 

As these reasons may appear somewhat fortuitous, 
and as it is necessary to establish the contemporary 
character of these issues, I would again call attention 
to the thunderbolt upon which the eagle stands in all 
coins except those of set 8, and to a still more remark- 
able link. These thirty coins are all the specimens of 
the types which I have been able to collect from the 
British Museum, Hunter, Ward, Warren, Leake, and 
McClean collections, and from the Sale Catalogues of 
the past thirty years. In six cases the weight was not 
given. Of the remaining twenty-four, 3 g is the 
highest in weight 104-.'2 grs. The coins seem to afford 
positive proof that the reduced standard, whatever its 
origin, was employed, at Croton. 

2 It will be found below that there are some reasons for sup- 
posing that the fourth-century Apollo head type was also copied 
in the period to which I shall attribute the coins already described. 

184 S. W. GKOSE. 

It may be objected that although these coins may 
very well go together, light specimens are often found 
in the earlier Croton coins of the ordinary standard. 
This is, indeed, implied by the statement in Historia 
Numorum quoted above. In the B. M. Catalogue, 
Nos. 63-102 represent the Period of Finest Art. With 
the exception of Nos. 65 and 79, which are plated, and 
No. 82 (described above, 8c), the only coins weighing 
less than 110 grs. are Nos. 93 (1044 grs.) and 102 
(107-4 grs.). Of twenty-three specimens of the same 
types in the McClean cabinet one weighs 109-5 grs. and 
another 107 grs. In the Leake collection, Nos. 10, 11, 
12, 15, 18 (see Catalogue, pp. 118-19) are all under 110 
grs., and in two cases under 100 grs. But Nos. 12 and 
18 are certainly forgeries, and No. 15 a plated coin. 
No. 10 will be mentioned again below. Hunter Cata- 
logue, Nos. 22, 23, 26 weigh 106-2, 107-9, and 104-0 grs. 
respectively. Of these, the last is seen from the Plate 
to have lost a few grains from later damage. Of nine 
specimens in the Warren and five in the Ward col- 
lections no coin falls below c. 112 grs. with the exception 
of Ward 110 already described above (6 d). An ex- 
haustive analysis of the sale catalogues would show 
that good specimens of that period rarely fall below 
c. 115-112 grs. 

In forty specimens of the later coin showing the 
head of Apollo on the obverse, I found that twenty- 
nine weighed over 110 grs. and eight between 110- 
105 grs., though only one of these fell below 107-4 grs. 
(Hartwig Sale, No. 475, 105-3 grs.). The three other 
examples are Ward, No. 113 (98 grs.), and two coins in 
the McClean collection, which weigh 88-5 and 100 grs. 
respectively, It is possible that these coins are to be 

CROTON. 185 

included with the other varieties of light weight 
staters. In style the two McCleaii specimens are ex- 
tremely poor, but this remark applies to a number of 
specimens of high weight. Compare, however, the high 
weight and low weight specimens on PI. VIII. 15, 16. 

The coin with the python and corn-ear symbols on 

the reverse, which was described at the beginning, 

does not belong to the series under discussion. Whether 

it belongs to the years 330-299 B.C. is, for our purpose, 

immaterial. It is separated from these coins by its 

heavier weight, the border on the obverse, the set of 

the spread wings, which resembles many other Croton 

coins of heavy weight, and is quite different from the 

type discussed under No. 8 above, and by the finer 

workmanship, though it is unnecessary to use the 

insecure argument too often afforded by grounds of 

style. Moreover, though Dr. Head took it as the 

typical example of the period and series to which he 

ascribed it, it is a coin which never carries a letter or 

monogram; at least, I cannot find a specimen which 

>oes so. Those known to me are McClean (PL VIII. 7) ; 

B.M. 83; Ward 109; Benson Sale, No. 120; Milan 

Catalogue, May 13, 1912, No. 333; Hartwig Sale, 

^o. 453; Hirsch Catalogues, XV, No. 796; XVI, 

*o. 173 ; XX, No. 84 ; XXX, Nos. 290, 291. The lowest 

weight of any of these specimens is the 117-2 grs. of 

B.M. 83. There is, indeed, the coin in the Leake 

ollection (No. 10 in the catalogue) weighing 106-1 grs. 

This specimen had seemed to me a forgery before I 

bad examined the weights, and Mr. Gr. F. Hill, who has 

ince seen the Leake coin, agrees that it is false. This 

ype belongs, in my opinion, to the later fifth century 

series not later than the reverse type which shows 


186 S. W. GROSE. 

Apollo shooting at the Python, the tripod standing 
between them. 

The circumstances under which the coins described 
were struck must now be considered. Every possible 
date, from the early fifth century downwards, has been 
suggested for various specimens in the catalogues. 
Thus 3d is dated 480-420 B.C. in the Archaeologist 
and Traveller Catalogue ; 3 5, the Hunter specimen, to 
c. 420-390 B.C. Hirsch, XV, 789 (7 e), has the monogram 
catalogued as [J (the top part is off the flan), and the 
coin is termed an alliance coin with Locri. The coins 
have some points of contact with later Locrian types ; 
but the Locrian coins keep the heavier weight. The 
period of Alexander the Molossian (c. 330 B.C.) has also 
been suggested. Lastly, and as I believe correctly, 1 c is 
described in the Strozzi Catalogue as frappe probabh- 
ment lors de ^invasion epirote. 

It is unnecessary to record at length how the Taren- 
tine didrachms were finally reduced in weight after 
the appearance of Pyrrhus in Italy in 282 B.C. The 
new standard was the six-scruple standard (c. 105 grs.) 
to which the Romano-Campanian staters had been 
reduced as early as 312 B.C., but at the same time 
Epirote emblems were put on the coins of Tarentum. 
Other towns, including Thurium and Heraclea, were 
obliged to follow suit in the reduction of weight. 
Apart from the reduced weight of our Croton coins, 
the main type of the eagle on the thunderbolt is 
"characteristically Epirote" (Evans, Horsemen of Ta- 
rentum, p. 140). But if Agathocles sacked Croton in 
299 B.C. how could coins be struck there at a later 
date ? The answer is that the Romans established a 
garrison there, but this garrison was annihilated by 

CROTON. 187 

a Campaiiian legion which revolted from Rome in 
280 B.C. In 277 B.C. the Romans again got possession 
of the place. It is to these years that I would attribute 
the coins. To what extent the Campanians sympathized 
with Pyrrhus does not seem to be recorded. " Many 
Samnites, Lucanians, and Bruttians nocked to Pyrrhus's 
standard, but it is rightly conjectured that they mostly 
served in guerilla warfare." Holm, History of Greece, 
iv, p. 177 (English ed.). 

The only alternative open would be to assume that 
the reduction of weight was first definitely employed 
by Croton, and introduced between 312-299 B.C. 
Although the Tarentine issue of light staters was defi- 
nitely fixed c. 281 B.C., the weight had been falling for 
some years before. 3 On the other hand, the occurrence 
of the thunderbolt on the Croton coins would then be 
unexplained, and it seems as though the symbol must 
be brought into connexion with Pyrrhus. And if the 
three very light staters with the Apollo head belong 
to the reduced series it is worth while noting that 
this type makes its appearance on reduced staters at 
Thurium which are dated c. 281 B.C. 4 Finally, it may 
be noted that although the names of magistrates are 
often given in full on the reduced series of Tarentum 
and Heraclea, only abbreviated forms occur at Thurium, 
and on these coins of Croton. 

3 In the absence of some definite symbol, such as the triskeles, 
the coins cannot be brought into relation with Agathocles, although 
he had reduced the weight of the silver Pegasi at Syracuse to 
c. 108 grs. a few years before he captured Croton. 

4 It may be that the Apollo series should be dated from c. 370 B.C.- 
299 B.C., and that those of light weight were struck after 312 B.C. 
This would explain the poor style of many specimens, and help to 
fill the gap now left in the Croton series. 


188 S. W. GKOSE. 

It may be objected that the coins are too numerous 
to be the relics of a period of less than three years' 
duration. The converse is equally true that they are 
too few in number for a period extending over thirty 
years, from 330-299 B.C. But it has been shown that 
within the group there are many varieties with few 
specimens of each variety. This considerably lessens 
the necessity of extending the series over a long period, 
and it may be added that the coins hardly ever seem 
to come from worn dies. 

There are, then, some grounds for supposing that 
the stater was reduced at Croton as elsewhere, and the 
most probable date for this reduction lies between 
the years 280-277 B.C. If these coins of reduced weight 
be assigned to that period, the way is open for a re- 
consideration of the fourth-century coinage of Croton, 
as the period 330-299 B.C. is now left without any 
silver issue. 


1. Olv. ?PO to r. outwards. Tripod lebes with three 
handles ; to 1., cantharus ; dotted exergual line 
and border. 
Rev. Tripod lebes in relief; to 1., P A outwards; 

dotted exergual line and border. 

JB. 20-5 mm. s Wt. 1184 grs. (7-68 grms.). [PL 
VIII. 5.] 

The interest of this coin lies in the letters on the 
reverse. The die is that of B. M., 47 ; Ward, 105 ; 
Benson Sale, No. 109 ; Sale Catalogue, Paris, March 27, 
1899, PL I. 13. On the first two specimens the tail of 
the first letter is off the flan, and the letters have been 
read as DA, the coin thus becoming evidence for a 
presumed Zancle-Messana alliance. 5 Mr. Hill, who has 

6 Hill, Coins of Sicily, p. 71 ; Dodd., J.H.S., 1908, xxviii, p. 68. 

CROTON. 189 

seen this coin, thinks that the tail is possibly an 
engraver's blunder ; there is a small kink in the down- 
stroke, and he may be right. If P A be correct a parallel 
for the difference in size between the two letters may 
be found at Croton itself (though not at this period) in 
A/\A of the later Herakles reverse type. 

I have not succeeded in finding a specimen of this 
coin from a different die. 

2. Oltv. Eagle ]., standing with head raised and wings 
spread ; below, to 1., crab ; in ex. and around to 
r., BOI$ KOY ; plain exergual line; linear 

Rev. 9PO to r., outwards. Tripod lebes with fillet 
attached to 1. handle ; linear circle. 

&. 20 mm. \ Wt. 123 grs. (7-97 grins.). [PL VIII. 6.] 

Coins with the first three letters of the magistrate's 
name are well known, but I can only find this variety 
mentioned in G-arrucci, Monete d'ltalia, where the 
description on p. 151 does not agree with the illustra- 
tion, PL CIX. 28. In the illustration a small eagle 
with spread wings takes the place of the crab seen on 
the McCleaii specimen. 


1. 0~bv. OM ^AA above and in ex. Bull standing r.; 
short plain exergual line ; border of dots. 

Rev. ^ A above and below two phialae, between 

which a dot ; all in linear circle. 
M. 10-5 mm. S Wt. 11-7 grs. (-76 grm.) [PI. VIII. 1.] 

The reading of the obverse, which is quite certain, 
is due to Mr. E. S. G-. Robinson. The coin must refer 
to the events of 453 B.C. when Sybaris, destroyed by 

190 S. W. GROSE. 

Croton in 510 B.C., was refounded near the old site 
by the help of Poseidonia. Coins celebrating that 
alliance are well known, and the piece described here 
agrees not only in fabric but in the reverse type of the 
two phialae which is also found on the small pieces 
reading OH VM. It may be noted that in both cases 
the name of Sybaris goes with the phialae type, and 
the bull (which does not appear to be androcephalous) 
typifies Laus. We have, then, clear evidence that Laus 
also took part in the recolonization of Sybaris. 

It is perhaps worth noting that during these years 
Sybaris struck the small silver coin with a bird, usually 
described as a dove, for reverse type. [PI. VIII. 2.] 
The bird closely resembles the crow on the bronze 
coins of Laus dated to c. 400-350 B.C. [PI. VIII. 3.] 
No silver coins of Laus with the bird are known, but it 
is possible that the type on the coin of Sybaris is in 
some way connected with Laus. 

2. Obv. Bull standing 1., head turned back ; plain exer- 
gual line ; border of dots between lines. 

Rev. Tripod lebes ; plain exergual line ; incuse border 

of radiating lines. 
-51 12 mm. f Wt. 19-0 grs. (1-23 grins.). [P1.VIII.4.] 

This coin must be of the same date, and refer to the 
same event as that just described. An early alliance 
stater dating before 510 B.C. was issued by Sybaris and 
Croton (B. M. Guide, PL 8. 21), but in view of the later 
relations between them, and the fact that Sybaris was 
again destroyed by Croton in 448 B.C., this piece is 
somewhat remarkable. Although the Sybarite type 
occupies the obverse field I infer from the fabric that 
the piece was struck at Croton ; the borders, for ex- 
ample, though found on coins of Sybaris are treated in 

CROTON. 191 

a manner resembling much more closely the Croton 
staters of 480-450 B.C. 

I had thought that the coin might have been struck 
by Croton as a cynical reference to the second founda- 
tion of Sybaris, or, indeed, to the second destruction, 
but had dismissed the idea as wild conjecture. I find, 
however, through the note in Hill's Historical Greek 
Coins, p. 50, that the latter view has actually been 
maintained by von Duhn (Zeit. fur Num., vii, p. 310), 
and Busolt (Gr. Gesch., ii 2 , p. 770), in reference to the 
early incuse stater mentioned above. If this solution 
be correct, the difficulty of having the Croton type on 
the reverse is accentuated. But the explanation may 
be found in purely technical reasons the high relief of 
the bull type which needed more careful guarding. 
The relations existing between Croton and Sybaris are 
greatly in favour of our entering in this case " the way 
for a revision of the accepted interpretation of ' alliance 
coinages'" (Hill., op. cit.). 





As the line of division between these two groups of 
coins is still ill-defined, I propose to consider in the 
following pages the numismatic history of both reigns 
as far as it is concerned with Ireland. I shall hope to 
establish a basis of classification, and to prove beyond 
doubt that the Irish coins of Henry VIII were struck 
at the Tower of London and Bristol Castle, and those 
of Edward VI at Dublin Castle. 

The subject of this paper has been previously dis- 
cussed in the Numismatic Chronicle on three occasions. 
(1) By Dr. Aquilla Smith in N.S., xix. 157, who dealt 
with Henry VIII only. (2) By Archdeacon Pownall 
in 3rd S., i. 48, when he drew certain inferences as 
to shillings struck in Edward's period. And (3) by 
Sir John Evans in 3rd S., vi. 114, in the later part of 
his article entitled " The debased coinage bearing the 
name of Henry VIII". I shall therefore refrain from 
quoting authorities alluded to by these writers, unless 
the continuity of the story demands a repetition. 
Since the three papers were written only one text- 
book has been published, viz. The Handbook of the 
Coins of Great Britain and Ireland in the British 
Museum (1899), by Mr. H. A. Grueber. On pp. 229-30 


of that work Mr. Grueber expressed doubt as to some 
of the attributions to Edward VI, and said that " the 
question of the Irish coinage during this reign still 
remains undecided ". Consequently I was tempted to 
search for such additional evidence as might exist, and 
I now offer to the Society the results of the inquiry 
arranged in chronological order. 

Dr. Aquilla Smith apparently thought that there 
was a mint in Ireland at some time during Henry's 
reign, as he quotes in full on pp. 180-82 of his paper 
the Latin text and a translation of a privy seal writ 
granting to John Estrete the mastership of the coinage 
in that island, under date 26 March, 2 Henry VIII, 1511 
(Harley MSS. 4004). The inference to be drawn from 
this appointment was most disconcerting to my theory 
that the King's Irish money was exclusively struck in 
England, but an investigation showed that the author 
had presumably been misled by the catalogue of the 
Harleian manuscripts, which was printed in 1808. 
The copy of the grant begins "Henricus", without 
descriptive numerals, and the document had been 
assigned to the eighth king of that name, whereas in 
fact the office was conferred on Estrete by Henry VII. 
An enrolment of the grant can be seen among the 
letters patent of 26 March, 1487 ; accordingly, the 
obstacle vanishes from the period 1509-46. 

Turning now to the history of the coinage struck 
by Henry VIII for circulation in Ireland, the pre- 
liminary difficulty was to fix the date of the earliest 
issue. There is no doubt that money was sent to 
Ireland during the first twenty years of the reign, 
but I failed to trace any evidence that the " treasure " 
was other than English silver coin, which, as Dr. Smith 


tells us, has been found in great abundance in that 
country. Seeing that James Simon in his Essay on Irish 
Coins, Dr. Smith, and Mr. Grueber each held divergent 
views as to when the first issue was made, and that 
the point was of some importance, I examined the 
Exchequer accounts relating to mint affairs at the 
Tower from 1509 to 1535 or thereabouts. The result 
was entirely negative, there being no allusion to the 
coining of such money, notwithstanding that the 
accounts were fairly complete and continuous during 
that period of, say, twenty-five years. There is also 
the fact that when Wolsey reorganized and altered the 
English coinage in 1526 his reports did not mention 
the existence of an Irish currency. I also examined 
the Irish State Papers, and the immense collection of 
documents, from many sources and on all subjects, 
which have been brought together in the printed 
volumes known as The Letters and Papers of Henry VIII, 
but without finding any clues between 1509 and 1535. 
There were, however, suggestions as to the desirability 
of a separate coinage. The first indication which 
rewarded my quest was in an Exchequer account from 
Michaelmas, 1536, to the same day in 1537, prepared 
by the successive wardens of the Tower mint. The 
document recited that letters patent had been directed 
to Ealph Rowlet and Martin Bowes, the master- 
workers, on 6 March, 27 Henry VIII (1535-6), 
authorizing them to strike silver coins for Ireland. 
During the year in question 2,345 Ibs. Troy had been 
coined in the month of June, 1537, but the account 
unfortunately does not disclose the weights or the 
denominations or the standard of fineness. This com- 
mission to the master- workers is not extant, nor have 


its provisions been enrolled, yet I regard it as suffi- 
ciently establishing the date on which the first Irish 
coinage was ordered, more especially as the next two 
accounts repeat the main facts in almost identical 
words. (Declared accts. Audit office 1595 /I, 2 and 3, and 
Exch. acct. 302/20.) In January, 1539-40, 937 Ibs. Troy 
of Irish silver were coined, and during the twelve 
months from Michaelmas, 1540, to Michaelmas, 1541, 
1,830 Ibs. Troy; both accounts being in pursuance of the 
commission previously mentioned. 

The decision to inaugurate a separate currency for 
Ireland is soon reflected in the correspondence and 
minutes which passed between the Lord-Deputy in 
Dublin and the Privy Council in England. I will 
choose, from several allusions, one contained in an 
account prepared by "William Brabazon, the Irish 
treasurer for the army, in October, 1536. Among 
the receipts is this item: "Also the said accountant 
is charged of 1382 11. 0. advanced in gain upon the 
new coin of the harp in the sum of 11405 18. 0. 
sterling." (Letters and Papers, vol. xi, no. 934.) 

This extract gives a colloquial name to the coin, and 
shows that the harp-groat and its half immediately 
yielded a substantial profit to the King. It is clear that 
the money of which Brabazon speaks must have been 
struck before the date of the earliest of the Exchequer 
accounts which I have cited. As a matter of fact, the 
mint account for the year 1536, which would pre- 
sumably include the first instalment of work done by 
virtue of the commission of 6 March, 1535-6, is not to 
be found at the Public Record Office. 

There is evidence that for some years before 1535 
the English groat had circulated as sixpence in Ireland, 


but this difference in rating appears to have been a 
matter of usage only, and not the result of a statute or 
a proclamation. 

Brabazon also writes a memorandum, undated, but 
referable to 1536, in which he says that the King is at 
great charges because he pays the army in Ireland 
after the rate of sterling, and that in the western 
parts no other coin but sterling is current. He then 
suggests that an Act of Parliament should order all 
money there current to be sterling and that coin 
of the print of the harp should alone be current. A 
mint might be kept there, to draw in the Irish coin 
and make it of the said print and value. He had 
disbursed about 1,500 Irish to the soldiers, which was 
in sterling but 1,000 ; therefore if the coin had been 
of the print of the harp and current after the same 
rate it would have saved 500. (Letters and Papers, 
vol. xi, no. 521.) 

Fortunately the type of the new Irish money was 
sufficiently distinctive to enable us to identify it by 
means of Brabazon's phrase in October, 1536. The 
obverse bears a crowned shield with the arms of 
England quarterly, and the reverse a crowned harp 
between certain initials which were varied according 
to the year in which the coins were issued. These 
groats and half-groats are more particularly described 
in the Handbook, pp. 227-8, nos. 50 to 52 inclusive 
[PI. IX. 1, 2, 3]. 

I have said that it was rather important to determine 
the year of the first coinage. If this can be done, it is 
more easy to interpret the initials of the King and 
three of his consorts (HI, HA, and HK) which occur 
on the groats and half-groats. AVe have two fixed 


points which help us towards an explanation. The 
first is the letter I, which can refer only to Jane 
Seymour, who was married to the King in May or 
June, 1536, and died on 24 October, 1537. Conse- 
quently all H I coins should be placed within these 
two dates. The second fixed point is that no coins 
with the title " King of Ireland " bear the initials of 
any of the Queens ; this rules out Katherine Parr, who 
was not married to Henry until the year following his 
assumption of that title in January, 1541-2. The 
King's marriage with Katherine of Aragon was de- 
clared void in May, 1533 ; therefore the initial K 
cannot refer to her, if I am correct in believing that 
the earliest order for an Irish currency was dated 
6 March, 1535-6. Thus, by a process of exclusion, 
we must, I think, attribute the K to Katherine Howard, 
who was Queen-consort from 8 August, 1540, until 
13 Feb., 1541-2. 

Then, as to the initial A, which may possibly relate 
to Anne Boleyn, who was beheaded on 19 May, 1536. 
This would allow a period of about eight weeks during 
which the initial would be appropriate, viz. from the 
date of the order to the mint until the day of the 
Queen's execution ; but it seems improbable that Anne 
Boleyn was so honoured, for her star was waning 
rapidly during the last few months of her life. I 
would therefore assign the A to Anne of Cleves, who 
became Queen on 6 January, 1539-40. 

The chronological sequence of the respective initials 
would then be I, A, K, the order preferred by Dr. Aquilla 
Smith in his classification, instead of the generally 
accepted sequence K, I, A in the Handbook and else- 
where. It is noteworthy that only one mint-mark, 


the crown, is found on groats and half-groats which 
bear the initials of the three Queens. The smaller 
denomination does not occur without I or A or K 
on the reverse, and it must have been struck in very 
limited quantities, as these half-groats are among the 
rarest of the Tudor series of Irish coins. (Cp. Handbook, 
p. 228, no. 52.) 

An interesting question arises as to whether the 
English gold crowns and half-crowns, and the George 
noble and its half, bearing I, A, or K should necessarily 
conform to the sequence which I have suggested for 
the Irish silver, but the point is outside my present 
subject. With regard to the initials H R, I presume 
that they denote the periods when Henry VIII was 
without a consort ; for example, the King was a 
widower for more than two years after the death of 
Queen Jane in October, 1537. 

Before leaving the first coinage I will state the 
results of an assay of two groats, which tend to show 
that the prescribed standard of fineness was about 
10 oz. in the pound Troy, the contemporary standard 
of the English silver moneys being 11 oz. 2 dwt. fine. 

Irish groat, "Dominus" H I mint-mark Crown, 
10 oz. 2 dwt. 6 grs. fine silver in the pound Troy. A 
similar groat, with H A, proved to be 10 oz. 4 dwt. grs. 
fine. I have noticed that the quality of the silver 
coins in the sixteenth century is often slightly better 
than the respective standards ; on the other hand the 
weights of the pieces generally exhibit a deficiency. 
The weight of the first-issue groats when in fine con- 
dition averages about 38Jgrs. each, and the half-groats 
in proportion. 

Apparently the Irish currency was not included in 


any of the trials of the pyx at the Star Chamber 
during this reign. 


In this year another commission was directed to the 
officers at the Tower mint. Dr. Aquilla Smith sets out 
the terms of the order and tells us (op. cit, pp. 167-8) 
that they had been communicated to him. Unhappily, 
the extract is incomplete and inaccurate, according to 
my reading of the original text, and it will therefore 
be desirable again to quote its provisions : 

Commission to Kauf Rowlett and Martin Bowes, masters 
of the Tower mint, and others, dated 13 July, 32 Henry VIII 

The King resolved to cause to be newly made certain 
moneys of silver to be current within his Dominion of Ire- 
land and not elsewhere, at certain values and rates, having 
the arms of his realm and a scripture about the same, as by 
him appointed, on the one side, and the arms of the Dominion 
of Ireland, namely a harp crowned, and a scripture about the 
same, on the other side. And the same money to be of a 
standard lately devised, namely 9 oz. fine silver and 3 oz. 
alloy in the pound Troy, that is to say, of an alloy of 40 dwt. 
worse in the pound Troy than is the sterling money of 
England made according to the indentures of 6 April in the 
24th year (1533). And the said money shall " keep in num- 
ber " 144 in the pound weight, which shall be current in 
Ireland and be called sixpence Irish ; and also the "demy 
pieces " of the same, which shall be there current and be 
called threepence Irish, and shall keep in number 288 in 
the pound weight, of like print and fineness, which corre- 
sponds in weight and fineness with divers old coins then 
current in Ireland. The remedy was to be 2 dwt. in the 
pound. The masters were to take up for charges 2s. in each 
pound weight. (Patent Roll, 32 Henry VIII, part 4, m. 11.) 

I observe that there are no stipulations for the use of 
a privy mark or for a trial of the pyx. Evidently the 
primary object of this commission was to reduce the 


quality of the metal to 9 oz. fine, the first standard 
for Ireland having been 10 oz. fine, or thereabouts, in 
the pound Troy, as was demonstrated by the assay 
above mentioned. The type of the coins was not to be 
altered, for the words of the order would equally well 
describe the first issue of 1535-6. 

Perhaps the most noticeable feature is the omission 
of the phrase harp-groat, or groat (pace Dr. Smith). 
The coins were to be known as " sixpence Irish " and 
" threepence Irish ", thus introducing another system of 
nomenclature which gives rise to some confusion at a 
later date. At all events, the moneys ordered in 1540 
were in reality groats and half-groats, as is shown by 
their weights, 40 grs. and 20 grs. respectively, and this 
is, I believe, the solitary occasion on which the difference 
in rating for Irish purposes is officially recognized in a 
mint document of the period. The " demy piece ", or 
half-groat, is at present unknown. 

On 30 October, 1540, the Privy Council send instruc- 
tions to Rowlett and Martin Bowes to coin 2,000 in 
" harpe groats ", and it then became the practice of the 
Council to give specific directions to the master- workers 
whenever it was desired to add to the Irish currency. 
This procedure was not adopted in connexion with the 
English series. An example of these warrants will be 
presently cited, but in none of them do the Council 
instruct the mint to provide half-groats. 

Having established a coinage of an appreciably lower 
intrinsic value, the King naturally wished to exclude 
it from England. This was effected by means of a 
proclamation dated 19 November, 1540, which forbade 
the transportation out of Ireland of groats and half- 
groats bearing the print of the harp on one side, under 


pain of forfeiture, fine, or imprisonment, if such were 
brought to or uttered in England and "Wales. 

In the summer of 1541 Henry was proclaimed in 
Dublin as King of Ireland, and on 23 January, 1541-2, 
the change of style from Dominus to Rex was announced 
in England by a second proclamation which has not 
hitherto been noted in our text-books. The King's 
English subjects were warned that neglect to use the 
new style would not be punished if it occurred before 
30 April then next ; after that day instruments written 
with the old style would be invalid. On 14 April, 
1542, Henry orders the Lord-Deputy to alter the seals 
in Ireland. Consequently I assume that bhe word Rex 
was inserted in the dies for the harp-groats very shortly 
after January, 1541-2, if not earlier. I do not regard 
this change as constituting a new issue (cp. Handbook, 
no. 53), but merely as a variation of the ' scripture ' 
ordained by the commission, which otherwise remained 
in force. 

I have tried to identify, by means of assaying, a 
groat which could be safely given to the second coinage, 
when the standard was 9 oz. fine. The result was 
perplexing, as will be seen. A double assay of a groat 
reading Rex and H R, with mint-mark Rose, yielded 
an average of 10 oz. 3 dwt. grs. fine silver in the pound 
Troy [PI. IX. 4]. As the coin was struck after January, 
1541-2, it should have been, at least approximately, of 
the 9 oz. standard then in use, but it was actually better 
than the (presumed) 10 oz. standard of the first coinage. 
Thinking that this might be an abnormal specimen, 
I asked Messrs. Johnson, Matthey, & Co., to make a 
double assay of another groat of identical type and mint- 
mark. Their report was " average 10 oz. 11 dwt. 12 grs. 



fine " ; in each case the " average " was due to the fact 
that two portions of the same coin yielded different 
degrees of fineness! 1 Consequently I abandoned any 
further attempt at elucidation by this method, as the 
compound of silver and alloy had not been efficiently 
mixed. Nevertheless, I think that the groat of the 
type and mark last described, i. e. the Rose, should be 
regarded as a product of the second issue. It is just 
possible that work under the order of March, 1535-6, 
was continued, for some unexplained reason, after the 
date of the second commission in July, 1540, because 
there was a similar instance of overlapping in the 
English series in 1542, when the accounts show that 
silver money was struck under the terms of the second 
English indenture during twelve months or more after 
the date of the third order. 

By permission of the Society of Antiquaries I was 
enabled to exhibit to this Society an original warrant 
which is preserved among the manuscripts in their 
library. The document was signed by twelve Privy 
Councillors on 25 January, 1541-2, the King's signature 
being affixed by a stamp. The body of the warrant 
is written in a "secretary hand" of the period, and 
its contents are here transcribed in full, as it is in all 
probability the sole survivor of such instructions : 

By the King. Trusty and well biloved we grete yo u well 
signefieng unto yo 11 our pleass r & comandemet is that of the 
twoo thowsande pounds sterling for the wh we have ad- 
dressed our warraunt to the Treasouro 1 and Chamberlaynes 
of o r Esthequyer to be by them or their assignes delyvered 
to your hands ye in as convenyent tyme as maye be doo 
converte to our use the sayd some of two thowsande pounds 

1 These results have been practically confirmed by another 
competent assayer. 


st into grotes printed into money called harpes lately by us 
and our counsail devised for our realme of Irland. Deducteng 
of the sayd two thowsande pounds st for your costs and 
chargs as is lymited unto yo u by our comission appoincted 
and to yo u directed for the same And thes o v lies shalbe 
unto yo u and either of yo u a sufficient warraunt and dis- 
charge in this behalf. Yeven undre our signet at our palayce 
of Westm. the xxv^k daye of January the xxxiij tjl yere of our 

To our trusty and wellbiloved sfvants S r Marten Bowes 
knight and Kaf Kowlet maistres of our mynt. 

(Society of Antiquaries, MSS. vol. 116.) 

The minute of the Council authorizing the issue of 
the warrant is dated on the previous day, 24 January. 

There is at this time a reference to Martin Pirry, or 
Pery, who will be much in the foreground of the picture 
during the reign of Edward VI. On 26 January, 
1541-2, Sir William Paget writes to Henry VIII from 
Paris concerning Pery, who had fled from England on 
.an accusation of either false clipping or false coining, 
and was then living at Rouen. Paget was doubtful 
whether the fugitive was included in the Pardon Act 
of the last Parliament, and asked for the King's 
directions as to Pery's further employment (Letters 
and Papers). It will shortly become evident that 
Pery was restored to favour. 


The proof that there was in this year a new order 
to govern the making of Irish money is solely based 
upon an account furnished by Sir Martin Bowes, 
whose office was now that of an under-treasurer at 
the Tower. The title of the document recites that 
Martin Bowes, Stephen Vaughan, and others had been 
directed by a commission of 14 May, 36 Henry VIII 



(1544), to strike harp-groats, to be current within the 
realm of Ireland, of the standard of 8 oz. fine silver 
and 4 oz. alloy in the pound Troy. (The half-groat is 
not mentioned.) Of these groats Bowes had made 
2,780 Ibs. Troy in the month of May, 1544, on which 
the King's clear gain was 15s. 3Jd in each pound 
weight. (Exch. Acct. 302/23.) 

It would appear that the debasement of the standard 
of fineness for Ireland conformed, in the main, to the 
lowering of the quality of the English silver coins, 
although the changes in the two series were not 
effected on the same dates. In 1545 both countries 
used the same standard for a time, but that instance 
of uniformity was exceptional. Can a groat of the 
third issue be recognized? I think so, albeit the 
general type of the preceding coinage was still in 
vogue. I caused a double assay to be made of a 
harp-groat reading Rex, and bearing the mint-mark 
Lys. The report on the coin was 8 oz. 4 dwt. grs. 
fine silver in the pound, no " average " being necessary 
in this instance [PI. IX. 5]. Although the degree of 
fineness is better than the prescribed standard by 
4 dwt. in the pound Troy, the excess is not very 
remarkable, and it seems proper to assign mint-mark 
Lys (when undated) to the third coinage. (Cf. Hand- 
book, p. 228, no. 53.) 

I have now reached a stage in the history when it 
will be convenient to refer to a more debatable topic, 
that is, the Irish coins with the portrait of Henry VIII. 
The writers who have dealt with this by-path in numis- 
matics, Simon, Lindsay, Aquilla Smith, and, in more 
recent years, Mr. Grueber, have classified these pieces 
as belonging to the King whose name they bore. On 


the other hand, Sir John Evans, when discussing this 
question (op. cit., p. 155), called attention to the im- 
probability that Henry's officials would introduce an 
entirely new type showing a portrait, and then revert 
to the old type with the crowned harp, which was 
undoubtedly used for the King's latest Irish coinage. To 
this I would add that the groat with Henry's portrait 
bears the legend Civitas Dublinie, which must surely 
mean that the coin was struck within that city, whereas 
I hope to prove conclusively that a mint was not 
working anywhere in Ireland during Henry's occu- 
pancy of the throne. There is other evidence that the 
" portrait " coins belong to Edward VI, but I will defer 
considering it until later in the paper. Suffice it to 
say now that I propose to transfer the whole of this class 
(i. e. Dr. Smith's seventh coinage) to various years in 
Edward's reign. 


The Letters and Papers again assist me at this point 
by disclosing that a further debasement of the silver was 
in contemplation for Ireland in the year 1545. There 
are three letters written by Sir Thomas "Wriothesley 
(who had formerly held the office of graver at the 
Tower) to Sir William Paget, the first of which is 
dated 27 August, 1545. Paget is requested to in- 
form the King that, after speaking with Mr. Cofferer, 
Mr. Bowes, and Mr. Knight concerning the money for 
Ireland, " we have resolved if his Majy be so pleased 
that the standard shall be vi and vi, which before was 
viij fyne and iiij only of alloy, for the which I shall 
send the commission to be signed, which must be done 


before they begin to work. The sum that may be 
coined by 15 Sept is 10,000 U which will occupy all the 
three mints [i. e. at the Tower] for that time or near 
thereabouts." In the second letter, 1 September in 
the same year, "Wriothesley says that there had been 
discussion concerning the making of new gold crowns 
for Ireland, but the standard had not then been fixed. 
In the third communication, dated 2 September, the 
same writer tells Paget that he is enclosing the inden- 
ture for Ireland, and that they were loth to begin until 
it was signed (vol. 22, no. 231). 

This correspondence goes a long way towards justi- 
fying a belief that there was a coinage of harp-groats 
of the 6 oz. standard in this year. I do not, however, 
find any reference to such pieces in the surviving 
accounts of the Tower mint, nor is the "indenture" 
mentioned in the third letter now available. Still, 
I think we can assign to the fourth coinage a groat 
of the previous type and also marked with a Lys, but 
dated "37", thus indicating that it was struck between 
22 April, 1545, and the same day in 1546. This groat 
presents two innovations ; it is the earliest instance of 
a dated coin for Ireland, and it introduces a system of 
dating by the regnal year (more familiar on manu- 
scripts than on coins) which was not repeated, after 
Henry's thirty-eighth year, until 1663. The " 37" groat 
is rare, almost as uncommon as the half-groat of the first 
issue, and therefore the test by an assay has been 
omitted in this case. It is possible that the insertion 
of the date and other smaller changes in the dies 
should be ascribed to Henry Basse, the graver at the 
Tower, who had been appointed in November, 1544. 
[PI. IX. 6.] 


Sir John Evans thought that the " 37 " groat was 
struck at Bristol Castle (op. cit., p. 145), but I believe 
that it is unknown with the typical W S mark. The 
Lys with which it is marked was a Tower symbol, 
and there is the further difficulty that the thirty- 
seventh year ended on 21 April, 1546. This allows 
only three weeks during which such a date could have 
been used, seeing that the Bristol order was dated 
1 April, 1546. Also, the moneyers at Bristol did not 
actually begin work until 1 May, that is, in the thirty- 
eighth year. (Vide Account 302/30.) Again, the " 37 " 
groat reads " viii ", but those of Bristol always " 8 ", in 
the obverse legend. 


In this year the striking of Irish coins ceased at the 
Tower. The reason for the transfer to Bristol of this 
section of the industry may have been partly geo- 
graphical, and partly a desire to furnish employment 
for the new mint. 

The Exchequer Account 302/30 recites that by virtue 
of a commission directed to Sir E. Peckham, Wm. Sha- 
rington, and others, " having relation from the 1st April 
37 Henry VIII ", harp-groats were to be made in Bristol 
Castle. Later in the same document it is stated that 
the standard of fineness was 3 oz. of fine silver in the 
pound Troy, so proving that the last of Henry's Irish 
coins were 1 oz. in the pound less fine than the English 
series of the same year. 

The harp-groats made at Bristol follow the earlier 
type issued at the Tower, and so there was not much 
scope for the exercise of any creative talent possessed 


by Giles Evenet, the graver. This artist produced, 
however, an excellent Lombardic alphabet, devised the 
WS mint-mark, and inserted some variations in the 
legend. The monogram W S is now generally ac- 
cepted as being the initials of William Sharington, 
the under-treasurer of the mint at the time of its 

The Account already cited, 302/30, records that in 
August and September, 1546, Sharington struck 3,657 
pounds Troy of harp-groats for the realm of Ireland. 
Without doubt the coins then made are those dated 
38 and marked with the initials of the under-treasurer 
(Handbook, p. 229, no. 57) [PL IX. 7]. It may be noted 
that the document does not use the phrase " sixpence 
Irish ". There also exists a similar groat with the 
same mark, but undated, which may have been issued 
subsequently to the period covered by the last-mentioned 
account, as there is then a chasm in the mint papers 
extending over twelve months. No Irish currency was 
struck at Bristol after Thomas Chamberlain assumed 
control in January, 1548-9, in the place of Sharington 
dismissed. A fuller narrative of the occurrences at 
this mint will be found in Num. Chron., 4 S. xi. 346. 

One other memorandum in the Irish State Papers 
deserves notice, inasmuch as it points to a decision to 
set up a mint in Ireland in the immediate future. 
Apparently the King had at last been persuaded by 
the Lord-Deputy that the scheme would be remunera- 
tive, and he assents to a proposal that both gold and 
silver should be struck in that island. 

In 1546 (? 24 Sept.) articles concerning a mint and 
the mines in Ireland were presented to Henry. " For 
the mint, the King's Majesty to have the profit, with 


like establishment of officers as is here ; wherein Thomas 
Agard is thought good to be vice-treasurer and Martin 
Pirry comptroller, and such other expert men for the 
rest as will go thither with their good wits. In the 
conclusion whereof we do consult with the officers of 
the mint here (i. e. in London) and so shall go through 
if it stands with the King's Majesty's pleasure. And 
for this there must be also a prest of one thousand 
pounds and a special provision that they carry no 
money plate nor bullion of gold nor silver out of this 
realm. Their gold to be of our standard and current 

In the margin is the following note : 

" The King liketh the matter of tHe mines, and will 
have it likewise perfected, and the gold and silver to be 
money here/' (S. P. Ireland, Henry VIII, vol. xii, no. 48.) 

The same memorandum also expressed the opinion 
that the profits of the mint and the mines together 
would defray the main charges then paid by the King, 
but this forecast proved to be unduly optimistic. 

As a matter of fact, the accepted proposal did not 
materialize during Henry's lifetime. About four 
months later the King died, leaving to his successor 
the task of organizing the new venture on the other 
side of St. George's Channel. 


became King of England and Ireland on 28 January, 
1546-7. For some time after his accession the young 
King, or his advisers, did not adopt any measures to 
carry out the project sanctioned by Henry VIII, and 
when the scheme emerged from the council chamber, 


in the second year, the more ambitious portion relative 
to a gold currency had been omitted ; wisely, no doubt, 
having regard to the economic situation. Nevertheless, 
Edward began by improving the standard of the silver 
money, and arranged to give his Irish subjects a coinage 
equal in fineness and in weight to the latest English 
issue, viz. 4 oz. fine, with a groat weighing 40 grs. 

We shall find that no accounts have survived which 
deal with the proceedings in Dublin, save only a few 
stray figures among the correspondence. 

Sir John Evans remarks (op. cit., p. 152) that as it is 
permissible to regard some of the English coins with 
the portrait of Henry VIII as having been issued by 
Edward VI, we may extend the same liberty to a 
consideration of the Irish series. The evidence now 
available confirms the soundness of this opinion. I 
shall attempt to show that the whole of Edward's 
money struck at Dublin before 1552 bore the portrait 
and name of his father, and, incidentally, to enlarge 
the compass of the answer which can be given to the 
question asked by Archdeacon Pownall, who confined 
his attention to the supposed Irish shillings. 

The earliest historical item which I have noted 
refers to Henry Coldwell, a goldsmith of London, 
who was afterwards engraver at the Dublin mint. 
The Privy Council ordered a payment to him of 
9 125. Od. on 17 April, 1547, for 39| oz. of silver put 
into the great seal for Ireland, and 20 for graving 
and making the same. This graver also produced the 
great seal for England and other smaller matrices of 
that period. 

About thirteen months after the death of Henry VIII 
the long-desired mint in Dublin was formally consti- 


tuted, and I will now quote the material portions of 
the indenture which furnished the requisite authority 
to those concerned : 

Thomas Agarde, imclertreasurer of the mint within the 
castle of Dublin, Martyn Perry, comptroller and surveyor, 
and William Williams, general assayer there, covenant with 
the King to make four manner of moneys of silver, that is 
to say, 

The groat, "running for fourpence of lawful money of 
England ", of which 144 shall weigh one pound Troy. 

The half-groat, penny, and halfpenny in like proportions 
of weight. 

The standard to be 4 oz. fine silver and 8 oz. alloy in each 
pound Troy, and each pound weight of coined silver shall 
contain 48s. by tale. 

A triple indented standard piece to be made, so that the 
money may be tried once in every year at the least. 

5s. 4d. shall be paid in coin for every ounce of sterling 
silver brought in, and 26s. 8d. in each pound weight of coin 
shall be taken up for charges. 

The privy mark shall be declared to the High Treasurer, 
and 2s. in every 100 Ibs. weight of coin shall be placed in 
the pyx. 

The gravers shall work only in the house within the mint 
assigned to them by Agard. 

Dated 10 February, 2 Edw. VI, 1547-8. (Exch. Accts., 

There are extant groats and half-groats bearing 
Henry's portrait and titles, and reading Civitas Dub- 
linie on the reverse, with the mint-mark boar's head. 
Also, pence and halfpence with another obverse legend 
and without a mint-mark (cf. HandbooJc,p. 228, nos. 54-6). 
These coins substantially agree with the denominations 
ordered by the above indenture, but they do not cor- 
respond with any known orders to the mint during 
Henry's reign, although they have been generally 
assigned to that period. Sir John Evans conjectured 
that the privy mark of the boar's head might be a 


means of attributing to Agard the pieces so marked, as 
the family were entitled to use the same symbol as 
a charge upon their armorial shield. ^ It so happens 
that this is one of the cases in which the original 
deed has come down to us, and I found, to my great 
satisfaction, that Agard when executing the indenture 
had impressed the wax with a clearly denned repre- 
sentation of a boar's head. Could any one wish for 
better circumstantial evidence (1) that this group of 
coins was struck by Agard in 1548, and (2) that 
Edward used Henry's portrait and titles for the Irish 
coinage ? But there is, alas, a sequel to this discovery. 
The indenture was in bad condition, and the seal, 
though quite perfect in itself, was attached by a very 
fragile tag. The document, with others in the same 
bundle, was subsequently repaired and mounted on 
parchment, but when I saw it about a year later the 
seal was no longer appended. A careful search was 
made at the Record Office, but, at present, without 

An assay has been made of a Dublin groat marked with 
a boar's head, the report on which was "4oz. Odwt. Ogrs. 
fine silver in the pound Troy". This result tallies 
exactly with the standard prescribed in Agard's agree- 
ment, and is therefore to be welcomed as another link 
in the chain [PI. IX. 8]. 

On 17 March, 1547-8, the Council directed a payment 
of 11 to the assay-master in Ireland, who was to be 
sent thither with sundry workmen for " aredyeng the 
thinges against the erection of the mynt ". We may 
assume that shortly afterwards the operations began. 

The names given to the coins struck by Agard seem 
to render it expedient that we should adopt a uniform 


system of nomenclature in order to avoid confusion 
when speaking of the Irish currency of Henry and 
Edward. In Dr. Smith's paper, and in the Handbook, 
coins of the same nominal weight and of the same 
value as a medium of exchange are sometimes de- 
scribed as groats and sometimes as sixpences, and the 
names of the smaller denominations are similarly 
varied. (The term " sixpence " was due, of course, to 
the enhancement of the English valuation of a groat by 
50 per cent, in Ireland.) I venture to suggest that we 
should adopt the nominal weight of an Irish coin of 
the Tudor period as a basis for naming it. Thus, for 
example, a piece of 40 grs. would be known as a groat, 
irrespective of any local value placed upon it, and a 
piece of 10 grs. would be called a penny, not three- 
halfpence. In the English series we do not cease to 
describe a silver coin of 80 grs. as a shilling because it 
was rated at ninepence or less. 

To resume the story. The State Papers for Ireland 
contain a letter from Agard to the Lord-Deputy on 
23 September, 1548, in which the under-treasurer 
says that he is sending twelve pence and as much in 
halfpence of the first coined of that sort. On 22 No- 
vember in the same year the Lord-Deputy writes to 
the Protector Somerset a letter reviling Agard, from 
which it appears that 5,000 had then been struck in 
Dublin Castle. Although we have these proofs that 
the staff had not been idle, it is at the same time 
evident that all was not well in the mint, even within 
twelve months of the birth of the undertaking. The 
Privy Council deemed it necessary to send a significant 
minute to the Irish government on 6 January, 1548-9, 
to this effect. For the better furniture of tke mint, 


the Council required the Lord-Deputy to deliver 
1,000 oz. of plate of crosses and such like, then re- 
maining in the hands of the Dean of St. Patrick, 
to the officer of the mint there, to be used by him 
as he should think best for His Majesty's benefit. 
A postscript adds that as the finers and moneyers 
have been discharged, and as there is no bullion, it 
shall be considered how the mint may be continued to 
the King's profit. If that cannot be done, the treasurer 
is to render an account from the beginning, and cause 
them to coin out the remaining bullion and then cease. 
The men were to be discharged, and all things be- 
longing to the mint were to be put in safe keeping. 
Following this drastic order comes a lament from 
Cold well on 1 March, 1548-9, that he has no irons to 
sink in his office and he asks for payment of his 30. 

I am unable to fix even an approximate date for the 
closing of the Dublin establishment, but it was within 
the year 1549. Meanwhile the under-treasurer had 
died, as Francis, the son of Thomas Agard deceased, 
paid to Sir E. Peckham in April and July, 1550, the 
sum of 2,368 for arrears of profit due to the King. 
(Pipe Office Acct. 2077.) 


For at least six months, and possibly for a longer 
time, Dublin ceased to coin money for the Irish people, 
and there is no suggestion that any was obtained from 
the Tower. 

On 27 June, 1550, the Privy Council resolved to erect 
a mint, and their records of 8 July contain the terms 
on which the reopening was to be carried out : 


1. That a mint in Ireland be set up again, and let to 
farm for twelve months. 

2. The King shall pay no charges, and shall have 
13s. 4d. clear on every pound weight coined there. 

3. No bullion to be obtained from England or Ireland, 
but only from other countries. 

4. At least 24,000 to be advanced to the King within 
the twelve months by these means. 

5. An assay-master and comptroller to be appointed 
by the King, and paid by the farmer. 

These resolutions make plain the financial straits 
to which the government was reduced. The King 
surrenders his royal privilege to issue money for his 
subjects, in return for a cash payment by a concession- 
naire, and it will presently be seen that this was not 
the only occasion on which Edward entered into an 
extraordinary contract with regard to Ireland and its 

A new indenture was executed by Martin Pirry, 
who took Agard's place as head of the mint, the other 
two officials retaining their former positions. The docu- 
ment is dated 9 August, 4 Edw. VI (1550), and contains 
a covenant to strike four silver coins identical in all 
respects with those ordered on 10 February, 1547-8. 
The five resolutions of the Council which I have already 
cited are incorporated in the terms, and the period for 
which the mint was let to farm began at Michaelmas, 
1550, until the same date in 1551. (Cotton MSS. Otho 
E. x. i. 186.) 

The Cotton MS. is only a copy, and it bears an 
indorsement that "the originall was canceled". Its 
provisions were not enrolled. A subsequent letter 
from Pirry to the Privy Council makes it clear that 


he began work under this indenture in October, 1550, 
and that the cancellation was not effected until after 
May, 1551. 

I feel no doubt that the coins which can be attri- 
buted to the King's bargain with Martin Pirry are 
of the same general type as Agard's productions, i. e. 
with Henry's portrait, but with other mint-marks. 
We have groats and half-groats marked with P, and 
the same denominations marked with a harp, but 
the pence and halfpence (if struck in 1550-1) do 
not exhibit a privy symbol, and therefore cannot be 
differentiated from those of the earlier issue [PI. IX. 11]. 
The three-quarter portrait 011 some pence may separate 
them from those with a full-faced bust. The portrait 
on the groats marked with a P and the harp is Evans, 
no. 5 (op. cit., pi. VI), as on the English groat with the 
redde cuique legend ; in this respect the two Irish 
groats of 1550 differ from Agard's coinage, which ex- 
hibits a portrait akin to Evans, no. 2, but without the 
round clasp. The forks of the cross contain a half- rose, 
and sometimes an object with three points or branches 
which may be intended for a lys. 

I would assign both the P and the harp marks to 
Pirry's coinage, and it seems not improbable that the 
device was changed (after a pyx trial) at the end of 
January, 1550-1. On that date the sums due to the 
King as poundage are added up, and a new reckoning 
is begun in February, without any apparent reason for 
the break in the account [PI. IX. 9, 10]. 

I have caused the two groats of this coinage to be 
assayed, and the report was as follows : 

Mint-mark P, half-rose in forks of cross, 4 oz. 4 dwt. 
12 grs. fine. 


Mint-mark harp, half-rose in forks of cross, 4 oz. 
11 dwt. Ogr. fine. 

Both coins exceed the 4 oz. standard of fineness, the 
latter groat more especially. 

On 13 January, 1550-1, the Privy Council forbid 
Pirry to deliver any coins from the mint except under 
their warrant, and they tell him to prepare as much 
money as he can, in order to serve the King with all 
diligence. This admonition suggests anxiety as to the 
payment by the farmer of the stipulated sum (24,000, 
as a minimum) within the twelve months, it being 
well known that Pirry had great difficulty in procuring 
bullion from foreign countries. And, moreover, he had 
to pay the 13s. 4d. per Ib. in " lawful money of England ", 
not of Ireland. On 21 February, 1550-1, Pirry writes 
to the Council, perhaps in reply to their last-quoted 
letter, saying that when he reached Holyhead on his 
return to Ireland he noticed some questionable vessels 
in the channel. Accordingly he bought a pinnace of 
25 tons, rowed with 16 oars, and put therein 21 tall 
men well appointed with artillery and ordnance, and 
so made the passage in safety with his valuables. 
(This personal incident shows that the business was 
by no means free from risks.) He goes on to say 
that he trusts to be able to perform the covenants 
with the King, and with an overplus, notwithstanding 
the charge for transporting bullion and money (S. P. 
Ireland, Edw. VI, vol. 3). A few months later, 
Dr. Eobert Eecorde, who had been formerly engaged 
at the mints in Durham House and Bristol, was 
appointed as inspect or- general of Pirry's operations, 
with which the Council were still dissatisfied. Letters 
patent of 27 May, 1551, grant to Eecorde the office 



of surveyor of all the newly found mines of metal in 
Ireland, relying upon his expert knowledge of metals. 
And for the further perfection of the lately erected 
mint, and for the due observance of the standard, he 
is appointed surveyor of the said mint, so that thence- 
forth " the counsell and advertisment " of the surveyor 
should be used in all assays, meltings, and other works. 
(Patent roll, 5 Edw. VI, part 4.) 

The subject of the silver mines at Clonmines, co. 
Wexford, is much debated in the State Papers and 
other correspondence, but, as Archdeacon Pownall has 
made several extracts therefrom, I will be content 
with a passing mention of what is, after all, rather 
a side-issue, as very little of the bullion came from 
that source. In, or soon after, May, 1551, the three mint 
officers drew up a report as to the amount due to the 
King. The account, although it is not so stated, must 
refer to the bargain made by the indenture of 9 August, 
1550. The figures from October, 1550, to January, 
1550-1, inclusive, show 7,273 due from Pirry; from 
February to May, 1551, inclusive, they show 5,372 
payable by Pirry. The total due to the King being 
12,645, for a period of eight months working in the 
mint. It seems therefore improbable that the remainder, 
nearly one half, of the agreed minimum sum would be 
forthcoming during the last four months of the lease 
(S. P. Ireland, Edw. VI, vol. 3). Be that as it may, the 
Dublin establishment was closed either immediately 
after the preparation of this account or in the month 
of July next following, the second suppression within 
three years. 

There is again much interesting correspondence 
with the Lord-Deputy as to the Irish currency, but 


the questions raised are perhaps more economic than 
numismatic, and may consequently be omitted from 
this survey. 

On 8 July, 1551, the English (profile) shilling was 
cried down to ninepence, and the groat to threepence. 
By analogy with other proclamations, I think that the 
reduction in values was not extended to Ireland. 

On 17 July, 1551, Sir E. Peckham was instructed by 
the Privy Council to stay all His Majesty's mints from 
striking more moneys, after receiving into his hands 
all the coin and bullion. This interdict would doubt- 
less apply to Dublin, if the mint there had not been 
closed at the end of May. 

Archdeacon Pownall suggests (pp. cit., pp. 58-64) 
that certain profile shillings of Edward VI bearing 
the mint-marks lion, rose, harp, and lys, respectively, 
may have been struck in Dublin, or alternatively, in 
England for the special purpose of being circulated in 
Ireland. He also surmised that the city of York might 
be the place of origin of the coin marked with a lion, 
but it is quite manifest from the accounts that York, 
alone among the English mints, did not strike pieces 
of this denomination at any time during the reign. 
I regard the shillings marked with the lion, rose, and 
lys as products of the Tower mints and possibly of 
Southwark, and as belonging to the English currency. 
Moreover, the three marks seem to be English rather 
than Irish in nature and meaning. It must be remem- 
bered that some of the coins bearing these symbols are 
dated 1550, in which year the Dublin mint was working 
for eight months and could have struck shillings for 
Ireland if they had been required. I also believe that 
those dated 1551 formed part of the 20,000 pounds weight 


of silver of the 3 oz. standard which is mentioned in 
the King's Journal (ed. 1680) on 10 April, 30 May, 
and 18 June, 1551, and in a mint commission to 
Sir Edmund Peckham of the same year. 

It is conceivable that the Archdeacon's opinion was 
influenced in favour of the Irish theory by two orders 
of the Privy Council on 10 August, 1551, when a 
warrant was sent to Sir J. Yorke to deliver to Peckham 
16,000 of the " new coinage in shillings " (i. e. of 3 oz. 
fine), after \2d. the shilling : a second warrant autho- 
rized Peckham to transport the same to Ireland, for 
the King's payments there. The Council by this 
manoeuvre paid the creditors in Ireland with a coin 
rated as I2d., which coin had been reduced to 9d. in 
England during the preceding month and was within 
a week to be further cried down to 6d. To my mind, 
these tactics do not show that the shillings were 
primarily intended for Ireland, but rather that the 
Council seized the opportunity to relieve themselves 
of a parcel of depreciated English currency, with a 
considerable gain to the Exchequer. 

There remains the fourth variety of shilling, marked 
with a harp ; this stands in a different category, and 
I shall have occasion to refer to it presently in another 
connexion. Meanwhile I will express the view that 
this shilling, when dated 1551, maybe apocryphal. It 
appears to exist only in Euding's plate (Suppl. iv. 30), 
where it is drawn as a coin with the legends partly 
defaced. I feel little doubt that the last numeral of 
MDLII was illegible, and that the illustration represents 
a shilling dated 1552. Perhaps this comment will 
elicit an undoubted example of the year 1551. 

On 17 August, 1551, a proclamation again reduced 


the current values of the English silver coins. The 
shilling was thenceforth to be rated as 6d. in the realm 
of England and the marches of Calais, and all the 
smaller pieces in a similar proportion. 

Three months later it becomes apparent that the 
spirit of reform which was moving towards a finer 
coinage in England was also stirring in relation to 
the Irish currency. The King writes to the Lord- 
Deputy on 26 November, 1551, to the following 
effect : It had been desired that the money should 
be of like value to that in England, and the Council 
had devised a plan whereby it should be amended 
and brought to a greater fineness than ever before. 
Whereas the moneys there were wont to be one-third 
part coarser than here, they should not differ so much ; 
that when England had two standards, the one of xi oz. 
fine, the other more base for pence, halfpence, and 
farthings, then the fine moneys in Ireland should be 
ix oz. fine and the small moneys 3 oz. fine. Although 
the accustomed profit would be lacking, yet it would be 
for the commonweal of the country, as would be under- 
stood from Martyn Pyrrye on his return from London 
(S. P. Ireland, Edw. VI, vol. 3). This promise of better 
things was not translated into action, but the same 
scheme was again introduced some six months later. 

Although no Dublin mint accounts are known, the 
increment obtained from that source is included in 
some figures prepared by ~Wm. Brabazon, the treasurer 
for Ireland, in September, 1551. In 3 Edw. VI the 
profits of the mint were 4,215 ; in 4 Edw. VI 900 ; 
and in 5 Edw. VI 12,373. The last item is less by 
300 than Pirry's own return, which has been already 


In January, 1551-2, Eecorde was sent to London 
to express in person the Lord -Deputy's ideas as to the 
reformation of the coinage, and he took with him a 
report by the assay-master on the fineness of a number 
of Irish coins struck by earlier kings. There is an 
interesting list of assays vouched by Wm. "Williams, 
but the details and the necessary explanations would 
be too long for inclusion in this paper. The Lord- 
Deputy was then in a despairing frame of mind, and 
remarked that " yt ys come to the shoote anker ". 
(S. P. Ireland, Edw. VI, vol. 4.) 


The activities of the mint in Dublin were suspended, 
as we have seen, in May or July, 1551, and the 
moneyers were not again employed until the end of 
June, 1552. Before I describe the third and last 
issue, the circumstances which led up to the re- 
opening of the mint should be briefly stated. There 
had been a desire that the respective currencies of 
the two islands should be equal in value, and the 
King's Journal gives the first hint as to the method of 
effecting it. On 18 May, 1552, Edward writes in his 
diary that "it was appointed mony should be cried 
down in Ireland, after a pay which was of mony at 
Midsummer next; in the mean season the thing to 
be kept secret and close ". A second entry by the 
King on 10 June, 1552, says that "whereas it was 
agreed that there should be a pay now made to Ireland 
of 5000 and then the mony to be cried down, it was 
appointed that 3000 weight which I had in the Tower 
should be carried thither and coined at 3 denar fine ; 


and that incontinent the coin should be cried down ". 
Let me here remark that the Council apparently 
showed an astuteness approaching to sharp practice 
in proposing to make their June payments in Ireland 
on the basis of a " sixpenny " groat, and then forthwith 
to reduce the rating of that coin (among others) to 
twopence, at which sum it was then current in 

Some doubt is expressed by Euding as to the 
meaning of the words " 3 denar fine". It seems 
clear from the context that the use of the word 
denarii was a slip, and that the King meant " 3 oz. 
fine ". 

On 12 June, 1552, the intention to place the two cur- 
rencies on the same footing was carried out in these 
words: "A letter to Lord-Deputy and Council of Ireland 
for the decrying of the money there to the value it is at 
in England, the minute of which letter remameth with 
the records of the Council." (S. P. Dom. docquet vol.) 

The way is now clear to consider the new coinage 
which followed these preliminary steps, and it will be 
apparent, I think, that the terms of Edward's agreement 
with the head of the mint were again extraordinary. 

Indenture with Martin Piny, of London, dated 27 June 
6 Edw. VI (1552) and reciting that the King desired to coin 
a certain mass of bullion within the mint formerly erected in 
Dublin castle and thereby appointed Martin Piny, Oliver 
Daubeney and William Williams to be treasurer or master, 
comptroller, and assaymaster, respectively. That 1500 pounds 
Troy of fine silver had been delivered to Pirry on that day to 
be coined into one manner of money "called pieces of six- 
pence, running for sixpence of lawful money of England ", 
of such weight that 72 would weigh one pound Troy, and 
to be of the standard of 3 oz. fine silver and 9 oz. alloy in each 
pound Troy, and each of such pounds should contain 36 s 
English, by tale. And that the said 1500 l)S of fine silver 


was to be coined to the use and behoof of the King. And 
that whereas Pirry had made suit for an allowance in respect 
of losses formerly incurred by him in providing and coining 
bullion within the Irish mint, the King in satisfaction of the 
petition granted to him that he should coin 1500 11)S of fine 
silver into sixpences as aforesaid, to his own use and without 
accounting to the King ; that he should provide the bullion 
and pay all costs and charges of coining the same, and that 
he should not buy fine silver at a price higher than the mint 
in the Tower was paying at the date of the indenture ; that 
he should make a privy mark on all monies coined to his own 
use and to the King's use, and should bring from beyond the 
seas into England so much bullion as he should have taken 
from England to Ireland to be coined to his own use. 
(Original deed, S. P. Ireland, Edw. VI, vol. 4.) 

Sir John Evans dismisses this contract in three 
lines, possibly because he had not seen it and so 
failed to appreciate its significance, while Archdeacon 
Pownall does not notice it at all, although he might 
have found therein a clue to the enigma which he was 
trying to solve. I confess that the contents of the 
document puzzled me more than a little, on first 
reading them without any knowledge of the sur- 
rounding circumstances, but I believe that the true 
meaning may be thus interpreted. We should, I 
think, read the document in the light of two English 
decrees which are germane to the subject ; the earlier 
one reduced Edward's coins of debased silver to half 
their original face values, the later edict cried down 
all the Irish moneys to the current values of the 
English coinage. That being so, and having regard 
to the fact that the weight of this Irish "sixpence" 
corresponds with the weight of the 1550 and 1551 
English shillings (72 in the Ib. = 80 gr. each), I have 
no hesitation in identifying the shilling dated 1552, 
and bearing the mint-mark harp, with Pirry's Si six- 


pence " of the same year [PI. IX. 12]. The shilling of 
1552 weighs about 76 gr. as a rule, and displays in the 
legends an alphabet chiefly Lombardic ; in this latter 
respect it differs from the English shillings marked 
with the lion, rose, and lys, the legends of which are 
in "Roman characters exclusively. In Elizabeth's reign 
the four coins were treated alike and stamped with the 
greyhound, denoting that they were then rated at 
. each. 

I am happy to be able to corroborate the Arch- 
deacon's view, expressed thirty-four years ago, that the 
profile shilling with mint-mark harp was an Irish 
production, and the more so because I cannot also 
follow him in thinking that the three other shillings 
were struck for circulation in Ireland. 

We have a considerable number of pieces resembling 
in type the Irish shilling of 1552, some of which are 
copper and others of a,n alloy similar to brass. They 
do not appear to have been even washed with silver, 
and they are certainly more numerous to-day than 
the genuine shilling. Possibly they are the conti- 
nental forgeries mentioned in Edward's proclamations, 
but it is difficult to understand how they could be 
mistaken for the shilling of 3 oz. fine silver, base 
though the latter is ; at all events, there is no sug- 
gestion in contemporary writings that they originated 
in Dublin. 

The Acts of the Privy Council furnish evidence on 
24 June, 1552, that Pirry was supplied with the 1500 Ib. 
of bullion and that the Lord-Deputy was urged to 
assist the mint in hastening and increasing the output. 
Whether Pirry coined any of the so-called sixpences 
for himself as well as for the King is uncertain, as 


only one mint- mark is known. I notice, however, that 
some examples omit E. R. at the sides of the shield ; 
this may or may not be a sign of distinction between 
the two classes. 

On 15 November, 1552, the Council ordered payment 
of two and a half years' wages, due at Michaelmas then 
last, to be made to Henry Coldwell, " late graver," and 
on 24 November a letter was sent to Oliver Daubeney 
telling him to retain 1,200 of the money accruing to 
the executors of Martin Pirry. This is the first intima- 
tion of the under-treasurer's death. Apparently the 
mint ceased working until 27 December, 1552, when 
a signet bill authorized the surviving officers to coin 
8,000, notwithstanding a restraint previously sent to 
the Lord-Deputy. (Hatfield MSS., vol. i, p. 106.) 

I have now shown that the third, and last, issue 
consisted of one denomination, the solitary Irish coin 
of Edward's reign which bore his own name and titles. 

It will be remembered that the King, in a letter of 
26 November, 1551, promised to amend the quality of 
the moneys circulating in Ireland. An endeavour to 
redeem this pledge was made in the following May 
by a request for a certificate of the proportions, &c., 
requisite for silver of the standard of 9 oz. fine, as 
had been used (in England) in the time of Henry VIII. 
This resulted in the preparation of a draft commission 
to Pirry, Daubeney, and Williams, which is to be found 
in volume 4 of the Irish State Papers of Edward VI. 
The document is, of course, undated, and has many 
alterations and corrections. It proposed to order two 
coinages, (1) of 9 oz. fine silver, consisting of 5s., 25. 6d., 
Is., and 6d. "lawful money of Ireland ", and (2) of 3oz. 
fine, in pence, halfpence, and farthings. The officers 


were to be empowered to melt down and convert all 
shillings, groats, half -groats, pence, and halfpence 
coined before 31 August, 1551. The earlier part of 
the draft manifestly follows the general lines of the 
English fine silver coinage which was issued in the 
winter of 1551 and onwards. Instead of completing 
this intended commission, the government, as we have 
seen, merely ordered the debased shilling of June, 

Perhaps it will be appropriate to add the unofficial 
names by which sundry coins of this period were 
known in Ireland, together with their relative valua- 
tions : 

Sixteen "smulkyns", or rose pence of base metal, 
were said to be equal to an old half-face groat, 
undipped. (The New English Dictionary says that 
the word smulkin is obsolete and rare, and quotes 
its use in 1571, but this is an earlier instance.) 

Pieces of Henry VIII and Edward VI which were 
coined for I2d. English went by the name of "black 
testons ". 

Groats of the same kings and of like baseness were 
known as " white groats ", and were the equivalent of 
four smulkyns. 

Base pieces coined by Henry VIII were current as 
" red harpes ", and were worth three smulkyns. 

There is a detailed inventory, dated 8 February, 
1553-4, of the tools, implements, and other effects left 
in the mint at Dublin Castle after Edward's death. 
The list was drawn up by the late assay-master, and 
can be found among the Irish State Papers of the first 
year of Queen Mary. 

The Oarew MSS. of the year 1557 (no. 213 in the 



printed volume) give some particulars of the mint in 
Dublin "as set forth by Mr. Thomas Agard". It is 
stated that the pay of the under-treasurer was 6s. Sd. 
the day, the comptroller 5s., and the assay-master 3s. 4d. 
Forty workmen each received 8d. the day. 25 Ib. of 
fine silver and 75 Ib. of copper, at 8d. the Ib., were 
melted daily. Apparently these and other details were 
under the consideration of Philip and Mary at the 
time of a proposal to reopen the mint in Ireland. 




Obv. : Shield of England, crowned, on a cross fourchee. 

Rev. : Harp crowned, between initials of King or of King 
and Queen. 

Legend. In Lombardic characters, continuous from obverse 
to reverse. 

[PI. IX. 1 to 7.] 






1st issue, 

10 oz. 


groat and 

Dominus. HI, HA, HK ; 

2nd issue, 



groat and 

and HR on groat only. 
Rex after Jan., 1541-2. 




3rd issue, 

8 oz. 





4th issue, 

6 oz. 



dated "37". HR 


5th issue, 




Bristol, dated " 38 ", 


also undated. H R 



Obv. : Three-quarter portrait, and titles, of Henry VIII. 
Kev. : Shield of England on a cross fourchee. 
Legends. Koman characters. On rev. : Civitas DuUinie. 
[PI. IX. 8 to 11.] 





1st issue, 


4 oz. 


groat, half- 
groat, penny, 
and half- 

portrait, Evans, no. 2, 

2nd issue, 


P, and 

groat, half- 
groat, penny, 
and half- 

portrait, Evans, no. 5 


Obv. : Profile portrait and titles of Edward VI. 
Kev. : Oval shield garnished. Timor Domini, &c. 
Legends. Lombardic, chiefly. 

3rd issue, 


80 grs. 

dated MDLII 

(Cf. Evans, op. tit., PI. 6, no. 16.) 
[PI. IX. 12.] 




THE British Museum recently acquired an unusually 
fine example of the work of Simon van de Passe, which, 
so far as I know, is unique [PI. X. l]. It is a silver 
plaque, 55 x 43 mm. or 2-2 x 1-79 inches in dimensions, 
engraved on both sides in the artist's well-known 
manner. It represents the bust of a man, with pointed 
beard, three-quarter face turned to r., wearing ruff and 
doublet. The design is enclosed in a border such as is 
not, to my knowledge, found on any other medallion 
by the same hand. On the reverse is a heraldic 
achievement, apparently as follows : Quarterly of six, 
three and three: 1. [az.] a chevron ermine between 
three rams' heads razed ; 2. a lion debruised by a fess 
engrailed; 3. an eagle displayed; 4. vair; 5. [gu.] 
three bends [arg.] ; 6. three thistles ; Crest, a thistle. 
The shading, it is clear, is anything but systematic; 
and I doubt whether it is intended seriously. 

The motto on a scroll below is " Minervam tempo- 
rare Musis ". There is no other inscription save the 
signature, " Sim : Pafs. fee," which is, in a manner some- 
what unusual with the artist, written over (or under) the 
shading of the field, instead of on a clear space. 

The identification of the coat of arms seems to pre- 
sent considerable difficulties. I have to thank Lyon 


King of Arms, whom I consulted upon the suggestion 
that the coat was a Scottish one, and also Mr. Van de 
Put, for their careful inquiries into the matter, negative 
though the result has been. The plaque came from 
Ireland, and this has suggested to Col. Croft-Lyons 
a connexion with the Irish branch of the family of 
Ram. So far as I have been able to discover, how- 
ever, all the likely members of that branch about 
the time when the piece was made were clerics. 
Mr. E. E. Dorling has also been kind enough to go 
into the matter, and allows me to quote the gist of 
his remarks. 

"The early Jacobean date of the piece settles one point, 
at any rate, namely, that the engraved lines on the charges 
and fields of the heraldry do not represent the modern dot 
and dash system of tincture-marks. The first coat in the 
shield therefore is not Azure a chevron ermine between 
three rams 7 heads razed argent ; not necessarily, anyhow, 
although that coat is borne by Kam of Hornchurch in 
Essex. I am inclined to believe that the coat is Sable 
a chevron ermine between three rams' heads razed argent 
having horns or, the well-known arms of Kamsey of Eton- 
bridge in Kent, of which family was Sir John Kamsey, 
Lord Mayor of London in 1577. 

The second quartering is perhaps for Argent a lion sable 
with a fesse engrailed gules over all, the arms of Powell of 
Filworth in Surrey. These are the only colours that I can 
find which fit these charges ; but whether Ramsey quarters 
Powell I know not. 

The third quarter is perhaps for Or an eagle sable, 
another Ramsey coat. These arms are on the monument of 
John Ramsey in St. Olave's, Southwark, dated 1669 ; but 
of course the field and the bird may really be of any other 
colours, and the coat may belong to any one of many other 
houses of worship and condition. 

I find it impossible to identify the two next quarters 
vair (or vairy) and three bends ; and the last quarter- 
ing three thistles may be (according to the colours) for 
Peyntwyn of Lambeth, Hawkey, or Romanes. 

The thistle crest perhaps belongs to the sixth quartering. 

232 G. F. HILL. 

It is not the crest of Ramsey of Etonbridge ; and yet the 
first and third quarters of the shield make me think that 
the thing has something to do with some Ramsey or other. 
I suggest that it may have been Robert Ramsey (or Ramsay), 
a musician of some repute, who flourished between 1609 and 
1639. He was Mus. Bac. of Cambridge in 1616, and organist 
of Trinity College." 

In a subsequent communication Mr. Dorling says : 

"Miscellanea Genealogica et Heraldica, New Series, vol. i, 
p. 89, proves to my satisfaction that the arms are not 
those of the Irish Rams. There is mention there of one 
Stephen Ram of Ramsford, co. Wexford, who bears indeed 
Azure a chevron ermine between three rams' heads razed 
argent, but with five other quarters, all totally different 
from those on the medal." 

So much for the heraldry and the person represented. 
Possibly the publication of this beautiful piece of 
engraving may lead to identification on the lines sug- 
gested by Mr. Dorling. 

