Observations on the importance of the American revolution, and the means of making it a benefit to the world

<OOOwOOOPr060ii

The

Robert E. Gross
Collection

A Memorial to the Founder
of the

I

V

OBSERVATIONS

ON THE

IMPORTANCE

OF THE

AMERICAN REVOLUTION,

AND

The Me A n s of making itaBENEFix to
the Wox^ LD.

TO WHICH IS ADDED,

A Letter from M. Turcot, late Comptroller-
General of the Finances of France :

WITH

An Appendix, containing a Tranflation of the
Will of M. Fortune Ricard, lately publifhcd
in France.

By RICHARD PRICE, D.D. L.L.D.

And Fellow of the Royal Society of London, and
of the Academy of Arts and Sciences in New-
England.

L O N D ON:

Printed for T. Cadell, in the Strand.

M.DCC.LXXXV

T O

The Free and United States of
AMERICA,

THE FOLLOWING OBSERVATIONS

ARE HUMBLY OFFERED,

A LAST TESTIMONY

O F

THE GOOD-WILL

O F

The Author.

Errata.

fjfs!^^' ^"" ^'■^"^^<^i"S in bufmefs, w tranfafting bu^

.^n' 'P' ^a ^'"" 5th and 8th, for the numbers ni coi
^19,560, and 143,890,^.3,150, ,3,956, and lif.C'^

[ V ]

CONTENTS.

OF the Importance of the Revolution which
has eftabiifhed the Independence of the

United States of America. - p. i

Of the means of promoting human Improvement

and Happinefs i(i the United States. — And

firft, of Public Debts. - 9

Of Peace, and the Means of perpetuating it. 14.
Of Liberty. - - 20

Of Liberty of Dlfcufllon. - 22

Of Liberty of Confcience, and Civil Eftablifh-

ments of Religion. • - 34

Of Education. - - ^o

Of the Dangers to which the American States are

expofed. - - - 64

Of Debts and Internal Wars. - 66

Of an unequal Diftribution of Property. 68

Of Trade, Banks, and Public Credit. 74

OfOATHS. - - - 81

Of the Negro Trade and Slavery. - 8^

Conclufion. - - - 84

Letter from M. Turgot. - - 89

Tranflation of M. Turgot's Letter. 107

Appendix, containing a Tranflation of the Will

of M. Fortune Ricard. - 129

Tables. - - - 130

[ vii ]

ADVERTISEMENT.

'AVING reafon to hope I fioiild be ai-
tended to in the American States, and
thinking I faw an opening there fa'vourable
to the i?nprovement and beji inter ejls of mankind,
I ha'ue been induced to convey thither the fen^
timents and advice contained in the following
Obfervations. They were, therefore, originally
intended only for America. T^he danger of a
fpiirious edition has now obliged me to publifi
them in tny own country »

I fioidd be inexcufable did I not take this op-
port unify to exprefs my gratitude to a dijlin^
guijhed writer (the Count de Mirabeau) for
his trafijlation of thefe Obfervations into French,
and for the fupport and kind civility with
which it has been accompanied.

Mr, TurgotV letter fanned a part of this
traui when it was conveyed to America. I have
now given a tranjlation of it.

I think

/ think k necejfary to add that I have ex^
prejfed my f elf infome refpeSis toojirojtgly in the
conQlu^ion of the following Obfervations, By
accounts from perfons the befl informed, I have
lately^ been affured thai nofuch diffentions exifl
among the American States as have been giiien

I cut in this country 3 that the new governments
are in general well fettled, and the people hap^
fy under them -, and that, in particular, a
conviBioJi is becoming univerfal of the necefjity
of giving 7norc Jirength to that power which

forms and which is to conduB and maintain
their union.

March, 1785...

OBSER-

OBSERVATIONS, 6cc.

Cy //^^ Importance o/' //^^ Revolution
which has ejiablijhed the Independence of
the United States,

AVING, from pure convI<flIon, taken
a warm part in favour of the Britifi
colonies (now the United States of Ameri-
ca) during the late war; and been expofed,
in confequence of this, to fnuch abufe and
Jo?ne danger; it muft be fuppofed that I
have been waiting for the illue with an-
xiety 1 am thankful that my anxiety

is removed ; and that I have been fpared to
be a witnefs to that very iffue of the war
which has been all along the objetTt of my
wiflies. With heart-felt fatisfacflion, I fee
the revolution in favour of univerfal liberty
which has taken place in America \ — a revo-
lution which opens a new profpect in hu-

B man

t 2 ]

man aftairs, and begins a new aera in the hif-

tory of mankind ; a revolution by which

Britons themfelves Vv'ill be the greateft
1 gainers, if wife enough to improve properly
the check that has been given to the defpo-
tifm of their minifters, and to catch the
flame of virtuous liberty Vv'hich has faved
their American brethren.

The late war, in its commencement and
progrej's^ did great good by diffeminating
jaft fentimentsof the rights of mankind, and
the nature of legitimate government j by ex-
citing a fpirit of refiflancfe to tyranny which
has emancipated one European country,
and is likely to emancipate others ; and by
occafioning the efiablidiment in America of
forms of government more equitable and

I more liberal than any that the world has
yet known. But, in its termination, the
war has done ftill, greater good by preferv-
ing the new governments from that de-
ftruftion in which they mu(t have been in-
volved, had Britain conquered ; by provid-
ing, in a fequeftered continent polTefied of
many fingular advantages, a place of refuge

\ for oppreft men in every region of the
world j and by laying the foundation there

of

[ 3 ]

•of an empire which may be the feat of li-
berty, fcience and virtue, and from whence
there is reafon to hope thefe facred bleffings
will fpread, till they become univerfal, and
the time arrives when kings and priefts Ihall ,
have no more power to opprefs, and that
ignominious (lavery which has hitherto de-
bafed the world is exterminated. I there-
fore, think I fee the hand of Providence in
the late war working for the general good.

Reafon, as well as tradition and revela-
tion, lead us to expert that a more improv-
ed and happy ftate of human affairs will take
place before the confummation of all things.
The world has hitherto been gradually
improving. Light and knowledge have i
been gaining ground, and human life at
prefent compared with what it o?ice was,
is much the fame that a youth approaching
to manhood is compared with an infant.

Such are the natures of things that this
progrefs mud continue. During particular
intervals it may be interrupted, but it can-
not he deflroy'd. Every prefent advance
prepares the way for farther advances ; and
?i fingle experiment or difcovery may fome-

B 2 times

[ 4 ]

times give rife to fo many more as fuddenly
to raife the fpecies higher, and to refemble
the effedis of opening a new fenfe, or of the
fall of a fpark on a train that fprings a n:iine.
For this reafon, mankind may at laft arrive
at degrees of improvement which we can-
not now even fufpect to be poiTible. A
vdark age may follow an enlightened age;
but, in this cafe, the light, after being
fmothered for a time, will break out again
with a brighter luftre. The prefent age of
increafed light, conlidered as fiicceeding the
ages of Greece and Rome and an interme-
diate period of thick darknefs, furnifhes a
proof of the truth of this obfervation.
There are certain kinds of improvement
which, when once made, cannot be entire-
ly loft. During the dark ages, the im-
provements made in the ages that preceded
them remained fo far as to be recovered im-
mediately at the refurredion of letters, and
to produce afterwards that more rapid pro-
grcfs in improvement which has diftinguiili-
ed moderr. times.

There ;an fcarcely be a more pleafmg and
encouraging obje(5t of refledion than this.
An accidental obfervation of the effeds
of gravity in a garden has been the means

or

[ 5 ]

of difcovering the laws that govern the
folar fyftem*, and of enabling us to look
down with pity on the ignorance of the
moft enlightened times among the antients.
What new dignity has been given to man,
and what additions have been made to his
powers, by the invention of optical glafles,
printing, gun-powder, &c. and by the late
difcoveries in navigation, mathematics, na-
tural philofophy, &c. ? -f*

* This refers to an account given of Sir Ifaac New-
ton in the Preface to Dr. Pemberton's View of his
Philofophy.

f Who could have thought, in the firft ages of the
world, that mankind would acquire the power of deter- '
mining the diftances and magnitudes of the fun and
planets ? — Who, even at the beginning of this century,
would have thought, that, in a few years, mankind
would acquire the power of fubje<Sting to their wills the
dreadful force of lightening, and of flying in aeroftatic
machines? — The laft of thefe powers, though fo long
undifcovercd, is only an eafy application of a power al-
ways known. — Many fimilar difcoveries may remain to
be made, which will give new dircflions of the greateft
confequence to human affairs ; and it may not be too
extravagant to expect that (fhould civil governments
throw no o'ofiacles in the way) the progrefs of improve-
ment will not ceafe till it has excluded from the earth
moft of its worft evils, and reftored that Paradifaical
ftate which, according to the Mofaic Hiftory, preceded
the prcfent ftate.

I But

[ 6 ]

But among the events in modern times
tending to the elevation of mankind, there
are none probably of fo much confequence
as the recent one which occafions thefe ob-
fervations. Perhaps, I do not go too far
when I fay that, next to the introdu6lion
of Chriflianity among mankind, the Ame-
rican revolution may prove the mod im-
portant ftep in the progrefiive courfe of
human improvement. It is an event which
may produce a general difFufion of the
principles of humanity, and become the
means of fetting free mankind from the
fhaekles of fuperftition and tyranny, by lead-
ing them to fee and knov/ '* that nothing

* h fufidamental but impartial enquiry, an
' honeft mind, and virtuous pradice

* that flate policy ought not to be applied
' to the fupport of fpeculative opinions

* and formularies of faith." " That the

' members of a civil community are * co7t-

* federates^ not fubjc^s 3 and their rulers,

* fervarits, not majlers, And that all

* legitimate government confifts in the do-
' minion of equal laws made with com-

y^ mon confent 3 that is, in the dominion

Thcfe are the words of M'onte$quieu.

<* of

[ 7 ]

*' of men over themfehes y and not in the
** dominion of communities over commu-
** nities, or of any men over other men."

Happy will the world be when thefe
truths fhall be every where acknowledged
and pradifed upon. Religious bigotry,
that cruel demon, will be then laid afleep.
Slavifh governments and flavifli Hierarchies
will then fmk ; and the old prophecies be
verified, ** that the laft univerfal empire
** upon earth fliall be the empire of reafon
** and virtue, under which the gofpel of
** peace (better underflood) Jhall have free
** courfe and be glorijicd, ma?iy will run to
** and fro and knoivledge be increafedy the
** wolf dwell with the lamb and the leopard
•* with the kidy and nation no more lift up
** a fword againji nation."

It is a convi(ftion I cannot refift, that the
independence of the Englijlj colonies in
America is one of the fleps ordained by ,
Providence to introduce thefe times; and
I can fcarcely be deceived in this convic-
tion, if the United States fliould efcape
fome dangers which threaten them, and
will take proper care to throw themfelves
open to future improvements, and to make
the moft of the advantages of their prefent

fituation.

[ 8 ]

fituatlon. Should this happen, it will be
true of them as it was of the people of th^
Jews, that in them all the families of the
earth Jhall be bleffed. It is fcarcely poffible
they lliould think too highly of their own
confequence. Perhaps, there never ex-
ifted, a people on whofe wifdom and virtue
more depended ; or to whom a ftation of
more importance in the plan of Providence
has been affigned. They have begun nobly.
They have fought with fuccefs for them-
felves and for the world ; and, in the midft
of invafion and carnage, eftablifhed forms
J of government favourable in the highefl

deo-ree to the riehts of mankind. But

they have much more to do ; more indeed
than it is poffible . properly to reprefent.
In this addrefs, my defign is only to take
notice of a few great points which feem
particularly to require their attention, in
order to render them permanently happy in
ihemfelves and ufeful to mankind. On
thefe points, I {hall deliver my fentiments
vvith freedom, confcious I mean well ; but,
at the fame time, with real diffidence, con-
fcious of my own liablenefs to error.

Of

[ 9 ]

Of the Means of promoting human Improve-^
ment and Happinefs in the JJnited States,
•^^Andfirjiy ^Public Debts.

TT feems evident, that what firft requires
the attention of the United States is the
redemption of their debts, and making
compenfation to that army which has car-
ried them through the war. They have
an infant credit to cherifli and rear, whichj
if this is not done, muft peridi, and with
it their character and honour for ever. Nor
is it conceivable they fliould meet with
any great difficulties in doing this. They
have a vaft refource peculiar to theJmfelves>
in a continent of unlocated lands poiTeffing
every advantage of foil and climate. The
fettlement of thefe lands will be rapid, the
confequence of which muft be a rapid in-
creafe of their value. By difpoiing of y
them to the army and to emigrants, the
greateft part of the debts of the United
States may probably be funk immediately*
But had they no fuch refource, they are very
capable of bearing taxes fufficient for the
purpofe of a gradual redemption. Sup-

C pofing

I 10 ]
poling their debts to amount to 7iine millmis
llerling, carrying intereil at c^k per cent, taxes
producing a revenue of a million pei" ann*
would pay the intereft, and at the fame time
leave a furplus of half a million per ann,
for a fmking fund, which would difcharge
the principal in thirteen years. A furplus
of a quarter of a million would do the
fame in 2of years. After difcharging the
principal, the appropriated revenue being
no longer wanted, might be abolifhed, and
the States eaf«d of the burthen of it. But
it would be imprudent to abolifli it en-
tirely. 100,000/. per 'ann. referved, and
faithfully laid out in clearing unlocated
lands and other improvements, would in
a fliort time increafe to a treafure (or con-
tinental patrimony) which would defray
the whole expenditure of the union, and
keep the States free from debts and taxes
for ever-'-. Such a rcferve would (fup-

* The lands, forefts, impofls, &c. ho. v/hich once
formed the patrimo7iy of the crown in England, bore
moft of the expences of government. It is well for
I this kingdom that the extravagance of the crown has
been the means of alienating this patrimony, for the
confequence has been making the crown dependent on
the people, l^ut in America fuch a patrimony would
be continental property, capable of being applied only
to public purpofes, in the way which the public (or
its delegates) would approve.

pofing

[ II ]

pofing it improved Co as to produce a
profit of 5 per cent.) increafe to a capital
of three millions in 19 years, 30 millions
in 57 years, 100 millions in 81 ye^rs, and
261 millions in 100 years. But fuppofing
it capable of being improved fo as to
produce a profit of 10 per cent, it would
increafe to five millions in 19 years, 100
millions in 49 years, and 10,000 millions
in 97 years.

It is wonderful that no ftate has yet
thought of taking this method to make
itfelf great and rich. The fmalleft appro- 1
priation in a finking fund, neijer diverted,
operates in cancelling debts, jufi: as money
increafes at compound interefl -, and is,
therefore, omnipotent'^ . But, if diverted,
it lofes all its power. Britain affords
a ftriking proof of this. Its finking fund
(once the hope of the kingdom) has, by

* One penny put out at our Saviour's birth to $per
cent, compound intcreft would, before this time, have
increafcd to a greater fum than would be contained ia \

TWO HUNDRED MILLIONS of EARTHS all folid gold.

But, if put out X.ofimple intereft, it Would have amount-
ed to no more than feven fiillings and fix-pence. Ail
governments which alienate funds deftined for reim-
burfements, chufe to improve money in the lajl rather
than the frji of th^fe ways.

C 2 the

[ 12 ]

the pradlice of alienating it, been rendered
impotent and ufelefs. Had it been in-
violably applied to the purpofe for which
it was intended^, there would, in the year
1775, have been a furplus in the revenue
of more than five millions per ann. But
inftead of this, we were then encumbered
with a debt of 137 millions, carrying an
intereft of near 4I millions, and leaving no
furplus of any confequence. This debt
> has been fince increafed to * 280 millions,
carrying an intereft (including expences of
management) of nine millions and a half. —
A monftrous bubble j — and if no very ftrong
meafures are foon taken to reduce it within
the limits of fafety, it muil: produce a dread-
ful convulfion. Let the United States take
warning — Their debts at prefent are mo-
derate. A Sinking fund, guarded -f- againft
mifapplication, may foon extinguifh them,
and prove a refource in all events of the
greateft importance,

* See the Pojlfcript to a pamphlet, entitled, The State of
the Finances of the Kingdom^ at fignlng the Preliminary Arti'
cles of Peace in January 1783, printed for Mr. Cadell.

f When not thus guarded, public funds become
the worft evils, by giving to the rulers of dates a
command of revenue for the purpofcs of coiruption.

I muft

[ 13 1

I mud: not, however, forget that there is
ONE of their debts on which no finking
fund can have any efft;(5t ; and which it is

impoffible for them to difchargc :

A debt, greater, perhaps, than has been
ever due from any country ; and which
will be deeply felt by their iatefl: pofterity.
—But it is a debt of gratitude only —
Of GRATITUDE to that General, who has »
been raifed up by Providence to make
them free and independent, and whofe
name muft Ihine among the firft in the fu-
ture annals of the benefadors of mankind.

The meafure now propofed may preferve
America for ever from too great an accu-
mulation of debts ; and, confequently, of
taxes — an evil which is likely to be the «
ruin not only of Britai?!, but of other Eu-
ropean States. — -But there are meafures of
yet greater confequence, which I wifli ar-
dently to recommend and inculcate.

For the fake of mankind, I wi{h to fee
every meafure adopted that can have a ten-
dency to preferve peace in America; and
to make it an open and fair ftage for difcuf-
fion, and the feat of PERFECT liberty.

Of

[ H ]

Of Peacf,
And the Means of perpetuating it.

/^IVIL Government is an expedient for
colleding: the wifdom and force of a
community or confederacy, in order to pre-
ferve its peace and liberty againfl every hoftile
invafion, whether from within or from
^without. — In the latter of thefe refpedls,
the United States are happily fecured ; but
they are far from being equally happy in
ikit. former refped:. Having now, in con-
fequence of their uiccefsful refiftance of
the invafion of Britain^ united to their
remotenefs from Europe, no external enemy
\ to fear, they are in danger of fighting with
one another. — This is their greateji danger ;
and providing fecurities againft it is their
hardeft work. Should they fail in this,
America may fome time or other be turned
into a fcene of blood j and inftead of being
the- hope and refuge of the world, may
become a terror to it.

When a difpute arlfes among individuals.

in a State, an appeal is made to a court of

3 l^^'-^v ',

[ '5 ]

law ; that Is, to the wifdom and jaflice
of the State. The court decides. The
lodng party acquiefces ; or, if he does
not, the power of the State forces him
to fubmiffion ; and thus the effects of
contention are fuppreft, and peace is main-
tained.— In a way ilmilar to this, peace
may be maintained between any number
of confederated States ; and I can alrnoH:
imagine, that it is not impoffible but that by
fuch means z^wzwr/^/ peace may be produced,
and all war excluded from the world. — Why i
may we not hope to fee this begun in
America ? The articles of confedera-
tion make confiderable advances towards
it. When a difpute arifes between any of
the States, they order an appeal to Congrefs, t
— an enquiry by Congrefs, -—a hearing, —
and a decifion. — But here they ftop. — What
is molt of all neceffary is omitted. No
provifion is made for enforcing the deci- •
lions of Congrefs ; and this renders them
inefficient and futile. I am by no means
qualified to point out the befl: method of
removing this defed:. Much muft be given
up for this purpofe, nor is it eafy to give
up too much. Without all doubt the

powers

t .6 i

i powers of Congrefs muft be enlarged. In
particular, a power muft be given it to
collect, on certain emergencies, the force
of the confederacy, and to employ it in
carrying its decifions into execution. A
State ao-ainft which a decifion is made, will
yield of courfe when it knows that fuch a
force exifts, and that it allows no hope
from refiftance.

By this force I do not mean a standing
ARMY. God forbid, that ftanding armies
fhould ever find an eflablifliment in Ame-
rica. They are every where the grand

^ fupports of arbitrary power, and the chief
caufes of the depreffion of mankind. No
wife people will trull their defence out of
their own hands, or confent to hold their
rights at the mercy of armed Jlaves, Free
States ought to be bodies of armed citizens,
well regulated, and well difciplined, and
always ready to turn out, when properly
called upon, to execute the laws, to quell
riots, and to keep the peace. Such, if I
am rightly informed, are the citizens of
America. Why then may not Congress

I be furnifhed with a power of calling out
from the confederated States, quotas of
militia fufficient to force at once the com-
pliance

f »7 ]

f)llance of any State which may lliew an
inclination to break the union by refifting
its decifions ?

I am very fenfible that it will be diffi-
cult to guard fuch a power againil abufe ;
and, perhapS) better means of anfwering
this end are difcoverable. In human af-
fairs, however, the choice generally offered
us is *' of two evils to take the leaft."
We chufe the reftraint of civil govern-
ment, becaufe a lefs evil than anarchy;
and, in like manner, in the prefent in-
ftance, the danger of the abufe of power,
and of its being employed fometimes to
enforce wrong decifions, mud be fubmitted ♦
to, becaufe a lefs evil than the mifery of
inteftine wars. Much, however, may be
done to leiTen this danger. Such regula-
tions as thofe in the ninth of the articles of
confederation will, in a great meafure, pre-
vent hafty and partial decifions. The ro-
tation eftablifhcd by the fifth article will
prevent that corruption of charad:er which
feldom fails to be produced by the long
pofiTeflion of power ; and the right referved
to every State of recalling its Delegates /
when difiatisfied with them, will keep
them condantly refponfible and cautious.

D The

[ i8 ]

The obfervations now made mufl: be ex-
tended to money tranfadlons. Congrefs
muft be truiled with a power of procuring
\ fupplies for defraying the expences of the
confederation ; of contradling debts, and
providing funds for difcharging them:
and this power mull: not be capable of
being defeated by the oppofition of any
minority in the States.

