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• ••••• •••••• 



PUBLICATIONS: OCTAVO SERIES 
No. XXXVI 



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THE PLACE-NAMES 



OF 



CAMBRIDGE SHIRE 



BY THE 



Rev. WALTER W. SKEAT, Litt.D., D.C.L., LL.D., Ph.D., 

ELRINGTON AND B08W0RTH PROFESSOR OF ANGLO-SAXON 
AND FELLOW OF CHRIST'S COLLEGE. 



(iDambtQrge : 

PRINTED FOR THE CAMBRIDGE ANTIQUARIAN SOCIETY. 

SOLD BY DEIQHTON, BELL & CO. ; and MACMILLAN & BOWES. 

LONDON, GEORGE BELL AND SONS. 

1901 



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^r$^i^ 






iSDambttoge : 

PBINTBD BT J. AMD 0. F. OLAT, 
▲T THE UNITEBSITT PBB88. 



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CONTENTS. 



PAGE 

§ 1. Prefatory Remarks 1 

§ 2. The suffix -ton :— Barton, Carlton, Caxton, Cherry Hinton, 
Chesterton, Clopton, Comlierton, Coton, Croxton, Ditton, 
Drayton, Foxton, Girton, Harlton, Harston, Hauxton, Hinx- 
ton, Histon, Kingston, Linton, Long Stanton, Malton, Milton, 
Newton, Rampton, Royston, Saxton (Saxon Street), Sutton, 
Weston, Wilburton 5 

§ 3. The sdffix -ington : — Arrington, Doddington, Impington, 
Leverington, Litlington, Oakington, Trumpingtou, Wimbl- 
ington — Ickleton, Sawston — Abington, Barrington, Conington 14 

§ 4. The suffix -hah : — Babraham, Badlingham, Balsham, Bar 
ham, Bottisham, Chettisham, Chippenham, Coldham, Cotten- 
ham, Downham, Dullingham, Fordham, Haddenham, Hilders- 
ham, Isleham, Newnham, Soham, Stretham, Swaffham, 
Teversham, West Wickham, Wilbraham, Willingham, 
Witcham 19 

§ 5. The suffix -stead :— Olmstead 25 

§ 6. The suffix worth :— Boxworth, Duxford (Duxworth), Els- 
worth, Kneesworth, Lolworth, Pampisford (Pampisworth), 
Papworth, Stetchworth, Wentworth 25 

§ 7. The suffixes -wick and -cote :— Ben wick. Hard wick, West- 
wick — Coates, Caldecott 27 

§ 8. The suffixes -bridge, -hithe, -low, and -well : — Cambridge, 
Pearl's Bridge, Sturbridge — Clayhithe, Aldreth, Earith — 
Bartlow, Tadlow, Triplow — Barnwell, Burwell, Knapwell, 
Orwell, Outwell, Snailwell, Upwell 29 

5:342 j3 

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VI CONTENTS. 

PAGE 

§ 9. The suffixes camp, Chester, dike, hale, hirn, lode, port, 
RETH, WARE : — Castle Camps, Shudy Camps— OheBterton, 
Grautchester— Dittoii, Brent Ditch, Fleam Dike, Fiendish— 
Mepal, Enhale — Guy hirn — Oxlode — Littleport — Meldreth, 
Shepreth — Upware 37 

§ 10. The suffixes beach, bourn, den, down, ea, pen, field, 
FORD, heath, lea, MERE, POOL, WADE : — Landbeach, Water- 
beach, Wisbeach — Bourn, Bassingboum, Fulbourn, Mel- 
boum — Croydon (Crawden), Eversden (Eversdon), Gransden, 
Morden (Mordon), Guilden Morden, Steeple Morden — 
Whaddon — Anglesea, Barway, Coveney, Ely, Eastrea, 
Horningsea, Manea, Stonea, Stuntney, Swavesey, Thorney, 
Welney, Wendy, Whittlesea, Gamlingay, (Bungay, Hilgay, 
Wormegay), Shingay, Lingay — Fen Ditton, &c., — Haslingfield, 
Nosterfield, Radfield — Arraingford, Chilford, Demford, 
Shelford, Staplefonl, Thetford, Whittlesford, Witchford— 
Horseheath — Ashley, Brinkley, Cheveley, Childerley, Eltisley, 
Graveley, Hatley, Madingloy, Silverley, Westley, Wetherley — 
Fowlmere (Foulmire) — Wimpolo — Landwjide ... 44 

§ 11. Some other names: — Borough Green, Bourn, Burnt Fen, 
Chatteris, Elm, Kennet, Kirtling, March, Newmarket, Over, 
Prickwillow, Quy, Reach, Spinney, Stane, Staplow, Stow, 
Toft, Tydd, Wicken, Wratting 68 

§ 12. List of Ancient Manors 74 

§ 13. (conclusion 76 

Index 77 



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THE PLACE-NAMES OF CAMBRIDGESHIRR 



§ 1. Prefatory Remarks. 

Ik attempting to deal with some of the principal place- 
names in Cambridgeshire, with a view to obtaining some light 
upon their etymologies, I find myself at a disadvantage in one 
respect, but in another to have some hopes of partial success. 
The disadvantage is, that I have made no wide or extended 
study of English place-names in general ; and it is obvious that, 
in many an instance, one place-name is likely to throw light, 
upon another, though the places may be in different counties. 
On the other hand, I have had much experience in tracing the 
etymologies of most of the main words that occur in our 
English Dictionaries; and the phonetic laws that regulate 
place-names are precisely the same as those that regulate other 
native words that are in common use. 

Perhaps there is no subject of study that is, generally 
speaking, in so neglected a state. The wild and ignomnt guess- 
work of the eighteenth century, and even of the nineteenth, 
has tilled our books of antiquities and our country histories 
with many misleading theories ; and the results of these un- 
conscionable inventions have not unfrequently found their way 
even into the ordnance-maps. However, the principles of pho- 
netics are beginning to make progress. It is now recognised 
that, if it is necessary to look to our spellings, it is still more 
necessary to know what those spellings mean, and not to talk 
at random about words until we have at least learnt how to 
pronounce them. For it is, after all, the spoken word that 
C. J. S, Octavo Series. No. XXXVI. 1 



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2 THE PLACE-NAMES OF CAMBRIDGESHIRE. 

matters; the spellings are merely symbols and guides, and 
will only guide those who understand them. 

It is only of late years that the phonetic laws which govern 
the gradations and mutations of Anglo-Saxon words have been 
intelligently investigated ; and hence it is that it is quite im- 
possible for such as know nothing about such laws to realise 
their intricacy, and the certainty with which, in the hands of 
the student, they point to the original sounds. And there is 
yet another matter which is of vast importance and has never- 
theless received far too little attention ; viz. the now well 
ascertained fact that many of our spellings are Norman or 
Anglo-French, and cannot be interpreted even by the student 
of Anglo-Saxon until he has further realised what such symbols 
mean. I beg leave to say that this is a point which I have 
carefully studied ; and I have now in the press a fairly complete 
statement of the 16 Canons whereby the spelling of a Norman 
scribe is distinguished from that of a Saxon one. Many of 
those who have hitherto investigated the spellings of Domesday 
Book have sometimes, I fear, been in almost complete ignorance 
of the sounds which such spellings denote. Whilst I oflFer 
these remarks by way of showing that I have considered the 
matter seriously, and have avoided frivolous guesses, I by no 
means suppose that all the results here obtained are final. 
Some are obvious; others are reasonably certain; but some 
are doubtful. Which these are, I shall usually endeavour to 
indicate, by the introduction of such words as * probably ' and 
* possibly,' and the like. 

I wish to express my sincere thanks for help received. I 
do not think I should have undertaken the present task but for 
the kindness of Mr C. Sayle and Mr J. E. Foster. Mr Sayle 
supplied me with the alphabetical list of the principal place- 
names in the county, nearly all of which are here considered ; 
whilst Mr J. E. Foster did me inestimable service by ascertain- 
ing the old spellings of our place-names as they are given in 
the Red Book of the Exchequer, the Ely Registers, the Feudal 
Aids, the Pipe Rolls, and the like, supplying in every case the 
exact reference, and (wherever it was possible) the exact date. 
Only the philologist wholly realises the helpfulness of such 



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§ 1. PREFATORT REMARKS. 3 

data ; and it is sufficient to say that, without such material, the 
work could not have been undertaken at all. I shall frequently 
give the dates of various spellings below ; but I wish it to be 
understood that, in every case, the exact reference is known, 
and the evidence can always be produced. When, for example, 
I say that Chesterton is spelt Cestretone in 1210 and in 1130, 
it is meant that Mr Foster has found that spelling under the 
date 1210-12, in the Bed Book of the Exchequer (Bolls Series), 
p. 529, and under the date 1130-1 in the Pipe Boll. 

I am also much indebted for many hints and corrections to 
Mr W. H. Stevenson, Fellow of Exeter College, Oxford ; but it 
will be understood that he is ia no way responsible for the 
results here given. 

The chief authorities which I have myself consulted are 
not many. I may instance the very valuable work entitled 
Inquisitio Comitatus Cantabrigiensis, ed. N.E.S.A. Hamilton 
(London, 1876), which is practically the original of the Domes- 
day Book as far as relates to Cambridgeshire, with the Inquisitio 
Eliensis appended ; the Domesday Book for Cambridgeshire ; 
the Bamsey Chronicle and the Bamsey Chartulary (in the Bolls 
Series); the printed charters as edited by Eemble, Thorpe, 
Earle, and Birch; Sweet's Oldest English Texts and his History 
of English Sounds; the New English Dictionary and the 
English Dialect Dictionary; the Anglo-Saxon Dictionary by 
Bosworth and Toller ; and other helpful books of a like character. 
For the spelling of Anglo-Saxon names, I have depended on 
Eemble's Index of place-names in his sixth volume, and Searle's 
Onomasticon Anglo- Saxonicum. I have also obtained various 
useful information from Miller and Skertchly's book entitled 
The Fenland Past and Present, from a History of Cambridge- 
shire dated 1851, and from the more recent History of Cam- 
bridgeshire by Conybeare. 

The result of a study of English place-names can hardly 
prove to be other than extremely disappointing, especially to 
the sanguine and the imaginative. Speaking generally, we 
can only satisfy our curiosity to a very limited extent ; and we 
have borne in upon us the fact, which any reflecting mind might 
have anticipated, that names were conferred upon places quite 

1—2 



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4 THE PLACE-NAMES OF CAMBRIDGESHIRE. 

casually, for the sake of convenience, and for very trivial 
reasons; precisely as they are conferred now. This is easily 
illustrated by the following list of modem names, compiled from 
the Ordnance map of Cambridgeshire. I find there Chalk 
Farm, Cold Harbour Farm, Crick's Farm, Cuckoo Farm, Grove 
Farm, High Bridge Farm, Hill Farm, Lower Farm, Manor 
Farm, New Farm, Oldfield Farm, Scotland Farm, Shardelow's 
Farm, West Fen Farm, Woodhouse Farm, and many more; 
Fox Hill, Honey Hill, Thorn Hill, White Cross Hill ; Duck End, 
Frog End, Green End, South End ; Black Hall, Gunner's Hall, 
Nether Hall, Poplar Hall, Spring Hall, White Hall, Wood Hall; 
Quail's Lodge, Worsted Lodge; Baits Bite, Brookfield, Fries- 
land, King's Hedges, Lamb's Cross, The Poplars, Wrangling 
Comer; and so forth. These aflford an indication of the 
character of the names we may expect to find, though perhaps 
our older names are, on the whole, a trifle more dignified, as 
being more descriptive. Yet the truth is that they are usually 
more prosaic than poetical. 

Most of the names considered below are arranged in groups, 
as this is by far the best way of considering them. The most 
frequent endings refer to settlements, as -ton (for tovm), -ham, 
'Stead, -worth, -wick, and -cote\ we also find -bridge, -hiihe, 
-low, -well, and others of a like kind, referring to things 
artificial ; whilst another set refers to things natural, such as 
-den, -don (for down), -ey (island), -fisld, -ford, -mere, -pool, and 
the like. The most typical are such as end in -ton or -ington. 
Those in -ton are often preceded by the name of the first 
occupier or builder of the town or farm ; whilst those in -ing-t<m 
refer to a cluster of houses which formed the settlement of a 
tribe. The name of the first settler or tribe of settlers is 
invariably that of some man or family of whom nothing further 
is known ; and I suppose that when we meet in modern times 
with names of the same character, such as Crick's Farm, 
Gunner's Hall, or Shardelow's Farm, we do not usually care to 
enquire into the antecedents of Mr Oick, or Mr Gunner, or 
Mr Shardelow; and it might easily happen that, even if we 
did so, we should not reap any great advantage from it, even 
if we were successful. We must leave the result as we 



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§ 2. NAMES ENDING IN -TON. 5 

find it, and be thankful that we have learnt what the names 
mean. 



Abbreviations, etc. 

The following is a list of the more important sources of old 
names, with some abbreviations : 

Cat. A.D. — Catalogue of Ancient Deeds (Record Series). 

D.B. — Domesday Book (part relating to Cambridgeshire). 

KD.D.— English Dialect Dictionary. 

E.R. — ^Ely Roisters (in the Ely Diocesan Remembrancer). 

F.A— Feudal Aids (Record S^es) ; vol. i. 

Hundred Rolla — Rotuli Hundredorum ; vols. i. and iL Those in 

voL ii are dated 1279. 
I.C.C. — Inquisitio Comitatus Cantabrigiensis ; and Inquisitio Eliensis; 

ed. N.E.S.A. Hamilton ; 1876. 
Index to the Rolls and Charters in the British Museum, ed. H. J. 

Ellis and F. B. Bickley (1900). 
In. p. m. — Calendarium Inquisitionum post Mortem sive Esoaetarum ; 

ed. J. Caley ; vol. i. (Record Series). 
N.E.D.— New English Dictionary (Oxford). 
P.F.— Pedes Finium ; ed. Walter Rye. 
P.R.— Pipe Roll, 1189-1190; and Rolls of the Pipe, 1166-1168 ; ed. 

Rev. Joseph Hunter. 
R.B.— Red Book of the Exchequer ; ed. W. D. Selby. (Rolls Series.) 
R.C.— Ramsey Chartulary, ed. W. H. Hart; 3 vols. (The third 

vol. has a full index.) 
R. Chron. — Ramsey Chronicle, ed. Rev. W. D. Macray. (Rolls Series.) 



§ 2. The Suffix -ton. 

The chief places in Cambs. ending with the suffix -ton (not 
preceded by 'ing) are as follows: Barton, Carlton, Caxton, 
Cherry Hinton, Chesterton, Clopton, Comberton, Coton, Croxton, 
Ditton, Drayton, Foxton, Qirton, Harlton, Harston, Hauxton, 
Hinxton, Histon, Kingston, Linton, Long Stanton, Malton, 
Milton, Newton, Rampton, Royston, Saxton, Sutton, Weston, 
Wilburton. I omit Ickleton and Sawston intentionally, for 
reasons which will be given in due time ; cf. pp. 17, 18. 



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6 THE PLACE-NAMES OF CAMBRIDGESHIRE. 

It is well known that the sufBx -ton is merely the un- 
emphatic form of the familiar English word toum, of which the 
original sense was " enclosure." It usually signified a collection 
of dwellings, or, as in Scotland at this day, a solitary farmhouse. 
Perhaps the nearest modern equivalent is " homestead " ; with- 
out any necessary restriction to a homestead belonging to a 
single owner, although this signification is certainly included. 

Barton. This is the prov. E. baHoriy a farm-yard ; for 
which see the English Dialect Dictionary. It is the A,S. here- 
tun, lit. corn-farm, or barley-enclosure ; from here, barley, and 
tun. Thus the syllable Bar- is in this instance the same as the 
bar- in barley ; see the New English Dictionary. 

Carlton. Written GarUton in 1302 (F.A. i. 142), Carlen- 
tone in Domesday. Here Carl is the Scandinavian equivalent 
of the A.S. ceorl, whence E. churl and the place-name Charlton. 
Carl frequently occurs as a man s name, and is, in fact, the 
origin of the modem E. Charles, The Old Norse karl also 
signifies a man, a male, a household servant, a husbandman ; see 
Carl in the N.E.D. (New English Dictionary). Its combining 
form is karla- ; so that Carlton answers to an Icelandic form 
Karlatim. Cf Carlatun in Kemble, Cod. DipL iv. 288; also 
Carletun (Carlton, Cambs.) in the same, iv. 300. 

Caxton is spelt as at present in rather early times ; as, e.g., 
in 1245 (In. p. m., p. 3). There is a place named Cawston in 
Norfolk, which is merely another form of the same name. This 
we know from the fact that the famous printer is not unfre- 
qliently called Causton ; see the Diet, of Nat. Biography. And 
this is why we find Caustone in Domesday Book instead of 
Caxton. The prefix Cav^- is mysterious; and I only make a 
guess when suggesting that it may just possibly represent an 
A.S. form Cages, gen. case from a nom. Cah. That there was 
such a name as Cah may be inferred from the patronymic 
Cabling, whence the place-name Cahing-keg, in Kemble, Cod. 
DipL ii. 137, 1. 9; compare also Ca^broc in the same, iii. 413. 
The closely related name Ceahha occurs in Ceahhan mere, 



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§ 2. NAMES ENDING IN -TON. 7 

id. iii. 48, 1. 26. A genitival form Cahe8\ combined with tun, 
would give in Mid. Eng. a form Cagheston, or (by contraction) 
CagKston ; and the ghs might develop an x, as in the case of 
the E- hox from A.S. hoh-sinu) see Box in the New Eng. 
Dictionary, and compare the use of hock as a variant of htyagh 
(see the same). Cah is an Old Mercian form, as distinguished 
from the Wessex Gedhy with a broken vowel. This explanation 
is, however, mere guesswork. 

Cherry Hinton. The prefix cherry, having reference to 
cherry-trees, is comparatively modern. The place-name Hinton 
occurs in many parts of England, and is spelt Hintofie in 
Domesday Book. Perhaps from A.S. hind, a hind, female deer. 
Had the prefix been Hine-, it would answer to the A.S. hlna, 
as seen in Hina-gerncero,' Hma-hege, Hlna-mearc, place-names 
given in Kemble's Index ; where hlna is the genitive of hiwan, 
a plural sb. meaning " domestic servants,'' allied to the modem 
E. hind, a servant, especially an agricultural labourer; see 
N.E.D. The result is uncertain. 

Chesterton is spelt Cestretone in 1210 (R.B.), in 1130 
/\ (P.R.). and in Domesday Book. The corresponding A.S. form 
is ceaster-tun, where ceaster is merely the Wessex form repre- 
senting the Lat. castrum, a camp; as is well known. 

Clopton or Clapton, in the parish now called Croydon- 
cum-Clapton, is spelt Cloptone in 1210 (R.B.), and Cloptune in 
D.B. ; but Clopetuna in I.C.C., with reference to Clopton in 
Suffolk. The prefix is the same as in Clapton and Clapham. 
This is ascertained from a genuine charter of the time of 
iElfred in which Clapham (in Surrey) appears as Cloppa-ham ; 
see Sweet, Early English Texts, p. 451. Cloppa looks like a 
genitive plural of a form *clop ; cf. clop-cecer, clop-hyrst, in 
Birch, iii. 589, 590. 

CoMBERTON. Here the o is the regular later Anglo-French 
substitute for an earlier w; it is spelt Cumbertone in 1155 
(RB.) and in Domesday Book. The spelling Cumbretone, 

1 Perhaps Mercian ; cf. bSha for beaga in a SafiFolk charter ; Kemble, Cod. 
Dipl. iu. 273, 1. 13. 



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8 THE PLACE-NAMES OF CAMBRIDGESHIRE. 

occurring in 1210 (R.B.)^ is somewhat preferable. The prefix 
Gumher- or Cumbre- represents A.S. Cumbran, genitive of 
Cumbra, a personal name; see Searle, Onomasticon, p. 146. 
The genitive Cumbran- is clearly seen in the place-name 
Cumbran-weofii (lit. Comber-worth); see Elarle, A.S. Charters, 
p. 447, 1. 4. Remble has the ace. pi. Cvmbras with the sense 
of ' Welshmen ' ; Cod. Dipl. iii. 59. 

CoTON. In this case, the modern pronunciation suggests 
a derivation from cote and -ton, where cote is another form of 
cot. But it is highly probable that we have here (as often) 
an instance of a name expressed in the dative case; see the 
account of Newnham (below). If so, Coton really represents 
the A.S. cotum, dative pi. of cot, a cottage ; and the true sense 
is "cottages," the prep, cet (at the) being understood. Cf. 
Coates and Cottenham. Coton occurs as a place-name in 1296 
(In. p. m., p. 129), and Cotun in 1272 (the same, p. 39) ; cf. 
Cotum in Kemble, Cod. Dipl. iv. 288. This etymology is 
certified by the fact that (as Lysons notes) another name for 
Coton was formerly Cotes. Cotes, as mentioned in 1211 (RB.) 
and in 1284 (F.A. i. 137) appears to refer to Coton; so also 
Cotes in 1291 (Taxatio Ecclesiastica). 

Of the two A.S. forms meaning "cot," cot is neuter, and 
the nom. plural is cotu ; whilst cote is feminine, and the nom. 
plural is cotan. Of cotan a later form is coteii, but it did not 
last long. The M.E. plurals in -en were early replaced by 
plurals in -es, so that the plural was already cotes in Wycliffe 
and Langland. This form is actually preserved in the Cambs. 
place-name Coates (near Whittlesey), and elsewhere (p. 28). 

Croxton. Spelt Croxtone in 1302 (F.A., p. 149); Crok- 
estone in the Red Book ; Crochestone in Domesday Book. There 
is also a Croxton in Norfolk, spelt Crokeston in 1303 (In. p. 
m., p. 180), and Crochestune in a late charter; Kemble, Cod. 
Dipl. iv. 245. Crokes is a late spelling of A.S. Croces, gen. 
case of Croc, a personal name of which Mr Searle gives three 
examples. 

DiTTON, better known as Fen Ditton, occurs in at least 



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§ 2. NAMES ENDING IN -TON. 9 

four other counties. In I.C.C., p. 101, we find Dictune in 
one MS., but Dittwne in another; and again, in a late copy 
of a will, the dative case dictunos, also written dictune ; Kemble, 
Codex Diplom. iii. 272, 1. 6; 274, 1. 17. Ditton is, in fact, 
the A.S. dlctim, lit. 'dike-town'; the ct passed into U by 
assimilation, precisely as the Lat. dictum became detto in 
Italian. 

Dratton was spelt as now as early as 1210 (R.B.). 
Domesday has Draitone, Various old Charters have Drei/ton 
and Drayton; but they are all spurious or of late date, as 
the spelling shows. The earliest spelling is DrcBfftun, as in 
Kemble, Codex Diplom. vi. 139. The history of the A.S. drceg, 
also found as ge-droeg, is not quite clear; but it probably 
signified 'a drawing together,' and hence, a small band of 
men. Another sense of the modern E. dray, in provincial 
English, is "a squirrel's nest"; and the familiar "brewer's 
dray" is probably the same word. See gedrasg in Bosworth 
and Toller, and dray in N.E.D. and E.D.D. (English Dialect 
Dictionary). A possible sense seems to be ' a place of shelter,' 
or *a retreat.' Cf. drwg-hchna, gen. pi., in Kemble, Cod. Dipl. 
iv. 19, 1. 22. 

FoxTON, spelt Foxetune in Domesday Book, requires no 
explanation. 

QlRTON. Spelt Oyrttone and Orettone in 1434; Annales 
Monast. S. Albani, ii. 99, 101. In all older spellings of 
Qirton, from the fourteenth century backwards, the r imme- 
diately follows the G. In 1316 (F.A., p. 162), we find 
Orettone; in 1270 (In. p. m., p. 33) Oretton; in 1236 (R.B.) 
Oreittone; in Domesday Book Oretone, In a charter dated 
1060, we find the spelling Oretton; Kemble, Codex Diplom. 
iv. 145, L 23; but the charter is certainly not of the date 
assigned to it, as is proved by the comparatively late spellings 
of the English words cited at p. 147. We clearly have to 
deal with the same place-name as that which is elsewhere 
spelt Oretton; there are, in fact, two places still so called. 



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10 THE PLACE-NAMES OF CAMBRIDGESHIRE. 

one in Gloucestershire and one in Northamptonshire*. Two 
solutions are possible; one, that gret-tpn is equivalent to 
great-ton, i.e. "a large homestead," quite different from what 
would now be understood by a great town ; and in this con- 
nexion it is worth observing that England contains at least 
six places named Littleton, The other solution is that gretton 
is the same word as the prov. E. gratton, which Bailey explains 
as " grass which comes after mowing, stubble, ersh, or eddish," 
though it means, more strictly, the enclosure where such grass 
grows. The E.D.D. treats this word fully; and to this the 
reader is referred. And compare Oratten in the N.E.D. 

Harl'ION. The spelling Harleton occurs in 1339 (Ely 
Registers). As ar usually answers to an earlier er, we may 
here see an A.S. name due to a name-prefix beginning with 
Herl-. Hence it is that I.C.C. has both Harletona and Herle- 
tona. The prefix Herle- represents a late pet-name Herla 
(gen. Uerlan), probably short for *Herela, and formed from 
a name beginning with Here-, such as Herebeald or Herefrith. 
(Distinct from Herl- for Erl, Eorl, in which the H is inorganic.) 

Harston. The spelling Hardlestone occurs in 1316 (F.A., 
154), Hardlistone in 1298 (In. p. m., p. 147), and Hardeleston 
in 1291 (Taxatio Ecclesiastica). The first part of the name 
represents the genitive case of the A.S. name of the original 
owner ; but what was the exact form of that name the evidence 
is hardly sufficient to show. A highly probable form of the 
name is Hardvlf, a later form of Heardwulf. 

Hauxton. Spelt Haukestone in 1316 (F.A. 154). The 
earlier spelling is Hauekestune, in a charter of Edward the 
Confessor; Kemble, Cod. Dipl. iv. 245; which appears in 
Domesday Book as Havochestun, Uauek is a later spelling 
of the A.S. hafoc, a hawk, probably used as a man's name ; 
as to which Toller remarks that it is found in many names 
of places. Compare Hawkesbury, Hawksdale, Hawksdown, 
Hawkshead, and Hawksworth. 

^ The place in Nhants. is spelt Gretton in the Chronicle of Ramsey Abbey. 
The QretUm in Kemble, Cod. Dipl. iv. 145, seems to be Girton. 



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§ 2. NAMES ENDING IN -TON. 11 

HiNXTON. The spelling Hyngeston occurs in the Ely 
Registers in 1341 ; and HengesUme in the Ramsey Chartulary. 
It is certainly a contraction of Hengestestuny the town of 
Hengest; as there are several other places which present 
similar forms. A clear case is that of Hengestes-lg, now 
called Hinksey, in Berkshire. Hengest is a famous name; 
the literal sense is * stallion.' I find the spelling Henxton in 
1291 (Taxatio Ecclesiastica, p. 267). 

HiSTON. Spelt J?M^on« in 1284 (F.A. 138); Hestona in 
the Pipe Roll (1165). But it seems to be a contracted form ; 
for D.B. has both Histone and Histetone; and LC.C. has 
Hestitona. In the Inquisitto Eliensis (I.C.C., p. 99), a certain 
man is called Lemarais de Haustitona (v.r. Lemma de Hincsti- 
tona), who is elsewhere (p. 38) called Lemaru^ de. Hestitona. 
I do not understand whether this means that the place was 
confused with HinxtOD ; or whether we may connect Hesti- 
with H(B8ta, a name which is suggested by Hcestanrdlc in 
Eemble, Cod. Dipl. iii. 209, 1. 5. The name remains unsolved. 

ICKLETON. As the old spelling was Iceling-tun, the true 
suffix was 'ing-ton. Hence this name will be considered 
amongst the next set ; see p. 17. 

Kingston. Spelt Kingestone in 1210 (R.B.); where kinges 
is the genitive of kingy late spelling of cyntng, a king. 
Domesday Book has Chingestone, where the dii- represents ki-, 
as in other instances. The correct old spelling Cyningea-tun 
occurs in Eemble, Cod. Dipl. i. 318, 1. 3, with reference to 
Kingston in Surrey. 

Linton. This corresponds to the form Lin-tun in Kemble, 
Cod. Dipl. iii. 368. Lin- may very well be the same as Ztn- 
in lin-aeed, representing the A.S. lln, early borrowed from Lat. 
linwnit flax. If so, the sense is ' flax-enclosure.' Any allusion 
to the Welsh llyn, a lake, is highly improbable. On the other 
hand, allusion to the A.S. lind, a lime-tree, is just possible. 
But the A.S. leah-tv/n, wyrt-twa, both with the sense of 
'garden/ shew that such a compound as lln-tun is what we 



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12 THE PLACE-NAMES OF CAMBRIDOESHIKE. 

should most expect. In fact, we find lln-land with the same 
sense ; Kemble, Cod. Dipl. iii. 400, 1. 5. 

Long Stanton. Stanton is the A.S. stan-tun, lit. ' stone- 
enclosure'; and is very common. The Latinised prefix kmga 
Occurs as early as 1302 (F.A. 148). 

Malton. There is a Malton Farm at Orwell, of which the 
older spelling is Malketon. This form occurs as early as 1279 
(Huud. Rolls), and as late as in Fuller s Worthies of England. I 
can throw no light on this singular form. Compare Melksham, 
and perhaps Mealcing in Kemble, Cod. Dipl. iii. 416. 

Milton. The derivation of Milton would seem to be 
obvious, viz. from mill and toimu But we have the clearest 
evidence that the old form was really Middleton, as it appears 
in Domesday Book, and in numerous charters, &c., down to 
the time of Fuller. It is a very common name ; there are 
more than 20 Middletons in various parts of England. In 
the case of our Middleton, the reference may be to its posi- 
tion between Cambridge and Waterbeach, on the way to 
Ely. It appears as Mideltun in a late charter; Kemble, 
Cod. Dipl. iv. 246. 

Newton. Mentioned in 1302 (F.A. 141); and in a late 
charter in Kemble, Cod. Dipl. iv. 245, with the spelling 
Neutun, No explanation is needed. 

Rampton. Spelt Ramptone in 1210 (R.B.). The spelling 
in Domesday Book is Rantone, which is merely a French 
travesty of the word, and does not much help us ; but LC.C. 
has Ramtune, These forms suggest that the p is an inserted 
letter, due to the strong emphasis on the final mm of the 
A.S. ramm, a ram. As to the name, compare Foxton, and 
especially the three Sheptons and ten Shiptons, usually 
meaning 'sheep-town.' Ram is quoted by Sir H. Ellis as 
a personal name ; but if this were intended, we should expect 
the modern form to be Bamston. 



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§ 2. NAMES ENDING IN -TON. 13 

ROYSTON. Spelt Roystone in 1428 (F.A. 189). This is 
one of the places of later origin, in which the prefix is 
Norman, as shown by the occurrence of the diphthong oy. 
The story has been recorded by Dugdale (Monast. Anglic. 
torn. 2, p. 264) and Tanner (Notitia Monastica); whence it 
appears that a certain Lady Roese set up a wayside cross at 
a certain spot, which obtained the name of Gruuc RoesicB in 
Latin, and Gruceroys in Norman; see the index to the 
Ramsey Chartulary; also spelt Gruce Reys in 1292 (In. p. m., 
p. Ill), and Groyrois in 1263 (the same, p. 25). At a later 
date, in the time of Henry II., Eustace de Merc founded 
a priory of Black Canons, near the same spot. A small town 
soon grew up near the priory, and obtained the name of 
Roese-town from its proximity to the cross of the Lady Roese- 
The Grax Roesie is referred to in 1316, in Feudal Aids (Record 
Series), L 156, and later. Roese, otherwise Roise, Reise, or 
Rohaise is a feminine name, of which Miss Yonge, in her 
History of Christian Names, p. 204, gives two wild etymolo- 
gies. It is more to the point that she gives two examples. 
"Rohais [Rohaise?] wife of Gilbert de Gaunt, died in 1156; 
and Roese de Lucy was wife of Fulbert de Dover, in the 
time of Henry II." Royse occurs as a surname in the Clergy 
List; and the Latinised form Rohesia is in the Ingoldsby 
Legends. It represents (says Mr Stevenson) a continental 
Saxon name beginning with Hrdth- ; possibly Hrothsw^. 

Saxton, Saxon Street. Saxton is now absorbed in the 
parish of Wood Ditton, in which there is a considerable 
hamlet still called Saxon Street. Sdxtone occurs in 1284 
(Feudal Aids, i. 139), and Seatone in Domesday Book ; probably 
from O. Merc, Saxan-tun, Saxa's enclosure, though this should 
rather have been represented in D.B. by Sexetone, The old 
name of the street may likewise have been Saaun-strcet, the 
form Saxan being preserved by association with Saxon. 

Sutton. In Domesday Book, Svdtone; A.S. SvJStun, lit. 
>/" south town." I may note here that the four points of the 
compass are often represented by names in -ton in various 
counties ; as in Norton, Sutton, Easton, and Weston. 



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14 THE PLACE-NAMES OF CAMBRIDGESHIRE. 

Weston Colville. I.e. "west town," as noted above. 
The place is quite close to West Wratting, with the same 
prefix. Colville is a family name of Norman origin. In a 
Hist, of Cambs. dated 1851, it is stated that the Colvilles 
obtained the manor of Weston in the time of Edward I. The 
index to the Ramsey Chartulary mentions a Colville who was 
sheriff of Huntingdon. 

WiLBURTON. The oldest spelling is Wilburhtun ; Kemble, 
Cod. Dipl. vi. 98, 1. 5. The prefix is Wilburh, remarkable as 
being a feminine name only. The same prefix appears in 
Wilbraham, as shown at p. 24. A more correct form would 
be Wilburgetim, where Wilburge is the gen. case of Wilburh. 
This true genitive occurs in WiUmrge-hdm. 



§ 3. The suffix -ing-ton. 

The next set of names includes those that end in -ington ; 
which must be divided into two classes. The former is that 
in which the form -ing is original; the latter, that in which 
it has been substituted for some other prefix. The distinction 
is one that involves some difficulties; so that the results are, 
to a slight extent, uncertain. As to this point, see Eemble's 
Saxons in England, i. 60, and the note ; and the list of names 
containing -ing at p. 456 of the same' volume. I have grave 
doubts as to the originality of -ing in Abington and Barrington; 
and even in Conington the sense is doubtful; so that these 
names will be considered separately. 

Arrington. Of this name there are two spellings. On 
the one hand, we find AHngton in 1270 (In. p. m., p. 33), 
and in 1284 (F.A. 137). But the real name must have been 
Amington, since we frequently find that form, not only in 1302 
(F.A. 146), but in D.B. and I.C.C, p. 110, where the form is 
Emingetone, described as being in "Wederlai" hundred, and 
also spelt JEmingetune, This is clearly right, and the prefix 
is the same as in Arningford; i.e. it means ''the settlement 
of the sons of ^rn or Earn " ; where earn (asm) originally 



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§ 3. NAMES ENDING IN -INGTON. 16 

meant " eagle." It evidently became Arrington by association 
with Barrington, which is not far off. 

DoDDiNGTON. Spelt Dodyngtone in 1302, in Feudal Aids, 
i. 151 ; but Dodinton in Domesday Book, with in for ing. 
There are many traces of the Boddings, as there are five other 
Doddingtons, and a Doddinghurst in Essex. Hence Doddington 
is the " town of Doddings " ; and the Doddings were the sons 
of Dodda, an A.S. name of which we have more than a dozen 
examples. 

Impington. Some of the early spellings omit the ng; 
thus we find Impetone in 1302 (F.A 148). Other spellings, 
all of them Norman, have only n for n^; as Impyntone in 
1316 (F.A. 153); Empintone in 1^10 (RB.). Domesday Book 
has Epintone, obviously an error for Empintone, as above; cf. 
Empintona in I.C.C. p. 174. A late copy of a charter has 
Impintun\ Kemble, Cod. Dipl. iv. 245. The change from em 
to im is not uncommon, whilst the change from en to in 
occurs several times; thus limbeck is a later form of alembic, 
and think is from A.S. thencan. Hence the change from 
Emp- to Imp- is regular, and we learn that Emp- is the 
older form. In this way, we arrive, at any rate, at a form 
Empintun. We could not be quite sure that the nt is 
a Norman way of writing ngt (as is very frequently the 
case) but for the fortunate circumstance that the original 
Emping- is perfectly preserved in the name of Empingham 
in Rutlandshire; from which Eemble correctly inferred that 
the Empingaa were an Old English tribe. See Eemble's 
Saxons in England, i. 463. Hence Impington certainly means 
"town of the Empings." The name Empa is recorded in 
Eemble, Cod. Dipl. iii. 440; though the MS. is late and of 
slight authority. There is a mention of Thomas de Norman- 
vile, dominus de Empingham, in the Chronicon Petrobur- 
gense (Camden Society), p. 74. 

Leyeringtun. We find Liuerington in 1285 (Cat. A.D., 
vol ii), sxkd Leveryngtone in 1302 (F.A. 151). The probability 
that Levering represents a tribal name is suggested by the 



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16 THE PLACE-NAMES OF CAMBRIDGESHIRE. 

existence of two Levertons (without the -ing) in Notta and 
Lincolnshire. The index to Kemble has Leoferes-haga, i.e. 
"Lever's haw"; where L€ofere represents the A.S. Leof-here, 
an A.S. personal name. 

LiTLiNGTON. The spelling in Domesday Book is LicUirUone, 
but later authorities have Lytlyngtone, LiUyngtone (F.A. 150, 
189), and the like. LC.C. has Lidlingtone, LiUingtona; and 
there is a Iddlington in Beds. Another spelling is Lutlingtone, 
in 1316 (F.A. 156). As the Mid. Eng. i, y, and u all occa- 
sionally represent an A.S. y, we see that the derivation might 
possibly be from an A.S. form *Lydila, from a base Lad- ; cf. 
Luddesbroc, &c., in Kerable's index. 

Oakington. This place has lost an initial h, which appears 
in all the older spellings; thus we find Hokingtone in 1284 
(F.A< 138), and Hochintone in Domesday Book; LC.C. has 
Hokintona. It is spelt Hqkington in Fuller s Worthies. The 
sense is "town of the Hocings." Hoeing is a tribal name, 
from the personal name Hoc or Hoca. The genitive of Hoc 
occurs in Hoces hyrgels\ and that of Hoca in Hocan ediftc; 
both in Kemble's Index. Hoc occurs in Beowulf; and the 
Hodngs are mentioned in the very old A.S. poem named 
The Traveller. The o is usually marked as long, which would 
come out as Hook in modem English. In order to produce 
the modern Oakington, the vowel must have been shortened 
at an early date, and afterwards again lengthened in the 
usual way. Such processes are not uncommon; and we may 
particularly note the curious forms Hoggitone, found in 1284 
(F.A. 137) ; and Hocchintona, Hockingtona (as well as Hokintona) 
in LC.C. 

Trumpington. Well known from its mention by Chaucer, 
in the first line of the Reves Tale, where the Ellesmere MS. 
has the spelling Trumpyngton, The form Trvmpington occurs 
in 1270 (In. p. m., p. 33); though the Norman scribes of 
the thirteenth century usually give it as Trumpintone, with 
a vicious reduction of ng to w, as is their usual habit. It 



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§ 3. NAMES ENDING IN -INQTON. 17 

even occurs as Trumpintun in a late copy of an A.S. Charter ; 
Eemble, Cod. Dipl. iv. 245. The history of the name is un- 
known ; but we may fairly assume, with Kemble, the existence 
of a tribe of Trumpingas or Trumpings. 

WiMBLiNQTON. This is a place of small importance, near 
to Doddington. Mr Foster notes that, in the account of the 
monastery of Ely in Dugdale's Monasticon, there is a schedule 
of the properties belonging to it in 30 Henry VIII (vol. i. 
p. 493). Amongst these appears Doddington, and Wimblington 
appears as Willmington and Wymelyngton. 

Of these forms, the older is Wilmington, which suffered 
metathesis and so became Wimlington or Wimelington, and 
afterwards Wimblington, with an inserted b. Mr Stevenson 
finds WUmyngton (in company with Doddington) in 1387 (Cal. 
Pat. Roll, p. 298). It is of the same origin as Wilmington 
(Devon.), and represents a form *Wil{h)elming'tun, from the 
personal name Wilhdm (William). 

ICKLETON. Amongst the names in -ington we must include 
also Ickleton. All the early spellings give various forms of 
Ikbfngton, or (in 1210) IcUntone (R.B.). Domesday Book has 
Inchelintone and Hichelintone, where die is equivalent to ke. 
The true A.S. spelling is Iceling-tUn, for which there is good 
authority, viz. iElfhelm's Will ; see Birch, Cart. Saxon, iii. 630, 
1. 24. Icding is regularly formed from the A.S. personal name 
Icel, which occurs in the A.S. Chronicle, under the date 626 ; 
where we are told that Cnebba was Iceling, or the son of Icel, 
and Icel was Eomcering, or the son of Eomcer. In the Life 
of Quthlac, we are told that the Iclingaa were a Mercian 
family to which Quthlac belonged; see Bosworth's Diet., 
p. 585. There is an Icklingham in Suffolk; and it is a re- 
markable fact that the name of Ickleford in Herts, is also 
a contraction of Icklingford, as may be seen by consulting 
the index to the Ramsey Chartulary\ None of these names 
can by any possibility be connected, as is often gratuitously 
assumed, with the IcenhUd in Icenhilde weg (Ichenhild-way). 

^ But the Chronicle of Ramsey Abbey has lelesforde. 
C. A. 8. Octavo SeHei. No. XXXVL 2 



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\ 

\ 



18 THE PLACE-NAMES OF CAMBRIDGESHIRE. 

The reason why the Ar-sound was preserved in Iceling instead 
of its being turned into Icheling is simply that the e dropped 
out by contraction, giving Icling (as noted above). 

Sawston. This also is proved, by the old spellings, to 
have originated from a tribal name. It was originally a word 
of four syllables. In 1284 we find Sausitone (F.A. 137), and 
in 1210 it is Satmntone (R.B.); Domesday Book has Salsiton ; 
and in I.C.C. we find Salsintona. But even these are abbre- 
viated forms. The Chronicle of Ramsey Abbey has SaUingetun, 
Salsingetune, and the Latinised form Selsingetona (p. 50). This 
variation between a and e suggests that the A.S. vowel may 
have been ce; and, if so, the corresponding A.S. form is 
* Scdsinga-iun, or " town of the Sselsings." We have no means 
of deciding whether this form is correct; but the suffix -inge 
or -inga (gen. plural from -tng) is sufficient to show that the 
reference is to the settlement of a tribe, even though we 
cannot be quite sure as to the spelling of the name of the 
tribe's progenitor. 

Abington. The form of the word is misleading. It was 
formerly Abyntone in 1302 (F.A., p. 150), and Abintone in 
the Red Book, Domesday Book, and I.C.C. As in the case 
of Abingdon in Berk&, the modern Abing- really represents 
Abban, gen. of Abba, a common A.S. name. See -^Ifric's 
Will, in Earle's Land Charters, p. 223, 1. 1. There is another 
Abington in Northamptonshire, and this likewise was formerly 
Abintone, as in the Ramsey Chartulary. 

Barrington. The old spellings are Bamtotie in 1210 
(R.B.), Barentone in 1284 (F.A. 137), Baryngtone in 1428 
(F.A. 182). The form in Domesday Book and in I.C.C. is 
Barentone, The prefix Baren- answers to A.S. Bceran, gen. of 
a personal name Bcera. See three examples of this in Kemble's 
index. 

CoNiNGTON. The old spellings, according to Mr Foster, are 
Oonintone, 1210 (R.B.), 1302 (F.A. 148), and ConiUme, 1346, 
1428 (F.A. 166, 185) ; also Ctinitone, D.B. However, we find 



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§ 4. NAMES ENDING IN -HAM. 19 

the spellings Conington in 1290 (In. p. m., p. 103) ; Cuninctwne 
in the index to the Chronicle of Ramsey Abbey ; and Cunning- 
tun in the Will of iBlf helm of Wratting, written in fairly good 
Anglo-Saxon ; see Birch, Cart. Saxon iii. 630 ; and the land 
at Wratting had been granted to iBlfhelm by King Eadg&r 
in 974. Hence the spelling with -ing is well established, and 
there is a personal name Gtma from which it might be derived. 
Compare Conningtan in Hunts. At the same time, we cannot 
be quite sure that we really have here a tribal name. The 
prefix might represent the Icel. konung^, from konungr, a king. 



§ 4. The suffix -ham. 

The next suffix to be discussed is -haTO. It arises from 
two A.S. suffixes which were originally quite distinct ; see the 
excellent articles on Ham, sb. (2) and Ham, sb. (3) in the New 
Eng. Dictionary ; and cf. Eemble, Cod. Dipl. iii. p. xxvii. The 
two A.S. forms are (1) ham (with short a), also appearing as 
hamm and hom, with the sense of "enclosure" or "place 
fenced in/' connected with the modem E. verb to hem in ; and 
(2) ham, modem English homey meaning a village or village 
community, often shortened to ham (with short a) when 
bearing the stress and preceding a consonant, as in Hampstead 
(lit. homestead), or when occurring in an unstressed position, 
as in Wick'ham (lit. village-home). As there is no distinction 
of form in the modern English names, the two will be taken 
together ; they cannot always be distinguished. 

Babraham. The old spellings are Badburham (R.6.) and 
Badburgham] Domesday Book has the latter; the full form 
Badburgeham is in I.C.C. The name is composed of known 
elements. The former is Bddr\ see Sweet, O. Eng. Texts, 
p. 593; it occurs, e.g. in Bad-helm, 

The latter is the common feminine suffix -hurh, as in 
WiOmrhUm, Wilburton. Hence the personal name was Bad- 
burhf the name of a woman, the gen. case being Bddburge. 
The suffix would be ham (with short a), if the statement 

2—2 



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20 THE PLACE-NAMES OF CAMBBIDQESHIRE. 

were correct which is quoted from Taylor in the New Eng. 
Dictionary, that hma (home) is not used with the name of an 
individual. But there are certainly some exceptions to this 
empirical rule, even among the place-names here considered; 
and it is positively contradicted by examples ending in -haam ; 
see Sweet, O. E. Texts, p. 426. 

Badlinqham ; near Chippenham. So spelt in 1284 ; and 
Badelingham in 1302 (F.A., 136, 143). The A.S. form would 
be Badelinga-hdm, the home of the Badelings ; where Badding 
is formed from the personal name Badela, The gen. case 
occurs in Badelan-broc, lit. Badela's brook ; Kemble, Cod. Dipl. 
iii. 343, 1. 19. 

Balsham. Formerly Balesham, in Henry of Huntingdon ; 
also Belesham, in 1170 and 1210 (P.B., B.B.), and in Domesday 
Book. Also Bellesham, in a charter dated 974, and apparently 
genuine ; Eemble, Cod. Dipl. vi. 104, 1. 20. Belles and Boies 
are probably variants of Bcelles, as in Beetles wceg, Ball's way ; 
Kemble, iii. 424, 1. 10. This is the gen. case of Basil, Ball, a 
personal name ; and this form justifies the modem pronuncia- 
tion. 

Barham; near Linton. Spelt Berkhum in 1210 (RB.); 
Bergham in 1302, Berugham in 1346 (F.A., 146, 162); 
Bercheham in Domesday Book ; but Bercham in I.C.C. The 
corresponding A.S. form is Beorh-ham, lit. "hill-enclosure." 
See the account of Bartlow at p. 34. 

BOTTISHAM. We find Bottesham in 1428, Botkesham in 
1400 ; Bodkesham in 1372 (Pedes Finium). An earlier form is 
Bodekesham in 1210 (R.B.); with slight variants at other 
dates; Domesday Book has Bodichesham likewise. A late 
charter has Bodekesham; Kemble, Cod. Dipl. iv. 145. The 
nom. case would be Bodec, closely allied to the weak form 
Bodeca, of which the gen. case Bodecan appears in Bodecan- 
leage; Kemble, Cod. Dipl. i. 215. The sense is ''Bodec's 
enclosure." 



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§ 4. NAMES ENDING IN -HAM. 21 

Chettisham; near Ely. Spelt Chetisham in the Ramsey 
Chartulary. Of this name I can find no further illustration. 
Perhaps it is due to an A.S. name-form Cett. Compare the 
weak form Getta, as in Cettan-treo ; Kemble, Cod. Dipl. iii. 380. 

Chippenham. Spelt Chipenham in I.C.C. ; and Chtpeham 
in Domesday Book. There is a Chippenham in Wilts., of 
which the dat. case Gippenhamme occurs in a charter of 
iElfred's; Eemble, Cod. Dipl. ii. 115, 1. 2; spelt Gippanhamme 
in the A.S. Chronicle, an. 878. The suffix is hamm, an 
enclosure. Gippan is the gen. of Cippa, a name found once 
elsewhere. See the Crawford Charters, ed. Napier and Stevenson, 
p. 73. 

CoLDHAM. The Ramsey Chartulary mentions the manor 
of Coldham. The derivation is obvious ; from the Old Mercian 
caid, cold ; and ham, an enclosure. 

CoTTENHAM. Formerly Cotenham, in I.C.C.; and in late 
A.S. Charters. Goten might represent the A.S. cotan, gen. of 
cota, a cot or cottage; the sense being 'cot-enclosure'; (cf. 
Coates and Coton;) but this would have given a long o in 
the modem form. Hence the original form should have been 
written Cottanrham, in which case it is derived from Gotta, a 
known personal name. Even in that case, Gotta may once 
have meant " a cottar." 

DowNHAM. Formerly Dunham (both vowels are marked 
long by Eemble, but without authority); Kemble, Cod. Dipl. 
iv. 209, 1. 4. From A.S. dim, a down or hill, and (probably) 
ham, an enclosure. 

DULLINGHAM. Spelt Dullifigeham in 1210 (KB.), and in 
Domesday Book. But we also find Dilwr, as in Dilintone, Red 
Book of the Exchequer, p. 531. These answer to an A.S. 
form Dyllinga-ham, or "home of the Dyllings." We may 
further compare Dilham, Norfolk, and Dilton, Wilts. And see 
Dull in the N.E.D. 

FoRDHAM. Spelt Fordeham in Domesday Book. From 
ford (gen. forda), a ford, and ham, (perhaps) an enclosure. 



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22 THE PLACE-NAMES OP CAMBRIDGESHIRE. 

Haddenham. Spelt Hadenkam in 1300 (Cat. Aucient 
Deeds); Hadreham in Domesday Book; Hadreham, Hcederham, 
Hadenham in LC.C. ; A.S. Hcodan-ham, Remble, Cod. Dipl. vi. 
98. Hcedan is the gen. case of the personal name Hceda, 
perhaps a variant of Heada ; cf. Headan scrcBf in Birch, Cart 
Sax. i. 83, 1. 2. Here ham is " home." 

HiLDERSHAM. Formerly Hildricesham ; in Domesday Book 
and in the Ramsey Chartulary. From A.S. Htlderic, a personal 
name. 

IsLEHAM. Formerly Isilham, 1284; Isdham, 1302 (F.A., 
136, 143) ; Yesdham, 1321, in the Pedes Finium ; GUsleham in 
Domesday Book. For A.S. GUslan-ham ; where Oidan is the 
gen. case of Crista, a personal name. Compare Oisl-, a common 
A.S. name-prefix. The A.S. gisel means " a hostage " ; and the 
initial g, being a mere y, was easily lost See gisd in the 
New Eng. Dictionary. 

Newnham. In Cambridge. The spelling Newynham 
occurs in 1346 (FA, 167), and a better form Newenham is in 
the Ramsey Chartulary. The form is due to the use of the 
AS. dative, which is very common in the case of place-names, 
the preposition cet being understood. The full phrase would be 
ast 9am nlwan hdme, lit.*' at the new home." Hence the n is a 
mere case-suffix, and the name has the same sense as if it were 
simply Newham, Kemble's Index gives several examples of 
AS. Niwan-ham as the old form of Newnham; and of A.S. 
Nvwan-tv/n as the old form both of Newton and of Newingt,on. 
In the form Newington the -ing was substituted for the -n- or 
'in- by association with the numerous names that end in 
'ingUm, so that Newing- (like Newn-) merely riepresents nlwan, 
the dat of nlwe, new. In the case of Newnham, the suffix 
means " home," because we find the derived form Nlwanhwma 
gemero ; for which see Kemble's Index. 

SoHAM. Formerly Sahara, as in Domesday Book ; and the 
a was long ; cf. A.S. stwa with £. stons. We have an English 
spelling of it, viz. Scsgham, in a charter of the twelfth century ; 



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§ 4. NAMES ENDING IN -HAM. 23 

see Earle, Land Charters, p. 368, 1. 8. Here c§ is a modified 
form of a ; so that the better spellinfif would be Sagham, which 
would regularly produce the modem form. The etymology is 
from stg-an (pt. t. sag), to sink down , so that the literal sense 
would be " a ham or enclosure situate near a depression " or 
" hollow." This suits the situation, as there was once a large 
mere at Soham before the fens were drained (Imperial Cycle- 
paedia). Though the word is not otherwise known in English 
(unless ''depression" is the meaning of the unknown A.S. sag, 
which occurs once in a doubtful passage), we have its exact 
counterpart in the Bavarian saig and the Tyrolese sege, soga, a 
depression or swamp; see Saig in Schmeller's Bavarian Dic- 
tionary. The alternative A.S. form Scegham will account for 
the M.E. form Sehani, in the Chronicle of Ramsey Abbey; 
unless the e is an error for o, a mistake which is not uncommon. 

Stretham. Spelt Stratham in I.C.C. The lit. sense is 
"street-ham"; an enclosure situate near an old street or 
causeway. It is situate at the point where the causeway from 
Earith to Haddenham, continued through Wilburton, joins the 
road from Cambridge to Ely. 

SwAFFHAM. Formerly Swafham, in 1210 (R.B.) ; Suafam 
in Domesday Book ; also Suafham in a late Charter ; Kemble, 
Cod. Dipl. iv. 245; 1. 20. From a personal name related to 
the A.S. name-prefix Swdf-, in which the ce was originally long. 
See further under Swaveset ; p. 54. In the case of Swaffham 
Bulbeck, the name Bvibeck is explained by the statement in 
I.C.C., p. 12, that " Hugo de Bolebech " held seven and a half 
hides of land at Swaffham. The better spelling Bolebec occurs 
at p. 102; and this surname goes back to a Norman place-name 
BolbeCy derived from bull (Icel. boli) and beck, a stream. It 
is spelt Bolebek in 1284 (Feudal Aids). In 1302 we find 
Swafham Prioris, which accounts for Swaffham Prior's. 

Teyebsham. Formerly Teueresham, in 1210 (R.B.); in 
Domesday Book it is Teuresham and Teuersham ; and Teuresham 
in a late charter; Kemble, Cod. Dipl. iv. 245, 1. 23. The 
corresponding A.S. form would be Teferes-ham, as if from a 



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24 THE PLAGE-NAMES OF CAMBRIDGESHIRE. 

nom. case Tefer or Tefere\ but I find no trace of this name 
elsewhere, beyond the parallel form Tef^er^oH (perhaps Tefer's 
hall) in Notts. The ending -ere may represent the common 
name-suffix -We; and the oldest form may have been Teof- 
here ; cf. Teofae-Veah and 2Vo&6a in Eemble's Index. 

^.^ West Wickham. The A.S. name of Wickham is TTllc-Adm ; 
/ Kemble, Cod. Dipl. vi. 98, 1. 6. From vm, a village, not a 

native word, but borrowed from Lat u^us ; and Aom, a home. 

The a is long ; cf. TTic-Ac^ma, Kemble, v. 243 ; 1. 8. 

Wilbraham. Spelt WUbwrhum in 1302 (F.A,, 143). The 
prefix is the same as that which begins Wilburton ; viz. the 
female name Wilburh (p. 14). The genitive of Wilburh was 
WiUmrge; and the suffix -e is preserved in the spelling WHbure- 
/iam(A.D. 1156) in the Chronicle of Ramsey Abbey. The right 
form WiUmrgeham is in Birch, Cart Saxon, iii. 630. 

Willingham. Formerly Witielingeham, as in Domesday 
Book ; Weuelingham (misprinted Wenelingliam) in the Ramsey 
Chartulary; also, in a late charter, Uuivlingeham, misprinted 
as Uuirdingeham; Kemble, Cod. Dipl. iv. 245, 1. 12 from 
bottom. These spellings represent an A.S. Wifdingaham, or 
" the home of the Wifelings." Wifeling is a patronymic formed 
from Wifel, a name of which there are several examples in 
Kemble's Index. 

WiTCHAM. Formerly Wydiham, in 1302 (F.A., 151); and 
Wiceham in Domesday Book, where o denotes either the sound 
of E. ch or U\ cf. Witchford (p. 63). This Wice {Wiche) repre- 
sents an AS. Wican, gen. case of Wicay related to the name- 
prefix TFic-, which appears in several compounds. It is quite 
distinct from Wickham (above) ; the prefix in this case being 
native English. 



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§§ 5, 6. NAMES ENDING IN -STEAD, -WORTH. 25 



§ 5. The suffix -stead. 

This suffix is here almost unknown. Still, there is an 
Olmstead Qreen, and Hall, close to Castle Camps. 

Olhstead. We find Olmestede in 1302 (Feudal Aids), and 
Olmigted in 1316 (in the same). The latter part of the word is 
stead, a place, A.S. stede. The spelling is not old enough to 
fix the former part of it with certainty. The word which most 
resembles it is Du. olm, an elm, which is merely borrowed from 
the Lat. vlmus. The form ulm-treow, elm-tree, occurs in A.S. ; 
and it is possible that Olm- represents this vim. 

Lysons says that ** Olmsted Hall was at first in the family of 
Olmsted." But the family was named from some place. 



§ 6. The suffix -worth. 

The A.S. worth was applied to an enclosed homestead or 
farm; see Bosworth and Toller's A.S. Diet., p. 1267. It is 
closely allied to the A.S. weorth, worth, value; and may be 
taken in the sense of "property" or "holding" or "ferm." 
There are several names with this suffix. 

Boxworth. Formerly Bokesworth, in 1284 (F.A) ; and in 
the Ramsey Chartulaiy (index). Domesday Book has Bochea- 
y^uuorde, with ch for the sound of c or k, and d for that of th. 
The Old English prefix would be Boces (with c as k), gen. of 
Boc. Boc was perhaps a Norse name rather than A.S. ; as it 
answers better to Icel. bokkr, Swed. bock, a he-goat, than to the 
rare A.S. buc, a buck, or he-deer ; though we find the spelling 
Bukeswrth in 1228 (Pedes Finium). 

DuxFORD. The suffix -ford is quite modern, and a substi- 
tution for 'Worth^; we find Dokiswortk as late as in Fuller's 
Worthies; so also Dokestvorth in 1211 (R.B.), JDukesworth in 

1 The intermediAte form Duxforth occtin in the time of Heniy VIII; in 
Valor Ecoiesimstieas, iii. 504. 



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26 THE PLACE-NAMES OF CAMBRIDGESHIRE. 

1284 (F.A.), and Dochesuuorde in Domesday Book. The corre- 
sponding A.S. prefix would be Duces, gen. of Due, a name not 
otherwise known, unless it be related to Dttce-mannes'tun and 
Ducding-dun in Kemble's Index, the latter being the modem 
Ducklington, in Oxfordshire. It is certainly not the same 
word as the modern duck, because the A.S. form of that word 
(which is extremely rare) was duca ; and the gen. ducan could 
not have produced a form in -es. Cf. Duccen-hulle in Birch, 
Cart. Sax. iii. 95. 

Elsworth. Formerly EUesworthe in 1316, Elesworth in 
1284 (F.A.); and Elesworde in Domesday Book. The A.S. 
form is ElesworfS, in late and perhaps spurious charters; 
Kemble, Cod. Dipl. iii. 107, iv. 145. The lUmsey Chartulary 
gives the prefix as Eles-, Elis-, Elles-, Ellis-. This we may 
compare with Elles-beorh in Kemble's Index, and with JElles- 
bume ; from the nom. jElle, oldest form ^li (Sweet). 

Kneesworth. Spelt Knesworthe in 1316, and Kiieesworthe 
in 1346 (F.A.); Knesworth in 1276 (Rot. Hund. p. 51). Knee 
(A.S. crieo) is not recorded as a name. The A.S. cneo means 
not only " knee," but ** a generation." 

Lolworth. Spelt LuUeworth in 1284 (F.A.); Lolesuuorde 
in Domesday Book; Lollesworth in the Chronicle of Ramsey 
Abbey. The same name as Lulworth in Dorsetshire. Kemble's 
Index has also the forms LtUleswyr^ and LuilesbeorL The 
Domesday Loles represents the A.S. LuUes, gen. case of LuU, a 
known name. 

Pampisford. As in the case of Duxford, the suffix -ford is 
here quite modem: I find Pampsworth in 1851. Fuller has 
Pampisworth, and it is the same in all early spellings, which 
only vary as to the use of -es and -w. Domesday Book has 
Pampesuuorde. The name Pamp, here implied, is a remark- 
able one, but no more is known about it. Perhaps it is of 
Scandinavian origin; compare Dan. dialect pamper, a short, 
thick-set person (Molbech), and the Lincolnshire pammy, thick 



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§§ 6, 7. - NAMES ENDING IN -WORTH, -WICK. 27 

and fat (Halliwell)\ The Ramsey Chariulary mentioDs an 
Alan Pampelin. 

Papworth. Spelt Papewoi-de in Domesday Book. The 
Ramsey Chartulary has Pappenwiihe and Pappeworthe, Pape 
or Pappen corresponds to A.S. Pappan, gen. case of Pappa. 
Cf. Papan-hoU, Birch, C. S. ii. 246, 1. 2. Moreover, there is a 
Papoastle in Cumberland. 

Stetcuworth. Spelt Stewcheworthe in 1383 (Cat Anc. 
Deeds, vol. ii.) ; Stiuicesuuorde and Stuuicesworde in Domesday 
Book. In late charters we find the Anglo-French spellings 
Steuicheaturfk, Kemble, Cod. Dipl. iv. 245, 1. 23 ; and Steueche- 
warde, iv. 269, 1. 4 from bottom ; also Stivechesivrthe in 1235 
(P.F.). The forms in Domesday Book imply an A.S. Styjices, 
gen. of Styjic, or else StyfeceSy gen. of 8iyfec\ The latter is a 
known form, and further accounts for the weak form Stv/ca 
(shortened from Styfeca)\ and consequently for Stukeley in 
Hunts., of which an old spelling was Stiveclea (index to Ramsey 
Chartulary). 

Wentworth. Spelt Wynteworthe in 1428 (F.A.), Wynte- 
worth in 1291 (Taxatio Ecclesiastica) ; and Wintewarde in 
Domesday Book. WirUe answers to A.S. Wintan, gen. case of 
Wtnta, Winta was the name of a son of Woden; see Sweet, 
Old Eng. Texts, p. 171, first line. 



§ 7. The suffixes -wick and -cote. 

Another sufBx similar in sense to -ham and -ton is wick. 
This is not a native word; the A.S. vjic, a dwelling, being 
merely borrowed from the Lat. ulcus, a village. It appears as 
the former part of a compound in Wick-ham (p. 24); but it is 
also a suffix, as in Ben-ivick, Hard-vnck, and West-wick. 

^ The local name is Paanza, regularly shortened from Pamp't^orth; like 
Saap$a from Sawbridgeworth. The form Pamphford would have been shortened 
to Paanzfud or Pomfud, or Porufud^ with persistent/. 

' As seen in Styfec-ing in Kemble's Index, and in Styvec-lea (Stukeley) in 
Thorpe, Diplom. p. 382, note 6. 



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28 THE PLACE-NAMES OF CAMBRIDGESHIRE. 

Benwick. Spelt Benewik in the Ramsey Chartulary. We 
have two Benningtons, viz. in LincolDshire and Hertfordshire, 
where Benning is presumably a patronymic. We may therefore 
derive Ben-wick from the A.S. Bennan, gen. case of Benna, a 
known name. There is also a name Beonna, which is probably 
a mere variant of the former; see, however, the Crawford 
Charters, p. 64. 

Hardwick. Spelt Herdwice in 1171 (R.B.); Herdewic in 

^he Ramsey Chartulary ; Hardwic in a late charter, Kemble, 

<3od. Dipl. iv. 245 ; and in LC.C. Herdewic answers to the A.S. 

Heorde-wic (Kemble); from heorde, gen. of heard, a herd or 

flocL There are several other parishes of the same name. 

Westwick. Westuuiche in Domesday Book. The prefix, 
as in Westley, is the A.S. west, west. It is near Oakington. 

CoATES. There is a place in Cambs. named Coates, lying 
to the E. of Whittlesea. This is the same word as M.E. cotes, 
the pi. of cote, a cot; and means ''a collection of cottages." 
For its use as a suffix, see below. The Ramsey Chartulary 
mentions a Robert de Cotes. Cf. Coton, at p. 8. 

Caldbcott, or Caldecote. The latter form occurs in 
Fuller's Worthies and in Domesday Book. It is not derived 
from the O. Mercian ccUd (A.S. ceald), cold, and cote, a cot, in 
the nominative case, but from the formula cet thdm cdldan 
cotan, where the preposition est was originally prefixed, with 
the dative case following it This is how caldan cotan. Mid. 
Eng. calde cote, has produced the modern Eng. trisyllabic form. 
Moreover, the a in M.E. caMe was never lengthened as in the 
nominative cald (modern E. cold), but remained short as at 
fii*st. This was because the final e in caMe was not dropped. 
The cottage was no doubt called *'cold" from being in an 
exposed situation. 



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§§ 7, 8. NAMES ENDING IN -WICK, -BRIDGE. 



§ 8. The suffixes -bridge, -hithe, -low, and -well. 

Besides the suffixes -ham and others which mark the abode 
of the primitive tillers of the soil, there are others which relate 
to artificial constructions, such as -bridge, -hithe, -low, and 
•^M \ which may be considered together. 

The bridges are Cambridge, Pearl's Bridge, and Sturbridge. 

Cambridge. In an article published at length in my book 
entitled A Student's Pastime, pp. 393 — 401, 1 showed how the 
name Cambridge is practically modem, being corrupted, by 
i-egular gradations, from the original A.S. form which had the 
sense of OrantOriridge ; and consequently that the town is not 
derived from th^ name of the river Cam, which is modern and 
artificial, but conversely, the name of the Cam was, in the 
course of centuries, evolved out of the name of the town. Had 
it been otherwise, the name of the town would have been 
Camm-bridge, pronounced so that Camm would rhyme with 
ham and jam. As it is, the Cam is modernised from the Latin 
Camus of the 16th century. Tne easiest way for those who 
are not much acquainted with phonetic laws to understand 
this rather difficult point, is to observe the chronological facts. 
And for this purpose, the successive forms of the name are 
given below, with sufficient dates. 

The original name is said to have been Caer-grant, meaning 
"the fort (or castmm) beside the OraM"; the Gh^nt being, 
presumably, a Celtic river-name, of unknown meaning. 

The Anglo-Saxon and Middle-English forms now follow. 
Those with Or- come first. 

[Qrantorcaesfir ; Beda, Eccl Hist., bk. iv. c. 19 (8th century). 
Here caestir is a Northern E. form of the Lat. castrum, used 
as equivalent to the Welsh caer. This, however, has produced 
the modem form Orantchester, not the name with the bridge.] 

Orante-brycge (dat. case); A.S. Chronicle, under the date 
875. The late Laud MS. has Gh^antan-, as though it were the 
gen. case of Oraitta, the river-name treated as a weak sb. in -a ; 
and brycge is the dat. of A.S. brycg, a bridge. 



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30 THE PLACE-NAMES OF CA1CBRIDOESH1RE. 

Orantabrycg-scir, i.e. Cambridge-shire ; A.S. Chronicle, 
under the date 1010. 

Orentebrige ; in Domesday 3ook. 

Ormtebrigia (Latinised); Pipe Roll, a.d. 1130. 

Orantebrigesyre, Cambridge-shire ; in Henry of Huntingdon, 
ed. Arnold, p. 9 ; first half of the twelfth century. (But a later 
MS. has Kantebrigesire. The false spelling syre is due to 
a Norman scribe, writing 8 for sh,) 

Grantabric, Oranthebrige ; Simeon of Durham, in the 
Record Series, pp. 82, 111 ; twelfth century. He also has the 
phrase supra Orentam fluvium, 

Orauntebruggescire ; Southern English Legendary, E.KT.S. ; 
p. 347, 1. 66. About a.d. 1290. 

Ghmmtebrugge-saire (with as for sh) ; Rob. of Gloucester, 
1. 132; about a.d. 1330 (date of the MS.). A later MS. 
(about 1400) has Gawbrugge'Sckire. 

OraurUibrigge, used as a personal name; lohannes de 
Qrauntbrigge, Abbreviatio Placitorum, p. 275 ; A.D. 1283. For 
examples of similar names, see the Patent Rolls, &c. The 
latest mention of a " lohannes de Qrauntbrigge, qui obiit sine 
herede," is in the Patent Rolls, p. 242 ; date, the second year of 
Henry IV.; A.D. 1400 — 1. After this date, the form with 
initial Or- seems to have perished, being superseded by the 
forms beginning with (7. 

Historically, the form with Or- was in sole use down to 
A.D. 1140; and in partial use down to A.D. 1400. 

The earliest date in which the initial C appears is in a 
document dated 1142. The form is Gcmtebruggescir \ see Notes 
and Queries, 8 S. viii 314. The use of C for €hr arose from a 
Norman mispronunciation ; the dropping of the r, in particular, 
is clearly due to a wish to avoid the use of gr and br in the 
same word. This form soon became fashionable and common. 

Cantabrigia (Latinised); Pipe Rolls, 1150-61. 

Cant^nigia; Ramsey Chartulary, iii. 243; after 1161. 

Cant^yrugesdr; Rotuli Chartarum in Turri; vol. i pars 1, 
80. A.D. 1200. 

CanUiyrug ; Close Rolls, i. 381 ; a.d. 1218. 

Cauntebrigge as a personal name ; " lohannes de Caunte- 



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§ 8. NAMES ENDING IN -RRIDQE. 31 

brigge," as compared with " lohannes de Grauntbrigge " above ; 
Spelman, Qlossarium, p. 544. 

It is a peculiarity of Anglo-French that it frequently turns 
wd into aunt ; this was due to the fact that a (before n) was 
sometimes nasal. It also turned the Lat. camera (O. French 
chambre) into chaumbre, or (without the nasal effect) into 
chaambre, with long Italian a. This is why the a in chamber 
is long in modern English. The point of this remark will 
soon be seen. 

Canbrigge (and of course also Oaunbrigge), by the loss of t 
between n and b, wh^re it is hard to sound it; Early Eng. 
Wills, ed. Fumivall, p. 105. a.d. 1436. 

Cambrugge (with mb for nb) in a rather late MS. (the 
Lansdowne MS.) of Chaucer's Cant. Tales; Reves Tale, first 
line. After A.D. 1400. So in Rob. Glouc , 1. 132 (MS. B.). 

Kawmbrege ; Faston Letters, i. 82 ; a.d. 1449. 

Caumbrege; Fasten Letters, i. 422; A.D. 1458. 

Camhryge (with a for an) ; Faston Letters, ii. 91 ; A.D. 1462. 
And this has produced the modern form, with long a as in 
chamber. 

The following points should be noted : (1) the name always 
begins with Or down to 1140 ; (2) the initial C is first known 
in 1142 ; (3) the t dropped out about 1400, changing n into m ; 
(4) the first three letters appear as (7am-, for the first time, 
after A.D. 1400. And all the while, the river was the Qranta, 
though an attempt was made to call it the Ca/nte in 1372; 
Willis and Clark, Hist, of Cambridge, i. 112. The name 
Qranta appears repeatedly, and is still in use. "The river 
Grant from Cambridge" occurs in 1617 ^ At last, when the 
name Cambridge was well established (after 1500), scholars, 
writing in Latin, coined the name Camits for the river, which 
they also sometimes spelt Chcmus. The Cambridge Review 
for Nov. 14, 1895, quoted at p. 74 some verses by Giles 
Fletcher, prefixed to an edition of Demosthenes published in 
1571, containing the line — 

Aocipe quae nuper Chami fluentis ad undam. 

1 See The Fenland, Past and Present, p. 905. 



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32 THE PLACE-NAMES OF CAMBRIDGESHIRE. 

Hence Camden says : — '* alii Oromtamy Camum alii nuncupant " ; 
A.D. 1586. 

The English name Cam is later still ; first appearing about 
1600. In 1610, Speed's map of Cambridge shows the " Cam " ; 
and in 1613, Drayton mentions " Cam, her daintiest flood, long 
since intituled Grant " ; Polyolbion, song xxi. 1. 107. Cf. " Grant 
or Cam " ; Conybeare's Cambs., p. 249. 

It is worth mentioning that Camden was sadly misled 
when he identified Cambridge with the Latin CatnborUum 
(Camboricum) owing to the similarity of the names. The 
identification may be correct on other grounds ; but the argu- 
ment from similarity of sound is naught. It is quite impossible 
that the Latin Camborictmi can be allied, as to its name, with 
the Ora/rUa ; whilst, as for the Cam, it was never heard of, even 
as a part of the name of the town, till about 1400, at least a 
thousand years after the Roman name Camboricum was first in 
use, and many centuries after it had been wholly forgotten. 
And the talk about the river's crookedness, merely because the 
modern Welsh word cam means crooked, is quite beside the 
purpose. 

Pearl's Bridge ; near Downham. Of this name I find no 
history. It is doubtless modem. 

SiURBRlDGE. Also Stourbridge, as if it were " the bridge 
over the Stour." 

The celebrated "Stourbridge Fair," which suggested "Vanity 
Fair," was held in a field bounded on the North by the 
Cam, and on the East by the "Stour," a tiny rivulet which 
runs under a bridge on the Newmarket road, very near the 
railway to Waterbeach. See Conybeare's Cambs., p. 241. But 
it is to be feared that the name of this rivulet (like that of the 
Cam) is modern, and was invented to suit the exigencies 
of popular etymology. For in 1279 the name was written 
Steresbreg' (Rot. Hund. ii. 438); as if from a personal name 
Ster. Cf Searle's Onomasticon; and A.S. Sfeor, a steer or ox. 
At a later date the s dropped out ; we find " Sterrebridge apud 
Cantab." in the Patent Rolls, a.D. 1418-9 ; p. 267, col. 2. Cf also 



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§ 8. NAMES ENDING IN -BRIDGE, -HITHE. 83 

Steresgarth (Line.) in 1348-9 ; Abbreviatio Rot. Originalinm, 
p. 196. 



HiTHE. 

Examples of Hithe occur in Clayhithe, Aldreth, and Earith. 
The name Clayhithe sounds somewhat modern, as the latter 
syllable preserves its distinctness. Still, it appears as Cleyhetke 
in 1284 (F.A. 135) and in 1279 (Rot. Hund. vol. ii.). 

Aldreth. Aldreth lies to the south of Haddenham and 
to the north of a tributary of the Ou?e; a long causeway 
here crosses the fenland towards Balsar's (or Belsar's) Hill. It 
was on the south- west shore of the Isle of Ely, and may very 
well have been named from possessing a hiihey which Kemble 
defines as " a place that receives a ship on its landing, a low 
shore, fit to be a landing-place for boats." It is only some four 
miles in a direct line from Earith, which was named for a 
similar reason, and is situate close to the Ouse itself. The 
form of the word is a little difficult. The former part of it 
appears as Aire- in the Pipe Rolls for 1170, 1171, and 1172. 
also as Alder-, AUher- in the Cartularium Monasterii de 
Rameseia (see Index). Perhaps these forms answer to A.S. 
alor-, air-, aire-, combining forms of air, alor, M.E. aldery an 
alder-tree. As to the latter part of the word, we find, in the 
Ramsey Chronicle, Alder-hithe, Alder-hetiie, AUher-hethe, and 
the Latinised forms Alre-heda, Alder-heda. The Pipe Rolls 
have Alre-heda, Alre-hedra (with r wrongly inserted), and 
Alre-hudra (for Alre-huda)\ and since the final -da is a Latin 
substitution for -the, the form of the suffix is really -hithe, 
-hethe, -hiUhe. These represent the A.S. hgti, a hithe, of which 
later forms were hithe and hiUhe (regularly), and the late 
Kentish h^, which gives heths (Sievers, A.S. Grammar, 1898, 
§ 154). The last form can be accounted for by the fact that 
scribes were not unfrequently taught in Kent. On the whole, 
the probability of this interpretation seems correct ; especially 
as the forms for Earith are similar. See the note on the 
boundaries of the Isle of Ely, at p. 52. 

C. A. 8. Octavo Series, No. XXXVI. 3 



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34 THE PLACE-NAMES OF CAMBRIDGESHIRE. 

Earith. Spelt Erhith in Sprott's Chronicle. Obviously 
the same name as Erith in Kent, which is written Earhyth in 
Eemble, Cod. Dip), i. 44 ; and EarhifS (both vowels accented) 
in the same, vi. 127. The Ramsey Chronicle has the spellings 
Herhethe, Herhythe, Heritke, Erithe, Erethe, with reference to 
Earith in Cambs. ; and as the initial H is merely due to the 
freak of a Norman scribe, these can be reduced to Erhythe, 
Erithe, Erhethe, Erethe, And as in the case of the name above, 
the y and i represent the Wessex y in h^, and the e represents 
the Kentish e. As to Ear, the sense is known; it was the 
name of one of the Runic letters, and is used in a poem to 
signify "earth"; a word rare in A.S., but very common in 
Scandinavian. For, as the A.S. ea is etymologically equivalent 
to the Icel. au, we find a more exact sense by looking out aurr 
in the Icelandic Dictionary, from which we learn that it means 
wet clay, wet soil, or mud ; with reference, perhaps, to the silt 
deposited by the salt water of the Wash. The sense, in fact, 
is fairly given by " muddy landing-place " or " silt-hithe." At 
the same time, the Dan. or signifies "gravel," and the Swed. 
dial, or means "a sandy shore"; both are common in place- 
names. Elsinore is, properly, Helsing-or. The modem spelling 
of Earith simulates AS. m-ri^j both members meaning 
" stream " ; but the old spellings show that it was a hithe. 



The suffix -low. 

A low or law (A.S. htdw) is a mound or rising ground; 
sometimes natural and sometimes artificial. In the latter case, 
it generally means a burial mound or barrow. It occurs in 
Bartlow, Tadlow, and Triplow. 

Bartlow. a modem form ; formerly Berklow, as in Fuller s 
Worthies; spelt Berkelowe in 1316; Berklowe in 1428 (F.A., 
156, 192). As to the sense of Berk-, we have only to refer to 
the various spellings of Barham (p. 20), in order to see that 
Berk was a Norman form due to the A.S. beorh, a hill, a 
tumulus, or a funeral barrow. It is clear that we have here an 
instance in which an old name has been explained and trans- 



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§ 8. NAMES ENDING IN -UITHE, -LOW, -WELL. 35 

lated by one that happeoed to be better understood by the 
particular people who renamed it. The literal sense is "barrow," 
repeated in a different form. It may be noted that Barham 
Hall is near Bartlow, and that there are conspicuous tumuli in 
the neighbourhood. 

Tadlow. The old spelling is Tadelowe, in 1302 (F.A.). 
Domesday Book has Taddait where lai is an incorrect rendering 
of the Old English sound ; indeed, I.C.C. has Tadeslawe. The 
sufSx 'low means " funeral mound " or tumulus, as before. The 
prefix Tade represents the A.S. Tadan, as seen again in Tddan- 
ledh, now Tadley, in Hants. ; see Kemble's Index. Tadan is 
the gen. case of the personal name Tdda or Tada; for the 
length of the vowel is not quite certain. It is perhaps related 
to the tad- in tad-pole, and to A.S. tadige, a toad. The Ramsey 
Chartulary mentions a tenant named Edric Tode. 

Triplow. We find the old spellings Trippelowe in 1276 
(Rot. Hund. i 52), and Trippelawe in 1302 (F.A.) ; Domesday 
' Book has Trepeslau ; I.C.C. has Trepealau, Treppelau. A late 
A.S. Charter has TripeUm (an Anglo-French spelling), mis- 
printed Tripelan ; Kemble, Cod. Dipl. iv. 245. Trippe repre- 
sents an A.S. Trippariy gen. of Trippa, a personal name of 
which there is no other record. The tumulus at Triplow is 
marked on the Ordnance Map. The spelling Thriplow (with 
Th) seems to be a Norman eccentricity, like our present 
spelling of Thames; c£ Thofte for Toft, p. 73. 



The suffix -well. 

The following names end in -tuell, viz. Barnwell, Burwell, 
Rnapwell, Orwell, Outwell, Snailwell, Upwell. They refer to 
the word well in its usual sense. 

Babnwell. The old spelling is Bernewell, in the time of 
Henry III. and later. Somewhat earlier is Beomewelle, in a 
late copy of a Charter dated 1060 ; Thorpe, Diplom. p. 383. 
So also in the Ramsey Chartulary. The prefix has nothing to 

3—2 



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36 THE PLACE-NAMES OF CAMBRIDGESHIRE. 

do with the A.S. beam, a child, as has often, I believe, been 
suggested*; but represents Beoman, gen. of Beorna, a pet-name 
for a name beginning with Beom-. It is worth noting that, 
as appears from Eemble's Index, the prefix beom, a warrior, 
occurs at least nine times in place-names, whilst beam, a child, 
does not occur at all. And again, the prefix Beorn- occurs in 
more than 200 instances in Searle's Onomasticon ; whereas the 
occurrence of Beam is rare, and perhaps doubtful. The dif- 
ference between the words, which are quite distinct, is admirably 
illustrated in the New ling. Diet, under the words bems and 
bairn, 

BuRWELL. Spelt Burewelle in Domesday Book ; Burge- 
welle in 1346 (F.A.) ; Burewelle in a late copy of the charter of 
1060; Thorpe, Diplom. 383. It is to be compared with 
Buregwdl, Burhwylla, Byrgwylla in Kemble's Index. Thus 
the prefix is burge, gen. case of the A.S. burh, a borough, a fort ; 
which probably stood on the spot where King Stephen after- 
wards constructed a castle ; cf. Conybeare, Hist. Cambs. p. 114. 

But I.C.C. has BuruuMe, as if the original were simply 
burhrwylle, " borough-well." The difference is slight. 

Enapwell. Formerly Cnapwelle, in 1330 (Cat. Ancient 
Deeds, vol. 2); Domesday Book has Chenepewelle, where the 
initial Ch represents K, and the following e is inserted merely 
to enable the unfortunate Norman to pronounce the initial Kn, 
AS. Cn, For the spelling Cnapenwelle, see the footnote no. 12 
to Thorpe, Diplom. p. 383 ; and compare Cnapenewelle, Gnappe- 
welle, in the Ramsey Chartulary (index). The prefix repre- 
sents A.S. Cnapan, gen. case of Cnapa, a known name. The 
spelling Cnapenwelle shows that it is not from A.S. cncep (gen. 
cnceppes), a hill-top. 

Orwell. Formerly Orewelle, in 1284 (F.A.); the form 
Norwdle (in 1210, RB.) is due to a misapprehension of the 
phrase oMen Orewelle, " at the Orewelle," which is a common 
formula in Middle English. Domesday Book has OreuueUe, 

1 See the highly imaginative passage to this effect, quoted in Gonybeare's 
History, App. p. 291. 



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§ 8. NAMES ENDING IN -WELL. 37 

also Orduudle, OredutieUe; but the (2 is a Norman insertion, 
and may be neglected ; cf. Oreuuella in I.C.C. The prefix is 
the A.S. oran, gen. case of ora, a border, edge, brink, or margin ; 
which, as Prof. Toller notes, is common in place-names, though 
it usually comes at the end rather than at the beginning. 
Still we have Oran-weg in Kemble's Index; and such place- 
names as Or-cop, Heref.; Or-ford, Suffi, Or-ton, Cumb.; and 
Ore, standing alone, in Sussex, also spelt Oare, as in Kent. 
The sense is "well beside the brink." 

Out-well. I.e. the well lying just outside the village. 
From A.S. ut, out. 

Snail-well. Compounded of snail and well, as the old 
spellings show. Mr Foster gives Sneihudla (1169, P.R.); 
Sneyllmelle (1441, Cat. Anc. Deeds, vol. 2); SneUeufelle (1302), 
Sneyhodle (1316), Snayllewelle (1284), Snaylewell (1428, F.A.). 
A late copy of a charter of Edward the Confessor has SneUle- 
welle; Eemble, Cod. Dipl. iv. 245; cf. Snegduuelle in I.C.C. 
We may be reminded that many place-names were conferred 
for trivial reasons. The false spelling Snellewelle in Domesday 
Book has misled some writers, who have referred it to Snell as 
a man's name, as in Snelston, Derbyshire, where the inserted s 
is significant. But even the modern pronunciation is some- 
times more correct than Domesday Book ; as several examples 
show. It was not till the end of the thirteenth century that 
the Normans at last controlled the spelling of English. I may 
add that the small river flowing from this place is now called 
the River Snail. 

Upwell. From up and well; a well that is above the 
path-way. Compare Up-ham, Up-wood, and the 24 Up-tons. 



§ 9. The suffixes camp, Chester, dike, hale, hirn, 
lode, port, reth, ware. 

Besides the above, there are other suffixes referring to other 
artificial features, which may be here noticed ; such as camp, 
Chester, dike, hale, kirn, lode, port, reth, ware. 



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38 THE PLACE-NAMES OF CAMBRIDGESHIRE. 

Camp. Our word camp, in the sense of encampment, is 
comparatively modem in literature, and due to the Italian 
campo; see the New Eng. Diet. The A.S. Diet only gives 
co/mp in the sense of "battle/' the sense of "encampment" 
being denoted by camp-stede. Nevertheless, the A.S. camp, in 
place-names, and there only, has also the sense of " open field " 
or "plain ground"; a sense which was borrowed immediately 
from the Lat. campus. This is proved by the occurrence in 
Kemble's Index of the form Campscstena gemcero, which 
Bosworth's Dictionary does not notice; it cannot have any 
other sense than " boundaries of the settlers in the camp " or 
" field." The sense of " battle " is here impossible. So also in 
Todan camp ; Birch, C.S. ii. 585, 1. 8. 

That the word camp (as a place-name) is old, is proved by 
its occurrence as Campea in I.C.C, and by the characteristic 
Norman spelling Caumpes in 1302 (F.A.), with reference to 
Shudy Camps. We also find, with reference to Shudy Camps, 
the forms Schude Camp, 1284, Schode Caumpes, 1302 (F.A.). 
Compare also the name Martin de Campo, in the Ramsey 
Chartulary. 

Castle-Camps ; i.e. " castle fields." It requires no further 
illustration. 

Shudy Camps. Shvdy is said (in the Hist. Cambs., 1851) 
to have been the name of a family who once possessed the 
manor ; but it arose, nevertheless, from the name of some place. 
The variation from i^ to o in the spellings Schude, Schode, 
shows that the u was originally short. Indeed, the fondness of 
Norman scribes for writing o instead of short u is notorious ; 
we all write monk to this day instead of munk. Moreover, 
the modern pronunciation shows the same thing; for a long 
u would have produced a modem ow, as in cow from cw. As 
the M.E. u not unfrequently represents the A.S. y, the A.S. 
form (without the suffix) would be scydd. This form is given 
by Toller, with a difficult quotation from Eemble's Charters. 
He proposes the sense "alluvial ground" ; and correctly equates 
it to Q. schutt. We have, in fact, some choice of senses; 



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§ 9. NAMES ENDING IN CAMP, -CHESTER. 39 

the El Friesic schvdde (like Du. sdiadde) means ''a sod, a 
piece of turf''; the Low O. schudde means ''aUuvial soil"; 
and the O. schutt means '' a bank of earth, a mound," or some* 
times " rubble." My guess is that Shudy originally referred to 
some peculiarity of the soil of some (unknown) place. There 
was a Shideford in Devon (In. p. m., p. 71). 

Chester. This represents the A.S. cecuter, borrowed from 
the Latin castrum, a camp. The sole examples are Chester-ton 
and Qrant-chester. The latter means the camp beside the 
Qranta. Chesterton is spelt Cestretone in Domesday Book, 
where Ce denotes the sound of E. Che; and conversely, the 
Norman Che denotes E. Ke, as already shown. There is a 
Chesterton in Warwickshire which shows the true A.S. spelling 
Geaster-tun ; see Eemble's Index. 

As for Qrantchester, the A.S. spelliilg is Qrantuceaster in 
Kemble, Cod. Dipl. iii. 58, 1. 4. The charter is probably spurious 
as far as the Latin part of it is concerned ; but it is worth 
notice that the phrase " in prouincia Qrantaceaster "^ certainly 
seems to mean Cambridgeshire. The spelling Oranteceaster 
occurs in section 3 of the Life of St Outhlac, ed. Qoodwin, 
p. 20, where the river is called the Orante ; and the passage is 
so curious that I quote Qoodwin's translation. " There is in 
Britain a fen of immense size, which begins from the river 
Orante not far from the ceaster, which is named Oranteceaster. 
There are immense marshes, now a black pool of water, now 
foul running streams, and also many islands, and reeds, and 
hillocks, and thickets; and with manifold windings wide and 
long it continues up to the north sea." But there is a far older 
reference in Beda, Eccl. Hist iv. 19 : — ^"uenerunt ad ciuitatulam 
quandam desolatam...quae lingua Anglorum Orantacaeetir 
uocatur"; see the ed. by Mayor and Lumby, p. 128, 1. 28. 

in a passage in Lysons' Hist, of Cambridgeshire, p. 202, it 
is noted that Walter de Merton gave to Merton College, Oxford, 
a certain "manerium de Oraunte^he" ; and it has often, I 
believe, been supposed that this form is only another spelling 
of Orantcheeter. Such seems to be the fact ; though there may 



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40 THE PLACE-NAMES OF CAMBRIDGESHIRE. 

have been some confuBion with the A.S. sSte, " settlers." Mr 
Foster has also noted the spellings Orantecete (1284), Qransete 
(1302). Graunsete (1428), in F.A., 137, 146, 194. I find in 
Domesday Book Oranteaeta, Orantesete] and Orenteaeta in I.C.C., 
p. 70. 

Dike. This has already occurred in the name Ditton. I 
find in Conybeare's Cambridgeshire, p. 14, a reference to the 
Brand Ditch, the Brent Ditch, the Fleam Dike, and the Devil's 
Dike. The explanation of the names Brand and Brent, as 
meaning " burnt/' is incorrect. The fact is that Brand Ditch 
clearly stands for Brant Ditch, the t followed by d becoming d 
by assimilation. And Brant is a mere variety of Brent ; both 
words mean "steep/' and are explained in the New English 
Dictionary. The reference is to the remarkably steep sides of 
the dikes. The phrase '' highe bonkkes and brent/' i.e. " high 
and steep banks/' occurs in Sir Gawain and the Grene Knight, 
1. 2165; and Ascham, in his Toxophilus (ed. Arber, p. 58) 
speaks of " a brante hyll-syde." The A.S. for *• burnt " never 
takes the form brent, which is merely Middle English. 

Neither has the Fleam Dike any connexion with " flame/' 
which is a foreign word, unknown in England before 1300. 
There is a Cambridgeshire hundred, called Flendish, which 
is merely a variant of the same word. The old spellings (P.R , 
F.A.) are Flemedich (1158), Flemesdich (1284), Flemdiche (1302, 
1401). By the action of the d on the preceding m, the last 
became Flendvctie in 1428 ; and the latter syllable was turned 
into 'dish at a still later date. JXcfie is, of course, our modern 
ditch, a mere variant of dike ; see the New English Dictionary. 
And it is obvious that the Mid. Eng. Fleme is the modern E. 
Fleam. The spellings in Domesday Book present a startling 
variation. It gives the name of the hundred as Flamingdice 
and Flamiding or Flammiding. The latter forms are obviously 
incorrect, and due to putting the ng in the wrong syllable 
when attempting to pronounce the word ; the right form is 
clearly Flaming-dice, where dice is the Norman spelling 
of diche, the M.E. form of ditch. Cf. also Flamencdic, Flam'- 
mincdic, in I.C.C. Hence the original form of the prefix was 



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§ 9. NAMES BNDINO IN DIKE, -HALE. 41 

certainly Flamenc in the time of the Conqueror. This word is 
not A.S., but O.Fr. Flamenc, represented by the Late Lat. 
Flavfiingua, a Fleming. Ducange quotes an example from a 
French document dated 1036, or thirty years before the 
Conquest ; and the Old Norse form Flcemingi is given in Vig- 
fiisson^ Why it received this name, we have of course no 
means of knowing. The subsequent change to Fleam Dike 
was probably due to popular etymology, which connected the 
name with the^ A.8, fleam, flight, BJidfllema, a fugitive; as if it 
were the dike of fugitives or of refuge. It is certainly curious 
that, on a visit to the Fleam Dike, I met with an inhabitant 
of the neighbourhood who wished me to understand that the 
dike had been made by the Flemings ; so that the tradition of 
the name in * Domesday Book is remembered even at the 
present day. The spelling Flemigdich (error for Flemingdich) 
appears as late as 1279, in the Hundred Rolls, ii. 445. 

Hale. The suffix -hale occurs only in Yen Hall, formerly 
inhale, and in Mep-hale, the old spelling of Mepal in F.A., in 
1302, 1:337, 1346, 1428, and much later. The word hale, 
'' a comer, nook, a secret place," is fully explained in the New 
Eng. Dictionary; from heale, hale, dat. of A.S. healh, Old 
Mercian halh, a derivative from the second grade of A.S. helan, 
to hide. We may here explain it by " retreat." 

Mepal. In this form, the prefix Mep- is probably personal. 
It occurs again in Mep-ham, Kent; of which the A.S. forms 
are Meapa-ham, Meapham; see Kemble's Index. The ea is 
long, because short ea does not occur between an m and a p. 
There is no further trace of it. Meapa looks like a genitive 
plural, as if Meapas was the name of a tribe. 

£nhale. This i^ an old parish which, as I am informed, 
has been absorbed into West Wickham' ; and the only trace of 
the name is that a Yen Hall still exists there. However, the 
spelling Enhale occurs in 1279 (Hund. Rolls, vol. ii.), in 1302 
and 1346 (F.A. 145, 163); and Enhall in 1316 (F.A. 155). 

^ The Bamsey Gbartolary mentions a Robert le Flemming. 

* "Enhale est hamelett' pertin' ad Wyoham" ; Rot. Handled, ii. 429. 



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42 THE PLACE-NAMES OF CAMBRIDGESHIRE. 

The A.S. form is Ean-heale (dative) in Birch, Cart. Sax. iii. 629, 
in connexion with Wratting, Wickham, and Balsbam, all in its 
immediate neighbourhood. The Ea in Ean- must be long. I 
can only suggest that this prefix is short for Eanan (see Birch, 
Cart. Sax. ii 296, 1. 10), gen. of Eana^ a known pet-name. 

HiRN. The suflBx -hirn occurs only in Guy-hirn, and 
presents no diflSculty. It is the word hem or him, " a comer, 
nook, or hiding-place,'* fully explained in the New Eng. 
Dictionary, at p. 245 of the letter H. The A.S. form is hyme. 
The name Ouy is not A.S., but Norman ; so that the village 
dates from after the Norman Conquest. The sense is '* Guy's 
retreat." The Ramsey Chartulary mentions twenty men of 
this name. 

Lode. This impoiiiant word denotes a water-course, and 
\ ^represents the A.S. lad, a way, course, especially a water-course ; 
,^\ and is the word from which the verb to lead is derived. We 
have examples in Bottisham Lode, Swaffbam Bulbeck Lode, 
and others. It occurs also in the place-name Ox-lode, near 
Downham, which is probably not a word of great antiquity, as 
it never seems to be mentioned. 

Port. This occurs in Littleport, which is found in Domes- 
v,^ day Book as Litelport. The force of the prefix is obvious. The 
A.S. port is merely borrowed from Latin, and has two distinct 
senses. In the first instance, it represents Lat. porta, a gate, 
which is of rare occurrence. Otherwise (as doubtless here) it 
represents Lat. portus ; and it meant not only a port or haven, 
but also a town. See port in Toller's A.S. Dictionary. In 
early times, the sea not only came up to Littleport, but even 
further south. In The Fenland, p. 576, we read: — "Once the 
mouth of the Ouse was at Littleport." 

Reth. This suffix occurs in Shep-reth and Meld-reth ; 
but not in Aldreth, which is to be divided as Aldr-eth (see 
p. 33). Meld-reth is to be thus divided, because the old spelling 
of Melboum is Melde-bourne, with the same prefix Mdd-, the 
two places lying close together. It is quite true that the 



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§ 9. NAMES IN -HIRN, -LODE, -POKT, -RETH. 48 

spelling Melreds, without d, occurs in Domesday Book ; but the 
same authority gives us Mellehume for the A.S. Melddmme, 
and the loss of the d after I is regular in Anglo-French, which 
actually has such speUings as hel for E. held, and shel for M.£. 
sheld, E. shield, as in the Lay of Havelok. Besides which, 
I.C.C. has the true form Meldrethe in full. The form 
Mddebum occurs as late as in Fuller's Worthies. The Domesday 
spelling of Shepreth is nothing short of comic, being Escep-ride ; 
where we note the Norman inability to sound the A.S. sc (K 
sh) without prefixing an e, and the equal inability to pronounce 
the E. ^, as is shown still more clearly in I.C.C., which has the 
spelling Scepereie (with the ih suppressed). In 1302 and 1316 
we find the form Scheperethe (Feudal Aids). 

I do not accept the suggestion that -reth represents the 
A.S. rt6 or rf6e, a stream, a word still extant, in the form riihe, 
in the South of England. For the final th in this word was 
usually dropped, as in Shottery, A.S. Scotta-riS, Childrey, A.S. 
CillO'rSS. And further, the A.S. I is never represented by M.K 
e, and we really must pay some reg^ard to our vowels, instead 
of pursuing the slovenly habit of the antiquarians of the last 
century, who disregarded all vowel-sounds with supreme in- 
difference, chiefly because they wanted to guess with the 
greater freedom. 

As the word has never been explained, I venture upon a 
guess of my own, which will, at any rate, accord with the sound. 
I take it to be the unaccented form of our common word wreath. 
The A.S. wrc^f also wrwd, means a wreath, a ring (as, for 
instance, a crown or neck-ornament) ; also, a bandage ; hence, 
possibly, a fence of twisted or wreathed hurdles. And if this 
can be admitted, we at once have a suffix with much the same 
sense as the Friesian hamm, an enclosure. This would also 
explain the connexion with Shep-, which obviously represents 
sheep, as in the common compound shepherd. In the case of 
Mddrreih, the old spelling of Melbourne, viz. the late A.S. 
Meldebume (in I.C.C. and in Kemble's Index) shows that the 
prefix is Melde. This represents an earlier form Meldan, gen. 
of the pet-name Melda, which occurs in Meldan-lge (Eemble). 
There is also an A.S. melda which means "an informer." 



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44 THE PLACE-NAMES OF CAMBRIDGESHIRE, 

Ware. This occurs in Upware, on the river Granta (Cam), 
between Waterbeach and Ely ; which is spelt Upwere in 1349, 
in the Pedes Finium, ed. W. Rye. Here up means "above," 
with reference to its situation with respect to those who 
bestowed the name; and ware, M.E. werey is another form of 
weir, which was often used in a rather vague way. It not only 
signified a weir or dam, but also a mill-pool, or, more generally, 
any fishing-pool where there was hardly any perceptible flow 
of water. For example, where our Prayer-book version of 
Ps. cvii. 35 has '' he maketh the wilderness a standing water," 
the Vulgate version has stagna, and the Early English Psalter 
published by the Surtees Society has weres o/watres. Compare 
the passage in the Laud MS. of the A.S. Chronicle, under the 
date 656, where there is mention of " wateres and meres and 
fennes and weres,'* i.e. waters and meres, and fens and weirs. 
As to the spelling ware for weir, see Miss Jackson's Shropshire 
Glossary. I suppose Upware to mean *' upper pool " ; and that 
a tuare or weir differs from a natural pool as having been caused 
artificially by the construction of a dam and being well adapted 
for catching fish. Thus in the Inquisitio Eliensis, p. 190, we 
read : — " Hec sunt piscaria monachorura elyensium : Gropwere, 
Chydebeche, Fridai, Bramewere, Vttrewere [Outer- weir]. Land- 
were, Burringewere,...Biwere [By- weir], Northwere, &c." 



§ 10. The suffixes beach, bourn, den, down, ea or ey, 

FEN, field, heath, LEA, MERE, POOL, WADE. 

Besides the suffixes relating to occupation or artificial 
works, we find others relating to natural objects, such ets beach, 
bourn, den, down, ea or ey (island), fen, field, heath, lea, mere, 
over (bank), wade. These will now be considered in order. 

Beach. As in Landbeach, Waterbeach, and Wisbeach. 
Beach is a difiicult word, for which the N.E.D. should be 
consulted. There is no doubt that it often means " shingle " ; 
and on this account the authors of The Fenland Past and 
Present have raised the objection that there is no shingle to 



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§§ 9, 10. NAMES ENDING IN -WARE, -BEACH. 45 

be found at Waterbeach ; and so they refer us to the A.S. bee, 
or becc, a beck, or river. This, however, is quite useless, for 
two reasons ; the first is, that beck is not in use in Cambridge- 
shire, but belongs to Lincolnshire and the Northern counties ; 
and the other is that the A.S. bee, which is unauthorised, is 
merely a borrowed word from Norse, and never appears in a 
palatalised form, such as betch ; and even if it did, betch is not 
the same thing as beadi. The objection, however, is of no 
consequence, because beach certainly has also the vaguer sense 
of bank or strand or shore, which is obviously what is here 
intendeds Waterbeach stood upon the old shore of the 
estuary of the Wash, and Landbeach merely differed from it in 
being a little further inland. This is no doubt the reason why 
the names given in Domesday Book are, respectively, Bech (or 
Bece) and Utbech; i.e. Beach as representing Waterbeach, and 
Utbech, i.e. Out-beach, signifying a place a little further from 
the water ; (unless, indeed, the contrary be intended, for * out ' 
is somewhat vague)'. It is unfortunate that Bosworth's 
Dictionary gives, as the sole example of bee, a river, a different 
form bcBC, which must have meant a valley or a river-bank, 
closely related to bcecc (as in Bcecceswyrth, Batchworth, in the 
Crawford Charters) ; of which the palatalised form bache exists 
in provincial English and in Middle English, as well as in 
place-names, such as Pulverbatch in Salop. This is the word, 
in fact, with which beach is much more likely to be connected ; 
the usual sense of iooAe ' being simply valley. It seems likely 
that the original sense of beach was a shore or river-bank, 
on which in some cases stones were deposited, giving it a 
secondary sense of pebbles or shingle. In the instances of 
Landbeach, Waterbeach, and Wisbeach, the shingle is not 
necessary to the explanation, and we may content ourselves 
with the simpler sense of " shore." 

1 There was a name Cheselbeehe in 1617 (Fenland, p. 206). Chesel means 
" shingle*' (see N.E.D.) ; and Cheselbeche means ** shingle-shore," not "shingle- 
shingle ** or ** shingle-heok." Waterbeehe ocoors in 1279 (Hund. Bolls). 

* I observe, in Domesday Book, a mention of mille anguillarum in connexion 
with Bech and Bece, which suggests that it was near the water. 

' I have heard it called baich, and have seen it spelt baitch, which agrees 
ezaoUy with the old prononoiation of beach. 



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46 THE PLACE-NAMES OF CAMBRIDGESHIBE. 

WiSBEACH. We have here to consider the prefix. We find 
the form Wisebeche in a late copy of a charter ; Kemble, Cod. 
Dipl. V. 4, where the spelling is Norman. Again, in the Laud 
MS. of the A.S. Chronicle, an. 656, we find Wis^ce, where 
bece is not the dat. of the alleged A.S. bec(c), a river, but is a 
Norman spelling of bcBCBf the dat. of bcBC, as explained at p. 45. 
The Norman scribes very soon expunged ce from the alphabet, 
substituting for it sometimes a and sometimes e, because the 
sound of the A.S. ce (modem Southern English a in cat) lay 
somewhere between the French a and e. Wise (pronounced as 
wissy) is, apparently, another spelling of Use (Ouse), which also 
appears as Wuse ; for which see the A.S. Chronicle. When the 
Norman scribes introduced the French ou for the A.S. u, the 
spelling became Ouse\ and has so remained ever since. The 
form Wis- was sometimes prefixed to the A.S. ea, Mid. Eng. ee, 
a stream, giving the form Wis-ee (Ouse-stream), now turned 
into Wissey, and still in use as the name of an affluent of 
the Ouse near Hilgay. The Ouse once flowed past Wisbeach 
(see The Fenland, p. 82) ; but our modern maps call the river 
the Nene. 

Bourn, a small river ; as in Bourne, Bassingboum, Fulbourn, 
Melboum. From A.S. burn. The place now called Bourne 
was originally called by the Norse name Brunne (Norw. brimn), 
of which the English bourne was a later translation. It appears 
as Brune in Domesday Book, and as Brunne in 1171, 1190, 
1194, and 1210, in which last year Bume also occurs (R.B.). 

Bassing-boubn. The old spellings do not materially differ ; 
Bassingebume occurs in the Chronicle of Ramsey Abbey. 
Bossing is a tribal name; the name Bass occurs in the A.S. 
Chronicle, under the date 669. In I.C.C. we find Basingebuma. 

Fulbourn. Domesday Book has Fulebeme, an error for 
Fulebome; cf. Fulebuma in I.C.C. In Kemble, Cod. Dipl. iv. 
246, a late copy of a charter of 1060, the spelling is FuuJhume, 
The prefix represents the A.S. ful, modern E. foul, dirty or 



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§ 10. NAMES ENDING IN -BEACB, -DEN. 47 

turbid. For other instances of the use of the same prefix, see 
Eemble's Index. 

Melbourn. Spelt Meldebuma in Eemble, Cod Dipl. iii. 60. 
Mdde represents Meldcm, gen. case of Melda, a personal name, 
as shown under Meldretei (p. 43). 



-DEN. 

With the suffix -den, we find Croydon or Crawden, Qransden ; 
also Eversden, Guilden Morden, and Steeple Morden, in which 
'den has been substituted for -don. 

Den is a variant of dene or dean, a vale ; see Dean (2) in 
the New Eng. Dictionary, where examples of the form den are 
given. The A.S. form is denu. 

Croydon is a comparatively modern form ; the older form 

^as Crawden, I find Crauden in Fuller's Worthies; and 

Mr Foster notes Craudene in F.A., viz. in 1302, 1346, 1428, 

and Grovjdene (= Crowdene) in 1316 ; the Ramsden Chartulary 

has Crouedene, and Domesday Book has Crauvsdene, with uu 

for w, whence Craweden in 1238 (Pedes Finium). Cratve 

represents the A.S. crdwan, gen. of the weak fem. sb crawe, a 

crow^ which also occurs as a female name. The sense is 

"Crow's vale." In Eemble's Index we find eleven examples 

of the form crawan. The Croy- in Croyland is a different 

word ; as the A.S. name was Cruwland or Cruland, 

^> 

EvERSDEN. Spelt Everes-dene in 1816 (F.A. i. 157), but 

Everadone in 1302 (F.A. L 149), Everesdon in 1291 (Taxatio 

Eocles. p. 266) ; Aureedone in Domesday Book. In I.C.C. it is 

Eueresdona. Hence the suffix was really -don, not -den. The 

A.S. form would be Eoforea-dun, where Eofores is the gen. case 

of EofoVy a personal name of which the literal sense, like that 

of the Ger. eber, is " a boar." The name occurs in B§owulf ; 

in fiEu;t, the gen. case Eoforea will be found in 1. 2486. Compare 

Eversley (Hants.) ; i.e. '' boar's lea." It may be noted that the 

substitution of -den for -don is later than A.D. 1300. 



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48 THE PLACE-NAMES OF CAMBBIDGESfilRE. 

Qransden. Formerly Gh'antesdene, in 1210 (RB.), and 
1316 (F.A. i. 157); iu 1393, the form is Orandesden (Ely 
Registers) ; after which the d dropped out, giving the modem 
form. The 8 seems to have been a later insertion, as we find 
the form Grentedene in a copy of a Charter made after the 
Conquest; Kemble, Cod. Dipl. iv. 246, and again in the 
Cartularium Monasterii de Rameseia. Domesday Book has 
Gratedene, with n omitted; it is (xrantendene in I.C.C. This 
is an Anglo-French spelling, representing an A.S. form GhrarUe- 
denu, Oraivta-denUy or Grantan-denu, The sense is " vale of the 
Granta " ; and is interesting as shewing that there was a second 
Qranta in the same county ; for the stream which passes near 
Little and Great Gransden is an affluent of the Ouse at a point 
near St Neot's, and distinct from the Granta which flows 
-through Cambridge. 

MoRDEN. The spelling Mordene occurs in 1236 and later 
(R.B.); but we also find Mordone in 1166, Mordune in 1210 
(R.B.), Mordune in I.C.C. and in Domesday Book. If these 
latter spellings are correct, the right form is Mordon, answering 
to A.S. Mor-dun, lit. " moor-down." Supposing, however, that 
Morden were correct, the A.S. form would be Mor-denu, lit. 
" moor- valley "; with reference to the small stream which 
passes near the two Mordens. But the early evidence in favour 
of the etymology from down can be supplemented, and is quite 
conclusive'. Mor- occurs in a great many places, and is the 
shortened form of A.S. mor, a moor ; the vowel being shortened, 
as usual, when followed by two consonants. Compare such 
forms as Morley and Morton, and particularly the form West- 
morland, i.e. "West moorland." There are two Mordens; 
GuiLDEN Morden and Steeple Morden. The latter was no 
doubt named from having a church with a conspicuous steeple. 
The epithet Guilden is less clear. It is worth noticing that 
there is a Sutton in Cheshire Called Guilden^ Sutton ; with the 
same epithet. It is spelt Gildene in 1316, and Gyldene in 
1346 (F.A. i. 156, 171); but also Gilden (without final e) 
in 1342 (Ely Registers), and Gylden in 1302 (F.A.). As to 

^ Morden in Surrey is likewise a corruption of Mordon (Crawford Charters). 



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§ 10. NAMES ENDING IN -DON. 49 

what it means, I can only give a guess; the form would 
accurately represent the A.S. gyldena, gen. pi. of gylda, a 
guild-brother ; as if it were " the Morden of the guild-brothers '* ; 
but this requires confirmation by the help of historical research. 
Whatever be the explanation, it must satisfy the case of the 
Cheshire village also, which is a very small place, having less 
than 200 inhabitants. In a Hist, of Cambs., dated 1851, it is 
stated that the manor of this Morden was held by four owners 
conjointly ; which perhaps explains it. C£ Guildford. 

The above solution is strongly supported by the spellings 
Geldenemordon (1255) and Otddenemordon (1317), found in the 
Index to the Charters and Rolls ; for geldene, guldene point to 
the A.S. gyldena as their origin. 



Down, -don. 

Down, from the A.S. dun, is a flattened hill, and well 
known. We have already had an example in Downham. It 
is naturally rare as a suffix in our flat county ; but we have an 
example in Whaddon, as well as in Morden (rightly Mordon), 
and likewise in Eversden, as shewn above; pp. 47, 48. The first 
is spelt Whaddone in 1302 (F.A. i. 150); but, as the Norman 
scribes usually substituted w for wh, we find also Waddmi in 
1210 (R.B.), and Wadone, Wadune in Domesday Book. The 
astonishing form Phwaddune (with Phw for Wh) occurs in 
I.C.C., p. 107> and is highly significant. There are two other 
Whaddons, and a Waddon in Surrey, all derived from the same 
form, viz. A,S. Hwcete-dun, lit. " wheat-down." This form, 
HwcHe'dun, occurs in an early and genuine Will, of the ninth 
century; see Birch, Cart. Saxon, ii. 196 ; and the M.E. Whatdon 
occurs in 1287, in the Abbreviatio Rotiilorum, p. 55. Kemble 
identifies Hw^tedun with WoU(m in Surrey, and Earle follows 
him, in the index to his Land Charters, p. 495. But the 
identification will suit Waddon (in Surrey) equally well, and 
even better. The identification with Wotton is obviously 
based on the fact that Hwfetedun is mentioned in coDnection 
with Gatton in the same county ; but Oatton is ten miles (in 
C. A, S, Octavo SeHes. No. XXXVL 4 



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50 THE PLACE-NAMES OF CAMBRIDGESHIRE. 

direct distance) from Wotton, whereas from Waddon it is only 
eight ; and Wotton would be better explained as being equiva- 
lent to WooUon ; from wood and town. Observe, further, that 
when a word ending in a consonant is compounded with a 
second that begins with one, the second consonant remains 
unaltered. Cupboard is not pronounced as cuppoard, but as 
cubboard) so that Whaddon must always have ended in -dx^n 
or 'dun, just as Wotton has always ended in -ton or -tim. 



-EA AND -EY. 

We have some place-names ending in -ea, as Anglesea, 
Estrea, Horningsea, Manea, Stonea, Whittlesea; one in -ay, 
as Barw-ay ; and some in -gy, as Coveney, Ramsey, Stuntney, 
Swavesey, Thomey, and Welney; to which we may add Wendy, 
ending in -y ; but not Ely. At the same time we may consider 
such names as Oamlingay, Lingay, and Shengay. A carefril 
survey of these words shews that in no case does the suffix 
represent the A.S. ea^ a stream (which became ee), but only its 
derivative eg or Ig, an island. Of these forms %g is the usual 
Wessex form, represented in later times by a simple final -y, 
while eg is the O. Mercian and Northumbrian form, and ey 
(if old) is Norse. In Cambs. the form eg prevailed, represented 
by -ea, -cy, -ay, -y; the examples with -y are Wendy, and 
Coveny as' a variant of Coveney. See Island in the New Eng. 
Dictionary. As the original sense of eg or ig was simply 
"watery," it came to mean any land wholly or to a great 
extent surrounded by water; often, no doubt, a piece of land 
wholly or nearly surrounded by a river and smaller affluents; 
or any piece of somewhat isolated land lying close to a stream. 

In the map which accompanies the book named 'The 
Fenland, Past and Present/ by Miller and Skertchly, it will 
be seen that the following places are marked as situate on what 
were formerly distinct islands: — ^Manea, Stonea, Whittlesea, 
Coveney, Stuntney, Thomey, Barway (or Barraway), and the 
isle of Ely. And it may be noticed that Waterbeach is 
represented as being situate on the old shore of the Wash, 



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§ 10. NAMES ENDING IN -EA, -AY, -ET, -Y. 51 

whilst Landbeach is further inland. Horuingsea lay between 
the Wash and the Qranta. Anglesea Abbey was close to the 
old shore of the Wash, to the N.E. of Stow-cum-Quy. 



y 



Anglesea. A priory of Augustinian Canons was founded 
at Anglesea (or Anglesey) in the time of Henry I. Lit. " the 
isle of the Angle," with reference to an individual. This use 
is i-are, as the word is almost invariably used in the plural. 
But the gen. plural is jEngld or Engla^ and the '' land of the 
Angles" is Engla-land or England. See Angle in the New 
English Dictionary. The A.S. nom. pi. is Engle, so that the 
addition of an 8 never occurred in the plural at all. The early 
spelling Angleseye occurs in 1270 (Cat. Ancient Deeds); cf. 
Angleaheye in the Hundred Rolls, ii. 860. 

Barway. So in the Ordnance map (it is near Little 
/Thetford); but Barraway in the Fenland map. The suflSx 
simulates the word way, but the right division is Banv-ay or 
Barraw-ay, This is shewn both by the fact that it was once 
an island, and by the old spellings. We find Berewey in 1816 
(F.A.), but Bergheye in the time of Henry III (R.B.), and 
Bergeye in 1155 (R.B.); also the Latinised forms Bergeia, 
Bef'heia, Bercheia. (Pipe Rolls). It is obviously derived from 
the O. Merc, herh, A.S. heorh, a hill, mound, and O. Merc, eg 
(A.S. %g), an island. If we spell it Barrow-ey, the etymology 
becomes clearer, as the A.S. beorh is now harrow. See Barrow, 
a mound, in the New Eiag. Dictionary. 

CoVENEY, CovENY. The Latinised form Coueneia occurs 
in a footnote at p. 270 of Kemble, Cod. Dipl. vol. iv. The 
Ramsey Chartulary has Coveneye or Coveneie, The prefix Couen 
represents the A.S. Cufan, gen. case of Cufa, a well-authenti- 
cated personal name. The suffix is O. Merc, eg, A.S. Ig. 

Ely. Spelt Elig in Kemble's edition of the Charters in 
many instances ; but Helig in a late paper copy of a charter of 
A.D. 957; see Birch, Cart. Saxon, iii. 196 — 7. There can be no 
doubt that the name has very long been understood, by a 
popular etymology, to mean **isle of eels," a name which is 

4—2 



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52 THE PLACE-NAMES OF CAMBRIDGESHIRE. 

quite appropriate; but this would require a usual spelling 
ceUg (celig), a form which never occurs but once, as noted 
below. In fact the spelling in Beda, Hist. Eccl. iv. 19, is Elge; 
see the ed. by Mayor and Lumby, p. 127, 1. 30, and p. 130, 
1. 20. The best MS. of the early A.S. translation has the 
spellings Elige and Elia lond; see the ed. by T. Miller (E.E.T.S.), 
p. 318, 1. 10, and p. 320, 1. 5. We find, at p. 318— "in Jwm 
\€odl(mde \e is geceged Elige," lit. in the tribe-land that is 
called Elige ; but this translates the Latin regione. It seems 
quite certain, in any case, that there was no allusion to " island *' 
in the original name. The various readings are very remark- 
able ; for Elige, other readings are Lige and Hcelige, and one 
MS. (not older than the Conquest) has eel (kg [^g = eg\ i.e. 
* eel-island,' shewing that the popular interpretation had affected 
the English name at that date. 

If, liowever, we go back to Beda's spelling EUge, \ve see 
that it represents the O. Northumbrian el-ge, i.e. " district of 
eels," where el is the later A.S. (feZ, " eel," and ge is the very rare 
early equivalent of the G. Qau (see Kluge, Etym. Diet, 8.v. 
Oau), This agrees sufficiently with Beda's explanation : — " Est 
autem Elge... r^^'o... in similitudinem insulae uel paludibus, ut 
diximus, circumdata uel aquis, unde et a copia anguillarum 
quae in eisdem paludibus capiuntur nomen accepit." See 
H. M. Chadwick's Studies in Old English, § 5. 

I copy the following useful note from The Fenland, Past 
and Present, p. 63. 

The boundaries of the Isle of Ely are thus described in 
Sprott's Chronicle, published by Hearne\ "At Erhithbridge 
begins one entrance into the Island, which extends as far as 
Sotton Orove, and so at Mephale, and so at Wychombrigge, and 
so at Ely Dounlwm^, and so at LittlepoiV, and so at the Town 
of Ely, and so at Haveryngmere, and so at Stratham Lode, and 
so at Andlong' Wesche, on the south side of the island, and so 
at Alderhethbrigge, and so at Erhithbregge. These are the 
entrances into the island, one at Littleport*, another at Stan" 

1 Th. Sprotti Chronica ; ed. T. Hearne, Oxon. 1719 ; p. 199. I correct a 
few spellings. 

' Hearne prints Donnkom, LitUpart, Andlong; Miller has Audlong. 



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§ 10. NAMES ENDING IN -EA. 53 

teneyd>rigg€, the third at Alderbithebregge, the fourth at 
Erhithbregge." 

Eastbea, Estrea. Quite a different word from Eastry in 
Kent ; for which see the forms in Sweet, O.E. Texts, p. 611. It 
is probably the Estrey mentioned in a spurious charter in 
Birch, Cart. Sax. iii. 438, 1. 5. The prefix is A.S. eastra, lit. 
" more to the east*' ; it is just due east of WhitUes-eay also once 
an island. There* is also a Westry Farm, to the west of the 
road leading northwards from March. 

Horningsea. Spelt Homingesie in Domesday Book, and 
Homingeseie (Norman spelling) in I.C.C. and in Eemble, Cod. 
Dipl. iv. 245. For A.S. Hominges-eg, isle of Horning. Homing 
is a patronymic, and the name Horn is known ; indeed, there 
is a " Lay of King Horn " extant both in French and English. 

Manea. I find no old spelling; but the suffix means *'isle," 
as in the other instances; for it was once a complete island. 
The prefix probably represents the A.S. Mannan, gen. case of 
Manna, a name which occurs in the A.S. Chronicle, under the 
date 921. Cf. A.S. manna, a man, a sb. of the weak declension, 
by-form of mann, a man, of which the gen. is mannss. Compare 
such place-names as Man-ley and Man-ton; and note that 
Manning was a tribal name, as in Manningford, Manningham, 
and Manningtree. 

[I take this opportunity of making a note on the name 
Ramsey, as so many illustrations have been taken from the 
Ramsey Chartulary ; though it is just out of our county, in 
Hunts. We find, on excellent authority, that this name has 
lost an initial L It is spelt Hrames-ege (dative) in iElf helm's 
Will; Kemble, Cod. Dipl. iv. 300; Thorpe, Diplom. p. 598, 
L 10. This shews that the prefix is not our modern E. ram, 
but the A.S. hrwm, variant of hrasmn or hrafn, a raven, whence 
the mod. E. raven is derived. The sense is "Raven's isle"; 
but whether Baven was a bird's name or a man's, we cannot 
certainly say. The latter is more probable; the former is 
possible. The same prefix occurs in Hremmesden, now Rams- 



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54 THE PLACE-NAMES OF CAMBRIDGESHIRE. 

decin, Hants., according to Kemble ; but I caDnot find this 
Rarasdean in the map.] 

Stonea. Of this name I find no record ; but the prefix is 
obviously the A.S. stdn, M.E. stooUy modern E. stone \ with 
reference (I suppose) to the soil. 

Stuntney. Spelt Stuntenei in Domesday Book, Stmvteneie 
in I.C.C; which affords the clue. Stunten represents the A.S. 
stuntan, gen. of stunta, weak form of stunt, foolish. Stunta 
means "a foolish person," evidently a nickname. In Matt. v. 
22, where the A.V. has "thou fool," the A.S. version has 
"nustunta" 

SwAVESEY. Spelt Suauisei/e in 1266 (Pedes Finium); 
Swavsey in 1316, Swaveseye in 1346, and Swafsey in the same 
year (F.A. i. 152, 166 — 8); Svavesye in Domesday Book. The 
A.S. prefix is Swce/es, gen. of Swdff] a personal name which 
occurs again in Swaffham, As the ck was originally long, it 
must have been shortened, as in Swaffhani, and afterwards 
again lengthened. Otherwise, the modern name would have 
been Swevesey, The process is not uncommon. The A.S. 
SwAf is a most interesting word, as it originally meant one 
of the tribe called in Latin Siieui, mentioned both by Caesar 
and Tacitus. The A.S. ce answers to Ger. a, and to a primitive 
Germanic e, so that the vowel preserved in Latin is the original 
one. 

Thorney. Spelt Thorneia in 1169 (Pipe Rolls), Toriveya 
in 1158, and Tomy in Domesday Book. Of. A.S. Bomig; 
Kemble, Cod. Dipl. iii 102. The spelling with T is, of course, 
Anglo-French, and due to the inability of many Normans to 
pronounce the E. tli. The derivation is obvious; from A.S. 
thoni, a thorn-bush. Another Thorney is celebrated as being 
the site of Westminster Abbey; it is described in a spurious 
charter as being a ''locus terribilis"; Birch. Cart. Sax. i. 339. 

Welney, Welny, near Wisbech. I find no old spelling ; 
but the derivation is obvious, viz. from wellan eg, or wellan %g 



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§ 10. NAMES ENDING IN -EA, -EY, -Y. 55 

" isle of the well/' apparently because it stood beside a stream 
called the Wdtan-ea, or " well-stream " (later spelling tuellen- 
he^weUeti-ee, in the Ramsey Chartulaiy) and ai'terwards 
Well Creek ; see The Fenland, pp. 7, 189, 209. Here wdUin 
is the gen. of A.S. ivyUe or weUe\ see wille in the A.S. Dictionary. 
The dat. wellan occurs in Kemble, Cod. Dipl. iii. 206; and the 
dat. and gen. cases of weak substantives are identical in form. 