I propose to take this opportunity of discussing the 
method by which these plaques were produced. 1 

In the Medallic Illustrations the plaques by Simon 
van de Passe, like the silver map of Drake's voyage, 
are described as being stamped in imitation of engrav- 
ing. Sir John Evans 2 was the first to state a theory 
of the way in which this could be done. He believed 
that the process was as follows ; " First a copper-plate 
was engraved or etched after the manner of line en- 

1 There are some who, admitting that the plaques were engraved 
separately, yet think that the counters, which exist in such numbers, 
were, at least in many cases, struck from dies. I do hot propose to 
examine the question of the counters, especially as Miss Farquhar 
intends to make a study of them, from the point of view of chrono- 
logy as well as of technique. 

2 Proceedings Num. Sac., 1902, pp. 33, 34. 


graving, but the required design not being reversed. 
An impression from this plate was taken on paper 
with strong printers' ink, and this impression was 
transferred to the polished surface of a hardened steel 
die. This face was then etched with acid, so that the 
parts protected by the ink would be left in low relief, 
and with the dies thus formed the soft silver plaques 
and counters were struck." 

Two considerations seem fatal to this theory. The 
first is that it is incredible that lines of such extreme 
fineness and purity as are characteristic of the work of 
de Passe could have been produced by this etching 
process ; they would inevitably have been broken or at 
least made irregular by the varying action of the acid. 
Secondly, if we examine with a strong glass the 
bottoms of the sunk lines of the finished plaques, we 
see that the bottoms are not flat, but of varying depth, 
and marked with ridges and irregularities; in fact, 
they are exactly as if they had been engraved. Now 
if the process suggested by Sir John Evans had been 
used, the bottoms would be flat, because they would 
correspond to those portions of the original level sur- 
face of the steel die which were left standing, having 
been protected by the printers' ink, or whatever 
preparation was used, from the action of the acid. 

But could the die have been produced by some 
other means'? One process had suggested itself to 
Mr. Augustus Eeady, whose views on such matters 
necessarily carry great weight, as well as to others 
like myself who are not practical metal-workers. 
Suppose that the artist engraved a flat surface of steel, 
so that it looked just like one of his finished plaques. 
Suppose that this was pressed on to a piece of softer 


234 G. F. HILL. 

steel, which would thus give us the necessary negative ; 
and suppose that this was hardened and used as a die. 

If the plaques are really stamped, I confess that this 
seems to me the only possible way in which the dies 
could have been produced. It would account for the 
exact reproduction, within the sunk portions, of those 
marks of the engraver's tool which, as I have said, 
prove that acid was not used. 

We may now consider the opposite theory, that each 
plaque was separately engraved ; and here we are 
fortunate in having a very precise statement of the 
case by Sir Sidney Colvin, as it appeared to him after 
a prolonged examination of the question with the help 
of expert engravers. I may be allowed to say that as 
a practical metal-engraver Mr. Littlejohn of the British 
Museum entirely endorses this view. I quote from 
Sir Sidney Colvin's Early Engravers and Engraving 
in England (1905), p. 103 : 

The extant repetitions of any given plaque appeal- 
identical in every stroke, except in certain instances where 
a definite change has been made by the introduction of a 
pearl ornament or the like. This identity has caused some 
collectors and experts (including so high an authority as 
Sir John Evans) to suppose that after one original plaque 
had been engraved in each case, a die was made from it and 
the remaining examples struck from the die. But it is 
extremely doubtful whether such a fine network of sharp 
.lozenges and straight and curved ridges as this supposition 
implies could possibly have been cut, sunk, or bitten into a 
die by any. method then known, and still more whether such 
die (supposing its existence possible) could have been so 
tempered and so managed as to strike with the necessary 
force and evenness on these thin metal plates. Moreover, a 
minute examination of the lines, in examples of which the 
black filling has been removed, shows positively that they 
are engraved lines, all the characteristic cuts of the different 
kinds of graver appearing quite clearly under the magnify- 
ing-glass. Every practical engraver and silversmith to whom 


I have submitted the question agrees that the repetitions 
have been produced not by any form of stamping, but by the 
every-day method of rubbing a paper impression from a first 
engraved plaque on to the face of a fresh one, and then 
following closely with the graver the lines so transferred : 
and so on again till the requisite number of copies has been 
turned out. Practically perfect identity between one copy 
and another is not unattainable in this manner, and there 
exist certain impressions on thin vellum which look pre- 
cisely as if they had been used in the operation of transfer. 
Besides these fine plaques, mostly signed by Simon van de 
Passe, there exist a great number of sets of small circular 
silver counters for card playing, often preserved in their 
original boxes. These were in use throughout the reign of 
Charles I, and are engraved back and front like the plaques 
with the likenesses of the reigning King and Queen, busts or 
full-lengths of earlier sovereigns, coats of arms, &c. They 
are much coarser in execution than the oval plaques, and 
seem to have existed in hundreds while the plaques existed 
in tens. The numbers in which they are found probably 
gave rise to the idea that both they and the finer plaques 
must be stamped or struck from a die (whence the name 
"jettons" sometimes applied to both classes). But no trace 
of the existence of any such die has been found, as surely 
must have happened had a die been used. I can hardly 
doubt that the counters also are in reality graver-work, 
repeated by the same means as the plaques themselves only 
more hastily, exactly as crests and other ornaments are 
repeated on the different pieces of a service of plate to-day. 
A good apprentice could probably turn out in a day as many 
as a dozen or a score of such repetitions, each indistinguish- 
able from the last. 

I may say here that Sir Sidney's explanation of the 
method of reproduction seems to me to be the only 
possibly true one ; but there are still sceptics, and 
some of the arguments on either side may perhaps 
profitably be considered in greater detail. 

I am not sure whether among the possible processes 
of making such a die Sir Sidney had considered the 
method of punching from an engraved steel plate 
which I have described. The process of making dies 

236 G. F. HILL. 

with punches had of course been known for more than 
a century before Passe's time. I do not see why it 
should not have been employed ; though I am inclined 
to think that Sir Sidney's second doubt, whether the 
die, once made, could have been successfully tempered 
and managed, is a very serious objection to the die 
theory. It would seem that innumerable fine lines 
which, we must remember, would be standing up like 
knife-edges would tend to crumple up or break away 
at the first pressure. This matter could, however, 
easily be tested by a practical die-engraver; though 
all those whom I have consulted seem so clear about 
it that they hardly think it necessary to put it to 
the test. Sir Sidney's objection that the lines in 
the finished plaque show the characteristic cuts of the 
graver's tool is met by the method of making the die 
which I have suggested. Nor is the fact that no dies 
seem to be extant a serious objection; it is a mere 
chance if coin or medal dies are preserved. On the 
other hand, if the counters, not to mention the plaques, 
were struck, we should expect to find instances of 
faulty striking. Such counters as those of the Street 
Cries, for instance, to which Mr. L. A. Lawrence has 
called my attention, do occasionally show certain flaws 
which at first sight look as if they were due to faulty 
striking. On one, for instance, the plain circular 
border is partially missing, just as constantly happens 
when a coin is struck a little to one side. There is 
no reason why an engraver should omit a portion of 
the border. Nor, as a matter of fact, did he ; the dis- 
appearance of part of it is due to the counter having 
been carelessly cut out of the plate with a circular 
punch. Among the better and earlier class of counters 


and some of them are nearly as fine in workmanship 
as some of the plaques it is, to say the least, extremely 
rare to find defects which suggest faulty striking. 

Perhaps the most forcible argument against the die- 
theory is to be drawn from the seventeenth-century 
dies that have actually survived; or rather from the 
punches with which those dies were made, for it must 
be remembered that the hypothetical dies for the 
silver plaques would resemble punches, in that they 
would be in relief, not sunk. One of the most skilful 
engravers in the history of the medal was John 
Roettier, who made the Lowestoft medal of 1665 
(" Nee Minor in Terris," Med. III., I, 504, 142). Now 
in the British Museum, in addition to the die, are two 
punches 3 for the main design of the reverse of this 
piece, with its beautiful and extraordinarily delicate 
design of ships a veritable Willem Van de Velde 
in metal. I illustrate on PI. X. 2 that one of the 
punches which seems to have been eventually used 
for the die. Well, on these punches, the artist has not 
attempted to render the fine lines of the shrouds, or 
anything which would require sharp knife-edges stand- 
ing up on the punch. He has engraved these subse- 
quently in the actual die, and indeed he has left to that 
stage all the finest detail, such as the ships suggested 
in the background. 

Conversation with a practical engraver brings home 
to one a fact which one hardly realizes in looking, for 
instance, at the monograms engraved on ordinary 

3 Also a small punch for the hull and flag on the stern of the 
second vessel on the left of the medal. Of the two large punches 
one, on an irregularly shaped piece of metal, seems to have cracked, 
and to have been replaced by that which is illustrated here. 

238 G. F. HILL. 

spoons or forks. The skilled engraver produces at 
incredible speed, and, it is to be feared, for a not exces- 
sive wage, monogram after monogram of almost micro- 
scopic similarity. 4 If the engraving-theory is right 
and personally I feel quite convinced that it is Simon 
van de Passe's art was only the craft of the ordinary 
metal engraver carried to its highest power. It may 
seem almost incredible that any one should have been 
at the pains to produce by hand copies so minutely 
resembling each other. "What was the point of it? 
Would not freer reproductions have served the pur- 
pose equally well? Well, the craftsman's mind is 
difficult to fathom. I am inclined to think that when 
a certain degree of technical dexterity is attained, 
it is less trouble to the copyist to copy exactly than to 
let his mind, even half-consciously, exert itself in 
making variations on the pattern laid down for him. 
Everything then depends on the exactitude in detail 
of the transfer from original to copy. I have already 
mentioned the irregularities in the bottoms of the 
engraved lines. The shaft of the letter I, for instance, 
may contain one or two ridges, placed irregularly, the 
letter having been produced by two or three cuts of 
the graver ; and in two specimens of a medal you will 
find even these minute details corresponding exactly 

4 In the Department of Coins and Medals in the British 
Museum are two engravings on silver of the same subject, one 
copied from the other, by Mr. Littlejohn, who at the time of 
making them had given up the practice of the art for something 
like twelve years. The engravings were done to prove how 
extraordinarily close copies can be made by engraving over a 
transfer; and though differences are there, it seems clear that 
a craftsman in good form could make copies in which variations 
could only be discovered with difficulty. 


in their irregularity. I am assured, by those who 
know, that a good paper impression taken from one 
of these engraved plaques would show even such 
minute details, and that they would be transferred to 
the new plate, and would be followed by the engraver. 

At the same time, we should expect to find occasional 
variations. And we do. Indeed, they are much more 
common than is generally supposed. The eye accus- 
tomed to deal with different states in engravings 
can discern with ease innumerable variations in the 
shading lines. But the differences are not confined 
to the minute features. 

It may be worth while as hitherto we have only 
had general statements on the question to give a few 
specific instances of the more salient variations. We 
must of course eliminate all doubtful or secondary 
pieces from the inquiry. There are, for instance, some 
comparatively free modern copies, and there are old 
casts. Two such casts one of which is in the British 
Museum, the other in a private collection, both being 
of the plaque of Frederick Ct. Palatine and Elizabeth 
of Bohemia and their son are made of a pewter-like 
metal. There are also old copies, like that of James I, 
Anne and Prince Charles, in the lid of a silver box in 
the Victoria and Albert Museum. On the reverse of 
this, in the escutcheon on the shield of the Queen, in 
the fourth quarter, the engraver of the lid has mis- 
understood the charge (a horseman wielding a sword) 
and given us some kind of rampant beast. But if we 
compare apparent duplicates of undoubted authenti- 
city, it is possible, with patience, to find on the 
majority now slight, now considerable differences. The 
signature on the Kensington Queen Elizabeth is quite 

240 G. F. HILL. 

clear ; on the British Museum specimen the border line 
cuts right through the signature. Possibly, however, 
that is a case of the border line being added subse- 
quently. In the Prince Charles on horseback, distinct 
differences are perceptible in the hoof of the horse's 
near hind leg on the specimens in the two Museums. In 
the Infanta Maria, the final e of Spaine on the reverse 
has a much longer tail on one than on the other 
specimen. With search, one can easily find other 
tangible differences ; but they are often slight, and it 
is arguable that they are due to retouching, however 
the pieces were reproduced. Such a case of retouching is 
clearly apparent on the obverse of the PrinceCharlesjust 
mentioned, if we compare the British Museum specimen 
with Mr. Maurice Ecsenheim's. The lines defining 
the columns on the right, and the diamond panes of 
the window, appear quite different ; and close examin- 
ation shows that on the Museum specimen this portion 
has been re-engraved. In going over the lines of the 
window-panes the engraver has here and there gone to 
one side of the old lines. I confess that, although 
I think the probabilities are vastly in favour of the 
theory supported by Sir Sidney Colvin, this fact at 
first gave me pause. Why did this specimen fail in 
just this place, and have to be touched up ? Why do 
the old lines, where they remain beside the new ones, 
look so dull ? If the plaques were produced by stamp- 
ing with a die which had failed just there, or by 
casting from a faulty impression, one could understand 
this. But a medal did not seem likely to become worn 
just in one place, which projected no more than any 
other. Mr. Littlejohn, however, has pointed out that 
the place where the original surface became worn and 


dulled is just the natural place for the thumb to press 
on it in taking it up. This explanation must, I think, 
be accepted. 

I have let slip the word "casting". But the sur- 
face of these medals except when we have to do with 
such pewter casts as I have already mentioned is so 
clean and sharp, that it is out of the question to suppose 
that they were prepared by casting. 

I have reserved to the end the most curious example 
of variation between specimens of undoubted authen- 
ticity. This is the bareheaded portrait of James I 
(PI. XI. 1 and 2). 5 Comparison between the specimens 
at Kensington (PI. XI. 2) and in the British Museum 
(PI. XI. l) reveals the fact that, of the ermine spots oil 
the King's robe, while some are the same, others are 
quite differently placed, and the shape of the piece of his 
left sleeve that is visible beyond the ermine trimming 
is quite different. There are numerous other less 
obvious variations, but those mentioned are such as 
cannot have been produced by retouching after strik- 
ing. Supposing A to have been struck before B ; then 
an ermine-spot which is absent in A and present in B 
may have been added with the graver in the latter 
after striking ; but a spot which is present in A cannot 
have been taken out of B without showing some signs 
of the surface having been hammered or doctored. (Of 
course it could have been taken out of the die; that 

5 I have to thank Mr. H. P. Mitchell for kindly procuring me a 
photograph of the Kensington specimen. On the plate the plaques 
are enlarged two diameters. The reproductions are made by collo- 
type from photographs taken directly from the silver originals. 
It was formerly supposed that satisfactory reproductions of such 
engraved work could only be obtained by photographing plaster 
casts on which the engraved work had been blacked in. 

24:2 G. F. HILL. 

must be admitted.) Apart from points of detail, if 
we look at the general handling of the work, at 
the drawing and rendering of light and shade, it 
is clear that there is a world of difference between 
the two pieces. Compare for instance the brilli- 
ance and sureness of the lines which indicate the 
hair, or which give the shadow under James's right 
cheek, in the British Museum example, with the 
monotony and lack of life of the same parts in the 
Kensington specimen. The one stands out in relief, 
the other fades away. In the one the various lines 
are given their true relative value, in the other the 
work has all gone to pieces, owing to the failure to 
maintain these relations. These differences are not 
such as could possibly have been found in pieces struck 
from the same die. 

The evidence as I have attempted to state it 
and I have tried to be fair may not appear to be 
conclusive; but I think it will be agreed that the 
balance is largely in favour of the plaques having 
been separately engraved ; and the same applies 
to the great majority of the counters, or at any 
rate to the finer classes of them. As the Drake 
map was mentioned at the beginning of this paper, 
I may add that a careful examination of three 
specimens side by side showed conclusively that 
there were various small differences only explicable 
on the assumption that the plates were separately 

G. F. HILL. 


(Continued from Ser. IV, Vol. XI, p. 196.) 

(a) Distichs and Legends. 

SOME of the following distichs and legends have not 
hitherto been published, others appear for the first time 
in their correct form : 


HAMZAH 1 Sj*a- OO^j U S.X^ 2 * 

SHAH SULTAN HUSAIN c ^~:>. ^UaL <ja. J&* j>- u^;' 8JJJ - 3 * 


* Seal. 

1 Mr. R. S. Poole is mistaken in saying that the date of the 
deposition of Muhammad Khudabandah must have been imme- 
diately before the enthronement of 'Abbas I, at the end of A.H. 995 
(late in November, 1587, n. s.). Hanway gives him a reign of eight 
years, so that he was probably deposed in A.H. 994. Olearius 
mentions that he died in A. D. 1585 (A.H. 993). Muhammad 
Khudabandah was succeeded by his eldest son, Sultan Hamzah, 
whom Isma II, a younger son, caused to be assassinated. Isma'il 
(III) was murdered in Karabagh by his barber when 'Abbas the 
youngest son had already reached that district. Olearius gives 
both Sultan Hamzah and Isma'il a reign of eight months. T dis- 
covered two firmans of Sultan Hamzah ; they relate to endowments 
of the shrine of Kija in the Kuhdum sub-district of Gilan. They 
are dated respectively Ramadjhan and Dhika dah 994, i. e. between 
August and December, 1586, n.s. In one of them Sultan Hamzah 
styles himself: 

'Abbas I, Safl I, 'Abbas II, Sulaiman I, Shah Sultan Husain 
md Tahmasp II use the same formula. 
3 The distichs in chapter I should read : Jl *, ^o.l 

244 H. L. RABINO. 


AHMAD U ^ vt-o ,j v- w^ })~"* 

NADIR 5 ^l*. j CU<i.ft ^Mi: (J^. ftklj 

3 il\ u^- 31 

'ADIL SHAH ^ j] j>. * eJlj^ 


,lf^_ . _- 

SULAIMAN II jjj^a |5w J^a. e_8.kjjl JJ 

LUTF 'ALT KHAN ^Jxak) j yxa. ^j o^i/ j> &5C 
AKA MUHAMMAD KHAN J^s. A SA.C 4ill Jl <jj*\ 


4 Hanway gives the following translation of the inscription on 
Ashraf 's seal : " The faithful observer of the commandments of the 
Most High, the dust of the feet of the four friends, Abubekr, Omar, 
().sman,and Ali, is Ashraf, by the divine permission become the 
most illustrious of the sovereigns of the earth." 

5 We find in Hanway the following translation of the distich 
first used by Nadir on his seal : 

"As the jewel was fallen out of the ring of fame and glory, 
So God has restored it in the name of Nadir." 


(6) Eare and Unedited Coins. 

1. Astarabad, 9 (x 8). 
Obv. B.M. 2. 

U ejlU- jyi tfjlfJl J.lfi\ J^UJl 

ljJ^J wliaL, j &lo A ajj\ jjla. 

^l 1. Wt. 142-7. 

2. Ganjah, date obliterated. 

Obv. Area in square formed by tails of ^c in margin 

Margin in segments similar to B.M. 12. 

Outer margin *&\ ^ Jc *jJl J^ J^ aill ill Jl 

-fll 9. Wt. 142-6. 

Similar coin struck at Nakhchivan. 

3. Nisa', 916. 

Olv. B.M. 13, but date lc 

. Same as 2, but ends *LJ \ 
M 1. Wt. 71-2. 

4. Sabzavar, 927. ,j pv s 

B.M. 12 a, but mint and date -^ . Counter mark ^ 

^l 1-1. Wt. 143-2. 

5. Timajan, undated. 

Olv. Area within square, B.M. 13. 
Margin, in segments, ^-o. | ^-^ | Jc | 

216 H. L. RABINO. 

Rev. J-^J tejb\\y\ jyi t J.O JjUN y 

Centre within border of five foil 

M -7. Wt. 24-8. 
N.B. Similar coin but ~x*^ UaL. in lieu o 

6. Lahijan, date obliterated. 
Obv. 5. 

Centre within circle uW*^ 

M -7. Wt. 26. 

7. Karjian, date obliterated. 

Obv. Similar to 5 but arrangement of words differs. 

^ ! 
Rev. L ]l ' " ' U> 

Centre within border of eight foil u^X 
Al -85. Wt. 26. 

8. Lashtanishah, date obliterated. 

Similar to 7 but rev. centre within hexagon 
M -75. Wt. 30-5. 

9. Lahijan, 912. 
Obv. 7. 

Rev. JUJI 

In centre within border of four foil 

Ji r 
jR -8. Wt. 264. 


10. Isfararn, date obliterated. 

Obv. Within twelve foil, B.M. 9. 
Margin ,Jc 

^- 1 J* r k 


In centre within border ^--^ 


JR 14. Wt. 82-5. 

N.B. Similar coins for Nishapur, Mashhad (A.H. 935), Tun 
and Sabzavar (A.H. 935). 

11. TQn, date obliterated. 

Obv. Similar tolObut margin B.M. 36, in six cartouches, 
names of Imams grouped in twos. 

.Rev. Similar to 10 but ^". 

M 1. Wt. 83. 
N.B. Similar coins for Turbat, Harat, and Astarabad. 

12. Ja'farabad, 979. 
Obv. B.M. 23. 

Rev. *^LJ1 Jc 

3 J ^.1 Jc r l^ 

Margin in four compartments 

^L 4111 1 jJt (j^H | yJall j1 | JjUl! u lkLJ1 

M -85. Wt. 70-6. 

24:8 H. L. RABINO. 

13. Tabriz, 1293. 

Obv. ijlc. li 

. B.M. 584, but date v 

N -9. Wt. 106-2. 

14. Harat, 1277. 

Obv. B.M. 610, but date irw below. 

Rev. \j* 

v ^ ; 

M -7. Wt. 74-9. 
N.B. Similar coin but mint 

15. Mint and date unknown. 
Obv. B.M. 602. 

o i i r r 
r i A i A 
r i r i A 
The figures in the third line are not very legible. 

M -6. Wt. 72-9. 

Towards the end of his reign Nasr al-Dln adopted the 
style of jla-lS sli ^jJl^lj jjlyLo.La ^UaLJl. On a coin 
struck on the occasion of his jubilee (A.II. 1313) the title is 
^\ j*\> ^i/11 )* u lkLJl 

(To be continued.) 


Essex Seventeenth Century Tokens. Mr. William 
Gilbert, of 35, Broad Street Avenue, London, E.G., is 
publishing a revised work on the above, with notes of 
the issuers, &c., and enumerating about forty hitherto 
unpublished pieces. He would be glad to hear from 
any one possessing Essex tokens (however few) for the 
comparison of die-varieties, &c. 
















SESSION 19141915. 

OCTOBER 15, 1914. 

SIR ARTHUR EVANS, P.S. A., F.K.S., M. A., LL.D., D.Litt., &c., 
President, in the Chair. 

The Minutes of the Ordinary Meeting of May 21 were read 
and approved. 

Mr. H. E. E. Hayes and Monsignore Giuseppe de Ciccio 
were proposed for election as Fellows of the Society. 

The following Presents to the Society were announced and 
laid upon the table, and thanks ordered to be sent to their 

1. Academie Eoyale de Belgique. Bulletins 2, 3, 4. 

2. American Journal of Archaeology, 1914. Pt. 2. 

3. American Journal of Numismatics, 1913. 

4. Archaeologia Aeliana. Vol. xi. 

5. Archaeologia Cantiana XXX. 

6. Annual Keport of the U.S. National Museum, 1912- 

7. Bulletins de la Societe des Antiquaires de 1'Ouest. 
Vol. iii, 1 and 2. 

a 2 


8. Canadian Antiquarian and Numismatic Journal. 
Vol. xi, 1, 2, and 3. 

9. Journal of Hellenic Studies. Vol. xxxiv, Pt. 1. 

10. Journal of the Royal Society of Antiquaries of Ireland. 
Vol. xlix, Pt. 2. 

11. Monatsblatt der Numismatischen Gesellschaft in 
Wien. Nos. 370-1-2. 

12. Numismatische Zeitschrift. Vol. vi, Pt. 4. 

13. Proceedings of the Cambridge Antiquarian Society. 
No. Ixv. 

14. Proceedings of the Eoyal Irish Academy. Vol. xxxii, 
Nos. 10-13. 

15. Eevue Numismatique, 1914. Pt. 2. 

16. Revue Beige de Numismatique, 1914. Pt. 3. 

17. Rivista Italiana di Numismatica, 1914. Pt. 2. 

18. Suomen Museo, 1913. 

19. Tidskrift Finska Fornminnesforeningens. Pt. xx. 

20. Allan, J. Catalogue of Coins of the Gupta Dynasties 
in the British Museum ; from the Trustees of the British 

21. Baldwin, Miss Agnes. The Electrum Coinage of 
Lampsacus ; from the Author. 

22. Casagrandi, V. La Pistrice sul tetradramma di 
Catana ; from the Author. 

23. De Jonghe, Vicomte. Deux Monnaies de Gronsveld ; 
from the Author. 

24. Milne, J. G. The Currency of Egypt under the 
Romans ; from the Author. 

25. Rabino, H. L. Quelques Pieces curieuses persanes; 
from the Author. 

26. Rogers, Rev. E. A Handy Guide to Jewish Coins ; 
from the Author. 

27. Svoronos, J. N. The Double-headed Eagle of Byzan- 
tium (in Greek) ; from the Author. 

Mr. F. A. Walters exhibited a denarius of Septimius 


Severus (Cohen, No. 104) with rev. the Arch of Severus; 
Cos. Ill P. P. 

Mr. G. F. Hill read a paper on " The Coins of Pisidian 
Antioch ". Most of the coins described were discovered or 
acquired by Sir William M. Kamsay during his excavations 
on the site of Antioch in Pisidia, and from these Mr. Hill 
was able to give an account of the mint and to make cor- 
rections in coins previously attributed to other Antiochs. 
(This paper was printed in Vol. xiv, pp. 299-313.) 

NOVEMBER 19, 1914. 

SIR ARTHUR EVANS, P.S.A., F.R.S., &c., President, in the 

The Minutes of the Meeting of October 15 were read and 

Mr. Herbert E. E. Hayes and Monsignore Giuseppe de 
Ciccio were elected Fellows of the Society. 

The following Presents to the Society were announced 
and laid upon the table, and thanks ordered to be sent to 
their donors. 

1. Aarb0ger forNordisk Oldkyndighed og Historie, 1913. 

2. American Journal of Archaeology. Vol. xviii, No. 3. 

3. Annual of the British School at Athens. No. xix. 

4. Annual Report of the Deputy Master of the Mint, 1913. 

5. Journal of the Royal Society of Antiquaries of Ireland. 
Vol. xliv, Pt. 3. 

Mr. J. Mavrogordato read the first portion of his mono- 
graph on the "Coinage of Chios", in which he discussed 
the coinage of the archaic period. After a discussion of the 
origin of the sphinx type the reader proceeded to give the 


results of his study of all available specimens of the early 
coinage and to propose a chronological arrangement. A 
discussion followed in which the President, Mr. Milne, and 
Mr. Earle-Fox took part. (This paper is printed in this 
volume, pp. 1-52.) 

DECEMBER 17, 1914. 
H. B. EARLE-FOX, Esq., Vice-President, in the Chair. 

The Minutes of the Meeting of November 19 were read 
and approved. 

The following Presents to the Society were announced and 
laid upon the table, and thanks ordered to be sent to their 

1. Beschreibung der griechischen Autonomen-Miinzen der 
Akademie der Wissenschaften zu Amsterdam, 1912. 

2. Canadian Antiquarian and Numismatic Journal. Vol. xi. 
No. 4. 

3. Foreningen til Norske Fortidsmindesmaerkers Bevaring, 
Aarsberetning, 1913. 

4. Macdonald, George. On Three Hoards of Coins dis- 
covered in the South of Scotland ; from the Author. 

5. Marshall, J. H. The Date of Kanishka ; from 1hf 
Royal Asiatic Society. 

Mr. Percy H. Webb exhibited a third brass of Constans, 
double struck, bearing the mint mark OF- 1 and an unpub- 
lished halfpenny token of THO. HUNTER AT YE 

Mr. L. A. Lawrence exhibited a fragment of a penny of 
Stephen, of Norwich, and another of Nottingham, both 
defaced on obverse with a cross, the latter of which he has 
since presented to the British Museum. 


Mr. Henry Garside exhibited a bronze double of Guernsey 
of 1911 to show the alterations in the type. 

Mr. G. C. Brooke read a paper on some of the irregular 
issues of the reign of Stephen ; those with which he dealt 
were the countermarked coins supposed to have been issued 
by barons hostile to the king, the issue with the inscription 
PERERIC in place of the king's name and the coinages 
bearing the names of the Empress Matilda and Henry of 
Anjou. The attribution of the countermarked coins to 
barons hostile to Stephen was not satisfactory, for it supposed 
that a baron becoming possessed of the king's dies preferred, 
by countermarking them, to use them as a manifesto of his 
disregard of the king's claim rather than to his personal 
profit by striking from them coins which would pass un- 
questioned into currency. Perhaps a better view would be 
to compare the countermarking with the countermarking of 
dies which are kept at the present day, and to suppose that 
the countermarking was done by the king's moneyers at 
the time of a raid or siege in fear of their falling into the 
enemy's hands and that they were afterwards put to use, in 
spite of the countermarks, either by the moneyer, if he 
retained them, or by the enemy, if he succeeded in capturing 
them. Coins inscribed PERER I C had lately been attributed 
to Empress Matilda, but coins of this class were undoubtedly 
struck at Canterbury, a mint which was not in her hands ; 
the wide issue of the coinage from various mints made it 
probable that it was an issue of the king's moneyers who 
might have thought fit to remain neutral in the difficult 
period of 1141 and for this purpose have put in place of the 
royal name an inscription which was then, as now, unintelli- 
gible. It would appear that the coinages of the Empress 
and her son formed a continuous currency of the Angevin 
party in England, the issues bearing the name of Henry 
being struck rather in his name than by him ; finds and 
other considerations necessitated giving an earlier date than 


the 1149 of Hoveden's chronicle to the so-called "Duke's 
money " ; probably the Empress withdrew her name from 
the coinage in favour of her son's in the second half of 1142 
when she abandoned her claim to the throne and put forward 
the claim of the young Henry. (This paper is printed in 
this volume, pp. 105-20.) 

JANUARY 21, 1915. 

SIR ARTHUR EVANS, P.S.A., F.K.S., &c., President, in 
the Chair. 

The Minutes of the Meeting of December 17 were read 
and approved. 

M. Georges Kasquin was proposed for election as a Fellow 
of the Society. 

The following Presents to the Society were announced 
and laid upon the table, and thanks ordered to be sent 
to their donors. 

1. American Journal of Archaeology. Vol. viii, Pt. 4. 

2. Fornvannen, Meddelanden fran K. Vitterhets Historic 
och Antikvitets Akademien, 1913. 

3. Eivista Italiana di Numismatica. Pts. 3 and 4, 1914. 

Mr. Percy H. Webb exhibited a Belgian 20 franc note dated 
August 27, 1914, printed in Brussels from the old plates of 
Leopold I's notes, after the removal of the current plates to 
safety ; this he has since presented to the British Museum. 

Mr. Henry Symonds, F.S.A., showed a fine series of 
Anglo-Saxon and Norman coins of Ethelstan (^Ethelwine 
of Shaftesbury), Edgar (Bruninc of Norwich), Hardicanute 
(Godwine of Dorchester), Harold II (Dunning of Hastings), 
William I (Alnoth of Shaftesbury), and William II (legelric 
of Wareham). 


Mr. L. A. Lawrence, F.S.A., exhibited a series of counters 
engraved in the manner of Simon de Passe with types 
representing London cries. 

Miss Helen Farquhar exhibited a fine series of medals 
illustrating Mr. Hill's paper. 

Mr. F. A. Walters, F.S.A., showed a first brass of Cara- 
calla with rev. Circus Maximus, and a medal of Philip II of 
Spain by Poggini. 

Mr. G. F. Hill read a paper on an unpublished silver 
plaque by Simon van de Passe, with the portrait and coat 
of arms of an unknown man, probably an Englishman. He 
took the opportunity of discussing the method used by Passe 
for making these plaques, showed the impossibility of the 
assumption that they were stamped from dies, and argued 
in favour of their being separately engraved. The differences 
in detail and in quality of engraving between different speci- 
mens of the same plaque (notably the bare-headed portrait 
of James I) were pointed out. (This paper is printed in this 
volume, pp. 230-42.) 

FEBRUARY 18, 1915. 
LT.-COL. H. WALTERS MORRIESON, F.S.A., in the Chair. 

The Minutes of the Meeting of January 21 were read and 

M. Georges Kasquin was elected a Fellow of the Society. 

The following Presents to the Society were announced and 
laid upon the table, and thanks ordered to be sent to their 

1. British Numismatic Journal. Vol. ix ; presented ly 
Miss Helen Farquliar. 

2. Journal international d'Archeologie numismatique. 
Vol. xvi, Pts. 1 and 2. 


3. Journal of Hellenic Studies. Vol. xxxiv, Pt. 2. 

4. Journal of the Koyal Society of Antiquaries of Ireland. 
Vol. xliv, Pt. 4. 

5. Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy. Vol. xxxii, 
Nos. 14-16. 

6. Proceedings of the Society of Antiquaries of London. 
Vol. xxvi. 

Mr. Symonds exhibited a series of coins illustrating his 
paper and an original warrant (from the Library of the 
Society of Antiquaries) dated January 25, 1541-2, from the 
Privy Council to the master-workers at the Tower. 

Colonel Morrieson showed a brass forgery of the base 
shilling of Edward VI and a groat of York of Henry VIII 
of the fifth bust, mm. boar's head, Lombardic letters in 
legend and roses in forks of the reverse. 

Mr. Henry Symonds, F.S.A., read a paper on the Irish 
Coinages of Henry VIII and Edward VI, which presented 
difficulties similar to those attending a study of the English 
series in the same period, viz. the use by Edward VI of his 
father's portrait and titles. The lecturer was able to furnish 
evidence to prove that certain silver coins with the portrait 
of Henry VIII were in fact struck by Edward VI in various 
years, and to establish the Irish origin of a profile shilling 
dated 1552. Mr. Symonds showed that there were five coin- 
ages for Ireland by Henry VIII, all of which were struck 
in England, and three by Edward VI, which were made 
exclusively in Dublin. (This paper is printed in this 
volume, pp. 192-229.) 



MARCH 18, 1915. 

SIR ARTHUR EVANS, P.S.A., F.E.S., &c., President, in the 

The Minutes of the Meeting of February 18 were read and 

The following Presents to the Society were announced and 
laid upon the table, and thanks ordered to be sent to their 

1. Canadian Antiquarian and Numismatic Journal. 
Vol. xii, Pt. 1. 

2. Papers of the British School at Kome. Vol. vii. 

3. Proceedings of the Cambridge Antiquarian Society. 
No. Ixxi. 

4. Proceedings of the Society of Antiquaries of Scotland. 
Vol. xlviii. 

5. Kevue Numismatique, 1914. Pts. 3-4. 

Mr. F. A. Walters exhibited a series of overstruck coins of 
Carausius including one on an antoninianus of Philip I. (See 
this volume, p. 135.) 

A paper by Mr. E. T. Newell on the Cypriote coins of 
Alexander types was read by Mr. G. F. Hill. After proving 
from the history of the island that while Phoenician mints 
were busily engaged in issuing such coins, it was improbable 
that those of Cyprus should be idle, it was shown that exten- 
sive series could be attributed to Kition and Salamis and 
smaller groups to Paphus and Marion. The paper was 
discussed by the President, Sir Henry Howorth, Mr. Hill, 
and Mr. Eogers. 


APRIL 15, 1915. 

SIR ARTHUR EVANS, P.S.A., F.R.S., &c., President, in the 

The Minutes of the Meeting of March 18 were read and 

The following Presents to the Society were announced and 
laid upon the table, and thanks ordered to be sent to their 

1. Hill, G. F. The Development of Arabic Numerals in 
Europe ; from tlie Delegates of the Clarendon Press. 

2. Numismatic Circular. Vol. xxii, 1914 ; from Messrs. 
Spirik $ Sons. 

3. Progress Report of the U.S. National Museum, for year 
ending June 31, 1914. 

4. Suomen Museo Sakregister, 1894-1907. 

5. Suomen Museo. No. xx, 1914. 

6. Suomen Muinaismuistoythdistyksen Aikakauskirja 11, 

7. Urquhart, Jos., Life and Letters of W. H. Gillespie ; 
from the Trustees of Mrs. H. Gillespie. 

Professor Oman exhibited 12 silver medallions or double 
siliquae of Constantius II, Constantius Gallus, Valentinian I, 
Valens, Gratian and Valentinian II including 3 probably 
from a find made in Somersetshire in 1887, and 2 from the 
Groveley Wood find. 

Mr. Sharp Ogden, F.S.A., showed 15 bronze coins of 
Constantino I to Magnus Maximus struck in London, in 
remarkably fine condition, from the Great Orme's Head 

Mr. F. A. Walters, F.S.A., showed a bronze medallion 
of Crispina with remains of contemporary gilding. Oov. 
CRISPINA AVCVSTA, bust 1. #. CERES. Ceres 
.seated r. holding torch and ear of corn (Cohen, no. 2 ; 
Gnecchi, Plate CXI, n 2) ; 


The President exhibited a series of the silver coins from 
the find discussed in his paper and a solidus of Valentinian. 
1^. VICTORIA AVCG of the London mint, with mm. 

Sir Arthur Evans made a series of communications on 
the " Coinage and Silver currency in Koman Britain from 
Valentinian I to Constantine III". A great hoard con- 
sisting of 2,042 late Koman silver pieces found many years 
since in the North Mendips, which had passed into the late 
Sir John Evans's possession, was now for the first time 
described. Two siliquae from this hoard struck by Magnus 
Maximus at Londinium under its new name of " Augusta" 
were already known, but the hoard contained many other 
pieces of interest, including a series of so-called Silver 
Medallions shown to represent double-siliquae or pound 
silver. That the name " Miliarensia ", though not strictly 
applicable, attached itself to these seems highly probable. 
The hoard also supplied new evidence as to a series of coins 
of small denomination struck from Gratian's time onwards 
representing half-siliquae. 

A further communication for the first time called atten- 
tion to some numismatic evidence indicating a revival of 
the London Mint (closed since 326 A. D.) by Valentinian I. 
Double-siliquae of this Emperor and his colleagues were cited 
bearing the exergual legend S. M. L. A. P. not found in any 
Continental mint. This was the epoch when the name of 
Augusta was supplanting that of Londinium ; the proposed 
reading S(acra) M(oneta) L(ondinii) A(ugustae) P(rima) 
(sc. officina) reflected this transitional usage. The revival 
of the London Mint seems therefore to have been part 
of the great work of restoration effected in Britain by 
Valentinian's general Theodosius in 367. Its activity 
was specially connected with the " sportulary " issues at 
the time of the Quinquennial festivals. 

In a concluding communication attention was called to 


tho important part played by stamped silver ingots of 
a pound in weight in tho currency of Roman Britain 
.-it this period. Various kinds of these ingots in association 
with gold and silver wore enumerated, and their issue was 
connected with tho London Treasury (Thesauri Auiiusteii- 
slum) mentioned in the Notitia. The possibility of Con- 
st ant ine Ill's having struck coins at London was also 
discussed. The frequency of the occurrence of great 
hoards of late Konian silver coins in tho west of Midland 
and especially in the Mondip district was connected 
with tho silvor mining industry in that region. Tho 
silver seems to have been largoly exported for the use 
of foroign mints, but i-oinod silvrr \\as usod for tho pa> - 
inont of thoso on^agod in tho mining industry. It \va- 
a significant circumstance that tho final dotaohmont of 
Hritain was followod by a practical oossation of tho silver 
coinage of the Kmpiro. 

MAY 20, 1915. 

SIK ARTHUR EVANS, P.S.A., F.RS., &c., President, in 
tho Chair. 

Tlio Minutos of tho Mooting of April 15 woro road and 

The following Presents to tho Society woro announced, 
laid upon the table, and thanks ordered to bo sent to their 


1. American Journal of Archaeology. Vol. \i\. Tt. 1. 
*J. Vormanm-n. ^loddolandon Iran K. Vittorhots lli.-tone 
och Antikvitets Akailomion. liU4. 

.".. Journal of tho Koyal Society of Antiiuaries of Ireland. 

y ( .i xiv. rt. i. 

1. luvista Italiana di Numismatioa, 1915, Pt. 1. 

KOYAL M'MlSMATir SiVll'VY. 15 

5. Ko^ors. Kov. Edgar. A Handy (Snido to .lowish Coins ; 
-. Messrs. Spink A Sons. 

(J. Soloct Italian Modals of tho Konaissaiuv in tho Hnti-li 
M it-ou in ; /JWM TAe ZVtafees e/fAe l?r#ts& Museum. 
7 Vonn, Theodore J. Large U. S. Cents; /row the 

KVv. !'. Ko::ors and Mr. 1-Mwanl Shophord woro appointed 
to audit tho Society's juvounis t'or T.M 1 1T>. 

^lr. Wol>l>, on K>half of ^lr. William Tunm. oxhibitod 
.. third brass of C&rausius, Obr. IMP C CARAVSIVS PF 

AVC. radiato, cuinissod bust, s.^uaro lo obs.M-vor. lioad to r. 

PAX AVC: S P MLXXI Tax holding branch and 

Mvptiv. Found in York. 

Mr. Henry Garside exhibited a proof in silver from dies 

K-r tho bron/,o ponny of 1800 with boadod oiivlos on obvor>o 
and iwtM-so. 

Mr. Waltors oxhibitod lh<> i-oins disi-ussod in his papor. 

Mr. Waltovs. l-'.S.A.. iva 1 a papor dosv-ribini: soino raw 
and nnpublishod coins in his coIUvtion. Tho most nnnark 
ablo of thoso woro tlmv nniqih> i-oins of Noro ; a inodalliou 
t>r fonr-st>stortini piooo with ivvorso tlu> harbour of Ostia ; 
a dupondius with r<r. Noptinu^ standing to 1. S. 0. in tho 
tiold. and a vory lino sostortins with ;r. \ u'toiy (> r. hold- 
iiiij a palm-branob in hor loft hand and a ti_miro of Komo in 
hor riii-lit. The other ooins desoribed included, besides 

M' raro coins of Augustus, a sostort ins >!' Ualba willi r< r. 
(ialba in a madrii;a on a triumphal arch, a typo not yot 
satisfactorily oxplainod but apparontly commomoratinij th 
romission of tribnto. and an.tlu>r with r?i\ N'ictory writin-; 
on a shield, and a bron/.o v'oin of Otho of Alexandria Mint 
with /<;. head of Niko. 


JUNE 17, 1915. 

SIR ARTHUR EVANS, P.S.A., F.R.S., &c., President, in 
the Chair. 

The Minutes of the Annual Meeting of June 18, 1914, 
were read and approved. 

Messrs. F. J. Brittan and Henry Garside were appointed 
scrutineers of the Ballot for office-bearers for the ensuing 

The following Report of the Council was then read to the 
meeting : 

" The Council have again the honour to lay before you 
their Annual Report as to the state of the Royal Numismatic 

It is with deep regret that they have to announce the 
deaths of the following Honorary Fellows : 

Professor Luigi Adriano Milan i. 
Dr. Rudolf Weil. 

and of the following eight Fellows : 
M. Georges d'Alexeieff. 

G. J. Crosbie Dawson, Esq., M.I.C.E., F.G.S. 
Colonel W. F. Prideaux, C.S.I., F.R.G.S. 
H. A. Ramsden, Esq. 
W. Ransom, Esq., F.S.A., F.L.S. 
Bernard Roth, Esq., F.S.A. 
G. H. Vize, Esq. 
T. B. Winser, Esq., F.R.G.S., F.I. A. 

They have also to announce the resignations of the following 
nine Fellows : 

T. W. Barren, Esq. 
G. T. Bascom, Esq. 
M. C. Burkitt, Esq. 


Charles J. P. Cave, Esq., M.A., F.S.A. 

Alex. Goodall, Esq. 

Professor W. Gowland, F.K.S., F.S.A. 

O. C. Raphael, Esq. 

Charles Sawyer, Esq. 

W. B. Thorpe, Esq. 

On the other hand they have much pleasure in announcing 
the election of the following three Fellows : 

Monsignore Giuseppe de Ciccio. 

H. E. E. Hayes, Esq. 

M. Georges Rasquin. 
and also of the Museo Archeologico, Florence. 

The number of Fellows is therefore : 


June, 1914 . 




Since elected 




. . . . 8 






272 16 288 

The Council have also to announce that they have awarded 
the Society's Medal to Mr. George Francis Hill, Keeper of 
Coins in the British Museum, in recognition of his distin- 
guished services to Greek and Roman Numismatics and to 
the study of the Medallic Art of the Renaissance." 

The Hon. Treasurer's Report, which follows, was then 
presented to the Meeting : 


FROM JUNE, 1914, 

To cost of Chronicle 

s. d. s. 
249 3 2 


Sundry illustrations . 

51 16 

1 18 9 
30 17 

6 3 


6 4 


Rent, ttc. .... 

41 14 
8 15 


,, Balance carried forward 
General Account 
Research Fund . 

178 12 11 

17 17 9 
196 10 


562 6 


TO JUNE, 1915. 


By Balance brought forward 

General Account . 
Research Fund 

s. d. s. d. 
.245 7 5 
. 16 1 6 
261 8 11 

y Subscriptions 
189 Ordinary Subscriptions (less loss on foreign 

cheques, &c.) 198 8 7 

2 Entrance Fees . 220 

Sales of Chronicles . 
Dividends on Investments . 
Return of Income Tax 

200 10 7 
59 2 6 
34 15 4 


562 6 

Audited and found correct, 

Hon. Auditors. 


June 16, 1915. 


The Reports of the Council and of the Treasurer were 
adopted on the motion of the President, seconded by 
Mr. A. A. Banes. 

The President then presented the Society's Medal to 
Mr. G. F. Hill, and addressed him as follows : 

MR. HILL, It is with peculiar pleasure that I am able to 
hand to you to-day the Medal of this Society, which sees in 
you, as Keeper of the Medal Room, a worthy successor of 
our earlier medallists, Prof. Stuart Poole, Dr. Head, and 
Mr. Grueber, who occupied the same position. The distinc- 
tion that you early gained in my own University you have 
maintained not only in the field of numismatics, but through- 
out a much wider range, embracing Classical Archaeology 
on one side, and on the other its Italian Renaissance. That 
you should receive to-day all that our Society has to offer, will 
be the more satisfactory to your friends, who have long waited 
in vain to see conferred on you those outward marks of 
recognition on the part of Academic bodies in this country 
which foreign arbiters have been less slow to offer. 

To the Society itself you have done yeoman service not 
only as Editor, but in many capacities, and not only as the 
author of valuable papers, but as a contributor of many 
notes and reviews involving labours of a more altruistic 
nature. Your capacity for work, indeed, we all recognize 
as inexhaustible, and it has benefited not only ourselves, but 
the sister Society of Hellenic Studies, whose Journal you so 
ably edited for many years. In your own Department your 
labours have been specially fruitful, and five large volumes 
of the Catalogue of Greek Coins in the British Museum have 
been due to your combined industry and acumen. 

The enterprise which has carried through the work in this 
particular series required quite exceptional qualities. It was 
only made possible by constant reference to the most recent 
results of geographical or archaeological exploration, and it 


reveals at every turn a genuine philological instinct, and 
one might almost say a thirst for alphabets. In the first 
volume of the series, published in 1897, which deals with the 
Coins of Lycia, Pamphylia, and Pisidia and hardly less in 
the second, dating from 1900, devoted to Lycaonia, Isauria, 
and Cilicia, your researches continually led you beyond the 
pure Hellenic limits into curious borderlands occupied by 
members of the old Anatolian races and among records, the 
languages of which are still untranslated, and of which the 
characters are still in cases imperfectly deciphered. Your next 
volume on the Greek Coinage of Cyprus, which saw the light 
in 1904, involved you in the necessity of grappling with the pre- 
historic syllabary of that island. From the Semitic Coinage of 
Kition you passed by a natural transition to your next consider- 
able undertaking, carried through in 1910, dealing with the 
issues of the Phoenician cities. The pendant to this in turn 
has been your recently issued Catalogue of the Greek Coins 
of Palestine. It is impossible here to enlarge on the complex 
and interesting problems on which it has been necessary for 
you to touch in the course of these latter volumes problems 
which continually transcend merely numismatic limits. 
Here, again, many of the religious elements lie quite outside 
the classical borders, and not only include illustrations of 
Semitic Cult in its earlier aniconic as well as its most 
advanced phases, but in the case of Gaza, at least, lead us 
back to Philistine sanctuaries, and through them to the still 
earlier source in Minoan Crete. Some of these points have 
been further elaborated by you in a communication to the 
British Academy and in the notes to your translation of the 
Life of Porphyry of Gaza. 

Your contributions to the Numismatic CJironicle cover the 
whole field of ancient numismatics. We have been indebted 
to you for a continuation of the valuable summaries of Greek 
Coins acquired for the National Collection, and for a descrip- 
tion of a series of hoards of coins found in this country. 


In that from Southants, cast British issues, pieces of novel 
and degenerate types, were associated with Koman coins 
dating down to Hadrian's time, which have a pathetic 
interest as the last forlorn successors of the gold coinage of 
the ancient Britons, surviving in that western district, in 
a baser metal and a degraded technique. Of considerable 
value have also been your accounts of the large finds of late 
Roman silver coins at Icklingham and Groveley Wood. 

Nor have the services that you have rendered to ancient 
numismatics in this country been confined to the great work 
of publication carried out in your Department, and to your 
own additions to our knowledge. You have also done much 
to facilitate and popularize the study in the English speaking 
world both by your compendious Handbook of Greek and 
Roman Coins and in Historical Coins, both Greek and Roman, 
and your attractive work on the Coins of Ancient Sicily. 

But the field of ancient Numismatics has by no means 
exhausted your activities. You have rightly recognized the 
great value of an intimate knowledge of the ancient models 
in estimating the work of the medallists of the Italian 
Renaissance. With this key to interpretation, and with 
this standard, both artistic and technical, for comparison, you 
have produced works on the medallic masterpieces of the 
great Revival in sympathy both with the underlying sugges- 
tions of their origin and with the new atmosphere in which 
they arose. For this latter faculty of understanding the more 
modern elements you had also sedulously prepared yourself 
by comprehensive studies of Italian Art in its larger mani- 
festations of painting and sculpture. That you are as 
competent to deal with Italian Renaissance Art in its more 
general aspects as you are on its numismatic side was 
conclusively shown in the course of your useful activity as 
Secretary of the Vasari Society. In the case of Pisanello, 
indeed, to whom you have devoted a special monograph 
as in that of other Italian Masters the medallic work was 


the production of a well-known artist whose paintings already 
adorned the walls of churches in his native city of Verona 
and in Ferrara, as well as those of the Doge's Palace at Venice. 
In your work On the Portrait Medals of Italian Artists of 
the Renaissance, published for the Medici Society in 1912, 
you have pursued, with great success, a special branch of the 
subject, and have made an exhaustive collection of the 
material both in private and public possession. 

Your latest work, just issued from the Clarendon Press, 
on The Development of Arabic Numerals in Europe, is 
a model of scientific presentment and supplies a useful 
and much needed synopsis of the principal data relating 
to this interesting subject. 

In conclusion, while handing you this small token of our 
high appreciation, I can only express a hope, in the name 
of our Society, that you may continue for many years yet 
to hold the Keepership of the Medal Koom and to pursue 
your great illustrative work. 

On receiving the Medal, Mr. Hill replied : 

thanking the Society, and more especially you, Sir Arthur 
Evans, for your too nattering words, I must confess that 
when Mr. Allan first conveyed to me the news that the 
Council of the Koyal Numismatic Society had done me the 
signal honour of awarding me the Medal for this year, 
my surprise and gratification were tempered with no 
small degree of confusion. In the list of your medallists 
are to be found the names of practically all the most dis- 
tinguished numismatists of the last generation in Europe 
and in this country. Even for one whose modesty has 
become somewhat case-hardened by more than twenty years 
of service in a Government office, it is embarrassing to be 
introduced into such a company. Even if he accepts, as he 
is bound to accept, the verdict of the Council as to his 


worthiness, he would like to be able to justify it to himself. 
This I have quite failed to do, except in so far as, by the 
mere accident of seniority, I happen to represent, however 
unworthily, the honourable traditions of the Department of 
Coins and Medals in the British Museum. It is of that 
Department then that I must speak. Its officials, doubtless, 
have been of all sorts. " There be of them that have left 
a name behind them, to declare their praises. And some 
there be, which have no memorial, who are perished as 
though they had not been, and are become as though they 
had not been born." But even those who are forgotten 
have probably left their mark, though its origin may be 
now unrecognized, on the body of tradition and on the 
accumulated mass of work which has been turned out 
by the Department since it was first organized. When I 
first entered the Museum, after a brief initiation into the 
mysteries of Greek numismatics by an old official of the 
Medal Koom, Professor Percy Gardner, Stuart Poole had 
just retired, and Barclay Head had succeeded him as Keeper. 
It is perhaps difficult for one who has been closely associated 
with such an attractive personality as Head's to view his 
services to scholarship in true perspective ; but I do not 
think I am exaggerating when I say that his work had 
something of the classic quality. By that I mean that as 
time goes on, although you may discover that he was mis- 
taken in this or that detail, or even in something more than 
a detail, even in some view of considerable import, yet his 
method was so sound, his judgement so sane, and his 
thought so clear, that you learn more from his rare mis- 
takes than from the uninspired accuracy of a hundred other 
men. It was a fine thing for any young man to start his official 
career under Head. It is possible that the inception of the 
Catalogue of Greek Coins was due to Poole ; but it was the 
work of Head and Gardner that raised it to the position 
which it won at the very front of all undertakings connected 


with Greek numismatics. That position is hardly yet 
challenged, in spite of the ambitious but somewhat un- 
wieldily organized heavy artillery of the Berlin Corpus, or 
the brilliant individual "attack" of the French Traite or 
Recueil. Apart from the Catalogue, Head's Historia, the 
" Bible of the Medal Koom" as we used to call it, had been 
in existence for some six years. Mr. Grueber had just 
finished the second volume of the Anglo-Saxon Catalogue, 
and was beginning to think of his Handbook and of his 
monumental Eoman Catalogue. Mr. Wroth was at work on 
Troas I can remember my pride when he asked and 
accepted my opinion about some small question of classi- 
fication and Mr. Kapson was daily sacrificing himself to the 
demands of countless students for information about Indian 
coins. Professor Gardner and Mr. Grueber and Professor 
Kapson are still happily with us ; and Mr. Keary, whom 
I have not mentioned before because he had already retired 
before I came on the scene, has with fine public spirit 
returned to the Department as a voluntary assistant, after 
twenty-eight years of absence, to take the place of those 
who have gallantly offered their services to the Army. 
I may be permitted to recall the fact that the first of 
Mr. Keary's printed works with which I became acquainted 
was a certain paper of questions on which I was invited, as 
a candidate for the British Museum, to display my ignorance 
of the elements of numismatics. A foreign numismatist 
once described a volume of the British Museum Catalogue as 
more interesting than a novel ; but I must confess to pre- 
ferring Mr. Keary's novels to his numismatic examination 

By 1893, 1 suppose, the great days of the English school of 
Greek numismatics were over. The grand lines of classi- 
fication had been laid down, the general principles of 
dating established. The work of the next twenty years has 
chiefly been to fill in details, although there are books 


like Mr. Macdonald's Coin-Types, or articles like Professor 
Gardner's, which show that the wider issues are not being 
neglected by our own writers. There is another aspect of 
the study, the supreme illustration of which is Head's 
Historia, and that is the making of the stores collected by 
specialists accessible to archaeologists in general and, so to 
speak, peptonizing it for educational purposes. For it must 
not be forgotten that the Historia, useful and indispensable 
as it is to numismatists, is still more so to archaeologists in 
general. Believing that a gentle course of numismatics 
should be prescribed for all students of ancient history, 
I have made one or two modest attempts to present the 
material in an assimilable form. But I must admit that 
the royalties on the books in question furnish most dis- 
couraging proof of a contraiy opinion on the part of our 
teachers at the Universities and elsewhere. More success, 
I trust, will attend the efforts of my colleagues, if, as I hope, 
they supplement their catalogues by books of this kind. 
There is, as reviewers say, a crying want for a book illus- 
trating Indian history from the coinage ; for a good general 
manual of the English coinage which will do something 
more than merely describe the chief varieties ; and for 
a handbook of the coinage of Roman Britain. The Assist- 
ants with whom it is my privilege to work are as efficient, 
scholarly and energetic a body of men as the Medal Room 
has ever possessed, and I am sure this hint will not fall on 
barren soil. For my own part, my hands are full with 
a bulky work on Italian Medals, which has already occupied 
my leisure for some ten years, and is likely to last as long 
again. Even so, thanks to the storm which has shattered, 
for at least a generation to come, the international fabric 
of scholarship, it will emerge, if it survives at all, in a frag- 
mentary condition. It is impossible, however, in the face 
of the present stress, to think seriously of such a subject 
as numismatics. I agree with a distinguished antiquary 


who said the other day that he would willingly see all the 
remains of ancient and mediaeval art go up in flames, if that 
would help to exterminate the plague that has come upon 
us. But such burnt -offerings, of which Belgium and France 
have seen all too many, do not avail to turn aside the wrath 
of the gods. Perhaps then those of us, who cannot for one 
reason or another offer the personal sacrifice which is alone 
effectual, are not doing wrong in maintaining a slight, if 
somewhat distracted, interest in antiquarian study. But you 
will not, I am sure, misunderstand me, or suppose that 
I undervalue the high honour which I have received at your 
hands, if I say that for most of us the only sort of medals 
that seem worth winning just now are war-medals. 

The President then delivered the following address : 


Considering the stress of circumstances entailed by the 
greatest struggle in which the Nation has ever found itself 
engaged and the pre-occupation of the minds of all loyal 
citizens in these grave issues at a time when our most active 
member is Lord Kitchener it is something that our Society 
has not appreciably suffered. In spite of the fact that many 
of us including your President have had extra duties laid 
on them, we have been able to hold our regular Meetings 
and there has been no lack of material for our consideration. 
Such brief absorption in the history of the Past may indeed 
at times supply an anodyne against present anxieties and 
the losses that weigh upon so many hearts. 

It is not surprising under the circumstances we have lost 
nine members by resignation. 

Our financial position, as you have heard from the Keport 
of our Honorary Treasurer, continues, nevertheless, not un- 
satisfactory,, though there is a slight falling off in receipts 
owing to the War. 


Our losses of ordinary members by death are eight in 
number. Of these, Mr. G. H. Vize, Mr. G. J. Crosbie Dawson, 
and Mr. T. Winser do not figure as contributors to the 
Numismatic Chronicle. Mr. W. Kansom, F.S.A., of Hitchin, 
was a well-known antiquary who had gathered together an 
interesting collection illustrating Koman London as well as 
his own district. 

Among our Honorary Fellows we have to record the death 
of Professor L. A. Milani, director of the Archeological 
Museum at Florence, and of Dr. Rudolf Weil of Berlin. 

Professor Milani cannot be judged by any ordinary archaeo- 
logical or numismatic standards. His intense, not to say 
fiery, activity gave a noteworthy impulse to the advance of 
archaeological research in Italy, and in particular in his 
native Tuscany. His successful excavations at Vetulonia 
formed the prelude to his great work as the originator and 
organizer of the topographical Museum of Etruria and of 
the pre-Etruscan and pre-Hellenic section of the Florence 
Museum. In Numismatics he did much useful work in 
recording the contents of a series of great Italian finds, such 
as that of Spoleto, including JEs rude, signatum and grave, 
the Ripostiglio della Venera consisting of 30,000 pieces of 
the Third Century of our era, and also an account of other 
hoards of Republican and Imperial coins. His use of 
numismatic evidence was continual in all his varied archaeo- 
logical works. It must indeed be said that his perfervid 
zeal and lively imagination far outran his judicial faculties 
and, especially in later years, the substance of much of his 
work was clouded with fantastic theories. Such varied 
labours, however, cannot fail to produce some lasting results, 
and one at least of his earlier monographs that on the origin 
of the Bust from the masked funeral urns of early Etruscan 
tombs shows the insight of genius and is a model of 
archaeological method. Nor must it be forgotten that 
theories extravagant in themselves, have not infrequently 


operated as a stimulating influence by the very reaction 
that they produce. 

By the death of our Foreign Member, Dr. Kudolf Weil of 
Berlin, we have lost a friendly colleague whose authority 
especially in the field of ancient numismatics had secured 
general recognition. His scholarly mind had a wide range, 
and he had not only a special knowledge of his own subject 
but a minute acquaintance with certain periods of Greek 
history. He was also well versed in the Archaeology of Art. 

From its inception in 1874 he was a constant contributor 
to the Zeitschrift fur NumismaUJc, some of his papers being of 
exceptional importance. To him, for instance, is due the 
publication of two Imperial bronze types of Elis, one repre- 
senting the Zeus of Phidias, the other, the Dionysos of 
Praxiteles, which illustrate in the highest degree the value 
of certain coin-types in relation to ancient sculpture. 

His Kilnstlerinschriften der slcilisclien Munzen, the 44th 
Programm zum Winckelmannsfeste, is marked by a fine and 
sympathetic touch and will remain a landmark in this 
interesting field of research. Some of his writings, such as his 
Studien aufdem G-ebiete des antiken Munzreclits a < Festschrift ' 
for the 50th Anniversary of the Numismatic Society of 
Berlin, display a broad grasp of ancient numismatics, 
and in a paper in the Z, f. N. he discussed the influence 
of Roman on Mediaeval coin-types. In his notices of the 
work of his English colleagues Dr. Weil always showed 
himself courteous and appreciative, and the activity of the 
authorities of our Medal Koom in issuing successive Cata- 
logues received his warm commendation. One of his last 
numismatic works was a review of Mr. Hill's recently issued 
Catalogue of the Greek Coins of Palestine which he did not 
live to see through the press. 

Colonel William Francis Prideaux, C.S.I., late of the 
Indian Staff Corps, died at his residence, Hopeville, Saint 
Peter's-in-Thanet, Kent, on Saturday, December 5th, 1914, 


at the age of seventy-four years. He was born in London in 
1840, and was educated at Aldenham School, Hertfordshire. 
From the first his energies were devoted to our Eastern 
Empire. He served in the India Office in 1859, joined the 
Bombay Infantry as an ensign the following year, and was 
promoted in 1862. He was assistant Political Kesident at 
Aden in 1864, and was attached to the Bombay Staff Corps 
the following year. He took part in Mr. Eassam's Mission to 
King Theodore of Abyssinia in 1864, and from some time 
in 1866 till April, 1868, was kept in captivity at Magdala 
by order of the King. 

Lieutenant Prideaux received the medal for the Abyssinian 
campaign and was made Political Agent at Zanzibar 1873. 
He was appointed Assistant Secretary to the Government 
of India in the Foreign Department in 1875, and filled the 
position till 1879. He was Political Agent at Bhopal in 
1879-80. Subsequently he was Agent to the Governor- 
General with the ex-King of Oudh, and Superintendent of 
Political Pensions at Calcutta, and officiating Kesident in 
the East Kajputana States in 1882-83. He was afterwards 
Resident at Jaipur, acting Resident in Kashmir, and Resident 
in Mewar, reaching the rank of Colonel in 1890. In 1893-94 
Colonel Prideaux was acting Agent to the Governor- General 
in Rajputana, and in 1894-95 again Resident in Jaipur. 
He was nominated a Companion of the Star of India in 
January, 1895, reverted to the military department in April, 
1895, and was placed on the unemployed supernumerary list 
in 1898. He was the author of Tlie Lay of the Himyarites, 
an edition of ihe Letters of S. T. Coleridge and Bibliographies 
of the works of Robert Louis Stevenson, of Coleridge and 
E. Fitzgerald, and was a Fellow of the Royal Geographical 
Society. He had been a member of our Society since 1878. 
To the Numismatic Chronicle for 1884 he contributed an 
important article on the coinage of Axum, previously quite 
unstudied ; he also contributed a number of articles on the 


numismatics, archaeology, and ancient history of South 
Arabia to the Journal of the Bombay Branch of the Koyal 
Asiatic Society. He had a fine collection of Oriental coins, 
particularly of South Arabia, the greater part of which is 
now in the British Museum. 

Mr. Bernard Koth, who died on the 26th March, had been 
a member of the R. N. S. since 1896 and a member of the 
Council from 1912-14, being Vice-President in 1913. He 
had a fine collection of English coins and was a frequent 
exhibitor at the Society's meetings. To the Numismatic 
Chronicle he contributed three articles, viz. : 

A large Hoard of Coins of the Brigantes, 1908, pp. 17-55. 
A Unique Gold Stater of the Brigantes, 1909, pp. 7-9. 
A False Ancient British Coin, 1909, p. 430. 

He was also an active member of the British Numismatic 
Society, being for some years a Vice-President. To the 
British Numismatic Journal he contributed the following 
articles : 

Notes on three British Gold Coins recently found at Abingdon ; 
I, 61-4. 

A Remarkable Groat of Henry VII ; I, 137-8. 

Finds of Chippings of Silver Coins ; I, 149-62. 

A Find of Ancient British Coins at South Ferriby ; III, 1-16. 

A Hoard of Gaulish Staters ; IV, 221-S. 

A Hoard of English Coins found in Switzerland ; IV, 239-40. 

The Coins of the Danish Kings of Ireland ; VI, 55-146. 

Ancient Gaulish Coins, including those of the Channel Islands ; IX, 

Mr. H. A. Eamsden of Yokohama had been a Fellow of 
the Society since 1902. He was the greatest authority 
on the coins of the Far East, combining in a remarkable 
way the traditional knowledge of the East with the critical 
ability of the West. A sad interest attaches to the account 
of the coinage of Lin-Tzu from his pen, which appears in 
the present volume of the Numismatic Chronicle, from the 


fact that he never lived to revise its proofs. This paper 
describes a series of Chinese coins earlier than any previously 
known. He founded the Numismatic Journal of Japan, a 
periodical devoted exclusively to the numismatics of the 
Far East, and was a regular contributor to English and 
American periodicals. He was the author of a series of 
monographs on coins of the Far East, such as the Amulets 
of Corea ; Modern Chinese Copper Coins ; Chinese Amulets ; 
Early Chinese Barter Money ; Shell-Currency ; Siamese 
Porcelain Tokens ; Chinese Paper Money ; Japanese Kwan- 
Ei Sen. 

It has been my agreeable duty this evening, to hand over 
our Medal, in the Society's name, to Mr. G. F. Hill, Keeper 
of the Department of Coins and Medals in the British 

Greek numismatics, according to a good tradition, have 
been well represented among the communications made to 
the Society in the course of the past year. Mr. J. Mavrogordato 
has given us the first instalment of a successful attempt 
to classify the coins of Chios whose recurring monetary type 
the Sphinx well symbolizes the enigmatic nature of some of 
the material. The monster itself, as he well points out, had 
made its way to the coinage of the Ionian Island from the 
Pangaean mainland of Thrace, where it was closely asso- 
ciated with Sun-worship. The religious sanction conveyed 
by its effigy goes back as we now know to the prehistoric 
period of Greece, but it is not for me here to open up 
a discussion on the original significance of this type and 
of the early fusion of Aegean and Egyptian elements 
that it embodies. I observe that the materials from 
the recent Vourla and Taranto finds have afforded new 
data for Mr. Mavrogordato in the course of his difficult 

In this connexion I may mention that our member, Miss 
Agnes Baldwin, following up her exhaustive monograph on 


the electrum coinage of Lampsakos, 1 has communicated to 
the American Numismatic Society some parallel researches 
of great value on the electrurn and silver coinage of Chios. 
From the evidence presented by a hoard of coins found at 
Pithyos in the island of Chios, she is able to demonstrate 
that the lower limit of the unbroken series of silver coins, 
which begins about 550 B.C., goes beyond the date 350, 
hitherto regarded as an approximate terminus, and must be 
advanced at least to 330 B.C. 

Various problems in the very interesting field of Cyrenaic 
numismatics have been judiciously dealt with by Mr. E. S. G-. 
Kobinson. He brings out, in particular, new points as to 
Alliance coins Cyrene-Euesperides, and Barce-Cyrene, and 
their connexion with the fortunes of King Arkesilas. The 
influence of the great Syracusan engravers of the close of 
the fifth century is no doubt rightly taken by Mr. Robinson 
as a chronological guide for the appearance of the series of 
coins of Gyrene with facing heads. It may be interesting 
to mention in connexion with the very ancient relations 
that existed between Cyrene and Crete, that fourth-century 
didrachms of Cyrene are of abundant occurrence on Cretan soil, 
and evidently, along with coins of Aegina, formed a regular 
part of the currency there. A very much earlier evidence of 
commercial intercourse indeed exists, if I am right in my 
identification of two ideographic signs of the Minoan series, 
with the silphium plant and its heart-shaped seed, much as 
it appears on the coins of Cyrene. 2 The survival of the same 
connexion of Cyrene and Crete in Roman times has been 
curiously illustrated by the recent Italian discovery of 
a series of monuments erected by the KOINON of the 
'Province of Crete and Cyrene' at Gortyna, which was 
the residence of their common Governor. 

New evidence of a very satisfactory kind was brought 
before the Society by Mr. E. T. Newell on the coins with 

1 American Numismatic Society, 1914. 2 Scripta]Minoa, pp. 215, 216. 


Alexander types struck in Cyprus. He conclusively showed 
that a series of these coins was struck at Kition and Salamis 
and others at Paphos and Marion. Mr. NewelTs paper, 
which is a model of numismatic method, involved the exami- 
nation of thousands of specimens, including the great Daman- 
hur hoard, and exhaustive references to all the chief cabinets, 
public and private. 

The value of the record of local finds in fixing the attribu- 
tion of the bronze coinages of the Greek cities has been 
greatly illustrated in recent years by the results obtained by 
British travellers and archaeological explorers in Asia Minor, 
and in particular by the researches of Sir William M. Kamsay 
and other members of the Asia Minor Exploration Fund. 
The finds on the site of the Sanctuary of Men Askaenos, 
near the Pisidian Antioch, have thus enabled Mr. Hill to 
assert the claims of this city in several cases against its 
greater namesake and to assign to it with certainty a series 
of autonomous pieces. One of these types refers to the Fifth 
Legion, the veterans of which are commemorated on local 

It is a pleasure to me to refer on this occasion to the 
magnificent catalogue of the coins in the Panjab Museum 
at Lahore by Mr. K. B. Whitehead, recently published for 
the Pan jab Government and issued at Oxford by the Clarendon 
Press. The first volume of this work, dealing with Indo- 
Greek coins, greatly supplements our knowledge of this 
interesting department of numismatics. It is modelled on 
Professor Gardner's Catalogue of the Coins of the Greek and 
Scythic Kings of Bactria and India in the British Museum 
published in 1886, but, during the generation that has since 
elapsed, the Museum of Lahore largely owing to Mr. White- 
head's exertions and the liberal purchase by the Panjab 
Government of Mr. G. B. Bleazby's rich collection has 
accumulated a mass of new and interesting materials. 
Among the fine coins of the Greek Kings of India are two 


unique pieces of Polyxenos, a king whose existence is as yet 
only authenticated by these two pieces. It does not seem 
superfluous in this connexion to quote Mr. Whitehead's 
reminder that "it is a mistake to suppose that the Greek 
princes of the Panjab and the North West Frontier were the 
direct successors of Alexander the Great". Alexander, as 
a matter of fact, did not leave behind him any permanent 
settlements in India, and the second Greek invasion of 
India, which left enduring monuments, came over a century 
after his death from the Seleukid Province of Bactriana. 

The second volume of the Lahore Catalogue deals with 
the coins of the Mughal Emperors, a subject to which 
Mr. Whitehead had already made many valuable contribu- 

Mr. Walters has favoured us with a first communication 
describing rare and unpublished Roman coins in his collec- 
tion. Among the most remarkable of these is a ' medallion ' 
of Nero of the usual Ostia type but of the wholly unparalleled 
weight of four sesterces. Another unique piece of the same 
Emperor, a sestertius presenting on its reverse Victory 
holding a palm-branch and a figure of Roma, bears a bust of 
Nero crowned with a wreath of exceptional composition in 
which Mr. Hill recognizes the bay, olive, and pine, respec- 
tively representing the Delphian, Olympian, and Isthmian 

In a paper on the portraits of Empresses of the Con- 
stantinian Age, Monsieur Jules Maurice replies to Mr. Percy 
Webb's objections to his attribution of the coins reading 
HELENA N f to a younger Helena, wife of Crispus. He 
cites Dr. Delbrueck's recent attribution of a bust in the 
Museo dei Conservatori at Rome to St. Helena as new 
evidence of her most characteristic coiffure with the broad 
woollen band very different from the simple arrangement 
of the hair on coins bearing the legend HELENA N f. He 
shows that "there are three altogether characteristic types 

c 2 


of coiffure under the reign of Constantine, namely, that of 
St. Helena with a triple tier, that of Fausta with lesser and 
waved tresses forming a single mass and ending in a knot at 
the back of the neck, and that of the young Helena approach- 
ing that of Fausta but not presenting undulations and 
differing entirely by its simplicity from the headdress of 
St. Helena." Consistent suppression both by Constantine 
and Constantius II of all documents relating to the un- 
fortunate Crispus sufficiently explains the fact that the 
name of the younger Helena coupled with that of Crispus 
is only mentioned in a single law of the Theodosian Code. 