In fhort, the credit of the United States,
their flrength, their refpedlablenefs abroad,
their liberty at home, and even their ex-
iftence, depend on the prefervation of a
firm political union ; ' and fuch an union
cannot be preferved, without giving all
poffible weight and energy to the authority
of that delegation which conftitutes the
union.

Would it not be proper to take perio-
dical furveys of the different ftates, their
numbers of both fexes in every ftage of
life, their condition, occupations, proper-
ty, &c. ? Would not fuch furveys, in

conjundtion with accurate regifters of
births, marriages and deaths at all ages,
afford much important inftrudion by Ihew-

3 ii^g

[ '9 ]

ing what laws govern human mortah'ty, and
what fituations, employments, and civil
inftitutions, are moil favourable to the

health and happlnefs of mankind ?

Would they not keep conftantly in view
the progrefs of population in the dates, and
the increafe or decline cf their refources ?
But more efpecially, are they not the only
means of procuring the neceffary informa-
tion for determining accurately and equita-
bly the proportions of men and money to
be contributed by each flate for fupporting
and ftfengthening the confederation ?

D 2 Of

[ 20 ]

Of Lib jE R T y.

'np HE next point I would In fi ft on, as
an objedt of fupreme importance, is
the eftablifhment of fuch a fyftem of per-
fedl liberty, religious as well as civily ia
America, as lliall render it a country where
truth and reafon fhall have fair play, and the
human powers find full fcope for exerting
themfclves, and for (hewing how far they
can carry human improvement.

The faculties of man have hitherto, in
all countries, been more or Icfs cramped
by the interference of civil authority in
matters of fpeculation, by tyrannical laws
againft herefy and fchifm, and by llavifh
hierarchies and religious eftablifhments.
It is above all things defirable that no fuch
fetters on reafon fhould be admitted into
America, I obferve, with inexprelTible
fatlsfadion, that at prefent they have no
exiftence there. In this refped the govern-*
ments of the United States arc liberal to a
degree that is unparalleled. They have the
dlftinguifhed honour of being the firft

Aates

[ 21 ]

ftates under heaven in which forms of s:0' i
vernment have been eflablifhed favourable
to urJverJa/ Vihevty. They have been thus
diftinguidied in their mfancy. What then
will they be in a more advanced ftate ;
when time and experience, and the concur-
ring afhftancc of the wife and virtuous in
every part of the earth, Hiall have intro-
duced into the new governments, correc-
tions and amendments which will render
them ftill more friendly to liberty, and
more the means of promoting human hap-

pinefs and dignity ? » May we not fee

there the dawning of brighter days on
earth, and a new creation rifing. But I
muft check myfelf. I am in danger of be-
ing carried too far by the ardor of my
hopes.

The liberty I mean includes in it liberty
of condu(ft in all civil matters-— liberty
of difcuffion in zWfpeculative matters — and
liberty of confcience in all religious mat-
ters. And it is then perfeB, when un-
der no reftraint except when ufed to injure
any one in his perfon, property, or good,
name ; that is, except when ufed to dcilroy
itfelf.

In

[ 22 ]

In liberty of difcuffion, I include the
liberty of examining all public meafures,
and the condud: of all public men ^ and of
writing and publifhing on all fpeculative
and dodrinal points.

O/LlBERTY of YX\ SCUSSION.

TT is a common opinion, that there are
fome dodtrines fo facred, and others of
fo bad a tendency, that no public difcuffion
of them ought to be allowed. Were this a
right opinion, all the perfecution that has
been ever pradifed would be juflified. For,
if it is apart of the duty of civil magiflrates
to prevent the difcuffion of fuch dodrines,
they muft, in doing this, ad: on their own
judgments of the nature and tendency of
dodrines ; and, confequently, they muft
have a right to prevent the difcuffion of
all dodrines which they think to be too fa-
cred tor difcuffion or too dangerous in their
tendency ; and this right they muft exer-
clfe in the only way in which civil power
is capable of exercifing it, *' by infliding

** penalties

[ 23 ]

•*' penalties on all who oppofe facred doc-
*' trines, or who maintain pernicious opi-

** nions." In Mahometaii countries,

therefore, civil magiftrates have a right to
filence and punifh all who oppofe the di-
vine miffion of Mahomet, a dodlrine there
reckoned of the mod: facred nature. The
like is true of the dodrines of tranfubftan-
tiation, worfliip of the Virgin Mary, &c.
in Popijh countries ; and of the dodlrines of
the Trinity, fatisfadtion, &c. in Frotejiant
countries.— — In Rngland itfelf, this prin-
ciple has been adted upon, and produced
the laws which fubjedl to fevere penalties
all who write or fpeak againft the Su-
preme Divinity of Chrifr, the Book of
Common Prayer, and the Church Articles
of Faith. All fuch laws are right, if the
opinion I have mentioned is right. But
in reality, civil power has nothing to do
with any fuch matters -, and civil gover-
nors go miferably out of their proper pro- »
vince, whenever they take upon them the
care of truth, or the fupport of any doc-
trinal points. They are not judges of
truth ; and if they pretend to decide about
it, they will decide wrong. This all the
countries under heaven think of the ap-
plication

[ 24 i

plication of civil power to dod:rinal points
in every country but their own. It is, in-
deed, fuperilition, idolatry, and nonfenfe^
that civil power at prefent fupports almoft
every where, under the idea of fupporting
facred truth, and oppofing dangerous error.
Would not, therefore, its perfect neutrality
be the greateft blefling ? Would not the
interefl; of truth gain unfpeakably, were all
the rulers of States to aim at nothing but
keeping the peace ; or did they confider
themfelves as bound to take care, not of
\.\\Q future, but th^ prefent interefl: of men ; — »
not of ihtir fouls and thtix faitb, but of
their perfons ^nd property ; — not of any ec^
defiafkal, hut fecular matters only ?

All the experience of paft time proves
that the confequence of allowing civil
power to judge of the nature and tendency
of dodrines, mufl: be making it a hindrance
to the progrefs of truth, and an enemy to
the improvement of the world.

Anaxagoras was tried and condemned in
Greece for teaching that the fun and ftars
were not Deities, but mafies of corruptible
matter. Accufations of a like kind con-
tributed to the death of Socrates. The
threats of bigots and the fear o^ perfecu-

tion,

I '^5 ]
lion, prevented Copermcus from publifh*
ing, during His whole life- time, his difco-
very of the true fyflem of the world. Ga-
lileo was obliged to renounce the docflrine
of the motion of the earth, and fufFcred a
year's imprifonment for having aflerted it«
And fo lately as the year 1742, the beft
commentary on the firft produ(ftion of hu-
man genius (Newton's Principia) was
not allowed to be printed at Rome, becaufe
it afferted this do(flrine ; and the learned
commentators were obliged to prefix to
their work a declaration, that on this point
they fubmitted to the decifions of the fu-
preme Pontiffs. Such /^^^i;^ been, and fuch
(while men continue blind and ignorant)
will always be the confequences of the in- <
terpofition of civil governments in matters
of fpeculation.

When men affociate for the purpofe of
civil government, they do it, not to defend
truth or to fupport formularies of faith
and fpeculative opinions ; but to defend
their civil rights, and to prote6l one ano-
ther in the free exercife of their mental
and corporeal powers. The interference,
therefore, of civil authority in fuch cafes

E is

[ 26 ]

is dlrectiy contrary to the end of its in-
ftitution. The way in which it can beft
promote the interefl and dignity of man-
kind, (as far as they can he promoted
by the difcovery of truth) is, by encou-
raging them to fearch for truth where-
ever they can find it ; and by proteding
them in doi np- this af^ainfl the attacks of
malevolence and bigotry. Should any at-
tempt be made by contending feds to in-
jure one another, its power will come in
properly to crufh the attempt, and to main-
tain for all feds equal liberty, by punching
every encroachment upon it. The con-
dud of a civil magiflrate, on inch an oc-
cafion, (liould be that of Gallio the wife
Roman proconful, who, on receiving an
accuiation ot the apolDe Paul, would not
liilen to it, but drove from his prefence the
accufers who had laid violent hands upon
him, after giving them the following ad-
i monition : — If it id ere a matter of wrong
or TJicked lewdnefs, rcafon would require that
I JJjould bear with you. But if it be a quef-
tio?i of words and 7iames and the law, look
you to it. For I will be no judge of fucb
matters. Ads xviii. 12. &c. How much
happier v/ould the world have been, had
all magiHrates aded in this manner ? Let

I Aine-

[ 27 ]

America learn this important lelTon, and
profit by the experience of pafl: times.
A difTent from ejiabliped opinions and
dodrines has indeed often miferably di-
fturbed fociety, and produced mifchief and
bloodflied. But it fhould be remembered,
that this has been owing to the efiabliJJo''
ment of the points diilented from, and the
ufe of civil power to enforce the reception
of them. Had civil government done
its duty, left all free, and employed it-
felf in procurmg in (lead of reft raining fair
difcuffion, all mifchief would have been
avoided, and mankind would have been
raifed higher than they are in knowledge
and improvement.

When Chriftianity, that firft and bed of all
the means of human improvement, was firft
preached, it was charged with turning the*
world upfide down. The leaders of Jewifli
and Pagan eftablifhments were alarmed, and
by oppoiing the propagation of it, converted
a religion of peace and love into an occafion
of violence and flaughter ; and thus verified
our Lord's prophecy, that he was come
not to fend peace, but afwordon earth. All
this was the effed: of the mifapplication

E 2 of-

[ 28 ]

of the powers of government. Inflead of
creating, they fliould have been employed
in preve?itmg fuch mifchief, and been aBive
only in cauling the Chriftian caufe to re-
ceive a fair hearing, and guarding the pro-
pagators of it agalnft infult. — The like
oblervation may be made concerning the
iirfl: reformers. — What we all fee would
have been right in Pagan and FopiJIo go-
vernments with refpeft to Chriftianity and
the Reformation ; would it not be now
right in Chrijiian or Protejiant govern-
ments, were any attempts made to pro-
pagate a new religion, or any dodrines
advanced oppodte to thofe now held facred ?
Such attempts, if unfupported by reafon
and evidence, would foon come to nothing.
An impofture cannot fland the tefl: of fair
and open examination. On the contrary,
the caufe of truth will certainly be ferved
by it. Mahometantfm would have funk as
foon as it rofe, had no other force than that
of evidence been employed to propagate it %
and it is an unfpeakable recommendation of
Chrijlianityt that it made its way till it
became tlie religion of the world in one
of its moft enlightened periods, by evidence
only, in oppofition to the flrongeft exer-
tions

I 29 ]

tions of civil power. There cannot be a
more ftriking proof, that nothing but fair
difcuflion is necellary to fupprels error and
to propagate truth. I am grieved, indeed,
whenever I find any Chriftians fliewinsr a
difpofition to call in the aid of civil power
to defend their religion. Nothing can be
more difgraceful to it. If it wants fuch
aid, it cannot be of God. Its corruption 1
and debafement took place from the mo-
ment that civil power took it under its
patronage ; and this corruption and de-
bafement increafed, till at laft it was con-
verted into a fyltem of abfurdity and fuper-
ilition more grofs and more barbarous than

Paganifm itfelf. The religion of Chriil

difclaims all connexion with the civil efta-
blidiments of the world. It has fufFered
infinitely by their friendfjip, Inftead of
filencing its opponents, let them be encou-
raged to produce their flrongell arguments
againft it. The experience of Britain has
lately fl:iewn that this will only caufe it
to be better underflood and more firmly
believed.

I would extend thefc obfervations to all
points of faith, however facred they may

be

[ 3° ]

be deemed. Nothing reafonable can fufFer
by difcuilion. All doctrines really facred
muft be clear and incapable of being op-
pofed with fuccefs. If civil authority in-
terpofes, it will be to fupport fome mif-^
conception or abufe of them.

That immoral tendency of dodrines which
has been urged as a reafon againft allowing
the public difcuffion of them, muft be
either avowed and direB, or only a confe-
quence with which they are charged. If
it is avowed and direSi, fuch dodrines
certainly will not fpread. The principles
rooted in human nature will refift them;
and the advocates of them will be foon
difgraced. If, on the contrary, it is only a
conjequence with which a docftrine is charged,
it fhould be confidered how apt all parties
are to charge the do(flrines they oppofe
with bad tendencies. It is well known,

. that Cahinijis and Armmiansy 'Trinitarians
and Socinians, Fatalijls and Free-willerSt
are continually exclaiming againft one ano-
ther's opinions as dangerous and licentious.
Even Chriftianity itfelf could not, at its firft

I introduction, efcape this accufation. The
profefTors of it were confidered as Atheijis,
becaufe they oppofed Pagan idolatry ; and

their

i 3« 1

their religion was on this account reckoned
a deftrudtive and pernicious enthufiafm.
If, therefore, the rulers of a State are to
prohibit the propagation of all do(ftrines in
which they apprehend immoral tendencies,
an opening will be made, as I have before
obferved, for every fpecies of perfecution.
There will be no doctrine, however true or
important, the avowal of which will not in
fome country or other be fubjecfted to civil
penalties. — Undoubtedly, there are doc-
trines which have fuch tendencies. But \
the tendencies of fpeculative opinions have
often very little effed: on practice. ^ The
Author of nature has planted in the human
mind principles and feelings which will
operate in oppofition to any theories that
may feem to contradi(ft them. Every fe<ft,
whatever may be its tenets, has (omtfaho \
for the neceflity of virtue. The philofo-
phers who hold that matter and motion
have no exiftence except in our own ideas,
are capable of believing this only in their
clofets. The fame is true of the philofo-
phers who hold that nothing exifts but
matter and motion j and at the fame time
teach, that man has no feif-determining

power ;

[ 32 ]
power ; that an unalterable fate govefn^
all thing? -, and that no one is any thing
that he can avoid being, or does any thing

ifthat he can avoid doing, Thefe philo-

fophers when they come out into the
world adt as other men do. Common
fenfe never fails to get the better of their
theories; and I know that many of them
are fome of the bell as well as the ablefi: men
in the world, and the warmed friends to the
true interefts of fociety. Though their doc-
trine may feem to furnifli an apology for

J vice, their prad:ice is an exhibition of
virtue ; and a government which would
filence them would greatly injure itfelf. — — -

I Only overt ads of injuftice, violence or de-
famation, come properly under the cogni-
zance of civil power. Were a perfon now
to go about London, teaching that " pro-
•' perty is founded in grace," 1 iliould,
were 1 a mapiftrate, let him alone while
he did nothing but teach, without being
under any other apprehenlion than that he
would foon find a lodging in Bedlam, But

* wxre he to attempt to carry his dodrine
into its confequences by adually Jlealing,
under the pretence of his right as a faint
to the property of his neighbours, I {hould

think

[ .r-! ]
think it my duty to lay hold of him as a
felon, without regarding the opinion from
which he aded.

I am perfuaded, that few or no incon-
veniencies would arife from fuch a liberty.
If magiflrates will do their duty as foon
as violence begins, or any overt adts
which break the peace are committed, no
great harm will arife from their keep-
ing themfclves neutral till then. Let, how-
ever, the contrary be fuppofed. Let it
be granted that civil authority will in this
cafe often be too late in its exertions \ the
juft inference will be, not that the liberty
I plead for ought not to be allowed ; but
that there will be two evils, between which '
an option muft be made, and the leaft of

which muft be preferred.- One is, the

evil juft mentioned. ■ The other includes
in it every evil which can arife from mak-
ing the rulers of States judges of the ten-
dency of doctrines, fubjecfting freedom of
enquiry to the controul of their ignorance,
and perpetuating darknefs, intolerance and
ilavery. I need not fay which of thefe
evils is the leaft.

F Of

[ 3+ ]

Of Liberty of Conscience, and Civil
Establishments ^"'Religion.

"N Liberty of Conscience I include
much more than Toleration. Jefus Chrlft
has eftablidied a perfed equality among his
followers. His command is, that they
fhali afTume no jurifdidtion over one ano-
ther, and acknowledge no mafter befidcs

himfelf. It is, therefore, prefumption in

any of them to claim a right to any fupe-
riority or pre-eminence over their brethren.
Such a claim is implied, v/henever any of

them pretend to tolerate the reft. Not

only all Chrifiiaiis, but all men of all reli-
gions ought to be confidered by a State as
equally entitled to its protedlion as far as
they demean themfelves honeftly and peace-
ably. T'okratlon caji take place only where
there is a civil eftabliiliment of a particu-
lar mode of religion i that is, where a pre-
' dominant fedl enjoys cxclufive advantages,
and makes the encouragement of its own
mode of faith and woriliip a part of the
conftitution of the State ; but at the fame
I time

[ 35 ]

time thinks fit to suffer the exerclfe of
other modes of faith and worfliip. Thanks
be to God, the new American States are at
prefent ftrangers to fuch eftablifliments.
In this refped:, as well as many others,
they have lliewn, in framing their conftitu-
tions, a degree of wifdom and liberality
which is above all. pralfe.

Civil eltablilliments of formularies of
faith and worfhip are inconfillent with the
rights of private judgment — They ingender
Arife — They turn religion into a trade — '
(They fhoar up error — They produce hy-
pocrify and prevarication — They lay an
undue byafs on the human mind in its
enquiries, and obfl:ru(fl the progrefs of
truth. — '-—Genuine religion is a concern
that lies entirely between God and our
own fouls. It is incapable of receiving any
aid from human laws. It is contaminated,
as foon as worldly motives and fandions
mix their influence with it. Statefmen
iliould' countenance it only by exhibiting
in their own example a confcientious re-
gard to it in thole forms which are mofl
agreeable to their own judgments, and by
encouraging their fellow-citizens in doing
the fame. They cannot as public men give

F 2 it

[ 36 ]

it any other affiftance. All befides that
has been called a public leading in religion,
has done it an edential injury, and pro-
duced feme of the word confeqUences.

The Church Ertablilhment in England \%
one of the mildeft and bell fort. But even
, here what a fnare has it been to integrity ?
And what a check to free enquiry ?
What difpofitions favourable to defpotifm
has it foftered ? What a turn to pride
and narrownefs and domination has it
given the clerical character ? What drug-
gies has it produced in its members to
accommodate their opinions to the fub-
fcriptions and tefts which it impofes ? What
a perverfion of learning has it occafioned
to defend obfelete creeds and abfurdities ?
What a burthen is it on the confciences of
fome of its beft clergy, who, in confe-
quence of being bound down to a fyftem
they do not approve, and having no fup-
port except that which they derive from
conforming to it, find themfelves under
the hard neceffity of either prevaricating

or Jiarving f No one doubts but that

the Englifh clergy in general cculd with

\ more truth declare that they do not, than

that they do give their unfeigned ajjent to

all

[ 37 ]

nil and every thing cont'SAntdL in the thirty-
nine Articles and the Book of Common-
Prayer ; and yet, with a folemn declaration
to this purpofe, are they obliged to enter
upon an office which above all offices re-
quires thofe who exercife it to be examples
of (implicity and fincerity. — Who can
help execrating the caufe of fuch an evil ?

But what I wiih mod to urge is the ten-
dency of religious eftablilTiments to im-
pede the improvement of the world. They
are boundaries prefcribed by human folly
to human inveftigation ; and inclofures
which intercept the light and confine the
exertions of reafon. Let any one imagine
to himfelf what effects fimilar eftablifh-
ments v/ould have in Philofophy, Naviga-
tion, Metaphyficks, Medicine or Mathe-
maticks. Something like this took place
in Logick and Philofophy; while the
IPSE DIXIT of Ariftotle and the nonfenfe
of the fchools maintained an authority like
that of the creeds of churchmen : And the
effect was a longer continuance of the
world in the ignorance and barbarity of
the dark ages. But civil eftablilhments of
religion are ?7iore pernicious. So apt are
mankind to mifreprefent the character of

the

[ 38 ]
the Deity, and to corined: his favour with
particular modes of faith, that it mufl be
exped:ed, that a religion fo fettled will be
what it has hitherto been — a gloomy and
cruel fuperftition bearing the name of re-
ligion.

It has been long a fubjed: of difpute,
which is worft in its efteds on fociety,
fuch a religion or fpeculative Atheifm. For

V my own part, I could almoft give the pre-
ference to the latter. Atheism is fo re-
pugnant to every principle cf common
fenfe, that it is not poffible it {hould ever
gain much ground, or become very preva-
lent. On the contrary 3 there is a par-
ticular pronenefs in the human mind
to Superstition, and nothing is more

likely to become prevalent. Atheism

leaves us to the full influence of mod
of our natural feelings and focial prin-
ciples ; and thefe are fo flrong in their
operation, that in general they are a fuf-
iicient guard to the order of fociety. But

I Superstition counteradls thefe prin-
ciples, by holding forth men to one another
as objects of divine hatred ^ and by putting
them on harraffing, filencing, imprifoning
and burning one anoti er in order to do
God fcrvice. — Atheism is a fancftuary for

vice

[ 39 ]

vice bv taking away the motives to virtue
ariiing from the will of God and the fear
ofa future judgment. But Superstition
is more a fan6luary for vice, by teaching
men ways of pleafing God without moral
virtue, and by leading them even to com-
pound for wickednefs by ritual fervices,
by bodily penances and mortifications, by
adorning Ihrines, going pilgrimages, faying
many prayers, receiving abfolution from the
pried, exterminating heretics, &c. — Athe-
ism deflroys the facrednefs and obligation
of an oath. But has there not been alfo a
religion (fo called) which has done this, by
leading its profeffors to a perfuafion that
there exifts a power on earth which can dif-
penfe with the obligation of oaths, that
pious frauds are right, and that faith is not
to.be kept with heretics ?