Wendy. Formerly Wetidye (1316), Wendeye (1346), in 
F.A- i. 157, 172; Wandei and Wandrte in Domesday Book. 
The form Wandrie is remarkable ; but is shown to be corrupt 
by comparison with I.C.C., which has the correct form Wendeie, 
The variation of the vowel in Wendeie, Wandei^ points to the 
A.S. c«. Hence we can hardly be wrong in identifying the 
prefix with the A.S. Wwndan, occurring in the place-name 
Wwadan-inereSy which actually appears as Wendan in Wendan- 
beorgea in the very next line of the same genuine and early 
charter (A.D. 956). See Birch, Cart. Saxon, iii. 106, 11. 1 and 2. 
Wendan is the gen. case of Wenda^ a known personal name. 
The sense is "Wendas island.'* 

Whittlesea. Spelt WiUeseye in 1389 (Conybeare's Cambs., 
p. 147); WiUeseye in 1394 (Ely Registers); Witesie (which is 
corrupt) in Domesday Book ; for Anglo-French, like modem 
French, dislikes the combination tl. However, the same authority 
has also the correct form Witeles-ford; and J.C.C. has WiUeseie. 
In the late copy of the A.S. Chronicle we find Witlea-mere 
under the year 656, in a late and spurious charter; but the 
spelling is Norman. In the Charters, we find an allusion to 
"insulam quae Witlesig nuncupatur''; Kemble, Cod. Dipl. iii. 
101, and WvUes^fiere occurs on the same page. This at any 
rate proves that Whittlesea was then considered to be an 
island. Again, we find '* stagni quod dicitur Witleeniere*^ ; Cod. 
Dipl. iii. 93, 101 ; and the forms Witleseyey Witiesmere, in the 
Ramsey Chartulary. But all these exhibit Norman spellings, 
and furnish no clear proof that the word originally began with 
W rather than Hw. On the other hand, the Wh- is generally 
correctly used in local names ; and if so, we may derive the 



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56 THE PLACE-NAMES OF CAMBRIDOESHIHE. 

prefix from an A.S. form *HwUel, diminutive of a name com- 
mencing with Hvrit, lit 'white.' If the initial had been 
originally W, we might take tvitles to be the genitive of A.S. 
witol, an adjective with the sense of " wise," derived from tuitan, 
to know, and employed as a nickname or epithet; compare 
Stuntney above. 

It is further evident, that the modem name Whittlesea- 
mere is unoriginal. The true name is simply WhitUes-nie^'e. 
And of course the drainage of the fens has left but little trace 
of it Moreover, it was not situate within our county, but 
near Yaxley in Huntingdonshire. See The Fenland, by Miller 
and Skertchley, p. 162, for a map of it as it existed in 1824. 

Gamlinqay. It is hardly possible to discuss this name 
without raising the question as to how it is to be divided ; 
i.e. whether the suffix is -gay or -ay. 

After some consideration of the question, I think it must 
be taken along with other difficult place-names of a like 
character ; and we have first of all to enquire, whether such a 
suffix as -gay is possible in Old English. My belief is that it 
is not ; for no such word is to be found either in English or in 
Norse, nor yet in Norman. I am aware that it has been pro- 
posed to derive the suffix -gay from the Grerman gatL\ but it is 
now well ascertained that we did not borrow words from Old 
High German, still less from the German of the present day ; 
nor has any attempt been made to shew why, how, or when, 
such a sound as au turned into the modem English ay. The 
proposal is, of course, preposterous. Neither did we borrow it 
from Norse, because, although the change of au to ey, by means 
of mutation, is regular in Norse, it so happens that the equiva- 
lent of the German gau was never at any time in use in any 
Scandinavian language. And not even Norse can lend a word 
which it does not possess. 

Another bad guess has been made as to the name Bungay, 
which we are gravely told is from the French 6ow. gu4, ** a good 
ford." But surely guS is mere modem French; the Norman 
form was wet or gv^y and even in the form gust the gu was 
pronounced as gw (according to Gaston Paris). It is a desperate 



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§ 10. NAMES ENDING IN -AY. 57 

guess to resort to mispronounciDg Norman for the purpose of 
forcing an etymology which is so much more likely to have 
been of English or Norse origin ; neither is it necessary. The 
origin of Bungay presents no difl&culty if we divide it rightly 
and consider its geographical position. It is best explained by 
considering the parallel case of Durham. Durham is, as is well 
known, a Norman travesty of the Old English name Dun-holm, 
Le. hill-island, or rather, hill-peninsula, which describes it 
exactly. It is situate on a horse-shoe bend of the river Wear, 
and rises high above the water in a rounded knoll. The 
situation of Bungay is precisely similar, and it can be explained 
from the IceL bung-a, a round elevation, and ey, an island. The 
same word bunga, a round hill, is preserved in modem Norwe- 
gian, according to Boss. 

It might be supposed that the suffix -gay is obvious in such 
cases as Hilgay and Wormegay ; but the moment that we come 
to examine their history, we find that the modern forms are 
contracted. The old spelling of the former is Helingeye in the 
Chronicle of Bamsey Abbey, and Helingeheie in I.C.C.; and we 
see in the pi*efix a tribal name in -iiig (probably the tribe of 
the Hellings, represented by Hellingley in Sussex), so that the 
true suffix is -eye, an island, as in so many other cases. So 
also Wormegay was Formerly Wirmingai (Bed Book, index); 
i.e. Wyrmmga eg, or " isle of the Wyrmings.*' When we thus 
see that such names as Bungay and Hilgay and Wormegay ^ 
when fairly considered, ai*e found to exhibit the suffix -ay (or 
-eyX an island, we may suspect that Qamlingay presents no 
exception to the general rule. The old spellings are Gameling- 
eye in 1211, and Oamelingehey in 1210 (RB.). Hence the 
name can be explained at once, from a tribal name Gamelingas ; 
and such is Kemble's explanation. He compares it with a 
OeiMing in Yorkshire, which, however, I have not found. The 
Gamelings were the sons of Qamel, which is a well-authenti- 
cated name. The adjective gamol, meaning ''old," occurs in 
Old English poetry, but is rather scarce, except in the earliest 
poems; most of the examples of it occur in Beowulf In 

^ With the same prefix as in Worming-ford, Worming-haU, and Worming- 
ton. 



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58 THE PLACE-NAMES OF CAMBRIDGESHIRE. 

Scandinavian, on the other hand, it has always been one of the 
commonest of words, where it has almost displaced the word 
''old" altogether. In Danish, for example, ^'an old horse'' is 
en gammel H&st^ and can be expressed in no other way. The 
singular Gamding was used as the name of an individual, but, 
as the Normans were un^rble to pronounce the final ng except 
by an effort, the name appears at. a later date in the form 
Ganielin (as spelt in the Chronicle of Ramsey Abbey and in 
the celebrated TcUe of Gamelyn), and still exists as Gamlin or 
Gamlen. 

The matter becomes easier to understand if we bear in 
mind that the final ng in A.S. (as in Old High German) was 
sounded like the ng in finger, not like the ng in singer. If we 
denote this sound by ngg, we see that the name was once 
sounded as GameUngga-ey^ shortened to Gamelingg-ai/, and this 
at once explains the distinctness of the ^-sound in the modern 
word, and the tendency to throw it over, as it were, into the 
final syllable. See Sweets History of [English Sounds, § 550 ^ 
It is perhaps not quite easy, in this case, as it is in others, to 
see the applicability of the name. But there is a small stream 
to the south-east of the village, beyond which the ground rises 
for about forty feet in the course of half a mile ; whilst to the 
west side the ground again declines towards the Ouse, which in 
the old days before the fens were drained must often have over- 
flowed a considerable expanse of land. On this point, we have 
the express evidence of Prof, Babington, who tells us that in 
the neighbourhood of Gamlingay there were "extensive quaking 
bogs," in which certain fen-plants grew which can no longer be 
found there; and he supplies a list of them; see his Flora 
Cantabrigiensis, p. xix. If, as seems likely, it was thus some- 
what isolated, which is all that is meant by the suffix -ay, it is 
not altogether the most southern example of places of this 
character; for I suppose that both Shingay and Wendy fall 
under the same category. Both of them lie between the 
Granta (or Cam) and small affluent streams. The sense of 
Gamelingay is, accordingly, '* the isle of the sons of Gamel." 

^ This is why we actually find GamiUnkeia in the time of Henry II. ; see 
Index to Charters and Bolls, Vol. i. Of. Horninggeteye (Hund. Bolls, ii.). 



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§ 10. NAMES ENDING IN -AY. 59 

Shengay, or Shingay. The change from en to in is 
common in English, so that we at once know Shengay to be 
the older name. The spelling is Shengey in 1316 (F.A.); the 
suffix being probably ey, an island orx^ieninsula. The mere 
fact that the name begins with Sh proves that it is English, 
and not Scandinavian or Norman. The above form is not old 
enough to explain its origin, but comparison with the name of 
Sheningion in Oxfordshire at once suggests that it is a contrac- 
tion of Sheningey, from a tribal name represented by the 
modern prefix Shening-; and this supposition is fully proved 
by the fortunate occurrence of the full form Sceningei (also 
Scenegeia) in LC.C. The trisyllabic form Schenegeye occurs in 
1276, in the Hundred Rolls, i. 50 ; and Schenyngkey in 1277 
(Pedes Finium). Cf. Shenyngfeld (Berks.) in Abbrev. Rot. 
p. 256. Shening is from a name represented by the Shen- of 
Shentim, in Leicestershire, and perhaps by Sheen. The A.S. 
prefix Seen- occurs in the compound name Scen-wulf, which is 
preserved in the Liber Vitae of Durham ; see Sweet, Oldest 
Eng. Texts, p. 008, col. 1. 

I may add that there is a Shen ley in Herts, and a Shentield 
in Essex. The latter corresponds to the A.S. scen-feld, the 
fair or beautiful field, for which see the A.S. Dictionary. This 
scene is cognate with the familiar G. schon, beautiful; and I 
know of no reason why the seen- in scen-feld may not be the 
same as the Seen- in Scen-wulf and in Scen-ing ; for although 
scene, ' beautiful/ is the usual poetical attribute of a woman, or 
of an angel, it might have been applied to a man, if not as a 
compliment, at any rate in irony. 

As to the meaning of Lingay, I am not at all certain. The 
syllable ling may have meant " heath " ; for ling seems to be 
Elast Anglian, as it occura in the Promptorium Parvulorum and 
in Moor's Suffolk Words. Or, possibly, an older form may have 
been Lengay, and perhaps this might be allied to A.S. lang, 
long. I only suggest that the suffix was rather -ay than -gay ; 
for the prefix Lin- has no sense but "flax"; and it can hardly 
have been a suitable place for the growth of that plant. 

[The name Spinney does not belong here ; see p. 72.] 



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60 THE PLACE-NAMES OF CAMBRIDGESHIRE. 



Fen. 

The word feriy A.S. femi, needs no iUustration, It is not 
found here in conripounds, but only in such cases as Fen Ditton, 
Fen Drayton, Fen Stanton (Hunts.), where it is adjectival ; or 
after place-names, as Burwell Fen, Chippenham Fen, Dernford 
Fen, Soham Fen, Wicken Fen. We also have Burnt Fen, Coe 
Fen, Grunty (? Granta) Fen, Great and Little North Fen, and 
the like. I do not undertake to explain such names as Goe 
Feny of which we have no history, nor any assurance that they 
are old. Coe, for example, is common as a surname, and the 
name may be modern, as is the case with many names found in 
the map, such as Grange Farm, Barker's Farm, Dotterel Hall, 
and others. 



Field. 

The suffix field (A.S. feld) occurs in Haslingfield, Noster- 
field, and in the name of a hundred called Radfield. 

Haslingfield. Spelt Hasdingfeld in 1284 (F.A.); and 
Uaslingefeld in Domesday Book.- According to Kemble, the 
sense is the " field of the Haeslings " ; so that Haslinge- in 
Domesday Book would represent A.S. Hceslinga, gen. plural. 

Other examples of this name occur in Haslingden, Lanes. ; 
Haslington, Chesh. ; and Heslington, Yks. The name Hcesel 
or Hcesl, of which Hcesl-ing is the patronymic, is only known 
as the name of a tree, viz. the " hasel*'; but it is paralleled by 
jEsc, which is a well-known personal name, though the literal 
sense is ''ash-tree"; and there is an Ashing-ton in Sussex. 

NosTERFlELD. Nosterfield End is near Shudy Camps. 
The name is found as early as 1284 (Feudal Aids, i. 140). I 
suppose it to be short for Paternoster fisld. See the account 
(in Blount's Tenures) of Alice Paternoster, who held lands at 
Pusey, in Berkshire, by the service of saying five paternosters 
a day for the souls of the king's ancestors. We find the name 
Normannus de Nostresfelda in I.C.C., p. 28. 



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§ 10. NAMES ENDING IN FEN, -FIELD, -FORD. 61 

Radfield. Spelt Radfelde in 1302, Radefdd in 1284 
(F. A.) ; Radefelle (for Rctdefelde) in Domesday Book ; and 
Radefelde, Radeafeld in I.C.C. Apparently for A.S. Rcedan 
feldy or * field of E«da ' ; Rwda being a pet-name from names 
beginning with Used-. Compare Radbourae, Radcliffe, Radford, 
Radley, Radstock, Radstone, Radway. But in some at least of 
these examples rod- represents the A.S. readan, dat. of read, 
red. Similarly Radfield might mean " red field." I leave this 
in uncertainty. 



Ford. 

The sense of ford, A.S. ford, is well known. It occurs in 
Armingford and Chilford, which are the names of two of the 
hundreds; also in Demford, Shelford, Stapleford, Thetford, 
Whittlesford, and Witchford. It has already been explained 
that Duxford and Pampisford are modem substitutions for 
Duxworth and Pampisworth; see pp. 25, 26. 

^ Arminqford. The m usually appears as n in early docu- 
'^ments. We find ArmyngefoHh in 1428 (F.A. i. 189); but 
Aniyngforde in 1302 and 1316 (F.A. i. 149, 156). Still 
earlier, the A appears as J?; as in Emingeford (1159, 1165, 
1170, 1173) in the Pipe Rolls; and Domesday Book has 
Emingford. The change from er to ar is common; so that 
Emingeford would seem to be the right Norman spelling; 
which is also to be found in Kemble, Cod. Dipl. iv. 245, An 
AS. spelling is jEmingaford ; Birch, Cart. Sax. iii. 556 ; where 
asm is a Mercian form of earn, an eagle. The corresponding 
Wessex form is Eaminga, as in Eaminga-den, in Kemble's 
Index. Eaminga is the gen. pi. of Earning, a patronymic 
formed from the personal name Earn, coinciding with AS. 
earn, an eagle. Hence the sense is " ford of the sons of Elarn." 
Note that the spellings Ernincgaford, jErningeford occur in 
I.C.C. 

Chilford. Spelt Ghildeford in 1168 (Pipe Roll), and 
Cildeford (= Ghildeford) in Domesday Book. Also Childeforda 



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62 THE PLACE-NAMES OF CAMBRIDGESHIRE. 

in I.C.C. Here ChUde represents the AS. CWda.as in Oildatun 
(Chilton, Berks.); and cilda is the gen. phiral of A.S. did, a 
child. The sense is '' children's ford '' ; with a probable allusion 
to its shallowness. Compare Ox-ford^ Swin-ford, &c 

Dernford. There is still a Demford Farm, near Staple- 
ford. Bemford is mentioned, according to the Index to the 
Charters, in 1372 ; and Deme/ord, co. Hunts., according to the 
same, in 1164. The M.E. dem means "secret, private, known 
but to few," as is shewn in the N.E.D., s.v. Dern. From the 
A.S. deme, secret The E. verb to darn is from the same 
source; see my Notes on Etymology, p. 56. 

Shelford. Spelt Sel/ord (A.F. form of Slielford) in 1210 
(R.B.); Domesday Book has Eacelfiyrde, with prefixed euphonic 
E) I.C.C. has both Esceldford and Sceldford. The A.F. 
Bedford occurs in Kemble, Cod. Dipl. iv. 245 ; and Seldfo)^ in 
1228 (Pedes Finium). It is clearly the same name as that 
spelt Sceldeford ; Hugouis Candidi Coenobii Burgensis Historia, 
p. 39. The d is lost between I and /, precisely as in Chilford 
(above). This is a correct and intelligible form. Halliwell 
gives the M.E. scheld, shallow, as applied to water, with a good 
example; and adds that it is still in use. It is a mutated 
variant (with e for a) of M.E. schald, shallow ; see Barbour's 
Bruce, ix. 354, and the footnote, and schald in Jamieson. This 
form is not recorded in the Dictionaries, but certainly existed, 
as it is preserved in the place-name Shalford, in Essex and 
Surrey, as shewn by Mr Stevenson (Phil. Soc. Trana, 1895-8. 
p. 532). Cf. Shalbourn (shallow bourn), Berkshire; Shalfleet 
(shallow stream) in the Isle of Wight. There is also a Shelford 
in Notts., beside Stoke Ferry on the river Trent. And the 
following extract from Kemble, Cod. Dipl. iv. 157, gives the 
forms Scealdeford and Sceldeford as convertible : — " of Staun- 
dune to Scealdeforda^ and of Sceldeforda to coleboge welle." 
But this is in quite a late MS. 

Stapleford. Spelt Stapelforde in 1302 (F.A. i. 147); 
Stapleford in Domesday Book ; Staplesford (with error of sf for 
ff) in Kemble, Cod. Dipl. iv. 245, in an Anglo-French copy; 



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§ 10. NAMES ENDING IN -FORD, -HEATH, -LEY. 63 

but Stapelford in Birch, Cart. Saxon, iii. 687. Stapleford (Herta) 
appears as Staptd/ord (Kemble's Index). The prefix is A.S. 
stapul, stapol, an upright post ; by which, presumably, the ford 
was originally marked. Compare Staplow; p. 72. 

Thetford. Spelt Tedford in Domesday Book, with T for 
Th ; owing to the difficulty of sounding the English ih. The 
Liber de Hyda (p. 10) has the correct M.K form, viz. Theedford. 
The A.S. form is ^eodford ; A.S. Chron., ed. Hummer, ii. 446 ; 
and }feod-, in composition means "great," the literal sense of 
the sb. \feod being "people." The literal sense is "people- 
ford," hence " large or wide ford." Why Isaac Taylor calls this 
obvious solution "improbable," it would be difficult to say. 
Perhaps Toller's explanation of \eod- in composition was then 
unpublished. 

Whittlesford. For the explanation, see Whittlesea. 
Lit. " fonl of Hwitel." 

WrrcHFORD. Domesday Book has Wiceford, with ce = che. 
The Ramsey Chartulary has Wicheford ; and the forms 
Wu^forda, Wichefarda occur in I.C.C. For the explanation, 
see Witcham. Or it may mean " ford near the witch-elm " ; 
from A.S. wice ; cf Ashford, Oakford, Thornford. 



Heath. 

Perhaps the sole example of this suffix is seen in Horse- 
heath; the derivation of which is obvious. It appears as 
Horseheth in 1339, in the Ely Registei-s, but Horseth (with loss 
of h) in 1276, Hund. Rolls, p. 52. 



Ley. 

Examples of -ley occur in Ashley, Brinkley, Cheveley, 
Childerley, Eltisley, Qraveley, East Hatley and Hatley St 
George, Madingley, Silverley, Westley, and Wetherley. The 
suffix 'ley represents the A.S. leak, a lea or field, or in some 



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64 THE PLACE-NAMES OF CAM6RIDOESHTRE. 

cases at least, the dat. case leage of the same substantive. As 
the g in teage was sounded like y, the Mid. Eng. form is 
usually teye in the dative, and ley in the nominative ; see In in 
Stratmaun. 

Ashley. In Domesday Book spelt Easelie, with 88 for 8h 
(as often), and E for A.S. ^. The prefix is the A.S. (esc, 
modern E. ash. See Silverley at p. 66. There are four 
other Ashleys in England. 

Brinkley. Spelt Brynheleye in the Ely Registers in 
1339; and, as late as in Fuller, Brinkdee. The Norman 
spelling Brinkewr^a (for Brinkewecyi'^) occurs in a charter 
dated 1065, Kemble, Cod. Dipl. iv. 167, 1. 1 ; with reference to 
Brinkworth in Wilts. There are also such names as Brink- 
burn, Brinkhill, and Brinklow. In all these cases we see the 
modem E. brink, a word of Scandinavian origin ; from Dan. 
brink, verge, Swed. brink, the descent or slope of a hill. 
According to the inap, the road from Six Mile Bottom to 
Brinkley rises nearly 250 feet 

Cheveley. The spellings somewhat vary ; we find Chevelee 
or Chevele in 1383, 1394, and 1401 (Cat. Anc. Deeds, and F.A. 
i. 175); Cheveley (as now) in 1428 (F.A.). Also Chavele in 
1302 to 1346 (F.A.); Chauelai in 1160 (Pipe Roll); Chavelai 
in Domesday Book ; and Chauelei, Caueleiy Gheueleie in I.C.C. 
The spellings Calvelega and Ghalvelega in R.B., in 1171 and 
1167, introduce an unoriginal I. It is spelt Gosafle (in the dat. 
case) in a twelfth century copy of a charter dated about 990 ; 
see Earle, Land Charters, p. 368, 1. 10. Also Cheaflea in a 
copy of a charter of King Cnut; Cod. Dipl. iv. 13. All the 
earlier spellings are consistent with a derivation firom the A.S. 
ceaf, mod. E. chaff. See Chaff in the New Eng. Dictionary. 

It would appear that the final / took the sound of v, thus 
obscuring the meaning of the word ; after which Chave- became 
Gheve. The Eng. Dial. Dictionary has chave as a verb, meaning 
to separate chaff from grain ; also chavins or cheevings, bits of 
broken straw; chavin-riddle or cheevy-riddle, a coarse sieve 
used in chaving; clutve-hole, a recess for chaff. Hence the 



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§ 10. NAMES ENDING IN -LEY. 66 

form Cfheve- is not without support. There is a Chieveley in 
Berks., but it is of different origin ; see Cl/an-lea in Kemble's 
Index. 

Childerley. Spelt Chylderle in 1302 (F.A. i. 148) ; and 
CUdrelai (with C% for Chi) in Domesday Book. Here Childer- 
or Childre- represents the A.S. cildra, gen. pi. of cUd, a child. 
The sense is '^children's lea." As the AS. cUd has a double 
form of the gen. pi., viz. dlda and cildra, there is no difficulty 
in assigning to Childer- the same sense as to the ChU- (for 
cOda) in Chilford (pp. 61, 62). 

ELitsLEY. Spelt Eltislee in Fuller's Worthies ; EUeslee in 
1302 (F.A i. 149); Ultesle in 1251 (In. p. m., p. 8). The 
prefix seems to involve the same personal name as that which 
appears in Eltham, Kent- But I can find no further authority 
for it It may, however, be connected with the prov. E. elt, to 
knead dough, to toil in wet ground ; see N.E.D. and E.D.D. 

Graveley. Spelt Oravele in 1284 (F.A. i. 138) ; Oravelei 
v^ Domesday Book. The A.S. spelling is Orceflea; Thorpe, 
Diplom. p. 382, note 16; compare Gfreflea, Oroeflea^ in the 
Ramsey Chartulary. It is compounded of A.S. grarf, a trench, 
mod. K grave, and J^ah, a lea or field. The sense is " field with 
a trench." Cf. the Crawford Charters, pp. 61, 62. 

Hatley. Spelt HaUele in 1284 (F.A. i. 136); HaMelega 
(Latin) in 1210 (KB.); Hatdai, Atelai in Domesday Book. 
The A.S. form is Hcettanlea, in iElf helm's Will ; Kemble, Cod. 
Dipl. iv. 300, 1. 13. Hcettan is the gen. case of a personal name 
HasUa, of which Hetta (noted by Mr Searle) is apparently an 
alteration. 

Madingley. Spelt Maddynglee in 1302, Maddingle in 
1284 (F.A. i. 138, 148), Madinglega (Latin), in 1210 (R.B.); 
MadingeLee in 1199 (Pedes Finium) ; Madingelei in Domesday 
Book The A.S. form would be Madinga-leah, or " lea of the 
Madings." Mading is a tribal name ; cf Mada as a personal 
name, whence the dat. Madan-leage, i.e. Madeley; Eemble, 
C. A. 8. Octavo Series. No. XXXVI. 5 



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66 THE PLACE-NAMES OF CAMBRIDGESHIRE. 

Cod. Dipl. iii. 123, L 3. There is a Maddington in Wilts.; 
whilst from the name Mada we have Madeley in Shropshire 
(as above), and Madehurst in Sussex. 

SiLVERLEY. There is a parish named Ashley-cum-Silverley. 
The spelling Silverle occurs in 1284., 1302, 1346, and 1428 
(F.A. i. 139, 142, 158, 177); Domesday Book has Severlai, 
which stands for Selverlai, as selver is not an uncommon 
spelling in Middle English for "silver,'' and the A.S. form is 
seolfor. This is verified by the epithet de Seuerlaio in I.C.C., 
p. 98, for which another MS. has de Seiliierleia, The epithet 
seems a strange one, but we have similar instances ; compare 
Silverdale, Lanes., Silverstone, Northampt., Silverton, iJevon. 

Westley. Spelt Weslai in Domesday Book, with a for st; 
but WesUai in Cod. Dipl. iv. 245. The prefix is the E. west. 
This village is often called Westley Waterless, so that it was 
once badly off for wells. Mr Foster finds that it had the 
epithet waterlees as far back as 1339, as recorded in the Ely 
Registers ; and I have since found Westle waterles in 1308 
(Pedes Finium). Perhaps it is necessary to say that the 
former spelling, with final -lees, is the usual Mid. English 
spelling ; and it is interesting to notice that the word occurs in 
Chaucer's Prologue, 1. 180 : — " Is likned til a fish that is water- 
lees" The A.S. form of this suflSx is -leas. 

, r Wetherley. This is the name of a hundred. The spelling 
^ Wetherle occurs in 1284 and 1302 (F.A. 137, 146); but another 
spelling is Wederle in 1168, or better Wederleah, as in 1166 
(Pipe Rolls); Domesday Book has Wederlai; but I.C.C. has 
both Wederlai and W^erlai. This suggests that the prefix is 
wether, a sheep, A.S. welder, for which the A.F. form was weder, 
owing to the diflBculty of sounding the th. C£ Wethersfield in 
Essex. 

Mere. The A.S. mere means '' lake," in which sense it is 

Y familiar to all who know the English lakes. I know of no 

example in Cambs. except FowLMERE or Foulmire. The name 

Foulmire is comparatively modern (later than 1500), but is not 



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§ 10. NAMES ENDING IN -LEY, -MERE, -POLE. 67 

difficult to account for. It is well-known how the letter r has 
a tendency to preserve a preceding long vowel ; thus the word 
more is still pronounced with the open o, whereas the o in stone 
is close ; and the word shire is still locally called sheer, though 
usually it rhymes to fire, and this ee preserves the A.S. pronun- 
ciation of the i in scir. It is not surprising that some people 
should once have confused the word mere, a lake, with the old 
sound of mire, and so have altered the word to suit a popular 
etymology, suggested by the fancy that fowl meant ' dirty,' 
instead of referring to birds. However, there is no doubt as to 
the sense, though the mere has now been drained away. The 
spelling Fovlmere occurs in 1401, and Fidmere in 1302 (F.A. 
i. 147, 175) ; the Pipe Rolls have Fugelmara, where Fugel is at 
any rate exphcit. Even in Domesday Book we find the spell- 
ings Fuglemcere and Fugelesmura, where once more the former 
part of the word is correct, but the latter part is a little altered, 
by the substitution of the Latinised form m<ira (A.F. mare, 
from O. Norse marr) for A.S. msre; see Mara in Ducange. 
Fortunately, the original A.S. compound is not difficult to find ; 
there were several " fowl-meres " in different parts of England, 
and they must have been extremely useful when hawking was 
common. The A.S. fugel-mere (fowl-mere) occurs in a charter 
dated 931, Earle, Land Charters, p. 166, last line but one ; and 
again in a charter dated 972 (which Prof. Earle thinks to be 
genuine) ; p. 449, 1. 6 from the bottom. I even find the late 
spelling fvjgd-moBTe in Birch, Cart. Saxon, iii. 529, 1. 4 from 
bottom ; and the true form fxigeUmere in the very next line. 
It is a pity that the A.S. dictionaries omit the word, though 
they give several compounds with fagel ; but it is duly noted 
in Earle's Glossarial Index, p. 490. 

Pool. From A.S. pol, a pool ; now ascertained to be a 
Germanic word, not Celtic. It occurs in Wimpole. 

WiMPOLE. The m in Wimpole is due to the succeeding p. 
The spelling Wympole occurs in 1346, but may be due to a 
mistake, as Wynipole also appears at the same date (F.A. i. 
164, 169). Earlier, we find Wynepol in 1302 (F.A. i. 146), and 

5—2 



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68 THE PLACE-NAMES OF CAMBRIDGESHIRE. 

Winepole in 1210 (R.B.) and in Domesday Book. The prefix 
represents TFtnan, gen. of Wina, a known name. The pool in 
Wimpoie Park is still large enough to be marked in maps. 

Wade. This suffix occurs in Land-wade, where the prefix 
is the common word land. The old spellings are Landwade 
(1284, 1316, 1346) in F.A. i. 136, 156, 159, and Landwaih 
(1210) in R.B. The variation of spelling shews that it repre- 
sents the A.S. wosd, a ford, which occurs in some dialects as 
wath (IceL va!6\ as noted by Jaraieson, Bay, and in the Catho- 
licon Anglicum. We have the same suffix in Biggles-wade. 
The cognate Lat. form is v>advm, a ford. Allied to K wade, 
verb, and to Lat. liddet^e, to go. 



§ 11. Some other Names. 

In the following names, we have mostly to deal with simple 
words rather than compounds. 

Borough Qreen. Named from Borough, which is the 
older name ; spelt Burg in the time of Henry III. and Burck 
in Domesday Book. From A.S. hwrh, a fort, a borough. It is 
also spelt Burrough Green ; and it lies to the N.E. of Brinkley. 

Bourn. So named from the brook, now called Bourn 
Brook. Formerly Bums in 1210, but the earlier spelling is 
Brmne, in 1171, 1190, 1194 (R.B.); and Brune in Domesday 
Book. Thus its first name was Scandinavian, from Icel. brunnr, 
a spring, well, or fountain ; which was afterwards exchanged 
for the corresponding English name, from A,S. bume, buma, a 
small stream. 

Burnt Fen. This part of the fen-land, to the east of Ely, 
doubtless obtained its name from the famous story of the 
burning of the fen there by Hereward and his men. See 
ch. 25 of the Gests of Hereward, appended to Qaimar's 
Chronicle, ed. Wright (Caxton Society), p. 94. 



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§ 11. SOME OTHER NAMES. 69 

Chatteris. A common old spelling is Ghateriz^ as in 1326 
(In. p. m., p. 237) and in late copies of charters ; see Cod. Dipl. 
iiL 107 ; also Chaterih in the same, iv. 145. I.C.C. has Catriz, 
Cateriz, Cetriz, Chetriz; Domesday Book has Cetriz, Cietriz; 
all Norman spellings. English spellings are supplied by the 
Ramsey Chartulary, which has Ceatrice, CoBateric, CticUeric, 
Chaterik; and we find Ceateric in Thorpe, Diplom., p. 382. 
The final -z in the Norman spelling was sounded as to, and it 
seems to have been used as a substitute for the Latin suflBx 
-CU8, in the case of names which were Latinised by adding -its 
to an A.S. name in -c. Thus, in LC.C, we find an A.S. form 
jEdric (for Eadric), whence Lat. ^dricus, and A.F. ^driz; 
A.S. Aluric (for iEifiic), Lat. Aluricus, A.F. Alriz\ A.S. Oodrlc, 
Lat. Oodricus, A.F. Oodriz; AS. Leofric, Lat. Leofricus, A.F. 
Leofriz. Hence the Norman forms quoted above represent 
such forms as Catric, Cateric, Cetric, Chetric ; and all the forms 
quoted may be deduced from an A.S. form CecUrlc or Castric. 
But as this form has no sufiix significant of position, it cannot 
represent a personal name. Mr Stevenson kindly suggests that 
it may have been a river-name. Cf. WenriCt Wenrisc, the 
river Windrush ; in Eemble's Index. And perhaps cf. Chat- 
bum, Lanes. 

Elm. Spelt Elm in 1346 (F.A. i. 141), and in a late copy 
of a charter ; Kemble, Cod. Dipl. v. 4, 1. 3 from bottom. The 
editor of the Ramsey Chartulary notes a mention of it in 
1321 ; see iii. 122, note 12. From A.S. elm, an elm-tree. 
There is nothing very remarkable in so childish a name; 
compare Ash, Hazel Grove, Hazelwood, Maplestead, Poplar, and 
the like, in various counties. And observe the name Prick- 
willow, -noted at p. 71. There is an Elmham in Norfolk. 

Eennet. Rennet is near a river of the same name. Spelt 
Kenet in 1346 (F.A.), Chenet (for Kenet) in Domesday Book; 
Kenet in LC.C. The question as to whether the name belonged 
originally to the town or to the river seems to be settled by 
the fact that there is another river Rennet which joins the 
Thames at Reading; and the village of East Rennet in 



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70 THE PLACE-NAMES OF CAMBRIDQESHIBE. 

Wiltshire is situated upon it. Perhaps the river-name Kent 
is related to it ; at any rate, Kentford in Suffolk is short for 
Kennetfordy as it is spelt Chenetheford in the Chronicle of 
Ramsey Abbey. Mr Stevenson says that the Berkshire Rennet 
is from an older *Cv/net%o, from which the regular descendant 
would be Cynwydd, which exists as a Welsh river-name. 

KiKTLiNG. Spelt Kertelenge in Fuller's Worthies ; Cherte- 
linge (for Kertelinge) in Domesday Book; and Curtelinge in 
I.C.C. As the vowel e or i would have palatalised the A.S. 
initial C, it is certain that the A.S. form began with Cy, This 
is pointed out by Kemble in his Saxons in England, i. 460, 
who infers that this was a settlement of the tribe of Cyrtlingas 
or sons of CyrUa ; a result which is confirmed by the existence 
of a Kirtlington in Oxfordshire. The name Cyrtla occurs in 
the Crawford Charters, p. 52. It may have been given to a 
man from his dress ; cf. A.S. cyrtel, a kirtle, a kind of garment. 
Egilsson points out that the Icel. geita-kyrtla, lit 'clad in a 
goat-skin kirtle,' was an epithet applied to a country lass. 

March. Spelt Merch in 1169, in the Pipe Roll; Merc in 
I.C.C. From A.S. mearce, inflected form of mearc, fem., a 
mark, boundary or limit. For the sense of the term see 
Eemble, Saxons in England, vol. i. c. 2, entitled " The Mark." 

Newmarket. Spelt Newemarket in 1383 (Cat. Anc. 
Deeds, ii.), and referred to as Novus Mercatua in 1276 (Hund. 
Rolls), and in 1219 (Pedes Finium). From new and market. 
The earliest known use of the word market is in the Laud MS. 
of the A.S. Chronicle (an. 963), written not earlier than 1120. 
The town cannot be of earlier date than the 12th century, and 
is probably no earlier than the 13th. 

Over. Spelt Overe in 1210 (R.B.); Ovre and Oure in 
Domesday Book ; Over in a late copy of a charter ; Cod. Dipl. 
iv. 145. The A.S. form is ofrey dat. of q/er, a shore of the sea, 
or bank of a river ; cognate with G. Ufer, Over is situate on 
what was once a bank or shore, overlooking the waters of the 
fenland. 



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§ 11. SOME OTHER NAMES. 71 

Pbiokwillow. a village beyond Ely, near the railway. 
Named from a tree, probably the Salix viminalis, sometimes 
called the ivng-withy or osier-withy. So called because used for 
making pricks or skewers. Similarly the Euonymus europcBua 
was called the prickwoody pricktimber, or spindle-tree. Compare 
Elm, as noted at p. 69. 

QuY. The name somewhat varied at different dates. The 
spelling with qa is found after 1250. Thus we find Q^eye in 
1261 (Pedes Finium), 1290 (In. p. m.), 1302 (F.A.), and Qweye 
in 1291 (Taxatio Ecclesiastica) ; with the variant Coye in 1276 
(Hundred Rolls) and 1284 (F.A.). This shews that the word 
was identified with the A.F. queyey queie, O.F. coye, the feminine 
of the AF. adj. qiieyy O.F. coy^ from Lat. quietuSy quiet; as if 
Q^eye meant the quiet (or secluded) house or village. But 
earlier spellings shew that this was a Norman popular ety- 
mology. The name was probably A.S., as the place is men- 
tioned both in I.C.C. and D.B. The forms in I.C.C. are Coeiey 
Choeie, Latinised as Coeia in D.B. ; whilst the Inquisitio 
Eliensis has Cuege, In 1210 we find Cueye (R.B.); and in 
1272 Coweye, Cowye (Pedes Finium). If we may trust to the 
form Cu-egey the sense is " cow-island," as is still more clearly 
shewn by the later forms Cu-eyey Cow-eySy Cow-ye. The -eie 
in I.C.C, Latinised as -6ta, also points clearly to the suffix 
meaning "island"; compare the numerous examples already 
given, pp. 51 — 59. The only difficulty is to explain the A.F. 
prefix Co-y of which Cho- (with Ch for K) is the equivalent. 
We may fairly suppose that this early o really meant the 
A.S. Uy because the Norman of the 11th century did not possess 
the sound v, at all, and o was the nearest equivalent; see the 
preface by G. Paris to his Extraits de la Chanson de Roland, 
§ 25. Thus this Chanson has poVy where Philip de Thaun 
■'has pur^ and later French has pour. 

Reach. Spelt Beche in 1279 (Hund. Rolls), and in 1316 
(F.A). It lies to the north of SwaflFham Prior. The map in 
The Fenland, Past and Present, shews that it stood at the very 
verge of the waters of the fenlands, on a round projection 



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72 THE PLAGE-NAMES OF CAMBRIDGESHIRE. 

of the old shore. It denotes, accordingly, that its position was 
on a " reach " or extension of the land ; and we have a similar 
name in Over, already discussed. The A.S. rwcan, to reach, 
also means to extend or hold out. The substantive derived 
from it is not in early use; so that the present name is 
probably no older than the thirteenth century. Sawtry in 
Hunts, is merely a corruption of Saltreche ; see the Index to 
the Cartularium de Rameseia. It once stood upon a small 
salt bay. 

Spinney. There is a Spinney Abbey to the North of 
Wicken Fen. This name is French ; from the A.F. espinei, a 
place where thorn-trees grow ; from the Lat spinetum, a thorn- 
thicket. The surname de Spineto refers to it, in 1228 (Pedes 
Finium). 

v.^ Stane, Staine. The name of a hundred. Spelt Stanea in 
' Domesday Book ; a form which suggests a derivation from A.S. 
Stan, a stone. But as this would have produced the modem 
form Stone, it was clearly re-named by Scandinavians, who 
translated it by the equivalent Scandinavian word, as seen in 
Icel. steinn, a stone. It makes no difference to the sense. 
Stanea represents the A.S. plural atdnaa, i.e. •'stones"; and we 
find this form in the Inquis. Eliensis, p. 98. Perhaps it is 
worth noting that the spelling Stegen given in ' Searle's 
Onomasticon is merely the English way of writing the Danish 
name Stein, which is the precise equivalent of A.S. StOM. In 
the same way, in the AS. hatawegen, modem Eng. boatswain, 
we see the Danish equivalent of the A.S. swan denoted by 
swegen ; and, at the same time, Swegen is the A.S. spelling of 
Swein, king of England in 1014. The reason is that ei was a 
diphthong unknown to A.S. scribes, who could only denote it 
by ^9> where eg represents the sound of ay in way (A.S. weg). 

Staplow, Staploe. The name of a hundred ; a contracted 
form. The old spellings are Stapelho, 1284-1346; Stapilho, 
1401; Stapulho, 1428; all in F.A Domesday Book has 
Staplehou. The prefix is the A.S. stapol, a post, pole, or pillar, 
as in Stapleford (p. 62). The suffix is the modern Eng. hoe, a 



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§ 11. SOME OTHER NAMES. 73 

promontory or projecting point of land, derived from the A.S. 
hoh, a heel, a projection. See Hoe in the New Eng. Dictionary. 
No doubt the hundred (which includes Soham) was named 
from a lost village. 

Stow ; as in Stow-cum-Quy, and in North Stow and Long 
Stow hundreds. From A.S. stow, " a place " or site ; whence 
the verbs stow and bestow are derived. 

Toft. Toft is a well-known word of Scandinavian origin ; 
the usual sense is a cleared space for the site of a house; 
hence, a "homestead." See topt in Vigfusson's Icelandic 
Dictionary. The Domesday Book has Tofth, owing to the fact 
that the Norman scribes frequently represented the English t 
(especially when final) hj th] by which symbol they meant a 
strongly pronounced t, not the English th. Oddly enough, the 
spelling Thofte occurs in 1302 (F.A. i. 149), where it is the 
initial T that is thus treated. 

Tydd, or Tydd St Giles. Spelt Tyd in 1302 (F.A. i. 141). 
From an A.S. personal name. The earliest form of the name 
is Tidi (with short t) in the ninth century ; hence the place- 
name Tiddes-ford (Eemble). There is also a weak form 
Tidda. Compare the place-names Tidmarsh, Tidworth, and 
Tiddington. 

WiOKEN. Apparently the same as Wykes, mentioned in 
1210, in the Red Book of the Exchequer, and in 1284 in 
Feudal Aids, i. 136. There is much less difference in reality 
than in appearance; for the sense is practically the same in 
either case. Wyhes is the Mid. Eng. plural of wyk, answering 
to A.S. wic, a village ; and Wicken, spelt Wykyne in 1395 in 
the Pedes Finium, answers to A.S. wicum, the dat. pi. of the 
same word, the pi. being used in the same sense as the 
singular; see wlc in the A.S. Dictionary. The use of the 
dative is common in place-names ; and the u in the suffix tmi 
would prevent the c from being palatalised. 



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74 THE PLACE-NAMES OF CAMBRIDGESHIRE. 

Wratting. Spelt WraUivge in 1302 (F.A. i. 141); and 
Wreting in 1167 (P.R.). A variant is Wrotinge in 1210 (RB.) ; 
and as late as in Fullers Worthies we find Wrotting, Domes- 
day Book has Waratinge, where the former a is inserted to 
help the Norman to pronounce the W, In iElfhelm's Will we 
have the A.S. form Wrcettincge in the dative case. The name 
marks the settlement of an East-Anglian tribe of WroMings 
or "sons of Wraetta." There is another Wratting in Suffolk; 
and, although we do not find WroBt as a personal name, it is 
sufficiently vouched for by Wretham and Wretton, both in 
Norfolk. Neither is it difficult to divine whence the name 
arose; the bearer of the name was probably conspicuous by 
bearing (like Oliver Cromwell) a wart upon his face. The 
Promptorium Parvulorum gives us wret as the East-Anglian 
form of " wart," and it is still in use ; and the form wrat is 
still good Northern English. The Dutch word also is written 
wrat 



§ 12. List of Ancient Manors. 

The following is a list of manors in the county of Cambridge, 
according to the Inquisitio Comitatus Cantabrigiensis and the 
Inquisitio Eliensis, in modern spelling, except when now im- 
represented. 

Bassingbourn, Balsham, Belincgeshaniy Bottisham, Bourn, 
Burwell, Camps, Carlton, Clintona, Cottenham, Kirtling, 
Chippenham, Ditton, Doddington, DuUingham, Dunham, Im- 
pington, Erlingetona (Harlton?), Shelford, Ashley, Esseltnga, 
Fulboum, Fowlmere, Gransden, Hauxton, Histon, Hildersham, 
Hintou, Horningsea, Kennet, Linton, Litlington, Lolworth, 
Lyndona, Madingley, Morden, Over, Soham, Silverley, Saxton, 
Snailwell, Stapleford, Stetchworth, Streatham, Swaffham, 
Sutton, Teversham, Trumpington, Wratting, Wendy, Weston, 
Witcham, Wich (Wicken ?), Wilbraham, Wisbeach, Whittlesea, 
Willingham, Wentworth. 

For a list of hundreds, see Conybeare's Hist, p. 270. 



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§§ 12, 18. ANCIENT MANORS. CONCLUSION. 75 



§ 13. Conclusion. 

The chief conclusion to be drawn from a general survey 
of the names is that very nearly all of them are Mercian 
English, perhaps mixed with Frisian, from which it is hardly 
distinguishable. There is hardly a trace of Celtic, except in 
the names of rivers. Of these, the Granta is certainly Celtic, 
and is the origin (after many vicissitudes) of the modem Cam. 
The Kennet is also apparently Celtic; but as to the origin 
of theHLark I can find no evidence. Among the oldest place- 
names is that of Ely. Considering the numerous inroads of 
the Danes, the traces of Danish are surprisingly small. The 
only name that is wholly Scandinavian is Toft. We also 
find traces of Danish nomenclature in the former syllables of 
Brinkley and Carlton, and perhaps of Boxworth and Pampis- 
ford. Bourn had once the Danish name of Brunne, and Staine 
is a Danish form of an A.S. 8(an (Stone). I have seen an 
appeal made to the name Begdale, near Elm, as being an 
instance of Scandinavian influence ; but I suspect the name to 
be modem, and introduced from without; this is notoriously 
not a country in which one can find dales. Besides these traces 
of Danish, there are a few traces of Norman, as in the instance 
of the modem form of Qjij^ in the former elements of Guyhim 
and Roystojx, and in the latter element of ^^wmarket; and 
some of the native names have been somewhat affected by a 
Norman pronunciation, as in the final syllable of Chatteris. 
But all these instances chiefly serve to emphasize the pre- 
dominance of English ; and it must never be forgotten that the 
speech of Cambridgeshire and Essex has always influenced the 
speech of London, and has thus afiected to some extent and 
at second-hand, the prevailing speech of the whole empire. 

It has been alleged, with apparent truth, that the centre of 
gravity of the English dialects, that is to say, the district where 
the dialect approaches nearest to the literary standard, is that 
of Leicestershire. And it is further cleai* that our literary 
speech arose from the fact that, in three great educational 
centres, viz. London, Oxford, and Cambridge, the talk of the 



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76 THE PLACE-NAMES OF CAMBRIDGESHIBE. 

higher classes did not materially differ, and certainly belonged 
to what is known as East Midland. I believe we cannot be 
far wrong in saying that the district whence standard English 
really arose is that occupied by a compact set of 12 counties, 
viz. Middlesex, Hertfordshire, Bedfordshire, Buckinghamshire, 
Oxfordshire, Warwickshire, Leicestershire, Rutland, Northamp- 
tonshire, Huntingdonshire, Cambridgeshire and Essex. 

Postscript. The recent publication of The Charters of 
the Borough of Cambridge by the Corporation of Cambridge 
and the Cambridge Antiquarian Society jointly suggests the 
addition of a few supplementary remarks. 

At p. 2 of this work is printed a Writ of Henry I., in which 
the spelling Cantebruge (for Cambridge) occurs. But the text 
is taken from a late copy, so that we have still no evidence for 
such a spelling earlier than 1142 (see p. 30 above). In fact, 
the original text of this Writ probably had Grentebriige through- 
out, as printed in the second line of it This same work 
exhibits the spelling Gamhrigge at p. 56, as occurring in 
Letters Patents dated 1465. Compare this with Cambryge in 
1462, as noted at p. 31 above. 

At p. 202 of the same work, the spelling of Stourbridge is 
seen to have been Stirbrigge in 1519, whilst we learn from 
p. 100 that it had become Sturbridge in 1589. Cooper's 
Annals of Cambridge mentions Styrrthridge in 1544, and 
Stirbrige in 1546 (vol. i. pp. 416, 441). But, as shewn at 
p. 32 above, the oldest spelling is Steresbreg*, as in 1279; in 
confirmation of which I can further cite Steresbreg* in 1201-2 
from the Rotulus Cancellarii de tertio anno regni regis Johan- 
nis (1833), p. 140, and Steresbrig' in 1199-1200 from Rotuli 
Curi8B Regis, ed. Sir F. Palgrave, vol. ii. p. 62. Hence the 
explanation given at p. 32 above is sufficiently justified. 



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INDEX. 



In the following Index, the reference is to the preceding pages. 

I have taken the opportunit}' of giving at the same time — with- 
in marks of parenthesis — the spellings which occur in Domesday 
Book, with references to the pages and columns as numbered in the 
Facsimile of the Part relating to Cambridgeshire, photozincographed 
in 1862. 

Thus the place-name Abington is discussed at p. 18 above; 
whilst the spelling AbirUone will be found in the Facsimile four 
times, viz. in p. iii, coL 1 (denoted by 3 a), in p. iii, col. 2 (denoted 
by 3 b), in p. ix, coL 2, and in p. xi, col. 1. 



Abington {Abintonet 3 a, 3 b, 9 b, 11a), 

18 
Aldreth, 83 
Anglesea, 51 

Anningford (Emingford^ 8 b, 9 b), 61 
Arlington {Bmingtune, 10 a), 14 
Ashley {EsselUt 22 a), 64 

Babraham {Badburham, 6 a, Badimrg- 

ham, 5 a, 18 a, 21b), 19 
Badllngham, 20 

Balflham {BeUsham, 4 b, 14 b), 20 
Barham {Bereheham, 5 a, 10 b), 20 
Barnwell, 85 

Barringtou {Barentone, 9 a, 12 b), 18 
Bartlow, 84 

Barton {Bertone, 26 b), 6 
Barway, 51 
Bassingbourn {Basingbome, 3b, lib), 

46 
-beach, 44 



Benwick, 28 

Boroagh Oreen (Burcht 14 b), 68 

Bottisham {Bodichesham, 15 a), 20 

-boom, 46 

Bourn (Brune, 24 a), 46, 68 

Boxwortb {Bochesu/uorde, 8 a, 13 a, 

17 a), 25 
Brand (or Brent) Ditoh, 40 
-bridge, 29 
Brinkley, 64 
Bongay, 56 
Burnt Fen, 68 
Bnrwell {BurewelU, 8 a), 86 

Caldeoott, Caldeoote (Caldteote, 13 a, 

27 a), 28 
Cambridge {OrenUbrige, la), 29-32 
Camp, 38 

Camps, Castle; see Castle 
Camps, Shady; see Shudy 
Carlton (CarUrUone, 14 b, 15 b), 6 



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78 



INDEX. 



Castle Gamps, 38. (D.B. has Campoi, 

16 b, Canpof, 22 a) 
Caxton (Caustone, 20 b), 6 
Chatteris {Cetriz, 6 b, Cietriz, 9 a), 69 
Cherry Hinton {Hintone, 10 b), 7 
-Chester, 89 

Chesterton {Cestretone, 2 b), 7, 89 
Chettisham, 21 

Chevelej {Chavelai, 2 a, 13 b), 64 
Childerlej (Cildrelai, 4 a, 26 a, Ci2- 

derlai, 28 a), 65 
Chilford (Cildeford, 10 b, 16 a), 61 
Chippenham (C^tj>«Aam, 17 b), 21 
Clayhithe. 38 

Glopton {Cloptunet 8 b, 18 a), 7 
Coates, 28 
Coldham, 21 

Comberton {CumberUme, 2 a, 24 a), 7 
Conington {Cunitone, 18 a, 21 a, Con- 

tone, 17 a), 18 
-cote, 27, 28 
Coton, 8 
Cottenham (Coteham, 6 a, 8 b, 26 a), 

21 
CoTenej, 51 

Croxton {Crochestone, 21a, 27 a), 8 
Croydon {Crauuedene^ 9b, lib), 47 

-den, 47 

Demford, 62 

dike, 40 

Ditton {Ditone, 2 b, 13 b), 8 

Doddington (Dodtnton, 6 b), 15 

down, -don, 49 

Downham {Dunehamt 7 b), 21 

Drayton {Draitonet 3 a, 8 a, 9 a), 9 

Dollingham (Dullingeham, 9 a, 27 b, 

Dullingham, 18 b, DuUngham, 14 b), 

21 
Durham (A. S. Dun-holm), 57 
Duxford {Dochenmordet 15 a, 16 b), 25 

-ea, -ey, 50 

Earith, 84 

Eastrea, Estiea, 53 

Elm, 69 

Elsworth {EUsuuorde, 8 a, 17 b), 26 

Eltisley, 65 



Ely {Ely, 4 a, 7 a), 51 
Enhale, 41 

Eversden {Auresdone, 20 b, Aueres- 
done, 12 b, Euresdone, 21 b), 47 

fen, 60 

.field, 60 

Fleam Dike, 40 

Fiendish {Flamingdiee, 3 a, Flammid- 

ing, 10 b, Flamiding, 17 b), 40 
-ford, 61 

Fordham {Fordeham, 2 a), 21 
Fowlmere, Foulmize {FugUnuere, 16 b, 

FugeUsmara, 11 b), 66 
Foxton (Foxetune, 9 a), 9 
Fulboom {FuUbeme, 5 a, 10 b), 46 

Gamlingay {Qamelingei, 26 b, 27 a), 56 
Qirton (Qretone, 8 b, 9 b), 9 
Qransden (Oratedene, 6 a), 48 
Grantchester {Qretnteseta, 9 b, Orante- 

tete, 12 a, 15 a), 89 
Graveley {Oravelai, 8 a), 65 
Goilden Morden, 48 
Guyhim, 42 

Haddenham (Hadreham, 7 a), 22 

-hale, 41 

-ham, 19 

Hardwick {Harduic, 6 a), 28 

Harlton (HerUtone, 15 b), 10 

Harston (HerlesUme, 5 b, 11 b), 10 

Haslingfield {Haslingefeld, 2 b, 12 a, 

17 b). 60 
Hatley (HaUlai, 18 a, 18 a, AUlai, 

11 b), 65 
Hauxton (Havoche$tone, HauoehesUme, 

5 b, 19 a), 10 
-heath, 63 

Hildersham {Hildrieetham, 22 b), 22 
HUgay, 57 
Hinxton, 11 
-hirn, 42 
Histon (HestiUme, 23 b, Hi9UUme, 8 b, 

19 a, Histone, 3 b, 6 b, 9 b), 11 
-hithe, 38 

Horningsea {Homingene, 5 a), 53 
Horseheath (Horsei, 10 b, 16 a), 63 



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un>Ex. 



79 



Ickleton {HichelinUme, 15 a, Inehelin' 

tone, 19 a), 17 
Impington {Epintone, 6 a, 26 b), 15 
-ington, 14 
Isleham {GUUham, 2 a), 22 

Sennet {Chenet, 16 a), 69 
Kingston {ChingesUme, 2 b, 10 a), 11 
Kirtling {CherUlinge, 27 b), 70 
Knapwell {Chenepewelle, 8 a), 36 
Kneesworth, 26 

Landbeaoh {Vtbech, 26 a, 27 a), 44 

Landwade, 68 

Leverington, 15 

-ley, 63 

liingay, 59 

Linton {Lintone^ 11a), 11 

Litiington {Lidlint4me, 3 a), 16 

liittleport (LiUlportj 6 b), 42 

lode, 42 

Lolworth {LoUmuordet 25 b), 26 



Ontwell, 87 

Over {Ovre, 8 a, Owe, 9 a), 70 

Pampisford {Pampesuuorde, 5 a, 11a), 

26 
Papworth {Papeworde, 8 a, 13 a), 37 
Pearl's Bridge, 32 
pool, -pole, 67 
-port, 42 
Prickwillow, 71 

Quy (Coeia, 4 b), 71 

Badfield (RadefeUe, 4 a), 61 
Bampton (RanUme, 25 a), 12 
Bamsey, 53 
Beach, 71 
-reth, 42 
Boyston, 13 

Sawston (Sainton, 9 b, 17 a), 18 
Saxon Street, 13 



Long Stanton (Stantune, 13 b, Stan- Saxton {Sextone, 22 a), 13 



tone, 18 a), 12 
-low, 34 

Madingley {Madingelei, 25 b, Mading* 

lei, 3 b), 65 
Kalton, 12 
Manea, 53 
March, 70 

Melboum {MelUbome, 12 a), 43, 47 
Meldreth \Melrede, 5 b, 10 a, 12 a), 42 
Mepal, 41 
-mere, 66 

Milton {Middeltone, 26 a), 12 
Morden {Mordune,Sh, 17 b), 48 

Newmarket, 70 
Newnham, 22 
Newton, 12 
Nosterfield, 60 

27 
Oakington {Hochinton, 6 a, 8 b, Hoch- Sfconea, 54 

intone, 25 b, 28 a), 16 Stourbridge, 32 

Olmstead, 25 Stow {Stou, 8 a), 73 

Orwell {OreuueUe, 9 a, OrduueUe, 10 a, Stretham (Stradham, 6 b), 23 

15 b, OredvueUe, 12 b), 36 Stontney (Stuntenei, 6 b), 54 



Shelford (Eseelford, lib, Escelforde, 

3a, 5b), 62 
Shengay, Shingay (Scelgei, 9 b), 59 
Shepreth (Escepride, 12 b, Esceprid, 

6 a, 9 a), 42 
Shady Gamps, 38 
Silverley {Severlai, 22 a), 66 
SnailweU (SneUewelU, 21 b), 37 
Soham (Saham, 1 b, 2 b, 14 b), 22 
Spinney, 72 

Stane, Staine (Stanes, 2 a, 4 b), 72 
Stanton; see Long 
Stapleford (Stapelforde, 5 b), 62 
Staplow, Staploe (Staplehou, lb, 4a, 

9 a), 72 
-stead, 25 
Steeple Morden, 48 
Stetch worth {Stiuicetuuorde, 21 b, Stu- 

uiceevDorde, 4 a, Stieesuitorde, 14 b), 



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80 



INDEX. 



Sturbridge, 32 

Sutton {Sudtone, 7 b), 18 

Swaffham {Suafam, 18 b, Suafham, 

15 b, Svafam, 4 b), 28 
Swavesey {Suaveaye^ 18 a, Suaueay, 

17 a), 64 

Tadlow {Tadelai, 28^, 27 b), 35 
Teversham {Teuenhanit 5 a, Teure$' 

ham, 10 b), 28 
Thetford {Litel-Udford, 6 b), 63 
Thomey (Tomy, 8 b), 54 
^ Toft {Tofih, 12 b, 24 b, 28 a), 73 
-ton, 5 

Triplow {Trepeslau, 5 a, 9 a), 35 
Tnimpington {Trumpitoney 15a, Trum- 

pinton, 16 a), 16 
Tydd St Giles, 73 

Upware, 44 
UpweU. 37 

-wade, 68 

Waterbeaoh {Bece, 18 b, Bech, 26 a), 

44 
-well, 85 

Welney, Welny, 54 
Wendy (Wandei, 19b, Wandriet lib), 

55 
Wentworth {Winteworde, 7 b), 27 



Westley {Weslai, 4 b, 14 b), 66 
Weston GoWille {We$Ume, 15b), 14 
Westwick {Westuuieke, 26 a), 28 
West Wickham {Wicheham, 10 b, 15 a, 

16 a), 24 
Wetherley {Wederlai, 2 a, 9 b), 66 
Whaddon {WadoiHe, 5 b, 20 a, Wadtmet 

12 a, 16 b), 49 
Whittlesea (Witeiie, 6 b), 55 
Whittlesford (Witele$ford, 3 b, 9 b, 

WiteUiforde, 11a, 19 a), 68 
Whittlesmere, 56 
-wiok, 27 
Wicken, 73 
Wickham; ue West 
Wilbraham, 24 

Wilborton (WiVbertoni, 7 a), 14 
Willingham (Wiuelingham, 13 a, WiveU 

ingham, 6 a), 24 
WimblingtOD, 17 

Wimpole (WinepoU, 12b, 18b), 67 
Wisbeach (Witbeee, 7 a, 9 a, 16 a), 

44, 46 
Witobam (Wiceham, 7 b), 24 
Witohfozd {Wiceforde, 6 b, Wiceford, 

7 b), 63 
Wormegay, 57 
-worth, 25 
Wratting (WaraUnge, 4 b, 14 b, 16 a, 

19 a; of. Waratewiorde, 12 b), 74 



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An Index to the Reports and Abstracts op the Proceedings; 
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Publications, 1840 — 1897. Octavo Publications, No. XXX. pp. 
xvi + 80. 3$. 6d 

The scope of this work is indicated hy the tide. 

The references to Publications and Communications being given 
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it wUl be easy to see wluit lias appeared in tfie pages of the Society's 
puJ>liccUions under either of these heads. 

The Manuscripts in the Library at Lambeth Palace. By 
Montague Rhodes James, Litt.D. Octavo Publications, No. 
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Proceedings, Vol. IX. (New Series III.), October 1894 — 
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PUBLICATIONS : OCTAVO SERIES 
No. XXXVII 



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A CALENDAE 



OF THE 



FEET OF FINES " 

RELATING TO THE COUNTY OF HUNTINGDON 



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PREFACE. 

A CALENDAR comprising the Huntingdonshire Fines of 
-^^ 5 Ric. I — 24 Hen. VII was compiled some years ago 
by Mr J. C. Tingey, F.S.A., of Norwich. He kindly placed 
his work in the hands of the Cambridge Antiquarian Society 
to deal with at their convenience. At the Society's request 
I undertook to prepare for the press and complete the Calendar 
provided I might do so at my leisure. Unfortunately I have had 
less time at my disposal than I expected and I must express 
my sincere regret to the Society for the long delay in publi- 
cation. 

In order however to make the work more useful I entirely 
re-calendared years 5 Ric. I — 24 Hen. VII from the original 
documents in a somewhat different manner. This part of the 
Calendar in its new form is nearly half as long again as 
it had been. I then transcribed and edited the fines of 
1 Hen. VIII— 45 Eliz. Thus I have had the advantage of 
Mr Tingey's work in the preparation of part of this Calendar, 
though the Society has not had the advantage of his revision. 

The Indices have been twice revised. In the first revision 
every name and place mentioned in the text was looked for in 
the Indices ; in the second every name and place mentioned in 
the Indices has been looked for in the text. In spite of these 
precautions some mistakes probably remain uncorrected; but 
it is hoped that they are not numerous. 

Measurements of land are among the topics discussed in 
the Introduction, and some observations are here made on 
early agriculture in England. The reader is asked to notice 
that these are put forward tentatively and with no claim to 



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VI PREFACE. 

complete demoDstration. The general propositioD, to which 
they are intended to lead, is that changes in the units of 
measurement of land should be ascribed to changes in methods 
of agriculture rather than to the suppression of one race by 
another. 

William West's Symholaeographia, published in 1590, has 
long been recognized as the standard book on the forms of 
fines; but the section in this Introduction entitled ''Fines 
Generally " contains some information which will not be found 
elsewhere. For the construction and legal interpretation of 
fines William Cruise's Fines and Recoveries, published in 1783, 
should be consulted. 

I have to thank various friends, whom I have consulted on 
particular points, for their advice. Mr Q. C. M. Smith, Pro- 
fessor of English in the University of Sheffield, very kindly 
corrected several eiTors in the first section of the Introduction. 
I have to acknowledge deep obligation to the late Professor 
Maitland, whose unvarying kindness and generosity in helping 
students of English institutions is known everywhere. The 
notes on acreage and the manor were read by him, and though 
the rest of the Introduction was for the most part written after 
his death, I had many and long conversations with him on the 
subjects to which it relates. It is hardly necessary for me to 
add that it is only after much hesitation and with great regret 
that I find myself taking different \dews from those enunciated 
by him in his Domesday and Beyond. Lastly, I must thank 
Mr Hilary Jenkinson, of the Public Record Office, for 
verifying all the references in the third part of the Intro- 
duction. Only those who have had experience of the laborious 
task of referring to plea rolls and other bulky documents can 
adequately appreciate such kindness, which I value the more 
because this assistance was rendered on his own initiative and 
without my knowledge. 

Wishing to develop the subject on my own lines I have, 
with one exception, purposely avoided mentioning the theories 



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PREFACE. 



Vll 



of our leading writers on early agrarian institutions. To have 
dealt with them adequately would have needed more space 
than was at my disposal. I have, however, found it impossible 
not to refer to the works of Mr J. H. Round. If I have not 
done full justice to his treatment of the five hide unit, it is 
because my chief concern is with the conditions and events 
which gave rise to that unit. 

I make no claims to be an interpreter of the Domesday 
Book. 

G. J. T. 

5, Clement's Inn, Strand. 





ERRATA. 




page 


present reading 


correct reading 


12 


Nicholas 


Nicholaus 


>» 


Jordan 


lordanus 


25 


Michaelis 


Michael 


38 {footnotes) 


p. 8 note 2 


p. 8 note 1 


45 


Elizabeth 


Elizabetha 


54 


»» 


tf 


55 




Ledene Bothingg' 


65 


Robert 


Bobertns 


76 


Shenyngdon* 


Shenyngdon' 


79 


Shenyndon' 


Shenindon' 


85 


Alan 




88 


John 


Johannes 


90 (lineB 3 and 16) 


Biohardns 


Bicardus 


116 (lines 1 and 25) 


Laurence 


Lawrence 


120 


Merney 


Merney 


135 (lines 31 and 32) 


Laarenoe 


Lawrence 


140 


»i 


»» 


147 


Blanch 


Blanche 


173 (line 20) 


esquire, of 


esquire of 


192 


Benian 


Benjamin 


206 


»> 


»» 


224 


BiBcoe 


Briscoe 



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CONTENTS. 

PAOB 

Preface ▼ 

Introduction. 

Part I. Names, Titles and Styles. 

(a) Christian names in 

(b) Surnames xvii 

(c) Titles and Styles xxvii 

Part II. The Property comprised in Fines. 

(a) Acreage zzxiii 

(b) The Manor xliii 

(c) Buildings and their appurtenances ... Uy 

(d) Hides and Virgates Ix 

(e) The Carucate and the Bovate .... Ixxziii 
(/) The customary acre xciii 

Part III. On Fines generally. 

(a) The form of a fine cxxiv 

(&) Instruments subsidiary to the feet of fines . . cxxvii 

(c) The dating of fines cxxxvii 

(d) Warranty cxliii 

(e) Proclamations cxlvi 

Part IV. The Spelling and Extensions of Proper 

Names clii 

Appendix I cMii 

Appendix II clxii 

A Calendar of the Feet of Fines for Huntingdonshire. 

Part I. 5 Ric. I to 23 Ric. II 1 

Part II. 1 Hen. IV to 46 Eliz 96 

Index of Names. 

Part I. 6 Ric. I to 23 Ric. II 228 

Part II. 1 Hen. IV to 46 Eliz. 268 

Index of Places 286 



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INTRODUCTION. 



PART I. NAMES, TITLES AND STYLES. 

(a) Christian Names. 

In the first part of this Calendar all names of persons, 
whether Christian names or surnames, are printed as they occur 
in the manuscript. In the second part, which begins with the 
reign of Henry IV, Christian names are translated into English. 
The reason for this difference of treatment is that it is not easy 
to determine the most suitable rendering in modem English 
of Latin surnames of the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, 
while in the fifteenth and subsequent centuries the difficulty 
becomes considerably less. It is generally accepted that all 
surnames should be printed in Calendars in the form in which 
they are written in the manuscript, but it is also usual to 
translate all Christian names into English. In those cases 
where a person is described by a Christian name, the pre- 
position " de," and a place name which is not Latinised, there 
can be little objection to translating the Christian name into 
English, and leaving the preposition and the place name as they 
are written. But even in this case the retention of the " de " 
is not free from objection. We are accustomed to the French 
word " de " as the prefix of certain English family names, and 
consequently the rendering of the Latin Henricus de Fokes- 
worth by " Henry de Fokesworth " does not sound peculiar to 
our ears. Yet there can be little doubt that an Englishman 
in the reign of Henry III would never have uttered such a 
sequence of words as "Henry de Fokesworth." Not improbably 
C. A. 8. Octavo Series. XXXVIX. b 



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X INTRODUCTION, 

he would have said Harry or Herry^ instead of Henry. Almost 
certainly he would have translated the Latin preposition " de " 
into English. 

But though names such as Henricus de Fokesworth are 
those which most commonly occur in early fines, there remain 
other classes which are far from inconsiderable. Often we find 
persons described by a Christian name, the preposition "de," 
and a Latinized place name. Here if we translate the Christian 
name, we must either leave the place name in its Latin form, 
in which case we are describing a person partly in English and 
partly in Latin, or else we must translate it, in which case we 
are abandoning the principle of printing all surnames in the 
forms in which they appear in manuscript. Such renderings as 
" William de Cantilupo," " Peter de Riuallis,'' and " Richard de 
Ripariis " are at once unscholarly and inelegant. Some editors 
avoid their use by writing "William de Cantilupe," "Peter 
de Rivall " and the like. But the words Cantilupe and Rivall 
are neither Latin nor French, and they are certainly not 
English. 

Again, there was a large class of persons who were described 
by a Christian name followed by a Latin adjective agreeing 
with it or by a Latin substantive in apposition to it Here 
again we meet with the difficulty which has just been described. 
Even if we wish to translate the Latin adjective or substantive 
into English, we cannot do so with any certainty. Take such 
a name as "Willelmus Medicus." If we had to translate it 
into modem English, some of us -would render it by William 
the Physician, others by William the Leech. As a translation 
Physician would really be less pedantic than Leech, which is no 
longer in use ; but it was Leech, not Physician, which became 
a permanent English surname. Some of us, again, would drop 

1 This may be inferred from the £act that Harrison beoame a mach com- 
moner surname than Henryson. Evidence from the Saxon Chronicle and 
mediaeval works written in English is of little value, as in them Latin forms 
saoh as Henricas occur frequently and popular forms seem to be avoided. 
Henry VI is frequently called Herry in English documents recorded upon the 
chancery rolls of Edward IV. Queen Elizabeth Wydeville when a widow spoke 
of King Herry the Yllth (Hardy, Handvmtings of the Kings of England^ p. 28). 
See also Polychrqnicon, vol. viii, pp. 525, 585, 587. 



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INTRODUCTION, XI 

the article and say William Physician or Williajn Leech ; and 
after a date, which must be somewhat indefinite, there would 
be much to be said in favour of this course. Finally, the word 
" medicus " might well be rendered by its old French equiva- 
lent, "Mire," which was certainly used in England in the 
Middle Ages, though whether, like Leech, it became a per- 
manent surname, but with an English spelling, is doubtful 

It is not contended that the retention of the Latin Christian 
names is entirely satisfactory. A Calendar which is partly 
Latin and partly English bears some resemblance to a name of 
which part is English and the rest Latin. But if the retention 
is inelegant it undoubtedly has the merit of convenience. It 
gives us, if the Calendai* is accurately transcribed, the proper 
names as they are written in the original document. The 
inelegance could be removed, if it were desired, by arranging 
the Calendar in a tabular form. The names of the parties to 
the fines could be printed in Latin, the plaintiffs in one column, 
the deforciants or impedients in a second, while in a third 
column the description of the property comprised in the fines 
could be printed in English. In this way the use of the two 
languages in a single sentence could be avoided. 

In thirteenth century England the aristocracy made use of 
few Christian names, and those which they used have for the 
most part become common. The men who attended the king s 
court were called by such names as Geoffrey, Henry, Peter, 
Reynold, Richard, Robert, Walter, and William. We may see 
this at once by examining the names of the witnesses of royal 
charters^ Those which have not become common were those 
borne by the Poitevins and Savoyards, who came in the train of 
the half-brothers of King Henry and the uncles of Queen 
Eleanor, names such as Aymer, Boniface, and Eblon or Ebble. 
Few witnesses to the charters bore names which may be regarded 
as peculiarly English, names which were common in England 
before the Norman Conquest. On the other hand, if we study, 
elsewhere, the names of the lesser people, we shall find that 
many of their Christian names were little used by the aristo- 
cracy. We may see this in the returns to certain inquisitions of 
^ MoUiU Chartartm (Bee. Com.), jpaaim. 



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xii INTRODUCTION. 

the year 7 Ed. I, which record the names of the landowners of 
certain districts, villains as well as freemen^ We may see it, 
too, a century earlier in the Pipe Rolls", which record the sheriffs' 
accounts, including therein the sums of money in which rich and 
poor alike were amerced. 

It is sometimes assumed that Calendars of fines supply 
useful material for investigating the distribution of Christian 
names throughout the different counties of England. There is 
no reason for denying their utility in this respect, but they 
must be used with caution. Nearly as many women are parties 
to fines as meo, but the women are for the most part wives. 
Many whose names occur in a Calendar must have been bom 
and baptized far from the county to which the fine relate& 
Again, parties to fines were with rare exceptions free men and 
landowners. Here and there we may meet with a fine by which 
a lord enfranchised his villain, and to such fines the villain will 
be a party. In some counties a few fines of this nature occur, 
in others, such as Huntingdonshire, there are none. These 
freemen and landowners formed a relatively small class, for 
in the early part of the thirteenth century the peasantry of 
England were for the most part villains, holding their lands at 
the will of their lords. Even if a peasant were free, he would 
often hold his land in villainage, and this would preclude him 
from alienating his land by fine just as effectually as if he were 
a villain. In all counties, however, there were peasants who 
were free and who held their lands freely. In a large county, 
such as Lincolnshire, their number would be very much greater 
than in a small one such as Huntingdonshire. So, too, the 
number of fines to which peasant freeholders were parties 
would be gi'eater in a large county than in a small one. For 
this reason we cannot expect to find as many different Christian 
names representing the peasantry in a Calendar of fines of a 
small county as in that of a large one. There would be fewer 
opportunities for them to occur. 

In the fourteenth century fewer Christian names were used 
than in the thirteenth. Many which had been common before 

^ Rotuli Hundredorum (Bee. Com.), passim. 
' Publications of the Pipe Roll Society. 



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INTRODUCTION. XUl 

the Norman Conquest have disappeared. Apparently they 
were used in the thirteenth century by the smaller landowners, 
who gradually set them aside in favour of those used by their 
richer neighbours. In the reigns of the Tudors, however, a 
considerable number of names, which had been little used 
previously, acquired popularity. This was no doubt due to 
the introduction of printing and advancement of learning ; but 
the material which this Calendar supplies is insufficient for 
any investigation of the subject. 

In the Huntingdon fines there is but one person who bears 
two Christian names, Thomas Mary Wingfield. He is three 
times mentioned, being a party to two fines of the year 6 Ed. VI, 
and to a third of the year 2 and 3 Philip and Mary. In two of 
the fines Mary is written in the Latin genitive, Marie, thus 
Thomam Marie Wingfeld; in the third it is written in the 
accusative thus Thomam Mariam Wingfeld. 

The lists which follow consist of all the Christian names 
which occur in the Calendar down to the end of the reign of 
Richard II. References are given to the first six instances only 
of each name, and each name is intended to represent that of a 
different person. The reader however is cautioned that in the 
list of names of women there may be some unavoidable repeti- 
tion, as the same woman may appear as the wife of two or 
more successive husbands. A few names which are distinguished 
by asterisks are in the genitive case depending upon the words 
filiics or filia\ but all the others occur in the nominative case. 

Names of Men\ 

Abraa, 14 Andreas, 46, 48, 64 

Achilles, 2, 11* Apsolon, 27 

Adam, 6, 12, 15, 29, 43, 47 Arnaldus, Aenialdua, 3, 11*, 38 

Akar*, 8* Aslotus, 50 

Alanus, 9, 11, 14, 19 bisy 20, 21 Athelardus, 14 

Alardus, 2 Augustinus, 37*, 41 

Albinus, 51 Baldricus, 11 

Alexander, 7, 7* 32, 35, 40, 49 Baldwinus, 6, 9, 9*, 14 

Alurodos, 2, 3, 31 £amabas, 45 

1 It will probably be found that many of the less common names in this list 
belonged to diflerent members of the same family. 



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XIV 



iNTRODtCnoK. 



Bartholomeufl, 6, 38, 40, 45, 49 

Benedictas, 45 

Berengerus, 5 

Burwardus, 24 

Clere, 4 

Cutbertus, 3* 

Dauid, 28, 34, 39 

Drogo, 5* 

Durandus, 6 

Eborardus, 15, 16 

Edmundus, 6 

Egidius, 13 

Elias, 3, 8, 10, 15, 17, 36 

Eudo, 2, 36, 36* 

Eustachius, 23 

Fulco, 3, 19, 24 

Galfridus, 2 6m, 7, 8, 25, 37, 40 

Gerardus, Geroldus, 4, 14, 29* 

Geruasius, 2* 

Gilebertus, 1, 6, 7, 36 

Ginant, 3* 

Godefridus, 22 

Gk)driciis, 35* 

Gregorius, 7, 14 

Gwido, 37 

Hamo, 32 

Haraldus, 8* 

Henricus, 3, 4, 9, 13, 16, 24 

Heruiciis, Horuicius, Heruey, 4, 12, 

15 
Hubertus, 3 

Hugo, 5, 6, 7, 12, 13, 14 
lacobus, 61 
Imbertus, 13 
Ingebramus, 36 

lohannes, 4, 6, 9 6m, 11, 12 6m 
lordanus, 12 
Iiilianus, 22 
luo, 1, 12, 17, 25, 47 
Laurencius, 3, 23 



Martinus, 11, 47 

Mauricius, 11, 38 

Michael, 4, 5 6m, 25, 46 

Milo, 34 

Nicholaus, 2 6m, 4, 8, 16, 17, 20 

NigeUus, 3, 16, 24, 25, 29, 47 

Normannus, 45 

Oliuerus, 11, 22 

Osebertus, 5, 9, 13, 25 

Otto, 21* 24, 24* 

Paskettus, 30 

Paulinus, 46 

Petrus, 33, 44, 45 

Philippus, 14, 21, 30, 34, 36 

Radulphus, 1, 2 quater^ 4, 5 6m, 6 

Ranulphufi, 15 

Reginaldus, 2, 3 6m, 6, 7, 17, 18, 19, 

23 
Ricardus, 2 ter^ 6 6i>, 7 
Robertus, 1 6m, 2 6m, 3 ^, 4 bis, 6 
Bogerus, 2, 3, 4 6m, 6, 7, 9 
Salamon, 44 
Samuel, 1 
Siluester, 12, 22 
Siluio, 38 

Simon, 8*, 10, 11, 12, 14, 17 
Stephanus, 8, 13, 16 ; 9, 47 
Theobaldus, 4, 5 
Thomas, 3, 7, 8, 13, 14 ter, 22 
Thurketjn, 18* 
Tristramus, 49 
Turstanus, 1, 2, 11 
Uitalis, Viel, 8, 12, 20, 43 
Umfridus, 34, 49 
Walterus, 1, 2, 4 6m, 5, 6, 7, 8 
Warimis, 10 
Wamerus, 17 

Willebaius, 1, 2 <er, 3 6m, 4, 5 ter 
Wiflcardus, 10 



Names of Women, 

Ada, 20, 55 Alda, 29 

Agnes,Angnes,2,4,23,24,49,50,51 Alesia, 72 

Albreda, 24, 28 Alicia^ 5, 6, 7, 32, 35, 49, 51 6m 



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INTRODUCTION. 



XV 



Alienora, 53 

Alina, 32 

AUota, 24 

Amabilla, 46, 52, 58, 59, 62 

Amia, 80 

Amicia, 17, 35, 40, 46, 53, 60, 71, 74 

Ampheliea, 25 

Anabilla, 41 

Anna^ 84 

Ascelina, 37 

Athelina, 23, 68, 72 

Auelina, 46 

Auicia, 62 

Basilia, 14 

Beatricia, 6, 40 

Beatrix, 59, 74 

Benygna, 38 

Blanchia, 81 

Brighteua, 72, 73 

CecUia, 13, 18, 24, 38, 42, 43, 46 

Clarissa, 13 

Clemencia, 23 

Constancia, 59 

Cristiana, 7, 42, 52, 68, 89 

Custaucia, 73 

DeruerguiUa, 44, 72, 74 

Edelina, 49 

Editha, 3* 6* 

Elena, 42, 60, 55, 56, 76 

Elicia, 20, 23, 45 

Elizabetha, 54, 67, 67, 72 

Emma^ 5, 40, 41, 43, 53, 66 

Eufemia, 4 

Felicia, 16, 24, 25, 30, 39, 55 

Fina, 79 

Many Christian names had more than one Latin form in the 
Middle Ages. Thus we have Matillis and Matilda, Agnes and 
Agneta, Mabila and Mabilia, Geua and leua, Heruicus and 
Heruicius. These examples present no difficulties ; but some- 
times it is hard to«ay whether two names less closely resembling 
one another in form represent mere variations in spelling or are 
really distinct names. Controversies have arisen as to Banul- 
phus and Radulphus; Roesia and Rosa; Elizabetha and Isabella; 



Frecenta, 40 

Geua, leua, 20 

Hauwisia, 1, 14, 15 

Helewisia, 16* 

Hugolina, 38 

Idonea, 29, 46 6m 

looosa, 45, 83 

Johanna, 35, 47, 49, 63, 54, 73 

Isabella, 5, 17, 29, 44, 50, 53 

Isolda, 8, 16, 17, 19, 41, 56 

Miana, 18, 40, 46, 48, 59 

Eaterina, Caterina, 1, 4, 5, 54, 61, 78 

Leticia, 32, 43, 60, 66 

Lucia, 10, 33, 53 

Mabilia, Mabillia, 34, 35, 58, 59 

Margareta, 3, 15, 50, 51, 53, 56 

Margeria, 23, 67 

Maria, 2, 35, 49, 98, 105, 119 

Mariota, 32, 41, 66, 60, 81 

Matillis, Matilda, 3 bis, 7 ter, 20, 42, 

62, 45 
Muriella, 52 

Nicholaa, 5, 34, 40 bis, 42, 78 
Pelagia, 14, 17, 33, 79 
Petronilla, 68 
Philippa, 19 
Roesia, Koysia, 3 bis, 4, 10, 14, 

18, 29, 46 
Rosa, 68, 70 
Sabina, 57 

Sarra, 45, 54 bis, 66, 67 
Sauicla, 11 
Seralia, 14* 
Sibilla, 24, 27, 36 



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XVI INTRODUCTION. 

and so vfith many others. There can be no discussion on these 
matters in this brief note ; but it may be observed that the 
Christian names in colloquial use in England often differed 
considerably in form from the Latin words by which they were 
represented. The Latin Reginaldus represented not our modem 
Reginald, but Reynold ; so too Etheldreda represented Awdry\ 
and Matillis, Maud. But many Christian names had several 
variant English forms, as may be seen from those variants 
becoming either surnames or parts of surnames. Thus the name 
Richard gave rise to the surnames Richardson, Dickson and 
Hickson ; Robert to Robertson, Dobson and Hobson. We can- 
not suppose that the same variants were used indifferently 
throughout the country, nor that we know the variants of many 
of the less common Christian names. The clerks of the Middle 
Ages may sometimes have laboured in ignorance. Hence it is 
that although a person may be found described in two different 
Latin documents by two names differing from one another in 
spelling and structure, we cannot assume that one of these 
names is necessarily a variant of the other; for one may be 
correct in spelling and structure ; the other incorrect. There is 
always the possibility of error, ignorance, and confusion having 
been prevalent with respect to the translation and spelling of 
certain Christian names in the Middle Ages. 

There is generally little doubt about the correct reading of 
a mediaeval Christian name; but Anna and Amia' are ex- 
ceptions. It often happens that a clerk had the habit of omit- 
ting to dot his i's — a practice indeed which was far from 
common in the thirteenth century — and it is then almost 
impossible to decide whether he has intended to write Anna 
or Amia. The Latin names for Godfrey and Osbert are usually 
written in a contracted form, and the question arises whether 
they should be extended as Godefridus and Osebertus or as 
Godfridus and Osbertus. They occur sometimes in extended 
forms. Perhaps Osebertus is more common than Osbertus; 

1 p. 191, n. 

' Some have doubted whether the name Amia was ever used in the Middle 
Ages. For "Amia" written with a dotted t, see De Banco RoUs, No. 179, roll 
289, York, Ibidem, No. 164, roll 109, Hertford; and for the spelling Amya, 
Ibidem, No. 455, aUomies' roll 2, Kent. 



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INTRODUCTION. XVll 

Godfiridus occurs but seldom. The names Matheus and Mathias 
were almost invariably written with a single t, as was also the 
surname Mathew, which was by no means uncommon. The 
modern practice of spelling Matthew and Matthias with two ^'s 
is certainly unwarranted by English tradition. 

The ti-auslation of proper names from Latin into English 
raises a few small points of difficulty. Of recent years many 
variants have become recognized as distinct names and many 
new forms have come into use. Some of the latter are mere 
adaptations of the corresponding Latin names. Thus the Latin 
Reginaldus which was translated in the Middle Ages by Rey- 
nold, has given rise to the name Reginald; and Etheldreda, 
of which the Elnglish version became Awdry, is now much used 
as a Christian name. Some people will prefer the Latin Elias 
to Elys, its ancient English translation ; others will prefer Elys. 
Often sufficient evidence is not forthcoming to establish which 
of two translations is the better. 

Early in the reign of Henry III John became a common 
Christian name in England. Not long afterwards we meet 
with a Latin lohanna, which some people now translate as 
Joan, and others, though less frequently, as Jane. In the reign 
of Elizabeth a Latin form lana occurs occasionally, and this 
can hardly be translated otherwise than as Jane. It seems 
therefore convenient to use Joan and not Jane as the English 
of lohanna. 



(b) Surnames. 

In the reign of Henry III the great men of the realm and 
the wealthier landowners for the most part used surnames, 
which were surnames in the modem sense of the word, that is 
to say they were adopted by the issue of those who bore them. 
On the rolls of the King s Chancery we find the same persons 
designated by the same names year after year, and we find, too, 
that many of them had hereditary surnames. But with lesser 
people the case was difierent. If a particular name were 
applied to a certain man in one document, it was not necessarily 
the name by which he was described in another. A good 



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XVlil INTRODUCTION. 

example of such a variation occurs in the Huntingdonshire 
fines. In the year 25 Henry III a fine was levied between 
Oliuerus Clericus and Elicia his wife as plaintiffs, and lohannes 
de Salue and leua his wife as deforciants of certain property in 
Stilton^ From the fine itself we learn that Elicia and leua 
were daughters of a certain Alicia de Stilton. Seven years 
later two other fines were levied of an acre of land in the same 
place'. Oliuerus de Upton and Elicia, his wife, were deforciants 
in one of them, and lohannes de Sale and Qeua, his wife, were 
deforciants in the other. In both of them Walterus de Was- 
single was the plaintiff. In the same year yet another fine was 
levied of a messuage in Orton Longueville in which Oliuerus de 
Stilton and Elicia his wife were deforciants'. It is endorsed 
with the claim of lohannes de Salle and Geua, his wife. Five 
years afterwards Oliuerus de Opton and Elicia his wife were 
deforciants in a fine of eighteen acres of land in Orton, and in 
the same year Oliuerus de Stilton and Elicia his wife were 
deforciants in a fine of three acres and a rood of land in Stilton*. 
Thus, we have a man who is mentioned in five different docu- 
ments. In one of them his name may be translated as Oliver 
the clerk; in two others as Oliver of Upton; and in the 
remaining two as Oliver of Stilton. Other similar though less 
striking examples occur in this Calendar. A man who is 
described in a fine of 25 Hen. Ill as Rogerus le Mire de 
Bedeford is described in another fine of 28 Hen. Ill as Rogerus 
de Bedeford medicus*. In the reign of Edward I a certain 
Ricardus de Sutho of one fine becomes Ricardus le Clerk de 
Sutho in another. So, too, Rogerus filius Nicholai le Clerk de 
Eton, who was a party to a fine of 12 Ed. II, becomes Rogerus 
filius Nicholai de Eton five years latere It is also probable 
that Simon Derham de Magna Grantisden Taillour is the same 
person as Simon Taillour de Magna Grantisden. A particular 
interest attaches to the last example, in that the two fines, 
fi:'om which it is taken, are of as late a date as 41 Ed. Ill and 
46 Ed. Ill respectively''. 

1 p. 20. « pp. 22, 25. » p. 23. * p. 28. 

• pp. 18, 21. • p. 60. ' pp. 83, 86. 



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INTRODtJCnON. XIX 

The preposition " rfa,*' 

Parties to early fines are frequently described by a Christian 
name, the preposition dSy and a place name, which usually 
denoted the place of residence of the party. When a man 
changed his residence he would generally be described there- 
after by the name of the place to which he had moved. If he 
had more than one residence he might be described in more 
than one fashion. This was the case with the person who was, 
as we have seen, sometimes called Oliuerus de Stilton and at 
others Oliuerus de Opton. The great men of the realm, how- 
ever, and even the leading families of a county, often took 
their surnames from places which were or had been the 
principal residences of the heads of their families. Such 
surnames, which were hereditary, might be borne by persons 
who neither resided nor owned land at the place which they 
represented. This was especially the case with families whose 
surnames were derived from places in France such as Chanteloup, 
Courtenay, and Mortemer. But in the majority of early fines 
the place names, which occur in descriptions of persons, are 
those of some village or hamlet near the property to which the 
fine relates. They represent actual places of residence and 
cannot be considered as hereditary surnames. Gradually how- 
ever these places became in fact hereditary surnames ; but the 
peasantry seems to have been a somewhat stationary class and 
throughout the Middle Ages an English place name used as a 
surname is generally that of a village in the neighbourhood of 
the home of the person by whom it was used. 

At an early date a place of residence was often added to 
names of trades ; and in such cases it is doubtful which name 
is to become the surname. The descendants for example of 
lohannes Carpentarius de Caxton may perhaps be known by 
the surname of Carpenter, perhaps by that of Caxton, or 
perhaps by some entirely difierent surname. As a general 
rule trade names are written in the English language in both 
French and Latin documents of the fourteenth century, from 
the closing years of which they may be presumed to be here- 
ditary surnames. This presumption arises from the fact that 



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XX INTRODUCTION. 

it became a custom in the fourteenth century to add a place of 
residence to surnames which were undoubtedly hereditary. 
Gauelok', for instance, was almost certainly the surname of a 
certain lohannes Gauelok' de Nedingworth, and as we have 
many similar instances in the second half of the fourteenth 
century, we may presume that a lohannes Carpenter de Caxton 
of that period bore the surname of Carpenter, and that Caxton 
was merely his place of residence. The lohannes Gauelok' de 
Niddyngworth just mentioned and Rosa his wife were parties 
to a fine of the year 10 Ed. III\ To another fine of the year 
15 Ed. Ill the same persons were parties, but this time the 
husband is described as lohannes Gauelok de Oure*. In these 
fines Nedyngworth and Oure are beyond all doubt the places 
of residence of a man who had a definite surname, Gauelok'. 
Again, men were often described by the preposition de 
followed by a place name, which was itself followed by the 
same preposition and a second place name*. The first of these 
names is that of the place of family origin, the second a place 
of residence, the first being frequently that of a place far from 
the county to which the fine relates, and the second being 
usually that of some place within or in the neighbourhood of 
the same county. It will be noticed that the second place is 
frequently more accurately defined than it would be if it were 
a place of origin. Here are some examples from the Hunting- 
donshire fines : 

Radulphus de Hinton de Thetford iuwta Ely (p. 82). 
Radulphus de Lacu de Ouerton LungeuilV (p. 57). 
Thomas de Blakedone de Parua Stokton (p. 56). 
lohannes de Baggele de Hemynford Abbatis (p. 74). 

When people were described by their place of family 
origin, and the place happened to have a compound name, the 

1 p. 68. a p. 71. 

' Sometimes in place of the second de the preposition in is substituted. 
This is not because the second place lies within the geographical limits of the 
first. The in denotes merely that the person in whose description it occurs 
dwells within the place by the name of which it is followed. It is elliptical for 
the expression "qui manet in," which, indeed, occasionally occurs written at 
fuU length. No instances, however, of such a use of the preposition in will be 
found in this Calendar. 



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INTRODUCTION. xXl 

principal part of it only was used for the purpose. If the 
family of a man whose Christian name was Thomas came from 
Little Stockton he would be called Thomas de Stokton, not 
Thomas de Parua Stokton. If his family came from Heming- 
ford Abbots, he would be called Thomas de Hemynford, not 
Thomas de Hemynford Abbatis. 

Towards the end of the reign of Edward III the preposition 
de when used as part of a surname was frequently omitted. 
Thus a party to a fine of 40 Ed. Ill is described as lohannes 
Couesgraue de Eton^ In a fine of the following year he is 
described as lohannes de Couesgraue de Eton; but a year 
later lohannes Couesgraue is again his description I In the 
reign of Richard II, the use of the preposition de as part of a 
surname becomes more and more exceptional, and it is seldom 
to be noticed in fines levied after the accession of Henry IV, 
and after the same date the addition of a place of residence is 
also rare. 

Although the place of residence is seldom mentioned in 
fines of the fifteenth century, in other documents, such as the 
plea rolls of the Common Bench, it was often added. Indeed, 
in certain proceedings in that court it was essential that the 
place should be accurately stated. An error in the place of 
residence of a defendant in a personal action would, if he were 
outlawed in consequence of his failure to appear, be sufficient 
for tie reversal of his outlawry. But in many proceedings 
outlawry was no part of the process to compel appearance, and 
it was therefore unnecessary to insert in the writs by which 
they were commenced the place of residence of the persons 
against whom the writs might be sued. Among such proceed- 
ings were fines. 

The "de" which occurs in the surnames now under con- 
sideration normally represented an English "of"; for there 
are numerous instances on the plea rolls in which the clerk 
has actually allowed the "of" to remain untranslated^ It is, 

1 p. 82. « p. 83. 

s ThnB Alexander of the Grene {De Banco RolU, No. 480, roll 156, Leicester), 
Ricardns of the DonnehaUe, Ibidem, No. 225, roU 185, Camb,, Willelmns of 
Pyiye, Ihidem, No. 18S, roU 103 d, See also Catalogue of Ancient Deeds, vf 749. 



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however, by no means unlikely that even English speakers 
used the French " de " as part of those surnames which were 
taken from French towns; otherwise it would be difficult to 
account for the initial letter in such names as Daubenny and 
Daraerell. In the metrical chronicle* written in English by 
Robert of Gloucester in the thirteenth century there seems to 
have been a tendency to write "de" before French and "of" 
before English place names. There are numerous instances to 
the contrary ; but the poet may in many cases have been 
ignorant whether a particular name was English or French. 



Names of OccupaUons, etc. 

A very large number of men in the Middle Ages were 
described by their occupations or by some personal attribute. 
In the earliest fines the descriptive words are written in Latin, 
but in the middle of the thirteenth century they are often 
found written in French, but always introduced by the word le; 
and in the fourteenth century we more often find them in 
English than in French, though they are sometimes introduced 
by a ^. . There can be little doubt that the English-speaking 
inhabitants of our island used a the instead of a le in describing 
people. The writer of the metrical chronicle already mentioned 
speaks of Sir Hamond ye Strange and Eustas ye Moine; 
and it often happens that the clerks of the common bench 
wrote a the before proper names in their Latin records'. No 
instance of this practice occurs among the Huntingdonshire 
fines and none has been cited from the fines of other counties. 
Before the beginning of the fifteenth century the use of the 
French le before proper names seems to have almost completely 
fallen out of use. 

^ Published in the Bolls Series in two volumes which are numbered 86. 

s Thus we have, Hawysia the Yunge (De Banco Rolls, No. 102, roll 1, Salop) ; 
Bioardus the Escheteresclerk (Ibidem, No. 183, roll 46, Leicester); Bicardus 
the Gray (Ibidem, No. 183, roll 103d, Kent); Clarissa the Mayden (Ibidem, 
No. 179, roll 32, Dorset); lohannes the Letstere (Ibidem, No. 258, roll 204(1, 
Norfolk) ; Robertas the Whyn (Ibidem, No. 199, rolU 14, 26, Kent). 



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INTRODUCTION. XXIU 



Filivs, 



During the thirteenth century we frequently meet with 
people who are described by such a combination of names as 
Thomas filivs lohannis de Stilton ; and the question arises how 
ought they to be rendered in English. Are we to write Thomas 
the son of John of Stilton, or Thomas Johnson of Stilton, or 
Thomas Fitzjohn of Stilton ? Further, had the person already 
an hereditary surname Stilton or Johnson or Fitzjohn, and if 
he had none, was any one of these names to be the hereditary 
surname of his descendants? There is no rule by which such 
questions can be answered ; Stilton, Johnson, and Fitzjohn all 
became English hereditary surnames. We can only decide 
whether the words filiris lohannis represent a surname Fitzjohn, 
or a surname Johnson or no surname at all, when we know the 
family history of the man to whom they refer. 

There are, however, a few facts about the use of the word 
filivs which are worth recording. In the first place we may 
notice from time to time, and more especially upon the plea 
rolls of the superior courts, descriptions such as Thomas 
lohannesson de Stilton, and from such descriptions we might be 
inclined to infer that Johnson or lohannesson was the surname 
of a certain Thomas living at Stilton. But such an inference 
is not a good one; for descriptions such as Thomas lohanneson 
de Stilton are similar in form to others which are by no means 
uncommon, such as WUlelmus Amiceshaillyf de Arches^ and 
Adam WiUam^seriawnt de Merdenne\ The passages in which 
these two last forms of description occur show that William 
was the bailiff of Amice de Arches and that Adam was the 
seijeant of William of Merdenne. Such descriptions, however, 
are seldom found in fines, because they were applied to persons 
who were not owners of lands. But there is no more reason for 
assuming that whenever lohanneson occurs in a Latin document 
it is a surname than that Amicesbailif or Willamesseruant are 
such'. Thomas lohanneson de Stilton is merely a Latin version 

1 De Banco Rolls, No. 170, roll 184 d, Berks. 

> Ibidem, No. 173, roU 116, Kent, 

* Amon^ other similar desoriptionB we may notice A^es Wyllgrndoaghtur 



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XXIV INTRODUCTION. 

of Thomas John's son of Stilton, which meant nothing more 

than Thomas the son of John of Stilton. Such an arrangement 

of words is of constant occurrence in English poetry of the 

Middle Ages^ as, for example, in the biJlad of Sir Patrick 

Spens: 

To Norowaj, to Noroway, 

To Noroway, o'er the faem ; 
The kifig's daughter of Noroway 

'Tis thou maun bring her hame. 

Again, it occasionally happens that a man is described as the 
son of a man who is himself described as being the son of 
another. Thus a party to a fine of 5 Ed. II is described as 
Robertus filius Willelmi filii Goscelini de Huntyngdone". Some- 
times the Christian names of the father and grandfather are 
written in English, thus in a Norfolk fine of 42 Ed. Ill we 
meet with a certain Ricardus lonessone Wattesone de Worstede*. 
A similar example occurs in a Lincolnshire fine of as late a 
date as 1 Hen. VI, in which a party is described as lohannes 
Gybonsonsaunderson de Bosterwyk*. Compound names such as 
Gybonsonsaunderson are clearly temporary designations and not 
permanent surnames. 

Next we may observe that names such as Thomas filius 
lohannis, without the addition of any place name at all, were 
common in the first half of the thirteenth century, less common 
in the second half of that century, and comparatively rare in 
the fourteenth century. This will be seen at once on referring 
to the Index of Names (Part I) at the end of this book. In the 
earliest fines these names or descriptions were sometimes used 
of members of the aristocracy, and the word " filius " may then 
represent the Fitz of a surname; but more frequently they 
were used of small landowners. Probably a place of residence 

of Kirteljngton (De Banco Rolls, No. 545, roll 7, Notts) ; Robertas Riohardes- 
neaen (Ibidevit No. 179, roll 154, Lincoln) ; Alicia WiUammesmoder Hobkynes- 
Bon {Ibidem, No. 181, roU 102, Yorks), In a Surrey fine of 1 Hen. IV a man 
is described as "Bioardas that was the parisshe prest de Wjmelesham*' (F. B. 
Lewis, Pedes Finiuniy p. 162). 

^ It is also of constant ooonrrence in the Anglo-Saxon Chronide and in 
English prose of the Middle Ages. 

« p. 64. » Feet of Fines, Case 167, File 170, No. 1336, 

« Feet of Fines, Case 145, FUe 156, No. 6. 



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INTRODUCTION. XXV 

was then implied from the context. This mast often have been 
the case in a fine in which nothing more than a few acres of 
land were comprised. It is certainly very misleading to make 
a practice of translating Filius lohannis as Fitzjohn in early 
fines. 

In the latter part of the fourteenth century names such as 
Thomas filius lohannis, even with the addition of a place of 
residence, occur seldom. One Willelmus filius Ade filii Willelmi 
de Morewyk' was a party to fine of 6 Ric. II and a lohannes filius 
lohannis de Styuecle to another seven years afterwards; but 
these are rare instances. Such descriptions were not replaced 
by English and French forms such as Johnson and Fitzjohn. 
Before the days of the Tudor kings few people were described 
by names which ended in the syllable son ; and names which 
began with the syllable FUz were as scarce in the fifbeenth 
century as in the present day. In the Huntingdonshire fines 
between the years 1 Ric. II and 24 Hen. VII there are but 
two of the former class and one of the latter. 

Surnames which are Christian names are not uncommon 
even in the thirteenth century. Each of them, presumably, 
was the Christian name of some ancestor of the person by 
whom it was borne. A Northamptonshire forester was called 
lohannes lue in an inquisition of the year 1251 ; in another 
inquisition held in 1246 he was called lohannes filius Tuonis\ 
It is probable that when a clerk heard a Christian name used 
as a surname, he sometimes translated it into Latin in the 
genitive case and prefixed to it the word fUitLS. The following 
names occur in the Huntingdonshire fines of an earlier date 
than the accession of Henry VII. 

Thomas Arnold John Morys 

John Elys William Moines 

William Gemeys Robert Oliuere 

Roger Oregon Thomas Philip 

Thomas Harry Gilbert Roger 

Robert Mathew Richard Rykard 

1 PubUcatiottt of the Selden Society, xiii, 81, 94, 109. Similarly on a plea 
roll of 18 or 19 Edw. I we have :— lohamies^ZtiM Huberti de Herlawe qoerittur de 
lohanne de Looetot quod cam idem lohamus Hubert.,. {Atme BoUs^ No. 541 6, 

foaaa) 

C. A. S. Octavo Seriee. XXXVII. C 



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MVI INTRODUCTION. 

If a Calendar of Fines be used for the purpose of investigat- 
ing the history of surnames, it must be remembered that it 
will contain no names except those of landowners. For a long 
period landed property remained in the hands of a small section 
of the community. At last, owing to the Black Death and the 
Wars of the Roses, old families decayed and new families were 
founded. Hence it is that we find a much greater variety of 
surnames in the fines of the fifteenth than in those of the 
fourteenth century. Nevertheless even in the limited class of 
landowners, whether long settled or newly come, the history 
of surnames seems to vary in different counties. In Surrey, for 
instance, we may notice a large number of surnames introduced 
by the English word atte, while in many other counties few 
such names are to be found. It is probable, however, that 
much of the early history of surnames is the same for all the 
English counties except, perhaps, those of the extreme north 
and west. 

The surnames which were Christian names, apparently in 
the possessive case, were for the most part probably not in that 
case. There is no reason to suppose, for instance, that a man 
was called by the surname Andrews merely because his father 
was called by the Christian name Andrew. Two facts point to 
this conclusion. We have already seen that Christian names, 
not in the possessive case, used as surnames, were common long 
before the reign of Edward IV. Afterwards, however, they 
were so used less frequently. Thus the first of a family who 
bore the name of Andrews is likely to have been the son of a 
man who had Andrew for his surname, and not for his Christian 
name. Secondly the use of the possessive termination was 
also extended to names which were not Christian names and 
for which a possessive case would have been altogether otiose^ 
It is also certain that many names were written sometimes with 
and sometimes without the possessive termination, which was 
an addition to which little importance was considered to attach. 
Whatever may have been the origin of the practice of adding 

^ These names were for the most part monosjlUbio. Few polysyllsbie 
names in the possessive case other than Christian names came into permanent 



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INTRODUCTION. XXVll 

the letter s to these monosyllabic names there can be uo doubt 
about its great convenience. As a general rule it made a dis- 
tinction between a Christian name and a surname, and when 
once introduced it was likely to spread rapidly. 

(c) Titles and Stylet. 

The words and forms which might be used in fines to 
describe rank, dignities and offices were few in number and 
varied but little from century to century. Certain persons in 
the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, more especially the 
former, were described with the word Magister written before 
their names. It might be supposed that they were masters of 
arts or graduates of a University. But the title occurs seldom ; 
and it is not improbable that it was only applied to archdeacons, 
masters of the Chancery, and a few other eminent officials. No 
other prefix than Magister was allowed. Phi*ases such as the 
Right Honourable, the Right Reverend and even the knightly 
Sir were unknown. Earls and Bishops were usually described 
by their Christian names together with the names of their 
Earldoms and Bishoprics. The place from which an earl took 
his name was written in the genitive, but the see of a bishop was 
expressed as an adjective in agreement with the word episcopus 
in its appropriate case; thus Edmundus comes Comubie, but 
lohannes episcopus Herefordensis. It was, however, by no 
means unusual in early fines for the surname of an earl to be 
inserted immediately after his Christian name^ Occasionally, 
too, we may find the surname of a bishop mentioned. This 
was so in three fines of the year 35 Ed. I to which the 
celebrated Walter of Langton, bishop of Coventry and Lichfield, 
was a party*. 

In fines, and indeed in most other official documents, barons 
for a long period remained undistinguished from commoners. 
It is not until the reign of Richard III when we meet with 
John Dynham, knight, lord of Dynham, that the Huntingdon- 
shire fines supply an instance of any recognition of the rank of 

1 Thu Bogeras de Qnen<7, earl of Winohester (p. 24), bxA iBftbella de 
Bolebek, oonntess of Oxford (p. 17). 
* pp. 61, 62. 

C2 



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XXVIU INTRODUCTION. 

a baroD\ Even then the word which describes the rank is not 
baro but domintuf. The former word seems to have been used 
solely of barons of the exchequer. Although the surnames of 
dukes, marquesses, viscounts, earls, and bishops were omitted 
in Tudor fines, the surname of a baron was as a general rule 
expressly mentioned. If he were, as was usaally the case, a 
knight the word miles was inserted between his surname and 
the word dominus, as in the case of John Dynham, already 
mentioned. 

It was long also before knights were distinguished from 
other commoners. In the King's chancery of the thirteenth 
century neither " miles " nor any equivalent word followed the 
name of a knight We may read charter after charter and find 
no distinction between knights and other members of society. 
Yet in private charters of the latter part of the same century 
men are firequently described as milites, and they are also 
styled domini. Miles follows the name and dominus precedes 
it. This is very significant, because when at last knights 
received recognition of their rank by the addition of the word 
milites in the King's chancery they were denied the title of 
dominus. In the Exchequer and the superior courts of common 
law as in the Chancery the dignity long remained unrecognized. 
But in the lesser courts of law the word dominiis was often 
applied to knights, and sometimes also to the clergy. We find 
that this was the case, for instance, in the courts of the justices 
in eyre for pleas of the forest. The title was, no doubt, in 
colloquial use, and it was only the trained clerks of the great 
departments of State who habitually avoided it. Apparently 
they professed to know one person only who might rightly be 
called ''dominus"; it was their lord the King. 

In fines, we first read of knights in the reign of Edward II. 
They are then called by the French word " chivaler " instead of 
by the Latin "miles"; and this notwithstanding the fact that 
fines were invariably written in the Latin language. The word 
" miles " came into use soon afterwards, and gradually displaced 
"chivaler." In the county of Huntingdon the first fine in 
which a person is described as " chivaler " is one of the year 

» p. 118. 



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INTRODUCTION. XXIX 

19 Ed. II*; the last was another of the year 11 Ria II^ But 
it must be remembered that Huntingdon was a small county. 
Instances can be found elsewhere of the use of the word before 
the first of these dates and after the second. 

When a party to a fine was a dean, a cafton, or an arch- 
deacon his official description seldom followed his name. 
Reynold Kentwood ia described in a fine of the year 11 Hen. VI 
as dean of St Paul's', but we read of no other deans, and of no 
canons or archdeacons in this Calendar. On the other hand in 
the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries clerks are often described 
as being parsons or vicars and sometimes as chaplains of 
particular churches. Afterwards they are merely styled clerks. 
In the reign of Elizabeth we sometimes find that the degrees 
of doctor of laws, doctor of divinity, and doctor of medicine 
are recognized ^ 

Occupations and trades were seldom mentioned in fines 
after the beginning of the fifteenth century, but there was one 
exception. Citizens of London were frequently, even in early 
«-Tudor times, described by the trade names of the companies to 
which they belonged. But in the latter part of the reign of 
Henry YIII this mode of description became rare. The last 
example of it among the Huntingdonshire fines is that of 
Ambrose WooUey, citizen and grocer of London, who was a 
party to a fine of 22 Hen. VIII ». 

In the early part of the fifteenth century the description 
esquire begins to appear in fines. The first instance in the 
Huntingdonshire fines is found in the year 3 Hen. V*. There 
is another in 6 Hen. V, and a third in 10 Hen. V*. In the 
Middlesex fines two persons are described as esquires as early as 
the year 16 Ric. II ^ The description ''gentleman" was intro- 
duced at a later date. It occurs in none of the Huntingdonshire 
fines before the year 16 Ed. IV', but it can be found in the fines 



« Thns John BandaU, doctor of laws (p. 178), William Halls, doeior of 
divinity (p. 214). A person is desoribed as '*in medioinis doctor*' in a London 
fine of Trinity term 21 Eliz. 

* p. 124. • p. 100. 7 p. 102. 
' W. J. Hardy and W. Page, Calendar of feet offtnee, p. 164. 

• p. 112. 



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XXX INTRODUCTION. 

of other couDties early in the reign of Hen. VI*. At first the 
xlescription was written in English, but this was for a short 
time only, and the English ^'gentilman" soon* gave place to the 
Latin "generosus." The word "esquire" on the other hand 
never appeared^n English in fines, being always represented 
by the Latin ''armiger/' Both esquire and gentleman were aaed 
somewhat capriciously. A man may be called an esquire in 
one fine and have no word of description after his name in 
another, but when once he had been described as esquire, he j 

was never afterwards called gentleman. I 

Neither the profession of a barrister nor that of an attorney 
was recognized as such in fines, but it would seem that in 
Tudor times barristers were usually described as esquires and 
attorneys as gentlemen. This want of professional recognition 
was'not peculiar to fines. Wc may notice it in other documents, 
as well official as unofficial. A recently published catalogue of 
charters, indentures and other instruments of assurance, now 
in the Public Record Office, contains descriptions of 4S0S 
documents, nearly all of which are of an earlier date than the" 
year 1600'; yet there is not one person mentioned in the 
volume who is described as a barrister or an attorney. On the 
other hand a large number of cases can be cited in which 
persons who are known to have been barristers and attorneys 
have been described as esquires and gentlemen respectively. 
Thus Lincoln's Inn with its gardens was assured to eighteen of 
its members (all of them masters of its bench) by a fine of the 
year 1581 in which each of them is described as an esquire*. 
Similarly in a charter of the year 1583 seventeen barristers of 
the Society of Grey's Inn are described as esquires and in the 
same document the principal and six members of StapleMnn, 
who were probably attorneys and certainly not barristers, are 

1 The earliest mention of **gentilman" in the Middlesex fines is in 
9 Hen. VI (Hardy and Page, Calendar, p. 187); and in the Sumy fines 
20 Hen. VI (F. B. Lewis, Pedes Finium, Surrey, p. 186). 

' DeecripHve Catalogue of Ancient Deeds, Vol. iv. The index to this volnme 
contains among other nsef ol lists one of occupations. John Taxlej a serjeant-at- 
law is herexAlled *< legis-peritas." In Tndor fines Serjeants are often desesibed as 
** seruientes ad legem/' which was their proper legal description (infra, 128, 126). 

' G. J. Tomer, LincoMi Inn, p. 81. 



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INTRODUCTION. XXXI 

described as gentlemen \ The Indexes of Wills proved in the 
Prerogative Court of Canterbury also show that gentleman was 
the usual description applied to members of the Inns of 
Chancery, the Societies of which consisted of clerks, attorneys, 
solicitors and other persons concerned in the practice of the 
law. It must be remembered, however, that all members of 
the Inns of Court are not barristers and that as late as the 
seventeenth century many of them were attorneys. 

In many documents the word "yoman" is used as a 
description of persons, but in fines it seldom occurs. The 
explanation is that the word was not, as is frequently asserted, 
applied to the small freeholder, but to tenants at will or for 
terms of years. In early times it was applied to servants of a 
certain standing without reference to land, the relation between 
a master and his yeoman being one of contract and not of 
tenure. Thus we have yeoman of the guard, yeoman of the 
leash, and yeoman in the Inns of Court. The word was, no 
doubt, used of farmers because they cultivated lands under 
leases as the bailiffs of their masters. The theory that yeomen 
were freeholders is not supported by evidence either direct or 
indirect. Freehold interests only could be passed by a fine; 
and when we meet with a person who is described in such a 
document as a yeoman, and this is very rarely the case, we may 
assume that the description is given by virtue of some other 
relation than the ownership of the land which the document 
comprises. Again the word husbandman, which frequently 
occurs in other documents, very seldom occurs in fines. The 
reason is that the husbandman like the yeoman was not a 
freeholder. He was, as his name suggest-s, a bondman or 
copyholder, and the interest of a copyholder was not one which 
could be assured by a fine in the Common Bench. 

The word heir was sometimes used to denote an heir 
apparent. Thus John Dunhed and Robert Dunhed, who is 
described as the son and heir of John Dunhed, were the de- 
forciants in a fine which was levied in 15 Hen. VP. In another 

1 B. J. Fletcher, The Pennon Book of Grays Inn, i, p. 5S. See also Ihidem, 
p. 246. 
* p. 106. 



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XXXll INTRODUCTION. 

fine levied in 6 Ed. YI William Beale and Margaret his wife 
and Thomas Beale the son and heir of the said William Beale 
were deforciants\ The word heiress was for long used instead 
of coheiress. It was not until the year 24 Eliz. that we read of 
a coheiress in the Huntingdonshire fines. The latter also supply 
a good illustration of the word heiress being applied to each 
one of several coheiresses. Mary, the wife of John BoUand, one 
of the heiresses of Henry Grauntofb, was a party to a fine of 
34 Hen. VIII*. But in the following year, three ladies, whose 
Christian names were Anne, Ellen, and Margaret, were described 
in another fine as daughters and heiresses of the same Henry 
Grauntoft* 

^ p. ISO. Coheirs are mentioned in a Middlesex fine of Easter term 
8 Edw. VL 

« p. 131. 

' p. 182. It should be noticed that the property whioh passed by the first of 
these fines is described as being in Fennystanton, while that whioh passed by 
the second is described as being in Fennystanton and Hylton. 



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PART IL THE PROPERTY COMPRISED IN FINES. 

(a) Acreage. 

In a case which was specially considered by four eminent 
judges in 38 Elizabeth, Sir John Popham, Chief Justice of the 
Queen's Bench, remarked that larger quantities of land were 
often inserted in fines than were intended to pass by them^ 
Many people who have noticed the same undoubted fact regard 
the descriptions of property occurring in fines as deceptive 
and doubt the utility of printing them in Calendars. But Sir 
John Popham's remark, though made of a fine levied some 
sixty years earlier, was not intended to apply to every period of 
English history; and it will be a matter of some interest to 
ascertain how far it is true of fines of the fifteenth and earlier 
centuries. 

For a long time a fine had been looked upon as but one of 
a pair of instruments for transferring property^ The other 
instrument was in early times a charter of feoffment, but in 
Tudor times either a charter or an indenture the nature and 
form of which varied according to the state of the law. But 
whereas in the indenture the property could be described in 
our modern fashion by boundaries and abuttals ; in the fine it 
could only be described by its acreage and quality. If more 

^ ThiB WM Kellie's Cmo, whieh should properly be known as Eellyow'e Oaee. 
It was reported by the Ohief Jostiee himself in Popham*t ReporU (p. 104). 
The judge's words were, *' alwaies more land is comprised then men have or is 
intended to pass." The fine which gave rise to this case was a Ck>mi8h one 
lefied in Mich, term 25 Hen. VIII between William Eellyow, pUintifF, and Peter 
Dawnant as deforciant. The reference to it is Ftet of Fines, Bundle 5, File 24. 

' Precise authority cannot be given for this statement. It is based on a 
very large nmnber of cases on the plea rolls in whiclT both instruments are 
mentioned. 



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XXXIV INTRODUCTION. 

property was comprised in the fine than was described in the 
deed the courts held that as much property only as was 
described in the deed should pass by the fine. When, there- 
fore, it was necessary that all the property comprised in the 
deed should pass by the fine, there could be no objection to 
inserting in it, by way of precaution, a larger number of acres 
than were mentioned in the deed. 

Before the Tudor period. of our history no great difference 
has been noticed between the acreage in fines and in their 
corresponding charters of feofiment. Yet we read of hundreds 
of acres much more frequently than we should expect, if the 
numbers described accurately the quantity of property which 
really passed. Even in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries 
we may notice a tendency to express quantities of land in 
round numbers of acres by words, such as carucates and 
virgates, which denoted a definite number of acres. There is 
no reason however for supposing that at that time people 
intended the word virgate or carucate to pass fewer acres than 
those words then denoted. The explanation of the use of round 
numbers is a matter of economic rather than legal history. 

In the middle ages the greater part of England was 
cultivated on the common field system. Large fields were 
divided into smaller tracts of arable land called in Latin 
culturae, and in English by various names, such as shots, 
furlongs, and flats ^ The shots were aggregates of rectangular 
strips of arable land lying side by side and being about a 
furlong in length, and either two or four rods in breadth. In 
some places the strips were separated from each other by mere 
ridges, in others by narrow strips of turf called balks. No 
general statement can be made about the size of the fields or 
of the shots. Some were large, others were small, and there 
were often both large and small shots in the same field. An 
excellent description of the six common fields in the Hertford- 

1 For the word <' flat " as the traoalation of " onltara " see Pnbl. of SurUet 
Soeietff, vol. 96, pp. 119, 122, 18S. On p. 18 below, I have foUowed the practioe 
of some of the staff of the Public Becord Office and translated it as ** tillage." 
In the ** Bnglish Begister of Oseney Abbey *' written in the fifteenth centoiy it 
is translated as «* telfhe " {Publ, of Early EnglUh Text Society, O.S., voL 188, 
pp. S2, 118). 



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iirrRODUCTiON. xxrv 

shire manor of Hitcbin will be found in Mr Seebohm's English 
Village GommtinityK Other common fields can be studied in 
the ancient maps of certain estates belonging to some of the 
Oxford Colleges which were reproduced in the year 1888 by 
the late Mr J. L. 0. Mowat*. A better idea of the agricultural 
system of the middle ages can be obtained from studyii^^ 
particular fields than finom many pages of description of the 
system in general. 

If all the strips in a field were exactly one furlong in 
length, they would each contain either an acre or half an acre 
of land, according as they were four or two rods in breadth. 
But the strips were seldom of the same length even when they 
were in the same shot This was because the boundaries of 
the shots upon which the strips abutted were seldom parallel 
straight lines. They followed the formation of the land or the 
boundaries of other shots, so that the strips at one end of the 
shot were sometimes longer than those at the other ; and those 
in the middle were sometimes shorter than those at either of 
its ends. In other words the strip which was exactly a furlong 
in length was the standard only to which the other strips 
conformed, so far as the natural features of the land or even 
mere convenience of arrangement would permit. Nevertheless 
all the strips were generally called either acres or half acres, 
and this although most of the acre strips contained rather 
more or rather less than an acre, and most of the half acre 
strips n&ther more or rather less than half an acre. 

It was a feature of the common field system that adjacent 
acre strips belonged as a rule to different persons. The modem 
form-house, with its ploughed fields, meadows and pasture lands 
lying compactly around it, was unknown in the counties where 
the common field system prevailed. An owner of thirty acres 
of arable land would hold sixty half-acre strips, each one lying 
apart from the others, some in one shot, some in another. Perhaps 
he would also hold a few strips of meadow, for there were shots 
as well of meadow as of arable land. His several pasture, if 
any, lay outside the common fields and its shape was usually 

^ A fourth edition of this work was published in 1890. 

' The maps were reprodnoed by collotype proeess by the Clarendon Press. 



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XXXVl INTBODUCTION. 

irregular. It may be objected that the strips just described 
were held by villains at the will of their lords, or by enfran- 
chised villains, and that in certain districts at least the land of 
the lord lay apart from that of the villains. This is true ; but 
it is also likely that the lord's land was itself divided into 
strips, in order that his villains might cultivate it without the 
necessity of its being annually measured. 

Now when men held arable land in scattered strips, they 
seem to have bought and sold it by particular numbers of acres. 
Just as to-day we buy divers commodities by the dozen, so 
they bought, sold, and reckoned acres by the score. It was a 
natural incident of the agricultural system, that some multiple 
should be used in reckoning the acreage of scattered strips, and 
twenty happened to be more convenient than any other. In 
the middle ages it was impossible to measure land with modem 
precision. No class of professional surveyors equipped with 
accurate instruments of mensuration and versed in trigono- 
metrical methods then existed. Men had to content themselves 
with counting their strips and forming the best estimate they 
could of the number of customary acres which they contained. 
Too little attention has hitherto been paid to these custom- 
ary acres. Throughout England an acre normally denoted in 
the middle ages a customary acre, which was in some places 
smaller, and in others larger, than a statutory acre. These 
customary acres should not be confused with the acre strips or 
reputed acres. It is not to be supposed that when a man is said 
to have held twenty acres he held precisely twenty acre strips or 
forty half-acre strips. There were no doubt many shots in which 
the strips deviated but little from the customary size; but 
there were certainly others (for ancient maps leave us in no 
doubt on the point) in which all the strips were never intended 
to approximate to either customary acres or customary half 
acres. Owing to the natural features of the soil it would often 
have been an impossibility to divide a manor into strips which 
were even approximately equal to one another in length ; and 
piked acres, gore acres, and strips of various and irregular sizes 
are found everywhere. Care was probably taken that the strips 
shouljl be of the same breadth so that it would be possible to 



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INTRODUCTION. XXXVU 

form a fair estimate of the size of a number of them by measur- 
ing their lengths The size of the gores, pikes, and other 
irregularly shaped pieces could only be estimated approxi- 
mately. 

The practice of measuring land by scores of acres was 
certainly not peculiar to the makers of finea It may be 
noticed in all the proceedings in the Common Bench, and in 
the inquisitions post mortem of the middle ages. In the 
thirteenth century it is less noticeable than in the fifteenth, 
because quantities of land were usually described by hides, 
carucates, and virgates, and not by acres. One of the reasons 
which may perhaps account for this practice is that no 
qualification of the word acre was allowed in writs, and an 
acre in the middle ages seems to have been taken to mean 
a customary acre*. Consequently the insertion of a round 
number somewhat larger than the number of customary acres 
intended to pass became usual, so as to ensure the desired 
number passing in case the size of the customary acre had been 
misconceived. 

At first sight it appears strange that some more precise 
system of describing lands was not adopted in fines, writs, and 
even charters of feoffment ; but the explanation is simple. In 
the case of a feofiinent the property passed by livery of seisin 
and the charter was only evidence of the transaction. That is 
to say, land was transferred by delivery of possession, and not 
by the grant of a charter. By degrees symbolical delivery 
supplanted actual delivery, and it then became more and more 
necessary to insert accurate descriptions of property in charters 
of feoffment. In the case of a fine on the other hand there was 
ordinarily a second instrument of transfer, a charter, in which 
the fine had its origin ; and livery of seisin was given with the 
charter. The rigid practice of the courts of law prevented any 
alteration of the forms of description in fines and recoveries 
which, unlike charters of feoffment, were official documents. 

1 The eostomary acre is diaoassed more fally in a later section. 

> As to this see the case of Floyd t. BethiU heard in the King's Bench in 
ICichaehnas tenn, U James I (RoUe't Reports, i, 420), also the case of Waddy y. 
NewUm heaid in the same conrt in Trinity Term^ 10 Geo. I (Thomas Leach, 
Modem BeporU, vol. vm, p. 276, case 187). 



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xxxvm nrrBODUcnoN. 

Tracts of pasture, wood, furze and heath, moor and marsh 
were not occupied in strips or even in rectangular plots. They 
were of all sizes and shapes. Nevertheless they are usually 
enumerated in fines by multiples of twenty. This was probably 
because land other than arable land was measured not by 
yards or poles, but by furlongs. The measures were not 
precise. A wood was taken to be so many furlongs in length 
and so many in breadth, and its shape was not considered. 
As a square furlong contains exactly ten acres it follows that 
all land which is measured in this way will contain multiples 
of ten acres. 

An important feature of Tudor fines must here be noticed. 
It is quite evident that the same property was sometimes 
enumerated twice under different heads. Thus Lincoln's Inn 
and its gardens were described in a fine of 20 January, 1581, 
as a messuage and a garden, and six acres of land in the 
parishes of St Dunstan in the West, St Andrew, Holbom, 
and St Giles in the Fields, in the county of Middlesex ; and a 
messuage and a garden and six acres of land in the parish of 
St Dunstan in the West, and St Andrew, Holbom, in the 
county of London ^ As a matter of fact it was only intended 
to transfer one messuage, one garden, and some six acres of land. 
The double description was inserted by way of precaution 
because the parishes of St Dunstan and St Andrew were 
situate partly within the liberties of the cj^ty of London and 
partly in the county of Middlesex*. A fine such as this last 
one should put us on our guard against assuming that where 
property is described as situate in two or more places the 
description is necessarily accurate. When it was desired to 
pass by fine property in one hamlet, it might be thought desir- 
able to describe it as lying in that and one or more adjacent 
hamlets. In days when boundaries of small hamlets were not 
well recognized this was often a wise precaution. This practice 
was carried so far that the same place was sometimes described 
by two different names as though it were two different places. 