I have myself been able to lay before the Society an 
account of the largest of the series of hoards of Late Roman 
silver coins from the Mendip hills, and have illustrated its 
importance in relation to the silver-mining industry in that 
region, which in the later days of the Empire seems to have 
made Britain the principal source of the silver supply for the 
Roman mints of the West. I was also able to submit 
a group of double siliquae of Valentinian I and his 
colleagues which may be taken to indicate a revival of 
the London mint by that Emperor on the occasion of the 
triumphal recovery of Britain by his great general Theo- 

In the field of English numismatics our contributions 
have not been numerous. A valuable commentary on the 
irregular coinages of Stephen's time has, however, been 
supplied by Mr. G. C. Brooke. In the course of this lie 
traverses Mr. Andrew's view that the curious inscription 
PERERIC or PERERICM that appears on a series of 
coins of this period should be regarded as a mutilated 
form of IMPERATRICIS. The occurrence of pennies 
with this inscription from the Kentish and other mints 
which do not seem to have ever been under the Empress's 
control seems, as Mr. Brooke points out, to be a fatal 
objection to this view. For the inscription itself he is unable 


to offer any alternative explanation. He suggests, however, 
that "a parallel for this temporizing use of a meaningless 
inscription may be found in the Danish coinage of 1044-7, 
the period of the struggle of Magnus and Svvein ". and adds 
that "some coins of this period are figured and described by 
Hauberg (Myntforliold og Udmyntninger I DanmarJc, p. 49, 
and pi. viii. figs. 1-7) which bear the unintelligible name 
IOANST with the title REX". 

Although it is with great diffidence that I myself venture 
on the field of English numismatics, I cannot help suggest- 
ing that the inscription PERERIC, though no doubt in- 
tentionally used for the deliberate purpose of non-committal, 
must have been based on some generally known legend. 
If not IMPERATRICIS, which seems too wide of the 
mark and for other reasons inacceptable, surely the obvious 
suggestion might be considered that it is founded on a 
slight variation of the IlENRIC which forms part of the 
obverse legend on the coinage of Henry I ? The parallel 
with the Danish piece reading IOANST is certainly of 
value. But here, too, it does not seem impossible to suggest 
an obvious original. On the same plate of Hauberg's work 
there is engraved a contemporary Danish imitation of 
a Byzantine type in which the first letters of the name 
clearly appear as IO. It seems probable, therefore, that 
the IOAN of the legend was suggested by some coin of 
a Byzantine Emperor, such as John Zimisces. The Byzan- 
tine influence on Denmark at this period is in fact illus- 
trated by a series of types. 

Our Medallist, Mr. Hill, in his investigations on the 
technique of Simon de Passe, has given conclusive reasons 
for believing that the plaques of this artist were in each 
case separately engraved, as suggested by Sir Sidney Colvin 
in his work on Early Engravers and Engraving in England. 
The repetitions of this design were in fact produced " not 
by any form of stamping but by the everyday method 


of rubbing a paper impression from a first engraved plaque 
on to the face of a fresh one, and then following closely 
with a graver the lines so transferred". There can be 
little doubt that the silver map of Drake's voyages was 
transferred in a similar manner. 

The victory of the Marne which has arrested the 
devastating progress of the New Barbarism recalls the 
world-famous defeat of Attila in the neighbouring Cata- 
launian Plain and lends a present appropriateness to the 

FIG. 1. 

recent identification of a type of Valentinian III by our 
Honorary Fellow, Monsieur Babelon. He shows that the 
reverse type of the Emperor holding the Cross and tramp- 
ling on the head of a human-headed serpent (Fig. 1) appears 
first on the imperial dies about 451, the date of Aetius's 
victory. It is also seen, moreover, on a solidus struck at 
Kavenna in the name of the Eastern Emperor Marcian in 452, 
when he sent a considerable army to assist his colleague to 
protect Italy against the advance of Attila on that side. 
M. Babelon therefore concludes that this addition of a human 
head to the earlier type of the serpent trampled under foot 
may have a direct reference to the Hunnish king. 

Attention may here be called to a small exhibition 



organized by Mr. Hill in the Coin Department of the 
British Museum, illustrating the relation not always a 
very creditable one of the mediaeval " Esterlings " of what 
is now Belgium to the English pennies, and giving examples 
of coins and medals belonging to that part of the Low 
Countries down to Napoleon's time. Among the interesting 
medals here exhibited are specimens referring to the Govern- 

FIG. 2. 

ment of the Duke of Alva, to the Siege of Brussels by the 
Spaniards in 1579, of Tournai in 1581, of Ypres in 1583, 
and of Antwerp by Alessandro Farnese in 1585. Two 
medals record the victory of Prince Maurice over the 
Spaniards at Turnhout in 1597, and of the same in associa- 
tion with Sir Francis de Vere over Albert of Austria at Nieu- 
port in 1600. But the piece which has the most direct 
pertinence to current events is that of which an illustration 
is given in Fig. 2, commemorating, in a singular manner, 
the oppression of the Netherlands by the Spaniards and 

The obverse of this piece suggests nothing unusual. It 



bears the head of Margaret of Austria, then Governess of the 
Netherlands, and the legend : 

Not so the reverse. Here we see the unfortunate Lion ot 
Belgium beneath the press of the Inquisition, one handle 


6>/y<-J tin btrdc /frfem getreld dtct op dt Jjrtm, 

fn ruel in ruff ofwt eUer dc*r en tier ftryktn, 

Deei tndcrlopn 'tLfiui t vni<rft mtn{(n,v 

tea tfl mi mtt <L-ti fiinijitt -iU eoi dalle / 

t rechl, 
Die (vttgauateJ, m 

Pen djtk bebtard'te fan wr tUt 
rtrtitt .-if Vtyc LctU aafe/fi hor tirtnnj, 

FIG. 3. 

of which is pulled, under the supervision of the Pope and 
the King of Spain, by the Governess Margaret, another by 
the Cardinal de Granvelle, and a third by the Duke of Alva. 
while Don Federico tightens the fetters round the lion's 
feet. Around are numerous spectators including the bishop 
of Ypres, and at the foot of the press are strewn torn 
charters ' little scraps of paper ' containing the privileges 
of the Netherlands. The inscription, QVID PREMITIS 


amplified, "Why press him thus? The lion's noble 
rage shall still return against his foes." 

This design is taken from a print in a work by Adrian 
Valerius, 1 which is here reproduced (Fig. 3) as explaining 
the details of the medal. The torn state of the Charters 
is here better shown, and the broken crown of the Nether- 
landish lion lies beside them. But the lion's head upturned 
in fury, as seen on the medal, adds a dramatic touch that is 
wanting on the engraving. 

Sad as was the plight of the Belgian Lion beneath the 
tyranny of Spain and Austria, here so vividly set forth, no 
medallic representation tolerable to the sight of civilized 
society could record the acts of criminal outrage and 
butchery, superadded to screws of extortion still more 
scientifically perfected, which have been perpetrated to-day 
upon the unarmed population of Belgium by the hordes of 
a Militarism equipped with engines of destruction beyond 
the dreams of Attila. 

A vote of thanks was unanimously accorded the President 
for his address, on the motion of Professor Oman, seconded 
by Mr. Henry Symonds, and acknowledged by Sir Arthur 

The President then announced the result of the ballot for 
office-bearers for 1915-1916 as follows: 


PH.D., F.R.S., F.B.A. 



1 Neclerlcmdlsche Gedenck-clank , Haarlem, 1G2G, p. 15. 





Foreign Secretary. 



Members of the Council 











A vote of thanks was awarded to the Auditors and 
Scrutineers on the motion of the President, who then 
adjourned the Society till October. 



(Continued from p. 178. SEE PLATES III-VI.) 


During the third century Gyrene is, historically 
speaking, one of the obscurest corners of that obscure 
age. The main facts apparently are : After the disaster 
which overtook Ophelias Magas re-occupied the city in 
Ptolemy's interest, and apparently without bloodshed. 
He ruled it for the next fifty years. The suzerainty of 
Egypt was never, we may suppose, very openly asserted 
inside the walls of what were, in name at least, Greek 
republics. Time confirmed Magas in his agreeably 
indefinite position, till with the death of Soter and 
the increasing friction between Syria and Egypt he 
declared himself independent and allied himself with 
Antiochus I, whose daughter he married. 150 Taking 
the field, he occupied the district of Libya lying 
between Cyrenaica and the Delta, and threatened 
Egypt ; but he was recalled by domestic troubles, and 
seems to have undertaken no further active operations. 
Some years later (probably on the death of Antiochus I) 
an end was put to this awkward state of armed but 
inactive hostility by the betrothal of Berenice, daughter 

50 As the princess was born not earlier, possibly later, than 292, 
the marriage cannot have taken place much earlier than 276-275. 
Pausanias, i. 7. 3, shows that it cannot have been later than 274, 
when the Syrian war broke out. 


250 E. S. G. ROBINSON. 

and heiress of Magas, to Ptolemy II' s son. In 258, 
however, Magas died, and his Syrian widow, ill content 
with the impending union of the Pentapolis with 
Egypt, summoned from Macedon Demetrius the 
Handsome (6 /caXoy), brother of Antigonus Gonatas, to 
take both heiress and inheritance. 

For the next few years the history lies in the 
utmost confusion ; our authorities when they mention 
the Cyrenaica only do so to contradict themselves 
as well as each other, and it is impossible to get 
a satisfactory account of events. What we know for 
certain is that Demetrius ended by paying his atten- 
tions to Apame in place of Berenice ; that he was killed 
in a palace intrigue at the head of which stood the 
injured princess, though still a girl; that Berenice 
eventually married Ptolemy III as had been arranged, 
and was a bride shortly after her husband's accession 
in 247-6 ; lastly, that two Megalopolitans, Ecdemus 
and Demophanes, were summoned to adjust political 
differences and reorganize the city, which they did 
with signal success, an event which must have occurred 
between 252 and 235. 151 

It has been generally assumed that Demetrius was 
murdered in 258, and Niese puts the reorganization 
by the philosophers about 250, shrewdly pointing out 
that Ecdemus and Demophanes were pupils of Arce- 
silaus of Gyrene, who was also the friend of Demetrius 

151 After 252, because it occurred after the freeing of Sicyon 
in c. 252, and before 235, because Lydiades then laid down the 
tyranny of Megalopolis and the city entered the Achaean league ; 
this brought an amnesty for exiles, and Ecdemus and Demophanes 
must have returned then, for they were the educators of Philo- 


himself, and so suggesting that the movement to call 
them in was the result of a counter revolution against 
the Egyptian party. This is very attractive, but there 
are two great objections, (1) the long time that would 
then have elapsed nearly ten years before the counter 
revolution, and (2) the marriage between Berenice 
and Ptolemy. If we can put the date of Demetrius' 
death later, some at least of the difficulties are 
smoothed out. Our chief authority is Eusebius (who 
throughout confuses Demetrius 6 /caXo? and Deme- 
trius son of Antigonus Gonatas). He says that the 
Macedonian prince " subdued all Libya and occupied 
Cyrene, which he held for ten years ; adding these to 
his inheritance he founded a new kind of kingship 
(monarchiae novam rationem fundavit) ". True, he is also 
said to have died in 258. But this latter statement is 
inconsistent with the activities he is credited with 
they cannot have begun before the death of Magas let 
alone the " ten years ". There seems as much or as 
little reason to accept the one as the other. It has 
already been suggested by Niebuhr that Demetrius' 
death should be placed in 250, and he emends Eusebius' 
text accordingly. 

There are two other relevant fragments of informa- 
tion. Callimachus writes a dedication for the bow of 
a Cretan, Menoetas of Lyctus : 

6 AVKTLOS Mevotras 
ra. roa, roivr kTrenr&v, 


Kal (fiaperprjv 

TOVS 8' oioroz)? 
eyovcnv 'Ea-TrepTrai. 

This shows that Euesperides (the name is not yet 


252 E. S. G. KOBINSON. 

Berenice) was fighting against Cretans, presumably 
mercenaries, and from the mention of Sarapis and 
from the authorship we may safely conclude Egyptian 
mercenaries. In view of Callimachus' date the fighting 
must have occurred before c. 240. 152 Solinus, 153 on the 
other hand, who speaks of the city as Berenice, says, 
" Hanc [civitatem] Berenice munivit quae Ptolemaeo 
tertio fuit nupta, et in maiori Syrte locavit." The 
change of name doubtless took place at the same 
teme as Teuchira became Arsinoe (a name connected 
especially with Ptolemy II and III) and the port of 
Barce Ptolemais. It points to a reorganization of the 
Cyrenaica. The word munivit becomes clear if read 
in the light of Callimachus' epigram. Berenice did 
more than change the name of Euesperides; she 
restored it after the damage of war. 

It may be suggested that the outline of events 
was somewhat as follows: Demetrius ruled several 
years over Cyrene and Libya as the future husband of 
Berenice, still a child. His conduct (with Apame and 
otherwise) gave rise to considerable discontent, and in 
252 or later he was murdered by the Egyptian party, 
at the head of which stood Berenice, aged perhaps 
fourteen to sixteen. 154 The result of this was an out- 
break of civil disturbance, but the anti-Egyptian party 
seems still to have kept the upper hand. Ecdemus 
and Demophanes, the pupils of Arcesilaus, Demetrius' 
master, were summoned to reorganize on a federal 
basis the affairs of the Cyrenaeans, whose liberty (as 
Plutarch says) they championed and maintained. In 

152 Call. Ep. xxxvii. 

153 Solinus, c. 27. 

154 Tenera virgo," Catullus, Coma Berenices. 



c. 250 Ptolemy II brought to an end his Syrian wars, 
and now nothing stood between Gyrene and Egypt. 
In the following years attention was concentrated on 
the recovery of the district, which was not achieved 
without a struggle, as has been hinted above. By the 
earliest years of Ptolemy III the Pentapolis was finally 
reorganized and united more closely to the Egyptian 

Such a view, which would make Berenice about 
fifteen in 252, explains why she was still a bride 
after her husband's accession in 247-6. If she were 
fifteen in 258 why such a gap before her marriage ? 
The notice of Eusebius may be thus explained. From 
258 (the death of Magas) to 248 (?) the policy of Gyrene 
was pro-Macedonian, pro-Syrian, and anti-Egyptian 
down to 252 under Demetrius, for the rest of the time 
under the two philosophers, comrades in arms of 
Aratus, who gave it some kind of federal system. May 
not Eusebius or his authorities have mistakenly syn- 
chronized Demetrius, the outstanding figure, with the 
whole period of anti-Egyptian policy, and so given him 
ten years of rule, as well as the credit of a new system 
of government (novam monarchiae rationem) which 
really belongs to his successors ? It is an easy mistake 
to call a new form of government (federal or what not) 
"novam monarchiae rationem" when laid to the credit 
of a prince. From now down to the time of Ptolemy 
Physcon Gyrene remained united to Egypt. If there 
were revolts (for example, at the death of Ptolemy III, 
under Berenice and Magas the younger) they were 
short, and we have no direct information about them. 

The numismatics of this period are almost as troubled 
as its history; at irregular intervals throughout the 

254 E. S. G. KOBINSOX. 

third century regal Ptolemaic as well as autonomous 
coins were issued from the mints of the Cyrenaica. 
the monograms being in some cases similar. In the 
first half of the century Gyrene seems to have been 
theoretically a free state, and thus to have issued gold 
as well as silver and copper money. "What the rela- 
tions between the two sets of coins were it is impossible 
to judge on the scanty evidence ; but the sporadic 
character of the regal currency seems to show that it 
was not due to any definite diminution of the city's 

The Silver Coinage. 

That the issue of Attic didrachms ceased with the 
fall of Ophelias in 308, I have tried to show above. 
That the succeeding issue of Ehodian weight was 
accompanied by a reorganization of the mint, is sug- 
gested by the fact that from henceforth magistrates' 
names cease to be written in full ; in their place we find 
either nothing or symbols and monograms. In the 
obverse, and still more in the silphium of the reverse, 
there is a break in style between the majority of the 
Bhodian didrachms and the coins of the late fourth 
century, which suggests that few silver coins were 
issued in the first years after Magas' occupation in 308. 155 
The connecting links with the previous period are the 
Attic didrachin of nOAIANGEYS (Xo. 74 A, above). 
the style of which anticipates curiously that of some 
of the later Rhodian didrachms. and the following 
coins : 

155 See below, p. 2-7. 


Obv. Head of young Ammon r., diademed. 

Jfer. Silphium (of florid style) with three whorls and 
seven umbels : K Y 
P A 

B. M. J*. 0-75. Wt 1174grs. Rhodian didrachm. 

85. Obv. Similar : same die. 

Her. Silphium as above, but of much stiffer style; 
in field to L, tripod, and to r.. wreath. 

Berlin. A 0-8. 

The style of the silphimn on Xo. 84 is very close 

iiat on the series of didrachms of Attic weight 

X s. 74-9, especially 79), and this, together with the 

absence of any name, symbol, or monogram, would 

lead us to put the coin at the head of the series. 

The tripod on the reverse of Xo. 85 occurs on other 
didrachms of rather later style, sometimes coupled 
with the monogram E 1 (M.,L 166-8), a coincidence which 
might lead us to put these didrachms next in order 
of time ; and the conclusion can be supported by an 
argument to be drawn later from the gold coinage 
(see p. 266). 

Points of contact are so rare within this group of 
didrachms that it is perhaps worth while to note the 
following three coins : 

86. Oln'. Head of young Ammon 1. 

. Silphium with three whorls and five umbels; 
tripod E 1 

B. 31. -B. 0-8. Wt. 114-1 grs. 
W Obv. Similar. 

Her. Similar ; in field L. R? : across field KY PA 

B. 31. -E. 0-8. Wt. 120-9 grs. Another, o&r. 
same die; rev. same monogram and bow- 
case. Berlin. 

256 E. S. G. ROBINSON. 

88. 01)v. Similar. 

Rev. Similar; across field above, KY PA; below, 

I K p K. 
B. M. JR. 0-85. Wt. 120-1 grs. 

The obverses of these three coins are very close to 
each other in style and therefore probably in time. 
No. 86 forms one of the E 1 -tripod group and so probably 
comes early in the series. No. 88, on the other hand, 
connects up with a number of other issues, which are 
therefore in close chronological relation with it. These 
are (1) "autonomous" Ehodian tetradrachms and di- 
drachms with I 1C l< and crab (see below, No. 89 and M. 
i. 160 ?) ; (2) " autonomous " Phoenician didrachms in 
silver and gold with H and crab (M. i. 180-1); (3) 
Ptolemaic (Phoenician) gold didrachms with 1 K 1 * and 
I K? (Svoronos Nop.iarp.aTa TO>V IlToXefjiaiGov, Nos. 102 
and 151 156 ); (4) Ptolemaic copper with I IT or fl, 
crab, and silphium. (Svoronos, op. cit., Nos. 70-1.) 

It has not been previously noted that tetradrachms 
of Ehodian weight were issued as well as didrachms, 
but the following certainly fall within this period. 

89. Obv. Head of bearded Ammon r., hair curling freely. 

Rev. Silphium with three whorls and five umbels; 
in field above, KY PH ; below, I fT H ; 
beneath, in field r., crab. 

B. M. JR. 1-05. Wt. 222-6 grs. Khodian tetra- 
drachm. Another, same dies, in the market, 
wt. 237-4 grs. Others in Jameson Cat., 
No. 1351 ("vers 400"), wt. 222 grs., and 
at Berlin. 

56 In the last the monograms are given as three, I r RP l"? 
but obviously the first two are really one, the double Fl is written 
in full, and the whole stands for a name like 


90. Obv. Similar (different style). 

Rev. Similar ; in field r. cornucopiae ; below, at base 
of stem, 1. and r. KY PA 

B. M. JR. 1-05. Wt. 230-5 grs. Ehodian tetra- 

There are didrachms corresponding to both of these 
M. i. 160 (?) and i. 151-2. 

No. 89 is interesting for the inscription. It is the 
only instance of the abandonment of the Doric form 
of the ethnic. That it should appear at the outset of 
the Hellenistic age is characteristic of that time. 
The crab on the reverse raises the whole question of 
the monograms and symbols of the period. Are these 
used to distinguish different issues of the same mint, 
or the issues of one mint from another ? It seems 
impossible to trace any system in their arrangement ; 
sometimes the symbol is accompanied by a monogram, 
sometimes not; sometimes it is the monogram that 
stands alone. The crab occurs on coins of all issues of 
this century, occasionally as a type, e.g. on the copper 
(M. i. 340), mostly as a symbol, e.g. on Rhodian tetra- 
drachms (No. 89) and didrachms (M. i. 175), on Phoe- 
nician didrachms (M. i. 179-80), on later copper (M. 
i. 247, 267, 280, 283), and on Ptolemaic gold and copper 
(Svoronos, op. cit., Nos. 304, 70). These coins must cover 
altogether a space of at least half a century, almost 
certainly of considerably more. Leaving out of con- 
sideration the fact that the symbol appears with 
different monograms, we cannot therefore refer it to an 
individual. The most likely explanation is that it has 
a local significance. The crab points to a seaport. 157 

157 Muller, i. p. 95. X??Aai, as he points out, means "mole" as 
well as "claw". 

258 E. S. G. ROBINSON. 

But all these coins when they bear any ethnic bear 
that of Gyrene. The port of Gyrene, known in 
Ptolemaic times as Apollonia, in early Christian times 
as Sozusa, is the one place which answers all the re- 
quirements. First it was a port; second, as it was, 
so to say, a suburb of Gyrene, we need not be sur- 
prised to find KYPA on coins issued thence. I would 
therefore assign all coins on which we find a crab 
to a subsidiary Cyrenaean mint at Apollonia. Miiller 
goes further and regards all coins bearing C as issuing 
from this mint, 158 of which he thinks Sozusa was the 
pre-Ptolemaic name as it certainly was the late 
Eoman. But there is no reason to suppose that the 
name of the place was anything but Apollonia until 
late Roman, times, while if we take the monogram for 
that of a magistrate the most natural explanation 
it falls into line with the other monograms of the 
series which have never been interpreted as referring 
to anything but magistrates. Muller's reason for treat- 
ing it exceptionally is the varying weight of the unit 
pieces on which it occurs. This seems to him to require 
a longer period of time than would be covered by the 
activity of a single magistrate, a point which will be 
dealt with below, p. 261. 

Except for the latest copper issues, No. 119 below, 
other symbols (save one) though they occur on coins 
of different groups, e.g. the bow-case on No. 87 and on a 
coin of Berenice II, 159 the snake on a Ehodian didrachm 
(M. i. 171), and later copper (M. i. 265), must be referred 
to individuals, as the common ethnic KYPA would 

Miiller, ibid., p. 94, but cp. Suppl. 17, 18. 
159 Svor., No. 319, who calls it a silphium and assigns it to 
Berenice I. 


naturally lead us to suppose. The one exception is 
the fruit-laden branch which is found on a Rhodian 
didrachm with the puzzling inscription BA 31 (M. 
i. 364), on Ptolemaic gold staters of Phoenician weight 
(Svoronos, op. cit., No. 101), and on late bronze (M. i. 339). 
In none of these cases is the symbol coupled with the 
ethnic of Gyrene, and in the last we have what is 
probably the initial of Euesperides, so we may con- 
clude that here, too, we have a clear example of the 
local significance of a symbol. 100 

Of M. i. 364 I have no explanation to offer. 
BA$I must stand for BASIAEIIS. The fruit branch 
seems to imply Euesperides. The coin itself, to judge 
by the stiff style of the silphium, does not come early 
in the series of Ehodian didrachms. The head suggests 
personal traits and has vague Ptolemaic analogies, but 
to say, as does Miiller (I. c.), that it is a head of Soter 
seems too much. The enigmatic inscription would 
suggest some time of interregnum such as the period 
between the death of Ptolemy I and the open defection 
of Magasfrom his half-brother Philadelphus (283-280?). 
With this the style of the silphium accords well 
enough, while the fleshy face agrees with what we 
know of Magas' appearance. 161 At the same time it 
is doubtful whether Magas actually assumed the royal 
title. As I shall attempt to show later, the coins read- 
ing BA$IAEH3 MAFA cannot be accepted as evidence, 
and the literary authorities are not unanimous ; 1G2 nor, 
if they were, would their evidence be conclusive, for 
they are mostly on a level with Justin who calls even 

160 See below, p. 278. 

61 As Cavedoni suggested, M. i. p. 143, and note 4. 
162 Cp. the references collected in Thrige, p. 223, note 9. 

260 E. S. G. ROBINSON. 

Ophelias " rex", though he died before any of the great 
diadochi had assumed this style. If Magas had called 
himself king, it seems difficult to believe that during 
his period of independence, which must have lasted 
more than fifteen years, he would not have put his 
name in any form to the coinage. 163 

The silver coinage we are discussing presumably lasted 
down to the middle of the century and till the death 
of Demetrius the Handsome. It probably began with 
Nos. 84-5 above; but the break in style, which is 
noticeable between the various gold and silver issues as 
compared with those at the end of the fourth century, 
and the number of magistrates whose names or initials 
appear only on the copper, 104 would lead us to infer that 
for several years after the reconquest by Magas the 
coinage in the precious metals was very scanty. At any 
rate we may suppose the introduction of the Rhodian 
weight standard to be the result of its employment 
by Ptolemy for his "satrapal" issues and therefore 
subsequent to 305 B.C. 165 Of M. i. 171-4 with 
the monograms I I 51 and I RP K E we may say that 
they are earlier than 283 B.C., for corresponding 
monograms occur on coins of Ptolemy I (Svoronos, 
op. cit., Nos. 65-71). Latest in style seems to come the 
group with the crab symbol and various monograms 
(M. i. 161-5). 

The weights of the silver coins of this period are 
very confused, as is shown by a glance at the ' table 
of frequency' prepared for the didrachms with the 
head of beardless Ammon and the silphium plant as 

163 For the alleged monogram of Magas see below, p. 288. 

164 See p. 275. 

165 Svoronos, op. cit., Nos. 101-80. 


types, from the list of weights in Miiller and from 
those specimens in the British Museum acquired since 
he wrote. From this table it can be seen at a glance 
that the normal weight is 11 6-1 21 -9 grs., and that from 
116 grs. the "frequency" decreases rapidly and regularly 
to 101 grs. Thus, while the number of coins between 
116-118-9 and 119-121-9 is almost exactly equal, the 
number between 113-115-9 is little more than half of 
that between 116-118-9, the number between 110-112-9 

little more than half of that between 113-115-9, the 
numbers between 104-106-9 and 107-109-9 each a third 
of that between 110-112-9. Between 92-101 grs. are 
two coins, but between 80-90 there are no less than 
six. Muller 1CG had already recognized the diversity of 
weights and the two groups into which they fall, but he 
failed to notice another group with a different obverse 
type, the head of Apollo (M. i. 177-80). Specimens of 
this group are by no means common, but, with one 
exception, the weights of all that I have been able to 
record fall between 98-106-9 grs. The exception (M. i. 

i, pp. 117seqq., and 65- -7. 

262 E. S. G. KOBINSOX. 

179, wt. 1143) is also distinguished from every other 
coin of the group by the absence of any monogram. 

Undoubtedly at this time the weights of coins were 
carelessly regulated, 167 and due allowance must be 
made for under- and over-weight coins if the striking 
was by tale. But it seems difficult to resist the conclu- 
sion that we have here three different units, the lowest 
and highest (80-90 grs. and 116-122 grs.) with the same 
types, the intermediate one (101-107 grs.) with a dif- 
ferent type. There is sufficient difference in weight 
between the highest and the lowest of these units not 
to deceive a Levantine, used to the miscellaneous cur- 
rency of the Greek world. Where there might have 
been a difficulty, the question was decided by a different 
type. In the same way the Egyptian mint produced 
simultaneously tetradrachms of Rhodian and of Phoeni- 
cian standard, 108 the weight of which fluctuates con- 
siderably. It may be suggested that the two heaviest 
of these sets of di drachms were struck after their 

The question of the pieces of 80-90 grs. is more 
difficult. Miiller apparently regards them as later 
than the others and as didrachms of what he calls the 
"Asiatic" (i.e. Samian) system, 169 reduced through 
lapse of time. But surely the reduction involved (the 
usual weight of the Samian tetradrachm is 203-8) is 
too great. Side by side with these pieces of 80-90 grs. 
we may put another coin (M. i. 182), wt. 43 grs., their 

107 Cp. the weights of the Rhodian tetradrachms, Nos. 89, 90, 
above, 222-237 grs., and of the contemporary regal and satrapal 
money of Egypt. 

168 Svoronos, pp. 104 seqq. and 183 seqq. 

169 i. e. that employed for the tetradrachms of the fourth 


half. At the end of the previous period, too, we have 
noticed a coin of Barce (p. 172, above, and M. Suppl. 
325 A), wt. 159-8 grs., which may be a double of the 
same unit. What is the standard ? Mliller calls the 
Barcaean piece a "Phoenician" or "Asiatic" tridrachm. 
If, however, it were a tridrachm, it would, in spite of 
the loss by oxydization, give a tetradrachm of 213 grs., 
which is too heavy, especially for the fourth century. 170 
If, as has been suggested, we regard the pieces of 
80-90 as the halves of this so-called " tridrachm ", the 
difficulty of such a name becomes more apparent ; in 
the first place we should get a trihemidrachm, a very 
awkward fraction ; in the second place, such a half 
would postulate a whole of 160-180 grs., which would 
place "Asiatic" (i.e. Samiaii) weight out of the 

In the end of the fourth century and the early 
years of the third there was in use in Crete a reduced 
form of the Aeginetic standard which tallies well with 
the weight of these coins. For example, at Cher- 
sonnesos the didrachms of the period in the British 
Museum range from 164-2-174 grs., at Cydonia from 
137-5 through 143-2, 165-2, 172-5, to 182-7. At Poly- 
rhenium, for the period 330-280, the didrachms run 
from 163-5-176, and the drachms from 69-6-87-2, while 
one of the latter is over-struck upon a coin of Gyrene 
f this very type. 171 As has been indicated above, the 
connexion between Crete and Cyrenaica was very close. 
Cretan mercenaries were always popular, and it was to 

ro Tetradrachms of 0EY<l>EIAEY5 and IA5ONO in the 

British Museum run from 195 to 203 grains. 
171 B. M. C. } 10. 

264 E. S. G. EOBINSOX. 

Cydonia that in 323 the exiles of Gyrene and Barce 
fled to seek the aid of Thimbron. I believe that in 
these coins we have to do with the same standard 
as we find in Crete. 

The Gold Coinage. 

The gold coinage of this period is more scanty than 
that of the fourth century, and is marked by a change 
first of denomination, then of weight standard. The 
first issues consist of Attic tetrobols and obols. It has 
been suggested above that the little piece of 13-5 grs. 
was adopted in the fifth and fourth centuries because of 
its adaptability to the silver, forming at the beginning 
the equivalent of the Samian tetradrachm at the rate 
of 15:1, and after Alexander the equivalent of the 
Attic didrachm at 10:1. If we follow the same clue, 
we can get an explanation of the change of denomina- 
tion now under consideration. During the reign of 
Ptolemy Soter the silver coins most frequently met 
with in Gyrene must have been of Rhodian or Phoeni- 
cian weight, for by the side of the Rhodian didrachms, 
which form the bulk of the autonomous issues, the 
Egyptian "satrapal" and " regal" issues (Rhodian tetra- 
drachms and Phoenician tetradrachms and octo- 
drachms) must have had free course. From the end 
of the fourth century the exchange value of gold and 
silver seems to have remained definitely at 10 : 1, and 
at this rate the Attic obol of 11-25 grs. would be just 
about the equivalent of its contemporary the Rhodian 
didrachm, while the Attic tetrobol would correspond to 
the Phoenician octodrachm. 

Of the gold tetrobols we have three issues, (1) with 


no mint symbol or monogram 172 (M. i. 205), (2) with 
E 1 (M. i. 207), (3) with C- The series of obols offers 
greater variety, as the following list shows : 

91. Obv. Head of bearded Ammon r. 

Rev. Female head r., wearing earring and necklace, 
the hair gathered in a knot behind. 

Paris. M. 0-25. Wt. 10-5 grs. E. T. Newell, 
11-3 grs. 

92. Olv. Similar. 

Bev. Similar ; behind E 1 . 

B. M. N. 0-3. Wt. 11 grs. (= M. i. 60, where 
the weight is wrongly given). 

93. Olv. Similar. 

Rev. Thunderbolt between two stars. 
B. M. M. 0-3. Wt. 11-3 grs. 

94. Another, with one of the stars replaced by a plough. 

B. M. N. 0-3. Wt. 11-3 grs. 

95. Another, with ME in addition to the stars. 

B. M. Wt. 10-6 grs. Paris, N. 0-3. Wt. 10-7 grs. 

96. Another with the head to 1., one of the stars replaced 


B. M. N. 0-3. Wt. 11 grs. 

97. Obv. Bow-case. 

Eev. Silphium with two whorls and five umbels. 

Gotha. N. 0-3. Wt. 11 srs. Paris. Wt. 7 grs. 
(worn). 173 

172 And therefore presumably at the head of the series. The 
single star which appears behind the horseman's back on all these 
issues (except one variety of (2) in Berlin) I am inclined to regard 
as an adjunct to the main type. The horseman would then be one 
of the Dioscuri. 

173 M. i. 80, who did not recognize the obverse type. 


266 E. S. G. KOBINSON. 

The heads on Nos. 91-6 are distinctly later than those 
on the corresponding little pieces of flOAIANGEY^. 
If continuity of type goes for anything, we should 
expect Nos. 91 and 92, which show a head on both 
sides like the corresponding pieces of the previous 
period, to precede Nos. 93-6, on which new types 
appear. That No. 91, like the earliest silver of the 
period, bears no magistrate's name or symbol, reinforces 
the suggestion. No. 92 with E 1 would then come near 
the beginning of the period, as a consideration of the 
silver didrachms with the same monogram has already 
led us to think likely. 174 The two stars of No. 93 and 
the star and C of No. 96 occur on a corresponding 
silver series (M. i. 153-4 and 156-9), the plough of 
No. 94 on the copper series (No. 112, below). No. 97 by 
its types stands apart from the rest; the absence of 
magistrate's name or symbol and the type of silphium 
suggest a very early date in the period. 

One gold coin remains : 

98. Obv. Nike driving a quadriga r. : above. KYPA- 

Rev. Zeus Ammon standing 1., his breast and 
shoulders bare, his 1. resting on sceptre, his 
r. holding patera over thymiaterion ; in field 
r. |^ ; below, crab. 

Paris. N. 0-75. Wt. 110-5 grs. (Published by Babe- 
Ion in Rev. Num., 1885, p. 399, PI. xv. 7.) 

No. 98, of the usual types of the Cyrenaean gold 
staters, is of a different weight and a later style. In 
style it is most nearly related to the latest coin of 
nOAIANGEYS (No. 71, above), though there is still 
some gap between. The head of the Nike looks r., 
instead of to front, and the treatment of the horse 

174 Above, p. 255. 


and chariot recalls the coins of Philistis, while the Zeus 
of the reverse resembles very closely the Poseidon on 
third-century coins of Tenos (B. M. C. : Crete, &c., p. 128, 
No. 7). The monogram, as has been said above, 175 
occurs on satrapal gold coins of Ptolemy Soter, as 
well as on other autonomous Cyrenaean issues, and 
therefore the coin was presumably struck before 283. 
The weight standard is the Phoenician, on which the 
gold satrapal coins are struck, not the Attic of the obols 
and tetrobols above and of the staters of the previous 

It is perhaps worth noting summarily here, at the 
end of the series, how the smallest gold piece forms 
a point of contact between the different systems 
through all the changes of gold standard from the 
fifth century downwards. The earliest gold piece is a 
Samian drachm (No. 31) of which the 13-3 is a quarter, 
and the 13-3 is itself a tenth of the Attic stater, the 
successor of the first coin; of this Attic stater the 
new little piece introduced in the fourth period is the 
Y 1 ^ (or obol), but it is at the same time the tenth of 
the Phoenician stater by which the Attic in its turn 
is superseded. 

The Bronze Coinage. 

The bronze coinage of the Cyrenaica falls mostly 
within the limits of the Ptolemaic period, and though 
the earlier issues were struck in the fourth century it 
seems best to discuss it as a whole. 170 It can be divided 
by style into the following groups : (1) Down to 

175 p. 260. 

176 See above, pp. 171-4, 177, for M. of Barce, Euesperides and 
certain of Gyrene. 

268 E. S. G. ROBINSON. 

c. 270, with or without ethnic ; first without, then with, 
magistrates' names and, later, with symbols. (Many of 
the cases of apparent absence of inscription, however, 
are due to poor condition.) (2) From c. 270 to Ptolemy 
Physcon, c. 150, with symbols and monograms of later 
style, e.g. M. i. 251-85. (3) The short period of freedom 
between the death of Ptolemy Apion and the Eoman 
dominion ; a few coins only. (4) The Eoman period. 
Some of the coins without ethnic may belong to Barce 
or Euesperides. 

As many of the bronze pieces are overstruck, we may 
get a little light on their chronological sequence. A 
fixed point is established by the coin with the very 
interesting reverse type of the tomb of Battus and the 
magistrate's name EY<!>PIO (M. i. 234-5). The same 
name 177 occurs on the flTOAEMAin KYPANAION 
coins mentioned above, 178 which can be dated with some 
certainty to 308-304. I regard the following as con- 
temporary : 

99. Obv. Horse's head r. ; in front 0E ; (beneath, symbol ? 
or break in the die) ; dotted border. 

JRev. Wheel with hub and six spokes. 
B. M. M. 0-9. Wt. 210-9 grs. 

The HTOAEMAin KYPANAION coins show also 
the name of another magistrate GEY, whom I have 
sought to identify above with the 0EY<1>EIAEY of the 
Attic didrachm (No. 79), and I would add No. 98 to the 
coins which he signs. If the attribution be accepted, 
it increases the evidence for a second 0EY<I>EIAEY. 
For, if the hypothesis of a second 0EY4>EIAEYS put 

177 Unknown to Pape-Benseler and therefore unlikely to be a 
different person. 

178 See p. 170 note, and Svoronos, op.cit., p. 11, No. 61 seqq. 


forward above is correct, part of that moneyer's activities 
would fall within the time of Ophelias, on whose silver 
the Carthaginian palm-tree has already occurred 1T9 ; 
and here we have the Carthaginian horse's head. 

The Paris specimen of the bronze coin with 
EY0PIOS (M. i. 234) is overstruck 180 on a coin with 
the same obverse type of the bearded Ammon, but fuller 
and coarser as on M. i. 91 ; although the reverse under- 
neath is not so clear, there are very definite traces of 
what I take to be the wheel which is the reverse type 
of M. i. 91. But the B. M. specimen of M. i. 91 is 
overstruck on yet another coin, which, to judge by the 
traces of the top of the silphium plant on the reverse, 
was most probably the following : 

100. Obv. Head of Apollo r. , laureate. 

Rev. Silphium with three whorls and five umbels ; 
^ J ; dotted border. 

B. M. M. 1. Wt. 207-9 grs. (M. i. 86). 

Of the large early copper coins No. 100 is the only 
one I have seen on which the principal umbel of the 
silphium is disengaged from its whorl, and in this it 
tallies with the umbel underlying the wheel on the 
B. M. example of M. i. 91. Reasons of style alone 
would make us place it very early among the bronze 
series, and the apparent absence of magistrate's name 
confirms this classification. Other issues which the 
same reasons style, and lack of a name would lead 
us to put at the same early time are : those with the 
head of Cyrene (inscribed KYPAMA) on the obverse, on 

179 See above, p. 172, and Nos. 77-8. 

180 Not double-struck as Miiller suggests. The shape of the lips 
on the under type is much fuller than on the over type. 

270 E. S. G. ROBINSON. 

the reverse the triple silphium (M. i. .231-2) ; that with 
the head of Athena on the obverse, on the reverse 
a silphium (M. i. 233) ; and that with the head of 
Apollo (?) on the obverse, on the reverse a silphium 
(M. i. 241). The other coins which are usually given 
as uninscribed are either of later style or owe their 
apparent lack of magistrate's name to their condition. 
Besides the two pieces cited above of the magistrates 
0E - - and EY<!>PIO$, we have the following with 
magistrates' names before c. 270 : 

101. Obv. Head of bearded Ammon r., laureate; behind, 

EY C outwards. 

Rev. Silphium with three whorls and five umbels ; 
p A 5 dotted border. 

B. M. 0-85. Wt. 208-5 grs. =M. Suppl. 222 b. 
Another specimen. 

Beside this may be put the coin with bearded and 
diademed head on the obverse, and the same reverse, 
reading MIAAS (M. Suppl. 87 b). 

102. Obv. Head of beardless Ammon r. ; in front of neck, 

A, and behind, N AP (. ; dotted border. 

Rev. Silphium with three whorls and five umbels; 

Y M 

B. M. M. 0-9. Wt. 217 grs. (and two other 
specimens, the reverse inscription only 
visible on one) = M. i. 82, 83, and 224-5 
(where the inscriptions are not given). 

With this would go the coin with head of Apollo 
and silphium, also reading ANAP (M. Suppl. 87 A). 

103. Obv. Similar ; in front, N } ; dotted border. 

Rev. Similar; in field r., traces of KY]PA?; linear 

B. M. M. 0-6. Wt. 62-9 grs. The inscription is 
not certain (M. i. 81 or 84 ?, 226-7). 


104. Obv. Similar ; behind, THP C ; dotted border. 
Rev. Triple silphium ; KY P. 

B. M. jE. 0-6. Wt. 64 grs. [Obv. inscription off 
the coin]. Imhoof (AntiJce gr. Miinz., 
p. 109). M. i. 228-30. 

105. 06v. Similar, with fillet in front (?) ; behind HP; 

linear border. 

Eev. Silphium with three whorls and five umbels ; 
linear border. 

B. M. JE. 0-65. Wt. 70-2 grs. Inscription is 
not certain (M. i. 81 ? and 84 ?). 

106. Ol>v. Head of Apollo with flowing hair r. : in front 

- - - PH*. 

Eev. Silphium with three whorls and five umbels ; 
in field r., ear of corn. 

Hunter. M. 0-85. Wt. 181 grs. (Macdonald iii. 
Gyrene, No. 30.) 

The head on the obverse recalls that on the 
<!>EI AIINO3 didrachms above (Nos. 76-7), while the ear 
of corn appears on the EY<1>EIAEY didrachms in 
the same group. 

107. Olv. Free horse r. ; [above, star] ; exergual line; linear 


Eev. Wheel; to 1., NIKHNOSC outwards; dotted 

B. M. M. 0-75. Wt. 123-2 grs. 181 = M. i. 95. 

181 As evidence for the contention that most of these copper coins 
really have a magistrate's name or symbol, it may be mentioned 
that of three specimens of No. 107 in the British Museum only 
one shows the inscription and that with difficulty, while none shows 
the star with unmistakeable clearness; the Hunter specimen 
shows no inscription. Of eleven specimens known to Mtiller (i. 28, 
note 6), only one showed the inscription clearly. 

272 E. S. G. ROBINSON. 

108. Ob v. Horseman walking r. ; between horse's forelegs, 

AM ; dotted border. 

Eev. Wheel with hub bisected by two spokes ; in the 
1. half, two spokes; in the r., silphium plant 
with three whorls and five umbels. 

B. M. JE. 0-85. Wt. 135-3 grs. = M. i. 98. 
Another similar with $A (M. i. 97). 

With this may be mentioned the following, which 
recalls the type of the gold drachms with XAIPIO^, 
as does No. 107 those with F1OAI. 

109. Obv. Horseman galloping r. ; behind, KY. 

Eev. Wheel with hub and four spokes ; in 1. section, 
silphium with two whorls and five umbels ; 
linear border. 

B. M. M. 0-85. Wt. 112-7 grs. (restruck) = M. 
i. 248. Another = M. i. 96. 

No magistrate's name or symbol has yet been noted 
on coins of this issue. A piece of similar types (M. i. 247) 
has on the reverse KY and a crab : this would connect 
it chronologically with the gold and silver issues of the 
Ptolemaic period bearing the same symbol. 

110. Obv. Crab-, dotted border. 

Eev. Jerboa r. EYA - - ; dotted border. 

Paris = M. i. 99 (cp. ibid. Suppl., 99 A). 
There is a fourth letter, possibly a f, to be read on 
the Paris specimen. On another coin (M. i. 340) the 
jerboa is turned to the 1., and the magistrate is 
3fl3l(O). $fl occurs on silver didrachms (M. i. 178 
and 161), and we meet the same pair in the following 
little group (M. i. 88-90 and 237) : 

111. Obv. Gazelle r. ; above, $fl ; in field r., bunch of 

grapes ; dotted border. 

Eev. Silphium with five whorls and seven umbels; 
dotted border. 

B. M. M. 0-75. Wt. 115-6 grs. (= M. i. 89 A). 



Another example with a jerboa for symbol in place 
of the bunch of grapes, and EYA in place of ft, 
appeared in the Philipsen Sale, 182 and there is yet a 
third variety (M. i. 89, and B. M.) with branch as 
symbol and an uncertain magistrate's name, of 
which the first letter seems to be f. Attached to this 
group are two coins with the same types (though the 
gazelle is turned to the left), and the magistrate's name 
in full. On these we find SftSIS (M. i. 90 A) and 
the very dubious AN0IF1I1N reported by Sestini (M. 
i. 90). 

All of the foregoing must be later than No. 101, on 
a specimen of which one of them is over-struck (M. 
i. 88 A). M. i. 88-90 will all belong to the same group, 
though Mliller gives no magistrate, no ethnic, and some- 
times no symbol. 18 "' 

112. Obv. Head of Apollo (?) r., the hair falling in long 
curls from the crown of the head. 

Rev. Gazelle r. ; above, KYPA ; in field r., plough. 

B. M. M. 045. Wt. 174 grs. = M. i. 246. 
(Miiller calls the symbol "une couronne''.) 

Another specimen, B. M., M.4, Wt. 12-4 grs. = M. 
i. 245, has for symbol a plectrum of the shape 
found on certain Lycian coins, 184 called by Miiller "un 
chapeau". There was doubtless a symbol also on the 
coins of the same types figured under M. i. 244. The 
plough, as symbol, we have met with on the small 
gold of the fourth period above (No. 94). 

182 Hirsch, xxv, lot 3243 ; two specimens, also one in the British 
Museum, on none of which is the name clear, though their reverses 
read KYPA plainly. 

183 The Hunter coin (Macdonald, iii. Cyrene, No. 28), which 
Miiller gives under No. 88 without a symbol, really has the branch. 

184 Cp. B.M. C.: Lycia, PL xii. 10. 

274 E. S. G. ROBINSON. 

The following coins, though they have (apparently) 
no magistrate's name or symbol, seem stylistically later 
than any of the pieces given above. 

113. Obv. Head of bearded Ammon r. ; dotted border. 

Rev. Wheel with hub and six spokes ; K] Y ; dotted 

B. M. 0-9. Wt. 142 grs. = M. i. 93. (Miiller reads 
the Y as P.) The comparative lateness of 
this issue is shown by the fact that one 
specimen is struck over the Carthaginian 
third-century copper with head of Demeter 
and horse's head types (M. i. 94 A). 

114. Obv. Horse stepping r. 

Eev. Wheel with hub and four spokes ; K Y 

P A 

B. M. M. 0-5. Wt. 34-7 grs. (=M. i. 250). 

Some of the coins just described Miiller places "avant 
le quatrieme siecle ", 185 But this is most doubtful. He 
bases his conclusion on the style and still more on 
the fabric, which is very thick and often shows a 
strong incuse on the reverse. But the style, although 
it is rough, is not therefore necessarily early, and 
its roughness is often emphasized by the condition of 
the coins themselves, which is for some reason almost 
invariably poor. 186 If one met the rough style, and 
especially the thick fabric, on Sicilian coins, it is true 
one would naturally think of the fifth and early fourth 
centuries. But Gyrene lay on the outskirts of the 
Greek world, and the same thick fabric and marked 

85 i. p. 37. 

!6 This circumstance is also probably the reason why so many 
coins appear in Mailer's work and elsewhere as completely anepi- 
graphic, whereas it may be supposed (and in many cases can be 
demonstrated) that they often bore ethnics and generally magis- 
trates' names or symbols. 


incuse reverse meet us even in the copper coins 
struck under Roman suzerainty after the death of 
Ptolemy Apion. Further, the style of the heads (e. g. 
Nos. 102-6) recalls that on the latest issues of the 
fourth century (Nos. 74, 75, above, nOAIANGEYS), 
and the same is true of the treatment of the silphium 
which, as a rule, is of that thick florid type characteristic 
of the issues just mentioned. 

The magistrate's names, at least thirteen in number, 
raise a difficulty. They are written at length or in 
abbreviation, as is the manner of the fourth century, 
not in monogram, as is the fashion of the next period. 
But of these magistrates there is only one who appears 
in what we should naturally be inclined to regard as 
the corresponding silver or gold issues of the fourth cen- 
tury. That one, however (the 0E of No. 99), is 

in a sense an exception which explains the rule, for the 
OEY<I>EIAEY of the Attic didrachm has been placed 
last of all the magistrates of that series. Similarly 
EY<!>PIO$ occurs also on Ptolemaic gold dateable to 
308-305, 187 and the other apparent correspondences 
between silver and copper likewise fall within Ptolemaic 
times. They are not numerous : %l on No. 110, &c., 
and on the silver didrachms, M. i. 161, 178 ; the plough 
on No. 112 and on the gold obol (No. 94). In other 
words, all these correspondences are later than 310 
a date which the style of the bulk of the coins con- 
firms and therefore, if any except the uninscribed 
ones are to be placed earlier in the fourth century, 
we must assume that the striking of the gold and 
silver and of the copper issues were at that time 
entrusted to different authorities. Against this assump- 

187 See above, p. 268. 

276 E. S. G. ROBINSON. 

tion the few coincidences of name that do occur in 
the later period would militate. But why are the 
coincidences so few ? Possibly the output of silver at 
the Cyrenaean mint was restricted in the first years 
after the recovery of the revolted city in 308, whether 
for political reasons or through economic exhaustion. 

To the second period of copper coinage from 270 
down to Ptolemy Physcon the bulk of the common 
copper coins of Cyreiie belongs. The three most im- 
portant issues are : (1) Obv. Head of bearded Ammon, 
Rev.V&lm tree (M. i. 251-69); (2) Obv. Head of Apollo, 
Rev. Lyre (M. i. 270-82) ; (3) Obv. Head of bearded 
Ammon, Rev. Silphium KOINON (M. i. 104-13). 
There is a silver didrachm of Rhodian weight of the 
same style, types, and legend as this latter class (M. 
i. 269). The activities of the philosophers Ecdemus 
and Demophanes in the Cyrenaica have been referred to 
above, 1 >8 where it was suggested that the "new form 
of rule " ascribed by Eusebius to Demetrius the Hand- 
some should really be laid to their account. Whether 
this suggestion be accepted or no, it is difficult to avoid 
associating the KOINON issue with the government of 
the comrades of Aratus, whose date (between 252 
236) 189 fits excellently with the style of the coins. It 
is, further, remarkable that on some of the copper 
coins there occurs the monogram 101 , of which the 
obvious resolution is AHM(O<!>ANH). It is always 
possible that these coins were struck under Ptolemaic 
suzerainty : a KOLVOV rS>v vrjo-Korooi' existed in such con- 
ditions under Ptolemy I and II, though it has left us 
no coins. But this view does not seem so satisfactory 

See above, p. 250. 189 See above, p. 250, note. 



as the attribution to Ecdemus and Demophanes, while 
against it may be urged the large number of KOLVOV 
coins over-struck upon regal Ptolemaic issues, and later 
the equally large number of regal Ptolemaic issues of 
all sorts and sizes over-struck upon coins of the KOLVOV. 
This would indicate in each case a desire to suppress 
and obliterate the existing currency, for which we can 
find a motive only if the KOLVOV were independent of 
Egyptian control. 

The Apollo-Lyre series (M. i. 270-82) contains speci- 
mens restruck on the Ammon-Palm tree series (M. 
i. 251-69) and must therefore be the later of the two. 190 
With some hesitation I would put both of these issues 
before the KOLVOV coins. The Apollo-Lyre series is no 
doubt later than the other; but to judge by style, it is 
not much later, in fact, it presumably follows it 
directly. Now both these series contain coins of very 
poor work, but they also contain coins of very neat 
work, and that not in one issue of the series but 
throughout. Take, for example, the Apollo-Lyre series. 
Here we have neat and careless style in the group 
without symbol or monogram (M. i. 270), in that with 
the crab (M. i. 280), with the star (M. i. 272) and in 
the group with letters (M. i. 274-8). The same holds 
good (though there is less variation) in the Ammon- 
Palm tree series. This tends to show that the degenera- 
tion is not due to lapse of time so much as to copying 
by inferior workmen. If it were true that there was a 
correspondence between the monograms of the Apollo- 
Lyre series and of the Ptolemaic coins struck as Miiller 
suggests after 305 B.C., 191 the date of the former would 

190 M. i. 281. 

i, p. 76. 

278 E. S. G. ROBIXSOX. 

have to be altered. The monograms said to coincide are 
ll, fl, and rT. Now ll certainly occurs on the Apollo- 
Lyre series (M. i. 275), but on the Ptolemaic coin he 
cites (M. i. 275) the monogram is Fl I , as on the 
earlier autonomous silver (M. i. 173); fl is not suf- 
ficiently distinctive ; and for W on the Apollo- Lyre 
series (31. i. 278) Sestini is our only authority. 

Two minor points may here be noticed. The view 
of Muller that the crab may be regarded as a local 
mark (almost alone among the symbols of Gyrene), 
and as referring to Apollonia, the port of Gyrene, has 
been accepted above. The following seems to offer 
some confirmation of the view. 

Rev. Lyre ; K Y ; below the K. crab. 

114 a. Obv. Head of Apollo r. 

Lyre ; K Y ; bel 

B. M. JE. 0-7. Wt 70grs. (= M. i. 280). 

K Y 

The ordinary inscription on these coins is p ^ 

Here a crab is substituted for the P. It seems in- 
credible that the A would be left hanging in air, and 
it should therefore admit of an independent interpre- 
tation as some kind of mint mark, the initial either of 
a magistrate's name or of Apollonia. 

In the Ammon-Palm tree series there is a group 
with letters from A to M (lacking A). 192 These Muller 
rightly refuses to regard as numerals in the strict 
sense 193 of the term, preferring to interpret them as 
mint-marks. In view, however, of the use made of 
the alphabet for reckoning on contemporary coins of 

191 The Hunter coin with Y (Macdonald iii, Gyrene No. 52) 
presumably belongs to the same series. 
i, p. 76. 



Egypt and Phoenicia u ' 4 it seems most likely that they 
indicate the issues of successive years. 

With these two groups, Ammon-Palm tree and 
Apollo-Lyre. I would put, for style's sake, two or three 
other coins. one with Obv. Head of Apollo to 1. ; 
Rev. Lyre, different in treatment (M. i. 271). and the 
following pieces : 

115. Obv. Head of Libya r.. filleted, the hair hanging in 

long curls below. 

R ev . Gazelle r. ; above. KY. 

B. M. .. 0-6. Wt. 454 grs. (M. i. 242, where 
an ivy-leaf(?) symbol is given below the 
gazelle's belly.) 

116. Obv. Similar. 

Rev. Silphium with three whorls and five umbels; 
K Y 
P A 

B. M. JE. 0-7. Wt. 73-5 grs. (restruck on Ptole- 
maic J2. with reverse, eagle r. with open 
wings) ; (M. L 238). 

117. Obv. Head of Athena in crested Corinthian helmet r. ; 

dotted border. 

litv. Similar ; inscription obscure. 

Maj. J. S. Cameron. M. 0-6 (badly double-struck). 

118. Obv. Head of Apollo r., laureate. 

Rev. Bow, quiver, club (or arrow?) and fulmen ; to 

Paris. JE. 65 (restruck on Ptolemaic ^E, with 
reverse, eagle with open wings) = M. i. 285. 

The head on No. 118 has certain Soteresque traits, 
and almost suggests a portrait, but this is not against 
the coin being assigned to the time of Magas' inde- 
pendence of Ptolemy II. Magas was the step-son of 

194 Hist. Xum*, pp. 850 and 797. 

280 E. S. G. ROBINSON. 

One group of bronze coins still remains to be consi- 
dered (M. i. 283, 339, 341). 

119. Olv. Head of Apollo r., laureate. 

Rev. Free horse r. ; above, star and changing letter; 
beneath, changing symbol. 

(1) KY and crab. B. M. M. 0-65. (2) Be and 
cornucopiae. B. M. JE. 0-7 (restruck). 
(3) E and branch laden with fruit. B. M. 
M. 0-7. 

These coins are more degraded in style than the 
Apollo-Lyre group above, and the example of (2) is 
overstruck upon a coin of the Ammon-Palm tree series. 
A later date than either of these is therefore indicated. 
Instead of KY we find on (2) a monogram, and on (3) 
the letter E ; and when E is associated with the branch 
which we have met with before, we cannot resist con- 
cluding with Muller 193 that we have here the symbol 
and initial of Euesperides. The monogram fr 196 he takes 
as representing the little- known town Balagrae, on the 
analogy of another coin (of the Ammon-Palm tree 
series), M. i. 342, which bears the same monogram, and 
which he takes to be an " alliance " coin of Balagrae 
and Darnis. Here, it may be noticed, we have in 
No. 119(1) an example of the crab symbol used with 
local significance. But the objection may be raised in 
connexion with No. 119(3) that the name of the 
westernmost state of the Pentapolis after 240 B. c. was 
not Euesperides but Berenice. This is a real difficulty 
the solution of which may suggest a date for the group. 

195 M., No. 339. 

96 On some specimens it looks more like K and it is never very 
clear. See, however, M. i, p. 96. If it be K the town Caenopolis 
mentioned by Ptolemy, is available. 


After the Apollo-Lyre group, that is after 250, if 
the dating above is correct, or at least after 220, there 
are no autonomous coins of the Cyrenaica save these 
until the period of the Eoman suzerainty. In their 
place we have a regular series of coins with Ptolemaic 
types and inscriptions. The revival of the autonomous 
coinage points therefore to a time of revolt and inde- 
pendence, and it is at just -such a time that the name 
Berenice with its Ptolemaic associations might be 
rejected in favour of the older name Euesperides. 
Such a revolt took place under Ptolemy Physcon 197 
(c. 136 B.C.), and to that epoch I would assign the 


In 96 B. c. Ptolemy Apion, the last ruler of Gyrene, 
died, and bequeathed his kingdom to Eome. For 
twenty years the Eomans did not reduce the district 
to a province, but contented themselves with taking 
up the crown lands and laying a tax on silphium 
(a royal prerogative?), leaving the inhabitants their 
autonomy. To this period Miiller assigns with justice 
the coins with head of Eoma (sometimes inscribed 
PflMH) on the obverse, and a bee on the reverse 
(M. i. 100, 286, and Suppl. 286 A), and here too I would 
place the following coin. 

120. Olv. Head of bearded Ammon r. 

K Y 

Rev. Bow case to 1. ; p ^ ; to r. 

B. M. M. 0-75. Wt. 47-9'grs. 

197 Bouche-Leclerq, Histoire des Lagides, ii. 36, 37. 


282 E. S. G. ROBINSON. 

A late date for this coin seems to be justified by 
several reasons. The head, though in a sense neat, 
is different in style from that on the other autono- 
mous bronze coins, e.g. the Ammon-Palm tree series, 
and recalls rather that on the Roman denarii of Cor- 
nuficius or Scarpus, struck in Africa in the second half 
of the first century. 198 Thus, the horn is curled well 
up under the ear as on these denarii, and on the 
copper of the quaestor Pupius Eufus struck in the 
Oyrenaica (M. i. 424), instead of turning downwards in 
crescent shape as on all the Ammon heads of the third 
century. The fabric inclines to the Egyptian form 
with bevelled edge, which does not appear on any 
Cyreiiaean coins (with the curious exception of the 
KOINON group) earlier than those struck by the Eoman 
governors in the first century B.C. The brief period of 
autonomy under Eoman suzerainty (96-75 B.C.) would 
provide a satisfactory occasion for the issue. 

To the coins struck by Eoman governors after the 
organization of the Cyrenaica as a province in 74 
Svoronos, following a suggestion of Waddington, 199 has 
added the set of coins bearing the name of Crassus 
either in Greek or Latin (Svor., op. cit. 1901-1904). 
Though we do not know definitely of Crassus governing 
the province, yet, as Waddington pointed out, the style 
and fabric, as well as the mixture of Greek and Latin, 
instantly suggest the Cyrenaica; and further it may 
be noted that on one the inscription flTOAEMAI(EnN) 
is written in two vertical columns on either side of the 
head, a characteristically Cyrenaic way. 

1% B. M. C. : Rom. Republic, vol. ii, pp. 577, 578, and 583. 

199 For a discussion of the Crassus coins see Svoronos, op. cit. 
vir', and Waddington in Feuardent's Cat. de la Coll. Demetrio, ii, 
pp. 3 and 8. 


If the following coin may also be attributed to 
Crassus, his connexion with the Cyrenaica is definitely 
established, and with it the mint district of the other 
coins bearing his name. 
121. Obv. Head of Libya r. ; K P. 

Rev. Silphium with two whorls and five umbels : 
K Y. 

B. M. JE. 0-6. Wt.41-8grs. Another (Hunter). 200 

K Y 

same obv. die (?) ; rev. inscription A p 

M. i. 239. 

This coin is again of a fabric pronouncedly Egyptian, 
and is quite different from the autonomous bronze 
coinage of the fourth-second centuries. The reading 
of the obverse has been given by Muller (I. c.) as KYP ; 
there is, however, no trace of a Y, and we should not 
expect an ethnic on the obverse as well as on the 
reverse. KP - - might be simply another magistrate, 
but fabric and style would lead us to separate the coin 
from the ordinary bronze issues and to put it where it 
finds its closest analogies in these respects and also in 
type and inscription. For type and fabric we may 
compare the coin of similar module bearing the 
head of Libya struck under Pupius Rufus and Scato, 
governors of the Cyrenaica (M. i. 428 and 431). 201 The 
same head appears on one of the coins bearing KPAS 
(Svor., No. 1902). Even if the attribution of No. 121 to 
Crassus be considered ill-grounded, the fact that the 
heads of Libya and Apollo types so characteristic of 

200 Macdonald, iii. Gyrene, No. 29. 

201 Muller (I.e.) calls the head in both cases Apollo. But, as 
he recognized later (Suppl., p. 13), the relief found by Smith and 
Porcher at Gyrene (B. M. C.: Sculpture, i. 790) shows us that Libya 
was conventionally represented by this peculiarly formed coiffure 
of straight curls. 


284: E. S. G. ROBINSON. 

the Cyrenaica occur on the group bearing the name 
of Crassus 202 confirms the attribution of the group to 
that district. If it be accepted, the question arises 
whether some of the examples which do not read 
FITOAEMAI may not have been struck at Gyrene 
rather than at Ptolemais. 

The latest coins attributable with any certainty to 
the Cyrenaica were missed by Muller, though Cavedoni 
had published them in 185 1. 203 They have since been 
in part republished by Mowat. 204 

122. Obv. Head of Drusus (son of Tiberius) r. laureate ; 

behind, lituus ; in front, simpulum ; a round, 
O ; dotted border. 

Rev. Bare heads of his twin sons Tiberius and 
Germanicus Caesar, face to face ; above, TIB 
PEP; beneath, KAI5APES 

M. 1-1. Wt. 241-2 grs. B. M. Two specimens. 
[See Hunter Cat., iii, pp. 738 f., for other 

123. Obv. Similar, without lituus or simpulum APOY 

Rev. Similar. 

M. 0-95. Wt. 168-2 grs. B. M. 

124. Obv. Camel r. with halter ; above A (?) ; all in olive 

Rev. Similar. 

M. 0.9. Wt. 70 grs. B. M. (from the Collection 
of the late Count de Salis) = Mionnet Suppl. 
t. ix, p. 247. 

Mionnet, in publishing No. 124, mentions a cornu- 
copiae on the obverse behind the camel, but not the A 
above. He had not seen the original himself, and it 

202 Svor., Nos. 1902, 1904. 

2(n Annali delV Institute, 1851, p. 231. 

201 Ecv. Num., 1911, p. 350 seqq. 


may be suspected that the coin he describes is the one 
actually under discussion. There is behind the camel 
a long thick stroke which might have been taken for a 
cornucopiae, but which seems to be almost certainly 
the result of a break in the die. It is possible that the 
A above the camel's back, which is not certain, may 
be due to a similar cause. The obverse type of No. 124, 
no less than the rough style and "Egyptian" fabric, 
with bevelled edge, all point to North Africa as the 
place of origin. And, if the A on No. 124 be accepted, 
it makes its attribution to the Cyrenaica certain. 
On the coins of the quaestor pro praetore A. Pupius 
Kufus (M. i. 422-8) we get the same letter in both 
Greek and Latin script, and there is little doubt that 
it should be taken as the initial of Libya. 205 Even 
without the support of this letter the camel points 
surely to the Cyrenaica, where it has already appeared 
as a type on the coins of Lollius (M. i. 391-4). In 
imperial times the Greek language does not seem to be 
employed on coins of North Africa except at Leptis 
Minor and under Juba II of Mauretania. If any 
language except Latin appears, we may expect the 
coins to have been struck in a place where that 
language was at home ; thus in the towns west of the 
Pentapolis (except Leptis) it is Punic which appears 
with Latin. And Cyrenaica is the only district of North 
Africa where the Greek language was naturalized. 206 
Tiberius and Germanicus Caesar, sons of Drusus and 

5 M. i, p. 164. 

206 That the later Koman issues of the Cyrenaic mint bear Latin 
inscriptions need not disturb the argument; cp. the hesitation 
1 between the two languages at Caesarea in Cappadocia under 
Claudius-Nero-Vespasian (B. M. .: Galatia, &c., pp. 46, 47). 

286 E. S. G. ROBINSON. 

grandsons of Tiberius, appear also on the first brass 
of the regular Roman series, their heads in two cornua- 
copiae with a caduceus between them. 207 They were 
born after October 10, A. r>. 19, and Grermanicus (the 
knowledge even of whose name we owe to these pieces 
and to a Cypriote inscription) died toward the end of 
23, so it is possible to narrow down the date of the 
coins to the four years 19-23. As already stated, they 
are the last coins which can with any certainty be 
given to the Cyrenaica. Later attributions are dis- 
cussed and dismissed by Muller (i, pp. 171-4). 


A note may be added on the coins struck at Gyrene 
in the names of the Ptolemies. During the reign 
of Ptolemy Soter, as has been long recognized, there 
are, outside of the unmistakable KYPANAION flTO- 
AEMAin group (Svor., Nos. 61-4), certain monograms 
common to the Ptolemaic and to the autonomous 
coinage of Gyrene; for example IK**, IP, KE. (Svor., 
Nos. 65-72, PL iii. 6-12, M. ; Nos. 102, 147, 151, 152, 
PL iv. 3, 4, v. 1, 2, 4. A/".) The copper Svoronos assigns 
to the years immediately succeeding Magas' re-occupa- 
tion, 308-304 ; but, as has been suggested above, the 
corresponding Cyrenaean silver with these monograms, 
as well as the corresponding Ptolemaic gold, seems 
certainly later than 300. It is also possible that the 
group of copper and silver drachms with the name of 
Alexander (Svor., Nos. 49-58, PL ii. 27-34) were issued 
from the mint of Gyrene. The similarity in style 
between the heads, especially on Svor., Nos. 51 and 57 

207 Rev. Num., 1911, pp. 347-9, PI. viii. 10 (on p. 349 the date of 
the death of Germanicus is given as 28 instead ot 23). 


(PL ii. 29 and 30), and on some of the Cyrenaean 
didrachms of Bhodian weight, seems too close to be 
accidental. On Svor., No. 53, the letter P (which 
occurs also on the definitely Cyrenaic coin, Svor., No. 71, 
though this is not conclusive) is sometimes written in 
characteristic fashion as T ; Svor., Nos. 55 and 56 show 
symbols, a thing exceptional in the regular Ptolemaic 
series, and both of the symbols in question a bunch 
of grapes and star occur at Gyrene. 208 

Svoronos has shown that the Ptolemaic gold staters 
with the elephant-quadriga type form, with theRhodian 
tetradrachms with Pallas Promachos reverse, a more or 
less homogeneous group of " satrapal" issues to be dated 
305-285. 200 Some of these gold staters (Svor., No. 101 
with the apple branch, 210 Svor., Nos. 102, 147, 151, and 
152), avowedly belong to the Cyrenaica, and the re- 
attribution of the group of copper (Svor., Nos. 65-72) 
to the same district raises the further question whether 
a larger portion of the satrapal issue, which possesses 
at least two monograms ( $ and ft ) in common with 
it, should not be assigned there also. If so, it would 
supply an explanation of that scarcity of autonomous 
Cyrenaean silver coinage in the early years of the 
century which we have already seen reason to suspect. 211 

Besides these, Svoronos assigns to the Cyrenaica 

)8 The bunch of grapes on a copper coin (No. Ill, above) which 
for quite other reasons I have given to the Ptolemaic era ; the star 
often (cp. Nos. 93 seqq., above). 

09 Svor., Nos. 101-52. 

210 Not the silphium as Svoronos says. Cp. the symbol on the 
Cyrenaic didrachm inscribed BA3I (M. i. 364), and the late 
M., No. 119 (3) above. Mr. Newell tells me that a find has recently 
been made containing coins of this type mixed with silver Rhodiari 
didrachms of Gyrene with the two stars symbol (M. i. 153). 

211 See above, pp. 254, 260. 

288 E. S. G. ROBINSON. 

during this period (304-285) other Ptolemaic gold, 
silver, and copper issues (Svor., Nos. 304-37). The first 
is a gold coin which by its weight (44 grs.) falls into 
line with the contemporary autonomous gold tetrobols 
mentioned above (p. 265) ; the symbol and letter (crab 
and I) suggest that we have here to do with one of the 
magistrates who appear (also with a crab) on the later 
autonomous silver as ^ or I (M. i. 162 and 165). The 
rest are silver didrachms of Phoenician weight with 
the inscriptions BASIAEHS HTOAEMAIOY and 
BASIAISSHS BEPENIKHS 212 (all of the latter and 
certain of the former bearing the monogram M" in some 
shape or other), and copper inscribed BA3IAEHS 
FITOAEMAIOY, variously abbreviated, with the same 

The monogram has been explained plausibly enough 
as that of Magas and the head accompanying the inscrip- 
tion BA5IAIS5HS BEPENIKHS has been generally 
recognized as that of Berenice II. But here we have 
a serious difficulty. Berenice II was the daughter of 
Magas. Why should he the ruler of Gyrene who 
issued no coins in his own name 213 strike in the name 
of his daughter, and then add his own monogram? 
There are only two solutions of this impossible situa- 
tion : either the portrait is not that of Berenice II or 
the monogram is not that of Magas. Svoronos (I. c.) 
adopts the first explanation. But the style is quite 
late, with a rather poor portrait of Soter and very 

212 It is perhaps worth noting here that the symbol given by 
Poole (B. M. C.: Ptolem., p. 60, No. 12) and Svor., No. 319, as 
a silphium plant is really a bow case, while that on B. M. C. : 
Ptolem., p. 39, No. 25, and Svor., No. 322, as J is probably the 
i'amiliar apple branch of Euesperides-Berenice. 

218 See below, p. 290. 


weak ( weedy ' letters, and the female portrait is quite 
unlike that on the other coins with the portrait of 
Berenice I, while it resembles that on the accepted 
coins of Berenice II. 214 

Apart from these difficulties, however, there is the 
fatal objection to the earlier date proposed by Svoronos, 
that examples of the copper (Svor., Nos. 324-37) are 
very frequently overstruck on coins of the KOINON 
class (M. i. 104 sqq.) discussed above. Of the group 
Obv. Head of Soter, Rev. Thunderbolt BASIAEftS 
F1TOAEMAIOY M" (Svor., No. 324) the British Museum 
contains seven specimens ; at least three of these are 
thus overstruck two upon the variety with the mono- 
gram 101 which shows plainly through, and one of 
them so inefficiently that at first sight the piece seems 
to be an ordinary KOINON coin. Of six specimens 
with the eagle as reverse type (Svor., Nos. 327-32) at 
least three are restruck, one certainly on a KOINON 
coin. Similar specimens of Svor., No. 335 with Pegasus 
reverse, and Svor., No. 337 with prow reverse, are 
restruck on coins of Gyrene, the silphium plainly 
showing through, and probably also on KOINON types. 
This group of coins, then, must be later than the 
KOINON coins, i.e. later than c. 250 B.C., and the 
portrait is therefore that of Berenice II. 

Mtiller reached the same conclusion without availing 
himself of the evidence of the restruck pieces. 215 As 
to the monogram, he points out (I.e.) (1) that Magas 
is not the only possible resolution ; (2) that Magas is 
by no means a rare name, occurring also on the coins 

214 For Berenice I cp. the AAEA<J>flN 0EI1N coins, Svor., 
PI. xiv. 15seqq. For Berenice II, ibid., PI. xxix. 1-11. 

215 i. pp. 145 seqq. 

290 E. S. G. ROBINSON. 

of Athens and Smyrna, to which it may be added that 
the position of Magas himself would be likely to give 
the name popularity; and (3) that, if the monogram 
must be referred to a royal person, there is the grand- 
son of Magas, son of Berenice II and Ptolemy III, 
about whom we know nothing except that he was very 
popular with the army, and that like his mother he was 
put to death shortly after the accession of his brother 
on suspicion of plotting for the throne. 

On the strength of the first or second of these 
considerations the Berenice coins have been placed 
between the death of Demetrius the Handsome and 
the accession of Ptolemy III, 210 when it has been sup- 
posed that the latter reigned as consort of his future 
wife. 217 This, however, seems impossible, for the 
portrait is that of a mature woman, and Berenice 
certainly was not such at the time, while the Berenice 
coins, in view of the common monogram M~, cannot 
be separated from those reading BA3IAEI13 flTOAE- 
MAIOY, some of which, as we have seen, must be later 
than 250. 