It is indeed only a rational and liberal
religion ; a religion founded on juft no-
tions of the Deity as a being who regards
equally every fmcere worfliipper, and by
whom all are alike favoured as far as they
a6t up to the light they enjoy ; a religion
which confifls in the imitation of the moral
perfedlions of an almighty but benevolent
governor of nature, who directs for the

befl

[ 4° ]
beft all events, in confidence in the care
of his providence, in refignation to his
will, and in the faithful difcharge of every
duty of piety and morality from a regard
to his authority and the apprehenfion of a

future righteous retribution. It is only

THIS religion (the infpiring principle of
every thing fair and w^orthy and joyful,
and which in truth is nothing but the
love of God and man and virtue warming
the heart and dired:ing the condu(ft.) — It is
only THIS kind of religion that can blefs
the world, or be an advantage to fociety. — •
This is the religion that every enlightened
friend to mankind will be zealous to pro-
mote. But it is a religion that the powers
of the world know little of, and which
will always be beft promoted by being
left free and open.

I cannot help adding here, that fuch

in particular is the Qhrijiian religion.

Chriftianity teaches us that there is none
good but one, that is,^^ God -, that he vvilleth
all men to be faved, and will puni(h nothing
but wickednefs ; that he defires mercy
and not facrifice (benevolence rather than
rituals) ; that loving him with all our hearts,
and loving our neighbour as ourfelves, is
the whole of our duty; and that in every

patioa

[ 41 ]

nation he that feareth him and worketh
i'ighteoufners is accepted of him. It refts
its authority on the power of God, not of
man ; refers itfelf entirely to the under-
ftandings of men ; makes us the fubjeds of
a kingdom that is not of this world ; and
requires us to elevate our minds above tem-
poral emoluments, and to look forwards to
a (late beyond the grave, where a govern-
ment of perfedl virtue will be ereded under
that Mefliah who has to/let^ death for every
man. — What have the powers of the world
to do with fuch a reli^^ion ? — It difclaims all
connexion with them ; it made its way at
firft in oppofition to them ; and, as far as
it is now upheld by them, it is disho-
noured and vilified.

The injury which civil eflablifhments do
to Chriftianity may be learnt from the fol-
lowing conliderations.

Firll. The fpirit of religious eilablifh-
ments is oppofite to the fpirit of Chrifli-
anity. It is a fpirit of pride and tyranny
in oppofition to the Chriftian loivly fpirit ;
a contra6ted and felfifli fpirit, in oppofi-
tion to the ChrifLian enlarged and benevo-
lent fpirit J the fpirit of the world in op-
pofition to the Chriftian heavenly fpirit.

G Secondly.

[ 42 ]

Secondly. Religious eftablifliments are
founded on a claim of authority in the
Ghriftian church which overthrows Chrifl's
authority. He has in the fcriptures given
his followers a code of laws, to which he
requires them to adhere as their only guide.
But the language of the framers of church
eftablifhments is — We have authority hi con-
troverjics of faith, and power to decree rites
a?id ceremonies. We arc the deputies of
Chrift upon earth, who have been com-
mifiioned by him to interpret his laws,
and to rule his church. You mufi; there-
fore follow US. The fcriptures are infuf-
ficient. Our interpretations you mud
receive as Chrift's laws ; our creeds as
his doctrine j our inventions as his in-
flitutions."
It is evident, as the excellent Hoadly
has fliewn, that thefe claims turn Chrift
( out of the government of his own king-
dom, and place ufurpers en his throne. —
They are therefore derogatory to his ho-
nour 3 and a fubmiffion to them is a breach
of the allegiance due to him. They have
been almofi: fatal to true Chriflianity ; and
attempts to enforce them by civil penalties,

have

[ 43 ]

have watered the Chriftian world with the
blood of faints and martyrs.

Thirdly. The difficulty of introducing
alterations into church efliabliiliments after
they have been once formed, is another
objecflion to them. Hence it happens, that
they remain always the fame amidil all
changes of public manners and opinions* ;
and that a kingdom even of Chriftans may
go on for ages in idolatrous vv^orQiip, after
a general conviction may have taken place,
that there is but one being who is the
proper objedt of religious adoration, and
that this one being is that one only living
and true God who fent Chrift into the world,
and who is his no lefs than he is our God
and father. W'^hat a fad fcene of religious
hypocrify mud fuch a difcordance between
public convidlion and the public forms prO'
duce ?

* This is an inconvenience attending civil as well as \
ecclcjtafiical eftablifhments, which has been with great
vvifdom guarded againft in the new Anuiican conltitu-
tions, by appointing that there fhall be a revifal of them
at the end of certain terms. This will leave them
always open to improvement, without any danger of
thofe convulfions which have ufually attended the cor-
reflions of abufes when they have acquired a facrednefs
by time,

G ^ At

[ 44 1
At this day, in fome European countries,
the abfurdity and Havilhnefs of their hie-
rarchies are feen and acknowledged ; but
being incorporated with the flate, it is
fcarcely poffible to get rid of them.

What can be more flriking than the State
of England in this refpedl ? — The fyflem
of faith and worOiip eftabli/hed in it was
formed above two hundred years ago, when
^Europe was juft emerging from darknefs
and barbarity. The times have ever fine©
been growing more enlightened ; but with-
out any effed on the eftablifliment. Not a
ray of the increafing light has penetrated it.
Not one imperfe6lion, however grofs, has
been removed. The fame articles of faith
are fubfcribed. The fame ritual of devo-
tion is pradifed, — There is reafon to fear
J that the abfolution of thejick, vv^hich forms
a part of this ritual, is often reforted to as
a paflport to heaven after a wicked life;
and yet it is continued. — Perhaps nothing
, more fiiocking to reafon and humanity eve^
made a part of a religious fyftem than the
damning claufes in the Athanaf.an creed j
and yet the obligation of the clergy to
declare affent to this creed, and to read
it as a part of the public devotion, re-
mains.

The

[ 45 ]

The neceflary confequence of fach a ftate
of things is, that,

Fourthly, Chriftianity itfelf is difgraced, y
and that all religion comes to be coniidered
as a ftate trick, and a barbarous mummery.
It is well known, that in fome Popidi
countries there are few Chriftians among
the higher ranks of men, the religion of
the State being in thofe countries miftaken
for the religion of the Gofpel. This in-
deed fliews a criminal inattention in thofe
who fall into fuch a miflake ; for thev
ought to confider that Chriftianity has been
grievoufly corrupted, and that their ideas
of it fhould be taken from the New Tefta-
ment only. It is, however, fo natural to
reckon Chridianity to be that which it is
held out to be in all the eftablifhments of
it, that it cannot but happen that fuch an
error will take place and produce fome of
the worft confequences. -There is pro-
bably a greater number of rational Chrift- i
ians (that is, of Chriftians upon enquiry)
in England, than in all Popifh countries.
The reafon is, that the religious eilablifli-
ment here is Popery reformed; and that a
confiderable body diflent from it, and are
often inculcating the neceffity of diftin-

guifhing

[ 46 ]

guiflilng between the Chriftianity eflabiiili-
ed by law and that which is taught in the

Bible. Certain it is, that till this di-

ftin6tion is made, Chriftianity can never
recover its juft credit and ufefulnefs.

Such then are the effecfls of civil efla-
blifhments of religion. May heaven foon
put an end to them. The world will
never be generally wife or virtuous or
happy, till thefe enemies to its peace and
improvement are demolished. Thanks be
to God, they are giving way before in-
creafing light. Let them never fhew them-
felves in America. Let no fuch monfler
' be known there as human authority
IN MATTERS OF RELIGION. Let every
honefl and peaceable man, whatever is
his faith, be proted:ed there ; and find an
eifed:ual defence againft the attacks of bi-
gotry and intolerance. — In the united States
may Religion flourifh. They cannot be
very great and happy if it does not. But let
it be a better religion than moll of thofe
which have been hitherto profefied in the
world. Let it be a religion which enforces
moral obligations ; not a religion which re-
laxes and evades them, — A tolerant and Ca~

tholtQ

[ 47 ]

thoUc religion ; not a rage for profelitirm. —
A religion of peace and charity ; not a
religion that perfecutes, curfes and damns. '

In a word, let it be the genuine Gof-

pel of peace lifting above the world, warm-
ing; the heart with the love of God and
his creatures, and fuftaining the fortitude
of good men by the ailured hope of a
future deliverance from death, and an in-
finite reward in the everlajling kingdom of
our Lord and Saviour.

From the preceding obfervations it may
be concluded, that it is impoffible I (hould
not admire the following article in the de-
claration of rights which forms the foun-
dation of the Majfachufett' s conftitution. — •
In this State every denomination of
Chriftians demeaning themfelves peace-
ably and as good fubjecfts of the com-*
monwealth, fliall be equally under the
prote'flion of the law ; and no fubordi-
nation of any one fed; or denomination
to another (hall ever be eftabliflied by-
law *."

* The North Carolhia conftitution alfo orders that
there fliall be no eftablifhment of any one religious church
or denomination in that State in preference to any other.

I This

[ 48 ]

This is liberal beyond all example. — 1
{hould, however, have admired it more
had it been more liberal, and the words

ALL MEN OF ALL RELIGIONS been fub-

ftituted for the v^ords every denomination
of Chrijlians.

It appears farther from the preceding
obfervations, that I cannot but diflike the

^ religious tefts which make a part of feveral

of the American conftitutions. -In the

Ma/Jhchufetfs conflitution it is ordered, that
all who take feats in the Houfe of Re-
prefentatives or Senate fliall declare " their
*' firm perfuafion of the truth of the
" Chriftian relii^ion." The fame is re^
quired by the Maryland conftitution, as a
condition of being admitted into any places
of profit or truil. In Penfyhania every
member of the Houfe of Reprefentatives
is required to declare, that he *' acknow-
" ledges' the Scriptures of the Old and
** Nev/ Teflament to be given by divine
" infpiration." In the State of Delaware,
that *' he believes in God the Father, and
** in Jefus Chrid his only Son, and in the
** Holy Ghofl, one God blefied for ever-
*' more." All tliis is more than is rc-

\ quired even in Englaudy where, though

every

[ 49 ]

every perfon however debauched or athe-
iftical is required to receive the facrament
as a qualification for mferior places, no
other religious teft is impofed on members of
parliament than a declaration againil Popery.
-^It is an obfervation no lefs jufl than com-
mon, that fuch tefts exclude only honejl
men. The ^^/j-honeft never fcruple them.

Monte s QjjiEU probably was not a
Chriflian. Newton and Locke were not
Trinitarians -, and therefore not Cbrijlians
according to the commonly received ideas
of Chriftianity. Would the United States, i
for this reafon, deny fuch men, were they
living, all places of trull and power among
them ?

H Of

[ 50 ]

Of Education.

CUGH is the ftate of things which I wifh
to take place in the united Americafz
States. — In order to introduce and perpe-
tuate it, and at the fame time to give it
the greater!: effed: on the improvement of
the world, nothing is more necelTary than
the eftablifhment of a wife and liberal plan
of Education. It is impoffible properly
to reprefent the importance of this. So
much is left by the author of nature to
depend on the turn given to the mind in
early life, and the impreffions then made,
that I have often thought there may be a
I y^n'^/ remaining to be difcovered in educa-
tion, which will caufe future generations
to grow up virtuous and happy, and acce-
lerate human improvement to a greater de-
gree than can atprefentbe imagined.

The end of education is to diredl the
powers of the mind in unfolding them-
felves ; and to aiTift them in gaining their
juft bent and force. And, in order to this,

its

[ 5' ]

its bufinefs fliould be to teach how to think,
rather than what to think ; or to lead into the
beft way of fearching for truth, rather than
to inn:ru(5l in truth itfelf. — As for the latter,
who is qualified for it? — There are many in-
deed who are eager to undertake this office.
All parties and feds think they have difcover-/
ed truth, and are confident that they alone are
its advocates and friends. But the very dif-
ferent and inconfiflent accounts they give
of it demojiftrate they are utter ftrangers
to it ; and that it is better to teach nothing,
than to teach what they hold out for truth.
The ereater their confidence, the greater
is the reafon for diftruftlng them. We
generally fee the warmed zeal, where the
objed of it is the greateft nonfenfe.

Such obfervaticns have a particular ten-
dency to fliew that education ought to be
an initiation into candour, rather than into;
any fyftems of faith ; and that it fhould
form a habit of cool and patient inveftiga-
tion, rather than an attachment to any
opinions.

But hitherto education has been con-
duced on a contrary plan. It has been
a contraSiioriy not an enlargement of the
H % in-

[ 52 ]

intelledual faculties ; an injeBion of falfe
principles hardening them in error, not
a cUjcipUne enlightening and improving
them. Inftead of opening and (irengthen-
ing them, and teaching to think/r^'t'/j'j it hath
cramped and enflaved them, and qualified
for thinking only in one track. Inflead of
infiilling hun^ility, charity, and liberality,
and thur preparing for an eafier difcovery
and a readier admiffion of truth ; it has in-
flated with conceit, and fluffed the human
mind with wretched prejudices.

The more has been learnt from fuch edu-
cation, the more it becomes necefiary to
Z(!;z]earn. The more has been taught in
this way, of fo much the more mud the
mind be emptied before true wifdom can
enter.— Such was education in the time of
the firft teachers of chriflianity. By fur-
nifhing with ikiil in the arts of difputation
and fophiftry, and producing an attachment
to eftablifhed fyflems, it turned the minds
of men from truth, and rendered them more
determined to refift evidence and more
capable of evading it. Hence it happened,
that this heavenly inftrudion, when firll

com-.

[ 53 ]

communicated, was to the Jews a pimbling
l?lock, a77d to the Greeks foolijhizefs ; and
that, in fpite of miracles them/elves, the
perfons who rejed:ed it with mod difdain,
and who oppofed it with moft violence, were
thofe who had been educated in colleges, /
and were heft verfed in the falfe learning
of the times : And had it taught the true
philofophy inflead of the true religion, the
efFed: would have been the fame. The
doctrine ** that the fun flood ftill, and that
** the earth moved round it," would have
been reckoned no lefs abfurd and incredible,
than the doctrine of a crucified Mejfiah.
And the men v.'ho would have treated fuch
an inftrudlion with moft contempt, would
have been the wife and the prudent i that
is, the proud fophifls and learned dodors
of the times, who had ftudied the Ptole-
maick fyftem of the world, and learnt, by
cycles and epicycles, to account for all the
motions of the heavenly bodies.

In like manner, when the improvement
of Logick in Mr. Locke's B.j]ay on the
Human XJnderJianding was firft publifhed
in Britain^ the perfons readieft to attend
to it and to receive it were thofe who had

never

f 54 ]

iiever been trained in colleges ; and whofe
minds, therefore, had never been per-
verted by an inftrudion in the jargon of
the fchools. To the deep profeffors of the
time, it appeared (like the dodlrine taught
in his book on the Reafoijablenefs of
Chriflianity) to be a dangerous novelty
iind herely ; and the Univerfity of Ojc-
\ FORD, in particular, condemned and repro-
bated the author. The like happened

.when Sir Isaac Newton's difcoveries
.were hrit publifhed. A romance (that is,
the Philofophy of Descartes) was then
in poiTelTion of the p'hilofophical world.
Education had rivctted it in the minds of
the learned ; and it was twenty-feven years
before Newton's Pnncipia could gain
fufficient credit to bring it to a fecond
' edition,.— Such are the prejudices which
iaave generally prevailed againd: new lights.
Such the impediments which have been
thrown in the way of improvement by a
narrow plan of education.— Even now the
principal objed of education (efpecially in
' divinity) is to teach eftabliaied fyftems as
certain truths, and to qualify for fuccefs-
■fuliy defending them againll opponents;

and

[ 55 ]

and thus to arm the mind againfl convic-
tion, and render it impenetrable to farther
light. Indeed, were it offered to my op-
tion which I would have, the plain fenfe
of a common and untutored man, or the
deep erudition of the proud fcholars and
profefTors in moft univerfities, I lliould
eagerly prefer the former, from a per-
fuafion that it would leave me at a lefs
diftance from real Vvifdom. An unoccupied
and limple mind is infinitely preferable j
to a mind warped by fyfliems y and the
entire ijDant of learning better than a learn-
ing, fuch as mofl of that is which hitherto
has been fought and admired — A learning
which puffs up, while in reality it is no-
thing but profounder ignorance and more
inveterate prejudice.

It may be worth adding here, that a nar-
row education (fliould it ever happen not
to produce the evils now mentioned) will
probably produce equal evils of a contrary
nature. I mean, that there will be danger,
when perfons fo educated come to fee the
abfurdity oi fome of the opinions in which \
they have been educated, that they will
become prejudiced againft them all, ai:d,
confequently, throw them all away, and

run

[ 56 ]

lun wild into fcepticifm and infidelity. — »
At prefent, in this part of the world this
is a very common event*

I am by no means qualified to give a jiid
account of the particular method in which
education ought to be conduded, fo as to
avoid thefe evils : That is, fo as to render
the mind free and unfettered ; quick in
difcerning evidence, and prepared to follow
it from whatever quarter and in whatever
manner it may offer itfelf. But certain it
is, that the bed mode of education is that
which does this moft effedtually ; which
guards beft againft filly prejudices i which
enflames moft with the love of truth ; which
difpofes moft to ingenuity and fairnefs; and
leaves the mind moft fenfible of its own
need of farther information. — Had this
been always the aim of education, mankind
would now have been farther advanced. —
It fuppofes, however, an improved ftate of
mankind ; and when once it has taken
place, it will quicken the progrefs of /;;/-
provement,

I have in thefe obfervations exprefied a
diflike of f)'ftems -, but I have meant only

to

[ ^1 ]

to condemn that attachment to them as
ftandards of truth which has been too pre-
valent. It may be neceffary in education
to make ufe of them ; or of books explain-
ing them. But they (liould be ufed only
as guides and helps to enquiry. Inilrudion
in them fhould be attended with a fair ex-
hibition of the evidence on both fides of
every queftion ; and care (hould be taken
to induce, as far as poffible, a habit of be*-
lieving only on an overbalance of evidence ;
and of proportioning afient in every cafe
to the degree of that overbalance, Vv'ithout
regarding authority, antiquity, Angularity,
novelty, or any of the prejudices which too

commonly influence aflent. -Nothing is

fo well fitted to produce this habit as the
iludy of mathematics. In thefe fciences no
one ever thinks of giving his aflent to a
propofition till he can clearly underftand it>
and fee it proved by a fair dedudion from
propofitions previoufly underflood and prov-
ed. In thefe fciences the mind is inured
to clofe and patient attention ; fhewn the
nature of juft reafoning j and taught to form
din:in<5l ideas, and to exped clear evidence
in all cafes before belief. They furni£h,
therefore, the bed exercife for the intellec-

I tual

[ S8 ]
tual powers, and the belt defence againft
that credub'ty and precipitation and confu-
iion of ideas which are the common fources
of error.

There is, however, a danger even here to
be avoided. Mathematical (tudies may abforb
the attention too much j and when they
do, they contract the mind by rendering it
incapable of thinking at large -, by difqua-
iifying it for judging of any evidence ex-
cept mathematical ; and, confequently, dif-
poling it to an unreafonable fcepticifm on
all fabjeds which admit not of fuch evi-
dence. There have been many inftances

of this narrownefs in mathematicians.

But to return from this digreffion,- — I
cannot help obferving on this occafion, with
refped: to Christianity in particular, that
education ought to lead to a habit of judg^
ing of it as it is in the code itfelf of
Chriilianity ; that the dodrines it reveals
ihould be learnt only from a critical and
fair enquiry into the {tn^Q of this code ;
and that all inftrudtion in it flaould be a
preparation for making this enquiry and
a communication of affiftance in examin*
ing into the proofs of its divine original,
and in determining to what degree of
5 evidence

C 59 ]

evidence thefe proofs amount, after allow-
ing every difficulty its jufl weight. <-

This has never yet been the pv^Ctlce among
Chriflians. The New Teftament has been
reckoned hitherto an infiifficient ftandard of i
Chriftian Divinity ; and, therefore, formu-
laries of human invention pretending to
explain and define it (but in reality mifre-
prefenting and diflionouring it) have been
fubflituted in its room ; and teaching thcfi
has been called teaching Chriftianity. And
it is very remarkable, that in the Engiij'h
Univerfities Lecflures on the New Tefta- »
ment are fcldom or ever read ; and that,
through all Chriftendom, it is much lefs an
objedl of attention than ihc JyJIenis and creeds
which have been fathered upon it.

J will only add on this fubje(5l, that it is
above all things necellary, while inflrudion
is conveyed, to convey with it a fenfe of
the imbecility of the human mind, and of
its great pronenefs to error ; and alfo ci
difpofition, even on points which feem the
moft clear, to liftcn to objcdions, and to
confider nothing as involving in it our hv/oX*
intereft but an honest heart.

I 2 Nature

[.6o ]

Nature has lb made us, that an attach-
n ment mud take place within us to opinions
once formed ; and it was proper that we
fhould be fo made, in order to prevent that
levity and defultorinefs of mind which muft
have been the confequence had we been
ready to give up our opinions too eafily and
haftily. But this natural tendency, how-
ever wifely given us, is apt to exceed its
I proper limits, and to render us unreafon-
ably tenacious. It ought, therefore, like
all our other natural propenfities, to be
carefully watched and guarded ; and edu-
cation riiould put us upon doing this. An
obfervation before made fhould, in parti-
/ cular, be inculcated, ** that all mankind
** have hitherto been mod tenacious when
** mod in the v^'rong, and reckoned them-
" fclves mod enlightened v/hen mod in the
** dark." This is, indeed, a very morti-
fying fadt ; but attention to it is necelfary
to cure that miferable pride and dogmati-
calnefs which are fome of the word ene-
mies to improvement. — Who is there

that does not remember the time when he
was entirely fatisfied about points which
deeper reflexion has diewn to be above his
comprehenfion ? Who, for indance, does

not

t 61 ]

not remember a time when he would have
wondered at the queftion, ** why does
^* water run down hill ?" What igno-
rant man is there who is not perfuaded
that he underftands this perfetf^ly ? But
every improved man knows it to be a quef-
tion he cannot anfwer ; and what diflin-
guiflies him in this inflance from the lefs
improved part of mankind is his know-
ing this. The like is true in numberlefs
other inftances. One of the heft proofs of
wifdom is a fenfe of our want of wifdom \
and he who knows moft polTefles moft of
this fenfe.