1 G. J. Turner, Lincoln's Inn, p. 81. 

' A Hnntiiigdonahire fine whieh professes to oomprise lands in Peterboron^ 
whioh is }vm% over the border of the county should be noticed (p. 309). Other 
similar cases might be cited. 



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INTRODTJCnOW. XXXIX 

For instance Orton Waterfield, Overton Waterfield, and Cherry 
Oiton were ail names of a village in the county of Huntingdon ; 
yet in one fine we have land described as being in Overton Water- 
field, Orton Waterfield, otherwise Cheriorton, and in another fine 
as in Overton Waterfeld, Orton Waterfeld, and Cherye Orton*. 

As names of places were repeated by way of precaution, 
we may suspect also that the quality of land was not always 
correctly described and that a single parcel of land was some- 
times described under two different heads. The three principal 
kinds of land which were mentioned in fines were terra, arable 
land, pastara^ pasture, and prtttum^ meadow. Occasionally by 
reason of change of cultivation it must have been doubtful 
under which of these classes a certain parcel of land should be 
described. In such a case it was easy to ensure safety by 
making use of both descriptions. If the property or part of it 
failed to pass under the one it would safely pass under the 
other. Thus when we have a fine of so many acres of land, so 
many acres of meadow, and so many acres of pasture, we may 
sometimes discover from other sources that some part of the 
property has been enumerated twice. It is probable that 
the double enumeration was often adopted in the case of 
pasture ; some of or all of which might be described in the 
same fine as meadow, furze and heath, iampna, et bruera, or 
even wood. 

Although in ei^rly fines the word terra meant arable land, 
it is evident that towards the close of the fifteenth century it 
was often used of building land in the neighbourhood of a 
town. For instance the si^ acres of land which passed by the 
fine of Lincoln's Inn just mentioned were not acres of arable 
land, but simply the site of the Inn and its gardens. In this 
fine we have also a good example of a double enumeration of 
some of the parcels. At an early date the whole estate would 
probably have passed by the word mesmoffium, but certainly 
by the words messuagium and gardinum. By way, however, 
of precaution six acres of land were inserted in the fine, and 
these six acres included both the messuage and the garden 
already enumerated. 

1 Infra, pp* 1^* ^^ ; o<- ^o* ^^^' P- ^^^• 



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xl INTRODTJCnON. 

Now it may be contended that if we cannot tell with any 
certainty what passed by a fine it is unnecessary to print full 
particulars of the property which it professes to comprise. To 
many people, no doubt, a calendar of fines is of utility so far 
only as it supplies a collection of dates, and of names of places 
and persons ; but to others it can supply useful information on 
various matters of legal history. To a careful biographer a 
clear understanding of the purpose and effect of a legal instru- 
ment such as a fine is especially necessary; and indeed it is 
almost a matter of general historical interest to ascertain when 
the practice, which caused some uncertainty about what passed 
by a fine, first arose and how far it prevailed. Unfortunately 
until we have compared a large number of fines with their 
corresponding charters of feoffment we can form no very 
positive conclusions about the practice. The comparison is by 
no means easy, because charters of feoffment are private instru- 
ments and are seldom officially enrolled; but it is rendered 
less difficult by the aid of calendars of fines in which the 
parcels are stated fully. 

Even if a fine is expressed to pass a larger number of acres 
than was actually the case, full particulars of the property it 
comprises are useful as giving a general idea of its magnitude. 
No fine could pass a larger quantity of land than that which is 
expressed in it; and there is no reason for thinking that the 
number of acres of arable land (whatever may have been the 
case with land of other qualities), was with any frequency 
grossly exaggerated, though instances of considerable exaggera- 
tion may be occasionally adduced. It should be noticed that 
there are numerous instances in which fines were levied at 
different times of the same property by precisely the same 
description. Thus a fine of the year 22 Hen. YII, and another 
of the following year, each comprised the manors of Toseland, 
Gilling, and Paxton, and six hundred acres of land, one hundred 
acres of meadow, three hundred acres of pasture, one hundred 
acres of wood, and six pounds of rent in Toseland, Qilling, and 
Paxton\ In 30 Hen. VIII a fine was levied of the manor of 
Great Gransden, and of twenty messuages, three hundred and 

» p. 117. 



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INTRODUCTION. xli 

ninety acres of land, two hundred acres of meadow, one hundred 
acres of pasture, thirty acres of wood, and forty shillings of rent 
in Great Gransden, Hardwick, and "Leycoote*." Five years 
later a fine was levied of the same property by the same 
description, but between different parties*. In 37 Eliz. and 
39 Eliz. fines were levied of the manor of Waresley and of six 
messuages, six gardens, six orchards, one hundred and sixty 
acres of land, ten acres of meadow, thirty acres of pasture 
twelve acres of wood, six acres of fiirze and heath, and common 
of pasture for all manner of cattle in Waresley*. It may be 
objected that these are instances of fines which were levied 
by the same description after short intervals of time ; but an 
instance can be found in this Calendar of the same description 
being used after an interval of twenty-seven years. In 9 Eliz. 
a fine comprised the manor of Medlowe, and two messuages, 
two cottages, four tofts, two dovehouses, a watermill, two 
gardens, two orchards, two hundred acres of land, two hundred 
acres of meadow, seven hundred acres of pasture, four hundred 
acres of wood, three hundred acres of marsh, and ten shillings 
of rent in Medlowe and Mulsowe^ In 36 Eliz. the manor and 
lands of various kinds were assured by a fine by precisely the 
same detailed description'; the only difference between the 
quantity of property comprised in the two fines being that the 
earlier fine comprised ten shillings of rent, and the later 
seventeen pounds three shillings and four pence. There are 
also numerous cases in which the change of description is very 
slight^ as for example in the following fines : 

23 Eliz, 44 Eliz, 

of the manor of Stewkley called of the manor of Camoyes ; and 

Camoys manor, and of twelve mes- of twelve messuages, eight tofts, a 

suages, ttoelve cottoffes, eight tofts, windmill, four dovehouses, twelve 

a windmill, four dovehouses, twelve gardens, three himdred acres of 

gardens, tvfdve orcharcUy five hun- land, sixty acres of meadow, three 

dred acres of land, sixty acres of hundred acres of pasture, forty 

meadow, three hundred acres of acres of wood, one hundred acres of 

^ p. 129. Leyooote has not been identified, 
s p. 183. s pp. 207, 218. 

« p. 157. The property paased by precisely the same words in 82 Eliz. 
(p. 197). » p. 206. 

C. A, 8. Octavo Seriez. XXXVU. d 



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ilii iNTRODtrcrnoN. 

pasture^ forty acres of wood, one furze and heath, twenty aoies of 

hundred acres of fiirze and heath, marsh, and common of pasture for 

twenty acres of marsh, and common all manner of cattle in Stewkley 

of pasture for all manner of cattle Msigna'. 
in Stewkley Magna ^ 

Apart from the acreage of the arable land the only difference 
between the parcels in the two fin^ is that the first contains 
twelve cottages and twelve orchards which are omitted in the 
second. It is almost certain that we have in the first of these 
fines a case of repetition, the twelve messuages being identical 
with the twelve cottages; and the twelve gardens with the 
twelve orchards. 

We may notice similar small variations in the two following 
fines : 

37 Hvn^ VIIL 2 and Z Philip and Mary. 

of the manor of Woodwalton of the manor of Woodwalton 

and of twenty messuages, twenty and of twenty messuages, twenty 
tofts, two hundred acres of land, cottages, twenty tofts, two hundred 
one hundred acres of meadow, acres of land, one hundred acres 
two himdred acres of pasture, of meadow, two hundred acres of 
twenty acres of wood, and forty ^panture, Jive hundred a4!res of marehy 
shillings of rent in Woodwalton 3. forty acres of wood, five hundred 

acres of furte and heath, and forty 
shillings of rent in Woodwalton ^ 

As it is known from the cases just cited and from many 
others that property often passed by precisely the same detailed 
descriptions after intervals of many years, it must be admitted 
that full descriptions in Calendars of fines are of considerable 
practical utility. They assist materially in tracing the devolu- 
tion of particular estates. They certainly have the appearance 
of carefully prepared estimates. But even though they some- 
times contained more land than was actually transferred, and 
even if a certain amount of repetition under different heads 
may here and there be noticed, they yet seem to be sufficiently 

» p. 178. « p. 226. » p. 136. 

^ p. 148. Fines were also leyied of this manor in 1 May (p. 144) and 2 A 8 
Philip and Mary (p. 146). The property comprised in these fines is described 
by the same words in both of them ; bat the desoripiion is different from that 
in the two fines mentioned above. 



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INTRODUCTION. xliil 

accurate to throw light on economic histoiy. When a few more 
Calendars have been published with foil descriptions of the 
parcels it will be easier to ineasure their accuracy, to ascertain 
the practice according to which they were compiled, and to say 
what kind of economic deductions may safely be drawn from 
them. 

(6) The Manor. 

It is idle to attempt to frame a definition of the word 
manor which will suit every period of English histoiy. In the 
eighteenth century a manor consisted of demesne lands, be- 
longing to its lord, freehold and copyhold lands belonging to 
his tenants, and waste lands over which both lord and tenants 
enjoyed various rights. On the lord's demesnes there was 
visually a mansion; and he held there certain courts of a 
strictly limited jurisdiction over the manorial tenants. Four 
centuries earlier the lands within a manor might be classified 
in the same way except that the copyhold lands were then 
called villainages, and were held for the most part by villains 
instead of by freemen. In both the fourteenth and the 
eighteenth centuries the chief features of the manor were 
the same, but in the one it was still in process of growth 
and in the other it had been decaying for many generations. 
The agrarian services of the tenants have now long since been 
commuted into pecuniary payments; and the courts which 
were once living realities have almost ceased to exist save for 
the performance of the merest formalities. In this note I shall 
not. attempt to trace the growth and decay of the manorial 
system ; but shall concern myself only with showing what light 
a Calendar of fines can throw upon the manor as a subject of 
conveyance. 

Three hundred and thirty-one Huntingdonshire. fines were 
levied before the year 9 Ed. I. Of these two only are stated 
expressly to have comprised manors^ In the year 9 Ed. I five 
fines were levied of lands in the county of Huntingdon, of 
which two were of manors^ In 14 Ed. I as many as five 
manors were comprised in a single fine'; and four other fines 
1 pp. 10, 28 • p. 89. » p. 48, 

d2 



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xUv INTRODUCTION. 

were levied of manors in the same county before the year 
28 Ed. I, the last regnal year of the thirteenth century. This 
absence of manors may be noticed in the fines of other counties 
in the reign of Hen. III. For example in the first twenty 
years of that reign there were eight hundred and sixteen fines 
relating exclusively to property in the county of Lincoln, and 
of these five only comprised manors*. As similar results may 
be obtained by examining the fines of other counties, it may 
be said that fines of manors, which were undoubtedly common 
in the fourteenth century, were rare in the thirteenth century ; 
and more especially so in the reigns of John and Hen. III. 
These facts point to the word manor not having been in 
extensive use as a word of conveyance in the early part of the 
thirteenth century. Nevertheless, the existence of the manor 
at this period as an economic institution is beyond all doubt, 
and probably the chief reason why it is so seldom mentioned 
in early fines is that manors then usually passed under the 
description of so many knight's fees in the places where they 
were situate. 

Next we may observe that in the reign of Hen. VIII many 
fines were levied of Huntingdonshire manors, but in every case 
they include in addition to manors other property, such as 
messuages, lands, meadows, and pastures; some of them also 
included rents, rights of common, and advowsons of churches 
and chapels. It was just the same with fines of manors in the 
reign of Hen. VII; among the Huntingdonshire fines of that 
reign there is one only in which a manor is mentioned without 
other property. If, however, we go back to the reign of Ed. Ill 
we find that a manor was often the only property comprised in 
a fine. Where there was other property it was never land of any . 
description, but always either rent or an advowson of a church 
or chapel. There is no instance among the Huntingdonshire 

1 Lincolnshire Records^ Abstracts of Final Concords (1896), vol. i. The feet 
of all the fines now at the Pablic Beoord Office levied in the reigns of Hen. II 
and Bic. I (except those relating to lands in Norfolk and a few printed by the 
Beoord Commission in 1836 and 1844) have been printed by the Pipe Boll 
Society. Very few manors are mentioned in these fines, which are over 900 in 
number. The following instances, however, may be noticed :^vol. 17, pp. 66, 
154, and vol 24, p. 105. 



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INTRODUCTION. xlv 

fines of the reign of Ed. HE in which messuages, lands, 
meadows, pastures, or woods are comprised in the same fine as 
a manor. Apparently a fine of a manor was considered to pass 
its demesne lands until towards the end of the fifteenth century. 
Thereafter it was the practice in levying a fine of a manor to 
insert by way of precaution full particulars of its demesne 
lands. It seems certain that in Tudor days the things, for the 
passing of which men relied upon the word manor, were not 
the demesne lands, but the lord's mansion, his rights over his 
freehold and copyhold tenants and their lands, and various 
judicial rights which had become annexed to his demesne by 
encroachment, prescription, or express grant. The only excep- 
tionsy are view of frank pledge, which is occasionally, and 
common of pasture, which is often, mentioned in Tudor fines. 

From these observations it seems to follow that in the 
middle ages the chief part of a manor, the part which that word 
especially described, was the lord's mansion. The word was 
also understood to include his incorporeal rights over his 
tenants, whether judicial or agrarian; but these rights were 
strictly speaking appurtenances of the mansion. Primarily a 
rural mansion with appurtenant rights over its lord's tenants, 
the manor of the middle ages, was little more than another 
name for the old English ''hall." The lord's court was in many 
places called by the English term Halimote or Hall Gemote ; 
instead of the Latin Curia manerii. There are also innumerable 
passages in our public records which show that a manor was 
primarily a building of some sort. In the Huntingdonshire 
fines we read of the manor or grange of Myddelho. Apparently 
the lord had no mansion at Medlowe, and the draftsman of the 
fine hesitated about the correct description of the lord's head- 
quarters^. His hesitation was quite exceptional ; for there is 
no other instance of a grange in these fines. It had been the 
property of the Cistercian abbey of Warden in Bedfordshire, 
so that it would not be surprising if it contained no mansion*. 
Again, in the year 34 Eliz. a fine was levied of the site of the 

» p. 129. 

' The manor of Medlowe is more than once mentioned snbseqnent in this 
Calendar, pp. 157, 197, 206. 



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xlri INTRODUC3TION. 

manor of Gaynes Hall^; firom which it is evident that the drafts- 
man considered a manor as primarily a hall or a mansion. A 
little later, however, this cautious description was ieibapdoned. 
In 41 Eliz. we meet with a fine of the manor of Qaynes ; &nd 
in the following year with another of the manor of Gaynes, 
otherwise Gaynes Hall*. 

It need scarcely be said that a manor was not merely a' 
mansion or grange ; but the mansion of a lord who had under 
him agricultural tenants. Tet so firmly was the idea that a 
manor was primarily a mansion fixed in the minds of English 
lawyers, that they sometimes used it of mansions which were 
certainly not manors. Thus an inquisition mpost mortem of 
13 August, 1397, mientions the manor of Holborn, which can 
be shown to be nothing more than the town house and gardens 
which Henry de Lacy, earl of Lincoln, purchased firom the 
Friars Preachers in 1286. The eari had another mansion and 
grounds within the walls of the City of London, which is called 
a manor in a charter granted by one of his own tenants : 

totum ius et clamium meum quod habui seu aliquo modo habere potui 
in una domo in duas shoppas diuisa infra procinctum mcmerii dicti 
Gomitis in iBinongereslane quod quidem manerium quondam fiiit'... 

Similariy in a charter dated 6 May 1513, Clement's Inn, near 
the church of St Clement's Danes, is described as a manor*. In 
point of fact it was at this date a collection of chambers 
occupied by a society of lawyers, and in all probability had 
never been the mansion of the lord of an agricultural property. 
For some three centuries it has been an established doctrine 
of English lawyers that there can be no manor without a court 
baron; and no court baron without two or more ireehold 
tenants holding of the manor. If by forfeiture, merger, or 
otherwise there ceased to be two freeholders the manor ceased 
to exist, and became merely a manor by reputation. In the 
middle ages there was no such distinction between a manor 
and a reputed manor ; nor was a court baron the distinguishing 

1 p. 202. » pp. 216, 219. 

' Ancient Deedsy Duchy of LancMter, No. 146. This charter vas granted 
within one year of Michaelmas, 1802. 
* Add. MS,, Br. lfi«., 6521, fol. 5 v«. 



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iNTRODHcrnoN. xlvii 

feature of the institntion; According to another doctrine of 
modem lawyers, no manor could be created after the year 
1280, when the statute Quia Emptores put. an end to subin- 
feudation ; for without an enfeoffment of two or more freehold 
tenants there could be no new court baron; and consequently no 
new manor. Here, again, we have a doctrine with which the 
middle ages were unacquainted. New manors had, no doubt, 
from time to time come into being before the year 1280 ; but 
there is not the smallest reason for supposing that they were 
normally the product of subinfeudation; still less that their 
birth was arrested by the statute of Quia Emptores. 

Let us leave these doctrines on one side for a moment and 
turn to modem legal facts. We most frequently hear of 
manors in conjunction with copyhold lands. Every copyhold is 
parcel of a manor ; it is held of a lord by copy of court roll 
according to the custom of his manor. Perhaps there may be 
no freeholders and therefore no court baron; so that the manor 
is now classified as a reputed manor. It matters nothing to 
the copyholder; his tenure is independent of the . freeholder. 
The copyholders have always been a more conspicuous feature 
of a manor than the freeholders. In their villain days theirs 
was the more numerous class; theirs were the more valuable 
services. To-day the manorial freeholder is rare; the copy^ 
holder still abounds.. To-day the word manor suggests beyond 
all things an idea of copyholders who hold of a lord. The 
mediaeval idea of the manor as a mansion has gone ; it has 
given place to an idea of lordship. 

This idea of lordship has some antiquity. Under the Tudor 
kings we meet with the phrase manerium sine dominiwra. 
There were copyholders, it would seem, who held of lords with. 
no rural mansions. Some lawyers doubting whether lords of 
this sort could properly be said to possess manors, made use of 
the word dominium. The king's chirographer was never per- 
suaded to use it; and dominium is not a word which occurs 
in fines. The chirographer retained the old word mmierium 
though it gradually began to convey a somewhat different 
idea. 

Now when once we accept the manor as in early days being 



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xlviii IKTRODUCTIOIS. 

primarily a mansion, and at a later date as being primarily 
a seignory, all difiBculty about the growth and creation of new 
manors disappeara We have a state of society in which there 
were mansions everywhere and land tilled by villains every- 
where. If the lord of an undoubted manor sold a portion of 
his lands and part of his seignory over the villains or copy- 
holders, the purchaser would on building a mansion acquire 
a lordship which if not a manor according to modern leg^ 
doctrioe, was at least one in popular estimation. Modem 
lawyers might class it as a reputed manor if the purchaser had 
not acquired the seignory over two or more freehold tenants, 
and consequently could not hold a court baron ; but a reputed 
manor was not a known phrase in the middle ages, and a 
manor was the name by which the newly acquired property 
would be known. 

These new manors, if created after the statute of Quia 
Emptores, might have no free tenants and no court baron. Tet 
it is by no means certain that all court barons are older than 
the statute. A court like many other institutions may have an 
unlawful origin. In the thirteenth century lords of manors 
were hard at work encroaching on the royal prerogative. They 
held fairs and markets without royal charter; they made 
warrens at their pleasure ; and they usurped franchises of every 
kind and description. Hen. Ill and Ed. I tried to protect 
their rights by Quo Warranto proceedings ; the lords were still 
encroaching in the reign of Ed. III. In such a state of affairs 
it is not likely that any mere technical objection would prevent 
a fourteenth century lord who had no freehold tenants from 
holding a court baron if he wished. In the new court his 
tenants might sue one another, and they would no longer be 
bound to resort for that purpose, perhaps at some inconvenience, 
to the courts of the hundred and the county. If the lord after 
the statute of Quia Emptores could not on enfeoffing a tenant 
lawfully reserve suit of court, he might unlawfully enforce it 
nevertheless. He might also enfranchise a villain and compel 
him to act as a free suitor of a new court baron^ He might 

^ According to modem decisioiiB, however, suit of court conld not be reserved 
on the enfranchisement of a copyholder (Doe d, Reay v. Huntington, 4 East's 



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INTRODUCTION. xllX 

even bring two freehold tenants from some other manor of 
which he was lord to enable him to hold a court on his new 
manor. 

In my own view a court baron having the jurisdiction 
to be described presently has never been, of necessity, incident 
to a manor. Wherever there was a lord of whom villains 
held there must have been a customary court in which matters 
relating to their tenements were settled ^ It was administrative 
rather than judicial in character; and may with some con- 
venience be called a tenurial court Its sole judge was the 
lord's steward. If there were freeholders of the manor, courts 
may sometimes have been held in which pleas relating to 
their lands were heard. Of this court the freeholders them- 
selves were the judges, and its business related solely to their 
lands. This court had no separate sessions and its pleas 
were recorded on the same roll as those of the customary 
court. The lord's court when sitting for this business was 
a court baron strictly so called, and the villains were not 
concerned with it. So far, we have one court in two divisions, 
a court of pleas of land for the freeholders, and a customary 
court for the villains. If the number of freeholders was 
small, the work of the freehold division must often have been 
insignificant, as pleas of land would seldom arise. Indeed it 
was already in the thirteenth century quite usual for a lord to 
release his court so that a plea relating to lands held of him 
might be heard in the king's court But in many manors the 
lords held other pleas in their courts, such as debt, covenant, 
and trespass, that is to say pleas in various personal actions. 
Here the villains as well as the freeholders might sue and be 
sued with — so it is generally said — the freeholders as judges ; 
and this is the sort of court baron which I contend was not of 
necessity incident to a manor. 

Beports, p. 298). The decision, however, in the case oited is not consistent 
^th the state of the law disclosed in a 14th century case {Year Books, 
49 Edw. in, p. 7, case 12). 

^ The nature of the customary court can best be gathered from the tract 
printed in the sixteenth century called Modtu tenendi curiam baronU. It is 
probable that emancipated yillains in the middle ages owed suit to this court 
and were subject to its jurisdiction with respect to their tenements. 



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1 ' nn'RODUCTION. 

But is there any real evidence that in early times the lords 
of manors normally held court harons with jurisdiction in debt 
covenant and trespass ? If they did so the local judiciary in 
England must have olBfered a very irregular appearance ; for 
there were very many manors in the west of England where 
there were no freeholders and therefore no such courts. Can 
it be supposed that a lord of a manor could lawfully acquire 
an entiriely new jurisdiction by granting two or more tenants 
small parcels of freehold land ? Very strong evidence is needed 
to show that such a state of affairs actually prevailed. 

Speaking generally, pleas of debt, covenant, and trespass 
formed the staple business of the hundred courts. The magnates^ 
of England, earls, barons, and great ecclesiastics, seem to have 
exercised precisely the same jurisdiction in the courts of their 
honours and baronies, together with the criminal jurisdiction 
which went with view of frankpledge. In other words they 
held what were virtually hundred courts for their own tenants. 
These were true court barons in which freeholders were 
judges. 

Now it would have been an easy step from holding a court 
baron with view of frankpledge in the chief manor of a barony 
or honour to holding one on each of the demesne manors of the 
same barony. When once such a court was established in a 
demesne manor it would pass with the manor to a purchaser. 
Thus courts baron with full jurisdiction might pass into the 
hands of lords of manors who were not magnates; and what 
one lord enjoyed by the just title of assignment, another might 
usurp with much plausibility. If these usurping lords set 
up courts of their own with their freeholders as judges they 
inay have benefited themselves and encroached somewhat on 
the courts of the hundred, but they were at least supplying 
a public want in English rural life. Moreover it is far from 

1 The following words in the ordinance issaed by Hen. Ill oonoeming local 
courts should be noticed : — 

tarn hundreda et wapenthakia quam curie magnatnm Anglie solebant 
teneri de quindena in quindenam. 
Nothing is said of manorial courts and the lord of a manor would not in general 
be described aa a magnate. Annalei Monattiei (No. 86 in the BolLi Series), 
Yol. m, p. 140. 



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INTB0DUC3TI0N. H 

Certain that courts baron with jurisdiction in d6bt covenant 
stnd trespass, even when established without the royal authority, 
were always illegal. Many hundred courts were in private 
hands, and if the lord of such a hundred chose to allow the 
establishment of a manorial court with all the jurisdiction 
of his own hundred, no infringement of the king's rights 
thereby occurred. Similarly if a sheriflF farming a hundred 
at a fixed rent permitted the establishment of a court with 
hundredal jurisdiction the kings rights were not aflFected 
during the sheriff's year of oflSce ; nor is it likely that succeed- 
ing sheriffs would object to the new court, provided thaft its 
lord made in return for the privilege of holding it a satisfactory 
annual payment. In other words a manorial court might arise 
either by grant of the lord of a hundred or by the demise of a 
sheriff. 

Lastly it should be observed that there is no evidence that 
pleas of debt covenant and trespass were ever held by a lord 
who had not also view of frankpledge. No charter granting 
such jurisdiction has ever yet been produced, and no court rolls 
baVe been noticed in which it has been exercised by a lord not 
entitled to his view. In short, to all appearance a court baron 
for personal actions was an appurtenance of a view of frank- 
pledge or ^ court leet as the view was sometimes called. As 
a court leet was certainly no necessary incident of a manor, we 
may assume also th£it an appurtenant court baron was no such 
incident. 

Dismissing then the idea that a court except in matters of 
tenure was an essential feature of a manor, let us now return 
to the latter institution in the county of Huntingdon. Here 
we find signs, though perhaps not unmistakeable signs, that 
new manors were coming into being after the date of the 
statute of Quia Emptores. 

When in the early years of the fourteenth century manors 
first occur with frequency in fines, in this county they almost 
always take their names from large and populous villages. It 
is unnecessary to discuss here the nature and origin of the 
medieval villa, for the villages to which I refer are unmis- 
takeable. For the most part their names occur in the Domesday 



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lii INTRODUCnOK. 

Survey and in lists of ancient parish churches. I give now 
the names of the manors mentioned in the Huntingdonshire 
fines of the reign of Edward II: ' 

Everton Old Hurst 

OflFord Darcy Grafham 

Little Gidding Connington (twice) 

Buckworth Hamerton 

Hemingford Turbervile Coppingford 

Arlesey* Washingley 

Gransden Botolph Bridge 
Folksworth. 

In the fifteenth century some of these and other manors 
which take their names from large villages occur as before, 
but another class also becomes very common. It consists of 
manors which take their names from their owners. We may 
notice among the Huntingdonshire fines of this century the 
following : 

the manor of Sawtry called Moigne Manoir, and the 

manors of Raveley, Gidding, Luddington, and 

Rowey ; 
the manor of Moles worth called Lyndeseys", 
the manor of Beaumeya ; 

the manors of Prestley and Nokea in Great Stukeley ; 
the manor of Abbotts Ripton called Rusahebyes manei* ; 
the manor of Abbotsley called ScotUsmaner] 
the manors of Bugden called Bretones maner in 

Bugden, Bechamstede called Beaufoes maner, 

and Croftes maner ; 
the manors of -ftToa?, Prestley, Claryfax, Deyves, and 

Beauchampstede ; 
the manor of Vesse ; 
the manor of Clarevatix in Great Gidding, the manor 

of Clarevaux in Lutton,and the manor of Clarevaux 

in Rowey. 

1 Arlesey, however, was really in the eonnty of Bedford. (See p. 65 below.) 

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INTRODUCTION. llil 

During the same period we may notice an increase in 
manors which take their names from small villages and 
hamlets. There is also a large apparent increase in manors 
in the following century, but this may in part be explained 
by the dissolution of the monasteries. Manors which had 
remained for centuries in the hands of ecclesiastical corporations, 
now passed into lay hands and became the subject of convey- 
ance. No doubt in some measure the increase in the fourteenth 
and fifteenth centuries in the number of manors is due to the 
change of terminology already noticed. The word manor from 
having denoted*before all things the lord's mansion house, was 
now beginning to denote his seignory ; so that small properties 
to which it had at one time been considered inapplicable, were 
now beginning to be described as manors. This explanation 
•must not be pressed too far. Owing to the black death, 
casualties in war, and the growing wealth of the trading classes, 
land was constantly changing hands. Everywhere new estates 
were being formed. Men were building great houses and 
gathering together seignories. They may or may not have 
held courts baron ; but their new estates were called manors, 
and they seem to have differed from the older manors, great 
and small, in no essential particular. 

So far we have been concerned with the division of pro- 
perties and the consequent origin of new manors. The opposite 
process, that is to say the consolidation of manors, may also be 
noticed in fines. If the lord of a manor bought an adjoining 
manor, it was easy for him to treat it as an agrarian whole ; 
and there was no difficulty in recording the business of the 
courts of his two manors on the same rolls. Thus what had 
formerly been two manors might sometimes be known by the 
name of the greater of the two instead of by those of both of 
them. The Huntingdonshire fines supply more than one 
instance of this consolidation of manors. We have already 
seen that in 22 Hen. YII and again in 23 Hen. VII fines were 
levied of the manors of Toseland, Yelling, and Paxton. In 
20 Hen. YIII a fine was levied of these same manors and also 
of the manor of Hemmingford. The only difference between 
the acreage of the property comprised in the two first fines and 



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liv .INTRODUCmON. 

tde third fine is that the two former contained three hundred 
and twenty-two, and the latter six hundred acres of pasture. 
The parcels of the third fine are also stated to lie in Toseland^ 
Yelling, Hemmingford, and Faxton, instead of Toseland, Yelliu^, 
and Paxton. It may be that a small manor consisting of three 
hundred acres of pasture and the seignory of a few copyholds 
had by this time been added to the other three manors ; or it 
may be that the three manors of the earlier fines were con- 
sidered at the date of the later fine to have been more propierly 
described not as three .but as four manors. In the absence of 
further evidence, it would be rash to express an opinion on thib 
point. Whatever may have been the truth about it, we may 
notice that by a fine of the year 32 Hen. VIII the manor of 
Toseland only was assured ; but the other parcels were, with 
one small exception, the same as in the fine of 20 Hen. VIIL 
Remembering that at this time it was the practice to give the 
full acreage of the demesne lands of manors, there can be no 
reasouable doubt that what had been described in 20 HeiL VIII 
as the manors of Toseland, Yelling, Heinmingford, and Paxton, 
were intended to pass in 32 Hen. VIII under the descriptioii 
of the manor of Toseland. Similarly the manor of Qaynes 
mentioned in a fine of 41 Eliz. is almost certainly the same 
property as the manors of Gaynes Hall, otherwise Giynes, 
Perrye, and Dellington, mentioned in a fine of the year 
following* 

Enough has already been said to show that some useful 
information may be derived from Calendars of fines about the 
history of the manor as an institution. It must not be 
assumed, however, that the history is the same in all parts of 
England; and other Calendars will probably yield highly 
interesting results. 

(c) Buildings and their appurtenances. 

Certain words only could be used in fines to describe 
particular kinds of property. For instance the words domtta 
and edificium, though constantly used in the middle ages, 
Were considered out of place in fines. If it were intended 



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INTRODUCTION. W 

that buildings should be expressly mentioned in a fine there 
were appropriate words by which they could be described, such 
SB mesmMffium, toftum, moUndinum and coUagium. Others 
which were used less often were columbare, shoppa, selda, 
gtabulum and horreum. 

Land and buildings were also considered to stand towards 
one another in a special relation, which is characteristic of 
the point of view of the mediaeval lawyer. In these days 
when we wish to convey a house, we convey the land on 
which it stands, and the house passes with the land. It is 
true we usually add to the description of the land, some such 
phrase as "Together with the messuage or dwelling house 
thereon erected and known *as, &c.../' But the additional 
words are unnecessary and we insert them chiefly for the 
purpose of aiding in the identification of the property. 
During the greater part of the middle ages the lawyers held 
a different view of the relation and a different practice ob- 
tained When it was intended to assure a housec by a fine, 
no mention was made of the land on which the house stood. 
It was sufficient to describe the house by an appropriate 
word such as messuagium, toftvm, or cottagium. The land on 
which it stood was considered to be part and parcel of the 
house; lands which stood around it and were occupied with 
it such as gardens, orchards and small crofts were considered 
appurtenances. 

It must be understood, however, that it was only the 
gardens, orchards and small crofts which stood around a 
dwelling house which passed under the word messuagium. 
It was always necessary to mention arable land except when 
it passed under the word manerium. Indeed a conveyance 
of arable land in the thirteenth century would pass not only 
a house but also the meadows and pastures which pertained 
thereto. In the acknowledgement of a fine of twelve acres 
of land levied in the year 53 Hen. Ill these words are expressly 
mentioned : 

reoognouit predictam terrain cum pertinenciis, ut in dorninicis 
capitali mesBuagio pratis pasturis uiis aeruitis capicim et omnibus 
aliis rebus ad prediotam terram pertinentibus. 



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Ivi INTRODUCTION. 

In the arrangement of the particular words of description 
under which alone property could be transferred by fine we 
may see an instance of the rigid formatism of English Law. 
It gradually became a settled rule that the different kinds of 
property, which might be comprised in fines must be stated in 
a certain order. Thus manors must always be written before 
buildings; buildings and their appurtenances before lands; 
and lands of different kinds before incorporeal rights over 
land. These rules were not peculiar to fines. They were 
derived from the Chancery where they were applied to all 
original writs. They were only applied to fines because, as 
will be explained presently, an original writ was the neceasaiy 
foundation for such instrument.- 

Some time in the reign of Edward III it had been established 
that the order of the words should be as follows^ : 

messuagium, toftum, molendinum, columbare, gardinum, terra, 
prata, pastura, boscus, bruera, mora, iuncaria, mariscus, alnetum, 
piscari% redditus, sectare priora^. 

The words coUagium, shoppa, selda, stahulum and horreum 
are not found in the list ; probably because at the time when 
it was compiled the different kinds of property which they 
denoted were seldom mentioned in writs. They were, no doubt, 
considered as particular forms or as mere appurtenances of 
other forms of property. 

The most general word used to describe buildings was the 
Latin messuagium, which is represented by the English " mes- 
suage." Its primary meaning was a dwelling house, either in 
the country or io a borough, of such a size as would be fitting 
for the occupation of a freeholder or free burgess. Sometimes, 
no doubt, it was applied to the other kinds of buildings, which 
we are about to consider, such as tofts, mills and cottages. 
Sometimes, too, the word was qualified, for in many docu- 
ments the manor house or residence of a land-owner is styled 
a "capitale messuagium," to distinguish it from other messuages 
on his estate. Next in importance to the messuage came the 
toft. Sir Henry Spelman, who published a glossary of law 

> See Liber atsisarumt p. 46, case 9. 

^ The worcU ** sectare priora" are probably corrupt. 



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INTRODUCTION. Ivii 

terms in the year 1626 declared^ (apparently on the authority 
of a Year Book of Edward IV*) that a toft was the site of 
a messuage. Other writers have adopted his definition without 
adducing any further evidence in its support. Tet there can 
be little doubt that the passage on which Sir Henry Spelman 
relied is misleading. The mere fact that tofts were always 
placed in writs between messuages and mills shows that a 
toft was some kind of building. Various passages in which 
the word occurs point to the same conclusion. In an extent 
of the borough of Pontefract made on 28 July 1258, we read : 

luratores dicunt quod quatuor-decies uiginti tofta et due partes 
unius tofti sunt in burgo Pontis Fracti; de quibus decern et octo 
tofba stant uacua et nullum seruicium faciunt domino ^ 

Here the word uacua evidently refers to houses and not to 
lands. 

Again, instances can be cited in which cottages are described 
as tofts. Thus in an inquisition held in the first year of Edward 
on the death of Peter de Brus, we read : 

''In ootagiis: — Quinque tofta ualent x soL" 

But it must not be assumed that a cottage and a tofb were 
different names for the same thing. Usually a tofb was a house 
occupied by the tenant of a bovate or virgate of land, the former 
of which contained some fifteen and the latter some thirty acres 
of arable land. Passages such as : 

Haldanus cum ima bouata terre et tofto suo^ 

are frequently found in fines. The house, which was occupied 
by the tenant of as much land as this, must have been some- 

^ Glossarium Archaiologicuntf Edition 16S7, p. 540. 

' The statement in the Year Book (21 Ed. IV, p. 52, case 15) is as follows: 

Et metme la temps Fairfax dit qe est nal divers entre domnm et messna- 
ginm. Et toftnm est ceo on wne meason ad efte, & ore est nul mes le scite 
del meason appert. Cnrtilaginm est nne soile on nn gardein appurtenant a nne 
measonete. 

It should be noticed that Fairfax was not a justice of the Common Bench, 
where fines were levied, but of the King's Bench, and that his statement is no 
part of a judicial decision. 

» C. Hen. m. File 21 (13). 

* Publicatuma of the Pipe Roll Society, vol. xx, p. 117. 

C. A. 8. Oetaoo Series. XXXYn. 6 

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Iviii INTRODUCTION. 

thing larger than a cottage. It would seem that just as the 
word messuagium might be applied to buildings which were 
smaller than the normal messuage, so the word tqftum or tojia 
(for both forms occur) was sometimes applied to a mere cottage 
though it normally denoted something larger. If the owners of 
a toft possessed no virgate or bovate, he usually held a croft or 
some other small piece of land adjoining his house. As one out 
of innumerable illustrations of this, the following entry in the 
Hundred Rolls may be noticed. 

Idem comes habet in eadem uilla xzii thofbarios quorum quilibet 
eonim tenet unam thoftam cum crofta adiacente et faciet in omnibus 
operibus sicut predicti qiiinque bondi^. 

Sometimes the word tq/ia describes both the house and 
its adjacent croft. Such statements as the following occur 
frequently in mediaeval inquisitions: 

Omnes isti croftarii prenominati quilibet eorum tenet unam toftam 
que continet dimidiam acram'. 

I. M. tenet unam toftam que continet i acram et ix acras terre et 
prati in campis'. 

But if the evidence of usage goes to show that the messuag^e, 
the toft and the cottage were the names of the three chief 
classes into which dwelling houses were divided, there can be 
little doubt that the distinction between the classes was deter- 
mined by no rigid rule. A cottage was meaner than a toft, 
and a toft less grand than a messuage, but the same house 
might perhaps have been classified as a messuage, a toft and 
a cottage by three diflFerent observers. 

We have seen that the Tudor lawyers, doubtful whether the 
word manerium could be trusted to pass the lord's demesnes, 
began to insert the acreage of manors in their fines by way 
of precaution^ Their doubts also extended to the capacity 
of the words messuagium, toftum, cottagium as terms of con- 
veyance. It became usual to mention the adjoining croft«s, 
gardens and orchards which had formerly passed as appur- 
tenances. Frequently they described the same property by 
two or more words of conveyance. Thus in a fine a messuage 

1 Botuli Hundredorum, n, 501. ^ Ibidem, n, 458. 

» Ibidem, n,.459. * p. jjxm above. 



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INTRODUCTION. lix 

was often described as one messuage, one toft; a toft or a 
cottage as one messuage, one toft, one cottage; a garden, as 
one garden, one orchard. A fine of forty messuages, twenty 
cottages, sixty tofts, sixty gardens, sixty orchards, suggests 
that some sixty houses were conveyed of which some twenty 
were undoubted cottages. The sixty tofts are mentioned in 
case the description of some of the houses as messuages or 
cottages should be considered incorrect. It is also unlikely 
that each of the sixty houses had both a garden and an 
orchard, but the fine was so worded that it might pass any 
garden or orchard occupied with any of the houses. In genei-al 
it is impossible to say what number of houses and gardens and 
orchards were actually the subject of conveyance by fine. The 
important rule of construction which the reader must remember 
is that disjunctive conjunctions were not allowed in fines. It 
was contrary to the rules of the court that a fine should be 
levied of a messuage or toft ; that is why, in cases of doubt, a 
single house was often described as one messuage one toft 

In Elizabethan fines gardens are very frequently coupled 
with messuages, while orchards are coupled with tofts and 
cottages. A garden, it would seem, was considered to be a 
superior subject of property to an orchard, and it was for this 
reason that gardens are always mentioned before orchards in 
fines. Crofts which were often adjacent to tofts in the 
thirteenth century are seldom mentioned in the fines of the 
Tudor period. Probably when cultivated by the spade they 
were called gardens or orchards, and when ploughed or used for 
hay or pasture they were described as arable land, meadow or 
pasture as the case might be. 

The only other buildings which occur at all frequently 
in fines are dovehouses. The earliest fine in which such a 
building is mentioned in this collection is of the year 11 
Hen. VI. 

1 p. 105 below. 



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Ix INTRODUCTION. 



(d) HideB and VirgateB. 

In writs, and therefore in fines, arable land was described 
as land without any qualifying adjective. Sometimes it was 
measured by acres and roods, sometimes by hides, car ucates, 
virgates or bovates and sometimes by pounds, shillings and 
pence. Passing by acres and roods, which have already been 
discussed in these notes, we may next consider the hide. The 
subject is a highly technical one, and if we are to arrive at any 
conclusions about it, we must go back to very early days, when 
fines of land were yet unknown. 

In early charters the English word hide is sometimes repre- 
sented by the Latin terra unius familiae, but more often by 
mansa or cdsaatus^. In these charters grants of five, ten, fifteen 
and various multiples of five hides occur frequently, though 
not to the exclusion of other numbers ; but fractions of a hide 
other than a half are rarely found. The chai-ters usually con- 
clude with a statement of the boundaries of the property 
granted, so that the hide, mansa or casaatus was not an 
aggregate of strips in the open field, but a definite tract of 
land with natural boundaries. Moreover the hide was not 
associated to the acre in early grants. There are no charters 
in which the boundaries of a certain number of hides and a 
certain number of acres are described, the descriptions being 
always those of hides only. On the other hand, the charters 
standing by themselves support none of the explanations of the 
word hide which have been accepted by our leading historians. 
In particular there is no series of early charters which suggests 
that the hide was deemed to contain 120 acres, nor that it was 
as much land as might be ploughed in one year by a team of 
eight oxen, nor that it was as much land as would support 
one family. The wants of the "familia" or household varied 
according to the wealth of its master, and there is no reason 
for supposing that the land of one household necessarily meant 

^ As to the meftning of these words hide, mama and eotMtiK, see 
F. W. Maitland's Domesday Book and Beyond, John Earle's Handbook to 
Land Charters, pp. 457 — 461. 



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INTRODUCTION. Ixi 

that quantity of land which was just sufficient to supply it 
with grain. The words ''terra unius familiae" resemble the 
"feodum unius militis" of a later date, which certainly never 
denoted the precise quantity of land which was sufficient to 
supply one knight or his household with the necessities of 
life. A fee, in so far as in early days it may have denoted 
a measure of land, implies an arbitrarily chosen quantity; 
the quantity which was deemed necessary for the support of 
a member of a particular class of society in a suitable state 
of dignity. It never denoted the quantity of land which 
was required to supply the actual wants of the household 
of a knight. If then the "feodum unius militis" was no 
mere measure of economic necessity, there is no reason for 
assuming that the hide or "terra unius familiae" was such. 
Without any abuse of language we may take the hide or land 
of one family to mean the unit of allotment at the time when 
the district iu which it lay was first settled. In the following 
pages an attempt will be made to explain the nature of this 
unit. 

In Domesday Book the hide is used primarily as a measure 
of assessment. When it states that there are a certain number 
of hides in a place it means that that place was credited at 
the Elxcbequer with that number and paid geld accordingly. 
A document, known as the County Hidage and compiled as 
I think in the reign of Alfred, gives the hidage of a group of 
our midland counties^ The hidage of each county is a multiple 
of one hundred and the multiple is in several cases the same 
as the number of territorial hundreds in the county. For 
example, it gives 1200 hides to Worcestershire which con- 
tained 12 territorial hundreds. It also gives 1200 hides to 
Bedfordshire, and, though the facts are not quite so clear, there 
appear to have been 12 territorial hundreds in that county at 
the date of the Domesday survey. 

In many counties the number of hides given in the County 
Hidage agrees with the number recorded in Domesday, but 
there are some cases in which the number is very different. 

1 Domuday Book and Beyond, p. 466. See also p. Izziii below. Dr Lieber- 
mann attributes this document to the eleventh oentury (Leyeu Anglorum, p. 7). 



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Ixii INTKODUCTION. 

To Northamptonshire the County Hidage gives 3200 hides ; 
Domesday Book, however, according to the late Professor 
Maitland's reckoning, will not give it half that number. For- 
tunately we have a document which will help us in our search 
for order and method. It is the Northamptonshire Geld BoU^ 
compiled between 1075 and 1086. From this we learn that 
the county once contained 22 hundreds which can be shown 
to be normal hundreds of 100 hides each, two double hundreds 
of 200 hides each, and four districts each of which contained 
150 hides and may be called triple half-hundreds. In other 
words, just as in Worcestershire, so in Northamptonshire there 
were as many territorial hundreds as there were hundreds of 
hides. The Geld Roll, however, shows that at the time of its 
compilation some of the Northamptonshire hundreds contained 
less than 100 hides. Nine of the normal hundreds contained 
precisely 100 hides, and each of the four triple half-hundreds 
contained 150 hides. On the other hand, one of the double 
hundreds contained 160 hides and the other 109 hides. More- 
over four normal hundreds contained 62 hides, one 47 hides and 
the i-est various multiples of 10 hides. The reason for this 
want of symmetry is not hard to explain. It will be found 
that each of the 15 hundreds which lay outside the forest 
of Rockingham was assessed at exactly 100 hides, while the 
15 hundreds within the forest were together assessed, not at 
1500 but at 1000 hides, which obviously means that the 
assessment of the forest hundreds had been reduced by one- 
third*. We have now accounted for 30 out of the 32 hundreds 
of Northampton. The remaining two hundreds lay across the 
Welland, and formed part of Rutland. They were assessed at 
80 hides each. It is probable that they originally contained 

^ For its text see EUis's General Introduction to Domesday Book, i, 184. 
See also J. H. Boand's Feudal England, p. 163, and F. W. Maitland's Domesday 
and Beyond, p. 457. 

* I am taking the boundaries of the forest to have been as they were in the 
reign of Hen. III. There is no good reason for believing that they were 
enlarged by the Angevin kings ; and they may have been the same when the 
Geld Boll was compiled. See Selden Society Publications, vol. zin, pp. xciii — 
cvi. Probably parts of some of the 15 hundreds mentioned above lay outside 
the forest. 



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INTRODUCTION, Ixiii 

100 hides, and it is possible that their assessment was reduced 
on account of the afforestation or partial afforestation of the 
county. 

The reduction of the assessment of the forest hundreds of 
Northamptonshire was not made at the same rate in each 
hundred. One hundred for instance which lay in the heart 
of the forest was assessed at 47 hides: two others were 
between them assessed at 100 hides; and a group of four 
hundreds were assessed at 62 hides each. On investigation 
it will be found that the assessments were lightest in those 
parts of the forest which suffered most from its afforestation. 
In the face of these facts it is impossible to doubt that each 
of the hundreds of Northamptonshire was originally assessed at 
100 hides, and that the assessment in the forest hundreds was 
not reduced until the forest of Rockingham was formed. Thus 
in three counties of the group mentioned in the County EQdage 
there were as many territorial hundreds as there were hundreds 
of hides. It is a legitimate inference that this was also the 
case in the other counties of the group, in all but a few of 
which the number of territorial hundreds agrees approximately 
with the number of hundreds of hides given to it by the County 
Hidage. Cambridgeshire is the chief exception, Domesday Book 
gives it 17 hundreds and some 1320 hides, whereas the County 
Hidage says that it contained 2500 hides. Mr W. J. Corbett^ 
has calculated the number of hides in the different hundreds of 
this county, and his figures suggest that the boundaries of some 
of them had been altered since they were first settled. When 
we find that the adjoining hundreds of Papworth and North 
Stow contained 97^ and 112^ hides respectively, or 200 hides 
in all, we may suspect that each of these adjoining hundreds 
once contained 100 hides. Again Fiendish, Chilford and 
Thriplow contained 56, 54 and 90 hides respectively, so that 
we have some reason for thinking that Chilford and Fiendish 
were half-hundreds and originally contained 50 hides each'. Two 

^ See hifl paper on " The Tribal Hidage " in the Tratuaetumi of the Royal 
Historical Society, vol zzv, p. 187. 

' Possibly the ten hides of Fiendish and Chilford which are in excess of 
100 should be attributed to some other hundred than Thriplow. 



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Ixiv INTRODUCTION. 

other of the Domesday hundreds also contained 50 hides each, 
namely Cheveley and Staine. It may therefore be said with 
some justification that four of the seventeen hundreds of 
Cambridgeshire were really half-hundreds and represent two 
full hundreds only. Of the thirteen remaining hundreds the 
two at the north of the county, which belonged to the Abbot 
of Ely, contained 80 hides in all, and the other eleven hundreds 
contained between them 1040 hides. It reqtiires no great 
effort of imagination to believe that Cambridgeshire originally 
contained fifteen hundreds of 100 hides each, and that the 1500 
hides were reduced to 1320 by some act of grace as yet unex- 
plained. If this were so there can be no doubt that the 2500 
hides assigned to Cambridgeshire in the County Hidage is a 
clerical error for 1500 hides ^ 

There is abundant evidence, which need not be recited here, 
that the Exchequer authorities reckoned 120 acres of arable 
land to the hide. But these acres as already explained were 
acres of assessment and not actual acres. If for instance 
Domesday Book says that in a certain place there are forty 
acres of land, and one hide, it means not that the owner or lord 
of the place held 160 real acres, but that he paid geld for that 
number. But the mere &ct that these hides of assessment are 
in many cases expressly called hidae ad gddum show that the 
word hide could be used as a measure of land*. And as there 
is not likely to have been a difference between the ratio of the 
hide of assessment to the acre of assessment and the ratio of 
the hide of measurement to the acre of measurement, we may 
assume that the hide of measurement normally contained 120 
acres of land. But if we lay stress on the difference between 
the hide of assessment and the hide of measurement, we ought 
to be the more careful to use the word assessment with caution. 
When we say that a place is assessed at so many hides, we mean 

^ Mr H. M. Ghadwiok, however, has snggested that the Cambridgeshire of 
the Goantj Hidage indaded a larger area than the Cambridgeshire of later 
days, possibly part of Hertfordshire {Studies on Anglo-Saxon ImUtutiom, 
p. 215). 

' It was also nsed oocasionally as a measure of wood and pastors in 
Domesday Book. Sir Henry Ellis cites instances on fo. 104 of the first Tolome. 
See his Qenerdl Introduction^ i, 149. 



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INTRODUCTION. IxV 

that the Exchequer authorities credited it with that number 
of hides whether it contained them or not. But assessments 
may be of two kinds, the historical and arbitrary. By an 
historical assessment I mean that a place assessed at so 
many hides once actually contained that number of hides of 
measurement; by an arbitrary assessment I mean that the 
number attributed to it was not the historical assessment ; but 
either a purely arbitrary number or the just proportion of an 
arbitrary assessment cast upon the whole hundred. The assess- 
ment of those hundreds of Northamptonshire which lay outside 
the forest of Rockingham may have been wholly or partly 
historical; but the assessments of the hundreds within the 
forest must of necessity have been arbitrary. 

These historical hides, these hides which I maintain were 
originally hides of measurement, must normally represent the 
same hides which I have described as hides of settlement, the 
mansa or cassatus of the charters. But here a distinction 
must be made. The early hides of the charters have natural 
boundaries, whereas the hide of a later age in so far as it is 
used as a measure is except very occasionally used solely of 
arable land. The distinction is one of conveyance. The early 
settlers measured their estates by the arable land which they 
comprised, but stated their boundaries in their charters by way 
of precaution. Their descendants and successors were as a rule 
content to state the quantity of their arable land and to leave 
meadow, pasture, wood, furze and heath to pass as appurtenances. 

At this point a theory may be noticed which has played an 
important part in recent historical research. Mr J. H. Round 
has emphasised the fact that in many of the counties of England 
the number of hides in a Domesday ttilla is always or nearly 
always a multiple of five\ The fact, which has been so well 
established by him as to need no further demonstration, may 
be illustrated by the particulars of the hundred of Longstow 
in Cambridgeshire, which are given on another page*. 

From a consideration of this arrangement of the vills 
Mr Round has proceeded to argue that the hundred was 

^ Feudal England, p. 44. 
' See p. Ixxix below. 



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Ixvi INTBODUCTION. 

the actual basis of assessments A certain number of hides, 
usually a hundred, was cast upon the territorial hundred, and 
distributed among the vills in multiples of five. This view- 
has met with general acceptance, and it is not to be lightly 
criticised. It implies, however, that the hide was from the 
first a measure of arbitrary assessment, and this is not very 
easy to believe without reservation. Let us make a com- 
parison. If a king of England had wished to raise money by 
a tax on windows, can we believe that he would have insisted 
on each territorial hundred being deemed to contain some 
arbitrarily chosen number of windows? He might have 
insisted that each hundred should always pay for some definite 
number, but that number would have been determined in the 
first instance by enquiry. As with the window so with the 
hide. Can we believe that when the king first imposed a tax 
of two shillings a hide he insisted that certain existing admini- 
strative divisions should be deemed to contain one hundred 
hides or households ? Is it not very much easier to believe that 
he imposed a tax of two shillings a hide on a district which was 
so bounded that it contained one hundred hides and that the 
district was permanently charged with a tax on that number ? 
For the present we must leave the hide for a while in order 
that we may consider the virgate. 

For purposes of assessment the hide was divided into four 
parts called virgates, and consequently the virgate of assessment 
contained precisely 30 acres of assessment of arable land. We 
are now however concerned not with the Domesday virgate of 
assessment but with the territorial virgate of a later age. 

In the thirteenth century a virgate or **yardland" denoted a 
collection of half-acre strips of arable land lying in the open 
fields and held by a villain or uirgataritis. The number of strips 
varied, but subject to what will be said presently it may be 
taken to have been normally 60. The villains cultivated the 
demesnes of lords of manors in accordance with customary 
regulations which varied from manor to manor. They were 

^ Feudal England^ p. 63. This page, however, must be read in oonjonotion 
with Mr Bound's <* General Oondasions *' on the subject in the same book 
(pp. 91—98). 



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INTRODUCTION. Ixvii 

then — whatever they may have been before the Norman con- 
quest — adscripti terrae, and the jurists classified them as unfree 
persons. In many manors there were also villains who held 
half-virgates and were sometimes called semi-uirgatarii^ or half- 
virgaters. In these cases, so it would seem, certain of the shots 
or furlongs into which the open fields were divided were them- 
selves divided into half-acre strips for the virgaters, while other 
shots or furlongs were divided into quarter-acre strips for the 
half-virgaters. There was a third class of villains who held 
a quarter of a virgate each, or a ferling as it was often called, 
but the ferling' is seldom found in the midland or eastern 
counties^ 

In most manors in which the virgate is found some of the 
villains held whole virgates. In some manors however there 
were no whole virgates and the largest villain tenements were 
half-virgates of 15 acres or thereabouts. In rentals and surveys 
of the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries these tenements 
were accurately described as half-virgates; but it is not unlikely 
that in earlier days they were in some localities called virgates 
just as if they had been full virgates containing 30 acres or 
thereabouts. And just as the largest villain tenements were 
here and there of half the normal size, so in certain localities 
there were probably virgates of yet other dimensions. Useful 
statistics on this point have not as yet been collected; but 
certain tables of measures compiled in the middle ages say that 
five virgates make a hide. As by this time the hide was 
generally considered to contain 120 acres, it would seem that 
there were localities in which the virgate normally contained 
not 30 but 24 acres ; but many other explanations are possible. 
In any case we shall do well to think of the virgate as the 

^ For "flemi-airgatarii/' see Minister's Accounts^ Bandle 76S, No. 27; also 
Cartulary of Eynsham, vol. n, pp. 20, 21, 63. A tenant holding a quarter of a 
yirgate might be called ** qnatronarius " {ibidem^ p. 24). 

' The ferlings are called nokes in some of the western counties. 

* In some of the manors belonging to the dean and chapter of St Panics 
Cathedral there is a class of tenants caUed ** hydarii" each of whom held a hide 
of land. In many important respects the senrioes which they rendered were 
similar to those rendered by the Yillains. The **hydarii," however, are an 
exceptional class of tenants, found in a few manors only. 



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Ixviii INTBODUCTION. 

tenemeDt of the highest class of villain, rather than as a 
tenement containing a definite number of acres^ 

But if the normal virgate of the thirteenth century con- 
tained 30 acres, there can be no doubt that its size then varied 
considerably. So great is the variation that if we had no 
knowledge of Domesday Book, some of us, considering the 
thirteenth century evidence alone, might be inclined to say 
that the virgate normally contained many more acres than 30, 
and others many fewer. Probably there was more uniformity 
in earlier days, probably the virgates of one and the same 
locality contained the same or very nearly the same number of 
acres. Tenure in villainage was already dying when we are 
first able to learn some of its details from the court rolls and 
custumals of the thirteenth century. Uniformity is then ob- 
viously on the wane. What, however, we know as an undoubted 
fact is this, that the virgate of assessment in most localites 
contained neither more nor less than 30 acres. We can 
scarcely therefore doubt that the territorial virgate in the 
greater part of those same localities at one time normally 
contained 30 acres also. Let us go back to that early but 
uncertain date, and seek an explanation of the word virgate. 
The simplest is that the virgate is a holding measured by the 
uirga or yard. From time to time the agricultural arrange- 
ments of a village would need revision, and in the course of 
revision the holdings would be redistributed. Then the land 
would once more be measured by the yard, and the strips would 
be allotted to the villains in succession. In the earliest days 
this redistribution was probably an annual event. The holdings 
thus periodically measured by the yard or uirga came to be 
called virgates. But another explanation has been offered 
which is not to be ignored. The word uirgata is known to 
have been sometimes applied to the rood, or quarter of an acre, 
the reason for this being that a rood was one " rod " or uirga in 

1 If mediaeval statiBtioians were accustomed to think of a virgato as always 
containing 80 acres, they might, when they found that in some looaUties 144 
acres were reckoned to the hide, have assumed that these hides contained ap- 
proximately 5 virgates of 30 acres each, whereas in aU probability the temtorial 
virgate in these localities actuaUy contained 36 customary acres. 



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INTRODUCTION. Ixix 

breadth and 40 in length. If then we take the hide to have 
consisted of 120 acre strips, one rood from each of these acre 
strips will give 120 roods or 30 acres. Hence we have the 
explanation that the term virgate has been transferred from 
the rood or virgate proper to a collection of roods^ If the 
virgate normally consisted of 120 strips, each of which contained 
a rood, this reasoning would be convincing ; but unfortunately 
the evidence we have seems to suggest that the virgate con- 
tained not 120 but 60 strips, each of which contained, not one 
rood, but half an acre. It is a simpler and probably a more 
correct explanation that the virgate was the customary holding 
of a villain, and that it was called a virgate because it was 
measured by the yard or u%rga\ 

The history of the hide and the virgate is inseparably 
associated to that of the manor, about which many and con- 
flicting opinions have been held. The great historian Frederic 
Seebohm contends that the manorial system, under which the 
demesnes of the lord were cultivated by the labour of his 
villains, dates from the Roman occupation. Some of his 
arguments in support of his contention have been refuted but 
his general proposition, though vigorously assailed, has not as 
yet been disproved. It seems to me to afiford the surest basis 
of any for the early history of our institutions, and on that 
supposition I now proceed to give a brief account of the settle- 
ment of England, and the establishment of the county, the 
hundred and the tithing. Without this account it will be 
difficult to explain the hide. 

First of all three features of the hide and the virgate must 
be kept in view : (I) the hide is the terra univs familiae, 
and therefore is likely to have been the land originally allotted 

^ Domeiday Book and Beyond, p. 885. 

' Mr jr. H. Bound snggested, bat with diffidence, that the word virgate first 
applied to a quarter of an acre, acquired the sense of "quarter" which when 
onoe established might be transferred to the quarter of a hide. (Feudal England, 
p. 108.) It should be remembered, however, that the word ** uirgata *' was not 
used to describe the typical holding of a peasant in Kent ; and that the same 
word was seldom used outside that county to describe a rood or quarter-acre. 
It must also be observed that the word '* uirga " was seldom used in the 
middle ages as the equivalent of **perticay Its ordinary meaning was "yard.'' 



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Ixx INTEODUCTION. 

to one of the Teutonic settlers ; (2) the virgate is the typical 
tenement of the villain throughout a large part of England, 
and throughout the middle ages is at least as prominent as 
a tenement as it ever was as a unit of assessment; (3) the 
hide is also the equivalent of four virgates. 

Mr Seebohm's theory of the Roman origin of the manor 
may now be supplemented by the tentative suggestion that 
in the normal village the Roman lord held one-fiflh of the 
arable land as his demesne. Sixteen peasants holding sixteen 
virgates between them would on this supposition have cultivated 
a demesne containing as much arable as four virgates. The 
Teutonic invaders allowed the peasants to hold their lands, but 
allotted the demesnes to men of their own race, taking the 
land of four peasants as the unit of the allotment. Thus each 
settler received one hide in demesne and obtained an agrarian 
supremacy over sixteen peasants who together held four hides 
in some form of serfdom. 

If England had been divided i^to manors containing five 
hides each, of which one hide was held in demesne and the rest 
in villainage, its settlement would have been a simple matter. 
But such a state of things is not to be conceived. It may 
indeed be that during the Roman occupation there was more 
uniformity in our island than at any time afterwards; and 
perhaps in those far-oflf days five-hided manors were common, 
perhaps very common. Even so there must have been many 
manors containing a number of hides, which was neither five 
nor a multiple of five. We can only suppose that in such cases 
the share of a settler was allotted partly in one village and 
partly in another. Suppose for example one manor contained 
12 virgates in villainage and three-quarters of a hide in 
demesne. Here a settler would need four virgates in villainage 
and a quarter of a hide in demesne to complete his due share 
of the conquered lands. These would be granted him in another 
village which contained 20 virgates in villainage and a hide and 
a quarter in demesne. All this may be called mere speculation. 
It claims to be no more, for we are in the region of speculation; 
but if some such arrangements, as have here been tentatively 
suggested, actually existed they would have foreshadowed the 



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INTRODUCTION. Ixxi 

five-hided arrangements which we find at a later date. They 
would also have foreshadowed — but this is a small matter — 
a later feature of English institutional history, the repre- 
sentation of a village by four men and the reeve. The four 
men represented the holders of virgates and their dependants, 
the reeve represented the lord and the men on his demesne. 
But even if we reject the propositions that the Roman lord held 
one-fifth of the arable land of a manor, and that the Teutonic 
settler received precisely four hides in villainage as well as one 
in demesne, as too speculative, it is not very difficult to believe 
that such arrangements were sufficiently normal to form the 
basis of a system of taxation. 

It is an essential part of the exposition which follows that 
the hide or terra vniits familiae was the quantity of land 
allotted to the settler in demesne. It is no less essential that 
the land which he received was measured not by the acre but 
by the virgate. By this it is meant that the hide of settlement 
was a tract of arable land equivalent in quantity to four 
virgates. Where the virgates contained 30 acres the settler 
received 120 acres in demesne; but where the virgates con- 
tained 24 acres the settler received no more than 96 acres; and 
similarly, miitatis mviandis, where the virgates were of other 
dimensions. 

Let us consider a particular case. In Sussex eight virgates 
were said to make a hide and four virgates one " wista^" But 
there was much diversity about the use of these words; for 
the typical villain tenement of Sussex was not the virgate of 
30 acres as in the Mercian counties, but a ferling of 15 or 
perhaps 18 acres, and this ferling was sometimes called a 
virgate. Four ferlings — comprising 60 or perhaps 72 acres 
in all* — made one " wista," and the "' wista " like the ferling was 

^ Chronicon Monatterii de BeUo, published by the Anglia Christiana Society, 
p. 11. It may be saggested that the word ** wista" is a mediaeval error for 
" wisca," whioh is possibly a Latin form of the English *< hi wise." The latter 
word is generally acknowledged to hare the same meaning as ** hide." 

* My suggestion that the ferling might be a tenement of 18 acres is derived 
from a valoable mb. kindly lent to me by my friend, Mr (Godfrey Harrison. 
It is a rarvey made in 1675, described as '* a vewe of the lordes rente within 
the Qneene's parte of the halfe hnndred of Lvzfeilde." Each of the "yaids" 



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Ixxii INTRODUCTION. 

sometimes called a virgate or yardland. But if, as is here con- 
tended, the hide consisted of as much land as four typical villain 
tenements, the hide of Sussex should have contained either 60 
or 72 acres instead of the 120 acres of the hide of Mercia. It is 
not unlikely that this was the case in early times. An ancient 
document known as the Tribal Hidage^ compiled long before the 
formation of the Mercian counties gives 7000 hides to Sussex ; 
and Bede, who died about 735 A-D., describes the province of 
the South Saxons as having the land of 7000 households. Also 
we find that Sussex was divided into as many as 60 hundreds 
in the reign of William the Conqueror ; and it would not be 
remarkable if these 60 represented 70 original hundreds. 
Domesday Book, however, gives Sussex some 3475 hides, which 
is very nearly half the 7000 of Bede and the Tribal Hidage. 
Is it not probable that each two original hides has been allowed 
to count as one and to pay geld accordingly ? Favours such as 
this were not granted for nothing, and the simplest explanation 
is that the men of Sussex had reckoned four ferlings of 15 or 
18 acres each as one hide, whereas the men of Mercia reckoned 
four virgates of 30 acres each as one hide. To remedy this 
inequality the king reduced the number of hides in Sussex 
by exactly one half. It was a substantial reduction and perhaps 
a little more than was just; but on this point something will 
be said later. 

We might suppose from chartularies of the thirteenth 
century that virgates contained a varying number of acres, 
even in the same locality ; and consequently that just as in the 
thirteenth century so in early times the virgates of one manor 
might be considerably larger than the virgates of an adjoining 
manor. But if custom decreed that a virgate should contain a 
certain number of acres, we can scarcely doubt that she was 
obeyed ; for a custom which was not obeyed was no custom at all. 

there viewed consiBted of 144 <* parts," and each ferliDg or ** larding*' of 86 
"parts." It seems likely from an inspection of the document that these 
"parts" were originaUy customary half-acres. 

^ See note 1, p. Ixiii above. The text of the <* Tribal Hidage " wiU be found 
in W. de Gray Birch's CarttUarium Saxoniettm (vol. i, pp. 414, 415) ; also in 
John Earle*B Handbook to Land Charters, p. 458. 



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INTRODUCTION. Izxiii 

Again ancient maps may show that the strips in the open fields, 
though nonnally of the same width, varied in length from shot 
to shot. There is no reason, however, for supposing that the 
strips were merely counted and not measured ; that the long 
strips were considered to make up for the short strips. If a 
tenant insisted on having his customary share in full measure 
the fact that the strips varied in length was no obstacle. 
If he was entitled to 30 acres it was quite easy to give him 
a number of strips two rods each in breadth, and 2400 rods 
or 60 furlongs in total length. But when in after years the 
strips were no longer periodically allotted, but had been held 
as definite parcels of land by many generations of tenants, 
it might easily happen that the virgates deviated from their 
standard dimensions. The lord might encroach on some of 
his tenants ; the tenants as a body might extend their common 
pasture at the expense of one of themselves; one tenant 
might encroach upon another; a whole shot which had once 
been arable might have become part of the common pasture. 
And so when the surveyor came and measured a virgate, he 
might find that it was very much larger or smaller than the 
standard virgate. 

Uniformity in the size of the early virgate or yardland is no 
mere dream. We can scarcely conceive an open field system of 
agriculture without three definite measures, the foot, the rod, 
and the virgate. Primitive life may have been far fix>m simple ; 
perhaps some of her problems, some of her arrangements, were 
highly complex ; but measures which men and all men knew 
were as essential to the cultivation of the open fields as the 
share, the ox and the ploughman. Custom could hardly have 
kept the peace if she had let the yardland of one village surpass 
the yardland of its neighbour. 

Let us now return to that mysterious document known as 
the County Hidage^ Dr Liebermann ascribes it to the early 

^ ThiB tnot is sometimes caUed "De longitadine et latitudme AngUe." 
The County Hidage wiU be found in a sommarised form in F. W. Maitland's 
Dome$day and Beyond^ at p. 456 where some references to MSS. are also given. 
A good text not mentioned by Maltland oocors in HarL MS. 746 at fo. 76 r". 
An edition of the varions texts is in preparation. 

0. A. 8. Octavo 8eri€». XXXYII. / 



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Ixxiv INTRODUCTION. 

years of the eleventh century, so that in his view it was perhaps 
two or three generations older than the Norman Conqoest. 
But why should it not be ascribed to a still earlier date — ^to 
the age of King Alfred ? It forms part of a small tract called 
Deacriptio Angliae, from which we learn that England was 
divided into three parts: (1) the West Saxon Law, comprising 
the nine couuties, Sussex, Surrey, Kent, Berkshire, Wiltshire* 
Hampshire, Somerset, Dorset, Devon ; (2) the Mercian Law, 
comprising eight counties, Hereford, Gloucestershire, Worcester- 
shire, Shropshire, Cheshire, Staffordshire, Warwickshire and 
Oxfordshire ; (3) the Danelaw, comprising the fifbeen remaining 
counties, Yorkshire, Nottinghamshire, Derbyshire, Leicester- 
shire, Lincolnshire, Northamptonshire, Huntingdonshire, Cam- 
bridgeshire, Norfolk, Suffolk, Elssex, Bedfordshire, Hertfordshire, 
Middlesex, Buckinghamshire. Political history casts no certain 
light on the date when these fifteen counties of the Danelaw 
were first separated from Mercia, but it is difficult to believe 
that it was later than the year 877, when the Danes seized 
and settled a part of that province and left the rest to the rule 
of the puppet CoelwulP. The Descriptio Angliae is likely to 
have been written at a time when the three great divisions 
of England of which it speaks were politically all-important, 
and there is no reason for supposing that the County 
Hidage was written long afterwards. It gives the number 
of the hides of Wiltshire, of the eight Mercian counties, and 
of four counties of the Danelaw, namely, Northamptonshire^ 
Bedfordshire, Huntingdonshire and Cambridgeshire. These 
thirteen counties form a large and continuous tract of England, 
and the mere fact that their hidage is stated suggests that they 
were sometime the subject of special legislation. If so the legis- 
lation may have taken place in the closing years of the reign 
of King Alfred, when the boundaries between the English and 
the Danish lauds which had been settled by the Peace of 
Wedmore were once again unsettled. In my opinion, however, 
the document originally contained particulars of the Mercian 
counties only ; and the particulars of Wiltshire and the four 
counties of the Danelaw are later insertions. 

^ Charles Plammer, Two Saxon ChronieUsy n, 98. 



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INTRODUCTION. hrXT 

I now suggest that the counties originally mentioned in the 
Connty Hidage were those in which King Alfred instituted 
hundreds and tithings. The words of William of Malmesbury, 
the only writer who refers to Alfired's legislation on the subject, 
are brief, but explicit : 

Et quia occasione barbarorum eciam indigenae in rapinas anhelauerani, 
adeo ut nulli tutus oommeatus esset sine armorum praeeidio, oenturias 
quas dicunt hundreas et decimas quas thethingas uocant instituit^. 

It must be admitted that the chronicler speaks as if 
King Alfred instituted hundreds and tithings throughout his 
realm. Perhaps the great king made more sweeping changes 
in Mercia than in Wessez, the land of his ancestors ^ but in 
any case the writer of the Descriptio may have thought it 
unnecessary to enumerate the hides of any but the newly 
formed counties of the midlands*. 

In all probability the Mercian counties were formed succes- 
sively by some uniform and simple method. We may imagine, 
for instance, that the king proceeded in such a way as this. 
A borough or the site of a borough was taken as a centre, and 
to it all the owners of hides within a certain distance or within 
a group of existing administrative divisions were summoned. 
A group of owners holding one hundred adjacent hides stood 
apart, and their lands were declared to form an administrative 
hundred. The process was repeated until there remained a 
group of owners who held less than one hundred hides. To 
complete the number other owners were summoned from a 
greater distance and by the addition of their hides the last 
administrative hundred of a county was formed. Where, how- 
ever, the number of hides required to complete the 100 was 
small, a few hides which belonged to owners who had been 
summoned, but which were not necessarily contiguous with the 
other hides of the new county, may have been reckoned part of 
the last-formed administrative hundred. Thus we may explain 

1 ICr H. M. Chadwick, howeyer, takes the view that some of the Mereiau 
eounties were formed long after the reign of Alfred. The sUenoe of the West 
Saxon Ohronide aboat the Mercian ooontiee on whieh he seems to rely is far 
from oonclusive. They may have been formed long before they were first men^ 
tioned in the Chronicle. 

* T. D. Hardy's Edition, i, 186. 



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Ixxvi INTKODUCnON. 

the detached portions of hundreds, of which some are even now 
to be found on the map of England. On the other hand, where 
the total number of contiguous hides belonging to the persons 
summoned was only slightly above some multiple of one hundred, 
the hides in excess might either be transferred to one of the 
hundreds of the county next to be formed or they might be 
deemed to lie in the last-formed hundred. If the latter course 
were adopted the hides in excess of 100 might be treated as 
non-existent for purposes of taxation, or some manors within 
the hundred might henceforth be deemed for such purposes to 
contain a lesser number of hides than were formerly attributed 
to them. Thus we may find an origin for the non-hidation of 
certain manors, and of that beneficial hidation of others, which 
may be noticed here and there in Domesday Book. 

This is but one of the ways in which King Alfred may have 
formed the counties and hundreds of Mercia, and it is not 
claimed that it was the one which he actually followed. I have 
described it for the sole purpose of showing that it was possible 
for him to establish his new administrative system with an 
ancient hide of settlement as its basis. If it was sometimes 
convenient to reduce the number of hides in a manor in order 
to obtain the required total of 100, it is not necessary to assume 
that any great privilege was thereby granted. By the time of 
King Alfred it is likely enough that in point of measurement 
some villages already contained more and some less than their 
nominal number of hides. A little local and occasional revision, 
effected solely for the sake of administrative convenience, will 
not refute the general proposition that a territorial hundred 
was formed by an aggregation of 100 existing hides. 

But if it be granted that the territorial hundred contained 
100 hides of settlement the fact that the vills of Domesday 
Book are assessed in multiples of five hides stiir needs explana- 
tion. First let it be noticed that William of Malmesbury states^ 
that King Alfred established the tithing as well as the hundred. 
This word tithing, represented in Latin by decenna and in 
French by dizaine, explains itself as a group of ten, and the 
group is obviously one of hides. If a territorial hundred is a 
^ Bee p. Ixxv, above. 



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INTRODUCTION. Ixxvii 

group of 100 hides, a territorial tithing must be a group of 
10 hides. 

The next point to notice is that the territorial tithing and 
the vill served the same administrative purposes. In Devon- 
shire and Dorset the tithing ^as a unit of taxation throughout 
the middle ages, and in the hundred courts of those counties 
the presentments were made by tithings and not by vills\ On 
the other hand in the Mercian counties the vill was the unit of 
taxation which corresponded to the Devonshire tithing, and it 
was the vill which made the presentmenta 

A third point is that neither the tithing nor the uilla was 
in any sense an agrarian institution. This point is quite clear 
in the case of the tithing. No stranger standing on a hilltop 
could say that he saw before him a tithing, for that division was 
an arbitrarily selected group of detached properties united by 
no agrarian bond whatever. In Devon a tithing frequently 
contained a large number of manors. The parish of Malborough', 
for example, contained some eight or ten manors, and the 
tithing of Malborough was at least as large as the parish. The 
tithing usually took its name from what was presumably its 
chief manor, but there are many cases in which the name now 
denotes nothing more than a small hamlet or even a farm-house, 
that being all that remains of an ancient manor. 

A little investigation should satisfy us that the vills also 
were not agrarian units.* The west of Mercia, where we find 
vills and not tithings, is a land of small manors and scattered 
hamlets, and here it is almost beyond doubt that the vill is a 
mere group of hides which cannot be distinguished in its nature 
from a tithing. In the east of Mercia there is perhaps more 
doubt about the point, and before proceeding further we ought 
to consider how the word vill was used. Except in one or two 
counties the word is rarely mentioned in Domesday Book and it 
is too readily assumed that in those counties every place named 
in the book was a vill. Undoubtedly many of the named places 

* See Tristram Risdon's Chorographieal Description of Devon (edition of 
1811), p. 438, and Tarious subsidy rolls and hundred rolls at the Pablic Beoord 
Office. 

' Malboroogh was formerly a parochia capelU curate to West Alyington. 



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Ixxviii INTRODUCTION, 

are. expressly called vills ; but it would be a rasli inference that 
all the named places in these counties might properly be so 
described. Our great difficulty, however, in tracing the history 
of the word is that we have few early lists of vills to help us. 
Those of the thirteenth century, however, show a tendency to 
treat the parish as a vill throughout England ; and perhaps thia 
tendency may be discerned in Cambridgeshire and Bedfordshire 
at the date of Domesday, these being among the counties in 
which vills are sometimes mentioned. Moreover there seems to 
be no doubt that even in the east of England the parishes often 
pontained two or more manors, which were entirely independent 
of one another in agrarian matters. It is therefore clear that 
the vill was capable of being conceived as a group of inde- 
pendent manors. 

But if the tithing of the west corresponds to the vill of the 
east, as the unit both of taxation and presentment ; and if the 
vill, like the tithing, can be conceived either as a manor or as 
a group of manors, is it not likely that the original vill was 
identical with the tithing ? King Alfred divided England into 
tithings; if the tithing and the vill were not originally the 
same thing, how has the tithing disappeared ? And after all 
the word vill can scarcely have had no institutional meaning. 
If it denoted neither the manor nor the parish, what save the 
tithing is it likely to have denoted? 

On the whole, then, there is reason for thinking that the 
vill was originally, like the tithing, a group of ten hides ; and 
that the smaller vills of later times are due to the division of 
original vills into parishes, and to a tendency to call the 
ecclesiastical parish a vill and to treat it as a unit of civil 
administration. Be this as it may, an examination of the 
Domesday statistics collected by Mr J. H. Round, Mr Baring 
and others will lead to the conclusion, so I contend, that the 
hides of Mercia were arranged in groups of ten and not of five. 
Here and there, however, double tithings of 20 hides and half 
tithings of 5 hides may have been part of the original arrange- 
ment of the hundred. 

Mr Round has shown that the Cambridgeshire hundred of 
Wetherley, which at the date of Domesday Book contained 



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INTRODUCTION. 


Izxix 


80 hides, consisted of four quarters of 20 hides each. The 


particulars^ are as follows : 




(1) Comberton 


6 


Barton 


7 


Qrantchester 


7 


(2) Haslingfield 


20 


(3) Harleton 


6 


Barrington 


10 


Shepreth 


5 


(4) Orwell 




Wratworth 




Whitwell 




Wimpole 




Arrington 




Thus Wetherley, when its vills are so 


arranged, would appear 


to have contained four double tithings. 


This was probably the 


way in which the hides were originally grouped, but another 


arrangement may possibly have been made, as will be seen 


presently. 




Mr Round has also shown that the hundred of Longstow 


consisted of four groups of 25 hides each, of which the following 


are the particulars : 




(1) Eversden 


8i 


Kingston 


8J 


Toft and Hardwick 8J 


(2) Gransden 


5 


Bourn 


20 


(3) Qamlingay 


20 


Hatley 


4i 


Unnamed 


i 


(4) Croxton 


7 


Eltisley 


3 


Caxton 


10 


Caldecote 


If 


Longstow 


3i 



^ Feudal England, p. 47. 



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IXXX INTRODUCnON, 

If these hundreds can be arranged in groups of 20 and 25 
respectively but not in groups of 10 the reason cannot be 
that the agricultural units were too large to be grouped in 
tens ; for each of the eight groups consists of a large number 
of items. An explanation, however, of the apparent quartering 
of the hundreds may be hazarded. The first three vills in the 
hundred of Longstow contain exactly 8^ hides each, and as 
reductions in hidage are found elsewhere it would not be 
remarkable if the assessment of these vills has been reduced 
by one-sixth, that is to say from ten hides to eight and one- 
third. Similarly the assessment of Bourn or Gamlingay may 
have been reduced from 30 to 25 hides. With these reductions 
we may after some rearrangement look upon Longstow as a 
collection of 11 tithings which once contained 10 hides each. 
The eleventh tithing no doubt originally belonged to some 
adjoining hundred. 

As with LoDgstow so with Wetherley. Here the first three 
" vills " in the list are together assessed at 20 hides ; and so 
also are the last five. We may suppose a reduction of one-fifth 
has been made, and that Combei-ton, Barton and Qrantchester 
were once assessed at 25 hides and Orwell, Wratworth, 
Whitwell, Wimpole and Arrington at 5 hides each. On this 
supposition we may look upon Wetherley as a collection of 9 
tithings of 10 hides each. The tenth tithing required to com- 
plete the hundred had perhaps been transferred to Longstow 
or an adjoining hundred at an early date. These reductions of 
the hidage of some only of the tithings or vills of the hundreds 
of Wetherley and Longstow may never have been made ; but 
the possibility in these and other cases should be considered, as 
it may explain some of the difficulties of the Cambridgeshire 
Domesday. Want of space makes any further discussion of this 
point impossible ; but the opinion may be expressed that the 
remaining hundreds of the county can be arranged in tithings 
or groups of 10 hides each. Finally it may be suggested that 
the king may perhaps have permitted the hidage of certain 
vills in the county of Cambridge to be reduced because the 
local virgate contained 25 instead of the normal 30 virgates^ 

^ Aooording to Michael Dalton, who was a justice of the peace for the 



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INTRODUCTION. Ixxxi 

If, as is possible, the hidage of certain vills and hundreds, was 
reduced on account of their virgates cont€dning less than 30 acres 
it must not be assumed that the reduction was effected with 
justice to all My suggestion is that their inhabitants com- 
plained that they were paying a heavier tax than the men of 
neighbouring hundreds, and that the king thereupon allowed a 
reduction of the total hidage of each of the complaining hundreds, 
the benefit of which was then distributed locally among the 
vills in the manner which Mr Round has described in detail. It 
is likely that by the time when the reductions were allowed, the 
vills were well established institutions, and it was an easy task to 
distribute the reduction among them on a pro rata basis. In 
this way the king could grant substantial relief from time to 
time when pressed. If he had adopted the strictly just method 
of making each virgate throughout the country pay in pro- 
portion to its acreage, he might have been either a loser or a 
gainer, but those who had been too lightly taxed previously 
would have made the new method a political grievance. This 
juster method would have been a remarkable innovation, not 
at all in accordance with the spirit of the age\ 

It has not been an object of these notes on the hide and 
the virgate to deny the appearance of that artificiality in the 
arrangement of the hundreds, on which Mr Round has so 
vigorously insisted ; still less to deny that at the time of the 
Domesday Survey they often contained a number of measured 
hides very different from the 100 at which they were once 
assessed. This difference, however, may be due to the antiquity 
of the hundred ; and the general appearance of artificiality may 
be ascribed to the groups of 5 hides rather than to the hundreds; 
especially if these groups are, as is here suggested, older than 
the hundreds themselves. There is no necessary inconsistency 
between Mr Round's five hide theory, and Mr Seebohm's theory 

ooonty of Cambridge in the seTenteenth century, this was the oommon aoeonnt 
in hiB day in the east part of GambridgeBhire {The Countrey Juttiee, e. 112). 

^ Owing, however, to a difference in the size of the aotee the Tirgates of 26 
acres may have been eqaivalent in quantity of land to those of 80 acres. It is 
contended in a subsequent section that this was actually the case ; and if the 
contention is weU founded the grant of the reduction mentioned above was not 
in aocoidance with equity. 



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Ixxxii INTBODUOTION. 

of the origin of the manor. It has been my endeavour to display 
the hide as the share of demesne allotted to a single Teutonic 
settler and measured by the local virgate or villain tenement. 
Strict proof in such matters of speculation can never be obtained ; 
it is only possible to claim that one hypothesis explains a series 
of difficulties better than another. I venture to claim that the 
theory of the virgate and the hide here propounded — ^so far as 
it is not Mr Seebohm's — is in somewhat closer harmony with 
whi^t we know of the hundred, the tithing and the vill, than 
any other theory which has as yet been advanced For want 
of space Mr Seebohm's arguments in support of his view of the 
origin of the manor have neither been repeated nor summarized', 
but the foregoing exposition provides some sort of answer to one 
of the chief objections to his theory — the objection that a large 
hide of 120 acres is not in harmony with the Roman hypothesis'. 
One argument, however, which Mr Seebohm has not used, should 
here be noticed. A study of maps of the open fields seems 
to show that in a large part of England the lord's demesne 
stood apart from the peasants' virgates. If this is a fact, it 
is difficult to see how it can be satisfactorily explained by any 
other theory of the origin of the manor than Mr Seebohm's. 
It has been said, however, and it may be true, that maps of 
manors in Norfolk and Suffolk tend to show that the lord's 
demesne consisted of strips intermixed with those of his tenants ; 
but it must be remembered that in any manor some of the 
tenants' virgates may have come into the lord's hands by pur- 
chase or other good title*. 

^ Mr Seebohm*B theoiy of the origin of the manor is foUowed in these pages 
80 far only as it claims that the manorial system of the middle ages was not of 
Teutonic origin. 

* * Either the smaU tenement of the cnltiyator or the big tenement of his 
lord must have been taken as the typical manse, the typical land of one house- 
holder ' (F. W. Maitland Domesday Book and Beyond, 361). * This [120 acres] 
would be much too laiige a tenement for a serf.... It is much too small a 
tenement for any one who is going to play the part of a manorial lord' {Ibidem) » 

* Nearly all the maps which I haye seen have been shown me by my friend 
the Bey. H. £. Salter. 



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INTRODUCTION. Ixxxiii 



(e) The Carucate and the Bovate. 

And now for the carucate, a word which occurs ju6t as 
frequently in fines as the word hide. The counties of Lincoln, 
Leicester, Nottingham, Derby, York and Lancaster are assessed 
in Domesday Book not in hides and virgates but in carucates 
and bovates. We are usually told that the carucate was as 
much land as could be ploughed by a team of eight oxen, and 
that the Exchequer authorities held this quantity to be one 
hide or 120 acres of arable land. I make bold to suggest 
that the carucate was originally nothing of the kind. No 
good evidence has ever been adduced to show that the carucate 
at the time of Domesday Book contained 120 acrea And the 
structure of the words carucate and bovate offers none but the 
scantiest confirmation of the opinion that the carucate consisted 
of as much land as a team of eight oxen could plough. But 
the real and substantial objection to the accepted interpre- 
tation is that there is another which will, it is hoped, offer 
a more coherent explanation of the fiscal system of northern 
England. 

Li the middle ages the bovate or ox-gang was the typical 
holding of the villain of the north. It takes the place as an 
agrarian unit of the virgate of the south, and as a unit its 
name should if possible be explained by an inherent feature 
and not by reference to another measure. According to the 
explanation now advanced the bovate is the customary holding 
of a peasant who contributes one ox to one of the teams of the 
village community. When the name bovate was applied to 
the holding of a single peasant it was natural that the word 
carucate should be applied to eight such holdings, that is to 
say to as much peasant's land as was actually ploughed by a 
single team of eight oxen. This is a very different quantity 
from that of the land which a single team of eight oxen was 
capable of ploughing in the course of a year, because we know 
that each team actually ploughed not only the eight bovates 
of the land of the villains, to whom it belonged, but also a 
considerable portion of the lord's demesne. 



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Izzziv INTEODUCTION. 

So much for the word, now for the quantity. In opposition 
to the accepted opinion that the bovate contained 15 acres, 
or an eighth part of 120 acres, it is here contended that the 
bovate normally contained 12^ acres or 25 half-acre strips, and 
that the carucate contained 100 acres or 200 half-acre strips 
of arable land. This normal bovate of 12^ acres was also the 
bovate of assessment ; but just as the dimensions of the terri- 
torial virgate varied in different parts of the south of England, 
so the territorial bovate of the north may have been larger or 
smaller in some localities than the normal 12^ acrea 

In Scotland an authoritative statement of the law made at 
some early but unknown date declared that the bovate or ox- 
gang should consist of 13 acres. 

pe plew land |>ai ordanit to oontene viij ozingang, ]»e ox gang 
sail contene ziij akeria^ 

This statement was probably made for purposes of account; 
and the substitution of the integer 13 for the impure fraction 
12^ is quite comprehensible. It is inconceivable that these 
bovates once coutained 15 acres, for no advantage in reckoning 
was to be gained by changing the multiple number 15, which 
is the product of 5 and 3, into the prime number 13. But if 
we cannot conceive a king of Scotland allowing a bovate which 
had contained 15 acres to be reckoned as 13 acres, we may 
admit that he might have insisted on a bovate of 12^ acres 
being reckoned as 13 acres without imposing any serious 
addition on his taxpayer s burden. But if the normal peasant's 
holding in North Britain was a bovate of 12^ acres and in South 
Britain a virgate of 30 acres, what reason is there for supposing 
that the dividing line between the North and the South was 
the comparatively modem boundary between England and 
Scotland ? The difference between the two holdings was ob- 
viously agrarian and not political, and so in the absence of any 
evidence to the contrary we may assume that the bovate of 
northern England was normally of the same dimensions as the 
bovate of Scotland. There is, however, some reason for thinking 
that even in the middle ages the agricultural arrangements on 

1 Acts of Parliament of Scotland, vol. i, pp. 751 red, 887 black. 



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mTRODUcnoN. Ixxxv 

the west side of the Pennine range were different from those 
on the east side, and it is likely enough that the bovates of our 
north-eastern counties were normally of different dimensions in 
point of acreage from those in our north-western counties. It 
is also likely enough that even in the north-eastern counties 
there were considerable tracts in which there were other bovates 
than those of 12^ acres. 

Again it must be noticed that the plough land of 100 acres 
was well known in one portion at least of southern Britain. 
In Kent 200 acres^ were reckoned to a sulung — a term which 
cannot be discussed here ; and 50 acres to the iugtim or yoke. 
The latter can scarcely be anything else than the land which 
belonged to half a plough team. Consequently the land of one 
ox or the eighth part of a plough land was 12| acres. It is 
significant, however, that just as in Scotland so in Kent the 
actual holding was sometimes treated not as 12^ but as 13 
acres'. 

It has sometimes been said that the hide and the carucate 
were treated as identical throughout the middle ages and that 
the carucate therefore must have contained 120 acres of land. 
The only evidence however of identity is that in the year 1198 
the king is stated by Roger of Houeden' to have taken five 
shillings ' from every carucate of land or hide ' as an aid ; and 
secondly that during the thirteenth century the hide and 
carucate certainly appear to have been treated as identicals 
But so &r as is known taxation by the hide' was levied for 

' P. Vinogradoff, Villainage in England^ p. 255. 
s Faustina, A. ii, fo. 154 t*. 

* His words are : oepit de unaqoaque oamoate terre sine hyda totius Anglie 
qninqiie solidos de auzilio {Chronica Rogeri de Houeden, No. 51 in Bolls Series, 
TOL IT, p. 46). 

^ See p. zoii, below. 

* Honeden's statement is as follows: oonstitnit sibi dari de nnaqoaqae 
canicata terre totius Anglie duos solidos qnod ab antiqois nominator Teman- 
tale {Ckronieaf vol. m; p. 242). This tax however was called a hidage in 
eertain rolls of the king's court {PubUeatums of the Pipe RoU Society, vol. ziy, 
pp. xziii — VLV). There is no reason for sopposing that this tax differed in any 
way f^^om the earlier 'Danegeld.' It was levied on the hide in the hidated 
oounties and on the eamcate in the camcated ooanties. Honeden, who was a 
north coontiyman, spoke of it as levied on caraoates. 



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Ixxxvi INTRODUCTION. 

the last time in the year 1194, and thereafter land was always 
taxed by the central government by carucates and not by hides. 
In the new system of taxation, the land was reassessed from 
time to time ; and it is likely enough that in 1198 and long 
afterwards men who had hitherto paid hidage, would speak of 
hides when they should have spoken of carucates. As regards 
the dimensions of the carucate the Chronicle of Roger of Houe- 
den expressly stAtes^ that it was provided in 1198 that every 
100 acres should be regarded as a carucate ; and this fact is in 
itself evidence of the size of the original carucate. Some have 
contended that the hundred in this passage means a hundred 
of six and not of five score ; but in the absence of some local 
usage or some statement, express or implied, to the contrary, 
the word hundred must be taken to mean five and not six score. 
It will be seen presently that this was the case even in the 
Danish counties where the long hundred is most in evidence. 

Next may be noticed the wapentake, the division of the 
carucated counties which corresponds to the hundred of the 
hidated counties. There is no reason for expecting that these 
two divisions should be similarly constructed in all cases ; but 
it is the fact that io an important part of carucated England, 
the wapentake contained on an average 100 carucates. Mr 
Round has shown' that at the date of the Lindsey Survey the 
county of Lindsey was divided into three ridings, each of which 
contained 600 carucates. Two of these ridings contained six 
wapentakes at the date of the survey and the third seven. 
But just as we have half hundreds in the hidated counties, so 
we may have half wapentakes in those which are carucated. 
Symmetry alone puts it almost beyond doubt that there were 
originally either six full wapentakes or five full wapentakes 
and two half wapentakes in the third riding of Lindsey. If 
so 18 wapentakes contained 1800 camcates; that is to say the 
wapentakes of Lindsey contained on an average 100 carucates. 
The point which is to be noticed here is that, although Lindsey 

1 Hoaeden'g statement is : Ipai uero qui eleoti fuerant et oonstitiiti ad hoe 
negotiam regis faoiendnm statuenint per estimationem legaUnm hominnm ad 
imiasoiiiasqae oaruce wanagium oentnm aeras terre {Chronicat rr, 47). 

s Feudal England, p. 74. 



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INTRODUCTION. Ixxxvii 

18 part of Danish Eogland, the wapentakes contained on an 
average one hundred or five score carucates and not a long 
hundred of six score carucates. 

It has already been seen that the hidated parts of England 
were divided into tithings and half tithings or vills of ten and 
five hides respectively. Mr Round has also shown ^ that in the 
greater part of carucated England there were vills of 12 and six 
carucates which take the place in taxation and administration 
of the tithings and half tithings of the south. In one docu- 
ment* such a group is called a 'dozen/ and there are probably 
many others in which the same term occurs. It might be 
supposed that the reason for this grouping in dozens in con- 
trast to the grouping in tithings was that 12 carucates and 
10 hides each contained 1200 acrea This explanation, however, 
assumes that the normal acre was the same in the hidated as 
in the carucated districts, and it will be shown on a subsequent 
page that this was almost certainly not the case. It is more 
probable that the unit of 12 carucates has simply taken the 
place in a scheme of assessment of an older unit with which it 
nearly agreed in magnitude. 

In Lincolnshire each group of 12 carucates was called a 
Hundred, and this term must have had some institutional 
significance*. Any satisfactory explanation of the fiscal system 
of this county ought therefore to account for this small hundred 
of 12 carucates, which was obviously a totally different institu- 
tion from the territorial hundred of southern England which 
cont€dned 100 hides. If, as is here contended, the carucates 
contained 100 acres, then each of the small hundreds must 
have either contained or have been assessed at 1200 acres or 
one hundred units of 12 acres. But if the carucatc contained 
100 acres and the bovate 12^ acres it is diflficult to avoid the 
conclusion that the small hundred originally contained 1250 
acres or 100 bovates, and that for purposes of assessment 
these 1250 acres were treated as if they were 1200 acres or 
12 carucates. This suggests that the original assessment of 

^ Feudal England, p. 69. 

< A89ige RolU, No. 497, roU 58. 

* Feudal England, p. 78. 



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Ixxzviii INTRODUCTION. 

Lincolnshire was not by carucates but by bovates and hundreds 
of bovates. It is scarcely necessary to add that, if the assess- 
ment by carucates was ultimately based on the territorial bovate, 
it is a fact which confirms the theory which has been advanced 
on an earlier page that the assessment by the hide was ulti- 
mately based on the terriU)rial virgate. 

Although the average Wapentake of Lindsey contained 100 
carucates at the date of Domesday,some wapentakes undoubtedly 
contained more and others less. We may account for this fact 
without difficulty. In the carucated counties a unit of 12 caru- 
cates takes the place of the tithing or unit of 10 hides of the 
hidated counties. In order then that a wapentake should con- 
tain an integral number of units of 12 carucates it was necessary 
to arrange the wapentakes in groups of three of which two 
contained 96 and the third 108 carucate& Thus we have eight 
dozened and nine dozened wapentakes, the former paying £8, 
when the latter paid £9 a year for geld. Further irregularities 
in size were no doubt due to concessions to public convenience. 
A particular vill or dozen might have been much nearer to the 
place of session of some other wapentake than to the place of 
session of the wapentake in which it was situate, and the vill 
might have been transferred from the one wapentake to the 
other at the request of the suitors. 

The wapentakes of Lincolnshire, as we have seen, contained 
on an average 100 carucates each, but this was not the case 
elsewhere. It would be impossible however in these introductory 
notes to enter upon any discussion on the formation of the 
wapentake in counties in which the facts are not so clear as in 
Lincolnshire. 

The carucated counties are generally said to be Danish, bat 
this is scarcely the whole truth. Land is measured by carucates 
and bovates, and not by hides and virgates, in the Lowlands 
of Scotland as well as in the north of England. Carucated 
Cumberland, if we may judge by its place names, was a 
Norwegian rather than a Danish settlement. Moreover some 
of the counties where we find the hide and the virgate — 
Cambridgeshire for instance — also formed part of the Danelaw. 
Probably the true difference between the land of the camcate 



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INTRODUCTION. Ixxxix 

and the land of the hide was agrarian rather than racial. In 
the north the bovate of 12^ acres was the typical villain tene- 
ment ; in the south— or in much of the south — ^the virgate of 
30 acres. Parts of England, so it seems, came to favour larger 
holdings than the rest, but the parts are not separated from 
one another by any clearly defined line. Probably the bovate, 
though reckoned as a half virgate, is to be found in some of the 
hidated counties. There are many manors in southern England, 
where there are half virgates and no full virgates ; and all over 
the south the half virgate is much in evidence. Sussex, too, as 
already explained, was a land not of virgates but of half virgates. 
On the other hand double bovates may here and there be found 
in the northern counties^ ; but they are not as widely distributed 
in the north, as the half virgate is in the south. All this 
suggests that Britain was once cultivated by men who held 
bovates and half virgates; and that the full virgate and the 
double bovate were introduced as an agricultural improvement. 
The date when this suggested change began is not easily 
conjectured. Modes of agriculture change slowly. Even the 
three-field system never took firm root in all parts of England. 
There is certainly no good reason for assuming that some or any 
of the Teutonic tribes who settled in England decreed that the 
virgate should supplant the bovate. There are no signs that 
they possessed any conspicuous aptitude for tilling the soil. 
They came to our shores as warriors, and to all appearance 
they were incessantly engaged in warfare long after their 
arrival. And lastly during a long period before the Norman 
Conquest an even greater change seems to have been taking 
place in the open fields of part of England. The periodical 
distribution of the strips among the villains was being aban- 
doned and the villain tenement was becoming a collection of 
permanent strips, each man holding his own and tilling it in 
pursuance of a customary course of agriculture. There are 
many signs that the villain and his holding have a history, 
which should begin long before the arrival of the Jutes, the 
Angles and the Saxons in Britain. 

Some useful knowledge of early agrarian history may be 
^ F. Seebohm, English Village Community, Fourth edition, p. 68. 

C. A. 8. Octavo Series. XXXVIL 9 



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XC JNTRODUCnON. 

gleaned from maps and plans of the open fields, of which not 
a few are to be found in the muniment rooms of great land* 
owners. Such as they are — and most of them are no older 
than the eighteenth century — they show^ that the villain tene- 
ment generally consisted not of acre but of half-acre strips, and 
they suggest that the half-acre, not the acre, was the older 
unit. But why should men have spoken of the half virgate 
as containing 15 acres when it really contained 30 strips which 
might be better described by an original name than by the 
divisional name of * half-acre ' ? There may be many explana- 
tions of this difficulty. Possibly stewards and bailifis used the 
word 'acra' in Britain to denote the portion of the lord's 
demesne which the villain team was bound to plough in a single 
morning ; and this portion was the equivalent in quantity of two 
strips in the open fields. These strips of the peasants probably 
existed in a considerable part of Britain long before the coming 
of the Romans, and their size was fixed by custom. In any 
case if it is a fact that the Teutonic invaders had a divisional 
name only for the strips in the open fields it is one which 
suggests that these same strips existed when they first arrived 
in Britain. 

It is possible that the bovate of 26 and the half virgate 
of 30 strips may have existed simultaneously from the earliest 
times. But if one of them, as is probable, was older than the 
other, it was almost certainly the bovate ; for the virgate and 
the half virgate belong to the south, and southern England is 
likely to have departed from ancient ways before northern 
England, which seems to have been in a less advanced state of 
agrarian civilization until recent times. But if the typical 
holding of early days was of 25 strips, it must have existed 
before the introduction of the two-field system of agriculture. 
It is incredible that from the very first the typical holding 
consisted of 12 strips in one field and 13 in the other. In the 
days when the bovate was first established the inhabitants of 
Britain probably knew nothing of wheat and lived either upon 

' There are, no donbt, manors in which the strips were acre strips. Hitehin 
seems to be a case in point; bnt as far as my own observation extends^ the 
open fields of the middle ages were normaUy divided into half-acre strips. 



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INTRODUCTION. XCl 

oats only or perhaps upon oats and barley only. As soon as 
they began to cultivate wheat, they would learn the advantages 
of a rotation of crops. But custom is hard to extirpate, and 
the cultivation of wheat probably spread slowly over our island. 
It is significant that throughout the middle ages oats were still 
the chief crop of Wales and Lancashire ; and until a century 
ago paring and burning, one of the chief features of the 
husbandry of the single crop, were still in constant use in the 
west of England. Perhaps in the remote past there were 
European races who lived on wheat sown in the autumn, while 
others were simultaneously living on barley and oats sown in 
the spring. In the border lands of these races a two-field 
system would arise and slowly spread. Archaeologists talk of 
the ages of stone, of bronze and of iron ; but for the institu- 
tionalist a classification of ages by modes of agriculture would 
be of greater interest ; and it is to be hoped that before long 
the ages of spring com, winter com, and the different field 
systems may be illuminated by such light as can be thrown 
upon them by detailed local research. 

These notes have wandered far from the hide and the 
carucate of the middle ages. Their object has been to show 
that the hide is derived from the virgate and the camcate from 
the bovate. The virgate and the bovate were collections of 
strips in the open field held from the earliest times by the 
peasantry of Britain, and tilled in accordance with rigid custom. 
The hide and the carucate on the other hand were — normally 
at least — blocks of land allotted to the Teutonic settlers and 
held by them as demesnes of manors. In English law virgates 
and bovates when held by villains could not be transferred by 
deed or fine, and only passed from one villain to another by 
surrender and admittance in the customary court of the manor. 
If however a villain had been emancipated and his villain 
services released he could transfer his virgate at his pleasure 
by deed or fine, and it is probable that all early fines of virgates 
passed strips of land in the open fields which had once been 
held in villainage, and had passed into the hands of the lord by 
forfeiture or escheat or into those of a tenant holding freely by 
the lord's grant. 

fl^2 



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XCll INTRODUCTION. 

The word hide seems t^p have been used ordinarily to 
portions of the lord's demesne. It may be that there are here 
and there cases in which it is applied to fonr virgates in the 
open fields ; but as a general rule the transferor of one or more 
hides is the lord of a manor, and presumably he is transfeniDg 
his demesne lands. It is not unlikely that many fines of hides 
really passed manors, the lord s seignoury over the virgates of 
his villains passing as an appurtenance of his demesnes. There 
are certainly few fines of more than one or two hides, and as 
already explained on an earlier page, fines of manors are rare 
in the twelfth and first half of the thirteenth century. 

In the year 1194 a tax of two shillings a hide was levied 
for the last time by the central government, and four years 
later it was decreed that 100 hides should be regarded as a 
carucate, and a new tax of five shillings a carucate was imposed 
in accordance with this assessments There were subsequent 
assessments by carucates in England, the nature of which has 
not as yet been sufficiently investigated*. It is clear however 
that the carucate gradually displaced the hide as a term of 
conveyance ; but it is at least doubtful whether any distinction 
between the two units was generally recognised in the thirteenth 
century. Demesnes seem to have been assessed as a general 
rule in whole numbers of carucates, and a demesne of 120 acres 
would probably have been assessed at one carucate even though 
a carucate strictly speaking contained 100 acres only. In 8 
Hen. Ill a fine was levied of two carucates of land in Catworth. 
Eight years later another fine with the abbot of Sawtry as 
plaintiff was levied of two carucates of land in the same place. 
Yet in 32 Hen. Ill a third fine was levied of two hides of laud in 
Catworth, and this time the abbot of Sawtry was deforciant. 
Here we seem to have land described as two carucates in one 
year, and two hides in another ; but the identity of the property 
is not quite certain, and this is not a case on which much 
reliance should be placed. 

Last of all let it be noticed that though the carucate 
displaced the hide, the bovate never displaced the virgate in 

1 See p. Izzz above. 

9 As to this see English Historical Review^ in, 501, 702, it, 105. 



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INTRODUCTION. XCIU 

the counties which were once hidated. This is strong testi- 
mony to the virgate and the bovate having been primarily 
units on which the agrarian life of the village community 
depended and only incidentally measures of assessment. The 
hide and the carucate on the other hand have less persistence 
and seem to display themselves not merely as measures of the 
lord's demesnes, but also as measures with which the king and 
not the villagers was concerned. Such dreary monuments of 
mediaeval formalism as fines of lands may yet reveal to us 
more of the customs of Ancient Britain than our most cherished 
relics in stone and legend. 



(/) The customary acre. 

A statute acre is 220 yards wide or 40 rods long and 
22 yards or 4 rods wide, and it therefore contains 160 square 
roda But in the middle ages the word acre normally denoted 
a customary acre, which often differed very greatly in size from 
the statutory acre. These customary acres all seem to have 
contained 160 square rods, but they differed in size from one 
another because they were measured by various rods of a 
customary lengths Our statute rod is of 16^ feet; rods of 
18 feet were very common in the middle ages, and others of 
20, 21 and 24 feet occur frequently. Probably rods of 15 feet 
were common in the south of England ; but they are seldom 
mentioned in records; and their former existence is now almost 
a matter of inference. Some of these rods seem to have been 
used occasionally as privileged rods and for special purposes'. 
For instance a rod of 24 feet was often used for measuring 
lands in the royal forests. A seventeenth century writer* states 
that the measure of 18 feet to the perch is commonly called 

See p. oiv below. They were Bometimes 20 rods long and 8 yards wide 
{Chromeon Mona$terii de BeUOt published by the AngUa Christiana Society, 
p. 11). 

* In Scotland a privileged rod of 20 feet was used to measure lands in 
boroughs {AeU of the Parliament of Scotlandy i, 387 black, 751 red). 

' Michael Dalton, The Countrey Justice, edition of 1685, p. 150. The passage 
is not found in the earlier editions. 



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XCIV INTEODUCTION. 

Woodland measure, 21 feet to the pole is called Church 
measure (scil. of land which doth or formerly did belong to 
the Church) and 24 feet to the pole is called (and that rightlj) 
Forest measure^ His statements are probably true enough 
for the time in which they were written but acres of arable 
land as well as woodland, forest land and Church land 
were until recently often measured by poles of 18, 21 and 
24 feet. 

Our statutory table of measures^ now 'many centuries old, 
tells us that three barley-corns make one inch and 12 inches 
make one foot'. This foot of 36 barley-corns has evidently 
been adopted with the intention of supplanting the human 
foot as a unit of measurement It preserves the name of foot, 
but it answers its purpose as a unit much more satisfactorily. 
Men might easily measure a rod by a number of human feet, 
but however careful they might be in selecting the feet, some 
of their rods would necessarily be longer than others. On the 
other hand a length which was measured by 36 barley-corns 
was not quickly determined; and it is very improbable that 
standard feet were ever constructed by the aid of barley-corns 
in the villages of England. On the contraiy there is a 
probability that when a strong central government was estab- 
lished, it constructed a standard foot, and distributed patterns 
of it throughout the realm. 

Our English foot is longer than the average human foot, 
but — if we may believe classical archaeologists — it differs in 
length from the Roman foot by less than half an inch. It 
also seems to agree closely with the foot of several continental 
countriea We have therefore some reason for thinking that it 
was first introduced into this island by the Romana But 
introduction was one thing ; adoption was quite another. We 

^ Other perches were sometimes used in the royal forests ; for example, one 
of 21 feet in Windsor forest. See the king's charter to the nuns of Broom Hall 
dated 16 June 1262 (Calendar of Charter Rolls, i, 43). 

* StatuUs of the Realm, i, 206. 

' Some tabulators reckoned 10 inches to the foot. Thus the White Book 
of the Abbey of Bury St Edmunds has :-— 

Nota quod tria grana ordei faciunt pollioem, tres poUices fooinnt palmam, 
tres palme et tria grana ordei faoiunt pedem. {Harl. MS, 1005, fo. S9 ▼*.) 



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INTRODUCTION. XOV 

know that the human foot long held its own in Scotland^, we 
may suspect the same of the north of England, and it is not 
unlikely that it was but slowly ousted in other localities. 

If we were to reckon the average length of the feet of 100 
fully grown men of the same race and neighbourhood we should 
probably find that it differed but little from generation to 
generation. A rod measured by a certain number of these 
average feet might make a fairly constant standard. But men 
seldom acted with precision in early days, and the length of 
the average rod was not always determined in one and the 
same way. In Scotland, for instance, they were bidden to 
make an ell by taking the measure of three medium sized feet, 
"that is neither of the greatest nor the least/' and six of these 
measured ells were to make a rod^ Then we are told' that 
in Germany the length of the feet of sixteen men tall and 
short coming out of Church should determine the rod's length. 
It is likely that here and there other methods were adopted. 
Thus it may be that the foot of the priest. Pagan or Christian, 
or the foot of the leader of the host came in course of time to 
be the local standard of measurement. Or it may be that 
bare feet in one place, shod feet in another, or bare feet and 
shod feet alternately, in a third place, determined the length. 
Perhaps Custom prescribed some rigid rule, when she was still 
young; but she is likely to have grown lax with advancing 
years. At the best the human foot was a bad unit ; and it was 
well for all when it gave place to a standard foot measured 
by, or which purported to be measured by, 36 grains of barley. 

Even if we were not well aware that the human foot was 
still measuring Scottish acres in the Middle Ages^ we might 

^ It was sometimeB used in the Middle Ages in measuring land on the ont- 
skirts of London. Thus, *nonem pedes hominis' {Harl MS. 4016, fol. 162 i«)^ 
' also zxj pedes hominis ' {Ibidem, fo. 165 t«). 

* Aet$ of Parliament of Scotland, i. 387 black, 751 red, 

* Jacob Kobel, Qeometrei (published in 1556), p. 4. The book contains a 
pictoie of the sixteen men measuring the rod with their left feet. See also The 
Engineer for 28 September 1888 (p. 259), and Notes and Queries for 16 April 
1898 (p. 806). I am indebted to Mr W. Shaw Sparrow for these references. 

^ It should be noticed that the Scottish ell, originally measured by three 
human feet, eyentually gave place to a standard ell nearly equal to 36 English 
inches. This fact is of great importance in the history of units of length. 



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XCVl INTRODUCTION. 

guess that the standard foot came into use in some districts 
much earlier than in others, for we know from modern experience 
that it is a difficult task to replace one system of measures by 
another. And almost certainly the progress of the new unit 
depended upon agricultural conditions. In districts where the 
strips were still periodically if not annually distributed the 
measuring rod was in constant useK From the wear and tear 
of a single year it would probably require renewal. The measure- 
ment of the new rod would have been one of those solemn 
events which the villagers would be slow to abandon. Never- 
theless as they became familiar with the new measure for other 
purposes in daily life, the human foot would sooner or later 
give place to the standard foot in the measurement of the rod. 
Probably there was a period when men whose feet nearly 
conformed in length to the standard foot were chosen for its 
measurement. 

In districts where the strips were no longer periodically 
allotted but remained unchanged year after year there was 
less work for this village rod. So far as the strips were 
concerned the rod which had been constructed when they were 
last distributed might be preserved for generations, perhaps 
for centuries. It would seldom be needed for aught else than 
the settlement of disputes about metes and bounds. When at 
last the old rod was outworn and a new rod needed, it might 
happen that the villagers had become familiar with a standard 
foot. They would take the old rod, perhaps sadly stunted, and 
reckon its length, as they thought it should be, by the standard 
measure. And so it might come to pass that a rod of 18 

^ It should not be assumed that the periodical allotment of the arable strips 
had entirely ceased in the later middle ages. At the beginning of the nine- 
teenth century, Thomas Davis, the agricultural reporter, defined * whip-land* aa 

* land not divided by meres, but measured out (when ploughed) by the whip's 
length' {Agriculture of Wiltt, 1813, p. 259). His definition, however, should 
not be trusted implicitly, for his description of the * catch-lands ' of Wiltshire, 

* pieces of arable land in common fields of equal sizes, the property not being 
ascertained, but he that ploughed first chose first' (ibidem) is very different 
from John Bay's definition of the ' catchlands' of Norfolk made a century earlier, 
*Land which is not certainly known to what parish it belongeth; and the 
minister that first gets the tithes of it enjoys it for that year' {ColUeticn 
of English Words, 1674, p. 61). 



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INTBODUCTION. XCVll 

human feet gave place to one of 17^ or 17 standard feet. We 
cannot but suspect that such strange rods as those of 17, 17^, 
18^ and 19 feet^ of which we read here and there, sometimes 
represented ancient rods which had purported to be of 6 or 
perhaps 7 yards in length. Then again there were village 
meadows which were allotted year by year to the peasants. 
When we read of the rod of the village we cannot be sure that 
it was the rod by which the ancient arable strips had once 
been measured. It may represent another and perhaps more 
modem rod which was used solely for the distribution of the 
meadows. Moreover the lord had his demesnes upon which the 
villagers worked, and in part of England at least his demesnes 
lay apart from the arable strips of the villagers^ The acres 
of demesne which they were bound to plough were measured 
year by year by a rod, and we can scarcely doubt that that 
rod belonged to the lord. Thus in one and the same village 
there might perchance be three rods; the rod by which the 
arable land had once been annually allotted ; secondly, the rod 
by which the meadows were allotted to the peasantry, and this 
possibly had once been the same as the rod for their arable 
strips; thirdly, the rod by which the lord's demesnes were 
measured. It is very unlikely that there were always or even 
frequently three rods. In some cases there may have been as 
many as three, in many cases there were at least two. 

The strictly defined relations which obtain between various 
modem units of measurement are not to be found in the case 
of ancient units. A kilometre, for instance, is a definite multiple 
of a metre; a standard pound is a definite multiple of a standard 
ounce. In primitive times, however, inches were used for one 
purpose, feet for another, and paces for a third; and though 
the relations between these units might be expressed precisely 
in tables, they cannot have been so used in practice. A mile 
which comprised 1000 paces' was once measured by actual 
pacing and doubtless was often so measured long after a definite 
relation between feet and paces had obtained recognition in 

1 See p. Izxxii above. 

' The paoe is a double step, that is to say, the distance between two suooes- 
sive imprints of the same foot. 



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XCVlil INTRODUCTION. 

any particular country. So too a rod or perch was measured 
by feet without any thought of the exact number of inches 
which a foot should contaiu. In the history of our land 
measurements the derivation of the unit is a matter of supreme 
importance ; and a few brief observations on the subject should 
not be out of place. 

First it has been suggested that the ell or cloth yard, called 
in Latin ulna, is the basis of our land measure. But whatever 
the relation between the ulna or forearm and the cloth yard 
may have been, there is a strong probability that the ell was 
introduced into this country with the cloth which it measured. 
It was occasionally used to measure land but only, so it would 
seem, in small plots, and in the immediate neighbourhood of 
towns where cloth was 8o\d\ Apparently the true ell or cloth 
yard was not determined by the foot in early times. It was 
defined in Scotland as 37 thumbs*, and there are indications 
that it was also defined by the thumb in mediaeval England'. 
We may conjecture that the thumb, the hand and the 
forearm were reserved in early days as units for measuring 
objects worked by hand ; while the foot, the step and the pace 
were used solely for measuring the earth on which men 
trampled. 

The yard seems to have been used in measuring agricultural 

^ The word 'nlna' is used to denote'a measnre of land in the memorandnm 
at the end of the Statatum de admensoratione terre {Statutes of the Reabn^ 
1, 207). Probably Bichard I wished the oloth ell to be a yard in length and had 
an iron ell constructed of 36 inches which led to the two words uirga and ulna 
being used indifferently to denote a measure of doth, and to the word ulna 
being used occasionaUy to denote a measure of land. In Scotland, however, 
the words * ulna ' and * ell * denoted a measure both of land and of doth. 

^ Ulna regis Dauid debet continere zxzTii poUices mensuratas cum poUioe 
trinm hominum scilicet ex magno ez medio et paruo {Aett of the Parliament 
of Scotland, vol. i, p. 309 black, 673 red), 

* The ancient cloth ell of England seems to have been 87 inches in length. 
Notice the following passage, * For there as they were wonte to mete Clothe by 
yerde and ynche nowe they woU mete by yerde and handfull ' {Rotuli ParUamen- 
torum, vol. v, p. 80). The yard and the handful was a yard of 40 inches. 
Sometimes when land near a town was measured by the ell the charter expressly 
states that the ells are to be taken without the inches, that is to say that they 
are to be 86 inches and not 37 (HarL MS. Ko. 4015, fol. 168, r*", and Faustina^ 
B. viU fo. 168 r«>). 



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INTRODUCrnON. XCIX 

land at some early date. The mere fact that the uirgata was 
habitually translated into English as yard-land not only shows 
that uirga was the Latin for yard, but also suggests that the 
virgate had once been measured by the yard. But here a 
difficulty arises. In mediaeval England acres were undoubtedly 
expressed to be measured by the rod or perch and not by the 
yard ; and the rod or perch was represented in Latin generally 
by pertica occasionally by roda, but scarcely ever by uirga. 
Moreover the length of the rod or perch was itself invariably 
or almost invariably stated not in yards, but in feet^ An 
explanation of this difficulty may be conjectured. 

At an early date the rod must have been used not only 
for measuring acres, but also for determining the length of a 
mile more accurately than it could be determined by actual 
pacing. A mile was a distance of 1000 paces or 2000 steps, 
and the earliest yards probably represented the length of a 
step, which was held by experience to be that of three human 
feet. It is unlikely that in early times one rod would have 
been used for measuring miles, and another for measuring acres. 
It \b therefore probable that a single rod was used for both 
purposes, and that this rod was a multiple of the step or yard. 
We may therefore expect that the oldest rods were integral 
multiples of the yard in length, and we can easily understand 
that land which was measured by the rod might colloquially 
be known as a 'yardland* although the length of the rod itself 
was determined by human feet. 

The rod which was most widely used in Britain in the 
early middle ages was almost certainly one of 6 yarda This 
became the statutory rod of Scotland, it was much used in the 
north of England and also in the eastern parts of Wales, it 
was undoubtedly the ordinary rod of Cornwall' and probably 

^ It most be admitted, however, that the words * uirga' axid *yard' were 
■ometimee ased as a quarter of an acre; and it is therefore clear that the word 
* uirga' was occasionally synonymoas with * pertica.' This was the case in 
Wiltshire (Thomas Davis, Agriculture of WilU, 1S13, p. 268). 

* ' So doth their pearoh exceed that of other conntries which amonnteth unto 
18 foote' (Bichard Oarew, Survey of Cornwall^ Ed. of 1769, p. 5i). It is probable, 
however, that the rod of 4 yards was also much used in this county as weU as 
in Devonshire. See p. oxix note 1 below. 



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C INTRODUCTION. 

of part of Devonshire*. In the county of Gloucester' a lug 
denoted a measure of 6 yards in the nineteenth century; 
but in Herefordshire this measure seems to have denoted a 
measure of 7 yards'. In the Isle of Ely and that part of 
Cambridgeshire which bordered on Norfolk a gad was used for 
measuring land which was three yards in length or half that 
of the rod of 6 yards*. The Lincolnshire gad, however, is said 
to have been of 10 feet ; but the authority for the statement 
is not good*. 

The rod of 6 yards had its rivals especially in the west 
In Cheshire, Lancashire, Staffordshire, parts of Cumberland, 
Westmoreland and Wales the customary rod was of 8 yards* ; 
but rods of 7 yards were also, though less generally, used in 
some of these districts. In the purely Welsh parts of 
Pembrokeshire the customary rod was of 4 yards; so that 4 
small customary acres or 'stangs' made one large customary 
acre measured by the rod of 8 yards^ Possibly the Pembroke- 
shire stang, which was also found in other parts of Wales, was 
originally the agrarian unit of Cheshire and the other districts 
in which the rod of 8 yards was used. The Pembrokeshire 
rod of 4 yards was also the customary rod of many other parts 
of Wales, and also of Ireland where it was called /artocA®. 
Finally a rod of 4^ yards was common in Wales. This has 



^ In sonth-west Devon a peroh of 18 feet was used in building ; in some 
other parts of the county, however, a rope of 20 feet was used for this purpose 
(Charles Vancouver, Agriculture of Devon, 1808, pp. 90, 92). A list of 'some 
provincialisms* in this county states that a 'staff' is *nine feet, half a rod' 
(Thomas Moore, History of Devonshire^ i, p. 355). 

' Lug. In Gloucestershire a land measure of six yards (P. L. Simmonds, 
Dictionary of Trade Products^ p. 234). 

' It was applied to coppice wood in this county. John Dnncombe, History 
of the County of Hereford, i, 216. 

^ Domesday Studies, paper on unit of assessment by 0. 0. Pell, p. 276. 

'^ William Hone, Every Day Book, ii. 394. 

* Mr A. N. Palmer, who has studied these matters profoundly, says that the 
rod of 8 yards was also used in Shropshire and Northern Herefordshire (* Notes 
on Ancient Welsh Measures,' Archaeologia CawhrenHs, January 1896, p. 10). 

' See Henry Owen's edition of George Owen's Description of Pembrokeshire, 
p. 135. 

B P. W. Joyce, Social History of Ireland, vol. u, p. 872. 



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INTRODUCTION, ■ • C1-- 

been explained as a rod of 18 Welsh feet of 9 iDches each ; 
but the explanation is not altogether satisfactory. 

A general survey of England seems to show that the rod 
of 6 yards was the rod of northern Britain, and much of the 
west of England in the middle ages\ Probably, however, the 
rod of 8 yards, which occurs on the west of the Pennine range, 
is older ; but no trace of it can now be seen in other parts of 
England. On the other hand the rod of 6 yards may have been 
once used in the south of England ; but if so it was supplanted 
by other rods at an early date. 

Rods of 4^ yards are also found in Rogate in Sussex' and 
we are told that there were customary acres in Sussex of 6 
score and 6 score rods'. As an acre measured by a rod of 4^ 
yards would contain no more than 104 statute perches, we may 
assume that the customary acres of 5 score perches represent 
acres which might be measured by a rod of 4^ yards, and 
really contained like the short acres of Rogate 3240 square 
yards of the statute measure. Acres of the same dimensions 
occur in Herefordshire^ and also at Puxton in Somerset^ 
where the lot meadows were until recently measured annually 
by a chain of 18 yards which is the equivalent in length of 
four rods of 4J yards each. 

But it must not be assumed that these short acres of 3240 
square yards were necessarily measured by rods of 4^ yards. 
They were 180 yards long and 18 yards wide. It is therefore 
possible that they were considered to be 30 rods long and 
3 rods wide, each rod being 6 yards and not 4 J yards in length. 

1 In making this statement I rely very mnoh upon a large namber of oases 
of rods of 6 yards mentioned in charters and other records relating to the north 
of England. Bods of 20 feet were also common in the north; bat they seem to 
have been privileged rods. 

' A report relating to the parish of Liss made in 1826 or 1827 speaks of : — 
<six acres of land (customary measure of four and a half yards to the pole) at 
Bogate.' See lUporUfrom CommissUmera (3), Charities (16), vol. ix, p. 304. 

• < There are several sorts of acres... the forest acre is nine score rods, the 
statute aore eight score, the short acre six score in some places in others five 
Boore ' (Arthur Young, AffricuUure of Sussex, 1808, p. 459). 

