THE
NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE
AND
JOURNAL OF
THE ROYAL NUMISMATIC SOCIETY
PRINTED AT OXFORD, ENGLAND
BY FREDERICK HALL
PRINTER TO THE UNIVERSITY
NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE
AKD
JOURNAL
OF THE
ROYAL NUMISMATIC SOCIETY
EDITED BY
G. F. HILL, M.A.
KEEPEH OF COINS, BRITISH MUSEUM
OLIVEK CODRINGTON, M.D., F.S.A., M.R.A.S.
AND
G. C. BROOKE, B.A.
FOURTH SERIES VOL. XVI
Factum abiit monumenta manent. Ov. Fast.
LONDON :
BERNARD QUARITCH, 11 GRAFTON ST., W.
PARIS :
MM. ROLLIN ET FEUARDENT, PLACE LOUVOIS, No. 4
1916
CONTENTS.
ANCIENT NUMISMATICS.
PAGE
GROSE (S. W.). A Dekadrachra of Kimon, and a Note on
Greek Coin Dies (Plate IV) .113
Some Rare Coins of Magna Graecia (Plates VII,
VIII) , 201
HUNKIN (J. W.). A Note on the Silver Coins of the Jews . 251
MAVROGORDATO (J.). A Chronological Arrangement of the
Coins of Chios ; Part III (Plates X, XI) . . . i 281
MILNE (J. G.). A Hoard of Persian Sigloi (Plate I) . . 1
A Hoard of Bronze Coins of Smyrna . . . 246
OMAN (C.). The Decline and Fall of the Denarius in the
Third Century A. D. (Plate III) . . . . .37
SYDENHAM (E. A.). The Coinage of Nero (Plate II) . . 13
MEDIAEVAL AND MODERN NUMISMATICS.
B[ROOKE] (G. C.). Florin Issue of Edward III . . . 105
FARQUHAR (Miss H.). Silver Counters of the Seventeenth
Century (Plates V, VI) 133
GALSTER (G.). Influence of the English Coin-types on the
Danish in the Thirteenth and Fourteenth Centuries
(Plate IX) 260
A Find of English Coins at Ribe, Denmark . 378
VI CONTENTS.
PAGE
HILL (G. P.). The Medal of Henry VIII as Supreme Head
of the Church . . 194
A Plugged and Counter-stamped West Indian
Onza 276
LAWRENCE (L. A.). More Chronology of the Short-cross
Period (Plate XII) ........ 858
Note on the Ribe Find . , 399
SYMONDS (H.). The Mint of Queen Elizabeth and those who
worked there 61
- Some Light Coins of Charles I . . . .271
The Price of Dunkirk . , 280
YEATES (F. WILLSON). MacGregor's Florida Medal . . 196
German War Medals 107, 402
Jutland Bank Medal , 200
NOTICES OF RECENT PUBLICATIONS.
Catalogue of English Coins in the British Museum. The
Norman Kings. By G. C. Brooke 198
Sardis. Volume XI : Coins, Part I. By H. W. BELL . . 199
The Dated Alexander Coinage of Sidon and Ake. By
E. T. NEWELL 407
The Casting-Counter and the Counting-Board. By
F. P. BARNAKD 409
The Evolution of Coinage. By GEORGE MACDONALD . . 411
INDEX . , 413
CONTENTS. Vll
LIST OF PLATES CONTAINED IN VOL. XVI.
PLATES
I. Persian Sigloi.
II. Coinage of Nero.
III. Late Roman Denarii and Quinarii.
IV. Some Greek Coins from Fractured Dies.
V. Seventeenth-century Counters.
VI. Microphotographs of Silver Engravings, &c.
VII, VIII. Coins of Magna Graecia.
IX. English Influence on Danish Coins.
X. Chios. Periods VIII, IX.
XL Period IX continued.
XII. Short-cross Coinage : General Types.
I.
A HOARD OF PERSIAN SIGLOL
[See PLATE I.]
THE hoard described in this paper was obtained for
me some months ago from a Smyrna dealer by
Mr. E. D. Barff. The dealer stated that there were
originally 55 coins when he received them, but he
had sold three before Mr. Barff secured the re-
mainder. The find spot was said to be in Ionia.
The coins are all Persian sigloi, which have been
a good deal worn in circulation, and many of them
are stamped with punch marks (see Figure, p. 5). It
was these countermarks which first interested me in
the hoard : but further examination showed some
noteworthy characteristics in several of the incuse
markings of the reverses. In the following list, there-
fore, I have described rather fully the incuse (I.) of
each specimen, and added references to the punch-
marks (P.) : the weights are given in grammes : the
condition of the coins may be taken throughout as
worn, and the die position as approximately ff or f j :
in the cases where it can be determined by the presence
of an intelligent design in the reverse it is ff, except
in the group 36-40, where it is probably f j : all appear
to be anvil-struck.
NUMISM. CHBON., VOL. XVI, SERIES IV. B
2 J. G. MILNE.
A. Obv. Persian king kneeling r., holding in r. hand spear,
in 1. bow.
Rev. Incuse of oblong shape.
1. I. irregular, with lump in middle joined by ridge to
r.-hand side. P. (rev.) two obscure. Wt. 5-55.
2. I. similar to last, but more rectangular in shape, extended
above on r. P. (obv.) No. 1, (rev.) No. 13 and a
rough lozenge. Wt. 5-53.
3. I. similar. P. (obv.) No. 12, (rev.) Nos. 22 and 68.
Wt. 547.
4. I. similar. P. (on edge) obscure. Wt. 5-53.
5. I. fairly regular, with tooth -like projections at top and
rough masses in middle. P. (obv.) Nos. 7, 8, and
23, (rev.) Nos. 11, 16, 19, 21, and 25. 1 Wt. 543.
6. I. rectangular, extended below on r., with two round
lumps on 1., the upper one joined to top, and slight
ridges down r. side. P. (obv.) one obscure, (rev.)
No. 20. Wt. 5-50.
7. I. irregular, with broad band across from r. Wt. 5-51.
8. I. irregular, with round lump at top, broad band down-
wards on r., and triangular mass on 1. P. (obv.)
No. 15, (rev.) No. 30. Wt. 5-52. [PI. I.]
9. I. almost fan-shaped, with curved line across field on r.
and straight line across bottom. P. (obv.) Nos. 6, 36,
and 45, (rev.) Nos. 37 and 53. Wt. 5-51. [PL I.
10. I. rather rounded, with slight cross-band. Wt. 5-51.
11. I. fairly regular, with diagonal cross-band from above
on 1. P. (on edge) No. 34. Wt. 5-56.
12. I. similar, but more irregular. Wt. 5-56.
13. I. irregular, broken up by rough masses. Wt. 5-52.
14. I. narrow, slightly curved, with central ridge. P. (obv.)
No. 48, (rev.) Nos. 35, 47, 49, and 71. Wt. 5-53.
B. Obv. Persian king kneeling r., holding in r. hand dagger,
in 1. bow.
Rev. Incuse of more or less oblong shape.
15. I. rather square, sides slightly curved, field plain.
Wt. 5-51.
1 The mark No. 25 is possibly an intaglio device in the incuse :
it does not resemble the punchmarks in its character. If it is an
intaglio, it may be compared with the coins Nos. 36-40.
A HOARD OF PERSIAN SIGLOI. 8
16. I. similar. P. (obv.) Nos. 33 and 38, (rev.) No. 46.
Wt. 5-53.
17. I. similar. P. (obv.) No. 32, (rev.) one obscure. Wt. 5-53.
18. I. similar. P. (obv.) Nos. 3, 28. 42, and 70, (rev.) Nos. 4,
51, 54, 56, 58, 60, and 62. Wt. 5-50.
19. I. similar. P. (obv.) Nos. 9, 29, and 57, (rev.) No. 27.
Wt. 5-52. [PI. I.]
20. I. similar. P. (obv.) No. 10, (rev.) one obscure. Wt. 5-51.
21. I. irregular, with lion's head 1. in middle. Wt. 5-69.
[PI. I.]
22. I. similar, lion's head touching r.-hand side. Wt. 5-67.
23. I. similar. Wt, 5-43.
24. I. similar. Wt. 5-51.
25. I. similar. Wt. 547.
26. I. similar. Wt. 5-53.
27. I. similar. Wt. 5-56.
28. I. similar, lion's head joined to r. side. Wt. 5-30.
29. I. similar. Wt. 5-38. [PI. I. ]
30. I. similar. Wt. 5-51.
31. I. similar. Wt. 5-62.
32. I. similar. P. (rev.) No. 72 and one obscure. Wt. 5-53.
33. I. rather irregular, with dotted device (lion's scalp ?) on
r. side. P. (obv.) No. 26, (rev.) Nos. 59, 63, and 65.
Wt. 5-54.
34. I. similar. Wt. 5-50. [PI. I.]
35. I. similar. P. (obv.) Nos. 5, 14, 41, and 64. Wt. 5-58.
36. I. of three very irregular parts (central one lion's head
r. in intaglio?). Wt. 5-48. [PI. I.]
37. I. similar. P. (obv.) No. 55. Wt. 543.
38. I. similar. P. (rev.) No. 52. Wt. 546.
39. I. similar. Wt. 545.
40. I. similar. Wt. 5-50.
41. I. rather irregular, with diagonal cross-bar, in the centre
of which a device (stellate flower?). P. (obv.) No. 2,
(rev.) Nos. 31 and 69. Wt. 545. [PI. I.]
42. I. similar. Wt. 5-68.
43. I. similar. P. (rev.) No. 43. Wt. 5-55.
B2
4: J. G. MILNE.
44. I. irregular, with rough long bar upwards (bull butting
r. ?). Wt. 5-34. [PI. I.]
45. I. rough triangle, curved over at top. P. (obv.) No. 50,
(rev.) No. 18. Wt. 5-42.
46. I. rather square, with irregular mass projecting from
r.-hand corner. Wt. 5-54.
47. I. similar, but more oblong. Wt. 5-56.
48. I. rough square, with obliterated device in middle.
P. (rev.) Nos. 17 and 67. Wt. 543.
49. I. irregular, with bar across lower end. P. (obv.} Nos. 40
and 44. Wt. 5-44.
50. I. very irregular, with bar from top and pellet in lower
part. P. (obv.) one obscure. Wt. 5-30.
51. I. roughly similar. P. (rev.} No. 61. Wt. 5-62.
52. I. very irregular arid broken up. P. (obv.) No. 24, (rev.)
Nos. 39 and 66. Wt. 5-46.
"With regard to the punchmarks, the majority seem
to belong to the same class as those described by
Rapson in J. R. A.S., 1895, pp. 865 ff. : besides several
examples of the simpler forms which he there took to
be derived from Brahmi or Kharosthi characters, there
are some more elaborate devices which, though not
mentioned in the article, are to be found on the coins
illustrated in the plate which accompanies it : good
examples of this are Nos. 72, 70, and 60 of this series,
which recur on Figs. 7, 12, and 20 of the plate. I under-
stand from Mr. Hill that Professor Eapson does not
now consider the Indian origin of these punchmarks
to be proved : but it is not easy to determine in what
other part of the Persian empire or the regions where
its coinage circulated they can have been stamped.
For the most part they are not Greek in style : they
are very distinct as a class from the countermarks,
presumably of Greek origin, which are found 011 Asiatic
coins of the fourth century B. c. for instance, on the
A HOARD OF PERSIAN SIULOI.
staters of Aspendos. The only example which, might
be expected to have come from the west of the Aegean
is No. 49, which represents a tortoise : this mark recurs
on a siglos in the British Museum [PI. I. b], and in
another case [PL I. c] we also find what may be the
V
Ul
83
1
o
A
C?
*
CD <T>
86
regular Aeginetan reverse-stamp used as a punchmark.
The tortoise in itself might equally well be Lycian as
Aeginetan: but the use of the reverse-stamp is in
favour of Aeginetan origin. But this solitary instance
cannot carry the rest of the punchmarks with it as
6 J. G. MILNE.
Greek. Egypt may also be left out of account : coins
found there dating from before Alexander are often
cut, but not countermarked : and the punchmarks
commonly found on Ptolemaic coins of the next
century are of a rudimentary type, showing nothing
so large or elaborate as many of the examples in this
hoard. A more likely source, so far as the style goes,
would be the South of Asia Minor or Cyprus : some
of the forms would pass for Cypriote characters (e.g.
Nos. 9, 26, 60), and the ankh, which occurs several times
in slightly modified forms, is a favourite Cypriote
symbol : also one or two of the countermarks (e. g.
No. 10) might be meant for Phoenician letters. The
triskelis (No. 51), which also appears on two sigloi in the
British Museum, is more probably Lycian ; and the tor-
toise, as already mentioned, may belong to the same dis-
trict. The fact that the hoard was found in Ionia might
weigh for a Levantine, rather than an Indian, origin for
the countermarks : it is hardly likely that so large a pro-
portion of the coins in the hoard would have been to
India, although there would be nothing surprising in
finding a few which had travelled as far. Similarly,
most of the 44 sigloi in Mr. Newell's Cilician find
(Num. Cliron., 1914, p. 1) were stamped with punch-
marks of the same class as those under discussion.
And the evidence as to provenance of the punch-
marked sigloi in the British Museum, though not
conclusive, tends to suggest that they come from the
west rather than from the east of the Persian empire :
a table with which Mr. Hill has kindly supplied me
shows that of 71 punchmarked examples, 10 were
acquired from Persia and 1 from India (2 others
are possibly Oriental), as against 40 from Asia
A HOARD OF PERSIAN SIGLOI. 7
Minor : 2 the provenance of the rest is non-significant
or unknown. On tke whole, therefore, there seems
to be a presumption in favour of these marks having
been placed on the coins by traders in Cyprus or
neighbouring regions of the Levant.
The variations in the form of the incuse on the
reverse of the sigloi, especially on those with the bow
and dagger type, furnish another problem for solution.
The specimens of class A show the field of the incuse,
in almost every instance, broken by cross-bands or
lumps of different sizes and shapes : but it is not
possible to classify them in groups or detect any
designs in the markings. The other class, however,
is more informative.
The first clue to the meaning of the incuse devices
is given by a group of specimens Nos. 21-32 which
show distinctly in the middle of the incuse a lion's
head with open jaws. Such a device has not apparently
been described previously in connexion with the
Persian coinage of darics and sigloi : but other
examples of this type exist in the British Museum
[PI. I. e] and at Cambridge. There are slight varia-
tions in the position of the head, which is sometimes
clear in the field [PI. I. 21], sometimes joined to the
side of the incuse, as though standing out from a
wall [PI. I. 29] : but these variations are not likely to
have any significance. The occurrence of a device
in such a position would be most naturally explained
by regarding it as a mint-mark : and this explanation
2 This table includes 11 punchraarked sigloi from Mr. Newell's
hoard presented by him to the British Museum. Of all the sigloi
in the British Museum collection, only 5 are of certain Indian
provenance, and of these 4 are not punchmarked at all.
8 J. G. MILNE.
would be supported if similar marks in the incuse
were found on other sigloi.
There are three other groups of specimens in the
hoard which do show what appear to be similar
devices in the incuse. The coins Nos. 33-5 have,
in the same position as the lion's head of the pre-
ceding group, an arrangement of dots [PI. I. 34] : the
exact object intended is obscure, but, as Mr. Hill has
pointed out to me, it bears some resemblance to a
lion's scalp. Whatever it may be, there can be little
doubt that the motive for its introduction is the same
as in the case of the lion's head.
Another group is formed by Nos. 36-40, which are
connected by the fact that the incuse is broken into
three curiously irregular parts, which are of very
similar shape in all five examples. There is no raised
device here as in the last two groups : but it is
possible to see in the central part an attempt to repre-
sent a lion's head in intaglio [PI. I. 36] : and this, if
correct, gives this group a possible relation to the
first. Instances of the probably contemporaneous use
of designs in intaglio and in relief may be found on
the electrum hectae of Mytilene: and a more closely
connected example of an intaglio device occurs 011 the
reverse of the daric attributed to Cyrus [PI. I. a],
which bears, by the side of the incuse, a Satyr's head. 3
The remaining group of three coins Nos. 41-3
has a design more akin to those of the two first groups :
3 An impression from the reverse, showing the Satyr's head in
relief, is reproduced on the plate. Mr. Hill has pointed out that
the head occupies exactly the same position in relation to the
incuse on the British Museum and Paris specimens of this daric,
and is evidently struck from the original die, not punched
subsequently.
A HOARD OF PERSIAN SIGLOI. V
there is a raised device, consisting of a band diagonally
across the incuse, in the middle of which appears
a sort of stellate flower [PI. I. 41],
The last nine specimens catalogued in class B have
incuses of very different characters, and do not seem
to lend themselves to classification. Guesses might
be made in regard to some : for instance, in No. 44
the eye of faith might discern a bull butting, placed
upwards in the field of the incuse : similarly, among
the specimens in the British Museum, a dolphin might
be discerned in the lower part of the incuse of one
coin [PL I. d]. A clearer instance of a device, in a
similar position to the lion's head, occurs on another
British Museum siglos [PI. I. f] : but the object re-
presented is uncertain. Comparison of longer series
of examples may possibly lead to some conclusion in
regard to these.
If the devices placed in the incuses are mint-marks,
the question naturally arises what mints they repre-
sent. In this connexion the largest group that with
the lion's head may be compared with the first six
coins of class B Nos. 15-20. The latter have nothing
in the nature of a mark in the incuse, which is quite
plain, shallow, and fairly regular in shape [PL I. 19] :
and the weights of the six specimens show little
variation, the extreme difference being 0-03 gr. In
the lion's head group the range of weight is much
wider, from 5-30 to 5-69 gr. It would seem probable
that the coins without a mint-mark, and with carefully
adjusted weights, are the issues of a central mint of
Persia, while those with mint-marks and more irregular
weights come from provincial towns. Now five out of
six coins of the group with plain incuse are punch-
10 J. G. MILNE.
marked, while only one of the twelve of the lion's head
group has a punchmark. As the hoard was probably
found in Ionia, and the origin of the puuchmarks has
been shown above to be presumably in Southern Asia
Minor or Cyprus, if not further East, it is not unreason-
able to suppose that the coins which normally are not
punchmarked came from a mint nearer Ionia than those
which normally are punchmarked. The style of the
lion's head points to the same conclusion, as it is more
Greek than Persian in treatment. If we are to look
for a mint in Western Asia Minor for this group, the
place which first suggests itself is Sardis : it was the
chief seat of the Persian power in this region at the
period when these coins were struck, and the lion's head
would be an appropriate symbol for the city. 4 It was
presumably the mint of the Lydian kingdom : but 110
issues of the Persian period have hitherto been traced
to it. As, however, about this time many of the
satraps and rulers of the coastal districts of Asia
Minor struck coins, there is no inherent improbability
in the supposition that a mint existed at Sardis : and,
as the types of the satrapal coinages can be classified
as Greek or Persian in a scale of degrees varying
roughly according to the predominant influences at
their places of mintage, a series of sigloi of the
ordinary Persian type, but distinguished by a symbol
of Greek style on the reverse, would not be unsuited
to the position of Sardis, which must have been mainly
Persian, or at any rate Anatolian, in its culture at this
period, although Greek ideas would be familiar there.
The other groups of coins with devices in the incuse
4 See the legend in Hdt. i. 84.
A HOARD OF PERSIAN SIGLOI. 11
cannot be ascribed to any particular mint with so
much probabilitj'- as the lion's head group to Sardis.
If the central part of the incuse on Nos. 36-40 is
meant for a lion's head in intaglio, this group may
also come from Sardis: and a slight argument for
such an origin might be based on the fact that only
two out of the five specimens are punchmarked : but
this is not conclusive. Again, if the devices on the
other two groups are respectively a lion's scalp and
a stellate flower, homes might be found for them at
Samos and Erythrae : but we should hardly expect
either of these places to strike sigloi : moreover, these
groups show a larger proportion of punchmarks than
the lion's head one, and so might be regarded as
probably derived from some mint further from Ionia
than Sardis. A likelier origin for the lion's scalp
device would be Lycia, where it was frequently used
on coins approximately contemporary with these sigloi :
and it would not be improbable that a Lycian dynast
under Persian influence might issue coins of Persian
types. As the number of examples in each of these
groups is smaller than in the lion's head one, it may
be supposed that the latter came from a mint which
was either the most important in the region where
mint-marks were used or the nearest to the spot where
the hoard was buried : either of these theories would
suit the ascription of the lion's head group to Sardis,
but does not help to locate the others.
The hoard does not, unfortunately, throw any fresh
light on the problem of the chronological sequence of
the issues of sigloi. So far as their condition goes
the specimens of the bow and spear, and bow and
dagger, types are about equally worn, and there is
12 J. G. MILNE.
nothing to suggest that one group was earlier than
the other.
In conclusion, I must express my indebtedness to
Mr. Hill in connexion with the preparation of this
article : he has freely communicated to me the results
of his study of the Persian series, and his contributions
to my conclusions are much more extensive than would
appear from the occasional mention of his name above.
J. G. MILNE.
II.
THE COINAGE OF NEKO.
AN INTRODUCTORY STUDY.
(SEE PLATE II.)
THE coinage of Nero not only possesses a unique im-
portance as being one of the most complete monetary
systems of antiquity, but offers a rich, field of interest
to the numismatist.
To aim at an exhaustive survey of the various coin-
types with their probable bearing on contemporary
history, though in itself a most fascinating study, is
beyond the scope of these notes. The following paper
is merely an attempt to deal with some of the more
important problems which arise from a general con-
sideration of the subject, and is therefore restricted
to such coins of Nero as belong to the period of his
principate.
Nero's coinage falls into two clearly defined periods,
viz. (i) A.D. 54 to 63, and (ii) A.D. 64 to 68. Between
these periods, i. e. during the latter part of the year 63
or the beginning of 64, must be placed the important
monetary reform, which appears to have been carried
out under the personal supervision of the Emperor.
Of this monetary reform we shall speak in detail later.
It is important, however, at the outset to emphasize
this division of the coins into the two periods
mentioned, since the distinctive characteristics of each
14 E. A. SYDENHAM.
period are to be observed, both in the style and weight
of the coins, and also in the particular reverse types
which occur.
The coins of Period I (A D. 54-63) consist mainly of
dated gold and silver.
The portrait of the Emperor on the obverse shows
him as a young man of about seventeen years of age,
without either crown or laurel wreath.
The reverse types are confined to the following :
(a) The Civic Crown of Oak, encircling EX. S. C.
Outside the crown is the legend PONTIF. MAX. TR. P.
[orTR. P. II, III, IHI, V, VI, VII. P. P.]. In conjunction
with TR. P. VI and VII, COS. III! also occurs.
(&) A series of three types, closely related in style,
representing the standing figures of Cerex, Mars, and
Roma, with the legend, PONTIF. MAX. TR. P. VII
[VIII, VI 1 1 1, or X], COS. III! P. P. In the field is
EX. S. C.
(c) The coins of Nero and Agrippina Junior, which
belong to the first few months of the reign, with the
reverse types of (1) Quadriga of elephants, and (2) the
Civic crown, similar to the above, in each case with
EX. S. C in the field.
These three classes may be regarded as covering the
entire series of gold and silver coins issued from the
Roman mint during the period A. D. 54-63, with the
exception of the limited number of coins struck to
the memory of the deified Claudius. 1 Their chief
characteristics are as follows :
(a) Their weight approximates to that of the coins
1 The gold and silver quinarii with the type of Victory, and
Legends ARMENIAC and VICT. AVC, belong to mints
outside Rome.
THE COINAGE OF NERO.
of Tiberius and Claudius ; i. e. the aureus weighs
ISO'S grains, or ^ f a Roman pound ; the denarius
60-15 grains, or g 1 ^ of a pound.
(6) There is an entire absence of types bearing any
historical allusion.
(c) The style and composition of the reverse types
are poor. For example, the figures of Ceres, Mars, and
Roma are drawn conventionally, the arrangement of
the drapery is crude, and the pose of the figures
stilted.
(d) On all the coins the formula EX. S. C occurs.
(e) No Senatorial brass appear to have been issued
during the period.
This last point is perhaps the most remarkable, and
causes not a little difficulty in assigning the historical
connexions to some of the later coin- types. The main
reason for this conclusion is that the style of the
Emperor's portrait, found on all the brass coins, in no
case corresponds with that of the dated gold and silver
of this period, but closely resembles that found on
the gold and silver of Period II (A. D. 64-8).
Some indirect support of the theory is found in the
consistent occurrence of EX. S. C on the gold and silver
of Period I. This formula cannot refer to the subject
of the types, and consequently must refer to the par-
ticular issue of the coins. That is to say, if EX. S. C
occurred only on the coins with the Civic crown it
might be reasonable to infer that the reference was
to the bestowal of the crown by the Senate ; or even in
the case of the Quadriga of elephants 011 the coins
of Nero and Agrippina, the honours of the Ludi Cir-
censes might conceivably be alluded to, since they
w r ere accorded by the sanction of the Senate : but the
16 E. A. SYDENHAM.
occurrence of EX. S. C in conjunction with the Ceres,
Mars, and Roma types can have no meaning unless
the issue of the coins themselves was ex Senatus
consulto.
We must therefore conclude that during the first
period of the reign (A. D. 54-63) Nero waived his right
of issuing gold and silver, which had been the Imperial
perquisite since the monetary reform of Augustus
(15 B.C.), and allowed to the Senate the sole right of
coinage.
It may be objected that such procedure was in-
consistent with the arbitrary policy usually ascribed
to Nero. But in reply to this it is sufficient to point
out that the tyrannical Nero, as known to popular
history, did not come into being until after the removal
of his chief advisers, Seneca and Burrus (A.D. 62). In
the early years of his reign, Nero exhibited an almost
exaggerated deference for the constitutional rights and
dignity of the Senate. Thus, for example, Nero pro-
hibited the sons of freedmen from entering the Senate,
and those who had already gained admission were
excluded from every greater magistracy. 2 In A.D. 60
the Senatorial Court of Civil Appeal was placed on the
same level as the Imperial Court by enforcing litigants
to deposit the same sum of money in whichever court
their case was heard. " In legislation also, the Senate
took a far more active part under Nero than had been
possible under Claudius. Nero had expressly instanced
Italy as the Senate's province of control ; and in con-
sequence it now intervened both in matters of public
order and of local municipal jurisdiction." 3
2 Henderson's Nero, p. 86. 3 Ibid., p. 87.
THE COINAGE OF NERO. 17
The history of the Roman Constitution during the
Empire shows a general tendency towards absolutism
on the part of the Emperor at the expense of the
Senate, which year by year became more impotent.
The early part of the reign of Nero marks one of
those rare periods when the tendency was temporarily
arrested, only to be followed by more violent reaction.
Thus from A.D. 54 to 63 the Senate ruled in a truer
sense than at any time since 27 B.C, whereas from
A. D. 64 to 68 Nero aimed at crushing the Senate beneath
a policy of personal absolutism which helped to bring
about the revolution and civil wars of A. D. 68 and 69.
Whilst in possession of the right of coining gold
and silver, the Senate appears, for the time, to have
ceased to issue any brass coins, and the only copper
coins which can with tolerable certainty be assigned
to this period are (1) the heavy Semisses struck, pre-
sumably, at Lugdunum A.D. 60-3; (2) the series of
Quadrantes, which have for their types the attributes
of Minerva, namely, an owl on an altar or cista, an
olive branch and a helmet on column with shield;
and (3) certain Asses.
With respect to the two series of coins first mentioned
a careful distinction should be made between the brass
and copper. That is to say, the difference is not merely
between coins of similar denominations and types
struck in different metals, but between coins which
belong to different periods.
THE REFORM OP THE COINAGE, A.D. 63.
The exact date of the reform cannot be determined
from contemporary records, but the testimony of the
coins leaves little doubt that the scheme was carried
XUMISM. CHRON., VOL. XVI, SERIES IV. C
18 E. A. SYDENHAM.
out towards the end of A. D. 63 or the early part of 64.
"With the reform, the types characteristic of Period I
disappear, together with the formula EX. S. C and the
dates on the gold and silver. The earliest date on
the new coinage is TR. P. XII (A.D. 64-5), but, since
the new coins are for the most part undated, it is
quite possible that their issue began some months
earlier. The year 62 marks the turning-point, both
in the career of Nero and also in the history of the
Empire. The policy with respect to the Senate, which
Nero followed under the direction of Seneca and
Burrus, was now entirely reversed, so that his hatred
of the Senate as a body, and of Senators in particular,
passed into a proverb.
This change of attitude is important for our present
consideration so far as it affected the coinage. Not
only did Nero assume the monopoly of issuing gold
and silver, but, as appears evident from the coins, he
encroached upon the Senate's right of issuing the
baser metals. The omission of S. C from a number
of brass and copper coins is one of the features of
Nero's coins which admits of no other explanation
[PI. II. l]. The coins in question cannot be classed
as medallions (a term terribly misapplied), as they
clearly belong to the current denominations of Sestertii,
Dupondii, or Asses. They must therefore be regarded
as Imperial rather than Senatorial brass or copper.
To what extent Nero personally supervised the pro-
ductions of the Senatorial, as well as the Imperial,
mint is a matter of some interest, but lies entirely in
the sphere of speculation or, at best, probability. Nero
was above all things an artist, and in all matters
pertaining to art his tastes were essentially Greek.
THE COINAGE OF NERO. 19
The numerous indications of Greek design and Greek
workmanship displayed 011 the brass and copper coinage
of the period A.D. 64-8 strongly suggest the personal
guidance of the royal artist.
Passing on to the details of the monetary reform, it
will be simpler to consider the reform in respect of
(1) the Gold and Silver ; (2) the Brass and Copper
Coinage.
(1) The Reform of the Gold and Silver.
From the time of Augustus, the aureus had been
issued at the weight of 7-8 grammes (120-3 grains), or
4^ of a Roman pound (32745 grammes). The denarius
weighed 3-9 grammes (60-15 grains), or g 1 ^ of a pound.
The aureus was now reduced to $ of a pound, or
7-27 grammes (113-5 grains), and the denarius to g 1 ^, or
3-41 grammes (52-64 grains). At the same time the
amount of alloy in the silver was increased from 5 to
about 10 per cent.
Various suggestions have been made to explain this
reduction in weight of the gold and silver, of which
the following are worth noticing :
(a) It has been regarded as the first step in that
process of debasement, carried on during the first three
centuries of the Empire, which finally [c. A.D. 260]
diminished the gold to almost half its original weight,
and reduced the silver to a mere apology of plated
copper. The silver offered the most obvious means
of perpetrating this organized fraud on the national
credit, necessitated, of course, by the periodical ex-
haustion of the Imperial exchequer in consequence of
the court expenses and the ever-increasing demand
for military payments. Inasmuch as Nero added
c 2
20 E. A. SYDENHAM.
a greater percentage of alloy to the silver, the fore-
going reasoning may be held to offer some explanation.
But the reduction of the weight surely possesses a
different significance. The Neronian weight remained
practically the same, in spite of debasement in the
quality of the metal, until the beginning of the third
century. Therefore, if financial economj^ had been
the only object in view, the percentage of alloy might
easily have been increased without affecting the weight
of the denarius.
(&) It has been rather curiously suggested that the
gold and silver were reduced in weight in order to
restrain the increasing flow of silver to the East.
Oriental goods, being in great demand, considerably
exceeded the amount of exports to the East, and, in
consequence, the balance had to be paid in cash. It
is not easy, however, to see how the reduction of the
gold and silver currency was likely to affect this drain,
although it is not altogether improbable that the
reduction may have been partly necessitated by it.
(c) The most interesting suggestion has, however,
been made by M. Soutzo, 4 in which he maintains that
the reduction of the gold and silver was not actuated
by financial stress, but was a carefully thought-out
system, the object of which was to unify the standard
of coinage throughout the Empire. That is to say, the
new Roman coins were expressly adapted to the Greek
coinage in proportional values, which henceforth could
be easily reckoned, whereas the Roman system hitherto
had been irrespective of the Greek. 5 It must be
4 Revue Numismatique, 1898, pp. 659-66.
B Henderson's Nero, p. 84.
THE COINAGE OF NERO. 21
admitted that this theory possesses a certain attrac-
tiveness as being quite in keeping with Nero's policy.
The very magnitude of the conception is not more
surprising than many of Nero's enterprises, as, for
example, his building schemes in Rome or his engi-
neering projects of cutting canals through the Isthmus
of Corinth or from Lake Avernus to Ostia ; while the
practical end gained by promoting better commercial
relations between East and West, and particularly
between the Greek world and the Roman, fully justified
it as a financial experiment. 6
(2) The Reform of the Brass and Copper Coinage,
Nero's reform of the brass and copper coinage
opens up several problems of considerable interest.
M. Soutzo's statement that " the monetary system of
Nero is the most important known to us from ancient
times "is by no means extravagant. But his amplifi-
cation of the idea by maintaining further that Nero
harmonized the entire monetary system of the Empire,
and that all his coins possess a dual aspect of being
both Roman and Greek, scarcely seems to be borne out
by a study of the coins. Nero certainly appears to
have aimed at bringing some of the existing systems
into line by issuing coins of similar values in brass
and copper, but that is not quite the same thing as
unifying the Imperial currency. Moreover, neither
the coin-weights, as quoted by M. Soutzo, 7 nor his
6 M. Soutzo's elaborate statistics will be found in tabulated form
in the article already referred to, Rev. Num., 1898.
7 In an elaborate table, M. Soutzo gives the weights of Nero's
coins thus: Sestertius = 25-55 grammes [394-28 grains] ; Dupondius
= 2043 grammes [315-27 grains]; As = 10-21 grammes [157-56
22 E. A. SYDENHAM.
consequent deductions from them bear the test of
actual investigation.
Viewed in its more general aspect, Nero's reform
was an extension of the brass and copper system
inaugurated by Augustus in 15 B.C.
The factors of this system were the Sestertius and
Dupondius of brass, and the As and Quadrans of copper.
To these Nero added the As struck in brass [PI. II. 4],
the Semis of both brass [PI. II. 5] and copper [PL II.
6], and the Quadrans of brass [PI. II. 7j.
The practical usefulness of the Semis as an inter-
mediate value between the As and Quadrans is self-
evident. It is, however, not quite so obvious what
particular end was gained by the duplication of the
As, Semis, and Quadrans (i.e. in both brass and copper).
It has already been mentioned that certain examples
of the copper Semis and Quadrans belong to the period
prior to the monetary reform, and that in the year 63
they were superseded by brass coins bearing the same
types. It is clear, therefore, that Nero intended the
Imperial coinage to be reckoned primarily on the
brass standard, and this is further emphasized by the
fact that marks of value appear on the brass which do
not occur on the copper. But the copper coins of
intermediate sizes with the brass no doubt considerably
facilitated interprovincial exchange.
Our next consideration is concerned with the stan-
dard of weights upon which Nero's reformed coinage
was based. At the time of Augustus, the Sestertius
grains]. These figures, however, bear but little correspondence
with the weight of actual specimens ; for example, the average
weight of the Sestertius is certainly greater than 25-55 grammes,
whereas the Dupondius never approaches so heavy a weight as
2043 grammes.
THE COINAGE OF NERO. 23
weighed one ounce [421 grains, or 27-28 grammes].
This weight seems to have been maintained more or
less consistently, and Nero does not appear to have
made any change. It must be remembered that the
Romans never aimed at anything like the metric
accuracy which distinguishes the Greek coins. The
variation in weight between a number of well-
preserved specimens of coins of the same denomina-
tion is considerable ; it is therefore by no means easy
to deduce the nominal or theoretical weight of any
particular coin absolutely. Nero's Sestertii range from
about 380 to 480 grains, 8 giving an average of 419
grains, which however approximates very nearly to
the nominal 421 grains, so that there seems sufficient
justification for assuming that Nero's Sestertius was
issued at the traditional weight of one ounce.
The question of the weights of the Dupondius and
copper As is somewhat more difficult. It has been
frequently stated that the Dupondius of brass and the
As of copper were issued at nominally the same weight
[i.e. half an ounce], and that, since the one coin was
twice the value of the other, the ratio between brass
and copper was as 2 to 1. But, making due allowance
for variation in the coins, it seems extremely doubtful
whether this was ever the case ; and moreover, it is
certain that, intrinsically, brass was not twice as valu-
able as copper, so that the ratio of 2 to 1 could not
be maintained without giving to the brass a purely
fictitious value. During the period from the reign
of Augustus to Claudius the Dupondius as a rule
weighs more than half an ounce, while the As weighs
8 This result was arrived at by weighing fifty finely preserved
specimens.
24: E. A. SYDENHAM.
invariably less. It is possible that the proportion
between the two coins was not exactly fixed ; however,
with Nero's reform a definite standard of weight seems
to have been aimed at, and the ratio between the two
metals fixed in accordance with their ordinary com-
mercial values. Nero's Dupondii [PL II. 2] seldom
fall below the weight of half an ounce (210-5 grains),
whereas they not infrequently reach 260 or even
270 grains. The copper Asses [PI. II. 3], on the
other hand, seldom exceed 180 grains. By weighing
26 Dupondii and 30 copper Asses, all in fine condition,
the average weight of the Dupondius is found to be
234-3 grains, and that of the copper As 163-6 grains.
That is to say, the Dupondius is approximately one
and a half times the weight of the As; it follows
therefore that the ratio between brass and copper
cannot be as 2 to 1. We may safely assume that in
drawing up a system of coin- weights fairly simple
fractions of the pound would be adopted for the
different denominations. Neither Dupondius nor As
was issued at ^ of a pound, as we have already
shown, but the two fractions ^ and ^ stand in exact
proportions above and below ^, or half an ounce.
That is to say,
ZQ of a pound = 252-6 grains, or 210-5 + 42-1 grains.
5*0 of a pound = 168-4 grains, or 210-5 42-1 grains.
Again, 252-6 is exactly 1^ times 168-4.
Now it will be seen that these two weights 252-6
and 168-4 grains very nearly approximate to the
average weights of the Dupondius and copper As
respectively. To be exact, they are slightly above the
average, which is to be expected, while they fall well
within the range of well-preserved specimens. We
THE COINAGE OF NERO. 25
may conclude therefore that Nero established the
Dupondius at 252-6 grains, or ^ of a pound, and the
copper As at 168-4 grains, or - of a pound. Thus it
follows that the ratio between brass and copper was
as 1| : 1, which may reasonably be conceived as being
the commercial value of the two metals.
The lesser denominations, i.e. the As, Semis, and
Quadrans of brass, and the Semis and Quadrans of
copper, appear to fall regularly in proportional fractions
of Dupondius and copper As respectively. Thus the
reformed coinage may be summarized as follows :
BRASS.
Sestertius . .421 grains = % of a pound.
Dupondius . . 252-6 = - ,,
As .... 126-3 = -fo
Semis . . . 63-15 ., = g 1 ^
Quadrans . . 31-5 -
160
COPPER.
As .... 168-4 grains = -^ of a pound.
[Semis . . . 84-2 =^
[Quadrans . . 42-1 ,, = -^Q
It will be noticed that, although from the Dupondius
downwards the regular proportion of weights is main-
tained (i.e. each denomination is twice the weight of
the one next below it), we find the Sestertius is not
actually twice the weight of the Dupondius. The
explanation of this appears to be that the framers of
Nero's reformed system had succeeded in accomplishing
two things (1) the relative value of brass and copper
had been definitely fixed at the proportion of 1 to 1 ;
that is to say, of brass and copper coins, equal as
regards their face value, the copper was one and a third
times the weight of the brass. (2) By reducing the
26 E. A, SYBENHAM.
weight of the denarius the value of silver relative to
bronze was enhanced.
These two facts necessarily involved a slight loss on
the brass coinage, which was to some extent compen-
sated for by continuing to issue the Sestertius at ^ of
a pound instead of raising it to yV So that the
Sestertius was equivalent to four Asses of brass in point
of value although inferior in actual weight. It appears,
moreover, that Nero was unwilling to interfere with
the traditional weight of the Sestertius, since it was
the basis on which sums of money were computed,
despite the fact that the unit of the Roman monetary
system was the As.
In putting the above weights to the test it will be
found that a discrepancy occurs in the case of the
copper Semisses of the Certamen Quinquennale type
[PI. II. 8] and some of those with Roma seated, which
weigh on the average about 100 grains, and therefore
bear no relation to the weights of Nero's reformed
standard. The same is true of the copper Quadrantes
[PI. II. 9] with the type of the Helmet on column, &c.,
which tend to exceed the nominal weight of 42-1
grains, given in the foregoing table. But if we
assume that these Semisses and Quadrantes were issued
previous to the monetary reform, on the older standard
of weight; and that, in A.D. 63, they were superseded
by the brass coins bearing the same types, but on the
reformed standard, their place amongst Nero's coins
becomes intelligible.
The copper Semisses in question belong apparently
to Lugdunum, where the standard of the copper As at
approximately half an ounce (210-5 grains) may have
existed. If so, the normal weight of the copper Semis
THE COINAGE OF NERO. 27
would be 105-25 grains, and that of the Quadrans
52-6 grains, which certainly corresponds with the
actual weight of the coins. It is not quite certain
whether any copper Semisses and Quadrantes were
issued after the brass coins of similar denominations
were introduced. Some of the copper Semisses (type
of Roma seated) appear to conform to the weight of
about 84-2 grains, and may be assigned to the period
64-8 A.D., but the variation in these smaller coins
renders any deduction from them somewhat incon-
clusive.
We are left in no doubt as to the denominational
value of Nero's brass coins, owing to the fact that on
certain pieces are found the symbols II, I, and S [see
PL II. 2, 4, 5], thereby determining them as Dupondii,
Asses, and Semisses respectively. 9
The marks of value only occur with the following
reverses :
IT with SECVRITAS AVCVSTI ; VICTORIA
AVCVSTI and MAC AVC (Macellum).
Twith CENIO AVCVSTI and PONTIF MAX TR
P (or POT) IMP P P (Nero as Apollo).
S with CERT Q.VIN ROM CO. and Eoma seated.
The symbols are peculiar to the coinage of Nero.
It is not surprising that the brass As and Semis were
stamped with their marks of value, since they were
practically new coins. 10 In the case of the Dupondius
9 There is, however, in the British Museum, a copper As of the
type PONTIF MAX &c.,"Nero as Apollo," with the mark of
value T- This example, although most unusual, is important,
since it gives additional proof that the brass and copper Asses were
of equal value while differing both in size and weight.
10 The brass Semis had not hitherto been struck at Rome, but
similar coins occur during the previous reigns from the mint of
Lugdunum.
28 E. A. SYDENHAM.
it is more remarkable. For upwards of half a century
the people of Rome had been familiar with the
Dupondius of brass and the As of copper, practically
equal in size ; and, although a surface of patina fre-
quently makes it difficult for us to distinguish the one
from the other, no such confusion was likely to occur
whilst the coins were in circulation.
If, however, we assume that Nero projected the issue
of the newer Imperial coinage on the brass standard,
the marks of value would be necessary to determine
their particular denomination through the various
provinces of the Empire.
Whatever theory we may adopt as to the exact
purpose and scope of Nero's elaborate monetary system,
the fact remains that, as far as the brass and copper
coinage is concerned, it was discontinued after his
death, and his successors were content to fall back
upon the simpler, if less complete, system of Augustus.
THE DATING OF NEEO'S COINS.
During the first period of the reign (A. D. 54-63) the
Tribunician date occurs regularly on the gold and
silver, and during the years 64-8 dates are found on
a few specimens of the brass.
There is some discrepancy, however, between the
coin-dates and the date of the actual renewal of the
Tribunicia potestas as given in contemporary records. 11
Nero entered upon his first Tribunate 011 Oct. 13, 54,
and renewed it on the same day in five subsequent
years. Thus TR. P. II would extend from Oct. 13, 55,
to Oct. 12, 56, and so on regularly until TR. P. VI on
11 Cf. Henderson's Nero, p. 449.
THE COINAGE OF NERO. 29
Oct. 13, 59. At this point we meet with a difficulty;
the acts of the Fratres Arvales record the sacrifice for
Nero's Tribunicia potestas on Dec. 4, and, while they
give the date Jan. 3, 59, as TR. P. V, they are equally
clear in giving Jan. 1, 60, as TR. P. VII. That is to
say, Nero changed the date of his Tribunate from
Oct. 13 to either Dec. 4 or 10 the latter being the
usual date and consequently shortened his Vlth
Tribunate to the period Oct. 13 to Dec. 4 (or 10),
A.D. 59, and entered on TR. P. VII in Dec. 59. On
Jan. 1, A.D. 60, he received his fourth Consulship, there-
fore TR. P. VII and COS. I II I should fall together.
The coins, however, place COS. III! in the Vlth Tri-
bunate ; consequently we find in this year two different
modes of reckoning the Tribunician date, i. e. the one
shown on the coins, and the other as appears from
ancient records.
The coins, moreover, appear to continue the older
reckoning until the time of the currency reform, after
which they are readjusted to suit the authorized
system although as a matter of fact the discrepancy
signified little between the years 61 and 63. It has
already been pointed out that the only dates which
occur on the coins of Period II are TR. P. XII, XIII,
and XI 1 1 1, and, as the readjustment of the date
necessitated the shortening of one of the Tribunician
years, we may reasonably assume that it took place
in what was nominally TR. P. XI (i.e. Oct. 13 to
Dec. 4 or 10, A.D. 64) since this date is omitted from
the coins. 12
12 Hobler, Cohen, and others describe coins on which the date
TR. P. XII occurs; the only one I have been able to examine,
however, is a Sestertius in the British Museum, with the reverse
30 E. A. SYDENHAM.
The following table will help to make the point
clear :
Actual and coin dates in agreement TR. P. I-V.
TR. P. I. Oct. 54 to Oct. 55.
II. Oct. 55 to Oct. 56.
III. Oct. 56 to Oct. 57.
Mil. Oct. 57 to Oct. 58.
V. Oct. 58 to Oct. 59.
Discrepancy between actual and coin dates
TR. P. VI-XI.
Actual Dates. Coin-Dates.
TR. P. VI. Oct. 59 to Dec. 59. Oct. 59 to Oct. 60.
VII. Dec. 59 to Dec. 60. Oct. 60 to Oct. 61.
VIII. Dec. 60 to Dec. 61. Oct. 61 to Oct. 62.
VI) 1 1. Dec. 61 to Dec. 62. Oct. 62 to Oct. 63.
X. Dec. 62 to Dec. 63. Oct. 63 to Oct. 64.
[XI.] Dec. 63 to Dec. 64. Oct. 64 to Dec. 64.
Actual and coin dates in agreement TR. P. XII-XV.
TR. P. XII. Dec. 64 to Dec. 65.
XIII. Dec. 65 to Dec. 66.
XI 1 1 1. Dec. 66 to Dec. 67.
XV. Dec. 67 to June 68.
type of the Temple of Janus and the obverse legend NERO
CAESAR AVC IMP TR POT XI P I P[Pi.n.lOJ. Are
we to regard this remarkable form of date as an engraver's blunder,
or has it a special significance ? If, as seems probable, the " Temple
of Janus" coins were issued on January 1, A. D. 65, this would
fall, according to the older method adopted by the coins, under
TR P XI, but according to the revised system under TR P XII.
We have suggested above that the change in the system of dating
the coins took place in the nominal TR P XI, shortened to suit
the authorized reckoning. Thus this particular date would have
an ambiguons meaning. We may, I think, conceive that, in this
instance, the coin engraver has made a compromise to suggest
TR P XI, according to the older reckoning, or TR P XII, ac-
cording to the newer. It will be remembered that a somewhat
parallel example of this double form of date occurs frequently
in the seventeenth century ; as, for instance, January 1 to March 25,
1645 = 1647 (old style) or 1648 (new style).
THE COINAGE OF NERO. 31
The last point I propose to touch upon in this paper
is the attribution of certain coins to the mint of
Lugdunum. This was the only mint outside Rome
which, during the reign of Nero, appears to have
exercised the privilege of issuing both Imperial and
Senatorial coins. Before discussing the characteristics
of the coins which may be assigned to the famous
Gallic mint, it will be worth while to examine the
theory, propounded originally by M. Mowat, 13 and
apparently still maintained by some numismatists,
that the small globe pendent from the lower extremity
of the bust is the mint-mark of Lugdunum.
M. Mowat is very emphatic in the enunciation of the
theory, and bases his arguments mainly on two groups
of Galba's coins. First, the denarii with the legend
TRES GALLIAE and the three small heads personify-
ing the three Gallic provinces, each with the globe
pendent. His reason is that Lugdunum was the capital
of the Three Gauls, hence the most appropriate place
for the issue of this type. Secondly, the series
which record the remission of a tax known as Quad-
ragensima, the legends being QVADRACENS or
QVADRACENSVMA REMISS A, and the globe occurs
on the obverse. This tax M. Mowat assumes to be the
Quadragensima Galliarum, or Gallic Customs Duty,
thereby establishing a further connexion between Gaul
and the symbol of the globe.
Now these examples, cited by way of proof, happen
to be somewhat unfortunate. The style of the TRES
GALLIAE coin is quite unlike that of any coins which
may unquestionably be assigned to Lugdunum, and at
13 Eev. Num., 1895, pp. 160 ff.
32 E. A. SYDENHAM.
the particular period to which the coin belongs Lug-
dunum was issuing a totally different series, conse-
quently it is quite impossible to find any place in this
mint for the TRES CALLIAE type.
In the second instance, to identify the tax mentioned
as Quadragensima with the Quadragensima Galliarum
is wholly without foundation ; and it is impossible to
discover any sort of connexion between the remission
of a customs duty and the type which accompanies
the legend Q.VADRAGENSVMA REMISSA, namely,
an arch-like structure under which prisoners and other
persons are passing. Moreover, the style of many
coins which refer to the rescinding of this tax indi-
cates clearly that they are of Roman mintage.
"We need not follow M. Mowat in detail through his
further elaboration of the theory, wherein he connects
the establishment of a Senatorial mint at Lugdunum
with Nero's munificence after the great fire and subse-
quent rebuilding of the city. He concludes, " the
mint of Lyon, raised to the position of auxilary to
the mint of Rome, lost the right of perpetuating on
the bronze the representation of the celebrated altar
of the Three Gauls the last symbol of its vanished
autonomy."
The briefest possible comment will suffice. M. Mowat
places the fire of Lugdunum in the year A. D. 58
misled by a statement of Seneca whereas Tacitus 14
makes it clear that it happened in A. D. 65. Nero's
munificence appears to have had nothing to do with
the readjusting of the mint, but was merely to hand
back to the citizens of Lugdunum the sum of four
14 Tac. Ann. xvi. 13.
THE COINAGE OF XERO. 33
million sesterces which they had contributed in the
previous year towards the rebuilding of Rome. The
year 65 is too late to fix the establishment of a Sena-
torial mint, since it is evident from the coins that
copper and probably brass were issued several years
earlier at Lugdunum. The reference to the Altar of
Lyon type (ROM ET AVC, without S. C) refutes itself.
There appears to be only one known example of this
coin, and on the obverse the radiate head of Nero
occurs icith the globe. "We must conclude, therefore,
either that this coin (without S. C) belongs to the older
mint of Lugdunum, in which case the globe occurs
previous to the establishment of the Senatorial mint ;
or, if the globe is to be regarded as the distinctive
symbol of the Senatorial mint, the right of using the
Altar of Lyon type was not forfeited.
Perhaps the most conclusive evidence against the
theory of identifying the globe with Lugdunum is
found in the following considerations :
(1) The globe occurs in conjunction with every
known reverse type of Nero's brass and copper coins,
and, since certain types appear to be peculiar to Lug-
dunum, it would necessarily involve the supposition
that, during the reign of Nero, a greater number of
types was issued at Lugdunum than at Rome itself.
(2) The style of a number of coins with the globe
is unquestionably characteristic of the Roman mint, 15
and during the reign of Galba the globe occurs fre-
quently on coins which must be assigned to Spain.
The attribution of Nero's coins to the mints of Rome
and Lugdunum is mainly to be determined from con-
siderations of style. The style and general treatment
15 Of. PL II. 11.
KLMISM. CHKON., VOL. XVI, SERIES IV. D
34 E. A. SYDENHAM.
of Nero's portrait, as found on the brass and 'copper
coins, will be seen to fall into two distinct classes.
First, there is the portrait remarkable for its bold
treatment and high relief. The outline of the head
usually rises sharply from the field, and the hair is
arranged in close, irregular curls. This style of por-
trait unquestionably belongs to the Roman mint, and
occurs principally on the brass coins. On the Sestertii
the head is always laureated, and at the lower part of
the neck are found, on many specimens, the small aegis,
or less frequently the globe. On the Dupondii and
Asses Nero is generally represented wearing the
radiate crown. [See PI. II. 11, 2, and 4].
Secondly, there is the portrait of much flatter and
more outspread style. The features are less sharply
defined, the lower part of the chin is heavily developed,
and the arrangement of the hair is less compact than
on the coins just mentioned. [See PL II. 3, 8, and
12.] A further peculiarity may often be noticed in
the method of finishing the lower line of the bust with
sharp curves. This style I consider to be characteristic
of Lugdunum, and it is found mainly on the copper
Asses and Semisses, where the Emperor is represented
bare-headed. There are also certain Sestertii and
Dupondii with this style of portrait, the latter being
generally characterized by the laurel instead of the
radiate crown.
The globe, but never the aegis, occurs with this style
of portrait.
It will be seen that these two classes do not entirely
exhaust all the variations of style found on Nero's
brass and copper coins. For example, those which
must probably be regarded as Imperial coins (without
THE COINAGE OF NERO. 35
'S. C) frequently exhibit peculiarities of style not found
on the Senatorial coins. 10 But so far as most of Nero's
brass and copper coins are concerned these two classes
will be found to include practically all that belong to
the Senatorial mints of Rome and Lugdunum.
Corresponding with these two styles of portraiture
are found certain variations in the form of obverse
legend.
Thus style i (the portrait in high relief) is found
with
NERO CLAVD (or CLAVDIVS) CAESAR AVC
CER (or GERM) PM TR P IMP P P.
while style ii (the flatter portrait) occurs in conjunction
with
IMP NERO CAESAR AVC P (PONT or PONTIF)
MAX TR POT (or TRIB POT) PP; IMP
NERO CAESAR AVC GERM; and NERO
CLAVD CAESAR AVG GERMANICVS
(GERMA or GERM).
We may in all probability therefore assign the first
legend to Rome and the others mostly to Lugdunum.
A further point of difference may be observed in
the style of striking. The slightly concave form of
reverse seems to be peculiar to the coins of the Roman
mint, whereas those of Lugdunum are generally flat.
The two small symbols to which we have already
referred, viz. the globe and the aegis, appear to possess
a significance quite irrespective of their place of
mintage.
The globe naturally symbolizes the idea of world-wide
dominion; and the portrait of the Emperor placed
above the globe implies that he occupies the supreme
10 Cf. Pi. II. 1.
D2
do E. A. SYDENHAM.
position as controller of the world. That is to say, it
is equivalent to regarding the Emperor himself as
being of the nature of a divinity. We may suppose,
therefore, that the symbol of the globe was intended
to emphasize the divine aspect of the Imperial office,
but was introduced in a sufficiently unobtrusive way
so as not to offend the susceptibilities of the more old-
fashioned Romans. Augustus, on whose coins the
globe first occurs, was careful to allow no worship of
himself apart from that of Roma, while there is no
doubt that he regarded the divine character of the
Emperor as an essential factor of the Imperial theory.
Nero, the last of the Julio-Claudian dynasty, showed
less reserve in his acceptance of divine honours ; hence
the frequency with which the globe appears on his
coins.
The aegis is an emblem associated with Jupiter and
Minerva. The adoption of the aegis by the Emperor
therefore implies the assumption of a divine attribute.
Thus we may regard the symbolism of the globe and
aegis as practically identical, inasmuch as both empha-
size the divinity of the Emperor.
E. A. SYDENHAM.
III.
THE DECLINE AND FALL OF THE DENARIUS
IN THE THIRD CENTURY A.D.
(SEE PLATE III.)
IN the seventeenth year of his tribunicial power
[A.D. 214] the emperor Caracalla made two changes
of no small importance in the Roman coinage, whose
multiples and fractions had remained practically un-
altered since the time of Nero. These two changes
are obviously connected with each other. The first
was that he commenced to strike a silver coin of a
larger denomination than the time-honoured denarius,
and one which was destined to drive the old silver
unit of calculation out of the currency before fifty
years had expired. This new coin has been called by
most modern numismatists the Antoninianus, 1 a name
which has no real authority, for it is only found in
some of the forged rescripts and letters which certain
misguided historians of the fourth century inserted in
the " Augustan History". But Mommsen adopted the
name for the new coin of Caracalla, and' his successors
1 The word occurs in a rescript of Aurelian of most doubtful
character in the Histonae Augustae Scriptores [Vita Bonosi 15] and
was identified by Momrnsen with another coin, the argenteus Aure-
lianus mentioned in a letter in Vita Probi 4. The fictitious nature
of these documents and the general unreliability of the H. S. A. for
numismatic topics is well exposed in Menadier's Das Munzicesen
bei den Scriptores Historiae Augustae, Berlin, 1913.
38 C. OMAN.
have unfortunately followed him. As a matter of fact,,
the name of the new denomination is uncertain.
This piece is easily distinguishable from the denarius
not only by its greater size, but by the fact that the
emperor's head upon it is always adorned with a radiate
crown, of simple spikes set in a narrow circlet. This
crown was already familiar on the coinage, having
been frequently placed on the bronze dupondii of
emperors of the first and second centuries ; it was
also common on the silver and bronze of Alexandria
and other provincial mints. But, on the denarius,
emperors had always been wont to wear the laurel
wreath, except when they showed no head-gear of any
sort at all. The majority of Augustus's issues, a great
part of Hadrian's denarii, and many of those of
Antoninus Pius had displayed the plain bare head ;
and Caesars and other junior members of the imperial
house had also worn no wreath. Still the laurelled
head was by far the most common type on all denarii
for the last two centuries. Onward from A.D. 214, the
portrait on the denarius retained the laurel crown,,
except in the case of certain Caesars, who remained bare-
headed on this size of coin till their promotion to the
rank of Augustus (as did e.g. Alexander Severus and
Gordian III), or till their death without obtaining the
higher title (e.g. Maximus, son of Maximinus I). 2
As regard the wives and mothers of emperors, the
difference between the denarius and the new coin
could not be expressed by means of a diversity of
headgear, since the Augustae did not wear laurel
2 The only exception to this rule is that Diadumenianus, the son
of Macrinus, shows the radiate crown on his large-size pieces,,
though he was never raised to the rank of Augustus.
THE DECLINE AND FALL OF THE DENARIUS. 3
crowns. But it was adequately managed by intro-
ducing the rule that on the new denomination the
empress's bust always emerges from a long-horned
crescent, while on the denarius there is no such addi-
tion, and the bust continues to resemble that of the
ladies of the earlier empire, showing simple drapery
at the neck.
The average weight of the denarius under Severus
and in Caracalla's earlier years had been about 54 grs. 3
That of the new large coin started at about 80 grs. 4 ,
apparently pointing to a standard of 64 pieces struck
from the pound of silver, while the denarius since
Nero's time had been theoretically issued at 96 to the
pound. It would seem that the new coin was intended
to circulate at the rate of If denarii, since a 54 gr.
denarius would give 81 grs. as the proper weight of
its one-and-a-half multiple, and some of the larger
pieces do weigh as much as this, though the majority
fall a little below it. It was not intended to supersede
the old coin entirely, for there are plenty of denarii
bearing the dates of Caracalla's seventeenth, eighteenth,
nineteenth, and twentieth tribunicial years. Clearly,
then, the two denominations were intended to circulate
together, and in some fixed relation to each other, and
this can hardly have been any other relation than that
of one to one-and-a-half. There have been authors
who allege that the new piece was to pass as a double
denarius. But it is incredible that even a tyrant like
5 Fifteen very fine denarii of Severus and of Caracalla as Caesar
weigh 813 grs., i.e. 54-2 011 the average.
* Four very fine pieces of Caracalla's new coinage weigh 313 grs.,
or an average of 78-3. Babelon, Traite, i. 560, gives the highest
known weight of the new coin as 5-31 grammes = 82 grains.
40 C. OMAN.
Caracalla could have contemplated the foisting of such
an obvious fraud on the public. If it had been tried,
the only result would have been the immediate dis-
appearance of all denarii from circulation, since every
holder would have hastened to melt them down and
use them as bullion. He would have had 108 grs. of
the metal in his hand by melting two denarii, instead
of the 80 of the new coin. And it cannot be urged
that, both being rather base silver, the government
could rely on a general knowledge of the fact, and
persuade the public that it was the stamp and the
emperor's edict that made the only real value, not the
actual weight of the pieces. For the coins had still
enough silver in them some 55 per cent, or a little
more to prevent the actual value of the metal from
being a negligible quantity. If aiming at a gigantic
fraud on the scale suggested by the believers in the
"double-denarius", Caracalla need only have debased
his metal. But this he did not do : the quality of the
two coins is the same. It was only in the course of
long years that the purity of the silver of the Roman
coinage finally sank to the miserable 0-2 or 0-155 that
is to be found in the last issues of the bankrupt
Gallienus.
There can be no serious doubt that for economic
reasons the new coin must have been intended to
circulate for what it actually was, a piece of one-and-a-
half denarii. What was the object of issuing a new
denomination in silver bearing this rather awkward
relation to the old universally current denarius ?
The only reasonable explanation that occurs to me
is, that the introduction of the new piece must be put
into close connexion with the other great monetary
THE DECLINE AND FALL OF THE DENARIUS. 4
change of Caracalla's seventeenth tribunicial year.
This was not, as Mommsen and many more following
him have asserted, a general reduction of the weight of
the current gold unit, the aureus, from 112 to 100 grs.
No such general reduction took place. Light aurei
ranging down to 100 grs. do indeed appear in some
quantity struck in the last four years of Caracalla, but
with them, and bearing the same dates, are many
others still weighing the full 112 grs. of the old
standard, and still more varying from 109 to 102 grs.
This would have been objectless waste of gold, if
Caracalla had contemplated reducing the gold standard
unit to 100 grs., since he would have been depleting
his finances appreciably by every single coin weighing
over 100 grs. that he issued. And that the old standard
was not officially disused is shown by the fact that not
only do all the rare aurei of his successor Macrinus
weigh from 110 to 112 grs., but also many of those
of Elagabalus. Of weighed aurei of that emperor
I note three recorded coming up to 112 grs. full (two
with rev. FIDES MILITVM, one with PONTIF MAX
TR P. : type Rome seated), two up to 110 grs. (both
VICTORIA ANTON IN I AVC), one of 109 (again
FIDES MILITVM), while one British Museum speci-
men rises to the wholly unnecessary and ostentatious
weight of 114 grs. It is true that there are more
aurei of Elagabalus running down to lower weights
100, 98, even 96 grs. But if a 100 gr. standard had
been regularly introduced by Caracalla, we should not
get the numerous aurei weighing a great deal more
than 100 grains which are forthcoming from him and
his immediate successors.
Caracalla did not introduce a new gold standard.
42 C. OMAN.
What lie did in A.D. 214 was something quite different..
A moment's reflection shows why he was able to begin
issuing aurei of erratic weight without upsetting the
whole currency of the empire. He recognized that
the aureus was now getting so scarce that it had
ceased to be readily interchangeable for silver, and
had become valuable bullion, to be issued and received
by weight only and not by tale. It is a matter of
general knowledge that in the fourth century gold
was calculated by the pound weight, and not by the
number of pieces. Payments were made in so many
pounds of gold, not in so many solidi. Now if we
extend this usage back to the third century, a flood
of light is thrown upon the question. It does not
matter in the least how many grains of gold there
are in the individual aureus, if that piece is only taken
and given by weight. Whether the seller of any
commodity receives four light or three heavy aurei
does not concern him, if he gets the due weight of
gold. True, he must always be using the scales, but
that was familiar to the ancient world, just as it was
to our own ancestors in the eighteenth century, who
were always poising light guineas in the neat little-
pocket-scales of which so many survive, or to the
Chinese of to-day, who readily receive gold as a
currency in an uncoined shape, by mere weighing
on every transaction.
Why should this crisis have come in the time of
Caracalla? Simply because the gold coinage was
passing out of use, owing to the scant issues of the
last forty years. After the reign of Marcus Aurelius
the aureus had ceased to be struck in such immense
quantities as had been issued from the Roman mint
THE DECLINE AND FALL OF THE DENARIUS. 43
from the time of Nero downwards. As every coin-
collector knows, aurei of Commodus are scarce, those
of Severus and his wife and family rather scarcer,
while from the accession of Maximinus onward they
are of the very highest rarity. The easiest way of ex-
pressing their relative scarcity is perhaps to quote the
scale of prices in Cohen-Feuardent, bearing in mind
that it is only relative rarity that is expressed, not
actual market value. For the sums fixed in that Bible
of the Roman Numismatist are obviously far too low
for these days. But taking its scale, an aureus of a
common type of Trajan. Hadrian, Antoninus Pius, or
Marcus Aurelius is valued at only 40 francs, those of
Commodus at 130, of Severus, Caracalla, and Julia
Domna at 150. Now Commodus reigned thirteen
years, Severus eighteen, Caracalla (as his father's
partner and then in his own sole right) for nineteen.
The rarity of their aurei, therefore, does not result
from the shortness of their reigns as would the rarity
of those of e.g. Balbinus, Aemilian, or Volusian. If
they had been issuing gold freely, it would be as
accessible to-day as are aurei of Nero and Trajan.
The simple fact stands out that since the disasters
that marked the later years of Marcus Aurelius the
great plague, the earthquakes, the first barbarian
inroads into Italy the empire was growing rapidly
poorer, and the mint had ceased to coin gold with
any freedom. The aurei of Commodus, Severus, and
Caracalla are much more "medallic" than those of
their predecessors they represent more the necessary
imperial largesses and the commemoration of great
occasions than do those of the earlier periods. As
every collector knows, a very remarkable proportion of
44 C. OMAN.
them are found in mint condition, and have obviously
never been in general circulation. A worn Trajan or
Hadrian is a common object a worn Caracalla is a
rarity. It is clear that the aurei were hoarded the
moment that they were issued.
Contemporary with this obvious stopping off of the
free issue of aurei, we have the immense over-issue
of denarii, which under Commodus, and still more
under Severus, are alloyed with base metal far more
than those of the earlier Antonine period. By
Caracalla's time this "silver" was only 0-55 or at the
most 0-6 pure. For the practical purposes of life the
debased denarius was driving out the aureus in all
transactions. It is clear that as fast as the meagre
supply of gold was issued from the mint, it was hoarded
or melted down. While the aureus was still officially
rated at 25 denarii, 5 it must really have commanded
an agio, as does the seldom-seen gold coinage of Spain
or Italy to-day.
Caracalla, unless I am mistaken, recognized this fact
and abandoned as hopeless the attempt to keep up the
circulation of the aureus of 112 grs., interchangeable
with 25 base-silver denarii of 54 grs. ; i. e. he saw that
the relation of gold to base silver was not really one to
twelve, that the public had realized the fact, and that
any further attempt to maintain such a theoretical
rate of exchange was hopeless. He commenced to issue
a certain amount of gold pieces of irregular weights,
but only for what they were worth, not as multiples
of the denarius. What they actually passed for would
depend on the weight of each piece tested by the
3 See Hultsch, Metrologie, 2, p. 308.
THE DECLINE AND FALL OF THE DENARIUS. 45
scales, and this weight varied from 100 grs. up to the
old 112. The object of issuing any such pieces at all
was no doubt that the imperial donatives and liberali-
ties, which were wont to be given in gold, might still
continue.
The unit of calculation in imperial, as in republican
Borne, was still the sesterce, now represented by the
"First Brass". Taxes or bargains in the market had
never been officially stated in aurei though they
must have been beginning to be stated in A.D. 214 in
pounds of gold, as they certainly were in the fourth
century. The denarius, no doubt, still continued to
stand for four sesterces. The new larger coin of
80 grs. must have circulated for six. How either of
them interchanged with an aureus would depend
on the weight of the aureus which now varied so
much that a 112 gr. piece must have been worth at
least four denarii more than a new 100 gr. one.
My own guess would be that the new 80 gr. silver
piece was intended to fit into the scale of the lightest
of the new aurei, at the old rate of exchange of 25
pieces to one; i.e. of 25 " Antoniniani " (to use the
familiar if incorrect name) or 2,000 grains of base
silver to 100 grs. of gold, or twenty grains to one. For
the grain of base silver was clearly not of the same
value as the grain of comparatively pure silver that
had formed the denarii of Nero and Trajan. Taking
the highest assay of the coins of Caracalla at 0-6 pure
silver to 0-4 alloy which is not far from correct, though
0-55 is the average the 2,000 grains of base metal in
25 of the new large coins would represent 1,200 grs.
of pure silver. That is to say, the old exchange rate
of one grain of gold to twelve of real silver would be
46 C. OMAN.
restored, it being of no consequence that eight parts
of alloy were mixed with the twelve of pure metal in
the new ' silver ' coin.
The main convenience of the " Antoninianus " would
'be that it would exchange fairly with one of the new
100 gr. aurei at a reasonable rate. But Elagabalus,
before he had been long on the throne, began striking
some of his aurei much below the 100 grs. which had
been Caracalla's minimum. The moment that aurei of
96 or 98 grs. began to appear in numbers, the con-
venient relation of one to twenty between the base-
silver and the lighter gold ceased to exist. Hence
Elagabalus ere long dropped striking the new large
base-silver coin, and Alexander Severus and his suc-
cessor Maximinus issued none at all. This was all the
more natural because Alexander lowered the weight of
his smallest aurei to much less than the lightest of those
of his cousin. Many weigh only 94 or even 92 grs. For
nearly twenty years the denarius was once more the
only base-silver coin which continued to be struck.
It must have exchanged against aurei purely on a rate
settled by the scales, since the gold pieces were being
struck, when they were struck at all, of most irregular
and diverse weights.
Now comes the main problem. "Why in A. D. 238
did Balbinus and Pupienus begin to reissue the de-
funct " Antoninianus " in considerable bulk, and why
did the ministers of Gordian III, in about A. D. 242,
make it the common coin of the realm, and allow the
denarius to die out, for all intents and purposes ? The
answer, I take it, must be that for the last few years
the striking of aurei had ceased altogether, save on the
most limited scale and for purely ceremonial and
THE DECLINE AND FALL OF THE DENARIUS. 47
donative purposes. There is much less gold visible
from Alexander Severus's later period than from his
-earlier times : his successor Maximinus I, though he
reigned three full years, seems hardly to have struck
any aurei at all they are so rare that Cohen-Feuardent
values them at 600 francs apiece or more. Short as
was the joint reign of Balbinus and Pupienus, their
aurei are even rarer than might have been expected
of Balbinus none were known to Cohen, though two
specimens (as I believe) turned up in recent years from
an Egyptian find. Of Pupienus the only known type is
valued at 3,000 francs. Yet these short-lived emperors
issued a very considerable bulk of the resuscitated
"Antoniniani", along with a somewhat smaller quantity
of denarii. We learn from the historians that they
disbursed a good deal of money. 6 Certainly it cannot
have been in gold; presumably, then, it must have
'been in silver. But why in " Antoniniani " ?
The only reason that I can suggest is that lavish
expenditure being necessary in their short if strenuous
Teign, and gold not being forthcoming for the cam-
paign against Maximinus I, they rushed out a large
quantity of "Antoniniani", because these were the
largest known coin of the realm, save the practically
defunct aureus. Large and hasty payments having to
be made, it was easier to coin a fixed amount of base-
silver into a smaller number of large rather than into
a larger number of small pieces. Time, trouble, and
labour would be saved by coining a lump of billon
into 1,000 of the larger rather than into 1,500 of the
lighter coins.
8 See Vitae Maximi et Balbini 12, in Hisioria Augusta.
48 C. OMAX.
The colleague and successor of Balbinus andPupienus,
the young and unluclry Gordian III, issued, like the two
old emperors, both denarii and " Antoniniani ". His
rare early pieces, with the title of Caesar only, appear
to be all denarii, and, for the first two or three years
of the six for which he reigned, there are plenty of
the smaller coins forthcoming. But from his fourth
year onward these disappeared : of his dated silver
coins of his fourth, fifth, and sixth tribunicial years
all are of the large size, and show him wearing the
radiated crown. And the same would appear to be
the case with his undated coins if his mint had been
turning out denarii still in his later years, we should
have found a good many of them struck in the early
months after his death and Philip's accession. But
as a matter of fact, denarii of Philip are of the very
highest rarity. There are only two types of them
known, 7 and they are among the hardest Roman coins
to procure. Of his wife Otacilia two types only of
the denarius are also known, 8 while of his son Philip II
there is only one.
The denarius, as a practically circulating coin, was
therefore (as I imagine) killed by the fact that free
gold issues had ceased, and that some larger unit of
payment for small transactions was convenient. The
relation of the denarius to the " Antoninianus " was
rather inconvenient, it was neither a half nor a third
7 SECVRITAS ORBIS (Cohen No. 214) and ADVENTVS
AVC. (Cohen No. 5), the former illustrated in PI III. 1.
8 CONCORDIA (Cohen No. 3) and PVDICITIA (Cohen
No. 52). The former illustrated in PL III. 2.
9 PRINCIPIVM I WENT (Cohen No. 53) illustrated in
PI. III. 3.
THE DECLINE AND FALL OF THE DENARIUS. 49
of the new coin, but a two- thirds. Hence it was
dropped as inconvenient.
Why a very few denarii continued to be struck
after Gordian III had dropped their issue in mass,
it is not easy to see. Possibly the mint-masters con-
tinued to cause a few specimens to be struck out of
mere routine, for some ceremony corresponding to our
own "Trial of the Pyx". Possibly they were wanted,
like our own Maundy money, for some donative or
function, at which the archaic denomination had been
distributed from time immemorial. But it is certain
that denarii continued to be issued, though in infini-
tesimal quantities, right down to the time of Gallienus
and his rival the Gaulish usurper Postumus. They
only ceased to appear when the billon followed the
good silver into oblivion, in the utter bankruptcy
of the state. There are denarii both of Valerian and
of Gallienus, though none apparently of Trajan Decius
and Trebonianus Gallus and their families. Their
metal is as wretched as that of the "Antoniniani ", from
which they are distinguished only by their smaller
size, and the laurel-wreath which still encircles the
emperor's head, instead of the radiate crown. Their
rarity is their only merit a collector may spend years
on end without coming across a denarius of Philip or
Valerian in a sale-catalogue or a dealer's cabinet.
It seems, indeed, that the character of the imperial
image on the coin, and not its weight, was the sole
thing that mattered in these last days of the life of
the old silver coin. If the piece had a laurelled head
(or a bare head in the case of a Caesar), it was a denarius ;
if a radiated head, it was an "Antoninianus ". And so
much was this the case that while as a rule the denarius
NDMISV. CHKON., VOL. XVI, SERIES IV. E
50 C. OMAN.
was much smaller than the " Antoninianus ", it was not
always so. Of three denarii of Valerian which I have
weighed, one turns the scale at 26-7 grs. (PI. III. 6), one
at 324 grs., but the third (of the same type, IOVI CON-
SERVATORI, as the one before it in the list 10 ) weighs
up to 52 grs., which is as much as that of many con-
temporary " Antoniniani '' ! n This can certainly not be
considered a double denarius, yet it has just twice the
number of grains as the smaller of the other two laurel-
wreathed pieces of Valerian ! Yet it must undoubtedly
have circulated as a piece of the same denomination as
the lesser coin. There is a similar, if not so marked,
difference between the weights of two denarii of
absolutely contemporary issue in the British Museum.
They belong to two colleagues Philip I and his son
Philip II, and are both in splendid condition, yet the
younger Philip's coin weighs 41-4 grs., his father's
only 30-4. Clearly the mint-master made no attempt
to keep to a rigid rule, and to send back to the melting-
pot coins that were much too heavy or much too light.
The light coin would pass because of the image upon
it in the case of the heavy one the loss to the treasury
owing to over- weight would be negligible because
of the baseness of the metal. No doubt all that was
insisted upon was that a pound of billon should be
coined into a tixed number of denarii or "Antoniniani".
Some might be too large, some too small, but that
10 This coin is in my own collection.
11 i wo " Antoniniani " of Valerian's ephemeral predecessor
Aemilian, in very fine state, weigh 45 and 49 grs., much less
than this denarius. A good, wt 11-struck " Antoninianus " of
Valerian's wife Mariniana weighs 48 grs. Most of the earliest
"Antoniniani" ol Gal lienus are over 52 grs., but by the time he had
been on the throne a few years they had gone down to an average
of 47 grs.
THE DECLINE AND FALL OF THE DENARIUS. 51
would not matter if the whole batch together made
up the right weight. The obvious deduction would
seem to be that all large payments must have been
made by weight, not by tale: otherwise, tax-payers
would have carefully searched for the small and light
coins to pay their debts, and have spoilt the general
result by putting by for profit the heavy ones. "Wild
carelessness had its fullest fling in the troubled time of
Gallienus. For a specimen of Gallienus's untidy and
ill-struck denarii, see the type FORTVNA REDVX
(PI. III. 8). Excluding absolutely base tin-washed
coins of his latest years, and weighing only true billon
ones, I found that his heaviest " Antoninianus " came
to 70 grs., the lightest to only 43 ! Clearly, the mint-
master had ceased to take any care of the amount of
the almost absolutely valueless metal that was melted
up into any particular coin. The emperor's stamp
would make it pass, whatever its precise weight. But
of course there was a nemesis for this : the purchasing
value of the wretched billon " Antoniniani " dwindled
away to next to nothing.
Contemporary with the last billon denarii coined by
Gallienus, there are some notable billon coins, apparently
denarii also, of his rival the usurper Postumus, who
tore away from him Gaul, Spain, and Britain, and held
them as a separate "Imperium Galliarum" from his
revolt in A.D. 259 till his death in 267 : it will be
remembered that Gallienus survived him by a year,
as he was murdered in 268. The usurper copied
all the current sizes of the coins of the legitimate
emperor, including the bronze sestertius and dupondius,
so that it is not surprising to find that he issued
denarii, scarce as these had become by his time ; but
E 2
52 C. OMAN.
it is odd that he struck more than his rival. There
seem to be more than twenty known types of Postumus
to seven or eight of Gallienus. The peculiarity of
the denarii of Postumus is that the majority of them
belong to a series with a very special sort of obverse,
where the laureated head of the usurping emperor is
joined side by side with that of Hercules, his special
patron among the gods. The reverses of the main
series each represent one of the Labours of Hercules :
there are to be found
(1) HERCVLI ARCIVO, with Hercules killing the hydra.
PI. III. 16.
(2) HERCVLI ERVMANTINO, with Hercules carrying
the Erymanthine boar on his shoulders. PI. III. 17.
(3) HERCVLI INVICTO, with Hercules stripping off the
girdle of the Queen of the Amazons. PI. III. 19.
(4) HERCVLI NEMAEO, with Hercules strangling the
Nemaean lion. PL III. 18.
(5) HERCVLI ROMANO, with Hercules gathering the
golden apple of the Hesperides three nymphs draw
back from the tree.
All these five Labours are found on coins in the
British Museum. The Paris Collection supplies five
other Labours, viz. (I illustrate the second of them from
a very fine specimen in Sir Arthur Evans's cabinet) :
(6) HERCVLI ARCADIO, Hercules capturing the
Ceryneian stag.
(7) HERCVLI CADITANO, Hercules fighting with the
Monster Geryon. PI. III. 20.
(8) HERCVLI INMORTALI, Hercules dragging along
the Dog Cerberus.
(9) HERCVLI PISAEO, Hercules clearing the stables of
Augeas.
(10) HERCVLI THRACIO, Hercules taming the horses
of Diomedes.
THE DECLINE AND FALL OF THE DENARIUS. 53
The types which would complete the set of the
twelve Labours of the god are not known in billon,
but as they are found in gold there can be little doubt
that they were issued in the baser metal also, though
no specimens are now known. They are :
(11) HERCVLI CRETENSI, Hercules pulling down the
Dictaean bull.
(12) HERCVLI LIBYCO, Hercules strangling the giant
Antaeus.
This forms an extraordinary and unparalleled set of
denarii : they run rather heavy in weight compared
with the contemporary pieces of Gallienus : the heaviest
of those in the British Museum rises to 51 grs. (HER-
CVLI ROMANO), the lightest (HERCVLI NEMAEO)
falls to 32. Of the contemporary denarii of Gallienus
the heaviest weighs only 404 grs. and the majority
lie between 35 and 25 grs.
In addition to the set of denarii with the Labours of
Hercules, Postumus struck a few more, still recalling
that same god, with his head on the obverse alongside
of the emperor's own : these are of the types
(13) Obv. The two heads. Rev. CASTOR. One of the
Dioscuri holding his horse by the rein.
(14) Olv. The two heads. Rev. CL A RITAS AVC. Busts
of the sun and moon, side by side.
(15) Oli: The two heads. Eev. CONSERVATORES
AVG. Busts of Mars and Victory.
(16) Obv. The two heads. Rev. CONSERVATORES
AVC. Busts of Apollo and Diana.
(17) Olv. The two heads. Eev. FELICITAS TEMP.
Galley with four rowers.
(18) Olv. The two heads. Rev. HERCVLI DEVSONI-
EN S I . Standing figure of Hercules. PI. III.
15.
54 C. OMAN.
(19) Obv. The two heads. Rev. HILARITAS AVG. Joy
standing between two children holding palms.
(20) Obv. The two heads. Rev. PAX AVC. Peace,
standing, with olive branch and sceptre.
(21) O&n The two heads. Rev. P.M. TR.P. COS. P.P.
Lion holding a fulmeii in his mouth.
(22) Olv. The two heads. Itev. POSTVMVS AV-
CVSTVS, Bust of Postumus with the attri-
butes of Hercules, club and lion's skin.
Lastly, to complete the denarii of Postumus we must
add two more, which, have no reference to Hercules
upon them, viz.
(23) 0fa'. Laureated head of the Emperor. Rev. INVICTO
AVC. The same head radiate.
(24) Obv. Laureated head of the Emperor. Rev. PROVI-
DENTIA AVG. Providence standing, with
globe and cornucopiae.
But for the existence of these two last-named coins,
on which no reference to the god Hercules appears,
we should have been inclined to suppose that all the
denarii of Postumus had been struck at one and the
same time, at some period in his earlier years when
he was celebrating some feast or dedication in honour
of his patron deity. The obverse type of the two
heads is uniform on the whole series, and is executed
in a far better style of art than was common at the
time. Indeed it appears that the set of denarii with
the Labours of Hercules and the other subjects was
issued along with a corresponding set of aurei of
excellent design with the two juxtaposed heads, which
reproduce in exactly the same fashion several of the
reverse-types found 011 the billon, 12 with one or two
1Z Aurei are found with the types numbered above among the
denarii of the following Kos. 4, 10, 13, 14, 15. 16, 20.
THE DECLINE AND FALL OF THE DENARIUS. 55
more in addition which obviously belong to the same
issue, 1;! and probably had billon parallels which may
yet come to light in some future excavation. Why
this commemorative issue should have been composed
mainly of aurei and denarii, the usual " Antoninianus "
not appearing for most of the types, it is impossible
to say. Perhaps Postumus contemplated at the moment
the restoration of the denarius as the ordinary silver
currency of his realm, to the detriment of the dis-
reputable " Antouinianus ". If so, he did not carry out
the scheme : this issue with the Hercules types is an
almost isolated phenomenon in the currency of the
" Imperium Galliarum ".
Indeed for all intents and purposes it may be said
that the Hercules-issue of Postumus forms the last im-
portant output of imperial denarii. These types are
so curious and interesting, and their art is so good for
the period, that it may fairly be said that the original
Roman silver unit, despite of its sad deterioration in
purity of metal, at least expired in a blaze of mytho-
logical and artistic glory. The miserable "Antoni-
nianus" had a much more ignominious end, not coming
to a sharp stop like the denarius, but trailing out its last
years of existence as mere copper, with no trace of its
original self save the radiate crown on the obverse,
which still continued to adorn the heads of the short-
lived emperors of the later third century.
So much for the end of the ancient Roman denarius.
It remains to speak of the exactly similar fate of the
other old silver denomination which dated back to
13 Viz. the aurei with HERCVL I CRETENSI andHERCVLI
LIBYCO which complete the series of the Labours, and are
numbered as 11 and 12 in the list above.
56 C. OMAN.
the Republic of the third century B. c., the quinarius,
the half of the denarius. This was never a popular
denomination from Augustus onward, but nearly all
the emperors of the first and second centuries continued
to strike it on a very modest scale. Probably it was
inconvenient from its small size, and change was
generally given in sestertii, or " first brass ", rather than
in quinarii, when a denarius was passed over the
counter for some small purchase. Its life must have
been much like that of our own " threepenny bit "
rather avoided than welcomed by the receiver of
change. The only emperors of whom quinarii are
moderately common are Augustus, Nero, Vespasian,
Titus, Domitian, Trajan, and Hadrian, 14 and of any
of these sovereigns one runs across fifty denarii before
coming on a single specimen of the smaller silver coin.
With the death of Hadrian their issue became still
more restricted. Antoninus Pius and M. Aurelius struck
so few that they are almost unobtainable by the collec-
tor, 15 and Commodus was hardly more liberal. One
asks oneself why the occasional and scanty coining
of them still lingered on, after the mint-masters of
Antoninus Pius made up their minds not to follow the
scale on which those of Hadrian had been working.
14 There is one really common quinarius of Augustus, that with
reverse ASIA RECEPTA. Of all the other emperors named, a
quinarius costs about 15s. in the market, while common denarii can
be had for Is. or a trifle over.
15 As a rough guide to respective rarity, it may be noted that
Cohen-Feuardent rates a quinarius of Antoninus at about 150 francs,
one of Aurelius at 60, Commodus at 25 francs, Severus at 12 francs
and upwards [much too cheap !], Caracalla at 25-30 francs, Elaga-
balus at 40 francs, Alexander Severus at 15 francs and upwards.
Common denarii of any one of these emperors are not worth over
2 francs, some even less.
THE DECLINE AND FALL OF THE DENARIUS. 57
Probably, as we have already noted with the denarii,
there was some ceremony or largess in which quinarii
had been habitually distributed, as our own Maundy
money still is. At any rate, the quinarius continued to
be issued by Severus and his family, perhaps with
a little more liberality than Aurelius and his son had
shown, but still in such small bulk that they can never
have formed any appreciable part of the circulating
medium.
"When Caracalla in 214 began to issue the new silver
denomination of the " Antoninianus ", one might have
expected that he would have put a complete stop to the
coining of the rare quinarius. But this did not happen ;
it still continued to appear, with a constantly waning
proportion of silver in its contents. No doubt it passed
as one- third of the " Antoninianus ", a sufficiently con-
venient ratio : a half " Antoninianus " was never struck,
evidently because it would have had to circulate at the
tiresome proportion of three-quarters of the denarius.
Quinarii therefore are found of nearly all the emperors
of the middle period of the third century : only
those ephemeral princes Balbinus and Pupienus and
Aemilian do not appear to have issued them. They
are always very rare Alexander Severus was the last
emperor who issued any appreciable quantity of them.
They show their relation to the denarius-series by
bearing, without exception, the emperor's laureated
head, and not the radiated head which was the special
mark of the "Antoninianus "-series. Generally they are
rather neat, round, and well-struck coins, considering
the period in which they were being issued, and contrast
favourably in appearance with both sizes of the larger
silver (or rather billon) currency. This is especially
58 C. OMAN.
notable in their inscriptions, which are quite clear
and well formed, though they have to be crammed
into a much smaller space than was given by the
round of the denarius. But long inscriptions like
CENIVS EXERC. ILLYRICIANI on a quinarius of
Trajan Decius (PI. III. 4), FELICITAS PVBLICA on
one of Gallus (Pi. III. 5), RESTITVTOR ORB IS on
one of Valerian (PI. III. 7), or VICTORIA GERMAN ICA
on one of Gallienus are rendered with a neatness and
legibility that is rather surprising.
The weight of the quinarius in its last days became
quite as irregular as that of the denarius. The latter
between Philip and Gallienus was being struck of
almost any weight from 52 grs. down to 28, with a
tendency to an average of about 38 grs. 16 For the
same period the quinarii vary from a minimum of
14 grs. (of Saloninus Caesar, PI. III. 12) to a maxi-
mum of 30 grs. (a piece of Salonina, the wife of
Gallienus). The last named (PI. Ill 10) might,
so far as weight goes, have been reckoned a de-
iiarius, but its fabric is so small and dumpy that
it looks no bigger than other quinarii weighing not
more than 16 or 18 grs., and was evidently intended
to pass for the smaller coin, though it actually contains
more grains of billon than a considerable number of
the contemporary denarii. The average medium weight
is just under 19 grs. : this if doubled should give a
denarius of 38 grs., which is not Jar from the actual
average of the contemporary denarii 17 It is clear,
lli Twenty denarii from Philip down to Gallienus in the British
Museum, with highest weight 52 grs. and lowest 28-8, weigh
758-8 grs., or an average of 37-9 per piece.
17 Nineteen similar quinarii weigh 357-3 grs., or an average
of 18-8.
THE DECLINE AND FALL OF THE DENARIUS. 59
then, that the mint-masters only aimed at getting a
certain number of denarii or quinarii out of the pound
of billon, and did not care in the least how far the
individual coin fell below or exceeded the average.
The series of the billon quinarii ends up, like that
of the denarii, with some very scarce pieces of Postumus,
who (as has been said before) copied every existing
denomination of the coins of Gallienus. For a typical
quinarius of Gallienus, see PI. III. 9, VIRTVS AVC.
But his quinarii are by no means so interesting as the
wonderful series of his denarii with the Labours of
Hercules. There seem to be only four types of them,
as against the 23 known types of the denarius. Two
show the obverse so familiar to us on the denarii of
Postumus, with the two heads of the Emperor and
Hercules side by side ; one has the reverse PAX AVC,
and it is clearly the regular half of denarius No. 19,
with the same devices on each side. The other has the
reverse SALVS AVC, Aesculapius bearing his staff and
serpent (PI. III. 13). The remaining pieces are :
(3) FIDES MILITVM. Obv. Laureated bust. Rev. Fides
holding two military ensigns.
(4) P. M. TR. P. COS II P. P. O&v. Laureated bust. Rev.
Emperor standing with globe and spear.
None of the last three pieces has any corresponding
denarius, though there is no reason why such should
not exist.
The weight of the SALVS AVC quinarius in the
British Museum is 18-4 grs. The other three are in
private collections abroad, and their weight is unascer-
tainable. Cohen-Feuardent only quotes them at second
hand, but there is no reason to doubt their existence
or authenticity.
60 C. OMAN.
So much for the end of the quiiiarius. But just as
the debased "Antoninianus"had a quasi-survival in the
tin-washed copper coins of the emperors who followed
Gallienus, bearing the emperor's bust with radiate
crown, so it must be supposed did the debased quinarius
continue to be represented by the smaller copper of
those same emperors, bearing a laureated instead of a
radiated bust, and markedly inferior in size to the
ordinary small-change with the radiate bust. Pre-
sumably they may have circulated, like their prede-
cessors, as one-third of the larger coin.
C. OMAN.
IV
THE MINT OF QUEEN ELIZABETH AND
THOSE WHO WORKED THERE.
WHEN Elizabeth came to the throne she inherited
the heavy burden of the debased currency struck by
the earlier Tudors, a legacy which impoverished the
opening years of her reign. Mary, it is true, had
issued a limited quantity of silver money which
approached the old standard of fineness, but she was
content, or perhaps compelled, to leave to her suc-
cessor the solution of the main difficulty. Consequently
Elizabeth was faced with the task of harvesting the
aftermath of the extravagances of her father and
half-brother.
I propose to summarize in the following pages a
portion of those mint records and kindred documents
which have not hitherto been published by Ending
and other writers, and to add a list of the trials of the
pyx as far as the results can be ascertained. The
coinages for Ireland will not be discussed in the present
paper, but will be reserved for another occasion.
Elizabeth became Queen of England and Ireland on
17 November, 1558, and on the 31st of the next month
she directed her first coinage commission to SirEdmond
Peckham, Thomas Stanley, comptroller, and John Bull,
assay-master, at the Tower mint. The terms of this
order are correctly stated by Ruding (3rd ed.), vol. i,
p. 332, and therefore need -not be repeated here. It
62 HENRY SYMONDS.
will be sufficient to say that the standards of weight
and fineness for both gold and silver corresponded
with those in Mary's indenture of 20 August, 1553, with
the exception of the crown-gold of 22 c., which was
not ordered by Mary.
On 4 February, 1558-9, Lord North and other privy
councillors were authorized by letters patent to call
before them the officers of the mint, and to consider
(inter alia] the means and ways for a reformation of
the base coins, and the standard into which they
should be converted. The inquiry thus started was
very fruitful in suggestions, some practical, some rather
droll. One result of the consultations was a series of
five proclamations, all duly mentioned by Ruding,
which reduced the rating of the debased coins, and
after an interval demonetized them altogether. Another
was the stamping of the two worst classes of Edward's
profile shillings with the portcullis and the greyhound
respectively, and in this connexion I will quote extracts
from the draft of an interesting letter written by Sir
"William Cecil to the Mayors of towns in which the
counter-marking was to be done.