In thinking of myfelfl derive fome en-
couragement from this reflexion. I now
f<je, that I do not underftand many points »
which once appeared to me very clear.
The more I have inquired, the rhore fen-
lible I have been growing of my own dark-
nefs j and a part of the hiflory of my life
is that which follow^s.

In early life I was flruck with Bifliop
Butler's Analogy of religion natural and
revealed to the conjlitution and courfe of na-
t^re, I reckon it happy for me that this

booi?

[ 62 ]

book was one of the firfl: that fell Into
my hands. It taught me the proper mode
of reafoning on moral and religious fub-
jedls, and particularly the importance of
oaying a due regard to the imperfe(5tion of
human knowledge. His Sermons alfo, I
then thought, and do ftill think, excellent.^
• Next to his works, I have always been an
admirer of the writings of Dr. Clark.
And I cannot help adding, however flrange
it may feem, that I owe much to the phi-
lofophical writings of Mr. Hume, which
I likewife ftudied early in life. Though
an enemy to his Scepticifm, I have profited,
h'j it. By attacking, with great ability,
every principle of truth and reafouj, he
put me upon examining the ground upon
which 1 flood, and taught me not hallily

to take any thing for granted. -The firf^

fruits of my reading and (ludies were laid
before the public in a Treatife entitled A
Review of the principal ^lejiions and T)iji-
culties in Morals, This publication has
been followed by many others on various
fubjeds. — And now, in the evening of a
life devoted to enquiry and fpent in en-
deavours (weak indeed and feeble) to ferye

the

t 63 i

the beft interefts, prefent and future, of
mankind, I am waiting for the great
TEACHER, convinced that the order of
nature is perfect ; that infinite wifdom and
goodnefs govern all things ; and that
Chriftianity comes from God : But at the
fame time puzzled by many difficulties,
anxious for more light, and refting U'ith
full and conflant aiTurance only on this
ONE truth ^— That the pradice of virtue
is the duty and dignity of man ; and, in all
events, his v^^ifeft and fafeft courfe.

oj

[ 64 j

Of the- Dangers to lohich the Americait
States are expofed,

T N the preceding obfervations, I hard
aimed at pointing out the means of pro-
moting the progrefs of improvement in the
united States of America, I have infilled,
particularly, on the importance df a juR
fettlement of the federal union, and
the eflabliihment of a well-guarded and
perfect liberty in fpeculation, in govern-
ment, in education, and in religion.—
The united States are now fetting out, and
all depends on the care and forefight with
which a plan is begun, which hereafter
will require only to be ftrengthened and
ripened. This is, therefore, the time for
giving them advice ^ and mean advice (like
the prefent) may fuggefl fome ufeful hints.
► In this country, when any improve-
ments are propofed, or any corredlions
are attempted of abufes fo grofs as to
make our boafts of liberty ridiculous *, a

clamour

* The m:ijority Oi*^ the British Houfe of Com-
l mons is chofen by zfew ihoufarids of the dregs of the

people, who are conftantly paid for their votes.

Is

[ 6s J

tiamour immediately arifes againjl: inno- i
VATioN i and an alarm fpreads, left the at-
tempt to repair fhould deftroy, In Ame-
rica no fuch prejudices can operate, libere
abufes have not yet gained facrednefs by
time* T^here the way is open to focial dig-
nity and happinefs -, and reafon may utter
her voice with confidence and fuccefs.

Is It not ridiculous to call a country fo governed free ?
- See a ftriking account of the State of the Britifh
Parliamentary Reprefentation, in Mr. Burgh's Political
Difquifitions, Vol. I. p. 39, &c.

It was propofed to the convention for fettling the Maf-
fachufetfs conftitution, that one of the two heufes which
conftitute the general court of that State fhould be a repre-
fentation of perfons, and the other a reprefentation of pro-
perty J and that the body of the people Ihould appoint
only the eleSiors of their reprefentatives. — By fuch re-
gulations corruption in the choice of reprefentatives
would be rendered lefs praflicable ; and it feems the
beft method of concentering in the Legiflature as much
as polTible of the virtue and ability of the State, and of
making its voice always an exprefllon of the will and
beft fenfeofthe people. — On this plan alfo, the number
of members conftituting a Legiflature might be much
lefTened. — This is a circumftance of particular confe-
quence, to which the united States, in fome future period
of their increafe, v;ill find it neccffary to attend. It has
been often juftly obferved, that a legiflative body very
numerous is little better than a mob.

K Of

[ 66 ]

CyDEBTs and Internal Wars.

HAVE obferved in the introdudion to
this Addrefs, that the American States
have many dangers to fliun. In what
follows I {hall give a brief recital of fome
of the chief of thefe dangers.

The danger from an endlefs increafe of
PUBLIC DEBTS has been already fuffici-
ently noticed.

Particular notice has' been likewife taken
of the danger from internal wars. —
Again and again, I would urge the necef-
fity of purfuing every meafure and ufing
every precaution which can guard againft:
this danirer. It will be fliockinor to fee in

o o

the new world a repetition of all the evils
which have hitherto laid wafte the old world
— War raging where peace and liberty were
thought to have taken their abodes — The
points of bayonets and the mouths of can-
non fettling difputes, inflead of the colledted
wifdom of the confederation — and perhaps
one refilefs and ambitious State rifing by

bloody

[ 67 ]

bloody conqueft above the rell:, and becom-
ing 2l fovereign State, claiming impioufly (as
Britain once did) ** full authority to make \
*' laws that fliall bind its Tifler States in all
*' cafes whatever," and drawing to itfelf
all advantages at their expence. 1 de-
precate this calamity. I fh udder when I
confider how poffible it is ; and hope thofe
perfons are miftaken who think that fuch
are the jealoufies which govern human
nature, and fuch the imperfedlions of the
beft human arrangements, that it is not
within the reach of any wifdom to difcover
any effedual means of preventing it, with-
out encroaching too much on the liberty
and independence of the States. , I have
mentioned an enlargement of the powers ^
of Congress. Others have propofed a
confolidation of the powers of government
in one Parliament reprefenting a// the
States, and fuperfeding the particular par-
liaments by which they are now feparately
governed. But it is obvious, that this will
be attended with greater inconveniencies,
and encroach more on the liberty of the
States, than the enlargement I have pro-
pofed of the powers of Congress. ' ■ If

K 2 fuch

[ 63 1

fuch a parliament is not to faperfede any of
the other parliaments, it will be the fame
with Congress as at prefent conflituted.

Of an UNEQUAL Distribution of
Property.

"T is a trite obfervation, that " dominion
'* is founded on property." Moil free
States have manifefted their fenfe of the truth
of this obfervation, by ftudying to find out
means of preventing too great an inequality
in the diftribution of property. What tu-
mults were occafioned at Rome, in its bed
times, by attempts to carry into execution
the Agrarian law ? Among the people of
^ IJraeU by the direction of heaven, all eftates
which had been alienated during the courfe
of fifty years, returned to their original
owners at the end of that term. One of
the circumftances that has been moft fa-
vourable to the American States in forming
their new conflitutions of government has
been the ecjuality which fubfifts among
them.

The

[ 69 ]

The happleil ftate of man Is the middla
(late between the favage and the refined^ or
between the wild and the luxurious iiate*
Such is the ftate of fociety in Connect
TicuT, and fome others of the American
provinces ; where the inhabitants confifl:, if
I am rightly informed, of an independent
and hardy Yeomanry, all nearly on a
level — trained to arms, — inftrucled in their
rights — cloathed in home-fpun — of fimple
manners — ftraiagers to luxury — drawing
plenty from the ground — -and that plenty,
gathered eafily by the hand of induftry;
and giving rife to early marriages, a nume-
rous progeny, length of days, and a rapid
increafe — the rich and the poor, the haughty
grandee and the creeping fycophant, equally
unknown — -proteded by law^s, which (be-
ing their own will) cannot opprefs ; and
by an equal government, which wanting
lucrative places, cannot create corrupt can-

vaflings * and ambitious intrigue. O di-

ilinguifhed people ! May you continue

* In this State, and alfo the State of Majfachufetts^
}^ew Jerfcy^ &c. any attempt to canvas, or even the ex-
preflion of a wifh to be chofen, will exclude a candi-
date from a feat in the Houfe of Reprefentatives. The
fame is true of any ftain on his moral character.

long

[ 7° ]

long thus happy ; and may the happinefs
you enjoy fpread over the face of the whole
earth ! — But I am forgetting myfelf. There
is danger that a fbate of fociety fo happy will
not be of long duration j that fmiplicity and
virtue will give way to depravity ; that equa-
lity v/ill in time be loft, the curfed luft of do-
mineering ftiew itfelf, liberty languifh, and
civil government gradually degenerate into
an inllrument in the hands of the Jew to
opprefs and plunder the ma?2y. — Such has
hitherto been the progrefs of evil in human
affairs. In order to .give them a better
turn, fome great men {Plato, Sir Thomas
More, Mr. Wallace, &c.) have propofed
plans, which, by eftablifhing a community
of goods and annihilating property, would
make it impoflible for any one member of
a State to think of enflaving the reft, or
to confider himfelf as having any intereft
diftindt from that of his fellow-citizens.
Such theories are in fpeculation pleafmg ;
nor perhaps are they wholly impra(5ticable.
Some approaches to them may hereafter be
made ; and fchemes of government may take
place, vvhich fliall leave fo little, befides
perfonal merit, to be a means of diftindion,

as

[ 7' ]

as to exclude from foclety moil: of the caufes
of evil. But be this as it will ; it is out of
doubt that there is an equality in fociety
which is efTential to liberty, and which *
every State that would continue virtuous
and happy ought as far as poflible to main-
tain. — It is not in my power to defcribe
the beft method of doing this. — I will
only obferve, that there are three enemies
to equality againft which America ought to
guard.

Firfli Granting hereditary honours and ^
titles of nobility. Perfons thus diftin-
guifhed, though perhaps meaner than the
meaneft of their dependents, are apt to con-
fider themfelves as belonging to a higher
order of beings, and ?}2ade for power and
government. Their birth and rank necef-
farily difpofe them to be hoftile to general
liberty , and when they are not (o^ and
difcover ajuftzeal for the rights of mankind,
it is always a triumph of good fenfe and virtue
over the temptations of their fituation. It is,
therefore, with peculiar fatisfadion that I
have found in the articles of confederation
an order that no titles of nobility jQiall be
ever granted by the united States. Let

there

I 7^ ]
there be honours to encourage merit j but

\let them die with the men who have earned
them. Let them not defcend to pofterity
to fofter a fpirit of domination, and to
produce a proud and tyrannical ariflocracy.
— In a word, let the united States continue
for ever what it is now their glory to be — a
confederation of States profperous and happy,

\ without Lords — without Bishops* — 'and
without Kings.

Secondly ; The right of primogeniture*
The tendency of this to produce an im^
proper inequality is very obvious. The
difpofition to raife a name, by accumu-
lating property in one branch of a family,
is a vanity no lefs unjufl and cruel, than

J * I do not mean by B'ljhops any officers among Chrif-
tians merely fpiritual ; but Lords fpiritual^ as diftin-
guilfted f.om Lords te?nporaly or Clergymen raifed to pre-
eminence, and inverted with civil honours and authority,
by a State eflablifhment.

I muft add, that by what is here faid I do not mean
to exprefs z general preference of a republican conftitution
of government. There is a degree of political dege-
neracy which unfits for fuch a conftitution. Britain,

I in particular, confifts too much of the high and the low,
{oi ftum and dregs) to admit of it. Nor will it fuit Ame"
ricaj fliould it ever become cquallv corrupt.

3 dangerous

i 73 J
dano^erous to the intereft of liberty ; and no
XSvifc State will encourage or tolerate it.

Thirdly J Foreign Trade is another
of the eoemies againft which 1 vvifh to
caution the united States. But this ope-
rates unfavourably to a State in fo many
more ways than by deftroying that equa-
lity which is the bafis of liberty, that it
will be proper to take more particular no-
lice of it.

of

[ 74 ]

(yTRADE, Banks, ^;^^Paper Credit.

T?OREIGN trade has, In fome refpecl?^
the mofl: ufeful tendency. By creating
an intercourfe hetvveen diftant kingdoms,
it extends benevolence, removes local pre-
judices, leads every man to conlider him-
felf more as a citizen of the world than of
any particular State, and, confequently,
j checks the exceiTes of that Love of out-
Country * which has been applauded as

one

* The love of our country is then only a noble paf-
fion when it engages us to promote the internal hap-
pinefs of our country, and to defend its rights and liber-
ties againft domeftic and foreign invafion, maintaining
at the fame time an equal regard to the rights and liber-
ties of other countries. But this has not been its moft
common effecSts. On the contrary, it has in general
been nothing but a fpirit of rivalfhip between different
communities, producing contention and a thirft for con-
cucil: and dominion. — What is his country to a Rujp.an^
a Turk^ a Spaniard, &c. but a fpot where he enjoys no
right, and is dilpofcd of by owners as if he was a beaft ?
And what is his love to his country but an attachment to
degradation and flaverv ? — What was the love of their
country anx»ng the 'Jews but a wretched partiality for
themlelvcs and a ^ read contempt for other nations ?

Amonij;

[ 75 1

one of the nobleH:, but which, rcalfyy is one
of the moil: defiriiclrce principles in human

nature. Trade alfo, by enabling every

country to draw from other countries con-
veniencies and advantages which it cannot
find within itielf, produces among nations
a fenfe of mutual dependence, and promotes
the general improvement. — But there is
no part of mankind to which thefc ufes of
trade are of lefs confequence than the
American States. They are fpread over a ^
great continent, and make a world within
themfelves. The country they inhabit
includes foils and climates of all forts,
producing not only q.v^^'j neccffaryt but
every convenience of life. And the vaft
rivers and wide -fpread lakes which inter-
fed: it, create fuch an inland communica-
tion between its different parts, as is un-
known in any other region of the earth.
They poiTefs then within themfelves the

Among the Rotnans alfo what was it, however great in
many of its exertions, but a principle holding together
a band of robbers in their attempts to crufh ail liberty
but their own ? — Chriftianity has wifely omitted tore-
commend this principle. Had it done this, it would
have countenanced a vice among mankind. — It has done
v/hat is infinitely better — It has recummciidtd uni-
versal BENEVOLENCE.

L 2 beft

[ 76 1
bed means of the moft profitable trafiic,
and the ampleft fcope for it. Why
fliould they look much farther ? What
occafion have they for being anxious

^ about pufhing foreign trade ; or even about
raifing a great naval force ? -= — Britain, in-r
deed, confiding as it does of iinarmcd in-
habitants, and threatened as it is by am-
bitious and powertul neighbours, cannot
hope to maintain its exigence long after
becoming open to invafion by lofing its

paval fuperiority. ~- But this is not the

cafe with the American States. They have

' no powerful neighbours to dread. The
vaft Atlantic mull: be croffed before they
can be attacked. They are all a well-
trained ^7//// /^ i and the fuccefsful refinance
which, in their infancy and \viLhout a
naval force, they have made to the invafioii
of the firft 'European power, will probably
difcourage and prevent all future invafions.
Thus fingularly happy, why fhould they
feek connexions with 'Europe^ and expofe
themfelves to the danger of being involved
in its quairels ? — What have they to do
vvith its politics ? — Is there any thing very
important to them which they can draw

i^rom thencer— ejvcept Infection ? In-,

deeds

[ ~7 ]
deed, I tremble when I think of that rage for
trade which is likely to prevail among them.
It may do thtm infinite mifchief. All na-
tions are fpreading fnarcs for them, and
courting them to a dangerous intercoiirfe.
Iheir bed: interefl reouircs them to i?uard
themfelvts by all proper means ; and, parti- \
cularly, by laying heavy duties on impor-
tations. But in no cafe v.ill any means
fucceed unltfs aided by MatvNers. In this
inftance, particularly, there is reafon to fear
that an increaling palfion for foreign frip-
pery will render all the bell regulations
ineffecftual. And fliould this happen, that
fimplicity of character, that maidinefs of
Ipirit, that diidain of tiiifel in which true
dignity confills, will difappear. Effemi-
nacy, ferviiity and venality will enter ;
and liberty and virtue be fwallowed up
jn the gulph of corruption. Such may
be the courfe of events in the American
States. Better hijinitcly will it be forj
them to Gonilfi" of bodies of plain and
honed farmers, thati of opulent and

fplendid merchants. Where in thefe

States do the purefl manners prevail ?

Where do the inhabitants live mod on

an equality, and niqll a; their cafe ? Is

i it

[ 78 ]

it not in thofe inland parts where agri-
culture gives health and plenty, and trade
is icarcely known ? Where, on the con-
trary, are the inhabitants mod felfiOi, lux-
urious, loofe, and vicious ; and at the fame
time mofl: unhappy ? Is it not along the
fea coafts, and in the great towns, where

trade flourifl^es and merchants abound ?

So ftriking is the effeft of thefe different
iituations on the vigour and happinefs of
human life, that in the one population
would languifli did it receive no aid from
emigrations ; while in the other it increafes
to a degree fcarcely ever .before known.

But to proceed to fome obfervations of a
different nature — —

The united States have, I think, particu-
lar reafon to dread the following effeds of
foreign trade.

By increafing importation to feed luxury
and gratify prodigality, it will carry out
their coin, and occafion the fubftitution of a
delufive paper currency ; the confcquence
of which will be, that idea/ wealth will
take place of real, and their fecurity come
to depend on the flrength and duration of a

Bubble. 1 am very fenfible that paper

credit

[ 79 ]

credit is one of the greatefl of all coiivc-
niencies ; but this makes it likewife one of
the greateft of all temptations. A public
Bank, (while it can circulate i-ts bills) faci-
litates commerce, and aflifis the exertions
of a State in proportion to its credit. But
when it is not carefully reftridled and
watched ; when its emiffions exceed the
coin it can command, and are carried near
the utmoft length that the confidence of
the public will allow ; and when, in con-
fequence of this, its permanence comes to
depend on the permanence of public cre-
dulity— In thefe circumflances, a Bank,
though it may for a time (that is, while a
balance of trade too unfavourable does
not occafion a run, and no events arife
which produce alarm) anfwer all the ends
of a MINE from which millions may be
drawn in a minute ; and, by filling a king-
dom with cafh, render it capable of fuf-
taining any debts, and give it a kind of
Omnipotence. — In fuch circumflances,
I fay, notwithilanding thefe temporary ad-
vantages, a public Bank muft af lajl prove
a great calamity ; and a kingdom fo fup-
poited, at the very time of its greatefl

c excr-

[ So ]
exertions, will be only driving more vio-
lently to increafe the horrof of an approch-
ing convulfion.

The united States have already Verified
fome of thefe obfervations, and felt in fome
degree the confequences to which I have
alluded. They have been carried through
the war by an emiilion of paper which had
no folid fupport, and which now has loft

\ all value. It is indeed furprifing that,-
being fecured on no fund and incapable
of being exchanged for coin, it Ihould
ever have obtained a currency^ or anfwered
any important purpofe. •

Unhappily for Britain, it has ufed the
means of giving more liability to its paper-
credit, and been enabled by it to fupport
expences greater than any that have been
yet known, and to contract a debt v/hich

f now aftoniJJjcsy and may hereafter produce
a cataftrophe that will terrify the world. — '
A longer duration of the late war would
have brought on this cataftrophe immedi-
ately. The Peace has put it o^for the
p-efent. God grant, if ftill poffible, that
meafures may be adopted which {]:iall put
it o^Jor ever*

Of

[ 8i ]

Of Oaths.

A T H S are expedients to which all
States have had recourfe in order to
obtain true information and afcertain fad:s
by fecuring the veracity of witneffes. But
I know not how to rehrh that imprecation
which always makes a part of an oath.
Perhaps, there is no fuch neceffity for it
as is commonly imagined. An Affir- j
MAT ION folemnly made, with laws in-
fliding fevcre penalties on fallhood when
detedicd, would probably anfwer all the
ends of oaths.— ^I am, therefore, difpofed
to widi, that in the united States impre-
catory oaths may be abolidied, and the
fame indulgence in this refpe<5t granted to
all which is now granted to the fakers.
But I am afraid they will think this too
dangerous an experiment -, and what is of
mod confequence is to avoid,

Firft, Such a multiplicity of oaths as will
render them too familiar.

Andj Secondly, A flight manner of ad-

miniftering them. England, in this re-

M fped.

t 82 ]

Iped, feems to be funk to the loweft pof-
fible degree of degeneracy. Oaths among
us are required on fo many occafions, and
fo carelefsly adminiflered, as to have loft
almoft all their ufe and efficacy. It has
been afferted, that, including oaths of
office, oaths at elections, cuflom-houfe
oaths, &c, &c. there are about a million of
perjuries committed in this kingdom annu-

ally, This is one of the moft atrocious

of our national iniquities ; and it is a
wonder if we are not to be vifited for it
with fome of the fevereft of God's judg-
ments.

i'f

83

Of the Negro Trade jW Slavery.