^ Second Beport of the Oommissioners of Weights and Measures, Parlia- 
mentary Papers, 1820, Beports, vol. vn. 

» Hone, The Every Day Book, i, 837, n, 916. 



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•Cll" - INTRODUCTION. 

Furlongs 30 rods in length were certainly known in Wales 
in early times, and they were also known on the continent. 
It is also possible that the short acres of 3240 square yards 
were only used in England to measure meadow land. It is 
significant that the short acres of Puxton in Somerset were 
acres of meadow and not acres of arable. 

We must now consider the length of the rod which 
measured the acres of southern England. Rods of 6 yards 
were certainly used in Cornwall and perhaps in parts of our 
south-western and western midland counties; but about the 
rest of the south we have very little information. As already 
stated rods of 4, 4^, 6, 7, and 8 yards were used in different 
parts of England and Wales, but when we look through charters, 
fines and inquisitions in which every now and then the length 
of the measuring rod is expressly mentioned, we meet with no 
rods of 6 yards^ It is probable, however, for the reasons to be 
now stated, that this was the length of rod which once measured 
the acre strips of southern England. 

First we have the brilliant suggestion of the late Frederic 
William Maitland that our statute rod of 5} yards, is a 
compromise between one of 5 and one of 6 yards*. We may 
see confirmation of this suggestion in the fact that outside 
the royal forests the rod of 7 yards occurred in those parts of 
England in which rods of 6 and 8 yards were prevalent. But 
if the rod of 5J yards was really a rod of compromise, and the 
rod of the north and much of the west was normally of 6 yards, 
we should expect that the rod of the south and east was 
originally one of 5 yards. 

Let us see how these rods of 5 and 6 yards fit into 

^ In Irtlingborongh in the county of Northampton there was a oroBs in the 
middle of the village the stafif of which was used as standard for the pole to 
measure the doles in the meadows. The staff is said to have been 13 feet high, 
but it probably purported to be 13} feet (John Bridges, Northatnptomhire^ 1791, 
vol. n, p. 236). 

There were also small acres of grass land in Lincolnshire which in some 
cases were not more than three roods. They probably, however, were intended 
to contain 3240 square yards (Arthur Toung, Agriculture of LineoUuhiret 1799, 
pp. 179, 180). 

> Domesday Book and Beyond^ p. 874. 



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INTRODUCTION. ClU 

tables of measures of length. According to the Roman 
scheme : 

1 pace = 5 feet 

1 rod = 2 paces » 10 feet 

1 mile = 500 rods = 1000 paces = 5000 feet. 

The point which it is important to notice in this table is 
that the Roman mile is equal to 500 Roman rods. 

Next according to a system in which the rod is 15 feet in 
length we have : 

1 yard = 3 feet 
1 pace = 5 feet 

1 rod = 3 paces = 5 yards = 15 feet 
1 furlong = 40 rods == 120 paces = 200 yards = 6O0 feet 
1 mile = 8^ furlongs = 333^ rods = 1000 paces 
== 1666§ yards = 5000 feet 
1^ miles == 12^ furlongs = 500 rods == 1500 paces 
= 2500 yards = 7500 feet 
3 miles » 25 furlongs » 1000 rods »=: 3000 paces 
= 5000 yards = 15000 feet. 

In this table the mile is of the same length as in the 
preceding table, but instead of being 500 rods it is 333^ rods 
in length. But if we suppose that the Romans made use of 
the rod of 15 feet when they came into England, we may well 
believe that their road-makers would still measure lengths of 
500 rods according to their custom. As the words mille paasus 
still signified 1000 paces, a new word was required for the 
new length, and it is suggested that the one adopted was 
'leuca' afterwards known in English as ^league' and that this 
word came to denote a length of 500 rods. 

Thirdly let us consider a table in which the rod is one of 
6 yards or 18 feet The chief feature of this table is that the 
pace is taken to be 6 feet or 2 yards in length. The Romans, 
it is true, and some of the southern races even in early times, 
considered the pace as of 5 feet ; but that they always did so 
is very doubtful. It is certain, however, that the pace^ of 
6 feet was used in Europe and the taller races would naturally 
^ In France the length of 6 feet was not called a pace but a * toise.' 



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CIV INTRODUCTION. 

persist in its use longer than the shorter. This table reads as 
follows : 

1 yard = 3 feet 

1 pace = 2 yards = 6 feet 

1 rod = 3 paces = 6 yards = 18 feet 

1 furlong = 40 rods = 120 paces = 240 yards = 720 feet 

1 mile = 8J furlongs = 1000 paces = 2000 yards 

= 6000 feet 
1 league =12^ furlongs = 500 rods = 1600 paces 
= 3000 yards = 9000 feet 
3 miles = 25 furlongs = 1000 rods = 3000 paces 

= 6000 yards = 18000 feet. 

Here again, the league is as in the previous table 500 rods 
long. 

There is abundant evidence that the mile which was most 
widely used in England, especially in the south, was the mile 
of 5000 feet In the book of the customs of London, called 
Arnold! s Chronicle, a table ^ is given in which, though the rod 
or perch is given as 16^ feet, the pace is said to be 5 feet 
and the mile 5000 feet. 

y fote make a pace ; cxxv pace make a furlong', and viij furlong make 
an English mile, and xvj furlong make a Frensh leuge, v yardis dl make a 
percbe in London to mete lande by.... In dyuers odur placis in this lande 
they mete grounde by poUis gaddis and roddis som be of xviij foote som 
of XX fote and som xxj fote in lengith, but of what lengith soo euer they 
be Clx perches make an akir 

xvi fote and half makith a perch as is a boue said, that is v yardis 
and half; vjC foote by fife score to the C [and xxv] makith a furlong, 
that is xxxviij perchis sauf ij fote ; viij furlong make an English myle, 
that is V M. fote and so iijC and iij perchis also an English myle. 

It will be observed that the rod of 16^ feet fits very badly 
into this table, and that neither the mile, the league, nor the 
double league is an integral multiple of 16| feet The mile 
of 5000 feet, it is true, is not an integral multiple of 5 yards, 

^ At p. 173. The book was published in ISll, but its text is far from 
satisfactory. 

^ The furlong, which is a purely agrioultoral measure, is here confused with 
the classical stadium or eighth part of a mile of 5000 feet. 



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INTRODUCTION. CV 

but 500 rods of 5 yards make precisely a league or mile and a 
half, and the league was preferred to the mile in English 
mediaeval measurements. 

The word * league ' was also used in England to describe a 
length of three miles. It appears that these were old English 
or ' Italian ' miles of 5000 feet, so that the long league con- 
tained 15,000 feet or 1000 rods of 5 yards each. On the 
continent the long leagues were sometimes called miles; and 
they were obviously miles of 1000 rods each ; the rods however 
were more than 5 yards in length. We read in a sixteenth 
century treatises that, 

8 of these furlonges do make an Italian or Englishe mile which being 
multiplied by 4 makes 32 furlonges, the length of a common Gtermanie mila 

According to this computation the German mile contained 
20,000 feet or 1000 rods of 20 feet each. Possibly, however, 
the rod was sometimes of 18 feet only, in which case the mile 
contained 18,000 feet, and was only approximately equal to 4 
English or Italian miles. There were also miles on the con- 
tinent equal to 5 English miles. These probably contained 
24,000 or 25,000 feet or 1000 rods of 24 or 25 feet each. It 
would be rash to draw any confident inference from the lengths 
of the different miles used in Europe in the middle ages, but 
there certainly seems to be some reason for thinking that they 
point to the widespread use of rods of 5, 6 and 8 yards and of 
20 and 25 feet". 

There is also abundant evidence that the league of 9000 
feet was formerly much used in the north and west of England 
where it was still lingering in the 18th century. In Arnold's 
Chronicle it is called the 'Frensh leuge,' and is there said 

1 WiUiam Ouningham, Cosmographieal OUus, 1559, fol. 56. 
' The foUowing passage from the classical tract Pauca de menturU should 
be noticed : — 

Perticas autem iuzta looa ael crassitadinem .terraram, prout pro- 

nintialibns plaonit, nidemus esse dispositas, qoasdam decempedas, 

qnibasdam dnos additos pedes, aliqaas nero xt nel x et vii pedum diffinitas 

{Qromatiei ueteres ex recenrione Caroli Lackmanni). 

If , ae is not onlikely, the 'x et Tii* of this passage is an error for *x et yiii,' 

there were three recognized rods in ase in the Roman provinces, namely of 10, 

15 and 18 feet respectiTely. 

C. A. 8. Octavo SerUi. XXXVII. ^ 



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CVl INTRODUCTION. 

to be equal to 2 English miles. This statement is not quite 
correct, for 2 English miles according to the ancient com- 
putation contained 10,000 feet; but notwithstanding this 
inaccuracy there can be no reasonable doubt that the table 
refers to the league of 9000 feet or 1500 paces of 6 feet. 
Thus we have an English league of 15,000 feet or 1000 rods 
of 5 yards each, another English league of 7500 feet or 
500 rods of 5 yards each and a third league sometimes called a 
French league, of 9000 feet or 500 rods of 6 yards each. The 
prevalence in mediaeval England of these two leagues, one of 
500 rods of 5 yards, the other of 500 rods of 6 yards, suggests 
very strongly that rods of 5 and 6 yards were the rods most 
widely used in early Britain. An attempt will be made 
presently to show why the rod of 5 yards gave place to one of 
5^ sooner than was the case with the rod of 6 yards. 

Next let it be noticed that a rod of 5 yards gives a furlong 
of 200 yards, and that a rod of 6 yards gives a furlong of 240 
yards. The furlong was certainly measured by the rod; but 
we can scarcely doubt that rods which gave the convenient 
numbers of 10 score and 12 score yards to the furlong would 
have specially commended themselves to an agrarian people. 

For further information we turn to the Reports made to 
the Board of Agriculture between the years 1793 and 1813. 
The statements which we there find about the customary rods 
of our southern counties are disappointing. They are vagne 
and scanty, and for some counties they are altogether wanting. 
At this we ought not to be surprised, for the reports were 
made by practical men concerned with modem agriculture and 
not with ancient measures. Rods of 5 yards are said to have 
been used in Wiltshire* and Dorset"; but they are not expressly 

^ 'A lug is of three lengths in this county : 15, 18, and 16} feet. The first 
of these measures is getting oat of use, bat is still retained in some places, 
partionlarly in increasing masons' work * (Thomas Davis, Agriculture of WiUsy 
1813, p. 268). 

> * Land is measured by the goad or lag of 15 feet and an inch. A oastomary 
acre is therefore equal to about 134 square poles, statute measure. The customary 
measures seem to be more used in the western, than the eastern parts of the 
county ' (G. A. Cooke, Topography of Britain, vol. n, Dorset, p. 48). 

18 January 1583. In the parish of £rmitage...in Dorsetshire.. .a peeoe of 



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INTRODUCTION* CVIl 

mentioned in the reports of other counties. In Bedfordshire^ 
it is said that land was measured by the statute rod, but that 
the nominal acres in many open fields did not exceed three 
roods. Though this last is an indefinite statement, it at least 
establishes the fact that in this county the strips in the open 
fields were originally laid out by a rod which was shorter than 
the statute rod of 16^ feet. Three statute roods contain 3630 
square yards, which is a quantity not very much less than 
the 4000 square yards contained in the acre measured by the 
rod of 15 feet. On the whole there is reason for supposing 
that the strips in the open fields of Southern England were 
oDce measured by a shorter rod than one of 16^ feet, and, having 
regard to what has already been said, they were more probably 
measured by rods of 5 yards than by rods of any other length. 

But it must be confessed that ancient documents are 
strangely silent about the rod of 5 yards, so much so that some 
explanation must be offered for their silence, if the former 
existence of such rods is to be believed. In the first place it 
should be remembered that where the strips were held in 
severalty, and there was no longer any annual or periodical 
distribution, there was little or no work for the village rod, 
which would slowly fall into disuse. This was undoubtedly 
the state of things in the middle ages in the south of England. 
In fact where we read of a rod which was not the statutory 
one, it was almost certainly either the rod by which the lords' 
demesnes were measured, or a rod used for the annual distri- 
bution of meadow lands. Now in mediaeval documents we read 
(except very occasionally) of one rod only which was shorter 
than the statute rod of 5^ yards ; and that rod was one of 16 
feet. From its frequent mention we might almost assume that 
it was the lord's rod in the south of England. Fortunately, 
however, we have a very important piece of evidence on 
this point. There is an ancient and anonymous tract called 

ground oonteining three acres... was carried oleane oner another close,... (the 
spaoe of fortie goad fifeaerie goad conteining teene foote). (Raphael Holinshed, 
Ckronicle$f p. 1353, Hooker's edition and continuation.) 

'Gourd,' fifteen feet and one inch square (William Stevenson, Agri- 
culture of Donet, 1812, p. 466). 

1 Thomas Batohelor, Agriculture of Bedford^ 1808, p. 592, 

A2 



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cVlU INTRODUCTION. 

"Hosebonderie," which was printed some years ago with Walter 
of Henley's tract^ on the dame subject. It is primarily concerned 
with estate accounts; but it is essentially a lord's book. In 
one section the author tells us that in different districts land 
may be measured by rods of 18, 20, 21 or 24 feet Then he 
proceeds to state what was the relation between the acre 
measured by each of these rods and the acre measured by the 
rod of 16 feet. He tells us for instance quite accurately that 
16 acres measured by the rod of 18 feet make 20 acres and a 
rood measured by the rod of 16 feet; and that 4 acres measured 
by the rod of 24 feet make 9 acres measured by the rod of 
16 feet. With this carefully constructed table before us, in 
which there is no mention whatever of the statute rod of 16| 
feet, we are forced to the conclusion that the rod of 16 feet 
was used as the lord's rod in a considerable part of mediaeval 
England. But if the rod of the lord was longer than the rod 
of his villains, the latter can hardly have been of any other 
length than 15 feet. The difference in length is not likely to 
have been great ; and it is very improbable that rods of 13 and 
14 feet were used anciently. 

Proof that the lord's rod was often longer than that of his 
villains may be found in the statement* of John Norden, 
who published his Surveyor's Dialogue in the year 1607. 
He says: 

I have seene ancient records, and bookes of suruey of great antiquitie, 
which doe sbewe, that the lord's demeisnes were measured with a pole 
of 20 foote, which was called maior menstcroy and the customary by a pole 
called mensura minor, which I take to bee but 16^ foote though in some 
places the tenants claime the 18 foote pole. 

Norden's language shows that he was far from certain what 
were the respective lengths of the maior mensura and the minor 
menswra. Probably in districts where the tenants used the 
18 foot rod, the lord used one of 20 feet ; and in those districts 
where the tenants used one of 15 feet the lord used one either 
of 16 or 16i feet. 

This long account of customary rods and acres suggests two 

^ Elizabeth Lamond, Walter of Henley*t Husbandry, p. 69. 
« At p. 1S2. 



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INTRODUCTION. CIX 

provisional conclusions. One of them is that there are signs 
of Great Britain having once been divided into wide tracts in 
each of which a different rod prevailed. In the south and 
south-east there was a rod of 6 yards : beyond this in a tract 
stretching from Cornwall to Lincoln the rod was of 6 yards*; 
beyond this again in a third tract stretching from South Wales 
to Cumberland there was a rod of 8 yards, though in actual 
measurements a rod of half that length was probably used; 
and lastly in Anglesey and parts of North Wales a rod of 4J 
yards appears to have been used, which, as will be explained 
presently, was probably derived from a rod of 6 yards. The 
boundaries of these tracts cannot as yet be ascertained precisely. 
There are whole counties in the midlands", in which we have 
yet to learn whether the dominant rod in the middle ages was 
one of 5 or 6 yards. Probably in each of these tracts there 
were islands and peninsulas, in which the rod of one or other 
of the neighbouring tracts prevailed ; but on this point specu- 
lation is idle, and further research imperative. Meanwhile it 
would be rash to assume that the various tracts which used 
rods of different lengths were inhabited by men of different 
races. In modern Europe changes in agricultural practice take 
place far from rapidly, and they take place independently of 
invasion and conquest. There is little reason for thinking that 
it was entirely otherwise in ancient daya Still the advent of a 
conquering race may have sometimes introduced or hastened 
a change of agricultural practice. Thus the Romans may have 

^ This rod has not ae yet been f onnd in Somerset. It was nsed in Glonoester- 
shire and Cambridgeshire, and there is some reason for thinking that it was 
need in North Oxfordshire, where xxiiii acres seem to haye been reckoned to the 
virgate or doable bovate (see p. cz note 2 below). As the customary acre was said 
to be *fiye roods, particularly for copyhold land,' in Lincolnshire, it is almost 
certain that the acre was measured by a rod of six yards (see Domesday and 
Beyond, p. 374). (See Second Report of the Conmiissioners of Weights and 
Measures, Parliamentary Papers, 1820, Reports, yol. yn.) This statement 
occurs in Appendix A to the Report which is described as ' An index of terms 
relating to weights and measures extracted chiefly from the Reports of the 
different counties published by the Board of Agriculture.' It is unfortunate that 
the Appendix omits to state from what other sources this Index was compiled. 

2 The rod of 8 yards was used in Staffordshire, and it probably extended 
into Derbyshire and some of the adjoining counties^ 



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ex INTBODUCnON. 

encouraged the Britons to use a rod of 15 feet which was half 
as long again as their own Roman rod in preference to a rod of 
18 feet which was nine-tenths of two Roman rods. 

The second provisional conclusion is that in point of number 
the customary acreage of the holding of the peasant depended 
upon the length of the customary rod. In the north of England 
where the rod was of 6 yards the double bovate contained 
25 acres^; in the south where the statute rod was of 5^ yards, 
the virgate was accounted to contain 30 acres. A rod of 
6 yards gives an acre of 5760 square yards, so that 5 acres 
contain 28,800 square yarda A statute acre on the other hand 
contains 4840 square yards, and six of them contain 29,040 
square yards. Thus 6 northern acres are very little smaller 
than 6 statute acres; and a double bovate of 25 acres measured 
by a rod of 6 yards is therefore very nearly as large as a 
normal virgate of 30 statute acres measured by a statute rod 
of 5^ yards. 

If, in the south, before the introduction of the rod of 
5^ yards, men used, as is here contended, a rod of 5 yards, 
their acres contained 4000 square yards ; and six acres there- 
fore contained 24,000 square yards, but five statute acres 
contained 24,200 square yards, so that six acres measured by 
a rod of 5 yards are very little smaller than 5 acres measured 
by the statute rod, and 36 of these supposed small acres of the 
south are nearly equivalent in size to 30 statute acre& Again, 
an acre measured by a rod of 5 yards bears to an acre measured 
by a rod of 6 yards the ratio of the square of 5 to the square 
of 6, that is to say, the ratio of 25 to 36, and 36 of the 
supposed small southern acres are therefore exactly equal to 
25 northern acres and approximately equal to 30 statute acres. 
In other words the double bovate' of the north, the normal 

^ It muBt be understood, howeyer, that this is only the view taken in these 
notes. The borate has generally been assumed to be the same as the half 
virgate of 16 acres. 

^ From a table written about 1520 in the Cartulary of Eymham (n, 2), which 
states that *[xz]iiii acars makyt a yard of land,' it would appear that the yard 
of part of Oxfordshire, probably the northern part, was a double bovate. The 
text of the table however is unsatisfactory, and it is not certain that the 'iiij' 
which it mentions is really an error for xxiiij. 



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INTRODUCTION. CXI 

viigate of the south, and a supposed original virgate of the 
south contained almost the same quantity of land. 

But the existence of these virgates of 36 small acres has 
not been established. It is true that we have the case of the 
hundred of Loxfield in Sussex^ but it would be rash to draw 
from a single hundred an inference about the whole of the 
south of England. Therefore until fresh evidence comes to 
light we must be content with a consideration of some of the 
reasons why virgates of 36 small acres, if they really existed, 
were seldom mentioned in the middle ages. In the first place 
it may be suggested that in many manors, the annual distri- 
bution of the strips had long been abandoned when the rod 
of 5^ yards was introduced. This new rod, however, would 
soon come to be used by surveyors, and especially by royal 
surveyors, and the old rod of 5 yards by which the virgates of 
36 small acres had been allotted, would in many cases gradually 
be forgotten. When, then, the surveyor measured the virgates, 
he should have found, if the strips had retained their ancient 
dimensions, that they contained 30 statute acres. Probably 
some surveyors saw that the strips had been laid out by a rod 
of 5 yards, and knowing that 36 acres measured by the old 
rod were almost exactly equivalent to 30 acres measured by 
the statute rod, said boldly that the virgate under consideration 
contained 30 statute acres. But it is probable that after the 
lapse of many generations, perhaps many centuries, the strips 
were seldom of just the same magnitude as they were when 
they were first laid out. The surveyor would measure them 
with his rod of 5^ yards ; but in days when mensuration was 
little understood this was no easy task; so that it is likely 
enough that he might ascribe to a virgate a number of acres, 
which would shock a modem surveyor better skilled in 
mensuration. Occasionally it might be the case that though 
the strips were uniform in width and had been laid out by 
a rod which purported to be of 5 yards, they had actually 
been laid out by a rod which was smaller or laiger. In such 
a case a surveyor could make use of tables such as the 

^ See p. Izzi abo?e. 



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CXU INTRODUCTION. 

well-known StatiUum de admensuratione terre\ which begins 
as follows: 

Quando acra tern oontinet z perticatas in longitudine, tunc zvi perti- 
catas in latitudine. 

Quando zj longitudine, tunc ziij perticatas dimidia j quarterium et j 
pedem et y poUices. 

Quando zij longitudine, tunc.. 

With all these difficulties in the way of exact mensuratioii 
we can well understand that virgates which are said to be of 
27, 28 or 32 acres may represent virgates which contained 
approximately those numbers of statute acres in the middle 
ages, though they once contained 36 acres measured by rods 
which purported to be of 5 yards each. 

There is one further probability in this matter. The 
surveyor may sometimes, especially where the strips happened 
to have remained feiirly uniform in size, have felt himself 
bound to measure them, but have been quite content to do 
so with the customary rod of 5 yards or thereabouts'. Thus a 
virgate which in a mediaeval document is said to contain 
36 acres or thereabouts may sometimes represent a virgate not 
of 36 statute acres but of 36 small acres measured by the 
customary rod. These would be in open fields where the shots 
were for the most part rectangular, and in which there were 
few gore acres, and few balks. Here the customary rod by 
which they were measured would be more easily recognized 
and remembered than in manors among which gore acres and 
balks were plentiful. If however the size of the peasant's 
holding really was the same whether its acres were small or 
large, some explanation must be attempted of the use of the 
diflFerent rods by which the acres were measured. First we 
must suppose that the rod of 6 yards was older than the rod 
of 5 yards. Also that in the days when the rod of 6 yards was 

1 StatiUet of the Realms i. 206. Another version of this table appears in 
Thome*B Chroniole printed in Roger Twysden's Decern Seriptoret (p. 2203). This 
version differs considerably from the so-oaUed *8tatutam.' 

* There is nnfortanately no means of deciding what rod was nised in any 
given case. It sometimes happened that the lord used the rod of one manor 
to measure lands in another. In such cases he evidently was not using the 
statatoiy rod. See Cartulary of Eyntham, n, 2. 



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INTKODUCTION. CXUl 

in general use in England, men cultivated spring com only, 
that is to say oats only or oats and barley. Then came a time 
when winter com and a rotation of crops were introduced. In 
one early system the cultivated land was divided into two 
fields, which were sown with spring com and winter com 
alternately. One field was sown with winter com when the 
other was sown with spring com, and in each field there was 
an occasional fallow. Other arrangements were possible. For 
instance, during one year one field might be sown with winter 
com, and the other with spring com; during the next year 
the first field might be sown with spring corn and the second 
might lie fallow; and during the third year the first field 
might lie fallow and the second be sown with winter com. On 
the adoption of such two-field systems as these there was no 
need for changing the size either of the acre, or of the 
holding. Here and there, however, there may have been 
some slight adjustment so that each tenant could have 13 half 
acres in each field, instead of 13 in one field and 12 only in 
the other. 

In course of time the advantages of a three-field system 
would become apparent. It enabled the villagers to leave one- 
third of their land &llow in every year, and to reap an equal 
quantity of spring corn and winter corn at each harvest. But 
we can well understand that when a three-field system was 
introduced the villagers might wish to change the size of their 
acres and preserve their number as far as possible. Those who 
had possessed 13 strips in one field and 12 in the other, might 
be glad to have 12 smaller strips in each of the three new 
fields. Such a rearrangement was easily effected with absolute 
mathematical precision by the simple device of substituting 
a rod of 5 yards for one of 6 yards ; for we have already seen 
that 25 acres measured by the rod of 6 yards are the exact 
equivalent of 36 acres measured by the rod of 5 yards. Here 
and there, where the villagers had held 13 strips in each of 
the two old fields, they probably received 13 smaller strips 
measured by the rod of 5 yards in each of the three new fields. 
In this case each villager would receive a little more land (at 
the expense of the lord, probably by the cultivation of part of 



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CXIV iKTRODUCrnON. 

the waste) than he had possessed previoasly. A mediaeval 
surveyor measuring these half virgates by the rod of 5| yards 
might say that they contained 16 statute acres, or measuring 
them by the rod of 5 yards say 20 acres^ when they really 
contained 39 small customary half-acres. 

Thus on this explanation by the introduction of the three- 
field system two rods came to be in general use in southern 
England, one of 5 yards, and the other of 6 yards; and the 
smaller of them gradually displaced the larger. A strong central 
government would sooner or later perceive the disadvantage 
of having two rods in general use and would endeavour to 
introduce a rod of compromise of 5^ yard& In those manors, 
however, in which the periodical allotment of the strips had 
ceased, there would be no occasion for disturbing the then 
existing arrangement. The strips which had been held in 
severalty, would remain unchanged in dimension whether 
they had been allotted by the rod of 6 yards or by the rod 
of 5 yards. But where the strips were still being allotted 
periodically the new rod of 5^ yards might not infrequently 
come into use. It would bring a change into the village 
arrangements but no violent change. Where the two-field 
system prevailed each holder of a half virgate or a bovate 
would henceforth have 15 half-acres measured by the rod of 
6^ yards in each of the two fields. Where the three-field 
system prevailed he would henceforth have 10 statute acres 
instead of 12 small customary acres in each of the three fields. 

As the years rolled on much of the regularity of the three- 
field system disappeared. The virgates were divided and men 
bought, sold and exchanged odd strips in the open fields. 
Surveyors measured them by the statute rod ; they forgot the 
old rod and merely noticed that the strips, though called acres 
and half-acres, were smaller according to their estimates than 
they should have been. The north, however, was more con- 
servative than the south, and its ancient bovates, measured by 

1 In the manora belonging to the abbey of Glastonbury the virgate oon- 
tained 40 acres. These were probably small acres measured by the rod of 5 
yards. See Somerset Record Society Pnblications, yol. y. BentaUa et Cutttmuuriaf 

p. XXT. 



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XNTRODUCTION. CXT 

the rod of 6 yards, remained unbroken longer than the virgates 
of the south. Moreover the rod of 5 yards seems to have been 
little known in the north, and the rod of 6^ yards would 
scarcely have appeared as a rod of compromise. The men of 
the north were probably better acquainted with rods of 8 than 
with rods of 5 yards ; and to them a rod of compromise would 
have been one of 7 yards. Thus it is that the old rod of 6 
yards still existed as a customary measure in the north of 
England until recently. 

And now some effort must be made to dispose of a few 
difficulties which seem to stand in the way of the theory pro- 
pounded in these notes. In the first place the 'Ancient Laws^ 
of Wales' are said to show that the oldest strips of some part of 
Wales were measured not by yards or steps, or even by human 
feet, but by such vague measures as the distance which the 
tallest man of the *trev' could reach with his outstretched 
hand above him, or by the distance which a ploughman could 
reach with a rod of a certain length held in his hand in a 
certain way. The same laws have also been said to show that 
in other parts of Wales the strips were measured by a rod 
based on a foot which was specially defined as of 9 inches. 
These ancient laws are of great value institutionally, but it 
must not be supposed that in every case they give strictly 
accurate information. The indefinite methods, of which they 
speak, should be compared with such vague statements as 'the 
carucate is as much land as a team of oxen can plough in a 
season' or 'an acre is as much land as a team can plough in a 
morning/ And the more precise measurements recorded in 
the Ancient Laws and based on the foot of 9 inches are not 
necessarily correct. The Welsh may have thought that the 
average foot contained 9 inches, and none the less they may 
have constructed their rods direct from the human foot and 
not from the inch. Elsewhere the human foot as a unit seems 
to have given place in course of time to a standard foot of 
12 inches'. There is no reason for supposing that it was 

1 For an aoconnt of these laws see c. vi. of The Welsh People by John Bhys 
and David Biynmore Jones. 
* See p. zoy note 4 above. 



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CXVl INTRODUCTION. 

otherwise in Wales. Moreover the passages in which the 
measurements are recorded may be more or less corrupt ; for 
they certainly lead to some strange results. The Welsh acres 
which have survived the middle ages are bewildering in their 
number and variety but they all seem to be closely and con- 
veniently related to one another by small multiples. If their 
variety and origin can be explained in some simple way, the 
Ancient Laws of Wales may be left awhile for further textual 
criticism. 

The commonest of the Welsh acres' is the 8 yard acre, 
containing 4 roods of 2560 square yards or 10,240 square yards 
in all. It is found not only in a broad and continuous tract 
from Flint to Pembrokeshire but also in the western counties 
of England from Cumberland to Gloucestershire. Another 
acre widely used in Wales was the 6 yard acre, containing 
4 roods of 1440 square yards or 5760 square yards in all. In 
Wales it seems to occur mostly on the borders of the tract in 
which the 8 yard acre prevailed. This is the acre of Scotland 
and the north of England. But the acre which has given rise 
to even more discussion than either of these is the acre of 
3240 square yards which is found in Anglesey and Carnarvon- 
shire and also in Montgomeryshire and Brecknock. A table' 
dated 1755 referring to this acre reads thus : 

5 J Welsh yards each way = 1 pole 
30 poles = 1 yardland 

5 yardlands and 8 poles = 1 statute acre. 

The yard of Anglesey was normally of 40 inches', but in this 
table it seems to have been considered to contain 41 inches, 
and as 5^ x 41 inches gives 215^ inches or almost exactly 
18 feet, it is evident that the pole here mentioned was of 
6 yards. Thus the yardland of Carnarvon is 6 x 30 yards in 
length and 6 yards in width or 1080 square yards, so that 

^ The best acooant of the Welsh acres is to be found in an admirable paper 
by Mr A. N. Palmer entitled * Notes on Ancient Welsh Measures,' published in 
Arehaeologia CambrenHs, fifth series, yol. xin. No. xlix. p. 1, January, 1896. 

^ This is printed in Mr A. N. Palmer's paper. See note 1 aboye. 

> This is probably the yard and the * handful ' ^^oh is mentioned in note 3 
p. xoviii above. 



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JNTRODUCTION. CXVU 

three of these yardlands go to an acre of 3240 square yards, 
which is 180 yards loDg and 18 yards wide. Now 6 of these 
yardlands and 8 of these poles (6400 + 8x36) contain 5688 
poles : but it is evident that the tabulator meant 5 yardlands 
and 8 poles to represent 5^ yardlands or 5760 square yards\ 
that is to say a six -yard acre. When he speaks of a statute 
acre he means a six-yard acre of the usual 160 poles in contrast 
to the Anglesey 3 yardlands of 90 poles. 

This Anglesey acre of 3240 yards which is 180 yards long 
and 18 yards wide may be measured just as well by a rod of 
4^ yards as by one of 6 yards ; and if it be so measured it is 
40 rods long and 4 rods wide. As an acre is usually considered 
to be 40 rods long and 4 wide it is not surprising that the 
six-yard rod actually gave place to a rod of 4^ yards in some 
of the districts in which the acre was of 4320 square yards. 
These are facts which seem to justify the statement made on 
an earlier page that the rod of 4^ yards was really derived froA 
the rod of 6 yards. 

Perhaps the most important feature of the acre of 4320 
square yards is that both its length and its breadth alike are 
exactly three-quarters of the length and breadth respectively 
of the six-yard acre. It is important because precisely the 
same relation obtains between the six-yard acre and the eight- 
yard acre. The length of the former is 240 yards and the 
breadth is 24 yards, that is to say they are three-quarters of 
the length (320 yards), and of the breadth (32 yards) respec- 
tively of the eight-yard acres. 

The geographical distribution of the eight-yard and six- 
yard acres suggests that the former, based upon a rod of 8 or 
4 yards, was older than the latter, based upon a rod of 6 or 3 
yard& Moreover if the rods of 8 and 6 yards were really, as 
seems likely, derived from rods of 4 and 3 yards, it is difficult 
to believe that the eight-yard rod is not the older, for 12 feet 
seems to be a more primitive unit than 9 feet. But there can 
be little doubt that it was not the eight-yard acre of 10,240 
square yards but the eight-yard rood of 2560 square yards, 

^ Fi?e yardlands and 10 poles would oontain exactly 6760 square yards. 



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CXVUl INTRODUCTION. 

known as the staog^ which was the chief mediaeval unit of the 
west. These same stangs were probably themselves derived 
from smaller and yet more primitive units of 160 square yards 
each. Sixteen of these primitive units made a stang, and 9 
of them made a six-yard rood of 1440 square yards. Ten of 
them made a Roman actus quadratus, 40 yards long by 40 yards 
wide. 

It is impossible to discuss here the various causes which 
may have led to the six-yard rod supplanting the four-yard rod 
in parts of western Britain. A few matters, however, which 
are relevant to this question must be briefly noticed. 

The west of England taken as a whole was, as it still is, a 
pastoral country, while the rest of England was in the main 
arable. The open field system, as it prevailed in our eastern 
counties, was almost unknown in much of the west. The rect- 
angular fields of a few acres each, which we see in Devonshire, 
Were probably once divided into arable strips; but the strips 
were small, and few of the fields can have been cultivated 
simultaneously. The tall hedges raised on huge mounds, by 
which the fields are bounded, look almost as though they had 
existed from time immemorial and are a prominent feature of 
the landscape. Even if they are less prominent in some of the 
other western counties than they are in Devonshire, the general 
appearance of the west throughout the middle ages must have 
been very different from that of the east. There were no vast 
open fields, some cultivated with winter corn, some with spring 
corn, and some lying fallow; but rectangular patches lying 
amongst other and more numerous patches of meadow and 
fallow ; and cultivated not with spring com and winter com, 
but with spring corn alone. It was this different system of 
agriculture which made the west the land of the scattered 
hamlet, the east the land of the nucleated village. The primi- 
tive tiller of the soil lived in solitude on his homestead which 
he seldom left save to drive his flocks to some distant waste for 

^ The word ' stang ' was formerly used in the East Siding of Torkshixe for 
the fourth part of an acre (John Bay, Collection of English Words, 2nd edition, 
p. 68). It has not as yet been ascertained whether its use was normally con- 
fined to some particular castomary rood. 



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INTRODUCnOH. cxix 

pasture and herbage. Closer intercourse with his fellows came 
only when com was reckoned as of more account than cattle, 
and when tillage, and%bove all tillage in common, engrossed 
the mind of the peasant. 

The stangs or eight-yard roods have survived in those 
districts only in which paring and burning flourished in the 
middle ages. There was no more ancient course of husbandry 
than this*: and it was no doubt widely practised when the 
plough was yet unknown. The plots which each man tilled 
were necessarily small, for spade husbandry is slow. Even 
when at last the plough came into use and the plots of each 
tiller were multiplied the total quantity of land ploughed in a 
single year was still small; for the process of paring and 
burning exhausted the soil which needed to lie fallow for 
several years afterwards. The paring remained the chief labour 
of the year, and the general rejoicing when it was over and the 
turf lay ready for burning probably gave rise to the widespread 
custom of boys running through the fields with lighted torches 
and the kindling of huge bonfires on Midsummer Evel 

There is reason for thinking that in the districts where the 
eight-yard acre prevailed the bovate consisted of 8 acres*. In 
the earliest times probably one acre only in every 8 was sown 
in each year, and the remainder lay in turf for pastured Each 
cultivated acre was perhaps divided into 8 portions, and was 
held by 8 different peasants^ Thus each owner of a bovate 
had one-eighth of an acre in 8 different acre patches and was 
also entitled to an eighth share in 56 acre-patches of turf. 

* See Henry Owen's edition of The Description of Pembrokeshire, pp. 59—64. 
ThiB method of agriculture was sometimes called Denshiring from its having been 
largely practised in Devonshire. In Giles Jacob's Law Dictionary (8.v. perch) 
it is stated that *'a pole of 'denshiered' ground" is 12 feet. 

' B. T. Hampson, Medii Aevi Kalendarium, i, SOD. 

» See Henry Owen's edition of the Description of Pembrokeshire, p. 136. 
Occasional references to camcates of 64 acres might be cited from various 
records. 

* In course of time a second and even a third crop was taken from the 
cultivated acre, so that not more than five or six acres would lie in turt In 
the 16th century a ploughland of 64 acres was divided into 25 acres of arable 
and 39 acres of pasture {Description of Pembrokeshire, p. 136). 

' The actual distribution of the strips can only be conjectured at present. 



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CXX INTRODUCTION. 

When it was desired to abandon this mode of agriculture the 
method adopted was possibly as follows. The greater part of 
8 acre-patches was either divided into 9 pieces of meadow land 
or into 8 crofts which were henceforth held in severalty. For 
purposes of arithmetic we may suppose that each owner's 
remaining 7 acres lay side by side ; and were divided into 56 
strips each 160 yards long and 8 yards wide. With a very small 
addition taken from the residue of the 8 acre-patches they were 
easily converted into 25 strips each of them 160 yards long and 
18 yards wide. Then these strips were given a new shape and 
they became 240 yards long and 12 yards wide, that is to say 
they became 25 half-acre strips measured by the rod of 6 
yards. In this way the bovate of 8 eight-yard acres may have 
been converted into a bovate of 12^ six-yard acres and a crofb 
or a small piece of meadow land. The new bovate will be 
found to contain 72,000 square yards, while the 7 eight-yard 
acres contained 71,680 (7 x 10,240) square yards only. It was 
therefore necessary in making up the deficiency to take 320 
square yards out of each of the acre-patches of 10,240 square 
yards which had been partially converted into crofts or meadows. 
Thus reduced they contained 9920 square yards each ; but this 
might for practical purposes be treated as 9720 (3 x 3240) square 
yards, or three acres measured by the rod of 4| yard& This it 
will be remembered was the rod by which the lot meadows of 
Puxton in Somerset are said to have been measured; and 
perhaps this method of conversion will account for some of 
the small acres of pasture which are found elsewhere. 

On the other hand it may be that the bovate of 8 eight- 
yard acres containing 81,920 (8 x 10,240) square yards was 
sometimes converted into a croft and 13 six-yard acres or 26 
six-yard half-acres containing 74,880 (5760 x 13) square yards. 
In this case there would be 7040 (or 5760 + 1280) squai-e yards 
left for a croft, so that each bovate would then consist of 26 
six-yard half-acres, and a croft containing one six-yard acre 
and 1280 square yards. Possibly this was the mode of con- 
version adopted in Scotland, where the bovate was reckoned 
to contain, as already mentioned^ 13 six-yard acres. 
^ See p. luLziv above. 



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INTRODUCTION. CXXl 

Probably when the system of paring and burning was 
abandoned in the west, acres of other dimensions were some- 
times adopted. We may suspect that the acres measured by 
rods of 7 yards, which prevailed in a few districts, and those 
measured by rods of 6^ yards, which were formerly used in 
Westmorland ^ owed their existence to some special method 
of conversion. It would seem from the geographical position 
of these districts which lie on the borders of others using the 
8 yard rod, that the conversion took place at some later period 
than that in which the six-yard acre came into being. It is 
worthy of notice, too, that chartularies and various mediaeval 
documents show that in the western midlands and in Devon- 
shire the number of acres which the virgates contained varied 
veiy considerably". We may look for an explanation of these 
irregularities in a late conversion of pasture land into arable, 
effected at a time when custom had grown weak, and men 
were adopting individual methods of conversion very different 
from those of an earlier age. 

It may be said that this long explanation of the customary 
acre is visionary, and that it supposes more uniformity and 
continuity than can ever have prevailed in the various condi- 
tions of society of ancient and mediaeval Britain. But it has 
not been contended that there were never any local variations 
from the customary standards of a district. On the contrary 
it is admitted that there were many such, especially as 
regards meadows and crofts, which in our present state of 
knowledge need further elucidation. Still, whatever local 
variations there may have been, customary acres* of various 
sizes still existed even in the nineteenth century in many 
different counties of England and Wales ; and it is not an un- 
reasonable assumption that they once existed in other districts 
where they have gradually given place to statutory acres. 
The main contention of these notes is that the size of the 

^ " There is the statute acre of 4840 square yards, the customary aore of 
6760 raised from the perch of six and one half yards, and a third acre on the 
borders of Lancashire raised from the perch of seven yards." (A. Pringle, 
Agriculture of Westmoreland, 1794, p. 86.) 

• As to this see Mr F. Baring's article in the English Historical Review for 
April, 1897 (vol. zii, p. 285). 

O.'A. 8. Octavo Series. XXXVIL i 



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CXXU INTRODUCTION. 

customary acres changed from time to time and that the 
changes were due solely, or almost solely, to changes in 
agricultural practice, and not to mere tribal and national 
preferences for particular numbers. The theory, occasionally 
advanced that the size of the acre depended upon the con- 
dition of the soil rests on no solid foundation^ ; for it cannot 
be maintained that it is easier to plough the larger acres of 
the north than the smaller acres of the south. The Reports 
made to the Board of Agriculture show that the variety of the 
soil in England is far too great for it to account for the 
different sizes of the customary acre, which after all are few 
in number. 

Then again it may be objected that no allowance has been 
made in these notes for devastation caused by war and famine, 
and none for the bringing into cultivation of waste lands by 
settlers. But it has yet to be shown that there was ever any 
such widespread devastation or any such extensive appropriation 
of waste land by settlers as to render the introduction of a 
novel system of agriculture or the adoption of any new units 
of measurement at all probable. When waste or wasted land 
was brought under cultivation the presumption is that it was 
cultivated in the same way, and with the same measures as 
the adjoining land. By slow degrees, no doubt, the Britons 
learnt improved methods of agriculture from the Romans ; but 
it is improbable that the Romanized Britons, who had attained 
a high degree of civilization, had anything of this kind to leam 
from the Teutonic invaders. 

Lastly, it may be objected that if a double bovate of 25 six- 
yard acres was almost exactly equivalent in total area to a 
virgate of 30 statute acres, the two quantities ought to have 
been taxed alike ; and that no reduction in hidage could have 
been justly claimed by the men of Cambridgeshire, who held 
virgates of 25 acres or double bovates, on the ground that they 
contained less than the number of acres which normally went 
to a virgate. But it must be remembered that on the theory 
of these notes the bovate and double bovate normally belonged 

1 Bat the passage cited in note 2 p. cv above must not be overlooked. 
The explanation however there given may be conjectural. 



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INTRODUCTION. CXXlll 

to districts in which the two field system prevailed while the 
virgates and half virgates only came into existence in conse* 
quence of the adoption of the three field system. Thus in 
one year two-thirds of the land of the full virgate would 
produce crops, whereas one-half of the land of the double 
bovate would be lying fallow. But as taxation was not based 
upon potential wealth, but upon actual, income, it was only 
just that the double bovate should be taxed more lightly than 
the normal virgate. The actual reduction of the hidage of 
some of the vills of Cambridgeshire may not have been the 
precise reduction which equity demanded, but it was at least 
substantial and generous. The whole question, however, is 
one which must be left to experts in the interpretation of the 
•Domesday Book. 



%2 



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PART III. ON FINES GENERALLY. 

(a) The form of a fine. 

From the beginning of the fourteenth century fines were 
instruments made in certain established forms under the super- 
vision of the court of Common Bench, by which lands or 
interests in lands might be assured from one person to another. 
In earlier times they were frequently made not only under the 
supervision of the justices of the Common Bench, but also 
under that of justices in eyre, and sometimes under that of 
the justices of the King's Bench. There were also courts 
of inferior or coordinate jurisdiction* which exercised super- 
vision over instruments similar in form to the fines made in 
the Common Bench. In the thirteenth century a large number 
of assizes of mortdancestor' were taken before special com- 
missioners ; but in their courts fines were never levied. 

A fine took the form of an agreement made in settlement 
of an action at law. Until the end of the thirteenth century 
the action was often genuinely litigious; and the fine repre- 
sented a true compromise. This was especially the case in the 
courts of the justices in eyre. But even when fines were levied 
for the sole purpose of assuring lands or interests in lands it 
was necessary for one of the parties to purchase a writ as a 

1 For an indentiire of fine (made in triplicate) levied in the coort of the 
bishop of Dnrham, see Dtiehy of Lancaster, Carte Miseellanee, m, No. 49 at the 
Pnblic Record Office. For a fine levied in the Portmoot of a borough, see the 
late Mary Bateson's Leicetter Records, iii, 448. For a fine levied in the coort 
of the coanty of Pembroke, see Henry Owen's edition of the Description of 
Pembrokeshire, p. 172. 

* Fines were often levied on writs of mortdancestor in the courts of jnstioes 
in eyre ; bat fines on writs of novel disseisin were never levied in any court. 
The disseisin was a breach of the king's peace which could not be the subject of 
a settlement between the parties. 



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INTBODUCTION. CXXV 

foundation for the agreement. In the reign of Henry III the 
favourite writ upon which fines were levied was one of warranty 
of charter ; but in the reign of Edward I the writ of covenant was 
rapidly becoming more popular, and in the reign of Edward III 
it was almost invariably used^ If the original writ were of 
warranty of charter, the person summoned to answer the 
plaintiff was called the impedient; if it were of covenant, 
he was called the deforciant; and if it were of right or of 
mortdancestor, he was called the tenant. Portions of certain 
writs, of less common occurrence such as quo iure, mesne' and 
turn utrum, when used as the foundations of fines, were recited 
at some length in the fines themselves. 

In every fine made in any of the common forms one of the 
parties, usually but not necessarily the deforciant, makes an 
acknowledgment concerning the right to the property assured ; 
and he was therefore known as the conusor. In return for the 
acknowledgment, the conusee made a grant, which was usually 
of money, to the conusor. In early fines the consideration was 
sometimes not money but land; and sometimes it was land 
not mentioned or comprised in the writ. In this Calendar (the 
primary object of which must be taken to be the identification 
of the documents to which it refers) such land has not been 
noticed. It may be hoped that at some future date the fines 
of the thirteenth century (the only fines in which consideration 
in the way of land not comprised in the writ occurs at all fre- 
quently) will be printed in full, as they present many points of 
interest which cannot be brought to light in a brief Calendar. 

A fine was written in triplicate on an oblong sheet of 
parchment, which was afterwards divided into three parts. 
The line of writing of the part called the foot was in the 

^ A fine was levied on a wril of warranty of charter in Hilary term, 
90 Hen. VII of lands in the town of Glonoester. The party who should be 
described as impedient or * disturber ' is there described as tenant The foot of 
this fine wiU be found in a bundle entitled 'Cities and Towns' to which the 
present reference is Case 294, File 82. For a similar fine see Feet of Fines, 
Devon, Bundle 7, File 86, No, 22. A few other instances of fines which were 
not levied on writs of covenant may be found in the Tudor period. 

' For a fine on a writ of quo iuri$ see No. 89 on p. 8 below ; for one on a 
writ of mesne see No. 226 on p. 80 below. 



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CXXVl INTRODUCTION. 

direction of the ends of the obloDg, and that of the other two 
parts, which were called the chirograph, or the indentures, was 
in the direction of the sides. In each of the chirographs, the 
first line was towards the central line of the oblong. Before 
separation the word cyrogbaefum was written along each of 
the two lines of scission, each of which was indented. It is 
therefore easy to distinguish between the foot and the in- 
dentures of a fine ; the former has an indented top and straight 
sides ; and the two latter have indented tops and one indented 
side each. In one indenture the indented side is on the right ; 
in the other it is on the left. The name of the county in 
which the land comprised in a fine is situate, is written at the 
bottom of the foot but not on the indentures. 

The practice of making three copies of a fine, namely, the 
foot and the two indentures, began on 15 July 1195. The foot 
of a fine of that date contains the memorandum : 

Hoc est primum cyrographum quod fitctum fait in curia domini r^;is 
in forma trium cyrographorum secundum quod...dominum Cautuarienaem 
et alios barones domini regis ad hoc ut per illam formam possit fieri re- 
cordum traditum thesaurario ad ponendum in thesauro Anno regni regis 
Ricardi sexto die Dominica proxima ante festum beate Margarete coram 
barouibus inscriptis^. 

Earlier fines were written in duplicate. The two parts of 
one levied on 27 November 1193 still exist, and when placed 
together it will be seen that they were cut firom the same 
piece of parchment, after the word " cyrographum " had been 
written along the indented line of scission I 

It often happened that lands comprised in a fine were 
situate in more than one county. The feet of all such fines 
have in recent years been sorted and arranged under the title 
" Divers Counties." It must be remembered that this Calendar 
consists of the feet of those fines only which have been arranged 
under the title Huntingdon, and that other Huntingdon fines 
may be found in the Divers Counties files, which have yet to 
be calendared. As these files comprise a large number of fines 
levied of lands situate in many different counties, their contents 
are well worthy of examination. 

1 Publieationi of the Pipe Roll Society, toL xni, p. 81. * Ihidem^ p. 16. 



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INTRODUCTION. CXXVll 

There are also a few files of fines which are now entitled 
Unknown Counties. Some of the fines are feet from which 
the name of the county has been accidentally omitted ; others 
are not feet, but indentures or chirographs which for some 
reason or another have remained in the custody of the chiro* 
grapher. A few of these have of recent years been filed among 
the Feet of the Fines of the counties to which they relate, and 
not among the fines entitled Unknown Counties. This is the 
case with a Huntingdonshire fine of 16 Hen. III\ The two 
indentures are filed with the corresponding foot, and can be 
seen to have been cut from the same piece of parchment. 

A considerable number of fines, especially in the latter part 
of the thirteenth century, contain the words " Et hec concordia 
facta fuit per preceptum domini regis," or others to a like effect. 
They show that the property comprised in the fine was either 
held of the king in chief or of some lord whose lands were in 
the king's hands by reason of wardship, escheat or forfeiture. 
This fact may be ascertained by referring to the rolls of the 
Common Bench, where it will be found that the letters patent 
authorising the alienation are recited in the licenda con- 
cordandi*. Earlier in the thirteenth century fines of lands 
so held were usually, so it would seem, levied in the King's 
Bench. All such fines ought to be carefully noted, as they are 
one of our few means of ascertaining the names of the judges 
sitting in that court in the reign of Henry III. It happens that 
the Huntingdonshire fines were all levied in the Common 
Bench or before justices in eyre. 

(b) Iiurtrumenti subsidiary to the feet of fines. 

The instruments subsidiary to the foot and indentures of a 
fhie are the original writ, the licence to agree, the concord and 

^ See Nob. 90, 93, 94 on p. U below. 

' As (examples of saeh fines we may notice (1) a Norfolk fine of Mich, tenn 
8 Ed. II {Feet of Finee, File 162, Case 125, No, 130); (2) an Essex fine of the 
same term (i&tdem, due 60, File 121, No. 95) ; (3) a Norfolk fine of Trinity term 
5 EgL II {Ibidem, Ca$e 162, FiU 128, No. 271). In aU these oases the property 
comprised in the fine was held of the king in chief. The following are the 
corresponding references to the rolls of the Common Bench (1) De Banco BoUif 
No. 179, roU 301; (2) Ibidem, roU 3; (3) Ibidem, No, 189, roll 169. 



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CXZVUl INTBODUCTION. 

the note. The preparation of the feet and indentures is some- 
times described as the ingrossement of the fine; and "ingrossetur 
ille finis" means "let the feet and indentures be made." 

The writs were returned into the court of Common Bench, 
and it is probable that a large number of them are among the 
nnsorted documents at the Public Record Office. Their chief 
interest consists in various memoranda, enfaced or endorsed 
npon them, which might if carefully studied throw some light 
upon the procedure prevalent from time to time in levying 
fines. In 1876 some 642 of these writs having come into 
private possession were acquired by purchase for the collection 
of manuscripts at the British Museum ^ The earliest of them 
dates from 1360 and the latest from 1601. Unfortunately 
there are too few of them in the collection to afford much 
information on early procedure. 

In the reign of Edward III, the writ was usually purchased 
by the plaintiff for the sum of half a mark* and the transaction 
was briefly recorded on one of the rolls of the Chancery ; for 
example, " Ricardus Truloue miles et Sibilla uxor eius dant 
dimidiam marcam pro breue de conuencione*." 

The licences to agree are recorded upon the rolls of the 
court of Common Bench. Each roll of the court has a number 
at its foot, and also the name of an officer of the court, protho- 
notary, exigenter, filacer, keeper of the king's silver. From the 
beginning of the fifteenth century the licences are recorded on 
the rolls marked with the surname of the last mentioned officer^; 
but at an earlier date on those of some of the other officers. 
Each of the original writs at the British Museum, to which 
I have already referred, is endorsed with a number, which will 

^ Additional Chartert, 24,915—25,656. 

' If the property intended to pass by the fine were of less Talae than iozij 
shillings no payment was made for the writ. 

* Fine Boll, No. 156, m. 17. This fine is noted on p. 77 below. 

^ The Statute of 5 Hen. IV, c. 14, ordered "that writs of ooyenant...with the 
writs of dedimut potestatem if any be with the acknowledgements and notes of 
the same before that they be drawn oat of the Conmion Benoh by the ohiro- 
grapher should be enrolled in a roU to be of record for ever." Apparently this 
order was not obeyed. Perhaps, however, in consequence of it the licences 
to agree were entered on the rolls of a single officer, the keeper of the king's 
silver. 



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INTRODUCTION. V ClXlX 

^,;%- ■ 

be found to be that of the roll on which the licenceto agree 
is recorded. Perhaps the endorsement was made for the 
convenience of the chirographer, as it would doubtless have 
been necessary to satisfy him that the licence had been duly 
enrolled before he proceeded to engross the foot and indentures*. 
The enrolment of the licence seems to have been made before 
the fine was approved by the court, as instances may be noticed 
in which the entry has been vacated and a marginal note* 
added ''quia non acceptatur." The following is an example 
of a writ of covenant upon which a fine was levied : 

EdwarduB dei gracia rex Anglie et Francie et dominus Hibemie 
uioecomiti Sta£K>rdie salutem. Precipe WiUelmo de Walton et Matillidi 
uxori eius quod iuste et sine dilacioDe teneant lohanni filio Henrici le 
PreBtesmon de Chirche Eyton conuencionem inter eoe factam de uno 
meesuagio una uirgata terre et dimidia et quatuor acras prati cum 
pertinenciis in Wode Eyton. Et nisi fecerint et predictus lohannea 
feoerit te secunim de clamio sue prosequendo tone summone per bonos 
summonitores predictos Willelmum et Matillidem quod sint coram 
iusticiariis nostris apud Westmonasterium in octabis sancti lohannis 
Baptiste ostensuros quare non fecerint. Et habeas ibi summonitores et 
hoc breue. Teste me ipso apud Westmonasterium undecimo die Maii 
anno regni nostri Anglie quadragesimo quarto regni uero nostri Francie 
trioesimo primo^ 

Several memoranda are recorded on the writ. Above the 
name "Willelmo de Walton" the contracted words **c6. r" occur; 
and the same abbreviations together with " W. reG." occur above 
"Matillidi uxori eius." The **c6. f " appears to mean "concessio, 
redditio" or "concessit/* "reddidit" and the "W. reu." "War- 
rancia," and "reuersio.** These with the endorsement 

1 Bat it has not yet been asoertained whether other original writs were 
marked with the number of a roll. If they were this explanation will not 
stand. 

s This is the case with an entry on the rolls of Easter 4 Ed. 11 {De Banco 
BoUs, No, 185, roll 61). Similarly on the roUs of Easter, 2 Ed. U, we have : 

Poetea quia finis leaare non potest, sioat ourie nidetnr, ideo predicta 
dimidia maroa subtrahitur. 
IHdem, No. 176, roll 60 d. See also Ibidem, roU 69, and Anixe RolU, 803, 
roU 17. 

* Additional Charter, 25,254. The reference to the corresponding foot is 
Feet of Fines, Case 210, FiU 18, No. 28. 



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CXXX INTRODUCTION. 

Predict! Willelmi et Matillis tota uita ipaomm WHlelini et MatiDidiB 
reddent zj soL ad feBtum sancii Michaelis et annunciacioniB beate Marie 
et heredibua ipsius Matillidis unam roaam ad festum Natiuitatis saacti 
lohannis baptiate' 

probably indicated the form of the fine sufficiently for the 
chirographer to be able to prepare the note, the foot and the 
indentures. 

The form of licence to agree varied slightly according to 
the method adopted for levying the fine. In early days the 
conusor, who was usually the deforciant, came into court and 
made the acknowledgment contained in the fine. If his wife 
were joined with him as a party she also made her acknow- 
ledgment, but only after a separate examination* by one of the 
judges, so as to ensure that she was not acting under her 
husband's compulsion. The material part of the proposed fine 
had previously been read by the plaintiff's serjeant ; and if the 
court approved the form and were satisfied with the acknow- 
ledgments, the licence to agree was given forthwith. In this 
case the enrolment of the licence was in the form following : 

Lino. Henricus le Clerk* de Howell' et Beatrix uxor eius dant unam 
marcam pro lioenoia conoordandi cum Ricardo Pyoot et Matillide uxore 
eius de placito conuencioniB de tenemeDtis in Howell'. Et habent cyro- 
graphum per lohannem de Cant' narratorem'. 

In the reign of Edward I it was considered a hardship that 
the conusor should be compelled to journey to Westminster to 
make his acknowledgment. As a remedy for this grievance 
an ordinance made at the parliament of Carlisle of 1307^ 
enabled the conusor to make his acknowledgment before two 
justices of the bench or a justice with an abbot prior or knight 
in the country. Pursuant to this statute a writ of dedimus 

1 The words "coram F." and "iiigr.,»* and the letters "h" and "at" are 
also noted on this writ. F. refers to Fincham, the justice before whom the fine 
was. acknowledged, and "ing." stands for *<ingros8etnr." The meaning of "h'' 
and *' st" is not apparent. The contracted word rem which is found upon some 
of the writs means remUit or remistio. 

^ Ita quod predictus Agnes super hoc examinata per insticiarios sicut moris 
est. {De Banco RolU, No. 179, ToUUd.) 

> De Banco BolU, No. 1S8, roU 78. 

* Statutes of the Realm, vol. i, p. 215. The ordinance was in the farm of a 
writ addressed to the justices of the CooMnon Bench. 



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INTRODUCTION. CXXXl 

potestatem issued out of the chancery authorising the judge to 
receive the acknowledgment and return it into the bench. In 
these cases: the licence to agree was in the same form as 
when it was granted in court except that it ended with the 
words: 

Et habet cyrografiiim per pacom admiasam coram Willelmo de 
FTncheden in patria. 

Before the reign of Elizabeth^ the chief justice of the 
Common Bench had acquired the privilege of receiving acknow- 
ledgments out of court without any writ of dedimus potestatenu 
Some writers have asserted that the privilege also belonged to 
the other justices of the two benches, although not usually 
exercised by them. In support of their assertion they cite 
Quilter's Case', heard on a writ of error in the King's Bench 
in Trinity term 28 Hen. VIII, when an acknowledgment was 
decided to have been properly taken by a commissioner of 
assize without the writ. The case is scarcely a good authority, 
for the commissioner was specially authorised by letters patent 
to take acknowledgments; and it seems that it was not the usual 
practice for the justices or commissioners of assize to receive 
such letters patent. The form of licencia concorda/ndi when a 
fine was acknowledged before the chief justice out of court was 
the same as when acknowledged before any other justice except 
that the words in patria were omitted. 

In the reign of Elizabeth writs of dedimvs potestatem were 
firequently issued to special commissioners. Though four 
persons were usually named in the writ, the acknowledgments 
were made before two of them only. This procedure gradually 
became very popular and in the reign of Oeorge I nearly all 
acknowledgments were so taken. It was much more convenient 
for the conusors to appear before commissioners in the country 
than to journey to London or await the arrival of a judge or 

1 The date has not been aseertained. 

* The reference to these proceedings is Coram, Rege Eolltt No. 1100, roU 67. 
The fine was levied of lands in Kent in Easter term 28 Hen. YHI, Stephen 
Tboroherst and John KneU being plaintiffs and William Qnilter and Joan his 
wife deforciants. The writ of error is now annexed to the foot of the fiAe. 
The case is reported in Dyer's BeporU, fo. 224 b. 



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CXXXU INTRODUCTION. 

Serjeant at the next assizea The names of the commissioners 
before whom the acknowledgments were actually taken were 
always mentioned in the Ixcenda concordandi thus : 

£t habent cyrografium per paoem admissam coram A. B. et C. D. per 
commiasionem. 

The keepers of the king^s silver kept books in which a 
memorandum was made of each licence. These books being 
of a size convenient for reference were formerly much used by 
persons searching for fines. Unfortunately a fire^ in March 
1838 at Paper Buildings in the Temple, where they were then 
stored^ destroyed some of them and caused many of the 
remainder to be much injured. The books begin with the 
reign of Elizabeth, and are now placed on the shelves of the 
Literary Search Room at the Public Record Office. Those of the 
eighteenth century are still for the most part in an excellent 
state of preservation, and can be studied with much greater 
convenience than the corresponding feet of fines. The following 
is an example of an entry for Trinity term 16 James I : 

Inter Willelmum Halton armigerum querentem et Robertum Halton 
generoBum et Hesteram uzorem eius deforciantes de annuali redditu 
triginta librarum exeunti de maneriis de Clee et Killingholme cum 
pertinenciis in Clee et Killingholme. Per Edwardum Hendon narra- 
torem. Idem. 

In the margin is written : 
Line Ex. Ixzxx sol. Rotulo dicto — Cras Tr. 

The Ex. stands for examinatua, and the other words give 
the county, the amount of the king's silver, the reference to 
the roll of the Common Bench on which the licence is recorded 
and the date for the fine. 

The concord of a fine is an abridged version of the agree- 
ment between the parties, and is the document which proves 
the acknowledgment of the conusor. When the acknowledg- 
ment was made in open court or before the Lord Chief Justice 
of the Common Bench the concord was written on parchment 

Partioalars of this fire, which spread from the ohamben of W. H. ICanle, 
Q.C., M.F., afterwards a celebrated judge, will be foand in the Awwual Regiiter, 
1S88 (Chronicle), p. 27; Oentleman*$ Mctgazinef N. 8., x, p. 686. 



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INTRODUCTION. CXXXlll 

beneath the precipe^ or abstract of the original writ. When 
it was made in the country pursuant to a writ of dedimus 
potestatem it was sometimes endorsed on that writ and some- 
times written on a schedule thereto. 

The following is the precipe and concord of a Lincolnshire 
fine made in 16 James I and acknowledged in open court : 

Lincoln. Precipe Boherto Halton generoso et Hestere uxori eius quod 
iuste eta teneat Willehno Halton armigero conuencionem etc. de annuali 
redditu triginti libranim exeunti de maneriis de Clee et Killingholme cum 
pertinenciis in Clee et Killingholme. Et nisi etc. 

Et est Concordia talis scilicet quod predicti Robertus et Hestera 
recognouerunt redditum predictum esse ius ipeius WillelmL Et ilium 
remiserunt et quietum clamauerunt de ipeis Roberto et Hestera et 
heredibus suis predicto Willelmo et beredibus suis imperpetuum. Et 
preterea iidem Robertus et Hestera concesserunt pro se et heredibus 
ipsius Roberti quod ipsi warantizabunt predicto Willelmo et heredibus 
suis redditum predictum contra ipsos Robertiun et Hesteram et heredes 
ipsius Roberti imperpetuum. Et pro hac etc. 

per Edwabdum Hendon narratorem. 

Some of these documents contain the signatures of the 
deforciants and a few of them the words A. B. cognouit 
partes. It will be noticed that in the concord the Christian 
names only of the parties are mentioned ; that the parcels are 
described by the general words predictum redditum ; and that 
the consideration for the fine is not mentioned at all". This 
last omission shows that the consideration expressed in the fine 
was at this time a purely fictitious sum of money. The chiro- 
grapher inserted it himself, always making it a multiple of 
twenty marks. Edward Hendon "narrator" was the Serjeant 
who appeared for the plaintiff in court. He was a lawyer of 
some distinction who afterwards became a baron of the 
exchequer. 

The precipe and concord are endorsed with the words 

Proclam.' Trin. xvi« lac. etc. Mayer, 
the last name being that of the plaintiff's attorney. When 

^ The word precipe is also asei^to describe a particular class of original 
writs. 

* Kor are any memoranda of consideration endorsed or noted on the original 
writs of oovenant, already described (p. cxxix above). 

' As to proclamations, see p. oxlvi below. 



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CXJtJtlV INTRODUCTION. 

the ackoowledgment was taken before a judge in the country 
the concord was endorsed on the writ of dedimus potestatem, 
but without any precipe. The following is a writ of this 
nature addressed to Peter Warburton a justice of the Oommon 
Bench in the reign of James I. 

lacobus dei gracia Anglie Scocie Francie et Uibemie rex fidei defensor 
eta dilecto et fideli suo Petro Warburton militi uni iusticiariorum sacrum 
de banco, salutem. Cum breue nostrum de oonuencione pendeat coram 
uobis et sociis uestris iusticiariis nostris de banco inter lohannem Hill 
et Bicardum Pulley et Amiam uxorem eius de duobus messuagiis duobus 
horreis duobus gardinis tribus pomariis deoem et octo acris terre et 
duobus acris pasture cum pertinenciis in Froome Priors Lorpote et Mordi- 
ford in comitatu Hereford ad finem inde inter eos coram uobis et sociis 
uestris predictis in banco predicto secundum legem et oonsuetudinem 
regni noetri Anglie leuandum ; ac iidem Ricardus et Amia impotentes sui 
existant quod absque maximo corporum suorum periculo usque West- 
monasterium ad diem in dicto breui nostro contentum ad oognicioneB 
que in hac parte requiruntur faciendas laborare non sufficiunt ut 
accepimus Nos statui eorundem Ricardi et Amie compacientes in hac 
parte dedimus uobis potestatem recipiendi cogniciones quas predicti 
Ricardus et Amia coram uobis facere uoluerint de premiasis. £t ideo 
uobis mandamus quod prefatum Ricardum et Amiam personaliter 
accedentes cogniciones siias predictas recipiatis et cum eas reoeperitis 
prefatos socios uestros inde distincte et ap«rte reddatis certiores ut tunc 
finis iUe inter partes predictas de premissis coram uobis et sociis uestris 
predictis in banco predicto leuari possit secundum legem et oonsuetudinem 
supradictas. Et habeatis ibi tunc hoc breue Teste me ipsa apud West- 
monasterium tercio decimo die Maii anno regni nostri Anglie Francie et 
Hibemie sexto decimo et Scocie quinquagesimo prime. 

Palmsr. 

The writ is endorsed as follows : 

Per dominum cancellarium Anglie ad instanciam petenti& 
Responsio infranominati Petri Warburton militis ad hoc breua 
Et est Concordia talis scilicet quod infranomlnati Ricardus et Amia 
recognouerunt tenementa infrascripta cum pertinenciis esse ius infra- 
nominati lobannis ut ilia que idem lohannes babet de dono predictorum 
Ricardi et Amie et ilia remiaerunt et quieta clamauerunt de ipsis Ricardo 
et Amia et heredibus suis predicto lohanni et heredibus suis imper- 
petuum. Et preterea iidem Ricardus et Amia concessenmt pro se et 
heredibus ipsius Ricardi quod ipsi warrant] zabunt predicto lohanni et 
heredibus suis tenementa predicta contra ipsos Ricardum et Amiam et 
heredes ipsius Ricardi imperpetuum. Et pro hac etc. 



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.INTUOBUCnON. CXXXV 

Recognita et capta zii<* die Marcii anno regni regis Jacobi eic quinto 
decimo (nc) coram ma 

P. Warburton. 
Proclam. Trin. xvi® Jacobi regis. 
Hereford. 
Recept vi sol. viii den. 

lo. Hunt. 

The endorsement on a writ of dedimus potestatem addressed 
to a Serjeant or to other commissioners differed from that on 
one addressed to a judge, in that the former always contained 
the Signatures of the Lord Chancellor and one of the jastices 
of the circuit. As a general rule when the writ was addressed 
to commissioners the precipe and concord are written on a 
schedule. 

The writs of dedimus potestatem issued since the beginning 
of the reign of Elizabeth have been packed in parcels with the 
precipes and concords of fines acknowledged in open court. 
The parcels, of which there is one for each term, are labelled 
Concords of Fines. Probably somewhere in the Public Record 
Office, earlier writs of dedimus potestatem may be found ; but 
it is quite likely that the precipes and concords of fines 
acknowledged in open court in the thirteenth and fourteenth 
centuries never existed in a regular series. The chirographer 
could in general prepare the notes and feet and indentures of 
such fines from the writs of covenant and the brief memoranda 
noted upon them which have already been described. It is 
significant that the writs of covenant remained with the 
chirographer while the writs of dedimus potestatem with the 
precipes and concords of fines remained with the custos hreuiwm 
of the Common Bench ^ This suggests that the writ of 

^ It is not certain when the chirographer was oflSciallj reoogniaed as the 
proper cnstocUan of the writs. He appears to ha?e obtained possession of them 
before the year 5 Hen. IT, and the statute (o. 14) of that year appears to 
acquiesce in his having them. In earlier days however they mast have been 
with other original writs in the custody of the cusiot breuium of the court. 

A state paper of the year 24 Eliz. declares ''The custos breuium hath the 
custody of the foote of the fyne and of the dedimus potestatem and of the concord 
and standeth charged wyth them. 

The eyrographer hath the custody of the wrytte of covenaunt and note and 
standeth charged wyth them." S. P., Eliz. olv, No. 85. 



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CXXXVl INTRODUCTION. 

covenant was the chirographer's principal warrant for the 
preparation of the note, the feet and indentures. 

The notes diflFer from the feet by the omission of the 
formal parts, so that they begin with the names of the parties 

thus "Inter A. B. querentem et C. D " instead of the 

introductory words "Hec est finalis concordia..." of the feet. 
Notes are occasionally mentioned on the plea rolls of the reign 
of Henry III^ but the earliest specimens of them at the Public 
Record Office appear to belong to the reign of Edward I. Owing, 
however, to the absence of the introductory words, it is not 
always easy to date them correctly. It is a significant fact» 
which yet remains to be explained, that the earliest notes 
relate to fines of which few, if any, of the corresponding feet 
are now to be found*. In Tudor times the notes of all the 
fines of each term were placed on a file; and the original 
.files still exist. From them we are able to ascertain particulars 
of many fines of which the feet have been lost or damaged. 
The notes remained with the original writs of covenant in the 
custody of the chirographer*. 

There are also sixty volumes at the Record Office which 
may serve as indexes of the fines levied from the beginning of 
the reign of Henry VIII. They were compiled term by term 
from the notes ; and the fifty-seventh volume is described as 
"Index to Notes of Fines." These books as a rule give no 
more than the names of one of the plaintiffs and one of the 
deforciants and their wives; the property comprised in the 

^ Thas on one of the rolls of the benoh of Hilary and Easter terms, 12 Hen. 
Ill, we have 

Ebob. Et Willelmus de Balega habet notam inter breoia {Curia RegU 
RoUs, No, 96, roll S). 
And on a roll of Michaelmas term, 44 A 45 Hen. Ill, we have 

Deuon. Et sciendum est qaod notam remanet in lignla de notis {Ibidemt 

No. 143, roll 7). 

* Apparently it was thought that a note was as effectual as a fine, as the 

latter could be made from the former at any time. The words * finis' and 

* nota ' are sometimes coupled in the alternative, thus ** Et petunt quod finis 

inde sen nota finis non leuetur," De Banco Rolls, No, 1S5, roll 36. 

> There are also thirty original notes which have found their way into the 
British Museum with the writs of covenant mentioned above {Additional 
Charters, 24,886—24,914). 



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INTRODUCTION, CXXXVll 

fines is seldom particularly described, though manors, advowsons 
and names of places are usually mentioned. Many earlier books 
and documents of reference have probably been either lost or 
destroyed. In the Lansdowne Collection at the British 
Museum are three large volumes compiled in the fifteenth 
century containing some particulars of fines levied in the 
reigns of Edward III, Bichard 11, Henry IV and Henry V. 
The first entry is of a Norfolk fine\ 

De Edmundo Bacon et Margeria uxore eius pro licencia conoordand 
cum lohanne de Catfield clerico et Roberto de Jememutt de placito con- 
uencionis de tenementis in Qresham. 

The form of these entries and the fact that they are 
arranged in counties, which was almost certainly not the case 
with the files of notes and feet of fines of the fifteenth century, 
suggests that the volumes were compiled from memoranda 
belonging to the keepers of the king's silver ; and that they 
were official compilations. They at one time belonged to 
Henry Powle, who died in November 1692. He was master 
of the rolls, a legal antiquary and a great collector of manu- 
scripts'. Of their earlier history nothing definite is known ; 
but a volume containing entries of a somewhat similar cha- 
racter is still in the Public Record Office. They extend from 
Michaelmas 21 Hen. VII to Easter term 7 Hen. VIII. 



(c) The dating of fines. 

Certain days only in every term were used for dating 
transactions in the Common Bench, being those appointed for 
the return of original writs. The following is a list of such 
Return Days*. 

1 Lantdowne M88., 806, 807, 308. It appears from these yolumes that the 
feet of many fines which were levied at this period do not exist. It would be 
interesting to see, if any of the fines, of which notes only exist, are to be found 
in these three volnmes; but the oompanson would be a troublesome task. 

> HiMtorieal ManmeripU Commiuiony Fifth Report, p. 879. 

' The return days are given in a so>caIled statute of uncertain date made in 
the reign of Henry ni, entitled *' Dies Communes de Banco *' (Statutes of the 
Realm i, 308). There are numerous MSS. of the instrument of which Cotton^ 
C. A. S. Oetaoo 8eHe$. XXXVU. k 



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CZZZVIII INTRODUCTION. 

Trinity Term. 

EUary 7%m. '"'« *»*^^«' <*' Trin'*?' 

- TT 1 "^^ quindene of Trinity or 

The octave of Hiliury. ,^^ ^^^^ ^f ^^^ ^^^j^j^ ^ 

The quindene of Hilary. gj j^j^^ ^j^^ g^^j^^^. 

The punficataon of the Virgin Mary, ^he octave of the nativity. 

The octave of the purification. ^he quindene of the nativity. 

Mtchaelmas Ternim 
Easter Term. The octave of St Michael 

The quindene of Easter. The quindene of St Michael 

Three weeks from Easter. Three weeks from St Michael 

A month from Easter. • ^ month from St Michael. 

Five weeks from Easter. The morrow of All Souk. 

The morrow of Ascension Day. The morrow of St Martin. 

The octave of St Martin. 
The quindene of St Martin. 

In eveiy term except Trinity each return day occurred at 
a fixed interval, usually seven days, after the last return day*. 
In Trinity term, however, the two first return days were deter- 
mined by Trinity Sunday, a movable feast, and the last two or 
three, as the case might be, by the nativity of St John the 
Baptist, which is immovable. When then Trinity Sunday fell 
very early — ^its earliest date was 17 May — there was a con- 
siderable interval between the second and the third return 
days, for the latter fell on 25 June or 1 July. On the other 
hand it not infrequently happened that the quindene of Trinity 
fell after 1 July. The practice of the Common Bench in cases 
of very early and very late Easters has not yet been elucidated. 
Probably there was sometimes an adjournment of -the court 

Claudius, D. ii (fo. 287) gives the most satiB&otorj readings. For Trinity term 
it has: In octabis sanote Trinitatis. In quindena sanote Trinitatis et aliquando 
in orastino sanoti lohannis Baptiste, in octabis sancti lohannia Baptiste, in 
quindena sancti lohannis Baptiste. 

1 Mach misapprehension preyails about return days. That eminent archivist 
the late Sir Thomas Duffus Hardy actually wrote as follows: When a date is 
described as in the octaves it means any day within the seven days next foUow- 
ing the feast; in the quindenes in the instance of Easter it means the eight 
days preceding and the eight days foUowing Easter {Introduct. p. zli to LitL 
Rot. Pat,). As a matter of fact there is no evidenoe at aU that the words octave, 
quindene etc. were used in legal documents in the middle ages to embrace any 
* Other periods than was the case in the lifetime of Sir T. D. Hardy himselL 



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INTRODUCTION. CXXXIX 

between the second and the third return days and sometimes 
the court made special provision on the subject. In 1540 the 
return days of Trinity term were altered by statute*, and from 
the following year they were kept on the morrow, the octave, 
and the quindene of, and three weeks after Trinity Sunday. 

The morrow of Ascension was considered a special return 
day and equivalent for some purposes to five weeks from 
Eastern It would seem too that even if the quindene of Trinity 
and the morrow of St John the Baptist were both kept as 
return days in the same term they also were for some purposes 
considered as the same day. It is therefore evident that each 
of the four terms normally contained four return days, except 
Michaelmas term which contained eight. When a writ was 
made returnable on k certain day, the day given to the parties 
for appearance in court was eight return days later. If, how- 
ever, the writ were one of dower the interval was fixed at four 
return days only as a favour to widows*. 

The first three days of every term were employed in formal 
business, and the session of the full court of Common Bench 
or full term began on the third day after the first return day. 
Thus Hilary full term began on 23 January, unless that day 
fell on a Sunday, in which case full term began on 24 January ; 
Easter full term began on the third Wednesday after Easter 
Day ; Trinity full term on the second Wednesday after Trinity 
Sunday, and Michaelmas on 9 October, or 10 October. The 
terms ended on the fourth day after the last return day, that is 
to say, Hilary term ended on 12 or 13 February, Easter term 
on the Monday after Ascension Day, Trinity term on 10 or 
11 July and Michaelmas term on 28 or 29 November. After 
1540 in consequence of the statute of 32 Hen. VIII, c. 21, full 
Trinity term began on the Friday after Trinity Sunday and 
ended nineteen days later on a Wednesday. 

Here it may be noticed that the tables of Trinity term given 
in two much used works of reference, namely in J. F. Bond's 

1 Staiutei of the JZeo/si, m, 778. 

* £t est qnidam dies speciaUs datas in Crastino AsoenBioniB Domini et tan- 
torn valefc qoain qninqne septimanai) Pasche {Ibidem, i, 208). 

• See " Dies Communes de Dote," Ibidem* 

k2 



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Cxl INTEODUCTION. 

Handy Book of Rules and Tables and Sir Harris Nicholas's 
Chronology of History are wrongly constructed^. In the former 
the full term before 1541 begins correctly enough on the fourth 
day after the octave of Trinity, but ends incorrectly twenty-one 
days later whereas it actually ended on 11 or 12 July. In the 
latter book the term (not the full term) begins with the octave 
of Trinity and ends fifteen days later. Thus the return days after 
the nativity of St John the Baptist are ignored by both writers'. 
Fines in the Common Bench were invariably dated by 
return days, and consequently the date of a fine levied in that 
court cannot be taken as the true date. Thus if a fine is 
expressed to have been made on the octave of St Michael we 
must not assume that it was made on 6 October; for that 
return day includes every day until the quindene of St Michael. 
In the courts of justices in eyre, however, fines were often dated 
by other days than return days. The reason for this is, that 
the sessions in eyre were usually of short duration and were as 
often held in the vacations between the terms as in the terms 
themselves; consequently the ordinary return days in many 
cases could not be used for dating proceedings, and in other 
cases they could only be used with some inconvenience. It was 
the practice for the justices to begin their sessions in eyre in 
the town and on the day named in the letters close* ordering 
the sheriff to summon those who ought to attend ; and for the 
justices to appoint their own day for the next place of session. 
The date of their arrival at any town except the one mentioned 
in the letters close addressed to the sheriff of the first county 
visited depended upon the quantity of business already trans- 
acted in their eyre. The date of a fine in the Common Bench 
was normally the same aa that on which the original writ was 
returnable^; and this was necessarily a return day. In the 
courts of justices in eyre writs were not returnable on a specified 

1 His errors may be attributed to a misuse of tbe tables printed in Hopton's 
Ctmcordancy of Yeares published in 1616. 

s They were expressly abolished by the statute of 32 Henry VIH, c. 21. 

3 For the form of their letters close see Rotuli Litteranm Clausarum^ i, 476. 

4 This can be seen by comparing the return days mentioned in the original 
writs now at the British Museum with the dates of the corresponding fines. As 
examples the following writs may be noticed Additional Charters, 24,922, 25,145, 



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INTRODUCTION. Cxli 

day but ** at the first assise " and the chirographer of the eyre 
had to supply the date himself \ 

From the reign of Edward I onwards many fines are 
expressed to have been made in one term and recorded in 
another. In these cases the King's silver was paid in the 
earlier term, but the indentures were not delivered to the 
parties until the later term. There were diflFerent reasons for 
this course. One of the commonest was the necessity for some 
person to attorn tenant to the conusee. It was a rule of law 
that a lord could not alienate the services of his tenant without 
attornment, that is to say the tenant was bound to acknowledge 
the alienation in the appropriate manner. If he held his land 
by homage or fealty he was bound to render homage or do 
fealty to his new lord. Fines were frequently levied of rever- 
sions expectant upon the death of a tenant for life, who held 
the reversioner by rent and fealty or by fealty only. In these 
cases it was for a long time the practice for the tenant for life 
to attorn in court, and for the foot and indentures not to be 
engrossed until the attornment had taken place. If the tenant 
were in court when the licence was granted and the fine 
passed, he attorned then and there. If he were not present, 
a day was given for the parties to come and take their in- 
dentures and it was on this second day that the tenant attorned 
and that the fine was expressed to have been granted and 
recorded'. If the tenant neglected or refused to attorn he 

25,146, 26,254, 25,257, to whioh the foUowing feet oorrespond, Feet of Fines, 
Cote 67, File 227, No. 1617, Ibidem, Case 167, FiU 172, No. 1422, Ibidem, Case 
168, File 183, No. 60, Ibidem, Case 210, FiU 18, No. 28, Ibidem, Case 223, File 
110, No. 6. 

^ The first date is that of the return day on which the Ucenoe to agree was 
granted. On the note of a fine made in one term and recorded in another there 
is Qsoallj a memorandum *'Dies datus est etc." 

* As an early instance of a day being given to the parties to take their 
chirograph, we may notice the foUowing from an undated roU which from 
internal evidence may be dated as 36—38 Henry III. 

Wab. Dies datus est Bicardo filio Boberti le Mareschal querenti et Boberto 
le Mareschall et Emme uxori eius de capiendo cyrograflo suo in octabis sancti 
Hillarii eo quod quedam Alicia uxor Henrici de Wulleward quorum homagium 
predicti Bobertus et Emma concesserunt predicto Bicardo non fuit presens. Et 
oyrographum remanet in custodia Thome cyrographarii etc. {Curia Regis Rolls, 
No. 148, roll 84). 



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Cxlii INTRODUCTION. 

might be compelled by a writ of quid turn damat to appear in 
court, and show what he claimed in the property comprised 
in the proposed fine. If when he appeared he could give a 
satisfactory reason for not attorning the fine would not be 
engrossed. A similar process by a writ of per que eeruida 
was used to compel the attornment of a tenant, where a fine 
was levied of a seignoury. 

In the fourteenth century it was not unusual for the 
attornment to be made out of court, and for the fine to be 
engrossed at the risk of the conusee. For example, a fine 
was made on the quindene of St Hilary 47 Ed. Ill of some 
property in the county of Leicester of which part was held by 
one Agnes Bret for her life, and the rest by Robert Lyngeye 
and Alice his wife for the life of Alice. When these tenants 
for life were distrained to acknowledge what right they claimed 
in the premises they made default. Nevertheless the conusees 
appeared by their attorney and sought that the fine might be 
engrossed at their own peril. Thereupon the court ordered 
the engrossment of the fine\ Still it must not be supposed 
that the chirograpbers invariably respected correct dates, or 
always inserted two dates where they hoped one would suffice. 
There are certainly many fines which are not expressed to have 
been made in one term and recorded in another, although they 
were the subject of writs of quid iurie damat to compel attorn- 
ment Sometimes the date of the licence to agree is given, 
at others that of the attornment of the tenant for life. The 
chirograpbers and their clerks knew well enough that the 
precise date was seldom of any great importance. One settled 
rule, however, seems to have been observed rigidly. If the 
attornment were not made on the day when the writ was 
returnable, or if for any reason a day was given to the parties 
for taking the indentures of fine, the day given always fell in 
the following or some later term. Fines are not to be found 
which were made on one day in a certain term and recorded 
on another in that same term. 

1 De Banco RolU, No. 456, roU 864; Feet of Fines, Case 126, FiU 67, No. 
801. For other cases in the same term see D. B. R., No, 456, roll SS, and 
F. of F,, Cote 142, FiU 187, No, 27, also D. B. «., No, 456, roU 847 and F. of ^., 
Case 167, File 174, No, 1531, 



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INTRODUCTION. cxiiii 

The practice of describing certain fines as made in one 
term and recorded in another became common in the closing 
years of the reign of Edward I, when the sessions of the Common 
Bench were being held at York. The earliest instance of such 
a fine which has come under my observation is one which is 
expressed to have been made at York^ and afterwards recorded 
at Westminster on the morrow of the Purification in 26 
Hen. III. The latest is one of land in Surrey which was made 
in Hilary term 1 and 2 James II, and recorded in the following 
Easter term". 



(d) Warranty. 

In the thirteenth century it usually happened that a vendor 
expressly warranted the property, which he was selling, against 
all persons whatsoever. This meant that if the purchaser were 
impleaded by a third person the vendor undertook to defend 
the purchaser's title in court, and also if the property were 
adjudged to the demandant to give the purchaser property 
of equal value by way of compensation. In certain cases 
a warranty was implied by law without any express words. 
For instance, if a man and his ancestors had held land of 
a lord and his ancestors from time immemorial by homage, 
then the lord was bound, by the mere fact of having received 
the homage, to warrant his tenant^ property. Similarly the 
word dedi in a charter of feoffment created an implied war- 
ranty during the life of the feoffor^ It might also happen 
that through the act of his ancestor, a vendor was bound to 
warrant the property sold without having himself undertaken 

» The York date is not giyen {Fut of Fines, Cau 264, File 87, No, 7). 
A LinoolnBhiie fine was made on the qaindene of Easter 19 Edw. I and 
recorded on the qaindene of Michaelmas 21 Edw. I {Ibidem^ Case 133, File 
63, No. 51). 

> Edward Alwyn was plaintiff and Bobert Bexell deforciant. 

* This has been the law since the Statutum de Bigamis (4 Edw. I) of all 
feoffments of lands in fee simple to be held of the chief lord and his heirs. At 
oommon law if a charter of lands to be held of the donor contained the word 
dedi bat no reservation of homage and no claase of warranty, it nevertheless 
boand the donor to warranty (Statutes of the Realm, i, 43). 



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Cxliv INTRODUCTION. 

to do 80 in any instrument of transfer or otherwise. For 
instance, the warranty in an ordinary charter of feoffment of 
the fifteenth century was often made to the grantee his heirs 
and assigns. If then the grantee after selling the property 
chanced to become the heir of his grantor he would be bound 
as heir to warrant the property to his purchaser as assign. 
Moreover, it has always been the practice of conveyancers to 
insert systematically clauses and expressions in their deeds and 
other assurances by way of precaution against all possible 
dangers. Hence a clause useful enough in one document is 
inserted in another, where it is harmless but unnecessary. If 
then we notice that fines frequently contained provisions against 
the possibility of an implied warranty, we need not assume that 
such provisions were always needed. 

Early in the reign of Henry VI certain clauses in the feet 
of fines suggest that precautions were being taken against 
warranties arising by implication of law. Conveyancers began, 
so it would seem, to make use of a supposed rule that an 
express warranty excluded one which was not expressed^ A 
warranty was often inserted against an abbot and his suc- 
cessors who and whose predecessors had never possessed any 
estate or interest in the property to which it related. It was 
a purely formal warranty and a possible explanation of it is 
that it was inserted solely for the purpose of excluding a 
warranty which might arise by implication. As early examples 
we may notice warranties in a Lincolnshire fine of Hilary term 
5 Hen. VI against the abbots of Hayles', in a Devonshire fine 
of Hilary term 7 Hen. VI against the abbots of Westminster*, 
and in a Somerset fine of Michaelmas term 8 Hen. VI against 
the abbots of Torres In early days the abbot selected was 
often some neighbouring landowner, but very soon the name of 
the abbot of Westminster was usually employed. In this 
volume there is a warranty in 13 Hen. VI against the abbot 

1 In this Calendar all snoh special warranties, as are here desoribed, have (it 
is hoped) been mentioned in the footnotes. 

> Feet of Fines, Case 145, FiU 166, No. 81. 

' It was recorded in Michaelmas term of the same year. Case 46, File S3, 
No. 82. 

« Case 201, FiU 86, No. 52. 



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INTRODUCTION. Cxlv 

of St James', Northampton and his successors, but all the other 
similar warranties are against the abbot of Westminster and 
his successors until the dissolution of that monastery in 1540. 
After that date we may notice in 34 Hen. VIII a warranty in 
this calendar against the bishop of Westminster, and another in 
the fines of Middlesex of 33 Hen. YIII against the dean and 
chapter of St Paul's^ Bat these and a few others of a like 
nature are exceptional, and warranties against ecclesiastic^ and 
their successors rapidly fell out of use after the dissolution of 
the monasteries. Their place was taken by a new form of 
special warranty, which had already been used occasionally 
early in the reign of Henry VIII, namely, warranties against the 
warrantor himself and his heirs. Thus to a purely fictitious 
form of warranty there succeeded one which was of substance. 
The reign of Philip and Mary saw the development of the new 
practice. A warranty then sometimes appears in fines against 
a person who was not a party thereto, but who or whose 
ancestor at sometime had a right or interest in the property 
which it comprised. One of the earliest instances of such 
a warranty occurs in a London fine* of 3 and 4 Philip and 
Mary made between John Tamworth plaintiff and William 
Cavindyshe deforciant, which contains a warranty against two 
famous men Nicholas Bacon and Thomas Smyth. The first 
instance in the Huntingdonshire fines occurs in the year 
9 Eliz. 

The explanation of special warranties, which has been 
suggested above, is tentative only. It is possible that the 
chirographers of the fifteenth century objected to fines which 
contained no clause of warranty, and that to meet this objection 
the parties inserted clauses of special warranty, which were 
purely formal. Fines without any clause of warranty, general 
or special, were for a long time very uncommon. In the reign 
of Henry VIII there were scarcely two such fines in every 
hundred, and these perhaps represented reluctant concessions 
by the chirographers who were eventually obliged to withdraw 
their objection to fines without clauses of warranty. 

^ W. J. Hardy and W. Page, London and MiddUtex Fine*, n, 54. 
s Ibidem, n, 101. 



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cxlvi nmtODtrcnoN. 

iDdentures of bsirgain and sale in the sixteenth century 
often contained express provisions about the clauses of war- 
ranty which were to be inserted in fines. Thus in an indenture 
dated 28 January ld5| and made between Richard Forsett and 
Robert Thorpe of the one part and Edward Appleton of the 
other part there is a covenant by Richard Forsett to levy a fine 
without warranty or with warranty only against himself and his 
heirs^ 

Lastly a point, which is of some interest in the history of 
conveyancing, may here be noticed. In a charter or indenture 
a warranty might be granted to a man his heirs and assigns, 
but in a fine it could be granted only to a man and heirs. 
I have found no authority on this point, but the evidence of 
the fines themselves is conclusive. 

(e) Proclamations. 

At common law the efiect of a fine was to bar the claims of 
all persons not under certain disabilities unless made within 
one year of the date of the fine. A notice of a claim made 
within the year was endorsed on the foot of the fine in this 
form. jA »B, apponit clamium 8uum\ In the year 34 Edw. Ill 
(c. 16) the bar by means of a fine and the failure to claim 
within a year was abolished by the Statute of Non-Claims 
(c. 16)'. Then for more than a century a fine operated by way 
of estoppel only. It was a bar to the parties thereto and their 
heirs, but to none others. Even before this an heir who claimed 
under an estate tail was not barred by his ancestors fine, for 
the statute De Dome Conditionalibus* expressly provided for 
this case. 

The utility of fines was again increased by a statute of 
1 Ric. Ill (c. 7)' which declared that all save persons under 

1 Common Pleas Plea RoUs^ No. 1173, rot, de cart. 12. 

3 OooasionaUj the claim appears npon the roUs of the court, thus, 

Die Sabbati proxima ante festum Asoencionis Domini anno regni domini 
regis nunc quarto Bobertus le Bider et Beatrix uxor eius et IsabeUa soror 
eiusdem Beatriois ponunt clamium suum de fino leuato termino Pasohe annp 
secundo {De Banco Rolls, No. 181, roll 117). 

s StatuUs of the Realm, i, 368. 

« Ibidem, 1, 71. » Ibidem, n, 488. 



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INTRODUCTION. Cxlvii 

certain disabilities whether strangers or privies should be barred 
by a fine levied with proclamations unless their claims were 
made within five years of the date of the proclamation. This 
statute never came into operation, and there is good reason for 
suspecting that in the reign of Henry VII it was not recognised 
as a legislative act. There are certainly no fines which are 
known to have been levied in accordance with its provisions. 
It was re-enacted, or perhaps first lawfully enacted, with some 
unimportant verbal variations in the year 4 Hen. VII (c. 24) 
by the act known as the First Statute ofFinesK These statutes 
also provided that any person not being a party or a privy 
might avoid a fine by an averment that partes finis nichil 
hahuerunt, in order to prevent persons having no interest in 
the land acquiring a statutory right thereto. 

Whatever may have been the intention of its framers the 
judges of the Common Bench held' in 19 Hen. VIII that a fine 
levied with its proclamation by a tenant in tail had the effect 
of barring his issue. in tail, which hitherto could only have been 
obtained by the expensive process of a common recovery. 
Probably the decision was in full accordance with the general 
opinion of the legal profession, seeing that for several years 
previously the number of fines levied with proclamations had 
been steadily increasing. After the decision nearly all fines 
were so levied, thus in the Michaelmas terms of the five years 
20 to 24 Hen. VIII seventy fines out of a total of 1010, an 
average of 14 a term, were levied without proclamations, and 
in the Michaelmas terms of 26 to 30 Hen. VIII the average 
had fallen to 8. In 31 Hen. VIII four such fines were levied 
in Easter term, and three, five and two in Trinity, Michaelmas 
and Hilary terms respectively'. In order, however, to avoid all 
doubt about fine^ operating to bar estates tail the government 

^ StatuUi of the Realm, n, 647. I have met with no fines levied with 
proolamations before the year 6 Hen. VII. 

' DjefB Reportt, i, 8 a. The record of the case, which is anonjmons, has 
not been found. 

* These particnlars are taken from the Indices of Fines in the Literary 
Beareh Boom of the Public Beoord Office. The abbreviated word "proolam." 
is written in the margin of these books opposite the entry of each fine levied 
with proolamations. 



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cxlviii INTRODUCTION. 

determined to give a statutory sanction to the decision of the 
judges. Hence it was that in 32 Hen. VIII the prothonotaries 
of the common bench, hearing that a bill was in parliament 
that a fine with proclamations should be a bar to an estate tail 
sought to have the engrossing of fines in their office^ Estate 
tails before the date of the decision of 19 Hen. VIII had been 
barred by common recoveries only, which were recorded on the 
rolls of the prothonotaries of the court. These opulent officials 
feared that recoveries would become unpopular and that they 
would suffer a consequent loss of fees. Their efforts failed' and 
the bill became an act' to the advantage of the chirographer of 
the court. As however fines were able to bar the issue only of 
a tenant in tail and could not bar a tenant in tail in remainder, 
the common recovery continued to be a popular instrument of 
assurance. 

The First Statute of Fines provided that four proclamations 
should be made in the term in which the fine was levied and 
four in each of the three following terms. In the reign of 
Henry VIII four days at the end of each term were appointed 
for the purpose, and they were usually alternate days. In the 
first ten years of that reign the days in Trinity term were as 
follows : 

1 Hen. VIII ... 5, 7, 9, 11 July. 6 Hen. VIII ... 1, 4, 7, 10 July. 

2 Hen. VIII ... 5, 6, 8, 10 July. 7 Hen. VIII ... 2, 4, 6, 9 July*. 

3 Hen. VIII ... 6, 7, 9, 11 July. 8 Hen. VIII ... 1, 3, 5, 7 July. 

4 Hen. VIII ... 5, 7, 9, 12 July. 9 Hen. VIII ... 4, 6, 8, 10 July. 

5 Hen. VIII ... 6, 6, 8, 9 July. 10 Hen. VIII ... 6, 8, 10, 12 July. 

The proclaiming of fines pursuant to the statute was no 
mere formality. A York fine' of 15 Hen. VIII which ought to 
have been expressed as made in Easter term and afterwards 
recorded in the following term was actually expressed as made 

^ J. Gairdner and B. H. Brodie, Letters and Papers^ Hen, VIII, vol. zy, 
p. 323. 

> The king was likely to support the chirographer, for he appointed that 
officer by letters patent, whereas it was the chief justice of the common bench 
who appointed the prothonotaries. 

> Statutes of the Realm, m, 789. 

4 In 7 Hen. VIU a few fines were also proclaimed on 4, 6, 9, II July. 
» Feet of Fines, Hen. VIII, BwidU 48, File 384. 



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INTRODUCTION. Cxlix 

in Easter term. By way of precaution it wafi proclaimed in 
Easter and each of the four following terms. Some official — 
probably the custos breuium — on seeing the mistake has written 
under the endorsement of the proclamations 

Here ar xx procL And this a fyne of Ester terme en t red od Tr. 
terme without ao j postea recordata and therefore should be fyled on 
Ester term. 

There was a Leicester fine^ of Easter term 1520 (12 
Hen. VIII) of which the second proclamation was originally 
expressed to have been made on 17 May. The date was 
afterwards altered by rule of court to 18 May because in 
12 Hen. VIII 17 May was Ascension Day on which the court 
was not sitting. A memorandum endorsed on the foot states 

The second proclam. was xvii & nowe made xviii yn Court Trin. 
38 E. regine ye last day of the same. 

The proclaiming of fines soon became a serious interruption 
in the increasing business of the court. By way of remedy it 
was provided by a statute' of 31 Eliz. (c. 2) that all fines with 
proclamations from and after the feast of Easter next ensuing 
should be proclaimed four times only, namely once in the term 
when the fine was engrossed' and once in every of the three 
terms holden next after the same engrossing. Four days how- 
ever in every term were still appointed for proclaiming fines. 
On the first day fines levied three terms earlier were proclaimed, 
on the second those of two terms earlier, on the third those of 
the previous term, and on the fourth those of the current term. 
Thus in Michaelmas term of 19 James I the fines of the three 
previous terms were proclaimed on 29 October, 13 November 
and 20 November respectively, and those of Michaelmas term 
itself on 28 November. On the note of each fine which was 
levied with proclamations the abbreviation "procl." was written, 
bat no dates were added. By way of official record, however, 
the chirographer made a memorandum of the dates of the 
proclamations, and the names of the judges on the cover of 

1 Feet of Fines, Hen. VIII, BundU 24, FiU 151. 
s Statute* of the Realm, iv, part 2, 800. 



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cl INTKODUCTION. 

the file of notes ; thus on the coirer of that of Michaelmais term 
5 James I, we have, 

Pi. 28 N. 
S. 23 J. 
T. 12 A. 
Q. 8 June. 

Ed. Coke, Tho. Walmysley, Pet Warburton et WilL Daniel, 
Tho. Foster, assoc. 

There are also three volumes" entitled "Proclamations of 
Fines ** at the Public Record Office in which for the sake of 
convenience fuller particulars of all proclamations from 1620 
to 1843 are entered. The following is the entry for Hilary 
Term, 19 James I. 

Hill, xiz Jac. regis. 
Prima proclamacio facta fuit duodecimo die Febioiarii tennino 
sancti Hillarii anno decimo nono regis infrascripti. 

Secunda proclamacio Hillarii supradicti facta in Pascbe sequenti. 
Secunda proclamacio facta fuit uicesimo nono die Maii termino 
Pascbe anno uicesimo regis infrascripti. 

Tercia proclamacio Hillarii supradicti facta in Trinitate sequenti. 
Tercia proclamacio facta fuit tercia die Julii termino sancte 
Trinitatis anno uicesimo regis infrascripti. 

Quarta proclamacio Hillarii supradicti in Mich. sequentL 
Quarta proclamacio facta fuit uicesimo nono die Octobris termino 
• sancti Micbaelis anno uicesimo regis infrascripti. 

The First Statute of Fines 4 Hen. VII provided that every 
person should be at liberty to levy any fine thereafter, after his 
pleasure whether after the form contained and ordained in and 
by the statute (that is, with proclamations), or after the manner 
and form aforetime used (that is, without proclamations). Never- 
theless fines were seldom levied without proclamations after the 
Second Statute of Fines (32 Hen. VIII) ; and in the reign of 
Elizabeth they seem never to have been so levied. All the 589 
fines of lands in the county of Huntingdon levied during that 
reign were proclaimed in open court ; and so far as my own 

^ ThQ letters P, S, T, Q stand for prima, secunda, etc. 
' The referenoe to these volumes is C, P. 27, 1 — 3. 



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INTRODUCTION. cli 

observation extends, no fines in other counties were then levied 
without proclamations. Apparently, in the opinion of the legal 
profession the extra cost of the proclamations was worth in- 
curring for the sake of the statutory advantages which might 
perchance result from them^ 

^ In the eighteenfh oentoiy, however, fines levied without prodamations 
were not onoommon. . . 



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PART IV. THE SPELLING AND EXTENSIONS 
OF PROPER NAMES. 

In the first part of this Calendar the final contractions of 
proper names, other than Christian names, have in all cases 
been represented by a superior comma. In the second part 
they have, with some exceptions which will be noticed presently, 
been represented similarly. As the extension of such names is 
a subject which has not yet been adequately discussed, it seems 
better to leave them unextended and so supply material for 
discussion than to extend them, and so assist, as must necessarily 
be the case, in perpetuating error. If we are to arrive at satis- 
factory conclusions, we must have a long series of names printed 
as nearly as possible in the forms in which they occur in the 
manuscript. A series of extended names affords no basis for 
scientific enquiry, and adds little to the lucidity of a text 

From the accession of Edward II, fines were written by the 
clerks of an officer of the Common Bench called the Chiro- 
grapher. Differing but little in phraseology, they yet bear a 
strong resemblance to one another in handwriting. The clerks 
were the slaves of tradition. They wrote alike, spelt alike, and 
used the same marks of contraction. The Saxon letters p, tS and 
3 which sometimes occur in Latin documents never occur in 
fines. None but the letters of the Latin alphabet and the 
letters k, w, and y were admissible. In chartularies and private 
charters names of persons and names of places might assume 
various and widely different forms; but in fines for several 
centuries they varied but little from genemtion to generation ; 
and it is not until the days of the Tudor kings that irregu- 
larities in spelling become apparent 

The mark which was most frequently used in fines to denote 
the omission of a letter or letters at the end of a word was 



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INTRODUCTION. cliii 

a tittle. It was usually a stroke written above or through the 
last letter in the direction of the line of writing. Sometimes 
it was almost straight, and sometimes its ends bent a little 
downwards. When written through certain letters, especially 
in Tudor times, its outward course was often continued in such 
a way that it had the appearance of a flourish downwards 
rather than a tittle in one of its normal forms. In Tudor times, 
too, whether written normally or as a flourish, it was often so 
finely drawn as to be almost invisible. 

In investigating the history of the spelling and final ex- 
tensions of proper names due attention must be paid to the 
possibility of error. Proper names, though usually carefully 
written, are occasionally badly misspelt in fines. Thus we have 
in the following pages Brickhamsted for Bickhamsted, Gridding 
for Oidding, Blythorne for Bythorne. When such patent errors 
as these can occur it cannot be supposed that lesser errors are 
scarce, such for example as the mere omission of a tittle, the 
duplication of a letter, or the writing of a single in place of 
a double letter. 

In determining the extension of the name of a place when 
written in a contracted form, we have first of all to determine 
whether the name is intended to be read as a Latin word 
declined with inflexions or as an English word treated as an 
indeclinable Latin word. Is Stok', for instance, intended to 
represent Stoka or Stoke ? Before this can be settled it will 
be necessary to study the habit of the scribe or of the school of 
scribes to which he belongs ; for the practice of the clerks of 
the chancery, the exchequer and the two benches were not the 
same ; and the practice of the clerks of the law courts differed 
considerably from those of monastic scribes and writers of 
chronicles. In fines of the fourteenth century, place names were 
almost invariably treated as indeclinable English words. Stok' 
will certainly mean Stoke and not Stoka. We learn this from 
the fact that a large number of names such as Nottingham 
which are always written at full length occur in an English 
form; and this is also the case with nearly all those names 
which are usually written in a contracted form, when they 
happen to be written at full length. The names of a few places 

C. A. S. Octavo Series, XXXVII. ^ 



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cliv INTRODUCTION. 

only are written in a Latin form ; they are either those of large 
towns such as York, Winchester, Canterbury, Exeter ; or a few 
French names used as surnames such as Chanteloup, Mortemer, 
Aumale. The distinguishing feature of them is that their Latin 
names differed radically from their English names. Even in 
these two classes the practice of writing them in Latin was by 
no means invariable in the fourteenth century. We are as 
likely to read of Willelmus de Gloucestre as of Willelmus de 
Qlouernia; on the same page of this Calendar we have Nicholaus 
de Eboraco and Ricardus de Petrisburgh. 

The practice of treating names of places as indeclinable 
was already general at the end of the twelfth century. To see 
this, we have only to look at the names of the justices before 
whom fines were levied in the reign of Richard I. Richard of 
Husbum, one of these justices, was far more often called 
^'Ricardus de Husburne" than "Ricardus de Husburna"; aud 
"lacobus de Poteme" occurs more frequently than "lacobus 
de Potema." Nevertheless a considerable number of Latinized 
place names of various kinds may be found in fines of the 
reign of John ; indeed they seem to have been used less iD- 
frequently during part of his reign than in that of Richard L 
But there is much irregularity in this usage; and Latinized 
place names at this period are probably due to the influence 
of some one or more of the chirographers clerks who found it 
difficult to reject a practice which they had acquired elsewhere. 
Sometimes a clerk will use a Latin form for one name and 
an English form for another in one and the same document 
Thus in a Derby fine of 13 John we have "coram... Simone de 
PateshuUe et lacobo de Poterna." In the reign of Henry III 
the Latin forms (except in the case of the large towns and 
French names already mentioned) gradually disappeared. As 
a general rule it is certainly a mistake to give a Latin termi- 
nation to an English place name occurring in a fine made after 
the accession of Henry III. Before that date the fine should 
be looked at as a whole in order that the usage of its scribe 
may be learnt. 

In the fourteenth century final syllables containing a vowel 
with a long sound were made to end with the letter e. Thus 



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INTRODUCTION. clv 

we have Grene, Felstede, Rede, Upwode, Slepe, Dale, OraDtes- 
sete and Oransdene. In the same century when a final syllable 
contained a vowel with a short sound the consonant following 
the vowel was doubled and the letter e added to it. As 
examples we may take Christmasse, Belle, Trappe, Welle, 
Prudde, and Brunne. These names are scarcely ever found 
spelt with a final e without the consonant preceding it being 
doubled. In proper names of the thirteenth century there was 
generally no final e in final syllables containing a vowel with 
a long sound ; and similarly a final syllable containing a vowel 
with a short sound often ended with a single consonant, thus 
"pole" might be written as **por' in the thirteenth century 
and ''hille" as ''hil"; and this still sometimes happened in 
the fourteenth century, though less frequently than in the 
thirteenth. 

It appears from these facts that in general, when a final 
consonant with a tittle through or over it is preceded by a vowel 
with a short sound the tittle represents an addition of the final 
consonant and the letter e. If on the other band the vowel be 
a long one the tittle represents an addition of the letter e and 
nothing more. Thus if the e have a short sound Fek' will 
represent Pekke, if it have a long sound it will represent Peke. 
The tittle represents a consonant and the vowel e less commonly 
than the vowel alone ; but names such as Cokke, Cutte, Fette 
and Pekke,.though usually written in full are at times written 
as Cok', Cut', Fet' and Pek'. It should be noticed that the 
normal spelling in the middle ages of the Cambridgeshire 
village Bourn, was Brunne, while the spelling of the colour 
Brown was Brune or Broun. As both the place and the colour 
gave rise to a surname the extension of a name written as 
Brun' should be carefully considered. Similarly Cok' may 
represent either Coke, that is to say the modern Cook, or 
Cokke, the modem Cock. 

In the fifteenth century a practice arose, which in Tudor 
times became general, of doubling the letters e and o when long 
instead of merely adding the letter e to the end of the syllable. 
People began to write Woode instead of Wode, Reede, instead 
of Rede and so with other words. The final e was at first either 



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civi INTRODUCTION. 

written or represented by a contraction ; but after a time it was 
often entirely omitted and no mark of contraction was written 
in its place. The practice, however, was by no means uniform. 
Many words were sometimes written with the double letter, 
sometimes with the single. There are also words in which 
after both spellings had for long obtained concurrently the 
single vowel ultimately prevailed. 

Unlike the vowels e and o the vowels o, i and u were never 
doubled. In the 6fteenth century they were sometimes when 
they had long sounds replaced by a combination of two vowels ; 
but in many cases the spelling remained as in earlier times. 
Where there is a combination of vowels in a final syllable and 
it is doubtful whether a mark of contraction or a flourish has 
been written, there is usuaUy a presumption in favour of the 
flourish ; for a final e is not required to show that the sound 
which the combination of letters represents is long. 

The practice of making a final syllable in which a vowel 
with a short sound occurs end with a double consonant and 
a final e may be observed at an early date. In Tudor times, 
however, the final e in such words was usually and at a later 
period almost invariably, omitted; so that they ended with 
a double consonant. A mark which has the appearance of 
a contraction at the end of these words, is usually a flourish ; 
but it is often difficult to distinguish it from the 8 compendium 
to be noticed presently. 

The treatment of the letter I in fines needs some special 
notice. In the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries names 
frequently ended with this letter without any tittle through 
it, as for example Bedel, Clarel, Nowel, Carbonel, Michel and 
Russel. When, however, a tittle was drawn through a final I 
it was used not for the purpose of supplying a mute e but of 
representing a final e which formed with the I a separate 
syllable. Thus we have "lakesl"' for "lakes-le," "LokesF" for 
"Lokes-le,'* and " Wassingl'" for " Wassing-le." In Tudor times 
these names were spelt with a final y or ye (lakesley), and the 
use of a final I with a tittle disappeared entirely. Similarly 
the I without a tittle gave place to a double I, with a tittle 
through it; so that names such as "Russel" were then written 



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INTRODUCTION. clvii 

as "Russeir." The final syllable now spelt as "vill" is 
peculiar in that it was written until the end of the fourteenth 
century, if not later, in three diflFerent forms, "uille," "uiir," 
and "uile" or "uyle." Apparently its correct pronunciation 
was uncertain. 

The tittle in one or other of its forms was not the only 
mark of final contraction used in fines. There occurs also a 
compendium which represented the terminations es, is, and ys. 
In its most perfect form it may be described as a curved line 
which extended outwards and in the direction of the line of 
writing, which then looped upwards, crossed itself perpendicu- 
larly and then continued downwards for some little distance. 
This mark, which may be called for convenience the s com- 
pendium, was used in fines solely for the terminations of 
proper names and never to denote the termination es or is 
of Latin words. We meet with it occasionally in fines of the 
fourteenth century, but it was not very common before the 
reign of Henry VII. 

In this Calendar the 8 compendium when used before Tudor 
times is represented by a superior comma; but when used 
after that date by a superior s. Unfortunately it is often 
difficult to determine whether the scribe intended to use the 
compendium or to write an ornamental tittle. Both symbols 
often have the appearance of mere flourishes. For this reason 
it is difficult to arrive at any very precise conclusions on the 
subject of the compendium. In fines of the fifteenth and six- 
teenth centuries a tittle was almost invariably drawn over a 
final n in a proper name, and it has therefore been thought 
unnecessary to represent it in this Calendar in the fines of the 
reign of Henry VIII and his successors by the usual superior 
comma. 



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APPENDIX I. 

The CSornish acre (which is always so described) is excep- 
tional. This was not an acre at all, if the word 

(p. XXXVl) 

acre be used in its ordinary significance, but a 
measure which seems to have been equivalent to a carucate. 
Its dimensions, however, have not as yet been satisfactorily 
determined. There was also a customary acre in Cornwall which 
was measured by the customary rod of 6 yards ; but this is 
described as an acre without any qualification, and not as a 
customary acre in fines and other legal documents. 

This Introduction ib not intended to discuss the origin of 
the manor; it treats of certain aspects only of 
that institution. The apparently lordless villages 
of Cambridgeshire and the status of the English peasantry 
before the Norman Conquest will be considered elsewhere. In 
the meantime, it may be observed that the early history of the 
growth of the manor depends not so much upon the use of the 
word "manor" in Domesday Book as upon the establishment 
from that and other sources of the early relations between lord 
and tenant, and the rights of both over the soil. Of late years 
Domesday Book has perhaps received rather more than its fair 
share of attention from students of the manor. The relation 
between lord and tenant may have been (and in my opinion 
was) substantially the same before the Norman Conquest as 
after, and nevertheless the word " manor " may have been used 
somewhat differently. 

The late Mr Seebohm's theory of the origin of the manor 

seems to supply in its broad outlines a more 

satisfactory explanation of the relation between 

lord and tenant than that afforded by the supposition that this 

relation arose by a process of commendation. 



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APPENDIX I. clix 

Various " burghs " were " wrought " or ** timbered " in the 
tenth century. It is sometimes assumed that 
these were new towns; and that where a county 
takes its name from one of them, the borough and the county 
were created simultaneously. It is, however, very improbable 
that the counties of Mercia were created at different dates (as 
would be the case on this supposition). They were evidently 
formed as part of a new scheme of administration in which 
fortified towns may have played no part. Wiltshire and Somerset 
had as their capitals Wilton and Somerton ; but in all proba- 
bility these were never important fortresses. Similarly, it is 
quite likely that some of the Mercian capitals were centres of 
administration before they became fortified boroughs. 

If some such explanation as that given on p. Ixxvi be 
accepted it is not necessary to believe that in the 

(p. IXXVl) , - A,- 1 , 1.1 •!! 1 

days of Alfred the hides were still the exact 
equivalent of 4 virgates or 120 acres. At that time some 
system of hidation based on an ancient survey probably existed, 
under which individual land-owners had become charged with 
a larger or smaller number of hides than they actually possessed. 
Thus the new hundreds may have been real groups of 100 hides 
each, though the hides were only nominally of 4 virgates or 
120 acres each. 

The word "uilla" occurs in Domesday Book in such passages 

as "Pastura ad pecuniam uillae" (D. B. L IQe^""*). 

The meaning of these and similar expressions is 
not free from doubt. Throughout the Middle Ages when an 
action was brought to recover land, the demandant was bound 
to describe it as lying in some vill or hamlet ; and " no such 
vill " was a good exception to the writ. A vill therefore seems 
to have been a well recognized unit with definite boundaries, 
and it was certainly not of necessity identical either with the 
parish or the manor. 

It should be noticed that according to a charter of 

Aethelred II, Offlow hundred, in the county of 
(P- ^^V Stafford, contained exactly 110 hides. This 

points to a hundred of 11 tithings, of which one probably 
belonged originally to a neighbouring hundred. My attention 



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clx APPENDIX I. 

was drawn to this document by Mr C. Johnson. (See Herbert 
Hall's Formula Book of Legal Records, p. 8.) 

It must be admitted that the author of the Dialogua de 
Scaccario expressly states {Lib. i. Cap. 17) that a 
hide contains one hundred acres, and it may be 
said that he must mean a hundred of six score. But if, as is 
generally believed, the author of the treatise came from Cam- 
bridgeshire, he would be accustomed to virgates of 25 acres, 
and presumably to hides of 100 acres. (See p. Ixxx, note 1 
above.) It is therefore quite possible that by " one hundred " 
he meant the ordinary hundred of five score. 

According to the Boldon Book, which was compiled at the 
close of the twelfth century, there were bovates 
in the Palatinate of Durham at that period con- 
taining 8, 12, 13, 15 and 20 acres ; but the rods by which they 
were measured are not mentioned. It should be observed that 
many of the villains held two bovates which suggests that 
southern methods of agriculture had been introduced into this 
district. The bovates of 20 acres may have been really double 
bovates, and it is quite likely that those of 15 acres were 
measured by the statute rod. 

Strips of approximately an acre each were more common in 
the open fields than might be supposed from what 
is said on p. xc of this Introduction. Rood strips 
also seem to have been common in certain parts of England. 
On the whole, however, it would seem that it was the half- 
acre strips which were the most widely spread in the south of 
England. I am informed by a friend that they were called 
"helves" in the neighbourhood of Portsmouth. 

There is some inconsistency between what is said on p. xc 

and pp. cxviii — cxxi about the adoption of the 

« —X two-field system. The bovate of 25 half-acres, 

12 in one field and 13 in the other, may have been the 

result of some such change in the course of agriculture as 

that described on p. cxx. It is also possible that from the 

first some bovates were of 24 half-acres, and others of 26, 

and that the bovate of account was taken to be 25 half- 

' acres or 12^ acres as a compromise. Finally, it may be that 



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APPENDIX I. Clxi 

in the Middle Ages there were bovates consisting of 50 rood- 
strips, 25 of which lay in each field. 

It is possible that the privileged rod of 20 feet, used in the 

Scottish boroughs, was really a rod of 6 yards, 
iK>te%* ' ®^^ containing, like the yard of Anglesey, 40 

inches. In other words, it may have been 
measured by a trader's yard. The practice of measuring cloth 
by " the yard and the handful " (see p. xcviii above), which was 
of 40 inches, may perhaps have been justified by ancient usage 
in parts of England as well as in Wales and Scotland. 

According to the Report of the Commissioners of 1820 

(see p. cix above), there was a customary rod of 

7 yards in Northumberland; but this is not 
inconsistent with a rod of 6 yards having been the dominant 
rod of the greater part of this county in the Middle Ages. 
Further evidence, however, is much needed about the length of 
the various rods used in northern England, and their distri- 
bution. 

The continental evidence of the use of rods must be treated 

with great caution. The vineyards of France 

seem to have been the subject of special mea- 
sures; and probably a greater variety of rods was used in 
France and the warmer countries of Europe from early times 
than in England in consequence of the different uses to which 
the soil was put. 

It should be noticed that the Roman vagerum contained 

3200 square yards, and was therefore rather 
' larger than the northern half-acre of 2880 square 

yards ; and considerably smaller than a five-yard acre of 4000 
square yards. Two itigera are said to have made one heredivm, 
but there is no evidence that this word was used by the Romans 
of land in the open fields. 

This description of the changes in agriculture which may 

have led to the adoption of a rod of 6 yards in 
cxxi)^* *"" place of one of a double rod of 8 or a single rod of 

4 yards is purely suggestive. There were prob- 
ably many stages in the development of agrarian methods 
before the two-field system was generally adopted in England. 



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clxii APPENDIX I. 

As regards this system much usefiil iDformatioD could probably 
be collected without great difficulty on the normal dimensions 
of the strips in the open fields of northern England. It has 
yet to be ascertained whether they were normally half-acre 
or rood strips; and whether they were 240 or 120 yards in 
length. 

APPENDIX II. 

The fine dated 28 July 1208, which is printed below 
contains several features of interest Contrary to practice the 
first party, Henry Engain, is described neither as demandant 
nor as plain tiflf; and Robert of Waltervile, the second party, is 
not described as tenant, deforciant or impedient. Secondly, 
it was not levied in the customary manner upon some writ 
well recognized as the foundation for a fine; but is expressed 
to have been levied upon "an agreement made between the 
parties before the king and by the king at Tewksbury with 
respect to robery and breach of the king's peace, whereof Henry 
had appealled Robert and whereupon a duel had been wagered 
and armed between them." Thirdly, it was quite unusual for 
the property comprised in a fine to be described in such detail 
as is the case here. 

Apparently the four virgates of land " which lay within the 
hide " were freehold ; for they are contrasted with three virgates 
of villainage. Perhaps the simplest explanation of the words 
"which lay within the hide" is that the lord's demesnes 
formerly comprised a tract of arable land containing one or 
more hides, each purporting to be equal to four virgates in 
acreage ; and that he had granted four virgates of his demesnes 
to four tenants respectively to hold by free services. On this 
supposition the " hide " would refer to the lord's demesnes, in 
contrast to the villain's strips in the open fields. Possibly the 
four virgates though lying within the limits of the lord's former 
demesnes had been divided among the tenants in strips. 

We can only conjecture the number of acres which were 
reckoned to the virgate in this fine. We may suspect that the 
services reserved upon the freehold virgates were worth less to 



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APPENDIX II. clxiii 

the lord than those rendered to him by his villains. It is also 
not unlikely that the fine which was of 40 shillings of land was 
intended to pass 20 shillings a year of freehold and 20 shillings 
a year of villainage. In this way we may account for the fine 
comprising four virgates of freehold, and only three virgates 
and 12 acres of villainage. The freehold tenement was the 
larger, because it was less valuable. Now if we were to assume 
that each freehold virgate was valued at five shillings, and each 
villain virgate at six shillings, we should be obliged to allow 
exactly 36 acres to each of the villain virgates. This is, of 
course, mere conjecture ; but the figures are undeniably simple, 
and a result as satisfactory as this cannot be obtained by 
attributing other values or other acreage to the virgates. To 
those who are inclined to accept this explanation the fine will 
suggest some corroboration of the view taken in the Introduc- 
tion, that the virgates of southern England once contained 
36 customary acres. 

It is to be regretted that this fine throws no certain light 
upon the size of the normal strip in the manor of Orton 
Longueville. At first sight it would appear that in the year 
1208 some strips purported to be an acre, others half an acre, 
and yet others a rood only in size ; but some of the strips 
described in the fine may have been formed by consolidation 
or division. No less than six of the strips or apparent strips 
are described as having been next the land of Robert the son of 
Maud. Possibly, however, when it is stated that one acre lay 
next Robert's land, the acre really consisted of two half-acre or 
even four rood strips, which lay next two separate half-acre 
strips or four separate rood strips belonging to Robert in the 
same furlong. On the whole it seems more probable that 
some of the furlongs were originally divided into half-acre 
strips, and that others were divided into rood strips ; than that 
all or any of them were originally divided into acre strips. 

Hec est finalis concordia facta in curia domini regis apud Rokingeham 
die^ Lune prozima post festum sancti lacobi apostoli anno regni regis 
lohannis decimo coram ipso domino rege Simoue de Patisbulle lacobo 
de Poteme iusticiariis et aliis fidelibus domini regis tunc ibi presentibus 

^ 2S July 1208. 



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clxiv APPENDIX II. 

Inter Henricum Engain' et Robertum de Walteruill* de quadraginta 
solidatis terre in Ouerton' scilicet de quatuor uirgatis terre cum prato et 
aliis pertineuciis sicut iacent infra hidam, scilicet de una uirgata terre 
cum pertinenciis quam Gaiifridus filius Walteri tenuit et una uirgata 
terre cum pertinenciis quam Gilebertus frater eius tenuit et una uirgata 
terre quam Waltenis de Fletton' tenuit et una uirgata terre cum 
pertinenciis quam Reginaldus Bleche tenuit, et de tribus uirgatis terre 
cum prato et aliis pertinenciis de uilenagio scilicet de una uirgata terre 
cum pertinenciis quam Wido de Asle tenuit et una uirgata terre cum 
pertinenciis quam Willelmus frater eius tenuit et una uirgata terre cum 
pertinenciis quam Hugo filius Willelmi tenuit et de dUodeoem acris 
terre de una uirgata terre cum pertinenciis quam Ailricus Parmentarius 
teuuit I scilicet in Benfurlong dimidiam acram iuxta terram Radulfi filii 
Goce I et dimidiam acram terre super Blakemeld iuxta terram Roberti filii 
Matillidis | et unam acram super Withistocfurlang iuxta terram Kadulfi 
filii Goce | et ad Stanputtes tres rodas et dimidiam iuxta terram Willelmi 
filii Oseberti | et unam acram terre et dimidiam rodam iuxta Alnodesich ex 
parte occidentali | et in Middelfeld unam rodam terre iuxta terram Roberti 
filii Matillidis | et super Brocfurlong dimidiam acram terre iuxta terram 
Willelmi filii Oseberti | et super Snokeswellefurlong unam acram terre et 
unam rodam iuxta terram Roberti filii Matillidis | et super Depedale- 
furlang unam acram terre iuxta terram Roberti filii Matillidis | et unam 
acram terre ultra Morbumeweie iuxta terram Willelmi filii Oseberti | et 
super Litlemerefurlang in campo australi tres rodas teiTe iuxta terram 
Bartholomei Grossi et tres rodas terre super Muchededole iuxta terram 
Willelmi filii Walteri | et ad Sixlawes unam acram terre et unam rodam 
iuxta terram Thome de Hotot | et super Taggemer* unam acram terre 
iuxta terram Roberti filii Matillidis | et in londeredepedale imam rodam 
terre iuxta terram Roberti filii Matillidis | Quam terram idem Robertus 
dedit et concessit predicto Henrico per concordiam factam inter eos 
coram domino rege per ipsum domiuum regem apud Theokesbir*^ de 
roberia et de pace domini regis infracta 'unde idem Henricus eum 
appellauit et unde duellum uadiatum et armatum fuit inter eos coram 
ipso domino rege scilicet quod idem Robertus recognouit totam predictam 
terram cum pertinenciis esse ius ipsius Henrici de dono ipsius Roberti 
Habendam et teuendam eidem Henrico et heredibus suis de abbate de 
Burgo capitali domino feodi et eius successoribus per seruicium quod ad 
illam terram pertinet. 