The third explanation, that we have here to deal 
with the younger Magas, and that these very coins 
imply a condition of affairs which would account for 
his murder, has been suggested by Miiller 218 and 
adopted by Six 219 , who assigns to the same date the 
well-known bronze coins with the supposed reading 
BASIAEHS MAfA. 220 But there is no ground for 

16 Pauly-Wissowa, s.v. Berenike II. 

217 Mahaffy, Empire of the Ptolemies, p. 491, notes to pp. 188 
and 196. 

218 Vol. i, p. 147. 

219 Num. Chron., 1897, p. 223 

220 Svor., Nos. 860-61. 


regarding this inscription as genuine. Svoronos puts 
it down to an alteration of the inscription BA3IAE&3 
FITO AEM A IO Y either on the dies or on the actual coins. 
As Eegling 221 has remarked, the truth lies with the 
second explanation, with the addition that the alteration 
has been made in recent years. This is confirmed by 
a careful examination of the different specimens. 
Apart from the manner of the inscription, there are 
certain points which show it to be a forgery. It only 
appears on one class of Ptolemaic coins, that with the 
head of the king of Egypt on one side and the head of 
Libya on the other. But these coins extend over a 
considerable period of time, and the engraver has not 
always been careful to choose coins sufficiently early to 
convince ; compare, for example, the style of the Hunter 
coin with that of the two in the British Museum 
(Svor. 861 and 860, PL xxxiv. 16 and xxxiv. 14, 15). 
The head on Svor., PL xxxiv. 15 ( = B.M.C. : Ptolemies, 
p. 38, No. 12) is certainly not that of Soter, as Poole 
had already recognized. A comparison with the coins of 
Ptolemy III, figured on PL xxx (Nos. 1-8) of Svoronos' 
work, suggests strongly that it represents that monarch. 
The shape of the head, throat, and chin, and the arrange- 
ment of the hair and the diadem, are very similar. 
"With the disavowal of the BA5IAEHS MAfA coins, 
and the dating here suggested for those with the mono- 
gram FT, all trace of the name of Magas on the coinage 
of Gyrene vanishes. 

Coins with these types the head (except in one 
instance) of Soter and that of Libya form the staple 
regal copper currency of the Cyrenaica. We find the 

221 Apucl Svor., Urtetle, Bd. iv, p. 475. 

292 E. S. G. ROBINSON. 

KOINON coins often struck over them. Therefore they 
must have first appeared before 250. The series is 
only interrupted by the coins with the monogram K 
and by a piece with the types Obv. Ram r., Rev. Eagle 
L, BASIAEHS HTOAEMAIOY in field 1. star (M.i. 377 
= Svor. 1243), or thunderbolt (Svor. 1244). For the 
latter, Svoroiios, who gives them to Ptolemy V, will 
not allow the Cyrenaic origin which is generally 
recognized. But, though fabric and style do not help 
us here, surely the type implies a Cyrenaic origin. 
The ram meets us on the copper coins of Barce (Nos. 80, 
81, above) and on the copper issued during the govern- 
ment of Pupius Eufus and Scato in the first century 
(M. i. 423 and 430). 

Can the monogram M; be accepted as that of the 
younger Magas ? Mtiller has with some reason main- 
tained that the BA5IAI55HS BEPENIKHS coins are 
to be assigned definitely to Berenice-Euesperides on 
the strength of the wreath of apple-branch, the club 
type with its reference to Heracles, and the particular 
connexion between the princess and the city, to which 
she may have stood in the same relation as Arsinoe, 
wife of Lysimachus, did to Cassandrea, Tium and 
Amastris; 222 and further, that her son Magas was 
governor for her until his death, the result perhaps, 
as Six suggests, of his intrigues with the army favoured 
by his exceptional position. 223 But the extensive series 
of silver and copper coins, whether bearing the name 
of Ptolemy or that of Berenice, seems to imply a longer 
period of time than could be possible if they were due 
to Magas, who was murdered when little more than a 

222 Miiller, i, p. 416. 

223 Num. Chron., 1897, p. 224. 


boy. The frequent restriking of the copper over 
KOINON coins suggests that the one set followed close 
upon the other, and that its object was to replace a 
rebellious issue by a regal. Further, this special series 
with various, sometimes local, types and a local de- 
nomination, 224 stands isolated in the numismatics of 
Ptolemaic Cyrenaica and points to special circumstances. 
The most obvious occasion for it would be the recon- 
quest and reorganization of the district after the KOLVOV 
from the beginning of the reign of Ptolemy III and 
Berenice II onwards. The policy of reconciliation 
suggested by the rebuilding of Berenice would thus 
be shown again in this issue of definitely regal yet 
definitely Cyrenaic money. 


224 The silver coins are carelessly struck, often base, didrachnis 
of the local Rhodian standard, the weight of which fluctuates from 
95-115 grains, most being about 107 grains. To judge by style, 
the tetradrachm of the same types, symbol silphium, in the Dattari 
collection, Svor. Suppl., PI. i. 38, belongs here also. 



THE arrival of Alexander the Great with his army 
in the lands bordering on the Eastern Mediterranean, 
and the subsequent downfall of the Persian Empire, 
brought about great political and economic changes 
throughout this portion of the ancient world. These 
changes, naturally, are reflected in its coinages. Up 
till this time the currency in these districts had con- 
sisted, in the first place, of the gold darics and silver 
sigloi of the Persian kings ; in the second place, of the 
local silver issues of important commercial centres of 
the Cilician and Phoenician coasts, supplemented at 
times, for military purposes, by special issues of coin 
in the name and by the order of Persian satraps and 
generals. In addition to these various issues Athenian 
tetradrachms played an important part in the com- 
mercial transactions between East and West, and, 
in consequence, were everywhere current. This rather 
heterogeneous coinage came to an end with the in- 
corporation of the lands in question into Alexander's 
Empire. Nevertheless, the majority of the old mints 
still continued in active operation as before. It was, 
however, no longer a local coinage that they issued, 
but one that conformed in types, weights, and denomina- 
tions, to the money struck in the central mints of the 
new Empire. This uniform coinage consisted of the 


gold stater of an average weight of 8-60 grammes, 
obverse : Head of Athene in crested Corinthian helmet 
adorned with snake or griffin ; reverse : Winged Nike 
standing or advancing to the left holding wreath in 
outstretched right, and standard in left ; the silver 
tetradrachm and drachm of Attic weight, obverse: 
Head of youthful Herakles to right ; reverse : Zeus 
aetophor enthroned to left ; lastly bronze coins, 
obverse : Head of Herakles as on the silver ; reverse : 
Bow in case and club. All the above were inscribed 
AAEZANAPoY. At times multiples and divisions of 
these principal denominations were struck, such as the 
double and the half stater, the dekadrachm and the 
didrachm, the triobol, diobol, obol, and hemiobol. 
For the eastern portion of the Empire these odd pieces 
generally have the same types as the principal de- 
nominations. Such was the first truly national coinage 
of the Greeks, destined to take the place, as a world 
currency, of the Persian darics and Athenian tetra- 
drachms. The new coinage was soon being struck in 
various mints of Hellas, Macedonia, Thrace, Asia Minor, 
Phoenicia, Babylonia, and Egypt. 

To the above-mentioned districts, whence Alexander's 
coinage was issued, must now be added Cyprus. 
G. F. Hill, in his catalogue of the Cypriote coins in 
the British Museum, publishes an Alexander tetra- 
drachm 1 of the Paphos mint, and several bronze 
pieces 2 of the same ruler from the Salamis mint. 
Their attribution is certain, as the silver coin bears 
as mint mark a flying dove and some letters of the 

1 G. F. Hill, Catalogue of the Greek Coins in the British Musenm, 
[Cyprus, p. 45, Nos. 50-1, PI. viii. 12, 13. 

2 Hill, loc. cit., p. 65, Nos. 86-9, PI. xii. 20-3. 

296 E. T. NEWELL. 

Cypriote alphabet; the bronzes the mint mark A. 3 
Considering the wealth and unusual importance Cyprus 
enjoyed at this very time, it would indeed be sur- 
prising if these few pieces were all that were struck 
here in the name of Alexander. Compared to the 
prolific issues of the near-by mainland they make but 
a poor showing. 

From the earliest times Cyprus had played an 
important part in the history of the Eastern Mediter- 
ranean. On account of its harbours and geographical 
position, its wealth in minerals and forests, it was 
invaluable to whosoever would dominate these waters. 
Egyptian and Persian held it, later Lagid and Anti- 
gonid struggled for it, knowing well that with it went 
the naval supremacy of the Eastern Mediterranean. 
From the dawn of history Cyprus seems to have 
always been divided into many little kingdoms or 
city-states, each jealous and suspicious of its neigh- 
bours. Foreign domination was the easy result of the 
almost continuous bickerings and petty wars which 
tore the island for many centuries. The Persians, in 
pursuance of their usual policy, allowed the petty 
kings more or less local privileges and power which 
only tended to keep their mutual enmities and 
jealousies aflame, and so prevented any combination 
against the Persian rule. In spite of this continual 
unrest, the intermittent wars and occasional revolts, 
the natural resources of the island were so great, its 
geographical position commercially so important, that 
many of its cities nourished exceedingly, and became 

3 The known provenance of these bronze coins confirms the 


wealthy and powerful. Among these, at the time we 
are speaking of, were Salamis, Kition, and Paphos. 

The right of coinage had been enjoyed by the 
Cypriote kings ever since the sixth century B.C., and 
seems seldom to have been curtailed by the Persians. 
Latterly even gold coins had been struck in con- 
siderable quantities. Thus, down to circa 333 B.C., we 
have prolific series of coins in gold, silver, and bronze 
to attest the wealth and commercial activity of the 
island. Then, all at once, the coinage practically 
ceases. Of Salamis we have only a few insignificant 
bronze coins of Alexandrine types, and a remarkably 
scant issue of local coins 4 to cover the important 
period from 333 to 306 B.C., the year in which Demetrios 
Poliorketes secured Cyprus ; of Kition we have only 
half-staters of the local king Pumiathon, and these 
only dated from 323/2 to 316/5 5 certainly a most in- 
adequate coinage for two such cities as Salamis and 
Kition in a particularly flourishing period of their 
histories. Just before the arrival of Alexander in the 
East the following kings and cities were coining in 
Cyprus : Pumiathon of Kition, Stasioikos (?) of Marion, 
the dynast of Paphos, Pnytagoras of Salamis, and 
Pasikrates of Soli. On the other hand, as stated above, 
after Alexander's arrival we have of Nikokreon of 
Salamis only a few rare coins ; of Pumiathon of Kition 
no coins at all between 332 and 323 B.C., then a few 
dated half-staters until his death. Of Paphos we have, 
in addition to the Alexander tetradrachm already 
published by Hill, a tenth of a stater in gold, two 

4 Babelon, Traite des mommies grecques, 2me Partie, vol. ii, 
Nos. 1188-90, 

5 Hill, loc. cit., xl-xli. 


298 E. T. NEWELL. 

silver coins, and a few rare bronzes given by Babelon 
to Timarchos (circa 332 B.C.), and also the unique 
tetradrachm 7 struck by Nikokles just before his down- 
fall ; of Marion we have a number of types, 8 but the 
coins themselves seem to be very rare ; of Soli we 
have only a silver diobol and three rare fractions of 
the gold stater. Thus is presented to us the strange 
anomaly that during the troublous Persian times when 
the island was torn by local dissensions and revolts, 
when the high seas were infested by pirates, when 
there was a tacit, at times even an actual state of war 
existing between the Greek and the Persian worlds 
all of which must have been of considerable detriment 
to home and foreign trade the commercial centres 
of Cyprus were striking coins in plenty. "When, how- 
ever, with the fall of the Persian Empire, peace had 
been restored throughout the Eastern Mediterranean, 
the markets and products of Phoenicia, Inner Asia, 
and Egypt thrown open to the Greeks, and a remark- 
able commercial opportunity thus presented to the 
merchants and ships of Cyprus, not only to take a 
prominent part in the carrying trade between East 
and West, but also to export their own island's con- 
siderable wealth in minerals, natural products, and 
manufactures, the coinage seems practically to cease ! 
Things were very different on the mainland near by. 
Here every city which had thrown open its gates 
without a struggle to Alexander was accorded local 
autonomy, and, where a mint had previously existed, 

6 Babelon, loc. cit., Nos, 1317-24. 

7 Hill, loc. cit., PL xxii. 10. 

8 Babelon, loc. cit., Nos. 1333-47. 

9 Babelon, loc. cit., Nos. 1349-53. 


was allowed to continue coining; with the proviso, 
however, that the issues should henceforth conform in 
types, weights, and denominations with the regular 
coinage of the Empire. As a result, such cities as 
Arados, Byblos, Sidon, and Ake coined as they never 
had before, even in their most prosperous days. Can 
it therefore be that Cyprus, equally submissive and 
equally favourably situated, fell so far behind in an 
outward sign of the prosperity which it now too 
enjoyed ? Furthermore, when the news of the battle 
of Issos and the submission of the Phoenician cities 
reached them, the Cypriote kings found themselves 
threatened with isolation, and hastened 10 to renounce 
the Persian domination, tendering their submission, 
together with their fine fleets, to Alexander. The 
latter soon had occasion to make great use of these 
ships in the investment and siege of Tyre. It would 
therefore be strange if, in return for their submission 
and the invaluable services of their fleets, Alexander 
should have deprived the kings of Cyprus of their 
immemorial right of coinage, or even have curtailed 
it in any vital way. Much more likely that he followed 
a policy already adopted towards the friendly city- 
states of Phoenicia, and that he allowed these kings 
to continue coining, but with Alexandrine types and 
weights. Seeing, then, that Cypriote coins of autono- 
mous types and weights almost disappear after circa 
332 to 331 B.C., we have every reason to expect a large 
coinage of " Alexanders " in their place. The problem 
is now presented to us of picking these from out of the 
great mass of gold, silver, and copper coins bearing 

10 Arrian, ii. 20. 

x 2 

300 E. T. NEWELL. 

the name and types of Alexander the Great which 
have come down to us from ancient times. 

Among the thousands of Alexander tetradrachms 
contained in the great hoard discovered near Demanhur 
in Egypt not many years ago, the majority were 
ostensibly from Cilician, Phoenician, Babylonian, and 
Egyptian mints. Of the 2,645 specimens which passed 
through the present writer's hands, as many as 1,644 
were attributable to Eastern mints. Acknowledging 
the great probability of Alexander coins having been 
struck in Cyprus it would indeed be strange if this 
Egyptian hoard had not contained at least a few speci- 
mens. In a monograph n on this hoard I described 
two uncertain series which were given to " Mints 
under Cilician Influence ". The first series (var. 122) 
contained eighty-one coins with the monogram "]< in 
the field ; the second series (vars. 123 and 124) con- 
tained seventy-one coins with the symbol Bow in the 
field. The die -cutters of these two series seem at first to 
have been under Cilician influence, while the peculiarly 
Phoenician custom was followed of using fixed or 
adjusted dies. My description of these types ends 
with the statement that " . . . . style and manufacture 
together place them (the two series in question) in 
some district not far from the north-east corner of the 
Mediterranean Sea ". It now seems possible to assign 
these two series to Kition and Salamis respectively. 

11 American Journal of Numismatics, 1912, E. T. Newell: "Re- 
attribution of Certain Coins of Alexander the Great ". 



SERIES I. Circa 332 to 320 B.C. 



Obv. Head of Athene in crested Corinthian helmet 
adorned with serpent. She wears necklace, and 
her hair hangs in formal curls. 

Rev. AAE3EANAPOY on right. Winged Nike stand- 
ing, stretches out right hand (no wreath !) and 
holds naval standard in left. To left, "T< ; to 
right, CLUB. 

London ; Paris [PL XII. l] ; Berlin (two specimens, 
same obverse die, but one reverse has the Club 
and monogram loth on the right). 


Obv. Similar. 

Rev. Similar, but Nike holds wreath in right. Mono- 
gram ~|< in field, but no symbol. 

Vienna; London; E. T. N. 12 [PI. XII. 2] ; Paris; Turin. 


Obv. Head of youthful Herakles right with lion's skin 
covering, circle of dots. 

Reo.To right, BASIAEflS. Beneath, AAEIANAPO 
(sic /). Zeus aetophor seated left. Legs parallel 
and draped, no exergual line. In field, K. 

E. T. N. (same obverse die as PI. XII. 3). 

Obv. Similar. 

Rev. To right, BASIAEHS, Beneath, AAE3EANAPO. 

Similar, but monogram "]< in field. 
London ; Berlin (two) ; Vienna ; Storrs ; Dessewfy ; 
E. T. N. [PI. XII. 3, 4.] (Of this variety 
there are known twenty obverse, and thirty- 
one reverse dies. Of BA^IAEfl^ A is some- 
times A ; of AAE3EANAPO E is sometimes 
3, N is H). 

12 The initials E. T. N. denote the writer's collection. 

302 E. T. NEWELL. 

Obv. Similar. 

Rev. Similar, but inscription now reads AAE3EAN- 

E. T. N. (one obverse, three reverse dies). [PI. XII. 5.] 


Obr. Head of youthful Herakles of same style and descrip- 
tion as on the silver issues. 

Her. Club to right, below AAEANAPoY (sic!); 
below, quiver and bow. Monogram, "]< (?). 

E. T. N. [PL XII. 6.] 



01)V. Similar to previous stater (No. 2), but of modified 
style. Behind head sometimes A. 

Pev. AAEIAN APOY on right. Winged Nike advanc- 
ing to left, holds wreath in r., standard in 1. 
T< in field. 

Petrograd [PL XII. 7] ; Berlin. 


Obv. Head of youthful Herakles as on tetradrachm, 
No. 5. 

Rei: AAEIANAPOY on right. In exergue, BASI- 
AEfl^. Seated Zeus of same style and descrip- 
tion as on previous tetrad rachms. "]< in field. 

Berlin; E. T. N. [PL XII. 8.] (Eight obverse, and 
twelve reverse dies.) 


Olv. Head of Herakles as above. 

Rev. On right, AAE3EANAPOY. Below, BASIAEHS. 
Seated Zeus as above. "]< in field. 

London [PL XII. 9] ; Paris ; Munich. 



0& ?; ._-Head of Herakles of different style(Miiller style IV). 
Rev. Similar to previous tetradrachm. ~J< in field. 

E. T. N. [PI. XII. 10.] (Ten obverse', seventeen reverse 
dies known.) 

SERIES II. After circa 320 B. c. 

11. STATER. 

Obr. Head of Athene to right in crested Corinthian 
helmet adorned with serpent. The goddess no\v 
has flowing locks. 

7^._AAE3EANAPOY on right. Winged Nike of same 
style and description as on previous stater. 
~1< in field. 

Petrograd. 12 


Obv. Head of youthful Herakles as on previous tetra- 

Ilci: On right, AAEZANAPoY. Beneath, BASI- 
AEll$. Zeus aetophor seated to left. Differs 
from previous tetrad rachms in style. Zeus also 
has his legs crossed, and there is sometimes an 
exergual line. Throne sometimes has back. "]< 
in field. 

London ; Vienna (two specimens) [PI. XII. 11 and 12] ; 
Paris; E. T. N.; Alexandria; Hague. 

The old theory that the monograms found on 
Alexander's coins usually contain the initials or the 
full name of the issuing mint has so often been called 
into question, and disproved, that one instinctively 
looks with distrust on each and every such monogram. 
For once, however, the old theory holds good, and 

12 There are two staters in the Hermitage (Anadol Find, 
Nos. 444-7) with monogram "]< these do not belong to Kition 
but to some mint north of the Aegean. 

304 E. T. NEWELL. 

in the monogram "]< we must see the initials of the 
name KITIo*/. No. 3, bound by identical obverse die 
with some examples of No. 4 [PI. XII. 3], shows that K 
must be the first letter of the mint name. In a similar 
manner to the contemporary Alexandrine issues of 
AraSos (y^), 13 Sidon (5I), U Ake (ny), 15 and Damaskos 
(AA), 1G , Kition signs its coins with the first letters of 
its name but in monogram. On the earliest of the 
staters (No. 1) a club accompanies the monogram as an 
accessory symbol in order that there might be no 
doubt as to their mint Herakles, as is well known, 
being tho patron god of Kition. This first issue of 
staters is identical in style with the contemporary 
staters of Salamis, of which more later. 

The most remarkable peculiarity of these Kitian 
Alexanders is found on the tetradrachms, Nos. 3 and 4. 
Instead of the customary AAEZANAPoY the inscrip- 
tions clearly give the form AAEZANAPO. If this 
had occurred once, or even twice, on our coins, it would 
have been considered merely as an engraver's error 
particularly as the inscriptions are often rather care- 
lessly cut, and we see A intended for A, 3 for E, and M 
for N. On the contrary, we find that the odd form 
AAE3EANAPO occurs, without exception, on every 
one of the thirty-one reverse dies known for these two 
issues (3 and 4). It is therefore no less than certain 
that it was intentionally so written. Now the usual 
and theoretical form of the genitive ending OY in the 

13 Miiller, Xumiswatiqite d'Altxandre le Grand, Nos. 1360-72. 
Hill, " Notes on the Alexandrine Coinage of Phoenicia," Notnisma, 
iv, 1909, p. 2. 

34 Jbicl, Nos. 1397-411. Hill, Nomisma, iv, pp. 6-7. 

* Ibid., Nos. 1426-63. Hill, Xomisma, iv, p. 10 if. 

16 Ibid., Nos. 1338-46. 


Cypriote dialect is fl, the contraction of OO. But as 
in the Cypriote alphabet there seems to have been no 
distinction made between O and II, in transcribing 
AAEZANAPH from his own alphabet to the Greek 
the Cypriote engraver would be just as likely to write 
AAEZANAPO. The confusion between pure and im- 
pure vowel sounds at about this time may also have 
caused the native die-cutter to stumble. The later 
issues, as well as the gold, all give the Attic spelling 
with OY. The occurrence of this, for the Alexander 
coinage, unique 17 form, would very much favour our 
attribution of the coins in question to Cyprus. 

Although the monogram "T< is not clearly visible on 
the bronze coin (no. 6) on account of wear, the style of 
the Herakles head is identical with that found on 
some of the tetradrachms. The engraver's error 
(AAEANAPOY for AAEZANAPoY) is paralleled by 
the careless writing on many specimens of the larger 

In group B the inscriptions of the tetradrachms are 
altered, BA$IAEfl$ now is placed in the exergue, and 
AAEZANAPoY behind Zeus. Very soon, also, the style 
of the obverse is changed from Muller's 18 style II to 
IV ; the reverse remains the same, however. Some of 
these Herakles heads are modelled on contemporary 
tetradrachms struck in Egypt. 

Series II is distinctly later in style than the pre- 
ceding. The reverses are now also of Muller's style IV, 

17 There is, in fact, one other case where the form AAEZ- 
ANAPO occurs but this must be looked upon as an error of the 
engraver, as the mistake is almost immediately rectified, and the 
succeeding reverse dies all bear AAEZANAPOY. See also 
p. 317, no. 2 a. 

38 Miiller, loc. cit. 

306 E. T. NEWELL. 

characterized by the crossed legs of Zeus. Egyptian in- 
fluence is clearly seen ; compare, for instance, PI. XIII. 
12, 13, which latter was certainly struck in Egypt. 
It is very tempting to connect this influence with the 
Egyptian occupation of the island in 320 B. c. 

It is important to note that, from the commence- 
ment, these Kitian Alexanders show adjusted dies 
(usually ft). A few mints in Phoenicia and Cyprus 
alone seem to have followed this custom previous to 
Alexander's reign. They continued following it in 
their subsequent issues struck in his name. 

About 323-322 B.C., probably soon after the death of 
Alexander, Pumiathon recommenced the coining of his 
own half staters. This did not mean the cessation of 
the coins with Alexander types ; but the two series, 
as they do not overlap in denominations, probably 
continued appearing together until the execution of 
Pumiathon in 313 B.C. It is as yet impossible to 
indicate which, if any, Alexander coins follow the two 
"J< series. In the absence of any which can with 
certainty be further assigned to Kition it would seem 
best to suppose that the mint was abolished by Ptolemy 
when he suppressed Pumiathon. It was also about this 
time that Salamis recommenced prolific coining, and 
so probably supplied the Kitian, as well as its own 
share of the island's coinage. 


SERIES I. Circa 332-320 B. c. 


Obv. Head of Athene r. in crested Corinthian helmet 
adorned with coiled serpent. Her hair hangs 
in formal curls, and she wears necklace. 


Rev. AAEZANAPOY on right. Winged Nike stand- 
ing 1., holds wreath in outstretched right, and 
naval standard in left. In front : Bow. 
Berlin. [PI. XIII. 1.] 


Olv. Similar. Same die used. 
Bev. Similar. In front : QUIVER. 
Berlin [PI. XIII. 2] ; London. 

3. STATER. 1U 

Obv. Similar. Same die used. 
Rev. Similar. In front : EAGLE. 

E. T. N. [PI. XIII. 3.] (Formerly Egger Sale XLV, 

Nov., 1913. No. 488.) 


Obv. Similar, but other dies used. 
Rev. Similar. In front: HARPA. 

London; Gotha ; Petrograd ; E. T. N. [PI. XIII. 4] ; 

Obv. Similar. 

Rev. Similar. In front: SPEAR-HEAD. 

London ; Paris [PI. XIII. 5] ; Berlin ; Vienna ; 


Obv. Head of youthful Herakles r. with lion's skin 
covering ; circle of dots. 

.Rev. AAEZANAPOY on right. Zeus seated left, holds 
eagle in outstretched right, sceptre in left. No 
footstool or exergual line. In field : Bow. 
Beneath throne, B. 

London ; Paris ; Berlin ; E. T. N. [PL XIII. 6] ; New 
York. (Two obverse, and five reverse dies 

19 This stater, with Eagle as symbol, must not be confused with 
the much more common ones from another mint (Svoronos, Ta 
No/xt'o^ara TU>V IlToAe/Luu'coi/, iii, PI. II. 1-3). 

308 E. T. NEWELL. 


Obv. Similar, but during the course of this issue the 
style changes from Miiller II to III. 

Rev. Similar. 20 In field: Bow. No letter beneath 

London (six) ; Paris ; Berlin (five specimens) ; Milan ; 
Vienna (two); E. T. N. [PI. XIII. 7, 8, 9, 10]; 
Yakountchikoff ; Alexandria. (Seventeen ob- 
verse, and sixty-one reverse dies known.) 


Obv. Similar, also with similar changes in style. 
Rev. Similar. In field : Bow. 

London ; Paris ; Berlin ; E. T. N. [PI. XIII. 11.] 

9. BRONZE, size I. 

Obv. Head of Herakles similar to later issues of tetra- 
drachm No. 5. 

llev. AAEZANAPoY club r., and bow-case within 
bow. Above, ^A ; below, A. 

London [PI. XIII. 12] ; E. T. N. ; Paris ; Jelajian, 

10. BRONZE, size II. 
Obv. Similar. 

Rev. Similar. Above, ; below, uncertain letter. 
London [PI. XIII. 13, 14] ; Petrograd. 

SERIES II. Circa 320-317 B.C. 

11. STATER. 

Obv. Helmeted head of Athene, similar to previous 
staters, but slightly modified in style. 

Rev. AAEZAN APoY on right. Winged Nike standing 
as before. In front : RUDDER. 

Berlin ; Petrograd (four) ; Turin ; E. T. N. [PI. XIV. 
2, 3] ; Egger Sale XLI, 1912, No. 379 ; London 
(three) ; Paris ; Vienna. [PI. XIV. 1.] 

20 On the latest dies there is a line beneath Zeus's feet to denote 



Obv. Head of youthful Herakles as on the latest issues 
of tetradrachm No. 7. 

Rer. <J>|AinriOY a ^ on r feht. Zeus aetophor as 
before, but with legs crossed and feet resting on 
stool. In field : KUDDER. Beneath throne, T. 

Alexandria ; London ; E. T. N. [PI. XIV. 4.] 


Obv. Similar to above, but latest issues are of Miiller 
style IV. 

Rev. Similar. In field: RUDDER. No letter beneath 

Alexandria [PI. XIV. 5] ; London ; Paris ; Vienna ; 
E. T. N. ; Hague. 

SEKIES III. Circa 316-306 B. c. 

14. STATER. 

Obv. Head of Athene r. in crested Corinthian helmet 
adorned with coiled serpent ; hair in formal 

Rev. AAEZANAPOY. Winged Nike as before. In 
front: RUDDER. Behind, MIA. 

London [PI. XIV. 6] ; Berlin. 


Obv. Head of youthful Herakles r., Mailer's style IV. 

Rev. AAE~ ANAPOY a ^ on "S^t. Zeus > holding 
eagle in r. and sceptre in 1., seated 1. on throne 
with back. In front : RUDDER. 

E. T. N. [PI. XIV. 7.] 

16. STATER. 

Obv. Head of Athene as on No. 14. 
Rev. AAEZANAPOY on right. Winged Nike as on 
No. 14. In front : RUDDER and fo. Behind, ^. 
Berlin. [PI. XIV. 8.] 

310 E. T. NEWELL. 


Obv. Head of youthful Herakles as above. One variety 
in high, and one variety in low relief. 

Ecu. AAEZANAPoY on right. Zeus seated as on 

No. 15, but henceforth his legs are always crossed. 

In front: RUDDER and /^. Beneath throne, ^. 

Berlin (two) [PL XIV. 9] (high relief); Vienna ; E. T. N. 


Obv. Head of Herakles as on previous tetradrachm. 

Rev. AAEZANAPoY on right. Seated Zeus as before. 
In front : RUDDER and fo. Beneath throne, M. 
Vienna. [PI. XIV. 10.] 


Obv. Head of Herakles as before. 

Eev. AAEZANAPOY on right. Similar to above. In 
front : RUDDER and ^. Beneath throne, N<. 

Vienna [PI. XIV. 11] ; Leake, Numismata Hellemca, 
p. 7. 

20. DRACHM. 

Obv. Similar to above. 

Rev. AAEZANAPoY on right. Similar to above. In 

front : RUDDER and ^. Beneath throne, N<. 
Athens (see Journ. int. d 'Arch, et Num., x. 1907, p. 332). 

21. STATER. 

Obv. Head of Athene in crested Corinthian helmet 
adorned with coiled serpent. Athene's hair is in 
flowing locks. 

Eev. AAEZANAPOY on right. Winged Nike as on 
No. 16. In front : RUDDER and HE. Behind, $fc. 
Berlin ; London. [PL XIV. 12.] 


Obv. Head of Herakles as above. 

Eev. AAEZANAPOY on right. Seated Zeus as above. 
In front : RUDDER and pj(.. Beneath throne, HE. 

E. T. N. [PL XIV. 13] ; Berlin ; Copenhagen (?) 
M tiller, No. 635, gives a variant of the first 


23. STATER. 

Obv. Head of Athene as on No. 23. Same die used. 

Rev. AAEZAN APoY on right. Winged Nike as above. 
In front : RUDDER and *<jr. Behind, f~E. 

London [PI. XV. 1] ; Berlin. 


Obv. Head of Herakles as above. 

Eev. AAEZANAPOY on right. Seated Zeus as above. 
In front : RUDDER and GE. Beneath throne, HE. 

Copenhagen (Mailer, 635 a). 

25. STATER. 

Obv. Helmeted head of Athene as on previous staters. 

Rev. AAEZAN APoY on right. Winged Nike as before. 
In front : RUDDER and HE. Behind, [^f>. 

Leake, loc. cit., p. 5. [PI. XV. 2.] 


Obv. Head of Herakles as on previous tetrad rachms. 

Jfey.AAEZANAPoY on right. Seated Zeus as before. 
In front : RUDDER and |<Jf> , HE. 

Berlin [PI. XV. 3]; E.T.N. 


Obv. Similar to the above. 

Eev. AAE3EAN APoY on right. Similar to the above. 
In front: RUDDER and |^|>. Beneath throne, J^|. 

Vienna; E. T. N. [PI. XV. 4.] 

28. STATER. 

Obv. Head of Athene r. in crested Corinthian helmet 
adorned with coiled serpent. Athene's hair held 
back at neck by riband. 

Eev. AAEZANAPOY on right. Winged Nike as on 
previous staters. In front: RUDDER and "PI. 
Behind, JBJ. 

E.T.N. [PI. XV. 5.] 

312 E. T. NEWELL. 


Olv. Head of youthful Herakles as on previous tei;ra- 

7,>a\ AAEZANAPOY on right. Seated Zeus as on 
previous tetradrachms. In front : RUDDER. Be- 
neath throne, ^. 

E. T. N. [PI. XV. 6.] 


The staters of this series form a group of five 
varieties, at least three of which are bound together 
by identical obverse dies. That they all belong to 
a single mint is furthermore evident from their close 
community in style a style, moreover, which is unlike 
that of any other of the Alexander issues, except the 
earliest of the staters already attributed to the neigh- 
bouring mint of Kition. The Nike on the reverses of 
these Salaminian staters stands on a base, and holds 
a naval standard, peculiar in that its crossbar is un- 
usually thick, and its projections face downwards 
instead of upwards. In style this group of staters 
merges into the succeeding staters signed with the 
rudder symbol. All these staters are struck from 
adjusted dies (position f f), a practice peculiar at this 
early time only to Cyprus and Phoenicia. As we 
possess ample Alexandrine coinages with fixed dies 
for all the principal cities of Phoenicia, Cyprus alone 
remains ; while the attribution to this island is proved 
by the close similarity in style to the staters which for 
other reasons have been assigned to Kition. 

The accompanying tetradrachms and drachms are 
all signed with the bow symbol only. At first their 



style, like that of the Kitian Alexanders, is modelled 
after contemporaneous Cilician issues, but this is soon 
changed to a style which is very individual. The first, 
and perhaps the most convincing, grounds on which 
these coins are to be assigned to Salamis, is the striking 
similarity, in both appearance and detail, between the 
Herakles head of their latest issues and the Herakles 
head on the bronze coins published by G. F. Hill in 
the catalogue of the coins of Cyprus in the British 
Museum, PI. XII, Nos. 20 to 23. These Alexander 
bronzes are proved by their provenance to be from 
Cyprus, and by the letters 3A to have been struck at 
Salamis. Both the bronze and the silver coins are 
from adjusted dies (position f f), a custom, as stated 
above, peculiar at this period to Phoenician and Cypriote 
coinages only. Furthermore, we must not fail to notice 
a peculiarity in the reverse type of these bronze coins. 
As a rule on Alexander's bronze issues the unstrung 
bow is represented alongside of or in its case ; here, 
however, the bow-case is unusually small, and is placed 
within the curve of the bow which is strung. This 
makes the bow a most striking and important feature 
of the type, consciously connecting it, to my mind, 
with the bow which is the constant adjunct symbol of 
the silver issues of this series. The bows of both the 
silver and the bronze coins are strung, and are of 
identical shape. 


Under this series have been collected all the staters 
with the rudder symbol 2l in the field. Some of them 

21 Recently one of these staters, for other reasons, has been 
attributed to Cyprus by E. J. Seltman, Num. Zeitschrift, 1913, 
p. 209. 


314 E. T. NEWELL. 

may very well have been struck during the period of 
Series I, as their style is at first a close development 
of the latest of the previous staters. The inscriptions, 
as before, still read AAEAlNAPoY. 

The silver issues of this series also are marked with 
the rudder symbol, but the inscriptions are in honour 
of Philip III. In the Cilician series this change was 
made but a short time before the latter's death, at 
Sidon the change was introduced in 320 B.C., at Arados 
about the same time ; therefore it seems best to date 
our Salamis WAIPPOY issues sometime between 320 
and 317, the date of Philip's death. The style of these 
silver coins is very similar to the latest issues of 
Series I. During the course of this issue, however, 
the Herakles head becomes in style what Miiller calls 
"style IV" a similar change is found in the Alexanders 
struck at Kition at this time. The curious and unusual 
placing of the inscription the two words BA^IAEH^ 
and <J>IAIPPoY being written in parallel lines behind 
the Zeus figure is worthy of particular notice. 

"Whereas it would perhaps be somewhat bold to 
assert that the bow was the symbol of the Salamis 
mint during the period 332 to 320 B.C. (in view of the 
fact that no less than five different symbols, including 
the bow, appear on the gold coins at that time), the 
rudder, on the other hand, seems almost certainly to 
have been considered the " type parlant " of this mint, 
and was so used on its coins. The rudder as a symbol 
would be most appropriate to Salamis, the capital and 
administrative centre of the island of Cyprus under 
Ptolemy, a city of considerable commercial importance, 
the possessor of a fine fleet of its own, and probably the 
naval base of the Egyptian flotilla. The rudder hence- 


forth, appears continually on all the Alexander issues 
of the city under Ptolemaic supremacy, while mono- 
grams are used for the control of the coinage. 


This series is introduced by the tetradrachm, No. 15 
(PI. XIV. 7), which constitutes the transition between 
Series II and III. In style it is closer to the coins of 
Series III, but in the placing of the inscription 
AAE3EANAPOY BA5IAEHS it resembles the tetra- 
drachms of Series II. The stater which is placed with 
it may still belong to Series II. In style it is identical 
with certain specimens of No. 11 (compare PL XIV. 3), 
but in the magistrate's name in the field it has more 
affinity with the staters of the present series. 

This series consists of staters, tetradrachms, and 
drachms in considerable abundance, all bearing the 
mint-mark rudder, and, in addition, two monograms, 
these monograms are constantly changing they 
must denote the magistrates in charge of the coinage, 
though it would be tempting to see in N< and M or fjsl 
the respective names of Nikokreon 22 and Menelaos. 23 
Alongside of these Alexander coins it would seem that 
Nikokreon also struck the well-known staters and 
Ehodian didrachms and drachms bearing his own name 
and types. These were probably intended for use in 
Cyprus only. There is nothing strange in the cur- 
rency side by side of Attic tetradrachms and smaller 

22 Until 310 B.C. king of Salamis. 

23 Strategos of Ptolemy in Cyprus, and successor to Nikokreon 
as king of Salamis and Governor of Cyprus. 


316 E. T. NEWELL. 

denominations of Rhodian weight, as Cyprus had been 
accustomed to the latter system for many years on 
account of its close commercial relations with the 
great banking and trading centre of Rhodes. It has 
also been shown 24 that at this very time Ptolemy 
Soter was striking Attic tetradrachms and Rhodian 
drachms side by side in his mint at Alexandria. On 
the death or deposition of Nikokreon, about 310 B.C., 
Menelaos, the brother and strategos for Cyprus of 
Ptolemy, succeeded to the " kingdom ". He too struck 
local gold coins in addition to the regular Alexander 
issues. It also seems likely that under his rule were 
issued the bronze coins which bear on their obverses 
the head of the Cypriote Aphrodite, 25 and on their 
reverses the Ptolemaic eagle and the inscription 
PToAEMAloY. A point of close similarity between 
these bronze coins and some of the Alexanders which 
we have assigned to Salamis is the unusual way in which 
the hair is held back at the neck by a single riband. 
Compare the stater No. 28 (PL XV. 5) with the above- 
mentioned bronze coins. This would constitute another 
proof of the Cypriote origin of these particular Alexander 


SEEIES I. Circa 330 B. c. 

Obv. Head of youthful Herakles r. in lion's skin head- 

Z AN APO Yon right. BAS I AEH5 in exergue. 
Zeus enthroned 1., holds eagle in outstretched 
r., and sceptre in 1. In field : FLYING DOVE 
and zo. Beneath throne, e. 

24 Svoronos, loc. cit., vol. ii. Nos. 33-55. 
26 Ibid., Nos. 74-82. 


Paris [PI. XV. 7] ; London (two) ; see Catalogue of 
Greek Coins in the British Museum, Cyprus, 
PI. VIII, Nos. 12, 13 ; E. T. N. ; Berlin. 

Obv. Similar. 

.7^. AAEZANAPoYon right. BA5IAEHS in exergue. 
Similar to above. In field : FLYING DOVE. 


2 a. BRONZE, size I. 

Obv. Head of youthful Herakles r. in lion-skin. Border 
of dots. 

Rev. AAEZANAPo[Y?] between bow in case and club. 

Jelajian, Cyprus. 

SEKIES II. Before 320 B.C. 


Obv. Head of youthful Herakles r. in lion's skin head- 
dress. Circle of dots. Style much finer than 
the preceding. 

Rev. AAE3EANAPOY on right. Zeus enthroned 1., 

holds eagle in outstretched r., and sceptre in 1. 

Lower limbs parallel and draped, feet rest on 

foot-stool. In field : {$]. Beneath throne : BEE. 

Munich ; E. T. N. [PI. XV. 8.] 

Obv. Similar. 

Rev. Similar. In field : $. Beneath throne : ROSE. 
E. T. N. [PI. XV. 9.] 

Obv. Similar. 

Eev. Similar, but no symbol beneath throne. 
E. T. N. [PI. XV. 10] ; London. 

318 E. T. NEWELL. 


Obv. Head of youthful Herakles r. Some dies like the 
preceding others of a different style. 

J?,._AAE:=EAN APoY to right of sceptre. BA5I AEHS 
to left of sceptre. Zeus enthroned as on pre- 
ceding. Infield: [$]. Beneath throne : EAR OP 

E. T. N. (first style) ; Yakountchikoff (second style). 
[PI. XV. ll.j 


Olv. Similar, but only of the second style. 

Rev. Similar. In field: $]. Beneath throne: LAUREL 

London ; Berlin ; E. T. N. (formerly Egger Sale XL, 
May, 1912) [PI. XV. 12] ; Vienna ; Naples ; 

Obv. Similar. 

Rev. Similar. In field : f$|. No symbol beneath throne. 
E. Storrs. [PI. XV. 13.] 


Olv. Head of youthful Herakles r. 

Rev. AAE3EANAPOY between club and bow in case. 

Below: p$J. 

To Paphos, at this time third in importance of the 
cities of Cyprus, Hill has attributed an Alexander 
tetradrachm (No. 1) signed with the flying dove of 
Aphrodite and two Cypriote letters. As he shows, 26 
this coin must have been struck in Alexander's life- 
time; I would go further, and place it very early 

26 Hill, loc. cit., Ixxix, 51. 


(about 330 B.C.), on account of the odd style and the 
presence of Cypriote letters. Like the first issue at 
Kition with its AAEZANAPO inscription Cypriote 
mannerisms are still in evidence. The Hague collection 
also possesses a drachm of this issue, and Mr. Jelajian 
a bronze. 

The next coins which must be assigned to Paphos 
are certain tetradrachms which occurred in the 
Demanhur Hoard, and which, like the contemporaneous 
coins of Kition, bear the city's initials in monogram 
in the field, in this case: ($]. These coins are of very 
good and rather individual style quite different from 
the issues of Salamis and Kition. These latter were 
more or less influenced by the coins of the Cilician 
and Phoenician coasts, and were invariably struck 
from adjusted dies. The Paphian coins, on the other 
hand, were at first struck from loose dies, the oriental 
custom of adjusted dies not being adopted till the 
appearance of Nos. 6 to 8 (PI. XV. 11-13). These 
latter usually show the position f | for their dies. In 
style these Paphian coins remind one most of the 
early Alexander issues of Western Asia Minor. In 
only one point do they betray their Cypriote origin, 
and that in the curious placing of the inscription 
AAE3EANAPOY BASIAEHS, both words being in 
parallel lines, the first to the right, the second to the 
left, of the sceptre held by Zeus. This peculiar placing 
of the inscription is only to be found on the con- 
temporary Alexander issues of Salamis and on a certain 
tetradrachm which, we shall see later, seems attributable 
to Marion. The clue to their origin being thus fur- 
nished by the inscriptions, the monogram p$l easily 
resolves itself into fIA<l>. This reading is perhaps 

320 E. T. NEWELL. 

corroborated by one of the coins in the writer's col- 
lection which has the letters PA roughly scratched 
by some idle hand into the surface alongside of the 
monogram in question. Of the four symbols to be 
seen beneath the throne of Zeus, the rose occurs as the 
reverse type on certain 27 autonomous bronze coins 
of Paphos of about this same period. It is curious 
to note that the symbol laurel branch occurs on the 
justly suspected tetradrachm (?) of Nikokles of Paphos 
in the Florence collection. Perhaps this latter speci- 
men was an imitation of a genuine coin now lost ? 


Olv. Head of youthful Herakles r. Circle of dots. 

.to.AAEZAN APOY to right of sceptre. BA5IAEHS 
to left of sceptre. Zeus enthroned to left, holds 
eagle in outstretched right, sceptre in left. Feet 
rest on foot-stool. In field : THUNDERBOLT. 

London ; E. T. N. [PI. XV. 14.] 

The placing of the inscription on this coin betrays 
its Cypriote origin. The style, though of lower relief, 
is not unlike some of the Paphian Alexanders, while 
the throne is identical in shape with that found on 
these latter. Judging from the issues of Salamis, 
Kition, and Paphos, the thunderbolt in the field would 
in this case be a mint and not a magistrate's symbol. 
The thunderbolt occurs only once as a type on the 
coins of Cyprus, namely on certain bronze coins of 
Marion struck in the reign of Stasioikos II (from 

27 Hill, loc. cit., PI. VIII, 11. 


before 315 to 312 B.C.), on whose coins Zeus 28 is a 
common type. The mint of Marion would suit our 
coin very well. It has many affinities with issues of 
the near-by mint of Paphos, the Zeus thrones are 
identical in shape, the general styles are not unlike, 
and the dies were not at first adjusted as on the coins 
of Salamis and Kition. 

The Alexander coinages which thus far we have 
been able to assign to Cyprus cover the period from 
the time when the island kings first offered their 
submission to Alexander, soon after the battle of Issos 
in 333 B.C., down to the loss of the island by Ptolemy 
Soter in 306 B.C. The coinages of Kition, Paphos, and 
Marion appear, indeed, to have come to an end before 
this latter date a fact which coincides well with what 
we know of the island's history during this period. 
For in 313 B.C. we know that, owing to a sudden revolt 
of many of the Cypriote kings against his suzerainty, 
Ptolemy was obliged to invade Cyprus, and soon 
suppressed the disaffected kings among whom Pumia- 
thon of Kition and Stasioikos of Marion are expressly 
stated to have been. In 310 B.C. Nikokles of Paphos 
perished in a similar attempt to throw off the Egyptian 
yoke. Salamis, on the other hand, stood loyally by 
Ptolemy, and its king, Nikokreon, was awarded the 
governorship of the entire island. On his death 
Ptolemy's brother Menelaos, who as general of the 
Egyptian forces had assisted Nikokreon, succeeded 
him. Salamis continued throughout his reign to be 
the capital and administrative centre of the island. 

28 In the environs of Marion there was a grove sacred to Zeus. 
Strabo, xiv. 6, 3. 


It is therefore not surprising to find its mint in active 
operation down to the great naval battle and siege 
of Salamis, in which Demetrios Poliorketes finally 
worsted the Ptolemaic forces, and obliged them to 
evacuate the island. 29 


29 Under Antigonid rule the island formed a very important 
naval base of their empire until its reconquest by Ptolemy in 
295 B.C. Antigonos, and later Demetrios, no doubt issued many 
coins, probably from the mint at Salamis. If so, the types must 
at first have been the usual Alexandrine ; the inscriptions, too, were 
in honour of the Macedonian hero. As yet, however, the attribution 
of certain of such coins which might belong to this time and place 
is too doubtful to be hazarded here. 





HAVING acquired in the course of the formation 
of my collection of Roman coins a certain number 
of unpublished pieces, and also some which, although 
recorded, are stated to be in foreign collections not 
easy of access, I thought it might be of interest to 
the Society to give a list of such coins together with 
some remarks and suggestions in connexion with them. 
In speaking of unpublished coins I refer to any that 
are not recorded in the second edition of Cohen, that 
being the latest and most complete record of all the 
known coins of the Eoman Empire. At the same 
time I am aware that he has failed to notice a few 
coins of which mention is made by much earlier 
writers, and in any cases of this sort I shall endeavour 
to mention the circumstances. Although with such 
a subject it is not possible to give a very consecutive 
series, I shall describe the coins in the order in which 
they come as to reigns and dates, and will begin with 
some of the Emperor Augustus. 

The first to be mentioned is a piece struck from the 
dies of the as of the monetary triumvir C. Cassius 
Celer, 1 on a large flan (PL XVI. 1). The coin is 

1 B.M. C.: Rom. Rep., ii, p. 59, PL Ixv, 6. 


perfectly circular, and there is a broad plain band out- 
side the legend with a raised marginal line close to the 
edge. This outer band and margin have apparently 
been turned. 2 The legends are the usual ones for this 
POTEST; bare head of Augustus to right: Rev. C- 
centre. The weight is 302 grs., its module is size 10 
according to Mionnet's scale (33-5 mm.). In connexion 
with this piece I describe another also in my collection, 
and equally exceptional. It is by the same moneyer, and 
also as regards type it is the same as the ordinary as, 
although it is rather larger. It is, however, of yellow 
brass or aurichalcum. It is perfectly circular, and it 
also has a turned margin, not so broad as the first 
piece described, but with a hollow grooved edge. The 
legends are the same as those of the first piece. The 
weight of this coin is 188 grs., and the module is size 
84 (29 mm.). 

In Num. Chron., 4th series, vol. iv, Mr. Grueber, in a 
paper on the bronze coinage of Rome of this period, 
says that the sestertius and the dupondius were 
struck in aurichalcum, while the as was in copper, 
and was the only denomination on which the portrait 
of Augustus appeared, the type of the dupondius being 
invariably the wreath with the Emperor's name. I 
see no reason for disagreeing with this general rule, 
although the two pieces I have described are excep- 
tions to it, and the question arises as to what they 
were intended for. My own suggestion is that they 

2 Cp. the Vienna coin of M. Maecilius Tullus (Willers, Gesch. 
rom. Kupferpr., p. 152, No. 217), or that of Salvius Otho (ibid., 
PI. xvii, 2], or that of Gallius Lupercus (ibid., PI. xiv, 4). 


were early attempts at placing the portrait of 
Augustus on a larger and higher valued coin than the 
common as. The coin in aurichalcum is larger, and 
the portrait is better executed than on the as, and the 
metal together with its size would make it of the 
value of the dupondius. Owing to patination it is not 
possible to ascertain readily the metal of the first 
piece, but I suspect it to be copper, and if it is so, 
it would be a dupondius in this metal, as the value of 
copper was only about half that of aurichalcum. We 
may thus perhaps have two varieties of the experi- 
ment I suggest. 

Another not improbable solution of the question is 
that these pieces are some of the earliest examples 
of the Emperor's image, struck specially for en- 
closing in larger circles for the military standards. 
The peculiar edges so perfectly circular are, I think, 
in favour of this suggestion. In. later reigns, and 
before the period when the regular medallions were 
used for this purpose, there are examples of ordinary 
bronze coins enclosed in broad outer margins of bronze 
that were evidently so employed. 

In pursuance of my first suggestion I will here 
describe two coins, both of which are very rare, 
although only one of them is not in Cohen. 


Bare head of Augustus to right. 


large SC in centre. 

Wt. 380 gi-s. Cohen, No. 503. 


POT ; head of Augustus to left. Behind, a 
figure of Victory with the right hand placing 


a laurel wreath upon his head, and in the left 
holding a cornucopiae ; beneath the bust is 
a globe. 

Eev.M-! VIR-A-A-A. 

F-F ; large SC in centre. 

Wt. 360 grs. Size 9| (33 mm.). 

This coin is not in Cohen of this size, although 
there is a specimen in the British Museum 3 from the 
Thomas Collection, weighing 381 grs., and described by 
Mr. Grueber in the paper previously referred to. The 
writer there describes this coin as a sestertius, and one of 
much lighter weight (258 grs.), of the moneyer M. Sal- 
vius Otho, he also calls a sestertius, owing to its module 
which quite justifies it. In pursuance of my suggestion 
that these were tentative endeavours, if nothing more, 
to place the portrait of Augustus in a larger and more 
important manner upon the Senatorial bronze coinage 
of Rome as his power became more absolute, I suggest 
that the two coins last described, together with those 
described as sestertii by Mr. Grueber, are really 
dupondii in copper. Although neither of my own 
coins can without injury be proved to be in copper, 
I have seen a specimen of the Plotius (Cohen 503) 
piece, which owing to a cut could be clearly seen 
to be of copper, and the specimen in the British 
Museum of the Maecilius coin, which is very slightly 
patinated, has every appearance of being of copper. 
If, as I am convinced, these coins are of copper, they 
would only be of about half the value of the sestertii 
of aurichalcum, and of the same value as the dupondii 

3 B.M.C.: Rom. Rep., ii, p. 105, No. 4682. Willers, op. cit., 
No. 217, describes fifteen specimens of various sizes and weights, 
of which the Brit. Mus. specimen is the heaviest. 


of about half their size, in the same metal. The 
reason for their being struck may however be, as 
I suggest, a tentative effort to place the portrait of 
Augustus on Senatorial coins of the largest size without 
actually encroaching upon the then severe Republican 
type of the sestertius. 

The monetary triumvirs who struck the coins with 
the head of Augustus crowned by Victory are M. 
Salvius Otho, M. Maecilius Tullus, and P. Lurius 
Agrippa, and M. Babelon puts their year of office at 
12 B.C., as in this year Augustus received the title 
of Pontifex Maximus, which appears upon all these 
coins. Mr. Grueber, however, puts their date as 5 B.C., 
as he has reason to believe that other money ers, on 
whose coins this title appears, held office before the 
three who struck the coins in question. Perhaps, 
however, the most interesting suggestion is made 
by Willers. 4 He describes them as triumphal asses, 
struck for 1 Jan., 7 B.C. He notes (pp. 175-6) that 
they frequently exceed the normal size and weight 
of the as, and that one at Berlin has remains of 
ancient gilding. The obverse type suggests that they 
were struck specially to celebrate a triumph, and he 
comes to the conclusion that of the three possible 
triumphs that of 1 Jan., 7 B. c. is the most probable. 
I may observe that my own suggestion made above is 
in no way incompatible with this view, if we may regard 
these triumphal coins as dupondii as well as asses. 

In making the suggestions as to copper dupondii 
I should perhaps say that I have not overlooked the 
fact that the ordinary sestertii of the reign of 

4 Op. cit., pp. 152-3. 


Augustus, with the wreath and palm branches, were 
not issued by the three moneyers who struck the 
type of the Emperor crowned by Victory. Probably, 
however, none were wanted, as those and the dupondii, 
struck by previous moneyers, must have been very 
abundant, seeing that even now they are quite 

It is possible that some of the larger and heavier 
specimens of the coins of M. Salvius Otho of this 
type 5 may be really sestertii, and that even this 
denomination may have been tentatively issued. The 
metal, however, would be the real test. 

The next coin of Augustus that I will describe is 
one that for size should perhaps be called a medallion. 
It is of the " Altar of Lyons " type, 6 but on the obverse 
the head is to the left, which does not occur on any 
large brass of this type mentioned by Cohen. It may 
be described as follows : 

PATRIAE; laureate bust of Augustus to 
left of fine execution. 

Rev. ROM ET AVG ; the usual "Altar of Lyons". 

Wt. 444 grs. Size 11 (36-5 mm.). [PI. XVI. 2.] 

This coin is quite round and carefully struck. Cohen 
describes a piece of this reverse type (No. 239) of 
size 11 as a medallion. It differs, however, from mine 
in having the head to the right, and the legend 

The last coin I have to mention of Augustus is 

5 See Willers, p. 153, No. 218. 

6 See B. M. C. : Rom. Rep., ii, pp. 439 f. 


an unpublished sestertius, presumably struck under 

0&*;.-DIVVS AVCVSTVS PATER; radiate head of 
Augustus to left. 

Rev. S- C- ; Victory flying to left holding a buckler upon 
which is S P Q R. 

Wt, 347 grs. Size 10. 

This coin is of exactly the same type as Cohen, No. 
242, in " second brass ", but the whole is on a larger 
scale. The weight is a little light for a sestertius, but 
not much, and is far too heavy for a dupondius. A 
similar specimen was in the E. F. Weber Collection. 7 

After Augustus I have nothing remarkable until the 
reign of Nero. The first piece to mention is what I 
believe to be a unique medallion, weighing 1563 grs., 
or practically four sestertii. It has apparently been 
long in water, and has suffered much from attrition 
in the manner often to be observed in coins washed 
up by the sea, or found in running water. It is 
of the Port of Ostia type, and may be described as 
follows : 

P-M-TR-P IMP P P ; laureate head of Nero 
to right. 

Rev. AVGVSTI above, POR OST below (probably 
between S C ). The port of Ostia with nine 
vessels, the statue of Neptune on a pedestal 
above, and recumbent figure of the Tiber 

Wt. 1563 grs. Size 13 J (46 mm.). [PI. XVI. 4.] 
This piece exactly reproduces on a larger scale the 

7 Hirsch, Katal. xxiv, Taf. v. 842 (34 mm .). 



details of most of the sestertii of the same type, 
except that the temple usually found at the end of 
the quays on the left side is not shown. I believe 
that on some sestertii the temple does not appear, 
and possibly it may not have been built till after the 
inauguration of this great work. The Port of Ostia 
type is one of those that appear to have been struck 
almost, if not quite, throughout the reign of Nero, and 
those struck after its erection are no doubt those that 
show the temple. In the Numismatic Chronicle for 
1841 (vol. iv, p. 156) Mr. Roach Smith, in describing a 
quantity of Roman coins found in the Thames on the 
site of Old London Bridge, amongst which were several 
medallions, suggests the probability that many of the 
coins, and particularly the medallions, were thrown in 
as votive offerings at the inauguration of the bridge 
or ferry that existed in Eoman times, or when from 
time to time it was repaired. In the same way I 
venture to suggest that the piece I now describe may 
be one of a number specially struck for casting into 
the water as votive offerings at the inauguration of 
the Port of Ostia. Its condition points to the action 
of the sea, and it may have been cast ashore or dredged 
up long ago. 8 

8 This coin of Nero in its present worn condition shows every 
sign of genuineness, but perhaps it is desirable to mention that in 
size it recalls certain " medallions " which have long been 
recognized as forgeries ; of these the British Museum possesses 
two. The first is of Caligula and his three sisters : Obv. as Cohen, 2 
i, p. 237, No. 3, but head bare ; Rev. as No. 4 ; size 50 mm.; weight 
1762 grs. The second is of Claudius and Nero Drusus : Obv. and 
Rev. as Cohen, 2 i, p. 254, but reading AVGIMPPMTRP instead 
of AVCPMTRP IMPPP; size 50mm.; weight 1764 grs. The 
style of these is, however, inferior, and it is easy to recognize them 
as forgeries. Their weight is also excessive for four sesterces. 


The next coin to which I will allude is quite as 
remarkable, and has the advantage over the last 
of being in very fine condition. It is a sestertius of 
medallion size of a remarkable and quite unpublished 
type. It may be described as follows : 

TRP XIV P.P.; draped bust of Nero to left 
crowned with a remarkable wreath of serrated 
and plain leaves. 

Rev. No legend. Victory winged and draped hastening 
to right, in her right hand she holds a tall 
palm branch, and in her left outstretched she 
supports on a stand a small helmeted figure 
of Pallas with javelin and shield. In the 
field S C- 

Wt. 472 grs. Size 11 (39 mm.). [PI. XVI. 5.] 

This coin is remarkable not only as being a newly 
discovered type of reverse, but in various other ways. 
The bust of Nero is the only draped example I know 
of, the portrait is more pleasing than usual, and the 
wreath is very exceptional. The date is also a special 
feature, for TR-P-XIV- is the last year of Nero's reign, 
and this date has been said not to be known on his 
coins, although Mr. Hobler claimed to have one with 
the cuirassed bust reading TRP Xllll. As TRP XII 
and XIII of this latter type are known, although very 
rare, there may have been a mistake if the coin was 
not in good condition. 

The reverse type of Victory is also remarkable, and 
calls for explanation. The date TR-P- XIV places the 
coin at probably the end of A.D. 67, when nothing in 
the shape of a military victory is recorded. Nero had 
just been engaging in the various athletic and musical 
contests of Greece, and was proclaimed victor greatly 

z 2 


to his own satisfaction ; and his preference for record- 
ing on his coins triumphs of this nature rather than 
political achievements is to be remarked on such types 
as the Decursio, Nero as Apollo, and the Quinquen- 
nalian games. According to Suetonius, Nero c. xxv : 
* on his return from Greece, arriving at Naples, because 
he had commenced his career as a public performer in 
this city, he made his entrance in a chariot drawn by 
white horses through a breach in the city wall, accord- 
ing to the practice of those who were victorious in the 
sacred Grecian games. In the same manner he entered 
Antium, Alba, and Rome. He made his entry into the 
City riding in the same chariot in which Augustus had 
triumphed, in a purple tunic, and a cloak embroidered 
with golden stars, having on his head the crown worn 
at Olympia, and in his right hand that which was 
given him at the Pythian games ; the rest being carried 
in a procession before him, with inscriptions denoting 
the places where they had been won, from whom, and 
in what plays or musical performances ' Accord- 
ing to Merivale this pageant took place either in 
December 67 or January 68. Mr. G. F. Hill believes 
that he recognizes in the composition of the wreath 
worn by Nero the bay, olive, and pine respectively 
representing the Delphian, Olympian, and Isthmian 
games, and it seems highly probable that my coin 
commemorates his return from Greece, and the extra- 
vagant pageants accompanying it. I am indebted to 
the Rev. E. A. Sydenham for the foregoing suggested 
explanation of this remarkable type. During his visit 
to Greece Nero was present at Delphi and the Isthmus, 
as well as at the Olympian games. 

The coin was, I believe, found in Rome itself within 


quite recent years, and is probably unique, as, if my 
suggestions regarding it are correct, possibly few if 
even any others were struck. Its size, roundness, and 
careful striking and fine condition may indicate that 
it was in the nature of a pattern piece, and it is a coin 
that I have much satisfaction in bringing to the notice 
of the Society. 

Another apparently unpublished coin of Nero to 
which I can draw attention is an as with the reverse 
type of Neptune standing, similar in all respects to 
that on the coins of Agrippa, although the work is 
of a different and superior style. It may be described 
as follows : 


laureate bust of Nero to right. 

Bev. Neptune standing to left with trident in left hand 
and dolphin in right, a mantle hanging 
behind from the two arms. S-C- in field. 

Wi 148 grs. [PL XVI. 3.] 

This coin, although of the Agrippa type, is not a 
mule, as the work is of the time of Nero. It is also to 
be noted that Cohen quotes examples of two " second 
brass " coins of Nero (presumably asses) with Augustan 
type, No. 255, Rev. PROVIDENT S C altar, and 
No. 256, ROM ET AVG. These, together with my 
coin, appear to show a tendency at a certain period 
of Nero's reign to revive well-known types associated 
with the reign of Augustus, and it would be interesting 
if a reason could be assigned for this. 

Of the reign of Galba I have two sestertii of 
interest. One is according to Cohen's valuation the 
rarest type of Galba, while the other is unpublished, 
and is closely connected with the former by portrait 



and legend. The first is the sestertius with the reverse 
XXXX REMISSA and the so-called triumphal arch; 
a type which has been discussed by Mowat 9 and 
Gnecchi, 10 and into the meaning of which I need not 
enter here. 

In October, 1913, Mr. H. Mattingly read a paper 
before the Society in which he gave reasons, with 
which I concur, for ascribing these coins to the Lyons 
mint, but in the paper as published in the Numismatic 
Chronicle of 1914 I rather regret to see no mention 
of the point, as the second coin to which I now have 
to call attention is so evidently from the same mint 
that additional interest would be given to the sug- 
gestion. It may be described as follows : 


laureate bust of Galba to right with small 
globe at the point of the truncation. 

right, inscribing S P Q R upon a buckler 
which she rests upon an altar or cippus. 
There is no S-C- upon this coin. 

35 mm. [PI. XVI. 6.] 

It is to be regretted that this coin leaves so much 
to be desired as to preservation, seeing that it is a 
hitherto unrecorded type. The head of Galba and the 
obverse legend are so exactly similar to the last coin 
described that there can be no doubt as to the dies 
being from the same hands. The portrait is rather 
unlike that on most sestertii of Galba, and if, as I 
think Mr. Mattingly rightly suggested, it marks the 
character of work of the Lyons mint, it is useful to 

9 Rev. Num., 1909, pp. 79 ff. 
10 Eiv. Ital., 1914, p. 174. 


have the evidence of another type with the same 
portrait. The absence of the S C is remarkable, and 
may point to its having been struck by Galba's 
authority after his acceptance of the invitation of 
Vindex to assume the Imperial power, and before his 
recognition by the Senate. 






THIS hoard was unearthed in Dorsetshire a few 
years ago, and the person who acquired it from the 
actual finder stated that the latter assured him that 
these nine coins comprised the entire find, and that 
they were discovered lying together in a depression or 
cavity in the solid chalk. It is said that there was no 
sign of any kind that they had been contained in either 
a bag or other receptacle. 

CoenwulfofMereia[A.i>. 796-822]. 

1. Penny, Obv. diademed bust to right, legend commen- 

cing at top, +COENVVLF RE+ m. Rev. 
within a circle a cross nioline +OBH TONETH 
Wt. 204 grs. 

2. Penny, Obv. diademed bust to right, legend com- 

mencing behind head, +COENVVLF REX T. 
Rev. within a circle, a cross with V-shaped ends, 
a pellet in each angle. + SVVEFHERD MONET7T 
(Rud., PI. vi. 13). Wt. 20-3 grs. 

3. Penny, Obv. diademed bust to right, legend commen- 

cing behind head, + COEN VVLF RE* ff). Rev. 
within a circle, four crescents turned outwards 
each enclosing a pellet, in the centre a pellet, 
+ DEHLLH MONET7T (Rud., PI. vi. 15, var.). 
Wt. 21-7 grs. 


Ecgbeorht of Wessex [A.D. ? 814-39]. 

4. Penny, Obv. small bust to right, + HECBEHRHT 

REX. Rev. within a circle, a cross crosslet, 
+ DIORTOD TISEt (Bud., PL xiv. 1, var.,5. If. 
Cat,, type IV). Wt. 19-9 grs. 

5. Penny, Obv. diademed bust to right, + ECGBEORHT 

REX. Rev. within a circle a cross potent, 
+ DYNYN TOISETTT (B. M. Cat., type V). Wt. 
21-7 grs. 

6. Penny, Obv. circle enclosing a cross potent +ECG 

BEORHT REX. Rev. circle enclosing a 

tribrach potent, a pellet above +BETTGTYO 
TONE (Obv. B. M. Cat., type XIII, unpublished 
type of reverse). Wt. 19-6 grs. 

7. Penny, Obv. circle enclosing a cross pattee +EGC 

BE7TRHT REX. Rev. circle enclosing a sun 
of six rays pattee of equal size, + OB7T TOHETTT 
(B. M. Cat., type XV). Wt. 19-8 grs. 

Wulfred, Archbishop of Canterbury [A. D. 805-33]. 

8. Penny, Obv. tonsured head facing, completely within 

a circle, +VVLFRED ARCHIEPIS. Rev. 
DRVR CITS in two lines with a circle; a pellet 
in centre, +SVVEFHERD MONET around (Num. 
Chron., 1904, p. 458). Wt. 22 grs. 

Sede Vacante (?}. 

9. Penny, Obv. tonsured head facing, completely within 

a circle, + SVVEFNERD MOISET7T. Rev. 
+ -DOROBERNIH CIVITH-S- in five lines 
across field (Obv. Kud., PL xiii. 4 ; Rev. Eud., PL 
xiii. 3). Wt. 20-50 grs. 


Although, the find consisted of only nine coins, it 
presents several peculiar and interesting features and 
I therefore venture to call attention to the following 
points, which appear to me to be of special interest. 

First, it is remarkable that all the coins are different 
in type from one another ; secondly, they were all struck 
by Kentish moneyers (four of them having worked for 
Baldred, King of Kent), and, thirdly, an entirely new 
type of Ecgbeorht's coinage is added to those already 
published. The coins in question are now in my 

COENWULF of Mercia (A.D. 796-822) is represented in 
the hoard by three pennies, all of which have the bust 
on the obverse, but with the reverses all different in 
type ; that with the four crescents curved outwardly, 
with the addition of a pellet in each [PI. XVII. 3], 
is an unpublished variety. The three coins are struck 
by different moneyers. DEALLA, the originator of the 
unpublished variety, coined for Ecgbeorht but not for 
Baldred. He may possibly have been the same person 
as Dealing who coined for Ceolwulf I (A.D. 822-3 
or 4). Pennies with very similar reverses were also 
struck for Coenwulf by Tidbearht (Bud., PL vi. 15), 
Werheard and Diormod, for Coenwulf and Ceol- 
wulf I by Ealhstan (Bud., PL vii. 1 ; Hks., fig. 72), and 
for Ecgbeorht by Dynyn (Bud., PI. xiv. 4). Diala 
occurs as a moneyer of Archbishop Ceolnoth (A.D. 

OBA [PI. XVII. l] was also a moneyer of Ceolwulf I, 
Baldred, and Ecgbeorht. He also struck so-called Sede 
Vacante coins with the regal head. The cross moline 
reverse was employed by Diormod on Coenwulf s 
coinage (Bud., PL vi. 7). 


SWEFHEAED, who struck the coin illustrated [PI. 
XVII. 2], also coined for Baldred, Ecgbeorht, Arch- 
bishop Wulfred, and both types of the so-called Sede 
Vacante pennies. 1 

ECGBEORHT of Wessex (A.D. 802-38 or 9) is represented 
by four pennies, each by a different moneyer, and all 
differ in design both in respect of obverse and reverse. 
Two are with the king's bust. 

The bust on the coin struck by DIOEMOD [PI. XVII. 4] 
closely resembles in style the bust on Baldred's pennies, 
and it is strange that Baldred (A.D. 807-25) is not 
represented in this find. It will be noticed that the 
name is spelt HECBEARHT. It is believed to be an 
unpublished type for this moneyer, but a coin with the 
same obverse and reverse by Sigestef is illustrated in 
Rud., PL xiv. 1. On it the king's name is spelt 
ECGBORHT and MISET is omitted. 

DIOEMOD also coined for Coenwulf and Baldred. 
He also struck the Sede Vacante type with the regal 
head, and is in the list of those moneyers who coined 
Ecgbeorht's issue which has the Canterbury monogram 
on the reverse. 

The other penny with Ecgbeorht's bust [PI. XVII. 5] 
is struck by DYNYN, who was also a moneyer of 
Baldred. Dun and Dunnic occur as moneyers of 
Coenwulf and Ceolwulf I respectively. It will be 

1 It is curious that the coin of Coenwulf of the type illustrated in 
B. M. Cat., vol. I, PI. viii. 19, is absent from the hoard. This was 
certainly current at Coenwulf 's death, as his moneyerWodel used the 
identical reverse on a penny of his successor Ceolwulf I. Possibly 
the explanation is that Wodel was a Mercian craftsman, and the 
coins struck by him and other Mercian moneyers were not in 
common circulation in Kent. I suggest that the person, who 
originally lost or hid this hoard, was a man from Kent, or had 
Kentish associations. 


seen that the coin in the hoard differs from that 
illustrated in Rud., PL xxvii. 1, by the legend on 
the obverse commencing behind the bust instead of 
beneath it. 

DYNYN also struck pennies with bust on the obverse, 
and four crescents turned outwardly on the reverse. 
The cross-potent reverse design was also used by the 
moneyers Ethelmod and Beagmund on Ecgbeorht's 
pennies without bust. 

OBA, the moneyer of the penny illustrated on PL 
XVII. 7, issued another type for Ecgbeorht, which had 
the cross patte'e design both on the obverse and reverse, 
and his name is also in the list of known moneyers of 
the Canterbury monogram reverse, but none of his coins 
are published with bust but without monogram. As 
before stated he was a moneyer for Coenwulf, Ceolwulf, 
and Baldred. 

The last of Ecgbeorht's pennies in the hoard is that 
of BEAGMUND [PI. XVII. e]. It is a remarkable coin, 
as the reverse type is an entirely new device, which 
may have some special religious significance. It is 
a cross potent of three limbs or ' tribrach potent ', the 
upper limb of the cross being substituted for a pellet. 
[The Ecgbeorht Penny illustrated in Num. Chron. 
Series 4, vol. VIII, PL xvi. 13, is also an example of 
the intentional omission of the upper limb of the 

The view put forward by the late Sir John Evans 
that the tribrach, symbolical of the Trinity and 
derived from the Archbishop's pall or pallium, was 
used to denote coins struck at the Canterbury mint, 
is now generally accepted by numismatists. Those of 
Ecgbeorht's coins that have the tribrach either in 


simple or compound form are believed to have been 
struck there. 

Sir H. H. Howorth is in doubt as to whether 
Beagmund was a moneyer of Canterbury or Rochester 
(Num. Chron., as above), but the discovery of the coin 
under discussion may settle the point that he worked 
at Canterbury, and perhaps at Rochester as well. 

BEAGMUND occurs on two other types of Ecgbeorht, 
viz., B. M. Cat., type XIII. with a cross potent on 
either side (also used by the moneyer Ethelmod), and 
B. M. Cat., type XIV, with interlaced A's on obverse, 
and a cross potent on reverse (unique). BEAGMUND does 
not appear to have struck any pennies for Ecgbeorht 
with the bust, and he is not among the moiieyers who 
struck the monogram type, which Sir H. Howorth 
considers was Ecgbeorht's latest issue. This is remark- 
able inasmuch as Beagmund struck no less than six 
different types for Ecgbeorht's son and successor, 
^Ethelwulf. Beagmund did not coin for any of 
Ecgbeorht's contemporaries in Mercia or Kent. 