10 October, 1560. You shall assemble your brethren and
& gentleman being a Justice of the Peace in your hall, and you
shall in the presence of them all unseal a bag which this
messenger will deliver containing two stamping irons and a
void plate of steel, the one iron a portcullis the other a grey-
hound. You shall choose four of the wisest and meetest
persons and call to you a goldsmith of good knowledge in
the matter of money ; they shall sit in an open place or at
the market cross and be ready to judge and discern all testons
and to stamp and return all that are brought to them. [Then
follow directions as to the position on the coins of the respec-
tive devices, which appear to have been always correctly
placed.] In the case of doubtful testons they should not be
stamped but brought to the mint for trial. You shall not sit
THE MINT OF QUEEN ELIZABETH. 63
before nine in the forenoon or after three in the afternoon,
or upon any holy day. And before you depart you shall in
open presence put the irons in the bag and seal it with the
seals of one of your assistants and yourself and then lock it
up in your common chest where your charters remain, so
that the irons may not be used or seen except in the open
place. Wh^n they are of no more use they shall be sealed
and returned to the treasurer of the mint (State Papers,
Dom., vol. xiv, No. 17).
The letter is accompanied by a rough list, also in
Cecil's handwriting, of the selected towns. If we may
judge from the number of counter-marked shillings
now extant, the holders did not respond very freely to
the invitation to come and be deprived of a part of the
value of their pocket-money.
A little later, Bristol appears to have been chosen as
a good field for the systematic withdrawal of the adul-
terated silver coinage, as may be learned from a letter
dated 30 January, 1560-1.
William Carr, then Mayor of Bristol, says that two gold-
smiths had been sent therewith 1,000 in new moneys to be
distributed in exchange for base moneys of 2^cL, and any
residue for pieces of 4=^d., taking Id. in the pound for the
exchange. A very discreet citizen accompanied the gold-
smiths, presumably to see that justice was done. Notwith-
standing the proclamation, little more than 400 in pieces
of 2%d. were brought in. Then it was proclaimed that pieces
of 4^(/. and \\d. would be similarly exchanged, the goldsmiths
taking only 4d. in the pound. The outcome of the effort is
thus stated by the mayor
In pieces of '2\d., 46,546 coins
4irf., 12,472
l^d., 54,805
Total value, 1,012 15s. Od.
(S. P. Dom., Eliz., vol. xvi, No. 10.)
The State Papers also contain the views of Thomas
Stanley, the comptroller of the mint, as to the valuation
of the base moneys and the methods by which the
64: HENRY SYMONDS.
losses due to conversion should be met. He propounds
the somewhat heretical theory that the coins of 8 oz ,
6 oz., and 4 oz. fine silver are alike in richness, as what
they lack in fineness they have in weight. He then
suggests that all base moneys should be treated as
bullion only, and that each owner should make the
best of his own loss ; alternatively he proposes to defray
the cost of amending the coinage by rating the ten
thousand parish churches throughout the country at
40 on each parish, which would raise 400,000.
On 5 October, 1560, Stanley again writes from the
Tower to Cecil expressing the opinion that it was not
desirable to have the new money of the 11 oz. 2 dwt.
standard, as much of it would be " turned into plate "
or exported. " The present standard holdeth 1 1 oz. 2 dwt.
into the fire and cometh out of the fire 11 oz. fine,
which is sterling." He then coined 7,000 a week,
and hoped to reach 10,000 if the bullion was speedily
refined. "I am sorry the Queen's Majesty misliketh
her stamp of her fine moneys ; I have sent your honour
to show her highness a pound's weight here enclosed,
trusting in God that the next stamp shall be better,
which the graver is now about" (S. P. Dom., Eliz.,
vol. xiv, No. 8).
Sir John Yorke, who, it will ^>e remembered, was a
prominent but rather unsuccessful mint official under
Edward VI, now comes forward with a scheme, and
makes a bid for reinstatement in his old position.
He tells Cecil, in a letter dated 5 Oct., 1560, that there
was a great lack of new moneys and small moneys ;
there should be two mints with two under-treasurers
and other officers, and moneyers to the number of two
hundred at the least, who ought to make 60,000 in
THE MINT OF QUEEN ELIZABETH. 65
each month. " In the end if I be placed I shall make
my account better than any shall do by five hundred
pounds " (ut supra, vol. xiv, No. 10).
The sequel proves that the Government, that is the
Privy Council, adopted the substance of John Yorke's
proposal, but did not accept his offer to assist in
carrying it into effect. It will be seen that Thomas
Fleetwood, presumably the comptroller of the sup-
pressed mint in Southwark, was appointed to the office
which his late chief desired.
When the Queen ascended the throne she adhered to
the policy of consolidation which had reduced all the
mints into one establishment at the Tower, therefore
the coinage ordered in the first commission to Stanley
of 31 Dec., 1558, to which I have already referred, was
struck by him at the one mint then existing. There
is an Exchequer document which includes an account
of the "piched moneys" made by Stanley in the
nether mint within the Tower, some extracts from
which are appended :
Of fine gold, between 1 Jan., 1558-9 and 31 July,
1560, 657 Ib. 11 oz.
Of crown gold, between the same dates, 59 Ib. 1 oz.
Of silver 11 oz. fine, between the same dates,
10,437 Ib. 4 oz.
Of silver 11 oz. fine, between 1 Oct., 1560 and 24 Oct.,
1561, 7,395 Ib. Troy.
(Exch. Acc'ts 303/21, and State Papers, Ireland, Folios,
vol. vi.)
The term " nether mint " was used to distinguish the
undertaking which existed in 1558 from the " upper-
houses " built two years later for a special purpose to
be presently mentioned.
HDU1SM. CHRON., VOL. XVI, SERIES IT. f
66 HENRY SYMONDS.
On 8 Nov., 1560, an indenture was entered into with
Thomas Stanley, who was thereby appointed under-
treasurer of the nether mint. The new instructions in-
cluded the "royal" or half-sovereign of the 23 c. 3fgrs.
standard ; otherwise the two gold coinages remained
as they were settled in 1558. The silver coinage,
however, showed a greater change, as the 1558 standard
of fineness, 11 oz. in the pound Troy, was abandoned in
favour of a return to the "old right standard" of
11 oz. 2 dwt., and the sixpence was omitted. E/uding
(vol. i, p. 338) states in his list of the silver denomina-
tions that the sixpence, threepence, three-halfpence,
and three-farthings were among those ordered in 1560.
As a matter of fact, only four silver coins are mentioned
in this indenture, viz. the shilling, groat, half-groat,
and penny (Exch. Acc'ts 307/1, which contains the
original document). The only available authority for
the issue of the pieces of 6d., 3d., \\d., and %d. in the
early part of the reign is a proclamation dated Nov. 15,
1561, which announces that the Queen "hath presently
ordered" that no more shillings were to be struck, and
that the last four pieces above mentioned "shall be
immediately coined", as there was a scarcity of small
moneys. It is probable that a supplementary com-
mission to the same effect was directed to Stanley,
but such a warrant, if it survives, has still to be
found.
The output of coins from the nether mint by virtue
of the indenture of November, 1560, was considerable
as regards silver :
Of fine gold, between 1 Dec., 1560 and 31 Aug.,
1561, 179 Ib. 5oz.
Of crown gold, between the same dates, 115 Ib. 6 oz.
THE MINT OF QUEEN ELIZABETH. 67
Of silver, 11 oz. 2 dwt. fine, between 1 Dec., 1560 and
24 Oct., 1561, 125,791 Ib. 3oz.
(Exch. Acc'ts 303/21, and State Papers, Ireland, Folios,
vol. vi.)
This latter account, which is preserved among the
Irish State Papers, continues until Nov. 30, 1570, but
it will be sufficient, I think, to quote the foregoing
three extracts as being fairly representative of the
whole. I do not observe that any attempt is made by
the accountant to separate the mill coins from those
produced by the old method.
Another Exchequer document records the comp-
troller's expenditure at the nether mint in 1560
and 1561 :
The Carpenters' Company received .26 for re-edifying a
house upon the hill within the Tower, to serve as a fining
house. "Johnson, warden of the carpenters", was paid
15s. 2d. for 13 days' work.
The cost of 192 dozen of piles and trussels for shillings,
groats, half-groats and pence, and "gold irons", in 1560 was
72, or 7s. Qd. the dozen. There were also further payments
for 146 dozen of similar instruments.
William Cure received 50s. for attending and graving in
the nether mint for the three months ending Mich: 1561,
and a like sum for the Christmas quarter in the same year.
In July 1561, nineteen loads of gravel at Is. each were
supplied ''against the Queen's Majesty's coming thither",
thus proving that Elizabeth visited the mint. It has been
thought that her object was to inspect the new apparatus for
mill money (Exch. Acc'ts 303/24).
The question of reopening one of the country mints
was raised by Thomas Young, Archbishop of York, in a
letter to Sir William Cecil dated 5 August, 1561. The
Archbishop suggests that owing to the miserable want
of current moneys he should set up " my mint here in
York which I have given me by charter ", and which,
P2
68 HENRY SYMONDS.
he adds, had been lately confirmed in the reigns of
Edward VI and Mary. He also remarks that the
Queen's mints were then stayed, and asks for a lease
of the " coyning houses " in York, having heard that
some one intended to buy them and pull them down
for the sake of the lead which covered them (State
Papers, Dom., Eliz., vol. xix, no. 7). The answer is not
forthcoming, but we know that coining was for-
bidden outside the Tower notwithstanding the alleged
ecclesiastical privilege.
Meanwhile, the ingathering of the base silver coins
had made progress, and the various schemes had
crystalized into a decision to equip a second mint,
in which such moneys were to be converted into the
same standard of fineness as was prescribed by Stanley's
indenture of 8 Nov., 1560. Accordingly, a contract was
signed on 9 Dec., 1560, by which Thomas Fleetwood
was appointed as under-treasurer, John Bull as comp-
troller, and Richard Lee as assay-master, of the upper
houses lately erected for the mint within the Tower.
These officers covenanted to receive all current base
moneys that might be brought in, and to convert the
same into shillings, groats, half-groats, and pence of
1 1 oz. 2 dwt. fine silver ; the weights were to be as
before, viz. on the basis of sixty shillings by tale in
each pound Troy of coined silver. No gold moneys
were ordered (Close roll, 3 Eliz., part 1).
Ruding gives (vol. i, p. 339) a computation, on the
authority of Leake, of the quantities received and
recoined by Fleetwood, but the figures differ so widely
from the actual results as stated by the under-treasurer
himself that I will reproduce the totals in the latter's,
account of his stewardship :
THE MINT OF QUEEN ELIZABETH. 69
The period, 1| years, covered by the account runs from
Michaelmas 1560 to Midsummer 1562, when the new mint
was most probably closed.
The total of base moneys (English and Irish) was, by tale,
325,938 in pieces of 4^d., 2d., l%d., &c. as cried down by
the proclamations.
The striking of the fine coins, described as "pitched
moneys", began in December 1560, the total being 121,619
pounds Troy, valued at 60s. the pound, or by tale 364,857.
The finers employed in the work were " Almaynes ".
Derick Anthony the graver and John Lawrence the sinker
had provided 955 stamps at I2d. apiece for countermarking
the base testons (Decl. Acc'ts., Pipe Office, 2185).
About this time economic pressure compelled the
Queen to reduce by one-third the values of all coins
then current, making the rates equivalent to those
which were in force between 6 Edward IV and 16
Henry VIII. The alteration was effected by a pro-
clamation of 4 (?) March, 1561-2, under which the fine
sovereign was to be valued at 20s., the pound sovereign
at 13s. 4d., the shilling at 8rf., and the smaller denomina-
tions in the same proportion (MS. in library of Society
of Antiquaries). I believe that this proclamation was
not explicitly revoked or amended, but the previous
rating seems to have been indirectly restored by the
coinage indenture of 1572, which assigned to each
of the items then ordered the higher value current
before March, 1561-2.
ELOYE MESTEELL.
It will be convenient to arrange under a separate
heading certain unpublished allusions to Mestrell, who
was responsible for the introduction to this country of
the mill or press for the striking of coins and medals,
as a substitute for the hammer wielded by a moneyer.
In the absence, so far as I can discover, of any formal
70 HENEY SYMONDS.
appointment on the staff of the mint, it is not easy
to fix the precise date when he was first employed.
Apparently the earliest reference to his machinery is
contained in an account prepared by the tinder-
treasurer of the " upper houses " in the Tower, the
entries being to the following effect :
Allowed for money paid for certain presses, rollers and
cutters of iron and steel and divers other engines, and for
materials and workmanship and sundry kinds of necessaries
employed in the new manner of coyning moneys devised by
Elloye the Frenchman. The total cost of the appliances in
1561, including Mestrell's charges for "finding himself"
during the time of his service then past, was j397.
Allowed to Eobert Hill 13 6s. 8d. per annum, for casting
the ingots for the press money.
(Declared Acc'ts, Pipe Office, 2185.)
The new system of working is again mentioned in
the comptroller's book of expenditure at the nether
mint in the years 1560 and 1561 ; it would appear,
therefore, that machine- struck coins were produced in
the latter year in both of the Tower mints, but the
evidence is not quite definite on that point. I append
a detailed extract from the comptroller's figures :
January, 1561-2.
The Presse.
P (1 to Mr. Blunte for 2 c. of crosbowe steele and 3 Ibs. wt.
at 8d. the Ib. 7-94.
For y e forgeinge of the same into roolers 40s.
For a peyre of cheekes to the same roulers H 3.
For weynscott 12s.
For caryages 2s.
For a payre of compasses lOd.
For casting a copp roler 10s.
More for a molde d d to the caster, of turned wood 12d.
For 2 dozs of emerye 8s.
Paid to 2 laborers for turneinge the whele y* the rowlers
are justified w l all, for 8 dayes at lOd. the daye 13s. 4d.
All is lj 14-16-6.
(Exch. Acc'ts 303/24.)
THE MINT OF QUEEN ELIZABETH. 71
The apparatus here described is, I think, not a coin-
press but a laminoir or roller press for reducing the
ingots of metal to the desired thickness, preparatory to
the cutting-out of the blanks. My opinion was con-
firmed by Mr. "W. J. Hocking, to whom I sent a copy
of the transcript, and I am indebted to him for some
additional comments on the construction of the machine
and on kindred matters.
Mr. Hocking writes :
"Judging by the amount of steel purchased
(2cwt.) it is likely that two or three pairs of
rollers of varying diameters would have been
forged. The copper roller would probably be
chosen in order to secure a very smooth surface,
and is likely to have been provided for use in the
finishing stage.
" The term ' rollers ' in these notes would apply
only to the iron cylinders between which the
metal was passed, while the ' presse ' comprehends
the entire machine with its mountings, housings,
and all the necessary connexions for its operation,
including the ' wheel that the rollers are justified
withal'. The last phrase probably refers to the
mechanism for regulating and maintaining the
required distance between the rollers while at
work, and by this means ensuring the production
of fillets or strips of a uniform thickness.
"It is noteworthy that no mention is made of
a balancier, or any special contrivance for using
the dies more effectively. Since it seems no coin
larger than a shilling was struck by Mestrell, no
very bulky machine would be required, and what-
ever method he adopted the necessary 'stamps'
72 HENRY SYMONDS.
were no doubt included in that phrase so con-
venient to the non-technical man ' divers other
engines '.
" On referring to my old paper in 1909, 1 I am
inclined to think that the suggestions therein
made with regard to Mestrell's process are pretty
generally confirmed by your newly-discovered
MSS. Only, you now thoroughly establish what
could not be deduced in any case from the coins
alone. It was, as I then said (p. 79), impossible to
determine whether Mestrell made use of a press
or mill to bring the fillets to a uniform thickness,
although there was a presumption in favour of
the affirmative, based on the appearance of the
coins. Your document settles this question abso-
lutely, and has therefore a high degree of interest
and importance."
The remuneration paid to the French engineer cannot
be said to have been excessive if it was limited to
the sum mentioned in Harl. MS. 698, p. 9, where
a memorandum in a contemporary hand states that an
annuity of 25 was granted to Eloy Mestrell, French-
man, in consideration of service in and about the
coinage of money so long as he shall be occupied in
the said faculty (Signet bill, December, 1561). I have
not been able, however, to find the original warrant.
The earliest mill coins struck by Mestrell's process
did not include any gold pieces of either standard, as
is shown by a memorandum respecting a pyx trial on
24 October, 1561, which will be cited among similar
details on a subsequent page ; the same document
1 Num. Chron., ser. 4, vol. 9, p. 56.
THE MINT OF QUEEX ELIZABETH. 73
proves that the silver mill coins then tried were of the
lloz. 2dwt. standard of fineness. Therefore the latter
were made in accordance with the commission to
Stanley of 8 November, 1560, rather than by virtue of
the order dated 31 December, 1558, which prescribed
the lower standard of lloz. fine silver in the pound
Troy.
It is clear that an official known as "Mr. Blunte"
supervised the striking of the mill coins, as his name
is mentioned in the record of the occasion on which
they were tried at the Star Chamber ; he was also con-
cerned in the erection of the roller press, or laminoir,
for the nether mint, as already stated.
Mestrell's appliances were so obviously antagonistic
to the interests of the moneyers that it is not surprising
to find the mint officers endeavouring to prevent a
successful development of the new system. Indeed,
if we substituted Briot for Mestrell and Parkhurst for
Martin in the letter and report which I am about to
quote, we might well believe that the date was sixty
years later. In the period 1562-72, Eloy, as he was
generally called, had fallen into disgrace for a reason
now unknown and had been deprived of his emolu-
ments. This gave rise to a correspondence which
illustrates the official attitude towards the Frenchman.
Lord Treasurer Burghley had suggested that Mestrell
should be restored to his house-rooms and other allowances,
with payment of arrears and a continuance of his pension ;
if there was any just cause to the contrary the Lord Treasurer
was to be advertised thereof. To this a reply was sent on
25 August, 1572, by Kichard Martin (then recently appointed
warden) on behalf of the mint, stating that sundry trials of
the engine and coinage had been made, and that the work-
manship was imperfect ; also that several other trials at
which Eloye was present had been reported to Sir Walter
74 HENRY SYMONDS.
Mildmay, as was particularly mentioned on the paper enclosed
[but no longer with the letter] as written down by the
assay-master ; that a trial had also been made of the work-
manship of the moneyers, which was reported last on the
paper aforesaid. Martin goes on to say that Eloye should
pay for the charges of his engine, yet he had taken iron-
work from the smith of the mint to the value of 30 or
more. As to the house-room, Eloye had as much as ever he
had, and more than he needed or could well use, as divers
lead-work of the building had been cut and taken away. As
to the fee. they thought that Eloye 's patent had become void
by his attainder, and that their mint indenture did not
warrant the payment of a fee to him. It was their duty to
certify ' ; that by pretence of the said engine much resort of
divers persons [was] made thereunto, and the place where it
standeth adjoineth next to the lodgings of many prisoners
in the Tower". Finally, Martin commits himself to the
opinion that "neither the said engine or any workmanship
to be wrought thereby will be either fit for the coinage or for
the Queen's Majesty's profit '' (Lansdowne MS. 14, No. 5).
Few persons who have studied the degree of
mechanical excellence attained by the mill coins
of Elizabeth and have compared them with those
produced by the hammer, will be disposed to agree
with the warden's obiter dictum as to the merits of
the process. Although the " paper enclosed ", con-
taining a note of the experiments, has been separated
from its covering letter, I have reason to believe that
it has not been lost. If I am right, the missing report
is bound up in another volume of the Lansdowne
manuscripts. The second document is not fully dated,
but it manifestly refers to the subject of Martin's
letter of 25 August, 1572, in spite of the fact that it is
catalogued under the year 1586. This latter date
must, in any event, be incorrect, seeing that Eloy
died about April, 1578. In some respects the report
from the assay-master is of peculiar interest, since it
discloses the rate at which coins of certain denomina-
THE MINT OF QUEEN ELIZABETH. 75
tions could be made by picked men in the days when
machinery was unknown, and we may, therefore, be
grateful to Mestrell's critics for recording these practical
details.
Certain trials made by Eloye with his new invention for
the upright and perfect making of moneys, which he
promised to perform.
19 May : The officers caused two ingots to be cast in two
moulds which Eloye had made for that purpose, weighing
3 Ib. 10 oz. f di., to make pieces of sixpence. He began to
work the same with his first cutter half an hour after one of
the clock, and it was very near four of the clock before he
had cut 2 Ib., whereof 1 Ib. being tried by tale came out at
54s. and the other pound was 55s. Gd. by tale. When
weighed piecemeal, very few ounces agreed one with another,
for they varied from one to six grains. So there was no
certainty in his first cutter. We delivered to him 1 Ib. of
the same to be justified, being only 54s. He and his man
drew them four times apiece through his justifying rollers,
with twice annealing, and afterwards cut of them with his
last cutter half a pound weight, because the time would
serve no longer, for it was past six of the clock at night ;
which half pound rose to 31s. by tale, and when weighed
they varied one from another one grain to a quarter of a
grain ; and he made in syssel and brocage, 2 when trying the
said half pound, 3f oz. and 2 dwt. And because the matter
fell out no better there was no more done therein.
Further experiments of a similar character with the six-
pence and threepence were made by Eloy on 30 May, 2, 13,
and 16 June, and 14 July, the details of which are stated in
the report.
On 3rd July the moneyers demonstrated "what they
could do in making of upright moneys, how long they would
be in working and how much waste of brocage and syssel
would arise of their work". 30 Ib. of ingot silver were
delivered to two hammer-men and two shear-men. "The
shear-men did work nine hours and three quarters and the
hammer-men did work thirteen hours. They made of
the same 30 Ib. weight, 24 Ib. weight in pieces of 6d. and
2 ' Brocage ' refers to the waste caused by broken blanks.
1 Syssel ' is the waste remaining after the blanks are cut out of the
strips of metal.
76 HENRY SYMONDS.
2 Ib. weight in pieces of 3d., and there remained in syssel
4 Ib. weight. And a pound weight of the pieces of 6d. was
by tale 3 li. and 2d., and a pound weight of the pieces of 3d.
was 3 li. 4d." And when trying by weight 20s. of the pieces
of Qd. , the heaviest was too heavy by 4 grains and the lightest
too light by 6 grains in one ounce ; and of the pieces of 3d,
the heaviest was too heavy by 6 grains, and the lightest too
light by as much. Signed by William Williams, who was
one of the assay-masters, and other persons (Lansdowne
MS. 48, No. 15).
We are not told the decision at which Sir Walter
Mildmay arrived, but it is a suggestive fact that no
dated mill coins are known after 1572, save only the
pattern sixpences and threepence of 1574 and 1575,
which are beautiful examples of Derick Anthony's
skill as a graver, and of the efficiency of the apparatus
for striking them. There is evidence that the Govern-
ment at one time contemplated the provision of a fixed
ratio of" press money " in each 1,000 Ib. ordered, other-
wise none might have been struck in consequence of
the higher charges for workmanship, but the intention
was not carried into effect.
Eloy Mestrell's subsequent career and its termination
have been described by Mr. Hocking in the paper to
which I have already referred.
THE COINAGE OF 1572.
After a long digression I will return to the main
subject. The nether mint continued to work under the
indenture of November, 1560, for twelve years, until
1572, when several changes took place in the staff and
in the coinage. The immediate cause of the new
appointments was the death of Thomas Stanley, which
occurred on 13 December, 1571, as is stated in an inq.
THE MINT OF QUEEN ELIZABETH. 77
post mortem held at Lincoln Castle respecting his lands
in that county. His mint accounts had not been
adjusted, but they were subsequently discharged by
a payment of 1,500 by his only child and heiress,
Mary Herbert.
I think we may assume that the upper mint had ful-
filled its purpose about 1562-3, and had then become
extinct, leaving only one establishment within the
Tower boundaries.
On 18 April, 1572, Eichard Martin, alderman and
goldsmith, received a grant of the office of warden of
the mint for his life, as John Browne and Thomas
Pope had held it. This was a revival of the ancient
office which had been abolished by Henry VIII in
May, 1544, when the " undertreasurers " were appointed
in substitution. Another grant, also dated 18 April,
1572, appointed John Lonison, goldsmith, as master-
worker for his life (Patent rolls, passim). On the fol-
lowing day an indenture was executed by Lonison, the
terms of which are mentioned by Ruding (vol. i, p. 345).
The standards of weight and fineness remained as fixed
by the indenture of 1560, but the crown-gold coins
were now discontinued. The fine-gold coins were the
angel, angellet, and quarter angel, while the silver
issue was limited to the half-shilling, threepence, three-
halfpence, and three-farthings. The master-worker
covenanted to make 4 Ib. of the 1 \d. piece and 2 Ib.
of the \d. in each 100 Ib. of silver moneys, also to
place a privy-mark on all coins and the accustomed
mark of the rose on all silver pieces, so that they
might be discerned from other moneys. The pyx was
to be opened once in three months. Attendance was to
be given at the mint every Saturday and such other
78 HENRY SYMONDS.
days as may be agreed by the warden and master-
worker, for the receipt of bullion (Exch. Acc'ts. 307/1,
and Harl. MS. 4222, No. 45).
The appointment of Martin and Lonison on the staff
of the Tower marks the beginning of interminable
controversies which were ended only by the death of
the master-worker. There are many references in
Elizabethan manuscripts to the accusations brought
against Lonison and his replies thereto, but happily
I am not concerned to offer any opinion on the merits
of the disputes.
Two years after the indenture of 1572 a shortage of
small coins arose, and a commission to remedy the
want was directed to Lonison :
After reciting the indenture of 19 April, 14 Elizabeth, by
which the master- worker had undertaken to strike certain
moneys, it is declared that the Queen was minded to have
a certain other piece not therein mentioned ; therefore he is
ordered to strike the "single penny" at the rate of 720
in the pound Troy, and of 11 oz. 2 dwt. fine silver. Ten
pounds weight and no more to be made in one year. And
after being struck the pence shall be delivered to the warden
"to be by him kept to our use to be otherwise disposed as by
our council . . . shall be ordered ". And the master-worker
shall continue to strike all the moneys mentioned in the
said indenture. Eighteen pence to be taken up of every
pound weight, of which eight pence was for the master-
worker and ten pence towards the fees of the other officers.
Dated 2 April, 1574 (Patent roll, No. 1606, Elizabeth, various
years).
The prohibition against issuing the pence for circu-
lation seems to defeat the object of the instructions,
but it is possible that the Queen intended herself to
distribute these small pieces as charitable gifts to the
poor. In this connexion it is significant that the Privy
Council ordered the warden, on 18 April, 1576, to deliver
THE MINT OF QUEEN ELIZABETH. 79
12 in pence for the Maundy ; and again on 18 March,
1577-8, there was a similar requisition for 13 in new
pence.
The mint authorities apparently had the use of all
the available talent, from whatever source it might
have been derived. In March and April, 1576-7, the
Privy Council ordered that one Crompton who had
been condemned to death for false coining should
be removed to the Tower, where he might do good
service in the mint " by reason of his cunning and
experience in working", and that the warden should
so employ him, taking care that he did not escape.
Ruding tells his readers, on the authority of Lowndes,
that in 1577 an indenture was made with Lonison for
the striking of gold and silver of the old standards,
precisely on the same terms as in the Queen's four-
teenth year (vol. i, p. 348). This does not state the
facts quite accurately, as the subjoined extracts will
show:
Licence to John Lonyson, goldsmith and master-worker at
the Tower, reciting the indenture of 19 April, 14 Elizabeth
(1572), whereby he was authorized to make three manner of
moneys of gold, 23 c. 3|grs. fine. The Queen being minded
to have two other coins of gold of the same standard licenses
the master- worker to strike the sovereign, running for 30s.,
of which 24 shall weigh 1 Ib. Troy, and the royal, being
half of the sovereign, at 48 in the pound Troy.
Remedy as before. " One piece to be taken from every
melting for the pixing." Dated 1st November, 1577 (Pat.
roll, 19 Eliz., part 2).
By some mischance the detailed accounts of the
master- worker have not survived, but there is evidence
to show that Lonison's management of the coinage
was not so blameworthy as his enemies alleged. At
all events, the products of the mint during his first
80 HENRY SYMONDS.
eight years were duly tried at the Star Chamber and
found to be good, and the master- worker received a
formal acquittance from the Crown by letters patent
(Pat. roll, 24 Eliz., part 3).
Although the Queen had suppressed the debased
money of her predecessors and had restored her own
coinage to the old standards of fineness, it becomes
clear that her exchequer was unable or unwilling to
bear the additional burden caused by the improve-
ments. I find a strange series of commissions, each of
which reduced for a limited period the quality and
weight of the coins ordered by the indenture of 1572
and varied the sums to be " taken up " for mint
charges ; also, each document repeated the order to
strike the penny in addition to the silver coins which
Lonison had undertaken to make. As the majority of
the eight supplementary orders are omitted by Ruding,
I have arranged them in a separate group for greater
clearness :
(1) Commission to Richard Martin, warden, and John
Lonison, master-worker, dated 27 Sept. 1578. The Queen
being minded to tolerate for a short time some alteration
from the express words of the indenture of 19 April, 1572,
authorizes the master-worker to use a gold standard of
23 c. 3|grs. fine, and a silver standard of 11 oz. 1 dwt. fine.
One pound Troy of such gold shall contain 36 Is. lO^d. by
tale, and the pound Troy of silver shall contain 60s. 3d.
by tale. The new commixtures were to be made to the best
of their skill and power, as they conveniently could. Lonison
was to strike a penny at the rate of 720 in the pound Troy,
in addition to the other coins. Of each 100 Ib. of silver he
was to make 1 Ib. of three halfpence, 2 Ib. of pence, and
1 Ib. of three farthings. He was not to receive any bullion
after 16th November then next, and was to strike into coin
of the said standards only such bullion as had been received
before that day (Pat. roll, 20 Eliz., part 4).
(2) The like to the same persons. Dated 29 Dec., 1578.
The Queen being minded to tolerate for some longer time
THE MINT OF QUEEX ELIZABETH. 81
the changes mentioned in the last warrant, authorizes the
master-worker, in similar terms, to continue them until
24 April then nest (Pat. roll, 21 Eliz., part 7).
(3) The like. Dated 25 May, 1579. 3 Kepeats the terms
and expresses the Queen's tolerance of the variations until
31 October then next (Pat, roll, Eliz., No. 1606, m. 19 dors.).
(4) The like. Dated 23 Dec., 1579. The toleration is
extended to 31 March then next (Pat. roll. Eliz., No. 1606,
m. 18 dors.).
(5) The like. Dated 28 Nov., 1580. Extended until
20 February then next (Pat. roll, Eliz., No. 1606, m. 20 dors.),
(6) The like. Dated 3 May, 1582. Extended until the
contrary was signified by warrant (Pat. roll., 24 Eliz., part 3).
(7). The like. Dated 23 May, 1582. Until 30 November
then next (Pat. roll, 24 Eliz., part 1).
(8) The like. Dated 30 May, 1582. Until 30 October then
next (Pat, roll, 24 Eliz., part 1).
The practical effect of the foregoing eight warrants
was (A) to reduce the fineness of the gold coins by
a quarter of a carat- grain, or 15 grs. Troy, and the
fineness of the silver coins by one pennyweight, in
each pound Troy respectively ; and (B) to reduce the
weight of the coins by the equivalent of the increased
amounts into which the pounds Troy of gold and
silver were to be sheared, that is, Is. lO^rf. and 3d.
respectively. The reductions in weight would be
scarcely appreciable in individual coins, but consider-
able when applied to masses of bullion.
The gold and silver pieces affected by the twofold
modifications were those marked (according to the
table in Hawkins) with the cross and the sword, which
symbols were used between the years 1577 and 1582
inclusive. "With regard to the privy-mark cross, an
examination of the coins in the British Museum proves
that the cross is of two distinct varieties which occur
3 This date is omitted on the roll, but is supplied from Harl.
MS. 698, p. 318.
HUMISW. CHRON., VOL. XVI, SERIES IV. Q-
82
HENEY SYMONDS.
in both metals. From 1577 to 1579, inclusive, the
mark is a Greek cross, that is, with arms of equal
length. In 1580 and 1581 the coins are marked with
a Latin cross, or long cross. This difference does not
appear to have been recorded in Hawkins or Kenyon,
or in the British Museum Handbook. The accompanying
illustration shows a sixpence of 1578 marked with the
short cross, and another of 1581 with the long cross.
Another sixpence, in my own cabinet, shows '80
struck over '79, and the Latin cross over the Greek
variety. I subsequently found that the trials of the
pyx confirmed my observation of the coins in question.
In 1575 Lonison, of London, was granted or, a cross
gules as his arms. This grant conceivably may have
influenced the master-worker in his choice of a cross
as his privy-mark on the coinage of 1577-81.
Among the consequences of the toleration commis-
sions, if I may so describe them in default of a better
name, is a lessening of the prestige which has accrued
to Elizabeth for her reformation of the coinage, as
THE MINT OF QUEEN ELIZABETH. 83
there was a partial relapse extending over five years
of active work. The piecemeal orders must have been
very confusing, but it will be noticed that there was
no reservation of the pence when coined, as was the
case in the earlier commission of 1574.
A committee of the Privy Council had been ap-
pointed to investigate the cause of the disputes at
the mint to which I have already alluded. A report
signed by Nicholas Bacon and six others is dated
24 May, 1578, wherein they recommend that a dis-
charge be given to Lonison for such breaches of cove-
nant as he had committed and that his accounts be
passed. If he would not accept I6d. in each pound
weight of silver as his fee, the Queen should make
choice of another officer. In order that the master-
worker should not be dismissed without a sufficient
recompense he should be granted a pension of 300,
with 100 to his widow during her life, out of the
mint revenues (Harl. MS. 698 and Lansdowne 48).
I believe that Lonison retained his post until his death
on 21 May, 1582. He was buried at St. Vedast's Church,
Foster Lane, and his inq. post mortem proves that he
owned lands in the parishes of Tintinhull and Trent,
co. Somerset.
THE COINAGES OF 1583, 1584, AND 1593.
The office of master- worker having been thus vacated,
Richard Martin, the warden, obtained a grant of the
mastership on 21 'August, 1582. The occupancy of
the two posts by one man seems to be obviously un-
desirable, as " the warden was to take account of the
master-worker's doings", to quote a contemporary
writer. On the same day Andrew Palmer was
G2
84 HENRY SYMONDS.
appointed as comptroller ; he is said to have been " the
warden's creature and a scrivener by trade", but the
latter statement is not supported by his patent, which
describes him as a goldsmith. Altogether, the mint
officials of that time were not a very happy family.
These new appointments were followed by the sealing
of another indenture which regularized the issue of
the penny and reinstated the former standards of
weight and fineness which had been weakened in the
manner already described. 4 On 30 January, 1582-3,
Martin covenanted to make
The angel, half and quarter angel of fine gold, as struck by
his predecessor under the indenture of 1572 ; and five coins
of silver of the 11 oz. 2 dwt. standard, that is, the shilling,
half-shilling, twopence, penny and halfpenny, of which the
pound Troy was to contain 60s. by tale. In each pound
weight of coined silver there were to be 2 Ib. of twopences,
1^ Ib. of pence, and ^ Ib. of halfpence. The master- worker
was to make on the three last named moneys a distinct
stamp whereby one might be discerned from the others. An
additional halfpenny for each pound weight of the small
silver coins was to be given to the moneyers. From each
pound Troy of gold 6s. was to be taken up, of which the
master-worker was to receive 4s. 9d. ; the corresponding
figures as to silver were 22d. and 14d respectively (Close
roll, 25 Eliz., part 11, and Exch. Acc'ts 307/1).
The main changes effected by this order were the
restoration of the shilling and the omission of the three-
pence, three-halfpence, and three-farthings ; the half-
penny was included in the regular list for the first
time in this reign, although a few exist with an earlier
mark.
4 The mint accounts state that a coinage commission was directed
to Martin on 22 August, 1582. My search for it has been unsuc-
cessful, but it certainly became operative. It is possible that this
order would add to the number of " toleration " warrants, making
a total of nine.
THE MINT OF QUEEN ELIZABETH. 85
On 20 April, 1584, a privy-seal warrant was issued
to Richard Martin, in his dual capacity, and Andrew
Palmer the comptroller
After reciting that three coins of fine gold were to be
struck by virtue of the indenture of 30 January, 1582-3, it
is ordered that two other gold coins of the same fineness
should be made "for our necessary service", that is to say,
" a piece which shall be called a noble ", running for 15s., of
which there shall be 48 in the pound Troy. And "one
other piece which shall be called a double noble ", running
for 30s., of which there shall be 24 in the pound Troy. If
the quantity of bullion to be so coined as aforesaid shall be
too great, it may be limited, if six of the Privy Council
think it expedient. The warrant is to be in force until it is
determined by a further order.
There are also the usual clauses as to the pyx, &c. (Chancery
Warrants, Series II, file 1416).
Although it is clear that the coins now ordered were
really the fine sovereign and the ryal, the form of the
warrant is unusual, and the names assigned to the
denominations are strange. When Elizabeth ordered
the gold piece of 15s. in November, 1560, and again in
November, 1577, it was called a royal, while the term
" double noble " is quite unknown, I believe, in earlier
mint records. "With respect to the name of the larger
coin, perhaps the intention was to retain the word
" noble " as being a familiar title, under circumstances
in which the " sovereign " would be unfamiliar when
applied to current money. The rose nobles, or ryals,
of this period present three varieties of obverse legend,
as stated in Kenyon, p. 126. No. 3 shows the Queen's
titles in the customary form, Nos. 1 and 2 have legends
which differ from No. 3 and from each other, and
have not yet been satisfactorily explained. All the
coins are marked 011 the reverse with the A, which
86 HENRY SYMONDS.
links No. 3, at all events, to the warrant of April,
1584.
I will next cite evidence which, indicates that these
nobles and double nobles were officially exported for
circulation in the Low Countries, more particularly
while Robert Dudley, Earl of Leicester, commanded
our expedition to Holland in 1585-7.
First, there is a memorandum from the treasurer
for the wars asking for the advice of the warden of
the mint as to the best means of " uttering those rose
nobles and double nobles which I am presently to
receive ". He also asks for an expert man, skilful of
mintage, to go over with him, by whose help he might
provide much foreign gold which could be sent to
England and re-minted into nobles. He would give
30s. for each pound weight of such coins, which was
24s. more than the Queen received for other gold
pieces (State Papers, Dom., Eliz., Addenda, vol. xxix,
No. 23. Undated, but calendared as 1585).
Secondly, a letter from Leicester to Burgh ley on
2 February, 1585-6, in which the writer offers to answer
to the Queen for 40,000 yearly by the coinage of rose
nobles in Holland, where she then received 30s. for
that coin [? for the coinage of the pound weight].
This letter is annotated by the Lord Treasurer (Hatfield
Papers).
Then there is a manuscript proclamation or notice
by Leicester as governor of the Belgic provinces,
describing the various unlawful coins then current.
Among them is nobilis rosatus, struck in Gorcum by
the authority of Don Antonio, of which one side is
said to agree with the English noble ; the other side
corresponded with No. 2 legend in Kenyon. A similar
THE MINT OF QUEEN ELIZABETH. 87
coin, said to have been struck sub nomine principis a
Simmey, 5 bore a legend corresponding with No. 1 in
Kenyon (Cotton MS., Otho E. x, fol. 278).
These extracts serve to prove (1) that the noble and
double noble were sent by the Queen to the Low
Countries, and (2) that the smaller denomination was
imitated at Gorcum or elsewhere in those territories,
where the noble had been a familiar medium of
exchange for many years. Not so the sovereign ; hence,
I would suggest, its change of title.
Martin had now to suffer some of the annoyances
and troubles which he and his friends had inflicted on
Lonison in earlier years. The warden and master-
worker was in turn accused of acting contrary to the
indentures, and a jury was instructed to test the silver
coins marked with the sword, bell. A, and scallop shell,
respectively. The jurors received from the Exchequer
66s. of each privy-mark and then took the money to
the Tower for a trial of its weight and fineness. The
inquiry was to take place f; at such time of the day as
they shall not be at the church for Divine service ",
the second of the appointed days being Ascension
Day. Martin was present and strongly objected to the
proceedings, in the course of which he used violent
language, as is described in a letter accompanying the
report to Lord Treasurer Burghley. The latter docu-
ment is dated 13 May, 1586, and shows that there was
nothing seriously wrong with the coins chosen for ex-
amination. In the following month. June, 1586, another
private trial was held at Cecil House, Westminster,
when coins made by Lonison and marked with "powder
5 I am unable to explain this word ; possibly it is geographical.
88 HENRY SYMONDS.
armeye " (ermine), the acorn and the eglantine flower,
respectively, were tested. Apparently the moneys struck
by Lonison were tried against those for which Martin
was responsible (Lansdowne MS. 48, Nos. 1 to 3).
Neither of the examinations constituted a pyx trial in
the ordinary sense of the term, as that ceremony had
been performed at the Star Chamber soon after the
striking of the coins.
In 1593 Martin, then Sir Ri chard, was party to
another indenture whereby he covenanted to make
(in addition to the angels, &c., of 1582-3 and the
nobles, &c., of 1584) four other gold coins of the 22 c.
standard, viz. the sovereign and its half, and the crown
and its half. The sovereign to be of such weight that
the pound Troy would contain 33 in number, and the
smaller pieces in proportion. The remedy to be | of
a carat. Dated 10 June, 1593 (Close roll, 35 Eliz.,
part 21).
This order restored the use of crown-gold, which had
been in abeyance since 1572.
There are three accounts by Martin dealing with
his work at the Tower by virtue of the instructions of
1582-3, 1584, and 1593. The combined figures cover
the period from 22 August, 1582, to 29 September,
1599, some of the items being less uninteresting than
is usual in such documents.
The first account, ending on 31 January, 1591-2,
includes the following information:
Gold, 23 c. 3-J grs. 989 Ib. were struck between
23 August, 1582, and 31 January, then next.
Silver, 11 oz. 1 dwt. 26,235 Ib. were struck between
23 August, 1582, and 31 January, then next.
THE MINT OF QUEEN ELIZABETH. 89
(The Queen's profit was 3s. on each, pound Troy of
gold, and 10|c?. on the silver.)
Gold, 23 c. 3| grs. 6,218 Ib. were struck between
1 February, 1582-3, and 31 January, 1591-2.
Silver, lloz. 2dwt. 302,359 Ib. were struck between
1 February, 1582-3, and 31 January, 1591-2.
(In this case the amounts " taken up " were 15d and
8d. respectively on each pound Troy, which presumably
denotes the lower profit derivable from the higher
standards of fineness and weight.)
Gold, 23 c. 3| grs. Nobles and double nobles, 776 Ib.
between 3 May, 1584, and 31 January, 1586-7.
(Here the sum to be levied was 245. in the pound
weight ; this large and quite unusual deduction seems
to confirm the idea that these coins, or the nobles only,
were to be exported, as I have already indicated.)
Among the items of expenditure was this entry :
" For the painters ; as well for the drawing and
description of various patterns (typus) of stamped gold
and silver as for their expenses in riding from London
to Windsor where the Court still tarried, 13 6s. 8d.
For two painters going together with the comptroller
from London to Hertford to the Lord Treasurer con-
cerning the drawing of the stamped money, 65s. Wd.
Expenses of the graver of the irons about the same
business, 18s. 8cZ. Likewise the charges about the
delay in drawing the patterns and completing the
indenture, 4 7s. 3d. Total, 21 18s. 5d."
There is no direct evidence as to the date when
these sketches and patterns were submitted to Elizabeth
for her approval, but the mention of an indenture seems
90 HENKY SYMONDS.
to imply a connexion with the order of January, 1582-3,
or that of 1584, or perhaps with both of them. We
know, for instance, that the indenture of 1582-3 was
followed by the issue of a new type of half-groat, no
doubt in compliance with the instructions to make a
clear distinction between the three small silver coins.
As regards the 1584 commission to strike nobles and
double nobles, the former was an entirely new coin, as
the denomination is not known to exist with a privy-
mark earlier than the A (1582-4), while its "double",
the fine sovereign, with the same mark shows that new
dies had then been prepared. Who were the " two
painters " of the drawings ? It may be that they were
George Gower, who became serjeant-painter in 1581,
and Nicholas Hilliard, the Queen's miniature painter.
I should add that it was intended in 1584 to confer
upon Gower the sole privilege of making royal portraits,
saving only the right of Hilliard to execute small
pictures, but the warrant, although engrossed, was not
completed.
Other entries in the account tell us that there were
five pyx trials between 1582 and 15912, costing
65 3s. 4d. ; the records of some of these trials appear
to be now missing. New standard weights in 1583
cost 30 18s. 4d. Expended for stone paving in the
wall of the Tower for keeping out the water from
the furnace, 15 Os. I9d. (sic) ; this points to trouble
with the moat or the river, and there is a further charge
for tollenones vel haustra, that is, pumps, of which one
was new and cost 53s. 2d.
(Exch. Acc'ts 296/14.)
The second of Martin's accounts, ending on 3 Uanuary,
1596-7, partially overlaps the first and consequently
THE MINT OF QUEEN ELIZABETH. 91
repeats some of the items, including that concerning
the painters ; in this entry the Latin text differs very
slightly from 296/14 and states the total expense as
25 17 s. Qd., but it must, I think, refer to the same
occasion.
The third account, ending on 29 September, 1599,
contains similar information. One incident was an un-
fortunate fire at the mint which necessitated another
new pump, nova antlia, and a cleaning of the spring
where it was placed. I shall refrain from quoting any
figures from these two documents and be content
with indicating whence the statistical details may be
obtained.
(Exch. Acc'ts 296/15 and 16.)
A few comments may be made on the gravers who
worked in the closing years of the sixteenth century.
Between 1589 and 1592, Derick Anthony's fees were
received by Charles Anthony on behalf of his father,
but in March, 1593, Charles signs the receipt for the
first time as the holder of the office. Consequently,
I infer that he then became graver de facto, although
he did not obtain a patent until 1599. If I am right.
Charles Anthony would be responsible for the crown-
gold coins struck in pursuance of the order of June, 1593.
and for the handsome shillings marked with the key.
There is a pleasant letter from Milliard to Sir Robert
Cecil, dated 2 June, 1599, in which the writer disclaims
any intention of being a competitor with Charles
Anthony, the graver, for a patent for that office in
which the latter had long served. He would not
hinder Anthony in any way, but would further him.
At the same time he hopes that Cecil would stand
his friend, as he had been " brought into great
92 HENRY SYMONDS.
extremes" through missing so many suits (offices)
for eight years, during which he had received only
40 (Hatneld Papers). At this time, 1599, John
Rutlinger, alias Eareth, is described as subsculptor
ferrorum and George Tyson as impressor ferrorum.
The former individual received a high compliment
in a letter written by Sir J. Peyton to Cecil on
"26 May, 1600: "John Rutlyngham (sic) one of her
Majesty's gravers in the mint, a most exquisite
man in that kind of profession, desires to present some
fruits of his labours for your approbation."
It is remarkable that very few, if any, of Elizabethan
medals can be definitely attributed to either of the
Anthonys. When two high officials of the mint,
Thomas Stanley and Richard Martin, wished to
celebrate certain events in their own lives they en-
trusted the execution of the medals to the artist who
signs himself " Ste H " (Med. 111., i, pp. 105 and 107).
There is, however, an oval medal or badge, dated 1572,
on which the Queen's portrait strongly resembles that
on the coinage, and may therefore have been the work
of Derick Anthony. The obverse legend Posui, &c.,
also suggests an association with the silver moneys,
but the reverse appears on other medals, and does not
correspond in size with the obverse, which is slightly
wider. Other small medals exhibit a very similar
portrait with a rose behind the head, which again is
reminiscent of the coins (Med. 111., i, pp. 116 and 120).
The infringements of the privilege of the graver to
make all public seals led to a joint remonstrance by
him and the warden, wherein it was pointed out that
in former times the King's graver of the mint within
the Tower engraved such seals and deposited the
THE MINT OF QUEEN ELIZABETH. 93
patterns in the Exchequer for comparison in cases of
fraud; that customers, alnagers (measurers of cloth), and
other officers had caused seals to be made at their own
pleasure, against all good order and usage, wherefore
it was necessary that all such seals should be defaced
as counterfeits. And they ask that the records should
be searched for the penalties due to her Majesty by
reason of the offences (Lansdowne MS. 113, No. 36).
Returning now to the main business of the mint,
it should be noted that the anomalous position of
Sir Richard Martin was terminated in 1599, possibly
on account of certain complaints made by goldsmiths
in the previous year. Be that as it may, Martin
apparently surrendered both of his letters patent as
a preliminary to a joint grant to himself and his son
Richard, for their lives, of the office of master-worker,
and a grant to Thomas Knyvett of the office of warden,
also for his life. The new appointments are dated
28 September, 1599 (Pat. roll, 41 Eliz., parts 17 and 22).
About the same date Palmer, the comptroller, vacated
his post. A solatium to Martin, the elder, was given in
the next year by a warrant authorizing him to receive
2d. by tale on each pound weight of silver coined
under the indenture of January, 1582-3, in addition
to the amount allowed to him by that order, and for
so long as he should continue to be master-worker
(Privy seal, 1 Aug., 1600).
One of the instructions given to Knyvett at the
beginning of his career as warden was for the melting
in the Tower crucibles of an extraordinary collection
of gold and silver plate. Among the items were mitres
and St. Nicholas mitres (worn by the boy-bishops
in cathedrals and collegiate churches in December) ;
94 HENRY SYMONDS.
a pontifical (Office-book) of coarse gold set with sap-
phires, emeralds, and garnets; a pectoral of gold and
gems ; " one great basin gilt wherein standeth a clocke
with a chime " ; a pair of playing tables of silver and
gilt (bought by the warden !) ; two " antique salts "
with images enamelled on the sides ; the Great Seal of
Henry VIII, &c. What would a pair of salts described
as old in 1600 be worth to-day? The total weight
converted into coin was gold 563 oz. and silver 1,307 oz.
(Exch. Acc'ts 296/17).
The details of the warrant authorizing the issue of
India money do not appear to have been hitherto
printed, and should therefore find a place in this
review :
The commission is directed to Thomas Knyvett, Eichard
Martin and his son, Richard Eogers, the comptroller, and
Thomas Denham, provost of the moneyers. It recites the
Queen's determination to cause to be struck from bullion
and foreign silver certain new coins with the portcullis on
the one side and the arms of England on the other, principally
intended for the traffic of merchants then lately incorporated
as the governor and company of merchants of London
trading to the East Indies. The fineness shall be 11 oz. 2 dvvt.
The said new money shall " keep in number 109 testernes
in the pound weight ", and shall be coined in testernes of 8,
of 4, of 2, and single testernes. The remedy to be 2 dwt. in
weight or fineness or in both. In each pound sterling 22d.
shall be taken up, of which ld. shall be for the master-
worker and 8d. for the fees of the other officers. No pro-
vision for the pyx. Dated 11 January, 1600-1 (Pat. rolls,
43 Eliz., part 11).
A letter from the Privy Council on 4 January, 1600-1,
shows that Knyvett had complained to them that the
commission given to him under the Great Seal was
defective in respect of the making and delivery of the
coins. A delay might cause " the breaking of the
whole voyage ", therefore if material omissions were
THE MINT OF QUEEN ELIZABETH. 95
found a new commission was to be prepared and sent
to the Council with, all speed (Acts of the Privy Council).
From this I assume that the order quoted above is
a second and amended edition, as its date is seven
days subsequent to the Council's letter.
The warden's account tells us that 2,013 Ib. Troy of
money for the East India voyage were coined at the
Tower (Pipe Office Acc't 2030). The prescribed weight
of the unit of this coinage, viz. the teston, works out at
52-3^ 2 9 grains, that of the eight-teston at 422-^ 2 grains,
and the two intermediate coins in proportion. Perhaps
we should do well to adopt the contemporary official
name of these pieces, and not describe them in terms
of the crown or the dollar.
The question as to whether it was practicable and
desirable to establish an English copper currency, as
a substitute for small silver pieces, was discussed on
several occasions during the later part of the reign.
Martin had a plan, and so had other persons, but the
history of the attempt is rather obscure and scarcely
worth unravelling at length. Suffice it to say that we
have a few patterns for copper halfpence and farthings
as tangible mementoes of a scheme which did not in
fact emerge from the clouds so far as England was
concerned. Nevertheless, a copy exists of an undated
proclamation, possibly also unpublished, which declares
that no coins of silver smaller than \d. and |d. could be
issued ; that shopkeepers' tokens of lead and tin were
forbidden after All Saints' day then next ; that pledges
of pure copper were to be made, the %d. of 24 grains
and the %d. of 12 grains, which might be tendered up
to a groat in value for payments under 205. (Harl.
MS. 698/54 and Crawford 932).
96 HENRY SYMONDS.
THE COINAGE OF 1601.
In this year an indenture was executed by Sir Richard
Martin and his son for a general coinage, of which the
chief features were a general reduction in weights and
the addition of the 5s. and its half to the list of silver
coins. The standards of fineness and the rating were
unchanged.
The master-workers covenanted to strike
The angel, half and quarter angel of 23 c. 3^ grs. gold,
of such weights that the pound Troy would contain 73 angels
and 36 10s. Od. by tale.
The sovereign and its half, and the crown and its half, of
22 c. gold, of such weights that the pound Troy would con-
tain 33 sovereigns and one half-sovereign, and 33 10s. Qd.
by tale.
The shilling, half-shilling, twopence, penny and halfpenny
of 11 oz. 2 dwt. silver, of such weights that the pound Troy
would contain 62 shillings and 3 2s. Od, by tale.
Also, " the piece of five shillings " in silver, of such weight
that the pound Troy would contain 12 pieces and two
shillings. And the " piece of half five shillings" in similar
proportion.
After the date of this indenture no money was to be
coined by virtue of any previous orders, excepting only
Irish and India moneys.
Dated 29 July, 1601 (Close roll, 43 Eliz.).
I notice that Mr. Kenyon does not mention the
angel and its divisions as occurring after the reduction
in weight, but the latest of the pyx trials shows a
limited quantity of these denominations marked with
the 2. The Murdoch sale catalogue (I, lot 613) included
an angel with this mark ; apparently the two smaller
coins have yet to be found.
The graver received 12 for the patterns and
puncheons of the stamps for the new pieces of 5s. and
2s. 6d. in silver.
It has been truly said that Elizabeth's reign is
THE MINT OF QUEEN ELIZABETH. 97
remarkable, from the numismatic point of view, for
the great variety of coins which were then in circula-
tion, and it may be added that it was almost equally
remarkable for the number of the orders addressed to
her mint officers. The indenture last quoted brings
the English series to a close.
THE PYX TEIALS.
It is a matter of regret to me that I cannot append
a complete list of these trials, with their useful informa-
tion as to privy-marks, denominations, and the amount
of each group of coins found in the pyx. A perusal
of my list will show that certain periods are not
represented by any details whatever, viz. those during
which the four marks, crescent, hand, tun, and key,
were respectively used. In other cases the particulars
are scanty and unsatisfying. These shortcomings are
due apparently to the absence of a uniform system of
recording the verdict of the jury, as was the invariable
custom during Stuart times.
The position of the mill money at these ceremonies
is a little uncertain. The coins prepared and struck
by Mestrell's appliances are specifically mentioned
on one date only, 24 October, 1561, but the privy-
mark is not stated ; at one subsequent trial the
occurrence of the lys mark in February, 1570-1,
proves that mill coins of crown-gold were then tested.
What system, if any, was adopted for the trial of
such pieces ? Excepting the two occasions in 1561
and 1570-1, there is no available evidence of separate
examinations, although the privy-marks on dated mill
coins do not correspond with those on hammered
money, save in one year, 1571, when the castle mark
NUMISM. CHROX., VOL. XVI, SERIES IV. H
98 HENKY SYMONDS.
was used as the master- worker's symbol on both classes
of coins.
With regard to the marks on the hammered coinage,
1 suggest that a few should be renamed in accordance
with the terms used by the men who devised the signs.
Thus, the pheon should be described as the broad arrow-
head ; the coronet, as the crown ; the cinquefoil, as the
eglantine flower; the annulet, as the cipher. There
is one other, the woolpack, which Ruding calls the
woolsack, but as he does not cite and I cannot find
any original authority for the latter name it must
remain unproven. The three marks which occur
before 1561, when the regular dating of certain coins
began, may, I think, be thus apportioned ; the lys
and cross crosslet to Stanley's "nether mint", and the
martlet to Fleetwood's "higher mint". The two former
marks are known on both gold and silver hammered
money, as ordered in Stanley's indentures, whereas
the martlet does not occur on gold, so far as I am
aware, which accords with the absence of instructions
to Fleetwood to strike any coins in the higher metal.
An assay of a groat with m.m. martlet yielded lloz.
2 dwt. 12 grs. of fine silver, or slightly better than the
prescribed fineness of Fleetwood's coins. The same
mark also occurs on coins of Edward VI (Henry's type)
generally assigned to Southwark, in which mint Fleet-
wood then held office. A family of his name bore
martlets as a charge on their shield.
The regulation prescribed in this reign for a trial of
the pyx every three months was certainly not obeyed.
Apparently there were attempts to compromise, under
which, as I think, the pyx was closed, the mark
changed, and a new pyx brought into use, but the
THE MINT OF QUEEN ELIZABETH. 99
trial of the two or more pyxes was deferred until
a later year. If Hawkins's ''tabular view " of dates, &c.,
be compared with, some of the dates in the list of trials
it will be seen that they do not harmonize. Instances
of such discrepancies occur with respect to the ermine
and the eglantine marks, and I cannot reconcile them
except on the rather improbable assumption that the
date on the dies was not always altered immediately
after the end of the civil year at Lady Day.
24 October, 1561.
Moneys in charge of Thomas Stanley, under-treasurer
inferioris cambii
Gold, 23 c. 3| grs. fine, struck between 1 January,
1560-1, and 31 August, 1561, in pieces of 305. and 15s.,
amounting to 19 15s. Qd.
Gold, 22 c. fine, struck between the same dates, in
pieces of 20s., 10s., 5s., and 2s. 6d., 10 10s. Qd,
Silver, 11 oz. fine, for England, struck between
1 October, 1560, and 30 November, then next, in pieces
of Is., 4d., 2d., and Id, 24 Os. I2d. (sic).
Silver, 1 1 oz. fine, for Ireland, between 1 and 30 April,
1561, in harp shillings and groats (of which 1 Ib. Troy
held 80s. by tale), 9 Os. 12d. (sic).
Silver, 11 oz. 2dwt. fine, between 1 December, 1560,
and the date of trial, in pieces of Is., 6d., 4d., 3d., 2d.,
l^d., Id., and |d., 331 10s. Od
In charge of Thomas Fleetwood, under-treasurer
superioris cambii
Silver, 11 oz. 2 dwt. fine, struck between 9 December,
1560, and the date of trial, in pieces of Is., 4d., 2d., and
Id., 390 7s. 2d.
" Mr. Blunte for the press money."
H2
100 HENRY SYMONDS.
Silver, 11 oz. 2 dwt. fine. Denominations and amount
in pyx are not stated, but 6 oz. contained, at the shear,
305. by tale, which was in accordance with the in-
denture.
As the last memorandum proves that the mill coins were
of the 1 1 oz. 2 dwt. standard of fineness it follows that they
were made after 9 December, 1560, when Fleet wood's inden-
ture for the upper mint ordered the use of that quality of
silver. No mill coins of gold were tested at this pyx trial
and presumably none had been struck, as the upper mint
was not authorized to make any gold pieces.
(Exch. Acc'ts 303/21 and 23 ; Mem. roll, K. R. Mich.
3 Eliz. in. 282 ; Harl. MSS. 698, fo. 62, and 4222, fo. 35.)
13 February, 1566-7.
Gold, 22 c. Mint-marks Rose and Portcullis.
Silver, 11 oz. 2 dwt. Mint-marks Broad arrow-head,
Rose, and Portcullis.
The upper mint had ceased to exist about Midsummer,
1562. Consequently the foregoing three marks and those
of later date were used in the nether or lower mint, as it
was called when there were two establishments at the Tower.
(Exch. Acc'ts 304/18 and Harl. MS. 698, fo. 63.)
13 February, 1570-1.
Gold, 23 c. 3| grs. Mint-mark Crown.
Gold, 22 c. In first pyx, mint-marks Crown and
Fleur de Lys.
Gold, 22 c. In second pyx, mint-mark Lion.
The amounts of the respective issues are not apportioned
to the two standards of fineness, but are stated as 172 of
both qualities. The m. m. Lys in the first pyx of 22 c.
indicates the coins struck by the mill, of which the 10s., 5s. t
and 2s. Qd. are known with this mark. This is the solitary
reference to gold mill coins in the records of the pyx trials.
THE MINT OF QUEEX ELIZABETH. 101
Silver, 1 1 oz. 2 dwt. In first pyx, m. m. Crown,
187 86-. lOd
In second pyx, m. m. Lion, 24 5s. Id.
(Harl. MS. 698, fo. 63.)
7 May, 1572.
Gold, 22 c. (no details).
Silver, 11 oz. 2 dwt. The subjects' moneys (no details).
The Prince's moneys
There was also an assay of "new Spanish money",
double and single ryals, which contained 11 oz. 4 dwt.
fine silver.
The " Prince's moneys " in the separate pyx were probably
converted Spanish ryals, of which coins Thomas Stanley had
received 7,184 Ib. from the Jewel House on 13 September,
1571
(Harl. MS. 698, fol. 56, and Add. MS. 18758, p. 42.)
30 October, 1573.
Gold, 23 c. 3 grs. M. m. " powdred armeyn ", or
Ermine spot. In angels, half and quarter angels,
57 10s. Od.
Silver, 11 oz. 2 dwt. The same m. m. In pieces of
6d., 3d., Id., and fd., 91 18s. 3frf.
All were struck between 19 April, 1572, and the date
of trial.
(Pat. roll, 24 Eliz., part 3, m. 17 dors., and Exch.
Acc'ts 304/18.)
25 May, 1574.
Gold, 23 c. 3f grs. M. m. Acorn. First pyx ; in
angels, half and quarter angels, 14 17s. 6d.
Silver, 11 oz. 2 dwt. The same m. m. First pyx ; in
pieces of 6d., 3d., I%d., and fd., 15 18s. 1\d.
102 HENRY SYMONDS.
Gold, as before. The same m. m. Second pyx,
17 5.v. Od.
Silver, as before. The same m. m. Second pyx,
19 135. 0%d.
All were struck between 1 November, 1573, and the
date of trial. 6
(Pat. roll, 24 Eliz., part 3, m. 17 dors.)
17 May, 1580.
Gold, 23 c. 3 grs. First pyx. M. m. Eglantine
flower. In angels, half and quarter angels, 59 2s. 6d.
Silver, 11 oz. 2 dwt. First pyx. The same m. m.
In pieces of 6c?., 3d., l^d., Id., and |d., 120 11s. 2|d
These coins were struck between 29 May, 1574, and
30 July, 1578.
Gold, 23 c. 3^ grs. Second pyx. M. m. Cross. In
angels, half and quarter angels, 48 10s. Qd.
Silver, 11 oz. 1 dwt. Second pyx. M. m. Cross. In
pieces of 6d., 3d., l%d., Id., and |dL, 89 9s. 8d.
Struck between 1 October, 1578, and the date of trial.
It will be noticed that the coins of both metals in the
second pyx show reduced standards of fineness, as ordered by
four of the commissions (1578-9) which have been cited on
an earlier page, and that the penny was struck by virtue of
the same commissions.
(Pat. roll last mentioned, and Harl. MS. 698,
fol. 231.)
5 July, 1582.
Gold, 23 c. 3J grs. M. m. Long cross. In angels, half
and quarter angels, 64.
6 After the date of this trial, it is stated (Harl. MS. 698) that
" the coinage in the mint had been stayed a long time ''. There
was a controversy on the subject, but finally a warrant was issued
on 9 July, 1577, "to set the moneyers on work again".
THE MINT OF QUEEN ELIZABETH. 103
Silver, 11 oz. 1 dwt. The same m. m. In pieces of
6d., 3d., l^d., and Id,, 76 Os. 3d.
Struck between 1 June, 1580, and 31 December, 1581.
Nevertheless there is in the National collection a three-
pence dated 1582 and marked with the long cross.
29 November, 1583.
Gold, 23 c. 3 grs. First pyx. M. m. Sword. In
angels, half and quarter angels, 80 12*. 6d.
Silver, 11 oz. 1 dwt. First pyx. The same m. m. In
pieces of 6d,, 3d., I%d., and %d., 41 11s. 0%d.
Gold, 23 c. 3| grs. Second pyx. M. m. Bell. In
angels, half and quarter angels, 78 2s. 6d.
Silver, 11 oz. 2 dwt. Second pyx. M. m. Bell. In
pieces of Is., 6d., 2d., Id., and |d., 82 13s. 3d.
(Lansdowne MS. 47, No. 60.)
13 February, 158 -5.
Gold, 23 c. 3^ grs. M. m. 7\. In pieces of 30s. and
15s. ; also angels, half and quarter angels, 106 17s. 6d.
Silver, 11 oz. 2 dwt. The same m. m. In pieces of
Is., 6d., 2d., Id., and d., 136 2s. 7d.
(Lansdowne MS. 47, No. 62.)
30 May, 1587.
Gold, 23 c. 3^ grs. M. m. Scallop shell. In pieces of
30s. and 15s. ; also angels, half and quarter angels.
Silver, 11 oz. 2 dwt. The same m. m. In pieces of
Is., 6d., 2d., Id., and d.
(Lansdowne MS. 52, No. 3.)
13 February, 1595-6.
Gold, 23 c. 3f grs. First pyx. M. m. Woolsack. In
pieces of 30s. and 1 5s. ; also angels, half and quarter
angels, 10 10s. Od.
104: HENRY SYMONDS.
Silver, 11 oz. 2 dwt. The same m. m. In pieces of
Is., 6d., 2d., Id., and %d., 189 13s. 5d.
Gold, 22 c. Second pyx. The same m. m. In pieces
of 20s., 10s., 5s., and 2s. 6d., 83 2s. 6d.
(The details as to this trial have been taken from Ending,
who does not, however, quote any authority for the facts. I
have been unable to find any original evidence.)
30 April, 1600.
There is no direct record of this trial to be found,
but the date may, I think, be justly inferred from a
mint account which ends on the above-mentioned day.
The account states that gold of the 22 c. standard and
silver of the 11 oz. 2 dwt. standard were tried at the
Star Chamber, the privy-mark being the anchor.
(Add. MS. 18758, p. 88.)
2O May, 1601.
As in the last case, this date can only be inferred
from a mint account ending on the day in question.
Crown-gold and silver coins for England, and " India
money", were tried, the privy-mark being the Cipher.
On the same occasion " white Irish moneys " were
tested and found to contain 2 oz. 17 dwt. of fine silver
in the pound Troy, but the privy-mark is not given.
(Add. MS. 18758, p. 88.)
7 June, 1603.
Gold, 23 c. 3| grs. M. m. " The figure of two ". In
angels, half and quarter angels, 3 12*. 6d.
Gold, 22 c. The same mark. In pieces of 20s., 10s.,
5s., and 2s. 6d., 24 10s. Od.
Silver (English). The same mark. In pieces of 5s.,
2s. 6d., Is., Gd., 2d., Id, and fd, 52 16s. 6d.
THE MINT OF QUEEN ELIZABETH. 105
Silver (Irish). M. m. Mullet. In pieces of Is,, 6d. t
and 3d., 42 16*. 6d.
Copper (Irish). M. m. not stated. Pence and half-
pence, 2 Ib. 3 oz. 7 dwt. 18 grs., of which 1 Ib. made
15s. Wd. by tale.
(Exch. Acc'ts. Proceedings on trials of the pyx,
B'dle 3, vol. i.)
This is the only occasion, so far as is at present known, on
which a copper currency was tried before the Privy Council
at Westminster. It will be noticed that the trial took place
in the first year of James I.
HENRY SYMONDS.
MISCELLANEA.
FLORIN ISSUE OP EDWARD III.
SIR JOHN EVANS (Num. Chron., 1900, pp. 231 ff.) reviewed
the dates given by various authorities for the Florin coinage,
and showed that it was issued in 1344, and withdrawn in
August of the same year. There still remained, however,
an unnecessary vagueness and uncertainty on the question
of the 1343 indenture. This may be cleared up by a brief
recapitulation of the few records that relate to this issue ;
fuller details may be found in the Calendars of Patent and
Close Kolls, and, in some cases, the documents are transcribed
in full in Eymer's Foedera.
(1) Close Roll, 17 Ediv. Ill, pt. 2, m. 4 cl
Indenture appointing two Florentines as masters
and workers, and six citizens of London as changers, for
the new gold coinage, or "Florin" coinage, which is to
be issued.
Dated : 4 December, 1343.
[Euding's "mite of a carat " there appears as | of a carat;
his "mytisme " is presumably a misreading of ''oytisme".]
106 MISCELLANEA.
(2) Close Eoll, 18 Edw. Ill, pt. 1, m. 28 d.
Proclamation to sheriffs of London and others
ordering the " Florin " coinage to be current.
Dated: 27 January (1343 O.S.=) 1344.
[Ruding's "on peril garpent" is in the transcription in
Foedera " sur peril q'appent ", a very common phrase in
the documents. |
(3) Patent Eoll, 18 Ediv. Ill, pt. 1, m. 27.
Mandate to the king's clerk, John de Flete, Warden
of his Changes in the Tower of London, to coin two l gold
pieces and a new silver sterling according to the form lately
agreed upon by the king and the parliament.
Dated : 8 April, 1344.
[The name of Walter Dunflower seems to have crept into
Ruding's version by confusion with the next entry on the
roll, which begins with a pardon of outlawry to Walter
Dunflower.]
(4) Close Eoll, IS Edw. Ill, pt. 2, m. 23 d.
' ; Noble " coinage ordered to be made. Acceptance of
the Florin to be optional.
Dated : 9 July, 1344.
(5) Close Eoll, 18 Edw. Ill, pt. 2, m. 18 d.
" Noble " coinage ordered to be current. Florin with-
drawn from circulation.
Dated: 20 August, 1344.
The slight confusion which produced a theory that the
Florin coinage was ordered in 1343, but not coined until
another order was issued for it in the following year, is due
to Ruding's misunderstanding of the first of these records,
the indenture of 4 December, 1343. This is simply an
indenture of contract, the purport of which is to appoint
certain officials for the making of a new issue, here fully
described, which is in contemplation. It is not a mandate,
as Ruding seems to have thought, ordering these officials to
make the new coinage.
The history of the issue is merely this : On 4 December,
1343, officials were appointed who were to make the new
coinage ; on 27 January, 1344 (New Style), the proclamations
1 Mistake of the Calendar ? Foedera gives " trois maneres de
monoies d'or" ; the description of the "florin " issue follows.
FLORIN ISSUE OF EDWAKD III. 107
of the new currency were issued ; on 8 April letters patent
were sent to the Warden of the Changes ordering its issue ;
on 9 July it ceased to be coined, the Noble being ordered,
and its acceptance in currency was made optional ; on
20 August it was withdrawn from currency. Thus its actual
issue lasted for three months only, from 8 April to 9 July,
1344.
G. C. B.
GERMAN WAR MEDALS. 1
AN Amsterdam sale-catalogue, which has just reached thi
country, is calculated to throw a curious side-light on the
psychology of the war. It contains a fairly complete col-
lection of the different numismatic memorials that can be
directly associated with the present abnormal condition of
Europe. Money of necessity, of course, figures largely.
Usually it is of paper ; but coinages of iron, zinc, and
aluminium are also represented. The human interest, how-
ever, is mainly grouped round the medals, an astonishing
number of which have already been struck in the territories
of the Central Powers. More than 450 of these have come
from Germany, where the average weekly output can hardly
be less than four or five. Nothing at all comparable to it
has been witnessed since the early eighteenth century,
when, in the absence of a newspaper Press, the medal
was in constant use as a means of endeavouring to in-
fluence public opinion. To understand this fresh outburst
of activity one has to remember that in Germany the
tradition had never wholly died out. During the crisis of
1911, for instance. w T ide circulation was given to a medal
that left no doubt as to the real ambitions of the party
that was ultimately responsible for the dispatch of the
Panther to Agadir. The obverse showed a bust of the
then Imperial Chancellor, Herr von Kideiien-Waechter,
with an appropriate inscription. On the reverse was a
distant view of the African coast, with a gunboat in the
foreground, and the significant legend "West-Morocco
1 Reprinted from the Scotsman of April 11. 1916, with the Editor's
kind permission.
108 MISCELLANEA.
German ". To men who cherished such confident expecta-
tions the humiliation of withdrawal must have been bitter
indeed.
Not a few of the Austrian medals in the Amsterdam list
have been issued by the Bed Cross authorities, or by charitable
organizations whose funds were to benefit by the proceeds of
the sale. They are thus so far analogous to the paper flags
with which the experience of many Saturdays has made the
average Briton familiar. Whether any of the German
examples were meant to serve a similar purpose, it is not
possible to say. As a rule, there is nothing to indicate by
whom they were struck. What is certain is that they have
been produced with the cordial approval of the Imperial
Government. Many of them, including the great majority
of those of the largest size, are of bronze ; and raw material
so precious in the making of munitions would never have
been sacrificed save for an object that was believed to bear
immediately on the successful prosecution of the war. Their
true function is to keep up the moral of the civil population.
It is this that renders the designs which they display so
illuminating. By and by they will be historical documents
of very substantial value, and it is to be hoped that steps are
being taken to secure complete sets for some of our public
institutions, such as the British Museum. In the meantime
it may be instructive to note one or two of the salient
points.
The medals vary greatly in size, some of them having
a diameter of more than 4 inches. The largest homogeneous
group is a series known as " tokens of victory ". and already
numbering well over 100. They are small medalets of silver,
about half an inch in diameter, evidently intended to be
worn as personal ornaments. On the obverse the device is
invariable a winged Victory holding a sword and a laurel
wreath while the legend is either " God blessed our brave
armies", or " God blessed the allied armies". The reverse
bears a simple inscription indicating the occasion of the
issue. The earliest of all is " Bombardment of the naval
harbour of Libau by the cruisers Augsburg and Magdeburg,
2nd August 1914 "; and the earliest relating to the operations
on land is "Capture of Liege by General von Emmich,
7th August 1914 ". What we know as the Ketreat from
Mons is summed up as "The British Army and three French
divisions defeated at St. Quentin by von Kluck, 28th August
1914 ". Sometimes details ai-e given, as " Surrender of
Maubeuge : 40,000 prisoners and 400 guns captured :
GERMAN WAR MEDALS. 109
7th September 1914", or "Prasnysz stormed: 10,000
prisoners and 20guns captured : 24th February 1915 ". Other
examples, selected at random, are: "German naval airships
bombard fortified stations on the English coast during the
night of 19th-20th January 1915 " ; " Heroic exploits of
the cruiser Emden (Captain v. Miiller), 2nd August to
9th November 1914 " ; " Failure of French attempts to break
our line at Les Eparges, 20th to 27th June 1915" ; "Battle
in Gallipoli : English and French defeated at the Dardanelles,
4th to 6th June 1915"; "Second great battle at Gorizia :
defeat of seven Italian army corps, 18th to 27th July 1915".
The whole series being German, the last two quotations
show how completely Germany identifies her own cause with
that of her allies. It is true that a fair proportion of the
"victories" are somewhat shadowy. Thus, "Turkey pro-
claims a holy war, 12th November 1914", and "Bombard-
ment of Scarborough and Hartlepool by German ships,
15th December 1914 ", come perilously near the ridiculous.
But, when all is said and done, the circulation of these
medalets can hardly fail to maintain such an atmosphere as
the military leaders desire. They are highly useful as a
seasoning for war bread. Incidentally, it is worth noting
that there is nothing to celebrate the sinking of the Tiger,
a very suggestive omission.
Of the larger medals, a certain number can best be described
as political manifestos. For these a bust of the Kaiser is
the favourite obverse. The designs on the reverse are usually
commonplace, the changes being rung on such stage pro-
perties as an eagle, a laurel-wreath, and a hand holding a
drawn sword. It is the inscriptions that are important
here, and one encounters again and again, " I know no parties
now ; for me you are all Germans ", or the audacious, " Ke-
luctantly and in self-defence, with a clear conscience and a
clean hand, we grasp the sword ". Even the Imperial
Chancellor's famous dictum about "hacking a way through"
is immortalized, the obverse in this case being a bust of von
Bethmann-Hollweg himself. Much more varied is the
interest attaching to the purely military medals. There the
passion for hero-worship is allowed the fullest scope. With
the notable exception of von Moltke, every General who has
been before the public eye either on the Western or on the
Eastern front reappears more or less frequently in the
medallic portrait gallery. The Crown Prince is naturally
prominent, his achievements being perpetuated on huge
memorials of iron, as well as on smaller ones of silver and
110 MISCELLANEA.
of bronze. But, as one might expect, the really popular
figure is von Hindenburg, who is hailed as "Hammer of
Kussia, Saviour of Prussia ". He has already between thirty
and forty medals to his credit. For the most part the reverses
of these are rather obvious and disappointing a badly
mauled bear, Hercules and the Hydra, and the like. Perhaps
the most remarkable is one consisting simply of a rhyming
inscription which endeavours to associate von Hindenburg
and the Almighty without disrespect to either ; the leading
idea is that " unser Gott", too, is "ein feste Bttrg". The
fate of von Spee and his two sons at the Falkland Islands
has evidently made a deep impression. But it is characteristic
that on the principal medal relating to the incident an effort
should be apparent to keep alive the myth that their destruc-
tion was compassed by an armada of super-Dreadnoughts.
Great stress is laid on the fact that the German squadron
was " tiny ". No such consideration is meted out to Cradock
on the medals that celebrate the sea-fight off Coronel, or
Santa Maria, as the Germans call it. The suggestion is
rather the other way about. It is German " ships" that
annihilate a British "squadron". But one does not need to
be a General or an Admiral to secure the attention of the
designers of medals. There are nine or ten referring to the
career of von Weddigen, the ''bold viking" who sank
the three Cressys, and five or six glorifying von Milller, of
the Emden. These are intelligible. But it is odd to be
confronted with the effigy of Dr. Helfferich. One can hardly
imagine the British taxpayer spending money on medals
with the image and superscription of Mr. McKenna. Another
strange apparition is Professor Dr. Kausenberger, the in-
ventor of the 42 cm. howitzer, the reverse showing one of
the howitzers in action against Antwerp. Even stranger is
a quaint medal dedicated solely to the honour of the bomb.
It is fair to say that one looks in vain for signs of any cor-
responding evidence of pride in the cylinder of asphyxiating
gas or the jet for spraying liquid fire.
The reverses of the military medals are often very
enlightening. Von Kluck as a hero seems to belong to the
dim and distant past. But it is interesting to note that, if
he had fulfilled the hopes of some of his admirers, the fate
of Louvain might have been shared by a town yet more
ancient and famous. The reverse of one of his medals shows
a naked warrior on horseback, waving a blazing torch. In
the distance is a city in flames, and the legend is " To Paris ".
Von Tirpitz is clearly looked upon as the high priest of the
GERMAN WAR MEDALS. Ill
" Gott strafe England " cult. It is with his bust that the
curse is usually associated, although in one case it is fathered
upon Bismarck. In another instance, the ex-Grand Admiral's
portrait is surrounded by the genial sentiment, " Every
German ship is a mortal dart in Britain's heart ", while the
reverse has a representation of a submarine at work, accom-
panied by the pious aspiration, " Watchword : Sink the ship,
but save the crew ". The activities of the naval airships are
well adapted for the provision of picturesque subjects. Thus,
an unwieldy medal of iron, about 4^ inches in diameter, has
a bust of Count Zeppelin on the obverse, and on the reverse,
"Air attack on London. 17th and 18th August 1915".
Zeppelins are seen hovering over the Tower Bridge, while
in the background are buildings set ablaze by incendiary
bombs. In the light of this and similar sketches it seems
far from improbable that ere now some medallic artist may
be busy on a well-known landscape in the South-East of
Scotland. " Farthest north, 2nd and 3rd April 1916 ", would
be quite an attractive title.
It is tempting to linger among the military medals, but
space must be left for a brief allusion to another group, for
which it is not Germany's own heroes, but her enemies, that
furnish the material. This is a revival of the satirical
medal, so much in vogue two centuries ago. A typical
example has on the obverse the busts of Sir Edward Grey,
M. Delcasse, M. Isvolsky, and Signer Salandra, the first-
named holding a medallion containing the portrait of the
late King Edward. Beneath is the legend, ' ; The gang of
incendiaries ". On the reverse is a chariot, inscribed "March
to Berlin, Vienna, Constantinople ". In it stands a figure of
Falsehood, who is scattering such bulletins as " Germany 011
the point of starvation", "Revolution in Berlin", "Rheims
Cathedral in ruins". Few of the obvious mistakes and
weaknesses of Britain escape the lash, and the same may be
said of her Allies, although it does seem a trifle undignified
to scarify the King of Montenegro for his flight. Even
President Wilson has a sarcastic medal all to himself as the
champion of " Liberty, Neutrality, Humanity ". The reverse
shows Uncle Sam pouring out guns and shells for the Allies.
Titles like "The Pilgrimage to the Balkans" or "The
Sleep- Walkers on Gallipoli" tell their own tale. On the
whole, it must be said that the satire is fair enough, in
the sense that it does not transgress the limits of decency
observed, say, by the average Punch cartoon. So long as
the Indian troops do their duty in the field, we can afford to
112 MISCELLANEA.
smile when their landing at Marseilles is treated as the
arrival of a circus.
But there is one piece whose existence it would be difficult
to justify at the bar of the most ordinary human feeling.
So amazing is it that one does not care to dwell on the lesson
it conveys. For a parallel we must go back three and a
half centuries to the silver medal which shows avenging
angels dealing death to the Huguenots on the Eve of Saint
Bartholomew, 1572, and even then the cynical savagery
remains unmatched. The description speaks for itself. On
the obverse is a long queue of civilians waiting their turn at
a booking office labelled, " Cunard Line ". Above their heads
are the words " Geschaeft ueber Alles ", a free translation of
"Business as usual", with a side-glance (by way of contrast)
at " Deutschland ueber Alles ". Tickets are being handed out
to the foremost not, however, by a uniformed official, but
by the grim figure of Death. The reverse shows a large
four-funnelled steamship disappearing beneath the waves.
Above are the words " No contraband ! " Beneath is the
inscription, "The liner Lusitania sunk by a German sub-
marine, 5th May 1915 ". It is odd that there should be a
blunder in the date. The Lusitania was torpedoed on
May 7th. It should be added that the good taste of the
artist is fitly matched by his knowledge of naval architecture
and his sense of historic truth. He has given the liner
a stem such as might have been appropriate for a battleship,
and he has piled her deck with munitions of war, including
a fully-rigged aeroplane.
Ill
NUM. CHRON. SER. IV., VOL. XVI. PL. I.
19
21
20
31)
41
44
PERSIAN SIGLOI.
"2.
NUM. CHRON. SER. IV., VOL. XVI. PL. II.
10 12
COINAGE OF NERO.
u
NUM. CHRON. SER. IV., VOL. XVI. PL. III.
LATE ROMAN DENARII AND QUINARII.
V.
A DEKADEACHM BY KIMON, AND A NOTE
ON GEEEK COIN DIES.
(PLATE IV.)
A SPECIMEN of a medallion from a fractured obverse
die by Kimon, which was presented to the British
Museum two or three years ago, has already been
published by Mr. Hill in the Numismatic Chronicle
(1913, p. 260). To the five examples there collected
by him we may add one from a Paris Sale (May 9,
1910, No. 212) and another from the G. E. Smith Sale
(Sotheby, July 10, 1890, No. 481) now in the M c Clean
collection, Fitzwilliam Museum. The interest of the
M c Clean coin (PI. IV. 11) 1 lies in the fact that it shows
the fracture at an earlier stage than any of the other
examples, since here the hair is left intact. A closely
succeeding stage is found in the Paris specimen
published in Rev. Num., 1913, PI. i, No. 174, where the
break runs round the lower part of the hair without
touching the space between the hair and the dolphin.
This space is partly filled up in Hirsch Cat., xxxii,
No. 316, and completely filled in the British Museum
specimen and that mentioned above from a Paris Sale.
The last two might almost be successive strikings and
1 The coins illustrated on PI. IV are in the Fitzwilliam Museum.
All come from the MClean collection with the exceptions of No. 1,
which is in the Leake cabinet, and No. 19, which is in the general
museum collection. See notes 2 and 8 below.
NUMISM. CHBON., VOL. XVI, SERIES IV. J
114 S. W. GROSE.
are rather earlier than the two remaining examples,
Hirsch Cat., xxxii, No. 317, and Late Collector Sale,
Sotheby, 1900, No. 153, between which little distinction
can be drawn, though the ends of the dolphin's tail,
still visible in the Hirsch specimen, may not merely
be off the flan but obliterated by a slight extension of
the fracture in the Late Collector coin. I have not
been able to realize Mr. Hill's wish that a specimen
from the die before it was fractured might be found.
His suggestion that the die broke at the outset is
possibly correct, although this view is vitiated to some
-extent by the appearance of the M c Clean coin showing
the fracture at an earlier stage. 2 On the other hand,
2 There are three coins in the MClean Syracusan series signed
by Eukleidas and Euainetos (Tudeer, Group 5, Nos. 35-7), all from
the same obverse die. The third shows a large fracture between
Nike and the charioteer (PI. IV. 12 and 13). Three earlier stages
of this fracture are illustrated in Tudeer, Tetradrachmenpragung
von Syrakus, PL vii. 2 a, #, y. See note 33 below.
PI. IV. 3 is a coin of Poseidonia with an extensive fracture to
the r. of the obverse and a crack running across from 1. above
to r. below. This is a later specimen from the same die as
Strozzi Catalogue, PI. vi, No. 1052, where the fracture to the r. has
just started but no crack has yet occurred. PI. IV. 4 shows the
reverse of another coin of this city with a thin crack running
across the legs of the bull and the below. Strozzi Catalogue,
No. 1051, shows the development of this crack and also a fracture
right across the inscription which had just started on the M c Clean
specimen as a ligature between the first two letters PO. Before
finding the Strozzi coin I had regarded the thin crack as a rope
tethering the bull. When the two were compared Mr. H. Chapman
first noticed that the crack, passing as it does over the 0, had been
wrongly interpreted by me.
PI. IV. 6 and 7 show two obverses from the same die, again of
Poseidonia, with a fracture across the body of Poseidon from the
r. shoulder down the 1. leg. For this line of fracture compare
the magnificent stater of Heraclea (PI. IV. 10), where small breaks
also appear on the crest of Athena's helmet. A break in both dies
is also illustrated by the coin of Cumae, PI. IV. 9. PI. IV. 5 is
the reverse of a coin of Hyria.
A DEKADRACHM BY KIMON. 115
it is supported by the fractured reverse of a Velian
didrachm to be mentioned below, where on all the
specimens known to me this fracture is in an advanced
stage although the die seems to be used with the
same obverse, intermediate between two other reverse
dies. 3
The occurrence of these seven specimens struck
from a die weakened by a large fracture of this
nature would seem to be of importance from the
technical standpoint. It would be idle to try to
reckon how many medallions were struck from it.
At the same time, our knowledge of the die-cutter's
art, of the material in which he worked and of the
longevity of an ancient die, is very obscure, and any
detail likely to throw light on these matters may not
be thought irrelevant. The latest research has shown
that the old view that few examples occur of types
coming from the same die stood in need of material
correction. 4 Yet so recently as 1906, Mr. H. B. "Walters,
in his Art of the Greeks, p. 227, could echo the earlier
words of Hill : " Instruments made of soft metal
naturally wore out very quickly, and it is indeed not
common, before imperial times, to find two coins from
the same die, though commoner than at first sight
appears" {Handbook of Greek and Roman Coins,
p. 150). Here we may postulate two hypotheses
which, so long as it was supposed that the occurrence
3 For this and other Velian didrachms on PI. IV see notes 7
and 8 below.
* I need only mention such works as Regling's Terina (Winckel-
mannsprogramm, 1906) and Tudeer's Tetradmchmenprugung von
Syrakus. Mr. Hill, whose earlier book I have quoted above as the
most convenient reference, has on many occasions since then called
attention to similarity of dies. See notes 9, 32, and cp. note 11
below.
12
116 S. W. GROSE.
of two or more specimens from the same die was
extremely rare, were comparatively unimportant.
First: that however many specimens from one die
are known we are justified, in ordinary circumstances.
in assuming that they only form a fraction of the
total issue. 5 Second: that a factor in considering
the life of an ancient die will be the difference in
condition between the earliest and the latest extant
examples struck from it.
We may notice, then, that in the seven examples of
the Syracusan medallion four, if not five, stages of the
fracture are shown. And when the close relation of
the last four coins to one another is considered, the
conclusion that several stages in the break and many
specimens of these stages have been lost is at least
arguable. Indeed, we can hardly suppose that seven
consecutive strikings of a particular coin should sur-
vive, and if we could suppose that so high a fraction
as one-half of the total , number struck between the
first and the last extant example was preserved, we
should have fourteen specimens in the complete se-
quence between the M c Clean and the Late Collector
coins. But on comparing these we find that, apart
from the rubbing down in the high parts of the relief
which is occasioned by the wear of time and is acci-
dental, there is but little difference apparent in the
. 5 For example, five staters of Melos with the pomegranate
obverse were known to Babelon when his Tmite was published in
1904. In 1908-9 the famous find of seventy-nine staters, em-
bracing thirty-one different reverse types, was made quite acci-
dentally in the island. When the Romans took Tarentum in
272 B.C. 80,000 Ib. of uncoined gold were among the spoil. How
many coins, afterwards melted down, may they not have taken at
the same time ?
A DEKADRACHM BY KIMON. 117
sharpness of the lines. The die was in practically
the same brilliant condition when the Late Collector
coin was struck, though it is hardly fanciful to suppose
that at least a dozen and probably many more specimens
had been struck between it and the M c Clean example.
Apart from the increasing size of the fracture there
seems to be no reason why many more pieces should
not have been struck from this same die, in so far as
its general condition is considered. Moreover, the
seven coins by themselves prove that, whatever the
cause of the fracture, the die can hardly have been
made of a soft metal when it could still be used, in its
weakened condition, to such good purpose, and the
outline of the fracture remains clear and sharp.
To reach any positive conclusions on this question
is perhaps impossible, and would, in any case, involve
a long and detailed research. My desire is simply to
restate opinions which at present hold the field, and
to show that they can hardly be correct even in broad
outline. Such an examination of the dies as that
given in Regling's work on Terina is in itself sufficient
evidence. As an illustration we may take his obverse
die MM. He cites about twenty- four examples of this
die, and additions might be made to his list, notably
the two examples published by Evans in Num. Chron.,
1912, p. 46. In over a dozen specimens which I have
seen in the original or in illustration one could say
that Evans's specimens were the earliest and a coin
in the Leake collection the latest. But it would be
absurd to suppose that our twenty-six specimens are
consecutive strikings and not rather the remnant of
a large issue from this die. Another coin of great
interest in this question is the Velian didrachm
118 S. W. GROSE.
showing the three-quarter-face head of Athena signed
KAEYAnPOY. I believe that the eighteen specimens
of this obverse which I have been able to find all
come from the same die, though this coin is not often
in good condition and it is hard to judge. It would
not, however, be surprising to find that there is only
one die of this type. Those known to me are the
following :
B. M. 70*, 71, 72; Leake 24 and 25; M c Clean* ;
Warren 121*; Hunter 65, 66*; Sale Catalogues,
Paris, December 19, 1907, No. 46; Borne, April 6,
1908, No. 100*; Milan, May 13, 1912, No. 299*;
Strozzi, No. 1134; Stamford, No. 16*; Maddalena,
PI. iv. 5 ; Hirsch Catalogues, xiii, No. 188, xix, No. 65*,
and xxx, No. 253.
Probably several other unillustrated examples occur
in the catalogues, 6 and we may again ask, without being
able to suggest an answer, the number originally
issued of which these specimens can have formed but
a fraction. Moreover, the eight specimens marked
with a star are struck from the same fractured reverse
die, three main stages of the fracture being noticeable.
The arguments against supposing that the dies were
made of soft metal apply here with added force
because in this case the upper die or punch, on which
the hard work fell, is fractured. Yet we cannot
assume that no more than these eight examples were
struck when the die was in this condition. At the
same time it is worth while noticing that the obverse
6 Thus Montagu Sale (3), No. 28, must have offered a very poor
specimen of this coin, probably with the reverse badly broken, as
it was sold with seven obols of Velia and Heraclea for 1 3s.
A DEKADRACHM BY KIMON. 119
was used with at least two other reverse dies. The
order appears to be as follows :
(1) With letters A above >E (= KAEY) between
hind-legs. 7
(2) The fractured die with >E between hind-legs. 7
(3) <!> below lion, >E as before. (The lettering on,
the Milan specimen when compared with
Hunter, PI. viii. 16, precludes the idea that
(2) and (3) are identical.)