Huntbd'. 

^ The king was at Tewksbury on 19-21 April and again on 28-29 April in 
1208. (See the Itinerary printed in the late Sir Thomas Hardy's Description of 
the Patent RolU.) 



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A CALENDAK OF THE FEET OF FINES 
FOE HUNTINGDONSHIRE 

5 Ric. I. 

Case 92. FUe 1. 

1 Between Turstanus, prior of Ramsey, put in the place 
of the abbot to gain or to lose — and Radulfus de Stiueclai — 
of two virgates of land in Qedding' and sixteen acres of assarts 
in Parua Stiueclai^ 

6 to 9 Ric. I. 

none. 

lO Ric. I. 

2 Between Robertas Faber and Hawisia, his wife, — ^and 
Samuel Presbiterus — of a fourth part of a virgate of land in 
Weston'l 

3 Between Robertus Faber and Hawisia, his wife, — and 
Qilebertus Carpentarius — of a fourth part of a virgate of land 
and of a messuage in Westun'. 

4 Between Robertus filius Ade — and Walterus de Belmis — 
of half a hide of land in Papewrth'. 

5 Between luo Faber of Huntedo' and Katerina, his wife, 
— ^and Willelmus Grei— of two messuages in Hunted'. 

6 Between Robertus Moin — and the prior of Chicksand 
and the convent of the same place — of a virgate of land in 
Haregraue. 

^ Printed in Vol. zyii. of the Publioations of the Pipe Boll Society at p. 15 ; 
and in Cartularium Moruuterii de Ratnena (Chronicles and Memorials of Great 
Britain and Ireland. London, 1886. 8yo.). Vol. u. p. 848. 

* This and the four following fines are printed in YoL xziv. of the Publica- 
tions of the Pipe Boll Society and are there numbered 104, 112, 118, 188 and 
168 respectively. 

C. A. 8. Octavo Series, XXXVII. 1 



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2 HUNTINGDONSHIRE FINES. 

1 John. 

Case 92. File 2. 

1 Between Galfridus, prior of S' Neots — and Robertas 
Engainn'* — of the advowson of the church of Weresle. 

2 Between Radulfus filius Willelmi — and Agnes de Auno 
— of half a hide of land in Weston'. 

3 Between Alardus filius Radulfi — and Oalfridus de.... 
ario — of five acres of land in Grantesden'. 

4 Between Ricardus de Heminton' — and Reginaldus de 
Ouerton' — of a hide of land in Botelesbreg' and in Ouerton'. 

5 Between Willehnus Dacus — and Willelmus, prior of 
Huntingdon — of the presentation of the church of Hupford. 

6 Between Alardus filius Radulfi — and Aluredus, prior of 
Repton — of a virgate of land in Orancenden. 

7 Between Rogerus filius Ricardi — and Eudo abbot of 
Ramsey — of four virgates of land in Uilla sancti Yuonis. 

8 Between Willelmus de GraflFha' — and Nicholaus de 
Maten — of half a virgate and four acres of land in Graffham'. 

9 Between Nicholaus filius Ricardi — and Achilles filius 
[Geruasii] — of eight acres of land in Ramesie and Uppord. 

10 Now trans/erred to FUe 3. 

a John. 

none. 

3 John. 

11 Between Radulfus de Cestreton' — and Radulfus, abbot 
of Thomey — of half a virgate and ten acres of land in 
Wdeston'. 

4 John. 

12 Between Ricardus de Baiuiir — and Robertus Lancelin 
— of a knight's fee in 

13 Between Ricardus Gemun — and Radulfus filius Henrici 
— of a virgate of land in Bluntesham'. 

14 Between Walterus filius Osberti — and Maria de lakesle 

and Turstanus, her son — of a messuage in lakesle. 

1 The correct reading of the seoond syllable of this name is doubtfol. 
* Annotated with the claim of Gaufridus de Gazton*. 



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1—10 JOHN. 3 

15 Between Matilda de Augo — and Gktufridus, prior of 
S' Neots — of a messuage in Uilla sancti Neoti, to wit, the 
messuage which Rogerus Clericus holds ; and of half a virgate 
of land in Herdwic, which the same Matilda claims as dower 
against the same prior as the gift of Aluredus de Augo, 
formerly her husband. 

16 Between Fulco filius Edithe — and Robertus, abbot of 
Ramsey — of four messuages in Uilla sancti luonis. 

17 Damaged. 

5 and 6 John. 

none. 

7 John. 

18 Between Hubertus de Bramford' and Roesia, his wife — 
and Nigellus de Luuetot — of one hundred shillings of land in 
Weston', which they claim as the frank marriage portion of the 
same Roesia. 

8 John. 

19 Between Robertus le Noble — and Laurencius filius 
Cutberti — of a virgate and a fourth part of a virgate of land in 
Orafham. 

20 Between Robertus- de Wicheton' — and Amaldus Wace 
— of half a virgate of land in Hilton*. 

21 Between Reginaldus Oumberi — and Reginaldus filius 
Gaufridi — of two virgates of land in Ouerton'. 

9 John. 

22 Between Elias filius Gin ant — and Henricus the abbot 
and the convent of Crowland — of four carucates of land in 
Coteham and Hokincton'. 

23 Between Margareta et Roesia filie Radulfi — and Thomas 
de Muleswrth' — of two virgates of land in Muleswrth'. 

10 John. 

24 Between Willelmus filius Ricardi and Matillis his wife 
— and Willelmus de Engaine — of a virgate of land in Gedding'. 

1—2 



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4 HUNTINODOySHIRB FINES. 

26 Between Willelmus de [Ainesford'] — and Michael de 
Clereuaus— of two virgates of land in StoctoD*. 

26 Between Henricus Engain — and Robertus de WalteruilF 
—of forty shillings of land in Ouerton**. 

27 Between Heruicius Tesard — aud Robertus de Beaumeis 
— of half a hide of land in Wdeherst. 

11 John. 

none. 
IS John. 

28 Between Clere de Pappewrth' — and Walterus de Pap- 
pewrth' — of half a virgate of land in Pappewrth'. 

13 John. 

29 Between Radulfus de Bullebroc and Angnes, his wife — 
and Rogerus de Swineford' and Roesia, his wife — of a virgate of 
land and a fourth part of a virgate of land in Thiringez. 

30 Between Rogerus filius Regiualdi and Eufemia, his wife 
— and lohannes, prior of Huntingdon — of a messuage Id 
Huntendon'. 

14 to 18 John. 

none. 

1 Hen. III. 

none. 
a Hen. HI. 
Case 92. File 3. 

1 Between Walterus filius Bernard! — and Nicholaus filius 
Roberti de Witton' — of half a virgate and two acres of land in 
Witton'. 

2 Between Qerardus de Casseir and Caterina, his wife — 
and Theobaldus de Lek' — of a third part of four virgates of 
land and a windmill in Gilling', which third part the same 
Gerardus and Caterina claim against the abbot of Sawtry as 
appurtenant to the rightful dower of the same Caterina, which 
she has of the frank tenemeDt, which belonged to Henricus de 
Lek\ formerly her husband in ; and of a third part of a 

^ Printed in fall in the Introduction to this yolome. 



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10 JOHN— 3 HSNRT lU. 5 

virgate of land in the same town, which the same Qerardus and 
Caterina demanded in the same way against Willelmus de la 
Mnsche ; and of a third part of a virgate of land in the same 
town which the same Qerardus and Caterina demanded in the 
same way against Willelmus Quareir ; and of the third part of 

a virgate of land in , which they demanded in the same 

way against Michael Quareir ; and of a third part of a virgate of 
land in the same town, which the same Qerardus and Caterina 
demanded in the same way against Osbertus filius Henrici. 

3 Between fierengerus Monacus and Isabella, his wife — 
and Radulfus de Trubleuiir and Alicia, his wife^-of the 
rightful share which the same Berengcrus and Isabella claim 
of the inheritance which belonged to Willelmus Ruffus the 
father of Isabella and Alicia in Armeston', in Eingesham, and 
in Eggelee ; and of the rightful share which the same Beren- 
gerus and Isabella claim of the inheritance which belonged to 
Nicholaa, the mother of the same Isabella and Alicia^ in 
Hemingeford' and in Qillinges and in Cantebr'. 

3 a Between Emma, the widow of Bartholomeus de Lega — 
and Radulfus de Trubleuile and Alicia, his wife— of the 
rightful share, which the same Emma claims of the inheritance, 
which belonged to Willelmus RufiTus, the father of the same 
Emma and Alicia, in Armeston', and in Kingesha' and Eggele ; 
and of the rightful share which the same Emma claims of the 
inheritance which belonged to Nicholaa the mother of the 
same Emma and Alicia in Hemmingford and in Qilling' and in 
Eantebr'^ 

4 Between Radulfus, abbot of Sawtry — and Theobaldus 
filius Henrici — of a hide of land in Qilling'. 

3 Hen. III. 

5 Between Hugo, abbot of Ramesey — and Michael filius 
Michaelis de Walton' — of two carucates of land in Walton'*. 

6 Between Adam filius Drogonis — and Walterus de Merc 
— of eight virgates of land and a moiety of two mills in 
Stibeton', Shipeston' and Wammeford'. 

> Formerly No. 10 in File 2. 

* Printed in Cartularium Monatterii de Rametia (at supra), Vol. n. p. 861. 



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6 H0NTINGDON8HIRS FINEa 

7 Between Beatricia the widow of Reginalclus de Longa- 
uilla — and Rogerus de sancto lohanne — of a hide of land in 
Hamerton' which the same Beatricia claims as her rightful 
dower which fell to her from the frank tenement which belonged 
to the aforesaid Reginaldus in the same town. 

8 Between Willelmus filius Reginaldi — and Oilebertus filius 
Roberti de Stanton' — of a virgate and a half of land in Hilton'*. 

9 Between Willelmus filius Reginaldi — and Aernaldus Wace 
— of half a virgate of land in Hilton'. 

10 Between Radulfus de Bray — ^and Willelmus Dacus — 
of the land which belonged to Radulfus de Wigorn' in Ocford' ; 
and of a messuage which Durandus Ortolanus held in the same 
town. 

11 Between Johannes filius Edithe — and Edmundus de 
Thetteword* — of half a virgate of land in Thetteward', con- 
cerning which the same Edmundus vouched to warranty the 
prior of S* Neots. 

12 Between Agnes de Alno — and Willelmus de sancto 
Qeorgio — of seven virgates of land in Haileweston' which she 
claimed to be her frank marriage portion and to belong to two 
parts of a knight's fee» which the same Agnes holds in the 
same town, in which the same Willelmus had not entry except 
by Johannes, Robertus and Baldewinus the sons of Robertus de 
sancto Qeorgio, to whom the same Robertus formerly her 
husband gave them, whom she could not gainsay in his lifetime 
as she says. 

13 Between Alicia de Amundewill' — and Hugo Olifard' — of 
a virgate of land and two messuages in Stilton'. 

14 Between . Alicia de Amundewill' — and Willelmus le 
Norreis~of half a virgate of land in Stilton'. 

15 Between Willelmus filius Thome — and Ricardus Pelle- 
parius — of a messuage in Uilla sancti Neoti. 

16 Between Ricardus filius Willelmi Fabri — and Matilda 
de Eton' — of a messuage in Uilla sancti Neoti. 

17 Between Reginaldus Morel — and Robertus le Bloy — of 
six virgates of land in Hemmingford'. 

> Endorsed with the claim of Walterus Morel. 



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3 HENRY Uh 7 

18 Between Gilebertus de Stowe — and Qalfridus Brito— of 
a virgate of laad in Stowe. 

19 Between Willelmus filius Agnetis — and Willelmus de 
Pirihe — of half a virgate of land in Perihe. 

20 Between Ricardus Burnard' — and Willelmus Brito — of 
three acres and a rood of land and a messuage in Uilla sancti 
Neoti. 

21 Between Alicia the widow of Walterus Malarcor' — and 
Radulfus filius Radulfi— of two virgates of land in Wodeston', 
in which he had not entry except by the aforesaid Walterus 
the husbaud of the same Alicia, who sold them to Radulfus de 
Cestreton' the father of the same Radulfus, whom she could 
not gainsay in his lifetime, as she says. 

22 Between Alicia de Amundeuill' — and Thomas filius 
Thome — of a messuage and two roods of land in Stilton'. 

23 Between Cristiana the widow of Rogerus de Nostrefeld' 
— and Hugo de Bodekesham — of a moiety of forty one acres 
of land in Horesheya, which she claimed as her rightful dower of 
the frank tenement which belonged to Rogerus de Nostrefeld' 
formerly her husband in the same town. 

24 Between Matildis filia Radulfi — and Matildis de Rumely 
and Willelmus, her son — of half a virgate of land in Wichleg- 
ford'. 

25 Between Thomas de Stiuecle and Matilda, his wife — 
and Gregorius Pembel — of a moiety of four acres of land in 
Huntedone. 

Case 92. File 4. 

26 Between Walterus filius Alexandri — and Robertus de 
Bello Messuagio — of two virgates of land in Hamerton'. 

27 Between Willelmus de Hilton* — and Alexander de 
Haliwell'— of two virgates of land in Haliwell'^ 

28 Between Robertus de Wassingel' — and Robertus le Gras 
— of two virgates of land in Ouerton'. 

29 Between Reginaldus de Hemmigton' — and Beringerus 
Monachus — of an exchange of two virgates of land in Gume- 
cestre. 

1 Endorsed with the olaim of Wftltenu Moxel. 



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8 HUNTINQDONSHI&E FINES. 

4 Hen. ZU. 

30 Between Walterus filius Bernardi — and Nicholaus filiua 
Robert! — of half a virgate of land in Witthon*. 

31 Between Radulfus de Trubleuiir — and Thomas le Moine 
—of ten virgates of land in Hemmingeford'. 

32 Between Robertas de Neuiir, parson of the church 
of Botelbrig' — and Reginaldus filius Roberti — of twenty acres 
of land in Ouerton'. 

33 Between Willelmus filius Haraldi — and Robertus de 
Chantemerl' — of a hide of land in Wald'*. 

34 Between Radulfus de Trubleuiir — ^and Michael Quarel' 
— of a virgate of land in Gil ling*. 

35 Between Hugo, abbot of Ramsey — and Theobaldus de 
Leke— of ten acres of meadow and a fishing in Bodeseye, to 
wit, all the hermitage, which is called Bodeseye, concerning 
which the same abbot complained that the same Theobaldus 
wrongfully travailled him, demanding from him common as well 
in that meadow as in the fishing, contrary to the tenour of the 
charter which the same abbot has of the same Theobaldus". 

5 Hen. lU. 

36 Between Elias Aurifaber and Isolda, his wife — and 
Robertus Chantemerle — of two virgates and sixteen acres of 
land in Wald'. 

6 Hen. HI. 

none. 

7 Hen. lU. 

37 Between Uitalis de Qrafha' — and Stephanus filius 
Symonis — of the advowson of the church of Qrafha*. 

38 Between Galfridus filius Akar' — and lohannes prior of 
Huntingdon' — of three virgates of land in Hereford'. 

8 Hen. ZU. 

39 Between Hugo, abbot of Ramsey — and Robertus, abbot 

of Thorney — of common of pasture in the marsh of Ramsey, 

> The MS. has * Waldis,' which may be an ablative case plural. 

* Printed in Cartularium Monasterii de Ramesia (at sapra), Vol. n. p. 349. 



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4 — 9 HENRY in. 9 

conceniing which the same abbot of Ramsey complained that 
the aforesaid abbot of Thorney wrongfully demanded common in 
the same marsh, seeing that the same abbot of Ramsey had no 
common in the marsh of the same abbot of Thorney at lakesle, 
and that the same abbot of Thorney did no service to the 
same abbot of Ramsey for which he ought to have the same 
common'. 

40 Between Baldwinus de Riparia — and Robertus, abbot of 
Thorney— of the services and customs which the abbot de- 
manded from the men of the aforesaid Baldwinus of Glatton' 
and Hulm' in the market of the same abbot at lakesle, which 
customs and services the same Baldwinus did not acknowledge. 

41 Between lohannes de Uallibus — ^and Walterus filius 
Walteri — of two carucates of land in Cattewurth'. 

42 Between Willelmus de Qimeges — and brother Alanus 
Martel, master of the Knights Templars in England — of the 
advowson of the church of Botuluesbrig*. 

48 Between Rogerus, prior of S' Neots — and Willelmus 
Engaaigne — of a mark of rent in Weresleg', to wit, of the 
tenement which belonged to Osbertus Balehorn, four shillings, 
and of the tenement which belonged to Rogerus Lesquier, four 
shillings, and of the tenement which belonged to Hugo Nepos, 
four shillings, and of the tenement which belonged to Hugo 
Blundus, sixteen pence; concerning which the aforesaid prior 
complained that the aforesaid Willelmus did not keep the fine 
made in the court of the lord king John by chirograph between 
Gaufridus, prior of S^ Neots, and Robertus Engaaigne, the 
father of the aforesaid Willelmus, whose heir he is. 

44 Between Henricus de LungeuiU' — and lohannes filius 
Baldwini — of a virgate of land in Hamerton'. 



Hen. UI. 

45 Between Willelmus Patric — and Willelmus Quarell*— of 
half a virgate of land in Bouton'. 

1 Prinied in Cartularium MonasUrii de Rameaia (at snpra), Vol. n. p. 864. 



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10 HUNTINGDONSHIEB FINES. 

46 Between Hugo, abbot of Ramsey — and Robertus de 
Bauuiir — of three virgates of land in Wauton'*. 

47 Between Reginaldus le Moine — and Radulfus de Truble- 
uiir — of the manor of Thiming'. 

48 Between Willelmus Patrik — and Willelmua abbot of 
Warden' — of half a virgate of land in Bugheton*. 

49 Between Willelmus de Gamiges — and Radulfus filius 
Reginaldi — of eight virgates of land, three tofts and twenty 
shillings of rent in Botolfbrigg' aud Ouerton'. 

50 Between Rieardus filius Simonis — and Alicia, countess 
d* Eu' — of the advowson of the church of Buckewrth'. 

10 Hen. III. 

Case 92. File 5. 

51 Between Hugo, abbot of Ramsey — and Elias de Amun- 
deuiir, Warinus de Uernun and Margeria, his wife, and Roysia 
de Luuetot — of common of pasture in Nortwde, concerning 
which the same abbot complained that the aforesaid Elias, 
Warinus, Margeria and Roisia, wrongfully demanded common 
in the land of the same abbot in Nortwde, seeiug that the same 
abbot had no common in the land of the same Elias, Warinus, 
Margeria and Roesia in Suho, and that they did no service to 
him for which they ought to have common. 

52 Between Lucia the widow of Robertus le Bloy — and 
Wiscardus le Bloy whom Reginaldus Morel vouched to war- 
ranty — of a third part of a messuage, six virgates of land and 
twelve acres of meadow in Hemmingford*, which third part 
she claims to be her rightful dower which falls to her from the 
frank tenement, which belonged to the aforesaid Robertus 
formerly her husband in the same town. 

11 Hen. III. 

none. 

la Hen. III. 

53 Between Rogerus, prior of Huntingdon — and Isabella 
de Nidengwrthe — of a virgate and twenty acres of land, a toft 

^ Printed in CartulaTium Monasterii de Rametia (at supra), Vol. i. p. 1S7. 
* Latin * oomitissa Aogy.' 



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9—12 HENBY III. 11 

and two ahillings of rent in Gillinges ; and of sixpence of 
rent, and the rent of a pound and a half of pepper in Hemming- 
ford'. 

54 Between Willelmus Marscallus of Ramseia — and Hugo, 
abbot of Ramsey — of four acres of land in Crancfeld'. 

65 Between Willelmus filius Amaldi — and Willelmus filius 
Achillis — of thirty six acres of land i^ lakesl'. 

56 Between Oliuerus le Moyne — and Hugo, abbot of Ramsey 
^-of forty acres of land in Rauesle, to wit, of all the land in the 
tillage^ next the marsh of Fenstocking, and of all the tillage^ 
which is called Popeleg' which was assarted on the day on which 
this concord was made. 

57 Between Turstanus le Permenter and Isolda, his wife, 
Robertus Molendinarius and Cristiana, his wife — and Ricardus 
filius Willelmi Aurifabri and Willelmus, his brother — of a 
messuage and two acres of land in XJilla sancti Neoti ; 

and between the same demandants — and Ricardus Qilemor — of 
a messuage in the same town. 

58 Between Simon Longus — and Hugo, abbot of Ramsey 
— of a virgate of land in Gedding**. 

59 Between Alanus filius Alani — and Walterus filius 
Hugonis — of an acre of land in Elindon'. 

60 Between Sauicla, the widow of Mauricius de la Haye — 
and Reginaldus, prior of S' Neots — of a third part of thirty two 
acres of wood in Bichhamestud' ; which third part she claimed 
to be her rightful dower of the frank tenement which belonged 
to the aforesaid Mauricius, formerly her husband, in the same 
town. 

61 Between Qalfridus de Elynton' — and Martinus de 
Elynton'^-of a virgate of land in Elynton' ; and of one hundred 
and three acres of land in the same town. 

62 Between Johannes Mowin — and Willelmus Mowin — of 
ten acres and three roods of land in Waldhurst'. 

63 Between Baldricus de sancto Yuone — and Ricardus de 
Ripton' — of half a hide of land in Ripton'. 

^ Latin * eultnra.' 

> Printed in Cartularium Monasterii de Ramesia (at snpra), Vol. n. p. 867. 



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12 HUNTINGDONSHIRE FINES. 

64 Between Baldricas de sancto Tuoue — and Siluester, the 
parson of Wardebois — of half a hide of land in Wardebois. 

65 Between Nicholas de Stiuecl' — and Hugo, abbot of 
Ramsey — of two hundred acres of land in Stiuecl' *. 

66 Between Hugo, abbot of Ramsey — and Jordan le 
Enueise — of thirty acres of wood in Elinton'. 

67 Between lohannes filius Hugonis — and Yuo le Moyne 
— of a virgate of land in Paxton'. 

68 Between Radulfus filius Rc^ri Scarlet — and Willelmus 
filius Thome — of two acres of land and a messuage in Moles- 
worth'. 

69 Between Walterus de Stiuekel' — and Rogerus, prior of 
Huntingdon* — of forty acres of land in Eingesho. 

70 Between Adam filius Gileberti le Charpenter — and 
Robertus Russell' — of half a virgate of land in Weston'. 

71 Between Heruicus Tesard — and Beatricia filia Nicholiu 
—of a virgate of land in Hirst'*. 

13 Hen. III. 

72 Between Willelmus de Elleswrth' — and Hugo, abbot of 
Ramsey — of two virgates of land in Elleswrth'. 

73 Between Simon de Seim Liz — and Rogerus de Hel- 
peston' — of ten shillings of land in Stiuecle. 

74 Between Rogerus de Helpeston' — and Robertus de la 
Camaylie — of ten shillings of land in Stiuekle. 

14 Hen. III. 

75 Between Hugo, bishop of Ely — and Master Willelmus 
de Argenteum — of thirty acres of land and sixty acres of wood 
in Sumeresham. 

Case 92. File 6. 

76 Between Hugo, bishop of Ely — and lohannes de 
Bluntisha', chaplain— of twelve acres of land and a messuage in 
the soke of Sumersham. 

1 Endorsed with the claim of Adam de Stiuede. Printed in Cartularium 
MonoMterii de Ramesia (nt supra), Vol. u. p. 851. 
^ Endorsed with the claim of Alicia Frannoeyfi. 



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12—16 HENRY in. 13 

77 Between Hugo, bishop of Ely — and Radulfus de Berford' 
-—of thirty acres of laud and a tillage^ called Qunokesleg' in 
the soke of Sumersham. 

78 Between Hugo, bishop of Ely — and Osbertus de Lindou' 
— of twelves acres and a virgate of land in the soke of 
Sumersham. 

79 Between Hugo, bishop of Ely — and Henricus de Colne 
^-of thirty six acres and a virgate and a half of land in the 
soke of Sumersham. 

15 Hen. HI. 

80 Between Willelmus, archdeacon of Wells and canon of 
Lincoln — and Willelmus Pistor, whom Stephanus Carpentarius 
and Clarissa, his wife, vouched to warranty — of a fourth part 
of a virgate of land in Letton'; 

and between the same archdeacon — and the aforesaid Willelmus 
Pistor— of three parts of a virgate of land in the same town. 

16 Hen. HI. 

81 Between Thomas de Lindes — and Henricus, abbot of 
Crowland — of the advowson of the church of Caldicote. 

82 Between Elena the daughter of Willelmus le Daneys 
— and Beginaldus le Moyne — of twelve acres of land in 
Offord'. 

83 Between Badulfiis de Berford and Isabella, his wife — 
and Egidius de Wathesham and Margeria, his wife — of a 
carucate of land in Colne in the county of Huntingdon, and 
of twenty shillings of rent in Hagebech' in the county of 
Cambridge, which are of the dower of the same Isabella, and 
of one carucate of land in Coreby in the county of Lincoln 
which is the marriage portion of the same Isabella. 

84 Between Robertus filius Ricardi — and Imbertus de 
Hereford' and Cecilia, his wife— of common of pasture in 
Touleslund', to wit, of the pasture which is called Hauekesden 
and Middelbroc. 

85 Between Agnes, the widow of Willelmus de Rouceby — 
and Ricardus de Ripton', whom Sarra de Ripton vouched to 
warranty— of half a virgate of land in Magna Riptona. 

1 Latin 'oaltnxa.' 



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14 HUNTINGDONSHIRE FINE& 

86 Between Willelmus de Stapelford' — and Hugo de 
LuIIinton and Angnes, his wife^-of a fourth part of a virgat« of 
land in Thyrining** ; 

and between the same Willelmus — and Cristiana filia Abrae — 
of a fourth part of a virgate of land in the same town. 

87 Between Emma filia Willelmi — and lohannes filius Gal- 
fridi — of an acre and a half of land in Muleswurth'. 

88 Between Philippus de Buketon' — and Geroldus de 
Lenclton' — of three acres of land in Lenclton'. 

89 Between Ricardus filius Eaterine — and Alanus Gere — 
of a toft in Haly well*. 

90 Between Ricardus de Stocton' — and Willelmus filius 
luonis— of half a virgate of land in Stocton'. 

91 Between Willelmus de Stapelford' — and Rogerus de 
Swyneford' and Roesia, his wife — of half a virgate of land in 
Thyrning*. 

92 Between Oregorius filius Seralie — and Simon filius 
Baldwini and Pelagia, his wife — of two acres of lai^l in 
Huntedon*. 

93 Between Ricardus de Stocton' — and Willelmus filius 
luonis — of half a virgate of land in Stocton**. 

94 Between Ricardus de Stocton — and Willelmus filing 
luonis — of half a virgate of land in Stocton*". 

95 Between Athelardus, abbot of Sawtry — and Walterus de 
Qyney — of two carucates of land in Cattewurth*. 

96 Between Basilia, the widow of Thomas Lefsy — and 
Thomas filius Walteri de Stilton' — of a third part of half an 
acre of land in 'Stilton', which third part the same Basilia 
claimed to be part of her rightful dower which fell to her from 
the frank tenement, which belonged to the aforesaid Thomas 
Lefsy, formerly her husband, in the same town. 

97 Between Robertus, abbot of Thorney — and Walterus de 
Boby and Hawisia, his wife— of two messuages in lakesle. 

98 Between Thomas filius Willelmi — and Imbertus de 
Herford' and Cecilia, his wife, whom Willelmus de Trumpiton* 



1 Endorsed with the olaim of Bogeras de Swyneford' and Boeysea Ms wife. 
> This fine is identical with No. 90 in the same file. 



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16 — 19 HENRY III. 15 

and Matilda, his wife, vouched to warranty — of an acre of land 
in Toulislund'. 

99 Between Rogerus de Quency — ^and Johannes de Bas- 
singham — of common of pasture in Stert, concerning which 
the same Rogerus complained that the aforesaid Johannes 
wrongfully demanded common of pasture in Stert, seeing that 
the same Rogerus had no common in the land of the same 
Johannes, and that the same Johannes does no service to him 
for which he ought to have common in the land of the same 
Rogerua 

100 Between Johannes de Iiek' — and Ranulfus, abbot of 
Ramsey — of two acres of land in Gilling'. 

Case 92. File 7. 

101 Between Johannes de Scoc', earl of Huntingdon — and 
Elyas, abbot of Holy Cross, Edinburgh— of the advowson of 
the church of Paxton*. 

17 Hen. UI. 

102 Between Ricardus filius Eborardi — and Willelmus filius 
Juonis — of half a virgate of land in Magna Stocton'. 

103 Between Ricardus Ulf — and Simon filius Qalfridi — of 
two virgates of land in Hemingeford. 

18 Hen. lU. 

104 Between Elyas filius Willelmi — and Rogerus de Stibeti- 
ton' and Matillis, his wife — of sixteen acres of land in Sibston' 
and Stibenton'. 

10 Hen. in. 

105 Between Adam filius Heruei — and Johannes filius 
Heruey — of a virgate of land in Wdehirst. 

106 Between Johannes de Shelford' — cmd Johannes, earl of 
Lincoln and constable of Chester, and Margareta, his wife, 
whom Hauwisia de Quency, countess of Lincoln, vouched to 
warranty— of four acres of land in Herdwic'*. 

1 Endoned with tbe daim of lohannes le Moyne. 



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16 HUNTINGDONSHIRE FINE& 

107 Between lohannes de Selford' — and Eborardus de 
Trumpet' whom lohannes le Moyne and lohannes Capellanus 
vouched to warranty — of twenty one acres and a rood of land 
in Eynesbyr' and in Herdwic. 

108 Between lohannes, prior of Bushmead^ — and Nigellus 
de Mundeuili' — of a virgate of land in Coldeouerton'. 

109 Between Reginaldus Morel — and Alexander de HaliweH' 
^-of a messuage in Haliwell' and of half a virgate of land in 
Uilla de sancto luone and a virgate of land in Nedinghewrht'. 

110 Between Stephanus Gurel and Isolda, his wife, Wil- 
lelmus filius Dauid, Nicholaus filius Heylewis' and Mabillia, the 
daughter of Willelmus le Orfeuere — and lohannes filius 
Hugonis le Pest' and Isolda, his wife — of a messuage in Uilla 
de sancto Nioto. 



ao Hen. ni. 

111 Between Robertus de Risle and Alicia, his wife — and 
Bandulfus, abbot of Ramsey — of a third part of a carucate of 
land, sixty acres of wood and four messuages in Higgeneya and 
Waltun'. 

112 Between Hugo, bishop of Ely — and Ricardus de 
Grendal' — of a carucate of land in Sumeresham and Fentun'. 

113 Between Robertus de Beaumis, Walterus de Deneford' 
and Sarra, his wife, and Henricus de Codeha' — and Willelmus 
de Cowe and Felicia, his wife — of a carucate of land in 
Hemmingeford'. 

114 Between Walterus de sancto Yuone — and Stephanus 
Qurel and Isolda, his wife — of ten acres of land in Uilla sancti 
Neoti and in Eton', concerning which the same Walterus 
complained that the aforesaid Stephanus and Isolda, against 
the covenant made between them concerning the aforesaid land, 
deforced him of the aforesaid land. 

115 Between lordanus le Enueyse — and Robertus Russel — 
— of common of pasture in Sybetorp. 

^ MS. Bissopemedwe 



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19—24 HENBT III, 17 

ai Hen. III. 

116 Between Robertus de Beaumes, Walterus de Deneford' 
and Sarra, his wife and Henricus de Codeham — and luo le 
Moyne — of a carucate of land in Qraf bam. 

117 Between Warnerus Engayn' — and Radulfus Engayn' — 
of two hides of land in Gedding'. 

aa Hen. III. 

118 Between Nicholaus de Merton' and Isolda, his wife — 
and locelinus de sancto luone and Pelagia, his wife — of a third 
part of a messuage and an acre and a half of land in 
Huntindon' ; 

and between the same Nicholaus and Isolda, his wife — and 
Elyas filiufl Andree and Amicia, his wife — of a third part of six 
and a half acres of land in the same town, which third parts the 
aforesaid Nicholaus and Isolda claimed to be the rightful share 
of the same Isolda, which fell to her from the frank tenement, 
which belonged to Rogerus Nuious, her grandfather, in the 
same town. 

a3 Hen. lU. 

119 Between Isabella de Bolebek, countess of Oxford — and 
HenricuR de Fokesworth' — of the customs and services which 
the same countess demanded from the aforesaid Henricus for 
the frank tenement which he holds of her in Fokesworth*, 
concerning which the same countess demanded that the afore- 
said Henricus should do to her the service of two knights' fees 
for the aforesaid tenement ; and furthermore should render to 
her twenty pounds sterling for the arrears of the aforesaid 
service, which customs and services the same Henricus did not 
acknowledge. 

120 Between Hugo de Stanton' — and Tebaldus de Lek' — 
of three virgates of land in Gillinge. 

a4 Hen. III. 

121 Between Simon de Hohcton — and Reginaldus filius 
Warini — of twenty four acres of land and an acre of meadow in 
Houchton'. 

C. A. S. Octavo Series. XXXVII. 2 



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18 HUNTINGDONSHIRE FINEa 

121® Between Johannes de Eleswrth' — and Rogerus de 
Huntingefeld\ and Johanna, his wife, and Matillis de Trayly — 
of the advowson of the church of Cunyton' *. 

25 Hen. III. 

122 Between Galfridus — and Simon 

— of two virgates of land, three messuages 

and two shillings of rent in Huntedon', Styuekle, Bouton' 
and Farua Paxton'. 

123 Between Gilehertus le Moine — and Hohertus Luuet, 
Bogerus le Mire of Bedeford and Roysia, his wife, WiUelmus 
Daules of Bramton' and Juliana, his wife — of half a knight's 
fee, except half a virgate of land and five cottages, in Parua 
Paxton'». 

124 Between Uitalis Engayn' — and Humfridus de Bohun, 
earl of Hereford, Uincensius de Stanleg' and Petrus de Stanleg' 
— of the common of pasture which the aforesaid earl, Uincen- 
cius and Petrus claimed to have in the land of the same 
Uitalis in Dyljmton', concerning which the same Uitalis com- 
plained that the aforesaid earl, Uincencius and Petrus, wrong- 
fully demanded to have the aforesaid common in his aforesaid 
land. 

125 Between Ricardus filius Thurketyn — and Cecilia Tayle- 
boys— of two parts of half a virgate of land in Tholeslund*. 

Case 92. File 8. 

126 Between Reginaldus, parson of the church of Paxton' 
— and Johannes le Bere^-of the rightful estover of the same 
Reginaldus to be had in the wood of the same Johannes in 
Akeden'; concerning which the same Reginaldus complained 
that the aforesaid Johannes deforces him in the same wood of 
housebote and haybote, and common for burning and fencing 
and likewise common of pasture for the beasts of the same 
Reginaldus of all kinds, and mast for his pigs quit of pan- 
nage'. 

^ Endorsed with the claim of the abbot of Bamsej with respect to a tene- 
ment in Uilla sanoti luonis. 

' Endorsed with the claim of Master Beginaldas, parson of Pazton*. 
* Endorsed with the^olaim of lulianas de Haia. 



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24 — 25 HENBY III. 19 

127 Between lobannes Gere — and Reginaldus Morel — of 
fifteen acres of land, an acre and a half of meadow and two 
messuages in HalywelF and Nidingwrth'. 

128 Between Rannulfus, abbot of Ramsey — and Johannes 
le Bere — of thirty acres of wood in Elynton*. 

129 Between Reginaldus le Moyne — and Alanus de Turri, 
whom Willelmus de Subyr' vouched to warranty — of a mes- 
suage, two virgates, eighty acres of land and ten acres of 
meadow in Hemmingeford'. 

130 Between Ricardus, prior of Huntingdon — and Fulco 
de Wynewik' — of a messuage and half a virgate of land in 
Wynewyk*. 

131 Between Hugo Sanzauer — and Ricardus, prior of 
Huntingdon — of the customs and services which the same 
Hugo demanded from the aforesaid prior for a hide of land 
which he holds of the aforesaid Hugo, in Croxton', for which 
the same Hugo demanded of the aforesaid prior that he should 
do to him the foreign service, hidage, pontage and sheriff's aid 
for the aforesaid hide of land, as much as belongs to so much 
land of the same fee in the same town, which services the same 
prior did not acknowledge. 

132 Between Brother Robertus de Sanford', master of the 
Knights Templars in England — and Walterus de Wassingele — 
of a certain way^ which the same master claims to have in the 
town of Wassingele for driving and driving back his animals 
and beasts' across the land of the same Walterus. 

133 Between Johannes filius Willelmi — and Brianus de 
Budington' and Philippa, his wife — of a messuage in Uilla 
sancti Neoti. 

134 Between Alanus Forestarius — and Stephanus de 
Brampton' — of six acres of land in Elington*. 

135 Between Willelmus le Deneys — and Johannes le 
Deneys— of a knight's fee in Offord and of a knight's fee, 
except one messuage, in Blaysworth'. 

136 Between Willelmus de Beyuill' and Jsolda, his wife — 
and Robertus filius Walteri de Sybetorp — of a virgate of land 
in Sybetorp. 

^ Latin 'ohimiwiTn.' * Latin 'peooxa.* 

2—2 



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20 HUNTINGDONSHIRB FINES. 

137 Betweea Robertas Fin — and Alanus Brun and HatiUis, 
his wife — of three acres of land in Huntedon'. 

138 Between Rannulfus, abbot of Ramsey — and lohannes 
filius Roberti — of the customs and services, which the same 
abbot demanded from the aforesaid lohannes for his frank 
tenement which he holds of him in Hemmingford', concerning 
which the same abbot demanded of the aforesaid lohannes that 
he should render to him twelve pence a year for the aforesaid 
tenement, which rent he did not acknowledge. 

139 Between Adam, abbot of Sawtry — and Gilebertus le 
Moyne — of a carucate of laud in Graf ham. 

140 Between Henricus de Hasting' and Ada, his wife — 
and Uitalis de Grafham — of common of pasture in Lymmynge, 
which the same Uitalis claimed to have in the land of the 
same Henricus and Ada in Lymmynge, concerning which the 
aforesaid Henricus and Ada complained that the aforesaid 
Uitalis wrongly demanded to have common in their land 
aforesaid, seeing that the aforesaid Henricus and Ada have no 
common in the land of the same Uitalis in Grafham, and that 
he does no service to them for which he ought to have common 
in the land aforesaid. 

141 Between Oliuerus Clericus and Elicia, his wife — and 
lohannes de Salue and leua, his wife-— of a moiety of thirty 
four acres of land in Stilton', which moiety the aforesaid 
Oliuerus and Elicia claimed to be the rightful share of the 
same Elicia which fell to her, of the frank tenement, which 
belonged to Alicia de Stilton', the mother of the aforesaid leua 
and Elicia, whose heirs they are, in Stilton. 

36 Hen. III. 

142 Between the abbot of Sawtry — and lohannes le Bere 
— of twenty shillings of rent in Caldecote. 

37 Hen. III. 

143 Between lohannes de Kent, Nicholaus Meuerel and 
Robertus de Lockesle — and Adam, abbot of Sawtry — of four 
virgates of land in Gillinge*. 

' Endorsed with the claim of the abbot and convent of Bamsej. 



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25—29 HENEY IIL 21 

144 Between Johannes de Kent, Nicholaus Meuerel and 
Robertus de Lokesr — and Radulfus de Stanton' — of a fourth 
part of a virgate of land in Gilling'. 

145 Between Johannes de Kent, Nicholaus Meuerel and 
Robertus de Jjokesley — and Henricus filius Henrici de Lecke — 
of two hundred acres of land in Gilling'. 

146 Between Adam, prior of Coxford* — and Alanus Brun 
of Thornha' and Matillis, his wife — of three messuages and 
three booths* in Huntedon*. 

147 Between Willelmus filius Ottonis — and Willelmus de 
Roffa — of two carucates of land, except eight shillings of rent, 
in Hamerton' ; 

and between the same Willelmus de Ro£fa — and the aforesaid 
Willelmus filius Ottonis, whom Otto filius Willelmi vouched to 
warranty — of two carucates of land in the same town, except a 
moiety of the advowson of the church of the same town. 

28 Hen. III. 

148 Between Rannulfus, abbot of Ramsey — and Uitalis 
Engayne — of the customs and services which the same abbot 
demanded from the aforesaid Uitalis for his frank tenement 
which he holds of the aforesaid abbot in Dylington', to wit of 
five hides of land, concerning which etc' 

149 Between Philippus le Moyne — and Rogerus de Bede- 
ford', * medicus,' and Roesia, his wife — of a virgate and a third 
part of a virgate of land in Parua Paxton*. 

150 Between Philippus le Moyne — and Gilebertus le Moyne 
-—of a messuage and three virgates of land in Parua Paxton'. 

39 Hen. HI. 

Case 92. File 9. 

151 Between Johannes filius Simonis — and Reginaldus, 
prior of Repton* — of a moiety of a knight's fee in Graun- 
cenden'. 

1 MS. Kokesford*. > Latin 'selda.' 

* Printed in Cartularium Monasterii de Ramesia (at sapra). Vol. u. p. 356. 

* MS. Bapendon'. 



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22 HUNTINGDONSHIBE FINES. 

dO and 31 Hen. UI. 

none. 

da Hen. lU. 

152 Between Thomas de Lockel' — and Nicholaus Meuerel 
and Johannes de Kant' — of a third part of two hundred acres 
of land in Oilling'. 

163 Between Rohertus Fyn — and Qalfridus Fyn — of two 
messuages, two crofts and ten acres of land in Hunted* and 
Styuecle. 

154 Between Thomas filius Radulfi le Poer — and Nicholaus 
filius Rogeri de Euerton, whom Thomas le Capeloyn vouched 
to warranty — of half a virgate of land in Tetteworth'. 

155 Between Adam, abbot of Sawtry — and Bobertus Russel 
— of this that he should permit the same abbot to have common 
of pasture in Oraf ham. 

156 Between Walterus de Wassingele — and Oliuerus de 
Upton' and Elicia, his wife — of an acre of land in Stilton*. 

157 Between Seluester le Euueyse — and lohannes le 
Enueyse — of three and a half virgates of land in Parua 
Styuecle. 

158 Between Master Reginaldus, rector of the church of 
Paxton' — and lulianus de Haya — of this that the aforesaid 
lulianus should permit him to have his estover in the wood of 
the same lulianus at Akeden*. 

159 Between Hugo le Breton' — and Willelmus le Bretun' 
— of two carucates of land in Bukeden', a virgate of land in 
Grafham and a virgate of land in Bychamstede. 

160 Between Qodefridus de Cormayll' and Alicia, his wife — 
and lohannes filius Walteri — of an acre and a half of land and 
two parts of an acre of meadow and twelve pence of rent in 
Muliswrth'; 

and between the same Qodefridus and Alicia — and the aforesaid 
lohannes, whom Simon de Muleswrth' vouched to warranty — 
of eight pence of rent in the same town ; 

and between the same Qodefridus and Alicia — and the afore- 
said lohannes, whom Willelmus filius Thome vouched to 
warranty — of sixteen pence of rent in the same town ; 



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30—32 HENRY IIL 28 

and between the same Qodefridus and Alicia — and the afore- 
said lobannes, whom Willelmus Nowel vouched to warranty — 
of twelve pence of rent in the same town ; 
and between the same Qodefridus and Alicia — and the afore- 
said lohannes, whom Willelmus Scarlet vouched to warranty 
— of twelve pence of rent in the same town. 

161 Between Robertus Fin — and Margeria de Uemun — of 
half a virgate of land in Bouton. 

162 Between Laurencius de Braybrok' — and Oliuerus de 
Stylton' and Elicia, his wife — of three parts of a messuage 
in Ouertone Wateruile^ 

163 Between Matillis, the widow of Simon Trang — and 
Henricus Trang — of a third part of half a virgate of land in 
Grantesdene, which the same Matillis claimed to be her rightful 
dower, which fell to her from the frank tenement whiph belonged 
to the aforesaid Simon her husband in the same town. 

164 Between Ricardus, master of the Hospital of S^ Mary 
of Stonley — and Willelmus filius lohannis de Brampton' and 
Agnes, his wife, and Clemencia her sister — of sixteen acres of 
land in Wlfleg'. 

165 Between Willelmus, vicar of the church of Hem- 
mingford — and Thomas Acke of Bedeford' and Margeria, his 
wife — of a virgate of land and a messuage in West Heming- 
ford'. 

166 Between Walterus de Wassingele — and lohannes de 
Sale and Gfeua, his wife — of an acre of land in Stylton'. 

167 Between Rogerus de Louetot — and Adam, abbot of 
Sawtry — of two hides of land in Gate worth'". 

168 Between Walterus filius Radulfi — and Reginaldus de 
Ayllington' and Athelina, his wife — of twelve acres of land in 
Glatton'; 

and between the same Walterus — and Symon filius lohannis 
and Margeria, his wife — of three and a half acres of land in the 
same town. 

169 Between Eustachius de Oreinuill' — and Symon filius 
Ricardi-— of nine marks which were in arrear to the same 

^ Endorsed with the claim of lohannes de Salle and Geaa, his wife. 

> Endorsed with the claim of the prior of Huntingdon as to half a virgate. 



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24 HUNTINGDONSHIRE FINES. 

Eustachius of an annual rent of three marks, which he owes 
to him. 

170 Between Hugode la EarnelF — and Simon filius Ricardi, 
whom Agnes the widow of Ricardus filius Simonis vouched to 
warranty — of half a virgate of land in Bukeswrth'. 

171 Between Burwardus de Orapham and Alicia, his wife, 
and Sibilla, the sister of the same Alicia — and Willelmus filius 
Ottonis, whom Otto filius Willelmi vouched to warranty — of 
three virgates of land in Hamerton'. 

172 Between Symon le Noble de Orafham — and Willelmus 
de Qrafham and Agnes, his wife — of fifteen acres of land in 
Hayleweston'. 

173 Between Master Rogerus de Raueningham — and Hen- 
ricus de Meldebum' and AUota, his wife — of a rood of land in 
Oueristowe. 

174 Between Alicia de Amundeuill' — and Nigellus de 
Amundeuiir — of two virgates of land in Ouerton' de Wateruill'. 

175 Between Ricardus le Porter — and Symon de Copmane- 
ford' — of half a virgate and eight selions of land and a messuage 
in Copmaneford'. 

Case 92. File 10. 

176 Between Rogerus de Wyton' — and Willelmus filius 
Walteri and Margeria, his wife — of three and a half acres of 
land in Bythem'. 

177 Missing, 

178 Between Beatricia Heyr and Emma, her sister — and 
Johannes filius lohannis de Littebyr', whom Johannes de 
Littebyr' vouched to warranty — of half a virgate of land, 
except two and a half acres of land, in Dudington'. 

179 Between Ricardus de sancto Juone — and Fulco filius 
Walteri — of a messuage in Uilla sancti Juonis. 

180 Between Ricaixlus Iiamberd' — and Robertus de la Mare 
—of half a virgate of land in Parua Paxton'. 

181 Between Agnes, the widow of Willelmus de sancto 
Qeorgio — and Albreda Launcelin, Willelmus de Brampton' and 
Agnes, his wife, Felicia de Buckeswrth' and Cecilia de Sok' 
whom Rogerus de Quency, earl of Winchester, vouched to 



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32—36 HENRT IIL 25 

warranty — of a third part of one hundred and forty acres of 
land in Weston'. 

182 Between Margeria filia Ranulfi — and Ricardus, prior of 
Huntingdon — of three messuages in Huntedon'. 

183 Between Godefridus de CormaylF and Alicia, his wife — 
and Symon filius Symonis— of three acres of land in Mules- 
wrth\ 

184 Between Hugo, prior of S' Neots — and Galfiridus le 
Clerk — of half an acre of land and a croft in Euerton'. 

185 Between Adam, abbot of Sawtry — and Nigellus de 
Badeweir and Amphelisa, his wife — of six marks of rent in 
Eynisbyr'*. 

186 Between Oalfiridus le Angeuin — and Johannes le 
Muner and Felicia, his wife — of six acres of land in Biche- 
hamstede. 

187 Between Michaelis Capellanus of Huntedon' — and 
Ricardus Frodom' — of two parts of a virgate of land in 
Aylingeton'. 

188 Between Burwardus de Qrapham and Alicia, his wife, 
and Sybilla, the sister of the same Alicia — and Osbertus, prior 
of Royston'— of a virgate of land in Hamerton'. 

33 Hen. III. 

none. 

34 Hen. lU. 

189 Between Ricardus de Douere — and luo Quarel — of a 
carucate and a half of land in Berkford' and Eyneford'. 

35 Hen. III. 

none. 

36 Hen. III. 

190 Between Walterus filius Gtalfridi and Alicia, his wife — 
and Henricus de Seintmor, whom Johannes filius Willelmi 
vouched to warranty — of half a virgate of land in Dodington'. 

1 Endorsed with the chum of Wariniis le Chanmberleng'. 
' Latin, * prior de Craoe Boeaie.' 



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26 HCJNTINGDONSHIRE FINES. 

191 Between Willelmus filius Rogeri de Salue and lohaima, 
his wife — and Nicholaus de Emberton' — of this that the afore- 
said Nicholaus should acquit them of the service which 
Henricus Engayne demands from them for their frank tenement, 
which they hold of the aforesaid Nicholaus in Magna Gedding', 
and whereof the aforesaid Willelmus and lohanna complained 
that the aforesaid Henricus distrained them that they should 
do homage to him and suit to the court of the same Henricus 
at Qedding' for the aforesaid tenement. 

37 Hen. III. 

192 Between Symon de Hales and Willelmus de Buketon' 
— and Rogerus de Luuetot, whom Ricardus Lolly vouched to 
warranty — of sixty acres of land in Stylton'^ 

193 Between Adam, abbot of Sawtry — and Galfridus Fyn 
— of twenty seven shillings, which were in arrear to the same 
abbot of an annual rent of two shillinga 

194 Between Ricardus, prior of Huntingdon — and Beren- 
gerus le Moyne-— of two and a half marks which were in arrear 
to the same prior of an annual rent of half a m6U*k, which he 
owes to him ; 

and betweeu the same prior — and the aforesaid Berengerus, 
whom Willelmus le Fraunceys of Heminford' vouched to war- 
ranty — of five shillings, which the same prior demanded of 
the same Willelmus for his arrears of an annual rent of twenty 
pence, which the same prior was wont to take annually from 
Reginaldus le Moyn, the father of the aforesaid Berengerus, 
whose heir he is; 

and between the same prior — and the aforesaid Berengerus, 
whom Ricardus le Messager vouched to warranty — of six 
shillings, which the same prior demanded of the same Ricardus 
for his arrears of an annual rent of two shillings, which the 
same prior was wont to take annually from the aforesaid 
Reginaldus ; 

and between the same prior — and the aforesaid Berengerus, 
whom Radulfus filius Thome le Prouost vouched to warranty — 
of six shillings, which the same prior demanded of the said 
^ Endorsed with the olaim of NigeUns de Amandeaill'. 



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36—37 HENBY III. 27 

Radulfus for his arrears of an annual rent of two shillings, 
which the same prior was wont to take annually from the 
aforesaid Reginaldus ; 

and between the same prior — and the aforesaid Berengerus, 
whom Martinus, prior of S' Ives vouched to warranty — of 
a pound and a half of pepper, which the same prior of 
Huntingdon demanded of the same prior of S^ Ives for his 
arrears of an annual rent of half a pound of pepper, which 
the same prior of Huntingdon was wont to take annually from 
the aforesaid Reginaldus ; 

and between the same prior — and the aforesaid Berengerus, 
whom Robertus Morel vouched to warranty — of six shillings 
and four and a half pounds of pepper, which the same prior 
demanded of the same Robertus for his arrears of an annual 
rent of two shillings and a pound and a half of pepper, which 
the same prior was wont to take annually from the aforesaid 
Reginaldus ; 

and between the same prior — ^and the aforesaid Berengerus, 
whom Sybilla, the widow of Apsolon de Haliwell' vouched to 
warranty — of eighteen pence, which the same prior demanded 
of the same Sybilla, for her arrears of an annual rent of six 
pence, which the same prior was wont to take annually from 
the aforesaid Reginaldus. 

196 Between Berengerus le Moyne — and Henricus, prior of 
S' Neots — of this that the aforesaid Berengerus complained 
that the aforesaid prior seized the chattels of the same Beren- 
gerus and detained them unlawfully by reason of^ a toll 
which the same prior demanded from the said Berengerus and 
his men in Uilla de sancto Neoto. 

196 Between Henricus de Stanton' — and Willelmus de 
Mora and Isolda, his wife — of a messuage and fifteen acres of 
land in Stanton'. 

197 Between Robertus de Mesnill' — and Oliuerus de Opton' 
and Elicia, his wife — of eighteen acres of land in Ouerton'. 

198 Between Ricardus de MoUeswrth' — and lohannes le 
Fraunckeleyn — of a virgate of land, except nineteen acres, in 
MoUeswrth'. 

^ Latin *ooca8ione.' 



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28 HUNTINGDONSHIRE FINES. 

199 Between Thomas Terry of Leghton' — and Walterus 
Terry — of a hide of land in Leghton*. 

200 Between Willelmus de Salue and lohanna, his wife — 
and Bicardus, prior of Huntingdon — of the customs and 
services, which the same Willelmus and lohanna demanded 
from the aforesaid prior for the frank tenement which he holds 
of the aforesaid Willelmus and lohanna in Magna Oydding*; 
and concerning which the aforesaid Willelmus and lohanna 
demanded of the aforesaid prior that he should render to them 
twenty five pence a year for the aforesaid tenement, which 
service the same prior did not acknowledge. 

Case 92. File 11. 

201 Between Johannes de Debenham — ^and Thomas le 
Clerc and Agnes, his wife— of four acres of land in Ouerton* 
Wateruiir. 

202 Between Johannes filius Agnetis de Copmaneford — 
and Synion de Copmaneford — of the manor of Copmaneford 
and the advowsoD of the church of the same manor, except four 
messuages, three virgates and two and a half acres of land in 
the same town. 

203 Between Symon le Bus — and Agnes de Saynmor — of 
a messuage and half a virgate of land in Dudington' ; 

and between the same Symon — and Henricus de Saynmor — 
of two shillings of rent in the same town. 

204 Between Symon Olifard — and Dauid, abbot of Thomey 
— of a virgate of land in Jakel' ; 

and between the same Symon — and the aforesaid abbot, whom 
Albreda, the widow of Bobertus Kaukeswef vouched to war- 
ranty—of a messuage and half a virgate of land in the same 
town. 

205 Between Qilebertus de Hulmo — andOliuerus de Stylton' 
and Elicia, his wife — of three acres and a rood of land in Stylton'. 

206 Between Symon filius Johannis de Bypton' — and 
Bicardus de Hereford' — of fourteen acres of land in Wodehurst. 

207 Between Bicardus filius Bicardi de Bemak' — and 
Bobertus filius Willelmi de liodwyk' — of a virgate and a half of 
land in Folkeswrth'. 



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37—41 HENRY III. 29 

38 Hen. III. 

208 Between Robertus de Foxham — and Robertas Simeon 
and Idonea, his wife — of four acres and three perches of land in 
Staunton'. 

39 Hen. UI. 

209 Between Willelmus filius Ranulfi — and Rogerus de 
Quency, earl of Winchester, whom Willelmus de Wychinton' 
vouched to warranty — of eight acres of meadow in Keston'. 

210 Between Thomas de la Hose — and Henricus de Folkes- 
wrth' — of a messuage, one and a half virgates, sixteen acres of 
land and four acres of wood in Folkeswrth'. 

211 Between Nigellus de Amundeuiir — and Ricardus Nolly 
— of thirty acres of land in Stilton*. 

212 Between Ricardus, prior of Huntingdon — and Johannes 
de Littelbyr' and Margeria, his wife, and Rogerus de Louetot 
— of the advowson of the church of Southou. 

40 Hen. III. 

213 Between Ricardus de Hemmington' — and Johannes de 
Littebyr' and Margeria, his wife — of sixty acres of land and 
three acres of meadow in Stilton' \ 

41 Hen. UI. 

214 Between Rogerus le Carpent' and Jsabella, his wife — 
and Willelmus filius Grerardi — of a moiety of a virgate of land 
in Offord' Clunye. 

215 Between Matillis de Cestreton' — and Adam de Ces- 
treton' — of a messuage in Cestreton'. 

216 Between Adam de Cestreton' — and Rogerus de Can- 
tilupo — of a messuage and half a virgate of land in Cestreton*. 

217 Between Hugo, abbot of Ramsey — and Matheus de 
Gynay and Mabilla, his wife--of two messuages and an acre 
of meadow in Uilia sancti Juonis, Hemingford' and Stanton' 
Qrysebryke. 

^ Endoned with the daim of Willehnus de Stafford' and Alda his wife, 
lohannes fiHas lohannis de Littelbyr* and Boesia, his wife, Rioardns de 
Wylbnrham and Margeria, hia wife. 



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30 HUNTINQDONSHIRE FINES. 

218 Between Symon de Staunton' — and Galfridus de Trap- 
ston' and Agnes, his wife — of a messuage and a toft in 
Staunton. 

219 Between Isabella, the widow of Thomas de Durame — 
and lohannes Moryn and Matilda, his wife — of twenty-five 
tofbs, six virgates of land and fifteen acres of meadow in 
Staunton Gryseby and Hylton*. 

220 Between Willelmus de Leycestr^ — and Paskettus de 
Leyeestr' and Felicia, his wife — of a messuage and a virgate of 
land in Albedesleg'. 

42 Hen. lU. 

221 Between Ricardus de Clare, earl of Gloucester and 
Hertford — and Nigillus de Aumundeuill' — of the service of a 
knight's fee and the third part of the service of a knight's fee 
in Sautre and Pappewrth', and of the service of a knight's fee 
in Teming, Hemingeford', OflFord', and Graffham. 

222 Between Robertus de Styuecle — and Symon Tuaud 
and Agnes, his wife — of half a virgate of land in Woldhirst 

223 Between Robertus Wyne and Matildis, his wife — and 
Willelmus de Sumerford' and luliana, his wife — of a messuage 
and a virgate of land in Sibbethorp'. 

43 Hen. III. 

224 Between Symon Baude de Huntindon' — and Philippus 
Segrim and Beatricia, his wife — of a messuage in Huntindon'. 

225 Between lohannes Gostentin — and Willelmus de Ley- 
cestr* — of this that the same Willelmus should acquit the same 
lohannes of the service which lohannes de Bayllal demands 
from him for his frank tenement, which he holds of the aforesaid 
Willelmus in Albodeslegh', to wit, a messuage and a virgate of 
land; and concerning which the same lohannes complained 
that for the default of the same Willelmus he was distrained to 
do suit to the court of the same lohannes de Bayllal' at 
Albodeslegh' from three weeks to three weeks; and whereof 

^ Endorsed with the claim of Bobertiui filiiui Boberti de PaaeUy; and with 
the claim of PetroniUa, the mother of the aforeaaid Bobertos filins Boberti. 



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41 — 45 HBNRT III. 31 

the same Willelmus, who is the mesne between them, ought 
to acquit him. 

Case 92. FUe 12. 

226 Between Willehnus filius Willelmi Martin and Alicia, 
his wife — and Bobertus filius Aluredi— of a messuage and an 
acre of land in Huntindon'. 

44 Hen. lU. 

227 Between Walterus, vicar of the church of Ottel' — and 
Henricus de Westhale and Beatricia, his wife — of a messuage 
in Huntindon'. 

228 Between Willelmus de Swyneford' and Margeria, his 
wife — and Willelmus le Waleys and Johanna, his wife — of a 
third part of a messuage and three carucates of land in 
Styuekel'. 

229 Between Hugo, abbot of Ramsey — and Willelmus de 
Waldis — of two messuages, a toft, half a virgate and thirty 
acres and three roods of land and twenty three shillings of rent 
in Woldweston*; and three tofts and one and a half virgates 
of land in Bryninton'^ 

230 Between Willelmus de Swyneford' and Margeria, his 
wife — and Willelmus le Coynte and Alicia, his wife — of a third 
part of a messuage and three carucates of land in StyuekeF. 

231 Between Hugo le Breton' — and lohannes Russel — of 
common of pasture in Bukeden', concerning which the afore- 
said lohannes was summoned to show by what right he 
demanded common in the land of the same Hugo in the same 
town, seeing that the same Hugo had no common in the land of 
the same lohannes, and that the same lohannes did no service 
to him for which he ought to have the aforesaid common. 

45 Hen. HI. 

232 Between Robertus de Wyuill' and Katerina, his wife — 
and Robertus le Moyne — of a messuage and a hide of land in 
XJfford' Daneys. 

233 Between Johanna de Wassigl' — and Hugo, abbot of 

1 Endoraed with the doim of Alexander de Btiaekle and Emma, his wife. 



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32 HUNTINGDONSHIRE FINE& 

Ramsey — of two messuages, twenty-two acres of land and 
thirteen pence of rent in Ellington'. 

234 Between Simon de Eyngeston' and lohanna, his wife 
— and Nigellus de Herdwic — of a messuage and half a hide of 
land in Eston'. 

235 Between Willelmus le Daneys — and Robertus de 
Hereford — of a messuage and four carucates of land, except a 
virgate of land in Offord**. 

236 Between lohannes de Folkesworth' — and Robertus 
Russel — of seven acres of land in Folkesworth' and four acres 
of land in Wassigleye. 

237 Between Hugo, abbot of Ramsey — and Alexander de 
Sty vikele and Emma, his wife, Ricardus de Houetot and Mariota, 
his wife — of all the pasture of the same Alexander and Emma, 
Ricardus and Mariota in Westongraue super Waude. 

238 Between Beatricia, the daughter of lohannes Corant — 
and Hugo, abbot of Ramsey — of a messuage and ten acres of 
land and three acres of wood in Wanton'. 

239 Between Simon, prior of Bushmead' — and Ricardus de 
Howton' — of three messuages, one and a half virgates and five 
acres of land and three acres of meadow in Stilton". 

240 Between lohannes Clarel — and lohannes de Crokeston' 
and Alicia, his wife — of a virgate of land in Hemmygford'. 

241 Between Willelmus de Hardredishill' — and Robertus 
filius Roberti de Magna Paxton' — of seven messuages, four 
virgates and a fourth part of a virgate, one hundred and seventy 
acres of land, six acres of meadow and thirty shillings and six 
pence of rent in Magna Pax ton' ^ 

46 Hen. IH. 

242 Between Leticia and Alina, daughters of Hamo fiz le 
Mester — and Robertus de Aylington' and Alicia, his wife— of a 
messuage and seven acres of land in Qlatton'. 

' Endorsed with the claim of Rioardns Panoefoih and Isabella, his wife. 
' MS. Byssemede. 

' Endorsed with the claim of Ricardos, bishop of Lincoln, Bioardns, earl of 
Qloncester, and Ricardos de Hemington and Amioia, his wife. 
4 Endorsed with the claim of Robertas Alias Roberti de Hooton*. 



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45 — 52 HENRY IIL 33 

243 Between Mabilia Alia Willelmi — and Willelmus de 
Folkesworthe — of a messuage^ fourteen acres of land and 
thirteen pence of rent in Folkesworthe; and of a messuage 
and six acres of land in Stilton'. 

47 Hen. III. 

244 Between Galfiridus filius Thome de Litlebyr' — and 
Rogerus de sancto Neoto and Agnes, his wife — of a messuage 
and nine acres of land in Parua Paxton'. 

245 Between Ricardus filius Elye — and Willelmus le Mar- 
escalV and Pelegia, his wife — of a messuage in Huntedon'. 

246 Between Willelmus le Moyne of Stocton' — and Ricardus 
Pauncefot and Isabella, his wife — of twenty eight acres of land 
in Magna Stocton'. 

247 Between Robertus Russel — and Henricus Chacepork' 
and Lucia, his wife — of two parts of a fourth part of a 
messuage and a fourth part of a carucate of land and six acres 
of wood in Folkesworthe. 

48 and 40 Hen. III. 

none. 

50 Hen. HI. 

248 Between lohannes, master of the Hospital of S^ John 
at Huntindon' — and Robertus de Wottou' and Philippa, his 
wife — of two acres of land in Hiintedon'. 

249 Between Thomas le Sauoner of Huntedon' — and Ro- 
bertus de Wotton' and Philippa, his wife — of a messuage in 
Huntedon'. 

51 Hen. HI. 

250 Between Symon filius Willelmi le Mayster de Hemiug- 
ford Abbatis — and Regiualdus de Aylington' — of a messuage 
and fifty seven acres of land in Hemingford'. 

6a Hen. HI. 

Case 92. File 13. 

251 Between Robertus le Fendur — and Petrus le Com- 
waleys and Alicia, his wife — of a messuage and nine acres of 
land in Haliwelle and Nidyngwrth'. 

C.A.S. Octavo Seriet. XXXYU. 3 



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34 HUNTINQD0N8HTRE FINES. 

252 Between Hugo le Sanage — and Alexander de Rameseya 
•—of a messuage in Huntindon'. 

63 Hen. III. 

253 Between Symon filius Walteri de Spaldwyk' — and 
Willelmus de Hemyngton' and Elena, his wife — of twelve acres 
of land in Upthorp' and Stowe. 

254 Between Robertus Russel of Folkeswrth' — and Thomas 
de Heyle, clerk, and Sibilla, his wife — of an annual rent of forty 
shillings which the same Robertus was wont to render to the 
aforesaid Thomas and Sibilla for a third part of a carucate 
of land in Folkeswrth', which third part the aforesaid Thomas 
and Sibilla formerly held as the dower of the same Sibilla of 
the aforesaid Robertus. 

64 Hen. HI. 

255 Between lohannes de Orreby — and Philippus de Or- 
reby — of twenty acres and three and a half roods of land, an 
acre of meadow, and a moiety of a messuage in Sautreya. 

256 Between Milo de Bohun — and Umfridus de Bohun, 
earl of Hereford and Essex — of a messuage and a carucate of 
land in Weresles, which tenement Ricardus de Ausseuill' holds 
of the aforesaid earl for the term of the life of the said Ricardus. 

66 Hen. in. 

257 Between Willelmus filius Radulfi de Wygom' and Alicia, 
his wife — and Master Rogerus de Rauelyngham-— of a messuage 
and two carucates of land in Offord Deneys. 

258 Between Dauid de Bliboru and Mabilia, his wife — and 
Willelmus Carbonel and Nicholaa, his wife — of a messuage, 
thirteen acres of land and two and a half acres of wood in 
La More. 

66 Hen. in. 

259 Between Thomas filius luonis de Hyrst — and Willelmus 
filius Walteri de Magna Bradele and Emma, his wife — of a 
messuage and twenty eight acres of land in Waldhyrst. 



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52 — 56 HENRY III. 35 

260 Between Robertas le Sweyn of LuUington' — and Ri- 
cardus de Cattewurth*, whom Willelmus filius Godrici vouched 
to warranty — of an acre of land in Parua Cattewurth' ; 

and between the same Robertus — and the aforesaid Ricardus, 
whom Robertus Legat vouched to warranty — of a rood of land 
in the same town ; 

and between the same Robertus le Sweyn — and the aforesaid 
Ricardus — of a messuage, half a virgate and three acres of land, 
except a rood of land, in the same town. 

261 Between Elena, the widow of Alanus le Zuche and 
Alexander Comyn, earl of Buchan\ and Elyzabez, his wife — and 
Margareta, the widow of Willelmus de Ferariis, earl of Derby 
^-of two parts of a messuage and two carucates of land in 
Kestan. 

262 Between Ricardus Bullock' of Folkeswrze and Mabillia, 
his wife — and Willelmus Baret of Folkeswrze and lohanna, his 
wife — of three acres of land in Folkeswrze ; 

and between Hugo filins Ade and Amicia, his wife — and the 
aforesaid Willelmus Baret and lohanna — of two acres of land in 
the same town ; 

and between Walterus le WuUemungere and Alicia, his wife — 
and the aforesaid Willelmus Baret and lohanna — of four acres 
of land in the same town. 

263 Between Alicia, the widow of Robertus de Aumunde- 
uiir — and Walterus, prior of S* Neots — of thirty five pounds 
and fifteen shillings, which are in arrear of an annual rent of 
ten pounds a year. 

264 Between Margeria, the daughter of Robertus le 
Sumunur de Magna Stiuekele — and Alicia Pressy of Magna 
Styuekele — of a messuage and half a virgate of land in Magna 
Styuekele. 

265 Between Thomas le Theyn of lakesle and Emma, his 
wife — and Galfridus de Oreby and Matilda, his wife— of half 
an acre of land in lakesle. 

266 Between Maria de Merk' — and Hugo de Merk' — of a 
messuage, three virgates of land and three and a half acres of 
meadow in Cesterton'. 

1 MS. Boghazi. 

3—2 



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36 HUNTINGDONSHIRE FINES. 

267 Between Walterus Porteioye and Beatricia, his wife — 
and Henricus Dore and Amabilia, his wife — of a messuage in 
Uilla de sancto Neoto. 

268 Between Symon de Kingeston' and lohanna, his wife 
— and Ricardus, bishop of Lincoln — of an acre of land in Eston*. 

269 Between Sibilla, the daughter of lohannes Qere — and 
lohannes Qere of Haliwell' — of a garden and an acre and a half 
of land in HaliwelF. 

270 Between Thomas filius Baldewini de Stokes — and Elyas 
de Schynegey and Alicia, his wife— of a messuage in Uilla 
sancti Neoti. 

271 Between Ingelramus del Hay — and Gilebertus de Wep- 
sted' — of seven and a half virgates and nine acres of land and 
eighty acres of wood in Bichamstede. 

272 Between Philippus le Tannur of lakesF and Margareta, 
his wife — and Willelmus Barat of Foukeswurth' and lohanna, 
his wife— of five acres of land in Foukeswurth'. 

273 Between lohannes de Ohenney — and Simon de Einges- 
ton' and lohanna, his wife — of twenty six acres of wood in 
Swynesheued. 

274 Between Thomas le Breton' — and Stephanus de Graues- 
hende — of a messuage, four virgates of land and thirteen 
shillings and ten pence of rent in Bukeden'; and of half a 
virgate of land in Grafham. 

275 Between Willelmus de Fresingefeld' — and Master 
Symon le Uenur — of eighty acres of land, twelve acres of 
meadow and six acres of wood in Someresham\ 

276 Between Willelmus filius Eudonis — and Eudo le Clerk' 
of Staunton' — of a messuage, thirty six acres of land, six 
acres of meadow and six shillings and six pence of rent in 
Staunton'. 

277 Between Henricus filius Fulconis de sancto Neoto. 
Margareta the daughter of Robertus Fyn, Radulfus de Stilton' 
and Katerina, his wife — and Willelmus, abbot of Bamsey — of 
two messuages in Uilla sancti luonis and an acre and a rood of 
meadow in Staunton' Gryseby and Hemmingford' Turberuill'. 

^ Endorsed with the claim of Rioardus de Wodehons of Somenham tad 
Margareta» his wife. 



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56 HENBT III— 1 EDWABD I. 37 

278 Between Nicolaus de Wymynton* and lohanna, his wife 
— and lohannes de Bayuse — of two messuages, and a virgate 
and a fourth part of a virgate of land in Oouinton'. 

279 Between Robertus le Eeu — and Qalfridus Lythfot and 
Margeria, his wife — and Henricus le Especer and Cristiana, his 
wife — of a messuage, ten acres of land and a rood of meadow 
in Wardeboys\ 

280 Between Nicholaus de sancto luone — and lohannes de 
Helpeston' and Alicia, his wife — of a messuage in Rammeseye'. 

281 Between lohannes Mowyn, iunior, and Ascelina, his 
wife — and lohannes Mowyn, senior — of a messuage and three 
carucates of land in Woldhirst. 

1 Ed. I. 

Case 93. File 14 

1 Between Walterus Mowyn — and Brother Qwydo, master 
of the Knights Templars in England, whom Willelmud filius 
Radulfi vouched to warranty-— of a messuage, and a fourth 
part of a virgate of land in Catteworth' ; 

and between the same Walterus — and the aforesaid master, 
whom Willelmus filius Augustini vouched to warranty — of a 
messuage and a fourth part of a virgate of land in the same 
town; 

and between the same Walterus — and the aforesaid master, 
whom Ranulphus filius lohannis vouched to warranty — of half 
a virgate of land and a moiety of a messuage in the same 
town; 

and between the same Walterus — and the aforesaid master, 
whom Robertus filius Radulfi vouched to warranty — of three 
roods of land in the same town; 

and between the same WsJterus — and the aforesaid master, 
whom Rogerus filius Ade vouched to warranty — of a messuage 
and a fourth part of a virgate of land in the same town ; 
and between the same Walterus — ^and the aforesaid master, 
whom Willelmus filius Qodefi:idi vouched to warranty-— of a 

^ ThiB fine was made in 56 Hen. IIL and recorded in the year 1 £d. L 
* Endorsed with the claim of the abbot of Bamsey. 



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38 HUNTINGDONSHIRE FINES. 

messuage and a fourth part of a virgate of land in the same 
town; 

and between the same Walterus — and the aforesaid master, 
whom Thomas filius Ade de Catteworth' vouched to warranty 
— of a messuage and half a virgate of land in the same town ; 
and between the same Walterus — and the aforesaid master, 
whom Robertus filius Radulfi le Paumer vouched to warranty 
— of a messuage and a fourth part of a virgate of land in the 
same town. 

2 Between lohannes filius Radulfi Rydell' — and Nicholaus, 
abbot of Jedburgh — of the advowson of the church of Magna 
Albodeley. 

a Ed. I. 

3 Between Amaldus de Bosco — and Thomas de Stonhus 
and lohanna, his wife — of thirty two acres of land and nineteen 
shillings of rent in Eestan. 

4 Between Willelmus, abbot of Ramsey — and Rogerus de 
Irtlyngeborg' and Hugelina, his wife — of a messuage, twenty 
three acres of land and an acre of meadow in Wardeboys. 

6 Between Willelmus Engayne and Cecilia, his wife — 
and Siluio le Enueyse and Isabella, his wife — of the advowson 
of the church of Copmanneford'. 

6 Between Willelmus filius Mauricii de Weston' of Wald'* 
and Margeria» his wife — and Radulphus Waldeschef of Cestre- 
ton' and Beatrix, his wife — of eleven acres of land and a moiety 
of a messuage in Weston' iuxta Leytthon'. 

3 Ed. I. 

7 Between Willelmus, abbot of Ramsey — and lohannes 
Eardun and Benyngna, his wife — of a toft and a moiety of a 
virgate of land in Ayliugton'. 

8 Between Willelmus le Clerk' of Styuecl' and lohanna, his 
wife — and Nicholaus le Teynturer and Elena, his wife — of a 
messuage in Huntindon'. 

9 Between Bartholomeus de Theford' — and Robertus 

1 MS. Qedeworth*. 

> The MS. has ' V^aldis.* See p. 8, note 2 above. 



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1 — 9 BDWABD I. 39 

Scherewynd' of Trapeston' and Beatrix, his wife — of a mes- 
suage and two acres of land in Ayllington'. 

10 Between Robertus de Shefeud' — and Dauid Oyldebof — 
— of two messuages and a virgate of land in Herdewyk'. 

4 Ed. I. 

none. 

6 Ed. I. 

11 Between Alicia de Amundeuill' — and Qilebertus de 
Clare, earl of Gloucester and Hertford — of two messuages and 
two carucates of land in Suho and Cesterton'. 

6 Ed. I. 

12 Between Reginaldus de Qrey — and Qalfridus de Su- 
thorp' and Boeysia, his wife — of thirteen messuages, ten virgates 
and a fourth part of a virgate of land, fourteen acres of meadow, 
thirty shillings and eight pence of rent and a sixth part of a 
mill in Hemmyngford' and Qylling'^ 

13 Between Willelmus filius Willelmi and Alicia, his wife 
— and Ricardus le Weyder and Emma, his wife — of a mes- 
suage in Huntindon'. 

7 Ed. I. 

14 Between Willelmus, abbot of Ramsey — and Ricardus 
Lomb of Lenn' and Cristiana, his wife — of three messuages in 
Uilla sancti luonis. 

8 Ed. I. 

none. 

Ed. I. 

15 Between Willelmus Qrymbaud and Mabilia, his wife 
— and Henricus filius Henrici de sancto Mauro and Roesia, his 
wife— -of the manor of Dodynton'. 

16 Between Radulfus de Coe — and Felicia de Coe — of the 
manor of Hemyngford' TribeluilF. 

1 Endorsed with the daim of Berengems le Moyne. 



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40 HUNTINGDONSHIRE FINES. 

17 Between Thomas filius Heorici de Touleslound' — and 
Ricardus de Oaketon' and luliana, his wife — of a messuage 
and a virgate of land in Touleslound'. 

18 Between Alexander de Someresham — and Radulfus de 
Bereford and Johanna, his wife — of twelve acres of land, four 
acres of meadow and an eighth part of a messuage in Somere- 
sham. 

19 Between Qalfridus de Beaufou and Amicia, his wife 
— and Henricus de Walepol and Isabella, his wife — of a 
messuage and two canicates of land in Bricham8tede\ 

lO and 11 Ed. I. 

none. 

la Ed. I. 

20 Between Robertus filius Stephani de Hale — and Willel- 
mus de Elteslegth' and Nicholaa, his wife — of four messuages 
in Uilla sancti luonia 

21 Between Ricardus de Beynuill' and Frethecenta, his 
wife — and Thomas filius lohannis Fulweder of Comigton' and 
Emma, his wife — of a messuage, nineteen acres of land and 
two shillings of rent in Walton' iuxta Sautr'. 

22 Between Oliuerus filius Alani la Zuche — and Elena la 
Zuche — of a messuage, two carucates of land and six pounds 
of rent in Suththo, Stert, Caumpecrofb, Maugre, Hayleweston' 
and Eynesbury. 

13 Ed. I. 

28 Between Johannes Pycard — and Robertus Qraylen — of 
a messuage and fifty seven acres of land in the town of Rypton' 
Abbatis. 

24 Between Willelmus Ketel of Aylington' — and Willelmus 
filius lohannis Attewell' of Sutton' and Beatricia, his wife — of 
twelve acres of land in Aylyngton'. 

25 Between Adam de Cretyng' and Nicholaa, his wife — and 
Beurtholomeus de Castro — of a messuage and two carucates of 

^ This word is probably so written in error for Bickamstede. 



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9 — 14 EDWABD I. 41 

land in Magna Stocton' and the advowson of the church of the 
same town. 

Case 93. File 15. 

26 Between Anabilia, the daughter of Willelmus Qocelin 
— and Augustinus Emelot and Mariota, his wife-— of a mes- 
suage, eleven acres of land and a moiety of a rood of meadow 
in Wodeweston'\ 

27 Between Walterus de Moleswrth' — and Thomas de 
Comynton' and Isolda, his wife — of a toft in Magna Cattewrth'. 

14 Ed. I. 

28 Between Thomas filius Willelmi Atry of Clopton' — and 
Willelmus de Hotot of Clopton', whom Henricus de Swynes- 
heued vouched to warranty — of a messuage and seventy eight 
acres of land in Wynewyk'. 

29 Between Emma the daughter of Willelmus Whytlok' — 
and Willelmus Whytlok' and Agnes, his wife— of a messuage 
and an acre of land in Eynbaunton'. 

30 Between Ricardus Baude — and Bobertus le Sauser and 
luliana, his wife — of five messuages and three roods of land in 
Huntingdon'. 

31 Between Radulfus filius Martini of Hunt' — and Nicholaus 
de Upton' and Oristiana, his wife — of a toft in Hunt'. 

32 Between Willelmus de Paxton' — and Thomas filius 
Radulfi le Clerk' of Ofibrde Cluny — of a messuage, forty six 
acres of land, five acres of meadow and nineteen shillings and 
four pence of rent in Offord' Cluny and OfFord' Deneys. 

33 Between Ricardus, abbot of Crowland — and Qalfridus 
de Suthorp' and Roesia, his wife, Ricardus de Carleby and 
Emma, his wife, and Johannes Peccbe and Margareta, his wife 
~~of nine messuages and five virgates of land, except an acre 
and a half and a moiety of a rood of land, in Thimingge. 

34 Between Ricardus filius lohannis de Hemmington' — and 
Reginaldus de Grey — of sixty acres of land and four marks of 
rent in Hemmingford'. 

35 Between Walterus de Molesworth' and Matillis, his wife 

^ Endorsed with the oUim of Thomas filios Willehni Oooelyn. 



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42 HUNTIKGDONSHIBE FINES. 

— and Thomas de Ferrar' of Pek' and Elena, his wife — of seven 
acres and a rood of land and three roods of meadow in 
Molesworthe and Magna Catteworthe. 

36 Between Robertus le Qemys of Stachedene — and Brother 
Robertas de Tureuiir, master of the Knights Templars in 
England — of the advowson of the church of Botulfbrig'. 

37 Between Master lohannes de Rauenyngham — and Ro- 
bertus Neel of Tyllebrok' and Cecilia, his wife — of six shillings 
of rent in Wynewyk'. 

38 Between Agnes, the daughter of Willelmus de Styuekle 
— and Cristiana, the daughter of Willelmus filius Thome of 
Parua Styuekle — of a messuage in Huntingdon'. 

39 Between Willelmus de Waldeschef— and Simon de 
Rothele, chaplain, and Margeria, his sister — of a messuage, a 
virgate and seven acres of land and an acre of meadow in 
Bouton' and Suho. 

40 Between Walterus de Bolnehurst and Nicholaa, his 
wife — and Reginaldus de Bythern' and Cristiana, his wife — of 
a messuage and three acres of land in Sautre. 

41 Between Matillis, the widow of Willelmus de Ardern' 
— and Willelmus de Broghton* and Alicia, his wife — of a third 
part of a messuage and two carucates of land in Offord' 
Daneys. 

42 Between Walterus de BoUehurst and Nicholaa, his wife 
— and Reginaldus Kokelin and Agnes, his wife — of five acres 
of land and an acre of meadow in Botulfbrigg'. 

43 Between Ricardus Baude of Huntingdon' — and lohannes 
de Hasting' — of six acres of meadow in Brampton'. 

44 Between Rogerus de Lytlebyr' — and Master Radulfus 
de Leycestr*, vicar of the church of Dudington', and Master 
Richard de Werplesdon', warden of the house of the scholars 
of Merton', without whom the same Radulfus cannot answer— of 
a messuage and fifteen acres of land in Dudington' \ 

45 Between Ricardus filius Henrici de Stowe and Mar- 
gareta, his wife — ^and Hugo Wolfegh' and Alicia, his wife— of 
a messuage in Uilla de sancto Neotho. 

1 The advowson of the church of (he town of Dndington' is aLbo assored by 
this fine. 



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14 — 16 EDWABD I. 43 

46 Between Willelmus Bernard' and Emma, his wife — and 
Uiel filius Thome de Qrafham and Leticia, his wife — of a 
messuage in Magna Stoketon'. 

47 Between lohannes de Bothing* and Sarra, his wife — and 
Willelmus de Stowe of Waresleg' — of a messuage and sixteen 
acres of land in Waresleg'. 

48 Between Ricardus Burdon' and Henricus, his son — and 
Matillis Fyn of Huntingdon' — of a messuage in Uilla de sancto 
luone*. 

49 Between Willelmus le Moyne of Raueleye, iunior — 
and Willelmus le Moyne of Rauele, senior — of the manors of 
Rauele, Boweye, Sautre, Gaddyngge and Loudynton', 

15 Ed. I. 

50 Between Rogerus de Hereford' — and lohannes de 
Farenham and Cecilia, his wife — of two tofts, forty acres of 
land, two acres of meadow, fifteen shillings of rent and two 
parts of a messuage in Parua Paxton''. 

Case 93. File 16. 

61 Between Willelmus de Kiriel — and Adam de Creting' 
and Nicholaa, his wife — of two and a half virgates of land, 
four acres, three and a hsdf roods of land, an acre of meadow, 
three acres of pasture, forty acres of wood and a moiety of the 
manor of Magna Stokton'. 

52 Between Hugo de Walmesford' — ^and Rogerus de Glat- 
ton' — of two messuages, a toft, eighteen acres of land and six 
pence of rent in Glattone and Folkesworth'. 

16 Ed. I. 

53 Between lohannes Eyngayne — and Thomas de Louetot 
— of one hundred and seventy acres of land, twenty shillings 
and seven pence of rent in Pirye Louetot ; 

and between the same Thomas and the aforesaid Johannes, 
whom the prior of Stanley vouched to warranty — of thirty 
acres of land in the same town. 

^ Endorsed with the olaim of the abbot of Bamsey. 
* This fine was made in the court of the Eing*8 Benoh. 



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44 HUNTINGDONSHIBE FINES. 

54 Between Brother lohannes, abbot of the church of 
S^ Benedict, Ramsey — and Deruerguilla, the widow of lo- 
hannes de Balliolo — of this that the same Deruerguilla should 
permit the same abbot to have the free fishing in the water of 
Alyngton*, which he ought to have, and concerning which the 
same abbot said that he ought to have free fishing in the water 
aforesaid, to wit from the head of the pool of the mill of the 
same abbot as far as the same mill. 



17 Ed. I. 

55 Between Petrus de Elxton' — and Edmundus de Bass- 
ingeburn' — of a messuage, three and a half virgates of land, 
one hundred and twenty acres of land, eleven acres of wood and 
fifty shillings of rent in Euerton', which tenements Isabella, 
the widow of Warinus de Bassingebume and Adam de Bugge 
hold as the dower of the same Isabella. 

56 Between Oliuerus la Zuche — and Salomon de sancto 
luone and Sarra, his wife — of twenty seven acres of land and 
three acres of meadow in Eynesbiry. 

18 Ed. I. 

57 Between Adam de Cretyng' — and Agnes, the daughter 
of Bobertus de la Lese — of the manor of Magna Stocton', and 
the advowson of the church of the same town. 

58 Between Adam de Cretyng' and Nicholaa, his wife — and 
Willelmus Eyriel-— of a moiety of the manor of Magna Stok- 
ton' ; and of the advowson of the church of the same manor. 

59 Between lohannes de sancto Licio of Wellebum' — and 
Bartholomeus de sancto Licio of Huntedone — of a messuage in 
Huntedon', which Robertus le Sauser holds for the term of 
his life by the law of England. 

10 Ed. I. 

none. 



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16—21 EDWARD I. 45 



aO Ed. I. 

60 Between Petrus de Derham, merchant, and Amabilla, 
his wife — and Rogerus Core of Huntyngdon' and Sarra, his wife 
— of two messuages in Huntyndon*. 

61 Between Willelmus filius Radulfi de Neuton', by Rogerus 
de Clopton' the guardian of the said Willelmus — and Elicia, 
the daughter of Rogerus de Cantilupo — of a messuage and 
fifteen acres of land in Cesterton'. 

62 Between Robertus LuUy of Hulmus — and Simon le 
Clerk' of Wynewyk' and Elizabeth, his wife— of a messuage and 
eleven acres of land in Wynewyk'. 



ai Ed. I. 

63 Between Willelmus filius Thome Inge of Dunstapele — 
and Johannes de Boweles — of the third part of a moiety of the 
manor of Styuekle, which Margeria, the widow of Barnabas de 
Styuekle holds in dower. 

64 Between Margareta Moyne of Bemewelle — and Willel- 
mus Petit of Parua Styuecle and lohanna, his wife — of a 
messuage in Huntyngdon'. 

65 Between Willelmus filius Thome Inge of Dunstapele — 
and lohannes de Boweles — of a third part of the manor of 
Styuekle^ which Normannus Darcy and Margeria, his wife, hold 
as the dower of the same Margeria\ 

66 Between Bartholomeus filius Roberti Leonard of Sanctus 
Neotus and Agnes, the daughter of Benedictus Laurenz of 
Pabenham — and lohannes le Tayllur of Welde iuxta sanctum 
Neotum and locosa, his wife — of a messuage and a moiety of a 
▼irgate and an acre of land in Welde iuxta sanctum Neotum. 

67 Between lohannes Buteturte and MatilHs, his wife — and 
Robertus, abbot of the church of S* John of Colchester — of the 
advowson of the church of Hamerton'. 

^ Afterwards recorded in 28 Ed. I. 



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46 HUNTINaDONSHIRE FINES. 



aa Ed. I. 



68 Between lohannes le Low and Cecilia, his wife — and 
Willelmus loye and Agnes^ his wife — of a moiety of a messuage 
in Alkemondebury. 

69 Between Willelmus de sancto luone and Matillis, his 
wife — and lohannes de Fleg' and Idonia, his wife — of eleven 
and a half acres of land and a moiety of an acre of meadow in 
Fenstanton'. 

70 Between Michael filius lohannis de Hibemia and Emma, 
his wife — and Humfridus de Bohun, earl of Hereford and 
Essex — of a third part of the manor of Swynesheued', which 
the same Michael and Emma claim against the aforesaid earl 
as the rightful dower of the same Emma, which falls to her 
from the free tenement which belonged to Walterus de 
Swynesheued, formerly her husband, in Swynesheued. 

71 Between Ricardus filius Situonis and Amicia, his wife — 
and Rogerus, parson of the church of Bockeworth' — of the 
manor of Bockeworth*. 

72 Between Henricus de Buckesworth' and luliana, his wife, 
and lohannes the son of the same Henricus — and Thomas de 
Beyuiir — of a messuage and an acre of land in Upton; 
afterwards recorded in 23 Ed. I. between the aforesaid Hen- 
ricus, luliana and lohannes — and Paulinus de Hale and Boesia, 
his wife, Henricus de Lettres and Idonea, his wife, kinsmen 
and heirs of the same Thomas — of the aforesaid tenements in 
the aforesaid town which Simon de Upton' and Cecilia, his 
wife, hold for a term of life. 

aa Ed. I. 

73 Between Andreas le Moygne — and Robertus le Moygne 
--of a third part of a messuage and a carucate of land in 
0£forde Deneys, which lohanna the widow of Robertus le 
Moygne holds in dower. 

74 Between Willelmus filius Ricardi Underore and Auelina, 
his wife — and lohannes Siluestre — of a messuage, ten acres of 
land and a moiety of an acre of meadow in Uilla de sancto 
Neoto. 



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22 — 26 EDWARD I. 47 

76 Between Rogerus de Norton', clerk — and Henricus de 
Cheyney and Margeria, his wife— of two parts of three mes- 
suages, one hundred and ninety acres of land, sixteen acres of 
meadow and ten shillings of rent in Houton' and Wytton*, 
which luo filius Thome de Woldhurst and Cecilia, his wife, 
hold for a term of six years. 

See cUso No, 65 on p, 45 and No. 72 on p. 46. 

Case 93. File 17. 

76 Between Master Stephanus de Alyngton' — and Hugo 
filius Edmundi le Stedeman of Foderingeye and Matillis, bis 
wife— of a messuage and twelve acres of land in Alyngton'. 

24 Ed. I. 

77 Between Robertus filius Willelmi de Burghard and 
lohanna, his wife — and Walterus de Tyngwyk' — of two mes- 
suages and forty two acres of land in Someresham and Colne. 

78 Between Robertus de Scardeburgh' and Willelmus de 
Musegraue — and Adam Freman of Cunyngton' — of a messuage, 
seventy two acres of land and six acres of meadow in Cunyng- 
ton'. 

26 Ed. I. 

79 Between Ricardus Bully of Huntedon' and lohanna, his 
wife — and Robertus de Maydewell' and lohanna, his wife— of 
thirteen shillings and six pence of rent in Huntedon'. 

80 Between Rogerus filius Walteri de laskele — and Nigellus 
Aylward and Beatrix, his wife — of a toft in laskele. 

26 Ed. I.' 

81 Between Martinus filius Martini le Rus of Huntyngdon' 
— and Willelmus de Caltoft and Eaterina, his wife— of a mes- 
suage in Huntyngdon'. 

82 Between Ricardus le Mareschal of Orauele — and Adam 
le Augraoner of Burgus sancti Petri and Agnes, his wife— of a 
messuage in lakesle. 

83 Between Robertus de Wateruille — and Robertus Freman 

1 The feet of fines in this and other connties show that the court of Common 
Bench was at York from the beginning of Trinity term in this year tiU the end 
of Michaelmas term in the year 82 Ed. I. 



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48 HUNTINGDONSHIRE FINES. 

of Ouerton' Lungeuill' and Isabella, his wife— of a messuage, 
nine acres and three roods of land and two acres of meadow in 
Ouerton* Wateruille. 

84 Between Johannes filius Petri le Sohapeleyn of Asshele 
— and Robertus de Askeby and luliana, his wife — of four acres 
and a rood of land, two roods and two parts of a rood of meadow 
and a moiety of a messuage in Ouerton' Wateruill'. 

85 Between lohannes filius Petri le Chapeleyn of Ashele 
— and Walterus de Orewell' and lohanna, his wife — of four 
acres and a rood of land, two roods and two parts of a rood of 
meadow and a moiety of a messuage in Ouertone Wateruill'. 

27 Ed. I. 

86 Between Ricardus le Faucuner of Eestan, clerk — and 
Henricus de Wynewyk' and lohanna, his wife— of eight acres 
of land in Eestan. 

87 Between Robertus le Bowyare — and Willelmus de 
Preston' and Agnes, his wife — of a messuage in Huntindon'. 

88 Between Ricardus le Faukener of Eestan, clerk — and 
Rogerus de Lilleford' and Alicia, his wife — of five messuages, 
forty two acres of land and ten acres of meadow in Eestan. 

28 Ed. I. 

89 Between Gilebertus Patrik' — and Walterus le Blund of 
Northby Colingham, whom Agnes Underwode vouched to 
warranty — of a messuage and two virgates of land in Ouerton' 
Wateruill'. 

29 Ed. I. 

90 Between Robertus filius Roberti de Spaldewyk' — and 
Willelmus le Porter of Weston' and Beatrix, his wife — of thirty 
seven acres of land and a moiety of a messuage in Hamerton'. 

91 Between Hugo le Eyug' and Agnes, his wife — and 
Ricardus le Fauconer of Eeston, clerk — of a messuage and ten 
acres of land in Eestou. 

92 Between Reginaldus de Leghton' and Alicia, his wife 
— and Ricardus filius Rogeri le Freman of Leghton' — of a 
messuage and ten acres of land in Leghton* super Brunneswold. 



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26—32 EDWARD I. 49 

30 Ed. I. 

93 Between Ricardus de Sutho and Agnes, his wife — and 
Willelmus de Lutlington', chaplain — of a messuage and two 
parts of a carucate of land in Ofiford Daneys*. 

94 Between Robertus filius Roberti Discy, iunior — and 
Robertus Discy of Folkesworth' — of twelve acres of land and 
three roods of meadow in Yakesle*. 

95 Between Robertus Dysci of Folkesworth* and Alicia, his 
wife — ^and Alanus filius Roberti le Freman of Conyton' — of a 
messuage in Folkes worth*'. 

96 Between Edelina, the daughter of Robertus Discy of 
Folkesworth' — and Alanus filius Roberti de Conyton' — of a 
messuage and a moiety of a virgate of land in Folkesworth*'. 

97 Between Ricardus de Witleseye and Edelina, his wife 
— and Robertus Discy of Folkesworthe — of two messuages, one 
hundred acres of land and eight acres of meadow in Folkes- 
worth' and lakesle*. 

31 Ed. I. 

98 Between Willelmus de Wassyngle, senior — and Alex- 
ander de Rypton'— of two parts of two messuages and one 
hundred and eighty acres of land and nine and a half acres of 
meadow in Rypton' Abbatis. 

32 Ed. I. 

99 Between Tristramus de Bokesworth' — and Ricardus de 
Finchyngfeld and lohanna, his wife — of a messuage in Hunt- 
indon'. 

100 Between Willelmus Hildegar — and Nicholaus Hildegar 
— of twenty three shillings of rent in Elyngton', which Bar- 
tholomeus de Wodeweston' and Maria, his wife, hold for the 
life of the said Maria. 

Case 93. File 18. 

101 Between Humfridus de Waleden* and Nicholaus de 

^ Endorsed with the daim of Bobertus le Moyne and Andreas le Moyne. 
^ Endorsed with the olaim of Badulfas Discy. 

C. A, S, Octavo Series, XXXVH. 4 



/ 



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50 HUNTINGDONSHntB FINES. 

Langestok' — and lohannes Engayne and Elena, his wife — of 
the manor of Dylyngton'^ 

33 Ed. I. 

102 Between Waltenis de Moleswrthe — and Ricardus le 
Porter of Woldweston' and Margareta, his wife— of fourteen 

^ acres of land in Woldweston'. 

103 Between lohannes de Swyneford' — and lohannes de 
Sefulgh of Castelrisingg* and Isabella, his wife — of a messuage 
and eight and a half acres of land in Somersham and Colne. 

104 Between Thomas filius Ricardi de Broghtone — and 
Ricardus de Broghtone, clerk — of a messuage and nine acres of 
land in Broghtone. 

See also No. 101 on page 49 ahove. 

34 Ed. I. 

105 Between Willelmus de Wassingle, iunior, and Agnes, 
his wife — and Willelmus de Wassingle, senior — of nineteen 
messuages, a mill, two hundred and eighty acres of land, ten 
acres of meadow, ten acres of pasture, five shillings of rent 
and a moiety of a messuage in Magna Stiuecle iuxta Huntjmg- 
done*. 

106 Between Aslotus de Castre — and lohannes Gardour 
and Matillis, his wife — of a messuage in Uilla de sancto luone. 

107 Between lohannes de Pabenham, senior, and Eliza- 
bethsk, his wife — and Henricus de Tychemersh and Isabella, his 
wife — of a messuage, a carucate of land and twenty shillings 
of rent in Folkes worth, which lohannes de Quappelade and 
Alina, his wife, hold as the dower of the same Alina*. 

108 Between Robertus de Sautre and Rogerus de Norton' 
— and lohannes lordan and lohanna, his wife— of a messuage 
in Uilla de sancto luone. 

109 Between Robertus de Sautre and Rogerus de Norton* 
— and lohannes Pycard, iunior, and Matillis, his wife — of a 
messuage in Uilla de sancto luone. 

1 Afterwards recorded in 83 Ed. L 

3 Endorsed with the claim of Hngh atte Nok' and his wife. 

s Endorsed with the claims of lohannes de Tany and WalteroB de la Hose. 



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32 — 35 EDWARD I. 61 

110 Between Thomas de Wytnesham and Alicia, his wife — 
and Isabella de Hereford' — of thirty six shillings and eight 
pence of rent in Offord' Daneys, which Ricardus le Clerk' of 
Suthhoo and Agnes, his wife, hold for the term of their lives. 

111 Between Willelraus Scot of Albotesle and Johanna, his 
wife — and Albinus de Beuery and Margareta, his wife, and 
Agnes, the daughter of the same Albinus — of sixteen mes- 
suages, three hundred and twenty acres of land, four acres of 
meadow and eleven shillings and four pence of rent in Albotesle 
and Paxton'. 

112 Between Ricardus Prudhome of Magna Grantesdene 
— ^and Alanus Prudhome-— of two messuages, forty five acres 
of land, fifteen shillings and three pence of rent in Magna 
Grantesdene. 

113 Between Symon de Gyddyng' — and Robertus le Taillur 
de Wodehyrst and Eaterina, his wife — of a messuage and an 
acre of land in Wodehyrst. 

114 Between Willelmus filius Alani Prudhomme — and 
Alanus Prudhomme — of a messuage and a moiety of a virgate 
of land in Magna Grantesden' and Grantesden* Herdwyk'* 

115 Between Johannes de Welles — and Alexander filius 
Ade Bonk' and Cecilia, his wife— of a messuage in Hunt- 
yngdon'. 

35 Ed. I. 

116 Between Thomas de Wytnesham and Alicia, his wife — 
and Ricardus le Clerk' of Sutho, and Agnes, his wife— of a 
messuage, one hundred acres of land, an acre of meadow, an 
acre of pasture, four shillings and eleven pence of rent, and a 
rent of two parts of a pound of cumin in Offord Daneys. 

117 Between Walterus de Ijangeton', bishop of Coventry 
and Lichfield — and Nicholaus filius Radulfi — of the manor of 
Euerton'. 

118 Between Willelmus de Spanneby — and Radulfus de 
Beuerlaco of Stangrund' and Alicia, his wife — of a messuage 
and fourteen and a half acres of land in Stangrund'. 

119 Between Walterus de liangeton', bishop of Coventry 

4—2 



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52 HUNTINGDONSHIRE FINES. 

and Lichfield — and Robertus filius Rogeri de Hereford' — of the 
manor of Offord' Daneys. 

120 Between Walterus de Langeton*, bishop of Coventry 
and Lichfield — and Rogerus de Hereford — of the manor of 
Offord' Daneys. 

121 Between Walterus de Langeton', bishop of Coventry 
and Lichfield — and Isabella, the widow of Robertus de Here- 
ford' — of the manor of Ufforthe Daneys. 

122 Between Willelmus Engaygne, senior — and Radulftis 
Engaygne, parson of the church of Copmanford' — of the manor 
of Parua Qyddynge. 

123 Between Johannes filius lohannis de Wateuill' — and 
Johannes de Themynge, chaplain — of a messuage, thirty four 
acres of land, and a moiety of an acre of meadow in Buke- 
worth*. 

1 Ed. II. 
Case 93. File 19. 

1 Between Johannes de Hemmyngford' — and Robertus le 
Bowyere and Cristiana, his wife— of a messuage in Hunt- 
ingdon'. 

2 Between Willelmus de Tychemersh and Deruerguilla, his 
wife — and Ricardus le Clerk of Copmanford' and Muriella, his 
wife — of a messuage, fourteen acres of land and two acres of 
meadow in Stangrund*. 

2 Ed. II. 

3 Between Johannes Pynchebek' and Emma, his wife — and 
Rogerus de Mateshale and Cristiana, his wife — of a messuage 
in Huntingdon'. 

4 Between Willelmus de Wassingle, senior — and Radulfiis 
filius Paulini de Styuecle — of two parts of seventeen mes- 
suages, two hundred and ten acres of land, eighteen and a 
half acres of meadow, an acre and a half of pasture and two 
shillings and three pence of rent in Parua Styuecle, Alke- 
mundebury and Stepilgeddingge. 

5 Between Rogerus de Spaldewyk', chaplain — and Johannes 
Auure and Matillis, his wife— of a messuage and three shops in 
Huntyngdon'. 



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35 EDWARD I — 4 EDWARD II. 53 

3 Ed. II. 

6 Between Elias le Tannere of Huntyngdone and Cecilia, 
his wife — and Robertus Brun and Emma, his wife — of two 
acres of land in Huntyngdone. 

7 Between Ricardus de Stratford' and Isabella, his wife — 
and lohannes filius Henrici Scot' of Alboldesle — of two mes- 
suages, one hundred and twenty two acres of land, five acres 
of meadow and ten shillings of rent in Thouleslond*, Paxton' 
and Weld'. 

8 Between Walterus filius Henrici atte Grene of Ouerton* 
Longeuiir and Margareta, his wife — and Robertus de Bede- 
hampton' and Margareta, his wife — of a messuage, twenty eight 
acres of land and two acres of meadow in Ouerton* Longeuill' 
and Botylbrugg'. 

9 Between Thomas Mauduyt and Alianora, his wife — and 
Simon filius Ricardi — of the manor of Bukeworth', which 
Amicia the widow of Ricardus filius Simonis holds for the term 
of her life. 

10 Between Wybertus Ohampyon and Matillis, his wife — 
and Willelmus Passelewe and Lucia, his wife — of thirty three 
and a half acres of land, and a moiety of a messuage in Stowe 
and Kynebauton'. 

11 Between lohannes Russel of Huntyngdon', merchant — 
and Robertus Brun and Emma, his wife — of a messuage in 
Huntyngdon'. 

12 Between Rogerus de Littlebyry — and lohannes de 
Swyneford'— of eight messuages, two carucates of land, eight 
acres of meadow, six acres of pasture, twenty four acres of 
wood, twenty two shillings of rent and two parts of a mill in 
Dudyngton'. 

4 Ed. n. 

13 Between Nicholaus filius lohannis del Denes — and 
Willelmus filius Ade le Lord' of Alcumdebyry — of seven acres 
of land in Alcumdebyry, which Johanna the widow of Adam 
le Lord' of Alcumdebyry holds in dower. 



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54 HUNTINGDONSHIRE: FINES. 

A Ed. U. 

14 Between lohannes de Beraolby and Matillis, his wife — 
and lohannes Mowyn of Sautre — of nineteen acres of land, two 
acres of meadow, eight pence of rent and three parts of a 
messuage in Sautre. 

15 Between Stephanus de Becco — and Laurencius Hardel 
and Sarra, his wife — of a messuage in Uilla de sancto Neoto. 

16 Between lohannes, abbot of the church of S' Benedict 
of Rameseye — and Rogerus de Norton' — of a messuage, one 
hundred and seventy acres of land and eighteen acres of 
meadow in Hoghton' and Wytton*. 

17 Between Willelmus de Strixton*, parson of the church 
of Deneford' — and lohannes de Grey — of the manors of Gyllyng 
and Hemmyngford* TurberuiH*, except four virgates of land in 
the same manor of Hemmyngford' Turberuill**. 

18 Between Walterus de Molesworthe and Katerina, his 
wife — and Robertus de Baiocis — of a messuage, a carucat^ of 
land and two shillings of rent in Magna Catteworth*'. 

19 Between Humfridua de Bohun, earl of Hereford and 
Essex, and Elizabeth, his wife — and Petrus de Herdwyk', 
chaplain — of twenty acres of wood in Swynesheued*. 

20 Between Warinus de Huntyngdon*, merchant — and 
Robertus filius Willelmi filii Goscelini de Huntyngdon' and 
Sarra, his wife — of a messuage in Huntyngdon*. 

6 Ed. II. 

21 Between Walterus de Sautre and lohanna, his wife — 
and Robertus de Sautre, parson of the church of Hemmyng- 
ford' — of two messuages, two hundred and six acres and three 
roods of land, seven acres and a rood of meadow and fifteen 
shillings and eight pence of rent in Uilla de sancto Neoto, 
Wyntringham, Weld and Caldecote. 

22 Between Stephanus de Becco — and lohannes ie Rous 
of Felstede — of one hundred shillings of rent in Uilla de sancto 
Neoto and Herdewyk' Monachorum. 

^ Endorsed with the claim of Henrions filius lohannis de Grey. 
* Endorsed with the claim of Paulinas de A8shewell\ 



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5—8 EDWARD 11. 55 

23 Between lohannes Ballard^ — and Ricardus filius lo- 
hannis Ballard— of a messuage and twenty four acres of land 
in Broghton'. 

24 Between lohannes de Hamerton' of Huntyngdon' and 
Elena, his wife — and Walterus Kyng' — of a moiety of a mes- 
suage in Huntyngdon'. 

7 Ed. II. 

25 Between Reginaldus de Dunham — and Robertus Ayse 
of Yakesle and Felicia, his wife — of a messuage, three acres of 
land and a rood of meadow in Yakesle, Ouerton Lungeuill* and 
Stylton'. 

Case 93. File 20. 

26 Between Bartholomeus Torold of Sanctus Neotus — and 
Rogerus Wyttrich' of Dyuelho and Alicia, his wife — of a 
messuage in Uilla de sancto Neoto. 

27 Between lohannes Pykard of Rede — and lohannes de 
Ernistede and Robertus de Burforde — of a messuage and eighty 
six acres of land in Riptone Abbatis. 

28 Between Ricardus Berdolf — and Ricardus de Sutho — 
of seven acres of land in Offorde Daneys. 

29 Between Qalfridus Euerard of Magna Stokton' — and 
lohannes filius Simonis of Parua Stokton' — of a messuage, 
one hundred and thirty three and a half acres of land and five 
acres of wood in Magna Stokton'. 

8 Ed. II. 

30 Between Walterus de Langeton', bishop of Coventry 
and Lichfield — and Petrus le Mareschal and Isabella, his wife 
—of the manor of Alricheseye, a messuage and one hundred 
and seventy nine and a half acres of land in Eddeworth'^ 

31 Between loUanus de Dureme and Ada, his wife — and 
Nicholaus, parson of the church of Le dene Rothingg' — of a 
messuage, one hundred and twenty acres of land, fifteen acres 
of meadow and forty shillings of rent in Stanton* and Hilton'. 

' The property comprised in this fine lies in the county of Bedford. 



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56 HUNTINGDONSHIRE FINES. 

32 Between Ranulphu% de Stonystanton' — and Hugo de 
Repindon', chaplain — of four messuages, two tofts, and seven 
virgates and three acres of land in Hemynford* Turbeuill* and 
Gillyng*. 

33 Between Bobertus Beuerich' of Albotesle and Isabella, 
his wife — and Thomas de Blakedoue of Parua Stokton' and 
Alicia, his wife — of a messuage and six acres and a rood of 
land in Albotesle and Weresle. 

34 Between Adam le Tauemer of Sanctus Neotus — and 
Walterus filius Ade le Tauemer of Sanctus Neotus — of three 
acres of land and a fourth part of a messuage in Uilla de sancto 
Neoto. 

35 Between Ricardus Waldeshef of Dodington' — and Jo- 
hannes Dousot and Alicia, his wife — of two messuages, three 
acres of meadow and a moiety of a virgate of land in Dod- 
ington'. 

36 Between Robertus de Tothale and Sarra, his wife — and 
lohannes de Horkestowe — of a messuage, one hundred acres of 
land, eleven acres of meadow and thirty three shillings of rent 
in Herdewyk*. 

37 Between lohannes Daubeney and Agnes, his wife — and 
Nicholaus filius Willelmi le Masoun of Sanctus Neotus — of a 
messuage in Uilla de sancto Neoto \ 

38 Between Alicia filia Baldewini and Galfridus Soman — 
and Baldewinus de Stowe— of a messuage, eighty acres of land 
and thirty six acres of meadow in Sanctus luo. 

39 Between Henricus Garlaund and Isolda, his wife — and 
Willelmus filius Ricardi de Hadestoke and Elena, his wife— of 
a messuage in Eynesbury. 

40 Between Rogerus de Northburgh', clerk — and Robertus 
le Tannour of Ebor* and Mariota, his wife — of a messuage, 
fourteen acres of land and three acres of meadow in Ouerton' 
Wateruiir. 

41 Between lohannes le Barkere of Huntyngdon' and Agnes, 
his wife — ^and Simon Burgeys and Margareta, his wife — of a 
messuage in Huntyngdon*. 

^ Endorsed with the claims of Adam filius Willelmi de Alderle and 
lohannes filius Willelmi de Alderle. 



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8 — 9 EDWARD II. 57 

42 Between Ricardus de Clopton' — andRicardus de Haunes 
and Alicia, his wife — of four shillings and two pence of rent in 
lakesle. 

9 Ed. II. 

43 Between Symon le Lytstere of Sanctus Neotus and 
Katerina, his wife — and Agnes the widow of Willelmus de 
Comubia of Sanctus Neotus — of a messuage in Uilla de sancto 
Neoto. 

44 Between Radulfus de Lacu of Ouerton' LungeuilF 
and Alicia, his wife — and lohannes de Capella, parson of the 
church of Aumbresdon' — of two messuages, four virgates of 
land, seven and a half acres of meadow and six shillings of rent 
in Ouertorf Lungeuiir. 

45 Between Ricardus de Haille of Bichhamstede and 
Matillis, his wife — and lohannes de Bolewyk' and Margeria, 
his wife — of four acres of land in Bichhamstede. 

46 Between lohannes Russell of Huntyngdon* — and Willel- 
mus Caperoun and Alicia, his wife — of a messuage in Huntyng- 
don'. 

47 Between Galfridus Theyn of lakele — and Robertus filius 
Nigelli de Hamerton' — of a messuage and twenty five acres of 
land in Hamerton'. 

48 Between Rogerus de Lidyate of Magna Stokton' — and 
lohannes de Bolewyk* and Margeria, his wife— of three acres of 
land in Magna Stokton'. 

49 Between lohannes de Hengham and Sabina, his wife — 
and Henricus de Hengham — of a messuage in Uilla de sancto 
Neoto. 

50 Between Robertus filius Roberti de Wykham — and 
Simon de Drayton' — of a messuage, a carucate of land, twelve 
acres of meadow and sixty shillings of rent in Bouton', 
Dudynton' and Suthhoo. 

Case 93. File 21. 

51 Between Walterus le Bret and Sarra, his wife — and 
Baldewinus de Stowe and Agnes, his wife — of a third part of 
the manor of Grantesden', which they claim as the dower of the 



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58 HUNTINGDOKSHIRE FINES. 

same Sarra by the endowment of Philippus fuyz Ernys, formerly 
the husband of the same Sarra. 

52 Between Johannes de Pabenham, senior, and Elizabetha, 
his wife — and Alanus de Tadeloue — of the manor of Folkes- 
worth*. 

53 Between Hugo le Personesseriaunt of Qrantesden' and 
Katerina, his wife — and Ricardus le Chaumpion and Isolda, his 
wife — of a messuage and an acre and a half of land in Magna 
Grantesden'. 

lO Ed. II. 

54 Between Willelmus filius Henrici de Albodesle and 
lohanna, his wife — and Johannes Scot' of Albodesle — of a 
messuage, a mill, one hundred acres of land and four acres of 
meadow in Albodesle and Magna Paxton'. 

65 Between Johannes Massi of Brampton' — and Johannes 
de Rauele — of a messuage and twenty one acres of land in 
Stepelgiddyng'. 

56 Between Ricardus de Cornubia — and Paulinus de la 
Hale and Roesia, his wife — of a messuage, eighty acres of 
land, ten acres and three roods of meadow, five acres of 
wood and four pounds fourteen shillings and two pence of rent 
in Wode Walton'. 

57 Between Henricus filius Nicholai de Bautre of Sanctus 
Neotus and Mabilla, his wife — and Johannes lUuen of Sanctus 
Juo and Amabilla, his wife — of a messuage and a moiety of an 
acre of land in Uilla de sancto Neoto. 

58 Between Johannes de Swyneford' and Agnes, his wife — 
and Thomas de Multon', chaplain — of a messuage and a cam- 
cate of land in Hemyngford' Turbeuile. 

59 Between Thomas filius Roberti de Walton' and Mar- 
geria, his wife — and Willelmus de Selby — of two messuages, 
eighty acres of land, and six acres of meadow in Walton* and 
Wodeweston'. 

60 Between Willelmus filius Simonis Russel of Magna 
Catteworth' — and Simon Russel of Magna Catteworth' — of a 
messuage, fifty acres of land, three shillings and eight pence 



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9—11 EDWARD II. 59 

of rent and the rent of a pair of gloves in Magna Catte- 
worth*. 

61 Between Master Hugo de Walmesford' — and Johannes 
Gent of Conyngton' and Agnes, his wife — of a messuage and 
eighteen acres of land in Conyngton'. 

62 Between Galfridus de Wynbotesham of Sanctus luo 
and Agnes, his wife — ^and Rogerus de Moltone and Dionisia, 
his wife — of a moiety of a messuage in Uilla de sancto luone. 

1 1 Ed. II. 

63 Between Willelmus Mowyn and Mabilla, his wife — and 
Baldewinus de Colne — of the manor of Woldhirst. 

64 Between Oristiana Baude of Huntingdon — and Robertus 
de Maydewelle and Johanna, his wife, and Gilebertus Roger 
and luliana, his wife — of a messuage in Huntingdon'. 

65 Between Henricus de Her — and Johannes de Kirketon' 
and Amabilla, his wife — of a messuage and five shillings of rent 
in Uilla de sancto Neoto. 

66 Between Simon Hulles of Huntyngdon' and Juliana, 
his wife — and Johannes Reious and Agnes, his wife — of a 
messuage in Huntyngdon*. 

67 Between Ricardus de Grendale and Constancia, his wife 
— and Rogerus de Hirst — of a messuage, one hundred and forty 
acres of land, sixteen acres of meadow and twenty shillings 
of rent in Fenton' and Somersham. 

68 Between Johannes de Weresle and Beatrix, his wife — 
and Johannes in The Lane de Gormecestr of Huntyngdon' and 
Beatrix, his wife — of a messuage in Huntyngdon*. 

69 Between Johannes filius Juonis inthelane — and Robertus 
de Maydewelle and Johanna, his wife, and Gilebertus Roger 
and Juliana, his wife— of a messuage in Huntyngdon*. 

70 Between Willelmus Lomb and Amabilla, his wife — and 
Willelmus de la Fermerie and Agnes, his wife— of a messuage 
in Huntyngdon*. 

71 Between Willelmus Aired of Gurmondcestr' — and Wil- 
lelmus de Euere of Huntyngdon' and Margareta, his wife— of 
a messuage in Huntyngdon'. 



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60 HUNTINGDONSHIRE FINES. 

72 Between lohannes de Cretyng' — and Ricardus del lie, 
parson of the church of Magna Stoctun' — of a messuage, twenty 
four acres of land and four acres of meadow in Magna Stoctun'. 

73 Between lohannes Russel and Leticia, his wife — and 
Willelmus de Lay and Sarra, his wife— of twenty acres of 
land in Stiuecle. 

74 Between lohannes Aueree and Matillis, his wife — ^and 
Robertus de Grafham of Huntyngdon' and Alicia, his wife — 
of a messuage in Huntyngdon'. 

75 Between lohannes du Lay and Isabella, his wife — and 
Rogerus de Cantebr'— of a messuage, one hundred and ten 
acres of land, eight acres of meadow and sixteen shillings of 
rent in Magna Paxton'. 

Case 93. File 22. 

76 Between Philippus Pollard and Katerina, his wife — and 
lohannes Ricardoun and Margeria, his wife — of two messuages, 
sixteen and a half acres of land, three acres and a rood of 
meadow and an acre and a half of marsh in Fenstanton'. 

77 Between lohannes de Ousthorp', clerk, and Thomas, his 
brother — and Thomas Martyn of Colne and Margareta, his 
wife — of two messuages, fifty five acres and three roods of land 
and eight acres of meadow in Someresham, Colne and Blun- 
tesham. 

12 Ed. II. 

78 Between Rogerus filius Nicholai le Clerk' of Eton* and 
Amicia, his wife — and Robertus le Mareschal of Sanctus Neotus 
and Beatrix, his wife — of a messuage in Uilla de sancto Neoto. 

79 Between Ricardus le Wodeward and Agnes, his wife — 
and Willelmus de Dene and Mariota, his wife — of seven acres 
of land in Wodeweston*. 

80 Between lohannes de Hameldon* — and lohannes le 
Freman of Glatton' — of two messuages, a toft, thirty three 
acres of land and three acres of meadow in Glatton and 
Hulmus. 

81 Between Rogerus le Caun of Pandefele — and Thomas 
le Barkere and Agnes, his wife — of twelve and a half acres, a 
moiety of a toft, and a third part of a messuage in Bukworth'. 



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11 — 14 EDWARD n. 61 

82 Between Willelmus Cristemasse of Huntyngdon' — and 
Johannes de Bristoll' of Huntyngdon', 'seler/ and Sarra, his 
wife — of a messuage in Huntyngdou'. 

83 Between Johannes de Waldeshef of Dodyngton' and 
Cecilia, his wife — and Master Henricus de Charwelton', vicar 
of the church of Dodyngton' — of a messuage and two caru- 
cates of land in Dodyngton', Bouton* and Suthhoo. 

84 Between Johannes de Wentlond' and Alicia, his wife — 
and Willelmus Doget — of a messuage, two acres and a rood of 
land and a third part of a shop in Huntyngdon*. 

85 Between Ricardus de Bayhus and Katerina, his wife 
— and Robertus de Assheby, chaplain, and Jacobus Beufleur 
— of four messuages, one hundred and ninety seven acres of 
land, three acres of meadow, seventeen marks and thirty three 
shillings and sixpence of rent in Molesworth*, Woldweston' and 
Themyng', and the advowson of two parts of the church of 
Tbemyng'. 

86 Between Qalfridus le Forester of Somersham — and 
Benedictus le Chaumberleyn and Johanna, his wife — of a 
messuage and sixteen acres of land in Pedele. 

13 Ed. II.' 

87 Between Johannes Morel — and Adam Gerneys and 
Agnes, his wife— of six acres of land and two acres of meadow 
in Fonstanton'. 

14 Ed. II. 

88 Between Rogerus Crane and Johanna, his wife — and 
Robertus de Morbourn', chaplain — of a messuage, fifteen acres 
of land, twelve pence of rent, and the rent of a root of ginger, 
a needle and a rose in Wassingle. 

89 Between Johannes Engayne and Elena, his wife — and 
Robertus de Gretford* and Johanna, his wife — of the manor of 
Grafham, and the advowson of the church of the same manor. 

90 Between lohannes Cleruaus of Upwode — and Johannes 

1 The feet of fines show that the conrt of Oommon Bench was at Tork 
daring the Michaelmas and Hilary terms of this year. 



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62 HUNTINODONSRIRE FIVES. 

Cleruaus, chaplaic— of a messuage, thirty four acres of land 
and a rood of meadow in Wistowe and Wardeboys. 

91 Between Bemardus iilius Bemardi de Brus — and Ber- 
nardus filius lohannis de Brus — of the manor of Conyngton' 
and the advowson of the church of the same manor. 

92 Between Stephanus atte Re of Sanctus Neotus and 
Cecilia, his wife — and Adam Thomas of Sanctus 'Neotus and 
Alicia, his wife — of a messuage in Uilla de sancto Neoto. 

93 Between lohannes filius Ricardi Helewys — and Alanus 
Hereward' and Amabilla, his wife — of a messuage in Wode- 
weston*. 

15 Ed. II.' 

94 Between Benedictus le Smyth of Somersham and 
Margareta, his wife — and Simon le Clerk of Wardeboys and 
Auicia, his wife — of a messuage in Somersham. 

95 Between lohannes de Rauele — and Qilebertus del Frith' 
and Emma, his wife— of ten acres of land and three acres of 
meadow in Wenyngton' and Ripton' Abbatis. 

96 Between Rogerus filius Willelmi de Gillyng' — and 
Willelmus de Gillyng' and Margareta, his wife — of a messuage 
and a rood of land in Uilla de sancto luone. 

16 Ed. II. 

97 Between lohannes de Houghton', carpenter, and Agnes, 
his wife — and Ricardus Payteuyn and Agnes, his wife — of a 
messuage in Huntyngdon'. 

98 Between Alanus le Lytstere of Huntyngdon' — and 
lohannes filius Roberti de Wodeford' of Dene and Matiliis, 
his wife — of a messuage in Huntyngdon*. 

99 Between Philippus Uyncent of Sautre — and Willelmus 
Qanet — of two messuages, a toft, thirty nine acres of land, 
two and a half acres of meadow and two pence of rent in 
Sautre. 

100 Between lohannes Boutetourte and Matiliis, his wife 
— and Hugo Pirpount — of the manor of Hamerton'. 

^ The court of Common Bench was at Tork from the beginning of Trinity 
term in this year tiU the end of Michaelmas term in 17 Ed. II. 

3 Endorsed with the claim of Klcholaas filius Martini le Bede of Huntingdon'. 



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14—18 EDWARD n. 63 

Case 93. File 23. 

17 Ed. II. 

101 Between Willelmus de Langeton', parson of the church 
of Stibyngton' and Nicholaus, his brother — and Robertus de 
sancto Albano and Alicia, his wife — of a messuage, three acres 
and a rood of land, six pence of rent and a moiety of an acre of 
meadow in Stibyngton' and Sibston' iuxta Walmesford'. 

102 Between Walterus Lenueyse and Amicia, his wife — 
and Radulfus de Braraerton' — of a moiety of the manor of 
Copmanford'. 

103 Between Bicardus Pope of Eynesbury — and Roger us 
filius Nicholai de Eton' and Amicia, his wife — of a messuage 
in Uilla de sancto Neoto. 