The two remaining coins of the hoard are the 
WULFEED and so-called Sede Vacante pennies (ton- 
sured head type), both of which are by the moneyer 
SWEFHEAED, to whom reference has already been made. 

Mr. Lawrence has suggested that the issue of so- 
called Sede Vacante coins took place not later than 
A.D. 825, when Ecgbeorht in August of 825 defeated 
Beornwulf of Mercia at the battle of Ellandune 
and immediately (or on the authority of Roger of 
Wendover in A.D. 827) followed up his victory by 
driving Baldred from Kent. 

Wulfred was consecrated Archbishop of Canterbury 
on the death of Athelheard in 805, and held the see 


until his death in 832, and is said to have been a native 
of Kent. His penny [PL XVII. 8], in the Dorset 
find, has on the reverse DRVR CITS (Dorovernia 
Civitas) in two lines across the field, and SWEF 
HEARD MONET round it, and is identical in type 
with Baldred's penny (Hks., fig. 57) by the moneyer 
DIORMOD. The latter, Hawkins says, 'is the earliest 
known coin with name of the Canterbury mint '. It 
is clear that it and Wulfred's penny were contem- 
porary. The introduction of the name of Dorovernia 
and the tonsured head indicates a scholarly influence, 
and the suggestion that it was the archbishop who was 
the inventor, and that the reverse of Baldred's coin 
was copied from Wulfred's and not vice versa, should 
not be dismissed lightly. 2 Perhaps also Ecgbeorht, 
at a later date, was indebted to the archbishop for the 
prototype of his monogram coinage. 

In fixing a date for the burial of the hoard, the 
scanty particulars we have relating to this period of 
our history make it difficult to assign one with 

As the find contains as many as three pennies of 
Coenwulf, and on the other hand none of Ceolwulf I or 
Beornwulf, it would lead to the assumption that it 
was deposited prior to or about the date of Coenwulf 's 
death (A.D. 822). Sir Henry Howorth, however, in 

2 Reference to Rud, PI. xiii. 3 (Wulfred), and Rud, PL xiii. 4 

Hks., fig. 144 (Wulfred), and Rud., PI. xiii. 3 (uncertain), prove 
that the pennies with Wulfred's name were struck before the Sede 
Vacante series. It is obvious that the latter were copies from the 
former, as to suggest the contrary necessitates the impossible pro- 
position that the money ers on their own responsibility introduced 
at Canterbury the innovation of coins with the archbishop's bust. 


two very able papers upon the coinage of Ecgbeorht 
and his sons (Num. Chron., Series 3, vol. XX, and 
Series 4, vol. VIII), puts forward powerful arguments 
to show that the coinage of Ecgbeorht, after his 
return from exile in France, did not begin until about 
the year 825, when he first conquered Kent. As 
already mentioned, the Dorset hoard contained pennies 
of Ecgbeorht struck by the money ers Diormod, Dynyn, 
and Oba, who were all moneyers of Baldred, and it 
seems impossible to conceive that Baldred would have 
allowed Ecgbeorht to employ these moneyers whilst 
he was himself on the throne of Kent. It was only after 
his expulsion that Ecgbeorht could make use of their 
services, the relationship (political and fiscal) between 
the rulers of Mercia and Kent being on a very different 
footing from that between Kent and Wessex. Conse- 
quently, I suggest that the hoard was hidden in A. D. 825 
or a little later. 









I I I 



I x 



>P S 



fl s 
^ fl 



IT was not until eight years after the death of 
Charles I that the moneys struck in the Common- 
wealth mint were formally tested. On 9 November, 
1657, Oliver Cromwell, then Lord Protector, issued 
a warrant directing that an assay should forthwith 
be made at his palace of Westminster. I read in the 
Memorials of the Goldsmiths Company that the Pyx 
jury attended at the usual place near the Star Chamber 
on 14 November, 1657, but the indented standard pieces 
of gold and silver (as delivered to the Council of State 
on 22 November, 1649) were not produced. Accordingly 
the jury was dismissed, with instructions to appear 
again on that day fortnight, and meanwhile inquiry 
was to be made for the missing standard pieces. 

The details which follow are extracted from Ex- 
chequer accounts, Q.E., Proceedings on trial of the 
Pyx, bundle 3, vols. 2 and 3. 

3 December, 1657. Assays and trial of the moneys 
coined within the Tower between 9 November, 1649, 
and the day of trial, in accordance with an indenture 
dated 27 July, 1649, and made between the late 
Keepers of the Liberty of England by authority of 



Parliament and Aaron Gourdain, doctor of physic 
and master-worker of the mint. 

Gold of 22 carats fine, the privy mark being the 
Sun, was taken out of the pyx, and consisted of unites, 
double-crowns, and crowns, amounting in coined 
moneys to 137. 

Silver moneys, with the same mark, consisted of 
pieces of 5s., 2s. 6c?., Is., 6d., 2d., Id., and %d., amounting 
to 737. 

Oliver Cromwell's coins of 1656 were presumably 
not included in this pyx, as its contents bore the 
Commonwealth privy mark only. 


Shortly after the Restoration, standard trial pieces 
were again prepared by a jury of goldsmiths, who 
reported on 19 October, 1660, as to the accurate adjust- 
ment of three standards, viz. gold of 23 carats 3J grs., 
gold of 22 carats, and silver. Each of the pieces was 
divided into six indented portions which were distri- 
buted to the warden and the master-worker of the 
mint, the wardens of the Goldsmiths Company, and 
the Treasury of Eeceipt of the Exchequer, for the 
testing of the king's money. 

9 July, 1663. Assays and trial of moneys coined 
within the Tower between 20 July, 1660, and the day 
of trial, in accordance with an indenture dated 20 July, 
1660, and a warrant dated 19 January, 1662, for the 
striking of groats and threepences which were not 
ordered by the indenture. 

Gold of 22 carats fine, the privy mark being the 


Crown, was taken out of the pyx and consisted of 
unites, double-crowns, and Britain crowns, amounting 
in coined moneys to 52. 

Silver moneys, with the same mark, consisted of 
pieces of 2s. 6d., Is., 6d., 4d., 3d., 2d., Id., and %d. y 
amounting to 615. 

The pyx which was opened at this trial must have 
contained both types of the hammered gold coins and 
the three main types of the hammered silver coins. 

4 July, 1664. Assays and trial of moneys coined 
between 6 February, 1662, and the day of trial, in 
accordance with the indenture of 20 July, 1660. 

No gold coins in this pyx. 

Silver coins consisted of pieces of 5s., 2s. 6d., Is., 2d., 
and Id., amounting to 363. 

A privy mark is not mentioned in the record of this 
trial or in those of later dates. It should be observed 
that the period during which these silver coins were 
struck overlaps the period covered by the trial of 
9 July, 1663. The presence of the silver piece of 5s. 
shows that some milled coins were tested for the first 
time on 4 July, 1664. 

4 August, 1669. Assays of gold moneys coined from 
30 December, 1663, and of silver moneys from 4 July, 
1664, until the day of trial; in accordance with (1) the 
indenture of 20 July, 1660, (2) a warrant of 12 June, 
1667, authorizing the striking of gold and silver by 
the mill and press, (3) a warrant of 19 January, 1662, 
for striking groats and threepences, and (4) a warrant 
of 24 December, 1663, for the cutting of the pound 
Troy of crown gold into 44 pieces and one half, each 
piece to pass for 20.9., and the half for 10s. 

A a 2 


Gold of 22 carats fine consisted of pieces of 5, 2, 
l, and 105., amounting to 967. 

Silver coins consisted of 5s., 2s. 6d., Is., 4d., 3d., 2d., 
and Id., amounting to 381. 

I notice that the word "guinea" is never used in 
the official documents of this period when reference is 
made to the gold coins. Therefore that term would 
appear to be merely a popular designation which was 
not recognized at the mint. 

16 January, 1671. Assays of gold and silver moneys 
coined in accordance with an indenture dated 8 October, 

Gold. 5, 2, 1, and 10s., amounting to 511. 

Silver. 5s., 2s. 6d., and Is., amounting to 194. 

"And other silver taken from the same pyx", 4d., 3d., 
2d., and Id., amounting to 10s. 9d. 

The fact that the four lowest denominations of silver 
were noted separately in the record of this trial seems 
to place them in a class apart from the ordinary 
currency and to confirm the belief that the type 
with the linked C's was used for Maundy purposes. 
This is the only occasion on which the distinction 

21 January, 1672. 

Gold. 2, 1, and 10s., amounting to 111. 
Silver. 5s., 2s. 6d., Is., 4d., 3d., 2d., and \d., amount- 
ing to 313. 

14 February, 1673. 

Gold. 5, 2, 1, and 10s., amounting to 174. 
Silver. 5s., 2s. 6d., Is., 4d., 3d., 2d., and Id., amount- 
ing to 327. 


20 February, 1674. 

Gold. 5, 1, and 10s., amounting to 130. 
Silver. 5s., 2s. 6d., Is., 6d., 4d., 3d., 2d., and Id., 
amounting to 35. 

On this occasion the gold was ^ gr. and the silver 
was \ dwt. worse than the respective standards. 

14 June, 1677. 

Gold. 5, 2, 1, and 10s., amounting to 585. 
Silver. 5s., 2s. 6d., Is., 6d., 4d., 3d., 2d., and Id., 
amounting to 603. 

14 June, 1679. 

Gold. As 1677, amounting to 641. 

Silver. As 1677, amounting to 166. 

5 August, 1681. 

1st pyx : from the last trial until 19 July, 1680, in 
accordance with the indenture of 8 October, 1670. 
Gold. As 1677, amounting to 10.22. 
Silver. As 1677, amounting to 322. 

2nd pyx ; from 22 July, 1680, under a commission 
to Sir John Buckworth, dated 15 July, 1680. 
Gold. As 1677, amounting to 588. 
Silver. As 1677, amounting to 157. 

7 November, 1684. 

Gold. As 1677. Total coinage 889,919. 

Silver. As 1677. Total coinage 317,346. 

Coined until 1 October, 1684. In this case the figures 
must refer to the aggregate sums coined during the 
period, and not to the amounts found in the pyx. 
The latter are not given. 



14 July, 1686. In accordance with two commissions 
to Thomas Neale, dated 10 September, 1684, and 
11 March, 1685-6, respectively. The coins struck 
tinder the former warrant would presumably comprise 
the last issue of Charles II. 

Gold. As 1677. Total coinage 969,654. 

Silver. 2s. 6d., Is., 6d., 4d., 3d., 2d., and Id. Total 
coinage 117,249. 

Here, again, the aggregate sums coined are substi- 
tuted for the amounts found in the pyx. 

There was only one trial during this short reign. 

Notwithstanding the preparation in 1660 of trial 
pieces for gold of 23 carats 3^ grs. fine in the pound 
Troy, no coins of this standard are mentioned in the 
pyx returns. The standard of the silver was invari- 
ably 11 oz. 2 dwt. fine, although the fact is not 

"With regard to the dates of the various trials, which 
are here given as in the original manuscript, they should 
be interpreted according to the Old Style when the 
day falls between 1 January and 25 March. Thus, the 
16 January, 1671, is 1672 according to the present 
style, or 1671-2 as sometimes written. 




(Continued from Ser. IV, Vol. XV, p. 248.) 
IV. COPPER COINAGE, 1502-1877. 

UNDER the Safavis every town had its own copper 
mint and its own particular dies, which were changed 
yearly, as well as on the appointment of every new 

The unit, which, in the earlier part of this period 
was the dinar, of 72 grains, was afterwards superseded 
by the kazbaki (5 dinars), which remained in circulation 
until the issue by Fath 'All Shah of the copper shahi. 
I have noted the following weights : 288, 216, 144, 72 
and 36 grains. It may be added that Russian copper 
coins were occasionally utilized. We have thus a two 

* A \^ 

copek piece of 1830 with the countermark u } and 

a two copek piece of 1816 which was re-struck in 

Isfahan: Obv. lion and sun r., Rev. 

As great confusion existed owing to the kran being 
exchanged in various provinces for 70, 50, 30, or 20 
shahis, Nasr ad Din, in 1857, fixed the standard for the 
copper currency at 78 grains. But inasmuch as the old 
currency was not redeemed, the new issue tended to 
increase rather than diminish the prevailing chaos. 
Finally, in 1877, the provincial mints were abolished 
and a new type of copper coinage was introduced, 

352 H. L. KABINO. 

which remained unchanged until the issue of nickel 
coins in 1901. 

The following are a few of the unedited copper coins 
which I presented to the British Museum : 

1. Rasht, 1232. 

Obv.- ^ J 

Eev. e*, irrr ^^ 

JE -8x-9. 

2. Kasht, undated. 

Obv. Lion and sun r., in ornamented border. 
Eev. cui, u-jli 

& 1-5 x -9. 

3. Kasht, 1235. 
Obv. Dragon. 

Rev. i fro ouij ^ 

M 1-1. 

4. Rasht, date obliterated. 
Obv. Double-tailed dragon. 
Mev. oi, LJ^-J 

^E -8. 

5. Rasht, 1148? 

06v. Bird r., formed by the following chronogram : 


llev. cui, (~>j*o 

M 1-1. 

6. Rasht. 

06v. Shah on horseback holding spear r. 
Eev. ^ ^^ ^ 

JE 1-2. 


7. Rasht. 
Obv. Buddha. 

Rev. e^7^ 

J 1-1. 

8. Kasht. 

Obv. Ewe 1., beneath ; lamb r. 

Rev. e^ <->j* 

With a sparrow r., between the two words. 

M -85. 

9. Gllan. 

Obv. Camel with rider r. 

Rev. u^" *T>r* ul/ 

M -9. 

10. Iran, 1257. 

Obv. Laila and Majnun. 
Rei\ irov y 

M -95. 

11. Iran, 1257. 

Obv. Double-headed eagleholding 1. sceptre, and r. globe. 

Rev. Similar to 10. 

JE -8. 

12. Tabaristan. 

Obv. Bull standing on fish r., above tKDI. 

Rev. (j^j^> ^j*> u!/.^ u** 

M -65. 
N.B. Similar coin but dPA. 

13. Kum. 

Obv. ^li Jj^ 


M -8x-95. 

354 H. L. RABINO. 

14. Rasht. 

Obv. ^^ j^ b 

Rev. o^ M^J 

JE -95. 

15. Rasht, 1229. 

Obv. Within border of dots jub ..* J j >uj 

L- L- 

Rev. irri oJ^ L_^-J 

M 14. 

N. B. Another Rasht coin bears the Persian rendering of 
this saying: i.e. .*Ja>. t^U-j cx-sclii> oj!c 

16. Tabaristan. 

Obv. Eagle devouring fish, r. 
Rev. ^lu-^Je i^-i 

M -7. 

17. Astarabad, 1259. 

Obv. Man on horseback, 1. 
Rev. lor i j> bl^l (j-i^s 

M -7. 

18. Astarabad, 12 ? ?. 

Obv. Outline of bird 1., within octagon formed by two 
squares superposed. 

Rev. ir ol)Li-,l ^H^i-s 

JE -75. 

19. Iran, 1277. 

Obv. Lion recumbent and sun 1. ; beneath, i rw. 
Rev. ; Uo slsr} J\f\ ^>\ 

2I7 1 1 
./* 1. 


20. Iran, 1286. 

Obv. Lion and sun 1., within wreath of laurels, beneath 
lion i r A i . 

Rev. u ^il t-^ isDL* ^\j (j*j\i 

1 -95. 

21. Tihran, 1294. 

Obv. Lion and sun 1., within wreath of laurels, beneath 
lion \x slsH 

Rev. Within circle of dots i r IF ^[^b wilil ; b ^^ 
Outer margin, laurel wreath. 
M -95. 

22. Lahijan. 

Defaced, countermark u^^ 
JE -95. 
N. B. I also find a Lahijan coin with the countermark ^^ 

23. Easht. 

Obv. Cross with pellet in each angle. 

M -95. Wt. 1-05. 

24. Easht. 

Obv. Two sparrows facing one another. 
Rev. e*-iT p>\ } o-i 

" M 1-05. 

Of new types for copper coins I also find the following: 
double-headed eagle ; bird flying ; boar ; bull and stag ; 
camel and driver ; fleur de lys ; man's head ; mitred 
head ; turbaned head ; horseman holding spear, below 

356 H. L. KABINO. 

boar, above bird flying ; horseman with, uplifted sword ; 
mouse ; rope dancer ; pair of scales ; bust of shah with 
hawk on his wrist ; star ; scorpion ; two lions back to 
back with sun behind ; serpent attacking sheep ; rat ; 
five fishes forming wreath ; Sagittarius. 

Huwaizah, Nakhchivan, Khalajistan, Nahavand, and 
Sari, as mints for copper, are new. 

On a copper coin found in Gilan I made out the 
following : 

Chaukam and Kuyakh are two villages near the lagoon 
of Anzall. 



Notice sur un tetradraclime de Catane, avec la signature 
TTPOKAH^/ et d'un autre de Syracuse, avec >f, provable- 
ment signature de Kimon. 

DANS la l Numismatic Circular,' fasc. 7, pag. 441, juillet 
1914, dans la relation de la seance de la Koyale Societe 
Numismatique de Londres, 21 mai 1914, j'ai lu que 
Sir Arthur Evans, 1'eminent President de ladite Societe, 
a illustre devant la meme deux tres importantes monnaies 
grecques de Sicile : 1'une, un tetradrachme de Catane, avec 

la signature TTPOKAH3 sous la tete d'Apollon, et 1'autre, 
un tetradrachme de Syracuse, a grande tete de femme, avec 
la lettre >| derriere le cou. 

II parait, selon ladite relation, que le Dr. A. Evans a 
fait remarquer que de cette piece de Catane on ne connait 


qu'un autre seul exemplaire pareil, celui de la collection 
du Due de Luynes, a Paris ; et que le tetradrachme de 
Syracuse, avec la lettre N, probablement signature de 
Kimon, pour sa combinaison du droit avec le revers, est 
unique, meme inconnu du Tudeer, dans son important et 
tres recent ouvrage sur les tetradrachmes de Syracuse. 
Ayant observe les empreintes de ces deux pieces, que je 
dois a 1'exquise obligeance du Dr. Evans, j'ai pu constater 
que 1'exemplaire de Catane provient de la vente Egger, 
Vienne, Nov. 1913, Cat. XLV, N260, PI. vn, et 1'autre de 
Syracuse de la vente du Dr. J. Hirsch, Munich, Nov. 1912, 
Cat. XXXII, NO 342, PI. xm. 

Cependant, quant a la piece de Procles, j'ai le plaisir 
de signaler 1'existence d'un autre exemplaire, du meme 
type, avec la meme signature, appartenant a la celebre 
collection du Baron Pennisi de Floristella, a Acireale. Ayant 
eu le bonheur, il y a quelques annees, d'etudier cette collec- 
tion, je pus, par 1'obligeante courtoisie de son possesseur, 
prendre des notes sur les pieces les plus belles et les plus 
importantes. En fouillant dans ces notes, j'ai trouve ainsi 
decrit ledit tetradrachme de Catane : 

D. Au dessus: KATANAIflN (quelques lettres ne sont 
pas bien lisibles), tete lauree d'Apollon a gauche, les cheveux 
sont ondules et releves derriere ; devant, un poisson et une 
ecrevisse, derriere, une feuille de laurier ; sous la tete, en tres 
petites lettres, la signature TTPOKAH3. 

K. Quadrige au galop, a gauche, conduit par un au- 
riga tenant le fouet dans la main droite et les renes dans 
la gauche. Nike, volant a droite, s'apprete a couronner 

Et pour que je pusse me prononcer positivement sur 
la conformite parfaite de 1'exemplaire decrit avec celui de 
Luynes et 1'autre du Dr. Evans, j'ai sollicite de la grande 
amabilite du Baron Pennisi 1'envoi du moulage de son 
exemplaire, et, en le comparant avec les empreintes des 
deux autres exemplaires, j'ai pu m'assurer que les trois 
pieces sont parfaitement identiques, sans la moindre diffe- 


rence, bien que 1'exemplaire du Baron Pennisi soit moins 
bien conserve que les deux autres. 1 

Je pourrais meme supposer que ce tetradrachme etait 
bien connu du Prof. A. Salinas, qui avait tant travaille sur 
la collection Pennisi, mais il parait certain qu'il n'en publia 
aucune notice. Que si cela etait, le tres savant Dr. Evans 
en aurait eu connaissance et, bien surement, il n'aurait pas 
juge son exemplaire de Catane, par Procles, le second, mais 
le troisieme jusqu'ici connu. 

Quant au tetradrachme de Syracuse, signe de la lettre M, 
le Dr. Evans s'est tronipe en jugeant que sa piece etait in- 
connue du Tudeer, dans son ouvrage : ' Die Tetradrachmen- 
priigung von Syrakus in der Periode der signierenden 
Kiinstler, . .' parce que, comme je Fai dit, elle provient de 
la vente Hirsch, Nov. 1912, et je la trouve citee dans le- 
dit ouvrage de Tudeer, a la page 49, N 68 A , et signalee 
comme unique a la page 288 (25-42 = 68 A , I). 

Cependant je vais causer une agreable surprise a ces 
savants-la, en donnant notice d'un autre exemplaire de 
Syracuse, inedit, et tout a fait pareil a celui du Dr. Evans, 
appartenant a une importante collection privee, assez rare- 
ment accessible aux numismates, mais qu'une fois j'eus le 
plaisir de pouvoir observer. Grace aussi a Texceptionnelle 
obligeance, a mon egard, de son possesseur, Mr. J. C., je pus 
prendre des notes, ainsi que quelques empreintes, des pieces 
les plus importantes. Et voila la description dudit exem- 
plaire de Syracuse : 

D. Tete de femme, de type large, a droite, portant doubles 
boucles d'oreilles et un collier orne de neuf perles et d'un 
pendant. Une ampyx, avec noeud devant, entoure les 
cheveux ondules, retenus dans une sphendone ornee de 
trois etoiles et d'un motif a zig-zag sur la bandelette 
inferieure du cou, et de laquelle s'echappent quelques meches, 

1 Voir les reproductions : n 1. Tetr. de Luynes, n 2. Tetr. du 
Baron Pennisi. Pour le tetr. appartenant a Sir A. Evans je renvoie mes 
lecteurs au Catalogue Egger precite. 


flottantes par derriere. Au dessus, la legende : ^YPAKO- 
^IfllM. Derriere le cou de la deesse N ; devant et derriere 
la tete : deux dauphins. 

K. Quadrige au galop, a gauche, conduit par un auriga 
qui tient les renes dans les deux mains et le fouet dans la 
droite. La bride du troisieme cheval retombe libre ; sous 
les pieds du cheval le plus rapproche, une roue brisee. 
Nike, volant a droite, couronne 1'auriga ; a 1'exergue, sous 
double ligne, un epi d'orge, a gauche. Mm. 28, gr. 17, 27. 2 

Bien que cette description soit tres precise, j'en ai aussi 
compare les empreintes avec celles de 1'exemplaire du 
Dr. Evans et je peux, sans doute, annoncer que les deux 
pieces sont parfaitement identiques et, surement, du meme 
coin. L'exemplaire Evans a cependant des defauts de 
refrappe sur le visage de la deesse, tandis que 1'autre de 
Mr. J. C. est d'une conservation merveilleuse, a fleur de coin. 

On peut done conclure que, jusqu'a present, on connait 
deux seuls tetradrachmes de Syracuse, tout a fait identiques : 
au type large de Kimon, avec M derriere le cou de la deesse, 
associe au quadrige de Parmenion, avec la bride a terre et la 
roue brisee. 


Palerme, Janvier 1915. 

2 Voir la reproduction n 3. L'exemplaire Evans est figure dans le 
Catalogue Hirsch precite. 






JJ 'J 








1 A 



.,/ : -T;S>^.- 

- *:* y ^^BiMii^r r 




-. XVII. 



- ^>J 



^;g) ^ffig 






(Continued from p. 52. SEE PLATES XVIII, XIX.) 


SINCE the publication of the first part of this study 
in the Numismatic Chronicle, and after the following 
pages were practically ready for the press, there 
appeared in the Journal of the American Numismatic 
Society a monograph by Miss A. Baldwin on the 
Electrum and Silver Coins of Chios issued during the 
sixth, fifth, and fourth centuries B.C. 

The author has here brought together such a wealth 
of material, and stated her conclusions in so clear 
and concise a manner, that I felt on first seeing the 
paper that it would be a work of supererogation to go 
over the same ground again. As the present article, 
however, is only a portion of the whole task that 
I have set myself, I have decided, with the kind per- 
mission and encouragement of the Editors, to entrust 
it to the Numismatic Chronicle as originally intended. 
In doing so I have now the advantage of Miss Baldwin's 
researches, which not only covered a wider field than my 
own, but record a greater number of types than mine 
do even from sources explored by us both. This is 
especially noticeable in the case of the didrachms 



belonging to the archaic and transitional periods. 
Altogether Miss Baldwin's catalogue provides a store- 
house compared with which the information collected 
by Mionnet and Kofod Whitte, to whom I have alluded 
as pioneers in our particular line of inquiry, presents 
little more than an academic interest. 

Reference to Miss Baldwin's work will accordingly 
be found below wherever it seems worth while to 
draw attention to the fresh evidence supplied by her, 
and wherever it has become necessary for me to alter 
my original views in consequence of the force of her 
arguments. As a matter of fact, our conclusions with 
regard to the period now under review are in agree- 
ment on all major points, but it may have been noticed 
that we differ in one or two important particulars 
connected with the archaic period. As the present 
seems a fitting occasion on which to refer to these 
I propose to do so now as briefly as possible. 

Miss Baldwin contends, very justifiably from her 
point of view, that the earliest electrum staters that 
we possess should not be dated earlier than 550 B.C. 
I prefer to follow the authorities who think that no 
electrum coins were struck by the Greek states during 
their subjection to Persia. In consequence of this, 
and of my bias in favour of the precocity of Ionic 
art, it will be found that my types Nos. 3 and 5-7 are 
dated earlier than Miss Baldwin's more independent 
standpoint allows by about fifty years on the average. 

In arranging these issues I placed type No. 5 before 
No. 6 chiefly on the strength of what I took to be its more 
primitive incuse square. Miss Baldwin reverses this 
order, and her arguments, based on the style of the 
coins (Nos. 3-6 of her PL i), whatever may be the 


correct interpretation of their incuses, are quite con- 
vincing. The only other important difference of 
opinion between us though there are several minor 
points that would take too long to discuss here is 
that concerning the dates we respectively ascribe to 
the bulk of the archaic silver coinage. 

My attribution of the electrum coins naturally led 
to a corresponding, though of course conjectural, 
arrangement of the archaic silver wherever possible, 
as may be seen from the notes on my types Nos. 8-13. 
Miss Baldwin was forced, for similar reasons, to choose 
a narrower field, but she seems to me to have crowded 
the issues together even more than the limits of her 
period demanded. 

On the assumption that the coins she illustrates, 
Nos. 19-23, PL i, are the contemporaries of the stater 
of the Ionic Eevolt (Nos. 9-12, PL i) she is obliged to 
assign some twenty different types, mostly illustrated on 
PL ii, to the years 500-490 B.C. As there is a strong 
probability that no coins at all were struck for at least 
three or four years after 494 B.C., this already restricted 
period must be still further reduced to about six years. 
But there is a stronger argument still for pushing 
back and extending the dates of Miss Baldwin's 
PL ii, &c. This is the evidence of the Taranto hoard 
(Rev. Num., 1912, pp. 1-40), consisting as it did of 
a large variety of archaic silver coins all earlier than 
510 B.C. This hoard included the didrachm No. 25 of 
Miss Baldwin's PL ii, or my type No. 20. It is a fine 
example of what archaic art was capable of producing 
at this time, and is, moreover, a most valuable landmark 
in the Chian series. We are thereby provided with 
a criterion of date of much greater value than that 



afforded by the resemblance between the didrachms 
with the uplifted paw and the electmm stater of the 
Ionic Eevolt, a resemblance that is due 3 in my opinion, 
to the deliberate archaism of the latter. 

PERIOD V. 478-431 B.C. (?). 

When the tyranny with its Persian sympathies had 
been finally abolished, Chios became once more a purely 
Greek island, and entered upon that period of peace 
and prosperity that was to make her the envy of all 
her neighbours. 48 Whereas in the sixth century Samos 
had been the most powerful Ionian community, the 
lead passed to Chios after the Persian wars, and far 
the best part of seventy years the island was able to 
devote all its energies to the development of its 
resources. It was rare indeed among the Greek city- 
states for such a long term of years to pass without 
war, and, more remarkable still, without civil strife. 

At first the oligarchy or aristocratic party had com- 
plete control of affairs, and seems to have conducted 
them very successfully. Then, under the influence of 
Athens, a democratic party arose for the first time in the 
island's history, and gained ground steadily, though 
only slowly at first. This sowed the seeds of all the 
subsequent faction and disorder that wrought such de- 
struction in Chios towards the end of the fifth century. 
But during the course of the present period, or at any 
rate during the earlier part of it, Chios seems to have 
been an eastern rival of Athens. That state of things 
could not last for long of course, and as Athens grew 

48 Thucydides viii. 24. 


the island had either to submit to the greater power or 
become its ally. The ruling party was wise enough 
to perceive the advantage of the latter course, and, 
though secretly antagonistic to her, its members kept 
up the appearance of being sincerely friendly to 
Athens. They maintained their position in the state 
by yielding on every occasion when Athens interfered 
in its aifairs, and at the beginning of the Peloponnesian 
war Chios even sent her fleet against Sparta though 
really in sympathy with her cause. 

It is to the period of true independence, which is 
hard to define within a decade, that belong the famous 
Jidrachms and tetrobols that are perhaps the best 
known of the island's silver coins. They must have 
been issued in large quantities, but a really fine 
specimen is very hard to obtain, for in spite of the 
skill and care with which the dies were executed the 
coins are seldom well struck. The weight is carefully 
preserved on the whole, but does not quite equal that 
attained by the didrachms of the previous century. 
It is. by no means unusual to come across one of the 
latter weighing 123 grains (7-97 grammes), or the 
maximum of the standard, but among the fifth-century 
didrachms 121-5 grains (7-87 grammes) is the highest 
point touched in my experience. This is confirmed 
by the tetrobols, the heaviest I know of being No. 13 
of B. M. Cat.: Chios, which weighs 40-5 grains (2-624 
grammes), and thus exactly represents the limit 
reached by the didrachms. 

The type carries on the leading features of the 
previous century with the addition of a bunch of 
grapes above the amphora, and a few minor refine- 
ments, some of which have already been noted as 


appearing sporadically in the last period but one. The 
amphora itself, for instance, is neatly fitted with 
a stopper, and the hair of the Sphinx is always raised. 
The whole design, moreover, is invariably arranged on 
a convex circular shield. 

The varieties, although insignificant from the point 
of view of artistic interest, are sufficiently numerous 
to show that these issues must have continued un- 
interruptedly over a considerable period. No better 
proof could be found of the conservative policy of the 
mint thus far than the way in which the simplicity of 
the type was preserved at a time when artistic develop- 
ment was at its highest. The bean-shaped flan, punch- 
struck incuse, and division into thirds are also signs of 
adherence to previous tradition and to Ionian influence. 
The analogy with Athenian contemporary practice is 
striking as regards the archaism of the coins, but there 
is not a trace as yet of Athenian influence over the 
methods of the mint. That was still to come. We 
have no record of any sculptors of note during this 
period, but the engraver Dexamenos, who flourished 
between 460 and 430 B.C., is known to have been 
a native of the island. Most of his work, however, if 
not all of it, is supposed to have been done outside 
Chios, and nothing has yet been discovered among its 
coins that could be ascribed to him. 

One of the most keenly discussed subjects connected 
with the Chian series finds its place in the present 
period. I allude to the late electrum issue struck on 
the Cyzicene, or, according to M. Babelon, on the 
Lampsacene standard. This is represented to-day by 
a unique stater at Berlin, which has been attributed 
to such widely different dates as the last quarter of 


the sixth 49 and the first half of the fourth cen- 
tury B. ov 50 

The latest student of the question, Miss A. Baldwin, 
in her " Electrum Coinage of Lampsdkos ", pp. 15-18, 
suggests the decade 450-440 B. c. as the probable date 
of this stater's issue. The author bases her arguments 
on considerations of style as between this actual piece 
and the other fifth-century coins of Chios on the one 
hand, and the Z staters of Lampsacus, independently 
proved to have been issued circa 450 B.C., on the other. 
I entirely agree with her conclusions, though inclining 
towards the later limit of the date suggested by her 
rather than the earlier one. 

It seems to me that this coin was struck at the 
height of the Chian prosperity already referred to as 
having occurred between the Persian and Peloponne- 
sian wars, and while the island was still perfectly 
independent. The issue may very well have been 
made with the object of competing on the Athenian 
market with the Cyzicene staters that were then in 
such keen demand there. 51 

The following are the principal types of the 
didrachms and tetrobols: 

24. Olv. Sphinx of transitional style seated 1. on plain 
exergual line; wing curled in naturalistic 
manner ; hair rolled ; and further foreleg 

49 Babelon, Traite, ii, pp. 191-3. 

50 Von Sallet, Kgl. Miinzkabinett, No. 82. 

51 It will be noticed that, as M. Babelon has already observed 
loc.cit., the weight of this stater is rather lower than that of the 
Cyzicenes, 236-7 grains (15-34 grammes) as against 252-246-9 grains 
(16-33-16-00 grammes). At the conventional ratio of 10 : 1, as 
between silver and electrum, twenty of the contemporary silver 
didrachms would have been almost exactly equal in value to 
one of these staters. 


showing behind nearer. In front stoppered 
amphora [with ball at point], surmounted by 
bunch of grapes hanging perpendicularly. The 
whole on raised circular shield. 

Rev. Quartered incuse square divided by broad bars 
into moderately deep and irregularly shaped 
compartments ; punch-struck. 

M. -ITTTT mm. Weight? Chian didrachm. Cabinet 

de France. [PL XVIII. 1.] 

25. Obv. Sphinx of transitional style seated 1. on plain 

exergual line ; wing curled in semi-conven- 
tionalized manner ; hair elegantly dressed on 
top of head ; further foreleg outlined beyond 
nearer. In front stoppered amphora, with 
ball at point, surmounted by bunch of grapes 
hanging perpendicularly. The whole on raised 
circular shield. 

Rev. Similar to preceding. 

M. ^r mm. 120-3 grains (7-795 grammes). Chian 
didrachm. My collection. [PI. XVIII. 2.] 

(Miss Baldwin places this, or a similar type, at the 
end of her didrachm series, No. 44, pp. 22-3. I prefer 
this order because the eye of the Sphinx is not in 
profile as in the succeeding types, and the position of 
the bunch of grapes connects this with the earlier 
type, No. 24.) 

26. Obv. Sphinx of early fine style seated 1. on plain 

exergual line ; wing curled in semi-conven- 
tionalized manner ; hair arranged in a mass 
of short curls ; further foreleg outlined behind 
nearer. In front stoppered amphora, with ball 
at point, surmounted by vine-branch showing 
leaves and bunch of grapes inclined to left. 
The whole on raised circular shield. 

Rev. Similar to preceding except that the bars are 

extra broad. 
JR. 15-75 mm. 121-2 grains (7-85 grammes). Chian 


didrachm. Coll. B. Yakountchikoff ex 
Sherman Benson Coll., No. 696 (part of) 
Sotheby's Cat., 1909. [PL XVIII. 3.] 
16-50 mm. 121-5 grains (7-87 grammes). Chian 
didrachm. Brit. Mus., No. 7, Cat. Ionia, Chios. 

jg^mm. 120-2 grains (7.792grammes). Chian 
didrachm. My collection. 

26 a . Variety of preceding without leaves to vine-branch 
over amphora. 
14^50 mm ' 12 t4 S rains (7-80 grammes). Chian 

didrachm. Cabinet de France. [P1.XVIII.4.] 


121-2 grains (7-85 grammes). Chian 

didrachm. My collection. 
Both common. 

27. Obv. Sphinx of early fine style seated 1. on plain ex- 

ergual line ; wing curled in more naturalistic 
manner than in other coins of this period ; 
hair elegantly dressed ; only one foreleg show- 
ing. In front stoppered amphora [with ball 
at point]. The whole in vine- wreath, showing 
a bunch of grapes both before and behind the 
Sphinx, on raised circular shield. 

Rev. Quartered incuse square divided by broad bars 
into shallow compartments ; punch-struck. 

JR. - ^ mm. 119-8 grains (7- 76 grammes). Chian 

didrachm. Brit. Mus., No. 12, Cat. Ionia, 
Chios. [PI. XVIII. 5.] 

(Miss Baldwin calls all these coins transitional, but 
I am venturing to divide them into transitional and 
early fine art, with the drawing of the Sphinx's eye 
as a test.) 

28. Obv. Sphinx of transitional style seated 1. on plain 

exergual line ; wing curled in semi-conven- 
tional manner ; hair rolled ; further foreleg 
showing behind nearer. In front stoppered 


amphora, with ball at point, surmounted by 
bunch of grapes inclined to 1. The whole on 
raised circular shield. 

Rev. Quartered incuse square divided by narrow bars 
into moderately deep compartments ; punch- 

M. 10-50 mm. 39 -3 grains (2-545 grammes). Chian 
tetrobol. Mr. W. C. Weight's stock, 1914. 

[PL XVIII. 6.] 
10-75 mm. 37-8 grains (245 grammes). Chian 

tetrobol. My collection. 
Kather rare. 

29. Obv. Sphinx of early fine style seated 1. on plain 

exergual line ; wing curled in semi-conven- 
tionalized manner ; hair elegantly dressed on 
top of head ; further foreleg outlined behind 
nearer. In front stoppered amphora, with ball 
at point, surmounted by bunch of grapes hang- 
ing perpendicularly. The whole on raised 
circular shield. 
Rev. Similar to preceding. 

M. 10-25 mm. 40-1 grains (2-60 grammes). Chian 

tetrobol. Cabinet de France, No. 4972. 

[PI. XVIII. 7.] 
11-00 mm. 39-1 grains (2-53 grammes). Chian 

tetrobol. My collection. 
10-50 mm. 40-5 grains (2-624 grammes). Chian 

tetrobol. Brit. Mus., No. 13, Cat. Ionia, 


30. Obv. Sphinx of early fine style seated 1. on plain 

exergual line ; wing curled in semi-conven- 
tionalized manner ; hair arranged in a mass 
of short curls ; only one foreleg showing. In 
front stoppered amphora, with ball at point, 
surmounted by bunch of grapes inclined to 1. 
The whole on raised circular shield. 
Rev. Similar to preceding. 

M. 11-00 mm. 39-3 grains (2-545 grammes). Chian 

tetrobol. Brit. Mus., No. 15, Cat. Ionia, 

Chios. [PL XVIII. 8.] 
Uncertain rarity. 


The electrum stater referred to above may be 
described as follows : 

31. Obv. Sphinx of early fine style seated 1. on plain 
exergual line, raising further forepaw ; wing 
curled in semi-conventionalized manner ; hair 
rolled. In front stoppered amphora, with ball 
at point, surmounted by bunch of grapes which 
hangs from vine-wreath encircling the type and 
is touched by Sphinx's upraised paw. 

Rev. Incuse square of mill-sail pattern like Cyzicene 
staters ; anvil-struck. 

El. mm. 236-7 grains (15-34 grammes). 

Lampsacene stater. Berlin Cabinet. 

[PL XVIII. 9.] 

No. 24. This is the earliest didrachm showing the 
bunch of grapes of which I have been able to obtain 
a cast, and it is also the only one of its type that 
I have seen. In the collection of Prof. Pozzi, of Paris, 
there is another early type which may possibly be 
a trifle older. It has the letters XIO in the depressions 
of the reverse which were noted in Nos. 17 and 20 of 
Period III. Miss Baldwin shows two more specimens 
of this type, and also three intermediate types between / 
it and the next (Nos. 8, 9, and 11-14, PL iii). 

Nos. 25-7. These types may be supposed to have 
followed each other in the order given. This is only 
conjectural, of course, and they do not represent all 
the known varieties of their class by any means. But 
they are typical of the principal changes in the design, 
which are mostly unimportant. The eye of the Sphinx 
from No. 26 onwards will be observed to be correctly 
drawn in profile. The flans seem to have become 
flatter as time went on. No. 25 is a very rare variety, 
and No. 27 is unique to the best of my belief. There 


is no reason to suppose from the wreath surrounding 
the type that this coin belongs to the same issue as the 
electrum stater, No. 31. 

Nos. 28-30. It is extremely difficult to distinguish 
between the various issues of these little pieces as they 
are so carelessly struck, and, with the small surface 
available, the slight differences to be noted are almost 
imperceptible. Still, I have succeeded in identifying 
at least three varieties, and I am illustrating them on 
PI. XVIII from specimens which, I hope, are sufficiently 
well preserved to justify my pretensions. Although 
the wing of No. 28 is rather later in style, though not 
in shape, than that of the didrachm No. 24, these two 
coins cannot be much removed from each other in 
date of issue. It is by far the earliest tetrobol I have 
seen. It has the full-faced eye, large head, and short 
wing of the purely transitional coins. No. 29, on the 
other hand, has the long neck, elegant head, and 
upright bunch of grapes of the intermediate types of 
didrachm. And No. 30, showing as it does the 
characteristic curls of didrachms Nos. 26 and 26 a , 
may safely be classed as their contemporary. The 
eye in this type is undoubtedly drawn in profile, as in 
the didrachms. 

No. 31. This unique stater was first published by 
Fr. Lenormant in the Rev. Num., 1864, PL i. 4. From 
the point of view of style it forms a link between the 
foregoing silver didrachms and the tetradrachms with 
their divisions of the next period. The amphora shows 
the stopper of the earlier coins, which after this is 
seen no more; but the drawing of the Sphinx by 
means of a very flat curve between throat and fore- 
foot, in place of the bird-like outline of the didrachms 


and tetrobols, connects it directly with the later issues. 
The heavy muscular foreleg is also characteristic of 
the tetradrachm issues, but the wing, on the other 
hand, comes nearer to the less conventionalized type 
of the didrachms. The raised shield is absent, and 
though this is a feature that tends to disappear, and is 
consequently of value in determining the approximate 
date of a coin, its absence in this case, taken in con- 
junction with the other details of the type, may be 
disregarded. Miss Baldwin very correctly points out 
that the amphora on this stater, apart from the 
stopper, has the character of that on the succeeding 

PERIOD VI. 431(?)-412 B.C. 

Although the oligarchy continued to rule after the 
outbreak of the Peloponnesian war, the democracy 
was now much stronger, and it was only by absolute 
subservience to Athens 52 that the former party main- 
tained its hold on the reins. Athenian influence was 
paramount, and when, in a last burst of independence, 
the islanders tried, in 425 B.C., to fortify their capital, 
an order came from Athens that the walls were to 
be thrown down. It was promptly obeyed. 53 So things 
continued until the news of the Sicilian disaster gave 
the aristocrats their opportunity. In 412 B.C. they at 
length threw off the mask and declared for the 
enemies of Athens, and the renewed strength that 
they gained under their fresh masters enabled them 

52 Eupolis, quoted by Scholiast on Aristophanes, Birds, 881. 

53 Thucydides iv. 51. 


to keep the bulk of the population, who did not 
approve of the revolt, in subjection. 

On turning to the coins this growth of foreign 
authority is clearly reflected in them. It is impossible 
to say exactly when it began, but probably some time 
between 440 and 431 B.C. a complete change came over 
the methods of the Chian mint. Though it is con- 
venient on account of the familiarity of the date to 
fix the year 431 B.C. as the dividing line between 
Periods V and VI, I am at the same time marking 
it as doubtful because it looks as if the change must 
have taken place a few years before the outbreak of 
the Peloponnesian war. 

It is possible that the decree of Clearchus, or rather 
7 J&\ the policy that it embodied, which dated from the 
e M*tf\) transfer of the Delian fund to Athens in 454 B.C., may 
A* **" have been the immediate cause of this change in the 

currency. The decree forbade the use of any silver 
money but Attic in cities subject to Athens, and the 
r* introduction of the tetradrachm, &c., at Chios looks 

like a compromise between the two states. Chios 
would have been incapable of refusing to comply with 
the decree if enforced, and Athens would probably 
have hesitated to dictate on such a matter to so 
valuable an ally. The date of the decree is not exactly 
known, but it fell some time between 454 and 414 B.C. 54 
In the clean sweep now effected the standard and 
type were preserved, it is true. They had made too 
good and too wide a reputation for themselves to be 
interfered with to any serious extent, but the weight 

54 See P. Gardner, "The Coinage of the Athenian Empire," 
J. H. S., 1913. ui*4**H4> **S^V '^*4s J 


was again slightly reduced, and the design was less 
carefully executed. 55 Everything else that connected 
the coinage with the old Ionian traditions was swept 
away. The denominations were altered ; the Ionian 
system of division into thirds and sixths gave way 
to the Athenian preference for halves and quarters; 
and the method of anvil-striking was adopted, the old 
bean-shaped punch-struck flans disappearing for good 
with the didrachms and tetrobols. 

The issues of this new style consisted of tetra- 
drachms, divided into drachms and hemidrachms. No 
didrachms are known, and their absence is another 
feature in agreement with Athenian custom. The 
evolution of this coinage presents a few minor problems. 
It is customary among most Greek series to find 
anepigraphic coins followed by others bearing, first, 
symbols representing the magistrate of the year; next, 
single letters or monograms, the initials of their 
names ; and finally, the magistrates' names themselves 
in full. All these steps occur in the Chian issues of 
the present period, but, as will appear in due course, 
their sequence in the order commonly supposed to 
be the normal one cannot be substantiated from the 
style of the coins. As no other arrangement, however, 
gives completely satisfactory results, I prefer to follow 
the stereotyped course, and to point out the objections 
to it as they arise. 

All authorities hitherto have assigned the tetra- 
drachms without symbols or names [PI. XVIII. 10] 

55 The question of weights will be developed more fully later on. 
The quality of the work speaks for itself. Compare the amphora 
and Sphinx's tail of PI. XVIII. 10 with the same details on any 
of the didrachms. 


to a much earlier date than that now suggested, 
regarding them in fact as forming part of a coinage 
in which the didrachms and tetrobols just described 
[PI. XVIII. 1-7] were relegated to a subordinate position. 
But a very little consideration for details of style 
will, I think, suffice to show that any such theory 
is untenable. Attention has already been drawn to 
the chief points under this head in the remarks made 
above on type No. 31, the electrum stater of the 
last period. _The conventionalized wing exhibited by 
even the earliest of the tetradrachms, to confine our- 
selves to one point only, is so obviously a development 
of the more naturalistic forms found on the didrachms 
that it is in itself a sufficient proof that the latter 
must have led the way. The drawing of the Sphinx's 
body too, and the disappearance of the stopper from 
the amphora in the coins attributed to the present 
period, tend in the same direction. Also, the com- 
paratively small differences in treatment between the 
tetradrachms without names and the earliest of those 
with them would necessitate moving up a considerable 
quantity of that large series, not to speak of the few 
issues with symbols, or the drachms with letters, &c., 
into the first half of the fifth century, if the theory 
were carried to its logical conclusion. The im- 
practicability of such a step of course requires no 

There is also the question of the weights of the 
different coins. These speak for themselves for the 
most part, especially when we consider that most of 
the early tetradrachms that we have are in nearly 
mint state. The heaviest, as will be seen below, is 
the one at Boston, which is the counterpart of the 


British Museum specimen. This weighs 237-7 grains 
(15-40 grammes), which represents a didrachm of 
118-8 grains (7-70 grammes), whereas it has already 
been pointed out that didrachms of Period V are known 
weighing as much as 121-5 grains (7-87 grammes). 
Besides, since we cannot separate didrachm No. 26 
from tetrobol No. 30, nor tetradrachm No. 32 from 
drachm No. 33, one would have to suppose that two 
distinct systems of division were being carried on 
concurrently if all these coins are to be taken as con- 
temporaries. What system do we know, even amid the 
splendid confusion of Greek monetary standards, that 
would combine a didrachm weighing 121-5 grains 
(7-87 grammes) maximum and a tetrobol or third in 
perfect agreement with it, with a tetradrachm and 
drachm representing a didrachm of 118-8 grains (7-70 
grammes) maximum? 

; ; $ 

the Ashburnham Sale Cat., Sotheby's, 1895, weighing 
239-97 grains (15-55 grammes). If this weight could 
be relied upon it would somewhat weaken the above 
argument, as the resulting didrachm would be 119-98 
grains (7-775 grammes). But since the four other 
known tetradrachms with symbols are all of consider- 
ably less weight, there seems to be some justification f 
for doubting the accuracy of the catalogue. 

Whether the coinage after the change was less 
plentiful or not than before cannot be stated with 
certainty, but there are signs that it was, at any rate 
for a time. We have no jtetradrachms, for instance, 
with a single letter or monogram, and even those 
with symbols are excessively rare, while if the drachms 


Miss Baldwin records a tetradrachm with the 
astragalus symbol (No. 54 a, fig. 6, of her paper) from 

ii A 1,1 i - c_i_ n~i. ci_.i.i i '-. i orktr - .1 


with letters, some of which are fairly common, occu- 
pied the place in the series assigned to them here, 
it would mean that there was a gap in the tetradrachm 
issues. There are also several issues of drachms and 
hemidrachms without letters of undoubtedly later date 
than the tetradrachm No. 32, though apparently con- 
temporaries of the drachms with letters. Like the 
latter, these coins have no accompanying tetradrachms 
either. Their absence in both cases may be purely 
accidental of course, but it may mean, as suggested 
above, that the coinage was somewhat restricted for 
a short period before the revolt from Athens. 

This particular phase of the coinage is represented 
on PI. XVIII. 17-22 and PL XIX. 1-3. The pieces there 
illustrated include, as will be observed, two bronze coins, 
and though it may seem revolutionary to suggest that 
bronze was coined at Chios as early as this, there is 
nothing inherently improbable about it. Bronze is 
known to have been struck at Athens during the archon- 
ship of Callias in 406 B.C., and, if M. Svoronos's theory 
with regard to the KoXXvpoi 5G is to be credited, it was 
introduced there at a much earlier date still. Camirus 
in Rhodes seems to have made use of it in its coinage 
considerably before the end of the fifth century 
(B. M. Cat.: Caria, Rhodes, Camirus, No. 15, 500-408 
B. c.), and Samos also struck bronze of good style that 
is attributed to the beginning of the fourth century 
(B. M. Cat. : Ionia, Samos, Nos. 143-60). 

The little bronze pieces that I am venturing to 
include in the present period are not well known, but 
they have everything to recommend their attribution 

56 Journal Int. <TArch. Num., 1912, pp. 123 60. 


so far as style is concerned. The_only doubtful point 
about them is the somewhat early appearance of a 
reverse type combined with punch- striking, at a time 
when anvil-striking was in force, and when the other 
coins, suggested as their contemporaries, still had 
conventionalized incuse reverses. The use of a new 
metal may be enough to account for this innovation. 
Moreover, the reverse of drachm No. 45 is so highly 
conventional that it almost amounts to a type, and yet 
it is an unmistakable contemporary, within a year 
or so, of the other drachms in its class whether with 
or without letters. 

Though the definite attribution of these early bronze 
coins must remain an open question for the present, 
I think that there can be no gainsaying that they 
must at any rate follow the fortunes of the drachms 
and hemidrachms with which they are now grouped. 
Until the production of evidence tending to determine 
the date of the latter more exactly than I am able 
to do there seems no serious objection to the present 

The early tetradrachms and their divisions, so far as 
they are known to us, together with the apparently 
separate issues of drachms, hemidrachms, and early 
bronze, are the following : 

32. Obv. Sphinx of fully developed style seated 1. on plain 
exergual line ; wing curled in conventionalized 
manner ; hair elegantly dressed on top of head ; 
further foreleg outlined behind nearer. In 
front amphora [with ball at point], surmounted 
by bunch of grapes hanging perpendicularly. 
The whole on raised circular shield. 

R e ^ Quartered incuse square, divided by narrow bars 
into shallow and irregularly shaped compart- 
ments ; anvil- struck. 



JR. 23.50mm. 237-6 grains (1540 grammes). Chian 
tetradrachm. Boston Mus., U.S. A., ex Warren 
Coll., No. 1142, Kegling Cat. 

22.50mm. 235-6 grains (15-27 grammes). Chian 
tetradrachm. Brit. Mus., No. 5, Cat. Ionia, 
Chios. [PI. XVIII. 10.] 

33. Identical with preceding. 

JR. 14-00 mm. 58-2 grains (3-77 grammes). Chian 
drachm. Metr. Mus., New York, ex Ward 
Coll., No. 680, G. F. Hill's Cat. 

[PL XVIII. 11.] 

14-25 mm. 57-9 grains (3-75 grammes). Chian 
drachm. Berlin Cabinet ex Lobbecke Coll., 

34. Similar to preceding, but reverse has broader bars. 

JR. 10-00 mm. 23-5 grains (1-52 grammes). Chian 
hemidrachm. My collection. 

[PI. XVIII. 12.] 

35. Olv. Similar to No. 32, except that Sphinx is drawn 

with the further breast showing, and a dolphin, 
head to 1., in field r. 

Eev. Similar to No. 32, but reverse has broader bars, 
and is slightly more conventionalized. 
90 oo 
JR. .'mm. 236-5 grains (15-32 grammes). Chian 

tetradrachm. Sir H. Weber's collection. 

[PL XVIII. 13.] 

36. Obv. Similar to No. 32, but of more careless execution, 

and with an astragalus in field r. The convex 
shield is also lower than in any of the preceding 

Rev. Quartered incuse square divided by rather broad 
bars into moderately deep compartments ; anvil- 

JR. - mm. 236-9grains(15-35grammes). Chian 

tetradrachm. Munich Cabinet. 

[PL XVIII. 14.] 



No 36 
Ben.- Quartered incuse square evenly divided by rathei 


232.2grains(15.05grammes). Chian 

tetradrachm. R Jameson Coll. ex Coll 
GL Durufle, No. 1522, E. J.'s Cat. 
25-00 [PL XVIII. 15.] 

mm. 217.6grains(14-10grammes). Chian 

tetradrachm. Berlin Cabinet (worn). 

38. Ofo-Similar to preceding, except that the Sphinx's 
breasts are not shown, and that the dolphin in 
neld r. is here drawn head downwards. 

^.-Identical with No. 36, allowing for difference 
in size. 


13^50 mm- 5> ' 9 S rams ( 3<6 2 grammes). Chian 
drachm. Berlin Cabinet. [PI. XVIII. 10.] 

38 !1 . Similar to preceding, except that Sphinx has its hair 
dressed in the earlier manner of No. 33. 

&. 13-50 mm. 52-5 grains (3-40 grammes). Chian 
drachm. Brit. Mus., No. 22, Cat. Ionia, 

12.75mm. 50-8 grains (3-29 grammes). Chian 
drachm. Brit. Mus., No. 23, Cat. Ionia, 

39. Olv. Sphinx of fully developed soft style seated 1. [on 
plain exergual line] ; wing curled in conven- 
tionalized manner ; hair rolled, with one lock 


hanging on neck ; further foreleg faintly out- 
lined behind nearer. In front amphora [with 
ball at point], surmounted by bunch of grapes 
hanging perpendicularly. The whole on slightly 
raised circular shield. 

Rev. Quartered incuse square divided by narrow bars 
into shallow compartments showing a finely 
granulated ground ; anvil-struck. 

JR. 13-00 mm. 54-8 grains (3-55 grammes). Chian 

drachm. Cabinet de France, No. 4978. 
Katherrare. [PI. XVIII. 17.] 

39 a . Identical with preceding, except that reverse has a 
larger and more conventionalized incuse square 
showing an artificially granulated ground. 

JR. 13-75 mm. 56-2 grains (3- 64 grammes). Chian 
drachm. Cabinet de France, No. 4979. 

[PI. XVIII. 18,] 

14-00 mm. 54-8 grains (3-55 grammes). Chian 
drachm. Cabinet de France, No. 4976. 

15-00 mm. 53-6 grains (3-47 grammes). Chian 

drachm. Vienna Cabinet. 

40. Identical with preceding. 

JR. 12-00 mm. 27-6 grains (1-79 grammes). Chian 
hemidrachm. My collection. 

[PI. XVIII. 19.] 

41. Same as No. 39 a , except that in field r. the letter E is 

engraved above the Sphinx's tail. 

JR. 14-25 mm. 52-5 grains (3-40 grammes). Chian 
drachm. Cabinet de France, No. 4977. 

[PI. XVIII. 20.] 

41 a . In field r. 0, and reverse has fine granulations like 

No. 39. 

JR. 14-00 mm. 57-4 grains (3-72 grammes). Chian 
drachm. Imhoof-Blumer's Mon. Gr., 
No. 134. 57 

67 This coin, which is now in Berlin, shows no trace of the 
X on reverse mentioned in Dr. Imhoof-Blumer's description. 


13-50 mm. 51-7 grains (3-35 grammes). Chian 
drachm. My collection. 

15-00 mm. 55-3 grains (3-58 grammes). Chian 
drachm. Pro we Coll., No. 1095, Egger's 
Cat., 1914 

41 b . Jn field r. K, and reverse like No. 39. 

M. 14-00 mm. 57-1 grains (3- 705 grammes). Chian 
drachm. My collection ex Philipsen Coll. 

13-50 mm. 54-3 grains (3-52 grammes). Chian 
drachm. Berlin Cabinet. 

13-00 mm. 55-4 grains (3-59 grammes). Chian 
drachm. Hunterian Coll., No. 2. 

4K In field r. <. 

JR. 13-50 mm. 54-0 grains (3-498 grammes). Chian 
drachm. Sir H. Weber's Coll. 

42. Similar to No. 38, but with monogram ^ in place of 
the dolphin. The first specimen described 
below has a crescent in one of the depressions 
of the incuse square. The incuse, though 
similar to that of No. 38, is of a later and 
more formal type. 

M. 14-00 mm. 57-0 grains (3-695 grammes). Chian 
drachm. My collection. 

13-50 mm. 55-5 grains (3-595 grammes). Chian 

drachm. Brit. Mus., No. 19, Cat. Ionia, 

Chios. 58 
13-00 mm. 57-0 grains (3-70 grammes). Chian 

drachm. Philipsen Coll., No. 2249, Hirsch's 

Cat., 1909. 

42 a . In field r. H". 

JR. 14-75 mm. 53-2 grains (3-45 grammes). Chian 
drachm. Cabinet de France, No. 4975. 

[PI. XVIII. 21.] 

14-25 mm. 57-3 grains (3-71 grammes). Chian 
drachm. Berlin Cabinet. 

58 In the B. M. Cat. this mon. is rendered ^ , but I think that 
is the correct reading. 


13-50 mm. 54-0 grains (3498 grammes). Chian 
drachm. Brit. Mus., No. 20, Cat. Ionia, 

42 b . Same as preceding with H", but reverse has granulated 
surface like No. 41. 

M. 13-50 mm. 54-8 grains (3-55 grammes). Chian 

drachm. Berlin Cabinet. 

43. Same as No. 39 a , but in field r. ^H. 

M. 13-25 mm. 55-3 grains (3-583 grammes). Chian 

drachm. My collection. 

44. Same as preceding, but in field r. R. 

M. 11-50 mm. 28-9 grains (1-873 grammes). Chian 
hemidrachm. Brit. Mus., No. 27, Cat. Ionia, 
Chios. [PI. XVIII. 22.] 

45. Obv. Sphinx seated 1., as on No. 39, but of larger size, 

and hair in thicker roll resembling a turban. 

Rev. Quartered incuse square divided by broad bars 
into very shallow compartments filled with 
coarse granulations ; anvil-struck. 

JSL 14-00 mm. 56-0 grains (3-63 grammes). Chian 
drachm. Berlin Cabinet ex Imhoof- 
Blumer Coll., 1900. [PI. XIX. 1.] 

46. Obv. Sphinx similar to preceding seated 1. on raised 

circular shield without exergual line. Before 
it bunch of grapes hanging perpendicularly. 

Mev. Amphora, with ball at point, in circle of large 
dots within incuse circle ; punch-struck. 

M. 11-00 mm. 20-8 grains (1-35 grammes). Berlin 
Cabinet ex Lobbecke Coll. Published Z. fur 
N., 1887, pp. 148-57, No. 18. [PI. XIX. 2.] 

10-00 mm. 18-5 grains (1-20 grammes). Athens 

10-25 mm. 17-4 grains (1-125 grammes). My 

collection ex Philipsen Coll. 
Rather rare. 

46 a . Same as preceding, but type to r. 

M. 10-OOmm. 21-60grains (140 grammes). Athens 

47. Same as No. 46, but shield on obverse very slightly 
raised, no incuse circle on reverse, and on 
either side of amphora the letters A 3. 

M. 10-OOmm. 16-8 grains (1-09 grammes). Berlin 
Cabinet ex Lobbecke Coll. Published Z. fur 
N., 1887, pp. 148-57, No. 17. [PI. XIX. 3.] 

11-25 mm. 15-1 grains (0-98 gramme). Athens 

Very rare. 

47 a . Same as preceding, but no dotted circle or letters on 

M. 10-OOmm. Weight? Published Z. fur N. t 
1887, pp. 148-57, No. 19, ex Lobbecke Coll. 

(A specimen at Paris has the letter (retro- 
grade) to r. of amphora, but is in too bad 
condition for fuller description.) 

No. 32. The chief points of this fine coin have 
already been noted. The two specimens quoted are 
from the same dies, and Miss Baldwin mentions 
a third from Brussels with different dies. 

No. 33. There can be no doubt whatever that this 
drachm belongs to the same issue as the preceding. 
This cannot also be said with regard to the hemi- 
drachm No. 34, though the form of its incuse and the 
absence of any symbol justify its position. The coin 
is unfortunately in bad condition, but it is the only 
specimen I have seen. Miss Baldwin illustrates 
another from Cambridge, No. 24, PL iv, which, 
although in better condition than mine, and un- 
doubtedly belonging to this period, also cannot be said 
to represent the same issue as No. 33. 


Nos. 35-7. The development of style in these three 
coins is very gradual and interesting, particularly as 
regards the raised shield of the obverse. The first is, 
I believe, unique. The second, thanks to Miss Baldwin's 
discovery of the Ashburnham specimen, referred to 
above because of its weight, is represented by two 
specimens. The third is also only known by the two 
specimens recorded here, the latter of which, from 
Berlin, is very much worn and has lost a good deal of 
weight. This type, No. 37, shows the first signs of the 
softer style and turban-like arrangement of the hair 
characteristic of the drachms assigned to the end of 
this period. The naturalistic manner, too, in which 
the bodily forms of the Sphinx are treated distinguish 
this issue from all other contemporary ones, and, as 
even the well-preserved specimen is of light weight 
for the period, it may fairly be regarded as the 
latest tetradrachm we have previous to those with 

Nos. 38 and 38*. Judging from their reverses, which 
are curiously like that of tetradrachm No. 36, and the 
position of the dolphin, these drachms may belong to 
an earlier issue than the preceding. Their obverses 
present a duality of type similar to those of the 
drachms next to be described. 

These are all the types at present known with 
symbols in the field. As has been observed above, the 
chief feature in which they, and all succeeding Chian 
issues, differ from the didrachms of the last period is 
the absence of the stopper from the amphora. This is 
an infallible test, although only such a small detail in 
itself, and is a strong argument, of the second order, 
in favour of including the electrum stater, No. 31, 


among the coins that appeared before the change 
introducing the tetradrachms and their divisions. 

We now come to the later drachms and hemidrachms 
with which no corresponding tetradrachms have so far 
been identified. It will at once appear from a com- 
parison of PL XVIII. 11 and 12 with PI. XVIII. 17 
and 19, that perfectly distinct issues of these anepi- 
graphic coins were made, and that the latter form part 
of a subsequent and what looks like a separate phase of 
the coinage. The isolation suggested may, of course, 
be more apparent than real, and it seems just possible 
that the coins with letters only may have been issued 
in conjunction with the earliest tetradrachms bearing 
magistrates' names in full. If there are no tetra- 
drachms, however, with single letters or monograms it 
is equally true that there are no drachms exactly 
corresponding to the two earliest of the three classes 
into which the tetradrachms bearing full names may 
be divided. From the list of these given below it will 
be seen that all the single letters and monograms 
known to us from the drachms and hemidrachms, 
except H" and R, can be matched with names from 
those set out below under the tetradrachms of class a. 
But the style of the two denominations does not agree 
in the manner that one would expect from pieces 
forming part of the same issue. 59 And if, in spite of 

69 To illustrate this compare PL XVIII. 10 and 11, which un- 
undoubtedly belong to the same issue, with the combination now 
suggested, PL XVIII. 20 and PL XIX. 4. 

While the main points of difference between the latter, viz. their 
reverse types, and the single letter as opposed to the full name, 
suggest a later date for the tetradrachm and its fellows than for the 
drachm, it must be admitted that the Sphinx's head on the 
tetradrachms has an earlier look than that on the drachms on 


this, we are to look upon the tetradrachms signed by 
"Avutvos and the rest of his class as the true contem- 
poraries of the drachms with letters, what are we to 
think of the drachms without letters, Nos. 39, 39 a , and 
45 ? These two groups cannot be separated from each 
other, nor. for the matter of that, can either of them 
be easily distinguished from the earlier of the two 
classes of drachms with names in full, though these 
must surely have been subsequent issues. 

Among the bronze coins of Imperial times issues 
will be found without magistrates' names alternating 
with others on which names occur, down to the very 
last products of the mint under Gallienus. Can it be 
that some such custom as this, the meaning of which 
even in Imperial times is unknown to us, so far as 
I am aware, may also have been in force in the fifth 
century B.C.? It seems unlikely, though there are 
signs of the practice during the intervening centuries, 
in the case of small coins both of silver and bronze, to 
which attention will be drawn in due course. 

In the matter of weights these coins stand on a 
distinctly lower level than the anepigraphic drachms 
that preceded them. From the table given below, 
with the object of demonstrating the gradual decline 

account of the former's resemblance to type No. 32. See remarks 
made below, under type No. 46, with reference to the similar 
characteristic that it presents. 

Mr. G. F. Hill makes the suggestion, for which I am much obliged, 
that these single letters may be numerals. This seems highly 
probable, but the difficulty of the anepigraphic specimens remains, 
and that of determining the proper place in the series of the drachms 
in question is, if anything, increased. Judging from the highest 
surviving letter, A, the group, on this hypothesis, would have lasted 
twelve or eleven years, according as we assume ^ to have made 
part of the series or not. 


in weight of all the silver coins of this and the following 
periods, it will be seen that this difference is in keeping 
with the result shown by comparing the two leading 
groups of'tetradrachms. It is true that my type No. 33 
is only represented by two specimens, but their average 
weight is fully maintained by Miss Baldwin's two 
additional specimens (No. 57, p. 25, of her paper, the 
first of these coins being a quite unusually heavy one). 

It is very difficult even to guess at the probable order 
of succession of the issues under discussion from a 
consideration of style alone, every test that is applied 
leading to a different and contradictory result. As to 
their proper place in the series, I have been content 
to be guided by the sequence usually observed among 
Greek coins subject to the exceptions demanded by 
the anepigraphic types Nos. 39, 39 a , 40, and 45. It 
will be agreed, I think, that Nos. 39-40 are later types 
than No. 38, and that No. 45 is later than any of them. 
There is a good deal to be said in favour of grouping 
these drachms and hemidrachms with the tetradrachms 
of class a, detailed below. One obvious advantage 
arising therefrom would be the closer association that 
such an arrangement would bring about between them 
and the earlier class of drachms with names in full, 
type No. 50. In fact, the evidently near relationship 
of these two groups is perhaps the best argument for 
assigning a later date to types Nos. 39-45 than that 
suggested by their reverses. 

It will be seen that Miss Baldwin unhesitatingly 
pronounces in favour of a fourth-century origin for 
these types (see pp. 47-8 and PI. v. 11-31 of her paper), 
and she may be right, but I am leaving my arrange- 
ment unaltered since I have already described it as 


only tentative. On the whole, however, the fresh 
evidence produced by Miss Baldwin is in favour of 
placing some at least of these doubtful coins more or 
less as I am doing. The two types that she illustrates 
on PL iv under Nos. 20-1 are clearly connected by 
their reverses, as she points out, with the anepigraphic 
drachms Nos. 17-19 on the one hand, and with the 
practically contemporary coins showing a dolphin, 
Nos. 22-3, on the other. But their obverses, in my 
opinion, as clearly indicate a connexion with these 
later drachms. The comparatively large head of the 
Sphinx on both coins, the turban-like arrangement of its 
hair on No. 20, which is characteristic of the doubtful 
group, and to which I have called attention under my 
type No. 37, and the loose locks of hair on No. 21 are 
all more suggestive of the drachms on Miss Baldwin's 
PL v than of those among which they are placed. 

Nos. 39-40. The style of these coins calls for no 
further remark than has already been made. It is 
sufficient to observe that they show a type of Sphinx 
different both from that of the earlier anepigraphic 
coins and of the signed tetradrachms. I do not feel 
sure that the roughened ground in the incuse square 
of No. 39 is artificially produced, although Miss Baldwin 
(p. 47) makes no exception of it in tracing the develop- 
ment of the artificially granulated ground. 

Attention may be drawn once more to the rarity of 
the hemidrachm No. 40, especially as it is one of the 
chief features that differentiate this group from the 
earlier of the two classes of drachms bearing names 
in full. 

No. 41. Of the coins with single letters those with 
and K are fairly common, but those with E and A are 


rare. Miss Baldwin mentions a second specimen with 
E in addition to the one I have noted, but the specimen 
with A appears to be unique. 

No. 42 is an earlier looking type than any of the 
others in this group, both on account of the Sphinx, 
which is very like the one seen on the drachm with the 
dolphin symbol, type No. 38, and of the incuse square. 
This reverse, like the tall Sphinx, is peculiar to the two 
issues with /P and H", the former of which is rather 

No. 42 b . This coin is remarkable as being the only 
case that I have met with of an obverse with monogram 
combined with the more usual granulated reverse of 
type No. 41, &c. 

No. 43 seems to be unique. It is also interesting as 
exhibiting the commoner type of Sphinx on a coin 
with monogram. .Miss Baldwin illustrates three others 
which had escaped me (Nos. 25-7 of her PL v). 

No. 44. This hemidrachm, which also appears to be 
unique, is another case wherein the usual type of 
Sphinx appears in conjunction with a monogram. 

The evidence of the last three types goes to prove 
that all the coins of this group are practically contem- 
poraries, although I have not been able to detect 
any significant interchange of dies among them. 
Miss Baldwin only mentions one between her types 
86-7, p. 30. 

No. 45. The coin representing this type is the only 
one I have seen. It certainly has a later look, in my 
opinion, than any of those preceding it here, the cross- 
bars on the reverse having all the appearance of being 
ready to receive a magistrate's name. It might, in 
fact, be a pattern for one of the later issues. 


Before passing on to the bronze it is worth while 
noting here that the earliest case of plating that I have_ 
come across in the Chian series belongs to the present 
period. In the Berlin Cabinet there is a copper coin 
that evidently formed the core of one of those drachms 
without letters, possibly type No. 39 a . It measures 

TT^Q mm - and weighs 39-7 grains (2-57 grammes). 

Nos. 46-47 a . These early bronze coins were first 
published by Herr A. Lobbecke in an article which 
will be dealt with more fully later on. The author 
did not attempt to assign a date to this particular 
part of the find that he was describing, being content 
to settle the time when the hoard was probably 
deposited, but he remarks that some of the bronze was 
much worn and had evidently been in circulation for 
a long time. Though this observation refers more par- 
ticularly to twenty -nine pieces that were unrecognizable 
in their details, it can also be taken to cover the coins 
included under these four types, as all the specimens 
I have seen, with the exception of that illustrated 
PI. XIX. 2, are more or less affected by wear. The coin 
chosen to illustrate type No. 47 [PL XIX. 3] is quite the 
best I know. This type, No. 46, will be recognized as 
presenting, in its obverse, all the characteristics of the 
genuine fifth-century coinage near which it is placed. 
In fact, the wing of the Sphinx and the clean line 
formed by the back of its neck, free from the fourth- 
century curls, are more suggestive of this early period 
than the obverse types of any of the drachms and 
hemidrachms with which it is actually grouped. The 
turning of the Sphinx to right in the solitary specimen 
I am recording under No. 46 a is most unusual. "With 


the exception of the electrum staters showing this 
position, no other coin of Chios has a Sphinx to right 
till we reach the large bronze issues made in the 
second century B.C. 

Nos. 47 and 47 a are evidently later than the others, 
and No. 47 may very possibly be a contemporary of the 
fcetradrachm with the name "Aa-pews, but as the next 
period introduces us to quite a new style of bronze 
coin, it is more consistent on the whole to class these 
types with the two preceding ones. No. 47 a seems 
to be the latest of all, judging by the disappearance 
of the dotted circle from its reverse ; but if that be 
accepted it must be noted that we have here the first 
instance, since the drachms just discussed, of an issue 
without inscription following after one on which 
letters had been engraved. Unfortunately, I have been 
unable to trace any of the eighteen pieces described 
in Herr Lobbecke's paper under his No. 19, and I have 
consequently had nothing but his description to guide 
me in assigning its place to the type. Otherwise it 
seems possible that this type might furnish the 
link, at present missing, between No. 47 and the 
earliest of the small bronze coins with magistrates' 

Although, with the appearance of a device on the 
reverse, the question of fixed or loose dies now arises, 
I have no ground for supposing that the dies of these 
bronze coins were fixed. Out of eleven pieces that 
I have been able to examine, two show the die-position 
ff , and one f<-, but, as all the rest are quite irregular, 
it is probable that these three cases are accidental. 
This conclusion is in favour of the early attribution 
of these coins, for it will be seen later that all the 



remaining bronze issues of Chios were probably struck 
from fixed dies. 