''"T^ H E Negro Trade cannot be cen-
fured in language too fevere. It is a
traffick which, as it has been hitherto car-
ried on, is fliocking to humanity, cruel,
wicked, and diabolical. I am happy to
find that the united States are entering into )
nieafures for difcountenancing it, and for
abolifhing the odious flavery which it has
introduced. 'Till they have done this, it
wall not appear they deferve the liberty
for vvhich they have been contending. For
it is felf-evident, that if there are any men
whom they have a right to hold in flavery,
there may be ethers, who have had a right

to hold tkem in flavery. * 1 am fenfible,

however, that this is a work which they
cannot accomplifli at once. The emanci-
pation of the Negroes mufl, I fuppofe, be
left in fome meafure to be the eifed: of

* See a remonfirance, full gf energy, dire£led to the
united States on this Subjeilj by a very warm and able
friend to the rights of mankind, in a Tradl, entitled —
Fragment of an origu:al Letter on the Slavery of the Negroes j
written in the year 1776, but publifhcd in 1784, by
Thomas Day, Efq.

M % tii^iQ

[ H ]

time and of manners. But nothing can
excufe the united States if it is not done
with as much fpeed, and at the fame time
with as much effed:, as their particular
circumftances and fituation will allow. I
rejoice that on this occafion 1 can recom-
mend to them the example of my own

» country. in Britain, 2i Negro becomes a

freeman the moment he fcts his foot on
Britijh ground.

Conclusion.

CUCH is the advice which I would humbly.
(but earnefily) offer to the united States

of America. Such are the means by

which they may become the feats of li-
berty, fcience, peace, and virtue; happy
within themfelves, and a refuge to the
world.

Often, while employed in writing thefe
papers, have I wiQied for a warning voice
of more pov/er. The prefent moment,
however aufpicious to the united States if
wifely improved, is critical ; and, though
apparently the end of all their dangers, may

prove

[ 8.- ]

prove tlie time of their greateft danger.
I have, indeed, fince finiOiing this Ad-
drefs, been mortified more than I can ex-
prefs by accounts which have led me
to fear that 1 have carried my ideas of
them too high, and deceived myfelf with

vifipnary expectations. And fliould this

be true — • Should the return of peace and
the pride of independence lead them to
fecurity and diffipation — Should they lofe
thofe virtuous and fimple manners by
which alone Republics can long fubfifl: —
Should falfe refinement, luxury, and irre-
ligion fpread among them ; exceffive jea-
loufy diftrad; their governments j and
clafliing interefts, fubje(fi; to no ftrong

controul, break the federal union The

confequence will be, that the fairefl ex-
periment ever tried in human affairs will
mifcarry ; and that a Revolution which
had revived the hopes of good men and
promifed an opening to better times, will
become a difcouras^ement to all future ef-
forts in favour of liberty, and prove only
an opening to a new fcene of human dege-
neracy and mifery.

A D V E R.

[ 87 ]

ADVERTISE ME NT.

'TpHE following letter was written by the
late M. T'ii7-gotj Comptroller General
(in the years 1774, 1775^ ^"'^ ^71^) of the
finances of France. It contains obferva-
tions in which the United States are deeply
concerned ; and, for this reafon, I now
convey it to them, not doubting but that
the eminence of M. I'urgofs name and
charadier will recommend it to their at-
tention, and that it will do honour to his
memory among all the friends of public
liberty.

A Monfw.'.r

[ 88 ]

A Moiifieur Price,

A Londres.

A Paris, k 22 Mars, 1778.

lyrR. FRANKLIN m'a remis, Monfieur,
de votre part, la nouvelle edition de
vos obfervations fur la liberte civile, &c. Je
vousdois un double remerciment ; 1° de votre
ouvrage dent je connois depuis longtems
le prix, et que j'avois lu avec avidite, malgre
les occupations multipliees, dont j'etois af-
fiiilli, lorfqu'il a paru pour la premiere fois ;
z" de I'honnetete que vous avez eue de re-
trancher I'imputation de maladreiTe * que
vous aviez melee au bien que vous difiez
d'ailleurs de moi dans vos obfervations addi-
tionelles. J'aurois pu la meriter, fi vous
n'avicz eu en vue d'autre maladreffe que
celle de n'avoir pas feu demeler les reflbrts
d'intrigues ■ que faifoient jouer contre moi
des gens beaucoup plus adroits en ce genre
que je ne ie fuis, que je ne le ferai jamais,
et que je ne veux I'etre. Mais il m'a paru
que vous m'imputiez la m^aladrefle d'avoir
choque groffierement I'opinion generale de

* See the Notes annexed to the Tranflation of this
Lfttcr.

"? ma

[ % ]

ma nation ; et a cct egard je crols que vous
n'avlez rendu juflice ni a moi, ni a ma
nation, ou U y a beaucoup plus de lumieres
qu'on ne le croit generalement chez vous, et
ou peut-etre 11 eft plus aile que chez vous
mcme de ramener le public a des idees rai-
fonnables. J'en juge par I'lnfatuatlon de
votre nation fur cc projet abfurde de fub-
juguer TAmerique, qui a dure jufqu'a ce
que I'aventura de Burgoyne alt commence a
lui defliller les yeux. J'en juge par le fyfleme
dc monopole et d'exclufion qui regne chez
tous vos ecrivains politiques fur le com-
merce, (J'excepte Mr. Adam Smith et le
Doyen Tucker) fyfteme qui eft le veritable
principe de vctre feparation avec vos colo-
nies. J'en juge par tous vos ecrits pole-
miques fur les queflions qui vous agitent
depuls une vingtaine d'annees, et dans lef-
quels avant que le votre cut paru, je ne me
rappelle prefque pas d'en avoir lu un, ou le
vrai point de la queilion ait ete faifi. Je
n'ai pas con^u comment une nation qui a
cultive avec tant de fucces toutes les
branches des fclences naturelles a pu rcfter
fi fort au defibus d'elle meme, dans la
fcience la plus intereflantc de touteSj celic
du bonhcur public -, dans une fcience cu
la llberte de la prefle, dont cllc fculcjouit,

N aurolt

[ 90 ]

auroit dii lui donner fur toutcs les autres
nations de i'Europe un avantage prodi-
gleux. Eil-ce rorguell national qui vous a
empeches de mettre a profit cet avantage ?
E(t-ce parce que vous etiez un peu moins
mal que les autres, que vous avez tournc
toutes vos fpeculations a vous perfuader que
vous etiez bien ? Eft-ce I'efprit de parti, et
I'envie de fe faire un appui des opinions
populaires qui a retarde vos progres, en
portant vos politiques a traiter de vaine
metaphylique toutes les fpeculations qui
tendent a etablir des principes fixes fur
les droits et les vrais ihterets des individus
et des nations ? Comment fe fait-il que
vous foyez prefque le premier parmi vos
ecrivains qui ayez donne des notions juftes
de la liberte, et qui ayez fait fentir la
faufTete de cette notion rebattue par pref-
que tous les ecrivains les plus republicains,
que la liberte confifte a n'etre foumis
qu'aux luix, com me li un horn me opprime
par une loi injufle etoit libre. Cela ue feroit
pas meme vrai quand on fuppoferoit que
toutes les loix font I'ouvrage de la nation
afleniblee ; car enfin Tindividu a aufli des
droits que la nation ne peut lui 6ter, que
par la violence ct par un ufage illegitime de
ia force ^enerale. Quoique vous ayez ea

egard

[ 91 ]

egard a cette verite, et que vous vous en foyez
cxpliqu'i, peut-etre meritoit-clle que vous
la developaffiez avec plus d'ctendue, vu
le peu d'attentlon qu'y ont donnee menie
Ics plus zeles partifans de la liberie.

Celt encore une chofe etrange que ce nc
fut pas en Angleterre une verite triviale de
dire qu'une nation ne peut jamais avoir
droit de gouverner une autre nation j et
qu'un pareil gouvernement ne peut avoir
d'autre fondement que la force, qui eft aufli
le fondement du brigandage et de la ty-
rannie ; que la tyrannie d'un peuple eft de
toutes les tyrannies connues la plus cruelle
et la plus intolerable, celle qui laiffe le
moins de reftburce a I'opprime ; car enfin
un defpote eft arrete par fon propre interet,
il a le frein du remords, ou celni de I'opi-
nion publique, mais une multitude ne cal-
cule rien, n'a jamais de remords, et fe de-
cerne a elle meme la gloire lors qu'elle
merite le plus de honte.

Les evenemens font pour la nation

Angloife un terrible commentaire de

votre livre. Depuis quelques mois ils

fe precipuent avec une rapidite tres ac-

N 2 celeree.

[ 92 ]

celerec. Le denouement eft arrive par rap-
port a TAmerique. La voila independante
fans retour. Sera-t'elle libre et heureufe ?
Ce peuple nouveau fitue ii avantageufe-
ment pour donnerau monde Texemple d'une
conftitution ou rhomme jouilTe de tous fes
droits, exerce librcnient toutes fes facultes,
et ne loit gouverne que par la nature, la
raifon et la juftice, faura-t'il former une
pareille conftitution ? faura-t'il rafternnr fdr
des fondemens eternels, prevenir toutes les
caufes de divifion et de corruption qui
peuvent la miner peu-a-peu et la detruire ?

Je ne fuis point content je Vavoue des
conftitutions qui ont ete redigees jufqu'a-
prefent par les differens Etats Americains.
Vous reprochez avec raifon a celle de la
Penfylvanie le ferment religieux exige pour
avoir entree dans le corps des reprefentans.
C'eft bien pis dans les autres ; il y en a une,
je crois que c'eft celle des Jerfeis qui exigc

Je vois dans le plus grand ncmbre Timi-
tation fans objct des ufages de i'Angleterre.
Au lieu de ramener toutes les autorites a
une feule, celle de la nation, Ton etablit des
corps differens, un corps des reprefentans,

ua

[ 93 ] .

un confell, un gouverneur, parce que I'An-
gleterre a une chambre des communes, une
chambre haute et un Roi. On s'occupe a
balancer ces differens pouvoirs ; comme ii
cet equilibre de forces, qu'cn a pu croire
neceflaire pour balancer I'enormc prepon-
derance de la Royaute, pouvoit etre de
quelque ufage dans des Republiques fondees
fur I'egalite de tous Ics citoyens j et comme
fi tout ce qui etablit differens corps n'etoit
pas une fource de divinons. En voulant.
prevenir des dangers chimeriques, on en
fait naitre dc reels ; on veut n'avoir rien a
cramdre du clcrge, on le rcunit fous la
barriere d'une profcription commune. En
Texcluant du droit d'eligibilite, on en fait
un corps, et un corps etranger a I'Etat.
Pourquoi un citoyen, qui a le meme in-
teret que les autres a la defenfe commune
de fa liberte et de fes proprietes, cft-il
exclus d'y contribuer de fes lumieres et de
fes vertus, parce qu'il eft: d'une profeffion
qui exige des lumieres et des vertus ? Le
clerge n'eft: dangereux que quand il exifte
en corps dans I'Etat ; que quand il croit
avoir en corps des droits et des interets,
que quand on a imagine d'avoir une religion
etablie par la loi, comme fi les hommes

pouvoient

[ 94 ]

pouvoient avoir quelque droit, ou quelque
interet a regler la confcience les uns dea
autres ; com me fi I'individu pouvoit facri-
ficr aux avantages de la fociete civile les
opinions auxquelles il croit fon falut eter-
nel attache ; comme fi Ton fe fauvoit, ou fe
damnoit, en commun. La oil la vraye tole-
rance, c'eft-a-dire I'incompetence abtblue
du souvernement fur la confcience des in-
dividus, eft etablie, Tecclefiaftique au milieu
de ralTemblee nationale n'eft qu'un ci-
toyen, lorfqu'il y eft admis ; il redevient
cccleiiaftique lorfqu'on Ten exclut,

Je ne vols pas qu'on fe foit aftez occiipq
de reduire au plus petit nombre poflible^
les genres d'affaires dont le gouvernement
de chaque Etat fera charge ; ni a feparer les.
objets de legiilation, de ceux d'adminiftra-
tion generale et de ceux d'adminiftration
particuliere et locale j a conftituer des af-
femblees locales fubfiftantes, qui rem-
plift^int prefque toutes les fondions de
detail du gouvernement difpenfent les
aflemblces generales de s'en occuper, et
otent aux membres de celles-ci tout
moyen, et peut-etrc tout dcfir d'abufer
d'une autorite qui ne peut s'appliquer qu a.

des

[ 95 ]

des jobjets generaux et par la mem«
etrangers aux petites paflions qui agitent
les hommes.

Je ne vols pas qu'on ait fait attention a
la grande dillindlion la feule fondee fur la
nature entre deux claffes d'hommes, celle
des proprietaires de terres, et celle des non-
proprietaires -, a leurs interets et par confe-
quent a leurs droits differens, relativenaent
a la legillation, a radminiftration de la juf-
tice et de la police, a la contribution aux
dcpenfes publiques et a leur emploi.

Nul principe fixe etabli fur I'impot j on
fuppofe que chaque province pent fe taxer
a fa fantaifie, etablir des taxes perfonnelles,
des taxes fur les confommations, fur les
importations, c'eft-a-dire fe donner un
interet contraire a I'interet des antrcs
provinces.

On fuppofe par tout le droit de regler ie
commerce -, on autorife meme les corps exe-
cutifs, ou les gouverneurs a prohiber Tex-
portation de certaines denrees dans certaines
occurrences j tant on eft loin d'avoir fcti
que la loi de la liberte entiere de tout com-
merce eft un ccroliaire du droit de pro-
priete ; tant on eft encore plonge daiis le
biouillard des iJlufions Eurooeennes,

nnr

ans

[ 96 ]

Dans I'union generale des provinces en-
tre elles, je ne vols point une coalition, une
fulion de toutes les parties, qui n'en fafTe
qu'un corps im, et homogene. Ce n'eft
qu'une aggregation de parties, toujours trop
feparies, et qui confervent toujours une
tendance a fe divifer, par la diverfite de
leurs loix, de leurs mceurs, de leurs opinions ;
par I'inegalite de leurs forces adtuelles j plus
encore par I'inegalite de leurs progres ulte-
rieurs. Ce n'eft qu'une copie de la Re-
publique Hollandoife j et celle-ci meme
n'avoit pas a craindre' comme la Repub-
lique Americaine les accroilTemens pof-
fibles de quelques unes de fes provinces.
Tout cet edifice eft appuye jufqu'a pre-
fent fur la bafe fauffe de la tres ancienne et
tres vulgaire politique 3 fur le prejuge que
les nations, les provinces, peuvent avoir des
interets, en corps de province et de nation,
autres que celui qu'ont les individus d'etre
libres et de dcfendre leurs propritites contre
les brigan et les conquerans : interct pre*
tendu de faire plus de commerce que les
autres, de ne point acheter les marchandifea
de I'etranger, de forcer I'etranger a con-
fommer leurs produdions et les ouvrages
de leurs manufactures : interct pretendu

d'avoir

[ 97 ]
d'avoir un territoire plus vafle, d'acquerir
telle ou telle province, telle ou telle iile, tel
ou tel village : interet d'infpirer la crainte
aux autres nations : interet deTemporter fur
elles par la gloire des armes, par celle des
arts et des fciences,

Quelques-uns de ces prejuges font fo-
mentes en Europe, parce que la rivalite
ancienne des nations et Tambition des
princes oblige tous les Etats a fe tenir armes
pour fe defendre contre leurs voifins armes,
et a regarder la force militaire comme Tobjet
principal du gouvernement. L'Amerique a
le bonheur de ne pouvoir avoir d'ici a bien
longtems d'ennemi exterieur a craindre, fi
eile ne fe divife elle meme ; ainfi elle peut
et doit apprecier a leur jufte valeur ces pre-
tendus interets, ces fujets de difcorde qui
feuls font a redouter pour fa liberte, Avec
le principe facre de la liberte du commerce
regarde comme une fuite du droit de la
propriete, tous les pretendus interets de
commerce difparoiflent. Les pretendus in-
terets de pofTeder plus ou moins de terri-
toires s'evanouiffcnt par le principe que le
Jerritoire n'appartient point aux nations,
^ais aux individus proprictaires des terres ^

O que

[ 98 ]

que la queftlon de favoir (i tel canton, tei
village, doit appartenir a telle province, a.
tel Etat ne doit point etre decidee par Ic
pretendu interet de cette province ou de cet
Etat, mais par celui qu'ont les habitans de
tel canton ou de tel village de fe rafTembler
pour leurs affaires dans le lieu ou il leur eft
le plus commode d'aller -, que cet interet
etant mefare par le plus ou moins de
chemin qu'un homme pent faire loin de
fon domicile pour trailer quelques affaires
plus importantes fans trop nuire a fes af-
faires journalieres, devient une mefure na-
turellc et pb}/fique de I'etendue des jurif-
didions et des Etats, et etablit entre tons
un equilibre d'etendue et de forces, qui
ecarte tout danger d'inegalite, et toute pre-*
tention a la fuperiorite.

L'interet d'etre craint eft nul quand on nc
demande rien a perfonne, et quand on eft
dans une pofition oil Ton ne pent etre^t-
taque par des forces confiderables aveg
quelque efperance de fucces.

La gloire des armes ne vaut pas le bon-
heur de vivre en paix. La gloire des arts,
des fciences appartient a quiconque veut s'en
faifir ; il y a dans ce genre a moiffonner pour

tout

[ 99 ]

tout le monde ; le champ des dccouvertes
€(i inepuifable, et tous profitent des decou-
vertes des tous.

J'imagine que les Americains n'en font
pas encore a fentir toutes ces veritesj
comme il faut qu'ils les fentent pour afTurer
le bonheur de leur poflerite. Je ne blame
pas leurs chefs. II a fallu pourvoir au
befoin du moment par une union telle
quelle, contre un ennemi prcfent et redou-
table; on n'avoit pas le terns de fonger ^
corriger les vices des conftitutions et de la
compofition des difFerens etats. Mais ils
Solvent craindre de les eternifer, et s'oc-
cuper des moyens de rcunir les opinions et
les interets et dc les ramener a des prin-
cipes uniformes dans toutes leurs pro-
vinces.

Ils ont a cet egard de grands obflacles a
Vaincre.

En Canada, la conflitution du clerge Re-
main, et I'exiftence d'un corps de nobleffe.

Dans la Nouvelle Angleterre, I'efprit en-
core fubfiftant du Puritanifme rigide, et
toujour?, dit on, un peu intolerant.

O 2 Dan*

[ 100 ]

Dans la Penfylvanie, un tres grand nom-
bre de citoyens etablifTimt en principe reli-
gieux que la profeflion des amies eft illicite,
et fe refufant par confequent aux arrange-
mens neceffalres pour que le fondement de la
force militaire de I'Etat, foit la reunion de la
qualite de citoyen avec celle d'homme de
guerre et de miliclen; ce qui oblige a fair e
du metier de la guerre un metier de mer-
cenaires.

Dans les colonies meridionales, une trop
grande inegalite de fortunes, et fur tout le
grand nombre d'efclav^s noirs dont I'efcla-
vage eft incompatible avec une bonne con-
ftitution politique, et qui meme en leur
rendant la liberte embarrafteront encore
en formant deux nations dans le meme
Etat.

Dans toutes, les prejuges, I'attachement
aux formes ctablies, I'habitude de ccrtaines
taxes, la crainte de celles qu'il faudroit y
fubftituer, la vanite des colonies qui fe font
cru les plus puiftantes, et un malheurcux
commencement d'orgueil national. Je crois
les Americains forces a s'agrandir, non pas
par la guerre, mais par la culture. S'ils

laiftbient

[ lOl ]

lalffoient derriere eux les defcrts immenfes
qui s'etendent jufqu'a la mer de I'Oueft
il s'y etabliroit du melange de leurs bannis,
et des mauvais fujets echappes a la fcverite
des loix', avec les fauvages : des peuplades
de brigands qui ravageroient I'Amerique*
Gomme les barbares du nord ont ravage
I'empire Remain -, de la un autre danger,
la neceffite de fe tenir en armes fur la fron-
tiere et d'etre dans un etat de guerre con-,
tinuelle. Les colonies voifines de la fron-
tiere feroient en confequence plus aguerries
que les autres, et cette inegallte dans la
force militaire feroit un aiguillon terrible
pour Tambition. Le reraede a cette inega-
lite feroit d'entretenir une force militaire
fubfiftante a laquelle toutes les provinces
contribueroient en raifon de leur population ;
et les Americains qui ont encore toutes les
craintes que doivent avoir les Anglois re-
doutent plus que toute chofe une armeeper-
manente. lis ont tort. Rien n'efl: plus aife
que de lier la conditutiond'une armee perma-
nente avec la milice, de fa^on que la milice
en devienne meilleure, et que la liberte n'en
foit que plus affermis. Mais il ell mal aife
de caliuer fur cela leurs allarmes.

I Voila

t 102 j

Voila bien des difficultes, et peut-etre
les interets fecrets des particuliers puilTans
fe joindront-ils aux prejuges de la multi-
tude pour arreter les efforts des vrais fages
et des vrais citoyenSi

il eft impoffible de ne pas faire des vceux
pour que ce peuple parvienne a toute la
profperite dont il eft fuceptible. II eft
I'efperance du genre humain. II peut en
devenir le modele. II doit prouver au
monde, par le fait, que les hommes peuvent
etre libres et tranquilles, et peuvent fe
pafier des chaines de toute efpece que les
tyrans et les charlatans de toute robe ont
pretendu leur impofer fous le pretexte du
bien public. II doit donner I'cxemple
de la liberte politique, de la liberie
religicufe, de la liberte du commerce et
de rinduftrie. L'afyle qu'il ouvre a tous
les opprimes de toutes les nations doit con-
foler la terre. La facilite d'en profiler pour
fe derober aux fuites d'un mauvais gou-
vernement forcera les gouvernemens d'etre
juftes, et de s'cclairer -, le refte du monde
ouvrira peu-a-peu les yeux fur le neant des
illufions dont les politiques fe font berccs.
Mais il faut pour cela que I'Amerique s'en
garantifte, et qu'elle ne redevienne pas

commc

[ 103 ]
comme I'ont tant repete vos ecrlvalns mw
nlfteriels une image de notre Europe, un
amas de puiflances divifces, fe difputant
des terrltoires ou des profits de commerce,
et cimentantcontlnuellement refclavage des
peuples par leur propre fang.