104 Between Andreas Heryng' of Sanctus Neotus and 
Margeria, his wife — ^and Philippus Sampson of Sanctus Neotus 
— of a messuage in Uilla de sancto Neoto. 

105 Between Alanus le Lytestere and Johanna, his wife — 
and Robertus de Hamerton' and Alicia, his wife — of a messuage 
in Huntyngdon'. 

106 Between Alanus le Letistere and Johanna, his wife — 
and Johannes Martyn and Matillis, his wife — of a messuage in 
Huntyngdon*. 

107 Between Willelmus filius Johannis de Broughton' and 
Elizabetha, the daughter of Galfridus Martyn — ^and Johannes 
filius Johannis de Broughton'— of six messuages, one hundred 
and forty acres of land, two acres of meadow and six shillings 
of rent in Broughton*. 

108 Between Robertus de Wassingleye and Amia, his wife 
— and Gilebertus de Aylyngton', chaplain — of the manor of 
Wassingleye. 

18 Ed. II. 

109 Between Willelmus de Baldyngdon', parson of the 
church of Sibertot' and Willelmus filius Lucie Fraunkelayn of 
Dynesdene — and Luca de Baldyngdon', parson of the church of 
Swynesheued'— of four messuages, forty acres of land and a 
moiety of an acre ^f meadow in Swynesheued and Eluendon'. 



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64 HUNTINGDONSHIRE FINKS. 

110 Between Willelmus de Corton' and Gklfiridus de 
Glatton' — and Willelmus filius Simonis de Hilton' and Alicia, 
his wife — of two messuages, fifty acres of land and an acre of 
meadow in Slope and Wodehirat'. 

111 Between Adam Grymbaud' of Wynewyk' — and Ri- 
cardus filius Hugonis de MuUesworth'— of a messuage, a toft, 
a carucate of land and a rent of a pound of ginger in 
MuUesworth' and Keston'. 

112 Between Johannes Waldeschef of Dudyngton' and 
Cecilia, his wife — and Master Henricus de Charwalton' — of 
twelve messuages, two carucates of land, ten acres of meadow, 
ten acres of wood and a third part of a mill in Dudyngton', 
Bouton' and South o. 

113 Between Johannes le Mareschal of Gillyng' and Alicia, 
his wife — and Stephanus de Dene, chaplain — of four mes- 
suages and thirty six acres of land in Gillyng*. 

114 Between Andreas Belle of Magna Gidding' — and Thomas 
Pesch' of Euenle and Emma, his wife — of a messuage and an 
acre and a rood of land in Magna Gidding*. 



19 Ed. n. 

116 Between Johannes le Warde of Cesterton' and Cris- 
tiana, his wife — and Willelmus Conquest' of Cesterton' and 
Emma, his wife — of eleven shillings of rent in Cesterton'. 

116 Between Nicholaus de Hardele — and Henricus le Here 
and Johanna, his wife — of an acre and a half of land in Guerton* 
Wateruile. 

117 Between Willelmus de Langeton', parson of the church 
of Stibington', and Nicholaus de Langeton' — and Jlobertus de 
sancto Albano and Alicia, his wife — of sixteen and a half acres 
of land, a rood and a half of meadow and five shillings of rent 
in Stibington' and Sibeston'. 

118 Between Simon de Drayton' and Margareta, his wife 
— and Johannes Paynel, 'chiualer,' and Agnes, his wife — of a 
moiety of the manor of Botilbrigge, except forty acres of land 
and eight acres of meadow in the same manor. 



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18 EDWAKD II — 2 EDWARD III. 66 

119 Between Bernardus de Brus and Agnes, his wife — 
and Robert le Brus, clerk — of the manor of Cony ton' and the 
advowson of the church of the same town. 

120 Between Johannes Bussel of Huntyngdon' — and Jo- 
hannes de Styuecle, 'barkere,' and Matillis, his wife — of a 
messuage in Huntyngdon'. 

20 Ed. II. 

121 Between Edmundus Neue of London* — and Robertus 
Russel of Folkesworth' and Emma, his wife — of a toft, twenty 
acres of land, an acre and a rood of meadow and two acres of 
wood in Folkesworth*. 

122 Between Johannes de Ousthorp*, clerk — and Johanna 
de Burward' — of two messuages and forty two acres of land in 
Somersham and Colne. 

123 Between Johannes Serle of Huntyngdon' — and Simon 
Burges of Huntyngdon' and Margareta, his wife — of a mes- 
suage in Huntyngdon'. 

1 Ed. III.' 

Case 93. File 24. 

1 Between Willelmus de Jjangeton* and Nicholaus, his 
brother — and Robertus de sancto Albano and Alicia, his wife — 
of nine acres of land in [Stibington'] and Sibiston'. 

2 Ed. ni. 

2 Between Johannes de Rauele and Alicia, his wife — and 
Philippus de Rauele, parson of the church of All Saints, 
Huntyngdon* — of six messuages, two tofts, one hundred and 
seventy six acres of land, five acres and a rood of meadow, two 
shillings and eight pence of rent, and the rent of a pair of 
gloves in Touleslond', Weld', Ejmesbiry, Caldecote and Magna 
Paxton'. 

3 Between Alexander Ennemed of Jakele — and Hugo 
Wauclyn of Hamerton' and Isabella, his wife — of a messuage 
and twenty acres of land in Hamerton'. 

^ The ooort of Common Bench was at Tork from the beginning of Michael- 
mas term in this year till the end of Hilary term 2 and 3 Ed. III. 

C, A. S, Octavo Series. XXXVII. 5 



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66 HUNTINODON8HIRS FINES. 

3 Ed. in. 

4 Between Thomas, parson of the church of Depjrng' — and 
Petrus de Holbeche and Emma, his wife — of two acres of 
meadow in Staneground'. 

5 Between lohannes Bussel of Hunt' and Leticia, bis wife 
— and Willelmus du Lay of Magna Paxton and Sarra, his wife 
—of a messuage, six tofts, one hundred and twenty acres of land, 
and six acres of meadow in Magna Styuecle^ 

6 Between Thomas de Luton' — and lohannes Manypeny 
and Agnes, his wife — of three tofts in Huntyngdon*. 

7 Between lohannes de Wassyngle and Emma, his wife — 
and lohannes le Fraunceys of Wynepol — of a messuage and 
two carucates of land in Ripton' Abbatis. 

8 Between Willelmus filius Radulfi de Spaldewyk' and 
Agnes, his wife — and Willelmus filius Eadulfi de Colby and 
Alicia, his wife — of twenty four acres of land, two acres of 
meadow, three acres of wood, a moiety of a messuage, and a 
moiety of a dovehouse in Spaldewyk*. 

9 Between lohannes de Turueye — and lohannes le Smyth 
of Welde and Alicia, his wife— of a messuage, ten and a half 
acres of land and sixteen pence of rent in Eynesbury and 
Welde. 

4 Ed. UI. 

10 Between Willelmus le Draper — and Radulfus le Wode- 
ward' and Agnes, his wife — of fourteen acres of land in Magna 
Qrantesden'. 

11 Between Willelmus de Ousthorp', clerk — and Johannes 
de Dene of Huntyngdon' and Matillis, his wife — of ten acres of 
land in Someresham. 

5 Ed. III. 

12 Between lohannes Waldeshef of Dudyngton' and 
Cecilia, his wife — ^and Thomas Benethebrok' of Huntyngdon' 
—of eleven messuages, ten acres of meadow, twenty acres of 
wood, forty aores of pasture, and a third part of a mill, in 
Dudyngton', Bouton', Southho and Bokeden'. 

^ This fine U damaged. 



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3 — ^ EDWARD ni. 67 

13 Between Ricardas de Baiocis and Katerina, his wife — 
and Alexander de Baiocis — of the manor of Couyngton', except 
a messuage and sixty acres of land in the same manor. 

6 Ed. in. 

14 Between Henriciis le Tailour of Eynesbury — and Wal- 
tenis le Feure and Alicia, his wife — of eight acres of land and 
a rood of meadow in Eynesbury*. 

15 Between lohannes de Hynton' and Isabella, his wife, 
and Willelmus, the son of the same lohannes and Isabella — 
and Walterus de Dodyngton', parson of the church of Fen- 
drayton' — of the manor of Bluntisham. 

16 Between lohannes Fyn of Huntyngdon' and Margareta, 
his wife — and Alanus filius Willelmi de Berton' of Swafham 
Prioris — of a messuage and eighteen acres of land in Qillyngg". 

17 Between Bicardus de Comub', * chyualer,' and lohanna, 
his wife — ^and Robertus de Beyuill' — of twenty two messuages, 
one hundred and fifty acres of land, thirty acres of meadow, six 
acres of wood and two shillings of rent in Wodewalton'*. 

18 Between Robertus de Beyuill' and Elizabetha, his wife 
— and Thomas de Leye and Nicholaus de Giddyng', chaplain 
— of the manor of Wodewalton'\ 

7 Ed. in.> 

19 Between Matillis the widow of Henricus Tilly — and 
Willelmus de Sautre, parson of the church of Gritton', and 
Walterus de Upton', parson of the church of Hakewell' — of 
the manor of Alboldesle'\ 

20 Between Ricardus de Baiocis and Eaterina, his wife — 
and Walterus de Upton', parson of the church of Hakewell' — 
of the manor of Puttoke8herdwyk'\ 

21 Between Adam Grymbaud of Wynewyk' and Isolda, his 
wife, and lohannes the son of the same Adam and Isolda — and 
Walterus Buxston*, chaplain — of a messuage, a tofl and a 
carucate of land in MuUesworth'*. 

1 Made in one term in this year and recorded in another. 
' The court of Common Bench was at Tork from the beginning of Hilary 
term 7 and 8 Ed. m. tiU the end of Hilary term 12 and 18 Ed. III. 

6—2 



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68 HUNTINODONSHIRE FINES. 

22 Between Rogerus filius luonis de Woldhirst' — and 
Thomas Qere of Haliweir and Agnes, his wife — of a messuage 
in Uilla de sancto Iuone^ 

23 Between lohannes, parson of the church of Bolnhirst — 
and Johannes Caryte of Rameseye, and Emma, his wife — of four 
messuages, fourteen acres of land and six acres of meadow in 
Stanegrond'. 

24 Between Ricardus de Baiocis and Eaterina, his wife— 
and Ricardus de Peuenese and Margareta, his wife — of the 
manor of Puttokesherdwyk". 

25 Between Robertus de Hale of Keston' and Petronilla, his 
wife — and lohannes de Derby of Keston' and Agnes, his wife 
— of a messuage, fifteen acres, and a rood and a half of land 
and three and a half roods of meadow in Keston'^ 

8 Ed. III. 

None, 

9 Ed. UI. 

Case 93. FUe 26. 

26 Between Robertus filius Willelmi de Cateby of Olatton' 
— ^and Willelmus de Cateby and Athelina, his wife — of a 
messuage and six acres of land in Qlatton' and Sautre. 

10 Ed. UI. 

27 Between Walterus de Barnham and Margareta, his wife 
— and lohannes Gauelok' of Nydyngworth' and Rosa, his wife 
— of two messuages and six acres of land in Hemyngford' 
Turbeluiir*. 

28 Between lohannes filius lohannis atte Lanesende of 
Huntyngdon' — and Willelmus de Bykeleswade, 'imemongere/ 
and Cristiana, his wife — of a messuage in Huntingdon' \ 

29 Between Rogerus de Craunfeld' of Nidyngworth* — and 
Thomas Filers of Fenstanton' and Matillis, his wife — of a mes- 
suage and a rood of land in Nidyngworth'^ 

^ Made in one term in this year and recorded in another. 



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7 — 11 EDWARD III. 69 

30 Between the Abbot of Bameseye — and Bicardus de Clax- 
ton' — of a messuage, a carucate of land and ten acres of meadow 
in Wystowe, which Johannes de Claxton' holds for a term of 
life. 

See also Nos. 34 and 35 on this page. 

11 Ed. III. 

31 Between Johannes Galeys of Sanctus Neotus and Emma, 
his wife — and Johannes de Wodeston*, chaplain — of a messuage 
and five acres of land in Uilla de sancto Neoto\ 

32 Between Alexander de Enemeth' — and Ricardus de 
Erdele and Mabilla, his wife — of a messuage, five acres of land, 
and a rood of meadow in Stylton'^ 

33 Between Robertus Burstlere, * chiualer ' — ^and Johannes 
filius Thome le Clerk' of Broghton' and Agnes, his wife — of a 
messuage, one hundred acres of land and thirty six acres of 
meadow in Slepe. 

34 Between Hugo de Babyngton* — and Thomas de Outheby, 
parson of the church of Briggeford' and Rogerus Sausemere of 
Neuton' — of six messuages, three carucates of land, ten acres 
of meadow, six acres of wood, twenty acres of pasture, and 
forty shillings of rent in Euerton' and Tetteworth', which 
Johannes de Craunfeld' and Willelmus his brother hold for a 
term of eight years". 

35 Between Willelmus Hors — and Philippus Pollard and 
Eaterina, his wife — of a messuage in Uilla de sancto Juone*. 

36 Between Alicia Bycok' — and Ricardus Bycok' and 
Agnes, his wife — of a tofb and fourteen acres of land in Uilla 
de sancto Neoto. 

37 Between Robertus de Styuecle and Elizabetha, his wife 
— and Johannes de Harebergh', chaplain — of a messuage, fifty- 
two acres of land, eight acres of meadow, two shillings of rent 
and the rent of a capon in Jakesle. 

See also Nos. 38 a/nd 39 on pa^e 70 below. 

^ Made in one term in this year and recorded in another. 
' Made in the year 10 Ed. III. and recorded in this year. 



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70 HUNTINGDONSHIRE FINES. 

in Ed. ni. 

38 Between Simon Starlyng* of Sandon' — ^and Hugo le 
Masoun and Alicia, his wife — of a messuage, a toft and an acre 
of land in Uilla de sancto Neoto^ 

39 Between Thomas filius Thome de Bekeryng*, * chiualer,' 
and Isabella, his wife — and Robertus de Paunton*. parson of the 
church of Catteworth* and Simon le Rous of Someredby, 
chaplain — of the manor of Catteworth'^ 

See also No. 41 on this page. 

13 Ed. in. 

40 Between Johannes Siluestre — and Oalfridus de Bouton', 
chaplain, and Robertus Rychemount' — of two messuages, forty 
acres of land, two and a half acres of meadow and seven 
shillings and eight pence of rent in Uilla de sancto Neoto*. 

41 Between Robertus Waldeshef and Johanna, his wife — 
and Henricus de Chartres, parson of the church of WoUe — of 
twelve messuages, two carucates of land, ten acres of meadow, 
twenty acres of wood, forty acres of pasture and ten marks of 
rent in Dudyngton', Bukton', Sutho and Bokeden'*. 

42 Between Johannes Dengayne and Johanna, his wife — 
and Willelmus GyfiFard', parson of the church of Radewynter 
and Thomas de Paxton', parson of the church of Stowe iuxta 
Queye— of the manor of Werislee and the advowson of the 
church of the same manor*. 

See also No. 45 on page 71 opposite, 

14 Ed. III. 

43 Between Nicholaus de Newerk', chaplain, and Thomas 
le Peleter, chaplain — and Johannes le Hayward of Hemmyng- 
ford' and Sarra, his wife, Ricardus le Fisshere of Jakele and 
Rosa, his wife — of a messuage in Uilla de sancto Juona 

^ Made in the year 11 Ed. III. and recorded in this year. 
3 Made in one term in this year and recorded in another.* 

* Made in the year 12 Ed. III. and recorded in this year. 

* Made in one term in this year and recorded in another. 



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12 — 16 EDWARD III. 71 

44 Between Willelmus Moigne and Johanna, his wife — and 
Robertas le Sweyn, parson of the church of All Saints, Sautre, 
and Rogerus de Tanesouer, parson of the church of S* Andrew, 
Sautre — of twenty messuages, seventeen virgates and an acre 
of land in Giddyng' and Ludyngton ^ 

45 Between Simon de Kent and Alicia, daughter of Qile- 
bertus Ouwayn — and Gilebertus Ouwayn and Matillis, his 
wife — of a messuage, six acres of land and an acre of meadow 
in Fenstanston'^ 

15 Ed. UI. 

46 Between Johannes de Farendon' — and Johannes de la 
Wyke, vicar of the church of Spaldewyk' — of a messuage, 
eighty six acres of land, fifteen acres of meadow and twenty 
four shillings and nine pence of rent in Brampton' iuxta 
Huntyngdon'. 

47 Between Robertus Fyn, parson of the church of S* Bene- 
dict, Huntyngdon* — and Willelmus Oyldeboef of Huntyngdon' 
and Alicia, his wife — of two messuages in Huntyngdon'. 

48 Between Willelmus Smyth' of Niddyngworth' and 
Matillis, his wife — and Johannes Qauelok' of Oure and Rosa, 
his wife— of two messuages, four acres of land and an acre of 
meadow in Niddyngworth'. 

49 This fine should have been filed among those of 16 Ed. HI. 
See No. 51a on page 72 below. 

50 Between Hugo de Croft' — and Adam du I*krk' and 
Amicia, his wife — of five messuages, seventy acres of land, 
three acres of meadow and thirteen shillings and four pence 
of rent in Bechamstede and Dilyngton'. 

See also No. 51 on this page. 

16 Ed. in. 

Case 94. File 26. 

51 Between Willelmus de Herleston', clerk— ^and Ricar- 
dus Rikedoun and Johanna, his wife — of a messuage, two 

^ Made in one term in this year and reoorded in another. 
> Made in the year 13 Ed. III. and reoorded in this year. 



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72 HUNTINGDONSHIRE FINES. 

hundred acres of land and eight acres of meadow in Someres- 
ham, Cohie, and Bluntesham \ 

51a Between Bicardus Alberd of lakesle and Bicardus, his 
son — and lohannes Erdele of lakesle, and Brighteua, his wife — 
of eleven and a half acres of land in lakesle'. 

17 Ed. ni. 

52 Between Willelmus de Herleston', clerk — and Hen- 
ricus de Broughton', chaplain — of a messuage, two hundred 
acres of land and eight acres of meadow in Someresham, Colne 
and Bluntesham. 

53 Between lohannes Eustace of Hilton' — and Thomas de 
Flamstede and lohanna, his wife — of five acres of land in 
Fenistanton'*. 

See also No, 55 on this page, 

18 Ed. III. 

54 Between lohannes de Brunne — and Beatrix, the widow 
of Thomas de Merch' — of a messuage in Yakesle. 

55 Between Master Henricus de la Dale, parson of the 
church of Hegham Ferrers — and lohannes Bauston' of Har- 
graue and Alesia his wife — of a messuage, two acres of land, 
and eight shillings of rent in Magna Catworth'*. 

56 Between lohannes de London' — and Thomas Alejn and 
Elizabetha, his wife — of a sixth part of the manor of Magna 
Paxton*. 

57 Between Ricardus filius lohannis de Hemyngton' — and 
Bicardus filius Ricardi de Hemyngton' and DeruerguUa, his 
wife — of three messuages, twenty six acres of land, four acres of 
meadow and five shillings of rent in Stybynton'. 

58 Between Robertus le Uernoun, iunior, and Athelina, his 
wife — and lohannes filius Thome filii Nicholai and Sarra, his 

^ Made in 16 Ed. III. and reoorded in this year ; endorsed with the claim of 
Bobertus filins Egidii de Waohesham. 

* This fine is filed among the fines of 15 Ed. III. and there numbered 49. 
' Made in one term in this year and recorded in another. 
^ Made in 17 Ed. III. and recorded in this year. 



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16 — 20 EDWARD III. 73 

wife— of three messuages, thirty acres of land, three acres of 
meadow and five shillings of rent in Byptone Abbatis. 
See also No. 61 on this page, 

19 Ed. III. 

69 Between Willelmus Westmilne of Hilton' — ^and Rogerus 
Westmilne of Hilton' and Custancia, his wife — of a messuage 
and five acres of land in Hilton' \ 

60 Between Johannes Qaleys of Sanctus Neotus and Emma, 
his wife — and lohannes de Medboume, chaplain, and Ricardus 
filius lohannis de Grantessete of Hokyngton'— of a messuage 
and eighteen acres of land in Uilla de sancto Neoto. 

61 Between Radulfus le Moyne and Johanna, his wife — 
and Qilebertus de Stanton' and Rogerus de Jselham, chaplain — 
of two messuages, and three acres of land in Fenstanton' and 
Hilton'". 

62 Between Thomas le Clerk' of Broughton' and Johanna, 
his wife — and Henricus de Broughton', chaplain — of a messuage, 
forty acres of land, two acres of meadow and four shillings 
of rent in Broughton'. 

63 Between Ricardus Alberd' of Jakesle and Ricardus, his 
son — and Johannes Erdele of Jakesle and Brighteua, his wife — 
of a messuage in Jakesle. 

64 Between Master Robertus de Nassington' and Nicholaus 
de Ebor' — and Robertus le Somenour of Sanctus Juo and 
Johanna, his wife — of five messuages and a moiety of an acre 
of land in HaliweJl' and Uilla de sancto Juone*. 

HO Ed. in. 

65 Between Robertus Wyne, senior, and Johanna, his wife — 
and Johannes Qamelyn, chaplain — of two messuages, sixty 
acres of land, five acres of meadow, and eight acres of wood in 
Eston', Stowe and Leyghton' super Brouneswold'. 

66 Between Johannes de Rauele and Alicia, his wife — and 
Johannes de Huntyngdon', parson of the church of Grauele and 

^ Made in one tenn in this year and recorded in another. 

* Made in IS Ed. HI. and recorded in this year. 

* Made in this year and recorded in the year 20 Ed. HI. 



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74 HU17TINQD0NSHIBE FINES. 

Walterus le Bret — of ten messuages, two hundred and twenty 
acres of land, seven acres of meadow, fifteen shillings of rent 
and the rent of a pair of gloves in Toulislond', Magna Paxton*, 
Weld' and Ejmisbiry^ 

67 Between Willelmus de Thorp' — and Lambertus de Shef- 
feld' and Margareta, his wife — of the manor of Ouerton' Water- 
uiir and of the advowson of the church of the same manor. 

See also No. 64 on page 73 above. 

HI Ed. UI. 

68 Between Willelmus de Folkiworth* — ^and Bdcardus de 
Hemyngton' and Deruergulla, his wife — of sixteen acres of 
land, three acres of meadow, three shillings and two pence of 
rent and a moiety of a messuage in Stybjmgton', Sibeston', 
Walmesford and Siberton'. 

69 Between lohannes de la Fermerye of Huntyngdon' — 
and Robertus del Wodehouse of Someresham and Margareta, 
his wife — of a messuage in Huntyngdon'. 

70 Between Robertus filius Rogeri de Grafham, chaplain — 
and Paulinus Bigenore of Huntyngdon* and Alicia, his wife — of 
a messuage in Huntyngdon'. 

71 Between Willelmus de Herleston', clerk, and Margareta 
de Holm — and Henricus de Broughton', clerk, and Willelmus 
de Holm — of the manor of Colne, which is called la Leghe, 
with appurtenances in Somersham, Colne and Bluntesham. 

72 Between Willelmus filius Willelmi de Thorp' — and 
lohannes de Bautre of Geynesburgh' and lohanna, his wife — 
of five messuages, forty acres of land, six acres of meadow and 
forty shillings of rent in Guirton' Wateruyll'. 

73 Between Margareta de Holm — and Simon Dyke of 
Grauele and Amicia, his wife — of a messuage and seven acres 
of land in Somersham and Colne. 

as Ed. III. 

74 Between lohannes de Baggele of Hemyngford' Abbatis 
and Beatrix, his wife — and Radulfus de Baggele — of four 
messuages, sixty seven acres of land, six and a half acres 

^ Made in one term in this year and recorded in another. 



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20 — 25 EDWARD III. 76 

of meadow, two acres and a rood of pasture and twenty pence 
of rent in Hemyngford' Abbatis \ 

75 Between Willelmus filius lohannis de Pappeworth', 

* chiualer,' and Elizabetha, his wife — and lohannes de Hilton', 
parson of the church of Fendrayton* and lohannes Corby, 
chaplain — of the manor of Grafham and thirty six shillings 
of rent in Wodeweston' which lohannes de Pappeworth*, 

* chiualer/ held for a term of life. 

Case 94. File 27. 

76 Between lohannes de Abyndon', citizen and clothier 
of London', Robertus de Morton', parson of the church of Smal- 
bergh' and Robertus de Wymund[ewold] parson of the church 
of Parua Thrillowe — and Edrnundus de Cretyng', * chiualer' — of 
two acres of land in Magna Stokton' and of the advowson of the 
church of the same town. 

23 Ed. ni. 

77 Between Robertus de Thorp' — and Robertus But of 
Norwych' and lohanna, his wife — of the manor of Woldhirst. 

78 Between Robertus Huchoun of Magna Orantesdene — 
and Adam Gerbaud' of Magna Grantesdene — of five messuages, 
one hundred and ninety two acres of land, twelve acres of 
meadow, four acres of pasture, two acres of wood, and sixteen 
shillings and eight pence of rent in Magna Grantesdene. 

24 Ed. UI. 

79 Between lohannes Dengaigne of Teuersham — and 
Willelmus de Notton' and lohannes atte Cherche, chaplain — 
of the manor of Wersley. 

80 Between Nicholaus de Styuecle — and lohannes Crisp' 
of lakesle and lohanna, his wife — of a messuage, fifteen acres 
of land and four acres of meadow in Walton'. 

25 Ed. in. 

81 Between lohannes Kyng' of Keston* and Agnes, his 
wife — and Petrus Clement of Keston' and Agnes, his wife — 
of two messuages in Kes[ton]'. 

^ This fine is damaged. 

* This word is damaged, bat the rest of the fine is legible. 



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76 HUNTINGDONSHIRE FINES. 

116 Ed. in. 

82 Between Willelmus le Moignc, ' chiualer ' — and lohannes 
Chartres — of the manor of WoUe, which Bieardus fitz Wy th' of 
Tichemersh' and Elizabetha his wife hold for the life of the 
same Elizabetha \ 

83 Between Nicholaus de Styiiecle and luliana, his wife — 
and lohannes Crysp' of lakesle, senior, and lohanna, his wife — 
of three messuages, sixty acres of land, six acres of meadow, 
twenty pence of rent, and the rent of four capons in lakesle 
and Folkesworth'. 

84 Between Oilebertus de Warewyk', chaplain, and Nicho- 
laus de Eboraco, clerk — and Thomas le Ferour of Sanctus luo 
and Margareta, his wife — of six messuages, an acre and a half 
of land and a moiety of an acre of meadow in Slepe, Haliwell 
and Uilla de sancto luone \ 

Q7 Ed. ni. 

85 Between WilleJmus Hors of Sanctus luo — and Robertus 
de Lauache of Fenstanton' and Elena, his wife — of a messuage, 
seven and a half acres and a moiety of a rood of land, an acre 
of meadow and six shillings of rent in Fenstanton, Hemyngford' 
Grey and Qillyngg'. 

86 Between Bieardus de Sheuyngdon* — and Bieardus de 
Petrisburgh' and Agnes, his wife— of the moiety of a messuage, 
seven tofts, one hundred and forty acres of land, thirteen 
acres and a rood of meadow in Styuecle, Huntyngdon' and 
Brampton'. 

87 Between Bieardus Alberd' of lakesle — and Nicholaus 
de Styuecle and luliana, his wife — of three messuages, eighty 
acres of land, twenty acres of meadow, twenty pence of rent 
and the rent of four capons in lakesle. 

87a Between Willelmus Hors of Sanctus luo — and lohannes 
Not' of Fenny Stanton' and lohanna, his wife — of seven acres 
three roods and a sixth part of eighteen acres of land; an 
acre and a fourth part of a rood and a sixth part of an acre and 
a half of meadow ; and a sixth part of three messuages and a 

> Made in one tenn in this year and reooided in another. 



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26—29 EDWARD III. 77 

moiety of a dovehouse in Qillyng', Fennystanton' and Hem- 
myngford' Grey^ 

38 Ed. ni. 

88 Between Gilebertus de Warwyk', chaplain, and Nicholaus 
de Eboraco, clerk — and lohannes de Redisweir and Elizabetha, 
his wife — of a messuage and twelve acres of meadow in 
Rameseye. 

89 Between lohannes de Goushill', parson of the church of 
Aylyngton' and lohannes Knyuet — and Petrus de Normanton' 
and Katerina, his wife — of a messuage, fifty acres of land and 
five acres of meadow in Aylyngton*. 

90 Th%8 fine should have been filed among those of 
27 Edw, III, See No. 87a on page 76 opposite. 

91 Between lohannes de Styuecle and Nicholaus, his son, 
Nicholaus de Styuecle and Gilebertus de Styuecle — and Willel- 
mus Moigne of Rauele, 'chiualer' — of the manor of WoUe, which 
Ricardus fitz Wyth' of Tichemersh' and Elizabetha, his wife, 
hold for the term of the life of the said Elizabetha*. 

92 Between Nicholaus de Styuecle — and Benedictus le 
Skjmnere of Tetteworth' and Sarra, his wife, and Galfridus 
Mariot and Agnes, his wife-— of two messuages and a virgate 
of land in Walton'. 

39 Ed. III. 

93 Between Ricardus Truloue, knight, and Sibilla, his 
wife — and lohannes Butetourt — of the manor of Hamerton*. 

94 Between lohannes de Gouscill, parson of the church 
of Aylyngton*, — and Hugo de Mortuo Mari, 'chiualer,' and 
Margareta, his wife — of a moiety and an eighth part of the 
manor of Chasterton'. 

95 Between Nicholaus de Styuecle — and Willelmus filius 
lohannis de Pappeworth', * chiualer,' and Elizabetha, his wife — 
of thirty six shillings of rent in Alkemondebery. 

1 This fine is filed among the fines of 28 Ed. in. and there nombered 90. 
' Made in one tenn in this year and recorded in another. 



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78 HUNTINGDONSHIBE FINES. 

30 Ed. m. 

96 Between Nicholaus de Ulceby, Ricardus de Alyngton', 
chaplain, and lohannes filius Galfridi Stokeman of Ouerton' — 
and Alexander de Fletton' and Nicholaa, his wife — of four 
messuages, a toft, one hundred acres of land, ten acres of 
meadow, and six pence of rent in Ouerton', Longeuill' and 
Botilbrugge. 

97 Between Robertus Gallon of Magna Styuecle and Agnes, 
his wife — and Ricardus Caunt of Broughton' and Eaterina, 
his wife— of a messuage in Broughton'. 

31 Ed. ni. 

98 Between Ricardus de Eaynho and lohanna, his wife — 
and lohannes de Weston' of Stileton' and Agnes, his wife — of 
two messuages, forty six acres of land, and three acres of 
meadow in Stileton'. 

322 Ed. III. 

99 Between Ricardus de Baiocis, knight, and Elaterina, 
his wife — and Willelmus de Burton', knight, and Ricardus, 
the son of Ricardus de Baiocis, knight — of the manor of 
Couyngton'. 

100 Between Willelmus Hors of Sanctus luo — and Simon 
de Kent and Alicia, his wife, Henricus de Scultone and Agnes, 
his wife, and lohannes de Barewe and Cristiana, his wife — of 
a moiety of four messuages, fourteen acres and a rood of 
land, three parts of an acre of meadow and of a dovehouse 
in Gillynge and Hemyngford' Grey. 

Case 94. File 28, 

101 Between lohannes de Gotflat — ^and lohannes Heruy 
of Colne and Margareta, his wife — of a. messuage, forty seven 
acres of land, nine acres of meadow, and forty pence of rent in 
Somersham and Golne. 

102 Between Robertus Richemond' of Sanctus Neotus — 
and Ricardus Andreu and lohanna, his wife— of a messuage 
in Uilla de sancto Neoto. 



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30—34 BDWARD ni. 79 

103 Between lohannes Taylour of Magna Qiddyng' — and 
Willelmus Est' of LuUyngton' and Agnes, his wife-— of twenty 
four acres of land in Magna Giddyng'. 

104 Between Thomas Caumuiir and Fina, his wife — and 
Walterus de Chychestre of London', 'spicer,' and Agnes, his 
wife — of a moiety of a messuage, a toft, twenty four acres of 
land, two acres of meadow, and six pence of rent in Heigh- 
mondegroue, Rameseye, Bury and Upwode. 

33 Ed. ni. 

105 Between Pelagia, the widow of lohannes de Hereford' 
of Huntyngdon' — and lohannes de Relye and Agnes, his wife — 
of a messuage in Huntjnagdon'. 

106 Between Andreas Hulot of Parua Styuecle, chaplain 
— and Simon Rical of Wodewestone and Margeria, his wife — 
of a messuage in Parua Styuecle. 

107 Between lohannes Qanet — and Matillis the daughter 
of Willelmus Qanet and lohannes Noreys and Margeria, his 
wife — of two messuages, two tofts and twenty acres of land in 
Wassyngle, Fokesworth' and Oggerstou'^ 

108 Between Thomas de Wykham — and Robertus filius 
lohanuis de Wykham of Sheuyndon' — of two messuages, a toft, 
one hundred and twenty acres of land and six acres of meadow 
in Boudon', Dodynton* and Southo". 

34 Ed. in. 

109 Between Willelmus Wateruyle of Ouerton' Longeuyle, 
chaplain — and Bicai*dus de Burgh' of Magna Styuecle and 
Agnes, his wife, and Thomas Flesshewere of Fenstanton' and 
Alicia, his wife — of three messuages, eighteen acres of land, 
two acres of meadow, and an acre of marsh, in Huntyngdon', 
Stilton' and Magna Styuecle. 

110 Between Willelmus Page of Sanctus Neotus and 

Matillis, his wife — ^and lohanues filius Ricardi le Longe of 

Shudycaumpes and Felicia, his wife — of a messuage in Uilla 

de sancto Neoto. 

^ Made in one tenn in this year and recorded in another. 
' Made in this year and recorded in the year 84 Ed. III. 



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80 HXJNTIN0D0K8HIRE FINES. 

111 Between lohannes Swyft* — and Willelmus atte Moor 
and Margeria, his wife — of a messuage, eleven and a half acres 
of land and an acre of meadow in Elyngton'. 

112 Between Simon Symeon — and Cristiana de Lyndeseye 
— of a moiety of the manor of MuUesworth' ; and of the advow* 
son of a moiety of the church of the same town. 

See also No. 108 on page 79 above. 

35 Ed. in. 

113a Between Gilebertus de Haysand' and Amia, his wife — 
and Willelmus de Bland, parson of the church of Wodewalton' 
— of the manor of Copmanford' and of the advowson of the 
church of the same town, which Ricardus de Eye held for a 
term of life*. 

114 Between Gilebertus de Haysand' and Amia, his wife — 
and Willelmus de Blande, parson of the church of Wodewalton' 
— of the manor of Parua Geddyng'". 

115 Between Gilebertus Haysand' and Amia, his wife — and 
Willelmus de Blande, parson of the church of Wodewalton' — 
of the manor of Copmanford' and of the advowson of a moiety of 
the church of Copmanford' which Ricardus de Eye holds for a 
term of life*. 

116 Between Eustachius Wysman of Sanctus Neotus — and 
lohannes Beneyt of Somersham and Emma, his wife — of a 
messuage and two pence of rent in Somersham. 

36 Ed. ni. 

117 Between Thomas Caunuille — and Ricardus de Pentes- 
bury of Heyghtmondegroue and Katerina, his wife— of a moiety 
of a messuage, twenty acres of land, and two acres of meadow 
in Heyghtmondegroue and Upwode. 

1 A copy of this fine is written on a sheet of parohment which has been filed 
among these fines and numbered 1186. The copy is not one of the indentorea 
of the fine. 

' A copy of this fine is written on the sheet of parohment mentioned in note 1 
above. 

s This fine was made a week earlier than No. 118a. 



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34 — 38 EDWARD III. 81 



37 Ed. UI. 



118 Between Galfridus Aylbern' and Margareta, his wife — 
and Bogerus Barker of Farua Grantesden' and Alicia, his wife 
— of a toft and twelve and a half acres of land in Gillyng'^ 

119 Between Willelmus Catoun, parson of the church of 
All Saiats, Sautre, Robei*tus Oliuere of Sautre, chaplain, and 
lohannes Hamolid' of Mersshton', chaplain — ^and Henricus 
[Spynk] de Wemyngton' of Sautre and Isabella, his wife — of 
eleven messuages, three carucates and a virgate of land^ 
eight acres of meadow and two shillings of rent in Magna 
Paxton', Toweslond', StepilgiddyngV Slep', Wodhurst and 
Themyng'^ 

120 Between Johannes Neubonde of Magna Grantesden' — 
and Rogerus Barkere of Caxton' and Alicia, his wife — of a 
messuage, ten acres of land and an acre of meadow in Magna 
Grantesden'. 

See also No. 122 on this page, 

38 Ed. in. 

121 Between Robertus le Straunge and Margeria, his wife — 
and Ricardus de Sutton', 'chiualer,' and Anna, his wife — of 
eight messuages, one hundred and sixty acres of land, six acres 
of meadow, six acres of wood, and a moiety of a messuage 
in Berkford'\ 

122 Between Nicholaus de Hemyngford' Grey and Matillis, 
his wife — and Johannes Taillour of Buntyngford' and Johanna, 
his wife — of a quarter of a messuage, one hundred acres of 
land and twelve acres of meadow in Hemyngford* Grey". 

123 Between Nicholaus Shepeherde of Broughton' and 
Mariota, his wife — and Ricardus Caun and Katerina, his wife 
— of eight acres of land in Broughton*. 

124 Between Robertus Galon of Broughton' — and Willel- 
mus Inge and Blanch ia, his wife — of fourteen acres and three 
and a half roods of land in Broughton'. 

^ Made in one term in this year and recorded in another. 
> Made in 87 Ed. III. and recorded in this year. 

C. A. S. Octavo Series. XXXVH. 6 



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82 HUKTINGDONSHIBE FINES. 



39 Ed. m. 



125 Between Willelmus filius Walteri Cook' of Eton', 
chaplain, and lohannes filius Boberti Clerk' of Chaluesterne, 
senior — and lohannes Dunton and Matillis^ his wife — of a mes- 
suage, eighty acres of land, an acre of meadow, four acres of 
wood, aad a halfpenny of rent in Magna Stoghton'. 

Case 94. File 29. 

126 Between Bobertus de Wassjrugle and Johanna^ his wife 
— and Bobertus de Horneby, Willelmus de Brereley, and 
Thomas de Burton' of Kynnesley — of the manor of Wassyngle, 
except sixty acres of land, twenty acres of meadow, forty acres 
of wood and ten acres of pasture in the same manor, and of 
the advowson of the church of the same town. 

127 Between lohannes Sweft — and Willelmus atte Mor and 
Margeria, his wife — of a messuage, six acres of land and six 
pence of rent in Elyngton' and Sibthorp'^ 

128 Between Nicholaus Bose, chaplain, and lohannes 
Qodynch', chaplain — and Nicholaus Grene and Johanna his 
wife — of a moiety of the manor of Conynton' with its 
appurtenances, except a moiety of the advowson of the church 
of the same manor. 

40 Ed. m. 

129 Between Nicholaus de Styuecle, lohannes Couesgraue 
of Eton' and lohannes Marham, chaplain — and Badulfus de 
Hynton' of Thetford iuxta Ely and lohannes, his son, ' chiualer ' — 
of the manor of Bluntesham, except seven messuages, eighteen 
acres of land and five acres of meadow in the same manor". 

41 Ed. m. 

130 Between lohannes Upheys of Huntyngdon' — and lo- 
hannes de Aston' and Alicia, his wife^-of a messuage, ten acres 
of land and three acres of pasture in Huntyngdon*. 

^ Made in one term in this year and recorded in another, 
s Made in this year and recorded in the year 41 Ed. in. 



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89 — 43 EDWARD m. 83 

131 Between Simon Derham of Magna Qrantisden', 'tail- 
lour' — ^and Thomas Mayster of Magna Qrantisden' and Sana, 
his wife — of a moiety of a messuage in Magna Grantisden'. 

132 Between Willelmus, vicar of the church of Hemmyngford' 
Grey, Willelmus Nicol, chaplain, Willelmus Trappe, chaplain, 
and lohaunes Edward', chaplain — and Nicholaus de Hemmyng- 
ford' and MatUlis, his wife — of a messuage, two dovehouses, 
thirty five and a half acres of land and two acres of meadow in 
Hemmyngford' Grey. 

133 Between Nicholaus de Styuecle, lohannes de Coues- 
graue of Eton' and lohannes Marham, chaplain — and lohannes 
filius Edmundi Middelton' of Radeclif, kinsman and heir of 
Simon the son of Simon de Seyntlys of Magna Styuecle— of 
the manor of Frestelee and one hundred shillings of rent in 
Magna Styuecle and Huntyngdon'^ 

See also No. 129 on page 82 opposite. 

422 Ed. ni. 

134 Between Nicholaus de Styuecle, Robertus Waryn of 
OflFord, Robertus Huntyngdon' of Catteworth, and lohannes 
Couesgraue of Eton' — and Willelmus Scot^ de Holbech of 
lakesle, 'fishere,' and Emma, his wife — of a moiety of the 
manor of Magna Styuecle, which Thomas fitz Eustace and 
Alianora, his wife, held for the term of the life of the same 
Alianora. 

See also No, 166a on page 87 helow. 

43 Ed. ni. 

135 Between lohannes de Hemyngford' and Johanna, his 
wife — and lohannes de Goldyngton' and locosa, his wife — of 
a third part of the manor of Grofham, and of a third part of 
the advowson of the church of the same town. 

136 Between Robertus Waryn of Offord, Willelmus Castell- 
acre, Galfridus Hildegar, Robertus Huntyngdon' of Catteworth', 
lohannes Couesgraue of Eton' and Thomas Walton' of Upwode— 

^ Made and afterwards recorded in the same term. 

6—2 



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84 HUNTINGDONSHIRE FINES. 

and Ricardus Caunt' of Bukworth' and Eaterina, his wife— of 
two messuages and thirty two acres of land in Bukworth'. 

137 Between lohannes Engyne of Sanctus luo — and lo- 
hannes Qunson' of Somersham and Emma, his wife — of a 
messuage in Somersham. 

138 Between Willelmus Payn, parson of the church of Buk- 
worth' — ^and Ricardus Caunt' of Bukworth' and Eaterina, his 
wife — of twelve acres and a moiety of a rood of land and a 
sixth part of a rood of meadow in Bukworth'. 

139 Between lohannes Coupere of Broughton' — and Ricar- 
dus Taillour of Walton' and Agnes, his wife— of fifteen acres of 
land, a rood of meadow and a moiety of a messuage in Brough- 
ton'. 

140 Between the Abbot of Rameseye — and lohannes Thame 
of Wardeboys and Sarra, his wife — of a messuage in Wardeboys. 

44 Ed. in. 

141 Between Willelmus del Castel' and lohannes de Thel- 
wair, clerk — and Henricus Spynk' and Isabella, his wife — of 
six messuages, two carucates of land and four acres of meadow 
in Stepelgyddyng'. 

45 Ed. m. 

142 Between the Abbot of Ramsey — and Thomas Ode of 
Morbourn' and Cristiana, his wife — of four messuages, twenty 
acres of land, and twelve acres of meadow in Wodewalton', 

143 Between Andreas Mewes, chaplain — and lohannes 
Herrysson' and Alicia, his wife — of a messuage, five acres of 
land and a moiety of an acre of meadow in Parua Styuecle and 
Alk emondebury. 

46 Ed. lU. 

144 Between lohannes Ode of Fenstanton', senior — and 
Simon Walsham of Fenstanton' and Margeria, his wife — of a 
messuage and an acre of land in Fenstanton'. 

145 Between lohannes Hemyngford* and lohanna, his wife 
— and lohannes Bate and Anna, his wife— of a messuage, a toft 
and five and a half acres of land in Graf ham. 



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43 — 48 EDWARD III. 86 

146 Between Robertus Marchal — ^and Simon Taillour of 
Magna Grantisden' and Agnes, his wife — of a moiety of a 
messuage in Magna Grantisden'^ 

147 Between lohannes Hemyngford' — and Johannes Gold- 
yngton' and locosa, his wife— of two parts of the manor of 
Graf ham. 

148 Between Simon Bret of Sanctus Neotus, Nicholaus de 
Styuecle, lohannes loce of Sanctus Neotus and Thomas Child' 
of Bikliswade — and Alan Bolesore and Margeria, his wife — of a 
messuage in Uilla de sancto Neoto. 

47 Ed. in. 

149 Between Robertus Boteler, clerk, and lohannes Skele 
of Glatton' — and Bogerus Leycestre of Chesterton' and Mar- 
gareta, his wife— of the manor of Chesterton'. 

150 Between lohannes Knyuet, knight — and Thomas 
Beaumys and Katerina, his wife — of seven messuages, three 
virgates and an acre, and a moiety of a virgate of land, and 
also two shillings and six pence of rent, and the rent of a pair of 
gloves in Thyrnyng*, and of Willelmus Growethorp', lohannes 
Mabot, lohannes Ricard', Willelmus Bungler and Margareta 
Godewyf, villains of the same Thomas and Eaterina, and their 
issua 

Case 94. File 30. 

151 Between lohannes de Wilford*, clerk, Thomas de Thorp', 
clerk, lohannes de Bonyngton', clerk, Thomas de Welle and 
Willelmus Neuehous, — and lohannes Coluile, *chiualer,' and 
Alicia, his wife — of two acres of land in Stokton' Magna and of 
the advowson of the church of the same town\ 

152 Between Philippus Myles of Somersham — and lohannes 
Engyn of Sanctus luo and Beatrix, his wife — of a messuage 
in Somersham. 

48 Ed. m. 

153 Between lohannes Couesgraue of Eton', Willelmus 

^ Made in one term in this year and recorded in another. 



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86 HUNnNGDONSHIBlC FINES. 

Couesgraue and Bicardus Esee — and WillelmuB Gray of Qold- 
yngton' and lobanna, his wife — of a moiety of three messuages, 
two shops, forty acres of land, two and a half acres of meadow 
and seven shillings and eight pence of rent in XJilla de sancto 
Noeto^ 

154 Between Thomas Pope — and Willelmus Gray of Qold- 
yngton' and loban^a, his wife— of a toft and eight acres of land 
in Uilla de sancto Noeto^ 

155 Between Willelmus Plomer of Fenstanton' — and Wil- 
lelmus Cokat and Eaterina, his wife — of a toft, seven and a 
half acres of land and a moiety of an acre of meadow in Fen- 
stanton**. 

156 Between Nicholaus Aumfles, chaplain, and Johannes 
Lord' — and lohannes Fermer and Margeria, his wife — of a toft, 
thirty acres of land, four acres of meadow, and of a third part of 
six messuages, ninety three acres of land and thirty acres of 
meadow in Haliwell', Slepe and Hemyngford' Gray. 

157 Between Willelmus Rysby and Emma, his wife— and 
Ricardus Eaunt' of Broughton' and Eaterina, his wife— of a 
messuage and twelve acres of land in Bypton' Abbatis. 

157a Between Nicholaus de Styuecle and Robertus Hunt- 
yngdon' of Catteworth' — and lohannes de Felmeresham and 
Cristiana, his wife — of a messuage, twenty acres of land and 
three acres of meadow in Slepe and Wodehirst". 

See also No. 13 on page 90 below. 

49 Ed. m. 

158 Between Willelmus Lepham, lohannes Belton' of 
Staunford', lohannes Cope, chaplain, lohannes Houseby, chap- 
lain, Willelmus Hothum and Willelmus Barbour of Hakenay 
— and lohannes Colne and Alicia, his wife — of a messuage, four 
tofts, eighty acres of land, twelve acres of meadow and forty two 
shillings of rent in Someresham and Bluntesham. 

169 This fine should have been filed among those of 
48 Ed. III. See No, 157a on this page. 

^ Made in one term in this year and recorded in another. 

* This fine is filed among the fines of 49 Ed. m. and there numbered 159, 



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48 EDWARD III— 1 RICHARD IL 87 

160 Between Simon Clerk' and Elena, his wife — and Simon 
Newebond' and Katerina, his wife — of a messuage and three 
acres of land in Magna Grantesden*. 

161 Between Willelmus Blosme of OflFord' Cluny, chaplain, 
and Bicardus Boger of Offord Daneys, chaplain — and Bobertus 
Waryn of Offord Daneys and E^terina, his wife^-of a messuage, 
sixty acres of land, eight acres of wood, and eight shillings of 
rent in Qrafbam and Haylweston'^ 

162 Between Johannes de Styuecle, and Andreas Mewes, 
chaplain — and Bicardus Ledere and Agnes, his wife— of a 
moiety of twelve acres of land in Spaldewyk' and Parua 
Catworth'^ 

163. This fine should have been placed among those of 
60 Ed. III. See No. 166a on this page. 

164 Between Thomas Parker of Bokeden' — and Beginaldus 
Bouceby and Alicia, his wife — of a messuage in Bokeden*. 

50 Ed. m. 

165 Between Johannes Disshere of Magna Grantesden' — 
and Willelmus Ejris and Katerina, his wife — of twenty two acres 
of land, an acre of wood, three pence of rent and a fourth part 
of a messuage in Magna Grantesden'. 

166 Between Bicardus Bauen — and Johannes West and 
Johanna, his wife — of a messuage in Uilla de sancto Neoto. 

166a Between Thomas filius Thome de Wauton*, 'chiualer * 
— and Johannes Empol — of a third part of the manor of Magna 
Stokton', which Qalfridus de Drayton' holds for a term of life". 

51 Ed. in. 

none. 

1 Ric. n. 

Case 9^. File SI. 

1 Between Bobertus Beaumeys — and Johannes Peuerell' 

1 Made in one term in this year and recorded in another, 
s This fine was made in 42 Ed. III. and recorded in this year. It is filed 
among the finee of 49 Sd. HI. and there numbered 163, 



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88 HUNTINGDONSHIRE FINES. 

and Petronilla, his wife — of a messuage and twenty acres of 
land in Stonla 

2 Between Robertus Waryn of Offord', Galfridus Hildegar, 
Robertus de Huntyngdon', lohannes Couesgraue of Eton' and 
Thomas Walton* of Upwode — and Nicholaus de Styuede, senior 
— of the manors of Cleryuauxmaner, Deeuesmaner, Presteles- 
maner, Nokesmaner, Beaufoesmaner and Croflesmaner in 
Upwode, Bichampstede, Huntyngdon', Magna Bauele, Magna 
Stokton' and Magna Styuecle, and of twenty two messuages, 
one hundred acres of land, six acres of meadow and ten marks 
and two shillings of rent in Huntyagdon', Bichampstede, 
Pirie, Wardebois, Hailweston', Delyngton', Wistowe, Height- 
mondegroue, Rameseye, Magna Styuecle, Magna Stokton' and 
Magna Bauele. 

3 Between Hubertus de Lacford', chaplain, John Crouch', 
chaplain, Hugo de Brampton', Willelmus Wykham and Willel- 
mus Spenser — and lohannes Brampton' of Someresham and 
Isabella, his wife — of three messuages, two carucates of land, 
twenty four acres of meadow, twenty six acres of wood, ten 
acres of marsh and five shillings of rent in Someresham. 

4 Between lohannes Crouch, chaplain, Willelmus Wikham 
and Willelmus Spenser of Guere — and Robertus Wodehous 
and Elizabetha, his wife — of a messuage, eleven acres of 
land, four acres of meadow and eighteen pence of rent in 
Somersham. 

5 Between lohannes de Styuecle, Nicholaus de Styuecle, 
lohannes Glatton' and Radulfus Qiddyng' of Huntyngdon' — 
and Ricardus Dyte of Raundes and Margeria, his wife — of 
thirty acres of land, three acres of meadow and two parts of a 
messuage in Bythern'^ 

6 Between Robertus Huntyngdon' of Catworth', Laurencius 
Miltcombe and Willelmus Rodelond of Craunfeld' — and Willel- 
mus de Wassynglee and Isabella, his wife — of two messuages, 
six shops, twenty acres of land, three acres of meadow and two 
shillings of rent in Huntyngdon' ^ 

See also No. 12 on page 90 below. 

1 Mad9 in opq term of this year and recorded in another. 



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1—4 RICHARD II. 89 

a Ric. II. 

7 Between Ricardus de Treton*, clerk, and Adam de Ches- 
terfeld', clerk — and Ricardus Manfaale and Alicia, his wife— of 
a messuage, fifty two acres of land, eight acres of meadow, two 
shillings of rent and the rent of a capon in lakesle^ 

8 Between Thomas Elles worth', Willelmus Clerk', chaplain, 
and Simon Maister — and^ Simon Clerk' and Elena, his wife — 
of two messuages and twenty two acres of land in Magna 
Grantesdene. 

9 Between Robertus Waryn — and Thomas de Eston' and 
Margareta, his wife — of the manor called Broghton' maner in 
Oflforde Daneys. 

See also No. 11 on this page, 

3 Ric. II. 

10 Between Rogerus de Trumpyngton', knight, Petrus de 
Belgraue, parson of the church of Blounham, and Ricardus 
Shardelowe— and Willelmus Smyth' of Wolaston' and Lucia, 
his wife — of the manor of Magna Paxton'. 

11 Between Ricardus Parker, parson of the church of Magna 
Stokton', Walterus Almarie, Robertus Kirkeby, parson of the 
church of S* Peter, London', and Willelmus Boys, parson of the 
church of Mursle — and Hugo Brian and Cristiana, his wife — 
of a fourth part of the manor of Boudon'*. 

See also No. 14 on page 90 below. 

4 Ric. n.> 

See No. 19 on page 91 hehw. 

^ Made in one term of this year and recorded in another. 
' Made in the year 2 Bio. II. and recorded in this year. 
' No fines were levied in the Trinity term at the end of this regnal year. 
On 15 Jane 1381 the king adjoomed the sessions of the King's Bench and the 
Common Bench until the octave of the foUowing Michaelmas. 

tam propter inanditas et horribiles commociones et insorrecciones popoli 
regni nostri Anglic qnam pro pericalis ex hostiom nostrorum incursibos 
eaitandis ao aliis causis qnamploribus (Clou RoU 227, Memb. 1). 
The king's direction is printed from the Close Rolls in Bymer's Foedera 
(Ed. 1869), Vol. IV. p. 128. 



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90 HUNnNGDONSHiaE FINES. 

5 Rlc. n. 

12 Between Alanus de Belyngham, Nicholaus de Styuecle, 
seuior, Nicholaus de Styuecle, iunior, Richardus [Manhale, 
lohannes] Lord' of CollesdoD* iuxta Eton', lohannes de Styuecle 
and lohannes de Glatton' — and Willelmus filius Ade filii Wil- 
lelmi de Morewyk' — of the manor of Parua Gyddyngg' and a 
moiety of the manor of Copmandesford' called [Constantynes] 
and a moiety of the advowson of the church of Copmandes- 
ford'^ 

13 Between Robertus Waryn, Thomas de Styuecle, clerk, 
lohannes Repynghale, iunior, and lohannes Skele — and lohannes 
de Styuecle — of the manor of WoUe, which Elizabetha fitz 
Wyth' holds for a term of life". 

14 Between lohannes Wauton', Nicholaus de Styuecle, 
iunior, lohannes de Styuecle, lohannes Rokesdon', lohannes 
Bereford' and lohannes Morys, clerk — and Richardus Gaunt 
and Eaterina, his wife — of a messuage, twelve acres of land, 
four acres of meadow and a third part of thirty acres of land in 
Broghton' and Rypton' Abbatis*. 

15 Between Semanus Blome — and lohannes Colynson' and 
Alicia, his wife — of a messuage in Huntyngdon'. 

16 Between lohannes Freende of Holme — and Robertus 
Mathewe of Holme and Margareta, his wife — of a messuage, 
sixteen acres of land and two acres of meadow in Gonyngton'. 

6 Ric. U. 

17 Between Edmundus, abbot of Rameseye — and Robertus 
Hakford' — of two parts of a messuage, thirty six acres of land, 
and a moiety of an acre of meadow in Broghton'. 

See aUo No, 20 on page 91 opposite. 

7 Ric. U. 

18 Between lohannes Holt, Willelmus Thernyng', lohannes 

^ Made in the year 1 Rio. II. and recorded in ihia year. Nioholans de 
Stynecle, senior, is not a party to the fine as recorded. The fine is a little 
damaged. 

* Made in the year 48 Ed. III. and recorded in this year. 

> Made in the year 8 Bio. II. and recorded in this year. 



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5 — 8 RICHABD IL 91 

de Styuecle, Robertus Baa and lohannes Qlatton' — and Thomas 
Hildegare and Agnes, bis wife — of a messuage, two tofts, fifty 
acres of land^ a moiety of an acre of meadow, five shillings 
of rent and the rent of two capons in Bucworth*. 

19 Between lohannes de Herlyngton' — and lohannes Lord' 
of Leghton' — of thirty shillings of rent in Leghton'^ 

20 Between Thomas de Thorp' — and Henricus Prudde and 
Constancia, his wife — of two messuages in Huntyngdon'l 

21 Between lohannes de Styuecle, Kogerus Eeston' of 
Estwod', Robertus Huntyngdon', Willelmus Brokle, and Rober- 
tus Ventuser — and Thomas Fauconer and Elizabetha, his wife 
— of two messuages, a toft, eighty acres of land, and two acres 
of meadow in Keston'. 

22 Between Robertus Huntyngton', Willelmus KelshuU' 
and lohannes Bedel — and Rogerus Othe Hill' and Alicia, his 
wife-— of a messuage, eighteen acres of land and two acres of 
meadow in Spaldwyk' and Eston'. 

23 Between lohannes lohanesson' of Conyngton', chaplain 
—and Edmundus Fouleweder and Alicia, his wife — of a mes- 
suage, sixteen acres of land and two acres of meadow in Con- 
yngton'. 

8 Ric. n.* 

24 Between Thomas [Peynere], lohannes de Styuecle, Wil- 
lelmus Bellemakere, Willelmus Brokkelee, Ricardus Freman, 
clerk, lohannes Bullok' and Rogerus Keston' — ^and Ricardus 
Northfolk' and Margareta, his wife — of two messuages, eight 
tofts, a carucate of land, six acres of meadow, two acres of 
pasture, a penny of rent, and the rent of a left-hand glove 
in Keston'^ 

25 Between Thomas Peynere, lohannes de Styuecle, Wil- 
lelmus Bellemakere, Willelmus Brokkelee, Ricardus Freman, 
clerk, lohannes Bullok' and Rogerus Keston' — and Thomas 

1 Made in the year 4 Bio. EL and recorded in this year. 

s Made in the year 6 Bio. n. and reoorded in this year. 

' On 20 Jane in this year the king direoted an adjonmment of the oourts 
from the 25 Jane till the ootave of the foUowing Miohaelmas. His directions 
are printed in Bymer's Foedera (Ed. 172S), Vol. tii. p. 476. 

^ Latin 'redditns onios oiroteoe sinistre.' 



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92 HUNTIKODONSHIRE FINES. 

Fauconer and Elizabetha, his wife — of two messuages, eight 
tofts, a carucate of land, six acres of meadow, two acres of 
pasture, a penny of rent, and the rent of a left-hand glove 
in Keston'. 

Case 94. File 32. 

26 Between lohannes Porter and Agnes, his wife, and 
lohannes Brewer of Someresham — and . lohannes Toenton' of 
Burgus sancti Petri and lobanna, his wife— of a messuage in 
Someresham. 

27 Between Thomas Crowe of Parua Stokton' — ^and Rogenis 
Gregori of Magna Stokton' and lohanna, his wife — of a mes- 
suage, thirty three acres of land and six acres of meadow in 
Magna Stokton'^ 

28 Between lohannes Porter and Agnes, his wife, and 
lohannes Brewer of Someresham — and Thomas Pedele and 
Matillis, his wife — of a messuage in Someresham. 

Ric. II. 

29 Between lohannes de Hemyngford', Walterus Walsshe, 
and Ricardus de Hemyngford' — and Alicia Bray— of two parts 
of the manor of Stokton'. 

30 Between Alicia Bray — and lohannes de Hemyngford, 
Walterus Walsshe and Ricardus de Hemyngford — of two parts 
of the manor of Stokton' '. 

31 Between Thomas Herayngton', Nicholaus Westerdale, 
and Robertus W()dehous — and Hugo Grenham and Eaterina, 
his wife, and Willelmus Gerueys and Matillis, his wife — of a 
moiety of the manor of Puttok' Herdewyk'^ 

32 Between lohannes de Styuecle, lohannes Wakefeld', 
clerk, lohannes Repynghale, Robertus Beaumeys, lohannes 
Conyngton' and Robertus Conyngton' — and Ricardus Wystowe 
and Elizabetha, his wife — of a moiety of four tofts, twenty 
seven acres of land and an acre of meadow in Sautre. 

See also No. 36 on page 93 opposite. 

lo Kic. n. 

33 Between lohannes Holt, knight, Robertus Dykeswell', 

^ Made in one term of this year and reoorded in another. 



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8 — 12 RICHARD II. 93 

Bobertus Beuyle, Robertas Baa, lohannes Flaundrys and 
lohannes Warxewyk' — and Thomas Hildegare — of the manor 
of Styuecle called Raulynesmanoir. 

11 Ric. n. 

34 Between lohannes Lucas, parson of the church of All 
Saints, Sautre, lohannes Bereford', senior, and lohannes 
Stodelee — and Willelmus Moigne, 'chiualer/ and Maria, his 
wife — of the manors of Sautre, Rauele, Giddyng', Ludyngton' 
and Boweye, and of the advowson of the church of All 
Saints, Sautre. 

35 Between lohannes Holt, knight, Nicholaus de Styuecle, 
knight, Eobertus DekyswelV, Willelmus Wassyngle, Bobertus 
Baa, lacobus «de Qrancestre, lohannes Harlyngton', iunior, 
and lohannes Warwyk' — and lohannes de Styuecle and Agnes, 
his wife— of the manor of Styuecle called Baulynysmanoir. 

36 Between Beginaldus Ragon, Willelmus Skot', lohannes 
Heruy, Bobertus Meynell', lohannes Lord and lohannes 
Couesgrane — and lohannes Styuecle and Ricardus Elyngton' 
— of two parts of the manor of Stokton'^ 

See also No. 37 on this page, and No. 40 on pa^e 94. 

la Ric. II. 

37 Between lohannes de Styuecle and lohannes Lord' of 
CoUesden' — and Bobertus de Stokes, knight, and Araicia, his 
wife — of the manor of Parua Giddyng*, and a moiety of the 
manor of Copmandesford called Costantynes and a moiety of 
the advowson of the church of Copmandesford'*. 

38 Between lohannes Scot of Eton' and Emma, his wife 
— and lohannes Smyth' of Eton' and lohanna, his wife-— of two 
messuages and thirty acres of land in Eynesbury. 

39 Between Thomas Mortymer, knight, Nicholaus de 
Styuecle, knight, lohannes Brunne, Bobertus Dykeswell', Bo- 
bertus Hethe, Thomas Skelton', Willelmus Gascoigne, lohannes 
Cassy, lohannes Heruy, lohannes Herlyngton', iunior, Robertus 

* Made in 9 Rio. n. and recorded in this year. 
' Made in 11 Ric. n. and recorded in this year. 



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94 HUNTINQDONSHIRE FINES. 

Baa, Bicardus Botiller, Bobertus Huntyngdon', lohannes de 
Styuecle and Agnes, his wife, and lohannes filias lohannis de 
Styuecle — and Andreas Broun and Katerina, his wife-— of the 
manor of Wulle. 

13 Rlc. II. 

40 Between Thomas de Arundell', bishop of Ely, lohanna 
de Bohun, countess of Hereford and Essex, lohannes Holt, 
knight, Nicholaus de Styuecle, knight, lohannes Lincoln', 
clerk, Willelmus Themjmg', Bobertus Dekeswell', Bobertus 
Baa, lohannes Herlyngton', senior, and lohannes Herlyngton', 
iunior — and lohannes de Styuecle and lohannes Lord' of Col- 
lesden' — of the manor of Parua Giddyng', a moiety of the 
manor of Copmandesford' called Constantynes* and a moiety 
of the advowson of the church of Copmandesford'^ 

14 and 16> Ric. U. 

none. 

16 Ric. n. 

41 Between Nicholaus de Styuecle, knight, lohannes de 
Styuecle, Thomas Warde, parson of the church of Catworth', 
Bogerus Keston', Willelmus Ferour, vicar of the church of 
Mallyng', and Bogerus Austyn — and Bobertus Huntyngdon' of 
Catworth' — of five messuages, ten tofts, one hundred and 
sixty six acres of land, two acres of meadow and twenty 
shillings of rent in Magna Catworth', Huntyngdon' and Parua 
Paxton'». 

42 Between Simon de Burgh', lohannes de Southo, clerk, 

1 Made in 11 Rio. II. and recorded in this year after the death of lohannes 
Herlyngton' iunior. 

* On 30 May in this year (a.d. 1392) the king adjonmed the session of 
the Common Bench from the morrow of Trinity at Westminster till the morrow 
of the feast of St John the Baptist next foUowing (25 Jane 1392) at York 
{Close Roll 240, Memb. 3). On 26 October 1392 he directed the Hilary session 
of tke Common Bench to be held at Westminster on the nsoal day (Close Roll 
241, Memb. 36). 

* Made in one term of this year and recorded in another. 



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12—19 RICHAED II. 96 

and Robertus Touselond', clerk — and Willelmus de la Lee of 
Swafham and Elizabeths^, his wife — of a messuage, a carucate 
of land, twelve acres of meadow and sixty shillings of rent 
in Bowedon', Dodyngton' and Southo, which Eaterina de 
Wykeham holds for a term of life. 

17 Rlc. II. 

43 Between Johannes Pottere of Euerton' — and Ricardus 
Conper of Dunton' and Matillis, his wife — of a messuage and 
an acre of land in Euerton' ^ 

See also Noa, 46 and 4iJ below. 

18 Ric. n. 

44 Between Thomas Baston', clerk, and Willelmus LoUe- 
worth' — and Johannes Cross of Stepilgyddyng' and Elena, his 
wife — of a messuage, eighty acres of land and ten acres of 
meadow in Stepilgyddyng'. 

45 Between Ricardus Rauen, Adam Tippere, Willelmus 
Michel, chaplain, and Johannes Michel, chaplain — and Robertus 
Baa and Margareta, his wife— of five messuages, two tofts, 
sixty acres of land, an acre and a rood of meadow, and five 
shillings and four pence of rent in Eynesbury and Uilla 
de sancto Neoto. 

10 Rlc. II. 

46 Between Nicholaus de Styuecle, knight, Johannes 
Brunne, Willelmus Wenlok', Johannes Mulsho, Ricardus 
Boteler, Robertus de Baa and Johannes de Styuecle — and 
Thomas Grendale— of three messuages, three virgates of land 
and ten shillings of rent in Copmanford' and Upton*. 

47 Between Willelmus Moigne, knight, and Maria, his 
wife, Johannes Lucas, clerk, and Radulfus Cook', clerk — and 
Thomas Grendale— of the manor of Beawemeys, ten messuages, 

1 Made in one term of this year and recorded in another. 
* Made in the year 17 Bie. II. and recorded in this year after the death of 
Nicholaus de Styuecle. 



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96 HUNTINQDONSHIRE FINE& 

four virgates, twenty acres of land, six shillings of rent and a 
moiety of a virgate of land in Sautre\ 

ao Kic. n. 

48 Between lohannes Bithurst and Margareta, his wife, 
lohannes CruU' and lohannes Fraunceys of Conyogton' — and 
lohannes Barkere, chaplain — of two tofts, sixty eight acres of 
land, and two acres of meadow in Conyngton'. 

ai Ric. n. 

49 Between Willelmus Reem — and Willelmus Halstede 
and Isabella, his wife — of a messuage, a toft, twenty one acres 
of land, and a moiety of an acre of meadow in Weresle. 

aa Ric. n. 

50 Between Thomas Parys, clerk, and lohannes Herlyngton' 
— and lohannes Tauerner of Huntyngdon and Isabella, his 
wife — of two messuages in Huntyngdon'. 

as Kic. n. 

none. 

1 and a Hen. IV.* 

none. 

Case 94. File 33. 

3 Hen. IV. 

1 Between Edmund, parson of the church of WodhuU', 
John, parson of the church of Belgraue, John Holand', and 

^ Made in the year 17 Bic. n. and recorded in this year. 

* From this date aU Christian names are translated into English. Simames 
are printed as they are written in the original fines. The words '*In niUa 
de sanoto luone " and *< In uilla de sancto Neoto " are translated into English as 
"In the town of S* Ives" and "In the town of S* Neots*' respectively, 
and where any yariation from these Latin forms, which is of any interest, oocnrs 
in the original, attention is drawn to it in a footnote. 



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19 RICHARD II— 6 HENRY IV. 97 

John Fenere— and William Byngham and Alice, his wife — of 
two messuages and an acre of land in the town of S' Neots. 

4 Hen. IV. 

2 Between John Peek' — and Thomas Clement' and Mar- 
garet, his wife — of a messuage in Yakesle. 

3 Between Henry Stokes of Yakesley — and Thomas 
Clement and Margaret, his wife — of four acres of land in 
Ouerton' Longeuyle. 

4 Between William London' — and John Wryghte of Wyn- 
pool and Sarah, his wife — of a messuage, an acre and three 
rooils of land and a moiety of an acre of meadow in Hayl- 
weston'. 

See also No. 5 on this page. 

6 Hen. IV. 

5 Between John Houghton', chaplain — and William Bramp- 
ton, citizen of London, and Alice, his wife — of the manor of 
Herdewyk', otherwise called the manor of Tothalesbury^ 

6 Hen. IV. 

6 Between John Belle of lakesley and Joan, his wife — and 
Thomas Clement and Margaret, his wife^-of eight acres of 
land, an acre of meadow and a moiety of a messuage in 
Stilton'. 

7 Between John Lucas, clerk, and Roger Louthe — and 
Thomas Priour and Joan, his wife, William Clereuaux, senior, 
and Robert Langton' — of the manor of Sautre called Moigne 
Manoir and the manors of Rauele, Giddyng', Ludyngton' and 
Rowey, and of the advowson of the church of All Saints, 
Sautre. 

8 Between William Est, John Spencer, William Barnewell' 
and William Wardale— and Thomas Clement' of Yakesle and 
Margaret, his wife — of five messuages, thirty six acres of land, 
four acres of meadow, and of a third part of five messuages, 

^ Made in the year 4 Hen. IV. aQ4 rOQOrded in this year. 
C. A. 8. Octavo Series. XXXVH, "^ 



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98 HUNTINGDONSHIRE FINES. 

seventy acres of land and twenty acres of meadow in 
Yakesle^ 

7 Hen. IV. 

9 Between John Taillour, parson of the church of Therfeld', 
John Lark', clerk, and John Wyne of Sautre — and John 
Vyncent of Rothewell* and Margaret, his wife — of a messuage, 
fifty eight acres of land, three acres of wood and twenty five 
shillings and eight pence of rent in Qraf ham. 

See also Nos. 10 and IS on this page. 

8 Hen. IV. 

10 Between John Bandolf, chaplain — and Thomas de Dacre 
— of a moiety of the manor of MuUysworth' called Lyndeseys, 
and of a moiety of the advowson of the church of MuUysworth'*. 

11 Between Roger Hunte and William Spenser — and 
Roger Chaumberlayn of Huntyngdon' and Agnes, his wife — of 
a messuage and two shops in Huntyngdon'. 

12 Between William Bumard of Euerton* — and Walter 
Weston' of Euerton' and Catherine, his wife — of a messuage 
and an acre and a half of land in Euerton'. 

13 Between Thomas Wauton' and Elizabeth, his wife — and 
John de Styuecle and Robert Scot — of the manor of Stokton' *. 

Hen. IV. 

14 Between Roger Lowethe, John Cok, clerk, and John 
Stodelaye — and Mary le Moigne — of the manor of Beavmejrs. 

1 5 Between William MuUysworth' and Elizabeth, his wife 
— and John de Herlyngton' and Joan, his wife — of the manor 
of Puttokherdewyk. 

lO Hen. IV. 

16 Between Thomas Rose, chaplain, John Wayte, chaplain, 
and John Maddyngle — and John Rauele and Cecily, his wife — 
of a messuage in Rameseye. 

^ Made in one tenn of this year and recorded in another. 
3 Made in the year 7 Hen. IV. and recorded in this year. 



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6 — 14 HENRY IV. 99 

17 Between William Spenser, Robert Eyr of Tichemerash*, 
and John Kyrkeby — and William Beraewell' and Alice, his 
wife — of two messuages, thirty three acres of land, five acres 
of meadow and two parts of a messuage in lakesle. 

See also No, 18 on this page, 

11 Hen. IV. 

18 Between Thomas Beuyle, Roger Hunt, John Botiller 
and Robert Scot — and Joan, the widow of John Harlyngton'— of 
the manor of Ouerton' Wateruyle, and of a messuage and forty 
acres of land in Ouerton' Wateruyle, and of the advowson of 
the church of the same manor, and of the advowsons of two 
chantries in the same church ^ 

19 Between John Laurence, clerk, Stephen Plavys, clerk, 
and John Salle, clerk — and John de Styuecle — of the manor of 
WoUe, and of the advowson of the church of W^oUe '. 

la Hen. IV. 

20 Between William Bate — and William Cheyne and 
Emma, his wife— of a messuage, thirty acres of land and two 
acres of meadow in Grofham. 

13 Hen. IV. 

21 Between John Denton' and William Man — and John 
Devyir of Huntyngdon' and Constance, his wife — of four mes- 
suages, fourteen acres of land and a moiety of four messuages 
in Huntyngdon' and Magna Styuecle. 

22 Between William Qyllour and John Maxey of S* Ives — 
and Walter Sterne and Joan, his wife — of two messuages, 
forty acres of land, twelve acres of meadow, twelve acres of 
pasture and thirty three shillings and four pence of rent in 
Fennystanton'. 

14 Hen. IV. 

none. 

1 Made in the year 10 Hen. IV. and recorded in this year. 
' Made in one term of this year and recorded in another. 

7—2 



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100 HUNTINGDONSHIRE FINES. 

Case 94. FUe 34. 

1 Hen. V. 

1 Between Thomas Lounde of Shefford', William Tappe, 
clerk, John Makeseye and John Pulter of the town of S^ Ives 
— and Roger Butte of Flytte in the county of Bedford and 
Alice, his wife — of a messuage in the town of S* Ives. 

See also No. 2 on this page. 

a Hen. V. 

2 Between Thomas Gymber of Elyngton* — and William 
Trylle, otherwise called William Rotheweir, and Alice, his wife- 
— of a messuage, forty acres of land and six acres of meadow 
in Eston' \ 

3 Between Alice, the widow of William Fyssher of Turvey — 
and John Elys of Eton' in the county of Bedford and Joan, his 
wife-— of a messuage, six shops and thirty acres three and a 
half roods of land in S* Neots in the county of Huntingdon, 
and of two acres two and a half roods of meadow in Eton' in 
the county of Bedford •. 

4 Between William Gillour of Fenystanton' in the county 
of Huntingdon — and Walter Grene of Popeler in the county 
of Middlesex and Alice, his wife — of a messuage, a croft and 
three acres of land in Fenystanton' in the aforesaid county of 
Huntingdon '. 

3 Hen. V. 

6 Between Nicholas Chekesand' — and John Charteres and 
Margaret, his wife — of a messuage in the town of S* Ives. 

6 Between Thomas Hoore of Childerlee, Henry Helperby, 
John Crabbe, William Heme, John Roys, William Martyn 
and John Davy — and John Hoore, esquire, and Joan, his wife — 
of the manor of Bauelee, three acres of meadow and forty 
shillings of rent issuing from the manor of Sawetre, and 
of the advowson of a third part of the church of All Saints 
of Sawetre. 

I Made in the year 1 Hen. Y. and recorded in this year. 
' This fine, which was made in one term of this year and recorded in another, 
should have been filed among those of Divers Coanties. 
> Made in one term of this year and recorded in another. 



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1 — 6 HENRY V. • . . .101. 

7 Between Richard Kyng', chaplain, John Dunhed', William 
Est and John Lord' — and William Daye of Herforth' and Ellen, 
his wife — of two tofts, eighteen acres of land and three acres 
of meadow in Grafham. 

4 Hen. V. 

8 Between John Melbum' and John Clare — and Robert 
Botle of Magna Stoghton' in the county of Huntingdon and 
Margery, his wife — of a messuage, forty acres of land, eighty 
acres of pasture and ten acres of wood in Le Moor in the 
parish of Magna Stoghton'. 

9 Between John Hauke, clerk, William Est, chaplain, and 
Robert Freest of Wynewyk — and John Coyfe of Wermyngton' 
and Alice, his wife — of two messuages, thirty two acres of land 
and twelve pence of rent in W3niewyk. 

10 Between Richard Grymbaud' and Robert Wright, chap- 
lain — and John Morys and Mary, his wife — of sixteen mes- 
suages, two hundred and fifteen acres of land, foui*teen acres 
of meadow and a penny of rent, in Weston', Huntyngdon', 
Houghton', Portholme and Sautry *. 

11 Between John Pulter of S^ Ives, John Makessey and 
William Gillour — and Thomas Pollard' and Rose, his wife — of a 
messuage, eleven acres of land and four acres of meadow in 
Nydyngworth' and Halywell'. 

6 Hen. V. 

12 Between John Smyth' of Bychamsted', carpenter, John 
Stoughton' of Magna Stoughton' and John Smyth' of Stough- 
ton', junior — and John Bocher of Bychamsted', junior, and 
Agnes, his wife — of a messuage, and ten acres and a rood of 
land in Bychamsted'. 

6 Hen. V. 

13 Between Thomas Beuyle and William Est — ^and William 
Grymbaud' and Agnes, his wife — of two messuages, fifty four 
acres of land, three and a half acres of meadow, three shillings 

^ Made in one term of this year and recorded in another. 



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J02 BU-NTINGDONSHIRE FINES. 

and 'four pence of" rent and the rent of two capons in 
Woldweston'*. 

14 Between John Tauton' and John Trelay— and William 
Herie, esquire, and Margaret, his wife — of the manor of Southo, 
and of six messuages, one hundred acres of land, twelve acres 
of meadow, six acres of wood, and ten marks of rent in 
Ouerton' Watervile in the county of Huntingdon, and of the 
manors of Oneby and Skylyngton' in the county of Lincoln *. 

See also No. 15 on this page, 

7 Hen. V. 

15 Between John Scot, senior, John Wyssynden' and John 
Scot, junior — and John BuUok' and Catherine, his wife, and 
Koger Hunt and Margery, bis wife— of a messuage in the town 
ofS*Neots«. 

8 Hen. V. 

none. 

O Hen. V. 

16 Between Robert Pekke of Huntyngdon' — and Lewis 
Gelly and Margery, his wife — of a third part of a messuage in 
Huntyngdon*. 

See also No, VJ on this page, 

lO Hen. V. 

17 Between Walter Mayell* and Joan, his wife — and John 
Fisshere of S^ Neots and Margaret, his wife — of a messuage in 
the town of S' Neots, which Richard Joynour and Catherine, 
his wife, hold for the term of the life of the same Catherine^ 

18 Between Thomas Philipp*, clerk, Bartholomew Brokesby, 
esquire, and John Fette of Huntyngdon' — and Richard Bures, 
citizen and mercer of London — ^^of a messuage and four acres of 
meadow in Huntyngdon'. 

1 Made in one term of this year and recorded in another. 
' This fine, which was made in one term of this year and recorded in another, 
should have been filed among those of Divers Counties. 
> Idade in the year 6 Hen. Y. and recorded in this year. 
* Made in the year 9 Hen. V. and recorded in this year. 



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6 HENRY V — 4 HENRY VI. 103 

Case 94. File 35. 

1 Hen. VI. 

1 Between John Hore of Chylderle — and Richard Walde- 
graue, knight, junior — of the manor of Magna Rauelee, and 
of three acres of meadow in Sawetre, and of forty shillings 
of rent issuing from the manor of Sawetre, and also the 
advowson of a third part of the church of All Saints of 
Sawetre. 

2 Between John Gedney, citizen and clothier of London, 
John Fray of the county of Hertford, Richard Stace, citizen 
and 'iueler' of London, Edmund Twyne, citizen and 'grocer' of 
London, and William Baron, citizen and *dyer' of London — and 
John Knyuet, knight — of the manor of Parua Giddyng. 

a Hen. VI. 

3 Between John CoUes of Huntyngdon', John Almot, 
clerk, and Nicholas Fraunceys of Huntyngdon' — and Richard 
Makesay of Huntyngdon* and Agnes, his wife — of a messuage 
in Huntyngdon'. 

4 Between John Druell', parson of the church of Assheby 
in the county of Northampton, John Assheton', William 
Tresham, Stephen Druell', John Druell', clerk, John Smyth', 
Thomas Danyell' and William Druell' — and Thomas Dengayne 
and Margaret, his wife— of the manor of Weresley. 

3 Hen. VI. 

5 Between Robert Gonyld', clerk, John Halby, clerk, 
William Drewell', John Gonyld', Thomas Danyell' and William 
Daundeleyn' — and John BuUok' and Catherine, his wife— of two 
messuages in the town of S^ Neots. 

4 Hen. VI. 

6 Between John Druell', parson of the church of Assheby, 
John Druell', clerk, and William Druell' — and Thomas Kemsale 
and Maud, his wife — of a messuage in the town of S* Neots. 



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104 HUNTINGDONSHIRE FINES. 



6 Hen. VI. 



7 Between John Catelyn of Magna Grantesden', senior, and 
Thomas Catelyn — and John Smyth' of Magna Wylburgham 
and Joan, his wife, and William Cole and Agnes, his wife^-of 
a messuage, three and a half acres and a rood of land and an 
acre of wood in Magna Qrantesden'. 

6 Hen. VI. 

8 Between John Grandesden' and Isabel, his wife — and 
Thomas Boxworth' of Aysshewell' and Catherine, his wife — of a 
messuage in the town of S* Neots. 

9 Between John Ayleston', clerk, Philip Dalton', clerk, 
Thomas Smyth', clerk, Thomas Beuylle, esquire, and Thomas 
Beuylle, chaplain — and Simon Home of Dauentre and Eliza- 
beth, his wife, John Barlowe and Agnes, his wife, and Thomas 
Acard' and Christian, his wife — of a messuage, a carucate of 
land, nine acres of meadow, two shillings and eight pence 
of rent and the rent of four capons in MuUesworth'. 

7 to Hen. VI. 

See No. 10 on this page. 

10 Hen. VI. 

10 Between John Milton' and James Moor — and William 
Moor and Amice, his wife — of a messuage, three and a half 
acres of land and a moiety of an acre of meadow in Nydyng- 
worth', Wodehyrst and the town of S* Ives \ 

See also Nos. 14 and 15 on page 105 opposite, 

1 1 Hen. VI. 

11 Between Nicholas Stewecley, knight, and Agnes, his 
wife — and Ralph Steucle — of twenty messuages in Ramesey. 

12 Between John Popham, knight, Robert Burton', William 
Staunford' and John Tropeuell' — and John BuUok' and Cathe- 
rine, his wife — of the manor of Magna Pazton'. 

^ Made in the year 9 Hen. YI. and recorded in thifl year. 



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5 — 12 HENRY VI. 105 

13 Between Edward Brounflet, esquire, and Joan, his wife 
— and Reynold Eentewode, dean of the cathedral church of 
S^ Paul, London, William Beauchamp', knight, and Elizabeth, 
his wife, and Richard Valdryan, clerk — of the manor of Ouer- 
ton' Longeuyle, and of the advowson of the church of the same 
manor. 

14 Between John Tiptoft', knight, John Dalton', clerk, John 
Lee, Roger Hunte, John Wyot, Roger Smyth', John Canne 
and Robert Slogh' — and Thomas BevylF and Joan, his wife — of 
the manors of Prestley and Nokes in Magna Stewekley, and 
four pounds six shillings and eight pence of rent in 
Huntyngdon' \ 

15 Between Nicholas Stewekley, knight, and Agnes, his 
wife — and Thomas Bevill' and Joan, his wife — of twenty mes- 
suages in Ramesey^ 

16 Between John Dreweir, clerk, and Henry Penwortham, 
clerk — and Simon Home of Dauentre and Elizabeth, his wife 
— of five messuages, two tofts, a dovehouse, three hundred 
acres of land, sixteen acres of meadow and six pence of 
rent in Keston'. 

17 Between Richard Heth*, clerk, and Henry Heth' — and 
Robert Stonham, esquire, sheriff of Huntingdonshire, and 
Mary, his wife — of the manor of Grofham. 

18 Between John Tiptoft, knight, John Lee, Roger Hunt, 
John Wyot, Roger Smyth', John Cane and Robert Slogh' — and 
Ralph Stucle— of the manors of Prestley and Nokes in Magna 
Stewekley, and four pounds six shillings and eight pence of 
rent in Huntyngdon'. 

la Hen. VI. 

19 Between William Castell' and Isabel, his wife — and 
William Malory and Agnes, his wife — of a messuage, a toft, 
sixty acres of land, eight acres of meadow, three shillings of 
rent and the rent of two capons in Glatton'. 

20 Between John Fray, Wiiliam Tresham, Thomas Glade- 
man, Hugh Dyke and John Chirche — and William Euerdon' 
and Ellen, his wife— of a messuage in Huntyngdon'. 

^ Made in the year 10 Hen. YI. and recorded in this year. 



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106 HUNTINQDONSHIBE FINES. 

21 Between John DrewelF, clerk, and Henry Penwortham, 
clerk — and Thomas Agard' and Christian, his wife— of five 
messuages, two tofts, a dovehouse, three hundred acres of land, 
six acres of meadow and six pence of rent in Eeston*. 

13 Hen. VI. 

22 Between William Tresham, Thomas Qladman' and John 
Gage — and Ralph Pakyngton' and £mma, his wife — of the 
manor of Albotesley in the county of Huntingdon \ 

14 Hen. VI. 

23 Between John Eyr — and Roger Martyn', esquire, and 
Agnes, his wife — of a toft, eighty acres of land, twelve acres 
of meadow and two acres of pasture in Bytherne. 

24 Between William Kokayn* — and John Clare of Kym- 
balton' and Margaret, his wife — of a messuage in Kymbalton'. 

16 Hen. VI. 

25 Between Robert Why tebrede, chaplain, John Dabelloun*, 
clerk, and Simon Trewe — and John Dunhed* and Robert 
Dunhed', son and heir of John Dunhed' — of a messuage, two 
tofts, one hundred and sixty acres of land, twelve acres of 
meadow, one hundred and sixty acres of pasture, two acres of 
wood and fourteen pence and a halfpenny of rent in Parua 
Catworth'. 

Case 94. File 36. 

16 Hen. VI. 

26 Between William Babthorp', Robert Large, citizen and 
mercer of London, William Soper, esquire, John Chirche, 
citizen and mercer of London, and Isabel, his wife, and Thomas 
Staunton', citizen and mercer of London' — and Thomas Brook', 
knight, and Joan, his wife — of the manor of Ufford Deynys, 
and of the advowson of the church of Ufford Deynys, 

^ Thifl fine contains a warranty by Balph and Emma against the abbot of 
S^ James, Northampton, and his successors. 



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12 — 24 HENRY VI. 107 

17 Hen. VI. 

27 Between John Chiksand' of Huntyngdon and Alice, his 
wife — and William Denton' of Huntyngdon' and Margaret, his 
wife — of a messuage in Huntyngdon'. . 

18 Hen. VI. 

28 Between Roger Hunte, John Leget, John Copull*, and 
John Cullan — ^and Julia Parker and JohA Thornton' and Eleanor, 
his wife — of the manor of Ripton' Abbatis called Russhebyes- 
maner, two hundred acres of land, twenty acres of meadow and 
thiffteen shillings and four pence of rent in Ripton' Abbatis. 

19 Hen. VI. 

29 Between William Lassell', clerk, John Langton', clei'k, 
Thomas Wauton, ' chiualer,' Robert Stonham, esquire, Lawrence 
Cheyne, esquire, Thomas Wesenham, esquire, John Lee, William 
Worlych' and John Gatle — and Robert Stretton' — of the manor 
of Dydyngton' called Grymbaudesmanoir. 

20 Hen. VI. 

none. 

21 Hen. VI. 

30 Between John Laurence, Richard Sapcote and John 
Collan' — and John Fox — of the manor of Upton' \ 

22 and 23 Hen. VI. 

none. 

24 Hen. VI. 

31 Between Richard Rycard' and Margaret, his wife — and 
Robert Weue and Agnes, his wife — of a messuage, a toft, a 
dovebouse, seventy acres of land and two acres of meadow 
in Sawetre. 

^ This fine contains a warranty bj John Fox against Edmund, abbot of 
Westminster, and his successors. It was made in one term of this year and 
recorded in another. 



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108 HUNTINGDONSHIRE FINES. 

26 Hen. VI. 

none. 

26 Hen. VI. 

32 Between Richard Smyth', chaplain of the parish church 
of Bryngton', John Eaton', chaplain of the parish church of 
Weston*, and William Bowendy, clerk, vicar of the church of 
Spaldewyke — and John Weston', esquire, and Joan, his wife — of 
a messuage, forty acres of land, ten acres of meadow, thirty 
acres of pasture and three acres of wood in Weston'-uppon'- 
Brouneswold'. 

27 Hen. VI. 

33 Between Henry Gymber — and Ralph Bagley and Isabel, 
his wife — of eight messuages, two carucates of land, ten acres 
of meadow, six acres of pasture, twenty acres of wood and ten 
shillings of rent in Dudyngton'. 

34 Between Henry Gymber — and Gilberc Goodfelawe and 
Margaret, his wife — of two messuages, one hundred and forty 
acres of land, eighteen acres of meadow, thirty acres of pasture, 
ten acres of wood and two shillings of rent in Elyngton'. 

See also No. 37 on page 109 opposite. 

28 Hen. VI. 

none. 

29 Hen. VI. 

35 Between John Pulter, William Judde and John Dunholt 
— and William Mores and Alice, his wife — of four messuages, 
a tofb, eighty four acres of land, seven and a half acres of 
meadow and three shillings and six pence of rent, in 
Wodeherst, S* Ives* and Nedyngworth', 

30 Hen. VI. 

none. 

^ Latin * in Wodeherst sanoti Inonis.' 



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25—37 HENRY VI. 109 

31 Hen. VI. 

36 Between John Mot weir — and Richard Brigges and Agnes, 
his wife — of a messuage and a garden in Huntyngdon' K 

32 and 33 Hen. VI. 

none. 

34 Hen. VI. 

37 Between John Hurlegh', clerk — and Ambrose Germyn' 
and Isabel, his wife — of a messuage, one hundred and seventy 
nine acres three roods of land and six shillings and eight pence 
halfpenny of rent in Broughton'*. 

36 Hen. VI. 

none. 

36 Hen. VI. 

38 Between John Pemberton', clerk — and John Chirche, 
citizen and mercer of London', and Isabel, his wife, and 
Thomas Staunton', citizen and mercer of London — of the manor 
of UfFord' Deynys, and of the advowson of the church of UflTord* 
Deynys. 

37 Hen. VI. 

39 Between John Oymber, John Faukes, John Bateman 
and Thomas Couper — and Gerard Chamberleyn' and Isabel, 
bis wife — of a toft, thirty acres of land, twelve acres of meadow, 
ten acres of pasture and sixteen acres of wood in Elyngton'. 

40 Between John Broughton', esquire, Walter Tailard', John 
Asshfeld', esquire, and Isabel Seint Martyn' — ^and Edmund 
Wareyn* and Margery, his wife — of eight messuages, one 
hundred acres of land, four acres of meadow, four acres of 
pasture and two shillings of rent in Grofham and Pery. 

1 This fine oontains a warranty by Riohard and Agnes against Edmund, 
abbot of Westminster, and his successors. 

* Made in the year 27 Hen. YI. and recorded in this year. 



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110 HUNTINGDONSHIRE FINES. 

41 Between William Copley, John Abbotsley, Lawrenee 
Jewet and Thomas Hunt — and Richard Brigges of Bury sancti 
Edmundi in the county of Suffolk, mercer, and Agnes, his 
wife— of a messuage, two gardens and four acres of land in 
Huntyngdon'*. 

38 and 39 Hen. VI. 

none. 

1 to 3 Ed. IV. 

none. 

4 Ed. rv.' 

Case 94. FUe 37. 

1 Between Henry Gymbre, Robert Arnold', John Vaux and 
John Chylde — and John Crouche and Margaret, his wife— of a 
messuage, forty eight acres of land and two acres of meadow in 
Olatton' and Sautre. 

5 Ed. rV. 

2 Between Agnes Forster, widow, Richard Chokke, one of 
the king's justices, William Canynges and William Kerver — 
and Richard WydevilF, knight, and Jaquetta, duchess of Bed- 
ford, his wife — of the manor of Mullesworth' and the advowson 
of the church of the same manor, and of sixteen messuages, 
twenty tofts, a dovehouse, a thousand acres of land, sixty acres 
of meadow, two thousand acres of pasture and twenty shillings 
of rent in Mullesworth'. 

6 and 7 Ed. IV. 

none. 

> This fine oontains a warranty by Richard and Agnes against John, abbot 
of Bury St Edmunds, and his successors. 

' There was no session of the Common Bench in the Trinity term of this 
year, the king having on 27 May 1464 adjourned it tiU 13 October next fol- 
lowing. 

ob ceiias eausas nos bonum et regni nostri AngUe ad presens tangentes 
et presertim propter infecoionem aeris pestiferi apnd oiuitatem nostram 
London' et uillam Westm' oircumuallentem (Clote Boll 822, Memb. 2). 



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37 HENRT VI — 14 EDWARD IV. Ill 

8 Ed. rV. 

3 Between John Gymber, vicar of the parish church of 
S* Neots, and John Dauntre — and Robert Ferrour and Joan, 
his wife— of two messuages, eight acres of land and a rood of 
meadow in S* Neots. 

4 Between George, duke of Clarence, Richard, earl of War- 
wick, Roger Tocotes, knight, John Tapton', clerk, and John 
Peke — and William Yorke, senior, and Elizabeth, his wife, 
formerly the wife of John Lokke, Thomas Bryan', serjeant-at- 
law, John Alburgh* and Henry Neweman* — of the manor of 
Albotesle called Scottismaner\ 

9 to 1 1 Ed. IV.' 

none. 

12 Ed. IV. 

5 Between Thomas Hunt, Simon Burton', Thomas Gylmyn', 
William Parker and William Markes — and Edmund Waren' 
and Margery, his wife — of the manor -of OfTord' Dacy, and of 
six messuages, eleven tofts, three hundred acres of land and 
twenty acres of meadow in OflFord' Dacy. 

13 Ed. rV. 

none. 

14 Ed. rV. 

6 Between Thomas Gilmyn', John Aspelon, William Druell', 
John Gilmyn' and Reynold Toney — ^and Robert Bullok' and 
Alice, his wife— of thirteen messuages, a toft, forty two acres of 
land, four acres of meadow and four pence of rent in S^ Neots. 

^ This fine contains a warranty by William and Elizabeth against George, 
abbot of Westminster, and his successora. 

' This period included the regnal year 49 Hen. YI., during which there 
were sessions of the Common Bench. It seems that there was no session 
in Easter term ^f 11 Edw. lY., which was the first term of the restoration of 
Edw. IV. 



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112 HUNTINGDONSHIRE FINES. 

16 Ed. IV. 

7 Between John Nicholl' — and Thomas Pulter, senior, 
esquire, and Anne, his wife — of seventeen messuages, four 
hundred acres of land, thirty acres of meadow and twenty 
acres of pasture in Eeston'. 

16 Ed. IV. 

8 Between John Broghton', junior, William Broghton', 
Thomas Taylard', clerk, William Taylard' and Thomas Burton' 
— and John Stucle and Margaret, his wife — of the mauors of 
Bugden' called Bretones maner in Bugden', Bechamstede called 
Beaufoes maner, and Croftes maner with the appurtenances in 
Bechamstede, Stoghton', Dilington' Pury and Hayleweston\ 

9 Between Robert Pemberton' of Higham Ferres, 'gen- 
tilman' — and Robert Stan hop' and Margaret, his wife — of 
eighty acres of land in Couenton**. 

17 Ed. IV. 

none. 

18 Ed. IV. 

10 Between William Sapcote, esquire, and Thomas Sapcote, 
esquire — and Robert Stanhop' and Margaret, his wife-— of the 
manor of Couenton', and thirty nine acres of land, three and a 
half acres of meadow and six acres of pasture in Couenton', 
and of the advowson of the church of Couenton', and also of 
view of frank-pledge to the same manor belonging '. 

19 to 21 Ed. IV.« 

none. 



1 This fine contains a warranty by John and Margaret against John, abbot of 
Westminster, and his successors. 

' This fine contains a similar warranty by Bobert and Margaret. 

' MS. * spectante.' 

* There were no sessions of the Common Bench in the Easter and Trinity 
terms of the year 19 Ed. lY. The session was adjourned from the quinzaine of 
Easter tiU the octave of Trinity by a writ dated 9 April 1479, and again from 



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16 EDWARD IV — 2 RICHARD III. 113 

22 Ed. IV. 

11 Between Thomas Myles and William Crouker — and 
Thomas Clyston' and Agnes, his wife— of a messuage in 
S* Neots\ 

1 Ed. V. 

nona 

1 Ric. III. 

1 Between William Taylard', Thomas Taylard*, clerk, John 
Taylard', Robert Arnold' and Thomas Harry — and Richard 
Fraunces and Margaret, his wife — of a messuage, a toft, forty 
acres of land and two acres of meadow in Parua Paxton' '. 

2 Ric. ni. 

2 Between John, bishop of Lincoln, John Dynham, knight, 
lord of Dynham, William Husee, knight, chief justice of the 
king's bench, Gervase Clyfton', knight, John Babyngton', 
knight, Richard Seynt George, knight, Richard Gardyner, 
citizen and alderman of London, Thomas Breteyn', citizen and 
alderman of London, Thomas Fitzwilliam, Thomas Cheyne, 
esquire, Thomas Neuyll', esquire, John Wake, esquire, John 
Broun', Robert Forster, John Mulso, Edmund Mulso, William 
Hyir, clerk, Robert Waweton', Christopher Druell', Thomas 
Burton', Richard Home and John Horwode— and John Stuecley 
and Margaret, his wife — of the manors of Nox, Presteley, 
Claryfax, Deyues and Beauchampstede, and of eighty mes- 
suages, ten tofts, two mills, three dovehouses, six hundred and 
sixteen acres of land, one hundred acres of meadow, two 
hundred acres of pasture, sixty acres of wood, one hundred 

the ootave of Trinity tiU the octave of Michaelmas by a writ dated 11 Jane 1479 
{Clo§e RoU 83S, m. 20). The cause of the adjournments was the plague, and the 
writs were in the same form as those used on a similar occasion in the year 
4 Ed. IV. (See p. 110, note 2 above.) 

^ This fine contains a warranty by Thomas and Agnes against John, abbot 
of Westminster, and his successors. 

* This fine contains a similar warranty by Bichard and Margaret. 

C. A. 8. Octavo Serie$. XXXVIL ^ 



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114 HUNTINGDONSHIRE FINES. 

acres of furze and heath, sixty acres of marsh and forty shilliDgs 
of rent, in Magna Stuecley, Uppewode, Magna Raueley, 
Ramsey, Wystowe, Wardeboys, Heghtmongroue, Magna Stough- 
ton', Pyrry, Halyweston', and Dilyngton*. 

3 Between John Baker, senior, John Baker, junior, Thomas 
Baker, Philip Aleyn' and John Wynde — ^and Thomas Loue and 
Agnes, his wife — of a messuage in Ramsey. 

4 Between William Drueir, Robert Arnold' and John 
Apthorp' — and Richard Folkys and Joan, his wife-— of a moiety 
of a messuage, eighty acres of land, eight acres of meadow, 
eight acres of wood, twelve acres of pasture, and twelve 
pence of rent in Werysley. 

3 Uc. III. 

none. 

1 Hen. VII. 

Case 94. File 38. 

1 Between John Chaundeler — and John Aleyn' and Agnes, 
his wife — of a messuage in the town of S* Neots. 

2 and 3 Hen. VII. 

none. 

4 Hen. VU. 

2 Between Edward Willouhgby, esquire, and Robert Logge, 
clerk — ^and William, earl Marshall and earl of Nottingham 
— of the manor of Fennystaunton'^ 

5 to 7 Hen. VII. 

none. 

8 Hen. VII. 

3 Between Robert Arnold' — and James Laurence and 
Agnes, his wife — of three messuages, two tofts, sixty acres 

1 This fine contains a warranty by the earl against John, abbot of Weat- 
minster, and his snoceesors. 



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2 RICHARD III— 14 HENRY VII. 116 

of land, four acres and a rood of meadow, four acres «f pasture 
and five shillings of rent in the towns of S* Neots and Magna 
Paxton. 

9 Hen. VII. 

none. 

10 Hen. VII. 

4 Between the King — and Thomas Atkynson* and Agnes, 
his wife — of three messuages, three gardens, twenty acres of 
land and eight acres of meadow in Glatton'\ 

11 Hen. VII. 

none. 

12 Hen. VII. 

5 Between William Taylard', Thomas Burton', Thomas 
Wauton', William Taylard', clerk, and Robert Arnold' — and 
John WaldesheflF' and Joan, his wife — of twelve messuages, 
two carucates of land, ten acres of meadow, forty acres of 
pasture and twenty acres of wood in Dudyngton', Bukton', 
Sutho and Bukeden'. 

13 Hen. VII. 

none. 

14 Hen. VII. 

6 Between Thomas Louell', knight — and John Mortimer, 
knight, and Margaret, his wife — of six pounds sixteen shillings 
and nine pence of rent in WoUey. 

7 Between John Casteir, junior, of the king's exchequer — 
and John Yaux, son and heir of Richard Yaux, late of Glatton', 
' yoman' — of a messuage, a toft, sixty acres of land, eight acres 
of meadow, and three shillings of rent and the rent of two 
capons in Glatton' ^ 

^ Levied with prodamatioiiB. 

8—2 



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116 HUNTINGDONSHIRE FINES. 

8 BeiiweeeD Laurence Marion' — and Thomas Judde and 
Margaret, his wife — of a messuage, eighty acres of land, twenty 
acres of meadow and two acres of wood in Hemyngford' 
Abbatis. 

16 and 16 Hen. VII. 

none. 

17 Hen. VII. 

9 Between Isabel Manyngham, widow, John Shaa, knight, 
Edmund Cokayn', Thomas Marowe, John Lyght and John 
Esyngold' — and William Manyngham, esquire, and Alice, his 
wife, Joan Manyngham, Eleanor Manyngham, Robert Michell', 
Thomas Burgoyn' and Robert Cutbert — of the manor of Parua 
Paxtou', and of one hundred acres of land, six acres of meadow, 
one hundred acres of pasture, four acres of wood and twenty- 
three shillings and four pence of rent, and a several fishery in 
the water of S^ Neots with appurtenances in Parua Paxton'. 

18 and 19 Hen. VII. 

none. 

20 Hen. VII. 

10 Between Thomas Gent, William Heruy and William 
Gent — and John Warnet and Joan, his wife — of a messuage, 
a garden, one hundred acres of land and three acres of meadow 
in the parish of S* Andrew in Sawetre*. 

21 Hen. VII. 

11 Between Laurence Merton', John Wynde, junior, Thomas 
Wynde, William Grace, John Denys and William Gosselowe — 
and John Wakurley — of a messuage, a cottage, and two acres 
and a rood of land in Ramesey. 

12 Between Thomas Ouerton* — and Nicholas Leegh' and 
Rose, his wife — of a messuage, forty acres of land, forty acres 

1 This fine contains a warranty by John and Joan against John, abbot of 
Westminster, and his snooessors. It was levied with proclamations. 



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14—24 HENRT VII. 117 

of meadow, sixty acres of pasture and ten acres of wood in 
Somersham. 

22 Hen. VU. 

13 Between John Seynt John, knight, Robert Throkmerton', 
knight, Ralph Verney, esquire, and Thomas Trusseir, esquire — 
and Edmund Grey, lord de Wylton* — of the manors of Towes- 
land', Illyng' and Paxston', and of six hundred acres of land, 
one hundred acres of meadow, three hundred acres of pasture, 
one hundred acres of wood and six pounds of rent in Towes- 
land', Illyng' and Paxston'. 

23 Hen. VII. 

14 Between John Seynt John, knight, Robert Throkmarton', 
knight, Ralph Verney, esquire, Thomas Lucas, esquire, and 
Thomas Trussell', esquire — and Edmund Grey, lord de Wilton', 
and Florence, his wife— of the manors of Towesland*, Illyng' 
and Paxston', and of six hundred acres of land, one hundred 
acres of meadow, three hundred acres of pasture, one hundred 
acres of wood and six pounds of rent in Towesland', Illyng', 
and Paxston '^ 

15 Between Thomas Halle — and Thomas Erieth', clerk, 
executor of John Tychemerssh' — of three messuages, three 
gardens and two acres of meadow in Huntingdon'^ 

24 Hen. VII. 

16 Between John Castell', John Cutte, knight, Edmund 
Dudley, esquire, and Edmund Denny — ^and Charles Brandon', 
esquire, and Margaret, his wife — of the manor of Yesse, and of 
two messuages, forty acres of land, ten acres of meadow, forty 
acres of pasture, three acres of wood and five shillings of rent 
in Chesterton Vessel 

17 Between William Mannyng and Alice, his wife, John 
Broune, clerk, and Robert Tales, clerk — ^and Thomas Rowse — 
of a messuage, three tofts, three gardens, fifty acres of land, 
ten acres of meadow and an acre of wood in Guerton' 
Watervyir. 

1 Levied with procUunstioiiB. 



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118 HUNTINGDONSHIRE FINES. 

18 Between John Castell', of the king's exchequer, ' gentil- 
man/ Christopher Drewell', esquire, Robert Blakwall', Thomas 
Cotton', John Why twell', Thomas Castell' and Edmund Castell', 
'gentilmen' — and Richard Vauce, clerk, son and heir of John 
Vauce, 'gentilman* — of four messuages, sixty acres of land, six 
acres of meadow, four acres of pasture, four acres of wood, and 
of common of pasture in one thousand acres of moor in Stylton' 
and Folkesworth'. 

1 Hen. Vm.^ 

1 Between John Harvy, Edward Grenehall', William Monke 
and Richard Harvy — and John Vaux, late of Glatton, the son 
and heir of Richard Vaux — of seven messuages, eighty acres of 
land, twelve acres of meadow, one hundred acres of pasture and 
five shillings of rent in Oroffham, Perye and Bukden*. 

2 Hen. VHI. 

none. 

3 Hen. VUI. 

2 Between Richard Smyth', William Smyth', clerk, Gilbert 
Smyth', clerk, and William Grace — and Margaret Colthyrst, 
widow — of a fourth part of the manor of Clarevaux in Magna 
Gyddyng', and of a fourth part of the manor of Clarevaux in 
Lutton, and of a fourth part of the manor of Clarevaux in 
Rowey, and also of a fourth part of the advowson of the church 
of All Saints, Sawtry, and thirty messuages, one thousand acres 
of land, one hundred acres of meadow, two hundred acres 
of pasture, forty acres of wood, one hundred acres of marsh 
and ten shillings of rent in Magna Gyddyng', Lutton, Rowey, 
Fenton and Bydnam. 

^ The fines of this reign are not filed. They are arranged in this Calendar 
in chronological order, and those which are of the same date are in the order in 
which thej oocor in the manuscript index of fines now in the Literary Search 
Boom of the Public Becord Office. AU fines from this date were levied with 
proclamations, except thdse of which there are statements to the contrary in 
the footnotes. 

* Made in the Easter term at the beginning of this year and recorded in the 
following Trinity term. 



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24 HENRT VII — 7 HEKBT VIII. 119 

3 Between Thomas Lowthe, esquire, William Smith', clerk, 
William Talmege, clerk, and Robert Talmege — ^and John Huke 
and Alice, his wife — of a fourth part of the manor of Rohey, 
and of a fourth part of a third part of the advowson of the 
church of All Saints, Sawetrey, and also of a fourth part of 
two messuages, one hundred acres of land, twenty acres of 
meadow and one hundred and forty acres of pasture in Rohey 
and Fenton. 

4 Hen. VUI. 

4 Between John Muscote, Edmund Hasylwode and John 
Wattes — and William Parre, esquire, and Mary, his wife — 
of a messuage, eighteen acres of meadow, ten acres of pasture 
and ten acres of wood in Elyngton, Upton, Alcumbury and 
Sybthorp'. 

5 Between William Malhom, clerk, Richard Skem', chaplain, 
Henry Howelot, Roger Martyndale, Thomas Smyth' and Chris- 
topher Lambart — and John Cokkes and Alice, his wife — of a 
messuage in Seynt Nedys. 

5' and 6 Hen. VIU. 

none. 

7 Hen. VIH. 

6 Between Robert Hatley, William Hatley, and Thomas 
Basse — and William Byrde and Ellen, his wife, late the wife 
of Thomas Hatley — of a messuage and a garden in Hunt- 
yngdon. 

7 Between William Gosslowe — and John Wakerley — of ten 
messuages, a garden, three acres of land and an acre of meadow 
in Ramsey'. 

8 Between John Wode, John Thirleby and Thomas Hunter 
— ^and Hugh Holbeme and Margaret, his wife— of sixty acres of 
land, ten acres of meadow and twenty acres of pasture in 
Houghton and Wytton*. 

1 Miohaelmas term of this year was adjourned until the morrow of All Souls 
on account of the plague. {Common RolU, No. 18, Boll 1.) 
* Levied without proclamations. 



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120 HUNTINGDONSHIRE FINES. 

8 Hen. VIU. 

9 Between Thomas of the title of S* Cecily beyond the 
Tiber, cardinal archbishop of York, William, archbishop of 
Canterbury, Thomas, bishop of Durham, Thomas, earl of Surrey, 
John, earl of Oxford, John Bourghchier, knight, lord of Barnes, 
Thomas Fynes, knight, lord Dacres, Edmund Haward, knight, 
lord Haward, Henry Meruey, knight, John Veer, knight, 
Thomas Wyndham, knight, William Waldegraue, knight, Giles 
Alyngton, knight, Robert Cotton, knight, Philip Tylney, knight, 
Nicholas Applyard, knight, William Rowse, knight, John 
Nudigate, serjeant-at-law, Thomas Blenerhasset, esquire, 
John Mordaunt, esquire, Francis Hasylden, esquire, Robert 
Norwyche, 'gentilman,' and Henry Chauncy, 'gentilman' — and 
John Broughton, esquire, and Anne, his wife — of the manor of 
Covyngton, and six messuages, five hundred acres of land, one 
hundred acres of meadow, five hundred acres of pasture, two 
hundred acres of wood, two hundred acres of furze and heath 
and forty shillings of rent in Covyngton, Abbottesley, Puttes- 
hardwyk', Stevyngton and Sybton, and the advowson of the 
church of Covyngton'. 

10 Between John Laurens, William Mordaunt of Hemp- 
sted, William Grace, John Walsheffe, John Aware, John 
Grene and John Somerby — and William Gosselowe and Eliza- 
beth, his wife — of a moiety of three messuages, three gardens, 
forty seven acres of land and two and a half acres of meadow 
in Ramsey, Highmongrove, Elyngton and Upwode. 

11 Between John Chessham, Thomas Frauncesse and Wil- 
liam Hervy — and John Lodyngton, junior, and Joan, his wife 
-—of a messuage, thirty acres of land, an acre of meadow and 
two acres of pasture in Parua Paxstonl 

9 Hen. vm.' 

12 Between Thomas Scaresbrec, clerk, Walter Huke, clerk, 
John Dally, clerk, and John Laurence — and William Merton 

1 This fine contains a warranty against John, abbot of Westminster, and his 
SQooessors. 

* Levied without proclamations. 

' Michaebnas term of this year was adjourned from the qoinzaine of 8t 



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8 — 14 HENRT VIII. 121 

and Alice, his wife — of a messuage, eighteen acres of land, an 
acre of meadow, ten acres of pasture and six pence of rent in 
Broughton. 

13 Between Alan Percy, clerk, master of the college of 
S* John the Evangelist in Cambridge — and Ralph Lathum 
and Elizabeth, his wife — of the manor of Wasshelyngle, and 
of six messuages, one hundred acres of land, twenty acres of 
meadow and forty acres of pasture in Magna Steuecle, otherwise 
called Magna Stucle, Huntyngdon and Parua Steuecle, otherwise 
called Parua Stucle \ 

14 Between Michael Fyssher, John Stoxley, clerk, Ralph 
Lepton, clerk, William Frost and Henry Saunder — and Francis 
Jermayn' and Anastacia, his wife, and John Darell'— of a toft, 
two cottages, fifty acres of land and three acres of pasture in 
Catworth*. 

See also No. 15 on this page. 

lO and 11 Hen. VIII. 

none. 

12 Hen. VIU. 

15 Between Thomas Casteir and Thomas Wolff' — and John 
Wynde — of four messuages, four tofts, a garden, forty acres of 
meadow, three acres of pasture and twelve acres of wood in 
Qumecestur*. 

13 « and 14 Hen. VIU. 

none. 

Michael to the morrow of All Souls and from the morrow of All Souls to the 
octave of St Hilary on account of the plague. (Calendar of Inner Temple 
Records, i. 40 ; Common Rolls, No. 88 (1), Boll 2, d.) 

> This fine contains a warranty by Ralph and Elizabeth against John, abbot 
of Westminster, and his successors. It was made in Easter term at the begin- 
ning of this year and recorded in the following Trinity term. 

* Made in Hilary term of 9 Hen. YIII. and recorded in Easter term at the 
end of the same year. 

* Made in Trinity term of 9 Hen. VIII. and recorded in Easter term at the 
beginning of this year without proclamations. 

^ Michaelmas term of 13 Henry YHI. was adjourned from the morrow of 
AH Souls till the octave of Hilary in the same year. (Calendar of Inner Temple 
Records, Vol. i. p. 69.) 



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122 UUNTIXGDONSHIRE FINES. 

15 Hen. VIII. 

16 Between John Fitzjames, chief baron of the king's 
exchequer, John Porte, serjeant-at-law, Thomas Willoughby, 
serjeant-at-law, William Euerard', Richard Sherley, Henry 
Parker, Richard Shelley and Thomas Shelley, clerk — and 
Thomas Hunt, gentleman, and Alice, his wife — of the manor 
of Pabenhams, and of a messuage, three hundred acres of land, 
ten acres of meadow, twelve acres of pasture and twelve shillings 
of rent in Offord Dacy and Offord Cluny. 

16 Hen. VIII. 

17 Between William Shelley, serjeant-at-law, and Alice, 
his wife, and Thomas Shelley, clerk — and John Shelley, esquire 
— of the manor of Offord Dacy, otherwise Offord Danes, and 
of five messuages, five hundred acres of land, twenty acres of 
meadow, one hundred and twenty acres of pasture in Offord 
Dacy, otherwise Offord Danes, and also of the advowson of the 
church of Offord Dacy, otherwise Offord Danes. 

18 Between William Stanley, clerk, Roger Cholmeley, junior, 
Richard Hassall', John Wyggys, William Downes, Thomas 
Stokes, Richard Cholmeley, Peter Downes and Thomas Fynge 
— and William Cholmeley, senior, and Elizabeth, his wife, 
daughter and heiress of Robert East — of two messuages, two 
cottages, two hundred and sixty acres of land, twenty four acres 
of meadow, twenty six acres of pasture and two acres of wood 
in Alcombury and Wynwyke. 

19 Between Robert Godard, William Horewode and Thomas 
Jay — and Richard Lorymer and Elizabeth, his wife — of three 
messuages and a garden in the parish of S^ Benedict in Hunt- 
yngdon^ 

17 Hen. VIU. 

20 Between Thomas More, knight, Henry White, gentleman, 
and Richard Greneleffe — and Henry Grene and Joan, his wife, 
and Lawrence Marham — of a messuage, eighty nine acres and 
two and a half roods of land, four acres and a rood of meadow 

^ Levied without prool&mations. 



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16—20 HENRY VIII. 123 

and two acres and a rood of pasture in Offord Danys, otherwise 
called Oflford Dacy\ 

18 Hen. VIII. 

21 Between Ralph Beyne, Edmund Whalley and Robert 
Truslof, clerks — and William Stanley, clerk — of a messuage, 
twenty acres of land, six acres of meadow and ten acres of 
pasture in Elyngton. 

19 Hen. VIII. 

none. 

ao Hen. VUI.' 

22 Between Robert Harford, William Thong' and Richard 
Horwod' — and Percival Morgan and Constance, his wife— of a 
messuage and a garden in the parish of S^ Mary in Hunt- 
yngdon. 

23 Between John Keche, William Horwode and Robert 
Neweir, clerk — ^and John Potkyn and Elizabeth, his wife — of 
six messuages, four tofbs, a dovehouse, one hundred acres of 
land, twenty acres of meadow, forty acres of pasture, ten acres 
of wood and twenty shillings of rent in Huntyngton, Brampton, 
Gumycestre, Hertford and Stewkeley. 

24 Between Thomas Robertson and Thomas Eylham — and 
Simon Fitzrichard — of eighty messuages, a thousand acres of 
laud, a thousand acres of meadow, a thousand acres of pasture, 
two hundred acres of wood and two water mills in Wood wal ton, 
Abbot Ripton, Awconbury Weston, Brampton and Elyngton. 

26 Between Edward Peke, Edward Copley, John Myton and 
John Odeir — and George Throkmarton, knight — of the manors 
of Toweslond, lUyng', Hemyngford and Paxton, and of six 
hundred acres of land, one hundred acres of meadow, six 
hundred acres of pasture, one hundred acres of wood and six 
pounds of rent in Toweslond, lUyng', Hemyngford and Paxton. 

^ TbiB fine contains a warranty by Henry Grene, Joan and Lawrence against 
John, abbot of Westminster, and his sacoessors. 

' By a writ dated 18 Jane tbe king adjourned the session of the Common 
Bench from the octave of Trinity till the octave of St Michael in this year. (See 
Common RolUy No. 71, Boll 1.) A few fines were made on the morrow of 
Trinity, but they were afterwards recorded in the following Michaelmas term. 



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124 HUNTINGDONSHIRE FINES. 

ai Hen. VIU. 

26 Between Robert KjngestoD, Richard Curtes and John 
Haukesby — aod John Wryght^-of a messuage, twenty two acres 
of land and six acres of pasture in Folkesworth'. 

27 Between Richard Wynde, John Hynde, esquire, Thomas 
Button, esquire, Walter Worliche, Baldwin Brennens, gentle- 
man, Bartholomew Palmer and Richard Robyns — ^and Edmund 
Mowyer and Elizabeth, his wife^-of a messuage, a garden, two 
acres of land and four acres of meadow in the town of S* Ives\ 

28 Between William Wardall*, Gilbert Pykeryng, John Say 
and John Jones — and William Hare and Alice, his wife— of a 
moiety of a messuage, forty acres of land, six acres of meadow 
and eight acres of pasture in Hamerton*. 

29 Between John LauncelF, William Bekke and Gabriel 
Beduir — ^and William BeduU* and Eleanor, his wife — of four 
messuages, two cottages, one hundred and twenty acres of land, 
six acres of meadow, ten acres of pasture and an acre of wood 
in Hamerton and Auken Bury Weston. 

30 Between John Gostewyk', esquire, Giles Alyngton, 
esquire, John Croke, William Jefson and Henry Wyncote — 
and John Burton and Elizabeth, his wife, and Anne Robson, 
widow — of the manor of Rysshbyes, otherwise called the manor 
of Burtons, and also twelve messuages, three hundred acres 
of land, one hundred acres of meadow, three hundred acres 
of pasture, twenty acres of wood and one hundred shillings 
of rent in Abbot Rypton, Kyuges Rypton, Brampton and 
Wyllyngton*. 

31 Between John Hynde, gentleman — and Thomas Cow- 
lynge and Agnes, his wife, and Robert LefFyn and Joan, his 
wife — of four messuages and an acre of pasture in Huntyngdon. 

aa Hen. VIII. 

32 Between Ambrose WoUey, citizen and grocer of Londop, 
Henry Wolley, and John Thurston — and John Tyse and Joan 

I Mode in Easter term at the beginning of this year and recorded in the 
following Trinity term. 

* This fine contains a warranty by William Hare and Alice against John, 
abbot of Westminster, and his sncoessors. 

' This word is probably written in error for Wenington. 



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21 — 24 HENRT VIII. 125 

his wife — of a tofib, a croft, forty eight acres of land, ten acres 
of meadow, twelve acres of pasture, seven acres of wood and 
two shillings and eight pence of rent in Eston and Alcombery 
Weston. 

33 Between Roger Chomley, Robert Norwich, king's serjeant- 
at-law, William Brereton and Oliver Leder — and William Flete, 
Thomas Flete and Robert Flete— of a messuage, a garden, sixty 
acres of land, thirty acres of meadow, twenty four acres of 
pasture and six acres of wood in Awcombery. 

as Hen. VIII. 

34 Between John Hynde, serjeant-at-law, Richard Wynde, 
Thomas Kelefytte and Ralph Foxley— and Thomas [W]elflF and 
Dorothy, his wife — of three messuages, forty acres of land, 
twelve acres of meadow, six acres of pasture and forty seven 
shillings of rent in Offord Cluny, Offord Dacy and Magna 
Pax ton. 

36 Between John Selyard and William Lambkyn — and 
Thomas Hutton, esquire — of the manor of Parua Paxston, two 
hundred acres of land, one hundred acres of meadow, two 
hundred acres of pasture and twenty acres of yvood in Parua 
Paxston and Magna Paxston^. 

24 Hen. VIII. 

36 Between William Marshall', Robert Radford and Richard 
Wodward — and Thomas Walcot, otherwise called Thomas Hall', 
and Elizabeth, his wife — of two messuages, fifty acres of land, 
an acre of meadow and three acres of pasture in Weresleyl 

37 Between John Mordaunt, John Elmys, esquires, William 
Apryce and John Morton-^— and Robert Latymer and Catherine, 
hk wife — of six messuages, four gardens, two hundred acres of 
land, forty acres of meadow, one hundred acres of pasture, ten 
acres of wood and two shillings of rent in Yaxley, Denton and 
Stylton. 

1 Made in Hilary term of the year 28 Hen. VIII. and recorded in Easter term 
at the end of the same year. 

' This fine, which is a little damaged, contains a warranty hy Thomas and 
Elizabeth against John, abbot of Westminster, and his snocessors. It was levied 
withoat proclamations. 



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126 HUNTINGDONSHIRE FINES. 

as Hen. vin. 

38 Between Adam Mollesworth', clerk — and Walter Luke 
and Anne, his wife — of the manor of Launcelejmsbery, and of 
three messuages, one hundred cM^res of land, twenty acres of 
meadow, two hundred acres of pasture and twenty shillings 
of rent and the rent of four pounds of pepper in Eynesbury 
and Heyleweston. 

39 Between Nicholas Metcalf, clerk, master of the college 
of S* John the Evangelist in the university of Cambridge, and 
the fellows and scholars of the same college — and George 
Bowlys, clerk — of a messuage, one hundred and forty acres of 
land, ten acres of meadow, four acres of pasture and six acres 
of wood in Hylton\ 

40 Between Alfred Baxter and William Beys — and William 
Wardair — of a messuage, a toft, seventy acres of land, five acres 
of meadow and five acres of pasture in Hamerton. 

26 Hen. VIXI. 

41 Between Christopher Hales, esquire, the kings attorney 
general, Robert Wrothe, esquire, Edward Northe, esquire, Giles 
Covert and Ralph Sadler, gentlemen — and John Dudley, knight, 
and Joan, his wife — of the manor of Hemmyngford Grey, and 
of thirty messuages, four water mills, twenty gardens, a thou- 
sand acres of land, a thousand acres of meadow, a thousand 
acres of pasture, twenty acres of wood and twenty six pounds, 
thirteen shillings and four pence of rent in Hemmyngford Grey 
and Seynt Ives*. 

42 Between Agnes Goodgame, widow, Stephen Butler 
and Thomas Eydman — and Robert Smyth', clerk, and James 
Reynold' — of a messuage and sixteen acres of land in Grantes- 
den Magna*. 

^ Made in Easter term at the beginning of this year and recorded in the 
following Michaelmas term. 

^ This fine contains a warranty by John and Joan against William, abbot of 
Westminster, and his snooessors. It was made in Hilary term of 35 Hen. Vlll. 
and recorded in Easter term at the beginning of this year. 

* Levied witboat proclamations. 



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26 — 27 HENRY VIII. 127 

43 Between William Wyat, William CadwelV and William 
Kyng' — and Richard CuUe and Alice, his wife — of a messuage 
called the ' BuUe ' in the town of S* Neots\ 

44 Between Oliver Leder, gentleman, Robert Catlyn and 
Thomas Tunney — and Thomas Hatley and Elizabeth, his wife 
—of twenty acres of land and an acre of meadow in Magna 
Stoughton'*. 