The weights of Nos. 46-7 are fairly constant in the 
region of 20-52 grains (1-33 grammes), which is roughly 
the weight maintained by the small bronze coins of 
the next period. 

PEEIOD VII. 412-334 B.C. 

It is a remarkable though perhaps not an ex- 
ceptional fact that the seventy odd years following 
upon the defeat of the Athenians at Syracuse were, 
at one and the same time, some of the most disastrous 
in the annals of Chios in ancient times, and, through- 
out the greater part of their course, the richest from 
a numismatic point of view. There would be neither 
object nor profit in trying to follow here the various 
changes of fortune in the state after the introduction 
of the Spartan governor Pedaritos. Suffice it to say 
that between the oppression of the Spartans within, 
and the ravages of the Athenians along the coasts, 
the accumulated wealth of the two previous genera- 
tions must have soon been dissipated. Each of the 
rival parties in the island identified itself with one 
of the belligerents, the oligarchs helping the Spartans 
to defend the citadel, and the democrats giving all 
possible encouragement to the Athenian raids. Almost 
every year saw a fresh revolution, as first one side 
and then the other gained the upper hand. Finally, 
after the crowning defeat of Aegospotami, when the 
last hopes of the democrats sank with the Athenian 
ships, and J/he oligarchic captains were being honoured 
by statues at Delphi, 60 all civic independence seems to 

60 Pausanias x. 99. 


have been destroyed for a time. The names of the 
Chian leaders, as recorded byPausanias, wereAstykrates, 
Kephisokles, Hermophantos, and Hikesios. Only the 
last three are mentioned as a rule, and, as will appear 
below, two of these have also been preserved on the 
coinage. In establishing one of his decarchies Lysander 
effectually stifled both local parties, and the harmosts 
who followed him inaugurated a reign of terror. 

Chios now shared in the misfortunes that resulted 
from Spartan rule all over the Aegean, and fell so low 
that she even lost her fleet. 61 Things improved a little 
after the victory of Conon, but the peace of Antalcidas, 
and the restoration of autonomy, only meant weakness 
for the impoverished state. The consequence was that 
the island became the prey of every power that arose 
during the following years, and passed successively 
under the dominion of Spartans, Athenians, and 
Thebans. Then came the short-lived thalassocracy of 
the Carian princes, and the complete subjugation of 
Chios, Ehodes, and Cos by Hidrieus and Pixodarus. 
This occurred in 345 B.C., but in 340 Athens once more 
became the dominant force in Ionia. There must 
now have been some return again of prosperity in 
Chios, for we hear of her people paying a subsidy to 
Athens to ensure the safety of her merchants at sea. 62 
She certainly seems to have been able to re-establish 
a fleet, since Athenian and Chian ships are known to 
have fought side by side at Byzantium against Philip 
of Macedon. 

But the recovery was only temporary. The expedi- 
tion of Alexander threw everything into the melting- 

61 Isocrates, De face, 98. 

62 Demosthenes, De Ctiersoneso, 24. 

Dd 2 


pot once more, and faction raged more wildly than 
ever. Torn between Macedonian and Persian, and 
later by the rivalries of the Diadochi, it is a wonder 
that any trace of civilization remained when peace 
was at last secured under the Ptolemies. 

It is worth while recalling the fact, on account of 
the names concerned, that, when the approach of Alex- 
ander's army was announced, Memnon persuaded the_ 
Chians to side with Darius, and the leaders of the day 
threw open their gates to a Persian garrison. These 
men were Apollonides, Athenagoras, and Phesinos. 
All three names are to be found on the coins of 
this period, and it seems justifiable to suppose that 
they represent these very men, though during earlier 
terms of office. 

The only local artists belonging to the fourth 
century, whose names have come down to us, are the 
sculptors Sostratus and his son Pantias. The former 
name occurs on one of the drachms of the present 
period, but the owner can hardly have been the 
sculptor, as the latter only flourished about 320 B.C. 
Another name, borne by a Chian of note, which appears 
on the coinage of this century, is that of Theodorus, 
the Stoic philosopher, but his exact date is uncertain. 

Although the silver issues which chiefly characterize it 
probably ceased some years previously, the Macedonian 
occupation makes a suitable ending for this period. 
This is because the bronze issues which, for reasons 
given below, can safely be assumed to have continued 
until the date of that occurrence, if not beyond it, 
are so closely bound up with the silver ones that it is 
best to preserve them all in the same category. 

The coins now to be considered are distinguished 


by two remarkable facts. The first is the references 
made to them by Thucydides and Xenophon in pas- 
sages that have frequently been quoted and discussed. 
The second is that one of the very few finds of Chian 
coins, that have been scientifically described, covers 
practically the whole period. It seems hardly necessary 
to go over the ground of controversy regarding the 
two classic references just mentioned. There can no 
longer be any doubt that the expressions used both by 
Thucydides (viii. 101) and Xenophon (Hell. i. 6. 12) 
indicate the Chian tetradrachms of circa 411 and 
406 B.C. The reo-o-epaKoo-rr) Xia of the former, and the 
K Xiov 7TVTa8paxfJ-ia of the latter, both render certain 
fixed sums of Chian money in terms of the Aeginetic 
currency used by the inhabitants of the Peloponnesus. 03 
The find in question was made near the village 
_ of Pity os, in the northern plain of Chios, and was pub- 
lished, several years afterwards, by Herr A. Lobbecke 
in Zeit. fur Num., 1887, pp. 148-57. The hoard com- 
prised 50 silver and 175 bronze coins of different 
mints. Among the former wereJJ drachms of Pixodarus 
of Caria in nearly mint state, 1 1 Chian drachms with- 

03 The expression reaa-e paKoa-rf) Xia has been recognized (Head, 
Hist. Num., i, p. 513) as the fortieth part of the Aeginetic rnina, 
which, as we have seen, would be the equivalent of the contemporary 
Chian tetradrachm 9,600 grains or 622 grammes -5- 40 = 240 grains 
or 15-55 grammes. The TrevTadpaxnia* about which more doubt has 
been expressed, is now admitted to be (Head, ibid., and P. Gardner, 
J.H.S., 1913, p. 162) not any particular coin, but a method of 
describing two Chian tetradrachms, i.e. a five-Aeginetic-drachms'- 
worth, since 96 grains or 6-22 grammes x 5 = 480 grains or 31-10 
grammes. The Guernseyman of to-day, who uses French silver 
coins, but thinks in values of a local currency with English names, 
does practically the same thing as the above when he calls a two- 
franc piece a twenty-penny. He is putting a foreign denomination 
into terms of his own money as succinctly as possible. 


out letters or symbols, 4 hemidrachms of the same 
class, and 4 Chian drachms bearing magistrates' names. 
Out of the Chian pieces concerned no record appears 
to have been kept of the anepigraphic drachms and 
hemidrachms, and I have been unable to trace them, 
but details of the drachms with names will be found 
below. There were other silver coins in the hoard 
of great individual interest, but without any special 
connexion with Chian chronology. The bronze in- 
cluded 149 Chian pieces, 41 of which belonged to the 
types described under Nos. 46-47 a , and 29 were in an 
unrecognizable condition, as already stated. The rest, 
all with magistrates' names, and mostly in excellent 
preservation, will be found noted under types Nos. 53 
and 54. 

The main lesson to be derived from the find is that 
the vase containing the coins was probably hidden 
during the troublous years of the Macedonian occupa- 
tion. The two drachms of Pixodarus, being in nearly 
mint state, afford an unimpeachable fixed point, as 
these things go, from which to calculate. The date 
of Pixodarus's reign was 341-335 B.C., and the coins of 
the find, therefore, cannot be much later than 334 B.C. L 
which is the limit taken for this period. Herr 
Lobbecke's paper does not appear to have received 
the attention that it deserved, for one sees the Chian 
bronze coins to be described below assigned to any 
but their correct date in most collections. 

Although there is no doubt, then, that all these 
bronze coins with names were issued some time during 
the first three quarters of the fourth century B. a, the 
date claimed for types Nos. 46-47 a may appear exces- 
sively early in view of their presence in this find. 


The fact that they formed part of a peasant's hoard 
some seventy years after they are supposed to have 
been struck might be advanced as an argument 
against such an attribution, in spite of their poor 
condition. But since the hoard also contained anepi- 
graphic drachms and hemidrachms. belonging pre- 
sumably to the types described under Nos. 39-40, this 
difficulty is considerably reduced. 

Just as we are uncertain as to the exact date down 
to which the issues of tetradrachms and drachms with 
names were continued, so we cannot tell precisely when 
they began. The revolt from Athens has generally 
been accepted as the time, and it certainly provides 
us with a most plausible occasion for their introduction. 
The revival of the aristocratic party under Alcibiades 
seems to demand some such recognition, and in any 
case the date is a convenient landmark. 

We have already seen the difficulties that attend 
the exact arrangement of the coins with symbols, 
letters, monograms, &c. There are not very many of 
these issues extant so far. My list, which, as I have 
explained, is by no means complete, comprises some 
16 or 17 issues between types Nos. 35-45. Still, at 
present we cannot reckon with many more, even 
allowing for types that I have not had an oppor- 
tunity of examining. If, as I have decided to place 
them, the drachms and hemidrachms with letters, &c., 
came between tetradrachm No. 37, supposing that it 
was the last of its class, and the first coin with a name 
in full, well and good. Between circa 435 B.C., the date 
suggested for the first tetradrachm issue, and 412 B.C. 
there are about twenty-three years, and, allowing for 
lost and missing types, these 16-17 issues may be 


looked upon as filling the gap on the assumption that 
there was a fresh issue every year. But if the doubtful 
coins are to accompany the early tetradrachms with 
names, then the latter might be moved up some ten 
years or so. That, I think, is as far as it is prudent to 
go in trying to determine this question. 

In proposing ten years only, instead of the whole 
interval available between the dates named, I am 
making a concession to my belief that, even if we have 
to sacrifice the doubtful drachms and hemidrachms, 
there was still a break in the tetradrachm issues. 
This I base chiefly upon the fact that there is a signi- 
ficant inferiority in the weights of even the earliest 
tetradrachms with names as compared with those with- 
out them. The only exception is type No. 37, and I am 
strongly inclined to think that, if it should be ulti- 
mately decided to banish the doubtful drachms and 
hemidrachms to the fourth century, this tetradrachm 
ought to accompany them. Then the general level of 
the work expended on the signed tetradrachms is, on the 
whole, inferior to that exhibited by types Nos. 32, 35, 
and even 37. The average relief of the shields, for 
instance, among coins with names is much lower than 
among those without. Here again No. 37 is an excep- 
tion. Another point, and that not the least important, 
is that punch-striking seems to have been resumed 
with the introduction of names on the reverse. What- 
ever opinion may be held as to the accuracy of descrip- 
tion conveyed by the terms anvil- and punch-struck, 
there can, I think, be no doubt but that a totally 
different method was employed in the striking of 
coins like Nos. 10-16 and 17-22, PI. XVIII, from 
that used for Nos. 4-7, PI. XIX. It has already been 


pointed out that the early bronze pieces also follow 
the punch-striking method. 

The silver coinage of this period seems to have con- 
sisted of tetradrachms and drachms only, no hemi- 
drachms with magistrates' names having so far been 
discovered. We of course do not know whether 
drachms and bronze coins accompanied the issue of 
every tetradrachm or not, or whether the smaller coins 
were sometimes struck without tetradrachms, though 
it is highly probable that the material we possess repre- 
senting these issues is only fragmentary in spite of its / .<>*-) tareo>3 

The style of the coins deteriorates steadily throughout 
the period, the most noticeable failing being the gradual 
disappearance of the convex shield on the obverse. 
The last form it assumes is a plain ring border en- 
circling the type [PI. XIX. 7]. The forelegs and 
paws of the Sphinx become coarser, but its hair is 
more elaborately arranged. Instead of the trimly 
dressed heads of PI. XVIII. 10 and PI. XIX. 4-5, we 
have a more ornate style in which one or two curls 
hang down behind, concealing the line of the neck, as 
in Pl. XIX. 6, 7, 11. The first appearance of this 
fashion has already been noted under type No. 37, and 
it seems later to have served as a model for some of 
the best work done under the early Eoman Emperors. 

The evidence with regard to die-positions in the 
case of these tetradrachms and drachms is conflicting. 
On the whole I think that it is best to assume that the 
dies of these coins were not fixed, at any rate as far as 
regards the two earlier classes. 

The weights show a regular decline, as may be seen 
from the following averages : 


Early tetradrachms without names, from last period 
LscJifrW* (4 specimens 64 ). 236-73 grains (15-34 grammes). 

*7 GjrA Tetradrachms with names, classes a and ft 

(20 specimens). 229-17 grains (14-85 grammes). 
jC&t*'^ * f Late tetradrachms with names, class y 

(17 specimens). 207-56 grains (13-45 grammes). 
Early drachms without names or symbols, from last period 

(2 specimens). 58-02 grains (3-76 grammes). 
Early drachms with symbols, letters, &c., from last period ""^.^ 

(31 specimens 65 ). 54-80 grains (3>55 grammes^ 
Drachms with names, class ft 

(38 specimens). 55-40 grains (3-59 grammes). 
Late drachms with names, class y 

(9 specimens). 52-16 grains (3-38 grammes). 

The bronze coinage, of which there are two main 
types, shows a greater break with previous traditions 
than any other group that we have studied so far. 
There is no trace upon any of the issues of the raised 
convex shield on the obverse. The introduction of the 
word XIO^ } too, is a striking innovation, notwith- 
standing its exceptional occurrence on some of the 
early didrachms. Of these two main types the smaller- 
sized pieces would seem to have come first, and their 
descent from the bronze coins ascribed to the last 
period is fairly evident, though perhaps not quite 
direct. 66 The bunch of grapes on the obverse only 
appears on a few issues, but it is impossible to say 
whether these came first or not. 

64 The two specimens of type No. 37 are not included among 
these, as both of them are very much below the average weight of 
their class, a difference that is not entirely clue to wear, as has 
already been remarked. 

65 These 31 specimens do not include No. 26, Brit. Mus. : Cat. 
Ionia, Chios, as it is so very much worn. 

66 See remarks above under type No. 47 a . Everything points to 
these early bronze issues types Nos. 46-47 a having been kept 
in circulation for an unusually long time. 


In the larger pieces the bunch of grapes is not seen 
at all, but its place is taken by a vine-wreath sur- 
rounding the reverse type, which is clearly a develop- 
ment of that seen on the silver coins of this, period. 
These coins are divisible into two classes distinguished 
by the cross on the reverse. In the earlier one it is 
narrow and raised, somewhat like that on the tetra- 
drachm [PL XIX. 7], but in the later it is wider and 
flush with the rest of the design as on the majority of 
the tetradrachms belonging to class y. I have not yet 
seen a specimen of these later issues in sufficiently 
good condition to say whether the obverse type was 
also modified or not. It looks as if these large bronze 
pieces were introduced after the mint had ceased 
coining silver, the issue of the small ones being con- 
tinued concurrently so as to provide a lower denomi- 
nation. Although the weights are not more carefully 
regulated than in any other contemporary Greek mint, 
these two bronze types appear to have been struck 
with the object of maintaining the same relation 
between them as existed between the tetradrachms 
and drachms. The large coins weigh about 61-73 
grains (4*00 grammes), and the small ones evidently 
following the standard established for types Nos. 46-7 
from 15-43 to 23-15 grains (1 to 1-50 grammes). This 
practice of striking two sizes of bronze coins evidently 
found favour at Chios, as will appear from the subse- 
quent issues. 

We may conclude that the pieces of larger module 
were first issued between 350 and 340 B.C. None of 
the names so far found upon them coincides with those 
known from either tetradrachms or drachms, although 
the style of the Sphinx in the earlier class at least 


will be seen to be almost exactly the same as that of 
the latest tetradrachms. No specimen of the later 
class occurred in the Pityos find mentioned above, but, 
as two of the small coins with names common to both 
series did so occur, we are justified in including these 
large bronze pieces in the present period. Otherwise 
it might have been preferable to assign them to a date 
after the Macedonian occupation. 

The style of the small coins is even better than that 
of the large, as would be expected, the preservation of 
the bunch of grapes and of the incuse circle on certain 
issues fully bearing out the suggestion that they were 
the first to be struck. In them, as will be seen, we 
meet with four names already noted on tetradrachms 
or drachms, and it seems fair to assume that the same 
magistrate is represented. 

The dies of all these bronze coins seem to have been 
fixed, and their positions are given accordingly in the 
following descriptions by means of tt- 

The tetradrachms, drachms, and bronze coins assigned 
to this period are as follows : 

Class a. 

48. Obv. Sphinx of fully developed style seated 1. on plain 
exergual line, sometimes missing ; wing curled 
in conventionalized manner ; hair dressed on 
top of head, but in more elaborate fashion than 
No. 32 ; further foreleg outlined behind nearer. 
In front amphora, with ball at point, surmounted 
by bunch of grapes hanging perpendicularly. 
The whole on shallow raised circular shield. 

Rev. Striated incuse square, quartered by bands of 
varying width, on one of which appears magis- 
trate's name ; punch-struck. 

M. A^AAENO^ Rev. Striations vertical, and 
broken ; broad cross. 


22-50 mm 230-25 grains (14-92 grammes). 
Ohian tetradrachm. Cabinet de France 
No. 4983. [PI. XIX. 4.] 

Rev. Striations horizontal, and 
broken ; broad cross (1). Striations vertical 
and broken (2). 

22.50mm. 232-1 grains (15-04 grammes). Chian 
tetradrachm. Cabinet de France. No 2001 
Coll. Waddington. 

22-OOmm. 232-1 grains (15-04 grammes). Chian 
tetradrachm. Berlin Cabinet. 

OEOAHP05 Rev. Striations horizontal, and 
broken ; narrow cross. 

23-75 mm. 230-6grains (14- 94 grammes). Chian 
tetradrachm. Cabinet de France, No. 2002 
Coll. Waddington. 

OHPflN Rev. Striations horizontal, and 
broken ; broad cross. 

21.75mm. 231-9grains (15-03grammes). Chian 
tetradrachm. Cabinet de France, No. 2003, 
Coll. Waddington. 

KAAAIKAHS Rev. Striations vertical, and 
regular ; narrow cross. 

21-25 mm. 235-1 grains (15-234 grammes). 
Chian tetradrachm. Brit. Mus., No. 31, 
Cat. Ionia, Chios. 

22-50mm. 218-5grains(14-158grammes). Chian 
tetradrachm. No. 698, Sotheby's Cat, 1909, 
of Sherman Benson Coll. ex Khoussopoulos 
Coll. (the weight according to cat., but it 
seems light considering the condition of the 

Rev. Striations horizontal, and 
broken ; narrow cross. 

24-OOmm. 230-6 grains (14-94 grammes). Chian 
tetradrachm. Vienna Cabinet. Published 
Num. Zeit., 1908, p. 130. 

noEIAinP03 Rev. Striations vertical, and 
broken ; narrow cross raised, and tapering in- 
wards (1). Striations horizontal, and broken ; 
narrow cross (2). 


23-00 mm. 229-5 grains (14-87 grammes). Chian 
tetradrachm. Brit. Mus., No. 33, Cat. Ionia, 

25-OOnim. 230-1 grains (14-91 grammes). Chian 
tetradrachm. Cabinet de France, No. 2004, 
Coll. Waddington. [PI. XIX. 5.] 

Class ft. 

49. Ol>v. Sphinx, &c., similar to preceding, except that the 
shield is very shallow, practically non-existent 
in some specimens, and replaced by a plain ring 
border in others ; and that the Sphinx's hair is 
invariably dressed so as to show loose curls on 
the neck behind. 

Rev. Similar to preceding, except that the striations of 
the incuse square tend to become regular. 

M. AMcfclMHAH^ Rev. Striations horizontal, 
and broken ; broad cross. 

23-OOmm. 213-6grains(13-84grammes). Chian 
tetradrachm. No. 2247 of Hirsch's Cat., 1909, 
of Philipsen Coll. (condition bad, and weight 
no doubt affected by oxidization). 

APISTHS Obv. TyP e in rin g border. Rev. 
Striations horizontal, and broken ; narrow 


24-OOmm. 235-Ograins (15-23 grammes). Chian 
tetradrachm. Berlin Cabinet. 

BA3IAEIAH3 Ecv. Striations horizontal, 
and broken ; broad cross (1). Striations 
vertical, and broken (2). 

23-OOmm. 232-Ograins (15-033 grammes). Chian 
tetradrachm. Brit. Mus., No. 28, Cat. Ionia. 
Chios. [PI. XIX. 6.] 

25-OOmm. 235-2grains(15-24grammes). Chian 
tetradrachm. Berlin Cabinet. 

EOPYNOM05 Olv. Type in ring border. 
Eev. Striations vertical, and regular ; broad 

.23-50mm. 232-9 grains (15-09 grammes). Chian 
tetradrachm. Vienna Cabinet. Published 
Revue Suisse, 1905, p. 239. 



EPAAOcfcANTo$ Eev. Striations horizontal, 
and regular ; broad cross (1). Striations 
vertical, and regular ; broad cross (2). 

23-25mm. 233-95grains(15.16grammes). Chian 
tetrad rachm. Vienna Cabinet. 

23-00 ram. 233.95grains(15.16grammes). Chian 
tetradrachm. Berlin Cabinet. 

HPAfOPH$ Ecv. Striations vertical, and 
regular ; broad cross. 

22-50 mm. 218-5grams(14-158grammes). Chian 
tetradrachm. Brit. Mus., No. 30, Cat. Ionia, 

I P P I H $ Eev. Striations broken ; narrow cross, 
raised, and tapering inwards. 

24-OOmm. 2184grains(14426grammes). Chian 
tetradrachm. Hunterian Coll., No. 4. 

4>OINIZ Olv. Type in ring border. Eev. 
Striations vertical, and broken ; narrow cross, 
raised, and tapering inwards. 

23-75 mm. 23 1-5 grains (15-00 grammes). Chian 
tetradrachm. Cabinet de France, No. 2005, 
Coll. Waddington. [PI. XIX. 7.1 
Class /3. 

50. (W Sphinx of fully developed style seated 1., generally 
without exergual line ; wing curled in conven- 
tionalized manner ; hair rolled, with loose curls 
hanging on neck behind ; only one foreleg 
showing as a rule. In front amphora, with 
ball at point, surmounted by bunch of grapes 
hanging perpendicularly. The whole on shallow 
raised circular shield. 

Eev. Granulated incuse square quartered by bands of 
varying width, on one of which appears magis- 
trate's name ; punch-struck (?). 

JR. APTEMHN Eev. Coarse granulations ; nar- 
row cross. 

15-00 mm. 54-3 grains (3-52 grammes). Chian 
drachm. Cabinet de France, No. 2006, 
Coll. Waddington. 

15-00 mm. 56-3 grains (3-65 grammes). Chian 
drachm. Berlin Cabinet. 


Eev. Fine granulations ; broad cross. 

14-00 mm. 54-3 grains (3-52 grammes). Chian 
drachm. Berlin Cabinet. Published Eevue 
Suisse, 1895, p. 306. 

15-50 mm. 56-9 grains (3-69 grammes). Chian 
drachm. Boston Mus., U.S.A., No. 493 of 
Page Perkins Coll. 

EPAINE[T03] Eev. Fine granulations; 
broad cross. 

13-50 mm. 56-9 grains (3-69 grammes). Chian 
drachm. Brit. Mus., No. 36, Cat. Ionia, 

14-00 mm. 56-0 grains (3-63 grammes). Chian 
drachm. Coll. Dr. Imhoof-Blumer, 1912. 

[PI. XIX. 10.] 

OEoTTIZ Eev. Coarse granulations; nar- 
row cross. 

15-50 mm. 54-6 grains (3-54 grammes). Chian 
drachm. Cabinet de France, No. 2007, Coll. 
Waddington. [PI. XIX. 8.] 

15-00 mm. 57-6 grains (3-73 grammes). Chian 
drachm. Berlin Cabinet, ex Lobbecke Coll. 
Published Z. fur N., 1887, pp. 148-57, No. 3. 
Name on No. 4 of A. Lobbecke's paper ren- 
dered OEYTTI[Z1 Five other specimens 
known, all with OEoTTIZ. 

IPriAZ Eev. Coarse granulations; narrow 

13-50 mm. 53-8 grains (3-49 grammes). Chian 
drachm. Brit. Mus., No. 37, Cat. Ionia, 

14-75 mm. 54-3 grains (3-52 grammes). Chian 
drachm. Cabinet de France, No. 4991. 

[PI. XIX. 9.] 

ISXIMAfXO*?] Eev. Coarse granulations; 
broad cross. 

15-00 mm. 56-3 grains (3-65 grammes). Chian 
drachm. Berlin Cabinet. Published Klein- 
asiat. Munz., vol. i, p. 102. 


15-50 mm. 57-1 grains (3-70 grammes). Chian 
drachm. Coll. B, Yakountchikoff. 

ZnZTPA[ToZ] Rev. Coarse granulations ; 

broad cross. 

15-00 mm. 544 grains (3-524 grammes). Chian 
drachm. Brit. Mus., No. 38, Cat. Ionia, 

15-00 mm. 55-9 grains (3-62 grammes). Chian 
drachm. Cabinet de France, No. 4992. 

efcANoKAH^ Rev. Fine granulations ; broad 

14-00 mm. 57-8 grains (3-74 grammes). Chian 
drachm. Berlin Cabinet ex Lobbecke Coll. 
Published Z. fur JV., 1887, pp. 148-57, 
No. 5. 

14-00 mm. 57-6 grains (3 -73 grammes). Chian 
drachm. Berlin Cabinet ex Lobbecke Coll. 
Published Z. fur N., 1887, pp. 148-57, 
No. 6. 

The final , though lacking on these Berlin 
specimens, is supplied by Egger's Sale Cat., 
of Prowe Coll., No. 1098, May, 1914. 

c^HZINoZ Rev. Coarse granulations ; broad 

14-50 mm. 53-5 grains (3-47 grammes). Chian 
drachm. Leake Coll., Fitzwilliam Mus., 

15-00 mm. 57-6 grains (3-73 grammes). Chian 
drachm. Coll. Sir H. Weber. 

Class y. 

51. Obv. Sphinx of fully developed style seated 1. on plain 
exergual line ; wing curled in conventionalized 
manner, and the feathers indicated by coarser 
lines than before ; hair dressed to show chignon 
as well as side roll with curls hanging down at 
back of neck ; only one foreleg showing of very 
massive proportions. In front amphora, with 
pear-shaped tip, surmounted by bunch of grapes 
hanging perpendicularly. The whole, occasion- 
ally, in plain ring border. 



Rev. Striated incuse square quartered by broad bands, 
on one of which magistrate's name; punch- 
M. AHMOKPATHS Rev. Striations vertical, 

and regular. 

22-50 mm. 227-6 grains (14- 75 grammes). Chian 
tetradrachm. Brit. Mus., No. 29, Cat. Ionia, 

HP I A AN O$ Rev. Striations horizontal, and 

regular (1). Striations vertical, wide, and 

regular (2). Has a coarsely granulated 
ground (3). 

20-OOmm. 211-6 grains (13-71 grammes). Chian 
tetradrachm. Cabinet de France, No. 4985. 

[PI. XIX. 11.] 

20-50 mm. 205-3 grains (13-30 grammes). Chian 
tetradrachm. M c Clean Coll., Fitzwilliam 
Mus., Cambridge. 

20-25 mm. 199-7grains(12-94grammes). Chian 
tetradrachm. My collection ex Prowe Coll., 
No. 1096, Egger's Cat., 1914. 

Not rare. 

KH4>ISOKPIT[OS] Eev. Striations vertical, 
wide, and regular (1). Obv. Type in ring 
border. Rev. Striations horizontal, and 
regular (2). Obv. Type in ring border. 
Rev. Striations vertical, and broken ; 
raised cross (3). 

21-25 mm. 202-3grains(13-llgrammes). Chian 
tetradrachm. Brit. Mus., No. 32, Cat. Ionia, 

23-00 mm. 209-9 grains (13 -61 grammes). Chian 
tetradrachm. Hunterian Coll., No. 5. 

21 -50 mm. 208-5 grains (18-51 grammes). Chian 
tetradrachm. Berlin Cabinet. 

Not rare. 

5KYMNO Rev. Striations vertical, and 
regular. Obv. Type in ring border. 

22-25 mm. 212-4 grains (13- 76 grammes). Chian 
tetradrachm. Cabinet de France, No. 4988. 


Class y. 
52. Obv. Identical with preceding, but no plain ring border, 

and exergual line sometimes missing. 
Rev. As preceding. 

M. HPIAANOS Rev. Striations vertical, wide, 
and regular. 

16-50 mm. 52-5 grains (340 grammes). Chian 
drachm. Brit. Mus., No. 34, Cat. Ionia, Chios. 

14-50 mm. 51-0 grains (3-30 grammes). Chian 
drachm. Vienna Cabinet. 

KH<*>I50KPIT05 Rev. Striations vertical, 
and regular. 

14-00 mm. 53-2 grains (3-45 grammes). Chian 
drachm. Cabinet de France, No. 4987. 

[PL XIX. 12.] 

14-00 mm. 52-5 grains (3-40 grammes). Chian 
drachm. Coll. Sir H. Weber. 

OMA\Y>I Rev. Striations vertical, and 
regular ; raised cross (1). 

^KYMNO^ Rev. Striations horizontal, wide, 
and regular (2). 

13-50 mm. 55-2 grains (3-58 grammes). Chian 
drachm. Brit. Mus., No. 35, Cat. Ionia, 

14-50mm. 51-0 grains (3-30 grammes). Chian 
drachm. M c Clean Coll., Fitzwilliam Mus., 
Cambridge. [PL XIX. 13.] 

Mionnet's Medailles grecques, vol. vi, p. 389. No. 6, 
records a tetradrachm, measuring 22-00 mm., with 
magistrate's name AYKIAEO^. I have been unable to 
trace this coin, and therefore cannot assign it to its 
class among those given above. The form of the name 
is suspicious, and suggests a mutilated original. 

53. Olv. Sphinx similar to type No. 50 especially as 
regards the wing seated 1., with or without 
a plain exergual line. In front of it, some- 
times, a bunch of grapes. 

E e 2 



Rev. Amphora, with pear-shaped tip, having on the 
one side of it a magistrate's name, and on the 
other XIO$ or XloZ. Incuse circle of varying 
depth, and punch-struck, but often absent. 

JE. AOHNAffOPAS] Obv. Grapes. Eev. Slightly 
concave field. X 1 . 

ft 1 1-00 mm. 18-7 grains (1-21 grammes). Berlin 
Cabinet, Published Z.fur N., 1887, pp. 148- 
57, No. 7. 

ff 13-00 mm. 17-6 grains (1-14 grammes). Berlin 
Cabinet. Published Z.fiirN., 1887, pp. 148- 
57, No. 7. 

f J, 11-25 mm. 21-5 grains (1-39 grammes). My 
collection ex Lambros Coll., No. 743 (part), 
Hirsch's Cat., 1910. 

--- Olv. No grapes. Eev. Slightly 
concave field. 

fj, 12-00 mm. Weight? In private hands at Chios. 

Olv. Grapes. Eev. 

ft 11-00 mm. 18-5 grains (1-20 grammes). Berlin 
Cabinet. Published Z.fur N., 1887, pp. 148- 
57, No. 8. 

ft 12-00 mm. 19-6 grains (1-27 grammes). Berlin 
Cabinet. Published Z.fur N. , 1887, pp. 148- 
57, No. 8. 

H 10-50 mm. Weight ? Collection in Public 
Library at Chios. 

Obv. No grapes. Small Sphinx. 
Eev. Concave field. 

f/ 67 10-00mm. 13-12grains(0-85gramme). Athens 

IHNflN Obv. No grapes. Eev. No incuse. 

67 Whenever a coin fails to show either the upright f, inverted |, 
or transverse < >, positions in its reverse, I am representing it 
thus / . Any positions but those mentioned probably mean that 
the dies were either not fixed at all or had become displaced. 


ft 11-00 mm. 19-2 grains (1-24 grammes). Berlin 
Cabinet. Published Z.furN., 1887, pp. 148- 
57, No. 9. 

tf 12-00 mm. 2 1-6 grains (1-40 grammes). Berlin 
Cabinet, Published Z.jurN., 1887, pp. 148- 
57, No. 9. [PI. XIX. 16.] 

O&v. No grapes. Rev. Slightly 
concave field. XIO$. 

ft 12-00 mm. 22-8 grains (1-48 grammes). Berlin 
Cabinet. Published Z.furN., 1887, pp. 148- 
57, No. 10. 

ft 12-50 mm. 18-9 grains (1-22 grammes). Berlin 
Cabinet. Published Z.furN., 1887, pp. 148- 
57, No. 10. 

H]PIAAN[OS] Obv. No grapes. Small Sphinx. 
Eev. Shallow incuse circle. 

ff 9-75 mm. 19-6 grains (1-27 grammes). Brit. 
Mus., No. 40, Cat. Ionia, Chios. 

[PI. XIX. 15.] 

irPIAZ Obv. grapes. Eev. XIOZ. 

ff 11-50 mm. 19-3 grains (1-25 grammes). Berlin 
Cabinet. Published Z.furN., 1887, pp. 148- 
57, No. 11. 

ft 12-00 mm. 19-9 grains (1-29 grammes). Berlin 
Cabinet. Published Z.furN., 1887, pp. 148- 
57, No. 11. 

ISXIAAA[XOS?] Obv. grapes. Eev. Incuse 
circle. XIO$. 

ff 11-50 mm. 23- 15 grains (1-50 grammes). Berlin 
Cabinet. Published Z.furN., 1887, pp. 148- 
57, No. 12. 

ft 11-50 mm. 21-1 grains (1-37 grammes). Berlin 
Cabinet. Published Z.furN., 1887, pp. 148- 
57, No. 12. 

ff 11-50 mm. 15-1 grains (0-978 gramme). Brit. 
Mus. Collection, uncatalogued. 

[PI. XIX. 14.] 

AYKOPrMAS] or [TA5] Obv. No grapes. 
Eev. No incuse. 


ft 11-50 mm. 18-9 grains (1-22 grammes). Berlin 
Cabinet. Published Z.furN., 1887, pp. 148- 
57, No. 13. 

ff 12-00 mm. 18-5 grains (1-20 grammes). Berlin 
Cabinet. Published Z.furN., 1887, pp. 148- 
57, No. 13. 

PEIZI --- Obv. No grapes. Eev. No incuse. 
XIOZ. (Lobbecke renders name PESI, but 
the first I is certain.) 

f/ 1 11-25 mm. 20-5 grains (1-33 grammes). Berlin 
Cabinet. Published Z.furN., 1887, pp. 148- 
57, No. 14. 

f/ 11-00 mm. 18-1 grains (1-17 grammes). Berlin 
Cabinet. Published Z. fur N., 1887, pp. 148- 
57, No. 14. 

ff 11-50 mm. 17-7 grains (1-15 grammes). Athens 

Ob v. No grapes. Rev. No incuse 
(land 3). Incuse circle (2). XIOS. 

f < 11-00 mm. 29-6 grains (1-92 grammes). Berlin 
Cabinet. Published Z.furN., 1887, pp. 148- 
57, No. 15. 

f / 12-00 mm. 21-6 grains (1-40 grammes). Berlin 
Cabinet. Published Z.furN., 1887, pp. 148- 
57, No. 15. 

\f 11-75 mm. 12-4 grains (0-80 gramme). My col- 

4>ITTAK[OS] Obv. No grapes. Small Sphinx. 
Eev. No incuse (1 and 2). Shallow incuse 
circle (3). XI OS. 

f / 11-00 mm. 18-5 grains (1-20 grammes). Berlin 
Cabinet. Published Z.furN., 1887, pp. 148- 
57, No. 16. 

f / 10-25 mm. 21-6 grains (1-40 grammes). Berlin 
Cabinet. Published Z.furN., 1887, pp. 148- 
57, No. 16. 

ft 10-50 mm. 22-4 grains (1-45 grammes). Athens 
Cabinet. (The K of name is clear on this 
specimen, though Lobbecke read one as S.) 


53 a . Obv. Same as preceding. 

Rev. Amphora between bunch of grapes 1. and XIO3 r. 

No magistrate's name. No incuse circle. 
f f M. 9-50 mm. In private hands at Chios. 

54. Obv. Sphinx similar to type No. 51, seated 1. on plain 
exergual line. 

Rev. Vine-wreath tied below, within which two narrow 
raised bands crosswise, on the horizontal one 
magistrate's name, and on the vertical one 

. AITE - - - 

ft 17-00 mm. 56-9 grains (3-69 grammes). Berlin 
Cabinet. Published Z.furN., 1887, pp. 148- 
57, No. 20. [PL XIX. 17.] 

ft 17-00 mm. 62-8 grains (4-07 grammes). Berlin 
Cabinet. Published Z.fiirN., 1887, pp. 148- 
57, No. 20. 


ff 17-00 mm. 56-5 grains (3-66 grammes). Berlin C> li 
Cabinet. Published Z. furN., 1887, pp. 148- 
57, No. 21. 

ft 16-00 mm.61-3 grains (13-97 grammes). Cabinet 
de France, No. 5009 a . 

ft 17-00 mm. 58-7 grains (3-80 grammes). Berlin 
Cabinet. Published Z.furN., 1887, pp. 148- 
57, No. 23. 

55. Obv. Sphinx like preceding, but of more careless 
execution in some specimens. 

Rev. Vine- wreath tied below, within which two broad 
bands crosswise, flush with rest of design, on 
the horizontal one magistrate's name, and on 
the vertical one XIO^ or XloZ. 

M. IHNHN Rev. XloZ. 

f/ 16-50 mm. 69-0 grains (4-47 grammes). Brit. 
Mus., uncatalogued, from Lawson, Smyrna. 

HrHSin[POS] Rev. XI05. 


ft 16-75 mm. 53-8 grains (349 grammes). My 
collection ex Whittall Coll. (?). 


ft 17-25 mm. 51-8 grains (3-36 grammes). My 
collection ex Sir H. Weber Coll. 

[PI. XIX. 18.] 

ft 17-00 mm. 51-5 grains (3-34 grammes). Berlin 
Cabinet. Published Kleinasiat. Muns., i, 
p. 103, No. 5. 

POAYMH - - - Eev. XIO& 

ff 15-00 mm. 62-9 grains (4-08 grammes). Cabinet 
de France, No. 5111. [PI. XIX. 19.] 

ft 16-25 mm. 52-8 grains (3-42 grammes). Berlin 

TIMOA---? Eev. ? 

f/ 14-00 mm. 33-1 grains (2-14 grammes). Brit. 
Mus., No. 43, Cat. Ionia, Chios. 

The mutilated names AFA - - and OX - - may be 
added to this group (see Appendix II), since coins of 
the next type, No. 56 a with EPMUNAZ, are found 
struck over them. 

- IQ^KOY- from a similar coin with 4HATHZ in the 
British Museum may safely be restored to [A]lo3KoY- 

Mionnet's Medailles grecques, vol. vi, p. 389, No. 14, 
records one of these bronze coins measuring 15-00 mm. 

with magistrate's name ANAZAI . Kofod Whitte, 

perhaps describing the same coin, De Rebus Chiorum, 
<&c., p. 81, No. 71, reads the name ANA , . TO - - -. The 
name might possibly be restored as ANAZAFO[PAZ], 
but as I have been unable to trace the coin it is 
impossible to say to which of the above two classes 
it should belong. 

No. 48. The coins of this type are very rare, and 


the list given above includes all specimens known to 
me. Enough has already been said about the style 
of these coins, and about their place in the Chian 
series. With regard to the names they record, it 
has already been remarked that a Stoic philosopher 
named eo&opoy is known to have been a native of 
Chios, and IIocrtiBnnros occurs on a grave stele found 
on the site of the ancient citadel. yleo>xoy is unrecorded 
either by Pape, or Fick and Bechtel ; it may be a pet 
name for Atuxdprjs. The coins with eo&opoy and 
Qrip&v are from the same obverse die, but two quite 
different dies, both obverse and reverse, were used 
for the two coins with the name JTocref SLTTTTOS ; see Miss 
Baldwin's PL iv. 29 and PL v. 1. I may be wrong 
in attributing the issues with KaXXiKXfjs to this class 
instead of to the next. Miss Baldwin, it will be noticed, 
places them very low down on her list, which seems 
to aim at being chronological. 

The forms of the letters employed throughout are 
quite consistent, M, l~l, and Z always taking the forms 
AV P, and , but N varies from M to N. 

No. 49. These coins are just as rare as the pre- 
ceding, and the remarks already made in their case 
apply here as well. The differences in style and 
treatment between this and the last type can be 
clearly seen from the illustrations on PL XIX. 4-7. 
In addition to the other distinctions already noted 
the striations of the reverse field tend to become 
regular, although there is a good deal of variety in 
the designs, of a minor kind. Altogether the main 
characteristic of this class is the fact that it presents 
a greater variety of design either than its predecessor 
or than the class that follows it. The specimens showing 


a plain ring border in place of the convex shield have 
not been kept separate, although they would appear to 
be the latest. 68 

The l Ep{ji6(f)avros, whose name is found on one of 
these tetradrachms, may have been one of the Chian 
generals to whom statues were erected at Delphi after 
the battle of Aegospotami. The characteristically Ionic 
names Eopvvonos, 'Hpayoprjs, and 'Iinrt^s may be noted, 
as none of them in this Ionic form occurs in either 
Pape's, or Fick and Bechtel's works. There is no change 
in the letters since the last type, but <|> is apparently 
always represented 4>. 

The coins from Berlin with the names Baa-iXeLdrjs 
and ^EppofyavTos are from the same obverse die, which 
die is of quite a different type from that used for 
the tetradrachm with the former name in the British 
Museum [PI. XIX. 6]. The Sphinx on the coin with 
QoTvig [PL XIX. 7] is of a special type, to which 
attention has already been drawn in the cases of the 
coins illustrated PL XVIII. 16 and PL XVIII. 21, 69 
and which will be met with again in the drachms 
of the next series [PL XIX. 8]. This is only one more 
proof of the very close connexion that exists between 
the coins of these two classes with names in full and 
those of the previous period with single letters and 

No. 50. The correct placing of these coins is as 

68 From now onwards it will no longer be necessary to divide the 
coins into so many different types as heretofore, in view of 
the broader distinctions rendered possible by grouping a certain 
number of magistrates' names under a given type. The minor 
variations need then only be referred to as above. 

69 See remarks under types Nos. 42 and 43. 


much a puzzle as that of the group described under 
types Nos. 39-45. They are not so rare as the tetra- 
drachms of classes a and /?, those bearing the names 
@eorTt?, 'iTTTna?, and S<oo-Tpa[ros\ 3 in particular, being 
met with fairly frequently. .The specimens with the 
finely granulated reverses [PL XIX. 10], and the names 
'ETrafVefro?], Tepm^, and $avoK\f)s, are the rarest, and 
may perhaps be considered the latest of their class. 

I owe this attribution to a suggestion of Miss 
Baldwin's, p. 48. My first impression of this sub-type, 
based on the style of its lettering, which never shows 
the later forms occurring on the issues with coarse 
granulations, was that it came at the head of its class. 
There is very little difference between the various 
obverses concerned, but the peculiar ground of the 
reverses on these particular issues certainly comes 
better at the end of the series than between the drachms 
with letters, &c., and the bulk of this class, as would 
have had to be the case otherwise. 

In arranging these drachms under the heading of 
class /?, it is not intended to convey the impression 
that they are supposed to have formed part of the 
same issues as the tetradrachms just described. It 
is rather that they fit in better as companions to the 
tetradrachms of class ft than to those of class a, while 
class y, with a distinctive style of its own, is the only 
one of the three in which given tetradrachms and 
drachms can unhesitatingly be ascribed to the same 
magistrate. Besides, class y is undoubtedly later than 
these drachms. They really stand apart, more so even 
than the drachms with single letters and monograms, 
which at least can claim a possible connexion with the 
tetradrachms of class a. But in the case of these coins 


the names found on them are distinct from those 
occurring on any of the tetradrachms, with the pos- 
sible exception of 'I-rnrias and 'ITTTTL^, the latter 
belonging to the tetradrachms of class /?. It is by no 
means certain, however, that these two names should 
be taken as referring to the same person. It may be, 
of course, that this absence of connexion with other 
groups is only another case of material that is lacking, 
but it is curious. 

Then, in the matter of style, with the exception of 
the tall Sphinx [PI. XIX. 8], which is common to all 
three groups, the obverses of the present coins bear 
a much greater resemblance to the drachms with single 
letters, &c., than to any of the tetradrachms. The two 
groups of drachms seem to follow each other closely. 
The Sphinx's wing, on all varieties of this group, is 
of a later type than on the drachms with letters, as 
would be expected, and the amphora, on a few 
specimens, exhibits the pear-shaped tip that was 
generally adopted for class y and subsequent coins, 
and may consequently be regarded as a sign of com- 
parative lateness. The pear-shaped tip is certainly 
never found on the drachms with letters, nor on the 
tetradrachms of classes a and ft. The raised shield, 
on the other hand, is always present here in a more 
or less degraded form, and I have never noticed the 
plain ring border that has been referred to in the case 
of some of the class ft tetradrachms as probably the last 
stage it reached before disappearing altogether. Also, 
the weights of this group differ very little from those 
of the earlier one, the averages shown in the table 
above being, if anything, in favour of the drachms 
with names. It is difficult to separate them, and yet 


the conservative rule I have chosen to follow demands 
it. The absence of a hemidrachm from the series with 
names has already been noted, and marks a break that 
may have been of longer duration than mere appear- 
ances suggest. Another noteworthy point, supporting 
the attribution of this type No. 50 to at least as late 
a date as the tetradrachms of class /?, is that the 
lettering on the coins seems to indicate a period of 
transition. Looked at as a whole, the lettering is less 
archaic than that of any of the tetradrachms even 

those of class y, with their accompanying drachms and 

of some of the bronze. M takes the two forms M and 
M, and N is always N, fl is always P, but Z is as often 
Z as , <I> has the form already noted 4>. It is a pity 
that none of these test letters occurs on the drachms 
and hemidrachms of types Nos. 39-45. 

The curiously worked field of the reverses is also 
a distinctive feature of this type. It can be traced 
back without a break to the artificially granulated 
ground of type No. 37. It is never seen on the tetra- 
drachms of classes a and /?, which followed a separate 
line of development, though no doubt derived from 
the same source. It appears only once, so far as I have 
observed, on the tetradrachms of class y, but, as will 
be noted when they come to be discussed, it was 
probably an archaism in that case. This artificially 
granulated surface is peculiar to these drachms of 
Chios, the nearest approach in any other Greek series 
being the similarly treated reverses of certain issues 
at Teos. 70 The proximity of the two cities naturally 
adds to the interest of the resemblance. 

70 Brit. Mus., Nos. 24-5, Cat. Ionia, Teos. 


Of the names supplied by the group, ZaxrrpaTos, as 
stated above, is known to Chian history through the 
fourth-century sculptor of that name, and $rj<rivos 
(accent according to Pape, ed. 1875) was one of the 
magnates who threw open the gates of the citadel 
to Memnon and his Persians. Pepooy is a name unknown 
to Greek records, but there seems no reason to doubt 
the reading of the coins. The initial P, which has 
been thought uncertain, is quite clear on one of the 
specimens at Berlin. 'Lrx^ a X oy > which seems a safe 
restoration for I^XIMA, is also new. It maybe a weak 
form for 'Icrxo/iaxo?. It is interesting to note the 
alternative forms @OTTIS and SVTTIS, in this case 
undoubtedly struck by the same magistrate. 

There remains the question of the method used in 
striking. Though we find occasional instances of deep 
punch-struck incuses like the one illustrated PI. XIX. 8, 
about half these pieces show much the same type of 
reverse as the drachms with single letters, &c., which 
were described as anvil-struck, fcdtf+q CO^J^LOK 

Nos. 51-2. Some of the tetradrachms now to be 
considered are the most plentiful that have come down 
to us. The specimen in the British Museum collection 
with ArjfjLOKpaTTjs and that from Paris with ^KVJJLVOS 
are not known elsewhere, but the other two varieties 
of the class bearing the names 'HpiS&vos and KT^O-O- 
Kpiros look as if they had been issued fairly freely 
for this denomination. 

It is a little doubtful whether the coin with Arj^o- 
Kpdrr)$ should be included in this class or not, as, its 
condition being not very good, it is difficult to dis- 
tinguish details, and its weight is rather high. But 
the way in which the Sphinx's head is drawn, thrust 


forward, and the shape of its wing, are both character- 
istic of the type, while it is struck on the small module 
that is one of its chief features. The smaller module 
and the total absence of the raised shield as a back- 
ground to the obverse are the principal differences 
between this class and its predecessors, apart from the 
reduced weight. This last point is especially noticeable 
both in tetradrachms and drachms, and marks off the 
coins of this class as the latest silver issues of the fourth 

This question of the approximate position to be 
assigned to the present group among the fourth- century 
issues constitutes the most important difference be- 
tween Miss Baldwin's and my conclusions with regard 
to this period. It will be seen from her PL vi that 
Miss Baldwin places all the drachms of what I call 
type No. 50 after these tetradrachms and drachms 
of types Nos. 51-2. I cannot agree with this for the 
reasons given here and under type No. 50. I have 
tried to point out the difficulty of separating types 
Nos. 39-45, if taken as a whole, from the earliest coins 
of type No. 50 by more than a few years. I have also 
agreed that the three issues with fine granulations 
would come better at the end than at the beginning of 
the type No. 50 series, as otherwise the sequence would 
have been broken. But by interpolating the coins 
of types Nos. 51-2, as on Miss Baldwin's PL vi. 1-12 
before 13-26, an unnecessary difficulty seems to have 
been created. 

It is no doubt curious that the Pityos find should not 
have contained any of these coins, if, as I believe, they 
are later than the drachms with @OTTI? and $avoK\fj$, 
which formed part of the hoard, but their absence 


hardly affords a basis for argument as to the relative 
ages of the two types. 

A greater uniformity in the obverse types than in 
the coins of class /3 or even of class a is also to be 
observed. The hair of the Sphinx's head is more 
elaborately dressed than on any of the preceding coins, 
the knot or chignon at the back being only seen here, 
and on the bronze issues summarized under type 
No. 54. The ground of the reverse is almost invariably 
ruled with vertical or horizontal lines carefully drawn 
and spaced, and easily distinguished from the broken 
striations or closely packed straight lines of the a and 
/3 classes. The only two exceptions to this, that I 
have noticed, are the tetradrachm with 'Hpidavos, 
already mentioned, showing a granulated ground of 
extra-conventional type (see Miss Baldwin's fig. 13, 
p. 32), and the same denomination from Berlin with 
KrityiaoKpLTos, on which the irregular striations of the 
older style are to be seen. This coin also has a ring- 
border round the obverse, and is very likely one of 
the earliest of its class. 

None of the names encountered calls for any special 
remark, though it is interesting to note 2Kvfj,vos, a 
well-known Chian name in later days, appearing thus 
early. The lettering, although somewhat roughly 
executed, shows a tendency to archaism that has 
encouraged me to attribute the granulated reverse of 
the tetradrachm just mentioned to the same cause. 
Considering that these coins are undoubtedly later 
than the drachms of type No. 50, it is strange that we 
never meet with the forms M or Z upon them that 
have already been noted on the latter, while even the 
obsolescent M is occasionally seen. There is also the 


drachm with ^KV^OS in the British Museum, on which 
the name is written retrograde, the only case of retro- 
grade lettering that I have observed in the whole 
Chian series. 71 This must be another piece of archaism, 
and an interesting parallel with it is afforded by 
a quarter drachm of Pixodarus in the British Museum 
(Brit Mus. Cat: Caria, p. 185, No. 15, and PI. xxviii. 
15), on which the dynast's name is written retrograde 
between the rays of a star. Considering the influence 
of the Carian princes in Chios from 345 to 340 B.C., 
something more than a coincidence seems called for 
to explain this. I am illustrating the variety of this 
drachm with the name Sievpvos from Cambridge [PL 
XIX. 13], as it seems to me to mark the last stage of 
degeneration reached by these fourth-century silver 
coins, and it may well be the latest representative of 
the old Chian silver standard. 

The tetradrachm with Krjfao-oKpiros in the Hunterian 
collection (No. 5 of Dr. Macdonald's Catalogue) and the 
unique specimen with ZKVIJLVOS are from the same obverse 
die with a ring border. Though the name KrjfacroKpiTo? 
always appears in an abbreviated form on the tetra- 
drachm s it can be safely restored from the drachms, 
where, curiously enough, it is written at full length 
in spite of the more restricted space. All coins of this 
class are much more distinctly punch-struck than the 
drachms of class ft. 

No. 53. We owe these small bronze coins almost 
entirely to the Pityos find, and they are all rather rare. 

71 Exception must be made in favour of a few cases of single 
letters; the , for instance, on type No. 47 a , and the numerous 
occurrences of T in Period IX. 



They are very neatly executed, and the lettering is 
fine and clear. They fall naturally into three sub-types 
that are represented by the specimens illustrated on 
PL XIX. 14-16. The first shows a bunch of grapes in 
front of the Sphinx and an incuse circle reverse. It 
has already been observed that it is impossible to say 
whether coins with the bunch of grapes are earlier 
than those without it or not, but the type is placed 
first here for the sake of continuity. No. 2 is of 
smaller module than either of the others, and exhibits 
a small Sphinx of a design practically identical with 
that of the tetradrachms, which cannot be said of 
Nos. 1 and 3. It looks earlier than they in spite of 
not showing the bunch of grapes. The reverse also 
has an incuse circle. In both these sub-types the 
letters M and Z appear under the forms F\ and ^, but 
N has the late form. No. 3 is of rather larger and 
thinner module than the preceding, always shows the 
later form of Z, and has no incuse circle. Attention 
may be drawn to the pear-shaped tip of the amphora 
plainly shown on Nos. 2 and 3. The Sphinx's hair is 
dressed in a style intermediate between the tetra- 
drachms of classes a and y. 

Two names of historical interest are furnished by 
the group if some small latitude in restoration be 
allowed. 'AOyvayopas seems a fair assumption from 
A0HNA-- since the only other known names that 
would fit the case are 'AQrjvaios and 'AOrjvdSr)?, while 
'AOrjvayopas happens to be the name of one of the three 
oligarchs who are said to have betraj r ed their country 
to the Persians. $770-^0? we have already met with 
on the drachms of type No. 50, and the third, 'AtroX- 
, may be restored from APOAAft - - of this 


series, though not with quite the same confidence as 
'AQrjvayopas from A0HNA - -. 

I have only seen one specimen with the name 
AM4>IAO--, and one again with ASMEN--. The' 
latter no doubt stands for^0-/^oy 3 but probably refers 
to a later magistrate than the one who signed the 
tetradrachm of class a. 

'Hyrjo-nnros (or more likely 'Hyfonnros at Chios) is 
a safe restoration of HFHS - - on account of the large 
piece with HrHSIP--- included among the coins of 
type No. 55. 

'H]pi8av[6s] may very likely be the same magistrate 
whose name we have met already under types Nos. 51-2. 
'iTTTn'ay and 'I(rxfy a [x$] are already known through 
the drachms of type No. 50. The rest call for no 
special remark, except <^Tra/c[6y], which is an un- 
common form, and probably an alternative for -ZTirra/coy 
(see Pape) or WITTCLKOS. 

These coins show the same irregularity in the forms 
of the letters employed as the drachms of type No. 50. 
The three specimens illustrated on PI. XIX afford 
excellent examples of nearly all the variations to which 
attention has been drawn above. 

No. 53 a . This is the second instance to be recorded 
of a coin without a magistrate's name following or 
accompanying others of the same type bearing names 
(see above in reference to type No. 47 a ). 

No. 54. The coins of this type are also principally 
known to us through the Pityos find, and are rare. 

Their obverse type, as may be seen from PL XIX. 17, 
is remarkably like that of the tetradrachms and drachms 
of class y. The raised cross on the reverse was not 
-a convenient design for preserving the inscriptions of 



the coins, as, in the absence of either incuse square or 
circle, the letters quickly became worn. Out of thir- 
teen specimens known to me, five, which under more 
favourable circumstances might have preserved their 
legends, are quite illegible. 

The name 'Iireo-io? may record the magistracy, though 
somewhat late in life, of one of the Chian generals 
whose statues were seen at Delphi by Pausanias. Of 
the other two names occurring on coins of this type 
AffE - - is not susceptible of certain restoration, but 
I am suggesting 'lo-naTos for I^TI - - on account of the 
prevalence of that name at Chios and other cities of 
Ionia. The lettering on these coins, like that on the 
tetradrachms and drachms of class y, appears to consist 
of the more archaic forms only, though is the only 
test letter provided by the specimens so far discovered. 

No. 55. This type is clearly later than the last, and, 
as suggested above, may even have been struck after 
the limit assigned to the present period. The coins are 
rare. The style of the Sphinx appears to vary, but as 
all the known specimens are in poor condition it is not 
possible to classify them. I am illustrating two speci- 
mens in order to show different types of Sphinx 
[PL XIX. 18-19] and the varied forms of the letters. 

The name Zrjvcov has already been noted on a small 
coin of type No. 53, also 'Hyriawnros. AANAAPl - 
looks, at first sight, like a mutilated inscription, so 
little does it suggest a Greek name, 72 but the letters 
are perfectly distinct as PL XIX. 18 shows. The speci- 
men in Berlin, which is the only other one I have seen, 
is not so clear, and might be read MANAAoZ, but 

72 See R. Miinsterberg's Beamtennamen, p. 46. 


that does not help matters. The reading TIMOA 
on No. 43 of Brit. Mus. Cat.: Ionia, Chios, is very 

The lettering in general shows the transitional 
character of types Nos. 50 and 53, and is well ex- 
emplified on the pieces illustrated. 

Some of these coins have a slightly concave field not 
to be observed on the previous type. 


(To be continued.) 




List of magistrates' names belonging to coins of Period VII 
shmving the denominations on which they occur. 







A 7 a-- . . . 



c l/f<r<oj . . 


'Ayyc - - 



'iTTTTtaS . . 




'AOrjva^opas] . 





'Af*<pi\o - - . . 



c I<TTt[afos] . 



'An<piwfys . 


'I<7x<> a [xs] 




'AtroAAcu[vt87/s] . 


Ka\\iK\fjs . . 



'ApiffT7)S . 


KrjfplffLlKplTOS . 




'ApTfJ.QJV . . 

AavSapt - - . . 


'Afffjicvos . 




Af'cuxos . . . 



Ba<n\ei'577? . 






Fe'pcuj .... 


'o x -- ... 








UoXv/JLT] - - . . 


~EopvvofJ.oi . . 


TIOfffiSnTTTOS . . 



'E7ratV[Tos] . . 

2U/XVOJ . 




"Epfiapxos . . 




'E,pfj.6<pai>Tos , . 






Zrjvajv .... 


a and 7 

^^fffl/OS . . . 




'H777(Tt7r[7ros] . 
'Upafoprjs . . 

a and 7 

4>/AT;y . . 

*tTTa/f[os] . 


'HpiSavos . . 




&oivi. . . 



Q( oScupo? . . 
eoTTis or QCVTTI s 



' - - . 











The letters a, 0, 7 indicate, in the case of the silver, the three different 
classes into which these coins are divided above ; and in that of the 
bron/e, types Nos. 53, 54, and 55 respectively. 


HH jx> 10 

X r^OO 

Q g^ 

5 =o d, 

W S A 

to -t^ 

CU ^N 00 

<J ^00 

w os o o co o oo 

C t> CO C 

S g -5 ? 7 J= x 

I i S 03 I> >. 

o o ;2 o 1-1 es * 


Ii 1 asilE|g 

^ Sa 5- OO-e-Hitt! 


Q cS ej 

tu H ^ 

13 ^5 TT 

o^ C 

K W 



No. of Coins 
in hoard. 



CO"*>OOt^OOCSOi-H<NCO . .- 



6 ^ ^, *7 

^ co s^ T o" i 

1 Ig" 1 



:O 2? 

>ENDIX II (continued). 


J 1 

O ^ 

1 1 ~ - ^ I * 

1 2 -2 - o 

. C B o ^ S -TJ s^ 

a : i<'^i :.y : ISI 5 

^ f^L. . " r i W W t "~ >> ? "rt 

>uj5t-^ t^^fc^l I 1 S = = 

<c-e-^<^ <^^WfS5^^ 




w 'i 

i = t 

g 'o ^ *o ^ " 

1 g 11 

05 M W K 


L... ! i4 j!|- 


3 1 ^2 Sjlgl i 

S | 'II 





IT is well known that the "West of England especially 
the Mendips and adjoining region has been the scene 
of repeated finds of considerable hoards of late Roman 
coins, mostly silver, dating from the last half of the 
fourth century of our era or the first years of the fifth. 
The most recent is that from G-rovely Wood, Wilts , an 
account of which was laid before this Society by 
Mr. Hill in 1906, 1 consisting of silver coins from 
Constantius II to Arcadius. 

A general survey of the Somerset hoards has been 
given by Professor Haverfield in the Victoria County 
History? and several have already been referred to by 
my father in the account of the East Harptree find 
which he laid before this Society in 1888. It contained 
1,496 silver pieces, the dates of which extend from 

Num. Chron., 1906, pp. 329 seqq. 

Victoria County History, " Somerset," i, pp. 354, 355. 


Constantine the Great's time to that of Gratian. 3 My 
father there made the following statement : " A far 
larger hoard of silver coins belonging to a some- 
what later date was discovered somewhere in the same 
neighbourhood above twenty years ago and came into 
my possession. The list of types that it comprised 
I hope on some future occasion to communicate to the 

Dis aliter placitum. Two unique siliquae of Magnus 
Maximus from this find, referring to the London mint 
under the name of Augusta, have been already published, 
by my father in the Numismatic Chronicle in 1867. 4 
But his intention of giving a full account of this 
discovery was never carried out. 

Since any reasons for reticence as to the matter no 
longer exist, I feel in a special way called on to publish 
from my father's papers a catalogue of this hoard, the 
sorting and preliminary listing of which was, indeed, 
one of my own earliest numismatic exercises. As a large 
part of the hoard also passed into my own hands, I have 
been able to supply additional materials as to the weights 
of the various classes of coins there represented. 

Of the provenance of the hoard it is impossible to 
say more than that according to my own traditional 
information it was found in the North Mendip region 
not far from Bristol. Here it may be convenient to 
refer to it as the " North Mendip Hoard ". It is by far 
the largest of the finds of this West Country region, 
the number of the silver pieces discovered amounting 
to 2,042. The earliest specimen in the hoard is a single 

* J. Evans, " On a Hoard of Roman Coins found at East Harptree, 
near Bristol," Num. Chron., 1888, pp. 22-46. 
4 Num. Chron., 1867 (N.S. vii), pp. 62, 331. See below, p. 438. 


coin of Consfcans a double siliqua or so-called "medal- 
lion", while the latest record the Quinquennalia of 
Honorius. The great bulk of the hoard consisted of 
siliquae, 2,003 in number, but there were 31 of these 
larger silver pieces and 10 smaller coins, identified 
below with half-siliquae. 

A full catalogue of the coins will be found in the 
succeeding Section. The following table gives an 
analysis of the coins according to the Emperors repre- 
sented. The first column (A) includes the double 
siliquae or so-called " medallions " ; the second (B) the 
siliquae ; and (C) silver coins of lesser denomination. 
Besides the coins with imperial titles there are three 
(Nos. 98, 99) from the Treves mint with TR and the 
head of Roma on the obverse, and X and XV within 
a wreath on the reverse. 


A. "Medallions" (Double Siliquae). B. Siliquae. C. Half-Siliquae. 

A. B. C. TOTAL. 

Constans . 



Constantius II . 




Constantius Gallus . 



Julian II . 








Valentinian I 








Procopius . 





Valentinian II . 





Theodosius I 





Magnus Maximus 








Eu genius . 




Honorius . 



Arcadius . 






31 2,003 10 2,044 


Among the later coins of the hoard those of Eugenius, 
who usurped in the West A. D. 392-4, are well repre- 
sented. Seven pieces celebrate the Decennalia of 
Arcadius, which were due on Jan. 15, 393. Of Hono- 
rius, who was made Augustus on Jan. 10 of that year, 
there are only twelve coins, but ten of these from the 
Milan mint celebrate his Quinquennalia, which would 
have taken place on Jan. 9, 397. There is evidence 
that at this period these celebrations took place with 
strict punctuality. 5 On the whole, therefore, we may 
safely conclude that the present hoard was deposited 
in the last years of the fourth century. 

The distribution of the coins according to mints, as 
far as they can be attributed, is as follows : 

Antioch . .30 

Nikomedia . . 10 
Constantinople 6 . 9 
Carthage ... 1 
Thessalonica . . 4 
Sirmium ... 6 
Siscia . . .18 
Rome 57 

Aquileia. . . 78 
Milan ... 75 
Treves . . . 1,087 
Aries . . .387 
Lyons . . . 254 
Augusta (Londinium) 2 


It will be seen that over half the coins belong to the 
Treves mint, while, longo intervallo, Aries and Lyons 
take the second and third place. The three Italian 

6 It isknown,forinstance,thattheQuinquennaliaof TheodosiusII, 
who was raised to the dignity of Augustus in January, 402, were 
celebrated in 407 on the completion of the fifth year of h js reign 
(Ch)'on. Pasch., p. 308 B (TT\ TOVTVV TWV virdruiV eVf TfXfV^q Kv'ivKfj>vd\ia 
06o6o<rt'ov vtov Avyovcrrov cv KIT. p.T)vl Avdvvaia irpb y ld<0>v 'lavovapiuv). 
So too the Tricennalia of Honorius took place at their proper date 
in 492 (Marcellinus Comes " Honorio XIII et Theodosio X Coss."). 

Coins with C.A., C.B., Of., C.A., CZ.,C PT and the 
exceptional Cf Sf$> of No. 43 are here attributed to Constantinople. 
Those showing CON and CONST in various combinations are 
given to Aries (Constantina). The coin of Valens (No. 45) with 
CON CM is enigmatic. 


mints, Eome, Aquileia, and Milan, are fairly repre- 
sented, and, after them, Antioch. Of the London mint 
under its new name there were but two specimens. 7 

That coins with the London mint mark should at 
this time be very rare even in British hoards is suffi- 
ciently explained by special circumstances of the case 
referred to below. Our knowledge of the contents of 
many of these hoards is however unfortunately very 
imperfect, and further information might appreciably 
add to the number of specimens of coins of this period 
from the London mint. 

This hoard, as will be seen, was specially rich in the 
so-called " medallions " here identified with double 
siliquae or "miliarensia". Among these that of Theo- 
dosius, given under No. 76, seems to be unique. 
Victory is seen bearing a trophy and palm-branch. 
Among the siliquae several pieces referring to 
Vota occur for the first time. Among these are 
No. 42, Valens VOT. X. MVLT. XV TR PS, Nos. 86 
and 87, Magnus Maximus (described below), struck at 
Augusta, andNos. 95, 96, Arcadius VOT V MVLT X 
MD PS and VOT X MVLT XV. The coins reading 
PER PET VET AS, with the rayed phoenix 011 a globe, 
whether siliquae or of the lesser module, here identified 
with half-siliquae (PI. XX, Fig. 11), are of great rarity. 8 
The specimens from the present find are of Gratian 
(No. 52) and Theodosius (No. 76), and another is 
known of Yalentinian II. 9 The phoenix on the globe 

7 Nos. 86, 87 below. Of. p. 438, and PL XX, Figs. 4, 6. The 
coins were presented by ray father to the British Museum. 

8 See below, p. 472. 

9 Cohen, viii, p. 142, No. 25. 


is the well-known type of AETERNITAS, and as 
such already appears on an aureus struck to com- 
memorate the death of Trajan. 1 By Hadrian, on 
another aureus, it was taken as a symbol of the Golden 
Age, and accompanied by the legend SAEC(VLVM) 
AVR(EVM). 11 Later on, on the fine bronze medallion of 
Constantino, we see Crispus receiving from his father 
the same secular symbol. 12 The head of the phoenix 
is now rayed, and so too on a well-known series of 
bronze coins of Constans and Constantius we see it, 
either alone or in the Emperor's hand, accompanied by 
With the reintroduction of this type by Gratian may 
be compared the legend GLORIA NOVI SAECVLI 
that appears on a series of his coins in all metals. 

The most interesting of the coins for the first 
time made known to us by the North Mendip hoard 
are the two siliquae (Nos. 86, 87), already referred to, 
struck from the London mint under its new name of 
Augusta [PI. XX, Figs. 4, 6]. They are both of Magnus 
Maximus. The reverse of No. 86 is VICTORIA AVGG, 
Victory marching left bearing wreath and palm-branch; 
in ex. AVG PS (i.e.AVG(VSTAE) (argentum) P(V)S(V)- 
LATVM). 13 That of No. 87 is VOT V M VLT V within 
a wreath ; in ex. AVG. This latter piece, which cele- 
brates the Quinquennalia of Maximus, should have 
been struck in A.D. 388, the year of his death, though 

10 Cohen, ii, p. 87, Nos. 658, 659. 

11 Ib., p. 216, No. 1321. A youthful figure, perhaps personifying 
the Golden Age and standing within the arch of the Zodiac, holds 
a phoenix on a globe. 

12 Cohen, M.R., vii, p. 259. The accompanying inscription is 

13 See below, p. 497. 


it is possible that, as in other contemporary cases, his 
Vota were anticipated. 

Special attention is also called below ( 5) to a class of 
coins of lighter weight and smaller modules which are 
here claimed to represent half-siliquae. 


(Ned. = Double Siliqua. Half-S. = Half-Siliqua. The other 
coins are Siliquae.) 


1. Olv. FL I VL CONSTANS P F AVC Diademed 
bust r. with paludamentum. 

RARVM In exergueTES Military figure 
standing r., in right hand a standard, the 
left resting on a shield (Coh. 115) (70 gr.) 

Med. 1 



demed and draped bust r. 


Four military standards (Coh. 5) (70 gr.) 

Med. 1 


demed and draped bust r. 


Two military figures standing beneath 
arch (Coh. 74) (65Jgr.) Med. 1 


as last. 

tary figure standing with spear and shield 
(Coh. 326) (67| gr.) Med. 1 


5. Olv. As No. 3. 

tf^.VIRTVS EXERCITVS Military figure 
standing with spear and shield (not in 
Cohen) ; in ex. P CON (69 gr.) Med. 1 

6. As last ; in ex. C B (64 gr.) Med. 1 

R (65 gr.) Med. 2 

TES (67 gr.) Med. 1 

7. Olv.As No. 3. 

Bev. VICTORIA DD NN AVC Victory 1. with 
wreath and palm-branch (Coh. 229) ; in 
ex. LVG 3 

8. Obv. As No. 3. 

flet;. VOTIS V MVLTIS X in wreath (Coh. 

338) ; in ex. S CON 1 

T CON 1 

9. Olv. As No. 3. 

Rev.VOT\S XXX MVLTIS XXXX in wreath 

(Coh. 342); in ex. ANT 6 

P CON 66 

S CON 46 

LVC 56 


SMN 5 

Total, Constantius II 194 



CAES Bare-headed draped bust r. 


perors facing under an archway (Coh. 79); 
in ex. SIRM ? Badly preserved (58 gr.) 

Med. 1 


demed and draped bearded bust r. 

Eev. VIRTVS EXERCITVS Military figure 
standing with spear and shield, above 
shield eagle with wreath in beak ; in ex. 
P CONST (Coh. 72) (62 gr.) Med. 1 


12. Olv.-fL CL IVLIANVS P P AVG Beardless 

diademed and draped bust r. 

^.-VICTORIA DD NN AVC Victory stand- 
ing 1. with wreath and palm (Coh. 58) in 
ex. LVC 3 

13. Obv.-D N IVLIANVS NOB CAES Bare and 

beardless draped bust r. 

Rev. Star of eight points in wreath (Coh. 172) 

in ex. AN f 1 

14. Olv.-D N IVLIANVS NOB CAES Bust as 


Jfe-VOTIS V MVLTIS X in wreath (Coh. 

154) ; in ex. T CON 24 

Uncertain 1 

15. Olv.-D N CL IVLIANVS AVC Beardless 

bust as last. 

VOTIS V MVLTIS X in wreath (Coh. 

158) ; in ex. P CON 1 

S CON 4 

T CON 10 

14 TR^r 19 

TR 8 

Uncertain 5 

16. Olv.-fL CL IVLIANVS PP AVG Bust as 


Rev. As last (Coh. 163, &c.) ; in ex. LVC 60 

P LVC 20 

S LVG 17 

Uncertain 4 

One barbarous reads FL CL IVLIANV P 

17. oiv. FL CL IVLIANVS AVG Bust as before. 
Eev. As last ; in ex. TR 1 

14 Three read VOTIS IV. 



18. Obv.D N IVLIANVS P F AVC Bust as before. 

Rev. As last ; in ex. P CON 14 

S CON 18 

T CON 26 

LVG 1 


as before. 

Rev.VOT\S V MVLTIS XX in wreath; no 

exergual mark. Barbarous. 1 

20. Obv. FL CL IVLIANVS PP AVG Bust as 


Rev. VOTIS X MVLTIS XX in wreath (Coh. 

146); in ex. LVG 2 

P LVG 13 

S LVG 7 


as before. 

Eev VOT X M VLT XX in wreath (var. of Coh. 