Tous les hommes eclalre's, tons les amis
de rhumanite devroient en ce moment re-
unir leurs lumieres et jolndre leurs refle-
xions a celles des fages Americains Dour
concourir au grand ouvrage de leur legif-
lation. Cela feroit digne de vous, Mon-
iieur i je voudrois pouvoir echaufFer votre
zele J et fi dans cette lettre je me fuis livre
plus que je ne I'aurois du peut-etre a Teifu-
Hon de mes propres idees, ce defir a ete
mon unique motif, et m'excufera a ce
que j'efpere de I'ennui que je vous aurai
caufe. Je voudrois que le fang qui a coule,
qui coulera encore dans cette querelle
ne fijt pas inutile au bonheur du genre
Jiumain.

Nos deux nations vont fe faire recipro-
quement bien du mal, probablement fans
qu'aucune d'elles en retire un profit reel.
L'accroificment des dettes et des charges.

[ 104 ]
-:{?****•***•**■****•* £{■ j^ ruine
d'un grand nombre de citoyens en feront
peut-etre I'unique refultat. L'Angleterre
m'en paroit plus pres encore que la France.
' Si au lieu de cette guerre vous aviez pu
vous executer de bonne grace des le premier
moment, s'il etoit donne a la politique de
faire d'avance ce qu'elle fera infailliblement
forcee de faire plus tard, fi I'opinion na-
tionale avoit pu permettre a vctre gou-
vernement de prevenir les evenemens, en
fuppofant qu'il les eut prevus, s'il eut
pu confentir d'abord a Tindependance de
I'Amerique fans faire la guerre a perfonne,
je crois fermement que votre nation n'au-
roit rien perdu a ce changement. Elle y
perdra aujourd'hui ce qu'elle a depenfe, ce
qu'elle depenfera encore ; elle eprouvera
une grande diminution pour quelque terns
dans fon commerce, de grands boulever*-
femens interieurs fi elle eft forcee a la ban-
queroute ; et quoiqu'il arrive une grande
diminution dans I'influence politique au
dehors, mais ce dernier article eft d'une
bien petite importance pour le bonheur
reel d'un peuple, et je ne fuis point du tout
de Tavis de I'Abbe Rainal dans votre epi-
griiphe. Je ne crois point que ceci vous

mene

f ^^5 1

txiene a devenir une nation meprifable, et
vous jette dans I'efclavage.

Vos malheurs feront peut-ctre au con-
traire I'efFet d'une amputation neceflaire ;
ils font peut-etre le leul moyen de vous
fauver de la cano-rene du luxe et de la
corruption. Si dans vos agitations vous
pouviez corriger votre conftitution en ren-
dant les elecftions annuelles, en repartiffant
le droit de reprefentation d'une maniere
plus egale et plus proportionnee aux in-
terets des reprefentes, vous gagneriez
peut-etre autant que TAmcrique a cette
revolution ; car votre liberte vous refteroit,
et vos autres pertcs fe rcpareroient bien
vite avec elle et par elle.

Vous devez juger, Monfieur, par la fran-
chife avec laquelle je m'ouvre a vous fur ces
points delicats, de Teftirae que vous m'avez
infpiree, et de la fatisfa<5lion que j'eprouve
a penfer quil y a quelque relTcmblance entre
nos manieres de voir. ' Je compte bien que
cette confidence n'eil: que pour vous.
Je vous prie meme de ne point me repondre
en detail par la polle, car votre reponfe feroit
infailliblement ouverte dans nos bureaux

P de

[ «o6 ]

de pofte, ct Ton me trouveroit beaucoup
trop ami de ]a liberte pour un miniftre,
meme pour un miniftre difgracie !

J'ai riionneur d*etre, Monfieur, avec
tcute la confideration pofTible,

Votre tres humble,

ct tres obeifTant ferviteur,

TURCOT,

It is not eafy to dojujiice in EngliOi to many
parts of the preceding letter. The following
T'ranfation of it imll however ^ I hope, be found
to be nearly correal ; and I think niyfelf greatly
obliged to the Gentleman who has been fo good
as to favour me with it.

T9

[ 107 3
TRANS L A T ION.

7'q Dr. Price, London.

Pans, 22d March, 1778.

S I R,

MR. FRANKLIN by your defire has
put into my hands the lafl edition of
your Obfervatiom on Civil Liberty y &c. for
which I think myfelf doubly indebted to
you. In the firft place, for the work it-
ielf, of which I have long known the value
and read with great avidity, notwithftand-
ing the multiplicity of my engagements,
when it was firfl publilhed : And in the
next place, for the politenefs you have
fliewn in leaving out the imputation of
want of addrefs, * which you intermixed
^ P 2 with

* What is here faid refers to the following account
of M. Turgors adminiftration in the fecond trasSt on
Civil Liberty and the War with America^ p. 150, &c.
« A new reign produced a new minifter of finaixe in
«'• France^ wh^'ofe name will be refpeded by pnfterity for
«' a fet of meafures as new to the political world, as any
« late difcoveries in the fyftem of nature have been to the
^' philofophical world— Doubtful in their oparation, as

^ -^ «" all

[ loS ]

with the handibme things you fald of mc
in your additional obfervations. I might
have merited this imputation, if you
had in view no other want of addrefs
than incapacity to unravel the fprings
of thofe intrigues that v^^ere employed
again ft me, by fome people who are
much more expert in thefe matters than
I am, or ever floall be, or indeed ever de-
lire to be : But I imagined you imputed to
me a want of addrefs which made my opi-
nions

" all untried meafures muft te, but diftinguifhed by
" their tendency to Jay a folid foundation for endlefs
" peace, induftry, and a general enjoyment of the gifts
" of nature, arts and commerce — The edicts iflueddur-
" ing his adminiftration exhibit indeed a phiznomenon of
*' the moft extraordinary kind. An abfolute King ren-
** dering a voluntary account to his fubjefls, and incir
" ting his people to think ; a right which it has been the
" bufinefs of all abfolute princes and their mininfters to
" exti!)s:uifli. — In thefe edids the King declared in the
*' moft diftinct terms agixinft a bankruptcy, &c. while
♦ ' the minifter applied himfclf to increafe every public
" refource by principles more liberal than France^ or any
*' p?ino{ Europe^ ever had in ferious contemplation. —
*' It is much to be regretted, that the oppofition he met
" with and the intriorues of a court fhould have deprived
*' the world of thofe lights, which muft have refulted from
" theexample of fuch an adminiftration." In this paffage
I had, in the firft edition, mentioned improperly Mv.

Turgofsi

[ 109 ]

nions grofsly clafli with the general opini-
ons of my countrymen ; and in that relpect
I thought you neither did juftice to j?7e nor
to my country, where there is a degree of
underflanding mucli fuperior to what you
generally fuppofe in England, and where it
is more eafy perhaps, than even with you,
to bring back the public to hearken to
reafon.

I have been led to judge thus by the infatu-
ation of your people in the abfurd projedt of
fubduing America, till the affair of Bur-

^urgofs want of addrefs among the other caiifes of his
dirmiflion from power. This occafioned a letter from
him to inform mc of the true reafons of his difmiflion,
and begun that correfpondence, of which this letter is a
part, and which continued till his death. — It may not
be improper to add here, that his fucceRor was Mr.
Necker^ author of the interefling Treatife on the Admi-
niftration of the Finances of France jufl; publilhed ; and
that in the palTage juft quoted, the following no-
tice is taken of this appointment. — " After a fhort in-
" terval, a nomination, in fome refpefls 'fl ill more ex-
*' traordinary, took place in the Court of France. A
♦* court, which a few years fince was diftinguiflied by its
^' bigotry and intolerance, has raifedapr<7/r/?fl«/, the fub- I
*' jedl of a fmall but virtuous republic, to a decifivelead
*' in the regulation of its finances. It is to be prefumed
*' that fo fingular a preference will produce an equally
♦' fingular exertion of integrity and talents."

o;oync

[ no ]

goyne began to open their eyes ; and by
t;-e lyftem of monopoly and exclufion which
has been recommended by all your writers on
Commerce, (except Mr. Adam Smith and
-DeanTucker) ; afyftem which has been the
true fource of your feparation from your Co-
lonies. I have alfo been led to this opinion by
all your controverlial writings upon thequef-
tions which haveoccupied your attention thefe
twenty years, and in which, till your obferva-
tions appeared, I fcarce recoiled: to have read
one th^t took up thefe queflions on theirproper
ground. Icannotconceivehowa nation which
has cultivated every branch of natural know-
ledge with fuch fuccefs, fliould have made
fo little progrefs in the moil: interefting
of all fciences, that of the public good : A
Icience, in which the liberty of the Prefs,
which ilie alone enjoys, ought to have given
her a prodigious advantage over every other
nation in Europe. Was it national pride
which prevented you from profiting by this
advantage ? Or was it, becaufe you were
not altogether in fo bad a condition as other
.nations, that you have impofed upon your-
felves in your fpeculations fo far as to be per-
fuaded that your arrangements were corn-
pleat ? Is it party fpirit and a defire of being
I fupporte^

[ in ]

fupported by popular opinion which has
retarded your progrefs, by inducing your
political writers to treat as vain Metaphyfics *
all thofe fpeculations which aim at eftablirn-
ing the rights and true interefts of nations
and individuals upon fixed principles. How
comes it that you are almoft the firll: of the
writers of your country, who has given ajuft
idea of liberty, and fhewn the fallity of the
notion Co frequently repeated by almoft all
Republican Writers, ** that liberty con-
*' lifts in being fubjed: only to the laws,"
as if a man could be free while oppreilcd
by an unjuft law. This would not be true,
even if we could fuppofe that all the laws
were the work of an afiembly of the whole
nation ; for certainly every individual has
his rights, of which the nation cannot de-
prive him, except by violence and an un-
lawful ufe of the general power. Though
you have attended to this truth and have ex-
plained yourfelf upon this head, perhaps it
would have merited a more minute expla-
nation, confidering how little attention is
paid to it even by the moil zealous friends
of liberty.

It is likewife extraordinary that it was not
thought a trivial matter in England to afTert

* See Mr. Burke's Letter to the Sheriffs of Briftol.

*' that

r 112 ]

^' that one nation never can have a right to
*' govern another nation" — " thatagovern-
'* ment where fuch a principle is admitted
" can have no foiindation but that of force,
*' which ir equally the foundation of robbery
" and tyranny" — '* and that the tyranny of
*' a people is the mofl: cruel and intolerable,
*' becaufe it leaves the feweft refources to the
*' opprefied,"— *A defpot is retrained by a
fenfe of his own intereft. He is checked by
remorfe or by the public opinion. But the
multitude never calculate. The multitude are
never checked by remorfe, and will even af-
cribe to themfelves the higheft honour when
they deferve only difgrace.

What a dreadful commentary on your
book are the events which have lately be-
fallen the Englifli nation ? For fome

months they have been running head-
long to ruin. — The fate of America is al-
ready decided — Behold her independent be-
yond recovery. — But will She be free and
happy ? — Can this new people, fo advan-
tageoully placed for giving an example to the
world of a conftitution under which man
may enjoy his rights, freely exercife all
his faculties, and be governed only by na-
ture, reafon and juftice — Can they form fuch
a Conftitution ? — Can they clhblilli it upon

a never-

[ i'3 ]

a neverfailing foundation, and guard agalnfh
every fource of divifion and corruption which
may gradually undermine and deftroy it ?

I confefs that I am not fatisfied with the
Conftitutions which have hithertobeenform-
ed by the different States of America. It Is
with reafon that you reproach the State of
Penfylvania with exad;ing a religious teft
from thofewho become members of the body
of Reprefentati\*es. There are much worfe
tefls in the other States ; and there is one (I
believe the Jerfeys) which requires (-f-) a de-
claration of faith in the Divinity of Jefus
Chrift. — I obferve that by moft of them the
cufloms of England are imitated, without
any particular motive. Inftead of col-
ledting all authority into one center, that
of the nation, they have eftabliilied dif-
ferent bodies j a body of reprefentatives,
a council, and a Governour, becaufe there
is in England a Houfe of Com-mons, a
Houfe of Lords, and a King. — They en-
deavour to balance thefe different pov/ers,

(t) It is the Conftitution of Dclware that impofes the
teft here meant. That of the JerfeySy with a noble li- 1
berality, orders that there {hall never in that Province
be any eftablifhmcnt of any one religious feft in prefer-
ence to another, and that a)! Proteftants of all per-
fuafions fhall enjoy equal rights and privileges.

Q^ as

[ 114 ]

as if this equilibrium, which in Enghindniiy
be a necelTary check to the enormous in-
fluence of royalty, could be of any ufe in
Republics founded upon the equality of all
the Citizens j and as if eftablilhing different
orders of men, was not a fource of divifions
and difputes. In attempting to prevent
imaginary dangers they create real ones ;
and in their deilre to have nothing to fear
from the clergy, they unite them more
dofely by one common profcription. By
excluding them from the right of being
eledled intopublicoffices they become a body
diftind: from the State. Wherefore fhould a
Citizen, who has the fame interefl: with others
in the common defence of liberty and pro-
perty, be excluded from contributing to it
his virtue and knowledge ? Is it becaufe
he is of a profeffion which requires know-
ledge and virtue ? The clergy are only
dangerous when they exifl as a diilindl body
in the State ; and think thcmfelves poflefied
of feparate rights and interefts and a religir
on ertabliflied by law, as If fome men had
a right to regulate the confciences of other
men, or could have an intereft in doing
this ; as if an Individual could facrifice to
civil fociety opinions on which he thinks his

eternal

[ 115 ]

eternal falvation depends ; as if, in Cnort,
mankind were to be faved or dam72ed in
communities — Where true toleration, (that is,
where the abfulute incompetency of civil
government in matters of eonfcience, is
€ll:abli(hed)i there the clergyman, when ad-
aiitted into the national affembly, becomes
^ fimpk citizen:, but when excluded, he
becomes an ecckfuifiic,

I do not think they are fufficiently careful
to reduce the kind of bufinefs with which
the government of each State is charged,
within the narrbweft limits poflible; nor
to feparate the objeds of legiilation from
thofeof the general adminiftration, or from
thofe of a local and particular adminiftra-
tion j nor to inftitute local permanent af-
femblies, which by difcharging almofl all
the functions in the detail of government,
make it unneceflary for the general ailemblies
to attend to thcfe things, and thereby deprive
the members of the general aflemblies of
every means, and perhaps every defire, of
abufing a power which can only be applied
to general objects, and which, confequent-
\yy mufl be free from the influence of the
little pafiions by which men ufually are
agitated^

Q_2 I do

[ ii6 ]

I do not find that they attend to the great
diftindion (the only one which is founded
in nature between two claffes of men), be-
tween landholders, and thofe who are not
landholders j to their interefls, and of
courfe to their different rights refpeding
legiilation, the adminiftration of juftice and
police, their contributions to the public
expence, and employment.

No fixed principle of taxation is efta-
blifhed. They fuppofe that each State may
tax itfelf according to its own fancy, by
cftablifliing either perjonal taxes, or taxes
on cojzfumption and importation ; that is,
that each State may alTume to itfelf an in-
tereft contrary to the interefl of the other
States.

They alfo every where fuppofe that they
have a right to regulate commerce. They
even delegate authority to executive bodies,
and to Governors, to prohibit the expor-
tation of certain commodities on certain
occafions. So far are they from being fenfi-
ble that the right to an entire liberty in
commerce is the confequence of the right
of property. So much are they ftill in-
volved in the mift of European illufions.

In the general union of the States I do

not obferve a coalition, a fufion of all the

f parts

[ i>7 ]

parts to form one homogeneous body. It
is only a jumble of communities too dif-
cordant, and which retain a conftant ten-
dency to reparation, owing to the diveriity
in their laws, cuftoms and opinions ; to the
inequality in their prefent ftrength ; but
ftill more, to the inequality in their ad-
vances to greater flrength. It is only a copy
of the Dutch republic, with this difference,
that the Dutch republic had nothing to
fear, as the American republic has, from
the future poffible increafe of any one of
the Provinces. — All this edifice has been
hitherto fupported upon the erroneous
foundation of the moil ancient and vul-
gar policy ; upon the prejudice that Na-
tions and States, as fuch, may have an
intereft diftindl from the intereft which iii-
dividuals have to be free, and to defend
their property againfl the attacks of rob-
bers and conquerors : An interefl, in
carrying on a more extcnfive commerce
than other States, in not purchafing foreign
merchandize, and compelling foreigners to
confume their produce and manufactures :
An intereft in poflefiing more extenfive ter-
ritories, and acquiring fuch and fuch a
province, llland or village : An intereft in in-
fpiring other nations with awe, and gaining a

fuperlority

[ 1.8 ]
fiiperiority over them in the glory of arts^j
iciences, and arms.

Some of thefe prejudices are fomented in
Europe, from the ancient rivalfliip of na-
tions and the ambition of Princes, which
compel every State to keep up an armed
force to defend itfelf againft the attack of
neighbours in arms, and to look upon a mi-
litary force as the principal objed: of govern-
ment. A??ierica is likely in no long time
to enjoy the happinefs of having no external
enemy to dread, provided £he is not divided
within herfelf. She ought, therefore, to
eftimate properly thofe pretended intercjls
and caufes of difcord which alone are likely
to be formidable to her liberty. On that
facred principle, *' liberty of commerce
** coniidered as a natural right flowing from
*' the polleffion of property," all the pre-
tended interefts of commerce muft vanifli. —
The fuppofed interefl in polTelling more or
lefs territory difappear on this principle,
*' that a territory does not belong to na-
** tions, but to the individuals who are pro-
** prietors of the lands." The queflion,
whether fuch a canton or fuch a village be-
longs to fuch a Province or fuch a State,
ought not to be determined by the intereft
in it pretended by that Province or that

State >

[ 119 ]

State ; but by the Intereft the inhabitants
of the canton or village have in afiembling
for tranfading their affairs in the place
moft convenient for them. This intereft,
nieafured by the greater or lefs diftance
that a man can go from his home to attend
to important affairs w^ithout injuring his
private concerns, forms a natural boundary
to thejurifdidion of States, and eftablilhes
an equipoife '^ of extent and ftrength be-
tween them, which muft remove every
danger of inequality, and every pretence
to fuperiority.

There can be no intereft in being feared
when nothing can be demanded, and when
men are in a iituation not to be attacked by
a confiderable force with any hope of fuc-
cefs.

The glory of arms is nothing to thofe
who enjoy the happinefs of living in peace.

The glory of arts and fciences belongs to
every man who can acquire it. There is

* This feems to be a particular of much confequence.
The great inequality now exifting, and which is likely
to increafe, betv/een the different States, is a very un- /
favourable circumftance ; and the embaraiTment and
danger to which it expofes the union ought to be
guarded againfl as far as polTible in laying out future
States.

herp

■ /

[ 120 ]

here ample fcope. The field of difcovcry is
boundlefs ; and all profit by the difcoveries
of all.

I imagine that the Americans are not as
fenfible of thefe truths, as they ought to
be, in order to fecure the happinefs of
their pofterity. I do not blame their leaders.
It was neceffary to provide for the neceflities
of the moment, by fuch an union as they
could form againfi: a prefent and mofl for-
midable enemy. They have not leifure to
confider how the errors of the different con-
ftitutions and States may be corre6ted 5
but they ought to be afraid of perpetuating
thefe errors, and to endeavour by all means
to reconcile the opinions and interefts of
the different provinces, and to unite them
by bringing them to one uniform fet of
principles.

To accompliih this they have great ob-
flacles to furmount.

In Canada, an order of Roman Catholic
Clergy, and a body of Nobles.

In New England, a rigid puritanical fpirit
which has been always fomewhat into^
lerant *.

* This has been once true of the inhabitants of New-
England^ but it is not fo now* See p. 47.

In

[ 121 ]

In Penfylvania, a very great number of In-
habitants laying it down as a religious prin-
ciple, that the profefiion of arms is unlaw-
ful, and refufing to join in the arrangements
necefTary to eftablilli the military force of
the State, by uniting the character of the
Citizen with that of the Soldier and Mili-
tiaman, in confequence of which the bufi-
nefs of war is made to be the buiinefs of
mercenaries.

In the Southern Colonies, an inequality
of fortune too great; and what is worfe,
a great number of Blacks, whofe flavery
is incompatible with a good political confti-
tution } and who, if emancipated, would
occafion great embarraflement by forming
two diftincl: people in one State.

In all of them, various prejudices, an at-
tachment to cftablifhed forms, a habit of
paying certain taxes, and a dread of thofe
which mufl be fubflituted for them ; a
vanity in thofe colonies Vv^hich think them-
felves moil powerful , and a wretched be-
ginning of national pride. I imagine that
the Americans mud aggrandize themfelves
not by war, but by agriculture. If they
negledl the immenfe dcfarts which are at
their backs, and which extend all the way

R to

[ 122 ]

to the vveflern fea, their exiles and fugi-
tives from the feverity of the laws, will
unite with the Savages, and fettle that part
of the country ; the conkquence of which
will be that bodies of Banditti will
ravage America, as the Barbarians of the
North ravaged the Roman Empire, and
fubjeft the States to the neceffity of keep-
ing the frontiers always guarded, and re-
maining in a State of continual war. The
Colonies next to the frontier will of courfe
be better difciplined than the red: ; and
this inequality of military force will prove
a dreadful incentive to ambition. The
remedy for this inequality would be to
keep up a {landing army, to which every
State (liould contribute in proportion to
its population ; but the Americans, who
have the fears that the Englilh oug/jt to
have, dread nothing fo much as a {land-
ing army. In this they are wrong. There
is nothing more eafy than to combine a
Handing army with a militia, fo as to im-
prove the militia, and gain additional fe-
curity for liberty. But it is no eafy matter
to calm their apprehenfions on that head.