We should expect to find the reverse dies lasting
for a shorter period than the obverse. But if the old
idea that dies were produced with great rapidity
partly because they were worked in a soft metal were
correct, it is hard to understand why an artist who
signed his work should so often be content with a
badly broken die of a commonplace type like the lion
of Velia, especially when the die concerned is only of
the smaller didrachm size. 8
7 (1) PI. IV. 1 (a Leake coin) ; (2) PI. IV. 2.
8 At the same time we may notice that the Velia mint seems
to have been unfortunate in its reverse dies, which often began to
break round the side. Of 54 didrachms in the MClean collection
at least ten show the beginnings or developments of fractures
there. A selection of these is given on PL IV. 14, 15, 16, 17,
18. But in the same collection 56 didrachms of Neapolis and 66
staters of Metapontum (of the period c. 400s. c. onwards) yield
no example, while 94 staters and distaters of Thurium give only
three. Of the Velian examples, four occur in 38 coins without
the linear circle, while six occur in 16 coins with the border. As
the border is not employed on the coins of Neapolis, Metapontum,
and Thurium, it might be thought that a linear circle proved a
source of weakness in the die. If, however, this counted for very
much we should expect to find more frequent breaking of the die
in the sunk borders of the older coins of Metapontum, Croton,
Poseidonia, &c., than actually occurs so far as I can judge. There
are only three or four examples of slight fracture in the thin
fabric coins of these places in the M c Clean collection. A specimen
120 S. W. GKOSE.
There is one other coin which I should like to give
here owing to the brilliant condition of the thirteen
specimens known to me. 9 This is the silver coin of
fifteen litrae ascribed to the reign of Hiketas at Syra-
cuse which has the head of Persephone (symbol, bee)
and a chariot for types. The M c Clean specimen is
from the Huxtable and Yorke-Moore collections. From
the same die come B. M. 436, reproduced in Hill,
Coins of Ancient Sicily, PI. xi. 18 ; B. M. 437 ; Sale
Catalogues, Ashburnham, No. 59 ; Late Collector,
No. 163 ; Whitehead, No. 9 ; Delbeke, No. 68 ; Benson,
No. 378; White-King, No. 82; Paris, May 9, 1910,
No. 228 ; Hirsch Catalogues, xi, No. 135, xv, No. 1252,
and xxvi, No. 112. 10 These thirteen specimens might
of a thick fabric Croton stater with incuse type, the border of
which is so broken, is given on PL IV. 19 (from the ordinary
Fitzwilliam collection), and another of slightly later date with
tooth types in relief is also illustrated (PI. IV. 20). It is not
-surprising to find dies fracturing where the design comes close to
ihe edge of the flan, as does the Nike's wing on coins of Terina
(PI. IV. 8).
9 I have been content to give examples which I had collected
myself for another purpose. They are by no means the most
striking proof that could be adduced, and should any reader see
evidence of special pleading let him consult Tudeer's Tetmdrach-
menpr&gung von Syrdkus. Tudeer's obverse dies 10, 11, 12, 13, 14,
15 yield 34, 24, 46, 14, 53, and 48 specimens respectively, these
toeing signed by Euainetos, Eu . . ., and Euth .... In view of
these numbers the fact that he can give only two or three examples,
sometimes only one, of some other dies proves nothing as to the
durability of the metal forming* the die, though it may conceivably
have some bearing on the further question as to what that metal
was. See below. Compare also note 32.
10 I have omitted from this list a very fine specimen of the
obverse illustrated in Head, Coins of the Ancients*, PI. 35, No. 33.
Mr. Hill has kindly informed me that some disarrangement of
casts must have occurred there, for the obverse is that of a coin
not now in the British Museum, if it ever was, while the reverse
is that of B. M. 438, mentioned below in note 11, No. 5.
A DEKADRACHM BY KIMON. 121
all be described as in brilliant condition, the Ashburn-
ham coin perhaps being the weakest. Of course the
highest parts of the relief are sometimes worn down,
but this arises from wear and does not affect the
argument. But if thirteen examples and again we
must guard against assuming that these are consecu-
tive strikings are known in this brilliant condition,
how many coins can we suppose that the die was
capable of producing? The fact that in many cases
it is hard to find several examples of coins struck
from the same die does not seem to me so good an
argument for maintaining that the die rapidly wore
out as for believing what is on other grounds credible,
that only a small fraction of them has survived to our
day. 11 At the same time we must remember that in
its broadest aspect this question can at present only
be surveyed from the illustrations in various catalogues
which naturally tend to reproduce only the rarest and
finest specimens.
It may be objected that as the obverse dies were
11 In investigating this subject of ancient dies one soon finds
that while a fair number of specimens struck from one die survive
only one or two from another die of apparently the same period
can be found. There may be some reason beyond mere chances
of survival, and the point is well illustrated by this 15-litrae piece.
While the variety with the bee occurs in over a dozen specimens,
there are three other varieties with different symbols which appear
to be of extreme rarity. From the same sources (English collections
and the sale catalogues at home and abroad for the past thirty
years) I have only been able to collect the following five specimens of
these three varieties : (1) With symbol X- British Museum 440 =
Head, Num. Chron., 1874, PI. x. 4. (2) Same die. O'Hagan Sale,
No. 243 = Bunbury Sale, No. 484. (3) With symbol bucranium.
B. M. 439 = Head, Coins of the Ancients 4 , PI. 35, No. 4. (4) Same die.
Hunter, PI. xvii. 19. (5) With symbol amphora. B. M. 438.
See also note 22 below. Compared with this silver coin the gold
pieces of Hiketas are common. I have noted about sixty examples.
122 S. W. GROSE.
sunk in the lower anvil and the metal forced into
them by pressure from above, they might be expected
to last longer than the upper or reverse die which did
the striking, and that the true test will be to see how
long a reverse die lasts. We may at once admit that,
generally speaking, examples of types from the same
reverse die are not so numerous as those from obverses. 12
This would naturally be expected for the technical
reason just given. To this we may add the primitive
methods of striking in the absence of machinery, the
insufficient guarding of the die as judged by modern
standards, and the extraordinarily high relief of
ancient coins which must have necessitated much
hammering up to get the full design reproduced. 13
This necessity is reflected in the marked concavity
of the reverse type which persists throughout the
period of the finest Greek art, 14 and is not necessarily
a mark of very archaic coins. Still, the broken reverse
of the Velian didrachm has been mentioned, and the
reverse die of our seven Syracusan medallions occurs
at least four other times. 15 One of the finest reverse
12 Tudeer has collected 37 obverse and 78 reverse dies for the
signed tetradrachms at Syracuse, apart from a few imitative and
plated coins. See also note 32 below.
13 The number of double-struck coins which occur shows that
one blow would be insufficient.
14 e.g. Thurian tetradrachms, staters of Thebes, the Chalcidic
League, the Opuntian Locrians, Stymphalus, Pheneus, Argos, and
Elis. But the shape of the blank before striking had much to do
with the need for prolonged hammering.
15 Mr. Hill, op. cit., has shown that it was used with a new
obverse die in the medallion published by Evans in Num. Chron.,
1891, PI. x. 1, in Hirsch Catalogue, xxxii, No. 313, and B. M.
No. 204. If Du Chastel, PI. xvi, No. 143, is the same as PI. 12,
No. 143, in the edition before me, I doub t whether that specimen
is from our die, and I uphold Hill's objections to the specimen in
Bet. Num., 1913, PI. i, No. 173, which seems to me different in
A DEKADRACHM BY KIMON. 123
types at Terina is that showing the nymph drawing
water from the lion's-head fountain set in the wall.
From this die Eegling gives twenty-three examples
(<). (The obverse is known to him in twenty other
coins, giving a total of forty-three from the obverse
die.) But the most striking examples come from the
period of the signed tetradrachms at Syracuse because
on these coins the heads in high relief still form the
reverse type and were therefore subject to the hardest
usage. 16 But Tudeer's reverse dies 12, 13, 14, and 15,
mostly signed EVMHNOV, yield 16, 14, 2, and 18
specimens, while dies 23, 24, 25, 26, 27, and 28, which
are signed by Eukleidas, Euainetos, Eumenes, and
Phrygillos, are known by 38, 20, 24, 12, 7, 27, and
17 coins respectively. "We should expect if dies
were cut to-day in the high relief of a Syracusan
medallion or of a Terina didrachm, and coins were
essentials rather than in details. On the other hand, in a more
recent Hirsch Catalogue (xxxiv, No. 196) this reverse is used with
yet a third obverse. There is much evidence to prove that no rigid
rule ordered the workmen to keep two dies together until one was
worn out.
16 On this question of hammering compare Mr. W. J. Hocking
in JS'HTO. Chron., 1909, p. 6 : "A third necessity for mechanical aid
was occasioned by the high degree of embossing or relief which
was given to the steel punches (by the early Renaissance artists).
To impart a corresponding relief to the medal, a percussive blow
or blows with the dies must be struck of far greater force than
could be obtained by means of a hammer. . . . The balancier
was invented to fulfil these conditions of effective striking. . . .
To minimize the amount of force required to bring the design
into adequate relief, the size of the medals was reduced, the
average diameter being decreased from about 4 inches to 1* inch."
We may notice here that a Syracusan medallion is just about
1* inches in diameter. I take this opportunity of thanking
Mr. Hocking for kindly supplying information concerning modern
methods which enabled me to get a far better idea of the difficul-
ties which hindered the ancient craftsman than I could otherwise
have obtained.
124
S. W. GROSE.
struck from them under the same conditions as from
a pair of modern dies, that the latter would last longer.
But additional mechanical disadvantages shortened
the life of an ancient die.
What these dies were made of can only be settled by
that positive evidence which is unfortunately lacking. 17
Writers interested in this matter continually speak
of bronze, hardened bronze, or some soft metal. 18
Some seem to use these terms as synonymous, though
how true it can be to describe hardened bronze as
a soft metal, or any die from which over fifty extant
specimens are known, as quickly wearing away, is a
very debatable question. But this theory of a soft
metal rests on the mistaken belief that it is rare to
find specimens from the same die, and because it is
thought to afford an explanation for the great variety
which certainly existed in ancient coins. This is
17 The best known Greek die is that for a coin of Berenice II.
It is said to be of bronze, but whether this applies to the actual
design I cannot say. Its authenticity has been doubted. The
die for a coin of Faustina II "is made of soft iron, except for the
part which contains the actual design, which is in steel. Other
dies exist of hardened bronze. A few made for Gaulish coins are
entirely of bronze or soft iron. It is doubtful whether any of the
coin dies supposed to be Greek can be regarded as genuine "
(Hill, Handbook, p. 150). More recently, Dattari has published
a bronze die found in Egypt, probably local work of the fourth
century B.C., imitating Athenian tetradrachms, and Svoronos has
republished it with a very interesting analysis by K. D. Zengeles
(Journ. Int. Num., 1905, viii, p. 108 ; Corolla Numismatica, p. 285).
18 Our modern bronze coins contain 95 % copper, 4 % tin, 1 % zinc.
Mr. Hill gives as high a figure as 16 % of tin for some ancient
bronze coins (op. cit., p. 15), and there would presumably be small
amounts of other metals besides the tin. The question as to how
coins of this hard alloy were struck may still be put, though the
Greeks are known to have used bronze containing as little as 67 %
of copper. Mr. H. Chapman reminds me that the difficulty is
increased in the case of restruck bronze coins where the object is
to obliterate the old type as completely as possible.
A DEKADBACHM BY KIMON. 125
maintained by the most systematic writer on ancient
craftsmanship, and his words have since received no
substantial modification (see, however, note 33 below) :
"Der gravirte Pragestempel bestand bisweilen aus
geharteter Bronze, in der Regel aber wohl aus Eisen ;
indessen scheint es nicht, als ob man sich geharteten
Stahles dazu bedient hatte, und der Umstand, dass
namentlich in Griechenland b'fters eine einzelne Stadt
im selben Jahre Miinzen mit verschiedenen Stempeln
ausgab, spricht dafiir, dass die Pragestb'cke von nicht
sehr dauerhaftem Material waren und sich schnell
abnutzten " (Bliimner, Technologic, iv (1887), p. 259).
Now it seems to me that a very important alternative
reason why cities should issue coins from many dif-
ferent dies in the same year has been overlooked.
Briefly, it was their method for expediting large issues
of coin. When once the artist had cut the die the
actual striking of the blanks had still to be done by
hand. This would be a comparatively slow business,
necessitating a certain amount of care in fixing the
blanks, keeping them in position without a collar and
striking up the high relief. To ensure a reasonable
output a number of dies would have to be in use
simultaneously. The ancient authorities would there-
fore order a dozen dies or more to be cut and use them
all at the same time. The modern practice is for the
artist to model his design in plaster. His work is
transferred to steel by mechanical means and exact
copies are multiplied by machinery to the extent
required by the coinage, the dies being made in
hardened steel. Emulation between artists employed
by the same mint may have helped to increase the
number of designs, and if the artist had some control
126 S. W. GROSE.
over his work after it had been in actual use it may
be supposed that he sometimes withdrew a die with
which he was displeased before its use was over. Such
an authority is to be presumed from those cases where
the artist has touched up a die or even added a symbol
in the field. 19 Moreover, although the ancient die-
sinkers were also gem-engravers and the technique
of these two arts is the same, we do not hear of any
die-engraver being a famous sculptor or bronze founder.
Their work was strictly limited to these so-called
minor arts, and in consequence the time at their
disposal for cutting dies would be very much greater
than in the case of an artist working in every domain
like Beiivenufco Cellini or of the modern artist who is
only called in occasionally to make a design. The
delicate instinct of Greek genius was opposed to
omniscience in the arts. Indeed, the cleavage is
wider. The great sculptors are all of the mainland,
where epic and tragedy flourished ; the great die-
engravers come from Magna Graecia, the home of
bucolic poetry. 20
Even if we allow a certain latitude in the use of
the phrase " soft metal which quickly wore out, wore
down and broke", 21 we should still be at a loss to
explain why so many specimens from the same die
19 As occurs in coins of Catana (Imhoof Bluraer, Monnaies
grecques, p. 16, Nos. 13, 14), Tarentum (Evans, Num. Chron., 1914,
p. 20 of the Proceedings of the Society), Terina (Evans, ibid., 1912,
p. 59), and others.
20 As illustrating a possible disregard in Greece proper for the
small, minute work on coins, Professor Ridgeway once drew my
attention to Aristotle, Poetics vii. 8 TO yap KO\W eV ptytOd KOI rei
tort, 810 oijTf mipp.iKpw av n ytvoiro KaXov fwoi' (avy\fiTai yap rj
6(a>pia tyyiis rov avaurOtjTov \povov yivofifvi]) oZrt 7rap.p.fy(6ts.
21 Gardner, Types of Greek Coins, p. 20.
A DEKADRACHM BY KIMON. 127
show so little difference in die condition. I must
conclude that during the most flourishing period of
Greek die-engraving the dies were cut in some very
hard material, and that if that material were hardened
bronze it is quite wrong to describe it as a soft metal
which quickly wore down. The question as to whether
it broke easily is entirely different, as this depends not
on whether the metal was soft or hard, but whether
it was brittle. 22 This difference is of capital impor-
tance and may help to explain why a smaller number
of specimens survives from some dies ; not because the
metal was soft and the design wore down, but because
the art of tempering metal was imperfectly understood
and the production often brittle. I venture to think
that we may in this way throw some light on a dis-
puted passage in Sophocles, Antigone 474 seqq. :
KOI TOV lyKpa.Te<TTa.TOV
(Ti8r)pov OTTTOV IK Trupos TTfpicrKeXr)
6pavcr6tvTa. KCU payevra TrAeicrr' av etcri'Sois.
Creon says that " over-stubborn spirits are most often
humbled ; 'tis the stiffest iron, baked to hardness in
the fire, that thou shalt oftenest see snapped and
shivered ". I quote the late Professor Jebb's translation.
Jebb does not use the word " steel ", but in his note
gives " tempered to hardness " for OTTTOV . . . KfpiaKfXij.
Of two explanations which he offered for the passage,
Paehler 23 regarded as more probable his view that
28 Brittleness, I maintain, is the cause of our fractured dies, and
very largely of the inequality in numbers preserved from dies
noticed above in note 11.
23 Paehler, Die Loschung des Stahls l>el den Alien (Wiesbaden,
1885), p. 17. I only know this work in so far as it is quoted by
Bliimner and Jebb, and had arrived at this explanation of the
passage in the Antigone independently.
S. W. GROSE.
steel too strongly heated goes wrong in the fire, and is
in consequence brittle and easily broken by blows of
the hammer. With this I entirely agree, except that
I should substitute the word " iron " for " steel ".
Professor Bliimner 24 objects that we must not assume
such a knowledge of technical detail in Sophocles, and
that Creon's words refer not to steel in the making but
to the finished article. " His meaning ", says Bliimner,
" is that the hardest steel is often most easily broken ",
and I think that Jebb would have explained the words
in this way. But surely Sophocles had a very intimate
knowledge of the art of tempering steel as practised
in his time, for we must take the passage from the
Antigone in connexion with the opening lines of the
immortal speech of Ajax, a passage which Bliimner
himself helped so largely to explain : - 5
airavB' 6 /Aaxpos Kavapi@[j.r}Tos
KOVK f.(TT afXlTTOV Ov8fV, O.AA
X<t> Setvos opKos Kal TrepKr/ceAets
Kayw yap, os TO. 8eiv fKaprepovv TOTC,
s, 16-rjXvvOrjv crro/xa
yvvatKos* Ajax 646seqq.
"All things", says Ajax, "the long and countless
years first draw from darkness, then bury from light ;
and there is nothing for which man may not look;
the dread oath is vanquished and the stubborn will.
For even I, erst so wondrous firm, yea, as iron
24 Bliimner, Technologie, iv, p. 348. But he continues : " Ich
m6chte daher doch glauben, dass Sophocles, wenn auch techno-
logisch falsch, mit onruv ('K nvpbs 7rpr/ceXr) hat sagen wollen, dass
das Eisen durch die Behandlnng in Feuer sprode werde."
25 For the complete explanation see the note in Jebb's Appendix,
A DEKADRACHM BY KIMOX. 129
hardened in the dipping, felt the keen edge of my
temper softened by yon woman's words " (Jebb's
translation). Here, of course, we have a reference to
the tempering of steel by heating iron and plunging it
into cold water. Sophocles is referring, as I think,
to a finer metal than the a-ibripov OTTTOV in the Antigone,
which is hard, indeed, but not tempered. Any sugges-
tion that he meant there tempered steel would make
Creon's comparison lose point, as he is railing against
the obstinate characters with which he has to contend.
Ajax is of a finer metal, and although his mood alters
his purpose remains unshaken. 26
I should, accordingly, translate irepto-KeA.?} in the
Antigone passage by the word " brittle ". " Stubborn
spirits are often humbled just as hard iron passing
through the fire becomes brittle and is easily broken."
Compare other words from the same root such as
o-KeAero's (skeleton) and do-fceA?;s (dried). I cannot
believe that Sophocles there meant to convey the
meaning a-foypov OTITOV nal k< rfjs pcKfrijs TrepicrKeA?}. But
in the Ajax passage any one with sufficient knowledge
to use the technical /3a^ for the bath for tempering
steel would know that it implied an earlier process of
heating the metal OTTTOV e* nvpos. If Sophocles in
the Antigone is speaking of the best steel that could
be produced he has given the ancient smiths away
very badly indeed.
Judged by ancient standards the tempered product,
or steel, was better than untempered iron, but may yet
have been itself brittle and poor in many cases. 27 In
26 See Jebb's note. Ajax is not going to yield to the Atridae,
but feeling himself overcome by fate seeks relief in death.
!7 This was recognized and caused difficulties as late as the
KUMISM. CHRON., VOL. XVI, SERIES IV. K
130 S. W. GKOSE.
the modern process iron is heated up to c. 1,400 C.
and then plunged in cold water. This leaves the steel
hard but brittle. The last defect is remedied by the
process of annealing or reheating the metal up to
c. 200-300 C. How the ancients measured the heat
generated in their furnaces is presumably not known.
No doubt there were large margins for error and
consequent variation in the quality of the steel, while
they may have been quite unaware of the correction
given by annealing the tempered metal.
It is generally assumed that the art of tempering
bronze by this method was known to the ancients,
but we are tempted to infer from the cryptic utter-
ance of Clytaemnestra that it was not extensively
practised : 28
OVK otSa rept/w ouS' tTru/foyov <f>d.Tiv
aXXov Trpos avSpos fjiaXXov rj ^a\Kov y8a</>as.
Agamemnon 617.
The queen may merely mean " I know no more of
such scandalous address than of the craftsman's art,
about which no woman, far less a queen, can know ".
This is, in effect, Mr. Sidgwick's interpretation. The
late Dr. Verrall, less concerned with the technical
process than with the tragic import of fiaQri, /BaTrrdv,
dismisses the phrase as proverbial for the impossible,
while Sidgwick understands by x a ^ K /3a$ay the
time of Pliny. See N. H. xxxiv. 146 " tenuiora ferramenta oleo
restingui mos est, ne aqua in fragilitatem durentnr ". It is not an
unfair inference, I think, that annealing was unknown in Pliny's
time.
28 The tempering of iron, on the other hand, serves Homer for
a simile :
its 8' or' avrjp XII\KVS TrtXfKvv pfynv rje crKtirapvov
dv vfSari. x/'i'xpop /3a7rr>7 fityd\a Id^ovra
<f)ap(Jid(rcra>v' TO yap avff (ri&ypov ye Kpdros eariv,
Odyssey ix. 391 seqq.
A DEKADRACHM BY KIMON. 131
tempering of bronze by immersion as many would do.
But it appears that Verrall is right, for the best
modern authority agrees that a knowledge of tempering
or hardening bronze by this process of immersion
after heating was unknown to the ancients. 29 In
fact, unless the bronze contains at least 30 % of tin
the result of a %O\KOV /3a<^T/ is actually to make the
metal softer. 29 The hardening of bronze, then, was
only possible to them by such methods as varying the
amount of alloy in the copper and by hammering. 30
The special merit which the Corinthian bronze gained
by immersion in the waters of Peirene concerned the
colour and not the hardness of the metal. 31
Just as better results were obtained by other artists
on passing from a soft to a hard material, so, we may
be sure, the best die- engravers chose a hard metal in
preference to a soft one. The fact that they were also
gem-engravers accustomed to work in hard stones
with splinters of corundum, the hardness of which as
compared with the diamond is as 9 to 10, would
enable them to work on steel or the hardest bronze.
From the artistic side alone it is impossible that some
29 Bliimner, Technologic, iv, p. 335.
30 I am unable to say whether Reyer's view, mentioned by
Blumner, that hardness was obtained by the addition of phos-
phorus, which Reyer noticed in some ancient bronze to the extent
of 0-054-0-25 %, has been more fully investigated. It is now well
known that phosphorus has this effect, but very many different
samples would have to be analysed to show that this process was
known and practised at all extensively at any given date in the
classical period.
31 It should be noted that Dr. Verrall translates ^aX/rov frauds
by the words "the dyeing of bronze", not "the dipping of
bronze". But in view of the Corinthian bronze and its special
colour the second translation will better accord with his explana-
tion of the phrase as equivalent to an unsolved mystery.
K2
132 S. W. GROSE.
designs can have been executed in soft metal. Could
the beard of the Dionysos on the early Naxian tetra-
drachms, the wiry waved hair on the coins of Syracuse,
or the minute letters in which engravers sign their
names have been engraved in a soft metal with any
hope of keeping the sharpness of the lines ?
"We may conclude with a short summary. (1) Speci-
mens of ancient coins struck from the same die are
common rather than rare. 32 (2) The view that these
dies were made of a soft metal and were soon worn
down does not seem to be supported by facts. (3) They
may, however, have broken easily owing to the brittle
nature of the metal in which they were cut. (4) An
explanation for the variety noticed among ancient
dies may be that several were ordered for simultaneous
use as the only way of increasing the output of
coins. 33 (5) Lastly, we may venture to suggest to
lexicographers the meaning " brittle " for the word
as applied to metal. S. W. G-KOSE.
32 In the 37 obverse and 73 reverse dies mentioned in note 12
above only three of the obverse and four of the reverse dies are
known by a single specimen. In Dr. Regling's Terina only two
out of 44 obverse and four out of 68 reverse dies have failed to
leave more than one specimen. (Obverse dies G- and PP ; reverse
dies ?/, o, TTT, 000 ; moreover G and y are combined in a speci-
men (No. 8) of doubtful authenticity.)
33 After this paper was written and the casts for PL IV were
being rearranged to include the Syracusan tetradrachms men-
tioned in note 2, which I had at first overlooked, I found in con-
nexion with these coins that Dr. Tudeer (Syrakus, p. 216) had
already given a complete analysis of the numbers of extant coins
from all his Syracusan dies, and had suggested as a reason for
the continued use of fractured dies the inability of the artists to
work quickly enough in view of the enormous number of coins
required for circulation. This view is, I think, complementary to
that reached above.
VI.
SILVER COUNTERS OF THE SEVENTEENTH
CENTURY.
(PLATES V, VI.)
To the pen of Mr. Gr. F. Hill we owe an interesting
article on " The Technique of Simon van de Passe ",
published in the second part of the Numismatic
Chronicle in 1915.
When Mr. Hill read his paper before the Royal
Numismatic Society in the previous January, some
remarks were offered by me on the corroborative
evidence afforded by some of the incuse counters of
the same period, representing James and Prince
Charles, circa 1616-26, and this led to the suggestion
that I should put together my notes on the origin
of these and similar smaller portraits, not only from
the point of view of art, but also of chronology and
technique. 1
1 Num. Chron., 1915, p. 232. With regard to chronology, I have
to thank Mr. A. M. Hind and Mr. H. C. Levis, who have placed
their great knowledge of contemporary portraiture and engravings
at my disposal, giving me much help. Mr. Levis has also lent
me from his collection of prints our illustrations of Henry V,
Henry VI, Edward IV, and James I. which were first used in his
Baziliuilogia, published in 1913 by the Grolier Club. My thanks
are due to Mr. Grueber, to Mr. Hocking, to Mr. C. W. Carruthers,
to Messrs. S. Littlejohn, A. P. Ready, and others, who have assisted
my technical researches'; and to Mr. A. Baldwin, Mr. S. Spink,
Mr. Malcolm Oliver, Mr. Whitcombe Greene, Colonel Croft Lyons,
and several other connoisseurs who have allowed me access to their
collections of plaques or counters. Above all must I express my
134: HELEN FARQUHAR.
It is with diffidence that I enter again upon the
discussion of points which have been so lucidly set
before us by Mr. Hill, who has expounded with his
usual fairness the conflicting views taken by earlier
writers concerning the silver plaques, which owe
their origin to Simon van de Passe, namely, whether
reproductions were made by means of dies or whether
each piece was separately engraved by the help of
a transfer. 2
Mr. Hill explains the danger of injury which would
be incurred by the upstanding fine lines of the die,
if subjected to the pressure necessary to obtain a good
result, and considers that the balance of evidence is
in favour of separate engraving.
It seems unnecessary to add a word of agreement
to views expressed by one much better qualified than
myself to give an opinion on these matters ; but
I would like to say that since the publication of his
paper I have, by the kindness of Mr. S. Spink and
Mr. A. Baldwin, had the opportunity of examining
various silver plaques some of them under the micro-
scope and I find that the clear cut lines and the level
smoothness of the intervening blocks, typical of hand-
great obligation to Mr. W. B. Parker for a complete analysis of
one counter, and my gratitude to Mr. Hill himself, to Sir Hercules
Kead and to Mr. Brooke at the British Museum, and to
Mr. H. P. Mitchell at the Victoria and Albert Museum, who have
allowed me facilities in comparing counters in their charge with
those in my hands, discerning thereby the small differences which
form links in our chain of evidence for hand-engraving and the
recurrent flaws or marks which point to striking from dies or
casting.
2 Sir John Evans in the Proceedings of Num. Soc., 1902, pp. 33
and 34, and Sir Sidney Colvin in Early Engraving and Engravers
in England, 1905, p. 103. brought forward respectively these two
theories.
SILVER COUNTERS OF SEVENTEENTH CENTURY. 135
engraving, have corroborated the theory that each
piece was separately cut by the artist. I have seen
fresh proof of the slight varieties which must occur
in pieces so produced in an example recently shown
to me of the dated 1616 Princeps Wallise (Med. Ill,
vol. i, p. 216, No. 66), which formed lot 306 in
Mrs. Spencer's sale (Sotheby, December 8, 1915), and
in two specimens of the James I (Med. Ill,, vol. i,
p. 214, No. 61).
But enough of the beautiful plaques ; their case has
been clearly proved ; let us turn to the counters, which
should at first sight stand or fall by the same rules
at least, such is the view expressed by Sir Sidney
Colvin in his Early Engraving and Engravers in
England, an opinion not lightly to be challenged.
On the other hand, the carefully studied pronounce-
ment of Sir Wollaston Franks in favour of striking
by dies deserves earnest consideration, to which extra
weight is attached by the large number of absolute
duplicates in his cabinet. 3
It may be said that a set of reckoning 4 or card
3 Sir Wollaston Franks, who possessed a large collection of
counters, believed them to be struck, and so stated in Medallic
Illustrations of British History in 1885, and was followed by
Mr. Grueber, with whom I have had the privilege of discussing
the reasons held by Sir Wollaston. By the kindness of Sir Hercules
Read, I have also examined the collections on which Sir Wollaston's
conclusions were based.
4 In the Inventory of Lettice, Countess of Leicester, 1635, edited
in 1854 by J. 0. Halliwell, we read of 41 " castinge counters of
silver", valued at 32s. The word casting has no reference to
the way they were made, bat means "accompting by counters".
The editor explains in a note taken from sixteenth-century sources
that such pieces " were for them that cannot write and reade,
but also for them that can doe both, but have not at some time
their penne and table with them ". See Ancient Inventories, p. 52,
note 8.
136 HELEN FARQUHAR.
counters would be beneath the notice of such an artist
as Simon van de Passe, but many a passe-partout and
small genre print proves that he did not despise
unimportant work, and the early portraits of James
and Charles are worthy of his hand. These, moreover,
as representing the reigning monarch, should not be
lightly esteemed. There is, however, no suggestion
that the greater proportion of these counters were
made by, or even under the personal superintendence
of, Simon himself. Neither chronology nor technique
would support so sweeping an attribution, for with
few exceptions the engraving of the later examples
is not fine. I would rather suggest that to Simon van
de Passe and his brother William certain small silver
portraits of the better types are due, and that the work
was continued by their school. 5
Whilst considering, therefore, the evidence that dies
were in some cases used, I would also suggest that
hand-engraved examples of most types exist, and that
5 Only the James and Prince Charles (see Fl. V. 1 and 2)
series come decidedly within Simon van de Passe's English period,
although certain undated genre and biblical counters (see PL V.
6) may perhaps be included in the years of his activity in this
country. The dates of his brother William, who took up Simon's
work in 1620-1, carry us further into the century. Simon's
five or six years' residence in England, from 1616 to 1621 or
1622, falls, as has been noticed (see Med. III., vol. i, pp. 375-6),
partly within the period of the monopoly granted to Nicholas
Hilliard for "graving and imprinting medailles " and small por-
traits of the king, and terminated before the issue of nearly all
the varieties of counters. The date, however, of the patent is
May 1, 1617, and expressly exempted from the prohibition of
rivalry those who worked under " our speciall Warrant or Com-
maund", and also those who desired to reproduce their own
former efforts. See Rymer, vol. xvii, p. 15. Most of Simon van
de Passe's plaques are of 1616, and would therefore come under
this head, and to this date I should also attribute the first type of
the James and Charles counters.
SILVER COUNTERS OF SEVENTEENTH CENTURY. 187
the very commonness and the uneven quality of these
would point to the training of pupils ; for what better
exercise could be found for the apprentice than the
absolute reproduction of his master's work?
The evidence which can be collected for ascertaining
the various methods by which the counters were pro-
duced and the successive dates at which they were
issued may, for convenience, be classified in groups :
(1) A priori evidence of economy and speed of work-
manship.
(2) Documentary evidence of comparison with con-
temporary prints.
(3) Evidences of technique under microscopic exami-
nation and scientific analysis.
(1) ECONOMY AND SPEED OF "WORKMANSHIP.
Although it might be worth while for an artist to
engrave and temper a steel plate for the reproduction
of the plaques, making from this "master plate"
softened metal dies in relief, hardening them and
constantly renewing them as they became flattened
by the very primitive mill of the day, this would be
a terribly expensive matter if the results were to be
reckoned in hundreds instead of tens. 6
6 Even after the lapse of nearly three centuries the counters
may be picked up for a few shillings apiece, and a complete set of
the rarer type, the half-length " Sovereigns of England ", which is
now somewhat laboriously reassembled by the possessor of one of
the original silver boxes, at the cost of some 15 to .25, probably
represented about as many shillings to the makers, or very little
more. The counters vary in size, thickness, and weight, and there
is no more than about 3d. worth of silver in the counter analysed
138 HELEN FARQUHAR.
From this point of view, therefore, the question of
expense would favour the method of hand- engraving
throughout ; for may we not assume that the unpaid
apprentice was the person responsible for the inferior
graving and for the curious mistakes which, not less
than the minute attention to accuracy of detail in
copying, are noticeable in certain specimens which
appear under the microscope to be hand-engraved ?
The master engraver was bound to provide his pupil
with work, and, beyond housing and feeding him, had
no other obligation toward him than that of releasing
him, at the end of his six or seven years' training,
a perfect master of his craft. The artist by giving
his apprentice small silver disks to engrave would risk
less material than if he set the comparative beginner
to work on boxes, spoons, seals, and the backs of
watches. Private tuition was important at a time
when at the mint it was not obligatory to teach.
Half a century later great inconvenience resulted on
the disgrace of James Roettier, in 1697, from the fact
that John Roettier had trained only his own sons in
the business, and apart from the fact that the premium
paid was often considerable, it was a matter of reproach
to be without pupils.
In 1712 Croker was encouraged to accept 35 a year
for the tuition, housing, and feeding of a pupil, because
he thereby saved the Treasury the salary of 80 paid
by Mr. Parker, which is one-third alloy, but I think they vary in
this respect also. They mostly approach a sixpence of the period
in diameter, but are much thinner. The usual complement of
a box is 36 counters as regards the " Sovereigns of England " ; the
other types have not been met with by me in any definite
numbers, and may have been issued in dozens or half-dozens, or
even singly.
SILVER COUNTERS OF SEVENTEENTH CENTURY. 139
to an assistant graver. 7 Nevertheless, in 1715, the
practice of the mint was still criticized 8 in respect
to tuition, and compared unfavourably with that of
Paris because we had at the Tower no schools of
engraving, nor collections of ancient medals, and it
was suggested we should send students to France to
study.
As regards speed, the constant necessity of renewing
the dies would detract from the advantage accruing
from rapidity in stamping, which would however have
been ensured in a limited issue. 9
(2) COMPARISON WITH CONTEMPOKAEY FEINTS.
Mr. Hill has shown that almost absolute accuracy
may be obtained by the use of a transfer, and that
such transfers exist in the British Museum, one of
them that of Queen Elizabeth bearing marks of
having been thus used. 10
7 Brit, Mus., Addit. MS., Alchorne MS. 18757. Articles con-
cerning the apprenticeship of Francis Beresford for six years in
1712.
8 Treasury Papers, vol. cxcii, No. 75, Oct. 15, 1715.
8 I am informed by Mr. Littlejohn that a pupil after two years'
training ought to be able to produce one of the rougher counters,
and, again, a couple of years' more practice should make him
capable of turning out many finished examples in one day, but
the master insisted on exactitude, holding it part of the training
that the pupil should follow the lines of the transfer even if they
resulted from a scratch. Another practical engraver, whilst
endorsing the opinion above expressed, said that a practised
engraver should by the assistance of a transfer be able to copy in
about two to two and a half hours any of these little portraits,
but that without the assistance of this print, technically called
a squeeze, absolute reproduction is slower and far less certain,
but is nevertheless preferred by some modern engravers when doing
simple work such as crests.
10 There are prints taken in reverse from the plaque representing
Robert, Earl of Leicester, by Goltzius, from Simon van de Passe's
140 HELEN FARQUHAR.
I regret that I have not succeeded in finding the
same proof with regard to many of the counters, but
one example of such reversed prints on contemporary
paper has been shown to me by Mr. Levis, and he
kindly allowed me to compare it with three or four
specimens of the full-length counter portraying
Elizabeth of Bohemia, with which, but for a little
more cross-hatching on the silver, the impression
exactly agrees.
We may therefore perhaps rest assured that the original
artist of the counters, not less than Simon van de Passe
or Goltzius with their plaques, made use of this method
of reproduction to a certain extent, even as regards
the later series. We naturally, as a consequence, expect
and find a greater precision than that, for instance, of
a set of spoons or forks of the early seventeenth century,
or indeed of some yet earlier counters such as those in
the Mediaeval Department in the British Museum,
made for the Leicester, Heneage, and de Bohun families,
and freely engraved by hand in rough outline, and
differing in many particulars. 11 Nevertheless, there
Infanta Maria, from his Bohemia family, and from some of the Charles
plaques, the first mentioned, like the Elizabeth, being on seven-
teenth-century paper. The others, including some of the counters
those of James and Prince Charles and a rare example of the
jugate counter (Med. 111., vol. i, p. 378, No. 278) appear to be of
rather later origin (see F. 0. O'Donoghue's No. 204 and our p. 169,
and note 57). Specimens in my collection and some of those in
the British Museum are on paper of circa 1810-20, and some,
exhibited at the meeting of the Royal Numismatic Society in
January, 1915, bore on the back an inscription in handwriting of
about that period, stating that ten impressions were taken in the
early nineteenth century from specimens in the Duke of Devon-
shire's collection.
11 The de Bohun counters twenty in number show a male
and a female head ; one specimen of each kind is in the Coin and
SILVER COUNTERS OF SEVENTEENTH CENTURY. 141
are many small varieties in the counters, especially
with regard to backgrounds, indicative of the large
number of models which were required by the pupils,
even if. after a time, a more perfunctory and less artistic
method was adopted by the intervention of a die.
It has been shown that for technical reasons (because
of the difficulty of digging out the small blocks) the
only way to make a die, with a surface nearly covered
with fine lines in relief, was through the intervention
of an intaglio matrix. 12
To engrave this matrix the artist often copied in
the desired size some extant portrait, and the die
resultant therefrom would be reversed, the counter
in its turn reproducing the print in miniature. It is
well known that, before the adoption of reversal by
means of a mirror, the artist copying a painting fre-
quently produced a reversed impression, because he
usually engraved on his copper-plate that which he saw
directly before him. It is, therefore, not without
interest to find in nearly every instance where a proto-
type print is available (notably in the half-length
"Sovereigns" copied from BaziUalogia, the great series
of portrait prints issued in 1618) that absolute fidelity
Medal Department, whilst the box containing the remainder is in
the Mediaeval Department. This box bears a swan, the crest of
the de Bohun family, and on the bottom are the words "Elizabeth
Regina ", but the portraits show no particular likeness to the Virgin
Queen nor to Elizabeth of Bohemia. Be they intended for one
princess or another, they are of late sixteenth or early seventeenth
century date, and correspond in workmanship with the Elizabethan
counters of the Heneage family (Med. HI., vol. i, p. 151, No. 124) and
those of Robert, Earl of Leicester (Med. HL, vol. i, p. 152, No. 126),
being freely drawn without any attempt at reproduction line for
line.
12 See Mr. Hill's explanation (Num. Chron., vol. xv, pp. 233-4,
4th Series).
142 HELEN FARQUHAR.
is preserved to the rule of no n- reversal. I say in nearly
every instance, for some of these half-length "Sovereigns
of England " resemble more nearly the very rough
heads in the rare illustrated edition of 1577 of
Holinshed's Chronicle than any other prints which have
come under my notice. But these variants are not
exact reproductions, and, bad as they are, they are so
much better than those produced by Holinshed's
exceedingly poor artist, that we venture to suggest
that he and the maker of these few counters worked
from a common original, which has eluded my search.
A little later on in the seventeenth century we find
George Glover, 13 or William Faithorne the elder,
reversing some, though not all, of the Bazilialogia
heads, so that we have to work back to the first likely
source in issues contemporary with the counters to be
sure about the non-reversal.
Any one seeking inspiration in the beginning of the
seventeenth century in the portrayal of our early kings
would turn to Baziliulogia, and in the interesting study
of this set of prints we are greatly assisted by the
13 Mr. Louis Fagan in 1888, in his Descriptive Catalogue of the
Engraved Works of William Faithorne, claimed for this artist the
Effigies Regum Anglorum, a set of portraits of English kings, but
more recent criticism assigns these prints to George Glover. See
Sir Sidney Colvin's Early Engravings, p. 130. Glover and Faithorne
are traditionally said to have been fellow pupils of John Payne, him-
self reckoned as the pupil of Simon van de Passe. Chronologically,
however, the counters would precede Glover's portraits. These
were originally issued in sets, two on a plate, the first plate contain-
ing the title-page and William I, the last James and Anne. Mr. Levis
has one of these sets, inscribed on the back with the name of a
seventeenth-century purchaser with the date 1643, which he
believes to be the date of issue. The plates were later divided,
and appeared in Lambert Wood's Florus Anglicus (third edition) in
1658.
SILVER COUNTERS OF SEVENTEENTH CENTURY. 143
research of Mr. H. C. Levis, who in 1913 compiled an
exhaustive monograph concerning them. 14 Mr. Levis
follows the various editions of these engravings,
portraits measuring on an average 7 x 4 inches, issued
and reissued at intervals by Sudbury and Humble,
Geele and others, some few changes being introduced.
The original collection, of which few complete sets
survive, has so Mr. Levis tells us never been found
in a contemporary binding, and the sets at Windsor,
Paris, the British Museum, the Bodleian at Oxford,
and various private libraries do not contain an identical
selection. 15
It is therefore, just as with counters (the missing
pieces having been supplied at various times by col-
lectors), difficult to know precisely what may be defined
as belonging or not belonging to the Baziliulogia proper
of 1618, and Mr. Levis, in his admirably lucid treatise,
is most successful in disentangling the editions. He
tabulates the changes from first to second, third and
even later states, thus obtaining a careful sequence
of the successive issues through which this gallery of
portraits passed. Suffice it for our purpose to say that
the prints, appearing first in 1618, reappeared with
letter-press in Martyn's Historic and Lives of the Kings
of England, in the second and third editions published
in 1628 and 1638,' the first of these last-mentioned
editions extending only to Henry VIII, the second
including Edward VI, Mary Tudor, and Elizabeth.
Another issue by Thomas Geele intervened in 1630.
14 See Bazilitalogia, a Booke of Kings, by H. C. Levis, privately
published by the Grolier Club in June. 1913.
15 Ibid., p. 1. I understand that Mr. Levis is acquainted with
ten sets.
144 HELEN FARQUHAR.
Portraits, such, as that of William the Conqueror in the
1618 edition at the British Museum, were replaced in
the Paris and some other sets, and in Martyn's Historic
in 1628, by a fresh plate, and it is this second plate
which is seen in the counter.
The third edition of Martyn's Historic in 1638 has
a new title-page by "William Marshall decorated with
reduced circular medallions of the kings eminently
suitable as transfers for counters, but these little
versions were not selected. We need hardly glance
in our search after unidentified prototypes at the series
of portraits surrounding Wenceslaus Hollar's map of
England in 1644, which present slight variety from and
additions to the ordinary Bazili&logia types, because,
suitable though they would have been as models, it is
probable that no counters were made at this precise date,
seeing that the fashion of card-playing was eschewed
by the Puritans. Moreover, "Willem van de Passe was,
according to recent research, dead, 16 Simon and Crispin
were abroad, and most of the print-engravers witness
Robert Peake, 17 William Faithorne the elder, and
Wenceslaus Hollar himself were fighting for King
Charles, 18 who with his followers was in no condition
to spend money on trifles.
16 Nagler and Franken attribute a portrait of Oliver Cromwell
to Willem van de Passe, on the strength of which Bryan and
Forrer tentatively suggest 1660 as the date of his death, but
Sir Sidney Colvin definitely states (Early Engraving, p. 106) that
documentary evidence points to his death in 1637. (See our p. 151.)
17 Robert Peake was an engraver and publisher, for whom John
Payne, Faithorne, Glover, Hollar, and others worked. Hollar
cannot be reckoned amongst the pupils of Passe, for although
born in 1607 he did not come to England until 1637.
18 Faithorne and Hollar were in 1645 made prisoners at the
siege of Basing House. Peake, who held the rank of Lieutenant-
Colonel, was knighted by Charles at Oxford in the same year.
SILVER COUNTERS OF SEVENTEENTH CENTURY. 14:5
But to return to the prints in Baziliulogia .
The collection issued in 1618 for H. Holland by his
brother Compton Holland was mainly the work of
Elstrack. 10 Simon van de Passe contributed four
plates : Edward VI, Prince Charles, James I, and his
wife Anne, and only the two last were reproduced on
the counters. Delaram's 20 prints also found little
favour with the maker of toys, who copied neither his
Henry VIII, Mary, nor Henry, Prince of Wales, 21 pre-
ferring prints by members of the Passe family or
original portraits, and selecting, for instance, the
Elizabeth after Crispin van de Passe, the third plate
(type C) used in Baziliulogia, instead of the far more
rare and ornate presentment by Delaram of the early
edition.
These matters are useful in attributing and dating
the counters, for the conflicting evidence contained in
one set is sometimes confusing. Prince Charles Louis
of Bohemia, for instance, looks younger in the half-
19 Renold Elstrack was a Londoner, born in 1571, the son of
Flemish parents who had emigrated from Liege in that year. As
an engraver he chiefly flourished 1598-1625. See Colvin, p. 75 ;
H. C. Levis's Evelyn and Pepys, p. 86 ; and Arthur Hind's Short
History, p. 428.
20 Francis Delaram, probably a native of French Flanders, who
worked in England (see Early Engraving, p. 84). He was born in
1590, and died in 1627 (see H. C. Levis, as above), and flourished
in England 1615-24 (A. Hind, p. 425, and S. Colvin, p. 84).
21 It is possible that Simon van de Passe used Francis Delaram's
Elizabeth as a model for his plaque ; Delaram's print is extremely
like William Rogers's large engraving, and to either of these, or
to the drawing by Isaac Oliver at Windsor, Simon might have had
access. Crispin van de Passe, working in Holland in 1603, made a
simpler version (that adopted for the counter), and in his margin
refers to Oliver's drawing as his prototype. Sir Sidney Colvin sug-
gests that both Oliver and Rogers worked from a common original
(see Early Engraving, &c., p. 52, and letter-press of PL iv).
NDMISM. CHBON., VOL. XVI, SERIES IV. L
146 HELEN FARQUHAR.
length set in which the Duke of York has joined the
family circle than in the full-length pictures which
terminate with a grotesque presentment of the infant
Charles of England. 22 But we shall see later that the
counter portraying Prince Charles of Bohemia did not
belong to the original set, and we may be sure that
the two " Sovereigns of England " collections followed
within a year or two of the respective births of Charles,
born in May, 1630, and James, in November, 1633.
The most accessible series of portraits would, as we
have seen, be contained either in Martyn's Historic or
in Geele's edition of Baziliodogia, appearing in 1628
and 1630 respectively. Presumably, complete sets
would be in the workshops supplied by the Passe
family, but curiously enough I have never found any
half-length counters copying the " Booke of Kings "
further than Henry V. There are several other con-
temporary and even earlier books containing a series
of royal portraits agreeing with or differing entirely
from Baziliulogia ; but these do not help us much, for
none are followed consistently by the counters. The
renderings, real or imaginary, are mostly based on then
22 The counter is taken, both obverse and reverse, from a print
.almost as ugly by Marshall. The print was reproduced more than
once on the birth of Charles I's children. The earliest example
chronicled, which I have seen, is signed by William Marshall,
and was published in 1637 by Jenner on the birth of Princess Anne.
A later state celebrates the birth of Henry, Duke of Gloucester,
in 1640. Verses are printed below concerning the two brothers
Charles, both born, as is stated, in May ; the elder, who lived but
a day, reposes in a cradle, whilst the second sits in a chair decorated
with the Prince of Wales's feathers. If this be really the first issue
of Marshall's plate, he must have worked in 1637 from some picture
or print already extant, otherwise the illustration of a medal struck
on the birth of Prince Charles and the verses, which apply to him
only, cannot be explained.
SILVER COUNTERS OF SEVENTEENTH CENTURY. 147
existing prototypes, sometimes tombs, glass paintings,
or received types, but none of them even remotely
suggestive of the full-length " Sovereign " counters. It
is perhaps fortunate that the artist of the counters did
not draw his inspiration from the woodcuts perpetrated
by T. T. in 1597. 23 Those of John Taylor are more
interesting from the fact that they are line engravings,
but are clearly derived from the same original models. 24
Jodocus Hondius in 1610 decorated a map of Lancashire
with kingly heads of the Baziliulogia type, and his
Talbofs Rose 25 has some charming little ovals of the
Tudors which might well have taken up the burden
when the artist of the counters abandoned the " Booke
of Kings ". Possibly the collection of Charles I, which
contained, according toVanderdoort's Catalogue, 26 many
portraits of early kings, may account for some of the
divergent busts. For those persons more nearly con-
temporaneous with himself the engraver had recourse
almost always to prints executed by the Passe family,
whether himself a member thereof or only of their
school. Witness James I, his wife, his two sons, his
sister and her husband, all copied directly from the
works of Crispin, Simon, or Willem. 27
Given, then, the artist's wish to popularize the work
23 T. Timme orTwyne, The Booke containing the True Portraiture
of the Kings of England.
24 John Taylor produced his regal portraits in two versions, one
of the Bazilialogia type in two editions in 1618 and 1621, the
other in whole lengths copied from Goltzius in 1622. A Brief
Remembrance of English Monarchs was the title of both series.
The full-lengths were reproduced in woodcuts in 1630.
25 Published in 1589.
26 Brit. Mus., Harl. MS. 4718.
27 For details concerning the family of van de Passe see
Appendix III.
L2
148 HELEN FARQUHAR.
of the Passe family by engraving a multitude of
counters, he would first make a copy in a reduced size
on a flat silver plate which might be afterwards
punched out to serve as a counter.
From this plate an impression would be taken in
fine vellum. Another silver plate, probably cast and
then hammered to the desired thickness, was coated
with fine powder to take off the design, which could
then be followed exactly by the apprentice using his
master's tools. 28 A small mark of a compass is usually
visible in the centre of the " Sovereigns of England "
counters, and this may be advanced in favour of
centring the die ; but it would be equally useful for
transfer work, as the artist would draw a circle to
ensure the exact placing of the print, which would then
be doubled over when the other side was about to be
engraved, the impressions of the obverse and reverse
being taken on one sheet of vellum. Mr. Littlejohn
and Mr. Carruthers tell me that a circular punch
would be pressed with some little force on the silver,
in this way marking the other side sufficiently to
ensure accuracy, and when engraved on both sides
the counter would be cut out. 29
28 The pupils always used their masters' tools, and this accounts
for the curious reappearance of certain lettering such as a stroke
in the E and H of Righteousness or a gap in the tail of the E
in Regina. These marks would be considered proof of striking
from dies if they invariably occurred in one particular type, but
there are counters of James and Charles with differing busts and
yet with the same curiosities in lettering, and the same applies to
the Charles and Henrietta series. If dies were made, these,
although constantly renewed in consequence of the flattening of
the ridges, would present no varieties so long as the matrix
remained intact.
29 I have frequently noticed that the edge of most examples,
whether or not the flan shows signs of casting, is very sharp,
SILVER COUNTERS OF SEVENTEENTH CENTURY. 149
The study of prints signed by the Passe family is
very useful as regards the backgrounds of the counters.
Simon van de Passe is usually cited 30 as being the
introducer into our country of his particular style of
finely cross-hatched backgrounds, as exemplified in
BaziUvlogia, in which he co-operated with Elstrack
and Delaram, whose technique is said to have been
affected by his. The style of Willem and his sister
Magdalena, as seen in that other important series of
portraits, Heruologia, 31 is somewhat less minute than
that of their brother.
Mr. Hind tells us that " Crispin the elder attempted
the broader manner of Groltzius", but that " the bulk
of his productions and that of his sons reflects the
same tendency to minuteness of hatching seen in
the Wierixes ". 3 -
Turning, therefore, to Hendrik Goltzius, I examined
the electrot3^pe of the medallion he produced of Robert,
Earl of Leicester, when the latter was Governor of the
Low Countries in 1586, 33 The style of this plaque,
indicating that the pieces were trimmed to the required size by
the aid of a punch. Mr. Parker shows that this method of trim-
ming was employed on the specimen which he examined.
30 Baziliu>logia, a Booke of Kings, by H. C. Levis, p. 8. In
making portraits in the form of engraved plaques Simon was
following the precedent set him in Holland by Goltzius.
Sl Heruolofjia Anglica was published by Holland in England in
1620 for Crispin van de Passe the elder, but excepting a smaller
copy of Simon van de Passe's Prince Henry with the lance contains
little to aiford prototypes for counters.
32 Short History of Engraving, pp. 123-4. The Wierixes were
three brothers Jan 1549-1615, Jerome 1553-1619, and Antonie
died 1624- whose activity centred in Antwerp. Ibid., 122. Hendrik
Goltzius worked in Haarlem 1558-1616.
33 Ned. Ill, vol. i, p. 134, No. 90. The original in gold was
unfortunately destroyed by fire, but another record of it exists in
the print taken from it, of course in reverse (Bartsch, No. 175). The
150 HELEN FARQUHAE.
setting the example to Simon van de Passe of engraving
portraits in precious metals, is much more open in
background than those made by the younger man, and
when Willem van de Passe sought in it a prototype
for his portrait of Leicester in Her&ologia he supplied
the usual finely engraved lines behind the head. His
signature in monogram w on this print is discussed
in our Appendix II (on the boxes containing the
counters) as suggestive of some connexion between
the silversmith's maker's mark and that of our artist.
We learn from Mr. Littlejohn that a special instrument
is used in engraving silver, being designed to produce
a bright line. It is differently pointed from that used
by the engravers of copper-plates, and shading, cut by
these varying tools, has been recognized by him in
counters which I have shown him. The makers, there-
fore, of these toys were provided with implements
suited to artists who were employed by goldsmiths,
not less than by print-sellers and book-publishers, but
who were not necessarily themselves of either trade.
These professions were, however, often allied, being
practised by members of the same family or even
the same artist in person. 34
It is not necessary to dwell longer at present upon
Willem van de Passe's work as an engraver of prints ;
it is well known. But Sir Sidney Colvin remarks that
specimen in the British Museum (O'Donoghue, No. 7) has not been
used as a transfer, but it is difficult to imagine for what other
purpose than reproduction such contemporary plates with retro-
grade inscriptions could be made. Willem van de Passe's copy is
larger, and looks to the right, as the medallion ; thus the pulls
may have been taken by him for the convenience of non-reversal
in engraving the plate for Her^ologia ; if made for transfer pur-
poses it must have been for the use of Goltzius.
34 See Appendix II.
SILVER COUNTERS OF SEVENTEENTH CENTURY. 151
although ''documentary evidence shows him to have
been living in London in 1636, and to have died before
the close of the next year, little is visible, beyond the
production of one print in 1630, of his activity as an
engraver between 1625 and the probable period of his
death at the close of 1637 ", 35
Sir Sidney says that " the product of his fourteen or
fifteen years' residence in this country is much scantier
than that of his brother Simon", and that between
1630 and 1637 "there is nothing to show what he was
employed upon ".
May I, therefore, suggest the possibility that in these
years Willem may have followed the practice of his
brother and turned his attention to engraving silver ?
If one so little versed as myself in the art of the print-
engraver may be pardoned for giving an opinion, the
style of Willem van de Passe's signed groups reminds
me more of the series of whole-length counters than
the fine circular lines affected by his brother in his
backgrounds. 30
85 Ibid., p. 106. Sir Sidney places the first state of Willem van
de Passe's Family of James I in about 1622, and the alterations in
the second state one might naturally assume would have followed
on the coronation of Charles I, but the presence of Prince Ludovic
of Bohemia, born in August, 1623, in the first, and of Princess
Henrietta Maria, born in July, 1626, and of Prince Philip, born
in September, 1627, in the second state, postpone the date of the
engravings by some years. There is, however, little work in the
alteration excepting the addition of Queen Henrietta Maria's figure
and those of a couple of children, some skulls to denote the death
of certain persons, and a crown on the head of Charles, with a
slight increase in his beard and moustache.
36 The backgrounds of the half-length sets of " Sovereigns "
follow more or less the rounded style of the oval prototype
engravings in Bazilialogia ; but some of these bust-counters are
so much superior to others, some so frankly bad, that it seems im-
possible to impute all to one artist. The vertical, horizontal, and
152 HELEN FARQUHAK.
(3) TECHNIQUE.
I have been struck by the fact, in looking through
the numerous examples kindly placed at my disposal,
that some exhibited a great many air-holes or blisters.
I consequently put them under the microscope and this
instrument revealed that the inner lines do not all
show the same type of trough. The better pieces have
over the whole flan straight and firm dividing lines
with junctions intersecting one another almost without
burr, the upper surface remaining flat as in the silver
plaques, whilst the depressions shelve to a lesser width
at the bottom. The poorer counters, on the contrary,
show in the hatchwork an uneven lower surface in the
incuse lines, and a blurred outline in the resulting cubes
in the field. It is just possible that the noticeable
blow-holes may result from the casting of the flans,
instead of being attributable to the application of this
process to the designs on the counters. One would,
however, expect that some care would be bestowed on
the choice of the prepared flan, and that pieces with
flaws would be rejected. Mr. W. B. Parker, who has
been so good as to make a complete analysis of a fair
specimen of the " Sovereigns of England " series (see
Appendix I), pronounces this example to be hand-
engraved on a cast flan, and it is possible that irregu-
larities below the surface might be disclosed by
engraving. Were it not, therefore, for other reasons,
of which more anon, it would be with some reserve
that I should pronounce certain counters to be cast
other cross-hatchings of the whole-length portraits rather favour the
style of backgrounds affected by Willem, but I have been unable
to trace the prototypes of the greater part of the figures to see
whether this also may be due to earlier originals.
SILVER COUNTERS OF SEVENTEENTH CENTURY. 153
throughout, feeling that they might possibly be only
less well prepared than others. We find an uneven
intersection of the lines and cubes in the struck coins
of the period (see PI. VI. 3) and in cast medals (see
PL VI. 5), also in a pewter plaque representing the
Bohemian royal family alluded to by Mr. Hill as being
in all probability cast. 37
The study is puzzling, because we notice just as
many varieties of cross-hatching, of minute features
in the design, and of lettering slightly out of the
perpendicular, in the cast specimens as in those which
under the microscope appear to be hand-engraved,
and in others again which suggest the intervention
of a die. Careful examination under a very strong
magnifying lens shows that the cast pieces are very
much tooled, clear-cut lines appearing on the top of,
or running beside, the woolly under-surface of the
design. That some contemporary counters are cast
there seems to be little doubt, for I have submitted
peculiar specimens to various engravers and specialists
in metallurgy who agreed in saying that casting is
proved by the slipped metal standing on the surface.
Sometimes the appearance of double striking in
certain letters resolves itself when magnified into
misdirected flow of silver.
Cast counters, prepared and tooled by the pupils,
would be valuable, although rather expensive, as a
means of instruction in more than one branch of the
silversmith's art. It is obvious that the fine upstanding
lines of the moulds would and did crumble, resulting
in the messy surface to which we have referred. But
87 See Num. Ch-ron., 4th Series, vol. xiv, p. 239.
154: HELEN FARQUHAK.
this breaking away would be much more rapid in a die,
because a certain pressure must be applied. One of
the strongest arguments against the " mill " method is
this deterioration of dies if placed in the roller press
which we associate with striking with any precision
so early as the seventeenth century, although I under-
stand from Mr. Hocking that in modern practice 38 there
is no difficulty in transferring fine lines in relief from
matrix to punch and vice versa. Mr. Levis also tells
me that such operations are easily carried out in
America at the present day. He kindly showed me
a collection of finely hatched vignettes printed in the
United States for bank-notes for which plates are made
in steel, these plates being sunk as required from
a die, which had been already struck from the origi-
nally engraved " bed-plate". 39 Great pressure is applied.
r ' 8 It is observable, however, that when an eighteenth-century
artist wished to produce cross-hatched lines these appear in relief
in the medals, being engraved incuse in the die, and thus avoiding
the danger of crumbling. An effort in the seventeenth century
towards the introduction of an intaglio inscription on a hammered
coin failed in the Combe Martin Ich Dien half-groat of Charles I.
This piece is very rare and it is seldom that the words can be read,
although protected by other work which must have been higher
in the die. This is usually the case with coins, the incuse work
not going deeper into the flan than the general surface, the ribbon
on which the words run being in high relief.
39 The subject is first engraved on a soft steel plate, which is
then case-hardened ; the design is then transferred to a soft steel
die, which is in turn hardened, and from this die any reasonable
number of plates may be impressed in soft steel and hardened
for printing purposes. If the die becomes too much worn for
use, a new one is made as before from the original plate.
(Information kindly supplied by Mr. Levis.) This is practically
the process described by Mr. Hill (Num. Chron., 4th Series, vol. xv,
pp. 233-4). W. L. Ormsby described in 1852, in a book called
Bank-note Engraving, the means, by the Transfer Press, which he
illustrated (p. 90), of producing this die in relief, the latter being
SILVER COUNTERS OF SEVENTEENTH CENTURY. 155
But machinery in the seventeenth century had not
reached the perfection of the nineteenth and twentieth,
and it is worthy of remark that Briot's pattern half-
groat of 1640, which I have chosen as the finest
example I could find of seventeenth- century incuse
striking in a press, shows signs in two specimens in
my cabinet of fraying away in the upstanding lines
of the die although protected as stated in note 38.
(See enlargement on PI. VI. 3.) The coin is con-
siderably thicker and smaller than the counters, and
of course the greater the surface the more likelihood
there was of buckling under pressure in striking,
although this pressure would be slighter than that
required for a coin, the impression being very shallow.
The condition of " hardness " of the particular specimen
examined by Mr. Parker, however, precludes the use
of a roller press.
But in the reign of James I, although this king
had some mechanical appliances, we know little of
their working excepting the fact that medals exist
struck within a collar.
Briot's presses in the time of Charles I presented
difficulties because the coin was apt to buckle, vide
the Scottish and York coinages. Those struck at the
Tower mint met with more success, owing to a roller
press, by means of which the pieces were straightened,
but the rocking movement as then understood was
prejudicial to dies in relief. Briot's pattern crown
(Snelling, PI. vi, No. 7) shows a slight attempt at cross-
hatching in the cap of maintenance, but these lines
are broken in specimens otherwise in good condition.
cylindrical and taking up on half the cylinder an impression from
the steel " bed-plate ".
156 HELEN FARQUHAR.
The Richmond farthings 40 of private manufacture
were successfully made at this period in a roller
press, a strip of metal passing between two engraved
cylinders, but not being incuse they did not present
the same difficulty as the counters.
Our want of definite knowledge of the instruments
used in England by jewellers at this precise date is
unfortunate, for the well-known opposition of the mint
authorities delayed the introduction into the Tower of
mechanical appliances which may already have been
used privately, and the counters are of course of private
manufacture.
Mr. Augustus Ready suggests that a little press like
the Spanish seventeenth-century implement described
and illustrated by Mr. Hill in the Numismatic Chronicle
(1915, pp. 90-2) would be sufficient, by very gentle
pressure applied by hand, to produce incised lines on
a very thin cast flan of small size. 41
Mr. C. H. Carruthers. himself a practical engraver
and jewel-setter, was so good as to look through a large
number of counters with me, and whilst pronouncing
most of the earlier series to be hand-engraved
throughout, he picked out others as showing signs
of casting, and others again which were, he said,
distinctly the product of a die.
These, he told me, could have been made by the
help of an instrument of the nature of a ''monkey
press", although not of the type described by that
40 See Brit. Num. Journ., vol. iii, p. 199, Royal Farthings, by
Fleet-Surgeon Weightman, R.N.
41 The thickness of the counters varies from 0-015 in. to 0-031 in.,
as against 0-027 in. in a Briot sixpence ; the majority average
0-020 in.
SILVER COUNTERS OF SEVENTEENTH CENTURY. 157
name in the Encyclopaedia Britannica as intervening
in point of time between the hammer and the press,
coining being effected " by means of a falling weight ".
This instrument is technically known as "a drop-
press " to jewellers.
The press to which Mr. Carruthers alludes was
worked by the pressure of one man pulling towards
him a handle, which regulated a screw, so delicate
that he could at will crack without breaking a watch-
glass, the watch remaining uninjured. "With his other
hand he steadied the disk or strip of metal, and the
rocking, so prejudicial to fine lines in a roller mill,
was avoided. This hand-press was, he tells me, used
by jewellers to prepare gold for enamelling 42 and to
mould the shape of metals by means of a die, at an
early period, but he could not supply any certain date
prior to the beginning of the eighteenth century for its
use. It is now discarded in favour of other inventions,
but the implement used by himself as a pupil was
already some 150 years old. I understand from
Mr. Hocking that similar presses were early in use
for cutting out flans, but neither can he remember any
precisely dated record of their introduction. 43
Whilst agreeing with my deductions that some pieces
44 Cellini in 1568 describes a very simple screw-press which by
means of levers worked by four men produced deep impressions
on an already cast piece (Cellini's Treatises, translated by C. R.
Ashbee). Cellini, however, prepared his gold diapered surfaces for
the reception of enamel by hand "with the aid of a four-cornered
chisel to the depth which the enamel is to be ".
43 Mr. Hocking gives a clear account of the early use of presses
from the time of Bramante, Leonardo da Vinci, and Cellini in Italy,
the latter introducing his art into France, where this " Monnaie du
Moulin " developed under the French king, Henry II, and thence
through Mestrell and Briot gained a temporary footing in England
(see " Simon's Dies " in Num. Chron., vol. ix, pp. 56-116, 4th Series).
158 HELEN FARQUHAR.
were cast, Mr. Hocking thinks that others of the
counters may have been struck by this press, but, as
in the case of another process suggested by Mr. Car-
ruthers, he deems it would be more suitable to impress
metals on one side only. This other way, often em-
ployed by jewellers, was to place the softened flan
on a piece of lead, which, owing to the yielding quality
it possesses, saves all jar. The operator holds and
steadies the die in his hand and strikes so lightly
that it remains uninjured ; the blank side might if
necessary be treated in the same way afterwards, the
finished face being protected from any chance marks
on the lead by a piece of paper or felt.
If this process were followed there would no doubt
be a certain difficulty in hitting off the precise relation
of the two sides, which is so easily effected by the
transfer, but Mr. Carruthers points out that in some
of the counters having an elaborate obverse, which
appears from the surface to have been struck, the
reverse was obviously left plain and filled in after-
wards entirely by hand. He is of opinion that this
is probably the way chosen in executing the series
embracing Charles I (PI. V. 11), Henrietta Maria, Bern-
hard of Saxony, Gustavus Adolphus, and John Baner
in 1638, 44 for he pronounces the lettering on the
reverses to be undoubtedly hand-engraved. To strik-
ing with dies on both sides he ascribes a set, which
I showed him, of the half-length " Sovereigns of
England ", 45 Amongst these I have met with curious
44 Meet. III., vol. i, pp. 381-3, Nos. 283-7.
45 Med. Ill, vol. i, p. 380, No. 282. The little cushions are not
always evenly pushed up into the pocket in the die between the
upstanding lines, and a certain flattening and spreading of these
lines is sometimes noticeable.
SILVER COUNTERS OF SEVENTEENTH CENTURY. 159
flaws, which appear to be unaccountable in any other
way than the fracture of a die. Take, for instance,
Frederick V of Bohemia, as shown on our PI. V. 10,
cf. PL "VT. 4. This is from my own collection. The
specimen in the Coin and Medal Department at the
British Museum presents but a very small crack, whilst
in that in the Mediaeval Department we find a large
chasm as viewed under the microscope. These broken
lines appear almost impossible as the work of a careful
pupil following the lines of a transfer, and. had this
been a flaw in a cast flan such as we frequently see in
pieces undoubtedly hand-engraved, it would not recur
increasingly in the same part of one particular portrait.
Had these counters of Frederick been cast in their
entirety the one from the other, the shrinkage of the
metal would have reduced the size of the busts ; they
must therefore proceed either from one broken mould
or one broken die, and microscopic comparison is in
favour of a die.
In all, or nearly all the better counters, a great deal
of hand-tooling must be admitted, and slight differ-
ence therefore must in all cases be expected ; but it
seems that though originally many sets must have
been entirely hand-engraved, and reproduced by help
of a transfer with the same astonishing accuracy as
the plaques, the microscope does indicate that other
processes were tried, and we may perhaps attribute
the great rarity of the half-length ''Sovereigns of
England ", and some other types which bear an affinity
to the milled coinage of the period, to the spoiling
of the dies ; whilst the full-length series finally took
refuge in casting, and were reproduced in greater
numbers.
160 HELEN FARQUHAK.
It therefore appears that the counters cannot be
placed on the same plane as the plaques, but as the
same argument partly obtains, though in a lesser
degree on account of the smaller size of the counters,
with regard to the difficulty in striking in the early
days of the press, I have thought it best to have some
microphotographs prepared of the magnification of
25 diameters.
The six examples selected from these for illustration on
PI. VI comprise three pieces known to be hand-engraved,
struck or cast, for comparison with varieties in the counters
in order that my readers may determine for themselves
how far the tentative suggestions made by me are justified.
No. 1 is part of the handle of a mid-seventeenth century
spoon, one of a set in which each spoon differs in detail
from the others, although all of one design. The engraving
is of unusual depth, and I chose it as accentuating the
peculiarities of hand-engraving and showing the undisturbed
flan and straight lines produced by the graver's tool.
No. 2 is a portion of the background behind the head
of Charles I (the counter illustrated on PI. V. 4). It will
be seen that the lines intersect without messy corners and
the intervening spaces are smooth and nearly flat.
No. 3 is an example of Briot's milled coinage of 1640
the thistle on a pattern half-groat to which I referred on
p. 155 as illustrating the difficulty of producing fine cross-
hatching by his method. 46
No. 4 is a portion of the Frederick of Bohemia counter in
the half-length " Sovereigns of England " set, exhibiting the
flaw of which I wrote on p. 159 (see also illustration on
PL V. 1O). This is the series which gives the strongest
evidence of striking in the extraordinary fidelity of the
46 There is no suggestion of any attribution to Briot of any of
these counters. He did indeed produce such toys, but of quite
a different type, namely, thin uniface cliches in rather high relief.
I have a box of these signed counters (Med. III., vol. i, p. 243,
No. 11) representing Charles I, with a similar bust upon the lid
of the box. A box-lid of the same design is in the British
Museum, but incomplete. Briot made various jettons on the birth
of Prince Charles and of Prince James, but they are of the ordinary
type of the milled medal of the day, like his coinage.
SILVER COU1S T TERS OF SEVENTEENTH CENTURY. 161
"flick" border, which contrasts startlingly with a small
hand-engraved piece inset as a mend in more than one of
the examples placed at my disposal for study. 47 Note the
welling up of the metal to meet the displacement caused by
the pressure of the ridges in the die. 48
No. 5 represents the shading on a rose in a well-known
cast medal by Briot (Med. Ill, vol. i, p. 374, No. 268), one
of the few examples of satisfactory imitation of engraving
by this process. Unfortunately my specimen is a little
rubbed in parts, but examination of a more perfect example
shows the same uncertain outline of the spaces between the
lines, owing to the uneven flow of the hot metal.
No. 6 is a typical counter of the full-length " Sovereigns
of England " series, of which the majority exhibit the same
messy outlines when placed under the microscope, although
they mostly show signs of tooling in the import^t details,
such as the faces, which consequently present minute varia-
tions. About one in four of this series appear to be hand-
engraved or struck, and some of the cast pieces are probably
not of the period. It is to the superior class of these
counters that the specimen analysed by Mr. Parker belongs
(see Appendix I).
47 Amongst mended pieces a curiosity is seen in the unusual
position of Prince Henry's arm in one of the full-length Sovereign
type. The counter was evidently mended by a comparatively
modern engraver who had no access to an original. Under the
microscope, though the junction is of course visible and the work
is by a different hand, the rest of the counter bears affinity to the
hand-engraved specimens in its clear lines albeit of rough
execution.
48 The use of the microscope and photographs is unfortunately
handicapped by the well-known fact that lines in relief appear
incuse and vice versa, unless the light fall on the picture in a
peculiar manner. I must therefore remind my readers that the
lines are intaglio and the work originally of the graver, whilst
the blocks are in relief. Also that in an engraved piece the blocks
are actually the flan as originally rolled or cast, but that with
dies the blocks have been subjected to pressure, and present there-
fore a rounded and less even surface. Finally, that to produce the
dies this pressure was repeated, and the matrix alone preserved
the original flan.
NUMIbM. CHKOS., VOL. XVI, SERIES IV.
162 HELEN FARQUHAR.
DESCRIPTION or THE COUNTEKS.
1. James and Prince Charles (PL V. 1-3).
Med. EL, vol. i, p. 376, No. 272.
It may be helpful to set forth, the counters chrono-
logically beginning with the James I and Prince
Charles, bearing on obverse and reverse the legend
GIVE THY IVDGEMENTS GOD UNTO THE
KING AND THY RIGHTEOUSNESSE UNTO THE
KINGS SONNE. I have never found a box containing
these counters; presumably however sets must have
existed, unless these little pieces were made for dis-
tribution singly, as small presents, instead of the more
expensive plaques. The portrait of James on the
obverse is a direct copy of the plaque (Med. HI.,
PI. xiv. 2) ; precisely the same rendering appears
on the title-page of the 1618 edition of Baziliulogia,
in this instance approximately the size of the counter ;
but the larger plate within the collection shows the
king with a sceptre as in the " Sovereigns of England "
busts. The James plaque is undated, but it is likely
that the first issue of the counter, if counter it be,
may together with its prototype be placed about 1616,
and may perhaps be the work of Simon van de Passe
himself, for the early specimens are beautifully en-
graved by hand. The varieties in the portraiture of
James are trivial, but the reverse renderings of
Prince Charles are of three distinct types, unbearded,
with a small beard, or with a large beard. The con-
necting links are many ; thirty examples, my own
and those of friends selected at random, show eight
varieties, exclusive of details, which are seen, apart
from the bust, in the lettering or backgrounds. Of
SILVER COUNTERS OF SEVENTEENTH CENTURY. 163
these thirty, eight appear under the microscope to be
hand-engraved throughout, five of them belonging to
the early and well-executed type with the unbearded
portrait of Charles on the reverse (PI. V. 1), which we
venture to impute to Simon van de Passe, 49 whilst
the remaining three differ from one another in their
coarser lines and older features. 50 Simon's plaque
affording the prototype for this young portrait, we
need search no further were it not that a print by
Crispin, the brother of Simon, exists in more than one
state and throws some light on the question. 61
The first state is occasionally found in Bazilialogia,
and may follow or precede Simon's plaque, but is
probably of the year 1618 or prior thereto ; the dress
in the print is more elaborate than that shown in the
counter, but the face, hair, and falling band are
identical. The second state of Crispin's prints shows
Charles with a very small beard (circa 1620), and this
coincides exactly with the third variety of the counters,
an interesting specimen with larger eyes and a still
smaller beard taking an intermediate place. 52 It is
49 These counters resemble the plaque (Med. III., PI. xvi, No. 5).
60 It is curious that the finest type of these unbearded Charles
counters shows fewer varieties than any of those which follow.
There are on most of them a couple of strokes running over the
edge of the inner circle towards the letter I in RIGHTED DSNESSE.
It is of course possible that the mark, originally accidental, would
be impressed on the transfer and copied by the pupils, or it may
be intentional, to act as a guide in fixing the lettering. In later
specimens this mark gives way before a stroke through the letter
H, but not always in the same position. See p. 148, note 28.
51 These prints are sometimes ascribed to Crispin the elder, but
usually to his son Crispin II, the brother of Simon.
52 I have only seen one example of this counter, which has also
a peculiar obverse, the face of James being very short. I think it
is hand-engraved throughout, but being gilt the lines are some-
what clogged.
M 2
164 HELEN FARQUHAR.
seldom that this slightly bearded type is sufficiently
well engraved to be attributed to Simon van de Passe,
although still within the scope of his English resi-
dence. There appear to be a few coarsely engraved
pieces, but the crumbly nature of the cross-hatching
is already apparent, and one suspects that the repro-
duction by casting has already come into play, although
very largely touched up by hand.
There is a third state of the Crispin van de Passe print,
but this does not come into use on these counters ; it
was worked up by Jan Meyssens, whose name takes
the place of Passe's, and who added a lovelock not seen
on any of the jettons under present discussion. 53
Crispin's first print was copied by others, but none
of the renderings show the steadily increasing beard
of the later counters. These are more and more
coarsely produced until we come to three varieties of
a late portrait of Charles, of which the second and
best is illustrated on PI. V. 3, and which can hardly
have preceded the death of James, insomuch as it is
considerably older in appearance than Hole's fine print
63 In the collection of the Duke of Buccleuch there is a larger
medallion of coarse engraving showing James I on the one side
and Prince Charles on the other, and this portrays the lovelock
as given by Meyssens. It is signed W. S., and is usually attributed
to Walter Schultz (Med. III., vol. i, p. 376, No. 273). It is possible
that this and other large pieces were intended for counters, such as
that of the Restoration period portraying Charles I and Charles II,
recently presented to the British Museum by Mr. Eld. Similar
medallions representing William and Mary are in the London
Museum, and I have seen one of General Monck in Mr. Weight's
cabinet ; but such specimens are all roughly hand-engraved, and
not of the period at present under discussion. They probably
formed a set, which might have been placed in a long cylindrical
box in my collection with the head of Charles I engraved on the
top, and bearing the maker's mark of John White, entered in
1724.
SILVER COUNTERS OF SEVENTEENTH CENTURY. 165
on Charles I's accession, or that of Francis Delaram
engraved at the time of the marriage of Charles in
1625, about a month later.
The two states of Willem van de Passe's print called
the Family of James /are useful in this particular. They
must have been engraved in 1623 or 1624 and in 1627
or 1628 respectively, 54 and yet there is little difference
in Charles's portrait beyond the addition of the crown ;
and another print, bearing date 1626, shows the same
small beard of the second, third, fourth, and fifth
varieties of the counters. The sixth, seventh (PI.
V. 3), and eighth types, however, find their exact
prototype in an engraving probably of the year 1628,
by W. J. Delff after My tens; 55 it seems, therefore, that
this series continued its issue for some years after the
death of James I, overlapping by a considerable period
the three types which represent Charles in his early
manhood and at the time of his marriage.
54 See note 35 on p. 151. The first print appeared after the birth
of Ludovic, and before that of Edward ; and the second after the
death of Ludovic, and before the birth of Sophia, but after that
of Maria and of Philip.
66 O'Donoghue, No. 32. W. J. Delff died in 1638, Mytens in
1632. The turned-down ruff, usually called the "falling band",
was discarded by the king for the Van Dyck collar, circa 1630, and
most of Mytens's portraits of Charles bear this falling band ; it is
not therefore easy to date the original painting, which I have not
seen, and possibly it is not in this country, for Willem Jacobzoon
Delff never visited England, although he engraved other English
portraits besides the above, which is approximately dated by its
companion print of Henrietta, executed in 1628.
166 HELEN FARQUHAR.
2. Charles I and Henrietta Maria (PI. V. 4, 5).
Med. III., vol. [i, pp. 377-8, Nos. 275-7 (No. 276 is the type
illustrated on PI. V).
Next in sequence we must place the counters bearing
the head of Charles I on one side and his queen's
on the other.
Henrietta's bust, which varies little in the three
types, resembles the companion picture to that just
cited of the long-bearded Charles. It was engraved by
Delff in 1628 after Mytens. It is quite reasonable to
believe that the jettons, which are no slavish copy of
Delff' s print, show her as "Willem van de Passe saw
her at the time of her marriage, for her husband
appears too in his early youth, and the queen's picture
is very near to Delaram's print of 1625, mentioned on
p. 165, or her presentment in Willem van de Passe's
Family of James I, in which, however, she wears
a coronet. Charles was seldom portrayed as he is
on these counters in a hat, but as a matter of fashion
we should be inclined to place as first of the three
types that which shows the straight brim. 56
Very few of these counters are good enough to be
attributed to Willem van de Passe's own hand, but an
exception lies in the piece illustrated on PI. V. 4, 5,
which more than one expert has agreed with me
in believing to be one of the finest specimens of
hand-engraving, and equal to his brother Simon's
plaques. But whilst there are amongst the many
56 Med. 111., vol. i, p. 377, No. 275. There is a little plate by
William Marshall in which Charles wears a hat, but it is not dated,
and therefore does not help us ; and of course the varieties
showing the king as he appeared at his trial in 1648-9 are too
late to throw any light on the question.
SILVEK COUNTERS OF SEVENTEENTH CENTURY. 167
varieties a fair sprinkling of pieces either original or
reproduced by the transfer, curious instances exist of
slipped metal in the legend of two examples in my
cabinet, or with a blow-hole carefully pressed down in
another. These are suggestive of casting and much
tooling by the pupils. This tooling is seen in the
undercut chin of Henrietta in another specimen. On
the other hand, a counter in the British Museum with
different elaboration of the queen's hair, though not
quite so finely engraved as the illustrated piece, brings
us back to a master's original work. There are three
recognized varieties, but I have examined under the
microscope nineteen specimens, six of which I believe
to be hand -engraved throughout, and the rest cast and
tooled, and I have certainly seen at least five differing
portraits. If we suppose them to have been struck,
the lettering presents much difficulty, because it is in
relief on a background of incuse lines. Mr. Hocking
suggests that these are casts, and that the letters were
punched into each mould separately, and the use of
tools such as are required for the legends of dies in
finishing the moulds is rendered likely by the fact that
the R in REGrlNA is frequently marred by the same
defect in specimens not otherwise at all alike, some
being of type 275 and some of 276. This form of
lettering is found on the cast so-called pattern shilling
(Med. III., vol. i, p. 372, No. 265), in which the fine
lines behind the inscription are fairly preserved, and
of which I have never seen a struck example. Type 277
is rare, and of the two specimens I have placed under
the microscope one appeared to be hand-engraved, the
other cast. I have never seen a box containing a set
of these counters, and. as in the case of the first type
168 HELEN FAEQUHAR.
of the James and Charles portraits, the frequency with
which one specimen is found treasured in a royalist
country house or pierced to be worn as an ornament
is suggestive that they were at first intended for
presentation singly.
3. Charles 1 and Henrietta Maria jugate.
Med. HI., vol. i, p. 378, Nos. 278 and 279.
Nor have I seen a box containing the jugate
portraits (Med. III., vol. i, p. 378, No. 279) ; but one
collector informed me that his father had a set of them
and dispersed them as duplicates, retaining only one,
which he showed me. The eight specimens which
I have seen with reverse royal arms for these
counters must not be confused with the rough and
common conjoined busts and three crowns on the
reverse (Med. III., vol. i, p. 378, No. 278) are
fairly well executed, and present many small dif-
ferences. Two out of the three which I have placed
under the microscope appeared to me to possess the
firm lines definitely attributable to hand -engraving
throughout. Possibly they were usually combined
in a set with foreign monarchs, for they agree in
incuse lettering and workmanship with a counter
representing Gustavus Adolphus and his wife Maria
Eleanora (Med. III., vol. i, p. 379, No. 280), but these
are not jugate. Simon van de Passe sometimes affected
conjoined busts, as for instance in his signed medallion
of Henrietta's father and mother, Henri IV and Marie
de Medicis (Med. Ill, vol. i, p. 240, No. 7), but the
engraving and portraiture of these counters is less
suggestive of the Passe atelier than those we have
SILVER COUNTERS OF SEVENTEENTH CENTURY. 169
already discussed. Want of space prevents my illus-
trating this and the following counter also of the
jugate type and I must ask my readers to turn to
PI. xxxiv of Medallic Illustrations of British History,
where many varieties will be found.
The lettering in the less well finished counters (Med.
III., vol. i, p. 378, No. 278), with reverse three crowns on
a sceptre and sword in saltire, is in relief on a back-
ground of incuse lines, as in the type showing Charles
in a hat (Nos. 275-7), but not so well done. There are
small varieties suggestive of much tooling and many
moulds ; but there is a good deal of evidence of casting,
and the pull taken from an example, and inserted as
an extra illustration of William, Duke of Gloucester's
copy of Clarendon's History of ihe Rebellion, is on paper
of too recent a make to be suggestive of a transfer. 57
Nevertheless, Mr. Grueber, who was inclined to
believe that the great majority of the counters are
the product of the die, has now, on account of recent
researches, considerably modified his views, and has
pointed out to me, amongst specimens I deemed to be
cast, such peculiarities as led both him and me to think
that one at least out of six examples in my cabinet has
the undisturbed flan characteristic of hand -engraving.
We will not, however, attribute this coarse workman-
ship to any member of the Passe family.
57 Vol. i, p. 177, No. 99. This book was presented to the British
Museum on the death of the extra-illustrator in 1834. The print
is mentioned in Mr. O'Donoghue's catalogue, p. 394, No. 204.
170 HELEN FARQUHAR.
4. Sovereigns of England, &c., full-length (PI. V. 7-9).
Med. El, vol. i, p. 379, No. 281.
I have already touched on the difficulty of finding
prototypes for the early kings amongst the full-length
counters of which the obverses are well drawn but
the execution varies greatly. 58 The first issue should
be fairly easy to date, for, as we have seen, 59 the
portrait of Prince Charles displays him as a baby,
whilst the reverse is the same as the obverse of various
medals struck on his birth and baptism, 60 and bearing
the same motto, HACTENVS ANGLORVM NVLLI.
This counter is amongst those found in a box at the
Victoria and Albert Museum, containing one of the few
sets which from the uniformity of backgrounds and
condition is 110 doubt in its original state. It is absent
from an apparently undisturbed box in Mr.Whitcombe
Green's collection, with the same type of cross-hatching,
and also in mint state ; but as its owner tells me
several counters are missing, so the Prince Charles
may be amongst these. Both sets contain a counter
representing Frederick Henry, the eldest son of
Elizabeth of Bohemia and grandson of James I, the
58 It is clear that many owe their origin to contemporary
paintings ; some, however, follow prints witness the Mary, Queen
of Scots, which is almost exactly copied from Elstrack's engraving
of herself and Darnley (Colvin, PL x), but her husband's counter
is not like this print. It is, however, suggested by Sir Sidney
that the engraver made up his print in the time of James I from
separate portraits.
59 See ante, p. 146, note 22.
60 Med. III., vol. i, pp. 254-5, Nos. 35, 36, 38, and 39. Charles
was born May 29, baptized June 27, 1630. The counter portraying
the baby Charles bears the words : NAT. 29 MAII 1630.
SILVER COUNTERS OF SEVENTEENTH CENTURY. 171
only examples so far noted. In later issues this portrait
is replaced by that of Charles Louis, the second son,
who eventually succeeded his father as Prince Palatine
and Elector, although not as King of Bohemia, from
which country Frederick V was driven forth.
Pathetic interest is attached to the counter repre-
senting Frederick Henry, for it bears the motto, which
he is said to have written with a diamond on a window-
pane, MEDIIS TEANQVILLVS IN VNDIS, which
in this case acted as an epitaph ; for the date 1628 is
added, being according to the old style of reckoning,
still in use in England, correct for Jan. T 7 T , 1628-9,
when the boy, fifteen years of age, was drowned at
Haarlem. 61 The portrait, so far as I may rely on
a rubbing taken at South Kensington, resembles, with
the addition of a cloak, one drawn by Willem van de
Passe, although it shows more of the figure than is seen
in the print, where the lower limbs are almost concealed
in a large family group. The same may be said of
the portraits of his parents taken from the identical
picture, that of James I and his family, to which may
also be traced the full-length picture of Henrietta.
Strange to say, Frederick Henry's counter bears the
garter on the reverse, and I would welcome evidence
that he possessed this honour, which is rightly por-
trayed on the later jetton of his brother, on whom
61 Hubners Genealogische Tabellen, vol. i, p. 139. This is the
usually received date ; but some histories, in consequence of the
error committed by Jesse in his Memoirs of the Stuarts, give
the death as occurring in 1625. He wrote that Elizabeth lost
her father and son in the same year, basing his belief on one of
James Howell's apocryphal letters, dated Feb. 25, 1625, which
described the event as immediately preceding the marriage of
Charles I.
172 HELEN FARQUHAR.
it was conferred shortly after the death of Frederick V,
father of the two boys. 62
Another point of interest centres in the bunch of
three feathers as Prince Frederick Henry's crest,
echoed on the reverse of the counter representing
James I's son, Henry Frederick, Prince of Wales, 63
but only assumed as a decoration on the back of his
chair by baby Charles, the son of Charles I. 64
These feathers are more distinct in the original
print, having been almost converted into fleurs-de-lis
in the counter.
The length of reign, date of death, or place of burial,
is given on the reverse of the counters, or, if the persons
portrayed were still living, an appropriate motto,
such as GOD SEND LONG EAINE in the case of
Charles I; VERBVM DOMINI MANET IN ^ETEE-
NVM in that of Elizabeth of Bohemia, her husband
and second son. No date of death appears on the later
counters of Frederick V ; 65 it was clearly not thought
62 Frederick V died on Nov. |, 1632. His vacated garter was
given to Charles Louis by election April 18, 1633. He was invested
May 28 by proxy, and installed Nov. 6.
63 According to the much disputed tradition chronicled by
Camden, Edward the Black Prince adopted the crest of three
feathers with the motto Ich Dien on taking them from the King
of Bohemia at the battle of Creasy in 1346. It is stated in the
Dictionary of National Biography, however, that John of Bohemia's
plumes were the entire wings of a vulture. The crest on the
counter is almost the same for the English and Bohemian heir
apparent.
64 Prince Charles, son of Charles I, was officially styled Prince of
Wales, and given a separate establishment in 1638, the Garter
being then conferred on him, but according to some authorities
he was so called from his birth.
65 The date of death is not invariably given, the counter repre-
senting Anne of Denmark, although stating that she was buried at
Westminster, does not inform us when she died.
SILVER COUNTERS OF SEVENTEENTH CENTURY. 173
worth while to alter the transfers, casts, or dies at the
time when Charles Louis's portrait replaced that of his
brother.
The dating, with few exceptions, CG is that then in use
in England and most Protestant countries, and many
of the varieties in spelling, such as raine or rayne for
reign, and errors of grammar, as BYRYED AT NORMANDY
in the case of "William the Conqueror, were by no
means unusual at the period with which we are dealing,
but the inscription concerning Edward V informs us
that this king was BURYED IN DE TOWER, thus suggest-
ing the work of a foreign artist and phonetic spelling.
There must have been quite five or six separate
issues, if the backgrounds were usually uniform in each
given set, as we are led to believe by the consistent
diagonally-crossed lines in the two original boxes con-
taining representations of Prince Frederick Henry.
In other sets we meet with vertical or horizontal
lines, sometimes crossed in one direction, sometimes
in another, and occasionally not crossed at all. Most
boxfuls are mixed beyond redemption, owing to the
fact that the ardent collector makes up a defective set
with some difficulty and without attention to detail.
It is, however, likely that when the upstanding lines
in the dies or moulds failed the graver's tool followed
the easiest course, and sometimes in a struck or probably
cast counter the whole background is supplied by hand.
I would not like to assert that all the cast specimens
66 The years given as those of the deaths of Henry VIII and
Darnley are according to new style, being noted as January, 1547
and 1567 respectively. The date of John's demise is given as
taking place on November 14 instead of October 19, and that of
Henry V as August 13 instead of August 31 ; but on the whole the
dates are accurate, and according to old style.
174 HELEN FARQUHAR.
of these counters are contemporary, or even that they
are all of silver ; but entirely hand-engraved pieces
may be found on an average of three in ten or eleven
examples, the rest more usually cast than struck, and
the majority are rough and rather poor. 67 If, however,
we look through a glass at a fine hand-engraved
specimen, such as Mr. Le vis's Edward VI or one of
my Charles I's, the features are wonderfully well
engraved and the portraiture is good ; the faces appear
to differ in size sufficiently in so-called duplicates to
suggest that such details were often added by hand in
a cast or struck piece.
The good drawing and shading, though not always
the execution, of these whole-length counters might
lead to an attribution of original sets to Willem van
de Passe and his school; but the treatment of the
half-length type, which followed on the birth of
James, Duke of York, is so various that no set could
be definitely assigned to any one artist.
5. Sovereigns of England, &c., half-length
(PI. V. 1O, 12, 13-18).
Med. Ill, vol. i, p. 380, No. 282.
In some portraits of the bust type, such as those of
Elizabeth of Bohemia, her husband and her brother
Henry, and Henrietta Maria, the half-length are re-
productions of the full-lengths, and find their proto-
67 I have seen a great number of duplicates of certain portraits,
whilst others are rare. Edward V, for instance, is always turn-
ing up, and certainly not always of contemporary issue. I have
not had the composition of such cast pieces tested, but many
appear to be of very soft and base metal. Mr. Parker has shown
that the good specimen he analysed was roughly speaking two-
thirds silver and one-third alloy. See Appendix I.