45 Between William Dudley, esquire, William Stokys, clerk, 
Henry Freman and John Campy net — and George Wynsore, 
gentleman, and Anne, his wife, daughter and heiress of Thomas 
Styuecle, gentleman, deceased — of the manor of Folkesworthe, 
and of five messuages, four hundred acres of land, four hundred 
acres of pasture, forty acres of wood and ten shillings of rent in 
Folkesworth', Yaxley, Morborne and Wasshyngley. 

46 Between Rannulph Lynne, Thomas Englefeld, knight, 
one of the king's justices of the bench, Alexander Fetyplace, 
William Wollaston, Robert Reynold', gentlemen, and Thomas 
Awaley — and Anthony Malory, esquire, and Alice, his wife — 
of two messuages, a croft, sixteen acres of land, four acres of 
meadow, twelve acres of pasture and eight acres of wood in Est 
Pery in the parish of Qroffam^ 



a? Hen. VIU. 

47 Between Edward Mountagu, serjeant-at-law, William 
Dudley, esquire, William Stokys, clerk, and John Campynet 
— and George Wynsore and Anne, his wife, daughter and 
heiress of Thomas Styvecley, gentleman — of the manor of 
Styvecley, called Rawlyns maner, and of ten messuages, four 
cottages, five hundred acres of land, sixty acres of meadow, one 
hundred acres of pasture, twenty acres of wood, ten shillings of 
rent and the rent of sixteen hens, one hundred and eighty eggs, 
two capons in Magna Styvecley, Parua Styvecley, Alcombury 
and Brampton. 

1 Iklade in Easter term at the beginning of this year and recorded in the 
following term. 

* Levied withoat proolamations. 



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128 HUNTINaDONSHIRE FINES. 

48 Between John Kydman, Thomas Dyssher, junior, Thomas 
Watson, Thomas Lord and Thomas Gravis — and Thomas Kyd- 
man — of thirty acres of land, ten acres of meadow and ten acres 
of pasture in Grennesden Magna and Herwyk'. 

49 Between Walter Worlyche, Henry Joye and William 
Hale — and Edmund Bendowe and Margaret, his wife — of a 
messuage in Everton'. 

50 Between John Merbury — and George Merbury and 
Margaret, his wife — of a messuage, a toft, two hundred acres 
of land, eight acres of meadow and thirty acres of pasture in 
Upton, 

as Hen. VIII. 

51 Between Robert Goddard, Robert Danyell', and John 
Leche— and Bartholomew Bee and Elizabeth, his wife, and 
Alexander Swynboum and Joan, his wife — of a messuage with 
a curtilage in Huntyngdon. 

52 Between Richard Fyssher — and William Thursby — of a 
messuage and a garden in the town of S* Neots. 

53 Between George Robynson — and John Greke, gentleman, 
and Thomasine, his wife — of the manor of Horles, and of three 
messuages, two hundred acres of land, twenty acres of meadow, 
ten acres of pasture, two acres of wood and six shillings and 
eight pence of rent in B rough ton. 

54 Between Oliver Leder — and William Stukeley, esquire 
— of a toft and four- acres of pasture in Bechampsted' in the 
parish of Stoughton Magna^ 

29 Hen. VIII. 

56 Between Oliver Leder, gentleman — and William a Bales 
and Agnes, his wife — of a toft and six acres of land in Magna 
Stoughton'. 

56 Between John Bassyngam, senior — and John Bassyngam, 
junior, and Dorothy, his wife — of a messuage, seventy acres of 
land and two acres of meadow in Catworthe. 

> Made in Michaelmas term of this year and recorded in the foUowing 
term. 



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27 — 31 HENRY vriT. 129 

57 Between Eobert Trappys — and William Castell' and 
Catherine, his wife — of six messuages, two dovehouses, two 
hundred acres of land, twenty acres of meadow and forty acres 
of pasture in Glatton\ 

30 Hen. VIII. 

58 Between ' Francis Brian, knight, John Porte, knight, 
George Greisley, knight, and Henry Audeley, esquire — and 
John Yong, prior of the monastery of Holy Trinity, Repton 
— of the manor of Graundesden Magna, and of twenty mes- 
suages, three hundred and ninety acres of land, two hundred 
acres of meadow, one hundred acres of pasture, thirty acres 
of wood and forty shillings of rent in Graundesden Magna, 
Hardiwyke and Leycote. 

59 Between Philip Hatley — and Stephen CattelV, otherwise 
called Stephen Wryght, of Somersham, and Elizabeth, his 
wife— of a messuage, six acres and a rood of land and an acre 
of meadow in Parua Paxston*. 

31 Hen. VIII. 

60 Between Oliver Leder', esquire, and Frances, his wife — 
and John Gostwyk', esquire, and Joan, his wife — of the manor 
or grange of Myddelho, and of a messuage, three hundred 
acres of land, one hundred acres of meadow, three hundred 
acres of pasture, one hundred acres of wood and forty shillings 
of rent in Myddelho, Sowtho, Groffam, Mulsho and Hayle- 
weston. 

61 Between Thomas Peryent, esquire — and Lancelot Todde 
and Margaret, his wife, and John Knotte and Joan, his wife, 
the daughters and heiresses of Richard Basse, late of Werisley, 
deceased-— of a messuage, four tofts, thirty two acres of land, 
two acres of meadow and four acres of pasture in Werisley. 

62 Between Thomas Carowe and John Knyght — and John 
Broun, esquire, and Awdry, his wife — of a third part of the 
manor of Bukworth, and twenty messuages, five hundred acres 

1 This fine is damaged. The paicels are taken from the enrolment of the 
King's Silver. {Common BoUs, No. 109, BoU 395.) 

C.A.S. Octavo Series, XXXVn. 9 



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130 HUNTINGDONSHIRE FINES. 

of land, one hundred acres of meadow, three hundred acres of 
pasture, one hundred acres of wood, two hundred acres of furze 
and heath, and ten pounds of rent in Bukworth, and also of a 
third part of the advowson of the church of Bukworth^ 

63 Between Walter Threder' — and Francis Quarles, gentle- 
man, and Cecily, his wife — of a messuage and a toft in the 
town of S' Neots^ 

32 Hen. VIII. 

64 Between William Whytehed* — and James BarryflF and 
Margaret, his wife — of three messuages and an acre of land in 
the town of Huntyngdon^ 

65 Between Walter Luke, knight, a justice of the king's 
bench — and Richard Willyams, knight, otherwise called Richard 
Crumweir, koight, and Frances, his wife — of the manor of 
Toweslond', and of six hundred acres of land, one hundred acres 
of meadow, six hundred acres of pasture, forty acres of wood 
and six pounds of rent in Toweslond', Yllyng', Hemyngford* 
Abbott and Paxton Magna. 

33 Hen. VIII. 

66 Between William Hatley — and Robert Exall' — of a mes- 
suage called Le Anteloppe in the town of S*^ Neots*. 

67 Between Robert Smyth' and Agnes, his wife — ^and John 
Wynde, gentleman, and Alice, his wife — of a messuage called 
Le Swan, an acre of land and two acres of meadow in Seynt 
Ives and Nedyngworthe. 

68 Between Anthony Andrewes — ^and Robert NowelF, clerk 
— of four messuages, one hundred acres of land, one hundred 

1 Made in Hilary term of 29 Hen. YHI. and recorded in Hilary term of this 
year. 

^ Made in Hilary term of 31 Hen. YHI. and recorded in Easter term at the 
end of the same year. 

* The foot and note of this fine are hoth missing. The above particniars are 
taken from the enrolment of the King's Silver. {Common Rolls, No. 118, 
Boll 396 d.) 

* Made in Hilary term of 82 Hen. YIH. and recorded in Easter term at the 
beginning of this year. 



I 



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i/ 



31 — 34 HENRY VIII, 131 

acres of meadow and one hundred acres of pasture in Hunt- 
yugdon, Brampton, Alcombury and Magna Styveclaye^ 

69 Between William Sympcote — and John Dycons — of a 
messuage, sixty acres of land, an acre of meadow and twenty 
acres of pasture in Leyghton Brounsold. 

70 Between Thomas Wauton, esquire — and George Manne, 
clerk^-of a messuage, one hundred and twenty acres of land, 
three roods of meadow, five acres of pasture and five acres of 
wood inStoughton Magna. 

71 between Henry Hylton — and William Henson — of two 
messrages, two tofts, eighteen acres of land and two acres of 
past&re in Thomyng'. 

34 Hen. VUI. 

72 Between George Symcott — and John BoUand* and Mary, 
kis wife, one of the daughters and heiresses of Henry Grauntofte 
.'^of a fourth part of two messuages, eighty eight acres of land, 
twenty acres of meadow, sixteen acres of pasture and five acres 
of wood in Fennystanton. 

73 Between William Pedley — and William Marshall' and 
Elizabeth, his wife — of two messuages, fifty acres of land, an 
acre of meadow and ))faree acres of pasture in Weresley*. 

74 Between Wgfiter Luke, knight.— and Thomas Skypwith, 
esquire, and J(Mm, his wife — of two messuages, two hundred 
and twenty a^s of land, ten acres of meadow, eight acres of 
pasture, and iix acres of wood in Towseland', Paxton Magna 
and Weld'/ 

75 BejfWeen William Hale — and Edmund Bendowe and 
Sibil, hiar wife — of a messuage, a croft, and a rood of wood, 
called Bikers, in Everton^ 

76 between John Sewster, gentleman — and Richard Wyl- 
liamsy^night, otherwise called Richard Crumwell', knight, and 
Fraqfes, Ms wife — of the manors of Raveley Magna and Moynes, 

y Made in Easter term at the beginning of this year and recorded in the 
%omng term. 

/ « This fine contains a warranty against the bishop of Westminster and his 
^ saocessors. 

9—2 



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132 HUNTINGDONSHIRE FINES. 

and of fifteen messuages, seven cottages, five hundred acres of 
land, one hundred acres of meadow, three hundred acres of 
pasture, twenty acres of wood, two hundred acres of furze and 
heath, one hundred acres of marsh and forty shillings of rent 
in Raveley Magna and Moynes. 

77 Between Robert Chorleton and Mary, his wife — and 
Thomas Wrenne, esquire — of one hundred acre^ of land, one 
hundred acres of meadow, five hundred acres of '^Mature and 
forty acres of wood in Wodwalton, and of common oS^pasture 
for two hundred sheep in Wodwalton. \ 

78 Between John Keche — and William Underwood^ and 
Alice, his wife, Thomas Noweir and Anthony Androwei^r-of 
two messuages and a barn in Hunt*. 

79 Between William Byckellys, gentleman — and RicKlffd 
Williams, knight, otherwise called Richard Crumwell', knigh, 
and Frances, his wife — of the manor of Catworthe Magna, aid 
of two messuages, four hundred acres of land, twenty acres cf 
meadow, thirty acres of pasture, six acres of wood and six 
shillings and eight pence of - ^ 

Eymbalton. 

80 Between George Symcc 
his wife— of a messuage calle 
land, fourteen acres of mead 
Fennystanton. 

35 He 

81 Between Thomas No 
Hauergyir — and William Wy 
a messuage, a toft, an orchard' 
acres of meadow and three acr 

82 Between George Symcc 
his wife, William Fowle and 
Grauntofle, daughters and h 
of three parts of two messu? 

^ In Michaelmas tenn of this y< 
St Albans. {Common RoUs, No. 132 
^ Latin • ortas.' 



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34—36 HENRY VIII. 133 

twenty acres of meadow, sixteen acres of pasture and five acres 
of wood in Fennystanton and Hylton, into four parts divided. 

83 Between Richard Alen, George Alen and Thomas 
Snap' — and Henry Audeley, gentleman, and Anne Courthop, 
widow — of the manor of Graundesden' Magna, and of twenty 
messuages, three hundred and ninety acres of land, two hun- 
dred acres of meadow, one hundred acres of pasture, thirty 
acres of wood and forty shillings of rent in Graundesden Magna, 
Hardwyke and Leycoote. 

84 Between Robert Burgoyn, esquire — ^and Thomas Grey, 
esquire, and Anne, his wife — of the manor of Lemyng, other- 
wise Lymmyng, otherwise Lymmage, and of a messuage, two 
hundred acres of land, sixty acres of meadow, five hundred 
acres of pasture, two hundred acres of wood and one hundred 
acres of furze and heath in Kymmolton, otherwise Eymbalton, 
and Stonley. 

85 Between Miles Forest, esquire — and Leonard Stubbes» 
gentleman — of a messuage, a garden, fifty acres of land, two 
acres of meadow, twelve acres of pasture and two acres of wood 
in Folkysworth, 

36 Hen. VUI. 

86 Between Mary Carver' — and William Westerne and 
Ellen, his wife — of two messuages, forty acres of land, forty 
acres of meadow and one hundred acres of pasture in Stoughton. 

87 Between Edward Mountagu, knight — ^and Robert Bur- 
don, gentleman, and Joan, his wife, Robert Burden, junior, the 
son and heir apparent of the aforesaid Robert Burden, senior, 
and Richard Daryngton, gentleman, otherwise called Richard 
Dadyngton, gentleman, otherwise called Richard Dalyngton, 
gentleman, and Mary, his wife^-of the manor of Styvecley, called 
Rawlyns-maner in Styvecley, and of ten messuages, four cot- 
tages, five hundred acres of land, sixty acres of meadow, one 
hundred acres of pasture, twenty acres of wood, ten shil- 
lings of rent, and of the rent of sixteen hens, one hundred and 
eighty eggs and two capons in Magna Styvecley, Alcombury 
and Brampton. 



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134 HUNTINGDONSHIRE FINES. 

88 Between Nicholas Lestrange, esquire — and John Cresa- 
uere, esquire, and Elizabeth, his wife — of the manor of Eynys- 
bury^ and of ten messuages, six cottages, five hundred acres of 
land, one hundred acres of meadow, two hundred acres of 
pasture, twenty acres of wood, free fishing in the water of 
Eynysbury, and of fifty three shillings and four pence of rent 
in Ejmysbury, Welde and Haylweston. 

89 Between John Appesley — and Gilbert Bull' and Mary, 
his wife — 6f two messuages, forty acres of land, forty acres of 
meadow and one hundred acres of pasture in Bechamstede and 
Stokton Magna. 

90 Between Nicholas Luke, a baron of the king's exchequer 
— and Thomas Spencer, esquire — of two messuages, two hun- 
dred acres of land, twenty acres of meadow, forty acres of pasture 
and six acres of wood in Welde and Caldecott. 

91 Between William Shelley, one of the king's justices of 
the bench, and John Shelley, the son and heir apparent of the 
same William — and William Heche and Anne, his wife — of a 
messuage, thirty acres of land, six acres of meadow and twenty 
acres of pasture in Offord' Daycy, otherwise OflFord' Danys. 

92 Between Thomas Macheir — and William Bouffaye and 
Joan, his wife — of a messuage and two acres of land in the 
town of S^ Neots. 

93 Between Roger Porter — and William Porter — of a mes- 
suage, eighty acres of land, ten acres of meadow, seven acres of 
pasture and two acres of wood in Hemyngford* Abbatis. 

94 Between Margery Everingham, widow — and Richard 
Asheweir and Joan, his wife, and Edward Johnson and Agnes, 
his wife — of a messuage and two acres of land in Ramesey \ 

95 Between Nicholas Rand — and William Mathewe, gentle- 
man, and Mary, his wife — of twenty six acres of land, three 
acres of meadow and an acre of pasture in Bythom. 

^ The foot and note of this fine are both missing. The above particulars are 
taken from the entry of the King's Silver on the rolls of the Common Beneh. 
{Common Rolls, No. 136, Boll 54.) 



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36—37 HENRY VIII. 135 



37 Hen. VHI.' 



96 Between Robert Reyner — and Robert Kyrkham, knight, 
and Sibil, his wife — of a messuage, eighty acres of land, twenty 
acres of meadow, thirty acres of pasture and an acre of wood 
in Orton Longevile. 

97 Between Robert Chorleton, gentleman, and Mary, his 
wife, late the wife of Anthony Penycok, deceased — and Hum- 
phrey Molsley, gentleman — of the manor of Woodwalton, and 
of twenty messuages, twenty tofts, two hundred acres of land, 
one hundred acres of meadow, two hundred acres of pasture, 
twenty acres of wood and forty shillings of rent in Wood- 
walton. 

98 Between Robert Palmer — and Elizabeth Borne of the 
town of Bedford in the county of Bedford, widow, late the wife 
of William Borne, deceased — of a messuage, twelve acres and a 
rood of land, three acres and three roods and a half of meadow, 
two and a half acres of pasture in the town of S^ Ives, and of 
two acres and three roods of land in Hemyngford Grey. 

99 Between John Doggett — and John Benbowe and Agnes, 
his wife — of three messuages, an acre of land, an acre of 
meadow and three acres of pasture in the parish of S^ John the 
Baptist in the town of Huntingdon. • 

100 Between Nicholas Luke, esquire, a baron of the king's 
exchequer — and Robert Asshefeld, esquire, and Cecily, his wife — 
of the manor of Gellyng, otherwise Yellyng, called Asshefeld' 
maner, and of six messuages, two tofts, three hundred acres of 
land, twenty acres of meadow, one hundred acres of pasture 
and ten shillings of rent, and of the rent of a pound of pepper 
in Gelljnig, otherwise Yellyng'. 

101 Between William Tayllard', gentleman, one of the sons 
of Laurence Tallard, knight, and Mary, his wife — and the same 
Laurence Tallard, knight — of the manors of Claryvauce and 
Deves, and of four messuages, six cottages, one dovehouse, two 
gardens, three hundred acres of land, forty acres of meadow, 

^ There was no sesuon of the Common Bench in Trinity term of this year 
on account of the war with France. See Calendar of Inner Temple Recordi, 
Vol. I. p. 137. 



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136 HUNTINGDONSHIBE FINES. 

sixty acres of pasture, fifteen acres of wood and three shilliDgs 
and four pence of rent in Upwood, Higemansegreve, Eaveley 
and Byggyng'. 



38 Hen. VHI. 

102 Between John Tunstale — and Robert Eyrkham, knight, 
and Sibil, his wife — of a messuage, thirty acres of land, two 
acres of meadow and two acres of pasture in Overton Longe- 
vile. 

103 Between Robert Rayner — and Robert Eyrkeham, 
knight, and Sibil, his wife — of a messuage, fifty three acres of 
land, four acres of meadow and four acres of pasture in Overton 
Longevile. 

104 Between George Canne — and Robert Elyott, clerk, and 
Alice Walbott, widow — of a messuage and a garden in Ramsey. 

105 Between Richard Randall' — and Thomas Bulwarde and 
Margai'et, his wife — of two acres of pasture, called Stemes Close, 
in Fennystanton'. 

106 Between Thomas Sewyster — and Andrew Body and 
Ellen, his wife, and John Thody — of two messuages and an 
acre of land in Fennystaunton. 

107 -Between William Hale, gentleman — and Edmund Ben- 
dowe of Everton, gentleman, and Sibil, his wife^-of a messuage, 
one hundred and forty acres of land, fourteen acres of meadow, 
sixty four acres of pasture and two acres of wood in Everton*. 

108 Between Robert Nelson — and William Lawrens — of 
two messuages, two gardens, two orchards, six pools^ called 
Fyshepondes, and an acre of meadow in Ramsey. 

109 Between Matthew Androwe — and Robert Curryar', the 
brother and heir of John Curryar', deceased, and Catherine, his 
wife — of two messuages, two shops, a stable and a garden in 
the parish of All Saints in the town of Huntingdon. 

110 Between Thomas Hyll' — and William Mathewe and 
Mary, his wife — of forty eight acres of land, two acres of 

1 Made in Easter term at the beginning of this year and recorded in the 
foUowing term. 
' Latin *8tagna.' 



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37 HENRY VIII — 2 EDWARD VI. 137 

meadow, and three acres of pasture in Bythome and common 
of pasture for all animals in Bythome aforesaid ^ 

1 Ed. VI.> 

1 Between Robert Blynkame — ^and Robert Curryar and 
Catherine, his wife — of a messuage in the parish of All Saints 
in the town of Huntingdon. 

2 Between Giles Taylard, gentleman — and Humphrey 
Copley, gentleman, and Alice, his wife, Henry Williamson and 
Agnes, his wife — of three messuages, twenty acres of land, 
three acres of meadow, and three acres of pasture in Wood- 
hurst*. 

3 Between John Cokereir — and William Croft" and Mar- 
gery, his wife — of a messuage, one hundred acres of land, 
twenty acres of meadow, twenty acres of pasture, ten acres 
of wood and sixpence of rent in Eymesbury. 

4 Between Richard Slowe — and Robert Strylley, esquire — 
of two messuages, two tofts, two gardens, one hundred and 
twenty acres of land, twenty acres of meadow, forty acres of 
pasture and four acres of wood in Overton Waterfeld' and 
Chery Orton. 

5 Between Anthony Wayte, gentleman — and William 
Castell', gentleman, and Catherine, his wife — of twelve mes- 
suages, four dovehouses, twelve gardens, twelve orchards, five 
hundred acres of land, sixty acres of meadow, one hundred 
acres of pasture, ten acres of wood, two hundred acres of furze 
and heath and forty shillings of rent in Glatton and Holme. 

See also No. 7 on page 138 below. 

a Ed. VI. 

6 Between Robert Rayner — and Robert Kyrkham, knight, 
and Sibil, his wife — of six messuages, four tofts, four cottages, 
two hundred acres of land, twenty acres of meadow and fifty 

^ Made in Miohadmas term of this year and recorded in the following 
term. 

' Note 1 on p. 118 above as to the arrangement of the fines in the reign 
of Hen. Vin. applies to the fines of this and sabseqnent reigns. 

' Made in Easter term and recorded in Trinity term. 



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138 HUKTINQDONSHIRE FINES. 

acres of pasture in Overton Longevyle, Overton Waterfyld' and 
Woods ton. 

7 Between Nicholas Scott and Henry Thorp' — and Michael 
Ardres, gentleman — of four messuages, four gardens, two 
hundred acres of land, forty [acres of meadow, twenty acres 
of pasture], ten acres of wood and two shillings of rent in 
Yaxley and Denton ^ 

8 Between Robert Tyrwh3rte, junior, knight, and Elizabeth, 
his wife — and Gilbert Smythe, clerk, prebendary of the prebend 
of Leighton Bromeswold, otherwise called Leighton Brymes- 
wold, in the cathedral church of the Blessed Mary the Virgin 
of Lincoln — of the prebend of Leighton Bromeswold, otherwise 
called Leighton Brymeswold, and of the manor of Leighton 
Bromeswold, otherwise called Leighton Brymeswold, and also 
of forty messuages, twenty tofts, twenty cottages, two mills, 
four dovehouses, twenty gardens, six hundred and twenty 
acres of land, six hundred and ten acres of meadow, one thou- 
sand acres of pasture, ninety acres of wood, twenty acres of 
furze and heath, and ten acres of moor, ten acres of reeds*, 
twenty acres of marsh, twenty acres of 'alders, three fishings 
and twenty acres of rushes', and of twenty pounds of rent in 
Leighton, Leighton Bromeswold', otherwise called Leighton 
Brymeswold'. 

9 Between Robert Moyse — and John Goodgame, otherwise 
Game — of a messuage, sixty acres of land, an acre of meadow 
and four acres of pasture in Werysley. 

10 Between Henry Money — and John Skyle and Emma, 
his wife, and Richard Akers and Margaret, his wife — of a 
messuage, two barns and eight acres of arable land in Eryth 
and Blontesham. 

11 Between Thomas Monasty — and John Monasty— of four 
messuages, two tofts, two gardens, thirty acres of land, three 
acres of meadow, six acres of pasture and twenty acres of 
furze and heath in Orton Longvyle. 

^ Made in Hilary term of 1 Ed. VI. and recorded in Easter term at the 
beginning of this year. The fine being damaged, the above partieohirs are 
taken from the enrolment of the King's Silver (Common BolUy No. 148, BoU 85). 

> Latin ' iunoa.* • Latin * rusca.' 



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2 — 4 EDWARD VI. 189 

12 Between Robert Rayner — and Robert Kyrkham, knight, 
and Sibil, his wife— of the manor of Overton Longevile, and 
of six messuages, five tofts, five hundred acres of land, five 
hundred acres of pasture, one hundred acres of meadow, two 
hundred acres of furze and heath and of forty shillings of 
rent, and of free fishing in the water of the Nene in Overton 
Longevile and Overton Waterfelde, and of the advowson of 
the church of Overton Longevile. 

3 Ed. VI. 

13 Between Thomas Hutton, esquire — and Anthony An- 
drewes jand Dorothy, his wife — of thirty acres of land, ten acres 
of meadow and twenty acres of pasture in Huntyngdon and 
Styveclaye Magna. 

14 Between Richard Slowe — and Leonard Stubbes, gen- 
tleman — of two messuages, two tofts, two gardens, one hundred 
and twenty acres of land, twenty acres of meadow, forty acres 
of pasture and four acres of wood in Overton Waterfeld* and 
Cheryorton. 

15 Between Anthony Djrxson — and John Broun and Mar- 
garet, his wife — of a messuage and a garden in the parish of 
All Saints in the town of Huntyngdon. 

4 Ed. VI.' 

16 Between Edmund Hatley and Joan, his wife — and 
Robert Palfriman — of a messuage, a croft, a toft, a garden, 
ten acres of land, an acre of meadow, two acres of pasture 
and an acre of wood in Sowtho Lovetoft, Dodyngton and 
Boughton. 

17 Between Simon Throgmerton, gentleman — ^and William 
fiett*, gentleman, and Margeiy, his wife, Gerard Foster and 
Agnes, his wife, and John Newton and Elizabeth, his wife — 
of the manor of Fosters in Brampton, and of six messuages, 
six curtilages, one hundred acres of land, forty acres of pasture, 
six acres of wood and twenty shillings of rent in Brampton. 

^ The session of the Common Benoh was adjonmed from the octaYe of Trinity 
to the ootaye of Miohaehnas. The writ of adjournment is not recorded on any 
of the rolls of the court now existing; but on some of the existing roUs there 
are references to the adjoamment {Common Rolls, No. 53, Boll 158). 



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140 HUNTINGDONSHIRE FINES. 

18 Between Richard North — and Edward Woodley and 
Catherine, his wife — of a cottage and a garden in the town 
of S*^ Neots. 

19 Between John Spryng' and Agnes, his wife — and John 
Elliot" — of a messuage, a croft, a garden, two acres of land 
and five roods of pasture in Ramsey. 

20 Between Edward Mountagu, knight, chief justice of our 
lord the king of the bench — and Henry, earl of Westmoreland — of 
the manor of Caldecote, otherwise Calcott, and often messuages, 
six cottages, six tofts, twelve gardens, four hundred acres of 
land, two hundred acres of meadow, four hundred acres of 
pasture, one hundred acres of wood, forty shillings of rent in 
Caldecote, otherwise Calcott, Denton, Stylton, Folkeworth', 
Wassyngley, and Glatton, and of the advowson of the rectory 
of the parish church of Caldecote, otherwise Calcott. 

21 Between James Stokys — ^and Nicholas Maye and Agnes, 
his wife — of a messuage and a garden in Huntingdon. 

22 Between William Freman — and Thomas Hatley — of 
a fourth part of a messuage, twelve acres of land, two acres 
of meadow and twelve acres of pasture in Dodyngton, Sowthoo 
and Boughton. 

5 Ed. VI.' 

23 Between William Horwood' and William Bygges — and 
Lawrence Turkyngton, gentleman, and Martin Broughton, 
gentleman and Catherine his wife — of five messuages, five 
tofts, four curtilages, five gardens, one hundred and twenty 
acres of land, thirty acres of meadow, one hundred acres of 
pasture, an acre of wood, and liberty of a foldage for one 
hundred and twenty sheep in Magna Stewkeley and Parva 
Stewkeley and Abbott* Rypton. 

24 Between Richard Servyngton, gentleman — and Martin 
Broughton, gentleman, and Catherine, his wife, and Laurence 
Turkynton, gentleman — of six messuages, four tofts, four crofts, 
six gardens, sixty acres of land, ten acres of meadow, twenty 

1 The seBBion of the Common Bench was adjourned on the octave of Trinity 
till the octave of Michaelmas following. The writ of adjournment is recorded on 
the rolls of the court, but it is much damaged {Common RolUt No. 160, BoU 1). 



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4 — 6 EDWARD VI. 141 

acres of pasture, two acres of wood and of the rent of fifty eight 
eels in Ramsey, Byggen and Hepmangrove. 

25 Between Thomas Freman — and John Sutton — of six 
messuages, three cottages, three gardens, eighty acres of land, 
twenty acres of meadow, ten acres of pasture, twenty acres of 
furze and heath and an acre of wood in Overton Longvyle, 
Chyrry Orton, Woodston and Bottelbrydge. 

26 Between John Tebolde and Thomas Harres — and John 
Bandes and Joan, his wife — of four messuages, four curtilages, 
four tofts, three gardens, fifty acres of land, six acres of meadow, 
ten acres of pasture and half an acre of wood in S^ Neots and 
Wyntryngham. 

27 Between Christopher Dove — and Thomas Morton and 
Joan, his wife — of a messuage, a croft, thirteen acres of land, 
an acre of meadow, six acres of pasture and an acre of wood 
in Parua Paxton. 

28 Between Thomas Stevyns — and William Stevyns of 
Sawtre Moynes in the county of Huntingdon — of a messuage, 
a cottage, an orchard, a garden, sixty acres of land, five acres 
of meadow, six acres of pasture and an acre of wood in Sawtrey 
All Saints* and Sawtrey Saint Andrew's. 

6 Ed. VI. 

29 Between William Hensune — and Robert Punt, son and 
heir of Thomas Punt, and Margaret, his wife — of a messuage, 
three crofts, one hundred acres of land, twenty acres of pasture, 
twelve acres of meadow and five acres of wood in Ellyngton, 
Sybthorp' and Awkyngbery. 

30 Between Thomas Assheton — and Thomas Wolfe — of 
two messuages, one hundred and sixty acres of land, eight 
acres of meadow, eight acres of pasture and three acres of 
wood in Oldeweaton. 

31 Between Thomas Parrell' — and William Beale and 
Margaret, his wife, and Thomas Beale, son and heir of the 
said William Beale — of a messuage, thirty acres of land, 
twenty acres of pasture and ten acres of meadow in East 
Pery and Groffam. 



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142 HUNTINGDOKSHIRE FINES. 

32 Between Edward Algar — and William Harvye — of a 
messuage, a toft, a croft, a garden, and an orchard in Eym- 
balton, otherwise Eymmolton. 

33 Between Qabriel Throkmerton, esquire — and John 
Mason, knight, and Elizabeth, his wife — of the manor of 
Elyngton, one hundred messuages, forty tofts, thirty gardens, 
a thousand acres of land, three hundred acres of meadow, 
three hundred acres of pasture, a thousand acres of wood with 
several fishing and thirty pounds of rent in Elyngton and 
Sybthorpe. 

34 Between Lawrence Turkyngton, gentleman — and Martin 
Broughton, gentleman, and Catherine, his wife — of four mes- 
suages, four crofts, three tofts, four gardens, one hundred acres 
of land, ten acres of meadow, twenty acres of pasture and 
four acres of wood in Raveley Magna, Wardeboys and Wystoo. 

35 Between William Docetour' — and John Woodward* — 
of a messuage, a croft, a garden, thirty five acres of land, two 
acres of meadow, six acres of pasture and an acre of wood 
in Yellyng*. 

36 Between Thomas Curteys — and William Castell', gen- 
tleman — of a messuage, a croft, forty eight acres of land, 
two acres of meadow and six acres of pasture in Glatton. 

37 Between Thomas Assheton — and John Poynour and 
Anne, his wife, and Robert Wolfe — of two messuages, two 
cottages, three tofts, four crofts, a dovehouse, one hundred and 
sixty acres of land, fourteen acres of meadow, twenty acres of 
pasture and four acres of wood in Olde Weston, Huntyngdon, 
and Brampton. 

38 Between Thomas Negose — and John Skegg* and Chris- 
tian, his wife — of three messuages, a cottage, six crofts, four 
gardens, one hundred and sixty acres of land, ten acres of 
meadow, twenty acres of pasture, two acres of wood and three 
shillings and four pence of rent in Keyston. 

39 Between Gilbert Smythe — and Robert Goddarde — of 
three messuages, three cottages, three gardens, two orchards 
and half an acre of land in Huntyngdon. 

40 Between Thomas Carnabye-^-nand Margery Parkyns, 
widow, one of the kinswomen and heiresses of Joan Palmer, 



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6 — 7 EDWARD VI. 148 * 

widow, deceased — of a moiety of two messuages, two crofts 
and two gardens in Ramsey. 

41 Between Thomas Mary Wyngfeld, esquire, and Mar- 
garet, his wife — ^and Oliver Leder, esquire, and Frances, his 
wife — of the site of the late monastery of Stonley, and of three 
tofts, a windmill, a dovehouse, three gardens, two orchards, 
seventy acres of land, forty acres of meadow, three hundred 
acres of pasture, forty two acres of wood, and of common of 
pasture in Agden Grene, in Stoughton Magna, Eymbalton 
and Stonley. 

42 Between John Bucknell' — and Peter Johnson, gen- 
tleman, and Mary, his wife — of a messuage, a garden, sixty 
acres of land, six acres of meadow and ten acres of pasture 
in Wynwyck. 

43 Between John Styles — and Peter Johnson', gentleman, 
and Mary, his wife — of a messuage, a garden, sixty acres. of 
land, six acres of meadow, and ten acres of pasture in 
Wynwyck. 

44 Between John Beck, senior, and John Beck, junior, the 
son of the same John — and Thomas Mary Wyngfeld', esquire, 
and Margaret, his wife — of a messuage, a toft, a garden, sixty 
acres of land, ten acres of meadow and twenty acres of pasture 
in Netherstowe, Ouerstowe and Spaldwyck. 

7 Ed. VI. 

45 Between Nicholas Luke, a baron of our lord the king's 
exchequer — and George Turpyn, esquire — of the manors of 
Albottysley and Hardwycke, otherwise Puttokk" Hardwycke, 

. and of twelve messuages, sixteen tofts, eleven cottages, five 
hundred acres of land, twenty acres of meadow, two hundred 
acres of pasture, ten acres of wood, sixty acres of furze and 
heath, forty shillings of rent, and of the rent of half a pound 
of pepper in Albottysley and Hardwycke, otherwise Puttokk" 
Hardwycke, and also of free fishing in the water of the Owse 
in Albottysley, Eynesbury, and Hardwycke, otherwise Pottokk" 
Hardwycke, Welde, Caldecott, Paxton Magna, Barkforde, Wey- 
rysley and Groxton. 



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144 HUNTINGDONSHIRE FINES. 

1 Mary'. 

1 Between William Coton, esquire, and John Coton and 
Perin, his wife, Robert Herforth, gentleman, and Margaret, 
his wife, and John Herforth, son and heir apparent of the 
aforesaid Robert — of a messuage, a curtilage, two gardens and 
an orchard in the town of Hunt'. 

2 Between Henry Herdson and Thomas Freman — and 
Robert Penycocke, gentleman — of the manor of Woodwalton, 
and of twenty messuages, twenty cottages, forty orchards, a 
thousand acres of land, five hundred acres of meadow, a 
thousand acres of pasture, one hundred acres of wood, a 
thousand acres of fiirze and heath, a thousand acres of moor, 
a thousand acres of marsh and ten shillings of rent, and of 
the rent of a pound of cumin in Woodwalton, Sawtry, Rypton 
and Wenyngton. 

3 Between Henry Dawson — and Robert Malory, gentleman, 
and Mary, his wife, daughter and heir of Bartholomew Myller, 
deceased — of two messuages, a dovehouse, a garden, an orchard 
and six acres of pasture in Huntyngdon. 

4 Between William Becke, gentleman — and Thomas Bayes 
— of thirty acres of land, two acres of meadow and four acres 
of pasture in Magna Catworthe. 

5 Between Richard MychelF, son and heir of William 
Mycheir and Elizabeth, his wife, daughter of Stephen Astod' 
late of Weresley in the county of Huntingdon, deceased — and 
Thomas Halle, otherwise Whalcott, and Elizabeth, his wife, 
daughter and heiress of John Astod', deceased, son of the afore- 
said Stephen — of seventeen acres of land in Weresley. 

6 Between William Yonge — and Robert Penycooke— of a 
messuage, a bam, a stable, two orchards, a garden, one hundred 
acres of land, twenty acres of meadow, forty acres of pasture 
and four acres of wood in Graffham and Upton. 

7 Between Robert Tyrwhytt, knight, and Elizabeth, his 
wife — and Thomas Goldeston and Agnes, his wife, and William 
Cayno — of a messuage, a cottage, a toft, two gardens, one 
hundred and sixty acres of land, thirty acres of meadow, 

1 See note 1 on p. 118, and note 2 on p. 187 above. 



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1 MARY — 1 AND 2 PHILIP AND MARY. 145 

eighty acres of pasture and ten acres of wood in Leyghton 
Bromsolde and Oldeweston. 

8 Between Walter Grey — ^and Edmund Mordaunt, esquire — 
of three messuages, three gardens, two orchards, two hundred 
acres of land, forty acres of meadow, thirty acres of pasture and 
an acre of wood in Ejnnbalton. 

9 Between Philip Gardyner — and Thomas Norton and 
Dorothy, his wife — of a messuage and a garden in the town 
of S* Neotts*. 



1 and a Philip and Mary. 

10 Between Anthony Androwes — and William Whithedd', 
gentleman — of a messuage, two cottages, and two acres of 
pasture in Huntingdon. 

11 Between Alice Gorram, widow — and Robert Gorlinge 
and Agnes, his wife — of a moiety of a messuage, sixteen acres 
of land and four acres of meadow in Hamerton. 

12 Between Robert Rowley and Oliver Seynt John, 
esquires — and Thomas Bowles, senior, esquire, and Anne, his 
wife, and Thomas Bowles, junior, esquire, son and heir of 
Richard Bowles, esquire, deceased — of the manor of Rus- 
shebeys, otherwise Burtons, and of six messuages, a dove- 
house, three hundred acres of land, forty acres of meadow, one 
hundred acres of pasture, twenty acres of wood, three hundred 
acres of furze and heath and twenty shillings of rent, and of 
liberty of a foldage for three hundred sheep in Abbott Ryppton 
and Wennyngton, otherwise Wenyngton. 

13 Between Robert Brockbanke, gentleman — and Robert 
Malory, gentleman, and Mary, his wife, daughter and heiress of 
Bartholomew Myller, gentleman, deceased — of a messuage called 
The Fawkon and a garden in the town of Huntingdon. 

14 Between Robert Dawson — and Robert Payne, gentle- 
man, and Elizabeth, his wife — of a messuage, a croft, a garden, 
two and a half acres of land and two acres of pasture in S^ 
Neota 

^ Made in Easter term and recorded in Trinity term. 
C. A, S. Octavo Seriei. XXXVII. 10 



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146 HUNTINGDONSHIRE FINES. 

15 Between William Wye, ' woUendraper * — and John 
Treder and Joan Treder, widow — of a messuage and a garden 
in the town of S*. Neots. 

16 Between John Mordaunt, knight, lord Mordaunt — and 
William Yarwell' and John YarwelF, son and heir apparent of 
the aforesaid William — of two messuages, two tofts, two gar- 
dens, sixty acres of land, two acres of meadow, six acres of 
pasture and twenty pence of rent in Bukworth. 

See also No. 22 on page 147 opposite. 

2 and 3 Philip and Mary. 

17 Between Richard Cervyngton, esquire — and William 
Laurence, esquire— of ten messuages, six cottages, twelve 
orchards, eighty acres of land, twenty acres of meadow, forty 
acres of pasture and forty acres of moor and marsh in Ramse[y], 
Heithmongrove, Burie and XJpwoode. 

18 Between William Laurence, esquire — and Lawrence 
Turkyngton, gentleman, and Mabel, his yrife — of the manor of 
Create Raveley called Stukeley's Manor, and of one hundred 
acres of land, twenty acres of meadow, forty acres of pasture, 
four acres of wood and twenty shillings of rent in Greate 
Raveley aforesaid, Litell' Raveley, Upwood, Wystowe and 
Wardeboisse. 

19 Between Robert Borough' — and Emma Thrograerton, 
widow, and William Laurence, esquire — of a messuage and 
an orchard in Ramsey. 

20 Between Robert Boroughe — and Thomas Carnabie and 
Joan, his wife— of two messuages, two gardens, two acres of 
land and an acre of pasture in Ramsey. 

21 Between Thomas Marie Wingfield, esquire, and Robert 
Turwhitte, knight — and Henry Herdson, citizen and alderman 
of London, and Robert Pennycocke of Woodwalton in the 
county of Huntingdon, gentleman, son and heir of Anthony 
Penycocke, deceased—- of the manor of Woodwalton, and of 
twenty messuages, twenty cottages, forty orchards, a thousand 
acres of land, five hundred acres of meadow, a thousand acres 
of pasture, one hundred acres of wood, a thousand acres of 



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1 AND 2 — 2 AND 8 PHILIP AND MARY. 147 

furze and heath, a thousand acres of moor, a thousand acres of 
marsh, ten shillings of rent and the rent of a pound of cumin 
in Woodwalton, Sawtrie, Ripton and Wennyngton. 

22 Between Richard Whorwood' — and Lawrence Tur- 
kynton, gentleman — of a messuage, a toft, a garden, one 
hundred acres of land, seven acres of meadow, twelve acres 
of pasture and three roods of wood, and liberty of a foldage 
for one hundred and eighty sheep in Stewkley Magna, otherwise 
called Stevicley Magna\ 

23 Between Thomas Cotton and William Laurence — and 
Robert Penycocke and Margaret, his wife, and Robert Charleton 
and Mary, his wife — of a messuage, fifty acres of land, ten acres 
of meadow, one hundred albres of pasture and sixty acres of 
wood in Woodwalton. 

24 Between Thomas Trice, Richard Jacobbe and Robert 
Heme — and Robert Saye, gentleman, and Agnes, his wife — 
of two messuages, two tofts and two acres of pasture in 
Huntyngdon^ 

25 Between John Mordaunt, knight, lord Mordaunt — and 
William Yarweir and Alice, his wife — of two messuages, two 
tofts, two gardens, sixty acres of land, two acres of meadow, 
six acres of pasture and twenty pence of rent in Bukworth. 

26 Between Thomas Wyseman — and Peter Waynwryghte 
and Blanch, his wife— -of a messuage, a garden, an orchard, 
and two acres of pasture in the town of Huntyngdon. 

27 Between Henry HuU'— and John Hull' and Elizabeth, 
his wife, and William Yong' and Mary, his wife — of a messuage, 
a toft, a garden, eighty acres of land, three acres of meadow, 
twenty acres of pasture and an acre of wood in Upton. 

28 Between Edmund Hatley — and Giles Taylard', gen- 
tleman— -of twelve acres of pasture and two acres of wood in 
Sowtho, otherwise Sowthe Lovetost. 

29 Between George Symcott, gentleman — and Robert 
Drueir, esquire — of four messuages, two bams, four gardens, 

1 Made in Trinity term of 1 and 2 Philip and Maxy, and recorded in 
liiohaelmas term of this year. 

' No proclamations are endorsed on the foot of this fine. This omission is 
probably accidental. 

10—2 



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148 HUNTINGDONSHIKE FINES. 

thirty six acres of land, twelve acres of pasture and four acres 
of wood in Huntyngdon. 

30 Between Thomas Cotton and William Laurens — ^and 
Robert Charelton and Mary, his wife, late the wife of Anthony 
Pennycock, deceased, and Humphrey Molsleye — of the manor of 
Woodwalton, and of twenty messuages, twenty cottages, twenty 
tofts, two hundred acres of land, one hundred acres of meadow, 
two hundred acres of pasture, five hundred acres of marsh, 
forty acres of wood, five hundred acres of furze and heath 
and forty shillings of rent in Woodwalton. 

3 and 4 Philip and Mary. 

31 Between Thomas Carter, gentleman — and William 
Haconby and Agnes, his wife — of a messuage, a toft, three 
gardens, an orchard, forty four acres of land, sixteen acres of 
meadow, two acres of pasture, an acre of wood and two acres 
of marsh in Fenne Stanton. 

32 Between Richard Cervington, esquire — and Richard 
Wakerley, gentleman-— of two messuages, two tofts, three 
gardens, four orchards, forty acres of land, ten acres of meadow, 
four acres of wood and six shillings of rent in Ramsey. 

33 Between William Frauncys and William Coseyn — and 
Thomas Astwoode, senior, and Agnes, his wife, Robert Ast- 
woode, James Astwoode and Thomas Astwoode, junior — of 
two messuages, two gardens, and thirty six acres of land in 
AbbottesleyS otherwise Abbottesley. 

34 Between Thomas Peerson — and Thomas Tappe and 
Agnes, his wife — of a cottage in Erythe. 

35 Between Silvester Beddell' — and Richard Marten and 
Lettice, his wife — of twelve acres of land in Awconbury-cum- 
Weston. 

36 Between Thomas Astwood', senior, 'yoman,' and Richard 
Astwood' — and James Stoner' and Catherine, his wife, Chris- 
topher Wannopp' and Agnes, his wife — of a messuage and a 
garden in the town of S* Neots. 

37 Between Joan Bawdes, widow, Frances Bawdes and 

* Probably written in error for Albottesley. 



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2 AND 3 PHILIP AND MARY — 1 ELIZ. 149 

Anne Bawdes — and Anthony Dyxon and Alice, his wife— of 
two messuages, two shops, two orchards and two gardens in 
the town of Huntyngdon. 



4 and 5 Philip and Mary. 

38 Between Nicholas Luke, a baron of the exchequer — 
and Maurice Barkeley, esquire— of the manor of Eynesburye, 
and of thirty messuages, twenty cottages, ten tofts, twenty 
orchards, twenty gardens, a thousand acres of land, one 
hundred acres of meadow, three hundred acres of pasture, 
twenty acres of wood and three pounds of rent and the 
rent of a pound of pepper, twelve capons and twenty hens 
in Eynesburye, Hardwycke, Caldecotte, Weelde, S* Neots, 
Wyntryngham and Barkeforde, and of free fishing in Eynes- 
burye. 

1 Eliz.' 

1 Between Simon Angell' — and Robert Corby te, 'powderer,' 
and Mary, his wife — of a messuage in the parish of S' Benedict 
in the town of Huntington. 

2 Between William Bugbye, gentleman — and Thomas Lawe 
and Agnes, his wife, Thomas Crosse and Anne, his wife, Ellen 
Hatley and Joan Hatley — of three messuages, three cottages, 
eight tofts, three gardens, three orchards, sixty acres of land, 
six acres of meadow, twenty acres of pasture, four acres of wood 
and four acres of furze and heath in Paxton Magna and Paxton 
Parua. 

3 Between Thomas Bedell* — and John Exair and Catherine, 
his wife — of an annual rent of twenty six shillings and eight 
pence in Groflfham, Bugden, Perry and Ellyngton. 

4 Between Roger Woodhous, knight — and Simon Throg- 
merton, gentleman — of the manor of Fosters, and of six 
messuages, six curtilages, one hundred acres of land, forty 
acres of pasture, six acres of wood and twenty shillings of rent 
in Brampton. 

^ See note 1 on p. 118 and note 2 on p. 187 above. 



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150 HUNTINGDONSHIBE FINES. 



a Eliz.' 



5 Between Richard Deacon — and Robert Lane, knight, and 
Catherine, his wife — of six messuages, four tofts, six gardens, 
four hundred acres of land, fifty acres of meadow, one hundred 
acres of pasture, three acres of wood, forty acres of furze and 
heath and ten shillings of rent in Kayston, otherwise Keyston. 

6 Between Clement Manestye — and Christopher Dove, 
gentleman, and Agnes, his wife— -of three messuages and two 
gardens in the town of S* Neots. 

7 Between William Sybley and Roger Sedgsweke — and 
Leonard Sedgsweke and Elizabeth, his wife — of a messuage in 
the town of S* Neots. 

8 Between William Fluyd' and William Story — and Henry 
Dackam, gentleman, and Dorothy, his wife — of a capital 
messuage called Le Garlaund', and of four messuages, two 
dovehouses, two gardens, two orchards^ eighty acres of land, 
ten acres of meadow, thirty acres of pasture, six acres of wood, 
twenty acres of furze and heath, ten acres of moor, six acres of 
marsh, and of common of pasture for one hundred sheep in 
Huntyngdon', Bramton', Magna Stewckley and Harford*. 

9 Between William Smyth*, Humphrey Michell' and Richard 
Byddeir — and Michael Locke and Jane, his wife — of a messuage 
and ten acres of pasture in Kymbalton, and of the rectory of 
the parish church of Kymbalton*. 

3 Eliz. 

10 Between Catherine Dormeyre, widow — and John Dor- 
meyre, William Dormeyre and Ambrose Dormeyre, esquires — 
of ten messuages, two cottages, ten gardens, ten orchards, two 
hundred acres of land, one hundred acres of meadow, one 
hundred and sixty acres of pasture, forty acres of wood and 
one hundred acres of furze and heath in Godmancbester. 

^ It appears from the endorsements of proclamations that Trinity term of 
this year was adjonrned on the octaye of Trinity till the octave of Michaelmas. 
See also Dyer's Reports, n. p. 185 &. 

3 Latin * ortns.' 

8 Made in Trinity term and recorded in Michaelmas term of this year. 



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2—3 ELiz. 161 

11 Between James Dyer, knight, and Margaret, his wife — 
and Robert Peters and Agnes, his wife — of four messuages, a 
toft, a dovehouse, four gardens, two orchards, twenty acres of 
land, thirty acres of meadow, three hundred and forty acres of 
pasture and one hundred and forty acres of wood in Stoughton 
Magna, Kymbolton, Hayleweston and Sowtho^ 

12 Between William Hobson — and Gabriel Denney and 
Cutbridge, his wife — of a messuage, a garden and an orchard in 
the town of S' Neots^ 

13 Between Mathew Androwe — and John Archer* and 
Margeiy, his wife — of a messuage, a garden, an orchard and 
eight acres of pasture in Huntyngton*. 

14 Between Nicholas Luke, esquire, one of the barons 
of the queen's exchequer — and Francis, earl of Bedford, and 
Margaret, his wife — of the manor of Albottysley, otherwise 
Aubsley, otherwise Abbottysley, and of twenty messuages, 
twelve tofts, sixteen cottages, six gardens, five hundred acres 
of land, twenty acres of meadow, five hundred acres of pasture, 
twenty acres of wood, sixty acres of furze and heath, twenty 
shillings of rent and the rent of half a pound of pepper in 
Albottysley, otherwise Aubsley, otherwise Abbottysley, Harde- 
wyke, otherwise Puttocke Hardewyke, Eynesburye, Welde, 
Caldecotte, Paxton Magna, Barkeford', Warysley, and Croxton, 
and also of a free fishing in the water of Owse. 

15 Between William Laurens, esquire — and Robert Sapcotes, 
esquire — of forty acres of land, twenty acres of meadow, forty 
acres of pasture, twenty acres of wood and six shillings of rent 
and the rent of three capons in Ellington and Sybthorpp'. 

16 Between Edward Overton, gentleman — and William 
Goderyche and Elizabeth, his wife — of a messuage, a cottage, 
a garden, an orchard, twenty acres of land, forty acres of 
meadow, twenty acres of pasture and ten acres of wood in 
Somersham and Pydley. 

17 Between William Luddyngton — and Henry Negose and 
Joan, his wife — of a messuage, an orchard and a garden in 
Gyddyng Magna. 

^ Made in Hilaiy term and recorded in Easter term. 



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152 HUNTINGDONSHIRE FINES. 

18 Between Thomas Lovett', esquire — and William Matthewe, 
esquire — of two messuages, a toft, two gardens, two hundred 
acres of land, forty acres of pasture, ten acres of wood and forty 
acres of furze and heath in Orton Longfeld, Orton Waterfeld, 
and Bottelbridge. 

19 Between Henry Williamson and Florence, his wife — 
and Thomas Williamson, gentleman, and Dorothy, his wife — 
of two messuages, two gardens, two orchards, and a horse-mill 
in Bugden. 

4 EUz. 

20 Between John Watson, gentleman — and Henry William- 
son and Florence, his wife — of two messuages, two gardens, two 
orchards and a horse-mill in Bugden \ 

21 Between Gregory Pormorte — ^and Lawrence Mylford and 
Thomasine, his wife, and Andrew Reade, gentleman — of three 
messuages, two gardens and two acres of pasture in Huntyng- 
ton. 

22 Between Robert Beveir, gentleman — and John Smythe 
— of a messuage, a garden, an orchard, a barn, forty acres of 
land, six acres of meadow and six acres of pasture in Chas- 
terton. 

23 Between William Fynden — and Robert BevylF, gentle- 
man — of a toft, twenty acres of land, six acres of meadow, two 
acres of pasture and common of pasture for all animals in 
Keyston'. 

24 Between John Chapman, junior, * yoman ' — and Martin 
Moir, otherwise Gryme, and Joan, his wife — of a messuage, two 
cottages, a garden, an orchard, forty acres of land, thirty acres 
of meadow, twenty acres of pasture and six acres of wood in 
Fennystanton. 

25 Between Francis, earl of Bedford — and Robert Pember- 
ton, gentleman, and Margaret, his wife — of ten acres of meadow, 
one hundred and twenty acres of pasture and ten acres of wood 
in Covington*. 

^ Made in Hilary term and recorded in Easter term. 
^ Made in Trinity term and recorded in Easter term. 



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3—5 ELiz. 153 

26 Between Henry Perrye — and Henry Wylliamson and 
Agnes, his wife — of four acres and a half of meadow in Seynt 
Ives. 

5 EUz.' 

27 Between Edmund Ivatt — and William King* and Agnes, 
his wife^-of two messuages called Le Bull in the town of 
S* Neots. 

28 Between William La wrens, esquire — ^and Robert BevelF, 
gentleman^-of a messuage, a garden, an orchard, fifty acres of 
land, ten acres of meadow, ten acres of pasture, seventy acres of 
wood and ten shillings of rent in Woodwalton, Denton and 
Suershaye. 

29 Between Richard Carryer, senior, and Richard Carryer, 
junior — and William Bugbye and Elizabeth, his wife^-of three 
messuages, three cottages, eight tofts, three gardens, three 
orchai-ds, sixty acres of land, six acres of meadow, twenty acres 
of pasture, four acres of wood and four acres of furze and heath 
in Faxton Magna and Faxton Parua. 

30 Between Henry Lawrence and William Thomas — and 
George Walton, gentleman — of the manor of Stoughton, and of 
two messuages, a toft, a windmill, a dovehouse, two gardens, 
two hundred and sixty acres of land, fifteen acres of meadow, 
three hundred acres of pasture, thirty acres of wood and twenty 
pounds of rent in Stoughton Magna". 

31 Between John Randall' — and William Randall' — of two 
messuages, twelve acres of land, two acres of meadow and .two 
acres of pasture in Fennestanton. 

32 Between Christopher Foster, clerk — and William Freman 
and Jane, his wife — of a moiety of a messuage, a garden, ten 
acres and a half of land, half an acre and a rood of meadow and 
eight acres of pasture in Sowtho, Dodyngton and Boughton. 

33 Between William Thometon, esquire, and Edward 
Slegge, gentleman — and John Symcote, gentleman, and Phillis, 

^ It appears from the endorsementB of proolamationB thai MiohaelmaB term 
at the end of this year was adjourned on the octave of Michaelmas till the 
octave of Hilary of the year 6 Eliz. See also Dyer'fl Reports, n. p. 185 b. 

^ Made in Hilary term and recorded in Easter term. 



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154 HUNTINGDONSHIRE FINES. 

his wife, and Anthony Stapleton, esquire — of a capital messuage, 
two bams, a garden, an orchard, a dovehouse, eighty acres of 
land, twenty acres of meadow, twelve acres of pasture, common 
of pasture for three hundred sheep and twenty cows and free 
fishing in Fennestanton. 

34 Between John Lyndsey — and Geoffrey Thodye — of nine 
acres of land in Fennystanton'. 

6 Elii.' 

35 Between William Sewster, gentleman, and William 
Lawrence, esquire, and Margery, his wife — of the manor of 
Stukeleys, and of one hundred acres of land, twenty acres of 
meadow, forty acres of pasture, four acres of wood and ten 
shillings of rent in Magna Raveley, Parua Raveley, and Upwood. 

36 Between Gilbert Corbett — and Alice Cordell', widow — 
of a messuage, a garden and an orchard in the town of 
S' Neots*. 

37 Between Henry Williams, otherwise CrumweU*, esquire 
— and William Taylard', gentleman, and Mary, his wife — of 
twenty eight acres of land and three roods of pasture in 
Upwood' and Bury, otherwise Berry. 

38 Between Richard Gollston — and Thomas HalF — of a 
messuage, a garden and a barn in Hunt'. 

39 Between Thomas Cornewallys, knight, John Sulyard, 
knight, John Cotton, knight, Edmund Huddylston, Edmund 
Awedeley, John Cotton, Ferdinand Parys, esquires, John 
Graye, Charles Huddilston, John Hnddilston, John Alden 
and Edward Flude — ^and Thomas LovelF, knight, and Elizabeth, 
his wife — of the manor of Wolley, and of ten messuages, ten 
tofts, a mill, a dovehouse, ten gardens, a thousand acres of 
land, two hundred acres of meadow, three hundred acres of 
pasture, one hundred and eighty acres of wood, one hundred acres 
of furze and heath and forty shillings of rent in Wolley, and of 

1 The Common Bench was at the Castle of Hertford daring Hilary term of 
this year. The term was adjonmed from the octave till the qninzaine of 
Hilary, Dyer's Reports^ ii. p. 185 &. 

3 The feet of this and the four following fines are missing. The above 
particulars are taken from the notes. 



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5 — 7 ELiz. 155 

liberty of foldage and common of pasture for nine hundred 
sheep in WoUey. 

40 Between Henry Wyllyams, otherwise Cromweir, esquire, 
and Joan, his wife — and Henry Forest, gentleman — of two 
messuages, two gardens, twenty acres of land, sixteen acres 
of meadow, forty acres of pasture, twenty acres of wood, twenty 
acres of furze and heath and ten shillings of rent in Coppyng- 
ford'. 

41 Between Richard Carier, senior, and Richard Carier, 
junior — and Thomas Pennyfather and Emma, his wife — of a 
messuage, two cottages, two tofts, two gardens, three orchards, 
thirty acres of land and two acres of meadow in Parua Paxton. 

42 Between Anthony Stapleton, esquire — and John Simcott, 
gentleman, and Phillis, his wife — of ten messuages, ten tofts, 
three dovehouses, ten gardens, ten orchards, two hundred acres 
of land, sixty acres of meadow, sixty acres of pasture and ten 
acres of wood in Fennystanton. 

7 EUs. 

43 Between Thomas Rygdon — and Henry Williamson and 
Florence, his wife — of two messuages, a horse-mill, a barn, two 
gardens and two orchards in Bugden^ 

44 Between Henry Oranweir — and Philip Pecocke, son and 
heir of Parnelle Pecocke, one of the daughters of William 
Gunneir, lately deceased, and Elizabeth Pecocke, sister of the 
aforesaid Philip — of two messuages, a garden, an orchard and 
two acres of pasture in Parua Paxton. 

45 Between Silvester Bedeir, gentleman, John Bedell*, 
gentleman, and William Bedell' — ^and Thomas Knyvett, knight, 
Edmund Knyvett, gentleman, Henry Knyvett, gentleman, 
Anthony Knyvett, gentleman, John Chetham, gentleman, and 
Catherine, his wife — of the manor of Hamarton, and of twenty 
messuages, ten cottages, forty tofts, three dovehouses, thirty 
gardens, thirty orchards, a thousand acres of land, two hundred 
acres of meadow, three hundred acres of pasture, thirty acres of 

^ The feet of this and the three foUowing fines are missing. The above 
partioolars are taken from the notes. 



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156 HUNTINGDONSHIRE FINES. 

wood, forty acres of furze and heath and sixty shillings of rent 
in Hamarton, and of view of frank pledge and liberty of a fold- 
age in Hamarton. 

46 Between Robert Beveir, gentleman, and John Bevell', 
gentleman — and Walter Waren, otherwise Dyckells, gentle- 
man — of eight messuages, four cottages, two tofts, two dove- 
houses, ten gardens, six orchards, three hundred acres of land, 
one hundred acres of meadow, two hundred acres of pasture, 
ten acres of wood, three hundred acres of moor, three hundred 
acres of marsh, four hundred acres of furze and heath and ten 
shillings of rent in Alcanbury, Copmanforde, Sawtrie, Glatton, 
Elyngton and Holme. 

47 Between William Laddes and William Prior — and 
Richard Charnock', gentleman, and Mary, his wife — of a messu- 
age, seven tofts, one hundred and forty acres of land, ten acres 
of meadow, ten acres of pasture and twenty acres of furze and 
heath in Thumyng', otherwise Thymyng, Luddyngton and 
Henyngton^ 

48 Between William Qoodeare and Edward Pennant, 
gentlemen — and Walter, viscount Hereford, lord Ferrers of 
Chartley— of two messuages, two gardens, four hundred acres 
of land, one hundred acres of meadow, five hundred acres of 
pasture, a thousand acres of furze and heath and one hundred 
shillings of rent in Keyston, and also of the advowson of the 
church of Keyston*. 

8 Eliz. 

49 Between Henry Darcye, esquire — and John Muscote — 
of twenty acres of meadow, six acres of pasture and eight acres 
of wood in EUyngtou and Awconbury. 

50 Between William Mason and Ralph Bank' — and Henry 

^ Both the foot and the note of this fine are missing. The above partioolan 
are taken from the manuscript index in the Literary Search Boom at the Public 
Becord Office, and from the enrolment of the Qaeen's Silver {Common Rolls, 
No. 244, Boll 800). The fine was made in Easter term and recorded in 
Trinity term. 

* The feet of this and the two following fines are missing. The above 
particulars are taken from the notes. This fine was made in Trinify term and 
recorded in Michaelmas term. 



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7—9 ELiz. 157 

Dackham and Dorothy, his wife — of three messuages, three 
tofts, a dovehouse, three gardens, three orchards and forty four 
acres of pasture in Huntingdon. 

51 Between William Laurence, esquire — and Richard 
Henson and Alice, his wife — of seventy two acres of land, eight 
acres of meadow and three acres of wood in Ellington, Awken- 
burye and Sybsthorp. 

52 Between Henry Margett', junior — and Henry Pulter — 
of a windmill and half a rood of land in Browghton. 

53 Between Thomas Meade, gentleman — and William Sym- 
cott' and Alice, his wife — of a messuage, a garden, an orchard 
and six acres of pasture in Huntyngton. 

9 Eliz. 

54 Between Thomas Wye and Frances Hatley — Thomas 
Saunders and Elizabeth, his wife — of two messuages and two 
gardens in the town of S' Neots*. 

55 Between John Chetham, gentleman — and Henry Dack- 
ham and Dorothy, his wife, and William Dackham, gentleman, 
brother of the same Henry and Benedicta, his wife — of eleven 
messuages, ten tofts, three dovehouses, twelve gardens, twelve 
orchards, forty acres of land, thirty acres of meadow, forty acres 
of pasture, ten acres of wood, fifty acres of furze and heath, ten 
acres of moor, ten acres of marsh and three shillings of rent in 
Huntingdon, Brampton, Magna Stewkley and Harford, and also 
of free fishing in the water of Qannock". 

56 Between Thomas Danyell' — and William Vemam and 
Margaret, his wife, and Richard Vemam and Margery, his 
wife — of a messuage, a croft and fourteen acres of land in 
Parua Stewkley. 

57 Between Henry Darcy, knight — ^and Francis Kellewey, 
esquire, and Anne, his wife— of the manor of Medlowe, and of 
two messuages, two cottages, four tofts, two dovehouses, a water- 
mill, two gardens, two orchards, two hundred acres of land, 
two hundred acres of meadow, seven hundred acres of pasture, 

^ The feet of this and the two following fines are misaing. The above 
particolars are taken from the notes. 



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158 HUNTINGDONSHIRE FINES. 

four hundred acres of wood, three hundred acres of marsh and 
ten shillings of rent in Medlowe and Mulsowe*. 

58 Between James Dyer, knight, chief justice of our lady 
the queen of the bench, and Margaret, his wife — ^and William 
Bulkeley, esquire — of the manors of Maugrey and Magna 
Pax ton, and of sixty messuages, twenty tofts, twenty cottages, 
two mills, a dovehouse, sixty gardens, sixty orchards, five 
hundred acres of land, three hundred acres of meadow, five 
hundred acres of pasture, two hundred acres of wood, twenty 
acres of furze and heath, twenty acres of moor and one hundred 
shillings of rent, and of common of pasture for all manner of 
cattle in Magna Paxton, Parua Pax ton, Southoo, Welde, Hayle- 
weston and Eynesburye, and also of free fishing in the waters 
next Magna Paxton and Southoo, and also of a third part of 
five hundred acres of pasture called Greate Maugrey and Lytle 
Maugrey in Parua Paxton and Hayleweston, and of a third 
part of the advowson of the church of Eynesburye aforesaid". 

59 Between John Lorde — and Thomas Money and Alice, 
his wife— of a moiety of two messuages, forty acres of land, aa 
acre of meadow, and six acres of pasture in Stoughton Magna. 

60 Between Thomas Bedell', gentleman — ^and Edward 
Mulsho, gentleman, and Mary, his wife — of two messuages, two 
tofts, a dovehouse, two gardens, one hundred acres of land, 
twenty acres of meadow, forty acres of pasture, and ten acres 
of wood in Eston, Kymbalton, Spaldewycke and EUyngton'. 

61 Between William Freman — and Thomas Underwood and 
Alice, his wife — of ten acres of land, an acre of meadow, four 
acres of pasture, and two acres of wood in Dodington, Bough ton 
and Sowthoo. 

lO EUz. 

62 Between William Lawrence, esquire, and Thomas Cot- 
ton, esquire — and Henry Williams, otherwise Cromwell', knight, 
and Joan, his wife — of the manor of Wallton, otherwise Wood- 
wallton, and of six messuages, six cottages, six toffcs, a windmill, 

1 This fine contains a warranty by Francis and Anne against the heirs of 
Dame Frances Leder, widow, deceased. 

> Made in Trinity term and recorded in fiiichaebnas term. 



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9—10 ELiz. 159 

ten gardens, twelve orchards, two hundred acres of land, sixty 
acres of meadow, sixty acres of pasture, five hundred acres of 
furze and heath, a thousand acres of marsh, twenty shillings 
of rent and the rent of ten hens in Wallton, otherwise Wood- 
wallton, and of the advowson of the church of Wallton, otherwise 
Woodwallton. 

63 Between Hugh Rychardson — and Philip Pysshe — of 
three messuages, two barns, two gardens, two orchards, seventy 
acres of land, two acres of meadow and ten acres of pasture in 
Magna Paxton and Towseland*. 

64 Between Robert Qrene and Thomas Garnet* — and Wil- 
liam Fluyd, clerk, and Swithin Joyce, executors of the testament 
and last will of John Elington, deceased — of a messuage, one 
hundred acres of land, ten acres of meadow, twelve acres of 
pasture and an acre of wood in Magna Stewkeley. 

65 Between William Wallis — ^and Richard Clampe, gentle- 
man — of a messuage, a garden, an orchard and fifteen acres and 
a half of land in Huntyngton and Balmesholde. 

66 Between George Sandever — and Richard GoUston and 
Joan, his wife — of a messuage, a garden and an orchard in 
Huntyngdon*. 

67 Between Antony Knyght — and William Lane and Agnes, 
his wife— of seven acres of land and half an acre of meadow in 
Wynwycke. 

68 Between Robert Holmes — and Thomas MachelF and 
Margery, his wife— of a messuage in the town of S* Neots*. 

69 Between Richard Warren, esquire, and John Luken*, 
gentleman — and Henry Williams, otherwise Cromweir, knight, 
and Joan, his wife, and Richard Westley — of seven hundred 
acres of pasture in Sawtre Moynes and Sawtre Ivet. 



^ The feet of this and the three following fines are missing. The above 
particnlars are taken from the notes. 

* Made in Hilary term and recorded in Easter term. 

> Made in Trinity term and recorded in Michaelmas term. 



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160 HUNTINGDONSHIRE FINES. 



11 EUz.' 



70 Between Thomas Chester — and Henry Darcy, knight — 
of the manor of Leyghton Bromeswold, otherwise Leyghton 
Bromeswold', otherwise Leyghton Brymeswold', and of two 
hundred messuages, one hundred tofts, six mills, ten dove- 
houses, one hundred gardens, a thousand acres of land, five 
hundred acres of meadow, a thousand acres of pasture, five 
hundred acres of wood, five hundred acres of furze and heath, 
eighty acres of marsh and twelve pence of rent in Leyghton 
Bromeswold', otherwise Leighton Bromeswold, otherwise Leigh- 
ton Brymeswold', otherwise Leighton. 

71 Between John Skott, junior — and James Foster and 
Margaret, his wife, and Thomas Walker and Anne, his wife — of 
thirteen acres of land and six acres of meadow in Haylywell' 
and Nedyngworth. 

72 Between William Laurence and Henry LaCUrence — and 
William Dorcetor, otherwise Dossytor, and Alice, his wife — of 
four messuages, three cottages, four gardens, three hundred 
acres of land, twenty acres of meadow, twenty acres of pasture, 
two acres of wood and six shillings and eight pence of rent in 
Yelling', otherwise Yeldyng', Faxton Magna and Pappworth 
Agnez. 

73 Between William Chauncye, esquire, and Anthony 
Bustard, esquire — and William Kyrkeham, esquire, and Mary^ 
his wife — of the manor of Haddon, and of twenty messuages, 
twenty tofbs, twenty gardens, a windmill, a horse-mill, a thousand 
acres of land, two hundred acres of meadow, five hundred acres 
of pasture, ten acres of wood and forty acres of furze and heath 
in Haddon. 

74 Between William Cervington — and John Pounte and 
Elizabeth, his wife — of a messuage and a garden in Hun- 
tingdon. 

75 Between Richard Langcaster — and Walter Pomys and 

^ It appears from the proclamations and from a note in the mannsoript 
index of fines in the Literary Search Boom of the Public Record Office that 
Michaelmas term of this year was adjourned on the octave of Michaelmas 
till the morrow of All Souls, and on the morrow of All Souls till the octave of 
St Hilary. See also Holinshed's Chronicles, Edition 1S07, Vol. iv. p. 235. 



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11—12 ELIZ. 161 

Alice, his wife—of a messuage, a bam, a garden, an orchard, 
sixteen acres of land, an acre of meadow and common of pasture 
for all cattle in Qraffhame. 



13 Eliz. 

76 Between William Lawrence, esquire — and William 
Holcot' and Ellen, his wife, Paris Corior, otherwise Currier, 
and Alice, his wife, and John Rasynge and Catherine, his 
wife — of four messuages, four gardens, three acres of land, ten 
acres of meadow, two acres of pasture and two acres of wood in 
Huntingdon, Ellington and Sibsthorpp'. 

77 Between Henry Williams, otherwise Cromewell', knight 
— and William Lawerence, esquire, and Margery, his wife — of 
the manor of Horleis, and of ten messuages, six gardens, four 
orchards, two himdred acres of land, two hundred acres of 
meadow, three hundred acres of pasture, one hundred acres 
of wood and a hundred shillings of rent in Browghton, Warbois, 
Wistow, Ramsey, Hemyngrove, Bery Parua and Fenton. 

78 Between Edward Thurston and Thomas Thurston — and 
Robert WoUey and Mary, his wife — of fifty acres of land, eight 
acres of meadow, eight acres of pasture and eight acres of wood 
and of two shillings and eight pence halfpenny of rent in Eston 
and Awconbery Weston. 

79 Between Thomas Martyn, esquire — and John Chapman 
and Elizabeth, his wife — of a messuage, two cottages, a garden, 
an orchard, fifty seven acres of land, thirty acres of meadow, 
twenty acres of pasture, six acres of wood in Fennystanton*. 

80 Between Edward Mountague, knight — and Robert 
Forrest, esquire, and Agnes, his wife — of ten acres of land and 
forty acres of wood in Wassingley and Calcott*, otherwise 
Caldecott'. 

81 Between Thomas Awrient — and Gilbert Awrient and 
Joan, his wife — of a messuage, a garden, an orchard, six acres 
of land, an acre of meadow, an acre of pasture and an acre of 
wood in Laighton' Bromeswolde. 

82 Between Thomas Wyseman — and John Newman and 

^ Made in Hilary term and recorded in Easter term. 
C. A. S, Octavo Series, XXXVU. H 



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162 HUNTINGDONSHIRE FINES. 

Margaret, his wife— of three acres of meadow in Godman- 
Chester. 

13 EUz. 

83 Between James Dyer, knight, chief justice of our lady 
the queen of the bench — ^and Walter, Viscount Hereford, lord 
Ferrers of Charteley — of the manors of Southoo, Magrey, Hayle- 
weston, Paxton and Eynesbury, and of twenty messuages, six 
cottages, six tofts, three mills, two dovehouses, thirty gardens, 
twenty orchards, five hundred acres of land, two hundred acres 
of meadow, four hundred acres of pasture, four hundred acres 
of wood, fifty acres of marsh, two hundred acres of furze and 
heath, forty shillings of rent and the rent of a pound of pepper 
and fishing in the water of Ouse, with appurtenances in 
Southoo, Magrey, Haileweston, Paxtou Magna, Paxton Parua, 
Eynesbury and Welde, and also of view of frank pledge in 
Southoo, Hayleweston, and Eynesbury, and of the advowson 
of the church of Eynesbury aforesaid ^ 

84 Between Lewis Mordaunt, knight — and Wistan Broune» 
esquire — of a third part of the manor of Buckworthe, and of 
a third part of thirty messuages, twenty tofts, a windmill, two 
dovehouses, five hundred acres of land, one hundred and twenty 
acres of meadow, three hundred acres of pasture, sixty acres of 
wood, forty acres of furze and heath and thirty shillings of 
rent in Buckworthe, Alcombery Weston, Wolryche, otherwise 
WoUey, and Stapley, and also of a third part of the advowson 
of the church of Buckworthe and a third part of the view of 
frank pledge in Buckworthe. 

85 Between John Pount' — and Edmund Jackson and Agnes, 
his wife — of a messuage, a cottage and a garden in the parish 
of All Saints in the tovirn of Huntyngdon. 

86 Between John Wilde, otherwise Merell' — and Henry 
Palgrave and Margaret, his wife — of a moiety of a messuage, 
a cottage, a garden, an orchard, forty acres of land, four acres 
of meadow and three acres of pasture in Stoughton Magna, 
Perye and Grafiam. 

87 Between Kenelm Kent and Elizabeth, his wife — and 

^ Made in Miohaelmas term at the beginning of this year and reoorded in 
Hilary term. 



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12—13 Euz. 163 

Francis Williams, otherwise Oromweir, esquire, and Margaret, 
his wife — of twenty six and a half acres of land and four acres 
of meadow in Hemmingford Gray. 

88 Between William Laurence, esquire — and Philip Barbor 
and Emma, his wife, and William Holcot' and Ellen, his wife — 
of three messuages, three gardens, thirty acres of land, ten 
acres of meadow, eight acres of pasture and two acres of wood 
in Oflford Cluney, Oflford Darcey, Ellington and Sipthorp*. 

89 Between Edward Stanhope, esquire — and Robert Forrest, 
esquire, and Henry Forrest, gentleman — of a messuage, a mill, 
a dovehouse, three gai'dens, two orchards, one hundred acres of 
land, twenty acres of meadow, twenty acres of pasture, one 
hundred acres of furze and heath, one hundred acres of marsh, 
forty acres of turbary and common of pasture for all manner of 
cattle in Stylton. 

90 Between William Chaderton, clerk — and John Toseland' 
and Margaret, his wife, and Thomas Toseland' and Mary, his 
wife— of six messuages, six gardens, six orchards, eighty eight 
acres of land, twenty acres of meadow, thirty acres of pasture 
and eight acres of wood in Hallywell* and Nedyngworth*. 

91 Between Anthony Knight — and William Lane and 
Agnes, his wife — of a messuage, a garden, an orchard, fifty 
acres of land, six acres of meadow, four acres of pasture and 
two acres of wood in Wynwyck'. 

92 Between John Ashecomb, gentleman, and Thomas 
Bedell", gentleman — ^and Lewis Mordaunt, knight, lord Mor- 
daunt — of a third part of the manor of Buckworthe, and thirty 
messuages, twenty tofts, a windmill, two dovehouses, five 
hundred acres of land, one hundred and twenty acres of 
meadow, three hundred acres of pasture, sixty acres of wood, 
forty acres of furze and heath and twenty shillings of rent 
in Buckworthe, Alcomburye Weston, Wolritche, otherwise 
Wolley, and Stapley, and of a third part of the advowson of 
the church of Buckworthe and also of a third part of the view 
of frank pledge in Buckworthe. 

93 Between William Addyson — and Robert Beveir, gentle- 
man — of a messuage, a garden, twenty acres of land, three acres 
of meadow and three acres of pasture in Olatton. 

11—2 



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164 HUNTINGDONSHIRE FINES. 

94 Between William Playfere and Ralph Bestocke, gentle- 
men — and George Morton, esquire — of the manor of Mowles- 
worth, and of twelve messuages, twenty tofts, a dovehouse, five 
hundred acres of land, two hundred acres of meadow, four 
hundred acres of pasture, ten acres of wood and six shillings of 
rent in Mowlesworth, Bythorn and Catworth Magna, and of the 
advowson of the church of Mowlesworth ^ 

95 Between Robert BevelF, gentleman — and Robert 
Dyckons and Elizabeth, his wife — of six acres of pasture in 
Aylton. 

96 Between Robert Assheton, the son of Peter Assheton — 
and the same Peter Assheton — of a messuage, fifty acres of 
land, five acres of meadow and five acres of pasture in 
Oldeweston. 

14 Eliz. 

97 Between George Carter' — ^and John Bawdewyn, esquire, 
and Catherine, his wife — of a messuage, a bam, a garden, an 
orchard, thirty nine acres and a rood of land, two acres and a 
half of meadow and seven acres of pasture in Stoughton 
Magna. 

98 Between Thomas Burton — and George Carter and Mar- 
garet, his wife — of a toft, ten acres of land, a rood of meadow 
and a rood of wood in Stoughton' Magna and Graffam. 

99 Between Richard Browne — and William Bamewell' and 
Agnes, his wife — of a messuage, a garden, seven acres of land, 
two acres of meadow and two acres of pasture in Bythorne*. 

100 Between Roger Walker — and John Page and Ellen, his 
wife — of a messuage and a garden in Eynesburye. 

101 Between Thomas Marshe, esquire — and Edward Den- 
ton, gentleman, and Joyce, his wife — of six messuages, six tofts, 
a dovehouse, twelve gardens, two hundred acres of land, ten 
acres of meadow and twenty acres of pasture in Weresley, 
otherwise Werysley. 

102 Between Edward Rouse, geutleman, son and heir 

^ Made in Trinity term and recorded in Michaelmas term. 
3 The foot of this and the foUowing fine are missing. The above partiealara 
are taken from the notes. 



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13—15 ELiz. 165 

apparent of John Rouse, esquire — and the same John Rouse, 
esquire — of the manors of Bowton and Sowthoe, and of seven 
messuages, four cottages, a dovehouse, twelve gardens, six 
hundred acres of land, sixty acres of meadow, two hundred 
acres of pasture, ten acres of wood, one hundred acres of furze 
and heath and twenty shillings of rent in Bowton, Sowthoe 
and Didington. 

103 Between Robert Aprece — ^and Robert Forrest', esquire, 
and Agnes, his wife — of a messuage called Le George in 
Stilton, a garden, an orchard, one hundred acres of land, twenty 
acres of meadow, twenty acres of pasture and fifty acres of 
marsh in Stilton. 

104 Between Thomas Wodell' — and John Colidge and Anne, 
his wife— of two messuages in the town of S' Neots. 

105 Between Richard Tryse, gentleman, and Anne, his wife 
— and William Poulett', knight, lord Seynt John and Agnes, 
his wife — of a moiety of the manor of Broughtons, and three 
messuages, six gardens, three hundred acres of land, thirty acres 
of meadow, one hundred acres of pasture, ten acres of wood, 
twenty acres of furze and heath and eighteen pence of rent in 
Stewkley Magna and Stewkley Parua\ 

106 Between Richard Hendley and Humphrey Hooper — and 
Thomas Carter, gentleman, and Anne, his wife, and George 
Edward', gentleman^-of forty acres of land and four acres of 
meadow in Fenistantoa 

15 EUz. 

107 Between Samuel Wyseman — and Thomas Wyseman — 
of a toft and two acres of pasture in the town of Huntingdon. 

108 Between Thomas Slade, esquire — and Thomas Cooke, 
esquire — of six acres of land and twelve acres of pasture in 
Hunt3mgton and Stevecley Magna. 

109 Between Kenelm Kent, gentleman — and George Daw- 
son and Agnes, his wife — of a messuage, a kitchen*, a bam and 
an orchard in Huntyngton'. 

1 This fine oontains a warranty by William and Agnes against the heirs of 
John Broughton, esquire, deceased. 
> Latin 'ooqnina.* 



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166 HUNTINGDONSHIRE FINES. 

110 Between John Aburne — and John Springe and Cather- 
ine, his wife — of two messuages, a garden, an orchard, two 
hundred acres of land, ten acres of meadow, ten acres of pasture, 
two acres of wood and common of pasture for all manner of 
cattle in Steple Gyddyng'. 

111 Between Nicholas Calton, gentleman — and Humphrey 
Drueir, gentleman — of two messuages, a cottage, four tofts, a 
dovehouse, two gardens, four orchards, three hundred acres of 
land, forty acres of meadow, one hundred acres of pasture, 
twenty acres of wood, ten acres of furze and heath and five 
shillings of rent in Parua Catworth' and Magna Catworth'. 

112 Between William Awnor — and Robert Dawson and 
Margaret, his wife — of a messuage, a garden, two acres and a 
half of land and two acres of pasture in the town of S* Neots. 

113 Between Robert Milsent, gentleman — and Christopher 
Smythe, gentleman, and Frances, his wife, William Smythe, 
otherwise Saunders, and Mary, his wife, and Abril Leman and 
Bridgit, his wife— of six messuages, three cottages, four bams, a 
dovehouse, six gardens, six orchards, one hundred acres of land, 
twenty acres of meadow, ten acres of pasture, an acre of wood 
and twenty acres of furze and heath in Overton Watervile, 
otherwise Cherihorton, Overton Longvile, Bottelbridge, Haddon 
and Woodston. 

114 Between Edward Grawnt — and John Bevell', gentleman, 
and Frances, his wife — of a messuage, a garden, three acres of 
land, an acre of pasture and common of pasture for ten sheep 
in Sawtrye Moynes and Sawtrye Beames. 

115 Between William Bameweir, senior — and William 
Mathewe, gentleman — of twenty acres of land and eight acres 
of meadow in Keyston. 

116 Between Thomas Younge — and William Fawnt, esquire 
—of a messuage, a cottage, two gardens, sixty acres of land, six 
acres of meadow, sixteen acres of pasture and eight acres of 
wood in Wi8towe\ 

117 Between Richard Musterd — and William Poulett', 
knight, lord Seynct John, and Agnes, his wife^-of a moiety 
of a messuage, two cottages, four tofts, four gardens, one 

1 Made in Trinity term and recorded in Miohaelmaa term. 



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16—16 KLiz. 167 

hundred and twenty acres of land^ thirty acres of meadow, fifty 
acres of pasture, four acres of wood and ten shillings of rent in 
Hemyngford' Grey. 

118 Between William Mylles — and Thomas Eynesworth' — 
of a messuage, a garden and a rood of land in Ramsey. 

16 Ells. 

119 Between John Turpyn, gentleman — ^and Walter Hor- 
woode — of a messuage, two bams, a dovehouse and an acre 
and a half of pasture in Huntyngdon. 

120 Between James Dyer, knight, our lady the queen's 
chief justice of the bench — and Maurice Barkley, esquire, and 
Mary, his wife — of the manor of Eynesbury, otherwise Eynes- 
bury Barkley, and of thirty messuages, twenty cottages, ten 
tofts, thirty gardens, thirty orchards, a thousand acres of land, 
one hundred acres of meadow, three hundred acres of pasture, 
twenty acres of wood, sixty shillings of rent and the rent of a 
pound of pepper and a pound of cumin in Eynesbury, Harde- 
wycke, Caldecote, Welde, S* Neots, Wintryngham and Bark- 
forde, and also of view of frank pledge and free fishing in the 
water of Ovse and Eynesbury in Eynesbury, Hardewycke, 
Caldecote, Welde, S* Neots, Wyntryngham and Barkforde. 

121 Between William Walpoll' — and Edmund Gale and 
John Wood and Margaret, his wife— of two parts of a messuage, 
a bam, a dovehouse, a garden, an orchard, five acres of land, a 
rood of meadow and four acres of pasture into four parts to be 
divided in Suthoo. 

122 Between Robert Cawthorae — and William Joyse — of a 
messuage, one hundred acres of land, forty acres of meadow 
and sixty acres of pasture in Awconbery. 

123 Between John Woodroff' — and Thomas Bowne and 
Dorothy, his wife— of a messuage, a garden, an orchard and 
three acres of pasture in the parish of S^ Mary the Virgin in 
the town of Huntington. 

124 Between Nicholas Fuller and Thomas Pagitt' — and 
George Morton, esquire, and Mary, his wife — of seven messuages, 
twenty two tofts, seven gardens, four hundred and twenty two 



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168 HUNTINGDONSHIRE FINES, 

acres of land, forty acres of meadow, one hundred and thirty 
acres of pasture and common of pasture for thirty one horses, 
six hundred and twenty sheep and four other beasts in Moules- 
worth, otherwise Mullesworth\ 

125 Between William Farren, gentleman — and George 
Morton, esquire, and Mary, his wife— of the manor of Mowles- 
worth, otherwise MuUesworth, and of ten messuages, two 
cottages, five hundred acres of land, one hundred acres of 
meadow, six hundred acres of pasture, twelve acres of wood, 
one hundred acres of furze and heath and six shillings of rent 
in Mowlesworth, otherwise MuUesworth, and Bythome, and of 
the advowson of the church of Mowlesworth, otherwise MuUes- 
worth, except three hundred acres of land, forty acres of 
meadow, one hundred and thirty acres of pasture in Mowles- 
worth, otherwise MuUesworth'. 

126 Between Agnes CoUyn', widow — and John Darrington, 
esquire — of a messuage, a curtilage, a garden and seven acres 
of land in Parua Catworthe^ 

127 Between Henry WilUams, otherwise Cromweir, knight, 
and Joan, his wife — and Robert Drueir, gentleman, Humphrey 
Drueir, esquire, and John Springe, gentleman, and Catherine, 
his wife— of four messuages, two barns, four gardens, thirty 
six acres of land, twelve acres of pasture and four acres of 
wood in Huntyngdon. 

17 EUz. 

128 Between Edmund Duloo — and John Bawd wyn, gentle- 
man, and Catherine his wife — of a messuage, eight acres of 
land and an acre of meadow in Stoughton Magna. 

129 Between Edward Woodley — and John Bawd wyn, gentle- 
man, and Catherine, his wife— K)f three messuages, seven acres 
of land and an acre of meadow in Stoughton Magna. 

130 Between Robert Saunder — and John Bawdwyn, gentle- 
man, and Catherine, his wife — of a messuage, forty six acres of 

^ The foot of this fine is missing. The above particulars are taken from 
the note. 

' Made in Trinity term and recorded in Michaehnas term. 



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16—18 ELIZ. 169 

land, two acres of meadow and two acres of pasture in Stough- 
ton Magna. 

131 Between James Dyer, knight, chief justice of our lady 
the queen of the bench — ^and John Bawdwyn, gentleman, and 
Catherine, his wife— of four acres of meadow and three acres of 
wood in Stoughton Magna. 

132 Between Thomas Edward* and Henry Adlington — 
and Walter Horwood'— K)f a messuage and a garden in the town 
of Huntingdon. 

133 Between Peter Bosewell' and Richard Henley — and 
Francis Mallerye and Ellen, his wife^-of two messuages, a 
cottage, two gardens, one hundred and sixty acres of land, 
twelve acres of meadow, thirty acres of pasture and twelve 
acres of wood in Ellyngton^ 

134 Between George Carter — Richard Wallys and Agnes, 
his wife, and Oliver ParrelF— of a messuage, a bam, a garden, 
twenty acres of land, an acre of meadow and three acres of 
pasture in Stoughton Magna. 

135 Between Kenelm Kent — and Thomas Yonge and Lucy, 
his wife — of a messuage, a cottage, a barn, a garden, an orchard, 
seventy acres of land, ten acres of meadow and ten acres of 
pasture in Groffham. 

18 EUx. 

136 Between Edward Woodley — and Richard Wallys and 
Agnes, his wife, and Oliver Parreir— of a messuage, fifty five 
acres of land, six acres of meadow and seven acres of pasture in 
Stoughton Magna. 

137 Between Richard Harris and Humphrey Keache — ^and 
John Keache — of two messuages and a garden in Huntyngdon. 

138 Between Thomas Cotton, esquire, and Thomas Slade, 
esquire — and Humphrey Drueir, esquire, and Awdry, his wife — 
of two hundred acres of pasture in Gyddynge Parua*. 

139 Between Richard Coxe, bishop of Ely, and Jane Coxe, 
otherwise called Jane Turner, otherwise Awder — and Thomas 

^ Made in Trinity term and recorded in Michaelmas term. 
* The feet of this and the four following fines are missing. The above 
particulars are taken from the notes of fines. 



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170 HUNTINQDONSHIRE FINES. 

Martyn, esquire, and Margery, his wife— of a messuage, two 
cottages, a garden, an orchard, fifty seven acres of land, thirty 
acres of meadow, twenty acres of pasture and six acres of wood 
in Fennystanton. 

140 Between Richard ArkenstalF, gentleman, and Thomas 
Awder, gentleman — and William Symcott', gentleman, Jonas 
Symcott', gentleman, and George Symcott', gentleman — of ten 
messuages, ten tofts,'three dovehouses, ten gardens, ten orchards, 
two hundred acres of land, sixty acres of meadow, sixty acres of 
pasture and ten acres of wood in Fennystanton. 

141 Between John Sotherton, gentleman — and William 
Poulett, knight, lord Seynt John, and Agnes, his wife — of two 
messuages, two gardens, one hundred acres of land, forty acres 
of meadow, fifty acres of pasture, two acres of wood, fifty acres 
of fiirze and heath and common of pasture in Woodhurst, 
Woldurst, Seynt Ives and Pydley\ 

142 Between Richard Carter — and William Poulett, knight, 
lord Seynt John, and Agnes, his wife — of the manor of Colne, 
and of ten messuages, twenty cottages, thirty gardens, twenty 
orchards, three hundred acres of land, one hundred acres of 
meadow, one hundred acres of pasture, ten acres of wood, two 
hundred acres of furze and heath, one hundred acres of marsh, 
two shillings of rent and common of pasture for all beasts in 
Colne, Somersham, Bluntesham, Erythe, Oldehurste, Wodde- 
hurste and Pydley*. 

143 Between Francis Parrell' — and Robert Abbott' and 
Elizabeth, his wife— of a messuage, three cottages, four gardens, 
twenty acres of land, an acre of meadow and eight acres of 
pasture in Magna Stoughton. 

144 Between Thomas Younge — and Edward Bennett' and 
Lettice, his wife — of a messuage, a bam, a garden, ten acres of 
land and an acre of meadow in Wistowe. 

145 Between Thomas Jaye — and John Hartford and William 
Hartford— of three messuages and an acre of pasture in the 
town of Huntingdon^ 

1 This fine contains a warranty by William Ponlett and Agnes, his wife, 
against the heirs of John Browghton, esqoire, deoeased. 
^ Made in Easter term and recorded in Trinity term. 



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18 ELIZ. 171 

146 Between George Leache and William Leache — and 
William Exair and Julia, his wife — of a messuage, two gardens, 
thirteen acres of land and a rood of meadow in the town of 
S' Neots>. 

147 Between Thomas HoUynghedge — and Richard Deynes 
and Lettice, his wife — of a messuage, a garden, an orchard and 
two acres of pasture in Kymbolton, otherwise Kymmolton*. 

148 Between Thomas Mayho, junior — and Thomas Mayho, 
senior^-of a messuage, a toft, a garden, fifteen acres of land, 
two acres of meadow and an acre of pasture in Oyddinge 
Magna. 

149 Between John Shelley, gentleman — and William Shel- 
ley, esquire— of the manor of OflTord Dacie, otherwise Offord 
Daynes, and of forty messuages, two mills, two dovehouses, fifty 
gardens, forty orchards, a thousand acres of land, one hundred 
acres of meadow, sixteen hundred acres of pasture, forty acres 
of wood and forty shillings of rent in Offord Dacie, otherwise 
Offord Daynes, and Offord Cluney, and of view of frank 
pledge and free fishing in the water of Offord with appur- 
tenances in Offord Dacie, otherwise Offord Daynes, and also 
of the advowson of the church of Offord Dacie, otherwise 
Offord Daynes. . 

150 Between Thomas HoUynghedge — and Richard HoUyng- 
hedge, George Kjmg' and William Dawson — of a messuage, a 
garden and an orchard in Kymbalton, otherwise Kymmolton. 

151 Between William Abbott' — and Robert BrudenelF, 
esquire, and Catherine, his wife — of thirteen acres and a half of 
land and common of pasture for all manner of cattle in Haile- 
weston'. 

152 Between Richard Taylefere — and Robert BrudenelF, 
esquire, and Catherine, his wife — of twenty eight acres and a 
half of land and common of pasture for all manner of cattle in 
Haileweston. 

^ This fine, which was made in Easter tenn and recorded in Trinity term, 
contains a warranty by William and Julia against Robert Ezall, the brother of 
William and his heirs. 

' Made in Easter term and recorded in Trinity term. 

> This fine contains a warranty by Bobert and Catherine against William 
Tailor and his heirs. 



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172 HUNTINGDONSHIRE FINES. 



19 Ells. 



153 Between John Bulmer — and John Bawdwjm, gen- 
tleman, and Catherine, his wife — of a messuage, a garden, 
twenty four acres of land and four acres of pasture in Beacham- 
stede in the parish of Stoughton. 

154 Between Thomas Salter — ^and Edward Payne, gen- 
tleman, Thomas Cobbe and Robert Wauker* and Joan, his 
wife— of two messuages, two gardens and an acre of pasture 
in the town of S* Neots. 

155 Between William Maddye — and John Wylde, otherwise 
Meryeir, and Margery, his wife— of a messuage, a cottage, a 
toft, a garden, two orchards, forty acres of land, an acre and 
a half of meadow and ten acres of pasture in Percy, Graffham 
and Magna Stoughton. 

156 Between Thomas Salter — and Cuthbert Brand and 
Bridgit, his wife — of a messuage, a barn and a garden in the 
town of S* Neots. 

157 Between William Hetley — and William Gamon — of a 
messuage, ten acres of land, an acre of meadow and twelve 
acres of pasture in Swyneshead. 

158 Between Nicholas Bawson — and Robert Forrest, 
esquire — of a messuage, a garden, an orchard, sixty eight 
acres of land, two and a half acres of meadow, twelve acres 
of pasture, half an acre of wood and free fishing in Stylton. 

159 Between John Curtys, junior — and Robert Forrest, 
esquire— of a messuage, a garden, sixty acres of land, four 
acres of meadow and eight acres of pasture in Stylton. 

160 Between George Wauton, gentleman — and Thomas 
Wauton, gentleman — of two messuages, two gardens, an 
orchard, ten acres of land, half an acre of meadow and four 
acres of pasture in Stoughton Magna. 

161 Between Robert Assheton — and Edward Assheton — 
of a messuage, a toft, a garden, one hundred acres of land, ten 
acres of meadow and twenty acres of pasture in Old W^eston^ 

162 Between Thomas Rankyn — ^and Nathaniel Barnes — 

1 The feet of this and the following fine are missing. The above partioulara 
are taken from the notes. 



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19—20 Euz. 173 

of two messuages, a garden, an orchard and ten acres of land 
in Eymesburye. 

ao Eiiz.' 

163 Between Robert Addier and Alice, his wife — and 
Richard Ackworth, gentleman, and Robert Boston, gentleman — 
of fifty acres of land, an acre of meadow and four acres of 
pasture in Gransden Magna. 

164 Between Thomas Younge — and Richard Sylvester and 
Elizabeth, his wife — of a messuage, a cottage, a barn, a garden, 
and an orchard in the parish of S^ John, Huntington. 

165 Between Thomas Ratforde — and Robert Aunger and 
Agnes, his wife — of eleven acres of land in Gransden Magna. 

166 Between Peter Assheton — and Thomas Cecill*, knight, 
and Dorothy, his wife — of a hundred and sixty acres of wood 
in Eston, otherwise Esson, Stowe Longa and Spaldwyckel 

167 Between Humphrey Bucke, otherwise Buckenell' — and 
Thomas Bucke, otherwise Buckeneir — of a messuage, a bam, 
a garden and an acre of pasture in Wynwycfee'. 

168 Between Robert Aprece, esquire — and Robert Forest, 
esquire, of two messuages, two gardens, one hundred acres of 
land, twenty acres of meadow, sixteen acres of pasture and 
four acres of wood in Stylton. 

169 Between William Watt* —and Robert Addier and Alice, 
his wife — of a toft and half an acre of pasture in Gransden 
Magna. 

170 Between John Martyn — and Wolstan Randall', gen- 
tleman, and John Randall', doctor of laws — of six acres and 
a rood of land in Fenystanton. 

171 Between Michael Lewys and Thomas Pagitt — and 
Robert Sapcott', esquire, and Eleanor, his wife — of the manor 

^ It appears from the dates of the fines of Michaelmas term at the end of 
this year and from the endorsements of the proclamations, that the term was 
adjourned until the morrow of St Martin and again from the octave of St Martin 
until the octave of St Hilary in 21 Eliz. See, however, Dyer's Reportty Vol. m. 
p. 859 &, where the adjournments are stated differently. 

s MS. Spaldwyckyoke. 

> The foot of this fine is missing. The above particulars are taken from the 
notes. 



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174 HUNTINGDONSHIRE FINES. 

of Upton, and of twelve measuages, six cottages, six hundred 
acres of land, one hundred acres of meadow, two hundred acres 
of pasture, two hundred acres of wood, twelve acres of furze 
and heath, twenty acres of marsh and twenty shillings of rent 
in Upton, except the advowsons of the churches of Upton and 
Copmanford. 

172 Between John Farewell', gentleman — and Oliver 
Parreir, Richstrd Wallys and Agnes, his wife, and George 
Wauton, esquire — of twenty four acres of land, half an acre 
of meadow and two acres of pasture in Stoughton Magna. 

173 Between Thomas Ware — ^and John Smyth' — of six 
messuages, two gardens, two orchards, six acres of land, two 
acres of meadow, three acres of pasture and two acres of wood 
in Huntington, the town of S* Ives and Needingworth. 

ai Eiiz. 

174 Between Ralph Carter — and John Carter and Barbara, 
his wife — of a messuage and a garden in Graffham. 

175 Between John Brokett, gentleman — and William 
Beck', gentleman, and Winifred, his wife — of twelve acres of 
land, five acres of pasture and a rood of wood in Eymbolton, 
Over Stowe, Wormedyche and Newtowne. 

176 Between George Wavton, esquire — and Oliver Parrell' 
and Richard Wallys and Agnes, his wife — of three acres of 
wood in Stoughton ^ 

177 Between Walter Marshall' — and Simon Grey — of two 
messuages, two gardens and two orchards in the town of 
S* Neots. 

178 Between John Cox, gentleman — ^and Thomas Well* 
and Elizabeth, his wife — of five acres of land, an acre of 
meadow and half an acre of pasture in Fennestanton. 

179 Between Paul Luke, gentleman — and Richard Hale, 
gentleman, and Constance, his wife — of a messuage, a garden, 
seventy acres of land, three acres of meadow and four acres of 
pasture in Aynesburye, Puttocke Hardwike, otherwise Saynt 
Thomas Hardwicke, Wintringham and the town of S* Neots. 

^ The foot of this fine is missing. The ahove partioalars are taken from the 
note. 



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20—22 ELiz. 175 

180 Between Thomas Webbe and John Reynold* — ^and 
Edmund Foant' — of two messuages, a garden and an orchard 
in the town of S* Neots. 

181 Between Thomas Peete — and Robert BrudeneU', esquure, 
and Catherine, his wife — of two cottages, two gardens, three 
acres of meadow and three acres of pasture in Hayleweston^ 

182 Between Robert Apryce, senior, esquire — and Robert 
Apryce, junior — of four messuages, two tofts, four gardens, one 
hundred and forty acres of land, ten acres of meadow, ten 
acres of pasture and two acres of wood in Stilton, laxley, 
otherwise Yaxley, Bottelbridge and Overton Long vile. 

183 Between William Cervington, gentleman — and William 
Clarke and Margery, his wife— of a messuage, a garden and 
an orchard in Ramsey'. 

184 Between John Barford' and Ellen, his wife — Robert 
Aprece, esquire, and Joan, his wife — of a messuage, a garden, 
forty one acres of land and four acres of meadow in Yaxley. 

185 Between Nicholas Luke, esquire, and Thomas Austell', 
gentleman — and Oliver, lord Saynt John of Bletso, and Elizabeth, 
his wife — of the manor of Ripton Abbott*, otherwise Saynt 
Johns Ripton, and of forty messuages, twenty cottages, sixty 
tofts, two dovehouses, sixty gardens, sixty orchards, three 
thousand acres of land, forty acres of meadow, two thousand 
acres of pasture, eight hundred acres of wood and ten acres 
of marsh in Ripton Abbott", otherwise Saynt John's Ripton ' 
and Howghton. 

aa EUx. 

186 Between William, bishop of Chester — and Thomas 
East, gentleman, son and heir of Alexander East — of eight 
messuages, a dovehouse, eight gardens, two hundred acres of 
land, sixty acres of meadow, thirty acres of pasture, six acres 
of wood, common of pasture for all manner of cattle, fold 

^ This fine contains a warranty by Robert and Catherine against William 
Taylaide, esquire, and his heirs. 

* This fine contains a warranty by William and Bfargery against the heirs 
of Joan Palmer, widow, deceased. 



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176 HUNTINGDONSHIRE FINES. 

course, free warren and free fishing in Hallywell' and Nedyng- 
worthe\ 

187 Between William Wariner and Austin Wanner — and 
Francis Holcote and Francis Malorye and Ellen, his wife — 
of five messuages, five tofts, five gardens, three hundred and 
forty acres of land, forty acres of meadow, twenty six acres 
of pasture and ten acres of wood in Ellington and Alconburye. 

188 Between Clement Manestye — and Thomas Manfeilde 
and Dorothy, his wife — of fifty acres of land, three acres of 
meadow and twelve acres of pasture in Spaldwycke and Up- 
thorpe. 

189 Between Edward Leigh, esquire, Jerome Fermer, 
esquire, and Thomas Cotton, esquire — and Henry Darcy, knight 
—of the manor of Leighton Bromeswold', and of forty mes- 
suages, twenty cottages, two thousand five hundred acres of 
land, one hundred acres of meadow, one thousand five hundred 
acres of pasture, one hundred and twenty acres of wood, thirty 
acres of furze and heath and six pounds of rent in Leighton 
Bromeswold' and Old weston, and of the advowson of the vicarage 
of Leighton Bromeswold'. 

190 Between William Levens, otherwise Gawen — and 
Thomas Chesterton and Agnes, his wife — of a messuage and 
a garden in the town of Huntyndon. 

191 Between Henry Williams, otherwise Cromwell', knight, 
and Joan, his wife — and Edward, earl of Rutland — of the office 
of the wardenship or warden of the forests of Wabridge and 
Saple, and of the wages, fees, profits and commodities to the 
same office appurtenant or belonging in Awconbery, Bypton 
Regis, Hartford', Stewcley Magna, Elington and WoUey. 

192 Between Michael Peter and Constance, his wife— and 
Robert Jaye and Constance, his wife — of a messuage in the 
parish of S* Benedict in Huntingdon. 

193 Between William Lynsey — and Richard Towers and 
Alice, his wife— of two messuages and an acre of land in 
Fenstanton. 

194 Between John Stevenson and William Crowe — and 

^ Mftde in Miohaelmas term at the beginning of this year and recorded in 
HUary term. 



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22 ELiz. 177 

Edmund Lawrence and Thomasine, his wife— of two messuages 
and two gardens in Stoughton Magna. 

195 Between William Bedell', gentleman — and William 
Smythe, gentleman, and Thomasine, bis wife, and Humphrey 
Mycheir, gentleman — of a messuage, a toft and ten acres of, 
pasture in Kyiftbalton, otherwise Kymmolton, and of the 
rectory of the church of Eymbalton, otherwise Kymmolton, 
and also of the advowson of the vicarage of Kyrabalton, other- 
wise Kymmolton. 

196 Between John Brokett', gentleman, and Thomas Pagitt', 
gentleman — and Thomas Knyvett', knight — of a moiety of the 
advowson of the church of Thumynge^ 

197 Between Richard Lynwood — and John Brockett', gen- 
tleman, and Catherine, his wife — of a windmill and sixty six 
feet of land in Cat worth Magna'. 

198 Between Thomas Lenton — and George Rushe and 
Elizabeth, his wife — of a messuage, a toft, two acres and a 
half of land and a rood of meadow in Sawtrie. 

199 Between Henry Williams, otherwise Cromwell', knight, 
and Joan, his wife — and John Keache and Dorothy, his wife — 
of forty six and a half acres of land and three acres of pasture 
in Huntingdon. 

200 Between John Pedley — and Walter Cowper and Agnes, 
his wife — of three messuages, a dovehouse, three gardens, two 
orchards, one hundred acres of land, four acres of meadow and 
ten acres of pasture in Everton and Tetworth. 

201 Between William Salmon and Thomas Smythe — and 
Oliver Parell' and Francis Parell'— of a messuage, a garden, an 
orchard, thirty six acres of land, four acres of meadow, six acres 
of pasture, four acres of wood and common of pasture for all 
manner of cattle in Stoughton Magna. 

202 Between Robert Godfree — and Humphrey Pulter and 
Agnes, his wife — of two messuages, two gardens, two orchards, 
sixty acres of land, four acres of meadow, two acres of pasture, 

> Made in Easter term and reoorded in Trinity term. 

' This fine contains a warranty by John and Catherine against Thomas 
Bos^yngham and Elizabeth, his wife, and their heirs, and against Thomas 
Smythe and Agnes, his wife, and their heirs. 

C. A. S. Octavo Seriei, XXXVII. 12 



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178 HITNTINGDONSHIRE FINES. 

an acre of wood and common of pasture for all manner of 
cattle in Broughton. 

33 Ells.' 

203 Between Thomas Parrat — and Thomas CoUyn and 
Alice, his wife — of three messuages, fifty two acres of land, 
three acres of meadow and six acres of pasture in Leighton 
Bromeswolde*. 

204 Between Humphrey Owrme, esquire. Miles Owrme, 
gentleman, and Paul Blundeston, gentleman — and John Forrest, 
esquire, William Forrest, son and heir apparent of the aforesaid 
John, and Lawrence Blundeston, esquire — of the manor of 
Fletton, and of twenty four messuages, eighteen cottages, 
three tofts, seven hundred acres of land, two hundred acres of 
meadow, three hundred acres of pasture, forty acres of wood, 
two hundred acres of furze and heath and forty shillings of 
rent in Fletton, and also of view of frank pledge of residents 
in Fletton, and also of the advowson of the church of Fletton. 

205 Between Thomas Chrystian — and Edward Jellyn and 
Elizabeth, his wife — of two messuages, a garden, an orchard, 
ten acres of land, an acre of meadow, two acres of pasture 
and common of pasture for all manner of cattle in Fenstanton. 

206 Between William Arington — and Giles Bownett' — 
of a moiety of a messuage, a garden, two acres of land and 
three acres of meadow in Somersham and Colne. 

207 Between John Raynold' and Humphrey Hooper' — and 
Richard Tryce, esquire — of the manor of Stewkley, called 
Camoys manor, and of twelve messuages, twelve cottages, 
eight tofts, a windmill, four dovehouses, twelve gardens, twelve 
orchards, five hundred acres of land, sixty acres of meadow, 
three hundred acres of pasture, forty acres of wood, one 
hundred acres of furze and heath, twenty acres of marsh and 
common of pasture for all manner of cattle in Stewkley 
Magna. 

1 Michaelmas term at the end of this year was adjourned tiU 27 October. 
See Dyer's ReporU, Vol. in. p. 877 6. 

* The feet of this and the four foUowlng fines are missing. The above 
particulars are taken from the notes. 



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22—23 ELiz. 179 

208 Between William Aylysbury and Henry Powle — and 
Philip Hatley, gentleman, and William, son and heir apparent 
of the aforesaid Philip — of a messuage, a toft and a garden 
in the town of S* Neots. 

209 Between Thomas Webbe and Humphrey Hooper' — 
and Humphrey Drewell', esquire, and Awdry, his wife— of six 
messuages, four hundred acres of land, one hundred and 
twenty acres of meadow, five hundred and forty acres of 
pasture and ten acres of wood in Griddinge Parua, Steple 
Giddinge, Aukenbury Weston and Stukeley Parua. 

210 Between Thomas Bedell', gentleman — ^and William 
Beck*, gentleman — of a messuage, a garden, sixty acres of 
land, ten acres of meadow and twenty acres of pasture in 
Spaldwyck' and Upthorpe. 

211 Between Thomas Wallys — and Richard Wallys— of a 
messuage, eight acres of land and an acre and a half of pasture 
in Huntingdon. 

212 Between Thomas Toseland, gentleman — and John 
Gale— of three messuages, three tofts, three gardens, three 
orchards, sixty acres of land, three acres of meadow, three acres 
of pasture, two acres of wood, five acres of furze and heath and 
three shillings of rent in Steple Gydding* and Hamertx>n. 

213 Between Thomas Wyseman — and Thomas Jaye and 
Margaret, his wife — of a messuage, a garden, an orchard and 
an acre of pasture in Huntyngdon. 

214 Between John Todd — and Bernard Cowper' and John 
Cowper* and Alice, his wife — of two messuages in Huntyngdon. 

216 Between John Tayler* — and William Waple and 
Agnes, his wife — of four acres of land in Sowtho. 

216 Between Stephen Leed' — and John Key— of a mes- 
suage, a garden and forty acres of land in Gransden Magna. 

217 Between Robert Cotton, gentleman — and Walter Hor- 
wood' and Annabil, his wife— of a messuage, a garden and 
half an acre of pasture in Huntyngdon. 

218 Between Thomas Webbe — and Bernard Oowper' and 
John Todd and Alice, his wife — of a messuage and a garden 
in Huntyngdon. 

219 Between Thomas Wyseman — and Mary Wh^ttedale, 

12—2 



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180 HUNTINQDONSHIRE FINES. 

widow, and Robert Jaye and Constance, his wife — of two 
messuages, two gardens and two orchards in Huntjmgdon. 

220 Between Henry Williams, otherwise Cromwell', knight, 
and Joan, his wife — and Francis Holcott', Francis Mallory and 
Ellen, his wife, and Qeorge Dawson and Agnes, his wife— of 
two messuages, two gardens, two orchards, twenty five acres 
of land, two acres of meadow and an acre of pasture in 
EUyngton. 

221 Between John Turpyn, gentleman — and Richard 
Byrche and Margery, his wife — of a messuage and an orchard 
in Huntyngdon. 

34 Eliz.' 

222 Between Gilbert Abbott' — and William Lacke and 
Phillis, his wife, one of the daughters and coheiresses* of 
Edward Curtys deceased — of a moiety of a third part of a 
messuage and two virgates of land in Glatten'. 

223 Between William Hedley, gentleman — and William 
Dawson, Thomas Dawson and John Dawson — of a messuage, 
a garden, an orchard and four acres and a rood of land in 
Kymbalton, otherwise Kjmebauton. 

224 Between Francis Dorington, doctor of divinity — and 
Thomas Ware — of a messuage, two acres of meadow and two 
acres of pasture in Saynt Ives and Nedyngworth. 

225 Between John Wright, clerk, and William Savidge — 
and Thomas Lovett', esquire — of four messuages, three tofts, 
four gardens, three hundred acres of land, thirty acres of 
meadow, eighty acres of pasture, fourteen acres of wood and 
forty acres of furze and heath in Overton Waterfeld', Orton 
Waterfeld', Orton Longfeld* and Cherye Orton'. 

226 Between John BedelF, gentleman — and William Mulsho, 
gentleman, and Anne, his wife— of four messuages, four tofts, 

1 The court was sitting at Hertford Castle in Michaelmas term at the end of 
this year. It appears from the dates of the fines that the term was adjourned 
nntil the morrow of All Souls. 

* The word ' coheres ' occurs here for the first time among the Huntingdon- 
shire fines. 

* The feet of this and the four following fines are missing. The above 
particulars are taken firom the notes. 



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23—24 ELiz. 181 

a dovehouse, four gardens, four orchards, one hundred acres 
of land, twelve acres of meadow, eighty acres of pasture and 
one hundred acres of furze and heath in Steple Giddinge and 
Hamerton. 

227 Between William Caryer' and Isabel, his wife — and 
Bichard Caryer' and Anne, his wife— of three messuages, three 
gardens, three orchards, eighty acres of land, eight acres 
of meadow, eight acres of pasture, four acres of wood and 
four acres of furze and heath in Paxton Magna and Paxton 
Parua. 

228 Between John Bedells — and Thomas Bedells, gen- 
tleman, and Anne, his wife— K)f two messuages, two tofts, a 
dovehouse, two gardens, eighty acres of land, ten acres of 
meadow, forty acres of pasture and six acres of wood in Eston 
and Kymbolton. 

229 Between John Turpyn, gentleman — and William Long- 
worth' and Dorothy, his wife— of a messuage, a bam and a 
garden in Huntingdon^ 

230 Between William Kinge — and Simon Sandforth and 
Catherine, his wife, and Hugh Richardson— of a messuage, an 
orchard, sixteen acres of land, an acre of meadow and three 
acres of pasture in Towysland. 

231 Between Walter Fraunces — and Henry Jones and 
Elizabeth, his wife — of a messuage, a garden, an orchard, 
twenty acres of land and common of pasture for all manner 
of cattle in Abbotesley. 

232 Between Henry Williams, otherwise Cromwell', knight, 
and Joan, his wife — and Margaret Cornewalles, widow, and 
John Cornewalles, esquire — of one hundred and seventy four 
acres of pasture and sixty six acres of wood in Sawtree 
Beames. 

233 Between Edward Bell' — and Bobert Brudenell', esquire, 
and Catherine, his wife — of a messuage, fifty acres of land, ten 
acres of meadow, twenty acres of pasture and six acres of 
wood in Parua Paxton ^ 

234 Between William Bedell', gentleman — and John Bennet' 

^ Made in Easter term and recorded in Trinity term« 



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182 HUNTINGDONSHIRE FINES. 

and Joau, his v^ife — of sixty acres of land, three acres of meadow 
and ten acres of pasture in Catworthe. 

235 Between Robert WoUason and Michael Clipsham — and 
William Lambe and George Lambe — of a me&suage, a toft, 
two bams, a garden and four acres of pasture in Huntington 
and Brampton. 

236 Between William Wittlesay — and Richard Wynde — 
of two messuages, two gardens, eight acres of land and an 
acre of meadow in Sayncte Ives, Nedyngworthe and Hurst. 

237 Between John Bedell', gentleman — and Swithin Dixon 
and Frances, his wife — of a messuage, a garden, an orchard, 
sixty acres of land, four acres of meadow and six acres of 
pasture in Steple Oyddinge. 

as Eiiz. 

238 Between William Huls, gentleman, and John Style, 
gentleman^ — and Edmund Ibbett', senior, and Agnes, his wife — 
of a messuage, a garden and an orchard in Saynt Nedes. 

239 Between William Cervington-r-and William Noxe and 
Alice, his wife— -of a messuage, a toft, a curtilage and two 
gardens in Ramsey. 

240 Between John Martyn — and John Sotherton, esquire, 
and Mary, his wife— of two messuages, two gardens, one 
hundred acres of land, forty acres of meadow, fifty acres of 
pasture, two acres of wood, fifty acres of furze and heath and 
common of pasture in Woodhurste, otherwise Woldhurste, 
Saynte Ives and Pydley. 

241 Between William Levens — and John Can' and Dorothy, 
his wife — of a messuage and half an acre of land in Hun- 
tingdon. 

242 Between William Levens, senior, and William Levens, 
junior — and John Canne and Dorothy, his wife — of a messuage 
and a garden in the parish of S^ Benedict in Huntingdon. 

243 Between John Salman — and Thomas Mott' and William 
Willigo — of a messuage, a toft and three acres of land in Fen- 
nestanton. 

244 Between Richard Braye, gentleman — and Thomas 
Willard, otherwise Willett — of four messuages, three tofts, four 



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24—26 ELIZ. 183 

gardens, three hundred acres of land, thirty acres of meadow, 
eighty acres of pasture, fourteen acres of wood and forty acres 
of furze and heath in Overton Waterfeld, Orton Waterfeld, 
Orton Longfeld and Cherye Orton. 

245 Between Ralph Sneide, esquire, Robert Parker*, gen- 
tleman, Thomas Surges and Giles Parker' — and William, bishop 
of Chester — of seven messuages, a dovehouse, seven gardens, 
ninety acres of land, twenty acres of meadow, thirty acres of 
pasture and eight acres of wood in Hallywell' and Nedyngworth. 

246 Between John Ekyns — and Henry Goslyn and Bridgit, 
his wife-— of a messuage, a bam, a garden, an orchard, thirty 
acres of land, four acres of meadow and six acres of pasture 
in Catworth Magna. 

247 Between Edward Bedell* — and John Passheler' and 
Elizabeth his wife — of a messuage and a garden in Spaldewyck'. 

248 Between Mathew Stevens — and William Bedell' and 
Elizabeth, his wife, William Androwe and Alice, his wife, 
William Wurlyche and Margery, his wife, and Thomas Carter' 
and Jane, his wife — of four parts of a messuage, a bam, a 
garden, an orchard, twenty four acres of land, two acres of 
meadow and two acres of pasture in Mullesworth, otherwise 
Molesworth, into five parts divided. 

249 Between Simon Kydman — and Thomas Kydman — of 
a messuage, a garden, seventy acres of land, ten acres of 
pasture and four acres of wood in Oransden Magna. 

ae Eiii. 

260 Between Alice Qirdler', widow — and Thomas Whitwell* 
and Edith, his wife, and Anne Lewis, widow — of a messuage, 
a garden, an orchard, an acre of pasture and an acre of wood 
in Spaldicke. 

251 Between John Todd' — and John Keche, gentleman, 
and Dorothy, his wife — of a messuage, a garden, an orchard 
and a rood of pasture in the parishes of All Saints and S^ 
Benedict in Huntingdon. 

252 Between William Payne, gentleman, and John Ekynes, 
senior — and John Ekynes, junior, and Margery, his wife — 
of six messuages, a dovehouse, six gardens, three hundred 



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184 HUNTINGDONSHIRE FINES. 

acres of land, twenty acres of meadow, sixty acres of pasture 
and five acres of wood in Cateworth' Magna and Kymbolton, 
otherwise Kymmolton. 

253 Between Richard Fordham — and John Ford ham and 
Winifred, his wife — of a messuage and a garden in Saynt 
Neotes, otherwise Saynt Nedes. 

254 Between William Carryer', gentleman, and Isabel 
Carryer', daughter of the same William — ^and Ralph Goodwyn 
and Margaret, his wife — of a messuage, a garden, an orchard 
and an acre of land in Yaxley. 

255 Between Thomas Martyn, esquire — and John Coxe, 
gentleman — of a messuage, a garden, an orchard, seventy acres 
of land, sixteen acres of meadow, four acres of pasture, an acre 
of wood and common of pasture for all cattle in Fennestaunton. 

256 Between Robert Milsente — and Edward Sutton, gen- 
tleman — of three messuages, six cottages, a dovehouse, six 
gardens, two orchards, one hundred acres of land, twenty acres 
of meadow, ten acres of pasture, an acre of wood and ten acres 
of furze and heath in Orton Watervile, otherwise Cherryorton, 
Orton Longevile, Bottelbridge, Haddon and Woodston. 

257 Between John Parker', gentleman, and William Rusbe 
— and John Rushe — of a messuage, a garden, twenty acres 
of land, two acres of meadow, an acre of pasture and an acre 
of wood in Hemmingeford Gray. 

258 Between Mary Smythe, widow, and Abraham Smythe 
— and Richard Chesham and Jane, his wife — of a messuage 
in Paxton Parua. 

259 Between William Dennye — and John Basse and Joan, 
his wife — of a messuage and a toft in the town of S^ Neots. 

260 Between William Cowles — and George Carre, other- 
wise Hiir, and Agnes, his wife — of a messuage, a garden and 
twenty one acres of land in Blythorne. 

261 Between Robert Berrye — and Thomas Berrye — of a 
messuage, a garden, an orchard, fifty acres of land, ten acres 
of meadow and twenty acres of pasture in Morende and Magna 
Stoughton. 

262 Between Jerome Grene — and William Gardener' and 
Joan, his wife — of a messuage, a toft, a garden, eighty acres 



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26 ELIZ. 185 

of land, six acres of meadow, ten acres of pasture and ten acres 
of furze and heath in Stylton. 

263 Between William Tayler* — ^and William Gamer' and 
Joan, his wife — of a messuage in Stylton. 

264 Between John Brokett' and Robert Stevens — and 
Peter Ayshton and Lettice, his wife, Edward Ayshton' and 
Elizabeth, his wife, Robert Ayshton and Ellen, his wife, and 
Thomas Abbott* and Ellen, his wife — of two hundred acres 
of land, twenty acres of meadow and forty acres of pasture 
in Olde Weston, 

265 Between Thomas EUys, gentleman, and Austin Erie, 
gentleman — and Robert Sapcotes, esquire — of ten messuages, 
ten cottages, sixteen gardens, three hundred acres of land, one 
hundred acres of meadow, five hundred acres of pasture, two 
hundred acres of wood, one hundred acres of furze and heath 
and twenty shillings of rent in Copmanford, otherwise Cop- 
pingford. 

266 Between Henry Dercey, knight — and John Muscoot', 
gentleman, and Mary, his wife — of seven acres of wood in 
Ellington. 

267 Between William RusselV — and George Carre, other- 
wise Hyir, and Agnes, his wife, and John Hyir — of half an 
acre of pasture in Bythorne. 

268 Between Richard Tryce — and Gilbert Smythe, esquire, 
and Anne, his wife — of a messuage, three tofts, sixty acres 
of land, sixty acres of meadow, sixty acres of pasture, forty 
acres of wood, sixty acres of marsh and common of pasture 
for all cattle in Somarsham, Pidley and Fenton, and of free 
fishing in Rowhey, otherwise Rowey. 

269 Between Richard Hall' — and Robert Frythe and Sarah, 
his wife — of two cottages and half an acre of land in Stylton. 

270 Between Thomas Heddye — and Henry Holder*, gen- 
tleman, and Elizabeth, his wife— of a messuage, a garden, an 
orchard, thirty six acres of land, two acres of meadow and 
two acres of pasture in Colna 



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186 HUNTINGDONSHIRE FINES. 



117 EUi. 



271 Between Christopher Tamworth', esquire, and Gilbert 
Pickeringe, esquire — and Thomas Cotton, esquire, and Dorothy, 
his wife — of the manors of Counyngton and Denton, and of 
fifty messuages, forty tofts, a mill, seven dovehouses, sixty 
gardens, fifteen hundred acres of land, twelve hundred acres 
of meadow, twelve hundred acres of pasture, one hundred 
acres of wood, a thousand acres of furze and heath, a thousand 
acres of marsh, one hundred shillings of rent, and free fishing 
in the water of Wittlesmere in Connyngton, Denton, Holme, 
Caldecott' and Glatton*, and also of the advowson of the 
church of Denton, and also of a moiety of the manor of 
Walton, otherwise Woodwalton, and thirty messuages, ten tofts, 
thirty gardens, thirteen hundred acres of land, a thousand 
acres of meadow, a thousand acres of pasture and two thousand 
acres of marsh in Walton and Woodwalton, and also of a moiety 
of the advowson of the church of Connyngton. 

272 Between Richard Spratte — and George Hill' and 
Agnes, his wife — of a messuage, a toft, nine acres of land, 
an acre of meadow and an acre of pasture in Bythome. 

273 Between John Barnes — ^and Thomas Howson, senior, 
and Grace, his wife — of thirty acres of land, an acre of meadow 
and two acres of pasture in Gyddyng' Magna. 