146); in ex. P LVG 7 

S LVG 4 


22. Obv. As last. Bust slightly bearded. 

Eev. As last ; in ex. P CONST 32 



23. Obv. As last. Bust more bearded. 

Rev. As last ; in ex. P CONST 28 



Barbarous P LVG 1 

Uncertain 10 

24. Obv. FL CL IVLIANVS P F AVG Bearded 


Eev. As last ; in ex. ANT 12 


25. Obv.D N IVLIANVS P F AVG Beardless bust. 
Eev.-VOT\S XXX MVLTIS XXXX in wreath; 

in ex. P CON 2 


Bearded bust. 

Eev. VOT + + + MVLT++; in ex. 8HO3S 1 

Barbarous reverse. 

Total, Julian II 457 


27. Obv.D N IOVIANVS P F AVG Diademed 

and draped bust r. 

Eev. VOT V MVLT X in wreath (Coh. 33); 

in ex. ANT 1 




15 SMN 3 

28. Obv. As No. 27. 

Rev. GLORIA ROMANORVM Emperor under 

arch(Coh. 4) (63igr.) ANT Med. 1 

Total, Jovian 16 



demed and draped bust r. 

Rev. VIRTVS EXERCITVS Emperor standing 
looking 1., holding labarum and shield 
(Coh. 58); in ex. SMTR (66|gr.) Med. 1 
TRPS (61^ gr.) Med. 1 
TES (62|gr.) Med. 1 
, Obv. As last. 

inscribing VOT V MVLT X on a shield 
placed on a cippus (Coh. 51) ; in ex. 

R P (68 gr.) Med. 1 
SMTR (65^ gr.) Med. 1 

15 One reads IOVANVS. 


31. Obv. As last. 

ROMA Rome seated on cuirass 1. 
(Coh.81); in ex. LVG 1 

LVG PS 12 
LVC S 2 

32. Olv. As last. 

Rev. As last, but Rome seated in curule chair 

(Coh. 83) ; in ex. RP 6 

R*P 1 

R*d 1 

TRPS 19 

Uncertain 1 

33. 0&v.--As last, 

Rev. VOT V MVLT X in wreath (Coh. 70); in 

ex. R T 8 

34. Obv. As last. 

Rev.VOT\S V MVLTIS X in wreath (Coh. 

79); in ex. SIRM 2 

35. Olv. As last. 

Rev. VOT XV MVLT XX ; in ex. SISCPS 2 

36. Obv. As last, 

Rev. VOT X MVLT XX in wreath ; in ex. 

ANT 1 

Total, Valentinian I 62 


37. Obv. D N VALENS P F AVC Diademed and 

draped bust r. 

Valentinian facing, each holding a laba- 
rum and a globe (Coh. 18) ; in ex. 

*SIS (67 gr.) Med. 1 

38. Obv. As last. 

inscribing VOT V MVLT X on a buck- 
ler standing on a cippus, her L foot on 
a globe (Coh. 60); in ex. 

SMTR (68 gr.) Med. I 


39. 060. As last. 

Rev. VIRTVS EXERCITVS Valens standing 
looking to 1., holding labarum and buckler 
(Coh.71);inex. SISCP (66J gr.) Med. 1 
TRPS (67 gr.) Med. 1 

40. Olv. As last. 

jtey._VOT V MVLT X in wreath (Coh. 91); 

in ex. LVC 1 

SMN 1 

RP 2 

RB 6 

RT 1 

RQ. 1 

TES 1 

41. Olv. As last. 

to. V T in wrea th (Coh. 88) ; in ex. CB 1 

cr i 

xcr i 

CRT i 

cz i 

42. Olv. As last. 

to. VOT X MVLT XV in wreath (not in 

Cohen); in ex. TRPS 3 

43. Olv. As last. 

to VOT X MVLT XX in wreath (Coh. 96); 

in ex. ANT 1 

. ANT 2 


ANT.. 2 


C^S^ 1 

P LVC 1 

44. Olv. As last. 

JZesVOTIS XV MVLT XX in wreath (Coh 
98) ; in ex. 


45. Obv. As last. 

Rev.VOT\S XXMVLTXXXin wreath (Coh. 

101); in ex. CONCM 1 

46. Olv. As last. 

Rcv.VR&S ROMA Rome seated in curule chair 

(Coh. 108) ; in ex. Plain 1 

AQ.PS 3 

Star in field 1 

Rd 5 

TRPS 214 

P LVC 2 

47. Obv. As last. 

fi eVt VRBS ROMA Eome seated on cuirass 

(Coh. 110); in ex. TRPS. 3 

TRPS 29 

Barbarous imitations, Rome in chair 3 

Barbarous imitations, Rome in chair Rd 1 

Total, Valens 300 


48. Obv.D N PROCOPIVS P F AVC Diademed 
and draped bust r. 

Rev. VOT V in wreath (Coh. 14) ; in ex. C A 1 

SMN 1 

Total, Procopius 


49. Olv. D N CRATIANVS P F AVC Diademed 
and draped bust r. 

Hev. VIRTVS EXERCITVS Emperor stand- 
ing looking r., 1. hand resting on shield, 
in r. labarum (Coh. 52] ; in ex. 

TRPS (67 gr.) Med. 1 

AQPS (68 gr.) Med. 1 

S ISC PS (67 gr.) Med. 1 


50. O&z'. As last. 

Rev. VOT V M VLT X in wreath (cp. Coh. 63) 

in ex. SMKAP (68Jgr.) lied. 1 

51. Obv. As last. 

Rev. CONCORDIA AVCGG Constantinople 
seated facing, resting her foot on a prow, 
holding a sceptre and a cornucopiae (Coh. 
6) ; in ex. LVGPS 1 


52. Obv. As last. 

Rev. PERPETVETAS Phoenix 1. on globe (Coh. 

27); in ex. TRPS Half-S. 1 

53. Obv. As last. 

Rev. VICTORIA AVGG Victory standing ]. 
with wreath and palm (Coh. 36) ; in ex. 


54. Obv. As last. 

tfa. VICTORIA AVGGG Victory as last (not 

in Cohen); in ex. RB Half-S. 1 

55. Obv. As last. 

7 ?m _VIRTVS ROMANORVM Kome seated 
holding globe and sceptre (Coh. 56); in ex. 

AQ.PS 9 

TRPS 28 

TRPS Half-S. 1 


56. Obv. As last. 

Rev. MOT X MVLT XV in wreath (Coh. 68); 

in ex. TRPS 1 

57. Obv. As last. 

p ev _VOT XV MVLT XX in wreath (Coh. 72); 

in ex. SISCPZ 4 

TR 1 



58. Obv. As last. 

Rev. VRBS ROMA Rome seated on armour 

(Coh. 87); in ex. AQPS 2 

Star in field 10 


TRPS 29 

59. Obv. As last. 

Rev. As last, but Rome seated on curule chair 

(Coh. 86); in ex. RB 2 

R 2 

RXP 1 

RXT 3 

RXQ 2 

TRPS 127 

Total, Gratian 240 



Young diademed and draped bust r. 
Rev. GLORIA ROMANORVM Valentinian 
standing, looking 1., holding standard, left 
arm resting on buckler (Coh. 18) ; in ex. 

LVCPS (59i gr.) Med. I 


Young bust as last. 

Rev. VIRTVS EXERCITVS Valentinian stand- 
ing 1., holding standard, his 1. arm resting 
on buckler (Coh. 8) ; in ex. 

TRPS (67 gr.) Med. 1 


Bust as last. 
Rev. As last ; in ex. AQPS(69gr.) JMcd. 1 

63. Obv. 

Rev. VICTORIA AVCCC. Victory 1. with 
wreath and palm (Coh. 40) ; in ex. 

AQ.PS 6 


TRP 2 

TRPS 129 



Bust as last. 
Rev. As last (Coh. 41) ; in ex. TRPS 2 

65. Obv.- As last. 

Rev. As last (Coh. 42) ; in ex. R P Half-S. 1 

66. Olv. As No. 60. 

7^. VIRTVS ROMANORVM Rome seated 
1., on arms holding Victory and spear (Coh. 
61); in ex. TRPS 48 

67. Olv. As No. 60. 

Rev. As last, but Rome seated facing looking 1 

(Coh. 60); in ex. AQPS 8 

68. Olv. As No. 62. 

Rev. VOTIS V MVLT X in wreath (Coh. 66); 

in ex. TRPS 1 

69. Obv. As No. 60. 

Rev. As last (Coh. 66) ; in ex. SISCPS 2 


70. Olv. As No. 60. 

7^._VOT X MVLT XX in wreath (Coh. 71); 
in ex. MDPS 


71. Obv. As No. 60. 

Rev. VRBS ROMA Rome seated 1., holding Vic- 
tory and spear (Coh. 76, 78) ; in ex. AQPS 




LVC 1 

RXB 3 


72. Obv. As No. 62. 

Rev. As last ; in ex. 1(t AQPS 17 


Total, Valentinian II 259 

10 Star in field. 



73. Obv.D N THEODOSIVS P F AVC Diademed 

and draped bust r. 

bearing trophy and palm-branch, leading 
captive to r. (not in Cohen) ; in ex. 

R (80 gr.) Med. I 

74. Obv. As No. 73. 

Rev. VIRTVS EXERCITVS Emperor standing 
facing, looking 1., in r. hand standard, 1. 
resting on buckler (Coh. 55) ; in ex. 

TRPS (66| gr.) Med. 1 

75. Obv. As No. 73. 

Rev. CONCORD I A AVCCG Constantinople 

seated (Coh. 4) ; in ex. TRPS 18 


76. Obv. As No. 73. 

Pev. PERPETVETAS Phoenix to 1. on globe 

(Coh. 26); in ex. TRPS Half-S. 1 

77. Obv. As No. 73. 

Rev. VIRTVS ROMANORVM Borne seated 

on arms 1. (Coh. 57) ; in ex. LVGPS 1 

TRPS 109 

78. Obv. As No. 73. 

Rev. As last, but Kome seated facing (Coh. 59) : 

in ex. AQ.PS 7 


Barbarous 1 

79. Obv. As No. 73. 

7?er. VOT V MVLT X in wreath (Coh. 64) ; in 

80. Obv. As No. 73. 

Rev. VOT X MVLT XX in wreath (Coh. 67); 
in ex. CONS 



81. 0Zw. As No. 73. 

Rev. VRBS ROMA Kome seated on arms (Coh. 

72); in ex. LVCP 1 




82. Oli\ As No. 73. 

Rev. As last, but Kome seated on chair (Coh. 71); 

in ex. R*P 4 

RXB 1 

R*e i 

Barbarous 1 

Total, TheodosiusI 178 


83. Ol>v. D N MAG MAXIMVS P F AVC Dia- 

demed and draped bust. 

Rev. VIRTVS ROMANORVM Rome seated 

facing (Coh. 20); in ex. AQPS 3 


TRPS 209 

TRPS Half-S. 1 


84. Olv. As No. 83. 

J?ev. CONCORDIA AVCC Constantinople 

seated (Coh. 1) ; in ex. TRPS 3 

85. Obv.As No. 83. 


(Coh. 16) ; in ex. AQ.PS 1 

86. Olv. As No. 83. 

Rev. VICTORIA AVCG. Victory (N. C., N. S., 

vii,p.62);inex. AVGPS PI. XX, Fig. 4. 1 

87. Obv As No. 83. 

Rev.VOT V MVLT X in wreath (N. C., N. S., 

vii, p. 331) ; in ex. A VG PI. XX, Fig. 6. 1 

Total, Magnus Maximus 228 



88. Olv. D N FL VICTOR P F AVC Diademed and 
draped bust r. 

Rev. VIRTVS ROMANORVM Rome seated 

facing (Coh. 6) ; in ex. AQ.PS 4 

MDPS 17 


TRPS (IHalf-S.) 6 

Total, Victor 31 


89. Obv.D N EVCENI VS P F AVC Diademed and 

draped bust r. 

Rev. VIRTVS EXERCITVS Emperor standing 
1. with r. hand holding standard, the 1. 
resting on buckler (Coh. 13) ; in ex. 

TRPS (65i gr.) Med. 

90. Olv. As No. 89. 

Rei:~ VIRTVS ROMANORVM Rome seated 
(Coh. 14); in ex. MDPS 


91. Olv. As No. 89. 

Rev. VRBS ROMA Rome seated 1. (Coh. 18) ; 
in ex. LVCPS 

Total, Eugenius 24 


92. Obv.D N HONORIVS P F AVG Diademed 

and draped bust r. 

Rev. VIRTVS ROMANORVM Rome seated 

on arms 1. (Coh. 59) ; in ex. MDPS 2 

93. Obv. As No. 92. 

jRey.-VOT V MVLT X in wreath (Coh. 63) ; in 

ex. MDPS 10 

Total, Honorius 12 



94. Otv.D N ARCADIVS P F AVG Diademed 

and draped bust r. 

Jfei;. VIRTVS ROMANORVM Kome seated 1. 

(Sabatier 27) ; in ex. AQPS 2 

TRPS 12 

95. Olv. As last. 

Kev.VOT V MVLT X in wreath ; in ex. 


96. Olv. As last (not in Sabatier). 

Bev.VOT X MVLT XV in wreath ; in ex. 


97. Obv. As last (not in Sabatier). 

Rev. VRBS ROMA Kome seated on arms 1.; 

in ex. TRPS 4 

Total, Arcadius 36 


98. 0fa\ Head of Eoma 1. 

JRev. X in wreath ; in ex. TR Half-S. 2 

99. Obv. As last. 

Rev. XV in wreath ; in ex. TR Half-S. 1 

Total, Roma ' 3 


There were in the present hoard 31 larger silver 
pieces or so-called "medallions", of the following 
Emperors and mints : 


Constans (Thessalonica) ..... 1 

Constantius II (Constantinople 2, Thessalonica 1, 

Sirmium 1, Rome 2, Treves 1, Aries 1) . .8 
Constantius Gallus (Sirmium) .... 1 

Julian (Antioch) ....... 1 

Jovian (Antioch) ....... 1 

Valentinian I (Rome 1, Treves 4) . . . .5 

Valens (Siscia 2, Treves 2) 4 

Gratian (Siscia 1, Aquileia 1, Treves 1, Car- 
thage 1) . 4 

Valentinian II (Lyons 1, Aquileia 1, Treves 1) . ,3 
Theodosius I (Rome 1, Treves 1). . . .2 
Eugenius (Treves) ...... 1 


Of these, 28 well-preserved specimens give the 
following metrological results: 

Average Weight. Maximum. Minimum. 

4-2 grm. 548 grm. 3-98 grm. 

(c. 65 gr.) (c. 80 gr.) (c. 61-5 gr.) 

The average weight in the case of 18 similar " medal- 
lions" from the Harptree hoard 17 is in close agreement 
with this : 

Average. Maximum. Minimum. 

4-227 grm. 4-536 grm. 3-823 grm. 

(65-25 gr.) (70-5 gr.) (59 gr.) 

That in the case of these larger pieces, which 
evidently had a less circulation than the siliquae, the 
weight should have been somewhat higher in propor- 
tion is only what might have been expected. But, in 
spite of this tendency, the relation of the larger to the 

17 Thanks to the kindness of Professor Oman, I am able to add 
three more " medallions " from this hoard to those described by 
my father (Num. Chron., 1888, pp. 38 seqq.). These are Valens, 
Virtus ExercitusTES , wt. 65 gr. (Coh. 72) ; SISCP, wt. 65-5 gr. 
<Coh. 71) ; Valentinian II, do. TRPS, wt. 67-5 gr. (Coh. 58). 


smaller coin is clear. These so-called "medallions", with 
an average weight of about 4-2 grammes, must certainly 
be taken to be the doubles of the smaller pieces 
weighing one with another about 2 grammes. In 
other words, we have here to deal with double siliquae. 

The siliquae, as we see, were tariffed at 24 to a 
gold solidus, of which five had the legal value of a 
silver pound. As money of account they were thus 
legally reckoned as 120 to a pound in spite of their 
deficient weight. The double siliquae would there- 
fore represent a sixtieth of a pound, or a gold value 
equivalent to 5 solidi. There can be no doubt then 
that these are the sixtieths referred to in the Edict 
promulgated in A.D. 384 by Valentinian II and his 
colleagues, reserving to the Emperors and Consules 
Ordinarii the right of distribution of certain more 
precious sportulae on the occasion of public festivals. 
In this Edict not only is it forbidden to make gifts of 
gold coins, but also of any of silver larger than those 
habitually struck when a pound of silver is divided 
into sixty silver pieces. 18 

The very point of this enactment is that the double 
siliquae were a recognized part of the regular currency. 
And the particular value of these great hoards in the 
present connexion is that we here see these silver 

18 Cod. Theod., xv. 9. 1, De Expensis Ludorum : " Nee maiorem 
argenteum minimum fas sit expendere quam qui formari solet, 
cum argentea libra una in argenteos sexaginta dividitur." The 
larger silver pieces thus excluded are chiefly represented by a long 
series of "medallions" from the time of Constans and Constantius II 
to Honorius and Priscus Attalus (Gnecchi, Medaglioni Romani, i, 
pp. 61 seqq., and PI. xxx-xxxvii), of which sixty specimens in 
various cabinets are known, and give an average weight of approxi- 
mately 12-75 grammes. They answer, therefore, with sufficient 
exactness to three double siliquae or six siliquae. 


" sixtieths " taking their place beside the siliquae as 
current coin. 

It is to be noted that the average weight of the 
"medallions" from the North Mendip and Harptree 
finds is distinctly below the average presented by a mass 
of isolated finds. The heavier specimens would be natu- 
rally kept apart from the ordinary currency, and might 
indeed in some cases have been profitably melted. That 
this process of elimination was at work appears from a 
comparison of the weights given in Gnecchi's great work 
on Eoman medallions, in which is included a consider- 
able series of this class, taken from all sources from the 
time of Constantine to Honorius. 19 An analysis of 305 
coins of this series yields an average weight of 4-65 
grammes. 202 of these pieces weigh between 4 and 
5 grammes ; 55 are over 5 grammes 20 (with an average 
weight of 5-28 grammes), and 48 under 4 (with an 
average weight of 3-72 grammes). They range from 
about 3-2 to 5-8 grammes. As in the case of the sili- 
quae, it is the maximum weights that give the real 
clue to the theoretical standard. And in this case we 
obtain definite information from a remarkable piece 
struck at Aquileia on the occasion of the Decennalia 
of Constans, 21 giving the numerical indication LX 

19 Grnecchi, Medaglioni Romani, i, pp. 57 seqq. 

20 It is noteworthy that twenty of these referred in one way or 
another to the quinquennial festivals. It looks as if on these 
occasions fuller measure was allowed. 

21 Cohen, viii, p. 429, No. 164 (Gnecchi, op.cit., i, p. 64, Pl.xxxi. 2). 
Rev. VICTORIAE DD.NN. AVGG. Victory seated to 1. and 
holding shield on her knees inscribed VOT X MVLT XV : 
in ex. LXAQ.. The module 27 mm. is somewhat large, but is 
equalled by other " medallions " of the present series. A similar 
piece with AQ. only in the exergue (Cohen, No. 163) weighs 
5'38 grammes. 


before the mint name in the exergue. The weight of 
this piece is 5-48 grammes well within the limit of 
the heavier specimens of the present series. It 
approximates to the theoretic weight about 5-6 
grammes of ^ pound of silver, and must be unques- 
tionably identified with one of the silver sixtieths 
referred to in Valentinian's Edict as used in public 

The type which in the above case bears this special 
indication of value is well represented among the 
more or less contemporary "medallions" of several 
Emperors, though sometimes with the slight variation 
that Victory appears in a standing position with her foot 
on a globe. 22 In all cases she is depicted writing quin- 
quennial or decennial Vota on a shield. But the 
weights as a whole fall into the ordinary scale of the 
" medallion " series with an average of 4-226 grammes. 
The module varies in a similar way from 27 to 21 mm,, 
the mean being about 23 mm. 

It will be seen that these varieties cannot be separated 
from the other silver " medallions " of the present series. 
Any attempt to break it up into coins of separate 

22 There are two varieties : 1. That represented by the piece of 
Constans, bearing LX in the exergue, bears the inscription 
VICTORIAE DD NN AVGC, and shows Victory seated 
writing VOT X MVLT XX (in other cases VOT X 
MVLT XV) on a shield. This variety is also included among 
the silver " medallions " of Magnentius from the Aquileia Mint 
(Gnecchi, No. 6), weight 440 to 3-94 grammes. 2. With legend, 
VICTORIA AVGVSTORVM. Victory standing with foot 
on globe, and writing on shield in the same way VOT V 
MVLT XX (Valentinian I, Gnecchi, Nos. 14-19; Valens, do., 
14-20 ; Gratian, do., No. 4). The weights, as a whole, vary from 
5-380 to 3-700 grammes. 



denominations is indeed doomed to failure. Within 
the limits given above, the same types are found con- 
stantly varying in weight. They show the same 
approximate module centring round 23 millimetres 
with a margin of two or three in either direction. 

The evidence of contemporary documents, indications 
supplied by the coins themselves, and the harmony 
of the monetary system represented by the value of 
the siliquae and solidi, are only reconcilable with one 
conclusion. In these silver " medallions " we should 
recognize pieces having a^ theoretical value of ^ pound 
silver though in truth, like the siliquae themselves, 
of which they are the doubles, they were a coinage of 

But if all these units, including the so-called 
" medallions ", fitted thus into a simple and har- 
monious system, where, it may be asked, are we to 
look for the silver pieces known as " miliarensia " 
so frequently referred to from the close of the fourth 
century onwards ? The name itself, which clearly has 
to do with reckonings in thousands or thousandths, 
seems to have been of old traditional usage. 23 It has 
been generally recognized as having been applied to 
a silver coin = T o 1 oo of a pound of gold. It is possible, 
as Seeck 24 suggests, that it was thus applied to the 
denarius argenteus, a thousand of which, according 
to Diocletian's abortive reform put forth in his Edictum 
de pretiis rerum of 301, were equal to a pound of gold. 
But the evidence of the attachment of the name to such 

23 Mommsen, Monnaie Eomaine, ed. Blacas, iii, p. 82, n. 1, cites 
the story preserved by Lydus (de Mens., iv. 2) that Scipio had 
invented this piece when short of gold in his war against Hannibal. 

24 " Die Munzpolitik Diocletians und seiner Nachfolger" (Zcit.f. 
Num., xvii, pp. 36 seqq.). 


silver pieces, which could only have had an ephemeral 
existence, is still to seek. Mommsen, on the other 
hand, has pointed out that the average weight of the 
silver pieces with which we are dealing estimated by 
him at 4-55 grammes, a result closely approaching that 
given above corresponded in fact with the silver 
value of Y^O o of a pound of gold. He concludes there- 
fore that the name of " miliarense " was for this reason 
attached to these coins, 25 and in this he has been more 
recently followed by M. Babelon. 26 This piece then 
was the equivalent of 7 ^ of a silver pound, just as the 
Constantinian solidus was -^ of a gold pound. Accord- 
ing to this reckoning the value of the miliarense as 
compared with the solidus was as 1 to 13-88. 

That this equivalence of the average weight of the 
silver t: medallion" with the thousandth part of a 
pound of gold attached to it the name " miliarense " 
is in itself probable enough. The miliarense itself 
figures too largely in official documents of the time 
for it not to have answered to some well-known type 
of coin. The scrinium a miliarensibus, mentioned in 
the Notitia, 21 is only one of a series of indications 
that this name was applied to a familiar monetary 
class. It is true that in the Edict of Valentinian II 
and his colleagues, above cited, the name does not 
appear. But in a Novella of Justinian, which to a 
certain extent may be regarded as a reinforcement of 

25 Op. tit., pp. 81, 82. 

26 Traite des Monnaies Grecques et Eomaines, i, pp. 569, 570. 

27 Notitia Dignitatum Orient-is, c. 12 ; Occiclentis, c. 10. The office 
was in each case under the " Comes Sacraruui Largitionum ", and 
was distinct from the "Scrinium Argenti" or "Ab Argento", and 
from the " Scrinium a Pecuniis " which dealt with bronze coinage. 
Cf. Cod. lustinianus, xii. 24. 7. 

Hh 2 


tlie earlier Edict, 28 this particular coin takes the 
place of the silver "sixtieths" previously named as 
being proper for distribution by those beneath the 
imperial dignity, this restriction here being extended 
to Consuls. 29 

On the whole we need not hesitate to accept the 
view that the official name of " miliarense " was 
applied to the larger silver pieces with which we are 
dealing. But great caution seems to be necessary 
in accepting some of the logical consequences that 
eminent numismatists have deduced from this, with 
regard to the current value of these " medallions". It 
is sufficient indeed to examine the contents of these 
large silver hoards, and to take the actual comparative 
weight of the coins of which they are composed, to 
see that the " miliarense " (to adopt the name) was 
here fitted into a much simpler and more practical 
system. It passed, as we see, as a double siliqua, and 
12 not 13 and a fraction, or even 14 went to a 
solidus. Nay, more, in some cases it actually bore the 
indication of value, 60 to a silver pound. 

The short-lived system introduced by Diocletian 
(A.D. 301-3) had at least a practical basis. As a 
matter of fact the relation of the standard silver and 
gold pieces and of the pound of gold as proposed by 

28 By the provisions of Cod. Theod., xv. 9. 1, however, Consules 
Ordinarii as well as the Emperors were allowed to make distribu- 
tions in gold. By Justinian's Novella only silver distributions are 
allowed to Consuls. 

" Just., Novellae, cv, De Consulibus, c. 2. 1, in the Latin text: 
" Non, tamen, aurum spargere sinimus, non minoris alicuius, non 
maioris omnino, non medii characters aut ponderis, sed argentum 
sicuti praediximus solum. . . . Hoc sinimus in eos spargere in his 
quae vocantur miliarisia," &c. (ev rols Ka 


him greatly resembled that which at present obtains 
between French francs, Napoleons, and 1,000 franc 
notes. 20 ''argentei" went to a solidus, and 50 solidi 
or 1,000 argentei to a pound of gold. The solidus 
having been finally established by Constantino (about 
A. D. 309) at the rate of 72 to a pound, a new harmoni- 
zation with the silver system was naturally entailed. 
The siliquae or Kepdria were theoretically issued on 
a footing of ^ to the solidus. These siliquae, as we shall 
see, 30 had become monetary units at least as early as 
A.D. 323 the approximate date of the issue of the 
larger silver denomination with which we are dealing. 
But to strike, side by side with these " twenty-fourths ", 
a new silver piece 3^0 of a pound of gold in value, and 
of which 13-88 would be the equivalent of a solidus, 
could have had no practical utility whatever. Even 
assuming that this piece was tariffed at 14 to a solidus, 
it would represent a cross system of reckoning wholly 
beyond the popular comprehension. It would not 
even in this case hit the mark. Since 5 solidi now 
went to the pound of silver this would make the rate 
70 miliareiisia to a solidus instead of 72, which is the 
centre-point of the whole system. 

As a matter of fact, though the average weight of 
these coins from the middle of the fourth century 
onwards was, as we have seen, compatible with a 
reckoning of 1,000 to a pound of gold, this does not 
seem to have been the case with the earlier class as 
introduced by Constantine from about A. D. 324. 31 An 
examination of the series of Constantmian pieces of this 

30 See below, p. 464. 

31 See J. Maurice, Numismatique Constant inienne, ii, pp. 414-16. 
The evidence of date is best supplied by the Sirmium mint. 


class given in Gnecchi's work 32 shows that the average 
weight of 19 was exactly 5 grammes, and there can be 
no doubt that a selection of the better preserved pieces 
of this class would give an appreciably higher average. 
5 grammes itself is about half a gramme heavier than 
the proper full weight of the silver value of -f^-g-g of 
a gold pound, which, as we have seen, is 4-55 grammes. 
Such a result is fatal to the conclusion that these 
pieces were originally struck as " thousandths " of the 
gold pound, while it strongly favours the view that 
they were intended for sixtieths of the silver pound. 
It is absurd to suppose that the new coins were struck 
at an actual loss to the Treasury of 10 per cent. 

We must therefore infer that the application of the 
traditional name of " miliarense " to these pieces was a 
later accretion, and that this could hardly have taken 
place earlier than the latter half of the fourth century, 
when the average weight of these pieces had reached 
a level compatible with such an equation. 

The conclusion to which we are led by these con- 
siderations may be stated as follows. While there 
seems to be no sufficient reason to dispute the fact that 
the larger silver pieces answer to the official milia- 
rensia of the close of the fourth century and later, 
they were yet originally introduced as sixtieths of the 
silver pound, or double siliquae. Both standpoints with 
regard to them are in fact reconcilable. Regarded as 

32 Medaglioni Romani, i, pp. 57-9. I have omitted defective or 
exceptionally \vornand fractured pieces (Nos.l, 16), while something 
should be added to the fractured piece (No. 26), here given as 5-800. 
Seven out of eighteen of these coins weighed 5 grammes or over; 
one over 6 grammes, and to this must certainly be added the last 
mentioned, the original weight of which could not have been less 
than 6-500 grammes. 


monetary units it was necessary that they should bear 
a simple relation to the gold and silver coins with 
which they were associated in the currency. But with 
the growing tendency, from about the middle of the 
fourth century onwards, 33 to reckon larger sums by 
weight, it was an almost equal convenience to have 
a coin the value of which averaged in practice T ^ 
of a gold pound. 34 


The early history of the miliarensia is very closely 
bound up with that of the smaller companion pieces, 

33 See the provisions of the Theodosian Code, passim. 

34 As a logical consequence of this may be explained the fact 
that in the Nomic Glosses contemporary with the Novellae of 
Justinian the solidus was equated with 14 miliarensia (Hultsch, 
Metrologicorum Scriptorum Reliquiae, i, p. 307). The two statements, 
MiXiapicnov, TO ^tXtoordv rrjs TOV xP v<J v MT/XW and TO vofj-ur/jia 
(xpva-ovs) Xayxat/ei /uiXiapiata IA, are there complementary to one 

An unknown lexicographer (Hultsch, op. cit., i, pp. 308 seqq.) 
gives two alternative estimates of the miliarense, one equating 
it with 1| siliquae, the other giving its contemporary value (rrpos 
TO vvv Kparovv) as 2 siliquae. On the other hand, we have the 
earlier statement of Saint Epiphanius in his work, De Ponderibus 
et Mensuris (Hultsch, op. cit., i. 266-9), written at Alexandria 
about 392, in which the great follis of 125 miliarensia is equated 
with two silver pounds (dpyvpovs) or 250 siliquae (here called 
drjvtipia). The miliarense, therefore, as Seeck points out (Zeitschr. 
f. Xumismatik, xvii, pp. 68, 69), was at the end of the fourth century 
equivalent to two siliquae. In one respect, however, this calcula- 
tion somewhat differs from that which (following the provision 
of the Theodosian Code) I have above adopted, inasmuch as 125 
siliquae are here reckoned to a silver pound instead of 120, which 
would make the legal weight of the miliarense about ^ of a pound 
silver instead of -fa. This is awkward, and it is safer to follow the 
provision of Arcadius and Honorius as stated in Cod.Theod., xiii. 2. 1, 
by which 5 solidi (of 24 siliquae or keratia) or 120 siliquae went 
to the silver pound. If 2 siliquae go to the miliarense this gives 
12 of the latter to the solidus and 60 to the pound, a more rational 


the siliquae. Both classes seem to have sprung into 
existence about the same time. It is interesting to 
note, moreover, that the first mention of siliquae also 
occurs in a " sportulary " connexion. An inscription 
found at Feltre (Feltria), in Venetia, in 1907, shows 
that the siliqua was already used for public distri- 
butions as early at least as A.D. 323, the date of this 
lapidary record. 35 The inscription gives the terms 
of a legacy of 500,000 denarii, the interest accruing 
from which was to be distributed as sportulae to the 
municipal authorities and the " Collegia Fabrum et 
Centonariorum " at the feasts held in memory of the 
benefactor, on the anniversary of his birthday and 
at the time of the Rosalia. Aurei, siliquae, and nummi 
are here named as the coins to be used in these 

The copious issue of siliquae as ordinary current 
coin does not seem to have taken place earlier than 
about 340, when Constantius II would have celebrated 
his Quinqueiinalia, referred to on some of these pieces. 
But we have other evidence besides the lately dis- 
covered inscription that siliquae of very full weight, 

35 " Severe et Rufino Consulibus." The inscription was published 
by Gherardini (Notiziedegli Scavi, 1907, pp. 431-7) and by Lorenzina 
Cesano (Rendiconti della r. Accad. del Lincei, 1908, pp. 237-56), who 
called attention to the first mention of the siliqua. The whole 
subject has been rediscussed by W. Kubitschek (NumismatiacJut 
Zeitschr., xlii, pp. 52 seqq.). He read the last part of the in- 


and analogous in this respect to the early " sixtieths ", 
were struck before the death of Constantine III. 
M. Maurice had in fact already recognized coins of 
this denomination in certain silver pieces issued by 
Constantine in 324. 3G It is clear that during the pre- 
ceding decennium the Roman silver coinage had 
almost entirely ceased. 37 

The following is an analysis of the weights of 
siliquae from Constantius II to Honorius belonging 
to the present hoard: 

Average Maximum 
Weight. Weight. 

Grammes. Grammes. 

Constantius II . 

20 fairly preserved speci- 

mens (slightly worn) 




100 fairly preserved speci- 

mens (slightly worn) 



Valentinian I . 

20 good specimens 




100 good specimens . 




20 good specimens 



Valentinian II . 

20 good specimens 



Theodosius I 

20 good specimens 



Magnus Maximus. 

50 good specimens 



Arc ad ius . 

5 good specimens 



Honorius . 

5 good specimens 



36 J. Maurice, Numismatique Constant inienne, I, xliv, xlv; II. p. 415 
(Eicista Italiana di Ntimismatica, 1904, p. 85). The piece here 
attributed to Sirmium has no exergual indication. Obi: IMP 
CONSTANTINVS AVG Laureate head to right. Rev. 
VIRTVS AVC ET CAESS Trophy with shield and spears 
on either side. Weight, 2-65 grammes ; 17 mm. A unique silver 
piece of Constans in my collection may also be regarded as a 
siliqua of somewhat full weight. Obv. FL IVL CONSTANS 
P AVC Diademed bust r. with paludamentum and cuirass, liev. 
CONSTANS AVC Three palm-branches, star over the central 
one; in ex. SISl^. Weight, 2-84 grammes ; 17mm. 

37 Cf. Maurice, op. cit., I, xliv. 


It will be seen from this Table that the average 
weight of the siliqua from the time of Constantius II 
to Arcadius here works out at about 1-93 grammes, 38 
while the maximum weight varies from 2-10 to 
2-60 grammes. But the coinage of Honorius as ex- 
emplified by well-preserved specimens from this hoard 
shows a distinct falling off the average being only 
1-30 grammes and the maximum 1-60 grammes. 

It is further noteworthy that the earliest series of 
coins belonging to Constantius II and Julian, though 
slightly worn in comparison with the others, are quite 
on a level with them in weight. Indeed, it looks as if 
a set of finely preserved siliquae of Constantius II 
would yield an average weight of quite 2 grammes. 

The results regarding the minimum of weight in the 
different series are not of the same value as those that 
give the average or the maximum. 39 With coins of 
abnormally low weight the wear or oxidization of the 
surface, fractures, and insidious forms of clipping and 
sweating, generally play a determining part, so that 

38 Thus closely approaching the average of the Grovely Wood 
specimens, 1-909 grammes (Hill, Num. Chron., 1906, p. 342). The 
siliquae of the Danubian Hoard, described by Missong (" Fund 
romischer Siliquen aus den Jahren 360-367 n. Chr. Geb.," in Wiener 
XumisniatiscJie Monatshefte, 1868), had an average weight of 
1-838 grammes. 

39 Omitting some obviously defective coins the minimum results 
in the case of various samples of the present hoard were as follows : 
Constantius II, 20 coins weighed; 2 under 1-8 grin., minimum 
1-6 grm. Julian, 100 weighed; 8 under 1-8 grm., min. 1-6 grin. 
Valentinian I, 20 weighed ; 2 under 1-8 grin., one 1-6 grm. Valens, 
100 weighed ; 13 under 1-8 grm., min. 1-55 grm. Gratian, 20 
weighed ; 3 under 1-8 grm., min. 1-5 grm. Valentinian II, 20 
weighed ; 1 under 1-8 grm., min. 1-75 grm. Mag. Maximus, 
50 weighed ; 8 under 1-8 grm., min. 1-45 grm. Theodosius I, 
20 weighed ; 2 under 1-8 grm., min. 1-05 grm. Arcadius, 5 weighed; 
1 under 1-8 grm., min. 1-11 grm. 


the weight itself has little relation to the original 
intention of the moneyer. From a number of tests 
made in the case of the present hoard it appears that 
no more than about 10 per cent, of the siliquae were 
under 1-8 grammes (c. 28 gr.) in weight. On the 
other hand, out of two hundred well-preserved coins 
from this find of various Emperors twenty, or again 
exactly 10 per cent,, weighed over 2-2 grammes. It 
thus appears that, of the siliquae in good condition 
from Constantius to Arcadius inclusive, some 80 per 
cent, ranged in weight between 1-8 and 2-2 grammes. 
We shall not be far wrong in saying that the original 
average weight attained by the siliquae of this period 
was approximately 2 grammes. 

This of course is below the theoretical value of the 
siliqua. For we know that 24 siliquae (or Kepdria) 
went to the gold solidus, and that the legal value of 
a pound of silver was 5 solidi; 40 120 siliquae there- 
fore went to the pound of silver or according to the 
standard Eoman weight 327-5 grammes, so that by 
this reckoning the siliqua should have weighed about 
2-72 grammes. It is true that the silver ingots, evi- 
dently intended to represent a pound weight, issued 
officially by the Treves mint weighed, as we know 
from the examples contained in the Dierstorf find, 
only about 310 grammes. But even supposing that 
provincial standards of this class were kept in view, 
the difference between the net and the theoretical 
average weight of the siliqua is too great to be 
explained by any such hypothesis. 

We must infer that the siliqua was largely a money 

40 Cod. Theocl, xiii. 2. 1. 


of account, and that its coinage was probably a con- 
siderable source of profit to the Imperial Treasury. 

It is clear, however, that in dealing with the double 
siliquae or miliarensia, often called " medallions ", 
represented in this and similar hoards we are on 
somewhat different ground. That these were current 
coins indeed is generally admitted, but it seems none 
the less clear that they represent issues of an honorary 
character and were used for official distribution on 
certain festal occasions. 

In addition to the siliquae and their doubles, 
the North Mendip hoard produced a series of coins 
of lesser weight and module. It is no doubt difficult 
at times to distinguish these "conventional qui- 
narii" from siliquae of exceptionally small weight 
and module. As Mr. Hill pointed out in the case of 
the Treves coins from the Grovely Wood hoard, the 
catena of weights in the case of undoubted siliquae 
stretches with few missing links from about 2-6 grammes 
(40 to 41 gr.) to 1-1 grammes (17 to 18 gr.), 41 and he 
cites the fact that in the Danubian Hoard described by 
Missong the weight ranged from 2-27 to 1-38 grammes 
so gradually as to defy division into two groups. The 
same is true in the case of the ordinary siliqua types 
in the present hoard. But it must be remembered 
that the exceptionally high and exceptionally low 
weights in all these series represent a vanishing 
minority. They are like the bad shots of a fairly 
practised marksman becoming fewer and fewer in the 
rings of the target as they recede from the bull's-eye. 

" Num. Chron., 1906, pp 343, 344. 


The real amount aimed at is shown by the average 
weight, which in the case of a large number of siliquae 
weighed is seen to hover about 2 grammes. 

But apart from the coins of ordinary siliqua type 
of abnormally low weight there occurred in the 
present hoard a small series of silver pieces, several of 
them of types distinct from those of the siliquae, and 
all of these were below a weight limit to which the 
latter only exceptionally descended. 

The principal reverse types of these diminutive 
silver pieces are as follows : 

A. VICTORIA AVCCC Victory marching left and 
holding palm and wreath. 

1. Gratian. (Olv. DN CRATIANVS PF A VG : draped 

bust to r.) In ex. of reverse R B (Kome). 

No. 54 above. 4 - Wt. 1-14 grm. Mod. 15-5 mm. 
PI. XX, Fig. 8. 

2. Valentinian II. (Olv.- DM VALENTINIANVS PF 

AVC : draped youthful bust r.) In ex. of reverse 
R P (Rome). 

No. 65 above. 43 Wt. 0-875 grm. Mod. 14 mm. 
PI. XX, Fig. 10. 

8. Do. Similar types and inscriptions. In ex. of reverse 
TRPS (Treves). 

B. M. ; apparently from the North Mendip hoard. 
Wt. 0-842 grm. Mod. 16 mm. 

4. Theodosius I. (Olv. DN THEODOSIVS PF AVC: 

as preceding.) In ex. of reverse MD (Milan). 
B. M. Wt. 1-150 grm. Mod. 13 mm. 

5. Honorius. (Olr.DN HONORIVS PF AVC: draped 

and cuirassed bust r.) In ex. of reverse RV 
(Ravenna). In my collection; perhaps N. Mendip 

Wt. 1-05 grm. Mod. 13 mm. PL XX, Fig. 14. 

42 Not in Cohen. 

43 Cohen, No. 422. No weight given, but described as "quinarius". 


6. Do, (Obv. Similar type and legend.) In ex. of re- 

verse apparently RM (Rome). 44 

B. M. Collection. Wt. 1-01 grm. Mod. 14mm. 

7. Do. (Obv. Same type and legend.) In ex. of reverse 

MD (Milan). 

Wt. 1-057 grm. Mod. 145 mm. 

B. PERPETVETAS Phoenix with rayed head stand- 

ing 1. on globe. 

1. Gratian. (Obv. DN CRATIANVS PF AVC : 

draped bust to r.) In ex. of reverse TRPS 45 

No. 52 above. Wt. 1-3 grm. Mod. 16 mm. 

2. Theodosiusl. (Obv. DN THEODOSIVS PF AVC: 

as preceding.) In ex. TRPS 46 

No. 76 above. Wt. 1-35 grm. Mod. 16mm. PI. 
XX, Fig. 11. 

C. VIRTVS ROMANORVM Rome seated facing with 

head turned 1. holding globe and spear. 

1. Gratian. (Obv. DN CRATIANVS PF AVG : 

draped bust r.) In ex. of reverse TRPS. 

No. 55 above. Wt. 1-25 grm. Mod. 15mm. PI. 
XX, Pig. 7. 

2. Magnus Maximus. (Obv. DN MAG MAXIMVS 

AVG: similar type.) In ex. of reverse TRPS 

See No. 83 above. Wt, 14 grm. Mod. 14-5 mm. 
PI. XX, Fig. 9. 

44 Under Honorius, No. 38, " tres petit module ", Cohen gives this 
exergual inscription as well as RV and MD- 

40 A silver piece of the same type of about the same module (also 
TRPS) is given by Cohen, Gratian, No. 27, but without indication 
of weight (M. Rollin). 

46 Cohen (Theodosius, No. 26) reproduces a similar piece of about 
the same module (M. Charles Robert, weight not given). Another 
similar piece, also from the Treves mint, is in the British Museum, 
but it shows a weight which comes within the lower limits of the 
siliqua scale, viz. 1-781 grm. Its module is 16-5 mm. 


3. Victor. (OZw. DN FL VICTOR PF AVC : same 
type.) In ex. of reverse TRPS (Treves). 

See No. 88 above. Wt. 1-54 grm. Mod. 14-5 mm. 
PI. XX, Fig. 12. 

D. VIRTVS ROMANORVM Borne seated to 1. hold- 

ing Victory and spear. 

1. Honorius. (Obv. DN HONORIVS PF AVC: as 

preceding.) In ex. of reverse MDPS (Milan). 

In my Collection. Cf. No. 92 above. Wt. 0-75 grm. 
Mod. 13 mm. 47 PI. XX, Fig. 13. 

E. VOT X MVLT X in wreath. 

1. Honorius. (Obv. Draped bust to r.) In ex. of reverse 
MDPS (Milan). 

B. M. ; Coleraine Hoard. Perhaps very slightly 
clipped. Wt. 1-068 grm. Mod. 15 mm. 

We have here then a class of small silver pieces 
which both in the range of their weight and module 
come well below the siliqua standard. Their average 
weight is 1-126 grammes as compared with about 
2 grammes. Their weight ranges from 0-750 to 1-540 as 
compared with about 1-6 to 2-4 grammes. Their average 
module is about 14-5 mm. with a range of from 13 to 16. 
That of the siliqua, according to my own researches, 
averages 17-5 mm., and its range is from 16 to 19-5. 

It will be seen that the coins of this class might 
easily pass for \ siliquae of somewhat full weight, and 
as such it may be convenient to regard them. So far 

* 7 The reverse of this coin is from a die of the ordinary siliqua 
module, so that there was no room for the outer circumference 
of the inscription on the flan. Coins of Arcadius (wt. 1-05 grm.) 
and of Honorius (wt. 0-98 grm.), both of the VIRTVS 
ROMANORVM type and from the Milan mint, and 16 mm. 
in diam., may perhaps be regarded as examples of debased siliquae. 


as the above evidence goes this coinage was confined 
to the mints of Rome, Treves, and, later, Ravenna and 

Of the above types, A, reading VICTORIA AVGCC, 
though it occurs on the small bronze coins of Gratian, 
is not known on his ordinary siliqua series, but it is 
not unfrequent on that of Valentinian II. It is not 
found on any siliqua of Theodosius I 48 from the 
present hoard. The phoenix type (B) reading PER- 
PETVETAS is of great rarity, and seems to be spe- 
cially associated with this diminutive class, though 
one or two specimens of ordinary weight and module 
exist. 49 The classes (C and D) reading VIRTVS 
ROMANORVM answer to a regular siliqua type. 

To the series given above must be added two addi- 
tional types of small silver coins (F and G) of the 
same approximate weight, but forming a distinct and 
interesting group. To the specimens from the North 
Mendip hoard I have been able to add three from the 
British Museum. 

F. Olv. Draped helmeted bust of Koma 1., within circle 
of linked pellets. The bust in some specimens is 
of inferior execution. 

4b Cohen mentions a single specimen, reading AQ.PS (Theodosius, 
No. 40) on the authority of D'Ennery. 

* 9 A coin of Valentinian II of this class is mentioned by Banduri 
(Tom. ii, p. 492) as in the Farnese Collection "nummus rarissimus 
imo singularis est et desideratur in Mediobarbo ". Another was 
published by H. L. Tovey in Num. Chron., xi, 1849, pp. 176-9 (cf. 
Cohen, No. 25). He does not give its weight or module, but speaks 
of it as " of the common diminutive size of the period ". He 
asserts, however, that the reverse was from the same die as a 
"coin of Theodosius in the British Museum". This specimen 
come* within the ordinary siliqua limits both in weight and 


Itei\ X within laurel-wreath. In ex. TR (Treves). 
Two specimens. No. 98 above. Wt. 0-9 and 
1-06 grm. Mod. 14 mm. Wt. 1-06 grm. Mod 
15 mm. PI. XX, Figs. 15, 16. 
B.M. Wt. 1-08 grm. Mod. 15 mm. Wt. 0-94 grm. 

Mod. 14 mm. 
G. Obv. Similar. 

.to. XV in wreath. In ex. TR (Treves). 

No. 99 above. Wt. 0-63 grm. (About a third of the 
coin is broken off and the original weight must 
have been about 1 gramme.) Mod. 13 mm. 
B.M. Wt, 0-78 grm. Mod. 15 mm. PI. XX, Fig. 17. 
It will be seen that the average weight of the coins 
of types F and G is 0-96 gramme, with a maximum 
weight of 1-08 grammes and a minimum of 0-78. The 
module varies from 13 to 15. 

FIG. 1. Hybrid half-siliqua, found at Upware, Cambs. 

It is clear that the above pieces all represent the same 
denomination as the others, and their average weight 
answers very accurately to the half of the siliqua of ordi- 
nary circulation. They are all from the Treves mint, 
and a noteworthy point about them is that the obverse 
type shows the head of Roma in place of that of a 
reigning Emperor. This is a rare deviation from the 
ordinary rule in the case of the later silver coinage, 
but it is shared by a parallel group of small silver 
pieces to be referred to below. 

A curious hybrid type, belonging to Professor Hughes 
of Cambridge (Fig. 1), may be taken to show that 
similar small silver pieces were also struck by the 
Aquileian mint. The obverse of this, which is dis- 



tinctly barbarous, seems to present a blundered version 
of the name either of Theodosius or Honorius. The 
reverse, however, with XV in a wreath and AQ. below, 
is clear enough. Professor McKenny Hughes, to whose 
kind permission the publication of this piece is due, 
kindly adds the information that it was found on the 
Upware ridge opposite Stretham, Cambs., together 
with a silver piece (siliqua) of Julian II from the 
Treves mint reading VOTIS V MVLTIS X. The coins 
lay with the remains of two skeletons, and each had 
served as one of Charon's obols. 

On their reverse these coins show X and XV respec- 
tively within the usual laurel- wreath that elsewhere 
contains the enumeration of the Vota. There can be 
no reasonable doubt that the figures in the present 
series have a similar signification, of which, indeed, no 
one familiar with the contemporary coinage would be 
for a moment in doubt. What remains uncertain is 
whether we should regard these all as decennial pieces, 
and see in the respective figures a reference to the 
solution of the Decennalia Vota and the susception of 
the Quindecennalia, as in the common legend VOTIS 
X MVLTIS XV, or whether we should regard them 
as representing two successive issues, one in honour of 
the Decennalia, the other of the Quindecennalia. The 
latter appears to be on the whole the more reasonable 

A figure of type F is given by Cohen in his section 
dealing with the Constantinian series reading VRBS 
ROMA. 60 It is of similar small module, but the 
weight, as usual, is not recorded. M. Feuardent, how- 

50 Descr. des Monn. Romaines, ed. 2, vii, p. 329, No. 11. 


ever, makes the just observation that the coin is later 
than Constantino's time, and that it cannot have been 
earlier than the age of Valentinian II. 

In some respects, however, the coins of types F and 
G present a close parallel to a very enigmatic group of 
small silver pieces of similar module. Some of these 
bear on their obverse a helmeted head of Roma, while 
on the reverse appears K, P, or R in a beaded circle, and 
they have been variously regarded as later than the 
Constantiniaii period, as belonging to the time of 
Theodosius or to that of Justinian. 

The letters in the field on the reverse have been 
interpreted as referring K to Constantinople and R or 
P to Rome. The weight of the specimens of this series 
in the British Museum varies from about 1-425 grammes 
(22 grains) to 0-650 (10-3 grains). 51 Some are quite 
neatly executed, but the bust of Roma on the bulk of 
them is extremely barbarous, at times recalling the 
" Iiivicta Roma " of the Ostrogothic bronze coins. In 
certain cases the reverse with P or K is coupled with 
an imperial head on the obverse. One such has been 
attributed to Fausta, 52 but her coiffure bears a greater 
resemblance to that of Helena, 53 while the youthful bust 
of Constantino II or one of his colleagues has been 
recognized in another. 54 Another shows a bearded 
bust. 55 It seems probable that we have here to deal 

51 W. Wroth, Imperial Byzantine Coins in the British Museum 
i, p. 71. The suggestion is there made that these pieces may be 
tesserae rather than coins. 

52 By Feuardent, in Cohen, Monnaies Romaines, ed. 2, vii, p. 337. 

53 Compare Cohen, vii, p. 95, No. 4. 

54 Cohen, vii (in 1st ed. assigned to Fausta). Feuardent would, 
however, refer it to Arcadius or Honorius (loc. cit., note 1). 

55 Wroth, loc. cit., rev. K (Rev. Num. Beige, 1905, p. 160. 


with occasional pieces issued at intervals during a con- 
siderable period of years, but the whole series is 
deserving of special investigation. 

The natural question suggests itself Have we in the 
series of small silver issues enumerated above under 
types A-Gr examples of the " argentei minutuli " which 
were current about the end of the fourth century? The 
word itself implies a distinction between the ordinary 
current silver coin, in which we must recognize the- 
siliquae, and a more diminutive class. 

Our knowledge of the term c; minutuli " is indeed due 
to that strange farrago known as the Scriptores Historiae 
Augustae, 5G so largely pieced together, as recent criti- 
cism has shown, from forged documents, and replete 
with anachronisms. The work itself belongs to the 
close of the fourth century, and the numismatic details 
foisted into its materials have now been conclusively 
demonstrated to be altogether foreign to the monetary 
conditions of the third century, to which they are 
applied. On the other hand, every element as far as 
it can be traced illustrates the system and nomen- 
clature of the Imperial coinage as it existed in the age 
of Honorius. 57 In. this way there is a certain value in 
the statement of Lampridius, in his Life of Severus 
Alexander, 58 that the price of a pound of pork or veal 

66 Fl. Vopisci, Vita Aureliani, 9. 7 and 12. 1. (The application 
here of the term Philippeos to silver coins itself sufficiently 
marks the work of an ignorant forger.) Ael. Lampridii Vita Sev. 
Alexander, 22. 8. 

57 I need only refer to the convincing and exhaustive essay of 
K. Menadier, "Die Miinzen und das Munzwesen bei den Scriptores 
Historiae Augustae," Zeitschr.f. Numismatik, 1913, pp.1 seqq. 

58 c. 22. 8 " Tantumque intra biennium vel prope annum 
porcinae carnis fuit et bubulae ut cum fuisset octo minutulis 
libra ad duos ununique utriusque carnis libra redigeretur ". The 


was reduced in little over a year from eight to two 
"minutuli" or even a single minutulus ". For we 
know that in Diocletian's edict, De pretiis rerum, the 
price of a pound of pork was fixed at 12 denarii and 
of veal at 8. About 28 of Diocletian's "denarii" 
(50,000 to a gold pound) would have been contained in 
the later siliqua. If we roughly take the price of a 
pound of meat at the doubtless very low rate of 10 
denarii (the mean of 12 and 8) this would make its 
value if or somewhat over a third of a siliqua. This 
tends to show that the " minutulus " must have been of 
lesser denomination than the siliqua, and for this reason 
Seeck 59 identified it with the small silver pieces current 
under Honorius. 

That from Honorius's time onwards halves or lesser 
divisions of the siliqua were freely issued is generally 
recognized by numismatists. 00 The importance of the 

emendation octo mimitulis for the unintelligible octominutalis is 
due to Mommsen. 

59 Ehein. Museum, 49, p. 221. But in view of the existence of 
half-siliquae as early as Gratian, this identification does not in 
itself show that the passages in the Scriptores are necessarily later 
than A. D. 395. 

00 Seeck, " Die Miinzpolitik Diocletians und seiner Nachfolger," 
Z.f. Numismatik, xvii (1890), p. 66 "Doch beginnt schon Honorius 
ein neues Nominale zu schlagen, das nach seinem sehr geringen 
Umfange und seinein Gewicht von 1-13-0-83 etwa das Halbsttick 
der Siliqua bedeuten kann ". He thinks, however, it may answer 
to the "decargyrus" mentioned in Cod. Theod., ix. 23. 2, which 
would have contained 10 denarii, and was about = * siliqua. 
Babelon, Traite de Numismatique, i, pp. 577, 578, speaks of half- 
siliquae of Constantius II and Julian, but he assigns to the siliqua 
a higher mean weight than results from the mass of the evidence 
("clans les medaillers les siliques se repartissent, sauf exceptions, 
entre 2 gr. 30 et 2 gr. 15, aussi bien pour le regne de Julien que 
pour celui de Constance II. Sous Gratien les pieces que j'ai pesees 
vont de 2 gr. 50 a 2 gr. 08 "). There was, however, as pointed out 
above, such a constant variation in the siliqua weight above and 


small silver pieces contained in the present hoard and of 
the comparisons to which they lead lies in the evidence 
thus afforded that the half-siliqua issues go back to 
the time of Gratian. They were doubtless, however, 
of a limited kind, and may have been of a " sportulary " 
class, recalling our "Maundy money". They were 
useful, it seems, for Charon's toll. From the beginning 
of the fifth century, however, these halves or other 
fractions of the siliqua became the ordinary silver 
currency, though here again we must remember that, 
as in the case of Honorius's silver issues, a certain 
proportion of these coins were intended for siliquae, 
though much debased in weight. 


The Eoman mint at London was first opened by 
Carausius and maintained by Allectus, both Emperors 
using it for gold as well as inferior metal. By 
Diocletian and his colleagues C1 it was confined to the 
issue of bronze pieces, as well as by Constantine and 
his family. 62 In A.D. 326 the mint of London, like 
that of many other cities, was closed by Constantine. 
It was not allowed, moreover, like many other mints, 
to enjoy a period of renewed activity from 333 to 337. 

below an average of about 2 grin., that in identifying fractions of 
a siliqua the only safe rule seems to be to make it a condition that 
an exceptionally low weight should be accompanied by an ex- 
ceptionally small module, so that the bulk of these pieces can be 
recognized by eye. 

61 On the London coins of Diocletian without mint-mark see 
De Salis, "Roman Coins struck in Britain," NUM. Chron., 1867, p. 58. 

62 See on this J. Maurice, Nnmismatique Constantinienne, ii, 
pp. 1 seqq. 


It was long supposed that the Roman mint of 
London did not survive the Constantinian age. In 
1867, however, De Salis called attention to some rare 
gold solidi of Magnus Maximtis struck that is about 
A.D. 383 with the legend VICTORIA AVCC, and 
bearing the mint-mark AVCOB, hitherto ascribed to 
Treves, and pointed out that Londinium Augusta had 
a better claim. 63 This view received further support 
in a paper by my father in the same volume of 
the Numismatic Chronicle, Gi who there described the 

FIG. 2. Silver gilt solidus of Theodosius with mint-mark 
of Augusta. (B. M.) 

two siliquae of Magnus Maximus, referred to in the 
preceding paper, with the exergual legends AVCPS 
and AVC. 

In his last communication to this Society, in a paper 
read by him on April 23, 1908, 05 my father returned to 
the same subject, and published a fresh specimen of 
a solidus of Magnus Maximus with the exergual 
inscription AVC. OB (PI. XX, Fig. 5). 

There also exists in the British Museum a solidus of 
Theodosius I of a similar type (Fig. 2), and presenting 

C3 Num. Chron., 1867, pp. 61, 62. Of. Madden, Num. Chron., 1861, 
p. 122, note, for the name "Augusta" as applied to London. 

64 Num. Chron., 1867, p. 329, "Coins of Magnus Maximus struck 
at London." 

65 Num. Chron,, 1908, pp. 99 seqq., and PL x. 15. Of., too, 
L. Forrer, " Un Sou de Maxirne frappe a . Londres," Bull. 


the same exergual inscription A VCOB. GC It is really of 
silver gilt, but was certainly taken from a gold original, 
and must therefore be regarded as representing an 
Imperial issue. 67 As, however, in spite of the murder 
of Gratian, Theodosius found it politic for a while to 
recognize the usurper as a colleague, the solidus in 
question may have been struck in Maximus's lifetime. 

That Magnus Maximus, who made Britain the start- 
ing-point for his Continental enterprise, should have 
struck coins at the London mint was natural enough. 
But the great restoration and reorganization of Eoman 
Britain at the hand of Valentinian's general, Theo- 
dosius, had taken place sixteen years earlier, and 
there exist, as we shall see, some curious pieces of 
numismatic evidence which bring the revival of the 
mint at Londmium Augusta into connexion with that 

Already in 360 Julian, then in his winter quarters 
at Paris, had been seriously disturbed by the news 
of a combined attack of Picts and Scots on Britain, 
and had sent his Magister Armorum Lupicinus to 
"Lundinium ", which here appears under its old name, 63 
to take remedial measures. But matters went from 
bad to worse, and it seems probable that the Saxons 
then ravaging the Gaulish limites had also taken a hand. 
The Dux Britanniarum Fullofa tides was successfully 
ambushed by the barbarians, and " Comes Maritimi 
tractus" Nectaridus, whose sphere of activity would 

66 Published by De Salis, Num. Chron., 1867, p. 62, and 
PL iv. 16. 

07 De Salis, loc. cit., was inclined to regard the piece as barbarous, 
I venture to think on insufficient grounds. It weighs 50-7 gr. 

68 Ammianus Marcellinus, lib. xx, c. 1. 


point to the Channel and later "Littus Saxonicum", 
was slain. 

This news was brought to Valentinian in 361, who 
was then leaving Amiens, where he had just conferred 
on his young son Gratianus the dignity of Augustus. 
He at once dispatched his great general Theodosius, 
" the father of a line of Emperors," to liberate Britain. 
The first task of the new " Dux " on his march from 
Eichborough to London was to clear the Kentish tract 
through which he passed from roving bands of bar- 
barians, a fact which clearly illustrates the extent to 
which Britain had been overrun. He then proceeded 
to the relief of London, which had been reduced to 
great extremities, and made his triumphal entry into 
the city in A.D. 368. 69 

The passage of Ammianus Marcellinus 70 describing 
the entry of Theodosius into London has been more 
than once cited in connexion with the changed name 
of its mint as seen on the coins of Magnus Maximus. 
It is there described as " Vetus oppidum quod Augustam 
posteritas adpellavit ". A little later, on the departure 
of Theodosius from the city, Ammianus reiterates his 
annotation on the name "Augusta . . . quam veteres 
adpellavere Lundinium ". 71 Valentinian's general, we 
are told, recovered the Roman province which had 
fallen under the hostile yoke, renaming it Valentia 
in honour apparently of his brother Valens. 72 After 
restoring the cities and provinces of Britain, and 

69 Ammianus Marcellinus, lib. xxvii, c. 8 "Mersam difficultatibus 
suis antehac civitatem, sed subito, quam salus sperari recreatam, 
in ovantis speciem laetissinius introiit ". 

70 Loc. cit. 71 Lib. xxviii. 3. 
72 Bury, note to Gibbon, vol. iii (1897), p. 45, note 122. 


regarrisoning the Castra and limites, he made a 
triumphant return South in 369, and recrossed the 
Channel on his way to rejoin his master at Treves. 

That one episode in this great work of restoration 
was the reopening of the mint at London may be 
inferred from a very interesting group of silver coins 
struck by Valentinian and his colleagues to which 
attention is now for the first time directed. 

The coin which first arrested my own attention 
was a silver piece of Valentinian the Elder of the 
double siliqua or miliarense class [PI. XX, Fig. l]. 
It was formerly in the collection of Seiior Vidal 
Quadras y Ramon at Barcelona, 74 and was acquired by 
me at his sale in 1913. This collection contained a 
numerous series of these larger silver coins, apparently 
derived from a hoard. The large hoards of Eoman 
silver coins dating from the last half of the fourth 
century have, as is well known, been almost exclusively 
confined to Britain, and in most cases to the western 
part of our island, especially Somerset, 74 but I have 
not been able to trace the provenance of those in 
the Vidal Quadras y Ramon Collection. Another coin, 
apparently of an identical type from the Garthe Col- 
lection, is mentioned by Cohen, 75 though unfortunately 

r3 Paris Catalogue, Dec. 16, &c., 1913, No. 719. 

74 See Haverfield, Victoria Count;/ History of Somerset; and cf. 
Hill, Xiim. Chron., 1906, pp. 337 seqq. 

75 Monnaies Romaines, eel. 2, viii, p. 98, No. 78, "Module 6J-". 
The exergual legend is given as SMLAP, and the palm-branch 
is not mentioned. The exergual letters that appear on this 
group of coins are constantly omitted from Cohen's lists under 
Valentinian I, Valens, and Gratian. It is difficult to explain this 
omission. Gnecchi, Medaylioni Romani, i, p. 98, No. 32, gives the 
weight of this piece as 4-92 gnu., and refers to it as " Gia Coll. 
Weber". It is not in the Weber Catalogue, however. 


the exergual inscription is given without its punctua- 
tion and the symbol is omitted. 

The following is the description of the coin in my 
collection : 

bust to r., wearing cuirass and paludamentum 
(fastened by circular brooch with three pen- 

Rev. VOTIS V MVLTIS X in laurel crown. In 

ex. S. M. L. A. P. and palm-branch. Wt. 

5-25 grm. (c. 82 gr.). Diam. 25 mm. PI. XX, 

The punctuation of the exergual inscription is indi- 
cated with exceptional fullness. The first and last 
elements, S. M. = Sacra Moneta and P. = Prima, refer 
to the officina. But, in place of the two connected 
intermediate letters with which these elements are 
in other cases associated on the coinage of the time, 
such as TR, Ad, SD, and so forth, denoting respec- 
tively the mints of Treves, Aquileia, and Serdica, we 
find the indication of the two initials L. A. answering 
to a double civic name. There is no Continental mint 
with which these letters are associated. 

I venture to read the full inscription as follows : 


The use of the double appellation fittingly corre- 
sponds with a period of transitional usage. On the 
Constantinian and earlier issues of the London mint the 
exergual inscription in one form or another refers to 
Londinium. On the pieces struck by Magnus Maximus 
A.D. 383-8 the name has become simply Augusta. 
It looks as if the official emphasis on the " Augustan " 


name, of which we find the echo in the passages of 
Ammianus already cited, may have been part of 
Theodosius's scheme of renovation in the island. 

According to all analogy we should expect that 
similar quinquennial pieces were also struck by the 
London mint in the name of Valens. It is indeed 
probable that such will come to light, and it will be 
shown below that silver pieces of this denomination 
with the London stamp were, as a matter of fact, 
struck in his name at the time of his Decennalia. 

The following piece at any rate shows that such 
coins with Quinquennalia Vota were struck in the 
name of the youthful Gratian, who had been proclaimed 
Augustus in September 397. A specimen of this coin 
existed in M. de Queleii's Collection, 76 another in the 
Paris Cabinet is shown in PI. XX, Fig. 3. 

Obv.D N CRATIANVS P F AVC Bust of the 
Emperor to the right, diademed, draped and 
in cuirass. 

Rev. VOTIS V MVLTIS X in laurel crown. 

In the ex. S. M. L. A. P. \Vt.5-15grm. 
Diam. 24 mm. PI. XX, Fig. 3. 

It is specially interesting to note in support of the 
attribution of the coin of Valentiiiian to the London 
mint that it commemorates his Quinquennalia, which 
took place in A. D. 368, 77 and that its issue thus corre- 
sponds with the date of the triumphal entry of his 

76 Catalogue, Paris, 1888, No. 2244. The exergual lettering is 
erroneously described in the text as S . M L . A P , but the phototype 
on the plate shows the true punctuation S. M. L. A. P. 

77 That the Quinquennalia of two Emperors were celebrated 
this year appears from the record of those of Valens preserved by 
the Oration of Themistios (Or. viii, TrevTafTrjpiKus). Cf. Clinton, 
Fasti Romani, i, p. 471. 


great general into Londinium Augusta. The coin 
of Gratian was probably struck at the same date as 
that recording the Quinquemialia of his father, and 
on the same auspicious occasion in A.D. 368, though 
as a matter of fact little more than a year had passed 
since his elevation to the dignity of Augustus. 78 A 
close parallel to this is presented by the aureus struck 
conjointly by Gratian and Valens in A.D. 376 to com- 
memorate the proclamation of the infant Valentiniaii II, 
and on which he is credited with Quinquennalia Vota. 79 
Gratian himself, who reigned sixteen years, has coins 
bearing the inscriptions VOT. XX MVLT. XXX. 80 
Valens. who reigned less than fifteen years, celebrates 
his Vicennalia Vota in the same way. The two earlier 
Vota (V and X) of Valentiniaii I and Valens, however, 
seem, as we shall see, to have been celebrated at their 
proper seasons. 

It further appears that silver coins of the same large 
module were struck by both Valentinian I and Valens 
at the London mint at the time of their Decennalia. 

The types are as follows : 


demed bust to r., wearing cuirass and paluda- 

Kev.VOT\S X MVLTIS XV in laurel crown. 

In ex. "SMLAP". (This is Cohen's reading 81 

78 Cf. Clinton, Fasti Eomani, i, p. 468. 

79 I may refer to ray observations on this coin in Num. Chron., 
1910, pp. 108, 109. 

?0 Cohen, op. cit., viii, p. 135, No. 77, who also cites a small bronze 
piece in Si'gnor Gnecchi's Collection with the inscription VOT. 

81 Cohen, viii, p. 99, No. 80, refers to this com as in M. Kollm s 
possession. No weight is given. 


and no symbol is mentioned. It is practi- 
cally certain, however, in view of the 
analogy presented by the parallel piece of 
Valens, that the inscription should be S. M. 
L. A. P. followed by a palm-branch.) 


Olv. D N VALENS P F AVG Diademed bust 
to r., wearing cuirass and paludamentum. 

Bcv.VOT\S X MVLTIS XV in laurel crown. 

In ex. S. M. L. [A.] P. and palm-branch. The 
"A." is here partly obliterated, but on the 
analogy of the other coins of this series can 
be safely restored. 

Diam. 25 mm. The weight of this coin is 
abnormally low, 4-66 grm., but the defi- 
ciency may be partly accounted for by the 
small break in the margin. 82 In the Paris 
Cabinet (PL XX, Fig. 2). 

The date of the Decennalia Vota of Valens can be 
fixed with, certainty from the eleventh oration of 
Themistios StKaeTrjpiKos addressed to the Emperor 
in Syria. In it the orator expressly refers to the 
conclusion of the cycle of ten years from the accession 
of Valens, which fixes the date to March 28, A.D. 373. 83 
The London mint was, therefore, still functioning at 
this time, and it is probable that similar silver pieces 
were struck at the same time in the name of Valen- 
tinian I and of Gratian, though specimens of them do 
not seem to have come to light. 

It will be observed that certain characteristics 

82 This coin is described and figured by Cohen (viii, p. 1 18, No. 105). 
Cf. Gnecchi, op. cit., i, p. 78, No. 36. 

83 Themistios, Omtiones, loc. cit. ; and cf. Clinton, Fasti Romani, 
p. 481. 


common to this whole group of coins proclaim their 
issue to have been of an exceptional kind. 

1. The coins are all of the larger class of silver 
pieces double siliquae, that is, or miliarensia. Their 
module is about 25 mm., and their weight, so far as 
recorded, varies from 5-25 to 4-66 grammes. 

2. They were all struck at the time of the Quin- 
quennalia and Decennalia Vota. 

3. They bear, apparently in all cases, the palm-branch 
symbol after the indication of the civic name. This 
appears also on the London solidi of Magnus Maximus, 
rising above the exergual line. 

It is by no means improbable that further issues of 
the same kind from the London mint will be ultimately 
brought to light covering the period from 373, the date 
of the Decennalia of Valentinian and his colleague, to 
A.D. 383, when Magnus Maximus made use of it under 
the sole title of Augusta. The coins that we should 
look for in the first instance would be double siliquae of 
Valens with the inscription VOTIS XV MVLTIS XX, 
of G-ratian with decennial or later Vota, and of Valen- 
tinian II with his earlier Vota, though no large 
quinquennial pieces of that Emperor seem to be 

A solidus of Valentinian I from the Paris Cabinet is 
described by Cohen 84 as presenting .the exergual 
inscription LONSA. It represents on the reverse the 
common type of the Emperor holding a standard and 
a small figure of Victory. As however the " SA " is 
enigmatic, and other coins of this particular variety 
showing the standard without the Christian monogram 

84 viii, p. 90, No. 24. 


are so far as is known from the Eastern mints, it is 
well to place this solidus to " a reserve account ". 

For reasons given in the succeeding Section there 
seem to be good grounds for concluding that even if 
there was a break in the London coinage during the 
interval of ten years from 373 tp 383, the mint itself 
may have continued to perform other functions con- 
nected with the assaying and weighing of silver ingots 
destined for the more prolific Continental centres. 

The revival of the London mint under its new name 
of "Augusta", for actual coinage by Magnus Maximus 
seems to have been of a less limited character than 
that of Valentinian and his colleagues. That double 
siliquae celebrating his Quinquennalia (whether anti- 
cipated or not) were struck by him here is made 
probable by the existence of his siliqua from the 
North Mendip Hoard with the inscription VOT V 
MVLT X. But in addition to this we have the 
siliqua from the same hoard with the inscription 
VICTORIA AVGC (confined to his British mint) and 
his gold solidi with the same inscription. 


It should be borne in mind that the Roman Pro- 
vincial mint officials and, perhaps in an exceptional 
degree, those of Britain had other functions to per- 
form besides the actual striking of coins. They had 
also important duties connected with the refining and 
warranting of precious metals, brought to the mint 
in a more or less crude form. 

This form of activity indeed had been considerably 
extended since Constantine's time, owing to various 

85 Cod.Theod.,xii.6.2i xii. 7.1; vi.22.2; 
ix. 17. 2 ; and cp. H. Willers, Num. Zeitschr., 
xxx. 211, 212. 

86 F. Kenner, Bomische Goldbarren mit 
Stempeln (Num. Zeitschr., xx (1888), pp. 19- 
46, and Plates ii, iii, iv) ; and cp. Arch.-Ep. 
MittlieUungen aus Oesterreich, xiii (1888), 
pp. 1-24 ; Mommsen, Goldbarren aits Sir- 
mhim (Z. fur Numismatik, xvi (1888), 
pp. 351-8); Willers, Num. Zeitschr., xxx 
(1898), pp. 222, 223, and xxxi (1899), p. 38. 



enactments of that Emperor and 
his successors, in accordance with 
which fines were made legally pay- 
able not only in coin but in gold 
or silver weight. 85 The weight 
reckoning in gold and silver largely 
superseded the earlier practice of 
reckoning by folles, and payments 
to the Imperial Treasury were made 
on this basis. Further, in order to 
facilitate such payments, the prac- 
tice also arose of melting down 
bullion and converting it into bars 
or ingots of a duly refined standard 
attested by the stamps of mint 

The classical example of gold 
bars of this class is due to the dis- 
covery in 1887 of sixteen specimens 
of such in the Haromzek County of 
Transylvania. 80 The gold of these 
bars was 98 per cent, pure, and their 
weights, in all cases different, ranged 
from about 100 to over 500 grammes. 