SILVER COUNTERS OF SEVENTEENTH CENTURY. 175
types in Willem van de Passe's Family of James /,
executed in 1623-4 and 1627-8, and in Simon's Henry
with the lance. But, as I have said, the early portraits
mainly follow the lines of Baziliwlogia, beginning with
the second and unsigned version of William I (PI. V. 14),
and running through an unbroken succession of
Henry V, by Elstrack, from Bazilialogia, in the collection of
Mr. H. C. Levis.
Norman and Plantagenet kings, ending with and
inclusive of Henry V.
But Henry VI meets our view in two varieties, and
both in unfamiliar guise (PL V. 16, 17). Still, the
makers of the counters had not deserted Elstrack's
prints in Baziliudogia altogether, for in one rare
version, of which I have seen but three specimens
176
HELEN FARQUHAR.
(PI. V. 18), Edward IV reverts to the "Booke of
Kings ", as seen in the plate below, although the usual
type varies therefrom.
But we find that the duplication of portraits begins
on the counters in the British Museum with Henry IV
(PI. V. 13), whose second bust is on a small scale,
Henry VI, from Bazilialoyia, in the collection of Mr. H. C. Levis.
showing more of the figure than those which have
immediately preceded it, but agreeing in character
with some of the earliest kings and with the later
Philip of Spain. 68 We must therefore allow for two
sets at least on the evidence of differing portraits of
68 The spelling on this counter is peculiar : PHILLIP KIN OF
SPANNA.
SILVER COUNTERS OF SEVENTEENTH CENTURY. 177
Henry IV, Henry VI, and Edward IV, and the uneven
size of the busts renders me doubtful whether there
were not more, if the maker of the counters carried
his Bazilitologia copies forward as is suggested by
his reverting to the Edward IV, following Martyn's
Historic in the edition of 1628, which terminates with
Edward IV, from Baziliulogia, in the collection of Mr. H. C. Levis.
Henry VIII. The two known portraits of Henry VI
(PI. V. 16, 17) point to three varieties or to the
frequent rupture of dies replaced by exceedingly
poor artists.
For Baziliulogia renderings of Henry VII and
Henry VIII I have sought in vain amongst the
counters, and it seems strange that the artist rejected
NUMJSM. CHROK., VOL,. XVI, SERIES IV.
N
178 HELEN FARQUHAR.
the many excellent extant portraits of these two
monarchs in favour of some painter unknown, seeking
his originals in those followed by Holinshed in the
illustrated edition of his Chronicles in 1577. These
rough woodcuts, much prized for their rarity, agree
fairly as regards Richard III, Henry VII, Henry VIII,
and Edward VI, excepting that they are reversed
probably by the book illustrator.
For the Edward IV, Edward V, Henry VI (in two
positions, PI. V. 16, 17), and Mary Tudor of the
counters I have found no prototype. 69
For his Elizabeth he reverted to Bazilialogia, taking
for his model the third type issued in that series, and
which is to be found in Comptoii Holland's sets at
Windsor, Oxford, and Paris, &c. 70 It is based on a yet
earlier print by Crispin van de Passe the elder, executed
in 1592. 71
James I (PI. V. 12) is \rL.Baziliulogia and reappeared
in Taylor's Brief Remembrance in the edition of 1621.
The Charles I follows a print by an unknown artist
published by Peake and later by P. Stent. 72 The
style is suggestive of Marshall and Glover respec-
tively, but after what original I know not, although
I think it takes its rise in one of the full-length
paintings of the king, circa 1630. There is, however,
an engraved plaque exactly like the counter in style
and portraiture, which is much rougher in execution
69 Mary Tudor may possibly be considered as an adaptation of
Antonio More's picture, being very much as it appears on Hollar's
map, which is, however, more like the original.
70 See Levis's Bazilialogia, Type C, and O'Donoghue, No. 81.
71 O'Donoghue, No. 80. A very similar picture, but within an
archway, is in Taylor's Brief Remembrance in 1618.
72 One of these prints is catalogued by Mr. O'Donoghue, No. 179.
SILVER COUNTERS OF SEVENTEENTH CENTURY. 179
than Simon van de Passe's plaques, and has no doubt
on that account been separated from them in the
Medallic Illustrations of British History, where it is
placed amongst later portraits (Med. III., vol. i, p. 340,
No. 186), and is figured on PI. xxix, No. 18 of the
illustrated edition.
James I, from Bazilitologia, in the collection of Mr. H. C. Levis.
Might I suggest that it is from the same workshop
as the counters, and that it is possibly the work of
Willem van de Passe or his school ? But if this be so
we must date it more probably to the third decade
of the seventeenth century, when the pictures of Van
Dyck and others first show us the king wearing the
long falling lock on the left shoulder, than to the year
1648 to which it is now tentatively ascribed.
N2
180 HELEN FARQUHAR.
The other half-length portraits we have already
discussed or else I have been unable to trace them,
but those of Charles I's two boys recall without exactly
following contemporary paintings, and judging from
the apparent age of Charles and James may be dated
circa 1635. 73
Concerning the production of these counters by the
intervention of a die on both obverse and reverse
I have produced evidence on pages 156-9. Apropos
of the constant recurrence of a mistake which should
have been corrected by any one graving by transfer
and by hand, I may remark on the fact that in Prince
Henry's counter the inscription always stops short in
the middle of the M., reading HONI SOIT QUI J\
instead of MAL Y PENSE. This is an indication that
if these counters were struck the artist forgot to con-
clude the inscription on the matrix from which the
dies were made. Similar peculiarities are seen, as
for instance in the correction from 4 to 2 present in
nearly all specimens of the Edward II counter ; on
the other hand, weaknesses in the lettering do not
always coincide, or, if this be the case, such coinci-
dence is on examples with variations in other parts.
73 It is noticeable that the artist of this set of counters adhered
for Henrietta to the Medici collar, which was by 1633 going out
of fashion, for after the paintings of Van Dyck had replaced
those of Mytens we usually see the queen in a turned-down
collar. The Prince Charles is rather like a William Marshall, but
the children's portraits are not exact copies. James is rather
younger than as represented in his earliest portrait by Van Dyck
in 1635.
SILVER COUNTERS OF SEVENTEENTH CENTURY. 181
6. Charles and Henrietta Maria (PI. V. 11).
Med. 111., vol. i, p. 381, Nos. 283, 284.
Two very graceful counters next engage our atten-
tion, but these portraits of Charles and Henrietta need
not detain us long, for they are dated 1638 and
probably owe their origin to Van Dyck's portrait,
painted in 1634, of the king and queen holding a
laurel wreath. This picture has been engraved many
times by Hollar, "White, Glover, Meyssens, Van Voerst,
and others directly or in reverse. There are also
replicas in various sizes painted by Sir Anthony. The
inscription on the reverses connects these counters
with others portraying foreign rulers, with one of
Gustavus Adolphus (Med. Ill, vol. i, p. 388, No. 285)
bearing the date of his death, 163.2, with one of
John Baner (p. 383, No. 287), and one of Bernhard
of Saxe Weimar (p. 382, No. 286), champions of the
Protestant monarchy in Bohemia. A box containing
these counters and bearing a lis, incuse, on the bottom,
probably a foreign mark, is in the British Museum.
It would hold about thirty-six pieces. Those now in
it are six of Charles (see PI. V. 11), five of Henrietta
Maria, two of Bernhard, and two of Baner. Probably
some sixth person should be present to make up in
groups of six the usual number of three dozen. All
these types are rare, and I have therefore not been
able to compare under the microscope any great
number apart from the Museum set, but those which
I have tested are fairly uniform and quite well en-
graved. I should on such incomplete evidence hesitate
to describe them as hand-work throughout. On the
other hand, the reverses present almost too even a
182 HELEN FARQUHAR.
surface for struck pieces, and my own observation
inclines me to a belief in hand-work, but experts to
whom I have submitted my own few specimens have
differed in their verdicts. It is, however, quite clear
that if struck they were left blank on the reverse, for
all appear agreed that the inscriptions on the backs
are hand- engraved and not stamped by any form of
die. I may remind my readers that Mr. Hocking
deems the processes in striking described by Mr. Car-
ruthers as more suitable to pieces struck on one side
only. 74 The script on the counters representing Baner
and Bernhard is that generally used by the Passe
family with much curved capital letters. The other
three portraits have Roman lettering, but the shape
of the numerals agrees with those seen on Passe's own
work. On the other hand, the workmanship is nearer
to, although not quite so fine as, the charming little
memorial medallion of John Hampden (Med. III.,
vol. i, p. 306, No. 129), who died at Chalgrove Field in
1643. 75
If we follow the modern research of Sir Sidney Colvin
and Mr. Hind, "Willem van de Passe was dead by
about the end of 1637, and we have noted the date
1638 on Charles and Henrietta's portraits ; but other
members of the family yet lived abroad, and
Payne, Faithorne the elder, Glover, Marshall, and
74 See pp. 157-8.
75 The inscription on the reverse Inimica Tyrannis shows that at
the earliest this medal cannot have been engraved before the
outbreak of the Civil War, even if made before the death of
Hampden. It is beautifully executed by hand, but we must allow
for the fact that gold gives a much better result than silver, and
that there is little cross-hatching with which to compare other
work.
SILVER COUNTERS OF SEVENTEENTH CENTURY. 183
others carried on the work of the school in
England. 76
There are yet two series of counters, the date of which
can only be decided on technical grounds the biblical
examples, of which two designs only are known to me, and
the " Street Cries" in the collection of Mr. Lawrence.
7. The Biblical Counters (PI. V. 6).
Well drawn and well engraved, these counters are of
extreme rarity, and of the three specimens which I have
seen two are duplicates. 77 These do not exactly reproduce
one another line for line and the surface is suggestive of
hand-engraving throughout. The work is very minute and
is reminiscent of the many subject pieces executed by
Simon van de Passe and his brothers, or the little biblical
engravings by J. Sturt, in George I's reign. Willem van de
Passe worked for John Bill, a publisher, who produced
bibles and prayer-books, and both this artist and his brother
were in the habit of engraving many a passe-partout and
frontispieces for booksellers, and on the whole it seems
more natural to place the silver engraving in the seventeenth
century, but John Sturt, who was born in London in
April, 1658, and was a pupil of White's, is best known for
his prayer-book of 1717 for which he engraved silver plates,
so that it seems possible that the biblical counters might be
his. He died in 1730. I have, however, not succeeded in
finding exact prototypes of the counters in such books
as I have seen by Sturt, and the style is more minute and
very reminiscent of Simon van de Passe's ' ' Seasons ",
" Virtues ", &c. Neither have I found amongst his or other
76 According to Nagler, followed by Bryan, and tentatively by
Singer, Willem van de Passe was living in 1660, but we have seen
that Sir Sidney Colvin authoritatively states that he died before
the close of 1637. See Early English Engraving, p. 104 ; also Short
History of Engraving, by Arthur Hind, p. 451 ; and Works of Foreign
Line Engravers, by the same author, p. 89.
77 The duplicates are one in the author's collection and one in
the British Museum. That in the National Collection illustrated
on PI. V. 6 is unique. Both sides of the counters are engraved
with scenes taken from the Gospel of St. Luke.
184 HELEN FARQUHAR.
subject-prints in the British Museum any which might act
as prototypes for Mr. Lawrence's set of "Street Cries", of
which one additional counter only exists in the National
Collection.
8. The Street Cries.
The set, which is numbered, is incomplete, but contains
two duplicates and one repetition of numeral, although not
of subject. Either the artist or pupil made this mistake in
engraving or more than one set existed. The style is free
and clever, there is little cross-hatching, and the finish is
rather that of Hendrik Goltzius than that of the Passes,
and reminds us more of the Elizabethan than of the Stuart
counters. The spelling, with all its mistakes, is entirely
English, and both script and dress carry us to the times
of either James I or Charles I. 78 As, however, the working
population were not greatly influenced by fashion, I thought
it worth while to review the whole century and compare
Marcellus Laroon's " Street Cries " 79 of 1688 with the map
of England engraved in 1610 by Hondius for Speed's Theatre
of the Empire, which is surrounded with types of different
social grades. I notice that Abraham Goos, when he copied
this plate in 1632 and again in 1646, although he made
some alterations in the scene, retained the trunk-hose and
ruffs of the time of James for his country man and woman.
Laroon treats his subjects quite differently, but there is
not so much alteration in costume as one might expect, and
it is therefore difficult to date the counters accurately.
Nevertheless, although no exact prototype is to be found in
these books nor in Wenceslaus Hollar's important work
on costume 80 published in 1640, Hollar's plates may be
considered to indicate the latest likely date of issue, though
not by any means the earliest possible.
78 A charming little anonymous Dutch book of trades of about
this period in Mr. Levis's collection shows much difference in dress
from that figured on the counters. Also the nations depicted in
Speed's Prospect of the Famous Parts of the World delineate the
peasants very differently dressed from those portrayed on the
counters.
79 This artist, who signed his work " Mauron", lived from 1653
to 1702.
* Ornatus Muliebris Anglicanus.
SILVER COUNTERS OF SEVENTEENTH CENTURY. 185
Mr. Lawrence believes these counters to be struck from
dies, mainly on account of certain flaws, to which Mr. Hill
has referred in his article on Passe ; but differences in the
detail of the duplicates, in spite of some slight unevenness
in the incised lines, incline me to believe that, like the
Elizabeth counters of this open style, they were separately
engraved on cast flans and some of these latter present
similar flaws. 81
Other engraved disks, or circular plaques, are to be found
both before and after the first half of the seventeenth
centuiy, such as the portraits of Du Jardin (Med. HI., vol. i,
p. 136, No. 93) in 1586, of Dove of Camberwell (?) (Med. HI,
vol. i, p. 233, No. 94), and others ; but with these it is out
of place to deal here, for they are no counters, but like the
larger oval plaques they were singly engraved for presenta-
tion to friends.
Whilst expressing a hope that the evidence I have
brought together, although it has not solved the
question of production, may help other students who
possess these little toys to throw light upon the
matter, I with all diffidence epitomize the conclusions
to which I personally have arrived. Giving my
opinion for what it is worth, I believe that in most
cases the disks were cut from strips of cast metal,
treated in the manner described by Mr. Parker (see
Appendix I), and that the designs were engraved or
impressed upon them before they were finally shaped.
But I think that three different processes of decoration
were followed in the course of the first half of the
seventeenth century. Firstly, model counters of all
81 I have looked through the whole box of Heneage counters in
the Franks collection in the British Museum, and have seen some
of these flaws and uneven flans, although no two give exactly the
same rendering of the crest and arms. Probably the flans are
cast, but there can be no doubt that the Heneage counters are
hand-engraved.
186 HELEN FARQUHAR.
types were no doubt engraved throughout by hand
and reproduced by the pupils with the help of a
transfer like the plaques. But, secondly, I believe
that experiments were made and pieces of cast silver
were lightly stamped from dies and the details added
by hand, and were even struck from finished dies
made from a hand-engraved matrix and only slightly
retouched and trimmed. Thirdly, I advance, though
with less certainty, that, as the delicate dies failed,
casting was tried, the designs being cast with the
flans, which were then finished by hand and trimmed
to fit the boxes. All or nearly all the counters show
some signs of trimming and tooling.
HELEN FAKQUHAB.
APPENDIX I.
ANALYSIS OF A COUNTER.
I have explained that by the research of Mr. W. B. Parker,
F.I.C. , of Rugby, who placed some of his valuable time at
my disposal, an exhaustive analysis has been made of one of
the counters. The composition, specific gravity, hardness,
method of inception, and finishing have been ascertained,
the interior structure being made visible to the naked eye
by means of microphotographs, taken of a fracture, and of
the metal itself after various treatments. The piece which,
at the suggestion of Mr. Levis, Mr. Parker undertook to dis-
sect was one of the better specimens of the whole-length
" Sovereigns of England ", of firm outline and without visible
air-holes, which, although obviously finished by hand, does
not quite reach the level surface of the engraved plaques,
nor descend to the uneven outline produced by casting. He
is of opinion that pouring molten metals into plaster of
Paris or other moulds, at the time in question, would have
entailed "difficulty, slowness of production, and expense",
and that such a process was certainly not resorted to in the
SILVER COUNTERS OF SEVENTEENTH CENTURY. 187
piece which he analysed, and would, although not impos-
sible, have been almost prohibitive for continuous manu-
facture. Had the design on this specimen been cast and no
further pressure been applied, the condition of the flan he
finds by experiments, photographically demonstrated, would
have been altogether different. He subjected a part of the
disk to every kind of test, fracturing, hammering, rolling,
annealing, and photographing every step upon the road.
Mr. Parker, whose report as Chief Chemist in a well-
known laboratory is of the highest value, shows " that the
metal was first cast as a strip nearly to the present thickness
of the counter. . . . 82 The strip-casting thus obtained
was unsound from porosity and some dirtiness of scum ",
and a fracture was the result. 83 "The strip was then
annealed for some time, probably at a temperature of 600C.
to 700 9 C.. i.e. at a low yellow heat. . . ." It " was then cut
into suitable pieces, probably squares ", and these were flat-
tened and " all visible defects removed . . .by means of a light
cold hammering." 84 Mr. Parker suggests that the squares
would probably be then sheared roughly into circular
form ; but for engraving by transfer we have seen that it
would be more convenient, to preserve the regular outline,
to secure by doubling down the parchment the relation of
both sides. Be this as it may, Mr. Parker concludes that
''the metal was then cleaned by pickling in dilute acids,
probably nitric acid ", and that after some simple burnishing,
the engraving having been done by hand, a final trimming
following the circular outline of the design as guide com-
pleted the counter.
It is noteworthy, as Mr. Parker remarks, that the
chemical compound was selected by some one of experience,
for the metal consists of tin 0-09 %, silver 66-36 %, copper
33-55%; being "very close to the composition which has
82 This casting of the flan might account for the evidence of
interior unevenness in the poorer specimens.
f3 It was this fracture across the counter which led to the
suggestion by Mr. Levis that Mr. Parker should examine the
internal structure.
84 Mr. Parker explains that "cold hammering" means striking
when the metal is quite cold, and that "with very ductile
metals, such as this counter consists of, the annealings were not
absolutely necessary, provided the reduction in thickness produced
by this cold hammering was not greater than one-third of the
original thickness of the strip ".
188 HELEN FAKQUHAR.
the lowest melting-point of the whole series of possible
alloys of silver and copper", namely, silver 71-9 %, copper
28-1 %. " The small amount of tin was an impurity, and by
its union with a portion of the copper formed small hard
crystals and spots " which appear in some of the photographs
which Mr. Parker gave me, and which together with his
detailed analysis may be consulted in the Department of
Coins and Medals in the British Museum, space failing us
for more illustration here.
The hardness of the counters was found to vary in different
parts, and this, Mr. Parker writes, is due either to unsound-
ness in the cast flan or more probably to irregular hammer-
ing without subsequent annealing.
If the metal " happened to have been cold hammered with
a small and not very heavy hammer ", the blows being
applied without uniformity " over all the surface and the
metal not subsequently annealed, these sudden changes of
hardness would be expected ".
The hardness of the counter, less than that of rolled or
hammered coin, suggests that cold hammering was employed
to close up surface defects by spreading out the metal ; but it
is clear from the microphotographs of the fractured edges
that the metal was not much removed from the original
cast, and had the design been impressed by means of a die
this condition would probably have been altered. It will
thus be seen that Mr. Parker is convinced that the counter
which he examined and analysed was engraved by hand on
a disk or square cut from a cast strip of metal, properly
treated and polished.
APPENDIX II.
ON COUNTER BOXES.
The boxes which contained the counters are usually
cast and more or less tooled, but I doubt whether they were
always produced by the same artist as the little recep-
tacles. Nevertheless, we must bear in mind that once the
design was made it was, if translated to a die, probably
struck in a jeweller's press, or hammered on a piece of lead,
as Mr. Carruthers has explained. In any case the box and
its contents are most likely the output of the same shop, and
SILVER COUNTERS OF SEVENTEENTH CENTURY. 189
this the shop of the silversmith, and we therefore look for
the evidence of a plate-mark or maker's mark on the box in
the hope that we may see the name of one of the king's
jewellers or even the signature of an artist, for the boxes are
sometimes quite well engraved. Unfortunately very few of
these boxes throw any light on the matter. Some one in the
Mediaeval Room at the British Museum and one of my own
are admirably engraved all over, the figure of Saturn with
his scythe taking the place at the bottom where a maker's
mark should be. 85 Some have the bust of Charles I on the
lid and the head of Henrietta Maria below and this in two
different types, the one resembling the little cast badge
catalogued in Medallic Illustrations of British History, vol. i,
p. 358, No. 224 86 whilst a rougher kind shows a pecu-
liar style of hair-dressing like a beehive, the queen wearing
no ruff, a fashion which began in 1632. 8T Others are plain
underneath, and of these one in my collection bears an
indistinct W of the form used by Willem van de Passe in his
signatures, and there are possible traces of another illegible
letter, whilst another box in the Victoria and Albert Museum
carries the letters plainly engraved W. P. 88
85 A box in the collection of Mi-. T. Whitcombe Greene of this
type contains a very early set of the full-length counters.
86 All have the same head of Charles I on the lid, set in a pierced
border and taken from a cast medal (Med. 111., vol. i, p. 383,
No. 288), and almost the same portrait is on Med. III., vol. i, p. 361,
No. 234, on a plain flan. This medal with another border was
used in 1643 on a Testament and Prayer-book in the British
Museum ; this book, bound in crimson velvet with beautifully
hand-engraved corners and clasps of emblematic designs, has also
the portrait of Henrietta (Med. HI, vol. i, p. 358, No. 224), which
appears on some of the counter boxes. The books were printed
by " Barker and the Assigns of John Bill ", the printer who issued
some of Willem van de Passe's work, but the date 1643 is after the
artist's death.
87 An example with JNo. 224 below may be seen at the Victoria
and Albert Museum, numbered 708. The queen therein wears a
crown and high Medici collar of her early marriage. The other
type is commoner ; the Victoria and Albert and British Museums,
Arley Hall, Mr. Whitcombe Greene, and Col. Croft Lyons all possess
examples ; the portrait is like a little copy of Med. HI., vol. i,
p. 383, No. 213. The sides are mostly pierced, and more or less
chased.
88 This box is very shallow and is empty, and there is apart
from its shape no certain evidence that it is a counter box, but
190 HELEN FARQUHAR.
It is unlucky that the books containing the goldsmiths'
names, together with their marks prior to 1697, were
destroyed, a disaster which leaves us in the dark as to the
interpretation of these letters, and Mr. Mitchell tells me that
he has not found these initials, thus delineated, on any other
piece of silver. Does W. P. stand for Willem Passe, the
brother of Simon? He signed his prints in many ways,
sometimes with the G. for Gulielmus, but oftener with the
W. for Willem ; or again he wrote his name at greater
length or resorted to a monogram, his head of Kobert, Earl
of Leicester, in the Heraologia being marked v/. We notice
that the letter V., standing for van de, is introduced or omitted
at will by every member of the family in turn.
But it will be said that Willem van de Passe was a maker
of prints ; what had he to do with the production of
decorated silver objects, watches or pomanders, and the
little boxes of toys with which every sixteenth- or
seventeenth-century jeweller's shop was filled?
The two handicrafts were at that time much allied ; we
find persons of a similar name entered as clock-makers and
mint engravers. Edward East was the maker of a watch
belonging to Charles I. 89 John East was under-graver at
the mint to the same king. Thomas East was a clock-
maker in 1677, another or the same Thomas East was the
seal engraver of James II. Nicholas Briot, Charles I's
favourite maker of money, medal dies, and puncheons, also
engraved copper-plates. 90 He was probably the cousin or
nephew of Francois Briot of Lorraine, whose famous repousse
work Kose-dish and Ewer included a self-portrait of which
no medallist need have been ashamed. To go a step further
back, William Eogers was a jeweller in the time of Elizabeth
to whom we owe several fantastic but excellent portraits of
the queen, whilst Nicholas Hilliard, her miniaturist, was
also her " aurifaber " and the maker of her Great Seal. He
also described himself as "Imbosser of medallies of Gold"
the lid is of the usual type with Charles I's head. I have seen no
box containing the early counters of James and Prince Charles.
89 See Stuart Exhibition Catalogue, No. 462.
90 Some of Briot's signed prints of saints are in the British
Museum. Thieme, Band v, p. 28, and Benezet, torn, i, No. 757,
mention portraits, which I have not succeeded in tracing. Briot
assumed in France tbe title of Imprimeur de Taille-douce. The
pictures of saints which I have seen are not equal to his produc-
tions as a medallist.
SILVER COUNTERS OF SEVENTEENTH CENTURY. 191
to her successor. It is needless to mention the many
foreign goldsmiths, such as Michel Le Blon, Daniel Mignot,
and Theodore de Bry, &c., of the sixteenth century, equally
famous for the engraved plates, intended for jewellers'
designs, and for their execution of the actual goldsmiths'
work and enamelling.
APPENDIX III.
ON THE FAMILY or VAN DE PASSE.
Simon and his brother Crispin, born according to the
most recent authorities about 1595 and 1593 or 1594 respec-
tively, 1 ' 1 with Magdalena, whose birth is placed in about
1596, and Willem, dated by Mr. Hind as from about 1598
to 1637, were the children of Crispin van de Passe the elder,
and all followed their father's profession. 92
This artist never himself visited England ; his " early
activity centres in Cologne, whither he had migrated from
Holland not later than 1594. By 1612 he was settled in
Utrecht, remaining there till his death in 1637." 93
The year 1612 is thought by some authors to have been
marked by a short visit paid by Simon to England. 94 In
any case he started his English portraits at this period,
91 See Evelyn and Pepijs on Engraving, by H. C. Levis, p. 16 ; and
Singer's Kunstler-Lexicon, pp. xi and xiii.
92 See Mr. Arthur Hind's Short History of Engraving, pp. 123 and
451, ed. 1908. Mr. Hind mentions a third Crispin as probably the son
of Willem, or according to Singer and Nagler perhaps of Simon.
The chief activity of Crispin II, Simon's brother, was in Paris, at
least from 1617 to 1627, but the fact that the Christian name was
often repeated in the family has caused some controversy as to
the attribution of signed works. Nagler places the births of all
the Passe family a good many years earlier than modern research :
that of Crispin II in 1570 or 1576, that of Simon in 1574 or 1581,
that of Willem in 1572 or 1580, and that of Magdalena in 1576.
Franken, who makes Willem the youngest, gives "environ" 1590
for Simon, and "vers" 1600 for Magdalena; whilst Singer calls
Willem the eldest, b. 1590, and prints Crispin, b. 1593-4, and
Simon, b. 1595.
93 Hind, p. 123.
94 Nagler's Kunstler-Lexicon.
192 HELEN FARQUHAE.
engraving his Prince Henry with the lance, 95 which we
may note as the prototype of both full-length and half-
length counters produced many years after he had left this
country. According to others it is more probable that the
picture was executed at Utrecht some months before the
Prince's death " from some drawing supplied to him from
England for the purpose". 96 He was, moreover, working in
Holland in 1613, although he in that year engraved a small
portrait of Prince Charles, which, however, affords no assis-
tance to our study of counters, the picture not being one of
those reproduced in silver.
Apart from this possible visit Simon's actual residence in
England extended over a period of at most five or six years
from 1616 (the date given on one of his plaques) to 1621 or
1622, he being joined by his brother Willem about a year
before his departure for Copenhagen, where after a few years
he in 1625 became Eegius Sculptor to King Christian IV. 97
May we not reasonably suppose that his brother Willem,
who succeeded him in his ordinary profession of book
illustrator in 1620, carried on his school in other respects ?
It is not precisely known who practised in his workshop,
but John Payne is usually cited as one of his pupils.
There were younger members of the family, but we have
no certain evidence that they worked in England. There
is in the Victoria and Albert Museum a silver plaque
signed Sim. de Passe and dated 1623, which should, I think,
be attributed to a younger Simon than the celebrated artist. 98
95 Early Engraving and Engravers in England, Sidney Colvin,
1904, p. 99. We may note that William Hole engraved a similar
portrait of Prince Henry, which first appeared in Drayton's
Polyolbion in 1613. It is thought that both artists worked from
a common original, now lost, but then at Whitehall. The print
of Prince Henry is sometimes found bound up in Bazilialogia, but
only Hole's version, which was reissued in 1622.
96 Early Engraving, p. 99, and explanation of PI. xxiii.
97 Ibid., p. 104.
98 According to Bryan's Dictionary of Engravers there was a
second Simon, son of Crispin II, or possibly of Simon I (see
Singer's Kunstler-Lexicon). He it is said worked with our artist,
Simon I, at Copenhagen, whither the latter betook himself about
1622. The date of the plaque is 1623. No date is given for the
birth of the younger Simon, but unless Crispin II was born
between 1570 and 1576 (according to Nagler), or in 1585 as stated
by Bryan, rather than 1593-4 as believed by Mr. Levis, who
SILVER COUNTERS OF SEVENTEENTH CENTURY. 193
It is evidently intended for a box top, although not of the
shape suited for counters. The faulty drawing and rather
childish although spirited execution almost forbids an
attribution to Simon van de Passe, the son of Crispin the
elder, then at the height of his reputation, and this little
box-lid remains an enigma, the script, although of the time,
differing from Simon's many forms of signature on prints
and plaques. The piece is, however, of interest, showing as
it does the various hatching and cross lines practised by the
Passe family in shading as introduced on the background
of the counters.
follows Franken's V(Euvre des can de Passe, p. xi, published in
1881, and Singer's Kiinstlet'-Lexicon, published in 1898, Crispin II
could hardly be old enough to be the father of a son who was
already engraving in 1623. Nagler imputes to Crispin III, the
son of Simon I, the same prints as those attributed by Bryan to
Simon II, and Singer brackets the two persons with a query under
one head, pointing to lack of proofs of identity and comparison
of names, Crispin III only being noticed by later writers.
SUM1SM. CHRON , VOL. XVI, SEK1ES IT.
MISCELLANEA.
THE MEDAL OF HENRY VIII AS SUPREME HEAD
OF THE CHURCH.
IK that entertaining but little known work, The Travels
of Nicander Nucius of Corcyra, 1 the following passage
occurs, which is interesting as a contemporary description
of the " Supreme Head of the Church Medal ". 2 Nicander
was in England in 1545, the very year when the medal was
issued.
"Q6ev Kal xputrow /cep/xa Koirrccr^ai Trpoora^a? 6 /3a<riA.US,
TTCVTC Kal CIKOCTIV O\KOV xpvfrifjuav <f>epovTa., rrjv TOV /JamAews X O1 '
ei/cova Ke^a.pay[j.vr)v ypd/j.fji.ao-iv 'E/JpaiKois, KO.L 'EAA^i/i/cois, *ai
is ToioicrSe -Trepi/cuKAov/xevT/i'. " 'Ej/piKos oySoos, cov
/3acriAeus 'AyyAias, "I>payytas, Kal 'I/8epvt'as,
Kat T^S AyyAtK-^s KCLL IfifpvtKrjs cKKAi^c
Ke(f)a\r)" TotaCra fjikv iv rots vo/jitV/xacriJ/ ey/ce^apa/<Tat. In the
margin stands eTriypax^r; TOV i/o/AtV/xaros TOV /3acrtAews 'AyyAtas.
The editor of the Travels, or rather the Rev. Isaac Fidler
who did the work for him, remarks that " there seems to be
no authority for the coin with the trilingual inscription, as
described by our author ". He obviously cannot have made
very exhaustive search.
Nicander's grammar is sadly at fault, but it is clear that
he means that the King ordered a "coin" to be struck,
weighing 25 gold pieces {^pva-i^wv for x/wo-iW), having his
portrait engraved, and surrounded by the well-known in-
scription in Hebrew, Greek, and Latin. It is true that his
version of the inscription differs in details from that on the
medal ; he inserts eov x^P^h replaces TPIZ BAZIAEYZ
by the more explicit /2ao-iAei'9 'AyyAta9, <E>payyias, KOL 'I/3epvt'as,
1 The Second Book of the Trawls of Nicander Nucius of Corcyra,
edited ... by the Rev. J. A. Cramer (Camden Society, 1841),
pp. 44-5. I am informed by Mr. Madan, Bodley's Librarian,
that the gaps in the Bodleian MS., from which Cramer edited this
book, have since been supplied by Eyssenhardt in his edition
(Hamburg, 1882) ; but this is unfortunately not accessible to me.
a Med. III., i, pp. 47-8, No. 44.
MISCELLANEA. 195
varies the whole expression about the Headship of the
Church, using aKpora-n; instead of AKPH and omitting
YTTO XPIETH, and omits the letters H. R. and the date
and place of issue, Londini 1545. These variations, how-
ever, are just what one might expect from a contemporary
popular writer.
It is interesting that Nicander gives the weight of the
medal as 25 gold pieces. The British Museum specimen
weighs 957 grs. troy, the equivalent of 25 pieces of
38-28 grs. each. The only current English gold coin which
approaches this weight is the half-angel of 40 grs. normal,
a curious unit to reckon by. The weight of the medal is
more nearly equivalent to that of twelve angels of 80 grs.
The Hunterian specimen of the same medal, I am informed
by Dr. G. Macdonald, turns the scale at 936 grs., and may
originally have been a little heavier. This is the equivalent
of 25 pieces of 37-44 grs., which is even more difficult to fit
in with any known denomination of English coin. It is
possible that Meander is speaking in terms of some foreign
coin ; but I am unable to identify it. Other possibilities
are that the specimen which Nicander saw or heard of was
of a quite different weight from those which have survived,
or that he made a mistake and wrote 25 instead of 20.
For 20 gold crowns of the contemporary fourth and fifth
issues would weigh 960 grs.
It may be observed that the only extant gold specimen
of the coronation medal of Edward VI, which, if Nicander
is right about the medal of Henry, might also be expected
to be equivalent to an integral number of "gold pieces",
weighs 1251-3 grs. That is, within a few grains, the weight
of 26 crowns.
I do not know whether it has ever been noted that, since
these two medals, obviously official productions, are clearly
by the same hand, they must be the work of Henry Bayse
or Basse. For, as Mr. Symonds has shown, 3 Basse was
appointed chief graver on Nov. 5, 1544, and retired in
1549. Under-gravers (Eobert Pitt and John Lawrence)
were not appointed before 1546. It follows that Basse,
who was alone in office when the first medal was made, was
responsible wholly for that first medal, and at least for the
design of the second.
G. F. HILL.
8 Num. Chron., 1913, p. 355 f.
196 MISCELLANEA.
MACGREGOR'S FLORIDA MEDAL.
HAVING recently found a specimen of this rare medal,
I think that the following notes of the result of my search
for information about it may be of interest.
The medal may be described as follows :
Obv. A cross furchy within a laurel wreath.
Leg. .DUCE MAC GKEGORIO LIBERTAS
FLORIDARUM.
Eev. | 29 JUNII | 1817 between two laurel branches.
Leg. -AMALIA VENI VIDI VICI .
Bronze. Size 1-2.
A description of the medal is given in Neumann, Beschrei-
bung der beJcanntesten Kupfermiinzen, vol. iii, No. 21614,
without comment. The only other mention of it which
I have been able to find is in the catalogue of the Bushnell
collection of American coins sold in New York in 1882,
where a specimen in bronze formed lot 349 and is stated
to be excessively rare, only two or three being known.
Sir Gregor MacGregor, a South American adventurer,
calling himself His Highness Gregor, Cacique of Poyais, is
in the Dictionary of National Biography, vol. 35, p. 95, stated
to have been the grandson of Gregor MacGregor, Laird of
Inverardine in Breadalbane in George II's reign. He is
said to have been at one time in the British Army. He
went out to Caracas in 1811 to settle and aid in the
struggle for South American Independence. In 1817 he
was promoted to the rank of General of Division in the
Venezuelan Army. He left in 1821 for Europe to en-
deavour to introduce Scottish immigrants to the Poyais
territory in Central America, but he failed. In 1839 he
was, in recognition of his services, restored to his former
military rank by the Venezuelan Government, and died at
Caracas a few years later.
The filibustering incident commemorated by the medal is
described in the History and Topography of the United
States, by John Howard Hinton, A.M., London, 1830, vol. i,
p. 469, as follows :
"In the summer of this year (1817) an expedition was
undertaken against East Florida by persons claiming to act
under the authority of some of the revolted Spanish
Colonies. The leader of this expedition styled himself :
MISCELLANEA. 197
' Citizen Gregor MacGregor, Brigadier- General of the Armies
of the United Provinces of New Granada and Venezuela,
and General-in-Chief employed to liberate the provinces of
both the Floridas, commissioned by the Supreme Govern-
ments of Mexico and South America.' The persons that
combined for this purpose took possession of Amelia Island
at the mouth of St. Mary's river, near the boundary of the
State of Georgia. The President (of the U.S.A.) apprised
of this transaction ordered an expedition consisting of naval
and land forces to repel the invaders and to occupy the
Island. A squadron under the command of J. D. Henley,
with troops under the command of James Banhead, arrived
off Amelia Island on 22nd December, and the next day took
possession of it, hoisting the American flag at Fernandina.
The President in a message to Congress relative to the
capture observed : ' In expelling these adventurers from
these posts it was not intended to make any conquest from
Spain or to injure in any degree the cause of the Colonies.'
The real reason for the measure seems to have been that
the invasion interfered with endeavours which were then
making on the part of the United States to obtain the
cession of the Floridas from the Spaniards." A treaty for
this purpose was concluded at Washington on 22nd February,
1819. This treaty was reluctantly ratified by the King of
Spain in 1821, and possession was taken of the provinces by
the United States in that year.
It will be noticed that MacGregor was in possession
of Amelia Island for nearly six months before he was
turned out.
F. WILLSON YEATES.
NOTICES OF RECENT PUBLICATIONS.
A Catalogue of English Coins in the British Museum. TJie
Norman Kings. By George Cyril Brooke, B.A. Vol. i,
pp. cclv, Epigraphical Table and 62 Plates. Vol. ii, pp. 462.
Oxford University Press. 1916. 2.
THE Editors of the Numismatic Chronicle being of the
opinion that it will be of interest to have a criticism of
Mr. Brooke's Catalogue from an archivist's point of view,
I gladly accept their invitation to note some points which
have struck me in reading the book.
To a reader who is no numismatist the most striking
feature of the book is the advance made in the scientific
treatment of the problems presented by the English coinage.
It recalls Aristotle's comparison of Anaxagoras with the
earlier natural philosophers. The numismatic evidence of
the method of coining and the succession of types is
marshalled in such a way that the unlearned reader can
make a reasonable estimate of its nature and cogency.
The arguments from the classification of Finds, from Mules,
from Epigraphy, and from cracks in the dies, are set out
with a clearness which makes the hypotheses of earlier
handbooks seem arbitrary and fanciful. Not quite enough
is said about the fineness of the standard silver, and
Sir William Roberts- Austen's analyses of coins of William I
and Henry I might have been mentioned (Dialogus, p. 31).
These give the proportion of alloy as 1&| and 20^ dwt.
respectively. A comparison of these figures with those
quoted from Mr. Symonds makes us wish for a fuller
investigation. We may in the mean time accept the tradi-
tional proportion of 18 dwt.
The evidence of the Dialogus de Scaccario has been some-
what neglected in other parts of the Introduction. Thus
the passage might have been quoted in which Richard the
Treasurer (or at least an early interpolator) asserts that
Cumberland and Northumberland had no county mints
before Henry II (Dialogtis, p. 63). The same passage supplies
documentary evidence that the farm of the county had
to be paid in coin of the current issue (Introd., p. xxxiii).
NOTICES OF RECENT PUBLICATIONS. 199
The use of the moneyer's name to fix responsibility
(p. cxxxvii) is also plainly asserted (p. 88). This evidence,
it is true, is not contemporary, but it claims to represent
the tradition of the reign of Henry I.
The statement that worn coins would automatically find
their way to the melting pot is inconsistent with " Gresham's
Law " (p. xv), and consequently with the statement on p. i.
On the whole the evidence from the coins and from
history is very well combined, and Mr. Andrew's interpreta-
tion of the passage about the cutting of the penny certainly
seems to deserve adoption and to throw a new light on the
subject. The editor shows a wise discretion in dealing with
the various hypotheses which have been put forward.
The British Museum and the author are alike to be
congratulated on the Catalogue.
CHARLES JOHNSON.
Sard is : Publications of the American Society for the
Excavation of Sardis. Volume xi : Coins. Part I. 1910-14.
By H. W. Bell. Leiden (E. J. Brill, Ltd.), 1916. Printed
at the Oxford University Press. Pp. xiii + 124, with
2 Plates. Large 4to.
This, though numbered xi, is the first part to appear of
the series dealing with the American excavation of Sardis.
It is brought out regardless of expense, and executed with
that minuteness of detail which characterizes so much of
the best American scholarship. The descriptions are on the
general plan of the more recent volumes of the British
Museum Catalogue ; in addition, as is proper in an excava-
tion report, we have columns recording the place and date
of finding. Relative die-positions are, however, not noted.
The earliest coins are a silver half-stater and a hekte of the
Croesean period ; there are also two fifth-century Persian
sigloi. It is disappointing that more coins of the early
period, when Sardis was first a regal Lydian and then
perhaps a Persian imperial mint, have not been found ;
there are indeed only sixteen pre- Alexandrine coins recorded.
On the other hand, we have no less than forty-nine Alex-
andrine tetradrachms of various dates, and some very fine
Seleucid tetradrachms (none, however, later than Antio-
chus III). Of the coins of Sardis itself we note one of
imperial date, with a god, probably Dionysos, whose name
is given as OOP A IOC. The Roman and Byzantine coins
are catalogued with as much care as the Greek ; and in the
200 NOTICES OF RECENT PUBLICATIONS.
Byzantine series Mr. Bell is able not only to make some
considerable advances in detail on the work of Wroth and
Tolstoi, but also to establish with certainty the attribution
of coins to the usurper Theodore Ducas Mankaphas, who
was in power at Philadelphia about A.D. 1189 and 1204.
A billon nomisma, on which the first four letters of his
name Mankaphas are legible, shows that he also bore the
name Ducas, and makes it possible to give him the two
coins described by Wroth in his Catalogue of the Vandals, $c.,
p. 196, Nos. 5 and 6. We congratulate Mr. Bell on his
work, and are glad to be able to say that the coins from
the excavations at Assos, which have so long remained
undescribed, are to be dealt with by his competent hands.
G. F. HILL.
JUTLAND BANK MEDAL.
THE Prizes offered by Sir Arthur Evans in the competition
for the best models for the above medal have been awarded
in the following order :
Mr. Harold Stabler.
Mr. A. Bertram Pegram.
The Bromsgrove Guild (for an obverse design).
Mr. Charles Wheeler (for a reverse design).
Owing to the fact that more than two designs were con-
sidered worthy of recognition, Sir Arthur Evans has increased
the sum available for prizes to meet this case. It is his hope
to issue three medals, the third being a combination of the
designs which won the third and fourth prizes.
The designs were judged by Sir Arthur Evans, with
Mr. G. P. Hill, of the British Museum, and Mr. Eric
Maclagan, of the Victoria and Albert Museum, as assessors.
NUM. CHRON. SER. IV., VOL. XVI. PL. IV.
14 15 16 17 18
SOME GREEK COINS FROM FRACTURED DIES.
NUM. CHRON. SEP. IV., VOL. XVI. PL. V.
10
16 ^^m^r- 17
SEVENTEENTH CENTURY COUNTERS
1. Seventeenth-century Spoon.
Engraved.
3. Briot's Half-groat. Struck.
2. Charles I Counter. Engraved (?).
4. Frederick of Bohemia Counter.
Struck (?).
5. Medal, circa 1630. Cast. 6. Edward V Counter. Cast(?).
MICROPHOTOGRAPHS OF SILVER ENGRAVINGS, ETC.
PROCEEDINGS
OF THE
EOYAL NUMISMATIC SOCIETY.
PROCEEDINGS OF THE
ROYAL NUMISMATIC SOCIETY.
SESSION 19151916.
OCTOBER 21, 1915.
SIR ARTHUR EVANS, P.S. A., F.E.S., M. A., LL.D., D.Litt., &c.,
President, in the Chair.
The Minutes of the Ordinary Meeting of May 20 were read
and approved.
The following Presents to the Society were announced and
laid upon the table, and thanks ordered to be sent to their
donors :
1. Revue Numismatique. l er trimestre, 1915.
2. Portraiture of our Stuart Monarchs on their Coins and
Medals. Pt. 6. By Miss Helen Farquhar ; from the Author.
3. Statutes and Statutory Eules relating to Coinage in
force on December 31, 1914 ; from the Deputy Master of the
Mint.
4. Manuale elementare di Numismatica. 5 a edizione. By
S . Arabrosoli and F. Gnecchi ; from F. Gnecchi.
5. First Lessons in Numismatics. By Henry Browne ;
from the Author.
a 2
4 PROCEEDINGS OF THE
6. Large U.S. Cents. By Theodore J. Venn ; from the
Author.
7. Journal of Hellenic Studies. Vol. xxxv, Pt. 1.
8. Horniman Museum Keport for 1914 ; from London
County Council.
9. Canadian Antiquarian and Numismatic Journal. Vol.
xii, Nos. 2 and 3.
10. Foreningen til Norske Fortidsmindesmserkers Bevaring.
Aarsberetning, 1914.
11. American Journal of Archaeology. Vol. xix, Nos. 2
and 3.
12. Bulletin de la Societe des Antiquaires de 1'Ouest.
Tome iii, Nos. 6 and 7.
13. Finska Fornminnesforeninges Protokoll 11.
14. Annual Eeport Smithsonian Institute, 1913.
15. History of the Standard Bank of South Africa ; from
the Directors.
16. Journal of Eoyal Society of Antiquaries of Ireland.
Vol. xlv, Pts. 2 and 3.
17. Revue Suisse de Numismatique. Tom. xix, Pt. 2, and
xx, Pt. 1.
18. American Journal of Numismatics, 1914.
19. Coins and Medals of Transylvania. By H. Wormser ;
from tlie Author.
20. Gold Coinage of Latin America. By H. F. Williams ;
from the Author.
21. Some Kare or Unpublished Greek Coins. By E. T.
Newell ; from the Author.
22. Coinage of the West Indies. By Howland Wood ;
from the Author.
23. War Medals of the Confederacy. By R. L. Benson ;
from the Author.
24. Archaeologia Aeliana. Vol. xii.
25. Administrative Report of the Government Museum,
Madras, 1914-15.
ROYAL NUMISMATIC SOCIETY. O
26. Ancient Coinage of Southern Arabia. By G. F. Hill ;
from the British Academy.
27. Kivista Italiana di Numismatica. Fasc. 2, 1915.
28. Royal Irish Academy Proceedings. Nos. 17, 18, and 19.
Mr. F. A. Walters exhibited a denarius of Gallienus
(Cohen 960, wrongly described as a quinarius). Obv. IMP.
CALLIENVS AVC. Rev. SECVRIT PERPET.
The President exhibited quinarii of Geta, Gallienus, and
Saloninus.
Mr. Webb showed a quinarius of Saloninus. Olv. PCL
VALERIANVS NOB CAES. Rev. PRINClPl IVVEN-
TVTIS.
Mr. Henry Garside exhibited the nickel 5 and 10 cents of
1909 issued by the Germans for currency in Kiao Chan.
Kev. Edgar Rogers exhibited an unpublished drachm of
Antiochus VI with Tryphon monogram behind the head on
the obverse, and also two Corean amulets.
Mr. Webb, on behalf of Mr. Gunn, showed a very fine
bronze coin of Probus. Eev. ADVENTVS AVC, mm. R.S.
Dr. Codrington read a paper on " Some Coins from Tra-
vancore ", and exhibited an extensive series of coins in
illustration of it, including a number of rare gold coins
struck at coronations and other ceremonial occasions.
Professor Oman read a paper on " The Decline and Fall
of the Denarius in the Third Century A. p.", in which he
discussed the survival of the denarius and quinarius in the
third century A. D. long after the introduction of the anto-
ninianus. (This paper is printed in this volume, pp. 37-60.)
O PKOCEEDINGS OF THE
NOVEMBER 18, 1915.
SIR ARTHUR EVANS, P.S.A., F.E.S., &c., President, in the
Chair.
The Minutes of the Ordinary Meeting of October 21 were
read and approved.
The following Presents to the Society were announced
and laid upon the table, and thanks ordered to be sent to
the donors :
1. Kevue Numismatique, 1915. Pt. 2.
2. Presidential Address to the Koyal Society of Canada
by E. W. Maclachlan, Esq. ; from the Author.
Sir John Fox Dillon, Bart., J.P., D.L., C. W. Dyson
Perrins, Esq., J.P., F.S.A., F.Z.S., and A. W. Poyser, Esq.,
M.A., were elected Fellows of the Society.
The President exhibited a didrachm of Terina, obv. TEPl-
NAION female head (' Terina"), Eegling no. 69, apparently
struck over a didrachm of Kroton with eagle and spray ; the
head and neck of the eagle are visible on the nymph's cheek ;
and two didrachms of Kaulonia from the same obverse and
reverse dies (Carelli, PI. clxxxviii, 29). The reverse design
has been engraved on a die which seems to have been used
for some other purpose. The engraver worked over a
sunken part of the old design somewhat resembling an
axe-hammer. Part of the body of the stag and the letters
VAO of the inscription are engraved over this ; in both
cases the obverse design is set at the same angle as that of
the reverse, but not corresponding with it. Also a 'Pegasos '
of the Amphilochian Argos countermarked on helmet with
eight-rayed star, the monetary badge of Itanos (found at
Alonides, Mylopotamo, Crete.
Mr. G. F. Hill showed a brass mould for a coin of the first
century A. D., possibly of Messalina with Greek inscription,
found with Eoman antiquities on the Post Office site.
ROYAL NUMISMATIC SOCIETY. 7
Mr. Henry Garside exhibited a series of British gold,
silver, and bronze coins showing various technical defects.
Eev. Edgar Kogers showed a tetradrachm of Antiochus I
from the same dies as a British Museum coin showing a flaw
further developed.
Mr. J. Mavrogordato brought a stater of Aegina from
broken obverse die of date before 550 B. c. ; a didrachm of
Athens 527-430 B. c. with money-changer's cut on obverse ;
and a bronze coin of Syracuse 344-317 B.C. struck from
damaged obverse die.
Mr. S. W. Grose, of the Fitzwilliam Museum, Cambridge,
read a paper entitled " A Note on Greek Dies ". (This paper
is printed in this volume, pp. 113-132.)
Mr. Grose then read a second paper on " Some Kare Varie-
ties of Coins of Magna Graecia and Sicily " in the McClean
collection. Among the most notable were the following :
Neapolis, a plated didrachm of very fine style considerably
over maximum weight ; a Terina didrachm restruck over
Neapolis ; a Metapontum half-stater wrongly dated and a
stater with Ares(?) for type, &c. ; Ehegium, two bronze
coins struck over different coins of the Bruttii; Locri, stater
with eagle in wreath struck over a Pegasos coin ; Entella
restruck over a drachm of Catana ; Leontini, with ZYPA
counter-mark ; Catana, a rare tetradrachm of unusual style ;
Messana staters with AO : P : and head of Pelorias ; Panor-
rnus with Punic and Greek inscription ; Syracuse, transi-
tional tetradrachm with fl in ethnic, and restruck bronze
coins of Hiketas.
8 PROCEEDINGS OF THE
DECEMBER 16, 1915.
SIR ARTHUR EVANS, P.S.A., F.K.S., &c., President, in the
Chair.
The Minutes of the Ordinary Meeting of November 18
were read and approved.
The following Presents to the Society were announced,
laid upon the table, and thanks ordered to be sent to the
donors :
1. Annual of the British School at Athens. Vol. xx.
2. Journal International d'Archeologie Numismatique.
Pts. 3 and 4, 1914, and 1, 1915.
3. Proceedings of the Cambridge Antiquarian Society.
Vol. xxvii.
4. Outside the Barnwell Gate, by Dr. H. P. Stokes ; from
the Author.
5. De Munten van Amelanden, by J. Schulman ; from
the Author.
Mr. K. B. Whitehead, I.C.S., was elected a Fellow of the
Society.
Mr. Percy H. Webb exhibited a fine selection of bronze
coins of Nero, including 11 asses of Janus, Victory, Genio
Augusti and Nero as lyrist types ; 5 semisses (with S) of the
agonistic table type, weighing from 44 to 72 grains, and 2
without S ; 8 of the Koman type, 5 of the column, helmet
and shield type, 7 owl on altar type, and 3 "denarii showing
development of portraiture of Nero, and 7 Greek or Egyptian
bronze coins of Nero, Agrippina, and Poppaea.
The Kev. E. A. Sydenham read a paper on the "Coinage
of Nero ". The paper was an attempt to deal with some of
the more general problems arising from a study of Nero's
coins. The main points dealt with were the following:
(1) The Senatorial monopoly of the coinage during the first
period of the reign. (2) The Emperor's encroachment on
the Senatorial rights after the year 64 A. D. (3) The nature
KOYAL NUMISMATIC SOCIETY. 9
and importance of Nero's currency reform, in connexion
with which was discussed the probable standard of weights
adopted in the reformed coinage. (4) The discrepancy
which occurs in the dating of Nero's coins. (5) The
characteristics of the mints of Rome and Lugdunum under
Nero, and the probable significance of the symbols, aegis
and globe. (This paper is printed in this volume, pp. 13-36.)
JANUARY 20, 1916.
SIR HENRY HOWORTH, K.C.I.E., &c., Vice-President, in the
Chair.
The Minutes of the Ordinary Meeting of December 16.
1915, were read and approved.
The following Presents to the Society were announced,
laid upon the table, and thanks ordered to be sent to the
donors :
1. British Numismatic Journal. Vol. x ; presented ly
Miss Helen Farquhar.
2. Annual Keport of the Smithsonian Institute, 1914.
3. Canadian Antiquarian Journal. Vol. xiii, Pt. 4.
4. American Journal of Archaeology. Vol. xix, Pt. 4.
5. Revue Numismatique. Vol. xix, Pt. 3.
Captain G. B. Pears, R.E., and Everard Mylne, Esq., were
elected Fellows of the Society.
Mr. Henry Garside exhibited the quarter and twelfth anna,
both dated 1888, of Dewas States, S.B.
Col. H. W. Morrieson exhibited the following coins of
Queen Elizabeth :
3 shillings (1) mm. Martlet, no inner circle ; (2) mm.
Lis, do., 3 pellets at end of legend on obverse ; (3) obv.
mm. Key, rev. Wool-pack. 4 sixpences (1) rev. mm.
Cross over Cinquefoil 1578. 8 over 7 ; (2) rev. mm. Crescent
10 PROCEEDINGS OF THE
over Scallop 1588, 8 over 7, milled 1563 and 1566. 3
groats mm. Lis, large bust with and without inner circles
and small bust with inner circle. 1 threepence mm.
Cinquefoil 1578, rev. double-struck showing two dates.
3 half-groats (1) mm. Lis, no inner circles ; (2) mm. Bell,
no dots behind head ; (3) obv. mm. Ton, rev. Woolpack.
1 three half-pence mm. Acorn 1574, 4 over 3. 2 pennies
(1) mm. Lis, no inner circle ; (2) obv. mm. Key, rev. Wool-
pack. 1 three farthings 1573. 1 halfpenny no mm.
Mr. Henry Symonds read some historical notes on the
mint of Queen Elizabeth and those who worked there.
(This paper is printed in this volume, pp. 61-105.)
FEBRUARY 16, 1916.
SIR ARTHUR EVANS, P.S.A., F.E.S., &c., President, in the
Chair.
The Minutes of the Ordinary Meeting of January 20 were
read and approved.
The following Presents to the Society were announced,
laid upon the table, and thanks ordered to be sent to their
donors :
1. Aarb0ger for Nordisk Oldkyndighed og Historie, 1914.
2. Archaeologia Cantiana. Vol. xxxi.
3. The Numismatist. January, 1916.
4. Journal of Hellenic Studies. Vol. xxxv, Pt. 2.
5. Numismatic Circular. Vol. xxiii, 1915 ; from Messrs.
SpinJc $ Sons.
6. A Guide to the Coins of English Sovereigns, presented
to Eton College by Miss Helen Farquhar ; from Miss Far-
quliar.
7. Eivista Italiana di Numismatica. Fasc. iii-iv, 1915.
ROYAL NUMISMATIC SOCIETY. 11
Messrs. William Gillies, Christopher Ogle, and Alfred
Meigh were elected Fellows of the Society.
Mr. P. H. Webb exhibited a fine series of Koman bronze
coins, chosen to exhibit types of patina.
Mr. H. W. Taffs showed a one-third farthing of Queen
Victoria of 1844 with rev. legend BRITANNIAR RE, &c.,
for REG (apparently unpublished).
Mr. F. A. Walters showed an early shilling of Queen
Elizabeth, mm. crosslet, of unusual style and size, possibly
a pattern piece.
Mr. G. F. Hill exhibited specimens of the iron 10 and 5
pfennig pieces recently issued in Germany to replace the
corresponding nickel pieces.
Mr. J. Mavrogordato read the second portion of his paper
on *' Chronological Arrangement of the Coins of Chios ", in
which he dealt with the periods 478-334 B.C. (This paper
was printed in Vol. xv, pp. 361-432.)
MARCH 16, 1916.
SIR ARTHUR EVANS, P.S.A., F.K.S., &c., President, in the
Chair.
The Minutes of the Ordinary Meeting of February 17
were read and approved.
The following Presents to the Society were announced
and laid upon the table, and thanks ordered to be sent
to their donors :
1. Notes on a Collection of Coining Instruments in the
Edinburgh Antiquarian Museum, by W. J. Hocking ; from
the Author.
2. Proceedings of the Society of Antiquaries of Scotland.
Vol. xliv.
12 PROCEEDINGS OF THE
Mr. G. C. Haines was elected a Fellow of the Society.
Mr. William Gilbert exhibited an unpublished London
seventeenth-century token. Obv. IOHN FOX AT Y^
CEORC St. George and Dragon. Rev. IN SHOWE-
LANE.I.A.F.
Mr. H. W. Taffs showed a sixpence of William IV of
1831 countermarked with T = Tortola or Tobago ; and a
fine 5-taler piece of John George of Saxony.
Mr. F. A. Walters showed a penny of Henry, Earl of
Northumberland, N : ENCV : COM, bust to r. with sceptre :
Rev. of Scottish type, of which only one specimen has been
previously noted.
Kev. E. Kogers showed the new 5-cent piece of Belgium
issued by the Germans ; and a German Jewish New Year's
token.
Mr. L. A. Lawrence read a paper on the Short Cross
coinage, in which he gave a resume of his researches on this
period and proposed a final classification.
Mr. G. F. Hill read a note on a new countermarked
Spanish doubloon of the West Indies bearing the counter-
marks G. C. and an alligator. The initials are presumably
those of the issuer, and for the present the piece might be
attributed to Jamaica.
APRIL 13, 1916.
SIR ARTHUR EVANS, P.S.A., F.K.S., &c., President, in the
Chair.
The Minutes of the Ordinary Meeting of March 16 were
read and approved.
The following Presents to the Society were announced and
laid upon the table, and thanks ordered to be sent to their
donors :
ROYAL NUMISMATIC SOCIETY. 13
1. Journal of the Eoyal Society of Antiquaries of Ireland.
Vol. xlv, Pt. 4.
2. Proceedings of the Society of Antiquaries of London.
Vol. xxvii.
3. List of Members and of Publications of the Cambridge
Antiquarian Society. October, 1915.
Annual Report of the Deputy Master of the Mint, 1914.
Mr. G. C. Haines was admitted a Fellow of the Society.
Mr. H. Garside exhibited the bronze 10, 5, and 1 pfennig
piece of the late German colony of New Guinea, of 1894,
the only date issued.
Mr. J. G. Milne read a paper on a hoard of 52 Persian
silver sigloi, said to have been found in Ionia. Many of
them bear punch-marks. The incuse reverses showed certain
hitherto unnoticed varieties ; one group contains a small
lion's head in profile, another an intaglio lion's head in profile,
another a device which may possibly be a lion's scalp. It
was suggested that these symbols indicate a mint at Sardes.
The coins are all of the best-known types of sigloi, on
which the king is represented with a bow and spear, and
a bow and dagger respectively. (This paper is printed in
this volume, pp. 1-12.)
Mr. G. F. Hill described a provisional classification of
the darics and sigloi, and pointed out that the evidence
of recent finds showed the only chronological classification
which had hitherto been suggested to be wrong. As regards
the punch-marks, the presence of signs which could be
interpreted as Cypriote or Phoenician seemed to indicate
a Levantine origin.
PROCEEDINGS OF THE
MAY 18, 1916.
SIR ARTHUR EVANS, P.S.A., F.R.S., &c., President, in the
Chair.
The Minutes of the Ordinary Meeting of April 18 were
read and approved.
Mr. S. R. Berry was elected a Fellow of the Society.
Colonel H. W. Morrieson and Mr. L. G. P. Messenger were
appointed to audit the Treasurer's accounts.
The following Presents to the Society were announced,
laid upon the table, and thanks ordered to be sent to the
donors :
1. American Journal of Archaeology. Vol. xx, No. 1.
2. The Stewart Lockhart Collection of Chinese Copper
Coins, by Sir J. H. Stewart Lockhart ; from the Publishers.
3. Brit. Mus. Catalogue of English Coins The Norman
Kings, by George Cyril Brooke. 2 vols. ; from the Trustees.
4. Leaden Tokens from Memphis, by J. G. Milne ; from
the Author.
5. Revue Numismatique. 4 me trimestre, 1915.
Mr. L. L. Fletcher exhibited specimens in copper and
bronze of a Fenian medal of 1866.
Prof. Oman exhibited five tetradrachms showing the five
types of Antiochus IX Cyzienus :
1. Very youthful head. Rev. Pallas, before capture of
Antioch in 113 B.C.
2. Young unbearded head. Rev. Zeus seated, during tenure
of Antioch, 113-111 B.C.
3. Head with short beard. Rev. Pallas, late years, 111-
95 B.C., during second war with Antiochus Grypus.
4. Head with fuller beard. Rev. Pallas ; as No. 3.
5. Similar head. Rev. Tyche standing ; as No. 3.
Prof. Oman read a paper on the history and coinage of
Antiochus Grypus, in which he gave a sketch of his career,
ROYAL NUMISMATIC SOCIETY. 15
and proposed a classification of his coinage which corrects
many errors in former attributions, chiefly by the aid of
coins that have since come to light.
JUNE 15, 1916.
ANNUAL GENEKAL MEETING.
SIR ARTHUR EVANS, P.S.A., F.R.S., &c., President, in the
Chair.
The Minutes of the Annual General Meeting of June 17,
1915, were read and approved.
Messrs. L. G. P. Messenger and H. D. McEwen were
appointed scrutineers of the Ballot for the election of office-
bearers for the ensuing year.
Rev. J. A. Vanes was elected a Fellow of the Society.
Mr. G. F. Hill exhibited a series of German war medals
commemorating the sinking of the Lusitania, the Battle of
the Falklands, Count Zeppelin, Admiral Tirpitz and the
submarine campaign, &c.
The following Report of the Council was laid before the
meeting :
" The Council again have the honour to lay before you
their Annual Report on the state of the Royal Numismatic
Society.
It is with deep regret that they have to announce the
deaths of the following Fellows of the Society :
Earl Kitchener of Khartoum, O.M., &c.
R. Frentzel, Esq.
Rev. Cooper K. Henderson.
The Very Rev. Dr. Jex-Blake.
Professor A. S. Napier.
H. Niklewicz. Esq.
J. L. Strachan-Davidson, Esq., Master of Balliol.
16 PROCEEDINGS OF THE
They have also to announce the resignations of the
following seven Fellows :
E. L. Arnold, Esq.
S. Bousfield, Esq.
L. Clements, Esq.
A. Powell-Cotton, Esq.
Vincent A. Smith, Esq.
T. E. Tatton, Esq.
K. J. Williams, Esq.
On the other hand, they have to announce the election of
the following twelve new Fellows :
S. K. Berry, Esq.
W. Gillies, Esq.
Alfred Meigh, Esq.
Christopher Ogle, Esq.
A. W. Poyser, Esq.
Kev. J. A. Vanes.
Sir John Fox Dillon, Bart.
G. C. Haines, Esq.
Everard Mylne, Esq.
Captain G. B. Pears, RE.
C. W. Dyson Perrins, Esq.
K. B. Whitehead, Esq., I.C.S.
and of the Newcastle Literary Society and the St. Louis
Numismatic Society.
The number of Fellows is therefore :
June, 1915 . . .
Ordinary.
... 272
Honorary.
16
Total.
288
Since elected . .
... 14
14
Deceased ....
286
... 7
16
302
7
Resigned ....
... 7
7
June, 1916 272 16 288
ROYAL NUMISMATIC SOCIETY. 17
The Council have also to announce that they have awarded
the Society's Medal to M. Theodore Keinach, Membre de
1'Institut, at present a Staff Major in the French Army,
in recognition of his distinguished services to Greek Numis-
matics and Archaeology."
The Hon. Treasurer's Keport, which follows, was then
laid before the Meeting.
STATEMENT OF KECEIPTS AND DISBUESE-
FROM JUNE, 1914,
THE ROYAL NUMISMATIC SOCIETY IN ACCOUNT
To cost of Chronicle
Printing
Plates .
To Books, &c.
,, Lantern Expenses
,, Rent and Refreshments .
Sundry Payments
.,, Balance carried forward
General Account
Research Account
s. d. s. d.
244 6
13 5 11
957 11 11
3 12
10 18 3
lents
41 13 2
9 3 11
166 7
19 12 8
185 13 3
508 12 6
MENTS OF THE ROYAL NUMISMATIC SOCIETY
TO JUNE, 1915.
WITH PERCY H. WEBB, HON. TREASURER. Cr.
s. d. s. d.
By Balance brought forward
General Account 178 12 11
Research Account 17 17 9
196 10 8
By Subscriptions
190 Ordinary Subscriptions (less loss on foreign
cheques, &c.) 199 6 9
8 Entrance Fees 880
1 Life Subscription . . . . . . 15 15
223 9 9
By Sales of Chronicles 54 19 1
,, Dividends on Investments . . . . . . . 33 13
508 12 6
Audited and found correct,
H. W. MORRIESON, )
\-Hon. Auditors.
LEOPOLD G. P. MESSENGER,]
June 8, 1916.
b 2
20 PROCEEDINGS OF THE
The Reports of the Council and of the Treasurer were
adopted on the motion of the President.
The President then handed the Society's Medal to
Mr. Allan to be forwarded to M. Theodore Eeinach, who
was unable to be present, and addressed the Meeting as
follows :
MR. ALLAN, I have much pleasure in handing you the
Medal of this Society for transmission to Monsieur Theodore
Reinach, Member of the Institute of France.
In Monsieur Reinach we honour indeed a veteran of
Numismatic research. To his labours in many fields I can
here only refer. The subject which perhaps he has done
most to illustrate is that which concerns the difficult ques-
tions of the relations of metals, amongst which his study
on ' ' Bimetallism in Antiquity " is perhaps the most im-
portant.
In his work on Jewish Coins, of which a revised transla-
tion in English appeared in 1903, he has thrown new light
on a subject which both as regards its period from the
first revolt of the Maccabees to the final subjugation of
Judaea by Titus the scene where this historic tragedy was
enacted, and the dramatis personae, must ever be a centre
of human interest. Monsieur Reinach has handled his
materials with a master hand.
His researches into the ancient numismatics of Asia
Minor have been of the most varied and far-reaching kind,
and since 1904 he has been associated with Monsieur
Babelon in the great work of editing Waddington's Recueil
General des Monnaies d'Asie Mineure. He has also com-
municated valuable papers on the origins of Pergamum and
on the Delphic Monetary System. In his work L'Histoire
par les Monnaies, published at Paris in 1902, M. Reinach
has collected several of his articles.
I may conclude with an example of the " curious felicity "
ROYAL NUMISMATIC SOCIETY. 21
shown by M. Keinach in a department of numismatics with
which I have myself been somewhat specially concerned.
By a happy inspiration he explained the mysterious Caelator
'' Acragas ", who appears in Pliny's text, side by side with the
known toreutae Boethus and Mys, as the result of a simple
mystification. It may well have been due, as he acutely
suggests, to the misinterpretation of the name AKPAFA^
on a fine '* medallion '' of that city inserted like Syracuse
in the bottom of silver cups, such as those actually cited
by Pliny in this connexion. These were presented by the
Agrigentines, in the years immediately succeeding the emis-
sion of these splendid coins, to the Temple of Athena at
Lindos, to which, through Gela, they stood in a filial relation.
In spite of some rather narrow criticisms, Monsieur Keinach's
luminous conjecture may still be said to hold the field.
Mr. Allan read the following letter from M. Keinach :
2, Place des Etats-Unis,
Paris,
May 28, 1916.
DEAR SIR,
I am greatly touched by the unexpected honour which
the Koyal Numismatic Society has been pleased to bestow
on my work.
I need hardly say with what feelings of gratitude and
acknowledgement I shall be glad to accept their medal.
I consider it not only as a precious token of the few novel
results due to my personal labour in a sphere where every
pioneer is a debtor to the splendid achievements of British
Scholarship, but also as a new link between French and
British Archaeologists, one of the many intellectual ties
indeed which may tend to strengthen and perpetuate the
invaluable friendship and co-operation of our two nations
in this as in other fields.
22 PROCEEDINGS OF THE
Allow me to thank you personally for your kind offer to
receive the medal on my behalf, and believe me with best
regards,
Yours sincerely,
(Signed) THEODORE KEINACH,
Membre de I'lnstitut, actually Staff-Major F. A. at the
Under- Secretariate of State for Supply and Transport.
The President then delivered the following address :
ADDKESS OF THE PKESLDENT.
Through another year of prevailing stress and preoccupa-
tion caused by the Great War the Society has successfully
" carried on ". The volume of the CJironicle just completed
is indeed of more than the average bulk, and financially we
are still well able to hold up our head.
By the tragic removal so fresh in the minds of all of
Lord Kitchener from the sphere of his colossal labours this
Society, indeed, is affected in a particular way. It was
truly a distinguished homage to the far-reaching interests
of numismatic studies that a man whose life was so greatly
occupied with military activities should have sought our
membership. Lord Kitchener indeed in no part of his
career, whether engaged in the Survey of Palestine, in
Egypt, or the Sudan, was indifferent to the relics of
antiquity that came across his path. He was, moreover,
a born collector, though in the case of coins he showed him-
self ready on many occasions to cede interesting pieces to
the National Cabinet. Various specimens of coins of
Ptolemaic Egypt and Alexandria, of Judaea and Nabataea,
of the Caliphs and of King Baldwin of Jerusalem, reached
the British Museum through his agency, and in 1897 he
presented to it a silver piece struck by the Mahdi.
Lord Kitchener was elected member of our Society in
1876, and was one of our oldest members.
ROYAL NUMISMATIC SOCIETY. 23
In Arthur Sampson Napier, successive!) 7 Merton Professor
of English Language and Literature and Rawlinsonian
Professor of Anglo-Saxon in the University of Oxford,
elected in 1893, the Society and the country have to deplore
the loss of one of the greatest living authorities on the old
English language and antiquities. In 1898 he communi-
cated a valuable note to this Society corroborating
Mr. Lawrence's view that the Saxon coins with mint
inscriptions such as BARD, BARDAN should be referred
to Barnstaple and not to Bardney.
In the late Master of Balliol, Mr. J. L. Strachan-Davidson,
the Society has lost another of its most distinguished
members, known apart from his other activities in many
fields of College and University work for his deep researches
into certain periods of history. He did not make any
numismatic contributions to our Society, but he had availed
himself of opportunities supplied by repeated visits to
Egypt to collect many fine specimens of Alexanders.
Considering the circumstances of the hour, in which we
find ourselves lighting side by side and shoulder to shoulder
with our neighbours across the Channel, it must afford
special satisfaction that the Medal of the Society should be
to-day awarded to Monsieur Theodore Reinach, Member of
the Institute of France, for his great services to ancient
numismatics.
The papers read to the Society during the past year have
as usual ranged over a wide field.
Greek numismatics as on former occasions are well repre-
sented. Mr. E. S. G. Robinson has continued his interesting
study on the coins of the Cyrenaica. He deals largely with
the obscure period of the third century B. c., which follows
on the disastrous termination of Ophelias' expedition.
Amongst other points here discussed is the appearance of
the crab in the field of a series of coins, including the
remarkable piece which supplies the only example of the
24: PROCEEDINGS OF THE
non-Doric form of the civic name KYPH. Mr. Eobinson
brings further evidence to support L. Muller's view that
this marine symbol indicates that this group of coins was
struck in the harbour-town of Apollonia.
He notes the change in the mint organization that follows
the substitution of the Khodian didrachms for those of
Attic weight after 308 B.C., and shows that the small gold
pieces of Gyrene conformed to the general rule in being
adaptable to more than one standard, in this case both to
the Attic and Phoenician as, eai-lier, to the Attic and Samian.
Especially happy is his identification of the standard of the
silver pieces of the Fourth Cyrenaic Period, which Mtiller
had regarded as much reduced "Asiatic" (Samian) didrachms,
with that of contemporary Crete, as seen at Chersonnesos,
Kydonia, and Polyrhenion, representing a reduced form of
the JEginetic standard. In confirmation of this view I may
mention the fact that drachms of Cyrene of third-century
fabric are of continual occurrence on Cretan soil. 1 They may
indeed be described as no less frequent than the silver pieces
of the native Cretan cities which can never themselves be
described as abundant so that the Cyrenaic coins formed
a recognized part of the insular currency, and were indeed
at times overstruck by local types.
Numismatic evidence of the reorganization of Cyrene by
the two Megalopolitan philosophers, Ecdemus and Demo-
phanes, between 252 and 235 B.C., is, as Mr. Eobinson well
points out, supplied by the monogram 10! , of which the
obvious resolution is AHM(O<I>ANH$). This occurs on
copper pieces with the inscription KOINON, the mark of
an autonomous community of Cyrenaic cities. In this
connexion its appearance is especially significant as showing
1 The commonest type that occurs in Crete, so far as my
experience goes, is that represented in Plate vi, No. 84 of
Mr. Robinson's list.
ROYAL NUMISMATIC SOCIETY. 25
ihat the philosophers who had assisted Aratus in the
liberation of the Achaean cities had carried out a similar
work in Gyrene. Deniophanes himself was a disciple of
Arkesilaos, the founder of the New Academy, whose name
has certainly a Cyrenaean ring.
Mr. J. Mavrogordato has continued his elaborate mono-
graph on the chronology of the Coins of Chios, and in
more than one point takes occasion to differ from the con-
clusions of Miss Agnes Baldwin. 1 We are struck by the
singular sameness of the types and the long persistence of
the archaic tradition. The conservatism in type indeed is
such that the disappearance of the stopper from the amphora
must be regarded as an event ! Even the insertion of
magistrates' names on the reverse of the later pieces with
their dull cruciform survival of the old quadratum incusum
must be hailed as a relief. Some of the names are of
historical interest. Among them those of Apollonides,
Athenagoras, and Phesinos had already appeared as the
names of the Chian leaders who threw open the gates to
a Persian garrison. Skymnos recalls the later periegetes.
But surely as a personal name Eridanos, solely associated
with a semi-mythical river, is passing strange.
On the basis of specimens in the McClean Collection at
Cambridge Mr. S. W. Grose has made some interesting
contributions to Magna-Graecian numismatics. To the small
silver pieces illustrating the alliances of Sj r baris at different
epochs in her chequered history he has added one bearing
on its obverse side the name of Laus. It clearly belongs, as
he well points out, to the events of 453 B.C., when Sybaris,
which had been destroyed by Kroton in 510 B.C., was
re founded with the aid of Poseidonia. The two pliialae
1 As set forth in her monograph on the Electrum and Silver
Coins of Chios during the sixth, fifth, and fourth centuries B.C.
(Journ. of the American Numismatic Society).
26 PROCEEDINGS OF THE
that are here seen on the reverse reappear in fact on small
contemporary silver pieces recording the alliance of Posei-
donia and Laus. The alternative views propounded by
Mr. Grose, that an early silver piece representing on the
obverse the Sybarite bull with its head turned back in the
archaic pose and on the reverse the tripod lebes of Kroton was
a cynical reference to the second foundation of Sybaris, or
indeed to its second destruction, seem to me to be both
inconsistent with the character of the Greek coinages. The
first suggestion of a ' ' cynical reference " does not require
discussion. The idea that this and the earlier incuse
coinages with the types of Sybaris and Kroton were struck
to commemorate the successive overthrows of the former
city 1 does not conform to what we know of such associa-
tions, which leads to the conclusion that they were in all
cases alliance pieces. There is no difficulty in supposing
that in the years immediately preceding 510 B.C., the date
of the destruction of Sybaris by the Krotoniate arms, there
may have been a temporary alliance on an equal footing
between the two cities. It is quite consistent with pro-
babilities that even after the overthrow of the great city
some remnant of the population may have been permitted
to perpetuate the civic name in a dependent position, and
to strike coins of small denomination in which what may
really have been an abject subjection was veiled with the
symbols of alliance.
Mr. Grose has shown that a connected series of Krotoniate
coins presenting as the reverse type an eagle seated on a
thunderbolt belong to the reduced standard of c. 102-99
grains to the stater. This standard first appears at
Tarentum, Herakleia, and Thurioi in the time of Pyrrhus'
hegemony from 281 B.C. onwards. The eagle on a thunder-
1 Cf. Von Duhn, Z.f. Num. vii, p. 310; Busolt, Gr. Gesch. II 2 ,
p. 770.
ROYAL NUMISMATIC SOCIETY.
bolt is itself a Pyrrhic badge, and appears regularly on the
gold coinage of Tarentum. The conclusion at which
Mr. Grose arrives is that this series of Krotoniate didrachms
must be equated with those of the reduced standard in
other Magna-Graecian cities. Kroton, it is true, was sacked
by Agathokles in 299 B.C., and was subsequently garrisoned
by Rome. But in 280 B.C. the Campanian legion here
stationed threw off its allegiance, and Roman dominion was
only restored in 277 B.C. It is to this period of comparative
freedom (280-277 B. c.) that Mr. Grose would refer the above
series of Krotoniate coins with the eagle on the thunderbolt.
This conclusion is on the face of it attractive. It must
at the same time be observed that the eagle here seen is
not the Pyrrhic eagle with expanding wings and the head
looking forward, but a bird of earlier local tradition with
closed wings and the head turned back such as he appears
on a series of didrachms going back to the close of the fifth
century B.C. The style here no doubt is later and flatter,
but can it be brought down so late as the time of Pyrrhus ?
Has the eagle's plumage anything of the Pyrrhic or Ptole-
maic character? Such questionings are not by any means
satisfied by an inspection of the tripod lebes as it appears
on the reverse of some of these pieces. Here again we see
the earlier tradition closely followed.
A hoard of Persian sigloi recently acquired for Mr. J. G.
Milne at Smyrna has supplied some interesting new evidence
as to the punch-marks on this class of coins. The majority
of such marks have been taken by Mr. Rapson to be derived
from Brahmi or Kharosthi characters,' but the series afforded
by the present find certainly brings other elements to the
fore, and Mr. Milne's conclusion seems incontrovertible
that they come rather from the West than the East of the
Persian Empire. This, moreover, is in harmony with the
1 J.R.A.S., 1895, pp. 865 seqq.
28 PKOCEEDINGS OF THE
evidence of the hoard of coins found in Cilicia of hetero-
geneous composition, but in which were included Athenian
"owls", Persian archers, and issues of certain cities and
Persian satraps in Cilicia, described by Mr. Newell. 1 A few
characters are clearly Phoenician letters, the triskelis might
suggest Lykian analogies, but the most frequent parallels
are certainly with signs of the Cypriote syllabary.
The introductory study of "The Coinage of Nero" com-
municated by Mr. E. A. Sydenham calls attention to some
important aspects of what he justly describes as " one of
the most complete monetary systems of antiquity". He
divides the coinage into two clearly defined periods: (1) A. D.
54 to 63, (2) A. D. 64 to 68. In the first class the absence
of types bearing any historical allusion is to be noted, as
well as the non-occurrence of Senatorial brass. The formula
EX S. C which occurs on all the coins of this class shows
however that Nero had "waived his right of issuing gold
and silver which had been the imperial perquisite since the
monetary reform of Augustus (15 B. c.), and had allowed
the Senate the sole right of coinage ".
In considering the reform of the coinage in A. D. 63,
Mr. Sydenham inclines to Soutzo's view that it was a care-
fully thought out attempt to unify the standard of coinage
throughout the Empire by harmonizing the Eoman with
the Greek system. The relative values of brass and copper
were also now definitely fixed as 1| to 1.
Mr. Sydenham effectively criticizes some of Mowat's views
as to the establishment of a mint at Lugdunum, and the
identification of the globe symbol with that city. The
globe, as he shows, occurs on a number of coins whose style
points to the Eoman mint, and the real criterion is to be
found in the style. The bold treatment of the portrait and
high relief is characteristic of the Roman fabric, and the
1 Num. Chron., 1914, pp. 1 seqq., and p. 5, fig. 1.
EOYAL NUMISMATIC SOCIETY. 29
flatter and more outspread manner of execution is the mark
of the Lyons engravers. Certain particular obverse legends
are found by Mr. Sydenham to go with the respective styles
of portraiture.
Professor Oman's paper on " The Decline and Fall of the
Denarius " calls us by a natural transition from the monetary
system established by Nero to the innovations introduced
by Caracalla in A. D. 214. Professor Oman gives good
reasons for believing that the so-called " Antoninianus " now
struck, originally representing about 80 grs. in weight as
against the contemporary denarius of about 54, was intended
to circulate as 1^ denarii, and was not, as has been some-
times alleged, a " double denarius". He finds an ingenious
explanation for the new denomination in the simultaneous
issue of lighter aurei of about 100 grs. as against the
proper weight of 112, and suggests with some plausibility
that 20 of these " Antoniniani " went to one of these reduced
aurei. The aureus itself, as he shows, had been becoming
progressively rarer, and the issue of these of lighter weight
side by side with those of the full standard can, he thinks,
be best explained by the growing practice of payment by
weight rather than by the nominal value of the gold pieces.
But with the further reduction of the aureus below 100 grs.
by Caracalla's successors this arrangement ceased to be
operative, and the so-called Antoniniani were no longer
struck.
Why, then, were they restored by Balbinus and Pupienus
and made the common coin of the realm by Gordian Ill's
ministers about A. D. 242 ? Professor Oman finds an answer
in the practical disappearance of the aureus except for
sportulary purposes, and the need of some tolerably showy
piece for official disbursements, which were made on an
extensive scale. Meanwhile the existence of the new piece
and its inconvenient relation to the old debased denarius
was gradually fatal to the latter. Practically the last
30 PROCEEDINGS OF THE
important issue of billon denarii is, as Professor Oman points
out, to be seen in the remarkable series of Postumus
illustrating the Labours of Hercules. It may fairly be said
that the original Roman silver mint, despite its sad deterio-
ration in purity of metal, "expired in a blaze of mythological
and artistic glory ".
The debased quinarius shared the fate of the denarius.
From the comparatively fine engraving of these small pieces
it seems probable that they were largely of the nature of
our " Maundy money ", and were useful for donative pur-
poses. It may be noted that the same characteristic attaches
to the series of small bronze pieces of Diocletian's time.
Mr. H. L. Rabino has concluded his series of papers on
the "Coins of the Shahs of Persia", touching in his final
communication on the obscure and chaotic series of copper
pieces struck between 1502 and 1877.
A small but interesting hoard of Saxon pennies found
in Dorset has been described by Mr. Cyril Lockett. They
included pieces of Coenwulf of Mercia, Ecgbeorht of Wessex,
Wulfred, Archbishop of Canterbury, and of Canterbury,
probably sede vacante, with the legend DOROBERNIA
CIVITAS in full. In Mr. Lockett's opinion the hoard was
deposited in A.D. 825 or a little later.
Otherwise for English numismatics we have been almost
solely indebted to Mr. Henry Symonds, who has contributed
a series of studies based on documentary evidence now for
the first time brought to bear on the history of our national
Mint. In his study on " The Irish Coinages of Henry VIII
and Edward VI " he has successfully undertaken the task of
distinguishing between the earlier and the later series.
He supplies the undoubted proof that the Irish coins of
Henry VIII were struck at the Tower of London and
Bristol Castle, and those of Edward VI at Dublin Castle.
His demonstration is based on a laborious examination of
the Irish State Papers and the volumes known as the
ROYAL NUMISMATIC SOCIETY. 31
Letters and Papers of Henry VIII. The new "coin of the
harp" groats and half-groats were first struck in 1536. For
the second coinage of 1540 the names of " sixpence Irish "
and "threepence Irish" were applied, and it was at this
time (1541) that the important change in the style from
" Dominus" to " Kex " took place. In the time of the third
coinage (1544) we again hear of '"harp-groats", and during
this and the fourth coinage (of the succeeding year) the
debasement of the metal, not peculiar to the Irish issues,
proceeded. With the fifth coinage (1546) the striking of
the Irish coins was transferred from the Tower to Bristol
Castle. The coinage was shortly transferred to Dublin, and
Mr. Symonds confirms Sir John Evans's view that from
the accession of Edward VI in 1546 to 1552 the whole of
Edward's money struck in Dublin bore the portrait and
name of his father.
Sir John Evans's further conjecture that on the Dublin
coins of Edward VI's first coinage the boar's head mint-mark
might be a means of attributing them to the mint official
Thomas Agard is confirmed by his indenture of appointment
as " Under-Treasurer ", in executing which Agard used a seal
presenting a boar's head. The seal has since mysteriously
disappeared from the document at the Eecord Office.
The P on Edward VI's second Irish coinage of 1550 is
the mark of Agard's successor Pirry, who in 1552 also
signed the contract for the king's third coinage. The de-
based English coinage had now been reduced to half its
face value, and Irish moneys were now "cried down"
to the same value as the English. The Irish coins now
struck according to the indenture " called pieces of sixpence
running for sixpence of lawful money" were really shillings
corresponding in value with the English coins of the same
denomination which had the lawful value of sixpence.
Mr. Symonds identifies with one of these an Irish "shilling"
of 1552 marked with a harp which was one of Pirry's
32 PKOCEEDINGS OF THE
badges. These " shillings" are the only Irish coins that
bear Edward VI's own name and titles.
In his paper on " The Mint of Queen Elizabeth and those
who worked there ", Mr. Symonds gives a valuable sum-
mary of unpublished mint records and other documents
bearing on the subject. Some of these throw an amusing
sidelight on the difficulty of satisfying the Queen on matters
concerning her own effigy. Thus in October, 1560, Thomas
Stanley, the Comptroller of the Mint, writes : ' I am sorry
the Queen's Majesty misliketh her stamp of her fine moneys. "
He trusts in God "that the next stamp shall be better".
So, too, we hear (about 1582) of the painter's expenses "in
riding from London to Winsor ", and of two painters going
from London to Hertford to consult the Lord Treasurer
" concerning the drawing of the stamped money ". Mr.
Symonds suggests with some probability that the two
painters were George Gower, who became Serjeant-painter
in 1581 and Nicholas Hilliard, the Queen's miniature
painter.
Elizabeth continued the policy of consolidation which
reduced all the mints into a single establishment at the
Tower. Her further endeavour, however, to counteract
the debasement of the coinage is shown by these documents
to have been greatly hindered by what Mr. Symonds, in
default of a better name, describes as the "toleration
Commissions". By these Commissions the quality and
weight of the coins ordered by the indenture of 1572
suffered repeated reductions between 1578 and 1582, and
the prestige that had accrued to Elizabeth from her reforma-
tion of the coinage was proportionately diminished.
Some new documentary light is thrown on the introduc-
tion of the "mill" coinage already known in France and
fifty years earlier in Italy by Eloye Mestrell. For this
coinage it was necessary to have, in addition to the balancier
for striking the flan by means of a screw, a roller press
KOYAL NUMISMATIC SOCIETY. 33
or laminoir fox reducing the metal to the proper thickness
previous to the punching out of the flan. Both Mr. Symonds
and Mr. Hocking, who has supplied a note on this point,
agree that certain purchases of steel in the years 1560 and
1561 entered in the Comptroller's book of expenditure were
required for a roller press of this kind. Some new evidence is
also given as to the opposition to the new-fangled methods
as bitter in London as it had been in Paris. This feeling
found full vent in the opinion expressed in a letter written
by Eloye's successor, Kichard Martin: "neither the said
engine or any workmanship to be wrought thereby will be
either fit for the coinage or for the Queen's Majesty's profit."
There is a good deal of human nature in all this, and the
improved methods which ceased with the last issue of
Elizabeth's mill pieces in 1572 were put off till Peter
Blondeau again introduced them to the mint in 1645.
Mr. Symonds has also contributed some notes on the
" Pyx Trials of the Commonwealth, Charles II and James II,
from entries in the Exchequer Accounts ".
It was my intention on the present occasion to call special
attention to a curious chapter in numismatic history of
which the present war has been the occasion. Since its
beginning it appears that over 450 commemorative medals
have been already struck in Germany, few of which rise
to a high artistic level, though they throw an extraordinarily
vivid light on the national psychology. Thanks to the
generosity of a friend, who proposes to present a series
of these to the British Museum, it has now been possible
for Mr. Hill to exhibit some typical specimens to the
Society. A comprehensive article on these German war
medals, reprinted from the Scotsman, will also appear in the
next number of the Numismatic Chronicle.
These medals give us a strange insight indeed into the
beliefa and aspirations of the German people in all matters
concerning the present struggle. Their issue in such
c
34: PROCEEDINGS OF THE
numbers by whatever hands must be regarded as a deliberate
act of imperial policy. It has, indeed, been well pointed
out in the article referred to, that the mere fact that many of
them are of bronze, the use of which owing to the need of
it for munitions has been so severely restricted in Germany,
implies the cordial approval of the Government to their
production. To the glorification of many national heroes,
such as Admiral von Spee, Captain von Weddigen, Captain
von Mtiller of the Emden, and others, no exception can
certainly be taken, but we seem to be on different ground
when we see the Crown Prince, "the Victor of Longwy",
idealized as the " Young Siegfried " strangling a four-headed
monster ! Many of the pieces are satiric, as that showing
Brother Jonathan trading munitions and the spectacled
Wilson on the obverse, or another in which an Italian
bersagliere is stuck behind by a Prussian bayonet. Hinden-
burg, of course, " the Liberator of East Prussia ", has the
lion's share he is one of the four "burgs" the fourth
" feste Burg " being the old Prussian God. On medals of
Von Tirpitz with the legend COTT STRAFE ENG-
LAND the special instruments of the foresaid divinity
appear as submarines on our coast ; on another the in-
scription is ENGLANDS VERGELTUNG "England's
Ketribution ". Count Zeppelin's medals depict Zeppelins
above the Tower Bridge and London in flames, while those
of Von Kluck forecast for Paris a similar chastisement of
heaven. Upon the reverse of these is seen above a burning
city, a Fury on horseback holding a torch, the field being
inscribed " NACH-PARIS-1914".
But the strangest human document of all is a medal
actually glorifying the sinking of the Lusitania I It is
reproduced opposite. The tickets at the Cunard Office are
distributed by Death to a crowd of passengers whose motto
is given as " Business over all " (Geschaft tiber alles). On
the reverse the great liner, transformed into a ship of war
ROYAL NUMISMATIC SOCIETY.
35
The Lusitania medal, by K. Goetz of Munich.
36 PROCEEDINGS OF THE
with guns and aeroplane, goes down stern foremost beneath
the engulfing waves, while an inscription below actually
boasts of the deed as the work of a German submarine !
A fine French medal and plaquette celebrate the victory
of the Marne, and there are others recording the prowess of
the 75-millimetre cannon and the transport of the ashes
of Kouget de Lisle to Paris.
It is true that mighty as has been the effort called forth
in this country by the present struggle, the phase of
laborious equipment, and on the whole of defensive strategy,
through which we have been passing has not so naturally
inspired medallic records. The only contributions indeed
to the medallic history of Britain seem to be two pieces
recording the bombardment of Scarborough by the German
fleet on Dec. 16, 1914, the obverse of one of which bears the
inscription SCARBOROUGH STILL UNDISMAYED.
But in view of such brilliant successes as that recently
achieved by our Fleet in the North Sea and of the sanguine
hopes that we must all cherish in regard to the near future,
it seems highly desirable that we should not leave to our
enemies what has been practically a monopoly of numis-
matic illustration. It would accord little with the past
history of our national medallists if at the present time we
were not able to rise to the same level of commemorative
ideal art as that which distinguished their masterpieces.
As President of the Koyal Numismatic Society, and in order
to assist in however humble a way in summoning the best
artistic assistance towards this end, I desire to offer a prize
of 100 for the best two models of a medal to commemorate
the great British sea victory off Jutland.
A vote of thanks to the President having been proposed
for his address, Sir Arthur Evans announced the result of
the ballot for office-bearers for 1916-1917 as follows :
ROYAL NUMISMATIC SOCIETY. 37
President.