Ilere are a number of difficulties 5 and
perhaps the private intere{ls of powerful

individuals

r T23 ]

individuals will unite with the prejudices of
the multitude, to check the efforts of true
Philofophers and good Citizens.

It is impoflible not to wifli ardently
that this people may attain to all the pro-
fperity of which they are capable. They
are the hope of the world. They may be-
come a model to it. They ?nay prove by fadt
that men can be free and yet tranquil j and
that it is in their power to refcue them-
felves from the chains in which tyrants and
knaves of all defcriptions have prefumed to
bind them under the pretence of the public
good. They may exhibit an example of
'political liberty, of religious liberty, of coin^
men'cal liberty » and of induftry. The Afylnm
they open to the opprefTed of all nations
fhould confole the earth. The eafe with
which the injured may efcape from op-
preflive governments, will compel Princes
to become juft and cautious ; and the reft of
the world will gradually open their eyes upon
the empty illufions with which they have
been hitherto cheated by politicians. But for
this purpofe America rauft preferve herfelf
from thefe illufions j and take care to avoid
being what your minifterial writers are fre-

R 2 quently

[ i24 1
quently faying She will be- — an image of our
\ Europe — a mafs of divided powers contend-
ing for territory and commerce, and con-
tinually cementing the flavery of the people
with their own blood.

All enlightened men — All the friends of
humanity ought at this time to unite their
lights to thofe of the American fages, and
to affifl: them in the great work of legifla-
tion. This, fir, would be a work worthy
of you. I wi(L it was in my power to ani-
mate your zeal in this inftance. If I have in
this letter indulged too free an effufion
of my fentimentSj this. has been my only
motive ; and it will, I hope, induce you to
pardon me for tiring you. 1 wifh indeed
that the blood which has been fpilt, and
which will contiune for fome time to be
fpilt in this contefl, may not be without its
ufe to the human race.

Our two nations are about doing much
harm to each other, and probably without
the profped: to either of any real advantage.
An increafe of debts and public burthens,
(perhaps a national bankruptcy), and the
ruin of a great number of individuals, will
prove the refult. England feems to me to
be more likely to fuffer by thefe evils,
and much nearer to then), than France.

--If

[ 125 ]
• — If Inflead of going to war, you had at the
commencement of your difputes endeavoured
to retreat with a good grace ; if your Statef-
men had then confented to make thofe
conceilions, which they will infallibly be
obliged to make at lad j if the national
opinion would have permitted your govern-
ment to anticipate events which might
have been forefeen ; if, in fl:iort, you had
immediately yielded to the independence of
America without entering into any hoftili-
ties 3 I am firmly perfuaded your nation
would have left nothing. — But you will fiow
lofe what you have already expended, and
what you are ftill to expend ; you will ex-
perience a great diminution of your com-
merce for fome time, and great interior
commotions, if driven to a bankruptcy; and,
at any rate, a great diminution of weight
in foreign politics. But this laft circum-
flance I think of little confequence to the
real happinefs of a people ; for I cannot
agree with the Abbe Raynal in your motto*.

I do

* This refers to the following words (taken from Mr.
Juftamond's tranflation of the Abbe Raynal's Hiftory of
the European Settlements) in the Title-page to the
Second Tra£l on Civil Liberty — *' Should the morals
*' of the Englifh be perverted by luxury — fhould they

♦' lofe

[ 1^6 ]

I do not believe all this will make you a
contemptible nation or throw you into
flavery. — On the contrary; your misfortunes
may have the effect of a neceffary amputa-
tion. They are perhaps the only means of
faving you from the gangrene of luxury
and corruption. And if they fl^ould termi-
nate in the amendment of your conftitution,
by reftoring annual elections, and diftribut-
ing the right of fufFrages for reprefentation fo
as to render it more equal and better propor-
tioned to the intercfts of the reprefented,
you will perhaps gain as much as America
by this revolution ; for you will preferve
your liberty, and with your liberty, and by
means of it, all your other lofl'es will be
fpeedily repaired.

By the freedom with which I have open-
ed myfelf to you, fir, upon thefe delicate
points, you will judge of the efteem with
which you have inf|3ired me ; and the fatis-
fadion I feel in thinking there is fome re-

*' lofe their colonies by reftraining them, Sec. they will
*' be enflaved. They will become infignificant and
" contemptible ; and Europe will not be able to fliew
** the world one nation in which fhe can pride herfelf."

7 femblancc

[ 127 ]

femblance between our fentiments and views.
I depend on your * confining this confidence
to yourfelf. I even beg that yoij will not
be particular in anfwering me by the Poll:,
for your letter will certainly be opened at
our Poft-Officcs, aiid I (liall be found much
too great a friend to liberty for a minifter,
even though a dlfcarded minifter.

I have the honour to be with all pof-
fible refpcd't,

Sir,
Your mofl: humble,

and moil obedient Servant,

TURCOT,

* In compliance with Mr. Ttirgcfs defirc, this let-
ter was kept private during his life. Since his death I
have thought the publication of it a duty which I owe
to his memory, as well as to the United States and
the world. I can add, with much fatisfaiSiion, that my
venerable friend and the excellent Philofopher and
Satefman whofe name introduces this letter ; and
filfo, that fome intimate friends of A'Ir. Turgofs, who i
have been confultcd on this fubjedt, concur with me in
this fentiment.

Note omitted in Page 52.
The imperfcdion of real knowledge may often produce

unreafonab'e incredulity. Had the befl: Philofophcrs

been told a few years ago, " that there exifted fiflies which j
** had the co.nmand of lighiemvg^ and which ufed it to
*' kill their prey," they would have fcoutcd the informa-
tion as abfurd and ridiculous.

APPENDIX,

CONTAINING

A Translation from the French of

THE TESTAMENT

O F

M. FORTUNE RICARD,

Teacher of Arithmetic at P .

Read and publifned at the Court of Bailiwick of that
Town, the 19th of August, 1784.

PRINTED IN M.DCC.LXXXV.

ADVERTISEMENT.

^ i~ H E following Tellament was lately
publified in France, and conveyed to
me by Dr. Franklin. // exemplifies ^ with
an i?i/irti^ive pleafantry and great force^ the
account in page lo, ^c. of the powers of Com-
pound Inter efl or a Sinking Fund, and the
ifes to which they may be applied for the benefit
of nations and of pofierity. For this reafon I
here offer to the public the following tranfia-
tion of it, not doubting but I Jljall be excifcd if
the turn of humour in it renders it a compo-
fition of a nature not perfeSlly fui table to the
other parts of this pamphlet.

S 2

[ 133 ]

T H E

T E S T A M E N T,

-1-t if ■ f' ngragp:™—

riST the name of Gel I Fortune Ruard, Teach

^ of Arithmetic at D , mvok.ng the HoK

Virgin and Saint Fortune my patron, do make
this my laft Will as follows —

r " The Executors, who have caufed this Will
" to be printed in order to fulfil the mtentions
- of the late M. Fortune Rlcard, do not thmk it
« neceffary to publifli thofc particular bcquefts
»' which concern only his own family.— Aiter
" havincr difpoled of his patrimony among them
<' ;1th wifdom, he proceeds m the following man-
" ner."]

It remains now for me to declare my in-
tentions with regard to ^^^ prom^^^/!^ 50,^
Uvres *, fubicribed on my behalf dv M.^^1^.

* 22 /. 4/. 6/.

t 134 ]

banker of this town. This fum proceeded origi-
nally from a prefect which was made me by Prof-
fer Ricard^ my much honoured grandfather, when
I entered the eighth year of my age. At that
age he had taught me the principles of writing
and calculation. After havins; fliewn me that a
capital, with its accumulating interell at five^fr
cent, would amount at the end of 100 years to
more than 131 times the original fum*, and feeing
that I lidened to this lefture with the greateft
attention, he took 24 livres f out of his pocket, and
addrelicd me with an enthufiafm which is fiill pre-
fent to m.ymind — "My child, faid he, remember
while thou liveit, that with ceconomy and cal-
culation nothing is impoffible for man. Here
are 24 livres which I give thee. Take them to
a merchant in our neighbourhood, who will
place them in trade out of regard to me.
Every year thou Ihalt add the intereft to the
principal. At thy death thou flialt employ the
produce in good works for the repole of thy
foul and my own." — I have executed this order
with fidelity, and in the courfe of my life I have
planned many proje6ls for employing this money.
Having reached the 71ft year of my age, it a-
mounts to 500 livres ; but as I mull forne time
or other fet bounds to myfelf, I now defire that
it may be divided into five portions of 100 livres -^^
each •, to which the interefts fhall be annually ad-
ded, and the accumulated fums fhall be fucceffive*
ly applied to the following ufes.

I,

In a hundred years the firfl fum of 100 livres
will amount to more than 13,100 livres §,(5822/.).

From

* See fable i ft annexed to this Will.

f Nearly a guinea.

X Four pounds nine fhillings.

\ See table ift and 2d.

[ 135 ]

From this fum a prize of 4000 livres fhail be
given for the beft theological difiertation, to
prove the lawfulnefs of putting out money to inte-
reft. Three medals, of 600 livres each, fhall alfo
be given for the three diflertations vvhich fhall be
adjudged the next in merit to the prize-dillcrca-
tion. The remainder of the 13,100 livres Ihall
be expended in printing the prize difiertation and
extrafts from the others. Copies of thefe Ihall
be fent, gratis^ to all the bilhops, clergy, and
confeflbrs of the kingdom. 1 Jiad intended to
have fent them alfo into foreign countries-, but lob-
ferve that all the univerfitiesof the chriflian world,
excepting thole of France, have folemnly recog-
nized the lawfulnefs of putting money to intereit*;
and that it continues necclTary only in this king-
dom to explain a queftion in morals fo interelt-
ing to the welfare of the State.

'in

2. After t'zvo hundred yecirs d^fecond fum of loo
livres, amounting, with its accuniulated intereft, to
more than 1,700,000 livres +, {j^S^^ool.) fliall
be emiployed in ellablilliing a perpetual fund for
fourfcore prizes of 1000 livres each, to be diftri-
buted annually by the different academies of the
kingdom, as follows,: — Fifteen prizes for the moll
diftinguiflied virtuous adlions — fifteen for works of
fcienceand literature — ten for folutionsof queilions
in arit!imetic and calculation — ten for fuch new
procefies in agriculture as (liall produce the beft
crops — ten for mafier-pieCes in the fine arts —

and

* See the approbations of the Univerfitlcs of Alcala, Sa-
lamanca, Ingolfladt, Fribourg in Brifgaw, Mayence, Co-
logne and Treves, printed at the end of a Trcatifc upon
Vjury and Inter cjf. Lyon, Bruv/el- Pont has, 1776, in izvno.
The firll five of thele approbations have b^-en dcpoficcd in
the archives of the confulfhip of the town of Lyons.

f See table 2d and 4th,

[ liS ]

and ten to encourage races and other exercifes
proper to dilplay the force and agility of the
body, and to reftore amongft us a tafte for the
gymnaiium which was in luch great efteem a-
mong the Greeks, and which- formerly made
fo many heroes.

After three hundred years, from another fum
cf lOO livres, increafed in that time to more
than two hundred and twenty - fix millions,
(10,057,000/.) there fliall be appropriated 196
millions towards eftablifhing, in the molt con-
fiderable places in France, 500 patriotic banks
for lending money without interefl; the largeft
cf which fliall have a fund of ten millions of li-
vres, and the fmalleft a fund of 100,000 livres.
Thefe banks fliall be managed by a committee
of the moll upright citizens in each place,
and the money fliall be emplo'yed in loans to
fuccour the unfortunate, or advanced towards
promoting agriculture, trade, and indufl:ry. The
remaining thirty millions fliall be expended
in founding twelve jnufeums in the cities of Paris,
Lyons, Rouen, Bourdeaux, Rennes, Lifle, Nancy,
Tours, Dijon, Thouloufe, Aix, and Grenoble.
Each of thefe mtifeums fliall be placed at the mofl:
agreeable end of the city. Five hundred thoufand
livres fliall be expended upon each building, and
in the purchafe of grounds which fliall belong to
them, and be laid out into botanical and fruit gar-
dens, and alio into kitchen gardens and extenfive
walks. To each mufeum fliall be annexed an
income of 100,000 livres; and there fliall be
lodged and boarded in it forty literary men and
artilts cf fuperior merit, who, at the time of
meals fliall be divided into four tables, that
their repafts may be chearful without being too
i noify.

[ 157 ]

hoify. Each mufeum fnall be provided with C]X
Secretaries, a defigncr and engraver, and four
carriages. There fhall be alio a hall for concerts,
a theatre, a chymical laboratory, ^ cabinet of na-
tural hiftory, a hall for experimental philofophy,
and a grand gallery for a common library. A
hundred thou/and livres lliall be expended on a fe-
parate library for each of theie eftablifliments.
The fame fum fliall be employed in providing
them with feparate cabinets of natural hiftory and
with philofophical inftruments. And 10,000 li-
vres Ihall be referved annually for keeping up
and increafing thefe cabinets and philofophical
inftruments.*

The libraries fhall always be open to the pub-
lic. Twenty members of the muilnim fliall be
engaged in giving public and gratuitous courfes
of ledlures upon the foreign languages, and upon
all the arts and fciences. The other twenty Ihall
be engaged in fuch other employments as may be
moft uieful. No one fhall be admitted a mem-
ber till he has previoufly given proof, not of his
rank, defcent, or nobility, but of his morals,
and of his never having diflionoured his pen by
writing againit -j- religion and government, or by
fatirifing any member of the community. On
being admitted he fhall make oath, " That he v/ill
" prefer virtue, truth, and -his country to every
''thing-, and the general good of literature to
" his own fame." The v/orks of the members of
the mufeum fliull be printed at the expence of the
T efta-

* See table 5th.

t No good men will ever write againft religion and
government. On the contrary ; they will do all they can
to render them greater bleffings, by fpreadlng juil notions
of them, and clearing them from thofe abufes and cor-
ruptions by which ufurpers and hypocrites have made thcn^
the means of enilaving and debafing mankijid.

[ '38 1

edablifliment, and when thofe expences are relm-
burfed, the profits fliall belong to the authors.

4. Ah^r four hundred yeRvs the fourth fiim of 100
livre.s,amoLinting, with intereft, to near 30,000 mil-
lions, (1,330,000,000/.) iTiallbeemployedin build-
ing 100 towns, each containing 150,000 fouls*, in
the moft agreeable fituations which can be found
in France. The means of peopling thefe towns,
of o;overnino; and makino them flourifh, are ex-
plained in a memorial annexed to this will -f . In
a fhort time there will refult from hence an ad-
dition of 15 millions of inhabitants to the king-
dom, and its confumption will be doiibled, for
which fervice I hope the ceconomifts will think
themfclves obliged to me.

I am fenfible that all the fpecie in Europe is
not equal to thefe 30,000 millions, and that ic
will be impoffible to make provifion in money for
fuch immenfc fums. For this reafon I leave it to
the difcretion of my executors to exchange cafli at
convenient leafons for landed and other real polTef-
fiOns. The revenue arifing from thofe poflefTions
fhall either be laid out in cafli, or realized by-
further purchafes, fo that my bequefts may be
fulfilled in their due time without any difficulty.

I am convinced, by the moft accurate calcula-
tions, that my arrangements inftead of clogging
will give adlivity to the circulation of fpecie.
Laying out the money 1 have ordered in the pur-

ckafe

* See table 6th.

f The Executors have not yet determined whether they
fhall publilh this Memorial, which is very copious, and con-
tains feme ideas that may claim originality. The more im-
mediate concerns of their cxecutorfliip have not yet afforded
them time for examining the whole of it. Befides, there can
be no neceflity of hurrying the publication, inafmuch a.^
the towns of which it treats are not to be built till the end
of four centuries.

[ 139 1

chafe of eftates, will foon increafe their value-, and
when thefe accumulating riches fhall have fo pro-
duced their effe<5l as that there can no lonaer be
found in France a landholder who will fell his
eftate, purchafes muft be fought for among the
neiCThbouringr nations.

5. Finally, with regard to the lafl: Aim of 100
livres, amounting nearly, by the accumulation
o^ five hundred years, to four millions of millions of
livres,* it fhall be difpofed of as follows.

Six thouland millions fl-iall be appropriated to-
wards paying the national debt of France, upon
condition that the Kings, our good lords and
mailers, fhall be entreated to order the comptrol-
lers general of the finances to undergo in future
an examination in arithmetic -[ before they enter
upon their office.

Twelve thoufand millions fhall likewife be em-
ployed in paying the public debts of England. —
It may be feen that I reckon that both ihofe na-
tional debts will be doubled in this period ; not
that I have any doubts of the talents of certain
minifters to increafe them much more, but
their operations in this way are oppofed by an in-
finity of circumftances which lead me to pre-
fume that thofc debts cannot be more than dou-
bled. Befides, if they amount to a few thoufands
of millions more, I declare that it is my intention
that they fhould be entirely paid ofi', and that a
projed fo laudable fhould not remain unexecuted
T 2 for

* 176 thoufands of millions flerling.— See tables 2d and
7th.

f There have been, it is faid, even in England Lords
of the Admiralty who could not count, and Chancellors of
the Exchequer who could not read figures.

I 140 1

for a tiifie more or kfs. I beg that the Englifh
would not reful'e this flight mark of the rememi-
brance of a man, who was indeed born a French-
man, but who fincerely efteemed their nation, and.
always was a particular admirer of that magnifi-
cent work which Newton, their countryman, has
entitled Univerfal Arithmetic. I earneftly defire
that, as an acknowledgment for this legacy, the
Englifh nation will conient to call the French
their neighbours* and not their natural enemies \ that
they be afliired that nature never made man an
enemy to man ; and that national hatreds, com-
mercial prohibitions, and, above all, ivars con-
ilantly produce a rnonftrous error in calculations.
But I dare not, in this inftance, require any thing.
We mult hope for all we defire from time -, and
when we have the happinefs of rendering a fer-
vice, we muft not deflroy ks value by annexing
conditions to it which may encumber thofe whorri
wc wifh to ferve.

Thirty thoufand millions fhall be formed into
a fund for producing an annual revenue of [5
hundred millions to be divided in times of peace
among all the powers of Europe. In time of
-war the fhare of the aggreflbr or aggrefiTors fhall
be given to thofe who have been attacked un-
juftly, in order to engage fovereigns, if pofllble,
to reflect a little before they commence unjuft
hoftilities. This revenue fhall be diftributed
among the different nations in proportion to their
population. Every ten years an exact numera-
tion

* The parable ot' the good Samaritan dire£ls every man
to look upon every man as his 7te!ghbour, without regarding
his country or religion. M. Ricard appears to have attended
to this divine inftrudion. But E?!glijhjnen probably forget
it, when, in their public devotions, they pray that God
would abate the priJi andaj/uage the malice of their enemies.

[ 141 ]

tion fliall betaken with a view to this diftribntion,
which fhall be made by a diet compofcd of de-
puties from all the different nations ; but I di-
rect that a larger proportion fliall be diftributed
to thofe fovcreigns who lljall apply for it and ap-
pear to dcfire it with no other view than to encou-
rage population among their fubjedts.

1 leave to the wifdom of my executors the care
of extending the benefits of this bequeft to the
other parts of the world ; and if, by this means,
they (hould hope to fucceed in extinguilhing
throughout the world the abfurd and barb^ous
rage of war, I willingly confent that they appro-
priate for this purpofe the further fum of one
hundred thoufand millions. 1 wifh that fix thou-
fand millions may be offered to his Majefty, the
King of France ; namely, a thoufand millions to
fuperfede the necefilty of lotteries, a fort of tax
impofed upon wicked men which infallibly ren-
ders them a great deal more wicked ; a thoufand
millions to buy in all ufelefs offices which are at-
tended with the fad inconvenience of perfuading
many perfons that it is a fufficient difcharge of
their duty to their country to occupy an office
without funfticns, and that an honour may be de-
rived from bearing a fenfelefs title ; a thoufand mil-
lions to buy in offices which, on the contrary, are
too important toheleftexpofed to the danger of ve-
nality •, a thoufand millions to purchafe a domain for
his Majefty worthy of his crown, and fufficient for
the expences of his court, fo that the nation may
clearly perceive tiuu the taxes impofed upon them
are applicable only to the expenditures of the
ftate. The remaining two thoufand millions
fhall form a fund, whofe annual produce ffiall be
employed by his Majefty in penfions and gratui-
ties. By thefe means, if fometimes thole favours

Piould
I

[ 142 ]

fhould be conferred upon intriguing and iinde-
ferving perfons, the nation will have no caiife
to complain of the improper life of money drawn
from taxes and the labours of the hufband-
man.

I appoint a thoufand millions towards adding a
thoufand livres to the fettled income of all the
clergy in the kingdom, and 600 livres to that
of their vicars, upon condition that they no
longer demand fees for faying maffes. I had.
alfo fome thoughts of propofing to them the
fupprelTion of fees for baptifms, marriages, and
burials -, but I have confidered thofe functi-
ons to be of a civil as well as religious nature j
and that on this account the clergy may, with-
out impropriety, be allowed to receive a pay
which is, in fa6l, more moderate than would
be recjuired by any other public officers in
their places. Befidcs, this pay, perhaps, ren-
ders the fervice more exacl, more fpeedy on
their part, and lefs irkfome to the delicacy of
fome of thofe who receive it.