One of these bars is shown in Fig. 3. The metal 
of these bars, cast in a mould, had been stamped after 
it was cooled by officials of the Sirmian mint. One 
of the stamps employed shows the facing busts of two 
adult Emperors and a boy, a combination which would 
agree with the association of Gratian by Valentinian I 
and Valens in A.D. 367, or with that of Valentinian II 
by Valens and Gratian in 375, or again, of Gratian, 
Theodosius, and Valentinian II in 37H. 87 On another 
stamp the "Tyche" of the city of Sirmium is seen 
seated, with the name appended. 

The first stamp on the bars, bearing the name of 
the mint official Lucianus, 88 certifies the metal as 
" obryzum " or " red gold ", the Christian monogram 
being added as a further sanction. The letters OBR 
indeed that here appear are a fuller form of the 
OB first introduced on to the gold coinage by the 

87 Kenner (op. cit., p. 29) has Valentinian I, Valens, and Gratian. 
Mommsen, op. cit., pp. 352, 353, adds, as preferable, the alternative 
of Gratian, Theodosius I, and Valentinian II (378-83). The Sirmian 
mint still existed in Theodosius I's time (cp. Cohen, viii, p. 159, 
No. 37, exergual legend SI ROB). 

88 The inscription reads LVCIANVS OBR. -I- SIC . 
Mommsen, op. cit., suggests, doubtfully, that I = primum, as 
showing that this was the first stamp impressed on the bar. He 
altogether rejects Kenner's interpretation "primae (notae) " = i.e. 
refined gold of the first standard, referring to the mark on the 
touchstone. 1 venture to suggest that the inscription should read 


CHRISMATE, and as indicating that Lucianus signed as the 
first of the officials to whom actual assaying had been entrusted. 
It finds, in fact, a perfect analogy in the OF. PRIMVS 
(Officinator primus) on the silver ingot from the Treves mint 
described below, p. 497. Obriziarius occurs in Glosses. (Du Cange, 
s. v.) From the further existence of the word obriziatus (" solidos 
obriziatos," Du Cange, s.v.) it seems possible that the title oltryzhttor 
may have also existed. 


Valentinian dynasty as a guarantee for the standard 
fineness of the gold used for the solidus and its parts. 89 
This appears appended to the civic indication in the 
exergue by both Eastern and Western mints, 90 and it 
is interesting in the present connexion to recall that 
Magnus Maximus added to such exergual inscriptions 
already known AVC OB for the London mint. 

There is evidence that in the period to which the 
Sirmian bars belong the obryzum of the mints was 
under the general charge of a special monetary official 
of the dignity of Comes. Already in Valentinian I's 
time we see the inscription COM ousting the indica- 
tion of the civic name from the exergue, and relegating 
it to a secondary position in the field, on coins of 
Treves, Lyons, and Milan. Under his successors, 
beginning with Valentinian II and Theodosius, the 
fuller form COM OB becomes usual as the exergual 
mark in various mints belonging to both halves of the 
Empire. Numismatists are by now well acquainted with 
the felicitous reference of Willers 91 in this connexion 
to a late Roman collection of official abbreviations 
appended to that of the earlier grammarian Probus, 

89 Possibly, as suggested by Willers, Z. f. Num., xxxi (1899), 
pp. 49, 50, the OB on solidi should rather be regarded as 
the equivalent of solidus obryziacus (cp. Cod. lust., xi. 11. 3 
" obryziacorum omnium solidorum uniforme pretiuui 11 ; Cod. 
Theod., vii. 24 " in una libra auri septuaginta duo obryziaci "). 

90 Namely, those of Constantinople, Antioch, Thessalonica, 
Sirmium, Aquileia, Milan, and Treves. * 

91 Num. Zeitschr., xxx (1899), pp. 44, 45. The text of the 
annotations as given in Keil's Grammatid Latini, vol. iv, appears 
in the somewhat corrupt form COM. OB, Comitia obryziaca; 

?' 9' ^, Comitiobridriaca; OB, obnjziacum; O. B, obridriacus ; 

O. D 

but Willers's emendation seems quite satisfactory. COM. by itself 
is given as the equivalent of COMES. 



where COM OB is interpreted as COMITIS OBRY- 

ZIACVS, that is, " the standard gold solidus of the 
Comes". Whether this official is the "Count of the 
Sacred Largesses " or his subordinate the " Comes 
Auri " mentioned in the Notitia of the Western 
Empire 92 is more difficult to determine. It is in 
favour of the former supposition, however, that there 
exists a standard gold weight or exagium solidi with the 
triple busts of Honorius, Arcadius, and Theodosius II, 
the reverse of which bears the inscription EXAC[IVM] 
administration of the mints as a whole was under the 
last-named official. 

The second class of stamp on the Sirmian bars bears 
the names of monetary officials who seem to have 
controlled the work of the former officer, to whom 
perhaps was entrusted the actual refining of the metal. 
One variety bears the inscription : 




This stamp is ascribed by Mommsen 94 to the Procurator 

92 This is Willers's suggestion (Num. Zeitschr., xxxi (1899), p. 45). 

93 Sabatier, Medailles Byzantines, i, PI. iii. 9 ; Cohen, viii, p. 191. 8 
(see, too, Num. Chron., 1878, PL ii. 3). 

94 Z. fur Num., xxx (1898), p. 223, and xxxi (1899), p. 38. 
The existence of Imperial officials called probatores is ascer- 
tained. The Greek equivalent of probator was fio/a/iao-r/jf. Willers 
appositely cites Jeremiah vi. 27 "Probatorera dedi te in populo 
meo robustum ; et scies et probabis viam eorum . . . Defecit 
sufflatorium, in igne consumptum est plumbum'; frustra conflavit 
conflator, malitiae enim eorum non sunt consumptae. Argentuin 
reprobuin vocate eos, quia Dominus proiecit illos." In the Greek 
translation here probator is doKi^aa-rr^ and argentum reprobuin 


Monetae, who, as we know from the Notitia, was the 
principal mint official. Willers, however, has given 
good reasons for referring it to the Probator = assayer, 
a monetary title of which there is also evidence. 95 
This officer here appears to certify the fact that the 
gold of the bars is "up to sample" (AD DIGMA 96 ), 
and it is of special numismatic interest that the 
symbol which follows his signature is the palm-branch. 
On another stamp, which takes the place 97 of this on 
some of the bars, the names of two officials appear 
with that of Sirmium appended, and two symbols, 
the palm-branch and star the palm, however, taking 
the place of honour. 

The use of this symbol as the mark of the principal 
controller of the standard explains its frequent appear- 
ance on coins of this period, both of the East and 
"West. 93 In the West it is found not only at Sirmium 
itself, but at Thessalonica, Rome, Aquileia, Milan, and 
Treves. We may therefore assume that the appearance 
of the palm-branch in a similar position on the coins 
of the London mint, described above, must also be 
taken as the special mark of the Probator Monetae. 

95 Op. cit., p. 354. A stamp, moreover, on one of the gold bars 
from the Aboukir find reads /////ANTIVS [P]ROBAVJT. 
The inscription in this case appears in a shallow impression above 
and below a more deeply punched stamp reading ACVEPPSIC 
i. e. the stamp of the Signator. See Hill, Proc. Soc. Ant., xx, 
pp. 92 seqq. The Aboukir bars date from the age of Diocletian. 

96 Digma 8ery/i. 


98 For a conspectus of its usage see Kenner, op. tit., pp. 40, 41. 
The secondary controlling official of the bars apparently used 
the star as his mark, which also is of frequent appearance in con- 
nexion with exergual inscriptions on contemporary coins (op. cit., 
pp. 41, 42). 


It must have the same significance on the solidus of 
Magnus Maximus with the name of Augusta, where 
it rises above the exergual line, as in other con- 
temporary gold pieces of similar type. 

Sanctioned thus in the same way by the Imperial 
effigies, stamped by the same monetary officers and 
with a similar certificate of the metal as " obryzum ", 
it will be seen that such bars were by this time as 
much a part of the official currency of the Empire 
as the coins issued from the same mints. They repre- 
sented various weights of precious metal of a very 
high standard of guaranteed purity. Their fabric 
itself was much more economical than that of struck 
coins of an equivalent value, and in large amounts 
paid by weight they were a distinct convenience. 

The evidence of similar vehicles of currency in 
silver with the same official guarantee of purity was 
subsequently afforded by the discovery in 1898 at 
Dierstorf, north of Minden, of three ingots stamped 
by officinatores of the Roman and Treveran mints." 
The ingots with incurved sides of very ancient 
tradition, somewhat resembling early double axes 
were three in number, weighing respectively 299-73, 
309-5, and 309-81 grammes. The first ingot bears a 
stamp with three Imperial busts, the central one 
facing, the other two, one of them of a young boy, 
in profile, and both the style, the comparative ages, 
and the grouping correspond with exagia solidi or 
solidus weights attributed to the end of the fourth 

99 H. Willers, Rdmische Billet-barren mil Stempeln (Num. Zeitschr., 
xxx (1898), pp. 211 seqq., and xxxi (1899), pp. 35 seqq.). The 
ingots were first erroneously said to have been found at Nendorf. 



or the beginning of the fifth century. 100 It is possible 
that we have here Theodosius the Elder and his two 
sons, Arcadius and Honorius, the latter of whom, then 
a boy often, was associated in A.D. 394. 101 The further 
stamp on this ingot presenting the seated figure of 
Borne and the legend VRBS ROMA should, on the 
analogy of the similar figure of Sirmium on the gold 
bar, connect it with the Roman mint. The quality of 
the metal is further attested by the mint official 
Paulus as "white" or "fine" silver CAND[IDVM 

The other two ingots from this find, of nearly equal 
weight, both bear official stamps of the Treves mint. 
They are of special interest in the light they throw 
on the mint-marks of a series of silver pieces that 

100 Compare, especially, Sabatier, Monnaies Byzantines, i, PL iii, 
Figs. 4, 5. These two exagia solicit, &s well as Figs. 6-9, on which all 
three heads are facing, are attributed by Sabatier to Arcadius, 
Honorius, and Theodosius II (made Augustus in 408 when one year 
old). The prominence of the central bust seems to me, however, 
to agree better with the association of Honorius, Arcadius, and 
Theodosius I. This is also the attribution suggested by Cohen 
(viii. 264). 

101 Seeck, indeed (cited by Willers, op. cit., p. 217). regarded the 
profile head to the left as that of an empress, and would therefore 
recognize here Galla PJacidia, Theodosius, and the young Valen- 
tinian III. In this case the date could not be earlier than A.D. 425 
about half a century later than the Sirmian bars, which otherwise 
present such parallel features. But the object which he takes to 
be a wreath above the head to the left, and which he would there- 
fore compare with the small wreath held by a hand often seen 
above the head of Galla Placidia and of other empresses of the 
same period, seems to me to be simply an exaggerated version of 
the circular jewel of the usual Imperial diadem. In profile heads, 
especially at the end of the fourth and the beginning of the fifth 
century, this feature is often much exaggerated. There is, more- 
over, no trace of the hand and wrist. The style of the work and 
notably the seated figure of Urbs Roma seem to me to be of 
distinctly earlier date. 


first make their appearance in the last half of the 
fourth century. 

The stamp on one of these ingots bears the inscrip- 
tion OF. PRIMVS. TR. PVS. PI, no doubt correctly 
interpreted by Willers Of(ficinator) primus Tr(evero- 
rum), pus(ulati] p(ondo) I = unum or una libra. The 
stamp on the other ingot reads .. PRI(S)CI. TR PS 
P. I, conjecturally completed . . Prisci(anus) Tr(e- 
verorum) p(u)s(ulati) (P)ondo (U)num. 

Pusulatum, sometimes pustulatum, was the regular 
name for silver refined by the process of cupellation, 
the surface of which in consequence of this pre- 
sented a pimpled or "pustuled" appearance. Classical 
scholars will recall Martial's lines referring to Spanish 
silver : 

"Nulla venit a me 
Hispani tibi libra pustulati." 102 

Even more apposite is the passage in Suetonius 
recording Nero's whim to have nothing but newly 
minted coin : " . . nummum asperum, argentum pu- 
stulatum, aurum ad obrussam." 103 We have here 
coupled the two technical expressions for pure silver 
and gold, afterwards taken over into official stamps 
and dies. 

The abbreviated form PS given for pusulatum 011 the 
last-mentioned ingot at once explains the appearance of 
these letters after the indication of the mint 011 silver 
pieces, of which the first were struck by Valentinian 
and his colleagues in the Western mints. Such are 
TR PS, as on the ingot at Treves, LVC PS at Lyons, 

102 Lib. vii, Ep. 86, ver. 6, 7, and cp. viii, Ep. 51, ver. 6. 

103 Suetonius, Nero, c. 44. 2. 


AQ. PS at Aquileia, MD PS at Milan, SISC PS at 
Siscia. To these, on the siliqua already referred to, 
Magnus Maximus added AVC PS at the London mint. 
From Honorius's time onwards the practice was also 
adopted at Eome and Eavenna, as we see by the 
frequent exergual legends RM PS and RV PS. 

We have here then two silver ingots representing, 
as appears from the inscriptions themselves, pound 
weights, though of a very reduced kind, viz. 309-5 
and 309'81 instead of 327 grammes. The gold value 
of a pound of silver was fixed by a decree issued in the 
name of Arcadius and Honorius at Constantinople in 
A.D. 397 as five solidi, 104 and the weight of these solidi 
was, as we know at this time, correspondingly re- 
duced. It will be seen that these silver ingots are even 
more closely assimilated to ordinary currency than 
the gold bars. Not only do they bear the official 
stamps of the Treveran mint certifying the standard 
purity of their metal, but they represent a fixed weight, 
and that weight the equivalent of a fixed amount 
of gold coin. 


That the London mint should have been largely 
occupied with the assaying and certifying of such 
bars and ingots is the more probable when we re- 
member the important part that the silver mines of 

104 Cod. Theod., xiii. 2. 1, De Argenti pretio quod tliensauris 
infertur : " lubemus ut pro argenti summa quam quis thensauris 
fuerat inlaturus inferendi auri accipiat facultatem, ita ut pro 
singulis iibris argenti quinos solidos inferat." 


the West seem to have played in the inner economy 
of Roman Britain. That the lead-mining district 
of the Mendip, of which Charterhouse is the best 
known example, was primarily worked for the extrac- 
tion of silver appears certain from some of the stamps 
found on the lead pigs themselves, such as the well- 
known example reading IMP(eratoris) VESPASIAN I 
AVC(usti plumbum) BRIT(annicum) EX ARC(entariis) 
VE. In this and other districts, moreover, which were 
the scenes of Roman lead-mining operations, copper 
ores occur in close proximity to the lead ores, ''and 
must occasionally have been smelted with them ". 105 
The traces of furnaces for refining silver found at 
Silchester show that the metal in that case was ex- 
tracted by a special process of cupellation from ore 
in which copper formed a large ingredient. 106 

At Charterhouse itself the Roman mining activity 
seems to have been greatest in the earlier periods of 
the occupation, and hardly extends, if we may judge 
from the coins and other relics there found, beyond the 
Constantinian age. 107 But the continued prosperity 
in the Mendip region seems to be clearly reflected in 
the great hoards of Roman silver coins of the middle 
and latter part of the fourth century, or even the 
beginning of the fifth, that have been there brought 
to light. 108 


In Shropshire, Montgomeryshire, Flintshire, and Anglesey, 
according to Professor Gowland, Roman lead-mining operations 
were carried on in the same association. 

106 W. Gowland, "Remains ot a Silver Refinery at Silchester" 
(Archaeologia, 1900, pp. 113-24). 

107 See Haverfield, Victoria County History, Somerset, pp. dd, 66\). 
10i A summary account of the Somerset hoards is given by 

Professor Haverfield (op. cit., pp. 354, 355). Similar hoards have 
been found, one in Worcestershire, one in Berks., two in Hants, 


These abundant discoveries of hoards of silver coins 
belonging to the latest period of Roman rule in 
Britain are the more remarkable in contrast with the 
paucity of such discoveries in the Continental parts 
of the Empire. Mr. Hill, in referring to this group of 
finds in his account of the Grovely "Wood find in 
1906, was only able to cite two foreign hoards of 
the same kind. 109 One, consisting of siliquae, which is 
said to have been derived from " some unknown place on 
the Lower Danube", has been described by Missong; 110 
the other, comprising not more than a dozen similar 
pieces, is from Cazeres-sur-1'Adour. 111 

How then are we to account for the singular limi- 
tation of such discoveries of hoards of late Roman 
silver coins to Britain a limitation also largely shared 
by similar hoards of gold coins ? And how particularly 
are we to explain their most frequent occurrence in a 
comparatively poor part of our West country the wolds 
and marsh-lands of the Mendip district of Somerset? 
The problem has puzzled both numismatists and 

It does not seem unreasonable, however, to connect 
these signs of well-being, and especially of the abun- 
dant circulation of a silver coinage, with the continued 
activity of the silver-mining industry in the Mendip 
district. It may indeed be suggested that important 
Treasury officials took over the crude or partially 

one in Wilts. (Grovely Wood) all these more or less in the West 
of England. Two have been found in Norfolk, while one (referred 
to below) is from Coleraine in Ireland. (Cp. G. F. Hill, Num. 
Chron., 1906, p. 338.) 

d Num. Chron., 1906, pp. 338, 339. 

110 In Wiener Numismatische Monatshefte, 1868. 

111 Bull, de Num., 1895, p. 23. 


refined metal at a fixed rate from the contractors or 
private proprietors who worked the mines, giving the 
legal equivalent in current coin of the same metal. 

The other factor in the exceptional phenomenon 
presented by the occurrence of these British hoards 
is to be found in the divergent course of our insular 
history. Whereas in other parts of the Western 
Empire the supreme catastrophe which put an end 
to Roman, dominion did not take place till the middle 
and third quarter of the fifth century, in Britain it 
already anticipated itself in the middle of the third. 
Already as a result of the invasions of Julian's time 
the island seemed about to be divided up between 
Picts and Scots and Attacotti and Saxons. The 
victories indeed of Valentinian's great general gave 
Roman life in Britain a respite, but the renewed raids 
and the successive withdrawals of the legions by 
Stilicho and Constantino III in the first years of the 
fifth century were rapidly followed by its final over- 

But both the first and the second of these main 
tides of barbarian invasion in Britain took place 
at a time when, at any rate in the mining district 
referred to above, there was a considerable amount 
of silver currency for the panic-stricken inhabitants 
to hide in the earth. In Gaul and other Continental 
regions where the final blow fell somewhat later on 
in the fifth century there was practically no silver 
currency to stow away. It is a significant fact that 
no silver issues of Honorius bear a reference to any 
date beyond his third Quiiiquennalia ; in other words, 
there seems to have been a great cessation of silver 
coinage in or shortly after A.D. 408 almost the exact 


date of the crossing of the adventurer Constantino III 112 
from Britain to Gaul with what remained of the 
Roman garrison. If we examine the coinages of 
Honorius's successors, such as Johannes, Valentinian III, 
Avitus, Majorianus, Li bins Severus, Grlycerius, Julias 
Nepos, and Romulus Augustulus, nothing is clearer 
than that the gold pieces are of very much more 
frequent occurrence than the silver. 

The natural question arises whether the shortage 
in the Imperial silver supply that makes itself ap- 
parent simultaneously with the loss of Britain may 
not itself have been largely due to that event. The 
evidence of an extensive circulation of specie in 
precious metals in the silver-mining region of the 
West may fairly be taken as an indication of a 
considerable output there well on into the reign of 

It has been assumed above, as an explanation of the 
existence of these large hoards of silver coins, that 
the Imperial Treasury officials were in the habit of 
paying for the metal extracted its equivalent in silver 
money. Pigs and ingots might also be paid for in 
gold, but it is obvious that the chief proprietors or 
farmers of the mines needed lesser change for distribu- 
tion among their subordinates. The crude or partially 
refined material thus purchased by the Treasury officials 
was in its turn handed over to the mints. By these 
it could either be converted into coin or into stamped 
ingots which formed in fact part of a regular currency. 
We have seen that those of the Dierstorf find not 
only bear the official stamps of the Treves mint cer- 

112 The revolt of Constantine took place in A.D. 407. 


tifying the standard purity of the metal, but each 
represent a pound weight. 

We must conclude that the London Mint, or, if 
that was closed, the London Treasury, was in the 
same way largely occupied with the assaying, weigh- 
ing, and stamping of similar ingots, and the larger 
the proportional output of silver in Britain the greater 
the amount of work thus thrown on the officials. 
Such certified silver ingots may indeed have been 
chiefly used to supply the material for coinage in the 
more prolific mints of the neighbouring Continental 
provinces in a principal degree probably at Treves 
itself. The contents of the great silver hoards of this 
period found in Britain show indeed a great pre- 
ponderance of coins struck at Treves, Lyons, and Aries. 

After the death of Magnus Maximus in A.D. 388 
there is every reason to suppose that the issue of coins 
in the name of Augusta was discontinued. In the 
Notitia Dignitatum, drawn up in the time of Honorius, 
only three Procuratores Monetarum are mentioned in 
the Prefecture of the Gauls, namely, at Treves, Lyons, 
and Aries. The probability indeed might suggest 
itself that Constantine III, who was elevated to the 
purple in Britain and made it the starting-point for 
Continental dominion in the same way as Magnus 
Maximus, might, like him, have begun his career by 
an issue of coins with his effigy on the British Augusta. 
The simultaneous issue of a coinage quite out of pro- 
portion to the material results afterwards achieved 
was indeed the usual practice of such Pretenders to 
the Empire, so that ephemeral careers like those of 
Procopius, for example, have left a fairly abundant 
numismatic record. 


A prima facie case, and to a limited extent a good 
case, may indeed be made out for regarding the certain 
mint-marks on coins of Constantine the Third as having 
reference to the British mint with the restored name 
of Londinium. A parallel for this might be found, 
moreover, on the G-allic issues where AR for Arelate 
alternates with abbreviations of Constantina the 
almost universal monetary form since the middle of 
the fourth century, and adhered to on the coinage 
of Honorius. On Constantino's siliquae we find the 
exergual lettering SMLD and LDPV (PL XX, Fig. 18). 11:: 
The letters L-D also appear in the field of one of his 
solidi bearing the exergual inscription COMOB. 114 
The regular abbreviation for the Lyons mint on 
the exergue is LVG or LVCD, and in certain cases 
this was adhered to on the coinage of Constan- 
tine III himself. A rare gold solidus of his bears the 
inscription SMLVC 115 in this position, and a small 
bronze piece LVCP. 116 

The centres of Constantino's activity were however 
so much on the Continental side that, in default of 
clearer evidence, it seems nevertheless safest to assign 
these types with LD to the Lyons mint. In the field, at 
least, this was the natural abbreviation for Lugdunum, 

113 B.M. Collection; Rev. VICTORIA AA V COG. From the 
Coleraine hoard (Num. Chron., 1855, p. 115), there were two 
specimens with similar reverses. The abbreviation PV for 
PV[SVLATVM] is also found on Constantine's Milan siliquae 
of this type (Cohen, viii, p. 199, No. 7). 

114 Cohen, viii, p. 199, No. 5. A solidus of this type from the 
Eye find is in my own collection. 

115 Cohen, viii, p. 198, No. 1. Eev. RESTITVTOR REIPVB- 
LICAE (Freiburg Museum). 

116 Op. cit., p. 199, No. 3. Rev. VICTORIA AVGGG- "M. 
Recamier. P. B. Q." 


just as we find MD for Mediolanum, and the exergiial 
usage may have become assimilated to this. A triens 
of Valentinian II m and solidi of Eugenius 118 also 
exist with L-D in the field. 

Among the exergual inscriptions of siliquae of 
Constantine III of the ordinary type 119 Cohen also 
mentions SMAP and SMLP, but whether these are 
to be connected with the London mint under one of 
its alternative names must be left an open question. 
They certainly suggest a concurrent usage like that 
exemplified by the S. M. L. A. P of Valentinian's time. 
In any case, however, the following siliqua in the 
British Museum has considerable claims to be regarded 
as having issued from the London mint under its earlier 
title : 

bust in cuirass and paludamentum to r. 

Rev. VICTORIA AA V COG Eoma seated to 1. 
holding spear and Victory on globe ; in ex. 
S M L O. PI. XX, Fig. 19. 

What may be regarded as the last trace of Eoman 
coinage in Britain was pointed out by me some years 
since to this Society. 120 This evidence is afforded by 
a small bronze piece found at Richborough and of 
somewhat barbarous fabric, but presenting on both 
obverse and reverse a definite inscription in a style 
which best accords with the early part of the fifth 
century. This remarkable coin reads on the obverse 

117 Cohen, viii, p. 145, No. 49. Rev. VICTORIA AVCV- 
STORVM (French Cabinet). 

118 Op. cit,, p. 173, No. 6. 

119 Op. cit., p. 199, No. 4. Rev. VICTORIA AVCCC. 

120 Num. Chron., 1887, pp. 191 seqq. 




DOMINO CARAVSIO CES, and 011 the reverse 
DOMIN. CONXTA[NTI]NO (Fig. 5). In the re- 
verse inscription I venture to see a reference to 
Constantino III, in the " Dominus Carausius Caesar " 
of the obverse the name and title of some tyrannus 
who had sprung up in the island at the moment 
A.D. 409 when it had been practically cut adrift from 
the rest of the Empire. Of the continued existence 
of the historic name of Carausius in the island we 
have indeed direct evidence in the inscribed tomb- 
stone 121 found at Penmachno in Caernarvonshire re- 
cording the sepulture of a Christian and later Carausius 

FIG. 5. Bronze coin of Second Carausius 
found at Richborough. 

beneath a cairn. But no mint-mark is visible on the 
coin referred to. 

To the persistence of the Roman authority in Britain 
in the early part of the fifth century we have a curious 
testimony in the inscription which from its late 
character was included by Dr. Hiibner in his Inscrip- 
tiones Britanniae Christianae, referring to the erection 
of a Castrum at Eavenhill, near Whitby, by a certain 
Justinianus, Praepositus (Militum). This Justinianus 
seems to have been the officer of Constantino III who, 
accompanied by Nevigastes, was sent forward with the 

121 Inscriptiones Britanniae Christianae, p. xx. Placed by Hiibner 
among inscriptions written more Romano rather than more Britan- 
nico, and therefore early of its class. 


vanguard of his forces at the time of his expedition 
into Gaul. 122 

A tombstone recently found at Penmachno, 123 and 
belonging to the same class as that of the Christian 
Carausius at the same place, carries the tradition of 
Roman official usage in Britain down to at least the 
middle of the sixth century. The remaining part 
of the mortuary inscription reads FILI AVITORI, 124 
and bears the cross entry 




This refers to the Consulate of the Emperor Justinus 
in A.D. 540, which was used to fix the beginning of 
an era at Lyons until the opening of the seventh 
century. 125 

Though, so far as our information at present goes, 
the Roman mint at London, except for these possible 
short revivals, ceases after the time of Magnus 
Maximus, there is evidence in the Notitia of the 
continued existence of a high Treasury official in 
Britain whose seat was at "Augusta". Following on 

m I suggested this identification in Num. Chron., 1887, p. 209. 

123 See Sir John Rhys's account, Athenaeum, Sept. 25, 1915, 
p. 213. 

124 This is equivalent to the mediaeval Irish Mac Uidhir, or, in 
modern Anglo-Irish, Maguire (Rhys, loc. cit.}. 

125 Goyau, Chronologic de V Empire Romain, cited by Rhys, loc. cit. 
Rhys suggests that the sepulchral inscription itself may have 
belonged to the latter half of the sixth century, and that the 
chronological note might be slightly later i.e. the beginning of 
the seventh. But he admits that the lettering of both is practically 



the " Praepositi thesaurorum per Gallias " is the 


: In Britanniis 

Praepositus thesaurorum Augustensium ", 12 ' 5 
The use of the word Augustensium here instead of 
Augustae is interesting, and is paralleled in other 
cases such as Lugdunensium, Arelatensium in the same 
connexion. It is clear that this Treasury official must 
have been charged with all fiscal arrangements regard- 
ing the mining industry in Britain. In the absence 
during the period that followed the death of Magnus 
Maximus in 388 of any Roman mint in the island, 
it is evident that silver ingots could no longer be 
officially assayed and stamped in the manner followed 
for example by the mint at Treves. But the Treasury 
at Augusta may well have authorized the issue of 
ingots of proper quality and weight, duly stamped 
with the names of certain privileged officinatores. 

That this method of procedure was in fact adopted 
may be gathered from the discovery in the British 
islands of a series of silver ingots of this class belonging 
to the period in question, and which, from their dis- 
covery in each case in association with contemporary 
coins, were evidently regarded as part of the lawful 


A brief enumeration of the stamped silver ingots 
discovered in the British Islands may be here given. 
The earliest is that communicated in 1778 to the 

126 Notitia Dignitatuw, Oc. xi. 36, 37. 


Society of Antiquaries by its President, J.Milles, 127 which 
was found in September of the preceding year in the 
Tower of London "in digging for the foundations of 
a new office for the Board of Ordnance ". Having 
sunk to a great depth, and broken through foundations 
of ancient buildings, the discovery was made on the 
natural ground, and, as is supposed, even below the 
level of the present bed of the river. The find consisted 
of the silver ingot reproduced in Fig. 6 and three 
solidi, two of Arcadius and one of Honorius. The 
latter were of the common type, 128 with the reverse 
legend VICTORIA AVCCC and COMOB (=Comitis 
obryziacus) in the exergue. The solidi of Arcadius bore 
in the field the letters R-M and M-D,that of Honorius 
M-D, showing that they were respectively from the 
mints of Eome and Milan. 

The ingot (Fig. 6), of the usual double-axe like shape, 
" 4 inches long, 2| inches in the broadest part and 1| 
in the narrowest " had been first cast, then beaten out 
to quite fine edges at the ends. In the centre it bears 
a stamp with the inscription 
This seems to be a miswriting for 

" 7 Archaeologia, v (1779J. 

128 Emperor holding standard and globe and setting his loot on 
a captive. Sabatier, Med. lyz,, PL iv. 2 (Arcadius); Cohen, vm, 
p. 185, No. 44 (Honorius). 

Haverfield, Additamenta Quinta C. I. L., vn, p. 640, ad L. n. 
1196; H. Willers, Num. Zeitschr., xxxi, p. 369 (Bronzeimer wn 
Hemmoor (1901), PP - 237 seqq.) had suggested EX OF FL 
The inscription was courageously read by Milles (op. at., p. A 

510 SIR Ai.Tiiri; KVANS. 

On tho othor side the ingot, is seoivd in tho middle MS 
if indicating the place where il might be cut in half. 

Its weight as given by Milles is 11 oz. 7 dwt. 6 gr. 1 ' 
= 323481 grammes. At present it is somewhat less 
li.^o-l.'J grammes but there are signs of a slight flaking 
off at the edges which may account for the difference. 

FlO. ('. Silver in^ot found in t he 
Tower of London. 

It is clearly intended, like the Dierstorl ingots, to 
rt'i'ivsi-nt ;i j;ouiid \\cight, and shows a somewhat 

tidier measure. 181 

"Of the Towrr pound." II.- ;ilso ^ives its weight ;is l.'.l'.fj 
Troy grains ". Tlu; in,i;ot is now in the IJrUish MIIS.MIIU. 

il The analysis of this ingot as g\\<'\\ 1>\ Wilh-rs i \nm. '/itxt-ln:, 

, . :;; i is M fcllowii 

Silver O.VS'J JM-I- 1-,-nt. Icon 0-04 IMT cent . 

Gold OIL' .. Tin trace*. 

Coppn- L'-'.ti /in,. traces, 

Lead U-4i) 


BVoxn (he occurrence of the solidus of Honorius 
n appears that this deposit took place in or after 

A. i.. ;v.);>. 

In connexion with the find on the site of the Tower 
<>i London must almost certainly be taken a discovery 
made in 1781 at Bentley Priory, near Stanmore, 
Middlesex, It consisted of a hoard of fifty lioman 
gold coins (solidi) dating from Constantino Junior or 
Constant ins II's time onwards, "some small silver 
and copper coins of Valentinian", two finger-rings 
;uid a bracelet of gold, and a "plate or piece of 
silver inscribed HONOR, sot in a triangular frame 
of iron ". 

We have here similar associations to those of the 
Tower hoard, and thero is every reason to boliovo that 
the last item represents a half-ingot of the same type 
as that above described. 

It will l>o seen from Fig. C that, in order to divide 
such an ingot in halves, a cut would be made across 
the middle of the stamp in its narrow par!-- hetwoen 
the EX OFFI and the HONORINI of the inscription. 
Owing to the axe-like expansion of the ends each half 
would present a sub- triangular appearance, and the 
impression of the three last letters of HONORINI may 
well have heen imperfect. The triangular iron frame 
prohahl\ represents part of the iron hindin^ of some 
small cliost that had hecome attached to Ihe !ialf-in;',o! 
by oxidization. 

The ^-old coins as desenhed in (iou-di's ( 1 <uinlrn 
wen- of ( 'oiistanliiie Junior, ( 'oiisfantius, Valeiifinian, 
Valens, (Jrafian, Magnus IMa.ximiis, Thoodo:;in::, and 
Aivadius, and this description has hoon universally 


A coin, however, attributed to Constantino the 
Younger, is thus described : 


Rev. VICTORIA AVCCGG Emperor holding 
labarum and treading on captive. 

About this piece it must be observed that both the 
obverse and reverse inscriptions belong to Constan- 
tine III, in whose reign, moreover, the reverse type 
of the Emperor holding a labarum and trampling on 
a captive is frequent, while in Constantine IPs time 
it was unknown. The coin is in fact a variety of a 
solidus type of Constantine III given by Cohen. 13 - 
The reference to four Augusti on the reverse of this 
coin places its date after 408, the year of Constantino's 
association of his son Constans, slain like himself in 
411. The Stanmore hoard dated therefore from about 
the close of the first decade of the fifth century. 

Another remarkable find of this class was made in 
April 1854, near Coleraine, in the County of London- 
derry, and an account of the discovery was shortly 
afterwards laid before this Society by Mr. Scott Porter, 
who had previously communicated it to the Ulster 
Journal of Archaeology. 1 "''' The deposit was made in 

132 Cohen, vol. viii, p. 199, No. 5. The obverse legend in this case 
is D N CONSTANTINVS P F AVC ; that of the Stanmore 
coin recurs, however, attached to another gold type (Cohen, No. 1). 
The reverse legend of No. 5 is VICTORIA AVCCC. Variety 
No. 6 gives VICTORIA AAAVGCC. The mint-mark of the 
Stanmore piece is not recorded. 

133 Num. Citron., xvii (1855), pp. 101 seqq., "On Roman Coins 
found near Coleraine " (from Ulster Journal of Archaeology, ii. 
pp. 182-92). A catalogue of the coins by James Carruthers is 
given, op. cit., pp. Ill seqq. He there states that an inaccurate 


"^moory" earth in the town-land of Ballinrees, and 
from the fragments of silver vessels and other pieces 
of decorative plate contained in it seems to have 
represented the stock-in-trade of a silversmith. The 
find was entirely of silver, and the total weight about 
203 oz. Troy. With the fragments of silver plate were 
1,506 late Eoman silver coins, together with uncoined 
silver in the shape of simple lumps and tongues of 
metal, and two parts of silver ingots like the preceding, 
stamped and inscribed. It is interesting as illustrating 
the impression made by their peculiar form that in 
the first popular account of the find in the Coleraine 
Chronicle they are described as " silver battle-axes ". 

The coins had suffered much from clipping, and were 
in many cases in whole or part indecipherable. Among 
those described are two siliquae of Constantine III 
(A.D. 407-11) and one of Hoiiorius, said to bear a 
reverse, otherwise unknown, referring to his Tricen- 
nalia: "Wreath. VOTIS XXX MVLTIS XXXX." 134 

The Tricennalia of Hoiiorius are recorded to have 
taken place at their proper date, in January, that is, 
422. 135 The latest Vota hitherto described by any 
competent authority as existing on siliquae of Honorius 
are VOT XV MVLT XX which would date from 
A.D. 407, and it is impossible to accept this isolated 

account of the find had previously appeared in the Coleraine 
Chronicle. It is, however, noteworthy that in this account the 
number of coins is given as 1,937, and the weight of the hoard 
341 oz. 

134 J. Carruthers, op. cit., p. 115. This reverse is not given by 
Cohen. No exergual inscription is given. It is possible that this 
exceptional coin was a double siliqua. 

135 Marcellinus Comes, sub anno ; and see Clinton, Fasti Romani, 
i, p. 600, and cp. p. 528. The thirtieth year of Honorius began on 
Jan. 10, 422. 


testimony of a not very accurate numismatic writer 136 
as to the existence of this much later issue belonging 
to a time when the silver coinage of Honorius was 
otherwise non-existent. The statement seems to have 
been due to some confusion with a common siliqua 
type of Constaiitius II. 

The coins of Constantino III here found, however, 
which refer to four August!, show that the Coleraine 

FIG. 7. Half silver ingot, Coleraine Hoard, 
hoard was buried in or after A.D. 408, 137 at precisely 
the same epoch, that is, as the Stanmore deposit 
described above. 

Three silver half-ingots, two impressed with stamps, 
were found with the coins 138 and the other objects. 

136 Among the exergual inscriptions given in this account are 
"MOPS", constantly repeated, for MDPS and "PLVS" 
for PLVC. 

137 Both bore the reverse legend VICTORIA AAA CCCC. 

There was a Lyons piece with the exergual inscription LDPV. 
Cp. Cohen, viii, p. 199, No. 7, where, however, this exergual legend 
is not given. 

138 For the ingots see Willers, Num. Zeitsclir., xxx (1899), 
pp. 379, 380. They are now in the British Museum. 


One of the stamped specimens (Fig. 7) bears half 
the original legend: CVRMISSI. The legend in its 
original form would have been 


Curmissus apparently represents a Celtic name form. 
The weight of this half-ingot is 153*114 grammes 
(2362-76 grains), 139 so that the original ingot would 
have weighed about 306 grammes (4730 grains), closely 
approaching that of the silver ingots from Dierstorf. 

FIG. 8. Half silver ingot, Coleraine Hoard. 

The other stamped half-ingot (Fig. 8) presents the 
complete inscription 


It has a large perforation, and one comer has been cut 
off since its discovery, so that it is considerably below 
its original weight. The present weight is 74-68 

grammes. 140 

Length, 71 mm. ; breadth, 58 to 77-5 mm. 
Length, 56mm.; breadth, 31 to 58-5 mm. 


It is certainly an interesting coincidence that this 
half-ingot, which must have reached Ireland about the 
time when St. Patrick was carried captive thither, 
should have the name of Patricius. St. Patrick himself, 
the son of a Decurion with the equally Roman name 
of Calpurnius, was born in Britain at Bannaventa, 
"near the Western Sea", according to his biography 
by Muirchu, written in the seventh century. 141 It 
may well be therefore that he belonged to the same 
Western region which produced the silver ingots, 
and the date of his arrival in Ireland as a boy of 
sixteen, approximately placed by Professor Bury in 
A.D. 403-4, 142 corresponds very nearly with that of the 
Coleraine hoard. The coincidence afforded by the 
name on the ingot corroborates the fact that the name 
of Patricius was one rife among the Romano-Britons 
at the beginning of the fifth century. It is by no 
means improbable, moreover, that the booty repre- 
sented by the Coleraine hoard and the captivity of 
the boy Patrick were actually due to the same Irish 
raid, perhaps one of the latest enterprises of King 
Niall, 143 who perished in "the Sea of Wight" about 
A.D. 405. 

The most recent find of this nature was made in 
1900 during Prof. Garstang's excavations 144 around the 
great cruciform platform of concrete that occupies the 
centre of the Roman fort at Richborough (llutupiae). 

11 See especially Bury, Life of St. Patrick, pp. 23seqq., 290seqq., 
and, for Bannaventa, pp. 322 seqq. 

12 Op. cit., pp. 331 seqq. 

13 Bury, op. tit., pp. 25, 26, connects St. Patrick's captivity 
with the last expedition of the Irish High-King who died about 
A. D. 405. 

144 J. Garstang, Arch. Cant/ana, xxiv, p. 272. 


The result of the discoveries was to show that this 
massive foundation, the purpose of which still remains 
enigmatic, was surrounded by what appears to have 

FIG. 9. Silver ingot from Richborough. 

been a corridor or cloister of marble. On the eastern 
border of this, three yards from the concrete mass, was 
found the silver ingot shown in Fig. 9. 145 It bears 

145 See Haverfield, Additamenta ad C. I. L., vii, p. 640, and cp. 
his remarks, Antfquanj, 1900, p. 335, and Athenaeum, Jan. 5, 
1901, p. 26. The cast from which Fig. 9 is taken was due to the 
kindness of the Curator of the Canterbury Museum, where the 
ingot is now preserved. 


the stamped inscription 


and the weight is exactly 11 oz. or 342-138 grammes. 

Professor Haverfield 146 recalls a fourth- century per- 
sonage whose name in the nominative case seems to 
have been Isaac and in the genitive Isatis. A Jew of 
that name therefore seems to have ranked among the 
officinatores privileged at this time by the Roman 
Treasury in Britain to stamp the ingots used as silver 
currency a curious anticipation of the later connexion 
of men of his race with the Mint and Treasury of this 

As in the case of the other silver ingots cited, we 
have here to do with a pound of silver. 

Among the coins found during the same excavation 
were pieces of Honorius, and the very late maintenance 
of Roman dominion at Rutupiae is further illustrated 
by the discovery here of the coin of a second Carausius, 
described above. 

With the exception of this remarkable piece, belong- 
ing perhaps to an usurper who held out awhile within 
the walls of Richborough at a time when the legions 
had left the greater part of Britain, and apparently of 
a few siliquae struck at Londinium under its old name 
by Constantine III, the Provincial mintage had alto- 
gether ceased since the time of Magnus Maximus. 
But the evidence before us shows that during this 
latest period of Roman rule in the island there con- 
tinued to be a regular issue of stamped ingots under 

146 Antiquary, 1900, p. 335. 


the control of the Praepositus Thesaurorum Augusten- 
sium in Britanniis. 

The whole ingots represented pound weights of 
silver, varying from a little over 300 grammes in the 
case of the Coleraine specimen, to about 323 in the case 
of that from the Tower. Their stamps, moreover, were 
so placed that a cut between the two lines of the 
official inscription would divide them into two halves, 
and the half-ingot seems to have had at least as large 
a circulation as the whole. The value of the pound 
of silver, as we have seen, was fixed at 5 solidi or 
120 siliquae, 147 so that the half-ingots would have been 
worth 2J solidi or 60 siliquae. But payment at this 
time certainly went by weight and not by the nominal 
value as represented by the coinage, and it would have 
taken nearer 200 siliquae of the reduced Honcrian 
weight to make the equivalent of a pound of silver. 


147 Cod. Theod., xiii. 2. 1. 



Mr. G. F. HILL in his work on Historical Roman Coins 
(p. 52) mentions a coin, struck about 65 B.C. by M. Aemilius 
Lepidus, which represents the equestrian statue, granted by 
the Senate, of one Aemilius Lepidus, who as a boy of fifteen 
slew an enemy in battle and saved the life of a Roman 
citizen. The story of the youthful hero is told by Valerius 
Maximus, who says (iii. 1. 1) : Aemilius Lepidus puer etiam 
turn progrcssus in aciem hostem interemit, civcm servavit. In 
accordance with this passage the inscription of the coin : 
M. LEPIDUS AN. XV. PR. H. O. C. S. has been resolved 
. . . an(norum) xv pr(ogressus) h(ostem) o(ccidit), c(ivem) 
s(ervavit). As regards the four last letters, this reading is 
evidently correct, but, as Mr. Hill points out, progrcssus 
used absolutely is hardly good Latin. A better suggestion 
is pr(aetcxtatus}, but then, as Mr. Hill observes, the standing 
of the lad has been already sufficiently indicated by AN. 

Although not myself a numismatist, I venture to subject 
to the judgement of experts a new suggestion : PR. = 
proelio. This resolution is supported by the wording of 
passages in ancient literature on the corona civica. e. g. 
Gell. v. 6. 11 : dvica corona appcllatur quam civis civi a quo 
in PROELIO scrvaius cst, test is vitac salutisqiie dat. 

Christiania, Dec.. 1915. 


Aemilius (M.) Lepidus, coin of, 

AKE^IO^, magistrate of Barce, 

91, 94. 98 
AAAX --- , magistrate of 

Barce, 91, 94 
Alexandre do Bruchsella, en- 

graver, 133-135 
Amraon, on cuins of Gyrene, 66, 

68, &c. 
AMeNAO, Chian magistrate, 


trate, 406 
Arcadius, coins of. from North 

Mendip hoard, 453 
Arcesilas IV. 74-75 
APlSTArOPA(S), magis- 

trate of Gyrene, 141 
APITH, Chian magistrate, 

APlTIO, magistrate of 

Gyrene, 141, 145 


trate of Gyrene, 96, 98 
APTEMHN, Chian magis- 

trate, 407 

Astarabad, coins of, 354 
A^MENO^, Chian magistrate, 

404, 412 
AGHNA(roPAS), Chian 

magistrate, 412 

Augusta Londinium, 438, 478 if. 
Augustus, Altar of Lyons, type of, 



Bar currency of the Roman 

Empire, 488-519 
Barce, coins of, 70-71, 76-86, 88- 

96, 172-174 
Barce Teucheira, coinage of, 76- 

BA5IAEIAHS, Chian magis- 

trate, 406 


Beagmund, Anglo-Saxon moneyer, 

Bentley Priory, Roman ingot from, 

BOI KOY, on a Croton coin, 

Brabazon, William, treasurer of 

Irish army, 195-197 
BROOKE, G. C. : 

Irregular Coinages of the Reign 
of Stephen, 105-121 


Calne, a mint of Matilda, 11, 120 

Carausius, coin of, struck on 
Philip I, 135-136 ; second 
emperor of that name, 506 

Catana, tetrad rachm of, by 
Prokles, 357-360 

XAIPE0HN, magistrate of 
Gyrene, 141, 147 


Charles II, Pyx trials of, 346-348 

Chios, coins of, Period I, 625- 
617 B.C., 17-26; II, 575-541 B.C., 
26-35; III, 545 500 B.C., 35- 
46; IV, 500-478 B.C, 46-52; 
V, 478-431 B. c., 364-371 ; VI, 
431-412 B.C., 373-394; VII,412- 
334B.C., 394-432 


Notes sur un tetrad rachme de 

Catana, &c., 357-360 
Clonmines, silver mines of, 218 
Coenwulf of Mercia, pennies of, 

Coleraine, Roman ingots from, 


Comes obriziacus, 491-492 
Constans, Constantino II, and 

Constantius Gallus, coins of, 

from North Mendips, 439-440 
Croton, later coins of, 179-191 
Croton and Sybaris, 190-191 
Cyprus, Alexandrine coins of, 

Gyrene, coinage of, 53-104, 137- 

M m 



178, 249-293 ; first period, 54- 
65 ; second period, 65-86 ; third 
period, silver, 87-104, 159-172 ; 
gold, 136-159; fourth period 
history, 249-254 ; silver, 254- 
264; gold, 264-267; bronze, 
267-281 ; fifth period, 281-286 ; 
Ptolemaic coins of, 286-293. 



scriptionon coins of Gyrene, 162 
163. 167, 170, 172 
A AMflN A KTO*, magistrate 

of Gyrene, 141 
Dealla, Anglo-Saxon moneyer, 338 
AHMOKPATHS, Chian ma- 
gistrate, 410 
Diormod, Anglo-Saxon moneyer, 


Dorsetshire, find of Anglo-Saxon 
coins, 336-344 

Drake medal, technique of, 232, 

Dublin mint instituted, 210-211 

Dynyn, Anglo-Saxon moneyer, 


Ecgbeorht of Wessex, 357 

Edward VI, Irish coinage of, 209- 

EPAINEfTOS], Chian magis- 
trate, 408 

Electrum coins of Chios, 11-13 

EOPYNOAAOS, Chian magis- 
trate, 406 

EPMAPX05, Chian magis- 
trate/ 405 

EPMO*ANT05, Chian 

magistrate, 407 

Estrete, John, granted mastership 
of coinage in Ireland, 193 

Euesperides, coins of, 71-76, 174- 

Eugenius, coins of, from North 
Mendips, 452 


Coinage and currency in Roman 
Britain, 433-519 

HfHSflPPOS], Chian magis- 
trate, 413 

HPAfOPHS, Chian magis- 
trate, 407 

HPIAANOS, Chian magis- 
trate, 410, 411, 413 


Galba, rare sestertii of, 333-335 
i Gazelle, type of Gyrene, 54-56 
PEP 11$, Chian magistrate, 408 
Gilan, coin of, 353. 
Gratian, coins of, from the North 

Mendips, 446-448 
GROSE, S. W. : 

Croton, 179-191 


Haromzek find of gold bars, 489 

Helena N. F., 132-133 

Henry of Anjou, coins of, 115- 
120; visits England, 117 

Henry VIII, Irish coinage of, 

Hermes on coins of Cyrenein allu- 
sion to marriage of Ophelias. 17 J 

HILL, G. F. : 

The Technique of Simon van 
de Passe, 230-243 

Honorius, coins of, from North 
Mendips, 452 

Hydrax, no mint of, 73 

I A SO NO 5, magistrate of Cy- 

rene. 141, 143, 147-149 
IKESIOS, Chian magistrate, 415 
Ingots, Roman, found in England, 


IPPIAZ, Chian magistrate, 408 
IPPIHS, Chian magistrate, 407 
Iran, coins of, 353-354 
Ireland, coinages of Henry VIII 

and Edward VI for, 192-229 
l$XtMArXO$], Chian magis- 
trate, 408, 413 

Ismail I of Persia, coins of, 245 
ITI[AIO], Chian magis- 
trate, 415 


James I, plaque of, 241-242 
James II, pyx trials of, 350 
Jovian, coins of, from the North 

Mendips, 443 

Julian II, coins of, from the North 
Mendips, 440-443 


K A IN I UN, magistrate of Barce, 
91, 93 

KAAAIKAH5, Chian magis- 
trate, 405 



Karpathos, Gyrene coin attributed 

to, 61 

Kasos,Cyrene coin attributed to 61 
KH*ISOKPIT[05J, Chi'an 

magistrate, 410, 411 
Kition, Alexandrine coins of 301- 


KYAIOSe - - - , magistrate of 
Gyrene, 141, 143, 152, 160 

K Y0 , magistrate of Gyrene, 

141, 145 

Kum, coins of, 353 

KYXAIPIO5, magistrate of 
Gyrene. 141. 143, 152 


N(O$), magistrate of Barce 

91, 93-94 


Lahijan, coins of, 355 
Laus and Sybaris, 189 
AEHXO3:, Chian magistrate 

AIBYSTPATO5, magistrate 

of Gyrene, 102-103 
Lin-Tzu, coins of, 121-131 
Lion's head at Gyrene, 58-60 

A Hoard of Nine Anglo-Saxon 
Pennies found in Dorsetshire. 
London mint under Magnus 

Maximus, 438 ; revived by 

Valentiniari I, 478-488 
A YKI AEO$, Chian magistrate, 

probably misreading, 411 
AYKOP[/V\A5], Chian magis- 
trate, 413 
Lyons, Altar of, 328 

Magnus Maximus, coins of, from 

North Mendips, 451-452 
Marion, Alexandrine coins of, 


Matilda, coins of, 113-115 
Maurice, J., on Helena N.F., 132- 


A Chronological Arrangement 
of the Coins of Chios, 1-52, 
Mendip hills, Roman silver coins 

from, 499 ff. 

Minoan influence on Chios, 10 
MinuMi argentei, 476-477 

l-Dln of Persia, coins of, 

Nero, unpublished sest., rev. 

Victory, 330-331; do., rev. 

Neptune, 329-333; medallion 

of port of Ostia, 329-330 
NEWELL, E. T. : 

Some Cypriote "Alexanders", 

NIKIS, NIKI05, magistrate of 

Gyrene, 96, 97 


Oba, Anglo-Saxon moneyer, 338 
Ophelias, coins of Gyrene attri- 
buted to, 168-171 
Ostia, medallion of Nero of, 329- 


Palm-branch, mark of assayer on 

late Roman coins, 493 
Paphos, Alexandrine coins of, 

Passe, Simon van de, technique of, 

230 ff. 
PERERIC, inscription, 109-113 

4* A IN , magistrate of Barce, 


<*>ANKAHO5, Chian magis- 
trate, 409 
<J>EIAflNO$, magistrate of 

Gyrene, 166 
^H^INO^, Chian magistrate, 

Philip III, Salamis coins in name 

of, 314 
cfclATH^ Chian magistrate, 


*ITTAK[03], Chian magis- 
trate, 414 

* O I N I Z, Chian magistrate, 407 
Pirry, Martin, of Dublin mint, 

Pityos find of Greek coins, 397- 


Plaques, engraved, production of, 

IOAIAN0EY5, magistrate of 
Cyrene, 141, 155, 161 
POAYMH - - -, Chian magis- 
trate, 416 



, Chian magis- 
trate, 405 

Procopius, coins of, from North 
Mendips, 446 

Prokles, engraver at Catana, 357- 

PS on late Roman coins pusu- 
latum, 497-498 

Pyx trials of Commonwealth to 
James II, 345-350 


RABINO, H. L. : 

Coins of the Shahs of Persia, 

243-248, 351-356 

Coins of Lin-Tzu, 121-131 
Rasht, coins of, 352-353 
Richborough, Roman ingot from, 


Quaestiones Cyrenaicae, 53-104, 

137-178, 249-293 
Roettier, John, technique of, 237 
Rowlett and Bowes, commissioned 

to order coins for Ireland, 199 


Sakha hoard, 33 
Salamis, Alexandrine coins of, 


Sedevacante, Anglo-Saxon coins, 337 
Siliquae of fourth century, 465 ff. 
Simon van de Passe, technique 

of, 230-242; new plaque by, 

^KYMNO^, Chian magistrate, 

S. M. L. A. P., London m. m. 

of Valentinian I, 483; of 

Gratian, 484 
Stephen, irregular coinages of 

reign of, 105-121 ; from erased 

dies,105-109; PERERIC,109- 

113; Matilda, 113-115; Henry 

of Anjou, 115-121 
ZnZTPA[TOZ], Chian 

magistrate, 409 
S wef heard, Anglo-Saxon money er, 


Sybaris and Croton, 190-191 
Sybaris and Laus, 189 

The Irish coinage of Henry VIII 
and Edward VI, 192-229 

The Pyx Trials of the Com- 
monwealth, Charles II and 
James II, 345-350 

Alexandra de Bruchsella, 133- 


Syracuse, tetradrachm by Kimon, 


Tabaristan, coin of, 353 
Tahmash I of Persia, coins of, 247 
Taranto find, 64 
Tehran, coin of, 355 
Teuchira, coin of, 76-80 
OEOAHPOS, Chian magis- 
trate, 405 
Theodosius, coins of, from North 

Mendips, 450-451 
OEOTTIX, Chian magistrate, 

GEY0EIAEY5, magistrate of 

Cyrene, 141, 143, 154, 162-166 
0HPI1N, Chian magistrate, 

THOMAS, S. P. : 

A Coin of M. Aemilius Lepidus, 

TIMAfOPA , magistrate 

of Barce, 175 
TIMOA , Chian magistrate, 

Tower Hill, Roman ingots from, 



Valens, coins of, from North 

Mendips, 444-446 
Valentinian I and London mint, 

478-488 ; coins from North 

Mendips, 443-444 
Valentinian II, coins from North 

Mendips, 448-449 
Victor, coins of, from North 

Mendips, 452 
Victory, type of Nero, 333 
Vourla find, coins from, 30 


Roman Unpublished Coins in 

my Collection, 323-335 
A Coin of Carausius rc-strn.-k 
on one of Philip Senior, 135 
WEBB, P. H. : 

Helena N. F., 132-133 
A Coin of Carausius restruck 
on Antoninianus of Philip I, 

Wulfred of Canterbury, coins of, 



CHIOS, PL, III. PERIODS V (478-431? B.C.) ; VI (4319-412). 


CHIOS, PL. IV. PERIODS VI (431?-412 B.C.); VII (412-334 B.C . 









is ^^33 














The sign * indicates that the Fellow has compounded for his annual 
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1874 *KENYON, R. LLOYD, ESQ., M.A., J.P., D.L., Pradoe, West 
Felton, Salop. 

1914 KERR, ROBERT, ESQ., M.A., Royal Scottish Museum, 

K.P., G.C.B., O.M., G.C.S.I., G.C.M.G., G.C.I.E., P.C., c/o 

Messrs. Cox & Co., Charing Cross, S.W. 



1901 KOZMINSKY, DR. ISIDORE, 20 Queen Street, Kew, near 
Melbourne, Victoria. 

of H.M. the King of Sweden, Director of the Numismatic 
Department, Museum, Gothenburg, and Rada, Sweden. 

1910 LAUGHLIN, DR. W. A., M.A., Box 456, Virginia City 

Nevada, U.S.A. 

1898 LAYER, PHILIP G., ESQ., M.R.C.S., 3 Church Street, Col- 

1877 LAWRENCE, F. G., ESQ., Birchfield, Mulgrave Road, Sutton, 

1885 *LAWRENCE, L. A., ESQ., F.S.A., 44 Belsize Square, N.W., 

1883 * LAWRENCE, RICHARD HOE, ESQ., 15 Wall Street, New 
York, U.S.A. 

1871 *LAWSON, ALFRED J., ESQ., Smyrna. 

F.R.G.S., Magherymore, Wicklow. 

1900 LINCOLN, FREDERICK W., ESQ., 69 New Oxford Street, W.C. 

1907 LOCKETT, RICHARD CYRIL, ESQ., F.S.A., Clonterbrook, 
St. Anne's Road, Aigburth, Liverpool. 

1911 LONGMAN, W., ESQ., 27 Norfolk Square, W. 

1893 LUND, H. M., ESQ., Waitara, Taranaki, New Zealand. 


Clifton, Bristol. 
1885 *LYELL, ARTHUR HENRY, ESQ., F.S.A., 9 Cranley Gardens, 


1895 MACDONALD, GEORGE, ESQ., C.B., M.A., LL.D., F.B.A., 
17 Learmonth Gardens, Edinburgh. 

1901 MACFADYEN, FRANK E., ESQ., 11 Sanderson Road, Jesmond, 

N e wcastle-on-Ty ne. 
1895 MARSH, WM. E., ESQ., Rosendale, 35 Holligrave Road, 

Bromley, Kent. 
1897 MASSY, COL. W. J., 30 Brandenburgh Road, Chiswick, W. 

1912 MATTINGLY, HAROLD, ESQ., M.A., British Museum, W.C. 
1905 MAVROGORDATO, J., ESQ., 6 Palmeira Court, Hove, Sussex. 
1901 McDowALL, REV. STEWART A., 5 Kingsgate Street, Win- 

1905 McEwEN, HUGH DRUMMOND, ESQ., F.S.A.(Scoi), Custom 
House, Leith, N.B. 



1868 MCLACHLAN, R. W., ESQ., 310 Lansdowne Avenue, West- 
mount, Montreal, Canada. 

1905 MESSENGER, LEOPOLD G. P., ESQ., 151 Brecknock Road, 
Tufnell Park, N. 

1905 MILLER, HENRY CLAY, ESQ., 35 Broad Street, New York, 

1897 MILNE, J. GRAFTON, ESQ., M.A., Bankside, Goldhill, Farn- 

ham, Surrey, Foreign Secretary. 

1910 MITCHELL LIBRARY, THE, Glasgow, F. T. Barrett, Esq., 

1898 *MONKTON, HORACE W., ESQ., F.L.S., F.G.S., 3 Harcourt 

Buildings, Temple, E.G., and Whitecairn, Wellington 
College Station, Berks. 

1888 MONTAGUE, LiEUT.-CoL.L.A.D.,EsQ.,Penton,nearCrediton, 

1905 MOORE, WILLIAM HENRY, ESQ. (address not known). 

1879 MORRIESON, LIEUT.-COL. H. WALTERS, R.A., F.S.A., 42 Beau- 
fort Gardens, S.W. 

1904 MOULD, RICHARD W., ESQ., Newington Public Library, 

Walworth Road, S.E. 

1900 *MYLNE, REV. ROBERT SCOTT, M.A., B.C.L., F.S.A., F.R.S.E., 
Great Amwell, Herts. 

1909 NAGG, STEPHEN K., ESQ., 1621 Master Street, Philadelphia, 


1893 NAPIER, PROF. A. S., M.A., D.Litt., Ph.D., F.B.A., Headington 
Hill, Oxford. 

1905 NATHAN, SIDNEY, ESQ., M.D., 11 Bolton Gardens, S.W. 

1910 NESMITH, THOMAS, ESQ., c/o J. Munro & Co., 7 Rue Scribe, 


1905 NEWALL, HUGH FRANK, ESQ., M.A., D.Sc,, F.R.S., Madingley 

Rise, Cambridge. 

1906 NEWBERRY LIBRARY, Chicago, U.S.A. 

CIETY OF, Newcastle-on-Tyne. 

1905 *NEWELL, E. T., ESQ., Box 321, Madison Square, New York, 

1909 tNiKLEWicz, H., ESQ., 28 Park Place, Brooklyn, New York, 


1904 NORFOLK, DUKE OF, E.M., E.G., P.C., Arundel Castle, 

F.R.S., 2 Grosvenor Place, S.W. 



1898 OGDEN, W. SHARP, ESQ., F.S.A., Naseby, East End Road, 
r men ley, .N. 

1897 "O'HAGAN, HENRY OSBOENE, ESQ., A 14 The Albany, 
Piccadilly, W. 

1882 OMAN, PROF. C. W. C., M.A., LL.D., F.S.A., F.B.A All 
Souls College, Oxford. 

1911 OPPENHEIMER, HENRY, ESQ., 9 Kensington Palace 
Gardens, W. 

1903 PARSONS, H. ALEXANDER, ESQ., " Shaftesbury," Devonshire 
Road, Honor Oak Park, S.E. 

F.R.G.S., J.P., Bank House, Wisbech. 

1896 PEERS, C. R., ESQ., M.A., F.S.A., 14 Lansdown Road, 

F.R.A.S., F.Z.S., Davenham, Malvern. 

1894 PERRY, HENRY, ESQ., Middleton, Plaistow Lane, Bromley, 

1862 *PERRY, MARTEN, ESQ., M.D., Spalding, Lincolnshire. 

1909 PETERSON, F. W. VOYSEY, ESQ., B.C.S. (retd.), 28 Bassett 

Road, W. 

1888 PINCHES, JOHN HARVEY, ESQ., Whitehill Cottage, Meopham, 


1910 PORTER, PROFESSOR HARVEY, 39 Court Street, Westfield, 

Mass., U.S.A. 


Birchington, Thanet. 

1915 POYSER, A. W., ESQ., M.A., Grammar School, Wisbech. 
1903 PRICE, HARRY, ESQ., Arun Bank, Pulborough, Sussex. 

1911 PRICHARD, A. H. COOPER-, British School, Palazzo 

Odescalchi, Rome. 

1906 RADFORD, A. J. VOOGHT, ESQ., F.S.A., Vacye, College Road, 

1913 RAO, K. ANANTASAMI, Curator of the Government Museum, 

Bangalore, India. 

1890 RAPSON, PROF. E. J., M.A., M.R.A.S., 8 Mortimer Road, 


1905 RASHLEIGH, EVELYN W., Stoketon, Saltash, Cornwall. 
1915 RASQUIN, M. GEORGES, Tanglewood, Bushey Park, Herts. 
1909 RAYMOND, WAYTE, ESQ., South Norwalk, Connecticut, 




1903 REGAN, W. H., ESQ., 124 Queen's Road, Bayswater, W. 

1876 *ROBERTSON, J. DRUMMOND, ESQ., M.A., 17 St. George's 

Court, Gloucester Road, S.W. 

1911 ROBINSON, E. S. G., ESQ., B.A., British Museum, W.C. 

1910 ROGERS, REV. EDGAR, M.A., 18 Colville Square, W. 

1911 ROSENHEIM, MAURICE, ESQ., 18 Belsize Park Gardens, N.W. 

1903 RUBEN, PAUL, ESQ., Ph.D., Alte Rabenstrasse, 8, Hamburg, 


1904 RUSTAFFJAELL, ROBERT BE, ESQ., The Union Trust Co., 

Fifth Avenue, Sixtieth Street, New York, U.S.A. 

1872 *SALAS, MIGUEL T., ESQ., 247 Florida Street, Buenos Ayres. 


Hurst, Hayling Island, Havant, Hants. 

1907 *SELTMAN, CHARLES T., ESQ., Kinghoe, Berkharnsted, Herts. 
1890 SELTMAN, E. J., ESQ., Kinghoe, Berkharnsted, Herts. 

1900 SHACKLES, GEORGE L., ESQ., Wickersley, Brough, R.S.O., 
E. Yorks. 

1908 SHEPHERD, EDWARD, ESQ., 2 Cornwall Road, Westbourne 

Park, W. 

1913 SHIRLEY-FOX, J. S., ESQ., R.B.A., 5 Rossetti Studios, Flood 
Street, Chelsea, S.W. 

1896 SIMPSON, C. E., ESQ. (address not known). 

1893 *SiMS, R. F. MANLEY-, ESQ. (address not known). 


Agra, India. 

1912 SMITH, G. HAMILTON, ESQ., Northside, Leigh Woods, 


1892 SMITH, VINCENT A., ESQ., M.A., M.R.A.S., I.C.S. (retd.), 

116 Banbury Road, Oxford. 
1890 SMITH, W.BERESFORD, ESQ., Kenmore, Vanbrugh Park Road 

West, Blackheath. 
1905 SNELLING, EDWARD, ESQ., 26 Silver Street, B.C. 

1909 SOUTZO, M. MICHEL, 8 Strada Romana, Bucharest. 

1894 SPINK, SAMUEL M., ESQ., 17 Piccadilly, W. 

1902 STAINER, CHARLES LEWIS, ESQ., 10 South Parks Road, 

1878 STRACHAN-DAVIDSON, J. L., ESQ., M.A., LL.D., Master of 

Balliol College, Oxford, 
1869 *STREATFEILD, REV. GEORGE SYDNEY, Goddington Rectory, 

Bicester, Oxfordshire. 



1914 *STREATFEILD, MRS. SYDNEY, 22 Park Street, Mayfair W 
910 SUTCLIFFE, ROBERT, ESQ., 21 Market Street, Burnley Lanes 
SYDENHAM, REV. EDWARD A., The Vicarage, Wolvercote', 
1885 STMONDS, H., ESQ., F.S.A., Union Club, Trafalgar Square, 

1896 TAFFS, H. W., ESQ., 35 GreenHolm Road, Eltham, S.E. 
1879 TAL c B o 4 a ^ IE ^ T /- t ( ; OL - THE HON. MILO GEORGE, Hartham, 

1888 TATTON,THOS. E., ESQ., Wythenshawe, Northenden, Cheshire 
1892 *TAYLOB, R. WRIGHT, ESQ., M.A., LL.B, F.S.A., 8 Stone 
Buildings, Lincoln's Inn, W.C. 

1887 THAIRLWALL, F. J., ESQ., 12 Upper Park Road, Haverstock 

Preston Manor, Brighton. 

1896 THOMPSON, SIR HERBERT, BART., 9 Kensington Park 
Gardens, W. 

1896 THORBURN, HENRY W., ESQ., Cradock Villa, Bishop 


1903 THORPE, GODFREY F., ESQ., 21 Esplanade Mansions, Espla- 
nade, Calcutta. 

1894 TRIGGS, A. B., ESQ., Bank of New South Wales, Yass New 
South Wales. 

1887 TROTTER, LIEUT.-COL. SIR HENRY, K.C.M.G., C.B., 18 Eaton 
Place, W. 

1912 VAN BUREN, DR. A. W., American Academy, Porta San 
Pancrazio, Rome. 

1899 VLASTO, MICHEL P., ESQ., 12 Allee des Capucines, Marseilles, 

1892 VOST, LIEUT. -CoL. W., I.M.S., Muttra, United Provinces, 

1905 WACE, A. J. B., ESQ., M.A., Leslie Lodge, Hall Place, 
St. Albans. 

1883 WALKER, R. K, ESQ., M.A., J.P., Watergate, Meath Road, 
Bray, Ireland. 

1897 WALTERS, FRED. A., ESQ., F.S.A., 3 Adam Street, Adelphi, 

W.C., and Temple Ewell, Dover, Hon. Secretary. 

1911 WARRE, FELIX W., ESQ., 231 A St. James's Court, Buckingham 
Gate, S.W. 



1901 *WATTERS, CHARLES A., ESQ., 152 Princes Road, Liverpool. 

1901 WEBB, PERCY H., ESQ., 4 and 5 West Smithfield, B.C., Hon. 

1885 * WEBER, F. PARKES, ESQ., M.D., F.S.A., 13 Harley 
Street, W. 

1883 *WEBER, SIR HERMANN, M.D., 10 Grosvenor Street, Gros- 

venor Square, W. 

1884 WEBSTER, W. J., ESQ., 76 Melford Road, Thornton Heath. 

1904 WEIGHT, WILLIAM CHARLES, ESQ., Erica, The Broadway, 


1905 WEIGHTMAN, FLEET-SURGEON A. E., F.S.A., Junior United 

Service Club, Charles Street, St. James's, S.W. 

1899 WELCH, FRANCIS BERTRAM, ESQ., M.A., Wadham House, 

Arthog Road, Hale, Cheshire. 

1915 WHITEHEAD, R. B., ESQ., I.C.S., M.R.A.S., Amballa, Panjab, 

1869 * WIGRAM, MRS. LEWIS, The Rookery, Frensham, Surrey. 

1914 WILLIAMS, R. JAMES, ESQ., Ascalon, 37 Hill Avenue, 

1908 WILLIAMS, T. HENRY, ESQ., 85 Clarendon Road, Putney, 

1910 WILLIAMS, W. I., ESQ., Beech Villa, Nelson, Cardiff. 

1881 WILLIAMSON, GEO. C., ESQ., F.R.S.L., Burgh House, Well 
Walk, Hampstead, N.W. 

1906 WILLIAMSON, CAPT. W. H. (address not known). 

1904 WINTER, CHARLES, ESQ., Oldfield, Thetford Road, New 
Maiden, Surrey. 

1906 WOOD, HOWLAND, ESQ., Curator of the American Numis- 
matic Society, 156th Street, W. of Broadway, New York, 

Bareilly, United Provinces, India. 

1889 YEATES, F. WILLSON, ESQ., 7 Leinster Gardens, Hyde 
Park, W. 

1880 YOUNG, ARTHUR W., ESQ., 12 Hyde Park Terrace, W. 
1898 YOUNG, JAMES SHELTON, ESQ., 19 Addison Gardens, W. 

1900 ZIMMERMANN, REV. JEREMIAH, M.A., D.D., LL.D., 107 South 

Avenue, Syracuse, New York, U.S.A. 




Palazzo Quirinale, Rome. 

1891 BABELON, M. ERNEST, Membre de 1'Institut, Bibliotheque 
Nationals, Paris. 

1903 BAHRFELDT, GENERAL-MAJORM. VON, 9 Humboldtstr., Hiides- 

heim, Germany. 

1898 BLANCHET, M. J. ADRIEN, 10 Bd. ^mile Augier, Paris. 

1898 DRESSEL, DR. H., Miinzkabinett, Kaiser Friedrich Museum, 


1899 GABRICI, PROF. DR. ETTORE, S. Giuseppe dei Nudi 75, Naples. 
1893 GNECCHI, COMM. FRANCESCO, Via Filodrammatici 10, Milan. 
1873 IMHOOP-BLUMER, DR. F., Winterthur, Switzerland. 

1893 JONGHE, M. LE VICOMTE B. DE, Rue du Trone, 60, Brussels. 
1878 KENNER, DR. F. VON, K. u. K. Museen, Vienna. 

1904 KUBITSCHEK, PROP. J. W., Pichlergasse, 1, Vienna. 
1893 LOEBBECKE, HERR A., Cellerstrasse, 1, Brunswick. 
1904 MAURICE, M. JULES, 10 Rue Crevaux, Paris. 

1899 PICK, DR. BEHRENDT, Miinzkabinett, Gotha. 
1895 REINACH, M. THEODORE, 9 Rue Hamelin, Paris. 
1891 SVORONOS, M. J. N., Conservateur du Cabinet des Medaille?, 






1884 AQUILA SMITH, ESQ., M.D., M.R.I.A. 



1887 JOHN EVANS, ESQ., D.C.L., LLJX, F.R.S., P.S.A. 

1888 DR. F. IMHOOF-BLUMER, Winterthur. 


1890 MONSIEUR J. P. Six, Amsterdam. 

1891 DR. r !. LUDWIG MILLER, Copenhagen. 

1893 MONSIEUR W. H. WADDINGTON, Senateur, Me* ; ^re de 

I'lnstitut, Paris. 




1897 DR. ALFRED VON SALLET, Berlin. 


1899 MONSIEUR ERNEST BABELON, Membre de 1'Inst t, Con- 

servateur des Medailles, Paris. 



1902 ARTHUR J. EVANS, ESQ., M.A., F.R.S., F.S.A. 

1903 MONSIEUR GUSTAVE SCHLUMFERGER, Membre de 1 mtitut, 





1907 BARCLAY VINCENT HEAD ESQ., D.Litt., D.C.L., Ph.D., Corr. 

de 1'Inst. 


1909 H. A. GRUEBER, ESQ., F.S.A. 



1914 JEAN N. SVORONOS, Athens. 


3EPT. MAR 1 1958 






The Numismatic chronicle 
and journal of the Royal 
Numismatic Society