SIR ARTHUR J. EVANS, P.S.A., M.A., D.LITT., LL.D., PH.D.,
F.E.S., F.B.A.
Vice-Presidents.
SIR HENRY H. HOWORTH, K.C.I.E., D.C.L., F.R.S., F.S.A.
L. A. LAWRENCE, ESQ., F.S.A.
Treasurer.
PERCY H. WEBB, ESQ.
Secretaries.
JOHN ALLAN, ESQ., M.A., M.K.A.S.
FREDERICK A. WALTERS, ESQ., F.S.A.
Foreign Secretary.
GEORGE FRANCIS HILL, ESQ., M.A.
Librarian.
OLIVER CODRINGTON, ESQ., M.D., F.S.A., M.K.A.S.
Members of the Council.
Miss HELEN FARQUHAR.
HENRY GARSIDE, ESQ.
HERBERT A. GRUEBER, ESQ., F.S.A.
GEORGE MACDONALD, ESQ., C.B., M.A., LL.D.
J. GRAFTON MILNE, ESQ., M.A.
LiEUT.-CoL. H. WALTERS MORRIESON, R.A., F.S.A.
REV. ROBERT SCOTT MYLNE, M.A., B.C.L., F.S.A., F.R.S.E.
PROFESSOR C. OMAN, M.A., LL.D., F.S.A.
HENRY SYMONDS, ESQ., F.S.A.
H. W. TAFFS, ESQ.
The President then proposed a vote of thanks to the
Scrutineers and Auditors, and adjourned the Society till
October 19.
VII.
SOME RARE COINS OF MAGNA GRAECIA.
(SEE PLATES VII, VIII.)
THE following coins in the M c Clean Collection (Fitz-
william Museum) seem either to be unpublished
varieties of sufficient interest to merit separate treat-
ment, or else to throw some new light on problems
which have already attracted attention. The most
important are the coins of Catana, Entella, and a
"transitional" tetradrachm of Syracuse. Some in-
teresting restruck coins are included, and I have taken
this opportunity of suggesting some modifications in
grouping the coins of Graxa.
GALES.
1. Obv. Head of Apollo, r. ; hair long and tied behind
neck ; border of dots.
Rev. CAUEr around to r., the letters mostly double
struck. Cock, r. ; to 1., star of eight rays ;
border of dots.
M | 15-5 mm. Wt. 53-2 grs. (345 grms.).
[PL VII. 1.]
The style of the obverse is poor, and the exact form
of the letters on the reverse hard to make out. It
cannot be doubted, however, that the inscription
CAPEM[O] was intended. Sambon, Monnaies antiques
de I'ltalie, p. 358, after No. 915, mentions a similar
coin in the Vienna cabinet reading Al'EMC, which
Garrucci has proposed to treat as a production of
NUMISM. CHBOK., VOL. XVI, SEKIES IV. P
202 S. W. GEOSE.
natives of Cisalpine Gaul imitating the type of Cales.
G-arrucci, however, p. 80, No. 18, reads the initial C on
the Vienna coin. The M c Clean specimen will help to
establish the true reading, whether the coins are to be
considered as genuine products of the Cales mint or
imitations.
NEAPOLIS.
2. Obv. Head ofParthenope, r., wearing plain necklace and
drop earring of lotus pattern ; hair bound with
broad diadem tied with bow over forehead ;
curls loose on crown of head and thickly massed
above ear ; maeander pattern on diadem.
Eev. Man-headed bull, r., head facing; above, Nike
crowning him.
& | 20-5 mm. Wt. 135 grs. (8-75 grms.).
[PI. VII. 2.]
This splendid didrachm is from Hirsch Catalogue xi,
No. 8, where full justice is done to its artistic beauty,
but the curious weight not recorded, though the coin
is so much in excess of the maximum of c. 118 grains
for the Campanian standard. The fact is that the coin
is plated, and thus affords a rare instance of a plated
coin weighing considerably more than the ordinary
weight.
For these anepigraphic coins see Sambon, Monnaies
antiques de I'ltalie, No. 347, and notes to Nos. 342, 352.
It is thought that the dies for the reverse type were
sometimes cut in the mint of Nola. Professor Oman
kindly allows me to say that he favours this attribution,
and that he once had a coin of these types with the
top parts, visible in the exergue, of some letters which
seemed to him remains of the ethnic of Nola in one of
its forms.
3. For the other coin of Neapolis illustrated on PI. VII. 9,
see below under No. 19.
SOME RARE COINS OF MAGNA GKAECIA. 203
GRAXA.
4. Five coins of this town are given by Dr. Head
in Historia Numorum 2 , p. 52, where they are treated as
all belonging to the same series. The largest piece is
a quadrans with value marks . Others marked with
a star or crescent are termed unciae, and in two cases
| unciae. The fifth coin is merely a variety of the
quadrans. Following Sambon, Eecherches sur les
Monnaies, &c., 1870, p. 239, the coinage is described as
among the latest issued in Southern Italy. It would,
in fact, on this grouping all be struck on the semuncial
standard between the years 200-89 B.C.
There are, however, other coins of this town, one
with the ordinary types of the quadrans, but without
marks of value, others with the value marks of the
sextans, and three or four with types not mentioned
by Head, one of which reads the name TPAi A in full,
and so enabled Millingen to assign all the coins
reading TPA to this town. It may, then, be well
before proceeding further to give the list of known
varieties demanded by Wroth (Num. Chron., 1904,
p. 271). Our chief authorities are Sambon, op. cit..
whose list is almost complete ; B. M. Cat. : Italy, p. 221
(uncertain town of Calabria) ; and Garrucci, Monete
d 'Italia, PL xcvi. The coins appear but rarely in the
sale catalogues, though an occasional specimen is
sometimes noted in a " lot de bronzes ". It is unfortunate
that Lot 238 in the Nervegna-Martinetti Sale is dis-
missed with the words " Important lot de bronzes 23 p.,
quelques-unes tres rares ". These were all of G-raxa.
p 2
2(H S. W. GROSE.
A. With the head of Zeus and eagle.
(1) Without marks of value.
1. Obv. Head of Zeus, r., laureate ; border of dots.
Rev. rPA in ex. Two eagles, r., on thunderbolt ; in
front, crescent.
Hirsch Catalogue xv, No. 354.
Varieties: (a) With countermark on the reverse, X%
B. M. Cat. land 2; |oao| Maddalena Sale,
No. 237 ; lo=oj Garrucci, PI. xcvi. 4 and
5, but the description of No. 4 (p. 120)
gives X between two globules, and no
crescent.
(&) Sale Catalogue, M. le Comte G. B. de
C , Florence, 1903, No. 86. No
thunderbolt or crescent is mentioned.
(2) Quadrantes with marks of value.
2. Obv. The same type.
Rev. The same type ; no inscr. ; behind [ \ ] ; in front,
star ; border of dots. In the British Museum :
Wroth, Num. Chron., 1904, p. 291. I have to
thank Mr. Hill for casts of this coin.
3. Obv. The same type ; behind, ; border of dots.
Rev. The same type and inscr. in ex. ; KPH around to
1. ; to r. ; linear circle.
B.M. 3-5; Hunter, 1; M'Clean Coll.;
others.
Varieties : (a) A in inscr., B. M. 5.
(&) below all instead of to r. B. M. 6 ;
M'Clean Coll.
(c) 0EOA in place of KPH. Sambon, p. 230,
No. 8.
(d) To r., on reverse, crescent. De Molthein
Catalogue, No. 90.
4. Obv. The same.
Rev. One eagle only, otherwise the same. M c Clean
Coll.
SOME RARE COINS OP MAGNA GRAECIA. 205
Varieties : (a) Value marks on obverse below neck ; no
inscr. to r. on reverse. B. M. 7.
(&) Value marks shown by stars; KPH on
reverse inwards. Garrucci, PI. xcvi. 7.
(c) Cp. Mionnet, Suppl. 1, p. 355, No. 1095
(perhaps a variety of 1 (a)).
(3) Sextantes with marks of value.
5. Obv. The same type ; behind, ..
Eev. Eagle on thunderbolt. KP A or KPH.
Sambon, p. 230, No. 10.
6. Obv. The same type.
Eev. Two eagles on a base. FPA. In the field,
probably of reverse, crescent and star
Sambon, No. 11.
Note. Mionnet, Suppl. 1, p. 354, No. 1090, describes a
similar piece with a star and crescent on the
reverse, and a crescent on the obverse. I have
not met these sextautes save in Sambon and
Mionnet.
B. With the scallop-shell and eagle.
(1) Without marks of value.
7. Obv. Scallop-shell.
Eev. PPA in ex. Eagle, r., wings spread, on thunder-
bolt.
Varieties: (a) Perhaps the reverse always has a star of
eight rays or a crescent to r. See B. M.
8-10. One poor specimen in the M c Clean
Coll. may be simply as described above.
Another example, with star, De Molthein
Catalogue, No. 91.
(b) Eagle with closed wings. B. M. 11.
8. Obv. The same.
Eev. TPA above. Eagle, r., standing with closed
wings or short bar ; to r., crescent.
B. M. 12.
206 S. W. GROSE.
(2) Sextantes with marks of value.
9. Qb Vm The same but marks of value . . to 1. and r.
Rev. rPA below. Eagle as before ; to r., star.
In the British Museum. I have to thank
Mr. Hill for casts of this rare coin.
Variety: Garrucci, PI. xcvi. 8, with D on the reverse.
These are the only two specimens I
have met.
C. With scallop-shell and varying reverse.
10. Obv. The same.
Rev. FPA below. Thunderbolt ; above, star.
Garrucci, PI. xcvi. 1.
Variety : (a) Without the star? B.M. 13. A very clear
specimen with an eight-rayed star has
been added to the British Museum col-
lection since the catalogue was printed.
A poor specimen in the M c Clean Coll.
seems to have the star, which probably
always occurs.
11 Obv. The same.
Rev. FPA in ex. Dolphin, r. ; above, crescent to 1. of
star ; dotted ex. line.
B. M. 14.
Varieties : (a) No star ; linear circle. B. M. 15.
(b) Crescent above, star below ; to 1. of star,
apparently ^ ; no exergual line ; linear
circle ? MClean Coll.
(c) No symbols. Garrucci, PI. xcvi. 12.
D. Other types.
12. Obv. Star and crescent.
Rev. Thunderbolt and crescent. FPA.
Sambon, p. 230, No. 6.
13. Obv. Young male head in laureate pileus, r.
Rev. rPAZA in ex. Two eagles, r., wings closed, on
plain exergual line.
Millingen, Bull Arch, di Napoli, 1854,
p. 121; Sambon, p. 229, No. 1;
Garrucci, PI. xcvi. 2.
SOME BARE COINS OF MAGNA GRAECIA. 207
14. Obv. Head of Apollo, r., laureate.
Bev. 1PA (TPA in description) in ex. ; two eagles, r.,
wings closed, on thunderbolt ; below all,
Garrucci, PI. xcvi. 3.
There will be no dispute over the coins described
under Nos. 2-6. These are quadrantes and sextantes
struck on the semuncial standard (c. 200-89 B.C.), and
contemporary with the similar coins of Paestum. With
them must be classed the rare No. 9, which is another
sextans of different type. The questions which then
require answer are, first, whether the star and cres-
cent on other coins mark them as the uncia and ^ uncia
of the same series? secondly, what is the relation of
No. 1 to other coins of these types, the quadrantes and
sextantes Nos. 2-6 ? thirdly, if the crescent and star
are not marks of value, are the other coins contemporary
with Nos. 2-6 ?
The difficulties against regarding the star and
crescent as value marks are, I think, insuperable. In
the first place, No. 1 will not fit into this scheme. The
coin is of the ordinary quadrans type, but without the
value marks . But in three cases there is a crescent
on the reverse (Hirsch Cat. xv, 354 ; B. M. 1 and 2).
Ex hypothesi these pieces should be | unciae. But they
weigh 66-6, 58, and 48 grains respectively, these
weights ruling higher than the weights of the quad-
rantes. On the other hand, No. 10, with the star,
should be an uncia ; but it is a coin of low weight
(M c Clean Collection 25 grains). It would rightly be
objected that this might only point to a lowering of
the standard, that according to No. 4 (b) stars do some-
times take the place of pellets as value marks, and that
in any case the weights of such small bronze coins
208 S. W. GROSE.
can prove nothing, especially at this period. But if
we look at No. 2 we find that although this is a
quadrans with value marks it also has the star, and
that, too, on one and the same side. (This coin is
possibly a sextans, but the argument holds good.)
Again, No. 6, on the authority of Sambon, is a sextans
with value marks , a crescent, and a star all on the
same coin.
We then turn to the scallop-shell series. One of
these (No. 9) has the marks of a sextans on the
obverse, and also a star on the reverse. No. 11 is,
according to Head, a uncia with no distinctive signs ;
but specimens of this coin have both a crescent and
a star, sometimes a crescent alone, sometimes neither.
The star and crescent must, then, be regarded as
symbols. It has been shown that they occur together
on No. 11, and that the star is found on a quadrans
with value marks (No. 2). The question then arises
whether No. 1 without value marks is contemporary
with Nos. 2-6, which show the same types with value
marks, and whether No. 9, which is the solitary example
of the scallop-shell type with value marks, draws all
the unmarked coins of that series into this same
chronological period. We should expect to recognize
a difference in time between coins of the same types
at the same town when one set bears value marks and
the other is without them. Now the coins are found
on the coast of the Gulf of Tarentum. Head compares
them with coins of Brundisium, a good comparison so
far as the coins with the head of Zeus are concerned.
But the series with the scallop-shell, although that
type is also found at Brundisium, may surely be com-
pared more advantageously with the small bronze
SOME RARE COINS OF MAGNA GRAECIA. 209
coins of Tarentum, which have this same obverse type
and a reverse varying between Taras on the dolphin,
two dolphins, or a cantharus for reverse type. Here
we may notice that No. 1 1 has a dolphin for reverse
type. I venture to suggest that these two series are
contemporary, and that as the Tarentine bronze is
dated c. 320-228 B.C. the scallop-shell series at Graxa
starts at any rate not later than c. 228 JB. c., perhaps
about 240 B.C. The following chronology may then be
regarded as approximate :
1. Circa 240-200 B. c.
(a) Scallop-shell series without value marks (Nos. 7,
8, 10, 11).
(b) Nos. 12, 13, 14, of which No. 12 is connected
with No. 10 through the reverse type.
2. Shortly before 200 B.C.
(a) Zeus and eagle types without marks of value
(No. 1).
(b) Perhaps Nos. 13 and 14 (mentioned above under
!(&)).
3. Circa 200-170 B.C.
(a) Quadrans. Zeus and eagle types (Nos. 2, 3, 4).
(b) Sextans. Zeus and eagle types (Nos. 5 and 6).
(c) Sextans. Scallop-shell and eagle types (No. 9).
Some further considerations in favour of this group-
ing may now be given. The abbreviated names (magis-
trates?) KPH or KPA, and in one case 0EOA, only
occur on coins of 3 (a) and (b), and so these coins of
the semuncial standard seem to be separated in time
from the majority of the scallop-shell series and the
other coins with varying types which never bear these
names. It might be objected that the sextans 3 (c) has
not these names, but it must be remembered that only
two specimens of this type have been noted. I think
that this second sextans is correctly placed. It might
210 S. W. GKOSE.
possibly, but improbably, be placed in 1 (a) with the
others of that type, the marks of value being explained
as imitated from the later small silver obols of
Tarentum which circulated in such numbers.
Secondly, I have dated the last group to c. 200-
170 B.C. rather than down to 89 B.C. As two magis-
trates only are met with on the coins, and the coins
are themselves so rare, they can hardly have been in
issue for over a century.
Thirdly, in regard to group 2, I have placed No. 1
before the others of the same types, but bearing value
marks, just as 3 (c) has been placed later than 1 (a).
And the varieties of this coin are highly instructive.
Five of them are countermarked. It will, I think, be
hard to resist the conclusion that the countermark in
each case represents marks of value. The coins were
issued shortly before c. 200 B.C., and when the sem-
uncial standard was adopted soon afterwards the first
step taken was to countermark the older issue with the
new marks of value.
"With regard to Nos. 13 and 14, where the obverse
type is a male head, it is difficult to form a judgement
without seeing the coins. They do not, however, bear
value marks, and to judge from Garrucci's illustrations
their style is of the third rather than of the second
century B.C.
TABENTUM.
5. Obv. Naked rider, r., wearing crested helmet ; aiming
downwards with spear in r. hand ; reins and
spears in 1. hand and shield on 1. arm ; AAl
below horse.
Rev. TAPA5 around to r. Taras, 1., astride dolphin ;
in r. hand trident, and in 1. hand shield with
hippocamp blazon ; below, murex ; <l> H in
field to 1.
1 stater.
SOME RAKE COINS OF MAGNA GRAECIA. 211
6. Obv. Naked rider, r., crowning himself with r. hand ;
below, capital of Ionic column ; $A below
horse.
Eev. TAPA5 around to r. Taras, 1., astride dolphin,
a water-snake in r. hand and a branch in 1. ;
KON below. [PL VII. 3.]
M stater.
The letters <I>H on the reverse of the first of these
coins are quite legible, though the last two bars of the
H are worn down and almost impossible to see in a
reproduction. For this very rare variety see Evans,
Horsemen of Tarentum, p. 102, note 132.
A variety reading KON is not known to Evans, who
regards KOM as invariable (op. cit., p. 99, with note 130).
KOM is, however, to be read on a fine gold stater from
the Ashburnham Collection, and now in the M c Clean
cabinet, where the Catalogue (No. 6) gives KOW.
UXENTUM.
7. Obv. Head of Athena, r., wearing crested Corinthian
helmet ; border of dots.
j^.KAISIES [EOYMENTHI] above and below
thunderbolt ; below, star of eight rays.
M ^- 22 mm. Wt. 186-1 grs. (12-06 grms.).
[PL VII. 4.]
The final letter of KAI3IE3 could not be read on the
other known specimen in Hunter Cat., i, p. 152, where
Mr. "W. M. Lindsay has suggested that the word is in
the nominative case (-e for the fuller -es), the inscrip-
tion meaning " Caesius (magistrate) at Uxentum ".
METAPONTUM
8. Obv. A* ^TA to r. downwards. Ear of barley ; raised
cable border.
Rev. Apollo to front, head r. ; r. hand on hip, in 1.
hand strung bow ; laurel wreath border.
M -* 18 mm. Wt. 56-5 grs. (3-66 grms.).
[PL VII. 5.]
212 S. W. GROSE.
As this coin is a half-stater, and since Metapontum
followed the division by thirds and sixths during the
fifth century, the piece has usually been attributed to
the period c. 350-330 B.C. (Macdonald, Hunter Cat., i,
p. 92, No. 27; Head, Hist. Num.*, p. 76). On grounds
of style and epigraphy we must date this coin at least
a century earlier, where it falls into line with the other
Apollo coins of the period following c. 470 B.C. The
letters F*&TA. are very clear on the fine specimen in
a Roman sale of April 6, 1908, PI. ii. 70. Moreover,
a good parallel for the unusual method of division can
be found for this period at Croton, where a quarter-
stater was struck (Benson Sale Catalogue, Sotheby, 1909,
No. 105, wt. 28J grs. There is also a specimen in the
British Museum, wt. 27-4 grs. (Num. Chron., 1914,
p. 99, No. 5).
NOTE. Since these coins of Metapontum, and many others
included in this paper, were discussed at a meeting of the Royal
Numismatic Society in November, 1915, an article has appeared
by M. A. Sambon in the Revue Numismatiq^le for 1915, pp. 83-
100. On p. 97 M. Sambon has anticipated the conclusion arrived
at above with regard to the Metapontine half-stater, but does
not mention the epigraphical evidence or the parallel from Croton.
M. Sambon is, however, chiefly concerned with coins of Meta-
pontum which he believes may be dated to the period of the
Lucanian domination after 300 B. c. Among them are the coins
reading NIKA or AXIM. I cannot feel persuaded that the
coin described below (No. 9) is of such a late date.
9. Obv. Head of Nike, 1., hair rolled and waved, wearing
stephane bound with wreath of olive ; N I K A
to 1., upwards ; ribands of wreath off flan.
Rev. Ear of barley on stalk with leaf r. ; MET A to 1.
upwards.
M f 20-5 mm. Wt. 102-3 grs. (6-63 grins.).
[PI. VII. 6.]
SOME KARE COINS OF MAGNA GRAECIA. 213
10. Obv. Head of Leukippos, r., in Corinthian helmet with
flap ; behind neck, AMI; linear circle. (Turned
round on Plate to show earlier type.)
Bev. Ear of barley on stalk with leaf 1. ; MET A to r.,
upwards; above leaf, forepart of Pegasos, r. ;
below to r., APH.
M f 22 mm. Wt. 1174 grs. (7-6 grms.).
[PI. VII. 7.]
The interest of these two coins lies in the fact that
the Leukippos head has been restruck over a head of
which the visible part is so absolutely identical with
the Nike head of the previous coin that it may have
come from the same die, although the only part visible
is the profile from the lower half of the nose to the
neck. Unfortunately this is not enough to give us the
first letter of the inscription, which would have been
conclusive. The coins inscribed N I K A are all described
as late by Head, who places them after the Leukippos
group in the period c. 330-300 B.C. (Hist. Num. 2 , p. 79).
If it could be proved that the Leukippos stater is
restruck over the Nike type the latter would have to
be removed to the period before c. 350 B.C., a date
with which the M c Clean coin would, in my opinion,
better agree on grounds of style.
11. For an unpublished bronze variety and a rare
stater see below, Note 1.
CROTON.
12. In Num. Chron., 1915, p. 179 seq., it was suggested
that the majority of the staters assigned to the years
c. 330-299 B.C. really belong to a reopening of the
mint after 280 B.C. The solitary exception is the coin
with the corn-ear and serpent symbols on the reverse.
""Whether it belongs to the years 330-299 B.C. is, for
214 S. W. GKOSE.
our purpose, immaterial" (op. cit., p. 185). It was
further suggested that this coin really dates from
c. 400 B.C.
I now find that another specimen, acquired by the
Cabinet des Me'dailles, was described by M. Jean de
Fovijle in Rev. Num., 1908, p. 8. ."Regarding the date
c. 330-299 B.C. as correct, he saw in the ear of corn
evidence of an alliance with Metapontum ; at the same
time he mentions a coin of Metapontum with a tripod,
or a serpent, for symbol. His actual reference for the
tripod is G-arrucci, PI. civ, No. 21, a bronze coin with
the head of Apollo for obverse type, which at once
suggests an alternative explanation for the tripod in
this case. 1 The tripod occurs, however, on other coins
of Metapontum, e.g. the fine stater with the veiled head
of Demeter (B. M. Cat. 155) and the small silver coin
1 It is probable that a large proportion of the bronze coins of
Metapontum belong to the third century B.C. There are, for
instance, the coins bearing the name of the magistrate Tl AM1N
in full (Garrucci, PI. cv. 27) of which the shortened form TIM
occurs on a MClean coin between two ears of barley. Another
M c Clean coin gives not only the name in full to the 1., but also
a tripod to the r. ; between is the type, an ear of barley, and
MET A. The obverse type is the head of Apollo, 1., laureate,
so that the coin is a variant of the one mentioned in the text.
Unfortunately, although all details of the letters, &c., are quite
clear, the coin is in too poor a condition to be worth reproducing
here. The style of the piece is late, and the name does not occur
in its abbreviated form on the silver coins of Metapontum, so far
as I can find. No other name in full is known at Metapontum
except OAPPArOPA^ (an epithet of Ares?) on the silver
staters c. 340 B.C., published by Imhoof-Blumer, Monnaies grecques,
p. 5, 21-4. (Is it certain that the head on the obverse of that coin
with the long hair escaping in curls below the helmet flap is Ares,
as Imhoof says, and not Athene as others have described ? The
MClean specimen does not read the name, but has AOA, and an
owl on the reverse and $A behind the head of the obverse.
PI. VII. 8.)
SOME RAKE COINS OF MAGNA GRAECIA. 215
with the head of Ammon (B. M. Cat. 121). I find it
difficult to believe that, amid the multiplicity of sym-
bols on the later coins of Metapontum, the tripod has
a special reference to Croton. As for the use of the ear
of barley on coins of Croton, this occurs on jifth-centvry
coins with Tcoppa used in the inscription 9PO (B. M.
Cat. 73), and the corn grain is a common Croton
symbol. I am therefore not persuaded that the com-
bination of the symbols can be made to refer to an
alliance between these towns in the late fourth cen-
tury B.C. (See also Sambon, Rev. Num., 1915, p. 92,
No. 6, for a stater in the Jameson Collection.) I still
regard the suggestion that this coin must be ascribed
to c. 400 B.C., and that the coinage c. 330-299 B.C. must
be supplied by a later dating of the Apollo head coin
as most probable. (1) The coin will remain as a soli-
tary example of the old eagle type for that particular
period. (2) M. de Foville's specimen weighs 7-64 grms.
(118 grs.), and thus bears witness to the very good
weight maintained by the specimens previously re-
corded (op. cit., p. 185). On the other hand, it was
shown that the Apollo series has a marked tendency to
decrease in weight. (3) The style still seems to me to
be that of the later fifth -century coins ; it is true that
the tripod with the holmos is of unusual shape, and can,
indeed, only be paralleled by the similar coins of
reduced weight. The shape of the lebes, however,
varies a good deal on the fifth-century coins. The fact
that the type occurs again in 280 B.C. is in favour of
the later date for the original from which it is derived.
To my mind, this is quite outweighed by the other
considerations brought forward above.
13. Three examples of light staters omitted in the
216 S. W. GROSE.
previous list are to be found in Sambon, RechercJies,
&c., 1870, p. 326, Nos. 48-50. They are of the types
given under Nos. 3, 8, and 7. The weights are 6-77,
6-6, and 6-57 grammes respectively. An example of
type 4 occurred in the Headlam Sale (Sotheby, May 9,
1916, Lot 229) and has been acquired by the British
Museum. Weight, 6-15 grammes.
LAUS AND SYBAEIS.
14. On p. 190 of the same article it was suggested
that the types on certain coins of Sybaris (a dove) and
Laus (a crow) might be intended for the same bird.
It is interesting to note that a similar difficulty (dove
or eagle ?) has been found in some coins of Aphy tis
(Wroth, Num. Chron., 1902, p. 315). Finally, I have to
thank Mr. Hill for calling my attention to the fact
that a coin ascribed to Laus and Sybaris (op. cit., p. 189)
has already been published in the Jameson Catalogue,
No. 258. The types of this piece differ from those of
the M c Clean coin, which now seems to me probably
the one sold in the Nervegna-Martinetti Sale, No. 504,
as a coin of Poseidonia, Laus, and Sybaris, the inscrip-
tion on the obverse being there read as OH and *AA.
LOCEI.
15. Obv. AOKPHN around to 1., inwards. Head of Zeus,
1., laureate ; hair in long curls ; behind neck,
a poppy-head.
Eev- Eagle, 1., standing with closed wings within olive
wreath with berries (Die of Hartwig Sale.
No. 490).
M ^ 23 mm. Wt. 118-1 grs. (7-65 grms.).
[PI. VII. 10.]
Restruck over a stater of Corinthian types.
SOME RARE COINS OF MAGNA GRAECIA. 217
Staters with this reverse type are very rare, and are
not mentioned in the Historia Numorum. Another
example is figured in Grarrucci, PL cxii. 24. The
Pegasos stater over which the M c Clean specimen is
restruck was no doubt of Locrian issue. It is curious
that this particular specimen should have been of such
low weight as to coincide with the local standard
employed for coins of native Locrian types. The
normal staters of the Pegasos class weigh 135-130
grains, but occasional specimens drop to c. 119 grains,
though they are unusual. The coin probably dates
from about 325 B.C., as the style of the obverse is better
than that of the latest Locrian staters with their care-
less execution.
RHEGIUM.
The following restruck bronze coins are of interest.
16. Obv. Head of Apollo, r., laureate ; behind neck, palm-
branch ; border of dots.
Rev. PHFINflN above and in ex. Wolf, r., preparing
to spring ; to r., Ill; plain ex. line ; linear
circle.
M I 23-5 mm. Wt. 111-8 grs. (7-24 grms.).
[PL VII. 11.]
Restruck over a coin of the Bruttii, obv. head of Zeus,
r., with thunderbolt to 1. : rev. BPETTIHN to 1. ; naked
warrior, r., armed with helmet, long spear, and oval
shield ; below the shield, a race torch. Part of the
head of Zeus, the race torch, and the long oval shield
are visible under the new types.
17. Another specimen. M ~~^ 23-5 mm. "Wt. 110-5 grs.
(7-16 grms.). [PI. VII. 12.]
Restruck over a different coin of the Bruttii, obv.
head of Zeus, r., with caduceus to 1. : rev. eagle with
KCMISM. CHRON., VOL. XVI, SERIES IV. Q
218 S. W. GROSE.
spread wings, 1. ; head turned back. Part of the head of
Zeus, the caduceus, and the upper part of the eagle
visible under the new types.
The only other specimen of these triantes in the
M c 01ean Collection also seems to be restruck, but I am
unable to give the old types. There is no specimen of
the wolf type in the B. M. Catalogue, Hunter, Leake,
Ward, and Warren Collections. The restruck coins
were no doubt issued soon after 204 B.C., when the
coinage of the Bruttii came to an end. In that case
a useful date for fixing the bronze coinage of E-hegium
has been gained.
18. Obv. Head of Asklepios, r., laureate ; border of dots.
Rev. PHTINflN to r. downwards. Hygieia, 1., feeding
serpent ; to 1., Ill; linear circle.
JE ^ 26-5 mm. Wt. 1004 grs. (6-5 grins.).
[PI. VII. 13.]
Restruck over an earlier coin of Rhegium. Visible,
on the obverse, part of a lyre, the old reverse type ; on
the reverse, around below, profile of head of Artemis,
the old obverse type.
One of two triantes of these types in the Hunter
Collection (No. 60) is restruck on a piece considered to
be the earlier coin with the head of Apollo and a tripod
lebes for types. While this piece and the two in
Glasgow weigh over 100 grs., it may be noticed that
B. M. 113-15 and two specimens in the M c Clean
Collection weigh from 51 to 34 grs. only. Presumably
the types were employed just before the lowering of
the standard. On the coin described above the letters
NUN to the r., outwards, occur, but do not seem to
form part of a complete inscription [PHnjNflN.
SOME RARE COINS OF MAGNA GRAECIA. 219
TERINA.
19. Obv. Female head, r., wearing necklace of beads; hair
waved and rolled over ampyx with floral
design ; <!> behind neck ; olive wreath border.
^ ev ._TEPlNAIO[N] around to 1. Winged Nike,
seated 1. on stool, playing with ball.
M - 21-5 mm. Wt. 117-1 grs. (7-59 grins.).
[PI. VII. 14.]
A stater of R-egling's type, No. 33, but interesting
from the fact that it is restruck over a didrachm of
Neapolis, the letters - - OPOA being legible on the
reverse, with slighter traces of the E. Another point
of connexion between Terina and Neapolis lies in the
well known but exceedingly rare obol of the latter
town with the inscribed head of the river-god
$EPEIOO$ for obverse type, and the Terinaean type
of a Nike seated on a hydria for the reverse. [PI. VII. 9.]
CATANA.
20. Obv. Quadriga of horses prancing r., the forelegs off
the ground ; driven by male charioteer holding
reins and goad in hands ; above, Nike flying
r. to crown horses ; plain exergual line ; in
ex., shrimp ; border of dots.
Rev. Head of Apollo, r., laureate, the hair waved over
the crown of the head and turned up behind
below wreath ; some loose strands in front of
ear but no loose ends over head ; the leaves of
the wreath arranged in groups of three and
the end of the cord tucked in behind ; to 1.,
part of a fish swimming upwards, the rest off
the flan; traces of KATANAION around
from r., inwards. [PL VIII. 1.]
This tetradrachm has excited little comment, pre-
sumably on account of its great rarity. The only
other specimens known to me are those in the Benson
Q 2
220 S. W. GROSE.
Sale, No. 208 (thought to be unique) = Hirsch Cat.
viii, No. 889; Hirsch Cat. xix, No. 121, and xxxi,
No. 148. The reading with O is established by the
Benson specimen. The high action of the horses with
only the forelegs off the ground is rare at Catana, but
is found on another tetradrachm with a similar reverse
type. An example is to be found in Hirsch Cat. xxxi,
No. 147, where the reverse with a leaf behind the head
of Apollo is probably from the same die as B. M. Cata-
logue, No. 25. Also Benson Sale, No. 209. But B. M.
25 and 26 show an obverse with horses of the ordinary
walking type. "We therefore arrive at the latest years
before the period when KATANAIilN becomes regular
and the fast-galloping quadriga is introduced c. 413-
404 B.C. as the most probable date for our coin.
But we may notice that the obverse is practically
identical in composition with that found on Sicilian
tetradrachms dated as early as 466 B.C. by Head and
others (Num. Chron., 1874, p. 11, PI. ii. 12; Benson
Sale, No. 308), and probably never yet placed later
than c. 450-440 B.C. The style is perhaps a little more
severe than on the coin under discussion, and the
chariot is moving 1. instead of r. When, however, the
Apollo head on the reverse of our coin is considered, it
becomes apparent that if any account is to be taken of
normal artistic development in the fifth century B. c. the
coin cannot be dated earlier than c. 413 B.C., and that
by comparison the Apollo head of B. M. 25 and Hirsch
Cat. xxxi, No. 147, quoted above, is almost archaic. 2
2 See also a coin with a finer but similar head of this type
published by Evans, Num. Chron., 1896, p. 130, who dates it about
423 B.C. On p. 131 he dates the coin of Euainetos to the time of
the Sicilian expedition. See also his article in Mtm. Chron., 1891,
SOME RARE COINS OF MAGNA GRAECIA. 221
For artistic beauty and freedom in execution the only
coins of Catana which can be brought into comparison
are the rare tetradrachms of Euainetos (B. M. 35, &c.)
and the more youthful head seen on the well known
and commoner coin (B. M. 30), which some now wish
to connect with the artist Herakleidas. But for beauty
combined with severity of artistic restraint it does
not seem to me that the equal of this coin can be
found, not even in the Apollo heads of the coins of the
Chalcidic League, where the artist was probably well
acquainted with types of Catana. The effect here is
gained (1) by the delicate treatment of each strand of
hair and the avoidance of loose ends which distract the
eye ; (2) the successful treatment of the laurel wreath :
the small leaves seem more in proportion to the scale
of the whole than is often the case, and the pretty
intertwining of the stems behind, with the slight twist,
relieves the wreath from stiffness ; (3) above all, the
effect is obtained in a comparatively low relief. Here
the artist is following an older tradition of the mint
when under the influence of Leontini, and the treat-
ment of the hair is that of earlier coins of that town.
For a fine earlier coin of Catana in similar low relief
see PI. VIII. 2. Comparing small with great we may
remember how the low height of the Parthenon frieze
reliefs contributes to the fine effect, though no doubt
there the practical result of avoiding deep shadows
was the first consideration. Dare we suggest a closer
connexion with Greece proper? It is fairly certain
that the great Sicilian die-sinkers travelled in Greece,
p. 292. This second date must be too early for the coin in question,
which few would now deny is later than 412 B.C. ; there is then no
difficulty in bringing the first coin down to c. 415 B.C. The symbol
behind Apollo's head is here the usual laurel leaf.
222 S. W. GKOSE.
and studied the work of the art schools there. 3 And
it will be admitted that our coin in style stands
apart from all others, sui generis. Apart from the
treatment of the hair, it seems to me that the facial
forms and the nobility of expression resemble to a
really marked degree two of our most beautiful antique
remains, the marble head of Athene in Bologna and
the bronze head of a youth found at Beneventum and
now in the Louvre. 4 We have seen that a date just
before c. 413 B.C. best suits our coin so far as our
present evidence goes. It is possible, though incapable
of the slightest proof, that it is the work of an artist
who had studied the masterpieces of the chief Greek
schools, whether of Athens or the Peloponnesus, and
that he produced it when the Athenians encamped at
Catana before the investment of Syracuse. It is true
that a small party with Syracusan sympathies pre-
vented the first attempt of the Athenians to make
a base there, and that the actual settlement was the
result, in the first instance, of a coup d'etat. The
majority of the inhabitants, however, do not seem to
have been offended by this display of force, and the
narrative of Thucydides (vi. 51) is not quite fairly
treated by Holm when he says : " Catana was surprised ;
not even this Chalcidian city joined Athens of her own
accord " (English ed., vol. ii, p. 471). Such political
considerations would not, in any case, affect an artist.
* Furtwangler, Meisterwerke, p. 104 (English ed.), "Pheidian
influences in Sicily and Magna Graecia."
4 The Bologna head is, in my opinion, derived from the work of
an Argive master. Those who will compare the illustration on
PI. VIII with casts or profile illustrations of the two heads must,
I think, be struck by the resemblance. For the Louvre head see
Brunn-Bruckmann, Denkmaler, No. 354, or Meisterwerke, PI. xiv.
SOME RARE COINS OF MAGXA GRAECIA. 223
Nor is the question affected by the fact that the coin
recalls, to my eye at least, works of the Argive school.
Attic art had learnt much from Argos twenty or thirty
years earlier than this. 5
Here we may recur once more to the coins already
mentioned above from Hirsch Cat. xxxi, No. 147,
B. M. 25, and Benson Sale, No. 209. This last coin
came from the Warren Collection, and is No. 214 in
Regling's Catalogue. Other examples, with the pranc-
ing horses on the obverse, and the leaf behind Apollo's
head, are to be found in Hirsch Cat. xix, No. 120;
Sale Catalogue, Paris, December 19, 1907, No. 119.
Finally, No. 213 in the "Warren Collection reads
KATANAIO5, the type and symbol being the same.
Only the reverse is shown on the plate, but the coin is
undoubtedly identical with Bunbury Sale (1), 1896,
No. 285, where we find that the obverse is of the old
walking type. The coin is thus similar in all points
to B. M. 25, which has the same reading, and which
was seen at the beginning of this note to afford
valuable corroborative evidence that the group, as a
whole, is not dated too early when assigned to the
years c. 420-413 B.C. But the question which demands
settlement concerns the leaf behind the neck of Apollo.
The laurel leaf is often found on coins of Catana, but
what is this new-comer ? The British Museum Cata-
logue gives "poplar-leaf? ", the Paris Catalogue feuille
d'ache (water parsley), the Benson and Bunbury Cata-
logues wild celery and parsley- leaf respectively, and
the rest vine-leaf. There can be little doubt that the
second interpretation is correct.
6 My only point is that our artist had a more than insular
experience.
224 s. w. GEOSE.
Various attempts have been made to show that the
occurrence of the same symbol on the coins of different
Sicilian towns is no mere accident, but significant of
a treaty or alliance between the towns. If there is
anything in this method of interpretation, these coins
of Oatana should be in the nature of a test case. The
wild celery or selinon leaf can only refer in some way
to Selinus, of which town the selinon leaf is the
"canting" badge, appearing as the type on the oldest
coins, and later on as an invariable symbol in the field.
The ostensible motive for the Athenian expedition to
Sicily in 415 B.C. was to aid Segesta against her ancient
enemy Selinus. Banged in the camp of Segesta was
Leontini, an old ally of Catana. The Athenians
remained at Catana for a considerable period. They
formed their camp in the spring, stayed over the
summer, and after marching away in the winter to
fight a victorious battle near Syracuse returned to
winter at Catana and Naxos, and it was from Catana
that the attack on Epipolae was launched in the fol-
lowing year. In the winter battle the strongest
contingent of allies to help the Syracusans had been
sent from Selinus (Thucydides vi. 68). There is evi-
dence to show that some of the so-called " alliance
coins " should be interpreted in a very different sense
(Num. Chron., 1915, p. 191) as symbols of victory. Are
we, then, justified in connecting the selinon leaf on
the coins of Catana with the victory of the Athenians
and their allies in the winter of 415 B.C. over Syracuse
and her ally Selinus ? 6 The coins would in that case
6 I would not apply the "symbol of victory " theory as a general
rule ; but the "alliance" interpretation seemstome to be decidedly
improbable. See above, CROTON. A particular symbol on a coin
SOME KARK COINS OF MAGNA GKAECIA. 225
have been struck in the year 414 B.C. It would be
interesting to know whether the symbol occurs on any
other Sicilian coins save those of Selinus and Catana.
Should the identification of the symbol as a selinon
leaf be rejected 7 and that of a vine-leaf preferred, it
must still be admitted that the symbol is unusual
for Catana ; and those who look for meanings in these
symbols must seek for some connexion between Catana
and, let us say, Naxos. 8 It cannot be admitted that
the two dolphins, opposed, on coins of Messana and
Syracuse, the olive branch on coins of Gela and Syra-
cuse, or the pistrix on coins of these same towns, have
a more recondite meaning than this leaf, which I believe
to be the same as that shown on coins of Selinus.
Our fixed point is that on grounds of style and
epigraphy these coins must be dated not later than
c. 413 B.C. On grounds of style alone they can hardly
be much earlier. The rest is conjecture arising from
the facts that in one group we have an Apollo head of
a style and beauty removed from the great majority
even of Sicilian coins, and in the other an accessory
symbol not occurring on other coins of Catana.
rnay have some reference to the city's history. But two towns
in alliance put both names or both types on the alliance coin.
7 While it is true that slight differences can be found on com-
paring the Catana coins with a long series of Selinus tetradrachms,
it is equally true that even greater differences can be found in the
drawing of vine-leaves even on coins of the same town. It was
quite surprising to find how the shape of the vine-leaves on coins
of Naxos in the MClean Collection varies. On the other hand, the
Catana artist would be less familiar with the selinon leaf than his
rival at Selinus, and a slight difference in shape is easily under-
stood. Indeed, the differences between selinon leaves on coins of
the latter town are not inconsiderable.
8 Compare Evans, Num. Chron., 1896, p. 129, for a coin of
Leontini with a vine-spray symbol.
226 S. W. GKOSE.
ENTELLA.
21. Obv. Free horse, cantering r. ; below, grain of corn.
Rev. KA MTTANflN around from 1. below, inwards.
Helmet with cheek pieces, 1. ; border of dots.
... Drachm j 19-5 mm. Wt. 59-6 grs. (3-86 grms.).
[PI. VII. 15.]
(Eestruck over a drachm of Catana, dbv. profile of
river-god, 1., fish and crayfish around ; rev. wheel,
feet of all horses, &c., visible.)
Another specimen similarly restruck: M f 19-5 mm.
Wt. 60-7 grs. (3-93 grms.).
Silver litrae and hemilitra were struck at Entella
before Campanian mercenaries of the Carthaginians
seized the town in 404 B.C. and held it. No coins are
at present ascribed to the mint between 404-340 B. c.,
when an inscribed hemidrachm with the above types
is noted, as well as various bronze coins (Head, Historia
Numorum 2 , p. 137). The silver coin is exceedingly
rare, and a specimen is fully described by Imhoof-
Blumer in Monnaies grecques, p. 17, No. 15, and in
Z.f. N. v, p. 144, No. 3. This hemidrachm is restruck
over the R-hegian hemidrachm of c. 415-387 B.C. with
the lion's scalp and PH between laurel leaves. Imhoof,
in the second work quoted above, refers to two similar
pieces published by Romano in Annali dell' Institute,
1864, " Nacona ed i Campani in Sicilia," p. 59, PL c. 3
and 4. One of these is restruck over the hemidrachm
of Naxos reading A$5INO (date c. 413-404 B.C.), and
the other overtypes which Tmhoof wished to recognize
as those of the Catana drachm mentioned above.
Romano, however, gave no weights, and Imhoof,
thinking that both pieces should be hemidrachms,
suggested that the original coin might be the Syra-
cusan hemidrachm of c. 400 B.C. with a female head, 1.,
SOME RARE COINS OF MAGXA GRAECIA. 227
on the obverse and the chariot for reverse type. It is
most probable that his first conjecture was correct, and
that the original coin was a drachm of Catana like
those now described. Now it will be remembered
that the Catana drachms over which the M c Clean coins
are restruck are ascribed to the period c. 413-404 B.C.,
when Dionysius sacked the town. It does not seem
hazardous to conjecture that the Campanians, moving
from place to place, brought the coins of various towns
to Entella in 404 B.C., and restruck them there with
their own types much earlier in the fourth century
than has been supposed, if not in the closing years of
the fifth century B.C.
One reason why the later coins of Entella have been
dated to c. 340 B. c. is that the type of the free horse
most naturally connected itself with its occurrence at
other towns which adopted the type after the advent
ofTimoleon. Timoleon took Entella in 342 B.C. Why
the Campanians should adopt his badge and yet retain
their name on the coins is a dilemma which has been
noticed by Hill (Coins of Ancient Sicily, p. 183): "As
almost all the coins bear the name of the Campanians,
we may assume that Timoleon in restoring freedom to
the people did not find it necessary to annihilate the
Campanian mercenaries." But when it appears that
the five known silver coins are restruck over pieces
dating from the ending of the fifth century B.C., it
seems more likely that the type was chosen by the
Campanians on settling in Entella in 404 B.C. In two
cases the horse is accompanied by a corn grain. This
combination is found on Siculo- Punic tetradrachms,
and may have been borrowed by the Campanians from
their former masters.
228 S. W. GROSE.
HIMEEA.
22. Obv. Cock, r. ; above, two pellets ; border of dots.
Rev. Female head, r., of severe style ; hair tied behind ;
surface worn ; possible traces of letters ;
border of dots.
M ^ 10-5 mm. Wt. 114 grs. (0-74 grms.).
[PI. VIII. 3.]
To judge from the style this small coin belongs to
the first quarter of the fifth century B.C. The reverse
type is new, but there can be no reasonable doubt that
the piece should be assigned to Himera.
LEONTINI.
23. Obv. Quadriga of prancing horses, r., driven by
charioteer wearing long chiton ; above, Nike
flying r. to ci-own horses ; plain ex. line ;
border of dots.
Rev. Head of lion, r., jaws open ; around, four barley-
corns ; a few letters of the inscr. AEON-
TINON visible; VPA in oblong counter-
mark to 1., outwards.
Ai <- 26 mm. Wt. 244-2 grs. (15-83 grms.).
[PI. VII. 16. ]
An ordinary tetradrachm of the period closing in
466 B.C., but with a very interesting countermark.
The retrograde and the tail to the Y may be explained
as slips on the part of the workman. The countermark
has a late appearance, and, as P is used in place of the
tailed form R, it can scarcely be connected with the
domination exercised by Syracuse over Leontini in the
reigns of Gelon and Hieron I, when Syracusan types
and symbols were copied at Leontini (Head, Hist.
Num. 2 , p. 173 ; Hill, Ancient Sicily, PI. v. 5). Another
possible date is 422 B.C., when Leontini again became
dependent on Syracuse.
SOME BARE COINS OF MAGNA GRAECIA. 229
It is probable that the countermark is later than
this, and the date which most readily suggests itself
is c. 357 B.C., when the city supported Dion's expedition
to Syracuse and " Pegasi " staters were struck by both
towns (Evans, Num. Chron., 1891, p. 362). The later
period of Timoleon (c. 340 B.C.) and the earlier occur-
rence of the transplanting of the Leontines to Syracuse
by Dionysius in 404 B.C. seem less likely dates, but so
chequered was the history of Leontini that it seems im-
possible to hope for reasonable certainty on this point.
MESSANA.
24. Obv. Biga of mules, r., driven by charioteer; above,
Nike flying r. to crown mules ; in ex., laurel
leaf ; border of dots.
Rev. ME$$A N ION around from 1. below; hare
running r. ; above, P.
1 >* 28 mm. Wt. 263-1 grs. (17-05 grms.).
[PI. VII. 17.]
The M c Clean Collection contains other pieces with
the letters A and D (above and also below the hare),
while B, C, and E are also known. P occurs on a
specimen from a different die in Hirsch Catalogue xix,
No. 195 = xxxiv, No. 161. Hill's proposal 9 to regard
the letters as numerals, dating the years from some
time shortly before 475 B.C., would give a date about
460 B.C. for our coin, and it is to be hoped that coins
bearing some of the intervening letters will come to
light.
25. Two coins of Messana already published in this
journal by Sir Arthur Evans 10 are now in the M c Clean
9 Num. Chron., 1914, p. 101.
10 Num. Chron., 1890, p. 299, and 1896, PL viii. 4.
280 S. W. GROSE.
Collection. One of them has for symbol on the reverse
the head of the nymph Pelorias, and is further distin-
guished by the obverse type which shows the biga of
mules galloping. This is, I believe, the only exception
at Messana to the ordinary walking type with its
variant, where a high-stepping action is shown (Hill,
Sicily, PI. viii. 14). The name of the nymph Pelorias
is legible on another specimen in Paris ; but below the
neck of this small head Evans detected traces which
he took to be the remains of the signature [KIMJftN.
The coin has been reproduced in Forrer, Notes sur les
Signatures, &c., p. 219. It has not, however, been
noticed that the piece is a restruck coin, and it appears
to me that the supposed traces of letters are no more
than parts of the dotted border. The name of Kimon,
then, must not be connected with this quite exceptional
coin unless better evidence is forthcoming. It occurs
on other' coins of Messana with the ordinary walking
biga and the symbol of the eagle devouring a serpent.
Another small point to add to the description given
by Evans is that between the nymph's head and the
body of the hare is a small letter or symbol Z (? N
outwards).
It is difficult to place this coin in the Messana series.
From the obverse type it would seem to date from just
before 396 B.C., when the city was destroyed. Evans,
however, has read the inscriptions on the reverse as
MES5AA/IO/V PEAHPIAS, the epigraphical forms
thus pointing to a distinctly earlier date. These
legends are presumably supplied by Evans from the
French specimen, as it is impossible to distinguish any
vital letter on our coin (N, O or ft). Yet the style of
the small head and the ear of corn in the exergue of the
SOME RAKE COINS OF MAGNA GRAECIA.
231
obverse favour the earlier date, as they find their best
parallel on the earlier of the Syracusan tetradrachms
of Tudeer's period c. 413-399 B.C.
26. The second coin is the alliance tetradrachm of
Messana-Locri, which bears the ordinary types of
Messana, but reads AO above the hare. This coin is
notable because it cannot be dated later than c. 450 B.C.
although the coinage of Locri does not start for another
century. My only reason for again mentioning this
coin is to draw attention to a still more remarkable
tetradrachm which has escaped attention. This is
figured in the Chevalier dell' Erba Sale Catalogue,
Paris, May 14, 1900, No. 139. It bears the types of
Messana, but reads AO on both sides without further
inscription, and has as symbols an eagle's head in the
exergue, of the obverse and an amphora (? Hipponium)
on the reverse.
MORGANTINA.
27. Obv. Helmed head of Athena, r.
Rev. Tripod.
(Restruck over coin of Morgantina, obv. head of Athena
in richly adorned helmet with plume, the whole
profile visible above the helmet of the later striking ;
rev. lion r., devouring prey, partly visible below
tripod.)
' JE^-27 mm. Wt. 224-8 grs. (14-57 grms.).
[PI. VIII. 4.]
The head of Athena and tripod do not seem to occur
together on any Sicilian coin. Both occur on separate
coins at Morgantina, so that the piece was probably
restruck at its original mint. Before recognizing the
original as a coin of Morgantina I had been inclined
to attribute the new striking to Tauromenium.
232 S. W. GROSE.
PANORMUS.
28. Olv. Biga of mules walking r. with Nike flying r. to
crown them; P'/TVP' (giz) between Nike and
reins ; in ex., corn grain ; plain ex. line.
Rev. Female head, r., wearing button ear-ring ; hair
waved and gathered up behind ; around, four
dolphins ; around [SYPAK]QSIQN the extant
letters above.
M^25 mm. Wt. 262-5 grs. (17-01 grms.).
[PL VIII. 5.]
As the coin does not seem to be restruck it would
appear that a Syracusan die had here found its way to
the mint of Panormus. On this subject see Tudeer,
Die Tetradrachmenprdgung von Syrakus; pp. 10:2-4,
where a similar coin in Paris is cited. As the letters
are badly struck, O appearing as O or in the two
cases, and only a part of N being visible, there is the
possibility that this die was also cut at Panormus. and
that the letters are not so much badly struck as
blundered by an artist unfamiliar with the Greek
alphabet. In this connexion another coin in the
M c Clean Collection may be given here, though whether
it should be attributed to Panormus or Syracuse
remains uncertain.
29. Obv. Quadriga of horses walking r., the 1. forelegs off
the ground ; above, Nike flying r. to crown
horses ; in ex., plough, r. ; border of dots.
Rev. 5VPAKOSI O/V around above. Female head,
r. ; around, four dolphins.
M f 27 mm. Wt. 257-6 grs. (16-7 grms.).
[PI. VIII. 6.]
Dies, obverse and reverse, of Hirsch Catalogue xiv,
No. 202 = viii, No. 984 ; obverse die of Hirsch
Catalogue xix, No. 252, where it is combined with
a reverse reading YON3MY3. There is another
specimen of the last coin in Hirsch Catalogue xxxii,
No. 298.
SOME RARE COINS OF MAGNA GRAECIA. 233
The coin reading YONBMYB has already been dis-
cussed in Num. Chron., 1908, p. 8, by the Rev. A. C.
Headlam, who remarked that some of the later
transitional coins were the work of artists to whom
we owe the signed tetradrachms. 11 This piece would
presumably be dated to c. 440 B.C. But in his Tetra-
drachmenpragung von Syrakus a coin from Hirsch
Catalogue xix, No. 215, was brought forward by
Dr. Tudeer, who maintained that this coin was from
the same obverse die although the reverse reads
NOMITIMSONAH. While admitting the possibility
that the obverse die was obtained from Syracuse by
the mint at Panormus before this last coin was struck,
he concludes that the other coins are merely copies
of Syracusan coins, and that none of them were minted
at Syracuse. It may be noticed that the plough in
the exergue of the obverse is not mentioned in all the
descriptions of the coins given above. This is probably
due to the fact that on most specimens it is very faint
and it can hardly be used to throw doubt on the identity
of the die without further examination of each coin.
SYEACUSE.
30. Obv. Quadriga of horses walking r. ; above, Nike flyiug
r. to crown them ; ex. off flan.
Rev. Female head, r., the hair bound with a cord
twisted four times round ; wearing -^ shape
ear-ring and plain necklace ; around, four
dolphins, only two of them visible ; A on
neck behind; ^HI^OlASY*] the extant
letters above.
M - 25-5 mm. Wt. 260 grs. (16-85 grms.).
[PI. VIII. 7.J
From a Paris Sale, February 24, 1909, No. 26.
11 See also Lederer, Num. Zeit., 1910, p. 1.
BCMISM. CHECH., VOL. XVI, SERIES IV. E
234 S. W. GROSE.
The importance of this coin is sufficiently obvious.
The reverse type belongs to the later years of the
period preceding the signed tetradrachms. The occur-
rence here of fl in a retrograde inscription with the
archaic *\ will demand attention from those engaged
in fixing the chronology of the Syracusan series.
Tetradrachms of the type described above are not
generally regarded as the very latest products of the
transitional period, although from Historia Numorum 2 ,
p. 174, it may be gathered that Dr. Head had come
to consider them as such, and would have approved
of a date c. 440-430 B.C. Battle is still joined over the
date of the earliest signed coins. Evans has placed
them c. 440 B.C., 12 Holm about ten years later, 13 and
Headlam c. 420 B.C. 14 The most recent authority is
Dr. Tudeer, who adopts a date c. 425 B.C. 15 In the
early years of this period the artist Sosion signs his
name with H, 16 but it is only towards 413 B.C. (taking
Tudeer's dates) that -ft becomes common, as it then
appears regularly in $YPAKO$lflN. Unless we sup-
pose that its occurrence on our coin is purely acci-
dental, we must date the tetradrachm with the earliest
coins signed by ^Il^lflN, whatever floruit we accept
for that artist, and still regard the appearance of fl in
the ethnic as remarkable.
Now in the important series of catalogues issued by
Dr. Hirsch the signed tetradrachms are dated from
c. 412 B.C., and this is, in fact, the chronology adopted
12 Num. Chron., 1891, p. 352. ls Gesch. Sidliens, iii, p. 615.
14 Num. Chron., 1908, p. 5.
15 Tetradrachmenprdgung von Syrakus, p. 4.
16 As Evans had already pointed out and had accepted H and H
for c. 440 B.C.
SOME RARE COINS OF MAGNA GRAECIA. 235
by Du Chastel in his well-known work. "While not
offering any defence for this late date, it seems to me
that its acceptance is based on a well-founded instinct,
the desire, I mean, to date the unsigned coins as late
as possible, and spread out the various types over a
longer period than scholars have usually allowed.
A partial solution appears to be simple. It seems to
be almost universally accepted that a rigid chrono-
logical division can be made between the late tran-
sitional and the early signed tetradrachms. The
conveniences of classification obscure what must have
actually happened. When Sosion and Eumenos pro-
duced their earliest signed pieces it is most unlikely
that the issue of unsigned coins ceased abruptly. If
the signed coins began in 440 B.C. it must surely be
allowed that the unsigned issues lasted until 435 or
430 B.C., while if we prefer to date the former down
to 425 B.C. there is no reason to suppose that our latest
unsigned tetradrachms are earlier than 420-415 B.C.
However they be dated we must suppose that the coin
under discussion is later than some of the coins signed
by Sosion. And we must admit the possibility of its
being at least as late as the earliest coins bearing an
artist's signature, and also reading ^YPAKO^IHN.
According to Tudeer this would bring us to c. 413 B.C.
as the actual date of this coin.
I do not know whether the following considerations
in support of a later, overlapping date for the "tran-
sitional tetradrachms " will be considered so unscientific
as to have no value ; they will in any case, I think,
show that the chronology down to 478 B.C., adopted
in the second edition of the Historia Numorum, needs
rectifying. A broad division of the Syracusan series
R2
236 S. W. GKOSE.
to the beginning of the fourth century B.C. is as fol-
lows : (1) before 500 B.C.; (2) 500-478 B.C.; (3)478-440
or 425 B.C.; (4) c. 440 or 425 B.C.-400 or 387 B.C.
The last class, which, as we have seen, is variously
dated, comprises all the signed tetradrachms, and of
these Tudeer has collected just under 700 examples.
In addition to all the sale catalogues, he had at his
disposal the details of coins in the great Continental
museums, particularly those in France, Russia, Belgium,
and Germany. In the sale catalogues and our English
museums alone I have counted 500 specimens of the
tetradrachms ascribed to the period before 478 B.C.,
and just under 1,000 of those given to the succeeding
years. Allowing for the fact that a number of these
may be duplicates, but considering the large numbers
which the cabinets of foreign museums must contain,
it is not unreasonable to assume that these numbers
might, on a conservative estimate, be increased to 600
and 1,200 respectively. As there is no evidence either
way we must suppose that an equal number of coins
were required every year, and that the chances of
preservation for the coins of the three periods were
equal.
What proportional result would these figures give
for the years 500-387 B.C.?
(1) Early Period, 600 coins, 500-473 B.C.
(2) Middle Period, 1,200 coins, 473-418 B.C.
(3) Later Period, 700 coins, 418-386 B. c.
If we took only the 500 and 1,000 coins, and sup-
posed that duplicates among them compensated for
all specimens in the European cabinets (which, as
explained, are included in the 700 coins under (3)),
SOME RARE COINS OF MAGNA GRAECIA. 237
we should get this result: (1) 500-474 B.C.; (2) 474-
422 B.C.; (3) 422-386 B.C.
It is probable that a certain number of the coins
briefly described in catalogues as archaic, and before
c. 478 B.C., should be given to the Middle Period. 17 The
only effect of this would be to bring the division
between these periods nearer to 478 B.C., which has
long been regarded, no doubt correctly, as the natural
line of division. We are not, of course, justified in
assuming that an equal number of coins were needed
each year. In point of fact it is obvious that fewer
coins would be minted during the first twenty years of
the fifth century B.C. than between say 480-460 B.C.
This only supports our hypothesis that the early series
must be prolonged over a greater period of years.
But economic considerations might vitiate arguments
drawn from figures when we turn to the other end of the
century. "We must also remember that when once the
mint was started the old coinage remaining in currency
would to some extent meet the new demands; here
we must think away modern conditions and try to
imagine those of the ancient city state.
With regard to the arrangement in Hist. Num.',
p. 172, the early coins with the small head in the
incuse set in the middle of a quartered square are
dated before 485 B.C., and the next division is confined
to the years 485-478 B.C. On p. 173 it is made quite
clear that the coins with a pistrix in the exergue of the
obverse are the earliest of the period after 478 B.C.
Consequently the issue of 485-478 B. c. would have left
us its record in 500 or 600 specimens, while only twice
17 It is unlikely, on the contrary, that any coins ascribed to the
later period are really archaic coins of the First Period.
238 S. W. GROSE.
that number occur for the forty or fifty succeeding
years, and a mere fraction more for the thirty or forty
years of the signed period. Lastly, on p. 171, the
earliest coins are regarded as starting at least as early
as 500 B.C. It is improbable that more than sixty or
seventy of all the early issues exist, if so many, and
they are too few to cover the years 500-485 B.C. in
view of the large numbers which must then be ascribed
to 485-478 B.C. 18
It would seem that a nexus of die combinations for
the transitional tetradrachms would be a work of no
little value, and might well lead to some unexpected
results in a group whose arrangement is considered
more or less settled. Compare also the tetradrachm
of Syracuse mentioned in discussing the coin of Catana,
No. 20 above.
31. Gold piece of One Hundred Litrae.
The M c Clean specimen is from the Montagu Sale,
1894, No. 59. Behind the neck is a letter or monogram
which is partly off the flan, and which was not read
by the cataloguer. In the ten specimens acquired by
the British Museum in 1891 from the Avola find two
were thought to read A (X ?) (Wroth, Num. Chron.,
1892, p. 3). Only Kl, EYAI or EYAINETO are recog-
nized in Hist. Num. 2 , p. 176. See also A. J. Evans,
Num. Chron., 1891, p. 297.
18 The proportion of tetradrachms before 478 B.C., and between
478-400 B.C., in some of the more important collections may be
found interesting. All are, of course, included in the figures given
above. B. M. Catalogue, 40 to 53 ; Hunter Coll., 7 to 12 ; M c Clean
Coll., 25 to 41 ; Ward Coll., 8 to 21 ; Warren Coll., 23 to 38 ;
Leake Coll., 4 to 3 ; Montagu Sales, 7 to 13 ; Benson Sale, 11 to 31 ;
Strozzi Sale, 14 to 24; Caprotti Sale, 13 to 40; Hirsch Catalogue,
xxxii, 38 to 125.
SOME RARE COINS OF MAGNA GRAECIA. 239
The M c Clean coin is from the same obverse die as
another of the coins from Avola illustrated in Hirsch
Catalogue xiv, No. 207. The cataloguer there somewhat
boldly claims the coin as a chef-d'oeuvre of the artist
Kimon, although the monogram is intact and can hardly
be resolved as other than KA or AK. For other
examples from this same find see Z. f. N. xvii, p. 171,
No. 13, and p. 178, where Lobbecke's suggestion that
a new artist's signature is here recorded seems to merit
more recognition than it has received. His alternative
that A is to be read alone and K interpreted as the first
letter of K[I/ V \HN] seems to me unreasonable, however
much we may desire to ascribe all these gold coins to
that artist or to Euainetos. Unless the coin bears the
signatures of those artists it is decidedly unsafe to say }
as is often done, that it is the work of either of them
(e.g. O'Hagan Sale Catalogue, Nos. 216, 217). Why
should not the coins marked K be the work of KA, if
he be an artist, rather than of KflMHN], although it is
true that Kimon also uses K for his signature ?
32. Obv. Head of Persephone, r., wearing ear-ring and
necklace ; the hair wreathed with barley and
falling loosely over the neck ; KOPA5 around
to 1. ; border of dots.
Rev. APA0OKAEIO$ around to 1., Nike erecting
trophy ; in the field, Al and triskeles ; plain
ex. line ; linear circle.
M \ 27 mm. Wt. 264-3 grs. (17-12 grms.).
[PI. VIII. 8.]
This tetradrachm of c. 310-304 B.C., or the second
period of the coinage of Agathocles, seems worth
reproducing here on account of its fine style. At the
same time the treatment is a little unusual. In about
eighty specimens seen in the original or in illustration
24:0 S. W. GROSE.
I have not found one which did not show the loose hair
blown over both shoulders. On this specimen there is
no trace of hair over the left shoulder, and as the type
and the border below are intact there is an apparent
increase in the length of the neck, when compared with
other specimens, which lends an additional charm to
the M c Cleaii coin.
38. Obv. AloS EA A AN IOY around to 1., inwards. Head
of Zeus Hellanios, 1., laureate, hair in long
curls ; border of dots. (Restruck over coin of
Agathocles with plain traces to r. of head of
Artemis, r., and SHTEIPA.)
Rev SYPAK OSIHN around to r. and 1. Eagle, 1.,
standing with spread wings on thunderbolt ;
linear circle. (Traces of earlier type to 1. of
coin when turned upside down are [AJFA ....
B A .... above and below end of thunderbolt.)
M \, 25 mm. Wt. 119-3 grs. (7-73 grms.).
[PI. VIII. 9.]
B/estruck coins of this type have lately been con-
sidered by Dr. Tudeer, Sonderabdr. a. d. Sitzungsb. d.
Finnisch. Akad. der Wissensch., October, 1914, p. 3.
An interesting point may, I think, be added to his
discussion.
Dr. Tudeer found 71 specimens of this coin mainly
in Paris, London, and Glasgow. Of these no less than
19 were restruck. We may add 12 specimens in the
M c Clean Collection, two of which are restruck. He
remarks that this restriking must be due to design
owing to the hatred which Agathocles inspired. As
the new types are significant of freedom he ascribes
the beginning of this series to the year of democratic
rule 289/8 B. c. For special reasons, Hiketas maintained
the issue (op. cit., German summary, p. 3).
Here we may notice that Holm's proposal to attribute
SOME RARE COINS OF MAGNA GRAECIA. 241
the bronze coins usually assigned to Hiketas back to
the reign of Agathocles is almost certainly refuted as
far as this coin is concerned, since Agathocles would
hardly restrike his latest bronze coins the latest, that
is, hitherto attributed to him especially when the
restriking involved the cancelling of his name. Now
the coins are far too numerous for all to be assigned
to the year 289/8 B.C., and the issue must have gone on
in the succeeding period as Dr. Tudeer says. But the
other bronze coins attributed to Hiketas are those with
the head of Persephone-biga types. This series is
usually considered the earlier, probably because two
specimens of the Zeus Hellanios-eagle coin in the
British Museum are restruck not, as commonly, over
the Agathocles, but over the Persephone-biga coin
(B. M. 476, 489). 19 We should now be prepared to find
great numbers of the Persephone-biga coin restruck
over the same Agathocles bronze piece. Of fifty speci-
mens in London, Glasgow, and Cambridge only a single
specimen is restruck (B. M. 467). 19 It is unfortunate
that the old types cannot be made out, but Mr. Hill,
whom I have to thank for casts of the coins, suggests
with much doubt that the original was a coin of
Rhegium with the lion's scalp, and Mr. H. Chapman
19 Since writing the above I notice that these two coins are
given in a list on p. 20 of the longer article, and that the Perse-
phone coins are mentioned on p. 21. No mention of them is made
in the German synopsis on which I had depended, and I can see no
reference either in the text or in the list of restruck coins in the
Finnish article to B. M. 467, so conclude that the Persephone coins
restruck over other types are not dealt with. On the other hand,
I should like to acknowledge as fully as possible that Dr. Tudeer
has been first in the field on this question, and that I may only
be presenting through a more convenient medium results already
reached by another, although arrived at independently.
242 S. W. GROSE.
inclined, independently and from a scrutiny of the
cast only, to the same view.
It would appear, then, that despite the coins B. M.
476, 489, where the Zeus Hellanios-eagle types are
restruck over the Persephone-biga types, the latter
coins are. as a series, rather later; but the two series
run on concurrently so that the earlier types could be
restruck over the later. This result is not unimportant
as it shows that the usual view, which would date
a whole series later than another which has afforded
a few particular specimens for the restriking of the
supposed new types, needs correction to this extent,
that the two series may be in great part contemporary.
So that dies cut for the Zeus Hellanios-eagle coins in
289 B.C. might be used for restriking a coin struck
from Persephone-biga dies cut say in 285 B.C. There
is, of course, the alternative that these latter coins
have been wrongly dated, and belong to the third
century B.C. Apart from other objections, the close
resemblance of the types to those of the gold coins of
Hicetas renders this theory, in my opinion, untenable.
Piece of Twelve Litrae.
34. Obv. Head of Athena, 1., in crested Corinthian helmet ;
border of dots.
Rev. 5YPAK05IHN Artemis, 1., shootingwith bow;
YA
hound leaping forward ; ^ to 1. ; linear circle.
[PI. VIII. 10.]
Piece of Eight Litrae.
35. Obv. Similar type.
Rev. SYPAKOSIHN above winged thunderbolt,
below. [PI. VIII. 11.]
SOME RARE COINS OF MAGNA GRAECIA. 243
The interest of these pieces lies in the fact that the
obverse die of the twelve litrae piece is used elsewhere
for a piece of eight litrae and, conversely, the obverse
die of the eight litrae coin used for one of twelve
litrae.
1. Hirsch Catalogue xxi, No. 744 ; Kome Sale Catalogue,
Tandolo and Tavazzi. April 6, 1908, No. 228. In
these two specimens of the eight litrae piece the
obverse die is that of the twelve litrae piece
described above. These two coins are from the
same reverse die with the letters ZA under the
thunderbolt. These letters also occur on the sixteen
litrae piece (Hill, Corns of Ancient Sicily, Fig. 67).
2. Maddalena Sale Catalogue, No. 692, PI. vi. 8. In this
specimen of the twelve litrae piece the obverse die
is that used for the eight litrae piece described
above. It is interesting to note that the same
YA
letters < A occur on the reverse of the Maddalena
coin.
There can, I think, be little doubt that in each case
the die was made for the higher denomination. The
border of dots which is partly visible on the M c Clean
twelve litrae piece cannot be seen on the Hirsch and
Rome examples cited above. In the case of the M c Clean
eight litrae piece the flan is very little smaller than
that of the twelve litrae coin in the Maddalena sale.
The extremities, however, of the helmet peak, the
crest, and the neck are just crowded off in the smaller
denomination. It will be remembered that at Segesta
the die of a smaller coin, the didrachm, is sometimes
used for the larger tetradrachms. The Syracusan coins
form an interesting commentary on the laxity and
indifference displayed by those responsible for their
striking.
24:4: S. W. GROSE.
36. Obv. Head of Zeus, 1., laureate ; A" below neck ; border
of dots.
Rev. 5YPAKO$in[N] in ex. Quadriga of horses, r.,
driven by winged Nike ; $fl above connected
by ligature ; plain ex. line ; linear circle.
M <- 28 mm. Wt. 208-8 grs. (13-53 grins.)
[PL VIII. 12.]
A very fine and uncommon specimen of this rare
coin. The letters %l occur on a twelve litrae piece of
this period (B. M. No. 651). Another specimen from
the same dies as the M c Clean coin is to be found in
Hirsch Cat. xxi, No. 742.
V
TAUROMENIUM.
37. PI. VIII. 13 shows the reverse of the common
bronze coin of this town with the head of Apollo for
obverse type. It does not seem to have been noticed
hitherto that the reverse type is not merely a tripod
lebes, but a tripod lebes standing in front of or, more
probably, over a netted omphalos. There are seven
examples of the coin in the M c Clean Collection, and
the omphalos is plain upon them all. Its appearance
on the coin illustrated cannot, then, be accidental. In
some cases it would appear to be slightly larger than
here. We may assume that it is represented on the
same scale as the tripod, and in that case it would be of
about the same dimensions as the omphalos found at
Delphi in 1913, and believed by M. F. Courby to be
the original sacred stone. 20 This was of poros stone,
and was 0-275 m. (10-1 1 inches) in height and 0-38 m. in
diameter. The lyre and omphalos on the bronze coins
of Neapolis would also be in scale.
S. W. GROSE.
20 Comptes rendus de I' Academic des Inscr., &c., 1914, p. 267.
SOME KARE COINS OF MAGNA GRAECIA. 245
Postscript. On several occasions in my notes on the
M c Clean coins I have mentioned suggestions made by
Mr. H. Chapman, late second assistant at the Fitzwilliam
Museum. Many readers of the Chronicle, both at home
and abroad, will learn with deep regret that he was
killed in action in France on September 10th.
Mr. Chapman possessed a wide general numismatic
knowledge and had an instinctive faculty for detecting
forgeries. He was especially attracted by the Roman
series, and all visitors to the Museum will remember
the extreme readiness and enthusiasm with which he
showed them our treasures. Many numismatic ex-
perts at home, on the Continent, and in America, have
acknowledged the care with which he answered their
queries and the excellence of the casts which he made
for them by the tin-foil and plasticine mould process.
The casts for the plates which illustrate this article
were among the last which he made. Apart from the
deep sense of personal loss which is widely felt in
Cambridge, the Fitzwilliam Museum has lost a valued
helper whom it will be hard to replace.
S. W. G.
VIII.
A HOARD OF BRONZE COINS OF SMYRNA.
A PARCEL of bronze coins submitted to the British
Museum authorities was kindly passed on by them to
me after they had made their selection. There were in
all 74 coins, which had evidently come from a single
hoard, as they were all covered to some degree by the
same kind of deposit. This deposit was fortunately
not hard to remove, and the coins cleaned well enough
to allow of close study in respect of the dies used,
which gave some interesting results.
In the list of the coins, the dies are distinguished
by capital letters for the obverse and small for the
reverse : a separate series of letters is used for each
magistrate.
1. Obv. Head of Apollo r. laur.
Eev. Homer seated 1.: i. f. r. j IMYPNAIHN, 1. j
magistrate's name (sometimes with monogram).
Name. Specimens. Dies.
APPIAAIOZ 11 Aa, Aa, Ab, Be, Cd, De, Ef,
/$- Fg(|&),Gh,Hj,Jk.
APXIAZ 1 Aa.
4
AlOPENHZ 14 Aa, Bb fl, Cc, Cd, De,
, tti)
A HOARD OP BRONZE COINS OF SMYRNA. 247
Name. Specimens. Dies.
EPMOfENHZ 1 Aa.
<%
EYAHMOZ 1 Aa.
0APZYNHN 1 Aa.
re
0EOTIMOZ 3 Aa, Ab, Be.
GE
KAAAIZTPATOZ 5 Aa, Aa, Bb, Bb, Cc. 1
KPflKIN HZ 6 Aa, Bb. Cc, Dd (f in field r.),
Ee, Ff.
lENJlNAHZ 2 Aa, Bb.
W
flAZIKPATHZ 13 Aa, Bb, Be, Cd, De, Ef, Fg,
f(f |ri> Fh, Fj, Gk, HI, Jm, Kn.
flOAAIZ 5 Aa, Ab, Be, Bd, Ce.
IAP
2. Obv. Head of Kybele r. turreted.
Rev. Goddess standing r., holding sceptre, and Nike:
i. f. r. j IMYPNAIflN, 1. j magistrate's name
(usually with monogram).
Name. Specimens. Dies.
AHOAAO<I>ANHZ 1 Aa.
AHOAAHNIAHZ
4
Aa, Bb, Cc, Dd.
AnoAAHNloZ
1
Aa.
fYl
AHMHTPIOZ
tfp
1
Aa.
HPHZIAZ
1
Aa.
FIYGEOZ
2
Aa, Bb.
^
1
1 The reverses a and c probably had KAAAIZTPA only.
248 J. G. MILNE.
The following dies were used by more than one
magistrate :
B of Arrhidaios = K of Pasikrates.
G and H of Arrhidaios = D and G of Diogenes = D and
G of Pasikrates (v. infra).
A of Archias = B of Theotimos = C of Pollis (v. infra).
D, E, F, G, H, and M of Diogenes = D, E, F, G, H, and
C of Pasikrates.
A and B of Theotimos = A and C of Pollis.
B and C of Kallistratos = F and B of Krokines.
A of Apollonios = A of Demetrios = A of Hegesias.
There appear accordingly to be amongst the magis-
trates issuing Homereia three groups in which con-
nexion is shown by common use of dies Archias,
Theotimos, and Pollis : Krokines and Kallistratos :
and Diogenes, Pasikrates, and Arrhidaios. The coins
of the first group are for the most part distinctly worn :
those of the second are rather less so : and those of the
third are generally in good condition : so that the
chronological sequence of the groups is presumably
that given above. The one or two examples repre-
senting each of the other magistrates in the list have
no connecting links : they are all much worn, and may
probably be all earlier than any of the groups.
The order in the groups themselves is harder to
determine. In the first group, the coins of Theotimos
are distinctly from dies in fresher state than the corre-
sponding ones of Pollis : but it would be difficult to
say whether Aa of Archias or Be of Theotimos was
struck first. As between Krokines and Kallistratos,
there is some presumption that the former was in
office earlier : the two coins Bb of Kallistratos show
a flaw in the die which is not discernible in Ff of
Krokines : there is, however, nothing to choose in
A HOARD OF BRONZE COINS OF SMYRNA. 249
regard of die-condition between Bb of Krokines and
Cc of Kallistratos. The third group is still more
puzzling : the dies used by Arrhidaios in common with
the other two are rather more worn in the cases of his
coins : but in none of the six dies which occur with
reverses both of Diogenes and of Pasikrates is it
possible to say with any certainty which magistrate
used the die first. In fact, the number of dies used in
common by these two magistrates (which is more than
those shown above : e.g. I have a coin of Pasikrates
struck from die B of Diogenes) and the similarity of
condition in the specimens suggest, as I had previously
conjectured from other evidence, that at some times
more than one magistrate was authorized to issue
coins at Smyrna.
The smaller coins, with the head of Kybele and
standing goddess, are on the average much more worn
than the Homereia. In the one instance where there
is common use of a die, it seems clear that the coin of
Apollonios shows the latest state of the die: there
is no difference of state between the examples of
Demetrios and Hegesias.
It may also be noted that a new die-engraver seems
to have been introduced at the mint in the time of
the third group noted above. The obverse dies of
Archias, Theotimos, Pollis, Krokines, and Kallistratos
all show a very similar treatment of the head of Apollo,
with the nose almost in a line with the forehead and
the lower edge of the line of hair over the temple
almost straight : the cross-ties of the wreath are large
and square. Dies A of Arrhidaios, B of Arrhidaios =
K of Pasikrates, F of Diogenes = F of Pasikrates, N of
Diogenes, and A of Pasikrates, seem to be from the
NUM1SM. CHROX., VOL. XVI, SERIES IV. S
250 J. G. MILNE.
same hand as the foregoing : but the rest of the dies
of these three show a fresh treatment of the head : the
nose is more prominent and at an angle with the fore-
head, which looks lower in comparison with the earlier
types owing to the hair curving downwards over the
temple : and the ties of the wreath are smaller and
rounder. It may perhaps be traced to the same change
of die-engravers that on some of the reverse-dies of the
three last-named magistrates the lettering shows a
deterioration in style, being larger and more straggling :
also the dies, instead of being exactly adjusted for
striking in the position ff, are commonly about 15 out
of plane in the direction f /.
J. G. MILNE.
IX.
A NOTE ON THE SILVER COINS OF
THE JEWS.
ONLY a small number of Jewish, silver coins have
come down to us. They consist of three denominations :
(i) Tetradrachms, (ii) Denarii, and (iii) " Thick " Shekels.
I give them in this order, because the date of (iii) is
uncertain, while that of (i) and (ii) is fixed.
(i) The Tetradrachms are of poor silver, as is evident
from their specific gravity. Coins made of pure silver 1
would have a specific gravity of 10-47 : coins of pure
copper would have a specific gravity of 8-79 : while
coins composed of half (by weight) silver and half
copper would have a specific gravity of 9-56. 2 The
specific gravity of the Tetradrachms may be judged
from the following examples :
British Museum Catalogue (Coins of Palestine).
Wt. in grms. Sp. g.
p. 284, No. 1 (slightly yellowish green) 13-06 8-98
No. 2 (traces of green, but 14-05 9-54
clean otherwise)
No. 4 (clean, dented) 13-89 9-57
Thus each of these coins contains less than half (by
volume) silver and more than half copper.
1 The specific gravity of silver may be increased by intense
hammering to 10-5 ; but such hammering as any ancient coins
would have received in the process of striking is negligible.
2 The small quantity of such impurities as tin contained in the
coins is here neglected.
s2
252 J. W. HUNKIN.
The second (No. 2) was evidently re-struck upon
a Roman provincial coin, for traces of a previous
inscription (PTPAI Trajan) can still be seen upon it.
On other Tetradrachms the original inscription is much
more easily read, e.g. on No. 13 (p. 286). Thus the
specific gravity of No. 2, and probably of No. 4, is
simply that of the original Roman provincial coin. 3
Dr. J. Hammer, in his essay on the quality of Roman
coins, says 4 that analysis of an Antiochene coin of
Trajan's shows 0-572 fine, which gives a specific gravity
of 9-68 : while a coin of the same emperor of Caesarea
in Cappadocia 5 shows 0-625 fine, which gives a specific
gravity of 9-77.
The marked decrease of specific gravity in the case
of No. 1, together with the absence of any evidence of
re-striking, seems to show that it represents a new r>
issue by the Jews themselves.
With regard to the figure of a building which is
found upon the Tetradrachms, it is probable that the
fluted columns indicate stone, 7 and that the whole
structure is simply a conventional picture of a temple. 8
The object inside, a box on four short legs, recalls
3 Cf. the silver denarius of Trajan, No. 36 (below), sp. g. 9-79.
4 In the Berlin Zeitschr. fur Numismatik, 26 (1908), p. 113 (after
Imhoof-Blumer).
6 Ibid. p. 112. Hammer calls the tetradrachms of Caesarea light
tetradrachms (10-17 to 11-47 grs.).
6 Chronologically this came first (year 1). The Jews apparently
started with a wholly new issue, and when this had been exhausted,
or a considerable amount of Roman money had fallen into their
hands, they resorted to the simpler device of adapting Roman coins
for their own use.
7 So Prof. Kennedy (P.E.F.Q.S., October, 1914, p. 198) in arguing
against Mr. Rogers's theory that the building is the Tabernacle.
8 Cf. the temple (with some object also to be seen inside) on the
coins of Herod Philip II (e.g. Coins of Palestine, PI. xxiv. 20).
A NOTE ON THE SILVER COINS OF THE JEWS. 253
the representations of the Ark which are found in the
Catacombs of Rome. 9 Thus we have a conventional
ark placed inside a conventional temple to show that
the temple is the temple of Jehovah ; and the coins
bear witness to the purpose 10 of the insurgents under
Bar Cochba to rebuild the Temple at Jerusalem.
(ii) Closely allied to the Tetradrachms are the
Denarii, e.g.
Wt. in gnus. Sp. g.
p. 290, No. 13 (clean) 344 10-05
p. 293, No. 36 (slight traces of bluish 342 9-79
green, black, and red)
Both these examples are re-struck upon Roman coins,
the latter upon a coin of Trajan. Others, e.g. No. 72
(p. 298) and No. 78 (p. 299), are re-struck upon coins of
Hadrian.
There can be no doubt therefore that, like the
Tetradrachms, they are to be attributed to the period
of the Second Revolt, A. D. 132-135.
(iii) The date of the "thick" shekels, as is well
known, has long been a matter of dispute.
The history of the discussion has been summarized
by Mr. GL F. Hill in the British Museum Catalogue of
the Coins of Palestine (pp. xc-xciv). Mr. Hill points
out the weakness of the objections which have been
raised against the date of the First Revolt, and he
brings forward a new argument from the evidence of
the epigraphy of the coins. He shows that the rejec-
tion of this evidence as valueless by Prof. Schiirer and
9 There by a curious association of ideas, though the ark cor-
responds to the Old Testament descriptions of the Ark of the
Covenant, Noah is placed inside ! For examples see J. Wilpert,
DieMalereien der Katakomben jRoms(1903), No. 56 (before A.D. 250).
10 For this see Schiirer's History, I. ii, pp. 289 ff. (Eng. Trans.)
254 J. W. HUNKIN.
others is not justified by a careful study of the forms
of the letters upon the coins ; and the result of his
investigation is distinctly, if not decisively, in favour
of the date of the First Revolt.
There is a further consideration which points in the
same direction. The inscription on the " thick "
shekels "Jerusalem the Holy" and their weight
(about 14-1 grammes) recall the inscriptions and
the weights of the coins of Tyre. The resemblance
between them also extends to the quality of their
silver, as the following figures are sufficient to show :
" Thick" Shekels.
Brit. Mus. Cat. Wt. in grms. Sp. g.
p. 269, No. 1 (good condition) 14-11 10-43
p. 271. No. 20 (slightly darker surface) 14-01 10-36
Tyrian Shekels.
No. 47 (good condition, surface slightly 14-22 10-46
dark)
No. 206 (dark) 14-15 10-35
No. 211 (darkish) 14-11 10-30
The Tyrian half-shekels are similarly of a high
quality of silver, e.g.
Wt. in grms. Sp. g.
No. 214 (bright) 7-18 10-45
No. 244 (dark) 6-91 10-28
There are other coins in the Tyrian series which
show a specific gravity somewhat less than this (though
still high), e.g.
Grms. Sp. g.
No. 32 8-57 10-11
No. 245 6-62 10-16
With these we may compare the " thick" shekel, the
analysis of which, Dr. Hammer says, gave 0-834 silver,
CM66 copper ; whence its specific gravity works out
at 10-14.
A NOTE ON THE SILVER COINS OF THE JEWS. 255
Thus we may fairly expect that light will be
thrown upon the question of the date of the "thick"
shekels by a study of the long series of Tyrian shekels
and half-shekels.
Now it will be noticed that the series starts with
thick dumpy coins, the shape of which closely resembles
that of the Jewish shekels, e.g.
Diam. (in.). Date.
No. 1 0-9 before 400
No. 2 0-85
No. 15 0-8 400-332
No. 16 0-8
Then the coins become larger and thinner, and the
resemblance in shape between them and the "thick"
shekels 11 is lost.
From about the beginning of the Christian era,
however, the Tyrian shekels show a distinct tendency
to become thicker again. Thus we may compare
Wt. (grras.). Diam. (in.). Date.
No. 49 14-22 1-15 B.C. 123/2
with No. 196 14-18 1-0 B.C. 2/1
and No. 55 14-13 1-1 B.C. 122/1
with No. 211 14-11 0-85 A. D. 55/56
The Tyrian half-shekels show a similar tendency to
become thicker and smaller in area, e.g.
Wt. (grms.).
Diam. (in.).
Date.
Compare No. 222
6-9
0-85
B.C. 91/90
with No. 244
6-91
0-7
A. D. 65/66
No. 221
6-60
0-85
B.C. 94/3
with No. 245
6-61
0-75
A. D. 69/70
11 As specimens of the " thick " shekels we may take the two
above mentioned :
Brit. Mus. Cat. Weight (grms.). Diameter (in.).
No. 1 (year 1) 14-12 1-0
No. 20 (year 5) 14-01 0-9
256 J. W. HUNKIN.
Judging by the Tyrian series, therefore, we should
say that the Jewish shekels are either earlier than
300 or else later than the beginning of the Christian
era. 12 The former date is out of the question, and in
the latter period the only date which is at all probable
is that of the First Revolt.
Moreover, Prof. A. E. S. Kennedy has drawn atten-
tion to the further resemblance between these Jewish
shekels and the coins of Antioch 13 in the time of
Nerva, Vespasian, and Titus, e.g.
Brit. Mus. Cat. (W. Wroth). Wt.(grms.) 14 Diam. (in.).
pl.xxii.4,No.226,VespasianandTitus 14-21 0-9
pi. xxii. 5, No. 234, Vespasian 14-94 0-95
pi. xxii. 9, No. 267, Nerva 15-60 1-0
There are, therefore, several important pieces of
evidence which go to support the conclusion strongly
suggested on general grounds, viz. that the "thick"
shekels of the Jews are not Maccabean, but that they
belong rather to the period of the First Revolt.
Those general grounds are as follows :
(i) It is very doubtful whether the grant to Simon of
the right of coinage (1 Mace. xv. 5, 6) referred to any-
thing more than bronze coinage ; 15 and
(ii) it is not likely that Simon should have
started a silver coinage which was discontinued by
his still more prosperous successors (e.g. John Hyrcanus)
and never revived till the days of Bar Cochba, and we
12 Of. Imhoof-Blumer, quoted by Schlirer, Eng. Transl., I. ii,
pp. 382, 383.
13 Hastings 's Dictionary of the Bible, art. "Money", vol. iii, p. 430.
14 These are the weights given by W. Wroth (219-3 grs., 230-5 grs.,
and 240-7 grs. respectively).
15 Babelon, Rois de Syrie, p. cxliv : "le roi de Syrie .... n'a pas
du accorder a Jerusalem d'autres franchises que celles qu'il donnait
aux villes d'Antiocheens et aux colonies proclamees libres de son
empire ".
A NOTE ON THE SILVER COINS OF THE JEWS. 257
have no trace whatever of any other Jewish silver
coinage in the period 130 B.C.-A.D. 130.
And now at length a final confirmation of this view
seems to be on the point of appearing.
In the Revue Biblique for April 1914 16 M. J. Germer-
Durand des Augustins de 1'Assomption publishes a
description of the Jewish kitchen which has been
recently unearthed in Jerusalem on the site commonly
called the Grotto of the Tears of St. Peter. The part
of his description which concerns us here is as follows :
' La presence de monnaies juives ou de monnaies
romaines contemporaines de la premiere reVolte des
Juifs, en determinait la date. Tout cela remontait a
1'epoque de 1'fivangile. Un side et un demi-sicle
d'argent trouve"s au cours de fouilles donneront une
idee des monnaies de 1'epoque."
M. Germer-Durand gives a reproduction of "side et
demi-sicle n trouves dans les fouilles a Saint- Pierre", and
he adds : " Les numismates discutent sur 1'age de ces
pieces, qu'ils voudraient faire remonter a 1'epoque des
Macchabe'es. Je les crois seulement du temps du siege,
et j'ai de bonnes raisons pour cela ; mais ce n'est pas le
moment de les exposer."
J. W. HUNKIN.
ADDENDUM ox THE SPECIFIC GRAVITY OF DARICS AND
CKOESUS COINS.
I take this opportunity of setting down the results
which I obtained by weighing some of the Darics and
Croesus coins in the British Museum. The references
are to the British Museum Catalogue of Lydia, in the
case of the Lydian coins, and in the case of the others,
to the British Museum Registration Numbers.
16 pp. 234 tf. " " Of the year 3."
258 J. W. HUNKIN.
Lydla.
Wt. in grins. Sp. g.
30 10-65 19-01
31 8-03 19-12
32 8-03 19-21
33 8-02 19-10
34 18 8-05 19-22
35 (slight traces of red impurity 4-11 18-86
and containing a hole)
36 2-70 19-25
Hence the average specific gravity works out at 19-11.
Sp. g.
18-92
18-91
18-79
19-07
19-04
19-02
18-98
Hence the average specific gravity works out as 18-96.
Gold Danes.
1866
12.1.4093
Wt. in grms.
8-27
I
AE 17
8-36
1866
12.1.4101
8-40
74
7.435.15
8-20
66 lu
12 W 1
4095
8-32
66
12 W 1
4098
8-33
66
12 W 1
4094 (traces
of black) 8-32
18 In the Numismatic Chronicle, 1887, p. 303, Dr. B. V. Head gave
the specific gravity of the coin represented in the B. M. Guide,
PL i. 13, weighing 124-2 grs. (i.e. 8-05 grms.) which I take to be
Lydia (34) in the present catalogue as 20-09. This of course is
due to a slip, as the specific gravity of pure gold is only 19-258.
19 This I take to be the Daric of which the specific gravity was
given by Head in the same article : wt. 128-28 grs., i.e. 8-31 grms.,
sp. g. 19-09. Here again Head's figure seems too high.
A NOTE ON THE SILVER COINS OF THE JEWS. 259
Hence if 'we may assume that the other metal in these
coins is silver, 20 the fineness of the Croesean staters
works out at 0-991, and that of the Darics 2! at 0-981.
If therefore we take 22 126 grs. (i.e. 8-17 grammes) as
the average weight of a Croesean stater, and 130 grs.
(i. e. 8-42 grammes) as the average weight of a Daric,
we obtain the following result :
A Croesean stater contains 8-10 grammes of pure gold
and a Daric contains 8-26 ,,
That is, the intrinsic value of a Daric is 1-98 % higher
than that of a Croesean stater.
This seems to be a convenient place to record the
specific gravity of two Lydian silver coins :
Wt. in grms. Sp. g.
(39) (darkish, with traces of red 9-62 10-18
impurity)
1914
9.5.286 (dullish) 5-23 10-24
This gives 23 the former (39) a fineness of 0-851
and the latter (1914. 9.5.286) 0-882 - 4
J. W. H.
[Owing to the author's absence on military service,
this paper has not had the advantage of revision by
him. EDD.]
20 In this calculation I have taken 19-26 as the sp. g. of pure gold
and 10-47 as that of pure silver.