I appoint two thoufand millions towards
forming an incomiC of ten livres a month to
all the children Vvhich fliall be born in the
kingdom till they are three years of age ; and
I dcfire this legacy to be increafed to thirty
livres a month to thoie children which fhall be
nurfed by their own mothers. I do not except
even the children of the rich •, on the contrary, I
invite rich parents to accept this donation without
relu6tance, as an honorary prize awarded to pa-
ternity and the cares of maternal love. They may,
if they pleafe, apply it to a6ts of charity and be-
nevolence.

1 appoint four thoufand millions tov;ards
purchaiing the walle lands of the kingdoiru,

Thefe

r. '43 ]

Thefe fliall be divided into 500 thoufand little
farms or tenements of four or five acres each.
on which fhall be eredled as many commo-
dious cottages. Thefe 500 thoufand farms ihall
be given as freeholds to an equal number of
married peafants^ chofcn in each parifli by a
veftry compofed often of the moll aged inhabitants.
The poflelibrs of thefe freeholds fhall be obliged
to make them their only refidcnce, to cultivate
them with their own hands and thofe of their fa-
milies, and to report every year the improvements
of them which they have made. Thei'e freeholds
fhall be hereditary, but only upon condition that
they lliall neither be divided, nor any two of
them engroffed by one perfon. When a free-
holder dies without leaving behind him either
wife, children, brothers, fillers, nephews, or
nieces, who have lived and laboured with him
for three years prior to his deceafe, the freehold
ihall be declared vacant, and given anew by the
veftry of the parilh to that peafant who fliall ap-
pear to deferve it beft.

I defire that two thoufand millions be laid out
in purchafing all the manors of which there fhall
be fellers, and that the vafTals thereon be for ever
afterwards exempted from all fervitude and
fealty.

Six thoufand millions fliall be employed in
founding houfes of education in all the country
parifhes, agreeable to the plan of the author of
a work entitled. Patriotic Vieivs refpe£fin^ the Edu^
cation of the People. If in executing this plan
of a man of genius and an excellent citizen it
Ihould appear to want fome little amendments and
alterations, I dire6t that they (hall be adopted. ^

1 appoint 20,000 millions towards creding in
the kingdom 40,000 houfes of labour, or public

work-

[ 144 ]

work-houfes •, to each of which fhall be appro-
priated from 10,000 to 50,000 livres annual in-
come. Every man and woman fhall have a right
to offer themklves at any time to be maintained
and employed in them. I chufe to fay nothing
of any other particulars in the government and
management of thefe houfes-, hoping that the ideas
which begin to be formed concerning eftabliih-
ments of this kind will be perfefted betore the pe-
riod fixed for thefe fhall arrive •, and that it will
at length be univerfally acknowledged, that
though it is dangerous and foolifh to give alms
in money to a itrong beggar, yet that iociety has
no right to deprive him of his liberty and inflidt
punifhments upon him, while it does not hold
out to him any other means of fubfiftence, or at
leaft point out to him a method of difcovering
"what means he is capable of ufing.

I intreat the managers of thefe public work-
houfes to give the greatell encouragement to fuch
trades as can be performed by women. This fex,
fo dear to all fenhble minds, has been negle6led
or opprefled by all our inllitutions. — Seductions
of all kinds fee(n to confpire againfl their virtue
— NecefTity precipitates them involuntarily into an
abyfs of infamy and miiery. — The low price
which is let upon the labour of women is out of
all proportion to the inferiority of their bodily
itrength. Let the public workhoufes fet the ex-
ample of paying them better.

There are in France many houfes of correc-
tion where the mifconduft of women is fe-
vcrely punifhed, but where in reality it is only
fufpended, mere confinemerit having no tendency
to eradicate vice. Why Hiould there not be one
eftabliniment where a young woman, conquered
by temptation and on the brmk of defpair, might

prefent

[ 145 J
prefent herfclf, and fay — *' Vice offers me gold ;
" I only aflc for labour and bread. In compaffion
" to my remorfe afiift and ftrengthen mc. Open
*' an afylum for me where I may weep without
" being feen, expiate thofe faults which purfue
*' and overwhelm me, and recover a fhadow of
" peace." — Such an inftitution exifts no where —
I appoint, therefore, a thoufand millions towards
eftablilhing one.

The fnares which are laid by vice for women
without fortunes, would make fewer viflims if
more affiftance was given them. We have an
infinity of eftablifhments for perfons in the high-
er ranks of life which do honour to the generofity
of our forefathers. Why have we none for this
purpofe ^ — I defire, therefore, that two thoufand
millions be employed in eftablifliing in the kijig-
dom a hundred hofpitals, which fhall be called
Hospitals of Angels. There fliall be admitted
into each a hundred females of the age of fevcn
or eight years, and of the moft engaging forms.
They fliall receive the moft perfedl education in
regard to morals, ufeful knowledge, and agreeable
accompliihments. At the age of eighteen th;fy
may quit the hofpital in order to be married ; at
which period they fliall each be paid a portion ot
40,000 livres. 1 mention this moderate lum be-
caufe it is my wifh that they be neither reproached
for want of fortune, nor efpoufed from inrereft.
An annual income of 2000 livres fliall be given
alfo to their parents. * * * * Except once in the year
at a folemn and fplendid procefllon, they fliall rare-
ly appear in public, but fliall be conflantly em-
ployed in their afylum in learning all that can ren-
der them one day excellent wives and mothers.

In order to fit them, in particular, for dcme/Jic

(economy^ I deflre that after they have been taught

the moft accurate ideas of expences of all kinds,

U qucilions

[ h6 ]

qucflions be propofed to them from time to time
to which they fhall be obliged to give anfwers by
word of mouth, and alfo in writing ; as for ex-
ample— " If you had fnch or fuch an income, un-
*' der fuch or fuch circumftances, how much
** would you appropriate to your table, your
" houfe-rent, your maintenance, and the educa-
" tion of your children ? How many fervants
" would you keep ? How much would you re-
" ferve for ficknefs and unforcfeen expences ?
" How much would you confecrate to the relief
*' of the unfortunate and the public good ? — If
" your income depended either entirely or in part
" upon a tranfient advantage or a place which was
" no\. nJJ'uredio you, how much would you expend
*' annually? Whatfum would you referve for form-
*' ing a capital?" &c. &c. Prizes publicly given to
the bed anfwers to queftion's of this kind would
conftitute, in my opinion, an exercife equally en-
gaging and more uleful than the little comedies
;ind novels with which young perfons in the high-
er flations are getlerally entertained.

The honours conferred upon great men have
always appeared to me the moft effedlual means of
producing great men. 1 appoint, therefore, a
thoufand millions towards ftriking medals, and
placing in the halls of all towns, or in any other
convenient places, ftatues and buds in honour of
Juch great men as fhall hereafter rife up. I
defire further that thtfe honours be not paid them
till ten years after their deceafe \ and that they be
decreed and proportioned by a tribunal compofed
of fuch upright, enlightened, and worthy citi-
zens, as fnall be moft likely not to be dazzled by
fali'e virtues. — It has been once reckoned, that
founding liofpitals for the fick is one of the beft
public Icrvices. For fome years a convidion has

been

[ U7 ]
been gaining ground, that breathing the pefti-
lential air of hofpitals doubles the danger of di-
ieales ; and that on this and other accounts they
probably dejlroy more lives than they fave. I de-
fire, therefore, that 10,000 millions be employed
in eflablifliing in each parifli of the kingdom
hotifes of heaUh^ in which fhall be maintained a
phyfician, a fufgeon, and a convenient numbcrr
ot fillers of charity and nurfes. Thefe houfes
fhall fupply the fick gratis in their own houlcs
with every afliltance in food and medicine, and
none fhall be taken to the houfe of health except-
ing thole whom it fhall be impoffible to aflift at
home.

I have hitherto only directed the em.ployment
of about two hundred thoufand millions. There
remain ftill ncar/(7«r millions of millions^ the appro-
priation of which 1 leave to the difcretion of iny
executors. I wifh them to purchafe and pall
down all fuch houfes as incommode the public
way in all towns; to multiply fquares, quays,
fountains, gardens, &c. in order to give falubrity
to the air of towns •, to empty ponds ; to clear
heaths •, to deepen the beds of rivers fo as to render
them navigable, and to unite them by means ot
canals; — in a word, I wifh them to co-operate in
every polFible method with nature, which feems
to have defigned France * to be the moft delightful
country under heaven.

U 2 I hope

* France, undoubtedly, pcfTelTes fome of the beft Wi7-
/arrt/ advantages, and is a great kingdom. But it wants
the firft of all advantages. It wants a fice conltita'ion of
government. It wants civil and religions liberty. B-^itain
enjoys thefe bleffings j and this, though lefs than a fourth \
of France in extent and populrition, gives it a vait pre-
eminence. May thefe bleHings be foon recovered by one ct
thefe countries, and never lolt by the other. — '2 ?v?/.y7tj/tr';
note.

[ M-S ]

I hope that all good citizens will afTift my exe-
cutors in the choice of fuch iifeful eftablifhments
as (hall yet remain to be formed. I call upon
them to publiih the ideas with which patriotic
zeal may infpire them, nnce now they are en-
couraged by the confoling certainty that funds
for executing them cannot be v;anting.

I name for executors my deareft and beft friends

M. M. [Here the teftator

names fix executors, who do not think proper at
prefcnt to reveal themfclves, and then goes on as
follows],

I beg of them to meet as often as the affairs of
my executorfliip fliall recjuire. In cafe of an equal
divifion of opinions, the oldeft fliall have the caft-
ino; vote. When one of them dies, I defire the
furvivors to fill the vacancy, as foon as may be,
with the moft honeft, zealous, and difinterefted
citizen of their acquaintance, and to proceed in
this manner for ever. I hope that during the firft
years of their executordiip, when the operations
of the fund will be eafy, they will tranfadl in this
bufinefs out of regard to me and to the public. I
forefee that, in procefs of time, the furns to be laid
out will become fo immenfely great, as to render
neceffary voyages and other confiderable expences,
which will be produdive of no profit. For this
reafon I have left 125,000 livres of the fecond
fum unappropriated', of the third 71 1,000 •, and
of the fourth thirty-two millions. Thele fums I
requeft them to accept as a compenfation for
their expences and trouble. I charge them al-
ways, as far as they can, without hazarding the
fecurity of the fund, to prefer thofe ways of lay-
ing out the accumulating fums which fliall be
moft ferviceable to individuals and the public.

If a reduflion in the rate of intereft, or any un-

forefecn lofies, fliould injure the fundjfo as to re-

5 card

[ 149 ]

tard its increafe, the execution of my defires need
only be poftponed in proportion to the interrup-
tion that fhall happen.

May the fuccefs of thefe eftablifliments caufe
one day a few tears to be fhed on my grave. But
above all, may the example of an obfcure indivi-
dual * kindle the emulation of patriots, princes,
and public bodies ; and engage them to give at-
tention to this new but powerful and infallible
means of ferving pofterity, and contributing to
the future improvement and happinefs of the
world.

* During the printing of this Will, the Gazette de Frame
announced a legacy of the fame kind, which will prove to
oar readers that thofe ideas may fometimes be realized.
" We read in fome of our papers a very fingular fai^. Judge
" Normand, of Norwich, who died 1724, made a will, in \
" which he bequeathed 4000I. fterling towards building in 60
*' years, from that time, a charity fchool, to the founding
** of which the principal, and its accumulating intereft,
*' during this period, fhould be appropriated. His further
" difpofitions fix the number of fcholars to 120, regulates
" their meals for every day in the week, each to have for
^' dinner on Sunday a pound of roafl: beef, and in the even-
** ing ten ounces of plum-pudding. He invells the ma-
•' nageraent of this fchool in the Billiop, the Chancellor,
" the Dean, the four members for the city and county, and
" eight clergymen. The period determined upon for the
" execution of this Will expired in the month of May, and
•' the accumulated fum amounts to 74,000!. fterling."

Gaxttte de France, Friday, Aug, 13, 1784. No. 65.

TABLES.

[ '50 ]

iiiiiimniiitinMiiiiiimnniiaw

TABLES.

No. I. *

Table of the Produce of a Sujji of lOO Lhres^
with its accwmdating Inter ejl^ during loo Tears,
at 5 per Cent.

Years.

lOO

Int. 5

s.

d.

Years.

4
5
6

Int. 5

J". ^,
^5 3
«5 9

I

105
5

5

0

121
6

1 1 — ■■
I 6

2

110

5

5
10

3

127
6

12 6

7 6

3

H5

15

3

»34

* Rule yir an eafy Cowverjion of Li'vres into Pounds
Sterling.

Strike off from the number of livres the two figures on
the right hand, and multiply by 4 the remaining figures*
The produdl increafed by a tenth of itfelf will give nearly
the number of pounds anfwering to the Humber of livres.

Thus. 100,000 livres are equal nearly to 4000 multiplied
by 4, and the product (4000) increafed by 400. That is,
they are equal to 4400/.

In like manner, 1,725,768 livres are equal to 17,257
multiplied by 4, and the produft (69,028) increaied by
6902. That is, they are equal 10 75,930/. — Trarjlator'.-
»tQte%

[ 151 ]

Years.

;^. S. d.

Int. 6 14 —

Years

51

&c.

60

61
&c.

70

71

&c.

80
81

&c.

90
91

&c.
99

100

{. s. d.

U45 14 —

Int. 57 5 6

7

140 14 - —
7 - 6

1202 19 6

8

147 14. 6
776

1866 3 —
93 6 —

9

^55 2 —
7 ^5

1959 9 -.

lO

162 17 —

3039 13 9
151 19 6

20

265 4 ^
135 —

3191 ^3 3

21

278 9 —

4951 4 6
247 II —

30

431 18 —
21 II 9

519S 15 6

31

&c.

453 9 9

8064 18 9
403 4 9

40

703 s 3

35 3 3
738 II 6

8468 3 6

41

12511 5 9
625 II 3

50

1145 14

i3'i3^ »7 —

OBSERVATIONS.

We found among the papers of the late Af.
Ricard a great number of very curious tables, but

[ 152 ]

they have not been inferted here becaufe they had.
no direft relation to the obiedt of his Will. He
had computed the produce of a Aim of loo livres,
with the accumulated intereft of loo years, ac-
cording to the different rates of intereft-, and the
refults varied much more than could be believed
from the proportion of thofe different rates.

Intereft at 4per cent, gives 50"]

at g per cent. — 1 3 1 I times theori-
at 6 per cent. — 339 1 &^""^ ^'^''^•

?it loper cent. — i3,78oJ

From hence it follows, that if the operations
are well managed, and the money laid out to ad-
vantage, even by finking the principal, (as is
done in the fund for the 30 girls of Geneva) and
converting afterv/ards the annual produce into
capitals, the executors might confiderably accele-
rate the accomplifhment of the benevolent dif-
pofitions of the teftator.

By laying out the money every three months,
as is the cuftom in fome commercial places, the
operations might alfo be accelerated, although
but in a fmall degree.

REMARK, by the Translator.

Thefe obfervations fliew that M. Ricard was
himfelf pofTefTcd in a high degree of that know-
ledge of arithmetic which he has required in the
comptrollers-general (p. 139) as a condition of
the redemption of the debts of France. In the laft
paragraph, however, there is an incorrcclnefs which
Ihews that he had not attended fufficiently to 07te
circumftance in the improvement of money by
compound intereft. This will appear from the
following calculations.

One

[ ^53 ]
One hundred livres will amount, if improved
at 5 per cent, intereft,

Paid yearly. Half-yearly.

Livres. Livres.

Iniooyearsto 131,501 ^ i39'5^o

In 500 years to 3",932,4oo',ooo,ooo— 5",z96,ioo',ooo,ooo

Paid quarterly.
In 100 years to 143.890 livres.

In 500 years to 6", 1 66, ooo'ooo, 000 livres.

By direaing, therefore, that the laft hundred
livres fllould be improved at 5 pr cent, quarterly
intereft, M.i?/V^ri might have gained an addition-
al fum equal to 2",234,ooo',ooo,ooo livres-, that is,
nearly equal to a hundred thoufand millions fterling,
which is a fum more than fufficient to encompafs
the earth with a belt of guineas all clofe and five
feet broadi

No. II.

'Table of the Produce of each Sum of 100 Livres, he-
queathed by the "Tefiator, from one hundred to five
hundred Years.

It has been proved by the preceding table, that
a fum of 100 livres, with the intereft accumu-
latino- at 5 pr cent, for 100 years, will produce
iq,n6//i;. 17/m. By multiplying this fum by
itfelf four times fucceffively, it will appear that
the following fums are the produce of each 100
livres at the end of each century.

Li'V. JOU.S den,

i"'°. Produce of 100 livres, with
the accumulated intereft du-

<. 1^,1 36 17 —

ring 100 years - - j' j /

2". Produce of 100 livres, with

the intereft, during 200 years, - i,725'70» 5

'lO, Produce of 100 livres in ^ o f.

^ : 226,711,509 »2 o

300 years - ^ ■^■^ >/ 'j >'

4.O. Produce of 100 livres in „ ^ /- , ,

400 years - -. 29,782,761.461 13 -

c". Produce of loo livres in , ,- -

[ ^54 j

No. IIL

Table of the Difpojition of the frfi Sum, amount-
ing to 13,136 livres 1 7 fans.

Litres fous den.
A prize of - - - 4,000 — —

Three others of 600 Hvres each - - 1,800

An edition of the Prize Difcourfe, extrads

from the three others, with 50,000 copies 7,336 17 -r-

Total 13,136 17

No. IV.

Table of the Difpofition of the fecond Siiniy a-
moiinting to i^yic^^'] 6% livres ^fous bden.

Linjres fous den..
A fund for 80 prizes of 100 livres each, 1,600,000 — —
Referved towards defraying the expcnccs

of the executors, - - - 125,768 5 6

Total 1,725,768 5 6

No. Y.

Table of the Difpofrtion of the third Sumy amount-
z>/^ /i? 2 2 1) , 7 n , 5 8 9 liv. 1 2 fous 6 den .

Lifres fous den.

Five hundred patriotic banks for lend-
ing money without intereft - 196,000,000 — —

Building 12 mufeums at 500,000 liv.
each - 6,000,000 I

Fund for an annual income of s 30,000,000 — • — :
100,000 livres for each mufe- i
um - - 24,000,000''

Refervcd towards dcfiaying the cxpences

pf the executors - - 711,589 12 6

Total 226,71 1,589 12 6
r During the three yenrs emplcyed in building
the mtrieums, the income of 109,000 livres is to be
3aid by. towards purchaHng the library, the ca-
binets,

[ '55 J
bjnets, the carriages, the horfes, and ail the fiirni.
ture of the mufeuni. Afterwards it is to be em-
ployed as follows.

Table-expence? for the 40 members of the mufe- '
um, the fix fecrecarics, the defigner, the en-
graver, and all thedomellics, coachmen, cooks,
gardeners, &c.

Salaries of the fecretaries, defigner, engraver,
and wages of the domeiHcs,

Ex'pences of the ftable and carriages.

The library and cabinets,

Repairs of the building and furniture,

JMnting and unforefeen expences.

50,000

12,000
10,000

IO,OGO

8,oco

10, COO

Total 100,000

No. VI.

Table of the Difpofition of the ^th Sumy amounting
to 29,782,761,461 //ly. I'ifous,

Towards building lop towns, containing each of
thcin 150,000 fouls.

In order that thefe towns may be wholefome and convenient,
it will be proper to confecrate to eaoh of them a very large
circular piece of ground, containing 6000 acres ; which be-
ing eftimated at the higheft, may be valued at 1000 livres
each acre. By judging from the towns which now exifl,
there will not be required more than from 4, to 5000 houfes
for 150,000 inhabitants; but it is not conducive to the
health of mankind, to be fo crowded together. I fuppofe
then that each of thefe towns may contain 7500 houfes *,
which, one with the other, will coft 35000 livres in build-
ing. Each town will cpft

Six thoufand acres of ground at 1000

livres per acre
7,500 houfes, at 35,000 livres each houfe
Public buildings, town houfes, bridges,

churches, &c. _ _ -

Li'Vres. fous.

6,000,000 —
262,400,000 —

29,000,000 —

Total 297,500,000 —

* It would have been much better if M. Ricard had al-
lowed a houfe for every family, which would have made the
number of houies about 30000.

The

t h6 1

Li'vres. forts.

The preceding fum multiplied into ibo,

gives - - - 29,750,000,000 —

P.eferveJ towards defraying the ex-

pences of the executors, - 32,761,461 13

Total, 29^782,761,461 13

No. VII.

Table of the Difpofition of the ^th Sum, amounting
fo 3,9 1 2,5 1 6, 739,074 liv. I sfoiis 3 de7u

The national debt of France, - 6 thoufand millions.

■ of England, 12

A fund towards dividing annually
J 5 hundred thoufand livres a-
mong the pacific powers of Eu-
rope, - - 30

A fimilar diftributlon among all
the powers of the world, - 100

Abolition of lotteries, ~ 1

Extinftion of ufelefs offices, - • i

Suppreffion of venality in offices of
of importance, - 1

A domaine to be offered to his Ma-
jefty, - - - I

A fund to be employed in annui-
ties and penfions, - 2

An addition to the fettled ftipends
of the clergy, - I

Allowance to children under three
years of age, - - - 2

A foundation for500,GOofmall_/>-ff-
holds with commodious cottages, 4

Enfranchifement of vaffials, - 2

Foundations for houfes of educati-
on for the people, - - 6

Houfes of induftry, - 20

Afylums for penitentyoung women, 1

Hofpitals of Angels, - 2

Statues, bulls, and public honours, I

Houfes of health, - 10

Total of appropriated funis, 203

Remain unappropriated, 3,709,516,739,074 15 ^

Total, 3,912,516,739,074 15 3

FINIS.

w-

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