- 1 i.e. the Darics contain 1-9 % alloy (cf. Herodotus, iv. 66).
Head gave the percentage of alloy as 3 (H. N. p. 826).
22 So Head, loc. cit. For the weights of practically all known
Darics see K. Regling, Klio, 1914, pp. 99 ff.
23 I take the sp. g. of pure copper as 8-79.
24 Cf. Herodotus, i. 94.
X.
INFLUENCE OF THE ENGLISH COIN -TYPES
ON THE DANISH IN THE THIRTEENTH
AND FOURTEENTH CENTURIES.
[SEE PLATE IX.]
Note. This article was originally conceived as an appendix to
a description of a hoard of short-cross pennies from Ribe, which it
has, however, been found more convenient to postpone to a subse-
quent issue of the Num. Chron. On PI. IX the reverse of No. 5
should be omitted, and Nos. 7 and 9 inverted.
IN the century that followed the death of Waldemarll
the Victorious (1541), a time full of internal strife and
civil wars, the penny was coined of even more debased
silver, indeed it was at last almost completely a copper
coin, and the proportion of silver in coined money,
which in l"23l was 1:2-5, grew gradually worse, and
was in 1313 1 : 10-6. 1 Under these circumstances the
values were often expressed in the mark of silver,
in French groats, or more frequently in English
sterlings. Not till the last half of the fourteenth
century was the money of Liibeck in vogue with
the Hanseatic merchants, replacing the English ster-
ling money.
As the English coins as appears from several finds
of this time were commonly known, in fact almost
current in Denmark, one would expect to find them
imitated in genuine Danish coinage. Real deniers
esterlins do not appear however that was alien to
the Danish coinage of that age ; but just like the
1 See list in P. Hauberg, Danmarks Myntvxsen og Mynter i
Tidsmmmet 1241-1377, p. 42. (Reprint from Aarboger for nordisk
Oldkyndighed og Historie, 1884.)
INFLUENCE OF ENGLISH ON DANISH COIN-TYPES. 261
French gros tournois 2 the English pennies have also
left their traces on the Danish types of coins.
The influence of the Irish penny type issued (1210-
16) under John Lackland is perhaps the most evident :
Obv. Bust of king, facing, crowned, within a triangle ; in
r. hand, sceptre ; to r. quatrefoil ; arranged out-
side the triangle, IQIlH i HH6S , RG X.
Rev. Within a triangle, a flaming star above a crescent ;
in each angle a small star, and at each point a
cross ; stars also at sides of triangle, arranged
outside which is the name of the moneyer and
that of the mint. [PI. IX. 1.]
The first Danish imitation of this type is a coin
attributed to King Waldemar II (1202-^1) and Bishop
John of Sleswick (1238-44) (Hauberg, DanmarTcs Mynt-
vxsen, 1146-1241, Tab. vi. 50) :
Obv. Crowned head, facing, in a triangle whose upper
line coincides with the under line of the crown ;
on the two other sides a greater ring between
two smaller.
Rev. Bar on a crozier within a triangle with two rings
outside the upper line ; on the two other sides a
greater ring between two smaller. [PI. IX. 2.]
As may be seen from the illustration the triangles
have been turned upside down. This is also the case
with the two following Danish imitations of the Irish
type. The Irish form of the crown has further been
replaced by the peculiarly Danish form of the time
of "Waldemar II. Rings are used instead of legends.
Nearer the Irish prototype is a coin of Eric
Plovpenning (1241-50), attributed to northern Jutland
2 See P. Hauberg, " Les monnaies frangaises du moyen age dans
les trouvailles faites en Scandinavie ", Proces-verbaux et nn-moires
du Congres international de numismatique et d'art de la medaiUe con-
temporaine tenu a Bntxelles, pp. 773-89. Bruxelles, 1910.
262 G. GALSTER.
(Hauberg, Danmarks Myntvwsen og Mynter, 1241-
1377, p. 92, No. 2) :
Obv. Crowned head within a triangle ; on each side of
this a cross between two stars.
Eeo. Crescent and four stars ; same border as the obv.
[PI. IX. 3.]
The form of the crown is still slightly reminiscent of
the time of "Waldemar II, but is somewhat assimilated
to the Irish form, which is more closely related to the
form which is found on Danish coins of the following
period. On the reverse we again find the crescent,
whereas the great flaming star is now replaced by
a little star, like those found in the angles of the
triangle. The small crosses outside the legend on the
reverse of the Irish prototype are here more prominent
and take, together with small stars, the place of the
legend both on. obverse and reverse.
A coin of the same king, attributed to Babe, shows
a related obverse (Hauberg, op. cit., p. 92, Kibe, No. 2,
illustrated ; Mansfeld-Biillner, Afbildninger af Danske
Monter, 1241-1377, No. 32) :
Obv. R'l'Q- -H- at the sides of a triangle made of pearls,
seldom of lines; within, a head, crowned ; in each
angle above, a ring. [PI. IX. 4.]
The forms of the letters R and 8 are the common
Danish forms (the English-Irish forms R and X)- The
form of the crown corresponds to the Irish one, but is
also the common Danish form of the age.
In more eastern Denmark also the influence is to be
traced. A coin of the same king, referred to Eoskilde
(Hauberg, op. cit., p. 91, No, 5), has on one side :
S | R | Q around a triangle within a star ; at each point
a cross. [PI. IX. 5.] (The other side has ^|RjQ|tt in
INFLUENCE OF ENGLISH ON DANISH COIN-TYPES. 263
the angles of a cross.) The triangle with crosses at the
points is derived from the reverse of the Irish pennies.
The star, though of a common form, comes from the same
prototype. QRQ indicates of course the name of King-
Eric. A variation has Q|PJG, and lilies instead of
crosses at the points of the triangle.
To Lund under the same king is attributed the fol-
lowing coin (Hauberg, op. cit., p. 89, No. 3 ; Mansfeld-
Biillner, op. cit., No. 3) :
Obv. Crown in a triangle with a cross at each point ; at
each side three small crosses.
Rev. Mitre in the same border as on the obv. [PL IX. 6.]
The symbols of the royal and episcopal power are
here dominant, but the border of the triangle is still
reminiscent of the foreign prototype. Small crosses
replace legends.
Of King Abel (1250-2) a coin of Lund (Hauberg,
op. cit., p. 93, No. 1 ; Mansfeld-Bii liner, op. cit., No. 42)
has on the obverse >I7|BQL(jRGX around a triangle,
wherein D. [PI. IX. 7.] The forms of the letters K
and D are found, but more rarely, on English (Irish)
coins ; they are not common however on Danish coins.
The form X reflects clearly the Irish prototype (the
Danish form is K, see above). Also the distribution
of the legend, especially with R6DC on one side of
the triangle, shows this prototype ; on the other hand,
the triangle has been turned upside down. In place
of the king's bust is found D , i. e. Danorum.
As late as the time of Eric Glipping (1259-86) we
find traces of the Irish type. A coin of Lund (Hauberg.
op. cit., p. 100, No. 4; Mansfeld-Biillner, No. Ill) has
on the obverse : Crown above a ring surrounded by
264 G. GALSTER.
a triangle, at each side a cross between two points.
[PI. IX. 8.]
Closely related to this obverse type (but with a
different reverse) is the following coin of the same king
attributed to Halland (Hauberg, op. cit., p. 103, No. 1) :
Like the previous, but instead of crown a recumbent Q
[PI. IX. 9] (a recumbent Q is also found on a coin of
Bibe of this king, see Hauberg, op. cit., p. 115, No. 16).
With this we have rather digressed from the original
type. Several coins with the triangle as the chief
design are certainly found in this period, but they seem
to be without connexion with the Irish type (see the
figures in Mansfeld-Biillner, op. cit, Nos. 88, 135-7,
141, 142, 227, 278, 299-301, 452, and 520).
Influence of the Irish type is seen also in a North-
Jutland coin of Eric Glipping (Hauberg, op. cit.,
p. 107, No. 1) :
Obv. Star above crescent, surrounded by twelve rings.
Rev. Flaming star surrounded by twelve crosses.
[PI. IX. 10.]
The obverse in itself would perhaps not be sufficient
to prove influence from the Irish type, the crescent and
star being too common designs on the coins of this time.
But this " constellation ", the star above the crescent,
appears as sole main type with one exception 3
only on this and the following coin. Decisive in this
connexion is the design on the reverse, the flaming
star, which we only find on this Danish coin.
Another North-Jutland coin is issued under the
succeeding king Eric Menved (1286-1319) (Hauberg,
op. cit. p. 130, No. 3) :
8 An unpublished coin of Lund of Eric Plovpenning (1241-50),
and Archbishop Uffe (1228-52).
INFLUENCE OF ENGLISH ON DANISH COIN-TYPES. 265
Obv. Similar to the former but without rings.
Rev. Double cross, the limbs ending in pellets ; in the
centre a pellet. [PI. IX. 11.]
The reverse shows the sterling cross, but without small
crosses in the angles. On this is based the conjecture
that the obverse also is a loan from Anglo-Irish
pennies.
In Ireland the coinage was taken up again after
1248, but while the obverse corresponded exactly to the
early type of John, the reverse was that of the English
long-cross type. During the time of the Edwards the
type was issued with long single cross on the reverse,
and the obverse only altered in having a triangle so
arranged round the king's portrait (without sceptre)
that the base of the triangle lay over the crown and
its apex under the neck. The development of the type
has, curiously enough, taken the same course in Ireland
as in the oldest Danish imitations.
It is more difficult to show the influence of the
English short-cross type (coined 1180-1247) on account
of the many related cross forms on the Danish coins,
so that it is not always easy to decide if the influence
is English or not. The English obverse type with its
curious crown, curls, and beard, is not found at all on
Danish coins. On the other hand, as above mentioned,
voided crosses are a very common design, which only
in some cases indicates influence of the English reverse
type.
To Canute VI, 1182-1202, is attributed a coin from
Kibe (Hauberg, Danmarlcs Myntvsesen, 1146-1241,
T. iv, No. 20) with this reverse : Cross made by a crozier
and double transverse,- in the upper angles a mitre
and a star ; below, two crosses pommees. [PI. IX. 12.]
SUMISM. C11KOX., VOL. XVI, SERIES IV. T
266 G. GALSTER.
While the coins of Ribe at this time have the king's
bust on the obverse, they have on the reverse designs
of ecclesiastical character symbolizing the bishop's part
in the coinage. The double transverse, ending in
pellets, and the crosses pommees indicate an English
prototype.
We find a further development of this coin-type 011
a coin from a great find at Grenaa, deposited c. 1220
(unpublished) : The mitre has here been replaced by a
pellet, and each of the crosses pomme'es by three
pellets. [PI. IX. 13.] Without the connecting link of
the previous coin we should not be able to perceive
foreign influence.
The short-cross type is more distinctly recognized
on the reverse of another coin from the same find :
Double lined cross with a pellet in the centre and four
pellets (or a cross pommee) in each angle. [PI. IX. 14.]
The Scottish short-cross penny, which was coined
1195-1249 as an imitation of the English one, and which
in the reverse design diifers only from it in having
stars instead of crosses pomme'es, seems to have been
the prototype for the reverse of the following two
coins of Ribe attributed to Waldemar II (Hauberg,
DanmarJcs Myntvsesen, 1146-1241, T. vi, Nos. 37 and 38) :
Double lined cross with stars in each angle (found on
Fano). [PI. IX. 15.J
Cross voided with small crosses in two opposite angles
and stars in the other two. [PI. IX. 16.]
The above-mentioned coins are attributed to Ribe on
account of provenance, obverse types, weight, and size.
It is characteristic that the English influence first
asserts itself at a place where the commercial connexion
with England was very considerable.
INFLUENCE OF ENGLISH ON DANISH COIN-TYPES. 267
In the following period we find traces of the English
cross type in more easterly Denmark. A coin of Ros-
kilde is described by Hauberg, Danmarks Myntvvesen og
Mynter, 1241-1377, p. 9], No. 6 (illustrated: Mansfeld-
Bullner, Nos. 21 and 22) :
Obv. ;-|R|Q|8 in the angles of a voided cross, within
which is a cross of pearls with a pellet in the
centre ; each arm ends in a crescent.
Rev. fl|QjP|Q in the angles of a voided cross with a
pellet in the centre ; the arms end in pellets.
[PL IX. 17.]
The reverse shows distinctly the English cross type,
but the crosses pommees are replaced by letters. QPQ
means here certainly episcopus* but possibly it is
developed from GRQ (i. e. " Eric ", see above, fig. 5).
The cross on the obverse is not itself attributable to the
English cross (for similar crosses, vide Mansfeld-Biill-
ner, op. cit., Nos. 168-9 and 178) ; but : might, how-
ever, in this connexion be derived from the crosses
pomme'es.
Of this coin there exists the following variation
(Hauberg, ibid. : Mansfeld-Biillner, op. cit., Nos. 23
and 24) :
Obv. Without the inner cross of pearls.
Rev. A crescent in each angle of the cross. [PI. IX. 18.]
Precisely the same reverse is found on a coin of
Roskilde of Eric Glipping (Hauberg, op. cit., p. 105,
No. 8).
Of the time of Eric Menved there is a coin from
4 This interpretation is founded on the sign of abbreviation 1.
n
QPQ is found on the coin of Roskilde of Waldemar II and
Bishop Nicolaus (1225-49). Hauberg, Damn. Myntc., 1146-1241,
T. vi. 28.
T2
268 G. GALSTER.
northern Jutland with a voided cross without figures
in the angles. It is mentioned above (PL IX. 11) among
the coins influenced by the Irish type.
Under the same king, Duke "Waldemar (1283-1312),
a coin was struck in Sleswick with w on the obverse,
and with the following reverse (Hauberg, op. cit.,
p. 138, No. 3) : Cross voided ; a pellet in each angle.
(The pellets in the circumference are, like those on the
previous coin, developed from the pearl circle of the
older coin types.) [PL IX. 19.]
Of the two last-mentioned coins I have still taken
the short-cross penny as the nearest prototype, but
we have now come to the point at which the eventual
English prototype must be sought in the later form of
the sterling type.
In 1248 the long-cross type was issued in England ;
it differed mainly from the older type in having the
arms of the cross on the reverse lengthened to the
border of the coin, and the crosses pomme'es replaced
by three pellets in each angle. The cross of the coin
type in Scotland was also altered, but in Scotland the
stars in the angles were retained.
Both these types are found imitated in Denmark.
Of Eric Glipping are found two coins of northern
Jutland with the same obverse (lily, surrounded by
seven rings, vide Hauberg, op. cit., p. 109, No. 8 ;
Mansfeld-Bullner, op. cit., Nos. 187 and 186), and with
the following reverses :
Cross, voided, with three pellets in each angle.
[PL IX. 20.]
Cross, voided, with star in each angle. [PI. IX. 21.]
A coin of Ribe of the same king (cf. Hauberg, op. cit.,
p. 112, No. 3; Mansfeld-Bullner, op. cit, Nos. 222-5)
INFLUENCE OF ENGLISH ON DANISH COIN-TYPES. 269
has on one side 6 R|G|K in the angles of a voided
cross. (Pi. IX. 22.)
Here too it may be supposed to be an imitation of
the English double cross, but designs with double
crosses, whose different forms are closely associated,
are very common in this period, and can arise from
many other sources than the English type (vide
Mansfeld-Biillner, Nos. 56, 71, 102, 131, 169, 228-9,
324, 437, 470, 481, 502-4, 525, 569, 577, 641, 661, 667,
672).
With Edward I (1272-1307) the sterling type was
altered again. On the obverse came a crowned head
of quite a new type. On the reverse the double cross
was replaced by a single one, while the three pellets
in the angles of the cross were retained. The type is
dominant in England to the time of Henry VII. The
Scottish type was correspondingly altered : here too a
long single cross appeared on the reverse, but the stars
in the angles were retained.
While this type also was imitated in many places in
western Europe, in Denmark only the reverse type
was reproduced. As early as the reign of Eric Glipping
appeared a coin of northern Jutland (Hauberg, op. cit.,
p. 108, No. 6; Mansfeld-Biillner, No. 179) with obv.
H JR JI [Q in the angles of a voided cross, and rev. Cross
with three pellets in each angle. [PI. IX. 23.] (Varia-
tions of this coin have one pellet in each angle or
one pellet in one of the angles.)
The same reverse is found on a coin of Kibe of the
succeeding king Eric Menved (Hauberg, p. 134, No. 12 ;
Mansfeld-Biillner, No. 472). In eastern Denmark this
reverse is used on two coins of Lund of this king
(Hauberg, p. 120, No. 1 ; and p. 121, No. 11 ; Mansfeld-
270 G. GALSTER.
Biillner, Nos. 283 and 304), and also on a coin of Lund
of Magnus Smek (1332-60) (Hauberg, p. 155, No. 22;
Mansfeld-Biillner, No. 662).
Still nearer to the English prototype is a coin of
northern Jutland of Eric Menved (Hauberg, p. 129,
No. 1 ; Mansfeld-Biillner, No. 423) with the reverse :
Cross, with three pellets in each angle, superimposed
on a large annulet. [PI. IX. 24.] The pellets beyond
the inner ring are certainly developed from the pearl
circle on the earlier coins, and here also they replace
the legend of the English prototype.
The corresponding Scottish type is imitated on a
coin of Eibe of Eric Glipping (Hauberg, p. 114, No. 12;
Mansfeld-Biillner, No. 237) with the reverse : Cross,
with a star in each angle. [PI. IX. 25. ]
These stars have, like those on the Scottish sterlings,
a hole in the centre, a form certainly not common, but
nevertheless not rare on the Danish coins.
The same reverse is also found on two Schleswig
coins of Eric Glipping (Hauberg, p. 119, No. 22;
Mansfeld-Biillner, No. 279) and of Christopher II
(1319-32) (Hauberg, p. 151, No. 1 ; Mansfeld-Biillner,
No. 622).
After the time of Christopher II the coinage gradually
ceases in Denmark, and completely disappears under
Waldemar IV Atterdag. When Eric of Pomerania
reissued the coinage, the Hanseatic standard and partly
German coin types are the model for the Danish.
Erom c. 1405 to 1449 were issued, first in Lund and
Naestved, later (from 1439) in Malmo, coins named
"Sterlinge" or "Engelske"; they correspond, how-
ever, most nearly to the German " Dreiling ".
G. GALSTER.
XL
SOME LIGHT COINS OF CHAELES I.
UNTIL the month, of August, 1626, the weight and
fineness of the gold and silver coins were in accordance
with an indenture of 17 July, 21 James I (1623), the
terms of which had been adopted in their entirety by
Charles in his commission of 1 April, 1625, and the
mint was working 011 that basis.
On 14 August, 1626, another commission was directed
to Sir Edward Villiers and Sir William Parkhurst,
the joint wardens, and other officers of the Tower
mint, by which the three existing standards of fineness
were confirmed, namely, "angel" gold, crown gold,
and silver of 11 oz. 2 dwt. fine. The order then'declared
that the pound troy of silver should make 70s. 6d. of
current moneys in such pieces as were then usually
coined. From each pound weight of silver moneys
5s. 6d. was to be taken up by the officers for the king's
use, out of which sum 14d. was to be paid for the
working and an additional penny for the better sizing
of the coins. It was further declared that the pound
troy of crown gold should make 44 of current moneys,
in such pieces as were then usual. From each pound
weight of gold coins 52s. was to be taken up, of which
5s. was for workmanship. The commissioners 1 were
1 The office of master-worker had been vacant since the seques-
tration of Randell Cranfield, whose place was filled by these
commissioners.
272 HENRY SYMONDS.
to be allowed, as remuneration, 17 d. and I4d. on each
pound weight of gold and silver respectively (Pat. roll,
2 Chas. I, part 13, dors. 18).
It will be noticed that the fine gold coins are omitted
from the order as to weights, possibly because the angel
was not regarded as a coin in general circulation. The
changes effected by this commission were : (1) an appre-
ciable reduction of the weight of the crown gold and
silver coins ; (2) a large increase of the amounts " taken
up " for the king from coins of both metals ; and (3) a
reduction of the amount allotted for workmanship of
the crown gold pieces. The old and the new weights
of the coins were as follows, one denomination in each
metal being chosen as an example :
The shilling, according to the indenture of 2Uames I.
weighed 92f grs. ; now it was to be 8 Iff , a reduc-
tion slightly exceeding 10 grs.
The gold unite, under James's indenture, was 140f
grs.; now it was to be 130^, a reduction slightly less
than 10 grs.
The other denominations would, of course, be pro-
portionately varied in weight.
It has been suggested that the sum into which the
respective pounds troy were to be sheared was inserted
by mistake (Kenyon, p. 149), but having regard to the
fact that the seignorage was also materially altered,
I am inclined to think that the order was a deliberate
experiment, although the lapse from James's standard
of weight was followed by repentance within a few
weeks. On 4 September, 1626, a proclamation an-
nounced that all coins should be paid and received in
such species and at such weight, fineness, and value as
were current on 1 August then last, and not other-
SOME LIGHT COINS OF CHARLES I. 273
wise ; and that all moneys coined since 1 August in
any manner other than in accordance with the pro-
clamations in force on that day should be esteemed as
bullion and be no longer current (Privy Seal warrant,
2 Chas. I, 280). Three days later, on 7 September, a
new commission instructed the two wardens (inter alia]
to coin all moneys of such fineness, number, weight,
and value as were authorized before 1 August then
last, until the indenture should be "perfected"; and
their reward and profit should be as allowed to them
by the commission of 14 August, and no more (P. S.
warrant, 2 Chas. I, 289).
The status quo was thus re-established so far as the
intrinsic value of the coinage was concerned.
Up to this point I have merely recapitulated, for the
sake of clearness, the historical proof that a lighter
currency was ordered and subsequently withdrawn.
As it seemed worth while to pursue the subject beyond
the stage at which Euding left it, I sought for and
obtained twofold evidence that such coins were actually
struck and presumably circulated. The confirmation
was derived from the Exchequer accounts and from
the Medal Room in the British Museum.
The wardens' account, running from 1 April, 1626,
to 31 March then next, deals explicitly with this
particular issue. Among the sums received for the
king's use are two amounts taken up by virtue of the
commission dated 14 August, namely 1,630 4s. Od.,
being 52s. for each pound weight in respect of the
coining of 627 Ibs. of 22 C gold ; and 528, being os. 6d.
the pound weight in respect of 1,920 Ibs. of silver
(Declared acc'ts, Pipe Office, 2,051). I observed in this
account that the seignorage on gold and silver coins
274 HENRY SYMONDS.
before and after the operations in August was 15s. and
2s. on each pound weight respectively, that is, the
amounts prescribed by James's last indenture and
adopted by Charles in his first year. The difference
in the ratio of seignorage is rather startling.
We thus have proof beyond question that a con-
siderable quantity of gold and a comparatively small
quantity of silver bullion were converted into light
coins at that time. The privy mark then in use at
the Tower was the cross on steps, or cross calvary,
therefore any pieces struck in obedience to the order
of 14 August should be marked with that device.
Among the Tower shillings of Charles I in the National
collection are two undipped and fine specimens, with
the cross on steps mark, which ought I believe to be
regarded as belonging to the light issue.
The first, HatvJcins type 1, weighs 81-4grs.; the second,
type 1 A, weighs 79 grs. As is stated above, the pre-
scribed weight of the shilling of August, 1626, was
81ff grs.
By way of contrast, three others of type 1 A, with the
same mark, weighed 91-5, 92-6, and 87-2 respectively.
Two others, of type IB, weighed 91-7 -and 93-6 grs.
There can be no doubt, I think, that the five shillings
last mentioned represent the normal standard of weight
(92-ff) which obtained before and after the five weeks
in question. I say " five weeks " because the pro-
clamation of 4 September and the amending com-
mission of the 7th draw the line at 1 August, which
seems to imply that the striking of the coins was begun
a fortnight in advance of the sealing of the formal
order.
I was not successful in finding any silver coins of
SOME LIGHT COINS OF CHARLES I. 275
other denominations which could be attributed to the
light issue, nor could I find a unite or any smaller
gold pieces corresponding in weight with the instruc-
tions of 14 August. It would be interesting if Fellows
of the Society, and others, would weigh any undipped
(but not necessarily fine) coins marked with the cross
on steps, in order that the gold pieces and the other
denominations in silver may be identified. These
light coins are doubtless uncommon ; possibly very few
have survived, as they were to be reckoned as bullion
only, which meant a speedy return to the crucibles at
the mint or elsewhere. There would be no temptation
to hoard or export them seeing that the intrinsic
values were less than those of other English moneys
in circulation at that time.
On the whole, it would appear that the coins to
which I have called attention should be classified
separately in any arrangement of the Tower issues of
Charles I.
HENRY SYMONDS.
MISCELLANEA.
A PLUGGED AND COUNTER-STAMPED WEST INDIAN ONZA.
THE British Museum, through the generosity of Mr. Alex-
ander Mann, has recently acquired a West Indian colonial
coin, which appears to be unique and unpublished, and
therefore of sufficient interest to be recorded in the Numis-
matic Chronicle.
.
It is of gold, and was originally an onza d'oro of Lima,
of the usual types and of rude fabric :
Obv. Cross potent, with the castle and lion as usual
in the angles ; pearled border.
Rev. Traces of legend outside pearled border. The
pillars of Hercules : L. .8. .N P. [VI A
7. .3. .8.
Size 27 mm. (1-05 in.). Cp. Heiss, Mon. Hisp.-
Crist., PL 45, 17 (1703); Catal. M. Vidal
Quadras y Kamon, No. 9925 (1733).
This piece has been plugged in the centre, and on the
reverse of the plug two countermarks have been impressed ,
one showing an alligator to r., the other the letters G C in
cursive. The present weight of the coin is 415-4 grs.
(26-92 grms.). In other words, the deficiency of the piece
MISCELLANEA. 277
before it was plugged has been corrected and the weight
brought up to the normal weight of the onza d'oro.
The Spanish gold coins circulating in the West Indies
in the middle of the eighteenth century consisted partly
of doubloons deficient in weight owing to clipping. 1 The
hammered pieces, owing to the ease with which they were
clipped, were rated at 5s. less than the milled (4 15s.
instead of <5). 2
In 1773 the clipped unmilled Spanish gold was called in ;
and it would appear that, instead of melting all the coins
down and reissuing them, the process of plugging and
counter-marking was adopted.
Where was this coin plugged and counter-marked ? The
cayman or alligator at once suggested, to more than one
person, the crest of the Colony of Jamaica. 3 It was
natural, on this question, to consult Mr. Rowland Wood,
of the American Numismatic Society ; and he points out
that the analogy of other initials used in a similar way
indicates that they belong to the person responsible for the
plug. He would date the stamp not earlier than 1773,
when the reason for plugging and counter-marking pieces
deficient in weight w r as provided by the legislation to which
allusion has already been made. He compares the style
of the counterstamp with that of No. 108 in his article on
the Coinage of the West Indies, 4 which dates from about
1810, to judge from the dates of the coins on which it was
impressed, and which was probably of Jamaican origin.
Mr. Wood, assuming the possibility of the two stamps
being the work of the same man, suggests that the stamp
on the gold coin was impressed about 1800. The workman-
ship of the two stamps, however, does not seem to me to be
so much alike as to justify the attribution of them to the
1 See R. Chalmers, History of Currency in the British Colonies,
p. 101 f. The Peruvian onzas of 1707, 1717, 1734 described by
Weyl (Fonrobertsche Sammlung, p. 984 f., Nos. 8882, 8886, 8892)
are, however, all three of full weight (26-90-26-80 grms.), although
two of them are of the hammered sort which could be clipped
without detection.
2 Chalmers, p. 104, from E. Long's History of Jamaica, 1774.
3 The arms were granted to Jamaica in 1661 ; the crest is an
alligator on a log. The fact that on the arms the alligator is
passant to dexter, and on the countermark to sinister, cannot
weigh against the identification proposed.
4 American Journal of Numismatics, xlviii, p. 115.
278 MISCELLANEA.
same hand ; though as to their proximity in date there
cannot be much doubt.
The chief difficulty in accepting the attribution to Jamaica
seems to me to lie in the fact that, unless the coin was
plugged and stamped before 1758, the counterstamps must
date from after the period when the Jamaican authorities
had already adopted the letters G R as their official counter-
stamp. The later stamps, with the letters G R crowned,
have it is true been attributed by some writers to Trinidad ;
but there is no doubt about the earlier stamp being
Jamaican. Having once adopted the G R stamp, would the
authorities have given it up for one which makes no allusion
to the reigning sovereign ?
Mr. Allan has made the very ingenious suggestion that
the cayman and the letters G C together may indicate the
island of Grand Cayman, a dependency of Jamaica. It is
difficult, however, to say whether this little place can ever
have had the civil and financial organization which is
implied by the plugging and counter-stamping of foreign
coin. In 1774, according to Long, 5 it had no more than
160 inhabitants, men, women, and children. " They have
a chief, or governor, of their own choosing, and regulations
of their own framing ; they have some justices of the peace
among them, appointed by commission from the governor
of Jamaica ; and they live very happily, without scarcety
any form of civil government." They could not even get
married at home, but had to visit Jamaica for the purpose.
If then the counterstamp represented Grand Cayman, it
would probably have been made and impressed in Jamaica.
In the circumstances, and pending the discovery of a
document explaining the letters G C, I prefer to leave the
attribution of the stamp uncertain.
Since the above was written, I have heard again from
Mr. Howland Wood, from whose letter I extract the
following :
' The best explanation I can give about the changing of
the stamp from the regular on your plugged coin is this.
Silver was largely counterstamped by the Insular and
Provincial Governments to legitimatize certain Spanish coins
of approved weights and sizes, for use on that island. When
5 Vol. i, p. 312.
MISCELLANEA. 279
it was a question of adapting or standardizing the gold
coinage other elements crept in, namely, a determination
of what was good and what was counterfeit, what was
heavy and what was light. In many cases the system of
coins on the islands, or the standards used, did not conform
with the weights of the gold coins in circulation, as they
were either Spanish or Portuguese gold. Consequently
experts were entrusted with this work, who rejected the
counterfeits, and brought up to the required standard the
light weight gold, or in cases where the Spanish or
Portuguese systems did not conform with the Island
standard, raised the weight by plugging of all the coins
examined. As near as I am able to determine, the first
coins so treated were simply plugged and not stamped, but
unscrupulous people inserted plugs of base gold so that it
became necessary to stamp these plugs, and in nearly every
case that I know of the initials or marks on these plugs
did not bear the names of localities or rulers, but probably
the initials of the responsible persons, for we know of
several examples where the initials stand for the people
that superintended this work. A glance through the gold
coins that I have mentioned will show this in a number of
instances where the coins have been plugged the I W on
the Grenada gold, the G H on the St. Vincent, the E B
on the gold tested in New York, &c. On the other hand, the
gold that was not plugged for the most part bore some sort
of a governmental stamp, as the G R on the pieces for
Jamaica under the Act of 1758, for you will note that both
the gold and silver are simply stamped, and no attempt
made at changing the weight by either holes or plugs.
The same remark applies to the gold of Guadeloupe of 1811.
" I have picked up one or two more gold coins since I wrote
my monograph, plugged and stamped with initials, none of
them, however, anywhere near as interesting as your piece.
In other words, I consider the stamp on plugged gold coins
the endorsement of the person responsible, rather than the
government responsible. We have it on absolute record
that this happened in New York, and New York at that
time was in close touch with the West Indies and a great
deal of bullion went back and forth."
G. F. HILL.
280 MISCELLANEA.
THE PRICE OF DUNKIRK.
THE following particulars as to the disposal of the sum
received by Charles II from Louis XIV as the consideration
for a transfer of this seaport to France may not be without
interest at the present time, when our ally is energetically
defending her most northerly harbour against German air-
craft and long range artillery on Belgian soil.
P.K.O., Declared accts., Pipe Office, 2088.
Henry Slingsby, the master-worker at the Tower, accounts
for 1,500,000 crowns, or 4,500,000 livres Turnois, received
in 1662 for the sale of the town and citadel of Dunkirk
to the French king, in 300 chests each containing 5,000
crowns or 15,000 livres Turnois. Of this sum, the contents
of 272 chests were converted and coined ' in the new way '
by the mill and press into 295,462 2s. 3^?., being calculated
at 60s. the pound weight. The residue, in 28 chests, was
similarly converted (in 1670) into 30,408 13s. Id. of British
standard moneys. The total yield was 327,730 18s. l^cl,
which is probably the gross amount.
Hallam, in his Constitutional History (1846, vol. ii, p. 68),
says that the sum agreed for the alienation of the town was
4,000,000 livres, which was reduced by 500,000 livres for
prompt payment.
HENRY SYMONDS.
NUM. CHRON. SER. IV., VOL. XVI. PL. VII.
17
COINS OF MAGNA GRAECIA.
NUM. CHRON. SER. IV., VOL. XVI. PL. VIII.
11
COINS OF MAGNA GRAECIA.
NUM. CHRON. SER. IV., VOL. XVI. PL. IX.
ENGLISH INFLUENCE ON DANISH COINS.
XII.
A CHRONOLOGICAL ARRANGEMENT OF THE
COINS OF CHIOS; PART III.
(Continued from p. 429, Num. Chron., 1915. SEE PLATES X, XI.)
PERIOD VIII. 334-190 B.C.
IN summarizing the historical events of the last
period I overstepped the boundary allotted to it, and
alluded to the peaceful era that opened in Chios under
the rule of the Ptolemies. It was necessary, from the
numismatic point of view, to close the period with the
Macedonian occupation of the island, because it is to
be presumed that all autonomous coinage ceased for a
while after that event. The question that then arises
is, how long did that inactivity last ?
It has been suggested, 73 and fairly generally accepted,
that no coins, except some unimportant bronze, were
struck in the island between about 350 and 190 B.C.
But, without attempting to decide exactly when the
last silver issues appeared in the fourth century, the
Pityos find has shown us that numerous issues of bronze
were made down to 334 B.C. at least. Also, as I have
remarked above, there is reason to believe that possibly
one bronze series allied to the previous ones my type
73 Head, Historia Numorum, ed. 1911, p. 600; and Babelon,
Traite, ii, p. 1045.
NUM1SM. CBBON., VOL. XVI, SERIES IV. U
282 J. MAVROGORDATO.
No. 55 [PI. XIX. 18-19 of Num. Chron., 1915], with its
accompanying small pieces was issued somewhat later
than 334 B. c., but before the period now to be discussed.
The most likely time for this would have been the years
that intervened between the death of Alexander and
the appointment of Antigonus as governor of Asia, say
from 323 to 311 B.C. But for ten years again after the
latter date, with Antigonus absolute master of Chios,
it is highly improbable that any local coining of money
was permitted. We come then to the year 301 B.C.,
to the death of Antigonus, and the passing of his
dominions into the hands of the Ptolemies, before it
can safely be assumed that municipal liberty was
restored to the islanders. In other words, the present
period might more accurately be described as from
301 to 190 B.C., thus leaving the thirty-three years that
elapsed since the close of the last a practical blank as
regards the local coining of money.
But having progressed so far we then find that all
written records cease. Chios disappears from history
for the best part of a century. It may be this very
silence on the part of historians that has persuaded
numismatists to refuse any noteworthy output to the
Chian mint during the third century, although such
inactivity is very unlikely in view of what we know
of the prosperity reigning in the Aegean under the
Ptolemies. This prosperity is attested not only by the
plentiful coinage of Rhodes, which was largely due to
her own energy, but by the issues of such compara-
tively unimportant mints as Cos, Calymna, Oenoe
Icariae, and Samos. All these islands, and others as
well, are admitted to have struck coins of their own
during the third century, so why should Chios be made
CHRONOLOGY OF THE COINS OF CHIOS. 283
an exception ? Even if no suitable coins were known
we ought still to suspect their existence and hope for
their discovery. But though the deeds have been
forgotten certain monuments remain. There are some
bronze coins different from any of those referred to by
Head (Brit. Mus. Cat. Ionia, Chios, Nos. 41-5) that can
be shown very plausibly to have been struck during
the period now under consideration. Until a few
years ago these coins were very scarce indeed, when
a fairly large hoard of them was found in Chios.
Unfortunately the hoard was dispersed before any
record was made, and I am even unable to say exactly
when and where it was brought to light.
The principal varieties of the coins in question are
illustrated on PL X. 1-4, and it will be seen that they
reproduce in a larger form the small coins described
under type No. 53 [PI. XIX. 14-16 of Num. Chron.,
1915]. The obverse shows a Sphinx seated to left with
or without a bunch of grapes in front of it, and on
the reverse an amphora with a magistrate's name
to right, and the word XIoZ to left. There are no
magistrates' symbols nor mint marks. The style is
good, though clearly later than that of the small coins of
type No. 53. The most interesting point about these
coins, however, is that ^considerable number of them
were struck over specimens of type No. 55,jnentioned
above as probably the last coins issued in the fourth
century^ and then, in their turn, served as flans for
some of the large series with a Sphinx to right. This
latter class is usually assigned to the first century B.C.,
though I shall try to show that it must be dated at
least one hundred years earlier; but, whatever its
correct period may be, it is clear that these new coins
02
284 J. MAVROGORDATO.
must come between it and the late fourth-century type
No. 55.
It is also practically certain, from the resemblance
that they bear to the bronze issues just referred to,
that certain silver drachms of Attic weight were also
struck at about the same time, although the date now
suggested is much earlier than that usually ascribed to
them. It is true that Dr. Imhoof-Blumer, in his general
reference to the Attic drachms of Chios, 74 recognized that
they must belong to two different periods at least, but lie
went no farther. Miss Baldwin, on the other hand, in
her paper on the Electrum and Silver Coins of Chios,
referred to above, suggests the last quarter of the
fourth century as the probable date for the issue of
jthese early specimens.
Although there is nothing much in the style of the
coins to render this attribution unlikely, the rather
abrupt change in type that it would imply from the
drachms last described type No. 52 and their Attic
standard are, I think, objections to it. Also, as I have
endeavoured to show, the political conditions just at
that time were against any fresh issues, especially of
silver. Then, in spite of the decidedly early look of
these few drachms, there are several more issues, not
very far removed from them in style, that cannot have
appeared before 190 B c. on account of their almost
certain connexion with the Alexandrine tetradrachms
then introduced. If these pieces of extra-good style
are to be put back as far as Miss Baldwin suggests the
interval between them and their successors would be
much too long. It is mere guess-work of course, but
74 Griechische Munzen, p. 654, No. 375, &c.
CHRONOLOGY OF THE COINS OF CHIOS. 285
I should hazard some such date as 250-200 B. c. as the
one best calculated to satisfy all the characteristics of
the drachms to be described under this period.
The Attic standard was not generally employed in
Asia Minor till the second century, but it was gradually
creeping into use under the influence of the Lysima-
chean tetradrachms from the end of the fourth century
onwards. There is nothing improbable, then, in sup-
posing that it was introduced at Chios as early as the
date now suggested. Sufficient time would have elapsed
by then for the old types on silver coins to be forgotten,
and for the new issues to be modelled on the contem-
porary bronze, as was evidently the case. Bronze coins
having been struck more or less continuously had, with
the assistance of the conservatism so strongly rooted in
the Chian mint, preserved their fourth-century types.
Although the silver pieces among the coins now to
be described are more carefully executed than the
bronze, it is impossible not to acknowledge the strong
resemblance between them [PI. X. 1-9]. Miss Baldwin
fully recognizes this (p. 51 of her paper), and I think
it unnecessary to labour the point. The only difference
of importance between the two metals is that the
drachms bear a symbo 1 ^ t.Hft fip.M of the reverse as.
well as the bunch of grapes on the obverse, while the
bronze, as already observed, exhibits no symbols even
when the bunch of grapes is omitted^ This symbol on
the silver coins cannot be the responsible magistrate's
signet because the same object appears on coins with
different names. It must therefore represent a second
official in charge of the mint, whether the eponymous
magistrate or another. This is the first time that any-
thing of the sort has been seen on the Chian coinage,
286 J. MAVROGORDATO.
though it is only in keeping with a custom that was
becoming general in the Greek world by the middle
of the third century B.C. The innovation may have
been due solely to the reintroduction of silver, but it
seems to strengthen the probability that these drachms
succeeded some at least of the bronze coins with which
they are now associated.
The following are the bronze and silver coins that
I would attribute, to this period :
660, Obv. Sphinx of rather stunted proportions seated 1.
on plain exergual line ; wing curled in con-
ventionalized manner similar to type No. 51,&c. ;
hair dressed to show chignon, side roll, arid
loose curls hanging on neck, also like type
No. 51 ; only one foreleg showing.
Itev. Amphora with wide neck and pear-shaped tip,
having to r. of it a magistrate's name, and to
1. XloZ. Very often a concave field, punch -
struck.
M. AITEAHZ t/ 17-50 mm. 52-2 grains (3-38
grammes). Athens Cabinet. J. Int. d'Arch.
Num., 1913, p. 35. [PI. X. l.J Struck over a
coin of type No. 55, with HP/ - - H - - and
- - OZ showing on obc. and Sphinx on rev.
EPMflNAZ If 17-50 mm. 61-7 grains (4-00
grammes). Athens Cabinet. J. Int. d'Arch.
Num., 1913, p. 35.
tj 16-OOmm. 47-9 grains (3-15grammes). Munich
Cabinet. Two other pieces at Athens struck
over coins of type No. 55, one with AF A - - ,
and the other with OX - -.
HPO/K - - ff 15-00 mm. 25-9 grains (L68
grammes). Berlin Cabinet.
<I>ANOAIKOZ ft 17-50mm. 52-2 grains (3-38
grammes). Athens Cabinet.
tf 16-50 mm. Wt. ? Munich Cabinet,
ti 17-00 mm. 55-0 grains (3-56 grammes). Brit.
Mus. Collection, recent acquisition.
CHRONOLOGY OF THE COINS OF CHIOS. 287
<!>IATH1 ft 1800mm. 45-8 grains (2-97
grammes). Athens Cabinet. J. Int. d'Arch.
Num., 1913, p. 36.
\\ 18-50 mm. 57-9 grains (3-75 grammes). Paris
Cabinet, No. 5088. [PI. X. 2.J
One specimen in private collection at Chios
struck over a coin of type No. 55 with
[IHJNHN.
One specimen recently acquired by British
Museum struck over a coin of type No. 55
with - - IOSKOY - -
4HAHN ff 17-50 mm. Wt. ? Munich
Cabinet.
XIPHN ft 17-50 mm. 494 grains (3-20
grammes). Athens Cabinet. J. Int. d'Arch.
Num., 1913, p. 36.
One specimen in Mr. E. T. Newell's collection
and two others from Athens struck over coins
of type No. 55, one of the latter with - - UN.
56 ft. Obv. Similar to preceding, but large bunch of grapes
in front of Sphinx, and the wing somewhat
more rounded.
Rev. Same as preceding, except that amphora has
narrower neck and sharp pointed tip.
JE. EPMOZTPAT[OZ] t?16-00mm. Wt. ?
From a dealer's stock in Chios.
0EOAOTOZ t^l7-50mm. 59-1 grains(3-83
grammes). Athens Cabinet. J. Int. d'Arch.
Num., 1913, p. 36.
\<- 17-50 mm. 70-8 grains (4-59 grammes). My
collection.
IZTIAIO[Z] fl 17-25 mm. Wt. ? Munich
Cabinet. [PI. X. 3.]
KAEITUN f? 15-50 mm. Wt. ? From a
dealer's stock in Chios, 1911. This name is
also recorded by Kofod Whitte, p. 87, No. Ill,
ex Mus. Thomsen.
4>ANOAIKO[Z] f? 15.50mm. Wt. ? From
a dealer's stock in Chios, 1911.
XIPnNfjl7-OOmm.62-Ograins(4-02grammes).
Vienna Cabinet.
288 J. MAVKOGORDATO.
56 y. Obv. Similar to preceding, except that the bunch of
grapes is smaller, and that the Sphinx is in
lower relief and of slighter proportions: the
breast is also indicated, and the tail bears a
tuft.
Rev. Same as preceding, without incuse circle. Letter-
ing tends to become larger.
JE. BAT IE f| 16-50 mm. 53-8 grains (349
grammes). Paris Cabinet, Wadd. 2018.
[PL X. 4.]
f j 16-25 mm. 61-4 grains (3-98 grammes). My
collection, bought in Chios.
0HPHN fl 16-25 mm. 83-8 grains (543
grammes). Paris Cabinet, No. 5040.
KPITI1N f? Size? Wt. ? In private
hands in Chios.
$1 AIZTHZ f | 17-50 mm. 574 grains (3-72
grammes). Athens Cabinet.
f | 17-00 mm. 53-8 grains (3-49 grammes).
Berlin Cabinet.
- - riKAO - fl 17-00 mm. 77-2 grains (5-00
grammes). Athens Cabinet.
f? 16-00 mm. Wt. ? Cabinet of American
Num. Soc., Miss Baldwin's fig. 17.
a. p, or y. HPIA[ANoZ] f? 17.50mm. 574 grains (3-70
grammes). From coin on which Paris Cabi-
net specimen No. 5032, with Sphinx to r.
and HPOZTPA[TOZ] rev., was struck.
[PL XI. 2.]
57 a. Obv. Sphinx of good style seated 1. on plain exergual
line ; wing curled in conventionalized manner,
but feathers indicated by finer lines than in
56 a and fi ; hair dressed to show chignon,
side roll, and loose curls hanging on neck,
only one foreleg showing. The tail bears a
tuft, and the breast is indicated. In front
bunch of grapes. The whole in very fine
dotted border.
CHRONOLOGY OF THE COINS OF CHIOS. 289
Rev. Amphora similar to type No. 56 y, having to r. of
it a magistrate's name, and to 1. XI OZ1 in very
neat lettering. In field 1. ear of bearded wheat.
The whole in very fine dotted border.
M. EONOMOZ f? 18-00 mm. 66-0 grains (4-28
grammes). Attic drachm. Metr. Mus., New
York, U.S.A., ex Ward Coll., No. 682, G. F.
Hill's Cat. [PI. X. 5.]
HPIAANOZ \f 17-25 mm. 56-5 grains (3-66
grammes). Attic drachm. Fitzwilliam Mus.,
Cambridge, J. E. M^Clean Coll.
(Probably) - - MOKAHZ f? 16-00 mm. 62-63 grains (4-06
grammes). Attic drachm. Ex Philipsen
Coll., part of lot No. 2253, Hirsch's Sale
Cat., 1909.
57 ft. Obv. Similar to preceding, except that Sphinx's wing
is more natural istically drawn, and the breast
is not indicated.
Rev. Same as preceding, except that symbol in field 1.
is a race-torch, and the border a plain line.
JR. OEOPOMPOE tfl7-00mm. 60-2 grains (3-90
grammes). Attic drachm. Brit. Mus. Coll.,
No. 56, Cat. Ionia, Chios. Pierced.
[PI. X. 6.]
|f 19-00 mm. 64-7 grains (4- 19 grammes). Attic
drachm. Munich Cabinet. In Grriechische
Munzen, No. 390, Dr. Imhoof-Blumer reads
the name in this specimen OEYPOPPoZ.
ff 18-00 mm. 65-3grains(4-23grammes). Vienna
Cabinet, No. 17923.
57 y. Obv. Similar to preceding, but no curls on Sphinx's
neck, and design in plain line border.
Rev. Same as preceding, but coarser lettering and no
symbol in field.
M. HI0EOS ft 18-00 mm. 61-9 grains (4-01
grammes). Attic drachm. Vienna Cabinet.
[PI. X. 7.]
58 a. Obv. Sphinx seated 1. showing wing and general
characteristics of types Nos. 56 y and 57 a. In
front small bunch of grapes.
290 J. MAVROGORDATO.
Eev. Same as type No. 56 y.
JE. AZMEN[OZ] ff 11-00 mm. Wt. ? Athens
Cabinet. (No grapes on this coin.)
BATI[Z] f<- 11-50 mm. 13-1 grains (0-85
gramme). My collection, bought in Chios.
[PI. X. 8.]
58 /?. Obv. Similar to preceding, but of more careless work-
manship, and wing shows separate feathers, as
in type No. 57 ft and y.
Itev. Same as preceding.
JE. HI0EOZ ff 10-00 mm. 17-6 grains (1-14
gramme). Berlin Cabinet. [PI. X. 8.]
POEEI A - - ft 12-00 mm. 14-8 grains (0-96
gramme). Fitzwilliam Mus., Cambridge,
Leake Coll.
No. 56. We are chiefly indebted to the unpublished
find mentioned above for our knowledge of this type,
although there were a few isolated specimens of it in
Paris, Munich, and Vienna before the hoard was un-
covered and dispersed. I have had to rely largely
on a photograph taken of several of the coins composing
the hoard before it was disposed of, for some of my
information, which will account for its fragmentary
nature in the cases concerned.
As will be seen from the specimens illustrated
[PI. X. 1-4] the type divides itself into three clearly
denned sub-groups, and it is a little difficult to deter-
mine in what order to arrange them. At first sight
one's choice is inclined to fall upon the y group as
the earliest [PI. X. 4], in spite of the fact that it is
only specimens of a [PI. X. 1-2] that are found struck
over coins of type No. 5-5. The workmanship of the
obverse in group y is neater on the whole than in
a and /3, and the Sphinx's wing looks more like that
CHRONOLOGY OF THE COINS OF CHIOS. 291
of types Nos. 54 or 55 when the latter are worn. On
the other hand, groups a and /?, which must be taken
together, show more solid links with the previous
types than does y. Group a, at least, still preserves
the pear-shaped tip to the amphora [PI. X. 2], a feature
that is very rarely seen after this, and both a and ft
are frequently found struck on concave flans even
when these have not come down from type No. 55.
The flans of group y. however, are always flat on both
sides, and more modern looking. Then the wing
and other features of the Sphinx in the two earlier
groups, although carelessly drawn, come nearer to the
previous types in essentials than in the better propor-
tioned obverses of group y. These points will all be
found mentioned in the detailed descriptions above.
As far as I have been able to gather no specimens of
the third group occurred in the find referred to at the
beginning of this section, and although this is not
conclusive evidence, it makes it probable that the
group I am distinguishing as y was struck subsequently
to the other two.
The lesson taught by the lettering of the coins is
also in favour of placing them in the order here
suggested. There is a tendency in groups a and ft for
the Z to approximate to the open form $, whereas in y
it always appears as Z, with the upper and lower bars
considerably prolonged beyond the middle ones. The
same may be said of E. In the first two groups it pre-
serves the Chian fifth- and fourth-century form, in which
all three cross-bars are of equal length, but in the last
it is rendered thus, E. At Athens this form appeared
earlier, as may be seen by comparing Plates iv and v of
Brit. Mus. Cat. Attica. All the coins illustrated on the
292 J. MAVROGORDATO.
latter are fourth-century issues, but nearly all show
this late form of E. Otherwise, throughout types
Nos. 56-8, M and N are everywhere square, and never
assume the splayed forms of the previous centuries.
O is still made markedly smaller than the other letters.
TT is always P . <!> no longer takes the peculiar shape
noted on the earlier coins. Finally, fl is generally fl,
and in certain cases H.
With regard to the die-positions it will be noticed
that group a shows \\ generally, and f j rarely ; (3 shows
f | and f<- in about equal quantities ; and y is invari-
ably arranged f j.
Beyond the fact that a large number of them are
unpublished so far there is nothing particular to remark
about the names, since we know nothing of the people
who bore them, but there was evidently a predilection
at this time for the termination -UN . This becomes
much rarer during the early part of the next period,
and in the late part it disappears entirely.
Bans is the first genuinely foreign name to be
recorded among the Chian magistrates, and ^/Ar^y,
which we have already met with under type No. 53, is
unknown as a personal name from any other source
than these two series of coins and one of Samos
(Monn. Grecques, No. 301).
It has been said above that groups a and /? must not
be separated in trying to arrive at the order in which
the coins of this type appeared. Apart from the fact
that they were found together, it will be observed that
the names 3>av68iKos and Xipow (the latter no doubt
a variant for Xfipow) occur on coins of both sub-types,
and make it look as if the issues must have over-
lapped.
Coins bearing the names l Epp.6crTpaT\os\, &r)p<ov,
KXeiTMv, KpiTcov, and <t'Acoi/, I only know from single
specimens, and none of the others of this type can be
called anything but rare.
Mionnet (Med. Gr. : iii, p. 267, No. 86) mentions a
bronze coin measuring 17-00 mm. with a Sphinx to
left, and the name <I>AN A - - . Kofod Whitte does the
same (No. 153), evidently copying Mionnet. Without
actually dismissing this as a false reading, it seems
possible that <I>ANA - - might be a mistake for
<!>ANoAIKoZ, since there is a specimen of this issue
at Munich in rather bad condition which Mionnet may
have seen and misread as 0ANA - -. I have personally
seen no coin at all answering this description, but as
Mionnet's evidence cannot be disproved I am including
the name in the list of magistrates belonging to this
period in the hope that it may be confirmed some day.
The small coin with 4>ANAfO[PHZ or PAZ], to be
noted later, cannot be taken as indicating the existence
of a large piece of the present type with the same name
because it belongs to one of the subsequent periods,
probably to the beginning of the first century.
The weights of these coins, although irregular, seem
to aim at the average attained by the last two types,
viz. 61-7 grains (4-00 grammes). I have only met with
one instance of a really light coin, the one at Berlin
mentioned above with HPo/ - -. This is struck on a
thin flan, like so many of the succeeding series with
the Sphinx to right, but the rest of the flans that I have
seen are thick and smooth at the edges. The weights
of the corresponding small pieces of type No. 58 bear
roughly the same relation to No. 56 as was noted when
comparing type No. 53 with Nos. 54-5. They represent,
294 J. MAVROGORDATO.
that is to say, about one- quarter the weight of the
larger pieces.
No. 57. The arguments for ascribing these drachms
to their present position have been stated above. My
impression is that the two first sub-classes of type
No. 56 were struck for a time without any silver, and
that then No. 56 y and the earliest of these drachms
made their appearance together. Everything about
them points to their being contemporaries, especially
the forms of the letters used, and it seems possible that
the care bestowed on the preparation of the dies for the
re-established silver coinage may have reacted on
the bronze issues. The die-positions are different, it
is true, nearly all the drachms examined showing f \ ,
while, as remarked above, group y of the bronze is
invariably arranged \\\ but this is not evidence of
much importance, especially in different metals.
These drachms are very rare, and I am recording all
the specimens known to me, except one with the
characteristically Ionic name Eovopos in the collection
of Prof. Pozzi of Paris, of which I have not been able
to obtain particulars.
The coin from the Philipsen Collection with the
name --MoKAHZis doubtful, as it was not illustrated
in the catalogue. All the evidence, however, points
to its belonging here weight, module, symbol, and
absence of wreath on the reverse. The name 4r)/j.oK\fjs
occurs on the small bronze of the next century.
It will be observed [PI. X. 5-7] that the style,
although undoubtedly good, suffers a steady deteriora-
tion, until the coin with 'HiOeo? from Vienna is very
little better than the earliest of the drachms assigned
here to the next century. There were very likely
CHRONOLOGY OF THE COINS OF CHIOS. 295
intermediate issues that are lost, but on the whole the
development is fairly well represented. The features,
apart from style and weight, that especially distin-
guish the coins of this type from those that follow it,
are the finely dotted or plain line circle on both sides,
and the smaller module.
The weights are distinctly higher, on the average,
than those of the next main group, although one or
two specimens of the latter exceed 61-7 grains (4'00
grammes). The seven specimens recorded of the
present type, one of which is pierced, average 62'5grains
(4-047 grammes), and four specimens of the type imme-
diately following 64-4grains(4'17grammes), while sixty-
five specimens, two of which are pierced, of the issues
that I am attributing to the latter part of the second
century and the opening twelve years of the first
average only 56-2 grains (3-64 grammes).
No. 58 includes the few specimens of small-module
bronze pieces that may safely be assigned to the present
period on account of the names they bear, and of the
position and style of the Sphinx. They are divisible
into two groups, the former of which [PI. X. 8] seems
to belong to the same issues as sub-types Nos. 56 y
and 57 a, and the latter [PI. X. 9] to No. 57 y. No
large bronze of this particular type has so far been
discovered.
296
J. MAVROGORDATO.
APPENDIX.
List of magistrates' names belonging to coins of Period VIII
showing flie denominations on which they occur.
drachms.
large bronze.
small bronze.
"Aanfv [oy] ....
'Bans
-
a
a
"EplioaTpa.T\oi\ . . .
'TZoLUjjvat .
13
-
'HiOfos
a
"HptSacos .....
a fl or "v
Hpo[S]-- ....
a
/3
-
QfOTTOfitros ....
npcuc
-
'IffTlfUOS .....
/3
13
KplTUV
TloatiS --....
QavoSitcos ....
-
a and P
a
Hipow
a and /3
- - yiK\o - - . . . .
- - fjtoK\rjs ....
4>ANA - - ...
a(?)
7
(?)
-
The letters a, #, 7 indicate the particular class in their respective
categories to which the coins belong according to the detailed list
given above.
CHRONOLOGY OF THE COINS OP CHIOS. 297
PERIOD IX. 190-88 B.C.
The fairly large issues of Alexandrine tetradrachms
that Chios made in common with so many of the
Ionian cities after the defeat of Antiochus III by the
Romans 75 are a proof that the island had again become
prosperous. This prosperity had no doubt been grow-
ing during the previous century, and signs of it have
already been noted in the coins attributed to that
period in the last section. But Chios suffered a tempo-
rary eclipse when, in siding with Rome against Philip V,
her capital was twice besieged, and captured at the
second attempt. 76 Her faithfulness to Rome stood her
in good stead at the last, for, after the battle of
Magnesia, she was recompensed by the Senate with
a grant of land. 77 Though we are not told where this
land was it is possible that she now re-entered into
possession of Atarneus, which would account to a great
extent for her evident increase of wealth throughout
the second century.
It is only natural to suppose that drachms and
bronze coins must have been struck during this period
as well as the tetradrachms. But, principally because
no names recorded on the tetradrachms had been
observed on any other series or vice versa, it has been
held that the bulk of the Attic drachms known to us,
and the whole of two large series of bronze coins as
well, not to speak of the various less important bronze
issues, must be assigned to the fifty-four years between
78 Brit. Mus. Cat. Ionia, Introd., p. xlviii.
76 Appian ix. 3 ; Plutarch, De Mulierum VirtutibuS) 3.
77 livy xxxviii. 39.
DUMISM. CIIRON., VOI.. XVI, SERIES IV, X,
298 J. MAVROGORDATO.
Sulla's decree of autonomy to the Chians and the
accession of Augustus. 78
As a matter of fact there are two names that occur
both on the tetradrachms and on the two series that
I am suggesting as their contemporaries, but this may
well have escaped notice in a compendious work like
the Historia Numorum. On the other hand there are
at least ninety-five different magistrates' names in the
three series just referred to, which, although doubtless
more fully represented in our museums than any pre-
vious Chian issues, can hardly be looked upon as
complete. In_addition to these there are also some
twenty names from small bronze coins that probably
do actually belong to the first century B. c. It is evident,
therefore, supposing that the responsible magistrate
was changed annually, that the series in question cannot
all be squeezed into the period 84-30 B.C. And when
we consider the circumstances attending the deporta-
tion of the islanders by Mithradates, we can scarcely
credit the mint with much activity till several years
after the population had been restored, which would
of course tend to shorten the period still further.
We have numerous proofs, besides, of the poverty suc-
ceeding the restoration, which helps to increase the
probability that considerably less than half of the
pre-imperial coinage still to be examined was struck
after 84 B.C.
This theory will be found to be supported by the
evidence both of style and of epigraphy.
The oligarchical form of government, that seemed
78 Hist. Num., ed.1911, p. 602; and Brit. Mus. Cat. Ionia, Chios,
Nos. 46-97.
CHRONOLOGY OF THE COINS OF CHIOS. 299
so well suited to the island's needs, had been re-estab-
lished during the third century, and in its hands Chios
enjoyed a full measure of autonomy under the Romans
until the Mithradatic wars.
There probably was a slight break in the coinage
during the wars with Philip V which would account
for the changes we now find both in silver and bronze
apart from the introduction of the Alexandrine tetra-
drachms. The troubles at the end of the third century
were such as to make it improbable that the issues of
tetradrachms can have begun much before 190 B.C.,
thus confirming the generally accepted opinion with
regard to the date of their introduction. We are also
thereby provided with one of our rare fixed chrono-
logical points for the Chian series if the suggestion,
which I am making below, be accepted as to the
particular issues of drachms and bronze coins that we
should regard as the contemporaries of the tetra-
drachms.
The earliest-looking of the still undescribed drachms
have a dotted circle on the obverse considerably coarser
than on the previous issues [PI. X. 5-6], and a vine-
wreath on the reverse [PI. XI. l], which is an innovation
on silver coins but recalls the wreath on the fourth-
century bronze (types Nos. 54-5). Judging by the
surviving specimens it would seem that these drachms
were not struck very frequently. One of the two big
bronze series hitherto attributed to the period after
84 B. c., in which we see the Sphinx for the first time
turned to right on bronze coins 79 [PL XI. 2-5], has,
79 A solitary exception to this is to be found in the case of type
No. 46.
x2
300 J. MAVROGORDATO.
I think, an undoubted right to be included among the
early second-century coins as the contemporary of
the foregoing drachms. These bronze issues, as already
reported, are occasionally found struck over coins of
type No. 56, with the Sphinx to left [PI. XI. 2-3],
showing that they not only followed closely after the
latter, but that there was a period of scarcity between
their dates of issue.
We then find drachms of less careful style than the
last [PI. XI. 7-8] with a formal vine-wreath on the
reverse. This wreath differs from the previous one in
showing two thyrsus-like knobs at its upper ends, a
feature which, after their first appearance, will be
seen to be faithfully preserved till the last imperial
issues made under G-allienus. With these drachms
may be associated a slightly later type of the bronze
series with Sphinx to right, and the small issues for
which it is impossible to fix a more exact position
[PI. XI. 9-12].
These various coins coincide in my opinion with
the Alexandrine tetradrachms. The tetradrachms are
usually divided into two groups, Muller's Classes V
and VI. It is not easy to say confidently which of the
above-mentioned drachms and bronze issues should be
allocated to the earlier of these [PI. X. 10-11] as the
coins composing it are distinguished only by mono-
grams, and, though these are plentiful enough, they
cannot with certainty be resolved into any of the
names furnished by the supposed divisional series.
But, judging by their appearance and weight, the two
issues represented by PI. XI. 1 are manifestly earlier
than the rest of the drachms now to be considered.
And the name on one of them, AEHMEAHN, taken in
CHRONOLOGY OF THE COINS OF CHIOS. 301
conjunction with their similar style and lettering and
the prow symbol, connects it unequivocally with the
main part of the bronze series with Sphinx to right,
and thus provides us with a small though sure founda-
tion upon which to work. These are the coins that I
would attribute to the same period as the tetradrachms
of Class V.
Then the slightly later drachms mentioned above
[PI. XI. 7-8] and the same series of bronze coins
[PL XI. 2-6 and 0-12] in its widest application are
probably the contemporaries of the tetradrachms of
Muller's Class VI [PI. X. 12-14]. This attribution is
supported by the occurrence of the two names,
AAKIMAXoZ and TNIIZIZ, both on the tetradrachms
and on the two series mentioned, the former on one of
the drachms and the latter on an issue of the bronze
coins.
We finally come to a number of less stable types
among the drachms which are not easy to arrange in
a satisfactory sequence. The coins illustrated [PI. XI.
13-16] represent the principal varieties that I have
observed. They are characterized by their rougher
style, later forms of lettering, and, with a few ex-
ceptions like Nos. 13 and 15 on the plate, by the less
formal type of vine-wreath on their reverses. These
coins are all evidently later than those mentioned
above, but yet so near to them in style that it seems
fair to suggest that they coincided with the period
that followed the disappearance of the tetradrachms,
circa 133 B.C. 80 The bronze coins that appear to have
been struck at the same time as these drachms are of
80 Brit. Mus. Cat. Ionia, Introd., pp. xlviii-li.
302 J. MAVEOGOEDATO.
quite a new type [PI. XI. 17-20], but their style and
lettering and the names that they bear in common all
point to these two series having been contemporaries.
The flans of the new bronze issues are both smaller
and thicker than their predecessors, and the Sphinx,
generally though not always turned to right, is seated
on various objects such as a club and winged caduceus
combined, or a serpent-staff, which seem to stand for
the symbols in the field of the previous bronze series.
The Sphinx also has one forepaw raised in many
instances, as in the little symbol on the later tetra-
drachms, and on one of the drachms [PL XI. 13] which
thus forms a link between this sub-period and the
last.
The inauguration of the Roman province of Asia in
133 B.C. was the opening of a new era for most of the
Ionic cities, and was signalized there by the issue of
" cistophori ". These coins do not seem to have been
struck at Chios, which supports the contention, arrived
at independently, that the island was not included in
the province. The appearance of the drachms just
referred to shows that the continuity of her silver
issues at least was maintained at Chios for some time
after those that can safely be connected with the
Alexandrine tetradrachms. This continuity affords still
further confirmation of the absence of any interference
with purely local affairs on the part of Eome during
the second century, and there is consequently ample
justification for not postulating any fresh period in
the numismatic history of Chios till after the Mithra-
datic wars.
On the other hand the attribution of the new bronze
series to this particular date is in the nature of a
CHRONOLOGY OF THE COINS OP CHIOS. 303
conjecture, but in view of the reasons given above the
arrangement seems on the whole to give more satis-
faction than any other. "Why there should have been
such a radical change in the bronze types, while the
silver ones remained practically unchanged, is a question
that I cannot answer. It is a point that perhaps
permits of a solution, but for the present I am unable
to suggest one.
Among the large and miscellaneous collection of
coins found at Delos during the excavations of 1906-8,
most of which belonged to the period subsequent to
167 B.C., when Delos was declared an open market and
handed over to Athens by the Romans, there was
a certain quantity of Chian bronze pieces. These are
all recorded by Svoronos in Journ. Int. d'Arch. Num.,
1911, p. 77 and ff., and it will be seen that they include
nothing earlier than the coins of this type. I am noting
the fact that certain specimens were found in Delos
under their magistrates' names.
From this time onwards no event of any importance
took place till the revolt of the Greek cities against
Home in sympathy with Mithradates. Chios once
more seems to have proved true to her allegiance, and
to have resisted all temptation to join the revolt.
Nothing else will explain the violence of Mithradates'
revenge. Saying that he had the right to put all the
inhabitants to death, he levied a fine on the island of
2,000 talents, and sent a general called Zenobius to
collect it. Partly by taking their jewels from the
women and the ornaments from the temples the people
managed to pay the sum required. But on a plea that
he was being given short weight, though probably in
accordance with a prearranged plan, Zenobius carried
304 J. MAVROGORDATO.
off the whole population into Pontus under circum-
stances of great cruelty. 81
Thus for the second time in her history was the
island depopulated, and although, as in the days of
Darius, the exile did not last long, it was to a sadly
impoverished state that the inhabitants returned.
In effect it was to bring out the loss of prosperity
caused by the policy of Mithradates as strongly as
possible that I have dwelt rather long on this incident.
There can be no doubt that the general condition of
the island previous to 88 B.C. was entirely different
from what it was when the Chians were once more
reinstated in their homes. This took place four years
later, in 84 B. c., owing to one of the conditions laid
down by Sulla in his treaty with Mithradates, and
through the kind offices of the citizens of Heraclea
Pontica. 82
The first of the second -century coins to be examined
are the Alexandrine tetradrachms. I do not propose
to publish all that I have recorded of the coins with
monograms, partly because my lists are by no means
complete, and partly because I have despaired of
resolving any of the monograms into an intelligible
form with certainty. I shall content myself with in-
dicating the principal varieties of these coins, and
shall then give all the names that I have been able to
collect from the later group.
The various types of Alexandrine tetradrachms
bearing the Sphinx symbol are as follows:
81 Appian, De Bello Mithridatico, 46 and 47.
82 Appian, loc. cit., 55 and 61 ; and Memnon from Didot's
F.H.G., iii, p. 543.
CHRONOLOGY OF THE COINS OF CHIOS. 305
59 a. Obv. Head of young Heracles to r. wearing lion's skin
head-dress. High relief. No border.
Rev. (Mailer's Class V.) AAEZANAPoY in field r.
Zeus, nude to waist, seated 1. on throne
with high back, the right foot drawn back
behind left, and both generally resting on foot-
stool : in his outstretched right hand he holds
eagle facing right, and in his left sceptre. The
legs of the throne, of which only two are seen,
sometimes consist in part of their length of
little Sphinxes facing outwards. Between legs
of throne is a single letter or monogram, and
in front of Zeus's knee a monogram (in a few
instances a single letter). Above this is a
Sphinx with curled wing seated 1. or r.,
generally on a plain line. Plain exergual
line.
JR. Size about 30-00 mm. Wt. 260-254 grains
(16-85-1646 grammes). Attic tetradrachm.
Below throne 1, in field !.*, and above Sphinx
to 1. Berlin Cabinet. [PI. X. 10.]
Below throne 4>, in field 1. $, and above Sphinx
to r. Brit. Mus. [PI. X. 11.]
Below throne nothing, in field 1. K, and above
Sphinx to 1. resting its forepaw on club,
handle upwards. Brit. Mus. (This coin is
in lower relief than the preceding, and inter-
mediate between Muller's Classes V and VI.)
59 (3. Obv. Similar, but of more careless style, and in lower
relief. Border of dots.
Rev. (Muller's Class VI.) As preceding, but no exer-
gual line, and monogram in field 1. immediately
below the outstretched hand of Zeus. In front
of footstool Sphinx with curled wing seated r.
or 1. and raising further forepaw. No letter
under throne, with one exception.
&. Size about 32-00 mm. Wt. 260-254 grains
(16-58-16-46 grammes). Attic tetradrachm.
In field 1. *f/\E and below Sphinx to r. Brit.
Mus. [PI. X. 12.]
306 J. MAVEOGOEDATO.
In field 1. GE and below Sphinx to 1. Berlin
Cabinet.
In field 1. fjj and below Sphinx to 1., under
throne 5. Brit. Mus.
In field 1. Hpl! and below Sphinx to 1, on
amphora lying on its side, and raising its
further forepaw over a bunch of grapes.
Vienna Cabinet.
In field 1. bP and below Sphinx to 1. on
amphora lying on its side, but no grapes.
My collection.
60. Obv. Same as preceding.
Rev. (Miiller's Class VI.) As preceding, but style, if
anything, more careless, and throne has no
back. There is also no footstool. Sometimes
letters in field 1. TTO or A P. Opposite left
foot of Zeus Sphinx with curled wing seated
1. on amphora, lying on its side with mouth to
1. , and, with one exception, raising its further
forepaw. No grapes. Plain exergual line
beneath which magistrate's name written in
full.
JR. Size about 32-00 mm. Wt. 260-254 grains
(16-85-1646 grammes). Attic tetradrachm.
In exergue ANTl4>HN and in field 1. TTO.
Brit. Mus. and Hunterian Coll.
(This issue is the only one I have observed in
which some of the details of the reverse are
the same as those of the last type. The
throne has a back, its legs consist partly of
Sphinxes, and there is a footstool. There is
also no exergual line.)
In exergue AAKIMAXOZ Coll. E. T. Newell.
In exergue FNflZ IZ and in field 1. TTO. Berlin
Cabinet. [PI. X. 14.]
In exergue AlOfNHToZ Brit. Mus.
In exergue EYKAEHN Brit. Mus. and Berlin
Cabinet.
In exergue EYKAHZ and in field 1. TTO.
Berlin Cabinet.
CHRONOLOGY OF THE COINS OF CHIOS. 307
In exergue ZHNOAOTOZ and in field 1. AP.
Brit. Mus.
(In this specimen the Sphinx, while seated on
an amphora like the rest, does not raise its
forepaw.)
In exergue HPAKAEIToZ Brit. Mus. and
Coll. E. T. Newell.
In exergue KPATUN and in field 1. TTO. Brit.
Mus. and Hunterian Coll.
In exergue AAZHN and in field 1. A P. Brit.
Mui
(No dotted border on obverse.)
In exergue MENEKPATHZ Vienna Cab. and
Hunterian Coll., No. 133. [PL X. 13.]
In exergue ZENGN and in field 1. TTO(?).
Berlin Cabinet.
In exergue ZoYOoZ and in field 1. TTO.
Brit. Mus. and Berlin Cabinet.
In exergue O||S|OTTI[A]HZ Copenhagen,
Muller's No. 1113.
In exergue T I M O A A M AZ Brit. Mus.
In exergue TIM12N Mionnet's No. 177.
In exergue <!>IAITTTToZ and in field 1. TTO.
Berlin Cabinet.
In exergue XAPHZ Berlin Cabinet.
The drachms that I would attribute to the early
portion of this period are the following :
61. Obv. Sphinx of good late style seated 1. on plain
exergual line ; wing curled in naturalistic
manner like type No. 57 /? ; hair rolled and no
curls on neck ; only one foreleg showing. The
tail bears a tuft, breast not indicated. Before
Sphinx bunch of grapes. Border of dots.
JRev. Amphora with wide neck and pointed tip between
magistrate's name ?. and XIOZ L, sometimes
symbol also 1. The whole in vine-wreath tied
below showing leaves and tendrils. Slightly
concave field.
308 J. MAVROGORDATO.
M. ArTEAIZKOZ Eev. No symbol.
ff 20-00 mm. 64-5 grains (4-18 grammes).
Attic drachm. Athens Cabinet. Published
J. Int. d'Arch. Num., 1909-10, p. 44.
AEflMEAnN Eev. Prow in field 1.
|?22-50mm. 63-6 grains (4- 12 grammes). Attic
drachm. Metr. Mus., New York, U.S.A., ex
J. Ward's Coll., No. 681, G. F. Hill's Cat.
[PL XI. 1.]
f? 19-00 mm. 65-0 grains (4-21 grammes).
Attic drachm. Ex Philipsen Coll., No. 2252,
Hirsch's Sale Cat., 1909. (Same dies as
preceding.)
f? 21-50 mm. 64-5 grains (4-18 grammes).
Attic drachm. E. Jameson's Coll., No. 1523
of his Cat., 1913. This specimen also has a
bunch of grapes with stalk to 1. under vine-
wreath on rev.
The following are the coins composing the former
of the two main bronze series attributed to this period :
62 a. Obv. Same as preceding, except that Sphinx is seated
r. and that the symbol in front of it is varied.
There is also no border around type.
Rev. Amphora with wide neck and pointed tip, though
in some instances the pear-shaped tip of previous
issues is seen, with magistrate's name r. and
XlOX 1. A symbol generally in field 1., some-
times both 1. and r. Frequently concave field.
JE. ff 19-00-16-OOmm. 77-9-54-0 grains (5-05-3-50
grammes). Fourteen pieces examined, of
which four countermarked tripod.
APfEIOZ Obv. Ear of corn. Eev. Bunch of
grapes 1. Paris Cab., No. 5013.
[PI. XI. 2.]
Coins with this name are sometimes found
struck over previous series with Sphinx
to 1.
ft 18-00-16-00 mm. 75-3-60-0 grains (4-88-3-89
grammes). Twelve pieces examined, of
which three countermarked tripod.
CHRONOLOGY OF THE COINS OF CHIOS. 309
APIZTOM[AXOZ?] Obv. 8-rayed star, some-
times enclosed in circle. Rev. Prow to r.
on 1.
tf 20-00-17-00 mm. 50-9-40-6 grains (3-30-2-63
grammes). Ten pieces examined, of which
three countermarked tripod.
AZ P A Z 1 1. Obv. Bunch of g rapes. Rev. Ear
of corn 1. and star r. Paris Cab. [PI. XI. 5.]
Obv. Bunch of grapes and star. Rev. Ear
of corn 1. Solitary specimen in library at
Chios. Obv. Bunch of grapes. Rev. Ear of
corn 1.
tf 17-50-16-50 mm. 65-1-57-1 grains (4-22-3-70
grammes). Twelve pieces examined, of which
three countermarked tripod.
rNHZIZ Obv. 8-rayed star. Rev. Cadu-
ceus 1.
ff 19-00-17-00 mm. 60-8 grains (3-94 grammes).
Six pieces examined, of which three counter-
marked tripod.
AHMHTPIOZ Obv. Bunch of grapes. Rev.
Ear of corn 1. Obv. No symbol. Rev. Ear
of corn 1.
(1 spec, f j) ft 19-75-17-00 mm. 67-9-40-1 grains (4-40-2-60
grammes). Thirteen pieces examined, of
which four countermarked tripod.
HFEMflN Obv. Ear of corn. Rev. Bunch of
grapes 1.
(1 spec. U) ft 19-75-17-00 mm. 67-4-39-4 grains (4-37-2-55
grammes). Sixteen pieces examined, of
which three countermarked tripod.
HPoZTPA[ToZ] Obv. Ear of corn. Rev.
Bunch of grapes 1. Paris Cab., No. 5032.
[PI. XI. 3.]
Coins with this name are sometimes found
struck over previous series with Sphinx to 1.
(See type No. 56 y with HPlAANOl.)
ff 22-00-17-00 mm. 58-8-47-1 grains (3-81-3-05
grammes). Thirteen pieces examined, of
which six countermarked tripod.
310 J. MAVEOGOKDATO.
0EPZHZ Obv. Ear of corn. Eev. Bunch of
grapes 1.
Coins with this name are sometimes found
struck over previous series with Sphinx to 1.
ff 20-25-17-50 mm. 60-0-45-1 grains (3-89-2-92
grammes). Seventeen pieces examined, of
which seven countermarked tripod.
IKEIIOZ Obv. Ear of corn. Eev. Bunch of
grapes 1.
One specimen with this name. No. 5042, at
Paris, possibly struck over coin of previous
series with Sphinx to 1.
ff 18-75-16-50 mm. 68-8-45-4 grains (4-46-2-94
grammes). Eighteen pieces examined, of
which seven countermarked tripod.
KH4>IIIAH[T] Obv. Bunch of grapes. Eev.
Kace-torch 1. Paris Cab. [PL XI. 4.]
Obv. Bunch of grapes. Eev. Bace-torch 1.
and wing r. Obv. No symbol. Eev. Ear of
corn 1.
ff 18-00-16-00 mm. 84-0-48-0 grains (5-44-3-11
grammes). Nineteen pieces examined, of
which five countermarked tripod.
KYAAANOZ Obv. Bunch of grapes. Eev.
Eace-torch 1. Obv. Bunch of grapes. Eev.
Eace-torch 1. and wing r. Obv. 8-rayed
star. Eev. Prow to 1. on 1.
ff 19-00-16-00 mm. 71-9-45-5 grains (4-66-2-95
grammes). Eighteen pieces examined, of
which six countermarked tripod.
AAMFPOZ Obv. Bunch of grapes. Eev.
Eace-torch 1. Obv. Bunch of grapes. Eev.
Eace-torch 1. and wing r. Obv. Eace-torch.
Eet>. No symbol. Solitary specimen at Vienna.
ft 20-00-1 7-00 mm. 80-1-44-0 grains (5-19-2-85
grammes). Twenty pieces examined, of
which one countermarked tripod, at Paris.
AEnMEAH[N] Obv. Ear of corn. Eev. No
symbol. Obv. Bunch of grapes. Eev. Ear
of corn 1. Obv. Bunch of grapes. Eev. Ear
of corn 1. and 8-rayed star r. Obv. No sym-
bol. Eev. Ear of corn.
CHRONOLOGY OP THE COINS OF CHIOS. 311
tt 19-00- 16-00 mm. 60-5-5-89 grains (3-92-3-82
grammes). Ten pieces examined, of which
three countermarked tripod.
POAIAN0OZ Obv. Ear of corn. Rev. No
symbol.
tt and ti 18-00-16-00 mm. 56-00 grains (3-63
grammes). Eleven pieces examined, of
which three countermarked tripod.
ZTAcj)YAO[Z] Obv. 8-rayed star. Eev. Prow
to 1. on 1., and on one specimen at Paris prow
downwards 1.
If 19-00-16-00 mm. 59-1-52-0 grains (3-83-3-37
grammes). Ten pieces examined, of which
one countermarked tripod, at Berlin.
THAEMAX[OZ] Obv. 8-rayed star. Rev.
Caduceus 1.
ff 19-00-17-00 mm. 73-0 grains (4-73 grammes).
Nine pieces examined, of which one counter-
marked tripod, at Copenhagen.
TIMANAPoZ Obv. Bunch of grapes. Rev.
Ear of corn 1. Obv. Bunch of grapes. Rev.
Ear of corn 1. and star r.
ft 17-25-15-50 mm. 56-0-45-1 grains (3-63-2-92
grammes). Ten pieces examined, of which
two countermarked tripod.
TIMOKAH[Z] Obv. 8-rayed star. Rev. Ca-
duceus 1. Obv. 8-rayed star. Rev. No
symbol.
ft 19-00-16-25 mm. 61-1-49-4 grains (3-96-3-20
grammes). Nine pieces examined, of which
three countermarked tripod.
IZ Obv. Ear of corn. Rev. No symbol.
62 ft. Obv. Similar to last, except that Sphinx is of less
pleasing style, shows curls hanging on neck
in addition to the rolled head-dress, and has
the wing feathers less freely treated. The
human breast is also more clearly defined.
Before Sphinx club, handle upwards, and
between its legs, generally, the letter P ;
rarely, E and I.
312 J. MAVROGORDATO.
Rev. Similar to last, except that amphora generally
has curved handles and thin neck, and some-
times shows the ' lip ' characteristic of later
issues. In field 1. rudder, blade upwards.
Frequently concave field.
M. ff 19-00-16-00 mm. 554-41-7 grains (3-57-
2-70 grammes). Seventeen pieces examined,
of which five countermarked tripod.
KAYKAZION Obv. one specimen without P
at Paris. Rev. one specimen with torch in
place of rudder recorded by Kofod Whitte
ex Cat. d'Ennery, No. 270.
ff 19-00-16-50 mm. 80-1-52-9 grains (5-19-343
grammes). Seventeen pieces examined, of
which five countermarked tripod.
MENEZ0EY[Z] Obv. Both with and with-
out P, sometimes retrograde, as in Hunterian
Coll., No. 44. [PI. XI. 10.] One specimen
at Paris has I between feet of Sphinx, and
Kofod Whitte records E as well. Rev. The
ear of corn symbol in place of rudder is said
* by K. Whitte to occur on a specimen in
Mus. Knobelsd. (Sestini).
ff 19-00-17-00 mm. 65-1-56-0 grains (4-22-3-63
grammes). Thirteen pieces examined, of
which five countermarked tripod.
inZTPAT[Ol] Obv. Both with and with-
out P. Rev. Eudder. [PI. XI. 0.] Obv.
Bunch of grapes. Rev. Eace-torch. Solitary
specimen at Athens.
The drachms that may have preceded or accompanied
the last sub-type are the following :
63 a. Obv. Sphinx of inferior style seated 1. on plain exer-
gual line ; wing curled in naturalistic manner,
but less freely treated than in type No. 61 ;
hair rolled without curls on neck ; only one
foreleg showing. The tail bears a tuft, and
the breast is indicated. Before Sphinx bunch
of grapes. Border of dots.
CHRONOLOGY OF THE COINS OF CHIOS. 313
Rev. Amphora with wide neck, pointed tip, and
sloping shoulders, between magistrate's name
1. or r. and X I OZ r. or 1. Sometimes symbol in
field 1. The whole in vine-wreath tied below,
of more formal design than in type No. 61,
showing only leaves, and terminating above
in two thyrsus -like knobs. Slightly concave
field in most specimens.
M. ff 17-00 mm. 574 grains (3-72 grammes). Attic
drachm. Leake Coll., Fitzwilliam Mus.,
Cambridge.
AAKIMAXoZ r. of amphora. No symbol
on reverse. [PL XI. 8.J
ff 21-00 mm. 56-2 grains (3-64 grammes). Attic
drachm. Paris Cabinet, No. 4999.
AHPoOEoZ 1. of amphora. Trident, prongs
upwards, in field 1.
ft 20-50 mm. 61 -6 grains (3-99 grammes). Attic
drachm. Paris Cabinet, Waddington, 2012.
EZTIAlOS r. of amphora. Prow to r. in
field 1.
ft 19-75 mm. 60-5 grains (3-92 grammes). Attic
drachm. Paris Cabinet, No. 5005.
iHNflN No grapes obv., name r. of amphora.
Club(?), handle upwards, in field 1.
[PL XI. 7.]
63 ft. Similar to preceding, but type to r.
JR. tt!9-50mm. 56-6 grains (3-67 grammes). Attic
drachm. Paris Cabinet, No. 5007.
ft 18-00 mm. 59-3 grains (3-84 grammes). Attic
drachm. Brit. Mus. Cat. Ionia, Chios,
No. 52.
Name illegible, r. of amphora. Cantharus in
field 1. (both coins from same dies).
The bronze coins of small module that I would
attribute to the same period as types Nos. 59 a-63 /?
are the following :
KUM1SM. CHliON., VOL,. XVI, SERIES IV. V
314 J. MAVROGORDATO.
64. Obv. Sphinx seated 1., but identical in all other
respects with the best executed pieces of type
No. 62 a.
Rev. Amphora as in type No. 62 a between magis-
trate's name r. and XIOZ 1. Concave field.
M. ft 14-00 mm. Wt. ? Collection in Public
Library, Chios.
EPMHNA[Z] No symbol either side.
ff 13-00 mm. Wt. ? Collection of Sir H. Weber.
[PL XI. 6.]
[A]EHMElA[nN] Ear of corn in field 1. of
rev. Concave field.
65. Obv. Sphinx seated r. on plain exergual line, in all
respects like the larger pieces of type No. 62 a.
In front, sometimes, bunch of grapes.
Rev. Amphora of type No. 62 a between magistrate's
name r. and XIOZ 1. In field 1., sometimes,
bunch of grapes.
M. ft 11-00 mm. Wt. ? In private collection at
Chios.
AnoAA[flNIAHZ] Bunch of grapes in
field 1. of rev.
ft 10-00 mm. Wt. ? In private collection at
Chios.
APIXT[OMAXOZ] No symbol either side.
ff 11-50 mm. 11-4 grains (0-74 gramme). My
collection. [PI. XI. 12.]
ff 10-00 mm. 13-4 grains (0-87 gramme). Berlin
Cabinet.
EPMHN[AZ] Bunch of grapes on obv.
ff 10-00 mm. 11-9 grains (0-77 gramme). Brit.
Mus. Cat. Ionia, Chios, No. 98. [PI. XI. 11.]
ff 11-00 mm. 16-8 grains (1-09 gramme). Berlin
Cabinet.
0EOAH[PO2:] Bunch of grapes in field 1.
of rev.
ff 10-25 mm. 9-1 grains (0-59 gramme). My col-
lection.
CHRONOLOGY OF THE COINS OF CHIOS. 315
f | 9-75 mm. 9-95 grains (0-645 gramme). My
collection.
AYZIKP[ATHI] No symbol either side in
(1), bunch of grapes in field 1. of rev. in (2).
f/ 11-OOmm. 13-4 grains (0-87 gramme). Athens
Cabinet.
ff 10-00 mm. 16-5 grains (1-07 grammes). Berlin
Cabinet.
ZKYM[NoZ] Bunch of grapes on obv.
ff 10-00 mm. 14-6 grains (0-93 gramme). My
collection.
ff 11-OOmm. 17-4 grains (1-13 grammes). Brit.
Mus. Cat. Ionia, Chios, No. 99.
ZTAc|)Y[AoZ] Bunch of grapes on obv.
f/ 11-OOmm. 10-2 grains (0-66 gramme). Athens
Cabinet.
[T]IMANAP[OZ] Bunch of grapes in field
1. of rev.
fj 9-75 mm. 10-8 grains (0-70 gramme). Paris
Cabinet, No. 5112.
[({>]AINO - - No symbol visible either side.
The next group of drachms, referred to above as
possibly coinciding with the period 133-88 B. c., is the
following :
66 a. Obv. Sphinx seated 1. as in type No. 63 a, but holding
up bunch of grapes in further forepaw.
Rev. Long thin amphora in formal vine-wreath, like
that of type No. 63 a, with AN APHNAZ r.
and XlOZ 1. but no symbol.
JR. f? 19-50mm. 57-3 grains (3-71 grammes). Attic
drachm. Paris Cabinet, No. 4993.
[PI. XI. 13.]
66/3. Obv. Sphinx of similar but ruder style seated 1. on
plain exergual line. In front bunch of grapes.
No dotted border.
316 J. MAVROGORDATO.
Rev. Amphora of varying design between magistrate's
name r. or 1. and XlOZ 1. or r. Sometimes
symbol in field. The whole in vine-wreath tied
below and terminating above in two thyrsus-
like knobs, but of more florid design than in
types Nos. 63 a and 66 a.
JR. ff 21-OOmm. 56-3 grains (3-65 grammes). Attic
drachm. Berlin Cabinet.
f? 19-00 mm. 554 grains (3-59 grammes). Attic
drachm. Koussopoulos Coll., No. 3285,
Hirsch's Sale Cat. XIII.
ATTEAAAZ r. of amphora. No symbol. The
Berlin specimen is countermarked on reverse
with draped and helmeted bust of Athena
to r.
ff 18-00 mm. 51-7 grains (3-35 grammes). Attic
drachm. Brit. Mus. Cat. Ionia, Chios,
No. 46.
ff 18-50 mm. 62-5 grains (4 -05 grammes). Attic
drachm. Paris Cabinet, No. 4995.
ff 18-75 mm. 50-3 grains (3-26 grammes). Attic
drachm. Munich Cabinet.
APfEloX 1. of amphora in (1), and r. in (2)
and (3). No symbol.
(One spec, f j) f f 20-50-17-00 mm. 61-8-58-0 grains (4-01-
3-76 grammes). Attic drachms. Brit. Mus.
Cat. Ionia, Chios, Nos. 47-8, Vienna Cabinet,
and my collection.
APTEMIAHP: r. of amphora. Thyrsus
adorned with fillets in field 1. (This issue
has a dotted border on obv. unlike the rest
of the group.)
ff 18-00 mm. 59-9 grains (3-88 grammes). Attic
drachm. Paris Cabinet (not numbered).
f f 19-25 mm. 43-5 grains (2-82 grammes). JE.
Copper core of ancient forgery. My collection.
EPMO(J>ANTOZ 1. of amphora in (1), and
r. in (2). In both aplustre in field 1.
CHRONOLOGY OF THE COINS OF CHIOS. 317
ft 19-00-18-00 mm. 54-6-50-0 grains (3-54-3-24
grammes). Attic drachms. Paris Cabinet,
No. 4996, pierced. [PL XI. 16.] Brit. Mus.
Cat. Ionia, Chios, No. 49, and Berlin Cabinet.
ff 19-00-18-00 mm. 61-0-53-4 grains (3-95-3-46
grammes). Paris Cabinet, Nos. 5000-1,
Hunterian Coll., No. 6, and Berlin Cabinet.
ZH NIZ 1. of amphora with lip. In space
between letters eagle stands to r. on amphora
in (1), and caps of Dioscuri with dots above
them representing stars in (2). (The corn-
grain noted by Brit. Mus. Cat., No. 49, in
field r. of reverse, is a bunch of grapes which
figures as part of the wreath in all issues
with this name.)
ff 20-00 mm. 55-3 grains (3-58 grammes). Attic
drachm. Brit. Mus. Cat. Ionia, Chios,
No. 51.
HAIOAHPoZ r. of amphora. One-handled
vase in field 1.
ff 20-75 mm. 57-1 grains (3-70 grammes). Attic
drachm. Paris Cabinet, Waddington, No.
2014. [PL XI. 14.]
ff 18-50 mm. 59-0 grains (3-82 grammes). Attic
drachm. Berlin Cabinet.
MHTAZ r. of amphora. 8-rayed star in
field 1. between XI and OZ. (Obverse die
of (I) same as the two coins described above
with name EPMO(j>ANToX.)
66 /3/3. Obv. Same type to r. No border.
Rev. Amphora of type shown in PL XI. 16, in wreath
like PL XI. 14, with 0EYMN IZ r. and X I OZ
1. In space between letters of latter full-length
figure of Dionysus (?) facing, holding staff in 1.
and bunch of grapes in r.
M. ff 21-00 mm. 56-6 grains (3-67 grammes).
Attic drachm. Berlin Cabinet, first published
in Hermes vii. 50.
318 J. MAVROGOKDATO.
66 y. Obv. Sphinx of late style seated 1. on plain exergual
line ; wing conventionally twisted into a tight
curl ; hair gathered into knot behind with a long
curl hanging on neck ; human breast clearly
defined, and tail bears a tuft. Before Sphinx
bunch of grapes. Border of coarse dots.
Rev. Long thin amphora with pointed tip between
magistrate's name r. and XI OZ 1. In field
1., generally, a symbol. Border of coarse dots.
M. ff 21-00 mm. 614 grains (3-98 grammes). Attic
drachm. Paris Cabinet, No. 4994.
[PI. XI. 15.]
ff 19 -50 mm. 57-5 grains (3-79 grammes). Attic
drachm. Munich Cabinet.
f f 19-50 mm. 49-5 grains (3-21 grammes). Attic
drachm. M c Clean Coll., Fitzwilliam Mus.,
Cambridge.
ATTEAAHZ r. of amphora ; winged caduceus
in field 1. in (1) and (2). Name 1. of
amphora ; winged caduceus in field r. in (3).
Generally f f , but three specimens have f < 18-00-21-50 mm.
61 -9-49-4 grains (4-01-3-20 grammes). Attic
drachms. Brit. Mus. Cat. Ionia, Chios,
Nos. 54-5, &c.
AEPKYAOZ r. of amphora. Cornucopiae in
field 1.
f ? 18-00 mm. 54-0 grains (3-50 grammes). Attic
drachm. Coll. Imhoof-Blumer, published
Rev. Suisse, 1895, p. 239.
f? 19-50 mm. 55-4 grains (3-59 grammes). Attic
drachm. Coll. B. Yakountchikoff.
ff 19-00 mm. 56-3 grains (3-65 grammes). Attic
drachm. Berlin Cabinet.
KOPliNoZ r. of amphora. No symbol.
(These coins have the later type of amphora
seen on PL XI. 16. In No. 1 only the Sphinx
wears a modius, and the fi is as rendered
above ; but Nos. 2 and 3, and one other in
Mr. E. T. Newell's Coll., show the earlier
form.)
CHRONOLOGY OF THE COINS OF CHIOS. 319
|f 19-00 mm. 55-1 grains (3-57 grammes). Attic
drachm. Berlin Cabinet.
MENEKAHZ r. of amphora. Two 8-rayed
stars also in field r.
|f 18-50 mm. 57-3 grains (3-71 grammes). Attic
drachm. M c Clean Coll., Fitzwilliam Mus.,
Cambridge.
f f 18-50 mm. 47-8 grains (3-10 grammes). Attic
drachm. Paris Cabinet, No. 5004.
ff 19-00 mm. 56-0 grains (3-63 grammes). Attic
drachm. Hunterian Coll., No. 8.
MHTP O Afl r. of amphora. Aplustre in field
1. of rev. and prow to 1. in field 1. of
obv. beneath the bunch of grapes. (Nos. 1
and 2 have the magistrate's name written
MHTPOA.Q . as well as another
specimen at Berlin. Only in the Glasgow
specimen does the name appear as above.
These coins also have the later type of
amphora as described under KoPHNoZ.)
f f 19-00 mm. 54-0 grains (3-50 grammes). Attic
drachm. Berlin Cabinet. Published Griech.
Munzen, No. 393.
ZTA(|>YAoZ r. of amphora. Winged caduce us
in field 1. (The later type of amphora appears
in this issue as well.)
668. Obv. Same as preceding, though of somewhat ruder
style. Border of dots.
Rev. Amphora of varying design between magis-
trate's name r. and XloZ 1. In field 1.
symbol. The whole in vine-wreath tied below.
JR. f f 19-OOmm. 54-5grains (3 -53 grammes). Attic
drachm. Berlin Cab. Published Griech.
Miinzen, No. 388.
FOPn AZ 1. of amphora, which has the form
shown on PI. XI. 16, and, as in that case,
the symbol here is an eagle seated to r. upon
the amphora.
320 J. MAVROGORDATO.
ff 18-00 mm. 57-3 grains (3-71 grammes). Attic
drachm. Brit. Mus. Cat. Ionia, Chios, No. 50.
ZHNoAHPoZ r. of amphora, which has
the form shown on PI. XI. 15, and the
symbol is a palm-leaf, stem upwards. The
wreath is of an unusual form for this group,
the upper ends terminating in vine-leaves.
The bronze coins that I regard as contemporaries of
the drachms just described are the following :
67. Obv. Sphinx of late style seated r. (rarely 1.) on exergual
line of varying form : hair-dressing and wing
like the drachms of type No. 66 y. Before
Sphinx bunch of grapes, which is generally held
in its further forepaw. Sometimes border of
dots, and, when exergue has a plain line, a
prow below bunch of grapes.
Rev. Amphora of late type with lip, as on the drachms
of No. 66 p with ZHNIZ &c., to r. of which
magistrate's name, and to 1. XloZ. The whole
in wreath tied below, generally composed of
vine-leaves, and terminating, as in previously
described coins, in two thyrsus-like knobs
above. Very often an incuse circle or concave
field.
M. ff and f| 15-00-13-50 mm. 37-5 grains (243
grammes). Athens Cabinet, found in Delos,
J. Int. d'Arch. Num., 1911, p. 89, Berlin
and Vienna Cabinets.
AOHNIK.QN Sphinx seated on plain line,
thyrsus, or winged caduceus.
tf 15-00-12-00 rnm. 37-7-35-5 grains (244-2-30
grammes). Brit. Mus. Cat. Ionia, Chios,
No. 85, Athens, and Paris.
AIZXINHZ Dotted border obv. Sphinx seated
on winged caduceus and club combined. One
specimen at Paris has no dots obv., but an
ivy-wreath round rev. [PI. XI. 17.]
If 14-00 mm. 32-0 grains (2-07 grammes). Brit.
Mus. Cat. Ionia, Chios, No. 86, and Athens
Cabinet.
CHEONOLOGY OF THE COINS OF CHIOS. 321
A TIE A A HZ Sphinx seated on winged cadu-
ceus and club combined.
f / 13-50-12-50 mm. 42-4 grains (2-75 grammes).
Brit. Mus. Cat. Ionia, Chios, No. 87, Paris
Cabinet, and Coll. B. Yakountchikoff.
ATTOAAftN[IAHZ] Sphinx seated on club.
ff 14-50-13-50 mm. 46-0-33-9 grains (2-98-2-20
grammes). Brit. Mus. Cat. Ionia, Chios,
No. 88, Athens Cabinet, found in Delos, J.
Int. d'Arch. Num., 1911, p. 79, Paris, illus-
trated [PI. XI. 18], Vienna, and Munich
Cabinets.
APTEMHZ Sphinx seated on serpent staff.
(One specimen at Athens has a palm-wreath
round rev. All the rest have the usual vine-
wreath.)
f? 15-00 mm. Wt. ? Eollin and Feuardent's
Cat., 1864, no. 5442.
APTEMIA[nPoZ] Exergualline?
ff 15-75-14-OOm.nl. 34-4 grains (2-23 grammes).
My collection, and a dealer's stock in Chios,
1913.
fOPFIAZ Sphinx seated on plain exergual
line with prow r. below bunch of grapes.
ff 13-50-12-50 mm. 37-8-29-5 grains (2-45-1-91
grammes). Brit. Mus. Cat. Ionia, Chios,
No. 90, Paris Cabinet, my collection, and
Coll. E. T. Newell.
AHMOKAHZ Sphinx seated on plain exer-
gual line with prow (?)r. below bunch of
grapes.
f f 13-00 mm. Wt. ? Athens Cabinet, found
in Delos and published J. Int. d'Arch. Num.,
1911, p. 93, and Munich Cabinet.
AHMOKPA[THZ] Sphinx seated on plain
exergual line. No symbol.
f? 12-00 mm. Wt. ? Kofod Whitte, p. 64,
No. 93, e Mus. Tochon. (Sestini).
AlOMHAHZ Sphinx seated 1. on caduceus.
322 J. MAVROGORDATO.
(One spec, hasf*-) ft 15-00-13-00 mm. 31-5-27-8 grains
(2-04-1-80 grammes). Brit. Mus. Cat. Ionia,
Chios, No. 91, &c.
EYZENoX Sphinx seated on club. One
specimen at Athens has a dotted border on
obv.
ff and f- 14-50-12-75 mm. 47-8-38-3 grains (3-10-2-48
grammes). Athens, Munich, illustrated
[PI. XI. 19], Vienna, and Berlin Cabinets.
KAEIAHZ Sphinx seated 1. on caduceus or
palm-leaf.
(One spec, has f<-) ff 15-00-13-50 mm. 50-8-42-9 grains
(3-29-2-78 grammes). Brit. Mus. Cat. Ionia,
Chios, No. 92, &c.
MHNOfENH[Z] Sphinx seated on plain
line, club, or winged caduceus.
(One spec, has f -) ff 15-50-13-25 mm. 53-9-29-8 grains
(3-49-1-93 grammes). Brit. Mus. Cat. Ionia,
Chios, No. 93, &c.
MHNOIIAOZ Sphinx seated on plain line
or on serpent staff, and specimens in Coll. B.
Yakountchikoff and Copenhagen (K. Whitte's
No.l28)have head-dress of Isis in fieldl. of obv.
\\ 15-00-12-50 mm. 57-2-31-5 grains (3-77-2-04
grammes). Brit. Mus. Cat. Ionia, Chios,
No. 94, Berlin Cabinet, and Coll. E. T.
Newell.
MHTPoAH Sphinx seated on plain exergual
line with prow r. below bunch of grapes.
(The inscription is not always as rendered
here, in many specimens the upper line only
being given (see contemporary drachms), and
in one case at Berlin the last three letters
appearing on the 1. of the amphora.)
tf 14-00-13-50 mm. 29-6-28-0 grains (1-92-1-81
grammes). Paris Cabinet, Coll. E. T. Newell,
and dealer's stock in Chios, 1913.
MIKKAAOZ Sphinx seated on serpent staff.
CHRONOLOGY OF THE COINS OF CHIOS. 323
(One spec, has fj,) ff 14-00-13-25 inm. 46-8 grains (3-03
grammes). Brit. Mus. Cat. Ionia, Chios,
No. 95, Athens, found in Delos, J. Int. d'Arch.
Num., 1911, p. 79, and Vienna Cabinets.
MIATIAAHZ Sphinx seated on serpent staff.
ff 15-00-13-50 mm. 42-5 grains (2-75 grammes).
Athens and Berlin Cabinets.
ZAN0ITTTT[OZ] Sphinx seated on winged
caduceus. In field 1. of rev. head-dress of
Isis.
ft 15-00-13-00 mm. 31-5-29-0 grains (2-04-1-88
grammes). Brit. Mus. Cat. Ionia, Chios,
No. 96, Athens and Vienna Cabinets.
ZTPAToNI[Ko:i] Sphinx seated on plain
exergual line with aplustre r. and sometimes
bunch of grapes as well.
(One spec, has f<-) f f 15-50-13-00 mm. 44-75-42-6 grains
(2-90-2- 76 grammes). Brit. Mus., Cat. Ionia,
Chios, No. 97, Berlin, Munich, and Aberdeen
Univ. Cabinets.
TPYIHN Sphinx seated on club with can-
tharus below its upraised forepaw. No grapes.
The small bronze coins that may be looked upon
as roughly contemporary with the above are the
following :
68. Obv. Sphinx of late style seated 1. or r. on plain ex-
ergual line, generally without grapes ; wings
curled as in types Nos. 66 y and 67 ; only one
foreleg showing and never raised.
Rev. Amphora with lip between magistrate's name r.
and XloS 1. No wreath or border on either
side. No symbol.
JE. f | 8-75 mm. 21-9 grains (1-42 grammes). Berlin
Cabinet.
ANTIKA[HZ?] Sphinx to 1. Bunch of grapes
in field 1. of obv.
f j lO-SOmm. 15-7 grains (1-02 grammes). Berlin
Cabinet.
[AJPPEIOZ Sphinx to 1.
324: J. MAVROGORDATO.
ft 10-75 and 10-00 mm. 17-9 and 15-1 grains
(1-16 and 0-98 gramme). My collection
[PI. XI. 20] and Berlin Cabinet.
HPAIOZ Sphinx to 1.
f j 10-50 mm. 18-1 and 15-0 grains (1-17 and 0-97
gramme). Berlin Cabinet, both specimens.
HPOKPAT[HZ] Sphinx tor. (The Berlin
specimens only read HPoKPA, but the
T is supplied by Hirsch's Sale Cat. of
Philipsen Coll., No. 2254 (part of), evidently
describing the same coin.)
(Three specimens have f<-) ff 10-00-9-25 mm. 17-75-11-0
grains (1-15-0-71 gramme). Athens, Berlin,
and Munich Cabinets, &c.
$ANAro[PHE or PAZ] Sphinx to r. A
bunch of grapes appears on obv. of two
specimens.
ff 9-50 mm. 124 grains (0-80 gramme). Coll.
E. T. Newell.
[EJK . OA - - Sphinx to 1.
No. 59 a. The style of these tetradrachms accords
with the general remarks made by Miiller on his
Class V.
The Sphinx symbol, their distinguishing feature, is
of uniform type, and is never represented here with
one raised forepaw as on the later coins ; and it may
be said to resemble, in its broader aspect, the Sphinx of
types Nos. 61-2 and even Nos. 56-7. It is just as much
a Chian Sphinx, in other words, as the one seen on the
later issues of tetradrachms, about which no doubt has
ever been raised because of the Dionysiac emblems that
accompany it. The magistrates' names are indicated
by single letters or simple monograms, the latter con-
sisting as a rule of three letters at the most. I am not
CHRONOLOGY OF THE COINS OF CHIOS. 325
contemplating the possibility that the single letters
may represent the years since the issues began, as their
appearance is opposed to such a supposition.
Two magistrates generally seem to have been repre-
sented on these early tetradrachms, judging from the
separate groups of letters or monograms found on them.
These are placed either in the field to left or under the
throne of the reverse. In one instance, at Berlin, the
name is rendered in what looks like an abbreviated
AZ
though not combined form thus, ^ As, however,
these letters might just as easily represent two magis-
trates as one, I am not including the group AZX - -
among the incomplete names, although this has
sometimes been done. 83
Occasionally the letters are enclosed in a circle
and (5), both taken from coins in the British Museum,
and there is one instance of a symbol in addition to
the Sphinx. This is a double-headed axe in con-
junction with the monogram p|, also from the British
Museum. Such a subsidiary symbol could hardly have
been used if the Sphinx had been the mark of the
magistrate and not of the mint. The little Sphinxes
that sometimes form part of the throne-legs [PI. X. 11
and 12] also suggest a local origin for the coins, and
support the contention that these tetradrachms were
really the issues of the state. I am not sufficiently
familiar with the Alexandrine tetradrachms in general
to say whether Sphinxes occur or not in this position
on specimens attributed to other mints, but I have
certainly never observed them so used.
83 See R. Munsterberg's Beamtennamen, &c., p. 108.
326 J. MAVROGORDATO.
The monogram (possibly for 0EPZHZ, type
No. 62 a) occurs both on this and the next type.
The letter P, sometimes written retrograde, as in
PI. X. 10, seems to be of a different character from the
other single letters placed under the throne, and may
refer to the same original as the letters TTo so frequently
met with in the field of tetradrachms with names in
full [PI. X. 14]. A similar P , sometimes written retro-
grade, is also seen on the contemporary bronze of type
No. 62 $ [PI. XI. 10]. This P or TTO may possibly
represent some particular workshop or branch of the
mint, as suggested by Beule* with regard to the late
Athenian tetradrachms (Monnaies d'Athenes, p. 141)
IIo[\iovxov], for instance, after Athene Poliuchos, one
of the principal deities worshipped at Chios and
may even be the same TT as is found well on in
imperial times in the exergue of certain issues of
the dichalkon and hemiassarion denominations. The
letters AP, which occur in the same position as TTo
on some of the other tetradrachms with names in full,
probably have a similar significance, though I cannot
suggest an interpretation for them, and I have not
observed their recurrence elsewhere.
The coin in the British Museum with a Sphinx
raising its forepaw over a club is unique to the best of
my belief, and is still more interesting on account of
the connexion it suggests with the three bronze issues
that I have assembled under sub-type No. 62 /?. These
all show a club in front of the Sphinx, and, in the
majority of cases, the letter P between its feet. The
letter below the Sphinx of this tetradrachm is K, and
one of the bronze issues in question bears the name
KAYKAZinN.
CHRONOLOGY OF THE COINS OF CHIOS. 327
No. 59 /?. These coins form an intermediate class
from the point of view of Chian numismatics, though
according to Miiller's arrangement they are grouped
with the following type under his Class VI. As Miiller
observed, they are more spread in fabric and of more
careless workmanship and style than the foregoing.
The monograms are more complicated than most of
those occurring on type No. 59 a, and the Sphinx is
represented in various ways. The specimen now at
Vienna, on which the Sphinx is depicted holding a
bunch of grapes, or raising its forepaw above it, is the
only one of the kind known to me, though Miiller
seems to have observed others. The monogram
from a coin in the British Museum, might, with the
help of a little imagination, be resolved into the name
MENEZ0EYZ, or at any rate MENEZ0, which is
found among the magistrates of the bronze sub-type
No. 62 /?, already referred to more than once. This
tetradrachm, unlike the rest of its class, has the letter
beneath the throne, and though probably only a
coincidence, it is worth while remarking that the
remaining name of the bronze group in question is
ZflZTPAToZ.
The existence of this tetradrachm, and of the one
mentioned above with the Sphinx holding a club,
raises a question of chronological arrangement. Should
we regard these pieces of Miiller's Class VI with letters
or monograms for the one showing the club is really
nearer in style to Class VI than to V as invariably
earlier than those with names or not ? If the sugges-
tion now made regarding the possible contemporaneity
of these two coins with the three bronze issues of sub-
328 J. MAVKOGORDATO.
type No. 62 /3 be correct, it most certainly constitutes
an argument against monograms being considered in
every case earlier than names. General considerations
of style, on the other hand, support this, for there are
differences of treatment that distinguish this sub-
type No. 59 /3 from No. 60 quite clearly and con-
sistently, although not of sufficient importance for it
to be classed separately according to Miiller's arrange-
ment. The bronze group in question is undeniably
later than type No. 62 a, and yet we are justified in
considering types Nos. 60 and 62 a as of the same
date because of the names that they and the cor-
responding drachms have in common. It is a point
that cannot be settled from the facts at present in our
possession, but it seems worth while to draw attention
to this little piece of evidence affecting it.
No. 60. We now come to the coins bearing names
written in full. As will be seen from the detailed
description, the throne of Zeus on their reverses is,
with one exception, always represented without a
back, and the Sphinx, seated on a prostrate amphora,
also with one exception, invariably raises its further
forepaw. It may thus be said to resemble the Sphinx
of types Nos. 66 a and 67. There is also no evidence
in this type suggestive of a second magistrate, the
only letters in addition to the names being the two
groups TTo and AP, to which reference has already
been made.
The list contains eighteen names, of which two, as
already observed, are met with on other series that
may fairly be considered contemporaries of these
tetradrachms. A third name, MENEKPATHZ, also
CHRONOLOGY OF THE COINS OF CHIOS. 329
occurs as well on one of the drachms, but as this
drachm belongs to one of the really late issues it
cannot represent the same magistrate.
Of the other names concerned, one, at least, has an
undoubted Chian ring. I refer to OlNoTTI[A]HZ,
a name that may very well have been formed on that
of the national hero Oenopion. 84 . Muller reads the
name OlNoTTINHZ, but the alteration as above seems
desirable, especially as OlNoTTIAHZ is known from
other sources. Both AAZHN and TIMOAAMAZ are
names unrecorded elsewhere, and of questionable ap-
pearance, but there seems no reason to doubt the reading
of the coins. AAZHN is suggested instead of the
former by Collitz and Bechtel, Griechische Dialekt-
Inschriften, vol. iii, part 2, No. 5661. The prevalence
of names in -HN, to which attention was drawn under
type No. 56, seems to have continued at this period.
As regards the lettering of all the tetradrachms, the
forms used in type No. 60 are, on the whole, later than
in No. 59 a or /3. E is generally E, except in a few
monograms. I appears as I in type No. 59, but as Z
in No. 60. is always dotted. O is always smaller
than the letters accompanying it. fl is P or T in type
No. 59, and TT in type No. 60. Z is usually Z, except
in some single letters and monograms of type No. 59,
where the form with bars of equal length is found. An
early and isolated instance of a lunate sigma seems to
be provided by one of the monograms (fourth example
quoted under type No. 59 /3) fft, where the character
84 See above, p. 10, Num. Chron., 1915. The name OlvoTrlSrjs
occurs on coins of Erythrae (Brit. Mus. Cat. Ionia, No. 138) and of
Phygela, near Ephesus (Babelon's Cat. of Waddington Coll.,
No. 1911).
MUM1SU. CHBON., VOL. XVI, SERIES IV. Z
330 J. MAVROGOEDATO.
on the extreme right is inexplicable in any other way.
fl is generally H, very rarely fl in type No. 60, and
only a little less so in No. 59.
As a general observation it may be pointed out that
the lettering is careless in execution and inferior to
that of types Nos. 61-2, but there is no trace anywhere
of "apices" or the wedge-shaped terminals to the letters
that become the rule from type No. 63 onwards.
The weights are those of a reduced Attic tetra-
drachm, and correspond perfectly with the drachms
described under types Nos. 61 and 63.
No. 61. The few issues that we have belonging to
this type are quite distinctive, and, as stated above,
are sufficiently removed both in style and detail from
the various forms of type No. 57 to make it probable
that a gap of at least a few years must stand between
them. Furthermore, the rendering both of Sphinx
and amphora on these coins is practically identical
with that of the same features in the bronze type
following immediately after this, which is manifestly
later than the bronze issues last described.
The evidence of the lettering, being confined to so
few specimens, is hardly sufficient to serve as the basis
of an argument. The form of Z found on the piece
with AffEAIZKoZ, however, in which the four bars are
of equal length, as in many of the bronze issues of the
next type, but unlike those of the earlier type, No. 57,
encourages me in thinking that these coins are the
contemporaries of the first tetradrachms. As already
noted, this form, which may be called an archaism in
the second century, also occurs on them.
The prow symbol now appears for the first time. It
CHEONOLOGY OF THE COINS OP CHIOS. 331
will be noticed also that the weights of all the known
examples of this type exceed 63-5 grains (4-11 grammes),
a point that is only occasionally reached by the subse-
quent issues.
No. 62 a. The large quantities of this type that
are available for examination put it on quite a different
footing from all others of the Chian series. I am
only quoting sources of origin in the cases of specimens
illustrated on the plates, since practically all collections
possess these coins. I am also only giving their extreme
variations of measurement and weight.
There is a striking uniformity of style about these
issues considering that they were spread over fifty odd
years in all probability. That the work was good, even
among the coins of what may be called the middle
period of the series, is evident from the well-preserved
piece illustrated PI. XI. 4. It is almost as if a last
effort were being made to maintain the severe and
conservative character of the mint, and, if my conten-
tion as to the duration of the period be correct, it
certainly succeeded. Including three names belonging
to the sub-type No. 62 /3 there are twenty-two in all
that have survived. This is a relatively large number
for the fifty-seven years concerned compared with those
afforded by other periods Per. VIII, for instance,
with twenty-four names to 111 years but by no means
enough to determine the total number of years during
which similar work was done, if taken by itself. As
already suggested, we get no help from the development
of style, there being very little variation between the
issues till we reach the sub-type No. 62 /3. But a hint
may, I think, be gained from the following. Among the
z2
332 J. MAYROGORDATO.
details given above it will be observed that some of the
names are found in conjunction with two or even three
different symbols. Whatever these symbols may mean
it will be granted that each one records a separate
issue for the particular magistrate concerned. If, then,
we count all these separate issues, and assume once
more that every issue covers the period of one year,
we shall find that we have material to account for
thirty-five years. Allowing after that for missing
names, several of which can presumably be supplied
from the contemporary tetradrachms, drachms, and
small bronze coins, the original conclusion does not
seem to be far wrong.
Of the names concerned I prefer to restore
APIZTOM - - to APIZTOMAXOZ rather than to
any other of the possible alternatives on the strength
of a coin in my possession which reads APIZTOM/ - - .
HPOZTPATOZ for HPoZTPA - - seems certain. 85
0EPZHZ is a name that is apparently known only
from these coins. It is an Ionic form, and probably
a pet name for epcnXoxoy. Considering the quantity
of pieces extant it is unfortunate that none should
have been encountered showing a fuller form than
KH<MZIAH - -. For this KH<MZIAHZ seems quite
a plausible restoration. KYAAANoZ is an unknown
name, but it is quite clear to read on a coin at Berlin,
and on one at Paris it appears as KYAAANO. Other-
wise it only occurs much abbreviated, and has been
read KYAAAM - - (Brit. Mus. Cat. Ionia, Chios, Nos.
71-2) and KYAAANA - -. The latter reading comes
85 Mionnet's reading HPOG - - (Suppl, vi, p. 396, No. 71)
would seem to have been founded on one of the coins bearing this
name, or possibly on the later issue with MHNoAflPoZ.
CHRONOLOGY OP THE COINS OF CHIOS. 333
from Athens, where it is suggested that the complete
form should be KvXXavSpos, on the analogy of Krj^ia-av-
Spos, as if from a place called KvXXa. TToAIANGoZ
is also a name for which these coins are the sole
authority (see Pape's Worterbuch d. Gr. Eigennamen,
ed. 1875). Fick and Bechtel seem to have overlooked
it and only give the form IloXidvOrfs, but a,_srjecimen
at Paris reads (lOAIANOoZ quite distinctly. This is
the only one known to me, however, in which any
letter beyond the can be read.
All the above, together with the issues representing
the magistrates ApytTos, 'Ao-ndo-tos, TvGxns, ^ijfj,ijTpio9,
'Hyepoov, and c l/ce<noy, belong to the middle period of
development as regards style, but the coins with the
name Ad/nrpo$ are somewhat degraded, and form a
link between the foregoing and those grouped separately
under the sub- type No. 62 /3>. Those exhibiting the
best style will be found noted below.
The lettering of these coins is uniformly good and
consistent, and, as in the case of the tetradrachms,
there is no trace among them of letters with," apices,"
or wedge-shaped terminals. The forms used are
slightly earlier in some cases than on the tetradrachms.
I unfortunately does not appear. E is always E. I have
noted one instance of a barred on a specimen with
the name POAIAN0[OZ] at Berlin, otherwise the
series yields nothing but 0. The O is always smaller
than the accompanying letters. PI is never TT as on
the tetradrachms ; it sometimes assumes a transitional
form F in AAMFPoZ, already noted as one of the
last of the series, but is generally P. Z varies from X
to E. There is a tendency in 4> for the bar to project
both above and below the level of the other letters,
334: J. MAVROGOEDATO.
the first appearance, so far, of this stage in the normal
development of the letter. The tetradrachms of type
No. 60 would no doubt have shown it too if only their
engraving and striking had been less careless. II is
always ft, and never ft, as on the tetradrachms.
Though it by no means constitutes a proof in itself,
this lettering strongly supports my contention that
the group under discussion should be attributed to the
first half of the second century B. c. The lettering is
thoroughly typical of the forms then employed in the
eastern portion of the Greek world, as a glance at any
series of which the chronology is fairly well established,
like that of Ephesus, will show. The fact too that
none of these coins was found in the Delos excavations,
while specimens of type No. 67 and later ones did occur
there, provides us with an approximate limit for the
duration of their issue with which the present attri-
bution is in agreement.
The symbols are such a prominent feature of the
coinage now, appearing as they do both on obverse
and reverse indifferently, that a study of them might
be expected to yield some information regarding the
methods of the mint. It seems evident, as I have
already suggested, that the combination of names and
symbols may furnish an indication as to the number of
years during which the coins were struck. But, as the
laws regulating the Greek mints are so very little
known, and as it is highly injudicious to apply any
knowledge that we may gain about one city to another,
one could not come to any conclusion worth proposing
without some new fact of importance. It cannot be
said, however, that this series adds anything to the
evidence collected by Fr. Lenormant, bearing on the
CHRONOLOGY OF THE COINS OF CHIOS. 335
question of mint officials. The coins only serve to
confirm the impression already gained from type
No. 57, that there must have been at least two magis-
trates at Chios who shared the responsibilities of the
coinage, since the same name is found associated with
, ->two and even three different symbols, and the same
^ symbol or symbols with several different names.
W. Fietze supported his thesis with regard to Eedende
Abzeichen (Journ. Int. d'Arch. Num., 1913, p. 17) by
quoting the race- torch accompanying the name AAM-
FPoZ on one of these issues, but, as was observed in
the introduction to Per. VIII, there can be no question
here of " canting devices". The type might just as easily
be called upon to refute the theory, since the bunch of
grapes does not happen to appear at all on the issues
of the very magistrate, ZTA(j)YAoZ, who might have
used it to advantage.
As a matter of fact the bunch of grapes is probably
still to be regarded as part of the type, even when it
appears on the reverse of the coins, and not as one of
the magistrates' symbols. It is never found alone, for
instance, and is used or omitted apparently at random.
It had already been placed upon the reverse before the
question of magistrates' signets arose (see type No. 53 a ),
and will be seen again in that position on the small
silver of the next century when the employment of
symbols seems to have ceased.
The prow has quite a different form here from that
which it assumes on the next bronze type, on some of
the later drachms, and on most of the imperial bronze.
In these cases it no doubt also serves as part of the
type and is confined then entirely to the obverse of
the coins.
336 J. MAVEOGORDATO.
Certain objects among the symbols recur at different
periods too far removed from one another to allow that
the magistrates who used them were one and the same
individual, though they might have belonged to dif-
ferent generations of the same family. This type, for
instance, includes the race -torch and corn- ear which
first put in an appearance on the drachms of type
No. 57, and the latter of which is seen again on a
bronze that cannot have been struck before the middle
of the first century. The wing had only a short vogue
apparently, but the club, caduceus, and rudder remained
in use till early imperial times, and the star till
the last days of the mint. On the other hand, the
presence of the same symbol on coins of dissimilar
type often helps in showing that they were probably
contemporaries. Of such a nature was the club on
one of the tetradrachm issues and on the bronze of
type No. 62 /3 referred to above. It seems worth while,
therefore, to draw attention to the various objects as
they appear, in addition to the other distinguishing
features that occasionally call for comment.
Considering the amount of material at our disposal
that is provided by these bronze coins, we ought to be
able to form some opinion as to the order in which the
magistrates followed one another. The heavy wear to
which most of the specimens have been exposed, how-
ever, and the frequent application to them xif the
tripod countermark [PL XI. 5 and 9], make any
profitable comparison of obverse dies a practical im-
possibility. It will be necessary to say a little
more about this countermark directly, but for the
moment I should like to point out that a study of
its incidence seems capable of affording a rough
CHRONOLOGY OF THE COINS OF CHIOS. 337
indication of the sequence in which the issues bearing
it appeared.
countermark seems to occur on what, from
considerations of style, may be supposed to be the later
issues more frequently than on the earlier ones, and
it is for the purpose of applying this test that I am
giving the actual numbers of the coins examined
together with those of the countermarked specimens.
From these figures it will be seen that the coins with
the name Aeca^Soav, for instance, which may be con-
sidered to have been some of the first issues of the
series, show only one countermark out of twenty
specimens examined, while the eighteen specimens
with Adjurpos include five bearing the countermark.
The issues of UrdfoXos, TTjAe/zaxoy, TipavSpos, TifioieXfjs,
and $oivi are all noticeable for their good style as
well, and the proportion of countermarked specimens
among them is much lower on the whole than among
any of the middle-period issues mentioned above, or
of sub-type No. 62 /?. My theory is that a supple-
mentary or emergency issue was made of these coins
at some period subsequent to the circulation of sub-type
No. 62 /?, and that it was countermarked with a tripod.
As the latest coins struck would be the most readily
available they would be more largely used in the new
issue than those of earlier date, and it is interesting to
find that the coins of best style show the smallest
proportion of countermarks.
As for the countermark itself, I think that there
can be no doubt that it is not a foreign one. Its
distribution is too general for that, for it will have
been observed that there is not a single issue in the
series that cannot provide at least one countermarked
338 J. MAVKOGORDATO.
specimen. On the other hand the tripod is not one of
the Chian symbols. Still, it may refer to the temple
of Apollo at Phanae, the principal shrine in the island,
or even to Atarneus, where Apollo was also worshipped,
and where the Chians were accustomed to look for
help. 86
It is even more difficult to suggest a date for the
supposed emergency issue. I can only surmise that
it appeared shortly after the original issue, thus pre-
cluding the probability of its having been made on the
return of the islanders from their exile in Pontus in
84 B.C. a theory that attracted me at one time.
The weights of these coins are not by any means_Q
regular as those of the previous bronze issues of the
same size, type No. 56, though they apparently aim at
the same standard.
As will be seen from the foregoing list, jthe die-
positions are almost invariably ff, while in the case
of type No. 56 they were very varied.
-Jt ***"> No. 62 )8. The coins constituting this sub- type can
* *) , ^.o?* easily be picked out from the remainder of the series,
/ the change in style having by this time become fairly
marked. There is no difference in fabric, the concave
86 In Num. Chron., 1913, pp. 389-98, Mr. J. G. Milne published
a very interesting paper on a similar phenomenon at Cyme. There
also one particular bronze issue, and one only, as in this case at
Chios, seems to have been countermarked by the issuing city.
Mr. Milne also points out that the same thing was done as well
at Erythrae and Clazomenae, and more rarely at Cnidus.
What is more to the point still is that the issues so treated of
Cyme, Erythrae, and Clazomenae all belong to the period about
190 B.C. that of Cnidus is apparently a century later like this
issue of Chios. It really looks as if there may have been some
common cause for all these countermarks.
CHRONOLOGY OF THE COINS OF CHIOS. 339
field being just as frequently met with as in the other
sub-type, and the weights are neither more nor less
regular. The die-positions are also the same as in the
coins just described.
Of the three magistrates' names concerned, KAYKA-
ZIXJN and MENEZOEYZ 87 are generally encountered
in much abbreviated forms, but they appear practically
complete, the former on a piece in the public library
at Chios, and the latter on No. 44 of the Hunterian
Cabinet [PL XI. 10] ; KAYKAZLON is interesting as
affording an instance of a purely local name. There
was a harbour in Chios called Ta KavKaa-a 88 (on the
south coast of the island according to Pape, or the
north-east according to others), from which was named
the Apollo Kaukaseus worshipped at Erythrae. On this
god-name Kavicao-evs must have been formed the per-
sonal name KavKavicov, 89 which is found nowhere else
in the Greek world. ZHXiTP AToZ is a name that we
have already met with among the Chian magistrates.
The only point to note about the lettering of this
group, which is identical in other respects with that
of sub-type No. 62 a even the G being always
dotted is the form of H on the only specimen on
which it appears with the name KavKaaicov. This is
C\ , a form that is found in imperial times, though not
on intermediate issues.
It seems possible that JS'eoo-rparoy may have been the
first of these three magistrates, since his issues are
87 Mionnet's doubtful reading ME AX I (Suppl., vi, p. 395, No. 62)
may have arisen from a misreading of this name.
88 See above, p. 9, Num. Chron., 1915 (Part I), and Herodotus
.sv-33.
89 See Fick and Bechtel, loc. cit., p. 355.
340 J. MAVROGORDATO.
linked to those of the previous groups by the specimen
at Athens bearing his name in combination with the
bunch of grapes and the race-torch symbol, in place of
the later club and rudder. This may be further sup-
ported by the fact that the older form of ft is
invariably found on coins with
No. 63 a. The issues composing this group of drachms
are very rare, each variety being represented by a single
specimen only. They are to be distinguished from the
later issues with reverse in a wreath by the dotted
circle on the obverse, and by the formal type of the
vine-wreath [PI. XI. 7-8], less naturalistic than in
type No. 61, but less florid than in No. 66 ft, &c.
The style both of obverse and reverse shows a distinct
falling off from that of the type No. 61 coins, and there
was evidently a certain interval between them.
As already observed, too, it looks as if these drachms
had not been struck in any considerable quantity.
The names do not call for any particular remark
except that the dwpoOeos of this period may, if correctly
dated, be the great-grandfather of the Tt. KXav. Topyias
Aa>po6ov who struck bronze in early imperial times.
There is a Topyias at the end of this period who may
well have been the son of the present magistrate.
The 'AXKipaxos is of course the name already men-
tioned as providing a link between these drachms and
the late tetradrachms.
The lettering is chiefly remarkable for yielding the
earliest instances of "apices" in the Ghian series.
Otherwise the forms of the letters are indistinguish-
able, as would have been expected, from those described
under the last two bronze sub-types, the earlier drachms
CHRONOLOGY OF THE COINS OP CHIOS. 341
and the tetradrachms. The I in IHNflN seems to be the
latest instance that we have of a zeta with the perpen-
dicular bar, though, as already observed, the letter in
question is unfortunately only rarely met with at this
period.
The weights, as pointed out under type No. 57, are
distinctly lower than in the previous type, No. 61,
though not at variance with those of the tetradrachms.
The die-positions are always ff.
The trident symbol makes its only appearance here
in spite of the predilection now beginning to make
itself felt for objects connected with ships and sea-
faring. The club on the coin with IHNHN , if correctly
described, seems to connect this group with the sub-
type No. 62 /?, and to provide an extra link between
them both and the tetradrachms of types Nos. 59 /?
and 60.
No. 63 /8 is the earliest and one of the very few
instances extant of a drachm with Sphinx to- right.
Unfortunately the magistrate's name is illegible, and
it almost looks as if the die had been purposely defaced.
I only know of two specimens of the coin, one in Paris
and the other in London. They are both from the
same dies, the former being in rather better state than
the latter. The magistrate's name has been read, in
the one case as AHMHTPloZ, 90 and in the other as
- - <!>IAoZ, and though the former is the more plausible
reading of the two, it cannot, I think, be accepted as
correct.
90 Mionnet, Med. Gr., vi, p. 389, No. 9 ; Kofod Whitte, No. 91 ;
and Dr. Imhoof-Blumer, in Gr. Munz., all agree that it can only
be described as the most probable reading.
34:2 J. MAVROGORDATO.
The concave field, which, is well marked on the
reverses of these two coins, is not seen again till the
very last of the autonomous silver drachm issues.
The cantharus, here used as a symbol, but later
on to become prominent among the new bronze types,
is worth noting. The lettering is careless, like the
whole workmanship of the coin, but "apices" were
apparently not used by the engraver.
No. 64. These small bronze coins are very rare. They
seem to belong to quite distinct issues, and are remark-
able in showing a Sphinx turned to left. On that account,
and from the occurrence on one of them of the name
'Epn&vag, it might be supposed that they belong to
the same period as type No. 56. These resemblances,
however, are quite outweighed by the style of the
coins, and by the name Ac<o^8<ov in combination with
the wheat-ear symbol. The lettering is good, and in
agreement with that of the coins belonging to type
No. 62. The concave reverse field, especially marked
in the specimen with AfoofieSow, is also characteristic
of that series.
No. 65. These coins, of still smaller module than
the last, and with the Sphinx to right, are also the
undoubted contemporaries of type No. 62, as may be
seen from their style and lettering, the occasional
appearance of a bunch of grapes on the reverse, and
the frequency with which names occur common to
both series. They are probably a little later than type
No. 64, but the '.Ep/Kof a recorded among them may
quite well be the same magistrate to whom reference
has just been made. In fact the recurrence of the
CHRONOLOGY OF THE COINS OF CHIOS. 343
name strengthens the supposition that these two types
must be closely connected.
On the coin from Paris, placed last in this list, there
are traces of a letter before . aivo - - which is most
probably $. If we could be sure of this the name
might then be restored to 3>cuvontv6s (accent according
to Boeckh), which occurs in the Chian inscription,
C. L G., No. 2227, and Collitz and Bechtel, loc. cit.,
No. 5668, and most probably on one of the late bronze
issues (type No. 83).
The weights are very irregular, though none sur-
passes 17-4 grains (1-13 grammes), which was also
practically the upper limit of type No. 58.
The die-positions are almost, but not quite, as
constantly ff as in type No. 62.
No. 66 a. Attention has already been drawn to
this unique coin, and to its importance in furnishing
a link between the two halves into which the present
period may roughly be divided. .The wreath on the
reverse is the wreath of type No. 63, though the
amphora is a trifle later [PL XI. 7, 8, and 13], but
the Sphinx's attitude is precisely that of the small
bronze coins described under type No. 67 [PI. XI. 17-
19], or of the symbol on some of the late tetradrachms.
It occurs again on a few of the silver issues attributed
to the first century, but not on any intermediate one.
The name ANAPHNAZ is not recorded either by
Pape, or by Fick and Bechtel, but it seems clear, and
MHTPftNAZ was known at Erythrae (B. M. Cat, 160
and 245). MANAPflNAZ would be a plausible
restoration, as it is a common Ionian name, but there
is no room for the initial M on the coin.
344 J. MAVKOGORDATO.
No. 66 (3-8 comprises the drachms of varying designs
that seem to follow the preceding, and probably repre-
sent the issues made between 133 and 88 B.C. It will
be noted from the coins illustrated on PI. XI. 14-16
that the Sphinx always represented to left is of later
style than anything we have yet seen, that the dotted
circle, when it appears, is coarser than before, and that
the amphora gradually develops the lip that is almost
a constant feature of the first-century coins.
It is practically impossible to arrive at any real
order of sequence for these drachms, though the one
I am suggesting satisfies most of the points connected
with style. It must be understood, however, to be
purely conjectural, as the evidence from community
of dies, which alone can be taken as conclusive in
such a case, is very scarce. The coins of the y and S
sub-types [PL XI. 15] are quite distinct in appearance
from any of the other groups composing this type or
from anything that precedes or follows them. They
probably succeeded the issue with ZHNIZ [PL XI. 16]
and its companions, though I am placing that last on
the plate because the type of amphora it bears is
practically identical with the one that chiefly charac-
terizes the next period.
On Dr. Imhoof-Blumer's coin with KoPHNoZ the
Sphinx wears a modius. This object is seen fairly
frequently on bronze of the first century B.C., but this
is its first appearance in the series, and its only one,
so far as I know, on a silver piece.
The issues now appear to have become much more
plentiful than when tetradrachms were still being
struck, especially towards the latter end of the period,
for coins bearing the name AEPKYAoX are among
CHRONOLOGY OP THE COINS OP CHIOS. 345
the commonest of Chian silver pieces. As so many of
these are in mint state, it seems just possible that they
may have been buried when Zenobius was collecting
his fine.
An 'AireXXrj? of Chios is mentioned in one of his
letters by Cicero, 91 who is known to have visited the
island in about 78-76 B.C. It is consequently tempting
to connect this reference with the magistrate now
suggested as having held office some ten years prior
to that date. But the letter in question was not
written till 45 B.C., and treats, moreover, of a mere
commercial transaction. It is, therefore, unnecessary
to suppose either that Cicero was alluding to a magis-
trate at all, or that the ^TreXX^y of the coins should be
brought down in date to the second half of the first
century. 'AireXXas, whose name occurs here also,
was doubtless a different person from the preceding,
and probably of earlier date. 92 The specimen with
this name in Berlin has an additional interest in being
the only Chian coin known to me with an undoubtedly
foreign countermark upon it. The bust of Athena is
quite distinct, and might be derived from one of several
towns on the mainland of Asia Minor, Clazomenae,
Heracleia ad Latmum, Lebedus, or Priene. Mrjras is
quite a different order of name in -ay from 'A-rreXXds,
and is characteristic of the late period in which we now
find ourselves. The name is unknown from any other
source except these coins (see Collitz and Bechtel,
Griechische Dialekt-InscJiriften, vol. iii, part 2, No. 5683).
and 3Ya$uXoy are names that appeared on
91 Letters to Atticus, xii. 19.
92 Compare the similar case of 'inniai and 'innirjs in Period VII.
NUMISM. CHRON., VOL. XVI, SERIES IV. A a
346 J. MAVROGORDATO.
coins of type No. 62 a, but if they represent the same
magistrates, which is hardly likely, it must have been
at very much later periods of office.
The lettering of these five sub-types (including
No. 66 a), though varied, has now become frankly
late in character, and need not be minutely described.
"Apices," or the wedge-shaped terminals already men-
tioned the latter to be noted principally on the coins
of sub-types No. 66 y and 8 are in almost general use,
and the old forms of I, P, and H have entirely disap-
peared. The chevroned form of A may be noted, as
it has never appeared before, but is of fairly frequent
occurrence here. Also two interesting and uncommon
transitional forms of I and ft are to be found on the
coin with the name ZHNoAflPoZ in the British
Museum (Cat. Ionia, PI. xxxiii. 11). If carefully ex-
amined they will be seen to be intermediate between
I-Z and A-.Q. The peculiar lettering noted in the
name APTEMIAHPoZ, especially the omicron, is taken
from the coin in my collection, and will be referred to
more fully under the next period.
The fashion of writing the magistrate's name in two
lines, as in APTEMIAHPO and MHTPoAU, as if to
avoid abbreviation and yet conform to the limited space,
is a sign of lateness, and will be found to occur fre-
quently in the next period, especially on the bronze.
The issues of the latter magistrate are also remarkable
as affording the earliest appearance known of the
prow on the obverse of a drachm (see below for
further remarks on this head under type No. 67).
The fresh symbols worthy of notice are the aplustre
on coins with MHTPoAflPoZ, the caps of the
CHRONOLOGY OF THE COINS X>F CHIOS. 347
Dioscuri on one of the issues with ZHNIZ, the figure
of Dionysus (?) on the unique coin with the otherwise
unpublished name OEYMNIZ, and the twin stars on
coins with MENEKAHZ. 93 The aplustre is, of course,
to be expected now that references to ships and sea-
borne commerce are becoming so frequent ; numerous
allusions to the Dioscuri, the protectors of sailors, will
be found among the small bronze coins ascribed to the
next period, and the statue of Dionysus, if correctly
described, is the forerunner of the popular type on
the large bronze coins of the imperial period. The
repetition of the other symbols, such as the eagle,
winged caduceus, &c., helps to confirm the attribution
of those different groups to the same period.
The die-positions are invariably ff among the
specimens that I have been able to handle, with
the exception of three pieces bearing the name
AEPKYAoZ, where they are f<-. This latter position
is seen more frequently among what I take to be
subsequent issues, particularly in the case of bronze
coins, so that, if any lesson is to be derived from the
arrangement of dies, we are thereby provided with an
additional reason for placing the coins of sub-types
No. 66 y and 8 at the end of their class.
The question of weights was fully gone into under
type No. 57 of the last period, but it is worth while
pointing out afresh, in order to show the lower level
now reached, that only two specimens out of the fifty-
eight represented by this type from first to last are
heavier than 61-7 grains (4-00 grammes).
93 A second specimen of this coin, and the only other one known
to me, is in the cabinet of Prof. Pozzi of Paris.
A a 2
34:8 J. MAVROGORDATO.
No. 67, These coins are fairly common on the
whole, though perhaps not so well known as those of
type No. 62.
The style of the Sphinx, apart from its raised fore-
paw, comes sometimes very near to that seen in
sub-type No. 62 (3, as a comparison of PI. XI. 9-10 with
18 will show. The amphora belongs to the type to
which attention has already been drawn in the case
of the drachms with ZHNIZ, &c., as one only met
with on late coins. From this stage onwards, too,
the amphora always has a pointed tip, so that it will
no longer be necessary to refer to that detail in
describing it. On the other hand, the frequent occur-
rence of a concave field on the reverse gives these
bronze coins an earlier look, from the point of view
of fabric, than the drachms of type No, 66, their
undoubted contemporaries. The scheme of represent-
ing the Sphinx seated upon various objects in place
of the usual exergual line is new, though it will be
found again on certain of the succeeding issues. The
Sphinx is always shown seated to right except in two
issues.
As already suggested this elaborated exergual line
seems to have been devised in order to represent some
of the symbols, now in general use, on a flan that
affords only a limited amount of space. The coins of
'AircXXfjs, for instance, show a Sphinx seated on a winged
caduceus and club combined, which may be compared
with the winged caduceus on the reverse of his drachms
(type No. 66 y). Among the other objects employed
in this way the serpent staff does not appear elsewhere,
but the club is familiar, and the palm-leaf is to be
seen on the drachm of Zrjvo&wpos (type No. 66 5).
CHRONOLOGY OF THE COINS OF CHIOS. 349
Later on, when the wreath of the reverse type was
suppressed, the symbol was placed between the letters
XI OZ, as in the case of the drachm in this period
with MHTAZ [PL XI. 14], but as long as the wreath
was retained there was hardly room for anything else
in the field of the coins. A solitary exception to this
is provided by the issue of BdvOnnros which bears a
head-dress of Isis on the reverse within the usual
wreath. This method of placing symbols on the
obverse other than the bunch of grapes or the prow
follows the precedent set by type No. 62, but is not
seen elsewhere. There are a few instances of the usual
form of symbol on the obverse, accompanied then, as a
rule, by a plain exergual line. These seem to occur
among the latest issues of the type, for the most part,
like the aplustre on coins of .5Ypar6Vt/fos, and the head-
dress of Isis on those of MrjvofaXos. The aplustre has
appeared already in this period on the drachms of
'EpfjLoffHivTos and of MrjTpoSvpos, but the head-dress of
Isis is new, though it is to be seen on one other issue of
this series, that of EdvOLTnros mentioned above, and on
a much later type attributed to the next period. The
symbol is of interest as bearing witness to the intro-
duction of a foreign cult. 94 The issue of Tpvfav with
a cantharus before the Sphinx is of a different order
from the preceding. In this case, and in the one
mentioned above with EdvOnrrros, it is difficult to say
which symbol refers to the second magistrate, or
whether a third may not be thus recorded as in one
or two issues of type No. 62 where two symbols occur.
94 Vitruvius relates (i. 7. 1) that there were temples to Isis and
Serapis in the emporium at Chios.
850 J. MAVROGOKDATO.
The Sphinx is seated on a club on the coins of this
magistrate, and they seem from their style to be among
the earliest of this group. A cantharus is the symbol
on the drachm of type No. 63 /?, with the illegible
name, ascribed to the end of the previous sub-period,
and the two issues may well have followed closely
after one another. Finally come the issues of Fopyias,
MrjTpoStopos, and possibly 4rjfj.oK\fj$, with a prow on
the obverse. These all look as if they should be
placed at the end of the series both on account of
their own style and of that of the drachms correspond-
ing to the first two.
From the evidence of the drachms with MrjTpoSwpos,
referred to with regard to this point under type
No. 66, and that of the later drachms, attributed to
the next period, some of which bear symbols on the
reverse as well as a prow on the obverse, it would
appear that the latter, like the bunch of grapes, is now
to be regarded as part of the type. This would mean,
of course, that these particular bronze issues have no
second magistrate's symbol, but, as has been pointed
out more than once, there is nothing unusual in that.
The late appearance of the coins of Fopyias favours
the suggestion made above that he may have been the
son of the AcopoOtos of type No. 63 a. Though the coins
of 'ATro\\<Qi>\i8rjs'], like all those showing the Sphinx
seated on a club or other object, must be numbered
among the early issues of the group, this magistrate
presumably officiated sufficiently late to allow of his
holding another term after the interval in exile.
Further reference to this will be found below. In
any case he must be distinguished from the 'AiroX-
A[o>i/$J7s] who figures under type No. 65. The name
CHRONOLOGY OF THE COINS OF CHIOS. 351
KAEIAHZ on one of the two issues with Sphinx to
left [PI. XI. 19] has been considered to be of doubtful
authenticity. It is certainly unrecorded elsewhere,
but is clearly legible on one of the coins bearing it,
now at Athens. There is no room on any of the
specimens that I have seen for the letters EY before
the K, the addition of which would make a plausible
restoration, and the final Z being in many cases quite
distinct eliminates the possibility that the name might
be an abbreviation for KAEIAHMoZ. 95
The only evidence for the unique coin with
AIOMHAHZ, also with a Sphinx to left, is the
work of Kofod Whitte, but I have always found his
descriptions quite accurate in' their main features.
It is probable that the last purely Ionic forms of
names to be found among the Chian magistrates occur
in the present group ; 96 and the prevalence of the
termination -Soapos both here and in part of the next
period is also worth noting.
One or two late forms of letters may be noted.
A barred 8 occurs on the coins of BdvOnnros, though
98 See Munsterberg, op. cit., p. 109. Several of Mionnet's
doubtful names are to be explained as misreadings of coins
included in this type: AHNIKOZ probably represents KXtifys
(see K. Whitte's description, op. cit., No. 68, and Mionnet's Med.
Ant., iii, p. 269, No. 42, both evidently referring to the same coin at
Munich with Sphinx to left), AETEMHZ 'Apre^s, OAAAN - -
'An-oAXwi'ti'Srjs], and ZENO - - Evgevos.
96 Collitz and Bechtel, op. cit., No. 5683, give the following as
the Ionic forms to be noted on Chian coins: HPAPOPHZ,
0EYTTIZ, and inniHZ, described here under Period VII ;
OEYFlOPnoZ for 0EYH O MR OZ, Period VIII; and 0EP-
ZHZ, AHEAAHZ, APTEMHZ, and MHTAZ, Period IX.
To these must be added EOPYNOMOZ from Period VII,
EONOMOZ from Period VIII, and 0EYMNIZ from Period IX.
352 J. MAVROGORDATO.
in those of 'AOr)i>iK<oi> (accent according to Boeckh,
(7.7.6?., 2214) it is dotted, and <l> is everywhere
rendered !.
The general style of the lettering varies between
the forms with "apices" and what I am calling
wedge-shaped terminals, the latter predominating
largely. This peculiar style of lettering is not met
with elsewhere in the Chian series than in these two
types Nos. 66-7. 97
The die-positions show more variety than in any
of the groups described since type No. 56 of Period
VIII, though the majority are still ff . The late
position f- will be seen to occur here and there
throughout the series.
The weights are most irregular, the heaviest specimen
that I have recorded being one with the name Mrjrpo-
So&pos, in Mr. E. T. Newell's collection, which weighs
57-2 grains (3-77 grammes), and the lightest one with
Evgevos, from Messrs. Rollin and Feuardent's stock,
which is less than half that weight, or 27-8 grains
(1-80 grammes). The irregularity is so great that we
may fairly conclude that, unlike type No. 56, and to
a certain extent No. 62 as well, no particular weight
standard was aimed at in this series.
No. 68. These small coins, as may be seen from
the specimen illustrated [PL XI. 20], are of similar
style and fabric to the preceding, the flans being thick
97 The four-sided grave-stele from Chios in the Altes Museum at
Berlin, Nordsaal (V), No.766A, bears the name MHTPO AflPoZ
GEoTEIToNoZ in these identical letters. The monument is
of good Hellenistic work, but beyond that affords no criterion of
date.
CHRONOLOGY OF THE COINS OF CHIOS. 353
and the die-position varied, though none of the names
corresponds and the design is different. It will be
noted, too, that there is a great similarity between the
poise of the Sphinx's head on the coin just alluded to
and on the drachm with ZHNIZ [PI. XI. 16], while its
wing is of the type peculiar to the drachms described
under No. 66 y and 8. On the whole the attribution
seems justifiable, and the coins certainly form a class
by themselves. They are decidedly uncommon.
lAvriK.\r)? being a Chian name 98 has encouraged
me to prefer it as a restoration for ANTIKA - to
'AvTiKXftSrjs or "AVTIK\OS. The 'Apyetos now met with
cannot be the same magistrate as the one recorded
under type No. 62 a, but the drachms of type
No. 66 /?, upon which the name also occurs, might
very well be the contemporaries of this bronze issue.
Though the name on the little coin in Mr. E. T.
Newell's Collection is illegible, enough remains of the
letters to show that it is a different name from any
of the others recorded under this type, and it is tempt-
ing to read into it some derivative of Hector, the name
of one of the ancient kings of Chios.
The lettering is difficult to describe in its general
characteristics, but there are no unusual forjns to be
noted.
The weights are, if anything, higher than in type
No. 65.
J. MAVEOGOBDATO.
98 A son of Theocritus the Chian sophist was so named (Arrian,
An. iv. 13. 4).
(To be continued.)
354
J. MAVROGORDATO.
APPENDIX
List of magistrates' names belonging to coins of Period IX,
divided into their two main groups, and showing the
denominations on which they occur.
190-133 (?)B.C. ,,,
tetradrachm.
drachm.
large bronze.
small bronze.
'AyyeAtffKOj ...
_
61
_
__
'A\.Kifiaxos ...
60
63 a
_
' ' AvTuptai' ....
60
' Airo\\[(ovio'T)s] . .
_
_
_
65
*Apyt?os ....
_
62 a^
J A/M(7T<5/i[axos] . .
_
_
62 a
65
'AffTr&aios. . . ,
_
_._
62 a
_
Yvfbais
60
1 _
62 a;
Al]f*f]TpiOS ...
_
62 a
_
AwyvijTos ...
60
AwpuOfos ....
_
63 a
'Ep^wi'a^] . . .
_
64&65
'EffTiafos ....
_
63 a
EtiAW ....
60
_
EuffAijs ....
60
ZrjvoSoros . . .
60
_
63 a
.
62 0'
_
'HpaKAftTOS . . .
60
_
_
'Hp6arpa[ros] . .
62 a
0eo8(u[poj] . .
_
_
65
'iKffflOS ....
59a(?)&59/3(?)
62 o.
62 a ^
KavKaffttuv . . .
_
62/3-
Ki}(ptffiSr)[s^ . . .
_
62 a '
_
KpaTiav ....
60
_
_
KvAAavos ....
_
62 a^
_
Aa/iff/)os ....
_
62 a v*-
_
60
m _ i
AtcaftfScav ...
61
62 a * v <
64
AvaiKp[6rt)s] , .
_
65
Mtvaepdrr)! . . .
60
_
_
Btvwv
59 0(?)
60
620
Bov^oy ....
60
_
_
Oivoiri[S~\'i]S . .
60
_
Ho\iavOos . . .
_
_
62 a ''
2u/*[yos] . .
_
_
_
65
2Ta^>i/A[os] . .
_
_
62 a
65
2a/<TTpaT[os] . . .
62/3^
T;A/*ax[os] ...
_
_
62 a u
_
ItfiavSpos . . . .
62 a
65
Ti/jLoSa/jias . . .
60
_
T(/ioA^[y] ...
_
_
62 a
_
60
_
65
4>j'Al7T7rOS ....
60
_
_
__
_
62 a -
60
CHRONOLOGY OF THE COINS OP CHIOS. 355
133(?)-84B.c.
tetradrachm.
drachm.
large bronze.
smatt bronze.
'AOrfViKuiv ...
_
_
67
Ataxies ....
67
'AvSpajvaf . .
_
66a
_
_
' AvTiK\[f]s] .
_
_
_
68
'AwAAas ....
_
66/3
_
'AirtAAiJy ....
667
67
' ' Airo\\oav[iSrjs] . .
'A/xytfos ....
66/3
67
68
'ApTtftTJS ....
_
_
67
_
'AprtfiiSoipos . .
66/3
67
Tobias ....
668
67
Ae/w/Aos ....
667
ArjuoKXfjs ...
_
67
A^/to*pd[Tjy] . .
_
_
67
_
AiO/J.Tj5TJS ....
_
_
67
_
'Ep/iO^XWTOS . . .
_
66/3
_
Et/^evoj ....
_
_
67
_
66/3
_
ZrjvoSeapos ...
66 5
_
'HAio8a>/x>s . . .
66
'Hpafoy ....
68
'Hpo/rpaT'L'TSj ...
68
0*G/wis ....
_
66/3/3
_
Ko/xucoy ....
_
667
_
_
KAtt'Sijy ....
_
67
Mei/e/tA^s. ...
667
MT/l'C^CJ'Jjfs] . . .
_
_
67
_
MT)vo<pi\os . . .
__
_
67
66
__
_
t/lrrrpoS<upos . . .
_
667
67
JlItKKaXoS . ...
_
67
MtArtaS^s . . .
67
_
Edf^iiririos] . . .
_
_
67
_
2T<tyt;Aos. . . .
667
"S,Tpa.T6vi\KOS\ . .
_
67
1pv<fxuv ....
_
67
&avay6[pT)s or -pas]
68
[E]iT.OA- .
-
-
-
68
The figures, 59-68, indicate the types under which the coins are
described above.
XIII.
MOEE CHRONOLOGY OF THE SHORT-CROSS
PERIOD. 1
(See PLATE XII.)
THE Numismatic Chronicle for 1910 contains an
able paper by Mr. Or. C. Brooke on this subject. In
that paper, dealing with dates, Mr. Brooke has made
many corrections and has brought forward many new
and more correct transcripts of writs which were
quoted and used, when the coinage in question was
being investigated and classified, chiefly by our late
President, Sir John Evans.
Since 1910 no paper relating to this coinage has
appeared in the pages of the Chronicle, and it would
therefore seem fit that a resume of this subject should
find some place in the treasury of numismatic lore of
this period.
It is now some years since study of this coinage
convinced me that Sir John Evans's classification
1 The thanks of the Editors are due to the Council of the British
Numismatic Society for kind permission to reprint from the
British Numismatic Journal the tables which accompany this
paper (pp. 368-77). The type used in these tables is purely con-
ventional, and must not be regarded as representing the exact
forms of the letters. As regards the table of Classes VI and VII,
some subdivision of the classification, in regard to the form of the
bust, has been attempted. In the a column the bust approximates
to that in the class preceding; Class VII shows a progressive
diminution of the bust.
CHRONOLOGY OP THE SHORT-CROSS PERIOD. 357
needed some amplification and subdivision, and as
Mr. Brooke has known and kindly approved of my
suggestions on the subject, it is thought that some
reference might be usefully brought before you.
In starting the re-classification, I endeavoured as
far as possible to forget Sir John Evans's arrangement,
and I placed coins together which looked most alike ;
then, by tracing similarities on what were otherwise
dissimilar coins, and by examining the moneyers' names
which appear on the coins, to rearrange them in
groups. The result of this combination has been a
classification closely resembling Sir John Evans's
grouping, but subdividing his Class II into at least
three distinct types and producing three new groupings
from a combination of his Classes III and IV, and,
lastly, forming a new class from coins culled from his
Classes III, IV, and V.
The old classification was carried out almost entirely
on the basis of the number of pearls in the king's
crown and the number of curls constituting side-locks
of the king's hair. "While these features still receive
due consideration, it is now felt that an odd pearl or
so, or an additional curl, or an unusual pellet is not
sufficient to separate coins which are otherwise alike
in style.
The general design of the coinage is too well known
to require description, but brief details of the differences
shown by the various classes are necessary for the correct
understanding of the chronological data. The full story
is told in the British Numismatic Journal, vol. xi. Repre-
sentative specimens are illustrated here in PL XII.
Class I. Well-spread, well-struck coins, generally
five pearls in the crown, and usually two distinct curls
358 L. A. LAWRENCE.
on the dexter side of the king's head and five on the
sinister side. A pellet between the king's name and
his title. This class is subdivided into
Class I a, which shows a square C or E. Often an
outer circle with large pellets at intervals.
Class I b. Square letters are absent, the dot in the
legend nearly always present, and the pearls still dis-
tinct and five in number.
Class I c. Coarser examples of the same type. The
dot frequently absent, and the pearls and curls not so
distinct.
Class II. A smaller and rounder bust. The eyes
appear to be struck in as two large pellets. Coarse
lettering. Subdivided into
Class II a. The pearls are still five in number but
not very distinct, many curls on each side joining on
to the king's beard. No dot in the obverse legend.
The Lichfield type.
Class lib. A somewhat similar bust, many pearls
strung together in the crown. The curls three on
either side of the head. This class often shows a colon
on either side of OH on the reverse.
Class III. A rather better style of bust with bushy
side-locks, the curls sometimes containing pellets. A
well-marked pointed beard. The pearls in the crown
are many, small, and joined together.
Subdivisions. Class Ilia and Class III b (which shows
a somewhat smaller bust on the same lines). The
lettering does not materially differ from that found
on Class II.
Class IV. Uncouth coins without any relief about
the bust. The pearls joined, they may be many or
few. The curls usually an equal number of from one
CHRONOLOGY OF THE SHORT-CROSS PERIOD. 359
to three on each side. The beard indicated by a few
indefinitely placed pellets. The eyes commonly repre-
sented by annulets. The lettering is careless, and the
serifs, which in this class are very marked, are often
carelessly struck in, leaving the strokes, which they are
supposed to finish, to appear beyond them. On what
will be shown to be the latest members of this class
the S whenever it appears is reversed, thus 3.
These four classes taken together show almost pro-
gressive deterioration except for a slight momentary
improvement in Class III.
Class V. Smaller better-struck coins. As a rule
five distinct pearls in the crown, and two or three curls
on each side of the head. A well-formed bust with
generally a pointed beard and marked evidence of a
collar round the king's neck.
Subdivisions. Class V a. Mint-mark cross pomme'e.
The 8 always reversed. The Q, 9, and R sometimes
of an ornamental character. The x in Bex is a
cross of four equal limbs meeting at right angles
and straight-sided : X. The pearls and curls vary
a little in number.
Class V b. The same style, but the mint-mark is a
cross pattee. The S is never reversed.
Class Y c. Coins of the same general type again, but
not so well made. The bust shows a somewhat squarer,
less distinct, beard. The x in these is formed of four
wedges, somewhat as a St. Andrew's cross $.
Class VI. The bust is narrower and less well
designed, and the curls frequently commence at the
level of the crown, which still contains five pearls.
The x in Rex is formed as a quatrefoil, +. Orna-
mental letters again appear on this class, but besides
360 L. A. LAWKENCE.
the Q and Q, as in Class V a, all the letters composed
of straight strokes may have these duplicated.
The letters on Class VI are longer than on any other
class of the coinage, and are made to look longer still
by the close apposition of the uprights in such letters
as JM and H.
Class VII. The coins comprised in this class appear
to be slightly smaller in diameter than in any other class.
The designing is poor, and many specimens are very
badly struck. The bust is a small round one with a square
beard, and is usually set so low down that the inner
circle generally cuts off the chin. There is hardly ever
any appearance of a collar. The letters are markedly
shorter than those on Class VI. The almost invariable
dot either side of OH on the reverse, which practically
always appears in all the earlier classes, is now omitted.
There are often, however, dots in the reverse legend
between the letters of either the moneyers' or mint-
names, thus TQR-RI, CftNT-Q, which appears to be
characteristic of this class only.
Class VIII. This class is perhaps the worst designed
and the worst executed of the whole short-cross
coinage. The bust on what are evidently the latest
specimens is degraded in the extreme, though the five
pearls still appear, and an even number of curls, two
or three on each side, are still present. The cross
patte'e mint-mark is still to be observed on the reverse
of the earlier examples, but later we find a reversion
to the cross pommee of Class V a. The x in Rex is first
of the quatrefoil variety used in Classes VI and VII,
then a cross pommee, and finally an x closely resem-
bling the same letter found on the early long-cross
coins, one limb slanting from left to right, and the
CHRONOLOGY OF THE SHORT-CROSS PERIOD. 361
other represented by a comma on the right and an
inverted comma on the left. There are often one, two,
or three pellets separating the words on either side.
The letters are short and very broad.
The series of short-cross coins as thus planned ex-
hibits with two exceptions a most gradual degradation
from class to class, the exceptions being a slight improve-
ment in Class III a and a most marked improvement
in Class V a. Mules are frequent between most of the
consecutive classes, except between IV and V.
We are now perhaps in a position to assign some
chronological order to the various classes.
Class la gives us the name FILdftlSRQR, which is
identified as that of Philip Amary, the engraver of
Tours who superintended the first issue of the coinage.
Chroniclers vary slightly in date between 1280 and
1282. The date, however, can be definitely settled by
an entry I have found in the Pipe Roll, 26 Henry II :
' Et Phillipo Aimer xxxiii 1. et iis. et viid. ad faciendum
cambium Regis apud Lond.'
This date therefore may be taken for the appearance
of Class la. A few of the moneyers issuing it were
evidently at work before, as their names appear in the
lists of the Tealby type coins of Henry II.
Nine years later, in 1189, the first year of Richard I,
occur the oft-quoted writs to Archbishop Baldwin of
Canterbury and to Bishop Hugh of Coventry granting
dies respectively at Canterbury and Lichfield. The
Lichfield coin, still unique, is what I describe as
Class II a. Coins of London, Canterbury, &c., precisely
resemble it. This class, therefore, must be considered
to have been begun about this time. Mr. Brooke, in
his paper, thought rather differently, his views then
NUMISM. CHBON., VO1.. 1VI, SERIES IV. JJ \)
362 L. 4. LAWRENCE.
being influenced by the old classification which
attributed the Lichfield coin to Sir John Evans's
Class I.
The various members of the class could not have
been long in issue, as they are few in number, and in
1194, according to Trivet, quoted by Mr. Brooke, there
was something of the nature of a re-coinage. This
statement, combined with the fact that in 1196 the
privilege of coinage was restored to the Bishop of
Durham after having been in abeyance for many
years (Longstaffe, Num. Chron., 1863), and that the
earliest Durham coin is to be attributed to Class III b,
enables us to give Trivet's date, 1194, to the slightly
improved Class III. Sir John Evans and Mr. Brooke
both quote the Pipe Roll of the fourth year of John,
as evidence of the working of Lefwine, moneyer of
Lincoln, at the time of that Pipe Roll. Mr. Brooke
showed the corrected date of the roll to be 1201-1202.
The latest coin we know of Lincoln bearing this
moneyer's name is of Class III b, which was presumably
in issue in 1196. We do not know how long this class
went on or when it was superseded or became Class IV
by a process of decay, but the coins became gradually
worse until matters reached a crisis in 1205, when the
Annals of Waverley, quoted by Mr. Brooke, state Facia
est turbatio magna in regno per tonsuram sterlingorum.
Several chroniclers under the year 1205 refer to a
re-coinage of the money, and Mr. Andrew pointed out
a previously unnoted passage in the continuation of
Florence of Worcester, stating 'Moneta olim A.D. MCLVIII
facta hoc anno (1205) est renovata'. Mr. Brooke,
under this year, quoted the writs bestowing a coinage
on Chichester. He also showed clearly that all the
CHRONOLOGY OF THE SHORT-CROSS PERIOD. 368
supposed Cliichester coins of early issue (Sir John
Evans's Class II) were to be attributed to Canterbury
or York. This leaves Chichester to begin with Class V,
marked with the cross pommee. These evidently,
therefore, were of the new coinage referred to by the
chroniclers as made in 1205, and this type is the only
one which could have any claim to the name of a new
coinage, as it is the best and most carefully worked in
the whole series. I have placed it to Class V a. The
old coinage, late Class IV, which it replaced is easily
pointed out, as it bears the reversed 8 characteristic of
Class V a on every coin in which the same moneyer
struck in both classes at whatsoever mint he struck.
Class V a alone can have been in use only a very short
time, as mules between it and Class V b are frequent,
and it was only struck at ten of the sixteen mints of
which the moneyers were summoned to the great
inquisition of moneyers in January, 1208, all of whom
struck coins of Class V b.
Class V b gradually becomes Class V c, the only
differences observable on the latter class being a slight
degradation in the bust and the occurrence of the new
St. Andrew's cross X.
This letter, however, is perhaps of more importance
than it would seem until it is pointed out that the
precise form occurs on the Irish coinage of John, which
was made in England and was ordered in 1210. The
lettering on this is the same as on the English coinage,
and the bust, except for differences in the crown, is of
the Class V type. "We may therefore feel satisfied
that in 1210 Class V c with its curious X was in issue
in England.
We cannot be certain how long it took to evolve
Bb2
364: L. A. LAWRENCE.
Class VI from Class V c, but we do know that whereas
ten mints struck in Class V c, viz. London, Canterbury,
Durham, Ipswich, Lincoln, Northampton, Norwich,
Bury St. Edmunds, Winchester, and York, only six
struck in Class VI, no coins of Ipswich, Lincoln,
Northampton, and Norwich being known of this class.
The reason for this is now plain from three entries on
the Patent Eoll for the year 1218. The first two
place the mints of London, Durham, Bury, Win-
chester, York, and Canterbury, which latter has an
entry to itself, all under the rule of William Marshall,
junior (afterwards Earl of Pembroke). The third
states that that place in Northampton in which the
mint of Northampton was situated was handed over
to one Randulf of Rouen.
It is thus clear that Class VI must be placed to the
year 1218, when the only six remaining mints were
placed under William Marshall's rule.
In 1222 we get the oft-quoted document appointing
Ilger, Rauf, Elis, and Terri as custodes monetae, a post
of which we have no accurate knowledge. It has also
been pointed out that whereas the names Ilger and
Rauf appear on coins of my Classes V and VI (Evans,
Class III), all four are found on the next Class VII
(Evans, V). We have no evidence of the dates of
appointment of any of these men as moneyers, but
clearly Ilger and "Rauf were coining before Elis and
Terri, and all four duplicated the offices of custos and
moneyer. Seemingly changes were made at the
mint at this time, because the Patent .Roll for 1223
gives us a writ headed De prohibicione Cambii and
addressed to the authorities of the towns of Ypres
and Ghent, explaining that the king had ordered that
CHRONOLOGY OF THE SHORT-CROSS PERIOD. 365
no coinage should take place at mints other than those
of London and Canterbury. Probably a similar de-
claration was made in 1222 for the benefit of the king's
English subjects at the time of the appointment of the
new custodies. Class VI, therefore, could not have run
for more than five years at the outside, and as regards
the mints of "Winchester and York, for less time, as no
coins with the ornamental letters of Class VI are
known, nor did they coin subsequently until they were
reopened for the production of long-cross coins in
1 248. London, Canterbury, and Bury issued all varieties
of Class VI, and I suspect the absence of coins of
Durham with ornamental letters will be rectified in
the course of time, as both this and the three mints
just named all issued coins of Class VII.
I suggest that this Class VII came into being as the
result of the assumed king's order of 1222. It is not
surprising to find activity on the part of Durham and
Bury after this date, as these two mints were eccle-
siastical and were probably as such outside the king's
jurisdiction.
Class VII appears to have been in issue for a long
time, and this is shown not only by the multitude of
surviving coins in those of this class, but by a few
entries on the rolls referring to the appointments or
deaths of moneyers.
William the king's tailor received a die at Canter-
bury vacant by the death of Simon Chick in 1230.
Willem Ta's coins are all of Class VIL
The Close Roll for 1235 states that Thomas de Valen-
tine, a moneyer of Canterbury, was then recently dead.
The coins reading TOMKS OH QKHT are all of
Class VII.
866 L. A. LAWRENCE.
Further entries in the Close Eoll of 1237 tell us that
Johannes Turce, moneyer of Canterbury, and Richard
de Neketon of London were then dead. "We get many
coins of both these money ers in Class VII, and certainly
none later signed RIQKRD, so that we must conclude
that Class VII was still in issue at the time of their
deaths.
The evidence for dating the advent of Class VIII is
slight, and it is possible that it attained its full ugliness
of type gradually. Among the London and Canterbury
coins of Class VII are some signed Nichole. A writ of
1242 appoints Nicholas de Sancto Albano to a high post
in the two mints just mentioned. He, however, appears
to have been acting as a moneyer before this time, as
some of his coins at both mints are exactly like coins of
moneyers reported dead in 1235 ; we also know that he is
mentioned as a moneyer in early long-cross times, and
that he died about 1253. All stages of coins from true
Class VII to true Class VIII were issued at both mints by
Nichole. Now in endeavouring to fit into the series the
coins of the mint of Rhuddlan, which were not made
with the same irons as the English coins, I was struck
by the resemblance in appearance and mint-marks
chiefly to Class VIII, and Mr. Andrew very kindly
undertook a search of the Welsh chronicles. He happily
found evidence 1 that the year 1240 was the first in
which Rhuddlaii was in a position to coin money of an
English type, copied of course from money in use at
that time. "We may therefore safely date Class VIII
to some time after 1237 (death of Eichard de Neketon)
and before 1242. The great interest about this class
1 Brit. Num. Joiim., Ser. II, vol. i, p. 88.
CHRONOLOGY OF THE SHORT-CROSS PERIOD. 367
is that, excepting the Bhuddlan coins, it was only
struck at the three mints of London, Canterbury, and
/ *
Bury, and that on the latest varieties at each of the
three mints we get the names of those moneyers whose
names alone appear on the earliest long-cross coins of
the corresponding mints, the only mints which started
the long-cross coinage, "William and Nicholas at
Canterbury, Nicholas in London, and John at Bury
St. Edmunds.
From the foregoing a summary of the dates given
to the various coins can be easily made :
Class I. 1180 to circa 1189.
Class II. Circa 1189 (Lichfield writ) to 1194.
Class III. 1194 (Trivet's statement) to well beyond
1196 Durham records.
Class IV. Follows immediately and ends 1205.
Class V a. 1205. Chichester writs.
Class V 6. 1205 to after 1208. Inquisition of
moneyers.
Class Vc. Circa 1210 (Irish coinage) to 1218.
Class VI. 1218 (William Marshall writs) to 1222.
Class VII. 1222 (appointment of Ilger and others
as custodes) to 1237, death of E,. de Neketon, and pro-
bably later.
Class VIII. Probably 1242 (Bhuddlan and appoint-
ment of Nicholas) to 1247.
It is clear, therefore, that the coinage was a con-
tinuous one, and that the succession of kings did not
interfere with its continuous issues, which were carried
on independent of the change of the sovereign's name.
L. A. LAWRENCE.
368
L. A. LAWRENCE.
THE TYPES STRUCK AT THE VARIOUS MINTS.
Mints.
Classes.
I.
II.
III.
IV.
V.
VI.
VII.
VII
a.
b.
c.
a.
b.
a.
b.
a.
6.
c.
London
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
Y
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
l x ?
X
X
X
Durham
X
X
X
X
X
Y
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
York
Winchester ...
Lincoln
Northampton
Norwich
Exeter
Oxford
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
Carlisle
Lichfield
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
Shrewsbury
Chichester ...
Ipswich
Lynn
Rochester ...
Wilton
Worcester ...
X
X
X
1 A coin of very doubtful origin.
CHRONOLOGY OF THE SHORT-CROSS PERIOD. 369
THE MONEYEES, THEIR TYPES AND MlNTS.
I.
I
[.
II
I.
IV.
V.
VI
T
ai.
VIII
a.
fc
c.
a.
b.
a.
b.
a.
6.
c.
a.
5.
a.
b.
c.
ONDON.
SR. . .
x
X
X
X
X
X
X
OMQR .
>
ex
iHS
X
X
X
X
ies M .
X
X
DVIi). .
X
X
Jl I. .
X
X
X
J 1 . . .
x
X
y
y )
< y
RI PI . .
X
X
itlJjM !
y >
( y
y
Y
Y
Y
x
X )
< y
y?
x ?
H . . .
y
y
X )
< x
X ?
IH . . .
X
y
IH V . .
X
^TTRD .
* .
X
HRD . .
X
IR . . .
X
GELD . .
X
fll ...
. . .
X
X
.
...
X
X
X
B0RT .
x
DWIHQ .
Y
X
8HG . .
...
X?
X
X
X
X
X
JRD 1 . .
...
...
X?
X
X
X
X
X
X)
<x
C(i *
Y
X
y ^
C X
RQV . .
y
CftHDBR
x
SVD . .
X
M . . .
X
y
y
y
y
y ?
IIT . .
X
X
y ?
R 2 . . .
x
x
y
Y
X
Y
Y
1 Used the letter S reversed in Class IV, and ornamental letters in Class V.
2 Used ornamental letters in Claas VI.
370
L. A. LAWKENCE.
THE MONEYERS, THEIR TYPES AND MINTS continued.
I.
I
r.
II
I.
IV.
V.
V]
.
^
11.
a.
6.
c.
a.
b.
a.
b.
a.
6.
c.
a.
6.
a.
b.
LONDON cont.
RGHGR . . .
y
x
X
RIGftRD B .
x
x
RIGftRD T .
Y
WILLiGIM B
Y
x
WILLGLiM L
Y
Y
WILL6LM T
Y
X
KB6L 1 . . .
Y
x
Y
X
y
RftVF l I . .
Y?
x
x
Y
x
R7CVLF \ . .
x
Y
Y
WKLTGR . .
x
x
x
PIRGS . . .
x
QMS 1 ...
x
Y
fcGMSj . . .
x
GIFFRGI . .
x
JjQDVLF . .
TGRRI . . .
Y
RldftRD
de Neketon .
HiaitOLG . .
x
Y
CANTERBURY.
MGIHIR .
RGIMJTLDi .
X
X
V
X
y
X
Y
X
RGIHKVDJ .
x
VMRD . . .
Y
Y
Y
x
hGRKOTVD .
x
Y
KRHKVD . .
x
x
X
GOLDWIHG 2
...
...
...
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
1 Used ornamental letters in Class VI.
2 Used the letter S reversed in Class IV.
CHRONOLOGY OF THE SHORT-CROSS PERIOD. 371
THE MONEYEES, THEIK TYPES AND MINTS continued.
I.
I
I.
II
I.
IV.
V.
V]
T
'II.
VIII.
a.
6.
c.
a.
b.
a.
ft.
a.
b.
c.
a.
b.
a.
&
C.
fTEEBUEY
cont.
x
x
x
X
iQRD 2 . .
X
Y
Y
y
x
x
x
Y
Y
X
Y
ra 4 . . .
x
Y ">
r x
x
x
Y?
Y
X
IVGL 4 .
x
x
x
x
x
Y
Y
X
VH 4 . .
x
x
x
x
Y
X
Y
Y
ON . . .
x
x
Y
Y?
X
ra B . .
x
Y
SM M . .
x
x
RGV . .
x
LiTBR . .
Y
x
Y
X
x
' T i
x
Y
X
Y
Y
x
x
Y
X
Y
x
x
x
x
Y
Y
JR. . .
x
Y
X
Y
Y
x
OLD . .
x
^
x
'KS . . .
x
Y
Y
Y
3MVH .
Y
Y
Y
i awa .
Y
Y
I FR . .
Y
MKM . .
Y
VHD . .
Y
Y
Y
3RT VI .
Y
Y
3R OF R
X
Y
Y
M3M Tft
Y
L8M . .
Y
Y
x
OLQ . .
Y
x
1 Used ornamental letters in Class V.
2 Used S reversed in Class IV, and ornamental letters in Class V.
3 Used ornamental letters in Class VI.
4 Used S reversed in Class IV, and ornamental letters in Class VI.
372
L. A. LAWRENCE.
THE MONEYERS, THEIE TYPES AND MINTS continued.
I.
I]
;.
ii
L
IV.
V.
VI
V
II.
a.
b.
c.
a.
b.
a.
b.
a.
6.
c.
a.
k
a.
6.
CARLISLE.
TCMIH
X
X
X
X
X
X
TOMKS . . .
X
CHICHESTER.
PIGRGS . .
x
RKVF 1 . . .
x
x
SIMOH . . .
x
x
WILiIiGLiM .
x
DURHAM.
3ED7TM . . .
V
V
x
PIQRQS 2
x
x
Y
x
x
x
EXETER.
TESKQTIIi .
X
lORDim . .
X
X
OSBQR . . .
X)
<x
RTTVIi
X
ROGGR. . .
X
RIQKRD . .
X
x
X
x
X
GIL6BGRT .
x
X
IO&KH . . .
x
X
IPSWICH.
^TT/TC^r^y Y~\T? or
A\ JJt,jO4VXjLA_/JtXvJl
x
x
x
IOh.KM
x
x
1 Used ornamental letters in Class V.
2 Used the letter S reversed in Class IV.
CHRONOLOGY OF THE SHORT-CROSS PERIOD. 373
THE MONEYERS, THEIK TYPES AND MINTS continued.
I.
II
II]
[.
IV.
V.
VI
V
II.
VIII.
a.
b.
c.
.
b.
a.
6.
a.
b.
c.
a.
b.
a.
b.
c.
HFIELD.
H . . .
...
...
...
X
uINCOLN.
KRD . .
. . .
X
)
...
X
T7IHG .
. . X
:x
X
X
X
X
)B6RT. .
...
x
:LTGR. .
...
x
LlQIjI*!
...
x
X
jL-D-F .
. .
X
1VND . .
...
X
X
IDVIt . .
x
x
:IH . . .
x
)RGV . .
X )
< X
x
ffRD . .
X )
{
x
x
x
IKS . . .
x
LYNN.
ra . . .
x
OLG . .
x
(LQLM .
x
JTHAMPTON.
PG . . .
X
X
RGI . .
X
. . .
X
X
374
L; A. LAWRENCE.
THE MONEYERS, THEIR TYPES AND MINTS continued.
I.
]
.1.
I
II.
IV
V.
V
I.
i
ra
a.
b.
c.
a
b
a
b
a.
6.
c.
a.
b
a.
b
c.
NORTHAMPTON
cont.
R7TVL . . .
X
X
SIMVHD . .
. . .
X
WTEIiTGR .
x;
< X
X
. f
, ,
X
ROTDVJj . .
y
x
ROBQRD . .
y
x
ROBQRD T .
V
V
x
NORWICH.
RGIH7ELD .
X
X
X
X
RGIKOTVD . .
X
X
X
G9FRGI . .
X
x
...
X
..
...
X
X
IOMM . . .
x
x
X
x
OXFORD.
TSSKGTIfc .
X
IQFRGI . . .
X
OWQIH . .
X
RODBQRT. .
X
STSGftR. . .
...
X
RICOTRD . .
...
X
. . .
X
'zs^ 1 1 1 ^ v"/" i ^\Y i~\
x
x
MILGS . . .
y
x
1 The workmanship of this coin is very doubtful.
CHRONOLOGY OP THE SHORT-CROSS PERIOD. 375
THE MONEYERS, THEIR TYPES AND MINTS continued.
I.
I]
[.
II
I.
IV.
V.
VI
1
II.
VIII.
a.
b.
c.
a.
b.
.
b.
a.
b.
c.
a.
b.
a.
6.
C.
TJDDLAN.
nd of list.)
CHESTER.
ffHDRQ .
V
'RBI . .
V
IQV . .
X
BWSBITBY.
y
iGM . .
Y
DDMUNDS-
HJRY.
e . . .
X
x
1
y
Y
x
iGLM .
x
Y
IKH . .
Y
x
ND . .
V
I ...
x
ELTON.
El ...
X
GRT . .
X
X
Used ornamental letters in Class VI.
376
L. A. LAWRENCE.
THE MONEYERS, THEIR TYPES AND MINTS continued.
I.
I
I.
I]
I.
IV.
V.
V]
[.
A
11.
a.
6.
c.
.
k
a.
b.
a.
b.
c.
a.
b.
a.
b.
c
WINCHESTER.
GIiGMGHT .
X
X
GOGGLiM . .
...>
<x
X
X
. . .
X
X
RODBGRT. .
x>
<x
OSBGRFH] . .
y
x
y
HJDftM . . .
x
x
y
x
X
IiGHRI . . .
X
y
Y?
y
RGINIGR . .
X
^WHjIjQJjt*!
Y
y
Y
RftVF . . .
Y
x
PIRGS . . .
y
y
y
x
y
KHDRGV . .
X
x
BKRTGLMG
X
X
LVKKS .
X
MIIjGS . . .
y
X
x
RldftRD . .
X
WORCESTER.
GDRIQ . . .
X
GODWIHG .
X
OSBGR . . .
...
X
osma . . .
...
X
YORK.
GVGRTCRD
x
X
X
X
X
X
X
IiVGO . . .
...>
ex
X
X
X
X
isrca . . .
X
X
IiVHFRGI . .
.*.>
(X
TVRKIIi . .
X
X
...
...
X
X
...
X
CHRONOLOGY OF THE SHORT-CROSS PERIOD. 377
THE MONEYERS, THEIR TYPES AND MINTS continued.
I.
I
L
I]
I.
IV.
V.
V]
L
\
r ll.
VIII.
a.
6.
c.
a.
b.
a.
5.
a.
b.
c.
a.
6.
a.
ft,
a.
IK cont.
(H . . .
ffRD . .
DBLM .
...
X
X
x
V
X
X >
C X
liQ 1 . .
X
x
X
x
X
x
y
WD . .
x
ts. . .
x
V
s . .
V
egular.
UDDLAN.
IQVS .
x
Y
x
H . . .
V
x
KS 2 . .
x
1 Used the letter S reversed in Class IV.
2 Approximately Class VIII.
NT MI3M. CHRON., VOL. XVI, SERIES IV.
C C
XIV.
A FIND OF ENGLISH COINS AT EIBE,
DENMABK.
ON October 3, 1911, a farmer, Christian S0rensen,
in Ladegaardsmarken (also called 0stermarken), Ribe,
made a find of coins. They were found about half a
metre under the surface of the earth, and were deposited
in a little black earthen vessel. The hoard comprised
in all 1,257 pieces, which weighed 1,797 grs., besides
5 fragments of silver spoons, 5 lumps of silver, and
a little silver bar. The find was owing to the finder's
intelligent care safely delivered to the National
Museum, Copenhagen.
The time of the burial of the hoard is seen from the
fact that the main part of the coins 1,201 pieces
were English "short-cross" pennies, including even
the last class of these coins ; that no " long-cross "
pennies appeared in the find ; and that, finally, a gros
marseillais of Count Charles of Provence (1246-85)
was among the continental coins of the find. It is
therefore most probable that the find was buried
before 1248, but after 1246. It is an obvious con-
clusion to connect the hoard with historical events in
the contests between the brothers King Eric Peov-
penning and Duke Abel of Southern Jutland. On
April 28, 1247, Duke Abel conquered Bibe, and made
the Bishop and the royal children prisoners, but on
June 3 of the same year King Eric regained the
ENGLISH COINS AT RIBE, DENMARK. 379
town. 1 Ribe was the most important commercial town
of the time in Denmark. At Ribe horses and bullocks
were exported, and cloth, wine, and other products of
western Europe were imported. On the site of this
find there has previously been found a rose noble
of Edward IV, but beyond this there is no evidence
that the foreign merchants had their stores just here.
The contents of the find appear from the following
survey (arranged after Mr. L. A. Lawrence's classifica-
tion). G-. GALSTEE.
1 Petrai Olai Annales, Script. Her. Dan., i, p. 184 :
"1247 4 Kal. Maji Dux Abel cepit civitatem Ripensem, in
qua captus est Dominus Esgerus episcopus eiusdem civitatis et
multi milites et pueri Domini regis. Eodem anno, 3tio Nonas
lunii, rex Ericus eandem civitatem rehabuit."
co2
380 G. GALSTER.
SHOET-CROSS PENNIES
CLASS I 6.
Exeter.
Obverse. Reverse.
1 . RGHRIdVS R1GX ROGGR OH GXGd
London.
2. IiGHRIGVS RI6X ftlHGR . OK LVHD 1
3.
4.
5.
6. IiGHRiaVS RIBX RKVIi . OH . HORRT 1
7. WKJjTaR.OH-HOR 2
Wilton.
8. IiGHRiaVS R|GX RODBGRT Oil - Will 1
CLASS Ic.
London.
9. &6HRiaVSR|GX
1 0. IiGHRiaVSR|GX OSBGRH OH WIHd 1
CLASS Ila-b OR Illa-b.
Canterbury.
11. IiGHRiaVSRIGX * ROBGRD-OH-QKH 1
12.
1 3-3 curls, 7 pellets. 8 3-3 curls, 9 pellets.
ENGLISH COINS AT KIBE, DENMARK.
York.
381
Obverse.
Reverse.
is.
14. Ii6HRiaVSR|6X
15.
16. IiGHiaVSR|GX
17. IiGHRIOVSRiGX
18. MMRIGVSRjaX
19. IiGHRiaVSR|GX
20. fiGHRiavSR|QX
21.
London.
RIGTTRD.ON.LVHD
RIG^RD-OH-IAN
STIVGHG-OH-LVH
Northampton.
22. RaHRiaVSRGX RKHDVJU-OH-HOR
Winchester.
23. RGHRiaVSRGX
OH
CLASS IV.
Canterbury.
24. R6HRIdVSR|GX 2
25. fcGNRIdVSRjG. 2
26. IiGHRiaVSRGX 2
27.
28.
ROBGRD-OH.QKH
VL7TRD OH - QKHTI 4
29. IiGHRiaV8RGX
30. hGHRiaVSR|GX
31. ItGHRiaV8R,QX 6
York.
HiaOIiG-OH-GVGR
London.
1 5 pellets, many curls.
8 More than one curl, 7 pellets.
6 Certainly not VIII.
2 1-1 curl, 7 pellets.
4 Of the same die.
1-1 curl.
382 G. GALSTER.
CLASS Va.
Canterbury.
Obverse. Reverse.
32. &GHRiav8R|6x COM) WIHG . OH a i
33. fc6HRiaV8R6XI IiVG-OH-GflHTG 1
34. IiGHRiaVSRIGX lOItKH-OH-GKH: 1
35. Ii6HRI6V8R6|X IO&KH OH GftH l
Exeter.
36. iiGHRiav8R|6x mm OH eaaa
Lincoln.
3 7. MMRia V8RG[X KLKIH OH HldOL
London.
38. iieHRiav8R|ex RQHRI - OH LVHD
39. ItQHRiaVSR-|GX Ria^RD-O
40. hQHRiaV8RG|X WILIiSLM OH
CLASS V6.
Canterbury.
41. RGHRiaVSR|eX
42. ItGHRiaVSRjeX
43. IiQHRiaVSR|GX
44. lOliKH-OH-a^HT
45.
46. ;
47.
48. ROBGRD-OH-G^H
49.
50. RGHRiaVSRlGX SKMVGL OH
51. SKMVGLi.OH.GK 2
52. fcGHRKIVSRlGX SIMON OH GftHT 1
From the same die.
ENGLISH COINS AT EIBE, DENMARK. 383
Carlisle.
Obverse. Reverse.
53. IiGHRIGVSRIGX TOMS OH GflR 1
Chichester.
54. iiQHRiav5R|6x piGRGS-OH-aiaG i
Durham.
55. IiGHRiaVSRIGX PI6R65 OH - DVRG 1
56. PIGRGS-OH-DVR 2
York.
57. IiGHRIGVSR|GX DKVI-OH.QVGR. 1
58. DKVI-OH-GVGR 1
59. HiaOLtG-OH.GVGR 1
60. TOMftS-OH-GVR 1
Exeter.
61. IiGHRiaV5R|GX GILGBGRD OH GQ 1
62. IiGHRiaVSRjGX lOfi^H-OH-GGQ 2
63. RIGKRD-OH-GGG 1
Ipswich.
64. IiGHRiaVSRIGX KLI5KHDRG OH G 1
65. KWSKHDRG-OHG 1
66. lOIiKH-OH-GIPG 1
Lynn.
67. IiGHRiaVSRIGX
Lincoln.
68. IiGHRiaVSRIGX IiVG OH LIGOIiG 2
384: G. GALSTER.
London.
Obverse.
70. KD3SM OH LVH) 1
71. ,5 KLISaHDRa-OH-IA 2
72. BaHeiT-OH-LVH) 1
73. BanaiT-OH-JUVW 1
74. 5, FVLRa-OH-iivroa i
75. 55 II/GaR OH LVKOa 2
76. 55 ILGaR OH LVHD: 1
77. 55 IIiGaR OH LVHD 1
78. EWJQR OH fcVBD 1
79. heHRIOVSRai-X-
82! RiaKRD-OH-LVH
84! RaHRiaV8R|OX RIOKRD-OH-IjVH) 1
85. iiaHRiav8R|ax wiijijaijM OH LVH i
86. WIIiliQIxM B OH LV 2
87. WlUiBIM . L OH . LVi 2
88. 55 WILLaLM li OH LV 1
89. WIJjJjaijM OH Li L(V 1
90. 3> \57IIiIiQLM T OH L(VI 1
92.' IiaHRICVSRaX 5, l
93. iiaHRiavsRiax LOHoacivTS 1 i
Northampton.
94. heHRiavsRjax ROBORD . OH HGR 2 2
95. 5, ROBaRD-T-OH-HOl 2 2
96. 5, ram-OH-HORii . 2
97. haHRIOVSR|aX GIFRai-OH-HORt l
98. IiaHRIGVSR|aX GIFR8I-OH-HORY l
99. haiiRiavsRiax GiFRai-on-HOR i
1 With a rose in the crown. Imitation ?
2 Of the same die.
ENGLISH COINS AT RIBE, DENMARK.
385
Norwich (continued).
Obverse. Reverse.
100. IiGHRiaVSR|6X
101. IteHRiaVSRGX
102. ItQHRiaVSR|GX
lOWCH-OH-HORX 2
lOMffl-OH-HOR 1
RaHKVD-OH-HOl 2
103.
104.
105.
106.
Oxford.
MILOS-OH-OOSQ
Rochester.
107. JiQHRiaVSRGj - X HWSKHDR OH RO 1
108.
Ehuddlan.
109.
no.
St. Edmundsbury.
K. FVLRG-OH-S
FVRG - OH S
Winchester.
ill. fce080RIOVSRG|-X-
KDKM-OH-WIHG
1
112.
RD3KM-OH-WIH.
1
113.
KNORGV OH - Wm
3
114.
BKRTGIMa-OH.W
4
115.
lOhKH-OH-WIHG
1
116.
LVRKS OH WIHG
2
117.
LVRKS-OH-WIH-
2
118. IiGHRiaVSRjGX
MILGS.OH-WIHGG
1
119.
RKVF-OH-WIHG
1
1 2-2 curls.
Cannot be VIII.
386
G. GALSTER.
Obverse.
120. IiGHRIOVSRIGX
121. hGHRiaVSRjQX
122. IiGHRiaVSR|GX
123.
124.
125.
126.
CLASS Vc.
Canterbury.
.Rivers*.
ftRHftVD OH Oft 1
OHOft 1
OH-Oft-HTG 1
JOfiftH B . OH
lOhftH H OH
ROBGRD OH . OftH 1
SIMOH OH OftH 1
Lincoln.
127. hGHRaVSR|GX ftTORGV - OH HKIO 1
128. IiGHRIGVSR|GX
London.
129. ItGHRiaVSRjGX
130.
131. IiGHRR/SR|GX
132. hGHRiaVSR|GX
133.
134.
135.
136.
137.
138.
139.
140.
141. .
142.
143.
144.
145.
146.
147.
148. IiGHRIGVSRGX
149. hGMRiaVSRjGX
150.
151. IiGHRiaVSRIGX
152.
ftBGlj - OH - LVH)G
ftBGIj - OH - LVHD
ftBGL OH LVfD
ftBGIj OH LVHD
ftDftM OH IjVMOa
ILGGR OH JjVKOG
9
1
5
1
1
3
1
5
1
2
9
2
1
1
1
1
7
1
4
1
9
WftTGR OH LW 1
WmLGLM-B-OH-LV 1
WILLGLM-lj.OH-LVi 1
ILGGR - OH LVNO
IL6GR OHLVH)
ILGGR OH . JjVH
RftVF OH LVH3G
RftVF - OH . L(VH36
R7IVF . OH LVH3G
RftVF . OH LVHD
RGHGR OH LVH)
RIOftRD B -OH LV
WftLTGR-OH-LW
WftLTGR-OHLiVI
WftLTGR-OH-LV
ENGLISH COINS AT RIBE, DENMARK. 387
CLASS VI.
Canterbury.
Obverse. Reverse.
153. &GHRIGVSR|GX fcGHRI OH QKHTG 3
154. fcaHRI-OH-GftHTG 1
155. hGHRiaVS RJGX IiQHRI OH - COTHTC 1
156. tilVH-OH-aftHTQ- 1
157. itaHRiavsRiex fcve OH araTa i
158. KHiftH. OH- (UmTS 3
159. IiQHRiaVS R]BX lOhflH - OH - dftHT l 2
160. RGHRiaVSR|GX lOhKH OH COTHT 1
161. IiGHRiaVS R|GX ROBGRT OH GftHT 1
162. IiGHRiaVSRIGX 1
163. RGHRiaVSR,GX ROGGR OH . G^HTG l
164. RGHRiaVSRGIX ROGGR OH . GKH l
165. RGHRiaVSR|GX ROG6GR OH - QKHTG 2
166. IiGHRIGVSR|6GX 1
167. ItGHRIGVSRjGX ROG6GR.OH-GKHTG 1
168. heGHRIOGVSReG ROGGGR-OH-GKHTG 1
169. hGHRiaVSR|GX SKMVBIi OHQftHT 3
1 70. hGHRiaVSRjGX SKMVGL . OH GflH 1
171. IiGHRiaVSRiGX SIMVH OH GKHTG 2
Carlisle.
1 72. RGHRiaVSR|GX TOMKS OH dftR l
Durham.
173. IiGHRiaVSR|GX PIGRGS-OH-DVR l
London.
174. fiGHRIQVS R1GX ftBGfr-OH.IjVHDG 2
175. ,, KBGL OH - LVHDG l
176. IiGHRiaVSRIGX KBGJu-OH.LVHDG 4
177. KBGL.OH-LVHDG 4
178. KBGJj-OH-LVKOG 5
1 Of the same die.
388
G. GALSTER.
London (continued).
Obverse.
179.
180.
181.
182.
183.
184.
185.
186.
187.
188.
189
190.
191.
192.
193.
194.
195.
196.
197.
198.
199.
200.
201.
202.
203.
204.
205.
OH . LVHDa
OH . LVHDa
fiaHRiavsR|ex ILG8R OH
It6GHRI(EVSR6GX
IteGHRIOGVSR|6GX
iiaHRiavsRiax
iieHRiavs.R|ax
OH
ILG8R . OH . LVK06
ILG8R OH LVNOC
ILG6GROHLVHD8G 1
RKVF OH LVHDa
RftVF . OH LVH)a
RKVF OH . LVH)a
RKVF OH LVHD
RftVF OH LVH96G
OH
OH LVH
. OH
WKLT8R OH LV
OH LVH
OH
OH
St. Edmundsbury.
206. ROGHRKEVSRieCX RKVF
Winchester.
207. IiaHRiaVSRiaX LVKKS-OH-WIH 2 2
Class VII ?
From the same die.
3 Imitation ? with small letters.
ENGLISH COINS AT RIBE, DENMARK. 389
CLASS VII.
Canterbury.
Obverse. Reverse.
209! ' ' haHRIOHQKHT 1
210. haHRIOHQftHT 28
212'. fceHRevsRjax fca-HRionaraT 1 i
214! RGHRIGVSR^X fcamilOHara 1
215. RaHRIGVSRJaX lOKHOHGKHTaR 11
216. lOKHOHGKHTa- 9
217. lOKHOHdftHTa 21
218. lORHOHQKHT' 2
219. lOftHOHQKH T 1
220. IOKHOHQKHT 6
221. lOOTOGftHT 2 1
222. lOKNGWaOHGKH 1
223. lOKHGWaOHaKH 2
224. lOKHaiiiaoHGK i
225. IOKHGMGOMGK 30
226. lOKHGfiiaOHQK 1
228*. lOKnawaona 8
229. IOKH F : R OHGOTT 1
230. IOKM F R OHGKHT 1
232. IOKH F R OHGKH 12
233. j> IOKHFROHGKHT 3
23s! lOKHFROHOmHT 1
236. IOKHFROHGKH 12
237. IVHOHQKHTGRB 2
239. IVHOMGKMTQR 7
240. IVHOHQrKHTaR 1
241. IVHOHGftHTa : R 2
242. IVMOHGKHTGl 1
Misstruck. 2 Double-struck.
390
G. GALSTER.
IiGHRIGVSRIGX
hGMRIGVSRiGX
Canterbury
Obverse.
243. &6HRIGVSRI6X
244.
245 ,,
246.
247.
248.
249.
250.
251.
252.
253.
254.
255.
256.
257.
258.
259.
260.
261.
262.
263.
264.
265.
266.
267.
268.
269.
270.
271. MIHRIGVSR1GX
272.
273.
274.
275.
276.
277.
(continued).
Reverse.
hGHRiaVSR|GX
IiGMRIGVSRlGX
IVHOHGKHT
HIGhOLGOHG:
raaiiOLGOna;
NiaftOLGOHG
OSHVNDOHGKNT
OSHVMDOHG^H.
OSHVHDOHGKH
OSHVMDOHGK
OSHVDONGOTT
ROBGRTOHGKH
ROGGROMG7YMTG
ROGGROMGKHT -
ROGGRONGTraT
ROGGROMGKH
ROGGR-OF-R-OHG^
ROGGROF.R-OMGK
ROGGROFROHGK
ROG6R-OF.R-OHG
ROGGR-OF-R-OIIG
GROF-R-OMG 2
ROGGROFROHG
1 Misstruck.
2 Double-struck on an earlier coin with the legend :
... . IGKNTG
ENGLISH COINS AT RIBE, DENMARK.
391
Canterbury (continued).
Obverse.
Reverse.
278. IiGNRIGVSRjGX
ROGGROF OHGftH
1
279.
C *7F T / Of T 1 Y X y Y\Y i~i Y\Y /Hf IP
jO ji~V ^4 vj. A JL V JL x vy X A vA Jf\
5
280.
SKLGHVHOMGK
1
281.
SKI^GHVHOHGK
1
282.
SKLGMVHOHG
2
283. RGHRIGVFRGIX 1
SKIiflMVM OH GK 2
1
284. IiGNRIGVSRGX
SKMVGtjOHGKH
1
285. fcGHRIGVSRlGX
S^MVGLOMGKH
5
286.
SKMVGBiOHGT^H
1
287.
SKMVGIiOHGK
1
288. RGHRiaVSRjGX
SMONOHOKHT
1
289. IiGMRiaVSR.QX
SIMVHOHOGKHT6S
1
290.
SIMVMOMG^HTG
1
291.
SMVHOHOQtNT
1
292.
SIMVHONOGKHT
1
293.
TOM^SOHGKHTG
2
294.
TOHKSOHGKMTG
9
295.
TOH7ISOHGKHTG
1
296.
TOMKSOHOOTHT
1
297.
TOHftSOHGftH T
2
298.
TOMKSOHGKHT
4
299. RGHRIGVSR1GX
5J
1
300. RGHRIGVSR1GX
TOHftSOHGftHT
6
301.
TOHKSOHG^HT
1
302.
TOM2CSOHOOTN
2
303.
W3TTQROHGKH
1
304.
WKTGROH GKH
1
305.
WILLGMOHG^HT
1
306.
WILLGHOMGKMT
12
307.
WILIiQHOHGKH
2
308.
WEUUeHOHOKH
18
309.
WIIaGHOHGIffHT
1
310.
WILGHOHGKHT.
1
311. IiGIIRIGVSRiGX
1
312. IiGNRIGVSRGX
WILLGH - T7^ OHGE
8
313.
"X TT T T T / T , /~T TT *T* 'TT* ^~i Y\Y /~Y *ZI^
Vv JLAJJ-ivJlXA A jf* \J AA VA 4~V
6
314.
WILLGH-TftOHG
6
1 2-2 curls.
2 Imitation? VIII? bad silver.
392
G. GALSTER.
Canterbury (continued).
Obverse. Reverse.
315. &GHRiaVSR|GX
316.
317.
OHQK
318. RGffiliaVSRGX
319. IiGHRiaVSRGX
320. fcGHRKIVSRGX
321.
322.
323.
324. .
325.
326.
327. fiGHRIGVSRlGX
328.
329.
330.
331.
332.
333
334] IiGMRiaVSR|GX
335.
336.
337.
338.
339.
340.
341.
342.
343.
344.
345.
346.
347.
348.
349.
HDHHOHfcVND
GIFFRGIOHJjVNOG
GIFFR6IONGUVH)
GIFFRGIOHIiVID
GIFFRGIOHLVH -
GIFFRGIOHWK
GIFFRlOHIjVHD
ILGGROHLVHDG
IliGGROHluVNID
ILGGROHLVH-D.
ffiGGR-OHLVH-D
ILGGROHIiVHD
mGGOML-VMDG 2
LGDVJUFOHLiVHD
3
1
6
32
2
5
2
1
2
10
1
2
7
1
1
1
1
1
18
2
1
5
1
1
1
1
3
10
2
2
1
9
From the same die.
2 Sceptre */
ENGLISH COINS AT RIBE, DENMARK.
393
350.
351.
352.
353.
354.
355.
356.
357.
358.
359.
360.
361.
362.
364.
365.
366.
367.
368.
369.
370.
371.
372.
373.
374.
375.
376.
377.
378.
379.
380.
381.
382.
383.
384.
385.
386.
387.
London (continued).
Obverse. Reverse.
LeDVLFONGQVK)
iiaHRiavsRiax
haiiRiavsRiax
LaDVLFOHLVN
LaDVLFOHLV
LaDVFOHLVHD
RKVF-
RftVFOHLVHDa
RftVtOHLVHDa
RftVFOHIjVNDa
RftVLFOHLVHD
RKVIaFOIILVIID
RKVLFOHLVMO
RiaKRDOHLVHD
RIDTCRDOHIiVH
TaRRIOHLVHDa
TaRRIOHLVH-D
TaRRIOIILVU-D
TaRRIOHLVHD -
TaRRIOHLVHD
T8R RIOHLVHD
6
3
16
1
1
1
1
1
6
3
2
48
1
1
1
4
1
4
1
1
5
1
12
1
1
1
1
6
6
17
1
2
2
1
1
7
2
1
1 Sceptre /
XUIIISU. CBKON., VOL. XTI, SERIES IV.
Dd
394:
G. GALSTER.
388.
389.
390.
391.
392.
393.
394.
395.
396.
397.
398.
Obverse.
St. Edmundsbury.
Reverse.
lOTffl IISKHTQ
HORMTfflOH-SK
SIHVHDOHSMT
SIHVHDOHSKH
3
2
l
3
4
1
5
13
1
1
1
CLASS VIII.
Canterbury.
399.
400.
401. hQHRiaVSRQX
402. IiQHRiaVSRGX
403
404.
405.
406.
407.
408. IiGHRiaVSR| . .
409.
410.
411.
412.
413.
414.
HORHH :
WOfeffH OHQKHT
HOfcHH :
WOh
4-raaiiOiia :
: OH . ara
Ha
HaK
o H :
1 Class VIII ? a Misstruck.
8 Uncertain if there are points on the obverse.
4 Probably with points.
ENGLISH COINS AT RIBE, DENMARK. 395
London.
Obverse. Reverse.
4 1 5. JiGHRId VS : RGX MIOtfiOLQ : OKGUVH 1
416. IiGHRiaVS : RiGX *HIGIiO]jG OH
417. *HiaflOkG :
418. *HiaiiOijG : ONGQVH 5
419. -MMGROiiGONGuvN i
420. IiGHRiaVS.RIGX *fflGIiOIjG : OHfcVN 2
421. -WMQIiOIiQ OHIiVH 1
422. RGHRIdVSRIGX -WttafiOLG I OHLVH 2
423. WIiaflOIjQ^OMIjV 1 2
424. IiQHRiaVS : R I GX *HIdfiOIiG i OKGUVH 1
425. IiGHRiaVS-RIGX 1
426. ^HIGIiOIjG OHIiVH 1
427. IiGHRIGVSRIGX *HIGIiOIjG : OHLVH 2
428. -MUGIiOljG OHIuVH 1
429. ^HiaitOLGOMIiVH 4
430. 4-Hiafi.OLG :
431.
^. Edmundsbury.
432. ItGHRiaVSRGX ^lOWSH i OHSKNG l
Uncertain mint.
433. hGHRIdVSRlGX (without reverse) 1
IBELAND.
John Lackland (1199), 1210-16.
Dublin.
434. lOfcK IHHGS . |R,GX ROBGIRDOKIDIVG i
435. IOItaiMHGSjRG|X 2
436. IOIiKlHHGSjRG|X 14
1 From the same die.
Dd2
396 G. GALSTER.
Limerick.
Obverse. Reverse.
437.
438.
Waterford.
439.
SCOTLAND.
William I, the Lion (1165), 1195-1214.
440.
441. KI . . aWIKTfe hVQWKIi : RTO 1
442. TMWiaR:8fr: hVaWKLTaO 1
443. IiVaWKIiRO hVGWR : i(RCD 1
444.
445. LaRerwiijftOi.: Rva
446. LaRaiwi .... flDT^^w ... i
447. :!.... I8R : ailT RV8WKTRI : 1
448. wmaicovcxs vv-
449. .-.
Roxburgh.
450. wiLLaLMvs Rax paRisftDm OHRO :
Alexander II, 1214-49.
Roxburgh.
451. KLaxsKHDaR|Rax piaResonRoa i
452. EMXSKHDaRR PiaRas : OHROS : i
CONTINENTAL IMITATIONS.
453. &aHRiavsR|ex
454. . . KRiaVSRja - SKHCTKCOI^OHIK
1 With a rose in the crown.
ENGLISH COINS AT KIBE, DENMARK. 397
GrEBMAN EMPIBS.
Frederick II, emperor, 1218-50.
Dortmund.
Obverse. Reverse.
455. FRQDai ---- TRQJMTraiKdl 1
Emperor seated. Short-cross penny type. 1
COUNTY OF MABCK.
Adolf I, 1197-1249.
Hamm.
456. KDOfcFVSa (head) MOHQTKIHIiK (voided
cross) a
457.
Iserlohn.
458.
459. MOHQTmSeiRG* MONaTTCISeRa 2
460. MOMaTKusaRa^ i
BlSHOPEIC OF OSNABEUCK.
Conrad I, 1227-38.
461. SKQHTPaTR' QOHRKDVSePa 4 2
HAMBUEQ.
462. Bracteate. Wall, crenele, surmounted by a tower.
In the wall an arch, wherein a star. 1
LUBECK.
463. Bracteate. Crowned head, facing. 7
1 Cf. Chantard, xxi. 8. * Chantard, xxx. 8.
s Ibid., xxx. 9. * Ibid., xxiv. 12.
398 G. GALSTER.
COUNTY OF PBOVENCE.
Charles I d'Anjou, 1246-85.
Marseille.
Obverse. Reverse.
464. COMBS : PVIHCI6 CIVITKSMKSSIL l 1
Head to left. Castle.
NOTE. Owing to difficulties of communication, it
has been impossible to submit proofs of this article
to the author. The Editors desire to express their
thanks to Mr. L. A. Lawrence for his kind assistance
in the revision.
P. d'Avant, 3956, pi. Ixxxviii. 17.
XV.
NOTE ON THE EIBE FIND.
ME. GALSTEB was good enough to send me the first
manuscript of his account of the Bibe hoard of short-
cross coins. This came to hand most opportunely, as
I was just then correcting the final proofs of the classi-
fication of this series now published in the British
Numismatic Journal, new series, vol. i.
I was unable to send him copies of my proposed
alterations, but sent him the plates and a very brief
outline of my ideas. He thereupon recatalogued the
Bibe find, and the result of his labours has proved
most interesting.
As is usual with finds of this period, all classes of
short-cross coins were found together, the only
absentee being Class la, the very earliest issue and
one of considerable rarity now. There were no coins
of so early date as 1180 among the non-English pieces
found with the hoard, the earliest of which, issued
by Adolf I, Count of Marck, cannot be dated before
1197. The few Scottish coins of William the Lion
date from not before 1195. The latest continental
coin was issued by Charles I d'Anjou, Count of Pro-
vence, 1246-85. The short-cross coinage came to an
end in 1247, with the issue of long-cross coins of
which there was not a single specimen in the hoard.
These data as shown by Mr. Galster give us a fairly
accurate date for the burial of the hoard. The presence
400 L. A. LAWRENCE.
of Classes 1 1 and I c show that the contents of the
hoard go back to somewhere very near 1180. A careful
examination of the list proves that the very large
majority of the coins were quite late ones. The num-
bers are Class 1 6, 9 coins ; Class I c, 3 coins ; Classes II
and III together, 14 coins ; Class IV, 9 coins ; Class V a,
9 coins ; Class V b, 104 coins ; Class V c, 78 coins ; Class
VI, 101 coins; Class VII, 904 coins; Class VIII, 48 coins.
Herein lies the great interest in the hoard. Hitherto
no find of these pieces has yielded anything like the
number of Class VIII. We can easily discern this, as
although Class VIII as a separate class has only now
been distinguished, the few names found on the coins
have been noted in the earlier finds as occurring on
one or two specimens only. Mr. Galster describes 37
as by Nichole alone at Canterbury and London. The
list also contains the names of William of Canterbury
and John of Bury St. Edmunds, who with Nichole
were alone responsible for the earliest type of long-
cross coins at the three mints.
In comparing Mr. Galster's catalogue of the Ribe
hoard with the skeleton table given in the paper on
chronology, some few coins will be found which were
not included in the latter ; thus Alexander of London
is now credited with a coin of Class V b. There may
be others I have not yet noted. Some few coins,
however, I cannot but think Mr. Galster, owing to the
insufficient description sent him, has classed otherwise
than I should have done. Thus No. 108 Ehuddlan he
notes could not have been Class VIII, but he was not
aware that the Rhuddlan mint did not open before
1240, whereas the date of Class V b is between 1205
and 1210.
NOTE ON THE RIBE FIND. 401
No. 21 with its 2 would better appear I think under
Class V a, some of the earliest examples of which are
a throwback or copy of Class I. No. 28, Willen on Cant,
looks very much out of place in Class IV, when the
tables give this moneyer, in plenty too, to Classes VII
and VIII. Coin No. 172, Tomas on Car, credits Carlisle
with a coin in Class VI, although Carlisle was abolished
before type VI came into being as the result of the
writ to William Marshall, jun. The coins struck by
John at Bury St. Edmunds under Class VII in
Mr. Galster's list are new to me in this class. There
is, however, room for them at the end of the class, and
he certainly struck in the next class, VEIL A few
coins show muling between Classes V a and V 6, and
also between Classes VI and VII; these latter are
distinguished by the presence of the ornamental letters
of Class VI.
The mints represented do not include Lichfield and
"Worcester. These two mints had a very short life.
Worcester only issued Class I b and Lichfield Class II a;
they are, moreover, both rare mints, the coin of
Lichfield being still unique.
There are no new moneyers' names mentioned in
Mr. Galster's list, but there are numerous varieties of
spellings shown, especially under Class VII, and further
varieties of punctuation and ligation of letters. I feel
sure that the trouble taken in writing down all these
minutiae of the find will prove most useful in the
future, and I am glad to think that the Numismatic
Chronicle will be the richer as the result of Mr. Galster's
patient labours. L. A. LAWEENCE.
MISCELLANEA.
MORE GERMAN WAR MEDALS/
"IN OUR IRON TIME, 1916."
LAST April attention was drawn in these columns to the
long series of war medals, some five hundred in number,
which the first eighteen months of the world-war had pro-
duced. As is clear from a supplementary sale-catalogue,
recently published in Amsterdam, the industry still flourishes.
But there are certain significant differences which deserve
a passing notice. Thus it can hardly be a mere coincidence
that the little silver medalets for watch-chain wear, formerly
so popular in Germany, have disappeared completely. It
looks as if there were no longer any effective demand for
"tokens" to celebrate such "victories" as the Scarborough
bombardment. A pathetic feature is the great increase in
the number of specimens of paper money of small denomina-
tions, intended to supply a currency for prisoners' camps or
for those portions of the Allied countries which are in enemy
occupation. It is strange, for instance, to encounter a group
of notes, ranging in nominal value from two francs to ten
centimes, that belonged to an issue of two million francs,
guaranteed under date April 23, 1915, by a resolution of
seventy communes in the region of the Somme and the
Ancre. When one sees in the list such familiar names as
Miraumont, Irles, Courcelette, Thilley, and Warlencourt,
one shudders to think of the appalling rate at which the
securities, heritable and other, must have depreciated through
the action of high explosives.
All the belligerents, except Japan and Portugal, have con-
tributed their quota to the sum total of the war medals
proper. Germany, however, has once again been far and
away the most active. In a fair proportion of cases the
underlying motive has obviously been a desire to honour
individuals by associating them with some particular
1 Reprinted from the Scotsman of March 19, 1917, with the
Editor's kind permission.
MISCELLANEA. 403
achievement or with some popular declaration of policy.
The collection, in fact, constitutes a sort of national portrait-
gallery of all the German admirals, German generals, and
German statesmen whom the events of the last three years
have brought into prominence. A bust of von Tirpitz, for
example, is backed by a plump figure of Germania "doing
battle for the freedom of the seas ", while both von Scheer
and Hipper receive credit for their great " victory off the
Skagerrak ", which is said to have been won " not by chance
but by sheer capacity". The military laurels have been
gathered mainly on-the Eastern front, and first and foremost
by von Mackensen. The big events of 1916 in the West
are but rarely alluded to, although a huge iron medal with
allegorical figures depicts " the horrors of the Somme ", and
a companion piece shows the scourge of war descending
upon Verdun. Titbits from the Imperial Chancellor's
Keichstag speech of June 5 are immortalized on unwieldy
lumps of metal bearing his image and superscription, and
Royalties more or less considerable are, of course, sprinkled
freely through the pages of the catalogue so freely, indeed,
that the Kaiser and the Crown Prince tend rather to be
elbowed into the background.
A good deal of space is occupied by heroes of less exalted
rank, like the aviators Boelcke and Immelmann. On the
latter of these one enthusiastic medallist has conferred the
title of "The Eagle of Lille". And it is interesting to
observe that few even of the major happenings of the war
have caught the German imagination in the way that the
exploits of the Moewe and the voyage of the Deutschland
appear to have done. The capture of the Appam could
hardly have been more loudly celebrated if it had affected
the naval situation as profoundly as did Trafalgar. The
tribute of medallic portraiture is paid not only to the raider's
captain, Count zu Dohna-Schlodien, but also to the officer
who navigated the prize to the United States, Lieutenant
Berg. So, too, with Captain Kb'nig, of the Deutschland, in
immediate juxtaposition to whom we are astonished to find
a much older Atlantic voyager to wit, no less a person
than Francis Drake himself. The first glance at his bust,
dressed in correct Elizabethan costume, and identified
beyond possibility of mistake by his name, sets one wonder-
ing whether Houston Stewart Chamberlain has succeeded
in proving that the Spanish Armada was defeated by
Germans. But the real explanation is a veritable anti-
climax ; it is furnished by an inscription on the reverse,
404 MISCELLANEA.
" Francis Drake was the name of the gallant man who three
centuries ago sailed from England to America in command
of a ship, and who when he returned from his distant
travels brought with him the good things that we call
potatoes. This useful vegetable we owe to the very same
State that is to-day 1916 endeavouring to starve us out.
Such is the irony of world-history and of world-politics."
The Drake medal is not the only one on which the food
difficulty is frankly alluded to. Another piece pillories the
butchers who indulge in "profiteering", and threatens them
with handcuffs and the knout. A third, is directed against
the bakers, two of whom are represented diligently sawing
a log of wood in order to secure material for bread. That
bronze is growing scarce is abundantly clear from the fact
that it is not used for almost any of the recent medals, iron
being the usual substitute. And gold, as might be expected,
is altogether unknown. In this connexion a small medal
of iron is of special interest ; it is issued by the Eeichsbank,
and presented to persons who hand gold ornaments over the
counter. On the obverse is a kneeling woman, holding out
a piece of jewellery, accompanied by the legend, " In our iron
time, 1916". On the reverse is a branch of oak, and the
couplet :
Gold I gave in hour of need,
Iron received as honour's meed.
Presumably the idea is that this should be transmitted
as an heirloom. The same consideration for the future is
plainly responsible for a medal having on the obverse a
" Pickelhaube ", or spiked helmet, resting on a shield, and on
the reverse a mailed fist clasping a hand that is indubitably
feminine, the two between them supporting a sword. The
legend is, " Wedded in war-time ". The mention of " war-
weddings" inevitably suggests a search for the " war-baby".
And, sure enough, here he is on another medal, nestling
inside an inverted "Pickelhaube", which reposes on a little
pile of bombs. The inscription reads, " Born during the
world- war ". The well-to-do can purchase either of the last
two medals in silver.
The productions just described give us a quaint glimpse
into the mentality of the great nation with whom our own
is now locked in a life-and-death struggle. The definitely
satiric medals are a more lurid illuminant. It is sometimes
said that a boxer never feels thoroughly confident until he
sees that his opponent is losing his temper. If the analogy
MISCELLANEA. 405
holds good, a perusal of the catalogue should be comforting.
In any case it provides a wholesome discipline in the way
of seeing ourselves as others see us. The rest of the Allies
escape almost scot-free, except for a few fierce thrusts at
Italy or at individual Italians, like Gabriele d'Annunzio,
who is represented as Judas Iscariot. It is for Britain that
the vials of German wrath are reserved. And what vials
they are ! Humour, or at all events humour of the conscious
variety, has taken to itself wings and has disappeared in the
train of good taste, artistic and other. In their place we
have a rich infusion of the spirit that breathes through the
" Hymn of Hate ". We may select as typical a medal on
which is depicted a winged hydra with three heads. Around
is the text, " There was given to him a mouth speaking great
things and blasphemies ", and beneath are the words, ' ' Who
is like unto the beast?" On the other side is "Sir Edward
Grey " in large letters, with a pen beneath to symbolize his
dispatches.
The catalogue contains nothing quite so shocking as the
I/usitania medal. On the other hand, one cannot help
observing that the author of that infamy, Karl Goetz, now
appears to enjoy extraordinary popularity as a designer.
A specimen of his handiwork, dealing with the loss of the
Zeppelin L 19 in the North Sea, forms a highly instructive
counterpart to the performance through which he first
became notorious. On the obverse is the airship labouring
heavily amid the waves ; the crew have clustered on the
upper portion of the envelope, and are looking over the angry
waters to a trawler, the King Stephen, which is disappearing
in the distance. The reverse is almost wholly occupied by
the inscription, "Curse the British at sea! Curse your
evil conscience ! " which is doubtless meant to express the
feelings of the Zeppelin's crew (who are all represented
as shaking their fists vigorously), and by the descriptive
sentence, "Shipwrecked men, imploring help, were left to
drown, 2nd February 1916". Yet another of Goetz's
creations shows on the obverse a half-length portrait of
Eoger Casement, stripped to the waist and bound, with
a lanky Highlander busily engaged in tying a rope round
his neck; as caricatured in Germany, the British Army
usually wears a kilt, a delicate compliment which Scotsmen
will not be slow to appreciate. On the reverse a spider
is hard at work weaving its web round a stout volume,
which is labelled " English Law, 1351 ". The book itself is
supported by a pleasing assortment of mediaeval instruments
406 MISCELLANEA.
of torture, from the midst of which there grins a skull
with serpents issuing from its eyes. Across the field is the
date of Casement's execution, "3rd August 1916", while
round the margin is the doggerel verse :
Edward Third's dead hand
Fastens the noose round Ireland.
Another echo of the unhappy Irish rising presents us
with a picture of Death, wearing the undress cap of a
hussar and smoking a clay pipe, seated jauntily on the edge
of a tomb inscribed "Home Kule. R.I.P." He is contem-
plating with apparent satisfaction a bunch of shamrock
which he holds in his hand, and which is described in the
rubric as "A posy of May flowers from the Emerald Isle".
This medal is one of a group of six executed by a certain
W. Eberbach. They are identical in size, and are clearly
meant to be regarded as forming a sort of " danse macabre ".
In all of them the same repulsive figure is conspicuously
"featured", as the cinema advertisements would have it.
Thus on one he stands astride above the sinking Lusitania,
gloating over her as she sinks beneath the waves, the
accompanying legend being ' ' Spite and heedless frivolity on
board of the Lusitania". The reverse dedicates the medal "To
Woodrow Wilson, the man who despised our warning. 1916."
It is far from agreeable to linger in such company. But
the effrontery displayed in a third member of the series
is so colossal that one cannot pass it by in silence. As in
the case of all the others, Death dominates the field. This
time he is seated with his back to the spectator, closely
watching a passing liner, whose fate is plainly foretold by
the mine which he holds in the one hand and the torpedo
which he grasps in the other. Above are the words,
"England's greeting to the neutral ship Tubantia", the
Tubantia being, of course, the fine Dutch steamer which
was one of the first victims of Germany's campaign against
neutrals. On the reverse is the unexceptionable sentiment,
"The best of people can't live in peace if their wicked
neighbour doesn't want them to". Britain or Germany
which of these was neighbour to him that fell among
thieves?
NOTICES OF EECENT PUBLICATIONS.
The Dated Alexander Coinage of Sidon and AJce. (Yale
Oriental Series. Eesearches, vol. ii.) By E. T. NEWELL.
Pp. 72, with 10 collotype plates. New Haven, London,
and Oxford, 1916. $2-50 net.
MR. NEWELL'S researches in the thorny problems of the
Alexandrine coinage are already familiar to numismatists,
and readers of the Numismatic Chronicle will find that the
present contribution shows all the features of patient observa-
tion, acute analysis, and far-reaching constructive inference,
which characterized, for instance, his treatment of the
Alexandrines of Cyprus. He now deals with the two highly
important dated series of Sidon and Ake. By his usual
method, comparing large numbers of casts from all available
collections, with a view to discovering identity of dies,
examining hoards, and generally making use of all the latest
invented instruments of numismatic research, he is able not
merely to clear up many doubtful points, and disprove many
erroneous statements, but also to construct a new chrono-
logical arrangement. The book must be read to obtain an
idea of its high value, not only as giving definite results, but
as a model of method. Here I propose only to note a few
minor details out of many which have struck me in reading
it. The method of numeration of the varieties is in some
respects open to criticism. It must be difficult to find
anything completely satisfactory ; but some system less
liable to confusion between such marks as II (= Koman two
or double i) should have been devised ; italic capitals might
have been used in the latter case. Again, when as on
Plate V, Nos. 3, 5, 6, and 7, you have four coins from the
same obverse die XXXIII, and four different reverse dies
of different years, it is confusing to call each and all of
those reverse dies by the same letter a. The first reform,
perhaps, would be to have a continuous numeration for the
reverse dies as for the obverses ; the second, to number
the coins in the plates with the numbers they bear in the
408 NOTICES OF RECENT PUBLICATIONS.
text. Before attempting to use the book it is well to mark
on the plates the divisions of the series to which the coins
belong, and letter them throughout in accordance with the
text. This, however, is the only criticism of arrangement
which suggests itself in connexion with a book which is in
general, as I have said, a model of good method.
Mr. Newell suggests that the serpent and the griffin on the
helmet of Athena have a symbolical significance, and that
the griffin may have a special reference to the East. But
it is to be remembered that both creatures were associated
with Athena long before Alexander's time ; the Parthenos
of Pheidias had her serpent beside her, and foreparts of
griffins formed part of the ornament of her helmet.
Mr. Newell removes from Sidon a series of staters with the
symbol star, which previous writers, including myself, had
placed there, and says they belong to Sinope. He does not
give his reasons, which are doubtless adequate ; but this it is
to be hoped he will do later, just as he promises to supply
Tyre, hitherto supposed to be almost devoid of Alexandrine
issues, with a whole series of coins. He is convincingly
right in his correction of my reading of one of the Phoenician
letters on the small series dated with Phoenician dates
7-10 ; what I have read 3 (11) is really * (10). This is now
followed regularly by the Greek letter K (also=10). On the
other hand, he is I think over-cautious in refusing to accept
my conjectural emendation of Milller's reading A into A,
which would give us a coinage for year 11. It is difficult to
place the coin anywhere else. This series with Greek letter-
dates now goes on to fl (24 = 310-9 B.C.). The dates on
a series covering four years, with A-A accompanied by M
or a monogram of which M is the chief part, used to be
read as 41-4. I showed that M could not here be 40.
Mr. Newell not only confirms this, but shows that these dates
follow directly on the series dated with the letters down to fl,
the coin with fl and the coin with the monogram of M and
the date A sharing the same obverse die. The monogram, or
the single M, "can therefore only be taken as a differential
to designate a new issue ". I would suggest that it is the
abbreviation of some combination of //,era, signifying " follow-
ing after", i.e. "second series" of alphabetical dates
possibly some word like piOenov.
At Ake Mr. Newell makes, by a singularly acute piece of
analysis, the surprising discovery that the dated Alexandrines
refer not to the era of Alexander in Phoenicia, but to an era
beginning in 347 B.C. He thinks that this must have
NOTICES OF KECENT PUBLICATIONS 409
marked the beginning of some new reign. Possibly ; but
we may I think connect it, new reign or not, with the
reorganization of Phoenicia after the suppression of the great
revolt which raged from 351 to 348 B. c. These dated coins
of Ake go on until year 39 (307 B. c.). Then, as Mr. Newell
shows, follows a short series dated 8-11, representing an era
beginning in summer 315 B. c., when Antigonos attacked
and occupied Phoenicia.
These are a few of the many points which have suggested
themselves as calling for remark in one of the most interest-
ing pieces of numismatic work that it has been my fortune
to come across for some time. G. F. H.
The Casting-Counter and the Counting-Board: A Chapter in
the History of Numismatics and Early Arithmetic. By
Francis P. Barnard, M.A., F.S.A., late Professor of
Mediaeval Archaeology in the University of Liverpool.
Oxford : Clarendon Press. 1916. Pp. 358, with sixty-
three plates. 3 3s.
The author modestly declares that his book "does not
profess to be more than the essay of a pioneer ". But it is
safe to say that it will be long before it is superseded.
Professor Barnard is to be congratulated on having laid
well and truly the foundations of a study that, in this
country at least, has been systematically neglected by
numismatists. The counting-board or counter-cloth, the
mediaeval equivalent of the modern calculating-machine,
enjoyed immense popularity in Europe for six centuries
from 1200 onwards. In France, where its use lingered
longest, it received its death-blow from the introduction
of a decimal system of coinage at the time of the French
Eevolution. In England and in Germany it had died out
fully a hundred years earlier. Specimens of actual boards
or cloths are now of the highest rarity, and the few that
exist are in continental museums. Of the jettons or
counters, on the other hand, many thousands survive.
Professor Barnard has examined between 40,000 and 50,000,
all found in England alone ; and, with the instinct of
a trained observer, he has been able to gather from this
mass of material a harvest whose richness will astonish
those of us who have been wont to toss " counters " aside
with a feeling of helpless despair, not always very far
removed from contempt.
HUMISJ*. CHBON., VOL. XVI, SERIES IV. E 6
410 NOTICES OF RECENT PUBLICATIONS.
Of the three parts into which the book is divided, the
first deals with the jettons themselves. An elaborate intro-
duction discusses them from all possible points of view
etymological, historical, and technical. It is surprising
how accurately they mirror the varied interests that one is
familiar with in the coinage of which they were so often
a by-product, and for which they were occasionally used
as a substitute. It is true that the reflection is only in
little. But the enthusiast will find ample compensation
in its multiplicity : a feature due to the extent to which
special sets of counters were designed and struck for private
corporations and for individuals. During what may be
called the "medallic" period those issued for general use
were employed, just as medals were, for political and pro-
pagandist purposes ; they represented the half-penny press
of to-day at a time when medals occupied the place of our
more expensive and respectable weeklies. Even as works
of art not a few of them demand attention, for they attracted
engravers of the calibre of Nicolas Briot and the Roettiers.
Following the Introduction is a most minute and careful
description of a long series of typical specimens Anglo-
Gallic, Italian, French, Low Country, German, and Portu-
guese selected from the 7,000 examples in Professor
Barnard's own collection.
The second, and shortest, section of the book describes
the known examples of boards and cloths, while the third
is devoted to an account, drawn from contemporary authorities
and illustrated by numerous diagrams, of the various methods
of reckoning which were utilized in this "manual arith-
metic". Here the mathematician will find himself at
home, and the schoolmaster may be able to pick up hints.
The text ends with two very full indexes, one of " Legends
and Inscriptions", the other "General". The Plates form
an invaluable supplement. The first thirty-six reproduce
the more important of the jettons described. The others
are more miscellaneous in character, some of them showing
boards and cloths, others the representations of those that
appear either on jettons or in old manuscripts, engravings,
and the like.
Probably no one save Professor Barnard himself has
sufficient knowledge of the subject to justify any attempt
at detailed criticism. But one observation of a general
kind may be permissible. The book is a quarry in which
many generations of future workers are likely to dig with
profit. But it is almost too full and exhaustive for general
NOTICES OF RECENT PUBLICATIONS 411
use. He would render a further great service to the subject
if he were to throw the more important of his conclusions
into the form of a handy manual, omitting the imposing
array of evidence, documentary and other, which it has
proved necessary for him to marshal here.
The Evolution of Coinage. By George Macdonald. Cambridge ;
at the University Press. 136 pp., with 8 plates.
In this volume of the Cambridge Manuals of Science
and Literature Dr. Macdonald has surveyed the whole
history of coinage from the earliest times to the present
day. We do not know which to admire most the author's
knowledge, or the skill with which he selects from his store
and marshals his facts and theories into a continuous whole.
The points one looks for all seem to be in, until one wonders
how so much material can have been gathered into a slender
volume of 136 small pages.
In a lucid introductory chapter it is shown how metals
came to be used as a medium of exchange, how the precious
metals silver and gold established their pre-eminence, and
how the relatively small portions of these metals which
would be used brought nearer the necessity of stamping
these small pieces with some sign of their intrinsic value
and thus of passing from the use of metallic currency to the
use of " coins ". Dr. Macdonald thinks it would be rash
to try and decide whether the Greeks or the Lydians were
the first to do this, but we do not think on the evidence
that the Greek case is very strong. So much for the West.
But it appears that while the Lydian invention was made
in the eighth centuiy B. c. coinage in China goes back to
at least 1091 B.C. Chapter II deals with the principles
regulating the relations between the coinage and the state,
while Chapter III, on the material of coinage, deals with the
relative value at different periods of the precious metals and
bronze. The methods of production from early times, the
introduction of machinery, and various other technical points,
form the subject-matter of another chapter, which is followed
by a chapter on types, an aspect of the subject which has
been treated before by Dr. Macdonald. We have never had
much faith in the theoiy that Greek coin types had a
religious significance, and we believe that the author is on
very firm ground when he says that " the connexion between
coins and religion was in the first instance purely for-
412 NOTICES OF KECENT PUBLICATIONS.
tuitous". These types were used "not because of any
sacrosanct character attaching to money as such, but because
the emblems had already become heraldic devices". This
chapter also deals with portraiture on coins, the sacred figures
passed on from Byzantium to the mediaeval mints, com-
memorative issues, &c. Closely allied with the question
of types is that of inscriptions, which have a chapter to
themselves, starting from "I am the badge of Phanes", to
the bezant struck at Acre with the inscription in Arabic :
" There is but one God, and He is the Father, the Son, and
the Holy Ghost. Struck at Acre in the year 1251 from the
incarnation of our Lord and from our regeneration. He it
is who saveth us and loveth us. God forbid that we should
boast save in the cross of our Lord Jesus Christ, in Whom
is our salvation and our life." The concluding chapter
deals with dates and marks of value. The book is illus-
trated with seven plates and a frontispiece, and the University
Press is to be congratulated alike on its choice of writer
and the excellence of production. There is a misprint in
the heading of p. 21.
INDEX
A.
Abel, King of Denmark, imitation
of Irish coins by, 263
Adolf I of Marck, coins of, found
at Ribe, 397
Aegis, on coins of Nero, 33-36
Agathocles, tetradrachm of, in
Fitzwilliam Museum, 239-240
Alexander II of Scotland, coins of,
found at Ribe, 396
Amelia Island, MacGregor and,
196-197
Anthony, Charles, at Elizabeth's
mint, 91
Anthony, Derick, at Elizabeth's
mint, 91
Antoninianus, in the third cen-
tury, 37-60; not a double
denarius, 37-40
Apollonides, magistrate of Smyr-
na, 247
Apollonios, magistrate of Smyrna,
247-248
Apollophanes, magistrate of Smyr-
na, 247
Archias, magistrate of Smyrna,
246, 248
Arrhidaios, magistrate of Smyrna,
246, 248
As, in Nero's reign, 22-26
Aurei, Roman of third century,
current by weight, 40-45
B.
BAENABD, F. P. :
Review of his The Casting -Counter
and the Counting-Board, 409-411
BELL, H. W. :
Review of his Sardis, 199-200
BROOKE, G. C., ESQ. :
The Florin Issue of Edward III,
105-107
Review of his Catalogue of Coins
of the Norman Kings in the British
Museum, 198-199
Bruttii, coins of, restruck at
Rhegium, 217-218
C.
Cales, coin of, in Fitzwilliam
Museum, 201
Canute VI, of Denmark, imitation
of Irish coins by, 265-266
Caracalla introduces Antoninianus,
37-38
Catana, tetradrachms of, 219-225
Cecil, Sir William, orders with-
drawal of base coinage in certain
areas, 62-63
Charles I (or Prince) and James I,
counters of, 162-166, 181-183
and Henrietta Maria, counters
of, 168-169, 181-183
light coinage of, 271-276
Charles I of Anjou, coin of, found
at Ribe, 398
Chios, coins of, Period VIII, 334-
190 B. c., 281-296 ; Period IX,
190-88 B.C., 297-355; magis-
trates of, 296, 354, 355
Counters : English seventeenth-
century counters, 153-194 ;
speed of workmanship of, 137-
139; comparison with prints,
139-151; technique of, 152-
160; description of, 162-186;
sovereigns of England, 166-182;
Biblical, 183-184 ; Street Cries,
184-186; analysis of, 186-188;
boxes, 188-191
Countermarks on Persian sigloi,
4-12
Crompton, a forger, appointed
worker in Elizabethan mint, 79
Croton, coins of, in Fitzwilliam
Museum, 213-216
D.
Demetrios, magistrate of Smyrna,
247-248
Denarius, in the third century
A.D., 37-57
Dies, ancient, 124-132
Diogenes, magistrate of Smyrna,
246-248
INDEX.
Dunkirk, price of, 280
Dupondius, in Nero's reign, 22-26
E.
Edward Ill's florins, documents
relating to, 105-107
Elizabeth, mint in reign of, 61-
105 ; reduces and demonetizes
base coinage, 62-69 ; results, 69 ;
coinage of 1572, 76-83 ; coinages
of 1587, 1589, 1593, 88-97 ; of
1601, 96-97 ; Pyx Trials of, 97-
105 ; sends nobles to the
Netherlands, 86-87 ; East India
coinages, 94-95
Entella, drachm of, in Fitzwilliam
Museum, 226-228
Eric Glipping, King of Denmark,
imitates Irish coins, 263-264
Eric Menved, King of Denmark,
imitates Irish coins, 264-265
Eric Plovpenning, King of Den-
mark, imitates Irish coins, 261-
263
Eudemos, magistrate of Smyrna,
247
F.
FARQUHAK, Miss H. :
Silver Counters of the Seven-
teenth Century, 133-194
Florin issue of Edward III, docu-
ments relating to, 105-107
Florida Medal of MacGregor, 196-
197
Frederick II, coins of, found at
Ribe, 397
Finds of Coins :
Ionia (sigloi), 1-12
Ribe (English and Mediaeval),
378-398
Smyrna (Greek), 246-250
G.
GALSTEK, Dr. G. :
Influence of the English Coin-
types on the Danish in the
Thirteenth and Fourteenth
Centuries, 260-271
A Find of English Coins at
Ribe, Denmark, 378-398
G. C., countermark on plugged
onza, 276-279
German War Medals, Recent,
107-112, 402-406
Globe, under bust on Nero's coins,
not m. m. of Lugdunum, 31-33
Graxa, coins of, in Fitzwilliam
Museum, 207-210
GROSE, S. W., ESQ. :
A Dekadrachm by Kimon, and
a Note on Greek Coin Dies,
113-132
Some Rare Coins of Magna
Graecia in the Fitzwilliam
Museum, 201-245
H.
Hamburg, coin of, found at Ribe,
397
Hegesias, magistrate of Smyrna,
247-248
Henrietta Maria, counters of,
166-169
Henry VIII, medal of, as Supreme
Head of the Church, 194-195
Hermogenes, magistrate of Smyr-
na, 247
HILL, G. F., ESQ. :
Medal of Henry VIII as Supreme
Head of the Church, 194-195
A Plugged and Counter-stamped
West Indian Onza, 276-279
Review of H. W. Bell's Sardis,
199-200
Review of E. T. Newell's Dated
Alexander Coinage of Sidon
and Ake, 407-408
Himera, coins of, in Fitzwilliam
Museum, 228
HUNKIN, REV. J. W. :
A Note on the Silver Coins of
the Jews, 251-259
I.
Ionia, sigloi found in, 1-12
Irish coins of John found at Ribe,
395-396
Irish coins imitated in Denmark,
261-273
J.
JOHNSTON, C. :
Review of G. C. Brooke's Catalogue
of Coins of Norman Kings, 198-
199
Jutland, Battle of, award of prizes
offered by Sir Arthur Evans for
designs for medal commemorat-
ing, 200
K.
Kallistratos, magistrate of Smyr-
na, 247, 249
INDEX.
415
Kimon, dekadrachm by, from
fractured dies, 113-117
Knyvett, Thomas, appointed
warden of the mint, 1599, 93
Krokines, magistrate of Smyrna,
247-249
L.
LAWRENCE, L. A., ESQ. :
More Chronology of the Short-
cross Period, 356-377
Note on the Ribe Find, 399-
401
Leontini, countermarked tetra-
drachm of, 228-229
Locri, coins of, in Fitzwilliam
Museum, 216-217
Lonison, John, master-worker at
the Tower mint, 78-83
Liibeck, coin of, found at Elbe,
397
Lycia, countermarked sigloi, pro-
bably of, 11
Lyons and Rome, allocation of
Nero's coins between, 33-36
M.
MACDONALD, G. :
Review of his Evolution of Coinage,
411-412
MacGregor, Gregor, filibuster,
Florida Medal of, 196-197
Martin, Richard, warden of the
mint, 1572, 77 ; master, 1582,
83 ; agreement to strike coins,
84 ; his coins tested, 87-88 ; his
accounts, 88-91
MAVROGORDATO, J., ESQ. :
A Chronological Arrangement
of the Coins of Chios, 281-355
Messana, tetradrachm of, in
Fitzwilliam Museum, 229-231
Mestrell, Eloye, his work at the
mint, 69-76
Metapontum, coins of, in Fitz-
william Museum, 211-213
MILNE, J. G., ESQ. ;
A Hoard of Persian Sigloi, 1-12
A Hoard of Bronze Coins of
Smyrna, 246-251
Morgantina, bronze coins of, 251
N.
Neapolis, plated coins of, in
Fitzwilliam Museum, 202
Nero, coinage of, 13-36 ; periods
of, 12-17 ; reform of coinage
by, 17-28 ; dated coins of, 28-
30 ; Lyons, mint of, 31-86 ;
waives right of coinage of gold
and silver in favour of Senate, 16
NEWELL, E. T. :
Review of his Dated Alexander
Coinage of Sidon and Ake, 407-
408
Nicander Nucius, on medal of
Henry VIII as Supreme Head
of the Church, 194-195
Nobles, Elizabethan, exported to
Low Countries, 86-87
Notices of Books :
Barnard, F. P., The Casting-Coun-
ter and the Counting-Board, 409-
411
Bell, H. W., Sardis, 199-200
Brooke, G. C., Catalogue of Coins
of the Norman Kings in the
British Museum, 198-199
Macdonald, G., Evolution of Coin-
age, 411-412
Newell, E. T., Dated Alexander
Coinage of Sidon and Ake, 407-
408
0.
OMAN, PROF. C. :
The Decline and Fall of the
Denarius in the Third Cen-
tury A. D., 37-60
Osnabriick, coins of, found at
Ribe, 397
P.
Panormus, coins of, in Fitzwilliam
Museum, 232-233
Pasikrates, magistrate of Smyrna,
246, 248
Pollis, magistrate of Smyrna, 246,
249
Postumus, denarii of, with " La-
bours of Hercules ", 51-53 ;
other types, 53-54
Pytheos, magistrate of Smyrna,
247
Pyx, trials of the, in Elizabeth's
reign, 97-105
Quadrans in Nero's reign, 22-26
Quadragensima remissa type of
Nero, 31-32
Quinarii, Roman, in third cen-
tury A. D ., 57-60
416
INDEX.
R.
Rhegium, bronze coins of, in
Fitzwilliam Museum, 217-218
Ribe, Denmark, English, &c., coins
found at, 378-398
Rome and Lugdunum mints,
allocation of Nero's coins be-
tween, 33-36
Rutlinger, John, engraver at
Elizabeth's mint, 92
S.
Sardis, Persian sigloi counter-
marked in, 10, 11
Semis, in Nero's reign, 22
Senate, Roman, coinages by, in
Nero's reign, 16-17
Sestertius, in Nero's reign, 22-26
Short-cross period, L. A. Law-
rence's Chronology of, 356-877 ;
classification of coins of, 358-
367 ; table of mints, moneyers
and classes, 360-377 ; coins of,
found at Ribe, 390-395
Sigloi, hoard of, from Ionia, 1-12
Smyrna, hoard of bronze coins
from, 246-257
Soutzo, M., on Nero's coinage
reforms, 20-21
Stanley, Thomas, comptroller of
the mint, his plan for conver-
sion of base currency, 63-65;
under- treasurer of "nether
mint ", 66 ; death of, 76
SYDENHAM, REV. E. A. :
The Coinage of Nero, 13-36
SYMONDS, HENRY, Esq. :
The Mint of Queen Elizabeth
and those who worked there,
61-105
Some Light Coins of Charles I,
271-275
The Price of Dunkirk, 280
Syracuse, chronology of coins of,
233-238; 100 litrae piece of,
238-239 ; Agathocles at, 239-240
T.
Tarentum, coins of, in the Fitz-
william Museum, 210-211
Tauromenium, bronze coins of, in
Fitzwilliam Museum, 244
Terina, coins of, in Fitzwilliam
Museum, 219 ; dies of coins of,
117-119
Tharsynon, magistrate of Smyrna,
247
Theodotos, magistrate of Smyrna.
246, 249
Tres Galliae type of Nero, 31-32
Tyson, George, engraver at the
mint, 92
U.
Uxentum, coins of, in the Fitz-
william Museum, 211
W.
Waldemar II of Denmark imi-
tates Irish coins, 261
William I of Scotland, coins of,
found at Ribe, 326
X.
Xenondes, magistrate of Smyrna,
247
Y.
YEATES, F. WILLSON, ESQ. :
MacGregor's Florida Medal, 196-
197
York, Archiepiscopal mint of,
suggested reopening of, in 1561,
67-68
Yorke, Sir John, his plan for
reform of coinage, 64-65
CHIOS, PL. V. PERIODS VIII (3O1-19O B.C.); IX (19O-88 B.C.).
NUM. CHRON. SER. IV., VOL. XVI. PL. XI.
JE
17
16
: :
CHIOS, PL. VI. PERIOD IX CONTD. (19O-88 B.C.).
SHORT
-CROSS COINAGE: GENERAL TYPES.
LIST OF FELLOWS
OP THE
ROYAL
NUMISMATIC SOCIETY
1916
PATRON
HIS MAJESTY THE KING
LIST OF FELLOWS
OF THE
ROYAL
NUMISMATIC SOCIETY
The sign * indicates that the Fellow has compounded for his annual
contribution : t that the Fellow has died during the year.
ELECTED
1 909 ADMIRAL H.S.H. PRINCE Louis OF B ATTENBERG, P.C., G .C.B.,
G.C.V.O., K.C.M.G., A.D.C., F.R.G.S., Kent House, East
Cowes, Isle of Wight.
1907 ALLAN, JOHN, ESQ., M.A., M.R.A.S., British Museum, W.C. 1,
Hon. Secretary.
1907 ALLATINI, ROBERT, ESQ., 18 Holland Park, W. 11.
1892 AMEDROZ, HENRY F., ESQ., M.R.A.S., 48 York Terrace,
Regent's Park, N.W. 1.
1884 ANDREWS, R. THORNTON, ESQ., 25 Castle Street, Hertford.
1882 BACKHOUSE, SIR JONATHAN E., BART., The Rookery,
Middleton Tyas, R.S.O., Yorks.
1907 BAIRD, REV. ANDREW B., D.D., 247 Colony Street, Winnipeg,
Canada.
1909 BALDWIN, Miss A., 404 West 116th Street, New York, U.S.A.
1902 BALDWIN, A. H., ESQ., 4 A Duncannon Street, Charing Cross,
W.C. 2.
1905 BALDWIN, PERCY J. D., ESQ., 4A Duncannon Street, Charing
Cross, W.C. 2.
1898 BANES, ARTHUR ALEXANDER, ESQ., The Red House, Upton,
Essex.
1896 BEARMAN, THOS., ESQ., Melbourne House, 8 Tudor Road,
Hackney, E. 9.
1906 BEATTY, W. GEDNEY, ESQ., 265 Central Park West, New York,
U.S.A.
4 LIST OF FELLOWS.
ELECTED
1916 BEAULANDS, REV. CANON ARTHUR, M.A., F.S.A., Wickhurst
Manor, Weald.
1910 BENNET-POE, J. T., ESQ., M.A., 29 Ashley Place, S.W. 1.
1916 BERRY, S. R., ESQ., P.W.D., 3 Distillery Road, Hyderabad,
Deccan, India.
1909 BIDDULPH, COLONEL J., Grey Court, Ham, Surrey.
1880 *BIEBER, G. W. EGMONT, ESQ., 4 Fenchurch Avenue, E.G. 3.
1885 BLACKETT, JOHN STEPHENS, EsQ.,C.E.,Inverard, Aberfoyle,
Perthshire.
1904 BLACKWOOD, CAPT. A. PRICE, 52 Queen's Gate Terrace,
S.W. 7.
1879 *BLUNDELL, J. H., ESQ., 157 Cheapside, E.G. 4.
1907 BOSANQUET, PROF. R. C., M.A., F.S.A., Institute of Archaeo-
logy, 40 Bedford Street N., Liverpool.
1896 BOULTON, SIR SAMUEL BAGSTER, BART., J.P., D.L., F.R.G.S.,
Copped Hall, Totteridgc, Herts.
1897 BOWCHER, FRANK, ESQ., 35 Fairfax Road, Bedford Park, W. 4.
1906 BOYD, ALFRED C., ESQ., 7 Friday Street, B.C. 4.
1899 BOYLE, COLONEL GERALD, 48 Queen's Gate Terrace, S.W. 7.
1895 BRIGHTON PUBLIC LIBRARY, The Curator, Brighton.
1910 BRITTAN, FREDERICK J., ESQ., 63 Bingham Road, Addis-
combe, Croydon.
1908 BROOKE, GEORGE CYRIL, ESQ., B.A., British Museum, W.C. 1.
1905 BROOKE, JOSHUA WATTS, ESQ., Rosslyn, Marlborough, Wilts.
1911 BROWNE, REV. PROF. HENRY J., M.A., 35 Lower Leeson
Street, Dublin.
1896 BRUUN, HERR L. E. , 101 Gothersgade, Copenhagen, Denmark.
1878 BUCHAN, J. S., ESQ., 17 Barrack Street, Dundee.
1881 BULL, REV. HERBERT A., M.A., J.P., Wellington House,
West gate -on- Sea.
1897 BURN, THE HON'BLE MR. RICHARD, I.C.S., M.R.A.S., c/o
Messrs. Grindlay & Co., Bombay.
1881 BURSTAL, EDWARD K., ESQ., M.Inst.C.E., 32 Cathcart Road,
S.W. 10.
1911 BURTON, FRANK E., ESQ.. J.P., South Manor, Ruddington,
Notts.
1878 *BUTTERY, W., ESQ. (address not known).
1904 CAHN, DR. JULIUS, Niedenau, 55, Frankfurt-am-Main,
Germany.
1886 CALDECOTT, J. B., ESQ., Schoolhouse, Wolverhampton.
1908 CALLEJA SCHEMBRI, REV. CANON H., D.D., 50 Strada Saluto,
Valletta, Malta.
LIST OF FELLOWS. 5
ELECTED
1914 CAMERON, MAJOR J. S., Low Wood, Bethersclen, Ashford,
Kent.
1904 CAMPBELL, W. E. M., ESQ., I.C.S., Pilibhit, United Provinces,
India.
1894 CARLYON-BRITTON, P. W. P., ESQ., D.L., J.P., F.S.A., 43 Bed-
ford Square, W.C. 1.
1905 CARTHEW, COLONEL R. J., J.P., Woodbridge Abbey,
Suffolk.
1914 Ciccio, MONSIGNORE GIUSEPPE DE, 131 Via Stabile, Palermo,
Sicily.
1891 *CLAUSON, ALBERT CHARLES, ESQ., Hawkshead House,
Hatfield, Herts.
1911 COATES, R. ASSHETON, ESQ., 15 Onslow Crescent, S.W. 7.
1913 *CODRINGTON, HUMPHREY W., ESQ., B.A., M.R.A.S.,
Kegalla, Ceylon.
1886 CODRINGTON, OLIVER. ESQ., M.D., F.S.A., M.R.A.S., 12 Vic-
toria Road, Clapham Common, S.W. 4, Librarian.
1895 COOPER, JOHN, ESQ., Beckfoot, Longsight, Manchester.
1906 COSSINS, JETHRO A., ESQ., Kingsdon, Forest Road, Moseley,
Birmingham.
1902 COVERNTON, J. G., ESQ., M.A., C.I.E., Director of Public
Instruction, Rangoon, Burma.
1910 CREE, JAMES EDWARD, ESQ., Tusculum, North Berwick.
1886 *CROMPTON-ROBERTS, CHAS. M., ESQ., 52 Mount Street, W. 1.
1914 CROWTHER-BEYNON, V. B., ESQ., M.A., F.S.A., Westfield,
Beckenham, Kent.
1914 DALTON, RICHARD, ESQ., Park House, Gotham Park, Bristol.
1884 DAMES, M. LONGWORTH, ESQ., I.C.S. (retd.), M.R.A.S.,
Crichmere, Edgeborough Road, Guildford.
1900 DATTARI, SIGNOR GIANNINO, Cairo, Egypt.
1902 DAVEY, EDWARD CHARLES, ESQ. (address not known).
1886 *DEWICK, REV. E. S., M.A., F.S.A., 26 Oxford Square,
W. 2.
1915 DILLON, SIR JOHN Fox, Bart., J.P., D.L., Lismullen, Navan,
Co. Meath.
1911 DRUCE, HUBERT A., ESQ., 65 Cadogan Square, S.W. 1.
1905 EGGER, HERR ARMIN, 7 Opernring, Vienna.
1907 ELDER, THOMAS L., ESQ., 32 East Twenty-third Street, New
York, U.S.A.
'1893 ELLIOTT, E. A., ESQ., 16 Belsize Grove, Hampstead, N.W. 3.
6 LIST OF FELLOWS.
ELECTED
1914 ELLIOTT, SIR THOMAS H., K.C.B., Deputy Master. Royal
Mint, E. 1.
1904 ELLISON-MACARTNEY, RT. HON. SIR WILLIAM GREY, P.C.,
K.C.M.G., Government House, Tasmania.
1895 ELY, TALFOURD, ESQ., M.A., D.Litt, F.S.A., 92 Fitzjohn's
Avenue, N.W. 3.
1888 ENGEL, M. ARTHUR, 20 Route de Malagnou, Geneva.
1872 *EVANS, SIR ARTHUR J., P.S.A., M.A., D.Litt., LL.D.,
Ph.D., F.R.S., F.B.A., Corn de I'Inst., Youlbury, near
Oxford, President.
1892 *EVANS, LADY, M.A., c/o Union of London and Smith's Bank,
Berkhamsted, Herts.
1904 *FARQUHAR, Miss HELEN, 11 Belgrave Square, S.W. 1.
1886 FAY, DUDLEY B., ESQ., 287 Beacon Street, Boston. Mass.,
U.S.A.
1902 FENTIMAN, HARRY, ESQ., Murray House, Murray Road,
Baling Park, W. 5.
1914 FIALA, K. u. K. Regierungsrat Eduard, Palais Cumberland,
Vienna.
1910 FISHER LIBRARY, THE, University, Sydney, N.S.W.
1908 FITZWILHAM MUSEUM, The Curator, Cambridge.
1901 FLETCHER, LIONEL LAWFORD, ESQ., Norwood Lodge, Tup-
wood, Caterham.
1915 FLORENCE, R. Museo Archeologico of, Italy.
1898 FORRER, L., ESQ., 11 Hammelton Road, Bromley, Kent.
1912 FORSTER, R. H., ESQ., M.A., LL.B., F.S.A., The Chantry,
Bovingdon, Herts.
1894 *FOSTER, JOHN ARMSTRONG, ESQ., F.Z.S., Chestwood, near
Barnstaple.
1891 *Fox, H. B. EARLE, ESQ., Woolhampton, Berks.
1882 *FRESHPIELD, EDWIN, ESQ., LL.D., F.S.A., New Bank
Buildings, 31 Old Jewry, B.C. 2.
1905 FREY, ALBERT R., ESQ., New York Numismatic Club, P.O.
Box 1875, New York City, U.S.A.
1896 *FRY, CLAUDE BASIL, ESQ., Stoke Lodge, Stoke Bishop,
Bristol.
1897 *GANS, LEOPOLD, ESQ,, 207Maddison Street, Chicago, U.S.A.
1912 GANTZ, REV. W. L., Wallington Rectory, Baldock, Herts.
1871 GARDNER, PROF. PERCY, Litt.D., LL.D., F.S.A., F.B.A.,
12 Canterbury Road, Oxford.
LIST OF FELLOWS. 7
ELECTED
1907 GARDNER, WILLOUGHBY, ESQ., F.S.A., Deganwy, North
Wales.
1889 GARSIDE, HENRY, ESQ., 46 Queen's Road, Teddington,
S.W.
1913 GILBERT, WILLIAM, ESQ., 35 Broad Street Avenue, E.G. 2.
1916 GILLIES, WILLIAM, ESQ., 104 West George Street, Glasgow.
1904 GOLDNEY, FRANCIS BENNETT, ESQ., F.S.A., M.P., Abbots
Barton, Canterbury.
1894 GOODACRE, HUGH, ESQ., Ullesthorpe Court, Lutterworth,
Leicestershire.
1907 GOUDY, HENRY, ESQ., M.A., LL.D., D.C.L., Regius Professor
of Civil Law, All Souls College, Oxford.
1904 GRAHAM, T. HENRY BOILEAU, ESQ., Edmund Castle,
Carlisle.
1905 GRANT DUFF, EVELYN, ESQ., C.M.G., Earl Soham Grange,
Framlingham.
1891 *GRANTLEY, LORD, F.S.A., Red Rice, Andover,. Hants.
1865 GREENWELL, REV. CANON W., M.A., F.R.S., F.S.A., Durham.
1914 GROSE, S. W., ESQ., 20 Sydenham Park, S.E. 26.
1871 GRUEBER, HERBERT A., ESQ., F.S.A., Bembridge, Isle of
Wight.
1910 GUNN, WILLIAM, ESQ., 19 Swan Road, Harrogate.
1916 HAINES, G. C., ESQ., 17 Auriol Road, W. 14.
1899 HALL, HENRY PLATT, ESQ., Toravon, Werneth, Oldham.
1898 HANDS, REV. ALFRED W., The Rectory, Nevendon, Wickford,
Essex.
1912 HARDING, NEWTON H., 110 Pine Avenue, Chicago, U.S.A.
1904 HARRIS, EDWARD BOSWORTH, ESQ., 5 Sussex Place, fr.W. 1.
1904 HARRISON, FREDERICK A., ESQ., Sunnyside, Fourth Avenue,
Frinton-on-Sea.
1916 HART, R. EDWARD, ESQ., Brooklands, Blackburn.
1903 HASLUCK, F. W., ESQ., M.A., The Wilderness, Southgate, N.
1902 HAVERFIELD, PROF. FRANCIS J., M.A., LL.D., D.Litt., F.S.A.,
F.B.A., Winshields, Headington Hill, Oxford.
1914 HAYES, HERBERT E. E., ESQ., Hythe Road, Greenhithe,
Kent.
1906 HEADLAM, REV. ARTHUR CAYLEY, M.A., D.D., Whorlton
Hall, Barnard Castle, Durham.
1886 *HENDERSON, JAMES STEWART, ESQ., F.R.G.S., M.R.S.L.,
M.C.P., 1 Pond Street, Hampstead, N.W. 3.
8 LIST OF FELLOWS.
ELECTED
1900 HEWLETT, LIONEL M., ESQ., Greenbank, Harrow-on-the-Hill,
Middlesex.
1903 HIGGINS, FRANK C., ESQ., 5 West 108th Street, New York,
U.S.A.
1893 HILBERS, THE YEN. G. C., M.A., V.D., St. Thomas's Rectory,
Haverfordwest.
1898 HILL, CHARLES WILSON, ESQ. (address not known).
1893 HILL, GEORGE FRANCIS, ESQ., M.A., Keeper of Coins, British
Museum, W.C., Foreign Secretary.
1883 HOBART, R. H. SMITH, 619 Third Street, Brooklyn, New
York, U.S.A.
1898 HOCKING, WILLIAM JOHN, ESQ., Royal Mint, E. 1.
1895 HODGE, THOMAS, ESQ., 13 Wellington Street, W.C. 2.
1875 tHOUTUM-SCHINDLER, GENERAL SlR ALBERT, K.C.I. E.,
M.R.A.S., Petersfield, Fenstanton, Hunts.
1910 HOWORTH, DANIEL F., ESQ., 24Villiers Street, Ashtou-under-
Lyne.
1878 HOWORTH, SIR HENRY H., K.C.I.E., D.C.L., F.R.S., F.S.A.,
45 Lexham Gardens, W. 8, Vice-President.
1883 HUBBARD, WALTER R., ESQ., 6 Broomhill Avenue, Partick.
Glasgow.
1885 HUGEL, BARON F. VON, 13 Vicarage Gate, Kensington,
W. 8.
1908 *HUNTINGTON, ARCHER M., ESQ., Honorary President of the
American Numismatic Society, Audubon Park, 156th
Street, West of Broadway, New York, U.S.A.
1911 HYMAN, COLEMAN P., ESQ., Royal Colonial Institute,
Northumberland Avenue, W.C. 2.
1911 JOHNSTON, LEONARD P., ESQ., The Cottage, Warningcamp,
Arundel, Sussex.
1911 JONES, FREDERICK WILLIAM, ESQ., 22 Ramshill Road,
Scarborough.
1874 *KENYON, R. LLOYD, ESQ., M.A., J.P., D.L., Pradoe, West
Felton, Salop.
1914 KERR, ROBERT, ESQ., M.A., Royal Scottish Museum,
Edinburgh.
1876 tKiTCHENER, FIELD-MARSHAL EARL, OF KHARTOUM, K.G.,
K.P., G.C.B., O.M., G.C.S.I., G.C.M.G., G.C.I.E., P.C., c/o
Messrs. Cox & Co., Charing Cross, S.W.
LIST OF FELLOWS. 9
ELECTED
1901 KOZMINSKY, DR. ISIDORE, 20 Queen Street, Kew, near
Melbourne, Victoria.
1883 *LAGERBERG, M. ADAM MAGNUS EMANUEL, Chamberlain
of H.M. the King of Sweden, Director of the Numismatic
Department, Museum, Gothenburg, and Rada, Sweden.
1910 LAUGHLIN, DR. W. A., M.A., Box 456, Virginia City,
Nevada, U.S.A.
1898 LAYER, PHILIP G., ESQ., M.R.C.S., 3 Church Street, Col-
chester.
1877 LAWRENCE, F. G., ESQ., Birchfield, Mulgrave Road, Sutton,
Surrey.
1885 *LAWRENCE, L. A., ESQ., F.S.A., 44 Belsize Square, N.W. 3 ,
Vice-President.
1883 *LAWRENCE, RICHARD HOE, ESQ., 15 Wall Street, New
York, U.S.A.
1871 *LAWSON, ALFRED J., ESQ., Smyrna.
1893 LESLIE-ELLIS, LIEUT.-COL. HENRY, D.L., J.P., F.S.A.,
F.R.G.S., Magherymore, Wicklow.
1900 LINCOLN, FREDERICK W., ESQ., 69 New Oxford Street, W.C.I.
1907 LOCKETT, RICHARD CYRIL, ESQ., F.S.A., Clonterbrook,
St. Anne's Road, Aigburth, Liverpool.
1911 LONGMAN, W., ESQ., 27 Norfolk Square, W. 2.
1893 LUND, H. M., ESQ., Waitara, Taranaki, New Zealand.
1903 LYDDON, FREDERICK STICKLAND, ESQ., 5 Beaufort Road,
Clifton, Bristol.
1885 *LYELL, ARTHUR HENRY, ESQ., F.S.A., 9 Cranley Gardens,
S.W. 7.
1895 MACDONALD, GEORGE, ESQ., C.B., M.A., LL.D., F.B.A.,
17 Learmonth Gardens, Edinburgh.
1901 MACFADYEN, FRANK E., ESQ., 11 Sanderson Road, Jesmond,
Newcastle-on-Tyne.
1895 MARSH, WM. E., ESQ., Rosendaie, 35 Holligrave Road,
Bromley, Kent.
1897 MASSY, COL. W. J., 30 Brandenburgh Road, Chiswick, W. 4.
1912 MATTINGLY, HAROLD, ESQ., M.A., British Museum, W.C. 1.
1905 MAVROGORDATO, J., ESQ., 6 Palmeira Court, Hove, Sussex.
1901 McDowALL, REV. STEWART A., 5 Kingsgate Street, Win-
chester.
1905 McEwEN, HUGH DRUMMOND, ESQ., F.S.A.(Scot.), Custom
House, Leith, N.B.
10 LIST OF FELLOWS.
ELRCTED
1868 MCLACHLAN, R. W., ESQ., 310 Lansdowne Avenue, West-
mount, Montreal, Canada.
1916 MEIGH, ALFRED, ESQ., Ash Hall, Bucknall, Stoke-on-Trent.
1905 MESSENGER, LEOPOLD G. P., ESQ., 151 Brecknock Road,
N. 19.
1905 MILLER, HENRY CLAY, ESQ., 35 Broad Street, New York,
U.S.A.
1897 MILNE, J. GRAFTON, ESQ., M.A., Bankside, Goldhill, Farn-
ham, Surrey.
1910 MITCHELL LIBRARY, THE, Glasgow, F. T. Barrett, Esq.,
Librarian.
1898 *MONCKTON, HORACE W., ESQ., F.L.S., F.G.S., 3 Harcourt
Buildings, Temple, E.G. 4, and Whitecairn, Wellington
College Station, Berks.
1888 MONTAGUE, LIEUT.-COL. L. A. D., Penton, near Crediton,
Devon.
1905 MOORE, WILLIAM HENRY, ESQ. (address not known).
1879 MORRIESON, LIEUT.-COL. H. WALTERS, R. A., F.S.A., 42 Beau-
fort Gardens, S.W. 3.
1904 MOULD, RICHARD W., ESQ., Newington Public Library,
Walworth Road, S.E. 17.
1900 *MYLNE, REV. ROBERT SCOTT, M.A., B.C.L., F.S.A., F.R.S.E.,
Great Amwell, Herts.
1916 MYLNE, EVERARD, ESQ., Colet House, Rhyl, N. Wales.
1909 NAGG, STEPHEN K., ESQ., 1621 Master Street, Philadelphia,
U.S.A.
1893 tNAPiER, PROF. A. S., M.A.,D.Litt.,Ph.D.,F.B.A., Headington
Hill, Oxford.
1905 NATHAN, SIDNEY, ESQ., M.D., 11 Bolton Gardens, S.W. 10.
1910 NESMITH, THOMAS, ESQ., c/o J. Munro & Co., 7 Rue Scribe,
Paris.
1905 NEWALL, HUGH FRANK, ESQ., M.A., D.Sc., F.R.S., Madingley
Rise, Cambridge.
1906 NEWBERRY LIBRARY, Chicago, U.S.A.
1915 NEWCASTLE, THE LITERARY AND PHILOSOPHICAL SO-
CIETY OF, Newcastle-on-Tyne.
1905 *NEWELL, E. T., ESQ., Box 321, Madison Square, New York,
U.S.A.
1904 tNoRFOLK, DUKE OF, E.M., E.G., P.C., Arundel Castle,
Arundel.
1904 NORTHUMBERLAND, DUKE OF, E.G., P.C., LL.D., D.C.L.,
F.R.S., 2 Grosvenor Place, S.W. 1.
LIST OF FELLOWS. 11
ELECTED
1898 OGDEN, W. SHARP, ESQ., F.S.A., Naseby, East End Road,
Finchley, N. 3.
1916 OGLE, CHRISTOPHER, ESQ., The Beeches, Burgh Heath,
Surrey.
1897 *0'HAGAN, HENRY OSBORNE, ESQ., Riverhome, Hampton
Court.
1882 OMAN, PROF. C. W. C., M.A., LL.D., F.S.A., F.B.A., All
Souls College, Oxford.
1911 OPPENHEIMER, HENRY, ESQ., 9 Kensington Palace
Gardens, W. 8.
1903 PARSONS, H. ALEXANDER, ESQ., " Shaftesbury," Devonshire
Road, Honor Oak Park, S.E. 23.
1882 *PECKOVER OF WISBECH, LORD, LL.D., F.S.A., F.L.S.,
F.R.G.S., J.P., Bank House, Wisbech.
1915 PEARS, CAPTAIN G. B., c/o Cox & Co., Charing Cross, S.W. 1.
1896 PEERS, C. R., ESQ., M.A., F.S.A., 14 Lansdowne Road,
Wimbledon.
1915 PERRINS, CHARLES WILLIAM DYSON, ESQ., J.P., F.S.A.,
F.R.A.S., F.Z.S., Davenham, Malvern.
1894 PERRY, HENRY, ESQ., Middleton, Plaistow Lane, Bromley,
Kent.
1862 *PERRY, MARTEN, ESQ., M.D., Spalding, Lincolnshire.
1909 PETERSON, F. W. VOYSEY, ESQ., B.C.S. (retd.), 38 Bassett
Road, W. 10.
1888 PINCHES, JOHN HARVEY, ESQ., Whitehill Cottage, Meopham,
Kent.
1910 PORTER, PROFESSOR HARVEY, 39 Court Street, Westfield,
Mass., U.S.A.
1915 POYSER, A. W., ESQ., M.A., Grammar School, Wisbech.
1903 PRICE, HARRY, ESQ., Arun Bank, Pulborough, Sussex.
1911 PRICHARD, A. H. COOPER-, British School, Palazzo
Odescalchi, Rome.
1906 RADFORD, A. J. VOOGHT, ESQ., F.S.A., Vacye, College Road,
Malvern.
1913 RAO, K. ANANTASAMI, Curator of the Government Museum,
Bangalore, India.
1890 RAPSON, PROF. E. J., M.A., M.R.A.S., 8 Mortimer Road,
Cambridge.
1905 RASHLEIGH, EVELYN W., Stoketon, Saltash, Cornwall.
1915 RASQTTIN, M. GEORGES, Tanglewood, Bushey Park, Herts.
1909 RAYMOND, WAYTE, ESQ., South Norwalk, Connecticut,
U.S.A.
12 LIST OF FELLOWS.
ELECTED
1903 REGAN, W. H., ESQ., 124 Queen's Road, Bayswater, W. 2.
1876 *ROBERTSON, J. DRUMMOND, ESQ., M.A., 17 St. George's
Court, Gloucester Road, S.W. 7.
1911 ROBINSON, E. S. G., ESQ., B.A., British Museum, W.C. 1.
1910 ROGERS, REV. EDGAR, M.A., 18 Colville Square, W. 11.
1911 ROSENHEIM, MAURICE, ESQ., 18 Belsize Park Gardens,
N.W. 3.
1903 RUBEN, PAUL, ESQ., Ph.D., Alte Rabenstrasse, 8, Hamburg,
Germany.
1904 RUSTAFFJAELL, ROBERT DE, ESQ., The Union Trust Co.
Fifth Avenue, Sixtieth Street, New York, U.S.A.
1872 *SALAS, MIGUEL T., ESQ., 247 Florida Street, Buenos Ayres.
1916 SALISBURY, F. S., ESQ., Hulme Grammar School, Manchester.
1877 *SANDEMAN, LIEUT.-COL. JOHN GLAS, M.V.O., F.S.A., Whin-
Hurst, Hayling Island, Havant, Hants.
1907 *SELTMAN, CHARLES T., ESQ., Kinghoe, Berkhamsted, Herts.
1890 SELTMAN, E. J., ESQ., Kinghoe, Berkhamsted, Herts.
1900 SHACKLES, GEORGE L., ESQ., Wickersley, Brough, E. Yorks.
1908 SHEPHERD, EDWARD, ESQ., 2 Cornwall Road, W. 11.
1913 SHIRLEY-FOX, J. S., ESQ., R.B.A., 5 Rossetti Studios, Flood
Street, Chelsea, S.W.
1896 SIMPSON, C. E., ESQ. (address not known).
1893 *SiMS, R. F. MANLEY-, ESQ. (address not known).
1896 SlNHA, KUMVAR ZUSHAL PAL, RAIS OF KOTLA, Kotla,
Agra, India.
1912 SMITH, G. HAMILTON, ESQ., Northside, Leigh Woods,
Bristol.
1890 SMITH, W. BERESFORD, ESQ., Kenmore, Vanbrugh Park Road
West, Blackheath, S.E. 3.
1905 SNELLING, EDWARD, ESQ., 26 Silver Street, E.C. 2.
1909 SOUTZO, M. MICHEL, 8 Strada Romana, Bucharest.
1894 SPINK, SAMUEL M., ESQ., 17 Piccadilly, W. 1.
1902 STAINER, CHARLES LEWIS, ESQ., 10 South Parks Road,
Oxford.
1878 I-STRACHAN-DAVIDSON, J. L., ESQ., M.A., LL.D., Master of
Balliol College, Oxford.
1869 *STREATFEILD, REV. GEORGE SYDNEY, Camden Lodge,
Russell Avenue, St. Albans.
1914 *STREATFEILD, MRS. SYDNEY, 22 Park Street, Mayfair,
W. 1.
LIST OP FELLOWS. 13
ELECTED
1910 SUTCLIFFE, ROBERT, ESQ., 21 Market Street, Burnley, Lanes.
1914 SYDENHAM, REV. EDWARD A., The Vicarage, Wolvercote,
Oxon.
1885 SYMONDS, H., ESQ., F.S.A., Roundham, Bridport, Dorset.
1896 TAFFS, H. W., ESQ., 35 Greenholm Road, Eltham, S.E.
1879 TALBOT, LIEUT.-COL. THE HON. MILO GEORGE, Hartham,
Corsham, Wilts.
1892 *TAYLOR, R. WRIGHT, ESQ., M.A., LL.B., F.S.A., 8 Stone
Buildings. Lincoln's Inn, W.C. 2.
1887 THAIRLWALL, F. J., ESQ., 12 Upper Park Road, N.W. 3.
1890 THOMAS-STANFORD, CHARLES, ESQ., M.P., M.A., F.S.A.,
Preston Manor, Brighton.
1896 THOMPSON, SIR HERBERT, BART., 9 Kensington Park
Gardens, W. 11.
1896 THORBURN, HENRY W., ESQ., Cradock Villa, Bishop
Auckland.
1903 THORPE, GODFREY F., ESQ., 21 Esplanade Mansions, Espla-
nade, Calcutta.
1894 TRIGGS, A. B., ESQ., Bank of New South Wales, Yass, New
South Wales.
1887 TROTTER, LIEUT.-COL. SIR HENRY, K.C.M.G., C.B., 18 Eaton
Place, S.W. 1.
1912 VAN BUREN, DR. A. W., American Academy, Porta San
Pancrazio, Rome.
1916 VANES, REV. J. A., 1 Trinity Road, Bangalore, India.
1899 VLASTO, MICHEL P., ESQ., 12 Alice des Capucines, Marseilles,
France.
1892 VOST, LIEUT. -CoL. W., I.M.S., Muttra, United Provinces,
India.
1905 WAGE, A. J. B., ESQ., M.A., Leslie Lodge, Hall Place,
St. Albans.
1883 WALKER, R. K., ESQ., M.A., J.P., Watergate, Meath Road,
Bray, Ireland.
1897 WALTERS, FRED. A., ESQ., F.S.A., 3 Adam Street, Adelphi,
W.C. 2, and Temple Ewell, Dover, Hon. Secretary.
1911 WARRE, FELIX W., ESQ., 231 A St. James's Court, Buckingham
Gate, S.W. 1.
1901 *WATTERS, CHARLES A., ESQ., 152 Princes Road, Liverpool.
14 LIST OF FELLOWS.
ELECTED
1901 WEBB, PERCY H., ESQ., 4 and 5 West Smithficld, E.G. 1, Hon.
Treasurer.
1885 * WEBER, F. PARKES, ESQ., M.D., F.S.A., 13 Harley
Street, W. 1.
1883 *WEBER, SIR HERMANN, M.D., 10 Grosvenor Street, Gros-
venor Square, W. 1.
1884 WEBSTER, W. J., ESQ., 76 Melford Road, Thornton Heath.
1S04 WEIGHT, WILLIAM CHARLES, ESQ., Erica, The Broadway,
Letchworth.
1905 WEIGHTMAN, FLEET-SURGEON A. E., F.S.A., Junior United
Service Club, Charles Street, St. James's, S.W. 1.
1899 WELCH, FRANCIS BERTRAM, ESQ., M.A., Wadham House,
Arthog Road, Hale, Cheshire.
1915 WHITEHEAD, R. B., ESQ., I.C.S., M.R.A.S., Amballa, Panjab,
India.
1869 *WIGRAM, MRS. LEWIS, The Rookery, Frensham, Surrey.
1908 WILLIAMS, T. HENRY, ESQ., 85 Clarendon Road, S.W. 15.
1910 WILLIAMS, W. I., ESQ., Beech Villa, Nelson, Cardiff.
1881 WILLIAMSON, GEO. C., ESQ., F.R.S.L., Burgh House, Well
Walk, Hampstead, N.W. 3.
1906 WILLIAMSON, CAPT. W. H. (address not known).
1904 WINTER, CHARLES, ESQ., Oldfield, Thetford Road, New
Maiden, Surrey.
1906 WOOD, HOWLAND, ESQ., Curator of the American Numis-
matic Society, 156th Street, W. of Broadway, New York,
U.S.A.
1903 WRIGHT, H. NELSON, ESQ., I.C.S., M.R.A.S., Firwood, Cleve-
don, Somerset.
1889 YEATES, F. WILLSON, ESQ., 7 Leinster Gardens, W. 2.
1880 YOUNG, ARTHUR W., ESQ., 12 Hyde Park Terrace, W. 2.
1898 YOUNG, JAMES SHELTON, ESQ., 19 Addison Gardens, W. 14.
1900 ZIMMERMANN, REV. JEREMIAH, M.A., D.D., LL.D., 107 South
Avenue, Syracuse, New York, U.S.A.
15
HONORARY FELLOWS
KLECTKD
1898 His MAJESTY VICTOR EMMANUEL III, KINO OF ITALY,
Palazzo Quirinale, Rome.
1891 BABELON, M. ERNEST, Membre de 1'Institut, Bibliotheque
Nationale, Paris.
1903 BAHRFELDT,GENERAL-MAJORM.VON,D.Phil.,9Humboldtstr.,
Hiidesbeim, Germany.
1898 BLANCHET, M. J. ADRIEN, 10 Bd. Emile Angler, Paris.
1898 DRESSEL, DR. H , Miinzkabinett, Kaiser Friedrich Museum,
Berlin.
1899 GABRICI, PROF. DR. ETTORE, S.Giuseppe dei Nudi 75, Naples.
1893 GNECCHI, COMM. FRANCESCO, Via Filodrammatici 10, Milan.
1873 IMHOOF-BLUMER, DR. F., Winterthur, Switzerland.
1893 JONGHE, M. LE VICOMTE B. DE, Rue du Trone, 60, Brussels.
1878 KENNER, DR. F. VON, K. u. K. Museen, Vienna.
1904 KUBITSCHEK, PROF. J. W., Pichlergasse, 1, Vienna.
1893 LOEBBECKE, HERR A., Cellerstrasse, 1, Brunswick.
1904 MAURICE, M. JULES, 10 Rue Crevaux, Paris.
1899 PICK, DR. BEHRENDT, Munzkabinett, Gotha.
1895 REINACH, M. THEODORE, 9 Rue Hamelin, Paris.
1891 SVORONOS, M. J. N., Conservateur du Cabinet des Medailles,
Athens.
16
MEDALLISTS
OF THE ROYAL NUMISMATIC SOCIETY
ELECTED
1883 CHARLES ROACH SMITH, ESQ., F.S.A.
1884 AQUILA SMITH, ESQ., M.D., M.R.I.A.
1885 EDWARD THOMAS, ESQ., F.R.S.
1886 MAJOR-GENERAL ALEXANDER CUNNINGH ^, C.S.I., C.I.E.
1887 JOHN EVANS, ESQ., D.C.L., LLJX, F.R.S., P.S.A.
1888 DR. F. IMHOOF-BLUMER, Winterthur.
1889 PROFESSOR PERCY GARDNER, Litt.D., F.S.A.
1890 MONSIEUR J ^. Six, Amsterdam.
ISjI DR. C. LUDWIG MtiLLER, Copenhagen.
1892 PROFESSOR R. STUART POOLE, LL.D.
1893 MONSIEUR W. H. WADDINGTON, Senateur, Membre de
Tlnstitut, Paris.
1894 CHARLES FRANCIS KEARY, ESQ., M.A., F.o.A,
1895 PROFESSOR DR. THEODOR MOMMSEN, Berlin.
1896 FREDERIC W. MADDEN, ESQ., M.R.A.S.
1897 DR. ALFRED VON SALLET, Berlin.
1898 THE REV. CANON W. GKEENWELL, M.A., F.R.S., F.S.A.
1899 MONSIEUR ERNEST BABELON, Membre VInstitut, Con-
servateur des Medailles, Paris.
1900 PROFESSOR STANLEY LANE-POOLE, M.A., Litt.D.
1901 S. E. BARON WLADIMIR VON TIESENHAUSEN, St. Petersburg.
1902 ARTHUR J. EVANS, ESQ., M.A., F.R.S., F.S.A.
1903 MONSIEUR GUSTAVE SCHLUMBERGER, Membre de 1'Institut,
Paris.
1904 His MAJESTY VICTOR EMMANUEL III, K T NG OF ITALY.
J 90D SIR HERMANN WEBER, M.D.
1906 COMM. FRANCESCO GNECCHI, Milan*
1907 BARCLAY VINCENT HEAD, ESQ., D.Litt., ).C ., Ph.D., C?>rr.
de Tlnst.
1908 PROFESSOR DR. HEINRICH DRESSEL, Borlir
1909 H. A . GKUEBER, J^Q., F.S.A.
1910 DR. FRIEDRICH EDLER VON KENNER, Vianna.
1911 OLIVER CODRINGTON, ESQ., M.D., M.R.A.S., F.S.A.
1912 GENERAL-! ^NANT MAX VON BAHKFELDT, Hildesheim.
1913 GEORGE MACDONALD, ESQ., M.A., LL.D.
1914 JEAN N. SVORONOS, Athens.
1915 GEORGE FRANCIS HILL, ESQ , M.A.
1916 M. THEODORE REINACH, Membre de 1'Institut.
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