274 Between John Bedell', gentleman — and Thomas Tose- 
land', gentleman, and Anne, his wife — of a third part of three 
messuages, a dovehouse, three gardens, three orchards, one 
hundred and twenty acres of land, eight acres of meadow, 
twenty acres of pasture and two acres of wood in Steple 
Gyddyng' and Hamerton into three parts divided. 

275 Between William Dyssher and Richard Dyssher' — and 
Stephen Leed' and Sarah, his wife — of a messuage, a garden 
and forty acres of land in Gransden Magna. 

276 Between Thomas Wye and Edmund Wye — and Thomas 
Salter' and Agnes, his wife — of a messuage, a toft and a garden 
in the town of S* Neots. 

277 Between James Gosnold — and Thomas Copinger' — of 
a messuage and an orchard in Huntingdon. 



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27—28 ELiz. 187 

278 Between Richard Parpoynt*, otherwise Fairpoynt', and 
Michael Parpoynt\ otherwise Fairpojmt' — and Thomas Nor- 
manton and Elizabeth, his wife — of a moiety of a messuage, 
two cottages, two tofts, four acres of pasture and an acre of 
wood in Holme and Glatton. 

279 Between George Carre, otherwise Hyir — and William 
Cowes and Edith, his wife — of a messuage, a bam, a garden, 
an orchard, twenty one acres of land and common of pasture 
for all cattle in Bythorne. 

280 Between Thomas Gore — and William Gamon and 
Agnes, his wife, and William Hetley — of a messuage, a 
garden, eight acres of land, an acre of meadow, ten acres of 
pasture and half an acre of wood in Swanshedd', otherwise 
Swyneshedd*. 

281 Between Nicholas Luke, esquire — and Philip Qopton 
and Beatrice, his wife — of two messuages, an orchard, eighteen 
acres of land, a rood of meadow and two acres of pasture in 
Eynesburye. 

282 Between John Flamanck' — and Robert Fletton^-of 
six messuages, six gardens, two hundred and fifteen acres 
of land, thirty five acres of meadow, thirty acres of pasture,, 
ten acres of wood, twenty acres of furze and heath and twenty 
acres of moor in Fletton, Overton Longeville and Botelbrigge. 

38 EUi. 

283 Between Thomas Cooley — and Richard Yonge, gen- 
tleman, and Catherine, his wife — of seven messuages, five 
gardens, eighty acres of land, ten acres of meadow, ten acres 
of pasture, an acre of wood, and common of pasture for all 
cattle in the town of S* Neots. 

284 Between Thomas Thorowgood — and Robert Marton 
and Joan his wife, and Lawrence Pope and Lettice, his wife — 
of a messuage, a dovehouse, a garden, one hundred acres of 
land, forty acres of pasture and an acre of wood in Buckworthe, 
Barrham, Wooley, Hamerton and Leighton Bromeswold. 

285 Between Robert Wells — ^and Thomas Howson, senior, 
and Grace, his wife — of a cottage, ten acres of land, two acres 
of meadow and two acres of pasture in Giddinge Magna. 



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188 HUNTINGDONSHIRE FINES. 

286 Between John Hensoune — and Thomas Howson, 
senior, and Grace, his wife — of a tofl, eight acres of land and 
an acre of pasture in Gyddyng' Magna. 

287 Between John Dorington, esquire — and Thomas 
Stratton and Agnes, his wife — of sixty acres of land, six acres 
of meadow and common of pasture for all beasts in Spaldwicke. 

288 Between William Barcock' — and Thomas Peete and 
Anne, his wife — of a messuage, a toft, a garden, two acres 
of meadow and three acres of pasture in Hayleweston^ 

289 Between Richard Thodye — and Thomas Peete and 
Anne, his wife — of a messuage, a toft and a garden in 
Hayleweston*. 

290 Between Christopher Smythe, gentleman — and Row- 
land Vyne and Elizabeth, his wife, and Thomas Austen and 
Margery, his wife— -of two parts of a messuage, a barn, a 
garden, an orchard, thirty acres of land, six acres of meadow, 
four acres of pasture, half an acre of wood and common of 
pasture for all cattle in Sybston. 

291 Between William Berry — and William Cristenwheate, 
senior, and Margaret, his wife — of a messuage, a barn, a garden, 
an orchard and a rood of meadow in Bluntsham. 

292 Between Ellis' Jones — and John Cox, esquire — of ten 
messuages, three dovehouses, ten gardens, ten orchards, two 
hundred acres of land, sixty acres of meadow, sixty acres of 
pasture and ten acres of wood in Fennystanton. 

293 Between Walter Marshall* — and Robert Marcer' — of a 
messuage and half an acre of pasture in the town of S^ Neots. 

294 Between Walter Luke, esquire — and Philip Clopton 
and Beatrice, his wife — of a messuage, a garden, an orchard 
and three acres of pasture in Eynesburye. 

295 Between Richard Beridge — and Francis Holcott', gen- 
tleman, and Awdry, his wife— of twenty four acres of land 
and six acres of pasture in Ellington. 

^ This fine contains warranties by Thomas and Anne against Bobert 
BrodeneU', esqaire, and Oathacine, his wife, and her heirs, and against William 
Taylard*, esquire, and his heirs. 

3 This fine contains a similar warranty to that in No. 2S8 above. 

> Latin ' Elizeus.' 



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28—29 ELiz. 189 

296 Between Lawrence Saunderson, clerk, and George 
Saunderson— and Thomas Michell' and Jane, his wife — of a 
fifth part of two messuages, two tofts, a dovehouse, two 
gardens, two orchards, fifty acres of land, six acres of meadow, 
twelve acres of pasture and four acres of wood in Swaneshed', 
otherwise Swyneshed'. 

297 Between William Penfolde, gentleman, and Walter 
Trumper — and Thomas Robynson, gentleman, Philip Robynson, 
gentleman, and John Robynson, gentleman — of a messuage, a 
bam, a garden, an orchard, twenty acres of land, twenty acres 
of meadow, twenty acres of pasture and five acres of wood in 
Ripton Saynt John, otherwise Abbott' Ripton. 

ae Eiiz. 

298 Between Alexander Lestridge, otherwise Butcher — and 
Richard West and Agnes, his wife — of a messuage and an 
orchard in Eareth. 

299 Between Richard Luckett — and Edward Hummerston 
and Isabel, his wife — of a messuage in Eareth. 

300 Between William Glover — and John Farewell', gentle- 
man, and Ursula, his wife — of twenty three acres of land, a 
rood of meadow and two acres of pasture in Stoughton Magna. 

301 Between Robert Hall' — and Francis Arnold' and Jane, 
his wife — of a messuage and a garden in Brampton. 

302 Between Robert Gylatt' — and Henry Margett" — of a 
windmill and half a rood of land in Browghton. 

303 Between Nicholas Johnson, otherwise Butler — and 
John Graves — of forty two acres and a half of land, an acre 
of meadow and an acre and a half of pasture in Gransden 
Magna\ 

304 Between Thomas Carter and George Carter — and 
Henry Kendall' and Margaret, his wife, Thomas Bassyngham 
and Elizabeth, his wife, John Woodley and Anne, his wife, 
Samuel Hunt, clerk, and Alice, his wife, Roger Vaughan and 
Catherine, his wife, and Christopher Phillipps and Mary, his wife 

1 This fine oontaina warrantieB by John against Joan, his wife, the heirs of 
Margaret Graves, widow, the heirs of Robert Graves, grandfather of John, and 
the heirs of Biohard Pedley and Margaret, his wife. 



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190 HUNTINGDONSHIRE FINES. 

— of eight messuages, two tofts, two dovehouses, ten gardens, 
one hundred and twenty acres of land, ten acres of meadow, 
twenty acres of pasture and an acre of wood in Catworth' 
Magna, Eymbalton, Warmedyche and Newtowne. 

305 Between Lewis Mordaunt, knight, lord Mordaunt and 
Edward Watson, esquire — and William Vaux, lord Harrowdon 
and Mary, his wife, Henry Vaux, esquire, son and heir apparent 
of the said William, and George Vaux, esquire, second son of 
the said William — of the manors of Qydding' Magna and 
Catworth', and of seven messuages, eight cottages, three dove- 
houses, fifteen gardens, five hundred acres of land, one hundred 
acres of meadow, three hundred acres of pasture, ten acres of 
wood, one hundred acres of furze and heath and eighty shillings 
of rent in Qydding' Magna and Catworth', and also of the 
advowson of the church of Catworth. 

306 Between William Walden, gentleman — and Thomas 
Winston and Agnes, his wife, and John Wallys — of two 
messuages, a garden and an acre of meadow in the town of 
Huntyngdon. 

307 Between John AUwood*, clerk — and Christopher Phil- 
lypps and Mary, his wife — of a dovehouse, ten acres of land and 
five acres of pasture in Catworthe Magna. 

308 Between Nicholas Johnson, , otherwise Butler — and 
John Durrant, Richard Durrant and Samuel Durrant — of three 
messuages, three tofts, three gardens, one hundred acres of land, 
ten acres of meadow and twelve acres of pasture in Magna 
Qransden^ 

309 Between John Barford' — and John Forrest, esquire, and 
William Forrest, gentleman, son and heir apparent of the 
aforesaid John — of seven acres and a rood of pasture in 
Fletton. 

310 Between John Allwood, clerk — and Roger Vawghan 
and Catherine, his wife— -of a messuage, twenty acres of land, 
an acre of meadow, two acres of pasture and an acre of wood in 
Catworthe Magna. 

311 Between Edward Bedell' — ^and John Beck', gentleman, 

^ This fine oontains a warranty by John, Biohard and Samuel against the 
heirs of John Durrant, deceased, the father of the aforesaid John. 



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29—30 ELiz. 191 

and Dorothy, his wife — of ten acres of pasture and four and a ^ 
half acres of wood in Easton and Spaldwick'. 

312 Between William Feildinge, esquire, and Michael 
Feildinge — and John Bedell', esquire — of a moiety of the 
manor of Hammerton, and forty messuages, twenty cottages, 
ten tofts, eighty gardens, eleven hundred acres of land, one 
hundred acres of meadow, two hundred acres of pasture, forty 
acres of wood, two hundred acres of furze and heath and forty 
shillings of rent in Hammerton. 

313 Between William Oawthorne — and Francis HoUcott' 
and Awdry, his wife^ — of a messuage, a tofb, a barn, a garden, 
sixty acres of land, five acres and a half of meadow and fifteen 
acres of pasture in Ellington. 

314 Between Thomas Hollynghedge and William Fleete — 
and Robert Cawthorne and Denise, his wife, and William 
Joyse — of a messuage, one hundred acres of land, forty acres of 
meadow and sixty acres of pasture in Awconbery. 

See also No. 318 below. 

30 Elii. 

315 Between Richard Trice, esquire — ^and Humphrey 
Drueir, junior, gentleman, and Elizabeth, his wife — of two mes- 
suages, a toft, two gardens, eighty acres of land, six acres of 
meadow, ten acres of pasture and two acres of wood in Parua 
Stukeley and Alkunbury, otherwise Awconbery, otherwise 
Alkunbury cum Weston. 

316 Between John Brockett' and Robert Stevens — and 
George Hyll', otherwise Carre, and Agnes, his wife, Richard 
Browne and Grace, his wife, and John Passheler and Alice, his 
wife — of twenty acres of land, six acres of meadow and two 
hundred acres of pasture in Bythome. 

317 Between Thomas Ekyns and John Ekyns — and Edward 
Watson, esquire, and Anne, his wife — of the manor of Cat- 
worthe, and of a messuage, ten tofts, a garden, two hundred 
acres of land, twenty acres of meadow, three hundred acres of 

1 In thiB fine she is called * Andrea ' instead of ' Etheldreda/ which UBuaUj 
represents Awdry in Latin. 



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192 HUNTINGDONSHIRE FINES. 

pasture, four acres of wood, one hundred acres of furze and 
heath, four shillings of rent and the rent of two pounds of 
pepper and two pounds of cumin in Catworthe, and also of 
the advowson of the church of Catworthe. 

318 Between Beman Byrchley, gentleman — and John Becke, 
gentleman, and Dorothy, his wife — of a rood and a half of 
pasture in Easton^ 

319 Between William Gening" — and William Baseley and 
Alice, his wife— of thirty two acres of land, four acres and a 
rood of meadow and three acres of pasture in Hemyngford' 
Graye and Hemyngford' Abbatt*. 

320 Between Leonard Nightingale — and William Burrydge 
and Alice, his wife — of six acres of land in Yelinge. 

321 Between William Hatley, gentleman — ^and Robert 
Adler and Alice, his wife — of five acres of pasture in Gransden 
Mag^a. 

322 Between William Chamberleyne — and Robert Bill' 
and Emma, his wife — of a moiety of a messuage, a garden, an 
orchard, thirty two acres of land, two acres of meadow and four 
acres of pasture in Magna Paxton, otherwise Muche Paxton. 

323 Between William Astwood*— and Robert Brudeneir, 
esquire, and Catherine, his wife — of a messuage, a barn, a 
garden, an orchard, fifty acres of land, two acres of meadow, ten 
acres of pasture and an acre of wood in Tetworth' and Everton. 

324 Between John Netter, gentleman, and Dorothy, his wife 
— and John Farweir, gentleman, and Ursula, his wife — of forty 
acres of wood iir Stowe Longa and Spaldwycke^ 

31 EUi. 

325 Between Rich«trd Tryce, esquire — and Henry Williams, 
otherwise Cromwell', knight, and Oliver Williams, otherwise 
Cromwell*, esquire — of the manors of Sawtrey, Sawtrey Moynes 
and Sawtrey Jewett, and of ten messuages, ten gardens, ten 
orchards, five hundred acres of land, two hundred acres of 

1 This fine was made in Michftelmas term of 29 Eliz. and recorded in Hilarj 
term of this year. It contains a warranty by John and Dorothy against the 
heirs of Bobert Becke, gentleman, deceased, the brother of John Becke. 

' The above particulars are taken from the note, the foot being damaged. 



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30—31 Euz. 183 

meadow, four hundred^ acres of pasture, five hundred acres of 
wood and forty shillings of rent in Sawtrey, Sawtrey Moynes 
and Sawtrey Jewett'. 

326 Between William Clarke, gentleman, and Thomas 
Wightman, gentleman — and John Bedell*, esquire, and William 
Bedeir, gentleman, and Elizabeth, his wife — of the manors of 
Hammerton, and of forty messuages, forty tofts, two mills, forty 
gardens, eight hundred acres of land, one hundred acres of 
meadow, nine hundred acres of pasture, thirty acres of wood 
and twenty shillings of rent in Hammerton. 

327 Between Robert Cromwell', gentleman, and Eliazer 
Lock', gentleman — and Oliver Cromwell', esquire, and Eliza- 
beth, his wife — of a messuage, a dovehouse, a garden, an 
orchard, five acres of land, ten acres of meadow, three hundred 
acres of pasture, an acre of wood and ten acres of furze and 
heath in Ramsey and Bury. 

328 Between John Steele — and William Chamberleyn and 
Alice, his wife — of twenty six acres of land and half an acre of 
meadow in Magna Paxton. 

329 Between John Alwood', clerk — and John Woodley and 
Anne, his wife— of twenty three acres of land in Catworthe^ 

330 Between Henry Martin — and John Lovell' and Joan, 
his wife — of a messuage, a garden, an orchard, six acres of land 
and half an acre of pasture in Stilton. 

331 Between William Paige — and Robert Paige and Eliza- 
beth, his wife — of a messuage, a bam, a garden, seven acres of 
land, two acres of meadow and two acres of pasture in S^ Ives. 

332 Between Lawrence Torkington, esquire, Thomas Hed- 
dington, gentleman, William Spencer, gentleman, and John 
Humphrye, gentleman — and John Rouse, gentleman — of two 
messuages, a dovehouse, a bam, a garden, one hundred acres of 
land, ten acres of meadow, thirty acres of pasture and an acre 
of wood in Awconbury*. 

1 This fine contains a warranty by John and Anne against the heirs of 
George Kinge, deceased. 

' This fine contains warranties by John Bouse against John BasselP, knight, 
Elizabeth, his wife, and his heirs, and against the heirs of Boger ChoUneley, 
knight, deceased. 

C. A, S, Octavo Series. XXXVU. 13 



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194 HUNTINGDONSHIRE FINES. 

383 Between John Bedell', esquire — ^and Humphrey Druell', 
junior, esquire, and Elizabeth, his wife, and William Drewe, 
esquire — of two messuages, two cottages, a dovehouse, four 
gardens, one hundred and sixty acres of land, ten acres of 
meadow, fifty acres of pasture, two acres of wood and twenty 
acres of furze and heath in Steeple Oeddinge and Hammerton^ 

334 Between John Belley, doctor of laws — and John Barbor 
— of a messuage, forty three acres of land, ten acres of meadow, 
twenty three acres of pasture, two acres of wood and eight acres 
of land covered with water in Demford, Paxton Magna, Offord 
Darcie and Dedington, and also of free fishing in the water of 
Demford. 

335 Between William Bromsair — and Thomas Holling- 
hedge— of four messuages, ten cottages, a dovehouse, six 
gardens, six orchards, eight acres of land and fourteen acres of 
pasture in Kymboltoune, otherwise Kymbaltoune, Wormeditch 
and Newton. 

336 Between Gregory Smythe — and William Russell', 
knight — of the manors of Sybston and Stybbyngton, and of 
eight messuages, two dovehouses, eight gardens, two orchards, 
four hundred acres of land, fifty acres of meadow, forty acres of 
pasture and ten acres of wood in Sybston, Stybbyngton and 
Walmesford', otherwise Waynsforde. 

337 Between John Fresshewater — and William Foxe, clerk, 
and Grace, his wife — of a messuage, a garden, ten acres of land, 
an acre of meadow, an acre of pasture, an acre of wood and 
common of pasture for all cattle in Swaneshedd', otherwise 
Swynshedd'. 

338 Between Christopher Marriott', Thomas Pannell' and 
William Madie — and Francis Howlcatt and Awdry, his wife — 
of fourteen acres of land, two acres of pasture and common of 
pasture for all cattle in Ellington. 

339 Between Henry Marlyng' — and John Myddleton — of a 
messuage, a garden, an orchard, twelve acres of land, two acres 
of meadow and four acres of pasture in Catworthe Magna. 

340 Between John Rowse, gentleman, Edmund Rowse, 

^ This flue contains a warranty by Humphrey and Elizabeth against the 
heirs of Robert Druell', the grandfather of Humphrey. 



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31—32 BTJZ. 195 

gentleman, Robert Mariott', William Mariott, John Danyeir 
and Thomas Betells — ^and John Russell', knight — of five 
messuages, a dovehouse, five barns, five gardens, two hundred 
acres of land, thirty acres of meadow, fifty acres of pasture, 
two acres of wood, and three pence of rent in Awconburie, 
otherwise Alconburie-cum- Weston, and Ellington, and of a 
moiety of three messuages, three bams, three gardens, four 
hundred acres of land, twenty acres of meadow, thirty acres of 
pasture, five acres of wood and eighteen pence of rent in 
Stukeley Magna and Stukeley Parua'. 

341 Between Richard Thodye — and John Harvye, esquire, 
and Mary, his wife — of eight acres of land, two and a half acres 
of meadow, four acres of pasture and common of pasture for 
four animals in Hayleweston. 

342 Between Richard TaylefFere — and John Harvye, 
esquire, and Mary, his wife — of a messuage, a toft, a garden, 
seven acres of land, two and a half acres of meadow, twelve 
acres of pasture and common of pasture for twelve animals in 
Hayleweston. 

343 Between Thomas Dove — ^and John Harvye, esquire, 
and Mary, his wife — of fifteen acres of land, half an acre of 
meadow and four acres of pasture in Hayleweston. 

344 Between William Barcocke — and John Harvye, esquire, 
and Mary, his wife—of twelve acres of land, four acres of pas- 
ture and common of pasture for four animals in Hayleweston. 

345 Between Nicholas Johnson, otherwise Butler — and 
John Qrave — of a messuage, a croft, a garden, nine acres of 
land and an acre of meadow in Oransden Magnal 

33 Elii. 

346 Between Anthony Paidge — and Robert Marborowe and 
Charity, his wife — of three acres and a rood of land in 
Fennestanton. 

^ The above particulars are taken from the note, the foot being missing. 
This fine contains a warranty by John Bussell, knight, against the heirs 
of Boger Ghohneley, knight, deceased. 

2 This fine contains a warranty by John Grave against Bichard Pedley and 
Margaret, his wife, and his heirs, and against the heirs of Robert Qrave, the 
grandfather of John Grave. 

13—2 



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196 HUNTINGDONSHIRE FINES. 

347 Between Edmund Smjrth — and John Abu me and 
Agnes, his wife — of a messuage, a garden, eighty acres of land, 
four acres of meadow and ten acres of pasture in Thirninge. 

348 Between Richard Barrett — and Arthur Smythe and 
Anne, his wife, one of the daughters and coheiresses of Richard 
Byshopp — of a third part of a messuage, a garden, an orchard, 
one hundred and thirty acres of land, an acre of meadow, 
twelve acres of pasture and three acres of wood in Tetworth 
and Everton. 

349 Between Henry KendalF — and William Homesbye and 
Catherine, his wife, Thomas Dawes and Alice, his wife, John 
Barnard, Julia Barnard and Margaret Barnard — of a messuage 
and a garden in Kjrmbolton. 

350 Between William Barcocke — and John Harvye, esquire, 
and Mary, his wife — of thirty acres of land, six acres of meadow, 
twelve acres of pasture, common of pasture for ten animals 
and four pence of rent in Hayleweston, and of a moiety of 
two messuages, two tofts and two gardens in Hayleweston. 

361 Between Thomas Dove — and John Harvye, esquire, and 
Mary, his wife — of ten acres of land, four acres of meadow, sixty 
acres of pasture and common of pasture for twenty animals and 
seven pence halfpenny of rent in Hayleweston*. 

352 Between Richard Thodye — and John Harvye, esquire, 
and Mary, his wife — of thirty acres of land, six acres of meadow, 
twelve acres of pasture, common of pasture for ten animals and 
four pence of rent in Hayleweston, and of a moiety of two 
messuages, two tofts and two gardens in Hayleweston. 

353 Between Thomas Dale and Walter Marshall' — and 
William Sparrowe, Richard Sparrowe and Alice, his wife — of 
a messuage, a cottage, a garden, an orchard, fifty acres of land, 
two acres of meadow, five acres of pasture and two acres of 
wood in Hilton and Fennestaunton. 

354 Between John Samueir — and John Owers and Agnes, 
his wife — of a windmill and a rood of land in Oldhurst 

355 Between Simon Mason, gentleman, and Thomas Mason 
— and Stephen Lorde and Agnes, his wife — of a messuage, four 

> The foot of this fine is missing. The above particulars are taken from 
the note. 



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32 ELiz. 197 

cottages, a dovehouse, four gardens, two orchards, two hundred 
acres of land, twenty acres of meadow, twenty acres of pasture, 
four acres of wood, liberty of foldage for two hundred sheep 
and two shillings of rent in Oransden Magna ^ 

356 Between Robert Payne — and Henry Darcy, knight, 
and Catherine, his wife, Catherine Darcy, the daughter of 
the aforesaid Henry, John Darcy, gentleman, John Dorryngton, 
esquire, and John Bedell', gentleman — of the manor of Mydlo, 
and of two messuages, two cottages, four [tofts], a watermill, 
two dovehouses, two gardens, two orchards, two hundred acres 
of land, two hundred acres of meadow, seven hundred acres 
of pasture, four hundred acres of wood, three hundred acres 
of marsh and ten shillings of rent in Mydlo and Moulso. 

357 Between John Bedell', esquire — and John Turpyn, 
gentleman, and Elizabeth, his wife, and Bobert Turpyn, gen- 
tleman — of a messuage, a toft, a garden and an orchard in 
Huntingdon*. 

368 Between Roger Smyth, esquire, Henry Herenden, 
esquire, and Anthony Clipsham, otherwise Rowlett', gentleman 
— and Henry DamewelV — of six messuages, a dovehouse, ten 
gardens, fifty acres of land, ten acres of meadow and twenty 
acres of pasture in Keys ton. 

359 Between Richard Tryce, esquire, and Anne, his wife — 
and William Mariott' and Agnes, his wife — of thirty acres of 
land, four acres of meadow and two acres of pasture in 
Stukeley Magna. 

360 Between Richard Tryce and William Abbott — and 
Hugh Tawyer and Olive, his wife — of ten acres of land, two 
acres of meadow and three acres of pasture in Stuckley 
Magna. 

361 Between William Mariott — ^and Richard Tryce, esquire, 
and Anne, his wife — of a messuage, thirty acres of land, four 
acres of meadow, and ten acres of pasture in Stukeley Magna. 

1 The feet of this and the two following fines are missing. The above par- 
ticnlars are taken from the note. 

> This fine contains warranties by John Torimi against Thomas Hall and 
Dorothy HaU, daughter of Thomas Hall, and Thofnas Hatfeild and Elizabeth 
Hatfeild, daughter of Thomas Hatfeild, and their heirs. 



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198 HUNTINGDOKSHIEE FINKS. 

362 Between William Webster, gentleman — and Philip 
Clopton and Beatrice, his wife, and Edward Flacke and 
Margery, his wife — of the tithes of sheaves and grain, and of 
all other tithes whatsoever in Eynsbury, and of an annual 
pension of sixty six shillings and eight pence issuing from 
the rectory of Eynsbury. 

363 Between John Thodye — and Richard Thodye and 
Edith, his wife — of a messuage, a toft, a garden, ten acres 
of land, three acres of meadow, six acres of pasture and 
common of pasture for six animals in Hayleweston. 

364 Between Thomas Barre — and Richard Clopton and 
Elizabeth, his wife — of two messuages, a dovehouse, a garden, 
ten acres of land, an acre of meadow and six acres of pasture 
in Eynesburie. 

366 Between Paul Luke, gentleman — ^and Philip Clopton 
and Beatrice, his wife — of a windmill, three acres and a half 
and half an acre of pasture in Eynesburie. 

366 Between Walter Rowlte — and John Smyth, gentleman, 
and Jane, his wife — of a messuage, a garden, an orchard, 
twenty acres of land, ten acres of meadow and forty acres of 
pasture in Ripton sancti lohannis, otherwise Abbott' Ripton. 

33 Ells. 

367 Between Robert Cawthorne — ^and John Pap worth — 
of a messuage, a garden, an orchard, seventy acres of land, 
eight acres of meadow, ten acres of pasture and an acre of 
wood in Aukenburie Weston. 

368 Between Francis Easte, gentleman — and John Willard, 
otherwise Willett, gentleman, and Isabel, his wife, and Thomas 
Willard, otherwise Willett, gentleman — of five messuages, three 
tofts, two cottages, six gardens, six orchards, three hundred 
acres of land, thirty acres of meadow, eighty acres of pasture, 
fourteen acres of wood, and forty acres of furze and heath in 
Overton Waterfeld, Orton Waterfeld, Orton Longfeld, Chery 
Orton and Bottelbridge. 

369 Between John Burgoyne, esquire — ^and Francis Tanfield, 
esquire, and Elizabeth, his wife, and Henry Fynche and Ursula, 
his wife — of five messuages, four tofts, a dovehouse, six gardens, 



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32—33 ELiz. 199 

six acres of land, sixty acres of meadow, one hundred and forty 
acres of pasture, ten acres of wood, one hundred acres of furze 
and heath and sixty shillings of rent in Everton and Tetworthe. 

370 Between Edmund Swanne — and John Mychell' and 
Margaret, his wife — of three messuages, three gardens, three 
orchards, seventy acres of land, three acres of meadow, six 
acres of pasture and an acre of wood in Waresley. 

371 Between Edward Bell* — and William Wapole and 
Agnes, his wife, John Taylor and Alice, his wife, and Richard 
Wapole — of a messuage, a garden, an orchard, five acres of 
land, a rood of meadow, and four acres of pasture in Sowthoe 
and Didington. 

372 Between Henry, earl of Lincoln, and Elizabeth, his 
wife, Bobert Empringham, gentleman, and Edward Pistor, 
gentleman — and Edward Heron, esquire, and John Nycholas, 
gentleman — of three messuages, two tofts, two orchards, one 
hundred and twenty acres of land, thirty acres of meadow, 
forty acres of pasture, ten acres of wood and twenty acres 
of marsh in Yakesley, otherwise Yaxley, and of the rectory 
of Yakesley, otherwise Yaxley, and also of all and all manner 
of tithes whatsoever in Yakesley, otherwise Yaxley, except 
the advowson of the church of Yakesley, otherwise Yaxley. 

373 Between Robert Brudenair, esquire — and William 
Freman and Lawrence Freman, son and heir apparent of the 
said William — of a messuage, a garden, an orchard, twenty 
acres of land, two acres of meadow, two acres of pasture and 
common of pasture for all cattle in Doddington, Sowtho and 
Boughton. 

374 Between Thomas Foster — and Francis Tanfield, esquire, 
and Elizabeth, his wife, and Henry Fynche, esquire — of forty 
acres of land, two acres of meadow and four acres of pasture 
in Tetworth and Everton. 

375 Between William Hughes, esquire, and Thomas Strode, 
gentleman — and Francis Tanfield, esquire, and Elizabeth, his 
wife, and Henry Fynche, esquire— of sixty acres of pasture 
in Tetworth and Everton. 

376 Between Matthew Chapman and Mary, his wife — 
and Francis Tanfield', esquire, and Elizabeth, his wife, and 



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200 HUNTINGDONSHIRE FINES. 

Henry Fynche, esquire — of a messuage, a garden, one hundred 
acres of land, four acres of meadow and twenty acres of pasture 
in Tetworth and Everton. 

377 Between William Hake, gentleman — and Christopher 
Toche and Agnes, his wife — of a messuage, a garden, twenty 
six acres of land, six acres of meadow, four acres of pasture, 
common of pasture for all manner of cattle and common of 
turbary in Glatton and Holme. 

378 Between Jasper Tryce, gentleman — and Thomas Love!!', 
esquire, and Margaret, his wife — of two cottages, a bam, a 
garden, an orchard, fourteen acres of land, six acres of meadow 
and ten acres of pasture in Stewckley Parua. 

379 Between George Becke — and John Dawson and Elllen, 
his wife, George Dawson and John Yeaxley — of a messuage and 
four acres and a rood of land in Kymbolton and Warmediche. 

380 Between Ralph Wells — and Thomas Howson and Grace, 
his wife — of a messuage, a croft, fifty acres of land, ten acres 
of meadow and ten acres of pasture in Gyddinge Magna and 
Luddyngton. 

381 Between John Steele — and William (Jhauiberlayne and 
Alice, his wife — of a messuage, a garden, six acres of land and 
six acres of pasture in Paxton Magna and Tosland. 

382 Between Simon Grey — and John Lancaster and Dorothy 
Lancaster — of seventeen acres of land, two acres of meadow 
and two acres of pasture in Swanshead, otherwise Swyneshead. 

383 Between Thomas Seame — and John Harvye and 
Dorothy, his wife — of ten acres of land and two acres of 
meadow in Somersham. 

384 Between Thomas Eier — and John Steele and Ellen, 
his wife — of three messuages, two gardens, two orchards and 
three acres of pasture in S^ Neot'. 

385 Between John Best — and John Clopton, Robert Wauton 
and Philip Clopton — of a messuage and an acre of pasture in 
Eynesburye. 

386 Between Thomas Cooke, clerk — and Thomas Grene, 
clerk, and Joan, his wife — of a messuage, a garden and an acre 
of pasture in Holme and Glatton. 

387 Between John Pedley and James Pedley — and Francis 



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33—34 ELiz. 201 

Tanfield, esquire, and Elizabeth, bis wife, and Henry Fynche, 
esquire— of two hundred acres of wood in Everton and Tetworth. 

34 Elis.' 

388 Between Robert Hatley, gentleman — and Henry 
Williamson and Elizabeth, hi^ wife — of a messuage, a garden, 
an orchard and two acres of pasture in S^ Ives. 

389 Between Eustace Cockarie and Joan, his wife — and 
John Mathewe and Lucy, his wife — of thirty six acres and a 
rood of land and three acres of pasture in Wareslye, otherwise 
Warslye. 

390 Between Thomas Dove — and Richard Thodye and 
Edith, his wife — of four acres of land and two acres of meadow 
in Hayleweston. 

391 Between Thomas Dove — and John Tyngey and 
Elizabeth, bis wife — of a messuage, a toft, a garden, three 
acres of land and an acre of pasture in Hayleweston. 

392 Between Richard DameweH' — and Henry Darnewell' — 
of six messuages, six tofts, a dovehouse, six gardens, six orchards, 
fifty acres of land, six acres of meadow, sixteen acres of pasture 
and an acre of wood in Keyston, 

393 Between Oliver CromeweU*, esquire, and Thomas 
Hosilrigge, junior, gentleman — and Humphrey Drueir, junior, 

. gentleman— of a messuage, a windmill, a dovehouse, two 
gardens, sixty acres of land, fifty acres of meadow, two hundred 
acres of pasture and five acres of wood in Parua Giddinge. 

394 Between Thomas Wightman, gentleman, and John 
Morley — and Henry Darcye, knight, and Catherine, his wife, 
and Francis Holcott' and Awdry, his wife— of a messuage, 
twenty four acres of land, two acres of meadow, four acres of 
pasture and fourteen acres of wood in EUyngton and Sip- 
thorpe. 

395 Between Richard Lymwood' — and William Browne and 
Margery, his wife — of two acres of land and two acres of 
meadow in Bythome. 

i Miohaelmas term at the end of this year was adjonmed from the octave of 
S< Michael tiU the morrow of Ail SooIb, when the Common Bench was directed 
to sit at the Castle of Hertford. 



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202 HUNTINGDONSHIRE FINES. 

396 Between Greorge Hanger — and James Boulton, gen- 
tleman, and Margaret, his wife — of a messuage, a mill, a 
dovehouse, three gardens, two orchards, one hundred acres of 
land, twenty acres of meadow, twenty acres of pasture, one 
hundred acres of furze and heath, one hundred acres of marsh, 
forty acres of turbary and common of pasture for all cattle 
in Stilton. 

397 Between Thomas Cordell'— and William Randall' and 
Catherine, his wife, and Robert Palmer and Margaret, his 
wife — of a messuage, fifteen and a half acres of land, three 
acres of meadow, an acre of pasture and an acre of wood in 
the town of S* Ives. 

398 Between Thomas Grene — and Francis Howlcott and 
Awdry, his wife — of seventeen acres of land, an acre and a 
half of meadow and four acres of pasture in EUyngton. 

399 Between Thomas Upchurche, otherwise Cooke — and 
John Byssoppe and Agnes, his wife— of a messuage, a garden, 
an orchard and common of pasture for two cows and six sheep 
in Magna Cat worth. 

400 Between William Lyndsey — and William Burchall' and 
Anne, his wife — of a messuage and a garden in Fennystanton. 

401 Between William Wallopp, esquire, and Richard 
Beckensawe, esquire — and William, marquess of Winchester, 
and Agnes, his wife — of the site of the manor of Gaynes Hall', 
and of a dovehouse, two gardens, two orchards, two hundi'ed 
acres of land, sixty acres of meadow, three hundred acres of 
pasture and common of pasture for all manner of cattle in 
Stowghton Magna, otherwise Stocton. 

35 Ells.' 

402 Between Thomas Isack' — and John Mathew and Lucy, 
his wife — of a messuage, sixty acres of land, four acres of 
meadow and four acres of pasture in Waresley. 

403 Between John Gibson — and WiUiam Luddington, 

' Michaelmas term at the end of this year was adjoorned from the octave of 
S^ Michael till the morrow of All Souls, when the Ckimmon Bench was directed 
to sit at St Albans. 



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34—35 BLiz. 203 

senior, and Mary, his wife — of a messuage, a garden and an 
orchard in Giddinge Magna. 

404 Between Henry Sapcotte, esquire — and Robert Dyoons 
and Margaret, his wife — of a messuage, a garden, an orchard, 
sixty acres of land and two acres of meadow in Ailton. 

405 Between Robert Syssun, junior — ^and John Martyn, 
gentleman, and Margaret, his wife — of two messuages, a 
cottage, a dovehouse, fifty acres of land, thirty acres of meadow, 
twenty acres of pasture and common of pasture for all manner 
of cattle in Woodhurst, Pidley and the town of S* Ives. 

406 Between William Blacknair, gentleman, and John 
Pleydeir, gentleman — ^and Oliver Ayshcombe, gentleman, and 
Martha his wife-— of the manor of Berkford', and of three 
messuages, three cottages, three tofts, three barns, four hundred 
acres of land, forty acres of meadow, forty acres of pasture, 
twenty acres of wood, forty acres of furze and heath and ten 
shillings of rent in Berkfoixl and Aynesburye, and also of free 
fishing in the waters of Owsc, and also of view of frankpledge 
and whatever to firankpledge pertains in Berkford. 

407 Between John All wood' — and Thomas Ekyns and 
John Ekyns — of thirty acres of land, three acres of meadow, 
two acres and a rood of pasture and common of pasture for 
all manner of cattle in Magna Catworth^ 

408 Between Edmund Hatley — and Edward Apseley, 
esquire, and Elizabeth, his wife — of two messuages, two tofts, 
two gardens, two orchards, one hundred and sixty acres of 
land, thirty acres of meadow, ten acres of pasture and twenty 
acres of furze and heath in Overton Waterfield, Orton Water- 
field, otherwise Cheriorton. 

409 Between Thomas Harrys and William Hawkins — and 
Owen Bigg" — of a messuage, a cottage, one hundred acres of 
land, six acres of meadow and eight acres of pasture in 
Stoughton Magna and Graffham. 

1 This fine oontainB warranties by Thomas Ekyns and John Ekyns severally 
against William Yauz, lord Harrowden, and Maxy, his wife, Henry Yaaz, 
Oeorge Yaax and Ambrose Vanx, sons of the aforesaid lord Harrowden, and their 
heirs, and against Lewis, lord Mordaante, and his heirs, and Edward Watson 
and Anne, his wife, and his heirs. 



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204 HUNTINGDONSHIBE FINES. 

410 Between our lady the Queen — and Richard Campinett 
and Elizabeth, his wife — of twenty messuages, ten cottages, 
ten tofbs, five mills, five dovehouses, ten gardens, six orchards, 
three hundred acres of land, two hundred acres of meadow, 
one hundred acres of pasture, ten acres of wood, twenty acres 
of furze and heath and ten shillings of rent in Stukeley Magna. 

411 Between Henry Williams, otherwise CromweU', knight 
— and Nicholas Bushe — of two messuages, two tofts, two 
gardens and two orchards in Huntingdon. 

412 Between Richard Thompson— and William Becke, 
gentleman — of a messuage, a garden, three acres of land and 
two acres of pasture in Catworth Magna. 

413 Between Clement Harrison — and Thomas Wilson, clerk, 
and Grace, his wife — of a messuage, a garden, three roods of land, 
three roods of meadow and an acre of pasture in Eynesburye. 

414 Between Simon Grey, gentleman — and John Fresh- 
water and Mary, his wife — of three acres of land and an acre 
and a half of meadow in Swaneshedd', otherwise Swinshedd*. 

415 Between Richard Webster — and Thomas Est and Joan, 
his wife — of a messuage, a garden, an orchard, seventeen acres 
of land, two acres of meadow and an acre of pasture in Gyddynge 
Magna. 

416 Between William Howett, George Warynerand Thomas 
Dawson — and William Forrest, gentleman, and Elizabeth, his 
wife, and Nicholas Bluneston, gentleman — of six messuages, 
four cottages, a windmill, ten gardens, one hundred and twenty 
acres of land, forty acres of meadow and fifteen acres of pasture 
in Fletton. 

417 Between Robert Mordon — and George Can-, otherwise 
Hiir, and Agnes, his wife — of ten acres of land, four acres of 
pasture and common of pasture for two animals, ten sheep 
and four pigs in Bythorne. 

418 Between William Marshall' — and Robert Cotton, 
esquire, and Elizabeth, his wife — of an acre of meadow in 
Walton, otherwise Woodwalton, and of a moiety of the manors 
of Walton, otherwise Woodwalton, and thirty three messuages, 
ten tofts, a windmill, thirty three gardens, four hundred acres 
of land, two hundred acres of meadow, four hundred acres of 



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36—86 ELiz. 205 

pasture, sixty acres of wood, three hundred acres of heath 
and two thousand acres of marsh in Walton, otherwise Wood- 
Walton, and also of a moiety of the advowson of the church of 
Walton, otherwise Woodwalton. 

419 Between Michael Laxton — and William Marriott and 
Agnes, his wife, and Jane Cotton — of two messuages, two 
bams, two gardens, fifty acres of land, ten acres of meadow 
and ten acres of pasture in Stewkley Magna. 

36 EUs. 

420 Between John Kippest — and Benedict Foott' and 
Joan, his wife, William Overton and Mathea, his wife, and 
Matthias Allyn and Elizabeth, his wife—of a messuage and a 
garden in the town of S' Neots. 

421 Between George Sherley and Jerome Weston — and 
Robert Aprice, senior— of the manor of Wasshingley, and of 
a messuage, a toft, two gardens, three hundred acres of land, 
one hundred acres of meadow, five hundred acres of pasture, 
eighty acres of wood and forty shillings of rent in Wasshingley. 

422 Between John Luke — ^and John Cranwell' and Thoma- 
sine, his wife— of two messuages, two barns, a dovehouse, two 
gardens, one hundred acres of land, four acres of meadow, 
twenty acres of pasture and four acres of wood in Yellinge, 
otherwise Gillinge. 

423 Between David Croft' — and John Croft" and Samuel 
Croft", gentleman — of two messuages, a dovehouse, a garden, 
an orchard, seventy acres of land, four acres of meadow and 
two acres of pasture in Eynesbury Paxston and S^ Neots. 

424 Between John Corbett* — and Gregory Newman and 
Catherine, his wife — of a messuage and a garden in the town 
of S* Neots. 

425 Between Owen Biggs — and Robert Coles and Margaret, 
his wife — of two cottages, forty acres of land, three acres of 
meadow, two acres of pasture and half an acre of wood in 
Stoughton Magna aud Grafiam. 

426 Between Henry Curtys — and John IJorington, esquire, 
and Dorothy, his wife — of twenty five acres of land, an acre 
of meadow and three acres of pasture in Barram. 



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206 HUNTINQDONSHIRE FINES. 

427 Between Beman Byrcheley, gentleman — and John 
Dorington, esquire, and Dorothy, his wife — of two messuages, 
two gardens, three acres of pasture and common of pasture for 
four cattle and twelve sheep in Spaldwycke, otherwise 
Spaldwyke. 

428 Between John Bradley — and John Huscall and 
Elizabeth, his wife — of twenty acres of land and four acres 
of pasture in Bryncton, otherwise Brynton. 

429 Between Eusebeus Ingram — and John Darington, 
esquire, and Dorothy, his wife — of twenty one acres of land 
and an acre of pasture in Barram. 

430 Between George Clapham — and Alice Hall', widow, 
John Hair and Anne, his wife — of a messuage, a garden, ten 
acres of land, two acres of meadow, and six acres of pasture 
in Brington. 

431 Between Thomas Paratt, gentleman — and Edward 
Asheton and Elizabeth, his wife — of a messuage, a dovehouse, 
a garden, an orchard, one hundred and ten acres of land, three 
acres of meadow, forty acres of pasture, two acres of wood 
and common of pasture for twelve horses, sixteen cows, one 
hundred sheep and thirty two pigs in Weston, otherwise Owld 
Wessen' and Bryngton. 

432 Between Edward Payne, gentleman — and Christopher 
Phillipe and Mary, his wife — of a messuage, a toft, a garden, 
four acres of land, an acre and a half of pasture in the town 
of S' Neots. 

433 Between John Pedley — ^and John Lyte and Agnes, 
his wife — of a messuage, a garden, an orchard and forty acres 
of land in Tetworth. 

434 Between Robert Payne — and John Baldweyn— of the 
manor of Medlowe, and of two messuages, two cottages, four 
tofts, a watermill, two dovehouses, two gardens, two orchards, 
two hundred acres of land, two hundred acres of meadow, 
seven hundred acres of pasture, four hundred acres of wood, 
three hundred acres of marsh and seventeen pounds, thi^e 
shillings and four pence of rent in Medlowe and Mulsowe. 

435 Between Thomas Astrie, gentleman — and John Brett, 
gentleman-— of two messuages, two bams, a dovehouse^ a 



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36—37 ELiz. 207 

garden, twenty four acres of land, six acres of meadow and 
two acres of pasture in Somershara. 

37 EUs. 

436 Between John Wyseman — and Edward Astwodd' and 
Susan, his wife — of a messuage, a garden and three acres of 
land in the town of S^ Neots. 

437 Between Robert Lancaster — and William Bromesall' — 
of twenty acres of land, four acres of meadow, three acres of 
pasture and six acres of wood in Swanshead, otherwise 
Swinshead. 

438 Between Richard Buckland, gentleman — ^and George 
Butler, gentleman, and Dorothy, his wife — of the manor of 
Waresley, and of six messuages, six gardens, six orchards, one 
hundred and sixty acres of land, ten acres of meadow, thirty 
acres of pasture, twelve acres of wood, six acres of furze and 
heath and common of pasture for all manner of cattle in 
Waresley. 

439 Between Stephen Huckeir — and Thomas Preston and 
Alice, his wife — of a messuage, a garden and an orchard in 
Eynesburye. 

440 Between Robert Levjrtt — and Thomas Odell' — of a 
messuage, a toft, a garden and an acre of pasture in the town 
of S' Neots. 

441 Between Thomas Odell' — and Thomas Kyrbye and 
Mary, his wife — of a messuage, a toft and a garden in the 
town of S* Neots*. 

442 Between John Crosse — and Edmund Rowse, gentle- 
man, and Judith, his wife— of two messuages, a dovehouse, 
a garden, an orchard, one hundred and twenty acres of land, 
thirty acres of meadow and twenty six acres of pasture in 
Awconburye Weston. 

443 Between William Bate, clerk, and Elizabeth, his wife — 
and Edward Shereman and Jane, his wife, Anne Damwell' 
and Elizabeth Damwell' — of a messuage, a toft, a garden, six 

^ This fine oontains a warranty by Thomas and Mary against the heirs of 
William Kyrbie and Thomas Kirbie, deceased. 



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208 HUNnNGDOXSHIRE FINES. 

acres of land and half an acre of meadow and common of 
pasture for all manner of cattle in Keston. 

444 Between James Olyver — and John Maund' and Eliza- 
beth, his wife— of a messuage, a garden, an orchard and an 
acre of pasture in the town of S^ Neots. 

445 Between Thomas Salter' — and Thomas Cobbe and 
Grace, his wife— of two messuages, two tofts, two gardens, 
two acres of land and two acres of pasture in the town of 
S* Neots. 

446 Between Gilbert Abbot — and Thomas Webster and 
Phillis, his wife — of a moiety of a messuage, thirty two acres 
of land, three acres of meadow and four . acres of pasture in 
Glatton>. 

447 Between John Hyde, gentleman — and John Netter 
and Dorothy, his wife — of fifty acres of pasture and two acres 
of wood in Stowe Longa and Spaldewyke. 

448 Between Lewis Mordaunt, knight, lord Mordaunt — 
and George Mordaunt, esquire, and Cecily, his wife— of a 
messuage, a garden, sixty acres of land, six acres of meadow 
and six acres of pasture in Buckworth and WoUey. 

449 Between Henry Perrye — and Matthew Albe, otherwise 
Brewster', and Catherine, his wife — of a messuage, a garden, 
an orchard and an acre of land in Erith. 

450 Between Thomas Carter — and George Bedell', gen- 
tleman, and Susan, his wife— of a messuage, a garden, thirty 
four acres of land, six acres of meadow and fourteen acres of 
pasture in Spaldwycke and Upthorpe. 

451 Between John Turpyn, gentleman — and William 
Walden, gentleman, and Rebecca, his wife — of two messuages, 
a barn, a garden and an acre of pasture in Huntingdon. 

462 Between William Halles, doctor of divinity — and 
William Mariott and Agnes, his wife— of two messuages, forty 
acres of land, six acres of meadow, twenty acres of pasture and 
an acre of wood in Stewkley Magna. 

453 Between Simon Mason, gentleman, and Elizabeth, his 
wife — ^and Thomas Daunger' and Elizabeth, his wife— of a 

^ Made in Miohaebnas term of 86 Ella, and reoorded in Baater term of this 
year. 



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37—88 ELiz. 209 

messuage, three cottages, one hundred and sixty eight acres 
of land, sixteen acres of meadow, twenty two acres of pasture, 
five acres of wood and two shillings and eight pence rent in 
Gransden Magna. 

454 Between Thomas Barnes — and John Barnes and Anne, 
his wife — of a messuage, a giEurden, an orchard, forty six acres 
of land, two acres of meadow and six acres of pasture in 
Gyddinge Magna. 

455 Between Ralph Hatley — and Robert Hallam and 
Elizabeth, his wife — of a messuage, a garden and an orchard 
in the town of S* Neots. 

456 Between John Hutton, esquire, and Elizabeth, his 
wife— and John Pette and Joan, his wife, Thomas Nicolson 
and Alice, his wife, and Giles Heyward and Elizabeth, his 
wife — of ten acres of land, an acre of meadow and an acre 
of pasture in Box worth. 

457 Between Edward Apsley, esquire — and William Forrest, 
gentleman, and Elizabeth, his wife— of the manor of Fletton, 
and of ten messuages, ten cottages, ten tofts, five hundred 
acres of land, one hundred acres of meadow, one hundred acres 
of pasture and five shillings in Fletton, and also of the tithes of 
the demesne lands of the manor of Fletton, and also of common 
of pasture for three hundred cattle in Fassett, Peterborowe 
and Fletton, and of view of frankpledge of the residents of 
Fletton. 

458 Between Thomas Cooley — and William Willoughby, 
gentleman, and Catherine, his wife — of seven messuages, five 
gardens, eighty acres of land, ten acres of meadow, ten acres of 
pasture, an acre of wood and common of pasture for all cattle 
in the town of S*^ Neots. 

38 Ells. 

459 Between John Pashler — and William Papworth and 
Bridgit, his wife — of an acre of meadow in Alconbury. 

460 Between Henry Hodson — and William Papworth and 
Bridgit, his wife — of two acres of land, two acres of meadow 
and two acres of pasture in Alconburye. 

461 Between John Whittelsey and William Reedman — ^and 
C. A, 8. Oetavo Seriei, XXXVII. 14 



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210 HUNTINQDONSHIRE FINES. 

John 01)rver — of a messuage, three acres and three roods of 
land and an acre of meadow in Colne. 

462 Between John Bellye, doctor of laws — and John 
Barbor and Joan, his wife — of forty acres of land in Paxton 
Magna, Paxton Parva and Offorde Darcye, otherwise Dacie. 

463 Between Francis Byngstede and Anne, his wife — and 
George Pount, gentleman, and Margery, his wife — of a mes- 
suage, an orchard and a garden in Huntingdon. 

464 Between Gervase Clyfton, esquire — and Humphrey 
Dreweir, senior, esquire, and Humphrey Dre well', junior, esquire 
— of the manor of Giddinge Parva, and of four messuages, a 
windmill, a dovehouse, four gardens, four orchards, four hundred 
acres of land, one hundred acres of meadow, five hundred acres 
of pasture and twenty acres of wood in Gyddinge Parva. 

465 Between Edward Wingefeild', knight, and Marmaduke 
Dareir, esquire — and William Becke, esquire — of sixty acres 
of lamd, thirty acres of meadow and forty acres of pasture in 
Overstowe, Wormedyche and Newton. 

466 Between Thomas MychelF — and George Hyll' — of 
twenty acres of land and two acres of pasture in Bythome*. 

467 Between William Fletewood, esquire, and Jane, his 
wife — and Richard Grene, gentleman — of forty acres of land, 
four acres of meadow, six acres of pasture and an acre of wood 
in Magna Stewkley. 

468 Between John Abbott — ^and Richard Grene— of a 
messuage, twenty four acres of land, two acres of pasture and 
common of pasture for all cattle in Stewkeley Magna. 

469 Between Edward Bedell' — and John Bedell', junior, 
gentleman, and Helen, his wife — of twenty two acres of pasture 
in Eston*. 

470 Between Thomas Mason — and Thomas Maryott — of a 
messuage, a dovehouse, ten acres of land, an acre of meadow 
and an acre of pasture in Hemyngford Grey. 

471 Between Thomas Dove — and Robert Gardyner' and 

^ This fine oontaiijB a warranty by Geoi^e HyU' against ^e heirs of Thomas 
Hyll', deceased. 

' The feet of this and the five foUowing fines are missing. The above par- 
ticulars are taken from the notes. 



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38 — 89 ELiz. 211 

Agnes, his wife — of a messuage, two shops, a toft, a dovehouse, 
a garden, an orchard and an acre of pasture in the town of 
S* Neots. 

39 Elii. 

472 Between Robert Bevile, esquire, and Nathaniel 
Byshoppe, gentleman — and Robert Forrest, esquire, Mites 
Forest, esquire, and Anthony Forrest, gentleman— of the 
manor of Morborne, and of six messuages, ten cottages, a 
dovehouse, six gardens, six orchards, six hundred acres of land, 
sixty acres of meadow, four hundred and fifty acres of pasture 
and six acres of wood in Morborne, Ogerston and Folxworth, 
and of the advowson of the church of Morborne. 

473 Between Edward Bell' — and Edward Mountagu, 
knight, and Elizabeth, his wife, Eklward Mountagu, esquire, son 
and heir apparent of the said Edward Mountagu, knight, Roger 
Mountagu, esquire, Simon Mountagu, esquire, and Anne, his 
wife, and Heniy Mountagu, esquire, one of the sons of the 
said Edward Mountagu, knight — of an acre of meadow and 
thirty two acres of pasture in Bambolton, otherwise Kymolton. 

474 Between William Wyttlesey — ^and Samuel Wyseman, 
gentleman— of a messuage, four cottages, four gardens, six acres 
of meadow and two acres of pasture in Huntingdon and Gune- 
cestre, otherwise Godmanchester^ 

475 Between William Wylkes — ^and Samuel Wyseman and 
Simon Wyseman and Susan, his wife — of a messuage and 
a garden in Huntingdon. 

476 Between William Otye — ^and* Thomas Carter and 
Dorothy, his wife — of seven acres of meadow in Earithe. 

477 Between Robert Berrye — and Thomas Smyth' and Joan, 
his wife, Catherine Smyth' and John Steed — of a messuage, 
a garden, an orchard, thirty six acres of land, four acres of 
meadow, six acres of pasture and four acres of wood in Stoughton 
Magna. 

478 Between Thomas Dove, gentleman — and Richard 
Taylefare and Elizabeth, his wife — of a messuage, a garden, 

^ This fine contains a warranty by Samael against the heirs of Thomas 
Wyseman, deoeased, father of the aforesaid Samael. 

14—2 



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212 HUNTINGDONSHIRE FINEa 

an orchard, five acreR of land, two acres of pasture and pasture 
for four cows in Hayleweston. 

479 Between Thomas Dove, gentleman — and Christopher 
Phillipp and Mary, his wife — of two messuages, two gardens, 
two orchards, five acres of land and two acres of pasture in 
S' Neots*. 

480 Between Richard Comes — and Christopher Phillipp 
and Mary, his wife — of a messuage, a garden and an orchard 
in S' Neots. 

481 Between Oawin Levans — and Edward Bell' and Anne, 
his wife— of a messuage, a dovehouse, a garden, an orchard, 
'five acres of laud, a rood of meadow and four acres of pasture 
in Sowthoe and Dodington. 

482 Between William Pentlowe, clerk — and Simon Grey 
and Judith, his wife — of a messuage, a dovehouse, a garden, 
twenty eight acres of land, two acres of meadow and eight 
acres of pasture in Swanshed', otherwise Swinahed'. 

483 Between Roger Vaughan — and Margaret Eendale, 
widow, and Mark Kendale and Sibil, his wife — of three 
messuages, three gardens, three orchards, eight acres of land 
and four acres of pasture in Eymbalton. 

484 Between Jane Cotton — and Samuel Wiseman and 
Elizabeth, his wife — of a messuage, a kitchen, a barn and an 
orchard in the town of Huntingdon. 

485 Between John Freman and Thomas Drawater' — and 
Robert Asheton — of a messuage, a cottage, two gardens, one 
hundred and thirty acres of land, eight acres of meadow, forty 
acres of pasture, four acres of wood and fifty acres of iurze and 
heath in Oldweston, Brynton, Laxton, Hamerton and Wynwick'. 

486 Between William Hawkyns, gentleman — and Fulk 
Stockley — of a messuage, a garden, an orchard, fifteen acres 
of land, three acres of meadow, two acres of pasture and 
common of pasture for all manner of cattle in Kynebalton, 
otherwise Kymbalton, otherwise Kymoltonl 

^ This fine contains a warranty by Christopher and Maiy against Richard 
Phillip and his heirs and against Thomas Smythe and Agnes, his wife, and the 
heirs of Agnes. 

* This fine contains a warranty by Fulk against William Smyth and his 



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39 ELiz. 213 

487 Between Thomas Dove — and John Frounte — of two 
messuages, a garden and an orchard in the town of S*^ Neots. 

488 Between Andrew Arborowghe — and Edward Barker 
and Alice, his wife — of a third part of a messuage, a garden, 
an orchard and a rood of land in Fenestanton. 

489 Between John Corbet — and Francis Corbet and Agnes, 
his wife — of a messuage in Sancte Neot'. 

490 Between Thomas Parratt — ^and John Pitcheley and 
Catherine, his wife — of a cottage, a garden, nine acres of land, 
half an acre of meadow and half an acre of pasture in Bythome. 

491 Between John Bedell', esquire — and Nicholas Totnell' 
and Elizabeth, his wife — of three roods of wood in Steple 
Giddinge. 

492 Between John Bedell', esquire — and William Bedell', 
gentleman, and Elizabeth, his wife, and Silvester Bedell', 
gentleman — of twenty messuages, twenty tofts, twenty gardens, 
four hundred acres of land, fifty acres of meadow, four hundred 
and fifty acres of pasture, fifteen acres of wood and ten shil- 
lings of rent in Hammerton, and of a moiety of the manors 
of Enevett', otherwise Hammerton, and le Priores of Boyston, 
and also of a windmill and a maltmill in Hammerton. 

493 Between Richard Chicheley — and William Wittlesey 
and Sarah, his wife — of two messuages, a garden, an orchard 
and an acre of land in the town of S^ Ives. 

494 Between William Walter, gentleman — and James 
Bowlton, gentleman, and Joan, his wife— of a messuage, a 
dovehouse, a garden, an orchard, fifty acres of land, eight acres 
of meadow and ten acres of pasture in Stilton. 

495 Between Thomas Cordell' — and John Ashwoode and 
Susan, his wife — of a messuage and two gardens in the town 
of S* Ives. 

496 Between John Whysson and Christopher Whysson — 
and Richard Buckland, gentleman, and Elizabeth, his wife — 
of the manor of Waresley, and of six messuages, six gardens, 
six orchards^ one hundred and sixty acres of land, ten acres 
of meadow, thirty acres of pasture, twelve acres of wood, six 

heirs, Thomas Smyth and his heirs, Margaret Kendall' and her heirs and 
Thomas Wylde, otherwise Meryell*, and his heirs. 



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214 HtJNTlNODONSHlEtC FlKBS. 

acres of furze and heath and common of pasture for all cattle 
in Waresley. 

40 EUz. 

497 Between William Halls, doctor of divinity — and Richard 
Brawghton, gentleman, and Anne, his wife, and Margaret 
Brawghton, widow — of six acres of land, thirteen acres of 
meadow and seventy five acres of pasture in Stewkeley Magna. 

498 Between Edward Hubberde — and Thomas, Seeme and 
Margaret, his wife — of ten acres of land and two acres of 
meadow in Somersham. 

499 Between William Hawkyns, gentleman — ^and Roger 
Yaughan, gentleman, and Catherine, his wife — of eight acres 
of land, four acres of pasture and common of pasture for all 
manner of cattle in Kymolton, otherwise Kymbalton. 

600 Between John Bradeley — and John Bedell', esquire — 
of a messuage, a dovehouse, a garden, an orchard, eighty acres 
of land, six acres of meadow, seven acres of pasture and two 
acres of wood in Steple Gyddyng', otherwise Abbott' Gyddyng*. 

501 Between Robert Slade, gentleman, and Elizabeth 
Paris — and Francis Holcott and Awdry, his wife — of seven 
acres of land, two acres of meadow and four acres of pasture in 
Ellington. 

502 Between Christopher Norman — and Ambrose Lawe 
and Frances, his wife — of a messuage, a toft, an orchard and 
an acre of pasture in the town of S* Neots'. 

503 Between William Smjrth' — and Thomas Burges— of 
the manor of Colne, otherwise Colnes, and of ten messuages, 
two dovehouses, ten gardens, one hundred acres of land, twenty 
acres of meadow, twenty acres of pasture, ten shillings of rent, 
common of pasture and liberty of foldage for four hundred 
sheep in Colne, otherwise Colnes, Bluntesham, Earethe and 
Somersham. 

504 Between Philip Broughton, gentleman, and Richard 
Broughton, gentleman, and Margaret Broughton, widow— of 
two messuages, four cottages, a dovehouse, six gardens, six 

^ This fine contains a warranty by Ambrose and Frances against the heirs 
of Philip Hatley, deceased. 



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39—40 ELiz. 215 

orchards, two hundred acres of land, sixteen acres of meadow, 
twenty acres of pasture and four acres of wood in Magna 
Stuckley. 

505 Between William Chaderton, bishop of Lincoln — and 
John Rowse, esquire, and Eleanor, his wife, Edward Rowse, 
gentleman, son and heir apparent of the aforesaid John, and 
John Rowse, gentleman, son and heir apparent of the aforesaid 
Edward — of the manors of Bowton and Sowthoe, and of eight 
messuages, four cottages, a dovehouse, twelve gardens, five 
hundred acres of land, forty acres of meadow, one hundred 
acres of pasture, seven acres of wood, forty acres of furze and 
heath and seven pounds and ten shillings rent in Bowton, 
Sowthoe, Dydington and Overton Waterfeild', otherwise Cherrye 
Horton. 

506 Between Gabriel Wylson — and Thomas Wightman, 
gentleman, and Joan, his wife — of a messuage, a garden and 
an acre of land in Ramsey. 

507 Between William Hatley — and Robert Adler' and 
Alice, his wife->-of fifteen and a half acres of land in Gransden 
Magna. 

508 Between Edmund Rous, gentleman — and Philip 
Broughton, gentleman, and Catherine, his wife — of two mes- 
suages, four cottages, a dovehouse, six gardens, six orchards, 
two hundred acres of land', sixteen acres of meadow, twenty 
acres of pasture, four acres of wood, common of pasture for 
one hundred and twenty sheep and liberty of a foldage for the 
aforesaid one hundred and twenty sheep in Stewkley Magna, 
Stewkley Parva and Abbott' Repton*. 

509 Between Philip Parys, gentleman, and Paris Parys, 
gentleman — and William Becke, esquire — of fourteen acres 
of pasture and two acres of wood in Eymbalton and Stowe. 

510 Between Austin Piggott — and John Bradley and Agnes, 
his wife — of a messuage, a garden, an orchard, twenty nine 
acres of land, five acres of pasture and common of pasture for 
all cattle in Brinton. 

511 Between Edward Bell' — and Thomas Clarke and Joan, 

1 This fine contains a warranty by Philip and Catherine against Biohard 
Broughton and his heirs. 



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216 HUNTINGDONSHIRE FINES. 

his wife, and Thomas Ayre and Alice, his wife — of a messuage, 
a barn, a garden, fourteen acres of land, an acre of meadow, 
six acres of pasture and an acre of wood in Paxton Parva. 

512 Between William Bedell' — and Oliver Farren, gen- 
tleman, and Frances, his wife — of twenty acres of meadow, 
two hundred and sixty acres of pasture and four acres of wood 
in Mowlesworth, Molesworth, Brington, Bryneton, Bythome 
and Clopton^ 

513 Between Edward Leeds* gentleman — ^and Thomas 
Leeds, gentleman, and Faith, his wife — of the manor of Magna 
Gransdon, otherwise Qransden Berristeed'. 

614 Between William Whithead, gentleman, and Robert 
Whithead, gentleman — and William Squyer, senior — of ten 
acres of land and an acre of meadow in Barram. 

515 Between John Baldwyn, esquire — and Edward Woodley, 
Thomas Woodley and Oliver Woodley — of a windmill and half 
a rood of land in Stoughton Magna. 

41 EUz. 

516 Between Robert Sapcot', esquire, and Anne, his wife — 
and John Lenton — of two messuages, two gardens, two orchards, 
four acres of land, half an acre of meadow and four acres of 
pasture in Sautre S* Andrewes and AH' Hallowes, 

517 Between Edward Nicholas, gentleman, and John 
Roseweir, gentleman — and Agnes, marchioness of Winchester, 
widow — of the manor of Gaynes, and of forty messuages, forty 
gardens, a thousand acres of land, six hundred acres of meadow, 
eight hundred acres of pasture, three hundred acres of wood, 
a thousand acres of furze and heath, two hundred and fifty 
acres of moor and two hundred and fifty acres of marsh in 
Gaynes, Dellington, otherwise Dyllington, Perry and Groffham, 
otherwise Groflliam, 

518 Between William Smyth — and Richard Tayler* and 

Elizabeth, his wife, and Gregory Tayler' and Thomasine, his 

wife — of three messuages, three gardens, two orchards and two 

acres of land in Erith and Blunsham. 

^ This fine contains a warranty by Oliver and Franoes against the heirs of 
William Farren, the father of the same Oliver. 



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40 — 41 ELiz. 217 

619 Between William Hatley and Thomas Hetley — and 
Robert Adler and Alice, his wife — of twenty seven acres of 
land, three acres of meadow and six acres of pasture in Gransden 
Magna\ 

520 Between Robert Slade, gentleman — and Thomas Qrene 
and Jane, his wife — of seventeen acres of land, an acre and 
a half of meadow and four acres of pasture in Ellington. 

521 Between Edmund Ibbet — and John Belley, gentleman, 
and Constance, his wife, and Robert Hale, gentleman — of two 
messuages, two gardens and two orchards in the town of 
S* Neots. 

522 Between Henry Hubbert — and Samuel Croft", gen- 
tleman, John Croft" and David Croft" and Anne, his wife — 
of two messuages, a dovehouse, a garden, an orchard, three 
acres of land and two acres of pasture in Eynesburye. 

523 Between Thomas Cooke — and Richard Cooke, senior — 
of two messuages, twenty acres of land, two acres of meadow 
and two acres of pasture in Qyddinge Magna. , 

524 Between Richard Symond', gentleman — and William 
Walter', gentleman, and Clemence, his wife — of two messuages, 
two orchards, fifty acres of land, ten acres of meadow and 
twenty acres of pasture in Stilton. 

525 Between Thomas Carter, gentleman — and John Faldo, 
gentleman, and Margaret, his wife — of four messuages, four 
gardens, four orchards, twenty four acres of land, three acres 
of meadow, seven acres of pasture and three acres of wood 
in Fenystanton and Graffam. 

526 Between William FoUiatt, otherwise FoUye — and 
George Carter, gentleman, and Mary, his wife — of a cottage 
and half an acre of pasture in Stoughton Magna. 

527 Between Thomas Brudenell', esquii-e — ^and William 
Foster' — of a messuage, a garden, an orchard, six acres of land, 
an acre of meadow and twenty acres of pasture in Sowtho, 
Dodington and Boughton. 

^ This fine contains a warranty by Robert and Alioe against Bichai-d Acworth, 
Robert Beaton, Peroivai Bowes, John Moyser, William Oantiell', NiohoUs 
Mynne and the heirs of the aforesaid Biohard. 



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218 HUNTINGDONSHIRE FINES. 

4a Ells. 

628 Between Henry Warren — and William Boone — of a 
messuage, a toft, a garden, an orchard, fifteen acres of land, 
three acres of meadow and five acres of pasture in Gidding' 
Magna. 

529 Between William Chaderton, bishop of Lincoln — and 
Richard Dyer, knight, and Mary, his wife— of a messuage, a 
garden and four acres of pasture in Southo. 

530 Between Henry Hubbert — and Samuel Croft", gen- 
tleman, John Crofb", David Croft* and Anne, his wife, and John 
Samford and Alice, his wife — of a messuage and eighteen acres 
of land in Eynesburie. 

531 Between Edward Leedes, gentleman — and Agnes, mar- 
chioness of Winchester, widow, Giles Broughton, knight, and 
Catherine, his wife — of the manor of Groflfham, otherwise 
Graffham, and four messuages, three cottages, four gardens, 
four orchards, two hundred acres of land, twenty acres of 
meadow, eighty acres of pasture, twenty acres of wood, one 
hundred acres of furze and heath, thirty acres of moor, thirty 
acres of marsh and twenty shillings of rent in Groflfham, other- 
wise GraflFham, and also of the advowson of the church of 
Groifham, otherwise Graffham. 

532 Between John Spencer, knight — and Henry Berkeley, 
knight, lord Berkeley and Jane, his wife, Thomas Berkeley, 
esquire, and Elizabeth, his wife, Ambrose Cooper, gentleman, 
John Smyth, gentleman — of the manors of Aucunbury cum 
Weston, otherwise Alcunbury, otherwise Alcmundbury and 
Weston, otherwise Alcomebury and Weston, Alcumbery 
Woodweston, Fennystanton and Hilton, otherwise Staunt<jD 
and Hilton, and of three hundred messuages, twenty tofts, 
four mills, four dovehouses, one hundred gardens, two thousand 
acres of land, three hundred acres of meadow, two thousand 
acres of pasture, three hundred acres of wood, five hundred 
acres qf furze and heath, five hundred acres of moor, eight 
hundred acres of marsh and twenty pounds of rent in Aucun- 
bury Weston, Alcumbery Woodweston, Fennystanton, Hilton, 
Felmyngham, Saint Ives, Woodweston and HoUjrweir, and of 



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42 ELiz. 219 

free warren, view of frankpledge, fairs, markets and tolls in 
Aucunbury Weston, Alcumbery and Fennystanton. 

533 Between Oliver Cromwell', esquire, and Christopher 
Hodson, gentleman — ^and Kenelm Palter', clerk, and Catherine, 
his wife, Margaret Ellys, Nicholas Bedford and Agnes, his 
wife — of four messuages, twenty tofts, two windmills, one 
dovehouse, four gardens, three hundred acres of land, one 
hundred acres of meadow, eighty acres of pasture, twenty acres 
of wood, two hundred acres of furze and heath in Fenton, 
Pidley, Somersharo, Blunsham, Eritb, Cone, HoUywell*, Neding- 
worth, Ramsey and Hurst. 

534 Between Richard Faldo, gentleman — and Thomas 
Jones — of four messuages, four gardens, four orchards, eighteen 
acres of land, two acres of meadow, thirty five acres of pasture 
and two acres of wood in Bryngton. 

535 Between Thomas Emery, gentleman — and Edward 
Leedes, gentleman, and Alice, his wife — of the manor of 
Groffham, otherwise Qraffham, and of four messuages, three 
cottages, four gardens, four orchards, two hundred acres of 
land, twenty acres of meadow, eighty acres of pasture, twenty 
acres of wood, one hundred acres of furze and heath, thirty 
acres of moor, thirty acres of marsh and twenty shillings of 
lent in Qrofifham, otherwise Qraffham, and also of the advow- 
son of the church of Qroffham, otherwise Qraffham. 

536 Between Oliver Williams, otherwise CromwelF — and 
Agnes, marchioness of Winchester, widow, and Qiles Broughton*, 
knight, and Cathenne, his wife — of the manors of Qaynes Hall, 
otherwise Qaynes, Perrye and Dillington, and of forty mes- 
suages, forty gardens, a thousand acres of land, six hundred 
acres of meadow, eight hundred, acres of pasture, three hundred 
acres of wood, a thousand acres of furze and heath, two hundred 
and fifty acres of moor and two hundred and fifty acres of 
marsh in Stowghton Magna, Dellington, otherwise Dyllington, 
Perrye and Croffham, otherwise Qroffham*. 

537 Between the Master, fellows and scholars of Emmanuel 

1 This nftme is written erroneoasly in the original as Wronghton. 

' This fine contains a warranty by the marchioness against all persons 
claiming through John Broughton, knight, deceased, grandfather of the Same 
marchioness. 



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220 HUNTINGDONSHIRE FINES. 

College in the university of Cambridge — and Edward Leedes, 
gentleman, and Alice, his wife — of the manor of Gransdon, 
otherwise Gransden Berysteed', and of fifty acres of land, ten 
acres of meadow, ten acres of pasture and twenty six acres 
of wood in Gransdon, otherwise Gransden. 

538 Between Humphrey Wynche, esquire — and John Bur- 
goyne, esquire — of five messuages, four tofts, a dovehouse, 
six gardens, six acres of land, sixty acres of meadow, one 
hundred and fifty acres of pasture, ten acres of wood, one 
hundred acres of furze and heath and six shillings of rent in 
Everton and Tetworthe^ 

539 Between Thomas Marshall' and William Johnson, 
gentleman — and Robert Adler* and Alice, his wife — of a wind- 
mill and half an acre of land in Gransden Magna. 

540 Between Austin Pigott, clerk — and John Berrifife 
and Anne, his wife, and Agnes Berrifife, widow — of twenty 
acres of land, two acres of meadow and three acres of pasture 
in Brington. 

541 Between Edward HoUinghedge — and Thomas Wield', 
otherwise Merill', and Margaret, his wife, and Edward Bugg', 
esquire, and Mary, his wife — of a messuage, two gardens, an 
orchard, fifty acres of land, two acres of meadow, tw*elve acres 
of pasture and common of pasture for all cattle in Kymbalton. 

542 Between Edward HoUinghedge, gentleman — and 
Edward Aspjm, otherwise James, and Agnes, bis wife — of 
fourteen acres of pasture in Kymbalton. 

543 Between Henry Williams, otherwise Cromwell', esquire 
— and Lawrence Taylard, gentleman, and Alice, his wife — of 
six acres of land and four acres of pasture in Highmanfeld' 
and Upwood'. 

544 Between Arthur Capell', knight — and John Bedell', 
esquire — of the manor of Hamerton, and of ten messuages, 
ten cottages, a windmill, a dovehouse, twelve hundred acres 
of land, two hundred acres of meadow, eight hundred acres of 
pasture, forty acres of wood, one hundred acres of furze and 
heath and forty shillings of rent and common of pasture for 

' Made in Trinify term avd recorded in Miohaelmas term of this year. 



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42—48 EUZ. 221 

all manner of cattle in Hamerton, Winwick and Giddyng', 
and also of the advowson of the church of Hamerton. 

43 Elix. 

545 Between William Bedells, gentleman, and Gabriel 
Throckmorton, gentleman — and Francil Holcott, gentleman, 
and Awdry, his wife — of two messuages, a cottage, two tofts, 
two gardens, one hundred and twenty acres of land, ten acres 
of meadow, twenty acres of pasture and three acres of wood 
in Ellington and Awkenbery. 

546 Between Richard Brodwaye, gentleman — and Edward 
Rowlte, gentleman, Robert Castle, gentleman, and Robert 
Durrant — of a messuage, a dovehouse, forty three acres of 
land, six acres of meadow, five acres of pasture and common 
of pasture for all cattle in Wotton and Howghton. 

547 Between Richard Bowen — and Robert Poulter and 
Christian, his wife — of a cottage, an orchard and an acre of 
land in Broughton. 

648 Between Henry Hubberd and Edmund Ibbott' — and 
Robert Hale, gentleman, and Susan, his wife, and John 
Belley, gentleman, and Constance, his wife— of four messuages, 
three roods of meadow and three acres of pasture in the town 
of S' Neots. 

549 Between William Baseley and Henry Baseley — and 
Ralph Hatley and Catherine, his wife — of a messuage, a toft 
and a garden in the town of S' Neots. 

550 Between Thomas BardoU' — and Thomas Lord and 
Catherine, his wife, and John Thurston and Joan, his wife — 
of two cottages, two curtilages, thirty four acres of land, 
three acres of meadow and five acres of pasture in Stoughton 
Magna^ 

551 Between Henry Glover — and William BuUmer* and 
Alice, his wife, Thomas Lord and Catherine, his wife, and 
John Thurston and Joan, his wife-— of two acres of pasture 
in Stoughton Magna. 

> This fine oontains warranties by Thomas and Catherine against William 
BaUmer and Alice, his wife, and their heirs, and by John and Joan against the 
tame William and Alice and the heirs of Alice. 



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222 HUNTINQD0N8HIRE FINES. 

552 Between Thomas Eyng* — and John BuUocke and 
Agnes, his wife — of a messuage, a toft and a garden in the 
town of S* Neots. 

653 Between George Kynge — and Robert CooUingworthe 
and Joan, his wife, and William Barr and Margaret, his wife — 
of two messuages, tvrot tofbs, a dovehouse and two gardens in 
Eynesburye. 

554 Between Richard Wynde — and Robert Durrant and 
Elizabeth, his wife — of six acres of land, an acre of meadow, 
an acre of pasture and three acres of wood in Houghton and 
Witton. 

555 Between Henry Wyllyams, otherwise CromweU', knight 
— and Henry Edwardes and Joan, his wife, and Henry Ad- 
lington, gentleman — of a cottage, a barn and five acres of 
pasture in Huntingdon. 

556 Between Thomas Hallam — and Robert Hallam and 
EUizabeth, his wife — of a messuage and a garden in the town 
of S* Neots. 

557 Between Thomas Cropley, gentleman — and Robert 
Smythe, gentleman — of the manor of Sibston, and of twelve 
messuages, fDur hundred acres of land, fifty acres of meadow, 
thirty acres of pasture, ten acres of wood and forty shillings of 
rent in Sibston, Orton, Overton Longfilde, Overton Waterfilde, 
Botilbrige, Lutton, Thuminge, Stepington, Woodston and 
Walnesforde. 

558 Between John Martjni and Henry Browne — and Thomas 
Rygnale and Catherine, his wife, Leonard Rygnale, William 
Randale and Catherine, his wife, and Thomas Randale and 
Mary, his wife — of a messuage, a garden and seven acres of 
land in Fennystanton. 

559 Between Thomas Waller, junior, gentleman, and 
Christopher Martyn, gentleman — and John Lawrence, esquire 
— of ten messuages, seven cottages, three tofts, a dovehouse, 
seventeen gardens, seventeen orchards, three hundred and fifty 
acres of land, sixty acres of meadow, thirty acres of pasture, 
eighty acres of wood and twenty acres of furze and heath in 
Yealding, otherwise Yealing*, Papworthe, Paxton Magna, OflFord 
Cluney, OfiFord Darcey, Fenystanton and Hilton, otherwise 



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43 SLiz. 22S 

Fennystanton and Hilton, Walton, otherwise Woodwalton, and 
Denton^ and of a moiety of the manors of Walton Beavills 
and Comwalles, otherwise Cromwells, and thirty messuages, 
eight tofts, a windmill, two dovehouses, thirty gardens, thirty 
orchards, three hundred and fifty acres of land, thirty six acres 
of meadow, two hundred and forty acres of pasture, forty acres 
of wood, three hundred acres of moor, two hundred acres of 
furze and heath and ten shillings of rent in Walton, otherwise 
Woodwalton, and Denton, and of a moiety of the advowson of 
the church of Walton, otherwise Woodwalton. 

560 Between John Best' — and Thomas Everest', otherwise 
Everedge, and Barbara, his wife — of a messuage in Eynesbury. 

561 Between Thomas Hetley, gentleman, and William 
Walden, gentleman — and Lewis Mordant, knight, lord Mordant 
and Henry Mordant, esquire, son and heir apparent of the 
said Lewis, and Margaret, his wife — of the manor of Buckworth 
and of ten messuages, ten tofts, a thousand acres of land, one 
hundred acres of meadow, two hundred acres of pasture, fifty 
acres of wood, one hundred acres of furze and twenty shillings 
of rent in Buckworth, Awconbury and Wolley, and also of the 
advowson of the church of Buckworth ^ 

562 Between Henry Norwood*, gentleman, and Thomas 
Oreene, gentleman — ^and William Geares, gentleman, and 
Clemence, his wife — of an annual rent of ten pounds issuing 
out of forty messuages, two mills, forty gardens, two hundred 
acres of land, one hundred acres of meadow, two hundred acres 
of pasture and twenty acres of furze and heath in Huntingdon. 

563 Between Walter Frauncis — and Nicholas Astwood' 
and Catherine, his wife — of a barn, seventy acres of land, two 
acres of pasture and an acre of wood in Abbottisley. 

564 Between Thomas Hodgson — and Thomas Knowlis, 
gentleman — of twenty acres of land in the parish of S^ Neots. 

565 Between Richard Angell' — and John Bedell', esquire — 
of a messuage, a toft and a garden in Huntingdon. 

1 This foot of this fine is a little damaged. Borne of the above particulars 
are taken from the note. The fine contains several warranties by Lewis Moidant 
and his son Heniy against all other persons claiming through John Mordant, 
knight, deceased, grandfather of the aforesaid Lewis Mordant, 



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224 HUNTINQDONSHIBE FINES. 

566 Between Jonas OoUyn — and John Bedelles, junior, 
and Ellen, his wife, and William Cooke and Goodith, his 
wife — of a messuage, a cottage, two tofts, a dovehouse, two 
gardens, two orchards, six acres of land, ten acres of pasture, 
and five acres of wood in Easton and Eimbalton, otherwise 
Kimbolton. 

567 Between Owen Bigg" — and Francis Robynson and 
Eleanor, his wife — of four cottages, forty acres of land, three 
acres of meadow, three acres of pasture and an acre of wood 
in Stoughton Magna and Graffham. 

568 Between Richard Biscoe— and John Watt' and 
Elizabeth, his wife — of a messuage, a garden, an orchard, sixty 
acres of land, an acre of meadow and an acre of pasture in 
Gransden Magna. 

569 Between Abel Smyth', clerk — and Christopher Smyth', 
esquire, and Joan, his wife, and John Chamberlin and Joan, 
his wife — of a messuage, twenty six acres of land, five acres 
of meadow and two acres of pasture in Sibston and Stibinghton. 

670 Between William Warryner' — and Thomas Warryner' 
and Margery, his wife — of a messuage, a garden, eight acres 
of land and two acres of pasture in Glatton. 

571 Between William Bedell', gentleman — and Robert 
Jackman, gentleman, and Judith, his wife — of a messuage, a 
garden, an orchard and thirteen acres of pasture in Kimbalton, 
otherwise Kimbolton. 

572 Between Henry BulV — and William Wylks and Mary, 
his wife, and Walter Fr^leton, gentleman, and Margaret, his 
wife-— of a messuage in Huntingdon. 

573 Between Thomas Jones — and John Costarde and 
Agnes, his wife — of a messuage, a garden, an orchard, five 
acres of land and two acres of pasture in Brynton. 

574 Between Richard Berridge — and Thomas Warriner' 
and Margery, his wife— of ten acres of land in Glatton and 
Sawtry. 

44 Eliz. 

575 Between William Bedell', gentleman, and Silvester 
Bedeir, gentleman — and Oliver Farren, gentleman, and Frances, 



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43—44 ELIZ. 225 

hifl wife, and William Farren, gentleman, son and heir apparent 
of the aforesaid Oliver, and William Becke, esquire, and Mar- 
garet, his wife — of the manor of Mowlesworth, otherwise 
Mullesworth, and of two messuages, six cottages, a windmill, 
two gardens, two hundred acres of land, one hundred acres 
of meadow, five hundred acres of pasture, twelve acres of 
wood, one hundred acres of furze and heath and six shillings 
of rent in Mowlesworth, otherwise Mullesworth, and also of 
the advowson of the church of Mowlesworth, otherwise Mulles- 
worth. 

576 Between Francis Saynt John, esquire, and Francis 
Ventreys, esquire — and Richard Trice, esquire, and Anne, his 
wife — of the manor of Camoyes, and of twelve messuages, 
eight tofts, a windmill, four dovehouses, twelve gardens, three 
hundred acres of land, sixty acres of meadow, three hundred 
acres of pasture, forty acres of wood, one hundred acres of furze 
and heath, twenty acres of marsh, and common of pasture for 
all mPvUner of cattle in Stewkley Magna, and also of a moiety 
of the manor of Broughton, and three messuages, three gardens, 
three hundred acres of land, thirty acres of meadow, one 
hundred acres of pasture, ten acres of wood, twenty acres of 
furze and heath and eighteen pence of rent in Stewkley Magna 
and Stewkley Parua. 

577 Between Thomas Parratt — and Edmuud Berifie and 
Agnes, his wife, and Thomas BerifFe and Catherine, his wife — 
of sixty three acres of land, an acre of meadow, eighteen acres 
of pasture, and common of pasture for six horses, twelve cows, 
sixty two sheep and twenty pigs in Brington. 

578 Between John Pynchbeck — and Thomas Warrener' and 
Margery, his wife — of twenty acres of land, an acre of meadow 
and two acres of pasture in Glatton. 

579 Between Robert Ashton, senior, Peter Barriffe and 
John Qrymbolde — and Robert Ashton, junior, and Catherine, 
his wife — of fourteen acres of land, three acres of pasture and 
common of pasture for sixty sheep, six horses, eight heifers 
and sixteen pigs in Oldweston. 

580 Between Henry Marlyn — and Edward Pasheler' and 
Alice, his wife — of a messuage, two cottages, two barns, a 

C. A. 8. Octavo Series. XXXVU. 15 



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226 HUNTINGDONSHIRE FINES. 

stable, two curtilages, three gardens, an orchard, seven acres 
of land, four acres of meadow, three acres of pasture and 
common of pasture for all manner of cattle in Catworth 
Magna. 

581 Between William Silbye and Alice, his wife — and 
Edward Apsley, esquire, and Elizabeth, his wife — of three 
messuages, two tofts, eighty seven acres of land, ten acres of 
meadow, three acres of pasture and common of pasture for 
one hundred and forty sheep and twenty eight cattle in 
Orton Longevile and Overton Longfeild'. 

582 Between Sidney Mountagu, esquire — and Edward 
Mountagu, esquire, and Roger Mountagu — of the manor of 
Styvecley Parua, otherwise Stukeley Parua, otherwise called 
the manor of Rawlyns in Stjrvecley Parua, otherwise Stukeley 
Parua, and of seven messuages, a windmill, seven gardens, two 
hundred and twenty acres of land, twenty six acres of meadow, 
fifty acres of pasture, five acres of wood, twenty acres of furze 
and heath and four shillings of rent in Styvecley Parua, other- 
wise Stukeley Parua, Styvecley Magna, otherwise Stukeley 
Magna, Alcombury, otherwise Alcombury and Brampton. 

583 Between Robert Beck — and William Henson and 
Bridget, his wife — of a messuage, a garden, fifteen acres of 
land, an acre of meadow and three acres of pasture in 
Mowlesworth. 

584 Between Thomas Parratt — and Robert Ashton and 
Helen, his wife — of a messuage, a garden, an orchard, forty four 
acres of land, an acre of meadow, three acres of pasture and 
common of pasture for four horses, eight cows, fifty sheep 
and eleven pigs in Wessen, otherwise Oldweston. 

585 Between Thomas Hustwaite — and Austin Pigott, clerk, 
Thomas Jones and Dorothy, his wife, Robert Jones and Oliver 
Jones — of a messuage, fifteen acres of land and ten acres of 
pasture and common of pasture for two cows and five sheep 
in Brinton and Bythome. 

586 Between John Dyckon — and Henry War)m and Emma, 
his wife, and Thomas Waryn and Elizabeth, his wife — of a 
messuage, a toft, a garden, an orchard, eight acres of land and 
two acres of pasture in Gyddyng Magna and Wynwicke. 



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44—45 ELiz. 227 

587 Between William Darneweir and John Sutton — and 
Alexander Williams, gentleman, and Elizabeth, his wife, and 
Richard Darnewell' — of four messuages, four gardens, eighty 
acres of land, ten acres of meadow and thirty acres of pasture 
in Keyston. 

45 Elis. 

588 Between Thomas Isaake — and Eustace Cockarie and 
Joan, his wife — of a messuage, a garden, sixty acres of land, 
an acre of meadow and four acres of pasture in Wareslye. 

589 Between William Hawkyns, gentleman — and William 
Wylde, otherwise Meryll' — of a messuage, a bam, a garden, 
an orchard, fifty two acres of land, four acres of meadow and 
four acres of pasture in Kymbolton, otherwise Kymolton. 



15—2 



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INDEX OF NAMES. 
PART I. 

5 RIC. I. TO 23 RIC. II. 



Note. Plaoes which are preceded in the text by the word " of" are printed 
whenever they oocar in this index under their modem spellingB. The ancient 
spellings are printed after the names of the plaoes, where they are indexed in 
chief. Thas &e entry *' Johannes Scot of Eton'* is indexed as follows : — 

Eaton, Eton, Johannes Scot of, 93 

Eton, iee Eaton 

Scot, Johannes, of Eaton, 93 



Abbotaley, Albodesie, Alboldesle, Albo- 
tesle 

Johannes Soot of, 68 

Johannes fllins HeDrioi Scot of, 53 

Robertas Beuerich of, 56 
Isabella, his wife, 56 

WiUelmas Scot of, 51 
Johanna, his wife, 61 

WiUelmas Alius Henrici de, 68 
Johanna, his wife, 68 
Abyndon, Johannes de, citizen and 

clothier of London, 75 
Aoke, Thomas, of Bedford, 23 

Margeria, his wife, 23 
Ainesford, Willelmus de, 4 
Alberd, Ricardus, of Yaxley, 72, 73, 76 

Ricardus, his son, 72, 73 
Albodesle, see Abbotsley 
Alconbury, Alcumdebyry 

Adam le Lord of, 63 
Johanna, his widow, 53 

Willelmus filius Ade le Lord of, 63 
Aleyn, Thomas, 72 

Elizabetha, his wife, 72 
Almarie, Walterus, 89 
Alno, Anno, Agnes de, 2, 6 
Aired, Willelmus, of Godmanchester, 

69 
Alyngton 

RioiEurdus de, chaplain, 78 

Master Stephanus de, 47 
Ambrosden, Aumbresdon, the parson 

of, Johannes de Gapella, 57 
Amundeuille, Amundeuiir, Amunde- 
will', Aumundeuiir, MundeuiU' 



Alioia de, 6 Ins, 7, 24, 39 

Elias de, 10 

Nigellus de, 16, 24, 26 note, 29, 30 

Robertas de, 35 
Alicia, his widow, 35 
Andreu, Ricardus, 78 

Johanna, his wife, 78 
Angeuin, Galfridus le, 25 
Ardern*, Willelmus de, 42 

Matillis, his widow, 42 
Argenteum, Master WiUelmas de, 12 
ArundeU, Thomas de, bishop of Ely, 

94 
Ashley, Ashele, Asshele, Johanues 

fiUus Petri le Ghapeleyn o^ 48 

bU 
Askeby, Robertas de, 48 

Juliana, his wife, 48 
Assheby, Robertas de, chaplain, 61 
Aston, Johannes de, 82 

Alicia, his wife, 82 
Atry, Thomas filius WiUelmi, of Clap- 
ton, 41 
AtteweU, WiUelmas filius Johannia, of 
Sutton, 40 

Beatrida, his wife, 40 
Aueree, Auure, Johannes, 52, 60 

MatiUis, his wife, 52, 60 
Augmoner, Adam le, of Peterborough, 
47 

Agnes, his wife, 47 
Augo 

Alnredus de, 8 

MatUda de, 3 
Aumbresdon, see Ambrosden 



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5 RIC. I. TO 23 RIC. II. 



229 



Amnfles, Nicholaas, chaplain, 86 
Aano, iee Alno 
Amifaber, le Orfenere 

Elias, 8 
Iflolda, his wife, 8 

BioardoB filins Willelmi, 11 

Willelmas le, 16 
Mabillia, his daaghter, 16 

Willelmus filias Willelmi, 11 
Aassenill', Bioardns de, 34 
Aostyn, Bogenis, 94 
Aaare, see Aneree 
Aylbem, Qalfridos, 81 

Margareta, his wife, 81 
AyllingtoD, Aylington, Aylyngton, see 

Elton 
Aylward, Nigellas, 47 

Beatrix, his wife, 47 
Ayse, Bobertus, of Yaxley, 55 

Felicia, his wife, 55 

Baa 
Bobertns, 91, 93 bis, 94 bis, 95 

Margareta, his wife, 95 
Bobertus de, 95 
Babyngton, Hugo de, 69 
Baggele 
Johannes de, of Hemingford Abbots, 
74 
Beatrix, his wife, 74 
BadulfuB de, 74 
Baiocis, Bayhus, Bayuse 
Alexander de, 67 
Johannes de, 37 

Bicardus de, knight, 61, 67 his, 68, 
78 
Eaterina, his wife, 61, 67 bis, 68, 

78 
RioarduB, his son, 78 
Bobertus de, 54 
Baiuill, Bicardus de, 2 
Baldyngdon 
Luca de, parson of Swineshead, 63 
Willelmus de, parson of Sibbertoft, 
63 
Balehom, Osbertus, 9 
Ballard 
Johannes, 55 

Bicardus filius Johannis, 55 
Balliolo, Bayllal, Johannes de, 30 

Deruerguilla, his widow, 44 
Barat, Baret, Willelmus, of Folks- 
worth, 35, 36 
Johanna, his wife, 35, 36 
Barbour, Willelmus, of Hackney, 86 
Barewe, Johannes de, 78 
Cristiana, his wife, 78 
Barkere, Barker 
Johannes, chaplain, 96 
Johannes le, of Huntingdon, 56 
Agnes, his wife, 56 



Bogerus, of Gaxton, 81 

Alicia, his wife, 81 
Bogerus, of Little Qransden, 81 

Alicia, his wife, 81 

Thomas le, 60 

Agnes, his wife, 60 

Bamham, Walterus de, 68 

Siargareta, his wife, 68 

Barnwell, Bemewelle, Margareta Moyne 

of, 45 
Bassingeburne 
Edmundus de, 44 
Warinus de, 44 
Isabella, his widow, 44 
Bassingham, Johannes de, 15 
Baston, Thomas, clerk, 95 
Bate, Johannes, 84 

Anna, his wife, 84 
Baude 

Cristiana, of Huntingdon, 59 
Bicardus, of Huntingdon, 41, 42 
Simon, of Huntingdon, 30 
Baumes, see Bello Messuagio 
BauBton, Johannes, of Hargraye, 72 

Alesia, his wife, 72 
Bautre 
Henricus filius Nicholai de, of 
S^ Neots, 58 
Mabilla, his wife, 58 
Johannes de, of Gainsborough, 74 
Johanna, his wife, 74 
Bauuill, Bobertus de, 10 
Bayhus, Bayuse, see Baiocis 
Bayllal, see Balliolo 
Beachampstead, Bicbhamstede, Bi- 
cardus de Haille of, 57 
MatilliB, his wife, 57 
Beaufou, Galfridus de, 40 

Amicia, his wife, 40 
Beaumeys, Beaumes, Beaumeis, Bean- 
mys, Beaumis, Belmis, see Bello 
Messuagio 
Becco, Stephanus de, 54 bis 
Bedehampton, Bobertus de, 53 

Margareta, his wife, 53 
Bedel, Johannes, 91 
Bedford, Bedeford 
Bogerus le Mire of, 18 
Boysia, his wife, 18 
Bogerus de, 'medicns,' 21 

Boesia, his ¥rife, 21 
Thomas Acke of, 23 
Margeria, his wife, 23 
Bekeryng, Thomas filins Thome de, 
Imight, 70 
Isabella, his wife, 70 
Belgraue, Petrus de, parson of Blun- 

ham, 89 
Belle, Andreas, of Great Giddiqg, 64 
Bellemakere, Willelmus, 91 bis 
Bello Messuagio, Baumes, Beaumes, 



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230 



INDEX OF NAMES, FIRST PART. 



Beaumeis, Beaameys, Beaamis, 
Beaumys, Belmis 

Robertas, 87, 92 

Robertas de, 4, 7, 16, 17 

Thomas, 85 
Eaterina, his wife, 85 

Walterus de, 1 
Belton, Johannes, of Stamford, 86 
Belyngham, Alanas de, 90 
Benethebrok*, Thomas, of Hanting- 

don, 66 
Beneyt, Johannes, of Somersham, 80 

Emma, his wife, 80 
Berdolf, Ricardas, 55 
Bere, Johannes le, 18, 19, 20 
Bereford, Berford 

Johannes, 90 

Johannes, senior, 93 

Radolfas, 13 bis, 40 
Johanna, his wife, 40 
Isabella, his wife, 13 
Bernard, Barnard 

Ricardas, 7 

Willelmas, 43 

Emma, his wife, 43 
Bemek*, Ricardas filias Ricardi de, 28 
Bemewelle, see Barnwell 
Bemolby, Johannes de, 54 

Matillis, his wife, 54 
Berton, Alanas filias Willelmi de, of 

SwafFham Prior, 67 
Beaerich, Robertas, of Abbotsley, 56 

Isabella, his wife, 56 
Beaerlaoo, Radalfas de, of Stan- 
groand, 51 

Alicia, his wife, 51 
Beuery, Albinas de, 51 

Agnes, his daughter, 51 

Margareta, his wife, 51 
Beaflear, Jacobus, 61 
Beuyle, Beyaill 

Robertas, 93 

Robertas de, 67 bis 
Elizabetha, his wife, 67 

Thomas de, 46 

Willelmas de, 19 
Isolda, his wife, 19 
Beynaill, Ricardas de, 40 

Frethecenta, his wife, 40 
Bichhamstede, see Beachampstead 
' Bigenore, Paulinas, of Huntingdon, 74 

Alicia, his wife, 74 
Biggleswade, Bikliswade, Bykeleswade 

Thomas Child of, 85 

Willelmas de, * irnemongere,* 68 
Gristiana, his wife, 68 
BisBopemedwe, see Bushmead 
Bithurst, Johannes, 96 

Margareta, his wife, 96 
Blakedone, Thomas de, of Little 
Staughton, 56 



Alicia, his wife, 56 
Blande, Bland, Willelmus de, parson 

of Woodwalton, 80 ter 
Blibora, David de, 34 

Mabilia, his wife, 34 
Blome, Blosme 

Semanus, 90 

Willelmus, of Oflord Gluney, chap- 
lain, 87 
Blounhazn, see Blanham 
Bloy 

Robertas, 6 
Lucia, his widow, 10 

Wiscardus, 10 
Blundus, le Bland 

Hugo, 9 

Walterus, of North Ck>llingham, 48 
Blanham, Blounham, the parson of, 

Petrus de Belgraue, 89 
Bluntisham, Johannes de, chaplain, 12 
Boby, Walterus de, 14 

Hawisia, his wife, 14 
Bockeworth, see Buckworth 
Bodekesham, Hugo de, 7 
Bohun 

Humfridus de, earl of Hereford and 
Essex, 18, 34, 46, 54 
Elizabetha, his wife, 54 

Johanna de, countess of Hereford 
and Essex, 94 

Milo de, 34 
Bokeden, see Backden 
Bokesworth, see Buckworth 
Bolebek, Isabella de, ooantess of Ox- 
ford, 17 
Bolesore, Alanas, 85 

Margeria, his wife, 85 
Bolewyk, Johannes de, 57 bis 

Margeria, his wife, 57 bis 
Bolnhirst, Bolnehurst, BoUehurst 

Johannes, parson of, 68 

Walterus de, 42 bis 
Nicholaa, his wife, 42 bis 
Bonyngton, Johannes de, clerk, 85 
Bosco, Arnaldus de, 38 
Botelbrig', see Botolph Bridge 
Boteler, Botiller 

Ricardus, 94, 95 

Robertns, clerk, 85 
Botolph Bridge, Botelbrig', the parson 

of, IU)bertns de NeuilT, 8 
Bouk, Alexander filias Ade, 51 

Cecilia, his wife, 51 
Boutetourte, Butetourt, Buteturte 

Johannes, 45, 62, 77 
Matillis, his wife, 45, 62 
Bouton, Galfridus de, chaplain, 70 
Boweles, Johannes de, 45 bis 
Bow]^are, Bowyere, Robertas le, 48, 52 

Gristiana, his wife, 52 
Boys, Willelmas, parson of Marsley, 89 



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5 BIC. I. TO 23 RIC. II. 



231 



Bramerton, Badulfas de, 63 
Bramlord, Hubertus de, 3 

Roeaia, his wife, 8 
Brampton, Bramton 
Hugo de, 88 
Johannes Massi of, 58 
Johannes, of Somersham, 88 

Isabella, his wife, 88 
Stephanas de, 19 
WiUelmus de, 24 

Agnes, his wife, 24 
WiUelmus filios Johannis de, 23 
Agnes, his wife, 23 
Glemenoia, her sister, 23 
WiUelmus Daoles of, 18 
JuUana, his wife, 18 
Bray 
Alicia, 92 bis 
Badulfas de, 6 
Braybrok*, Laurencios de, 23 
Brereley, WiUelmus de, 82 
Bret 

Simon, of S« Neots, 85 
Walteras le, 57, 74 
Sarra, his wife, 57 
Breton, le, tee Brito 
Brewer, Johannes, of Somersham, 92 

bis 
Brian, Hago, 89 

Cristiana, his wife, 89 
Bridgford, Briggeford, the parson of, 

Thomas de Outheby, 69 
BristoU, Johannes de, of Huntingdon, 
•seler,* 61 
Sarra, his wife, 61 
Brito, le Breton, le Bretun 
Galfridus, 7 
Hugo, 22, 31 
Thomas, 36 
WiUelmos, 7, 22 
Broghton, $ee Broughton 
Brokle, Brokkelee, WiUelmus, 91 ter 
Broughton, Broghton, Broghtone 
Henricus de, clerk, chaplain, 72, 

73, 74 
Johannes Coupere of, 84 
Johannes filius Johannis of, 68 
Johannes fiUas Thome le Clerk of, 69 

Agnes, his wife, 69 
Nicholaus Shepeherde of, 81 

Mariota, his wife, 81 
Bioardus de, clerk, 50 
Bicardus Gaunt of, 78, 86 

Katerina, his wife, 78, 86 
Bobertus Galon of, 81 
Thomas le Clerk of, 73 
Johanna, his wife, 73 
Thomas filius Bicardi de, 50 
WiUelmus de, 42 

AUcia, his wife, 42 
WiUelmus filius Johannis de, 63 



Broun, Andreas, 94 

Katerina, his wife, 94 
Brun 

Alanus, of Thomham, 20, 21 

MatUlis, his wife, 20, 21 
Bobertus, 53 bU 
Emma, his wife, 53 bit 
Brunne 
Johannes, 93, 95 
Johannes de, 72 
Brus 
Bernardus de, 65 

Agnes, his wife, 65 
Bernardus fiUus Bernardi de, 62 
Bernardus filius Johannis de, 62 
Bobertus le, clerk, 65 
Buohan, the earl of, Alexander Gomyn, 
35 
Elyzabez, his wife, 35 
Buckden, Bokeden, Thomas Parker 

of, 87 
Buckworth, Bockeworth, Bokesworth, 
Buckesworth, Buckeswrth, Buk- 
worth 
FeUcia de, 24 
Henricus de, 46 
Juliana, his wife, 46 
Johannes, his son, 46 
parsons of, 
Bogerus, 46 
WiUelmus Payn, 84 
Bicardus Gaunt of, 84 bit 

Katerina, his wife, 84 bis 
Tristramus de, 49 
Budington, Brianus de, 19 

PhUippa, his wife, 19 
Buketon 

PhiUppus de, 14 
WiUelmus de, 26 
BuUebroc, Badulfus de, 4 

Angnes, his wife, 4 
BuUock, BuUok' 
Johannes, 91 bis 
Bicardus, of Folksworth, 35 
Mabillia, his wife, 35 
Bully, Bicardus, of Huntingdon, 47 

Johanna, his wife, 47 
Bungler, WUlelmus, 85 
Buntingford, Buntyngford, Johannes 
TaiUour of, 81 
Johanna, his wife, 81 
Burden, Bicardus, 43 

Henricus, his son, 43 
Burforde, Bobertus de, 55 
Burges, Burgeys 

Simon, of Huntingdon, 56, 65 
Margareta, his wife, 56, 65 
Burgh 
Bioardus de, of Great Stukeley, 79 

Agnes, his wife, 79 
Simon de, 94 



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232 



INDEX OF NAMES, FIRST PART. 



Barghard, see Burward 

Bargus sancti Petri, see Peterborough 

Bumard, see Bernard 

Barstlere, Bobertus, knigfat, 69 

Barton 

Thomas de, of Eingsley, 82 

Willehnus de, knight, 78 
Borward, Barghard 

Johanna de, 65 

Robertas filius Willehni de, 47 
Johanna, his wife, 47 
Bushmead, Bissopemedwe, Byssemede, 
the prior of 

Johannes, 16 

Simon, 82 
Bat, Robertas, of Norwich, 75 

Johanna, his wife, 75 
Batetoart, see Boatetoarte 
Baxston, Walteras, chaplain, 67 
Bycok 

Alicia, 69 

Ricardas, 69 
Agnes, his wife, 69 
Byssemede, see Bashmead 
By them, Reginaldas de, 42 

Gristiana, his wife, 42 

Caketon, Ricardas de, 40 

Juliana, his wife, 40 
Gallon, Robertas, of Great Stakeley, 78 

Agnes, his wife, 78 
Galon, Robertas, of Broaghton, 81 
Galtoft, WUlelmas de, 47 

Eaterina, his wife, 47 
Gantebr', Rogerus de, 60 
Gantilapo, Rogeras de, 29 

Elicia, his daaghter, 45 
Gapella, Johannes de, parson of Am- 

brosden, 57 
Gapellanas, le Gapeleyn, le Ghapeleyn, 
le Schapeleyn 

Johannes, 16 

Johannes filius Petri, of Ashley, 
48 bU 

Michael, of Huntingdon, 25 

Thomas, 22 
Gaperoun, Willelmus, 57 

Alicia, his wife, 57 
Garbonel, Willehnus, 34 

Nicholaa, his wife, 34 
Garleby, Ricardas de, 41 

Emma, his wife, 41 
Gamaylie, Robertus de la, 12 
Garpentarius, le Garpent*, le Ghar- 
penter 

Adam filias Gileberti, 12 

Gilebertus, 1 

Rogerus, 29 
Isabella, his wife, 29 

Stephanus, 13 
Glarissa, his wife, 13 



Garyte, Johannes, of Ramsey, 68 

Emma, his wife, 68 
Gassell, Gerardus de, 4 
Gaterina, his wife, 4 
Gassy, Johannes, 93 
Gastel, Willelmus del, 84 
Gastellacre, Willelmus, 83 
Gastle Rising, Gastelrisingg', Johannes 
de Sefulgh of, 50 
Isabella, his wife, 50 
Gastre, Ailotus de, 50 
Gastro, Bartholomeus de, 40 
Gateby 
Bobertus filius Willelmi de, of 

Glatton, 68 
Willehnus de, 68 
Athelina, his wife, 68 
Gatoun, WiUelmus, parson of All 

Saints*, Sawtry, 81 
Gatworth, Gatteworth, Gattewurth 
parsons of 
Robertus de Paunton, 70 
Thomas Warde, 94 
Ricardus de, 35 
Robertus Huntyngdon of, 83 bis, 

86, 88, 94 
Thomas filius Ade de, 38 
Gaamuill', GaunuiUe, Thomas, 79, 80 

Fina, his wife, 79 
Gaun 
Ricardus, 81 

Eaterina, his wife, 81 
Rogerus le, of Panfield, 60 
Gaunt, Eaunt 
Ricardus, 90 

Eaterina, his wife, 90 
Ricardus, of Broughton, 78, 86 

Eaterina, his wife, 78, 86 
Ricardus, of Buckworth, 84 bis 
Eaterina, his wife, 84 bis 
Gaxton 
Gaufridus de, 2 note 
Rogerus Barkere of, 81 
Alicia, his wife, 81 
Gestreton, see Ghesterton 
Ghacepork, Henrious, 33 

Lucia, his wife, 33 
Ghaluersteme, see Ghawston 
Ghampyon, Ghaumpion 
Ricardus le, 58 

Isolda, his wife, 58 
Wybertus, 53 
Matillis, his wife, 53 
Ghantemerr, de Ghantemerle, Rober- 
tus, 8 bis 
Ghapeleyn, Schapeleyn, see Gapella- 

nus 
Ghartres 
Johannes, 76 

Master Henricus de, parson of 
Woolley, 70 



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6 RIC. I. TO 23 RIC. II. 



Gharwelton, Master Henrioas de, vioar 

of Doddington, 61, 64 
Chaamberleyn, Ghaumberleng 

Benediotaa le, 61 
Johanna, his wife, 61 

Warinas le, 25 Tiote 
Ghawston, Chalaesterne, Johannes 

filias Boberti Clerk of, senior, 82 
Chenney, Johannes de, 36 
Cherche, Johannes atte, chaplain, 76 
Chester, the constable of, Johannes, 
earl of Lincoln, 16 

Margareta, his wife, 15 
Chesterfeld, A.dam de, clerk, 89 
Chesterton, Cesterton, Cestreton 

Adam de, 29 bi$ 

Johannes le Warde of, 64 
Cristiana, his wife, 64 

Matillis de, 29 

Radnlfas de, 2, 7 

Radulfas Waldeschef of, 38 
Beatrix, his wife, 38 

Bogems Leyoestre of, 85 
Margareta, his wife, 86 

Willelmas Conqaest of, 64 
Emma, his wife, 64 
Cheyney, Henricus de, 47 

Margeria, his wife, 47 
Chioksand, the prior of, 1 
Child, Thomas, of Biggleswade, 85 
Chyohestre, Waltenis de, of London, 
*spioer,* 79 

Agnes, his wife, 79 
Clapton, Clopton 

Ricardus de, 67 

Rogeros de, 46 

Thomas filius Willelmi Atry of, 41 

WUlelmus de Hotot of, 41 
Clare 

Oilebertus de, earl of Gloucester 
and Hertford, 39 

Ricardus de, earl of Gloucester and 
Hertford, 30, 32 note 
Clarel, Johannes, 82 
Claxton 

Johannes de, 69 

Ricardus de, 69 
Clement, Petrus, of Eeyston, 76 

Agnes, his wife, 75 
Clereuans, Cleruaus 

Johannes, chaplain, 62 

Johannes, of Upwood, 61 

liichael de, 4 
Clericns, Clerc, le Clerk, Clerk 

Eudo, of Staunton, 36 

Galfridus, 26 

Johannes filius Roberti, of Chaw- 
ston, senior, 82 

Johannes filius Thome, of Brough- 
ton, 69 
Agnes, his wife, 69 



OliveruB, 20 

Elioia, his wife, 20 
Ricardus, of Coppingford, 62 

Muriella, his wife, 62 
Ricardus, of Sonthoe, 51 bU 

Agnes, his wife, 51 bU 
Rogerus, 3 
Regerufl filius Nicholai le,of Eaton,60 

Amicia, his wife, 60 
Simon, 87, 89 

Elena, his wife, 87, 89 
Simon, of Winwick, 45 

Elizabetha, his wife, 46 
Simon, of Warboys, 62 
Auioia, his wife, 62 
Thomas, 28 

Agnes, his wife, 28 
Thomas, of Broughton, 73 

Johanna, his wife, 73 
Thomas fiUns Radnlfi, of OfFord 

Gluney, 41 
Willehnus, of Stukeley, 38 

Johanna, his wife, 38 
Willelmus, chaplain, 89 
Clopton, see Clapton 
Godeham, Henricus de, 16, 17 
Coe 
Felicia de, 39 
Radulftis de, 89 
Cokat, Willelmus, 86 

Katerina, his wife, 86 
Colby, Willelmus filius Radulfi de, 66 

Alicia, his wife, 66 
Colchester, the abbot of S^ John of, 

Robertus, 45 
Colesdon, Collesdon-iuxta-Eaton, Jo- 
hannes Lord of, 90, 93, 94 
Colne 

Baldwynus de, 69 
Henricus de, 13 
Johannes, 86 

Alicia, his wife, 86 
Johannes Heruy of, 78 

Margareta, his wife, 78 
Thomas Martyn of, 60 
Margareta, his wife, 60 
Colnile, Johannes, knight, 86 

Alicia, his wife, 85 
Colynson, Johannes, 90 

Alicia, his wife, 90 
Comyn, Alexander, earl of Buchan, 36 

Elizabez, his wife, 35 
Connington, Comigton, Comynton, 
Conyng^n, Conyton, Cunyngton 
Adam Freman of, 47 
Alanus filius Roberti de, 49 
Alanns filius Roberti le Freman of, 49 
Johannes, 92 

Johannes Fraunceys of, 96 
Johannes Gent of, 69 
Agnes, his wife, 69 



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234 



INDEX OF NAMES, FIRST PART. 



Johannes Johanesson of, chaplain, 91 

Robertas, 92 

Thomas, 41 

Isolda, his wife, 41 

Thomas filias Johannis Fnlweder 
of, 40 
Emma, his wife, 40 
Conquest, Willehnus, of Chesterton, 
64 

Emma, his wife, 64 
Cook 

Radulfus, clerk, 95 

Willelmas filius Walieri, of Eaton, 
chaplain, 82 
Cope, Johannes, chaplain, 86 
Copmanford, see Coppingford 
Coppingford, Copmanford, Copmane- 
ford 

Johannes filius Agnetis de, 28 

the parson of, Radulfus Engayne, 52 

RioarduB le Clerk of, 52 
Muriella, his wife, 52 

Symon de, 24, 28 
Corant, Johannes, 32 

Beatrice, his daughter, 32 
Corby, Johannes, chaplain, 75 
Cormayll, Godefridus de, 22, 25 

Alicia, his wife, 22, 25 
Comubia 

Rioardus de, 58 

Ricardns de, knight, 67 
Johanna, his wife, 67 

WillelmuB de, of S^ Neots, 57 
Agnes, his widow, 57 
Cornwaleys, Petrus le, 33 

Alicia, his wife, 33 
Cors, Rogerus, of Huntingdon, 45 

Sarra, his wife, 45 
Corton, Willelmus de, 64 
Costentin, Johannes, 30 
Cotflat, Johannes de, 78 
Couesgrave 

Johannes, 93 

Johannes, of Eaton, 82, 83 bis, 85, 88 

Johannes de, of Eaton, 83 

Willelmus, 86 
Coupere, Couper 

Johannes, of Broughton, 84 

Ricardus, of Dun ton, 95 
Matillin, his wife, 95 
Coventry, the bishop of, Walterus de 

Langton, 61 bis, 52&t«, 55 
Cowe, Willelmus de, 16 

Felicia, his wife, 16 
Coxford, Kokesford, the prior of, 

Adam, 21 
Coynte, Willelmus le, 31 

Alicia, his wife, 31 
Crane, Rogerus, 61 

Johanna, his wife, 61 
Cranfield, Crannfeld 



Johannes de, 69 
Willelmus, his brother, 69 

Rogerus de, of Needingworth, 68 

Willehnus Rodelond of, 88 
Creting, Cretyng 

Adam de, 40, 43, 44 his 
Nioholaa, his wife, 40, 43, 44 

Edmundus de, knight, 75 

Johannes de, 60 
Crisp, Ciysp, Johannes, of Taxley, 
senior, 75, 76 

Johanna, his wife, 75, 76 
Cristemasse, Willelmus, of Hunting- 
don, 61 
Croft', Hugo de, 71 
Crokeston, Johannes de, 32 

Alicia, his wife, 82 
Cross, Johannes, of Steeple Gidding, 95 

Elena, his wife, 95 
Crouch, Johannes, chaplain, 88 bis 
Crowe, Thomas, of Little Staughton, 92 
Crowland, abbots of 

Henricus, 3, 13 

Ricardus, 41 
Crull, Johannes, 96 

Dacus, le Daneys, le Deneys 

Johannes, 19 

Willehnus, 2, 6, 18, 19, 82 
Elena, the daughter of, 13 
Dale, Master Henricus de la, parson 

of Higham Ferrers, 72 
Darcy, Normannus, 45 

Margeria, his wife, 45 
Daubeney, Johannes, 56 

Agnes, his wife, 56 
Daules, Willelmus, of Brampton, 18 

Juliana, his wife, 18 
Debenham, Johannes de, 28 
Deeping, Depyng, the parson of, 

Thomas, 66 
Dekeswell , Deky swell , Dykes well , 

Robertns, 92, 93 bis, 94 
Dene 

Johannes de, of Huntingdon, 66 
Matillis, his wife, 66 

Johannes filius Roberti de Wodeford 
of, 62 
Matillis, his wife, 62 

Stephanus de, chaplain, 64 

Willehnus de, 60 
Mariota, his wife, 60 

See also Denes 
le Dene Rotliingg, see Rottingdean 
Denes, Nicholaus filius Johannis del, 

53 
Denford, Deneford 

the parson of, Willelmus de Strizton, 
54 

Walterus de, 16, 17 
Sarra, hia wife, 16, 17 



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5 RIC. I. TO 23 RTC. II. 



235 



Dengaigne, Dengayne {see also En- 
gayne 
Johannes, 70 

Jobanna, his wife, 70 
Johannes, of Teversham, 75 
Depyng, see Deeping 
Derby 
the earl of, Willelmns de Ferariis, 35 

Margareta, his widow, 35 
Johannes de, of Eeyston, 68 
Agnes, his wife, 68 
Derham 
Petrus de, merchant, 45 
Amabilla, his wife, 45 
Simon, of Great Gransden, * taillour,' 
83 
Diddington, see Doddington 
Disoy, Dysoi 
Badnlfas, 49 note 
Bobertns, of Folksworth, 49 ter 
Alicia, his wife, 49 
Edelina, his daughter, 49 
Bobertus filius Boberti, ianior, 49 
Disahere, Johannes, of Great Gransden, 

87 
Doddington {now called Diddington), 
Dodington, Dodyngton, Dnding- 
ton, Dadyngton 
Johannes de Waldeshef of, 61 

Cecilia, his wife, 61 
Johannes Waldeschef of, 64, 66 

Cecilia, his wife, 64, 66 
Bicardus Waldeshef of, 56 
yicars of 
Master Henricns de Charwelton, 61 
Master Radulfus de Leycestre, 42 
Walterus de, parson of Fen Drayton, 
67 
Doget, Willelmus, 61 
Dore, Henricus, 36 

Amabilia, his wife, 36 
Doaere, Bicardus de, 25 
Doasot, Johannes, 56 
Alicia, his wife, 56 
Draper, Willelmas le, 66 
Drayton 
Galfridns de, 87 
Simon de, 57, 64 
Margareta, his wife, 64 
Doloe, Dyaelho, Bogems Wyttrich of, 
55 
Alicia, his wife, 55 
Dunham, Beginaldus de, 55 
Dunstable, Dunstapele, Willelmns filius 

Thome Inge of, 45 bis 
Dunton 
Johannes, 82 

Matillis, his wife, 82 
Bicardus Couper of, 95 
Matillis, his wife, 95 
Durame, Dureme 



Jollanus de, 55 
Ada, his wife, 55 

Thomas de, 30 
Isabella, bis widow, 30 
Dyke, Simon, of Graveley, 74 

Amioia, his wife, 74 
Dykeswell, see Dekeswell 
Dynesdene, Willelmus filius Lucie 

Fraunkelayn of, 63 
Dyte, Bicardus, of Baundes, 88 

Margeria, his wife, 88 
Dyuelho, see Duloe 

Eastwood, Estwod*, Bogerus Eeston 

of, 91 
Eaton, Eton 
Johannes Couesgrave of, 82, 83 &i>, 

85, 88 
Johannes de Couesgrave of, 83 
Johannes Scot of, 93 
Emma, his wife, 93 
Johannes Smyth of, 93 
Johanna, lus wife, 93 
Matilda de, 6 
Bogerus filius Nicholai de, 63 

Amicia, his wife, 63 
Bogerus filius Nicholai le Clerk of, 
60 
Amicia, his wife, 60 
WiUelmus filius Walteri Cook of, 
chaplain, 82 
Eboraoum, see Tork 
Edinburgh, Elyas the abbot of Holy 

Cross, 15 
Edward, Johannes, chaplain, 83 
Ellesworth, EUeswrth, Eleswrth 
Johannes de, 18 
Thomas, 89 
Willelmus de, 12 
Ellington, Elyngton, Elynton 
Galfridus de, 11 
Martinus de, 11 
Bicardus, 93 
Elteslegth, Willelmns de, 40 

Nioholaa, his wife, 40 
Elton, Ayllington,Aylington, Aylyngton 
Gilebertus de, chaplain, 63 
the parson of, Johannes de Goushill, 

77 bis 
Beginaldus de, 23, 33 

Athelina, his wife, 23 
Bobertus de, 32 

Alicia, his wife, 32 
WiUehnus Eetel of, 40 
Ely, bishops of 

Hugo, 12 bis, 13 ter, 16 
Thomas de Arundell, 94 
Emberton, Nioholaus de, 26 
Emelot, Augustinus, 41 
Mariota, his wife, 41 
Empol, Johannes, 87 



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236 



INDEX OF NAMES, FIRST PART. 



Engayne, Engain, Engaine, Engayne, 
Engayn, Eyngayne, Engaaigne, 
Engainn 

HenricuB, 4, 26 

Johannes, 43, 60, 61 
Elena, his wife, 50, 61 

Badnlfus, 17 

Badnlfus, parson of Goppingford, 52 

Bobertus, 2, 9 
Willelmas, his son, 9 

Vitalis, 18, 21 

Warnerus, 17 

Willelmus, 38 
CeciUa, his wife, 38 

Willehnos de, 3 

Willelmus, senior, 62 

See aUo Dengaigne 
Engyne, Engyn, Johannes, of S^ Ives, 
84, 85 

Beatrix, his wife, 85 
Ennemed, Enemeth 

Alexander de, 69 

Alexander, of Yaxley, 65 
le Eniieyse, le Enueise 

Johannes, 22 

Jordanus, 12, 16 

Seluester, 22 

Siluio, 38 
Isabella, his wife, 38 
Erdele 

Johannes, of Yaxlev, 72, 78 
Brighteua, his wife, 72, 78 

Bicardas de, 69 

Mabilla, his wife, 69 
Emistede, Johannes de, 65 
Esee, Bicardas, 86 
Espeoer, Henricus le, 37 

Gristiana, his wife, 37 
Essex, earl of, and Hereford, Hum- 
fridus de Bohun, 34, 46, 54 

Elizabetha, his wife, 54 
Est, Willelmus, of Luddington, 79 

Agnes, his wife, 79 
Eston, Thomas de, 89 

Margareta, his wife, 89 
Estwod*, see Eastwood 
Eton, see Eaton 
d'Eu, the countess, Alicia, 10 
Evenley, Euenle, Thomas Pesch' of, 64 

Emma, his wife, 64 
Euerard, Galfridus, of Great Staugh- 

ton, 55 
Euere, Willelmus de, of Huntingdon, 
59 

Margareta, his wife, 59 
Everton 

Johannes Pottere of, 95 

Nicholaus filius Bogeri de, 22 
Eustace, Johannes, of Hilton, 72 
Exton Petrus de, 44 
Eye, Bicardus de, 80 Us 



Eynesbury 
Henricus le Tailour of, 67 
Bicardus Pope of, 63 

Faber, le Feure 
luo, of Huntingdon, 1 
Katerina, his wife, 1 
Bicardus filius Willelmi, 6 
Bobertus, 1 his 

Ha>vi8ia, his wife, 1 his 
Walterus, 67 
Alicia, his wife, 67 
Farendon, Johannes de, 71 
Farenham, Johannes de, 43 

Cecilia, his wife, 43 
Fauconer, Fauouner, Faukener 
Bicardus le, of Eeyston, clerk, 48 ter 
Thomas, 91, 92 
Elizabetha, his wife, 91, 92 
Felmeresham, Johannes de, 86 

Gristiana, his wife, 86 
Felsted, Felstede, Johannes le Bona 

of, 64 
Fen Drayton, parsons of 
Johannes de Hilton, 75 
Walterus de Dodyngton, 67 
Fendur, Bobertus le, 33 
Fen Stanton, Fennystanton 
Johannes Not' of, 76 

Johanna, his wife, 76 
Johannes Ode of, senior, 84 
Bobertus de Lauache of, 76 

Elena, his wife, 76 
Simon Walsham of, 84 
Margeria, his wife, 84 
Thomas Filers of, 68 

Matillis, his wife, 68 
Thomas Flesshewere of, 79 

Alicia, his wife, 79 
Willelmus Plomer of, 86 
Ferariis, Ferrariis 
Thomas de, of Peak, 42 

Elena, his wife, 42 
Willelmus de, earl of Derby, 35 
Margareta, his widow, 35 
Former, Johannes, 86 

Margeria, his wife, 86 
Fermerie, Fermeiye 
Johannes de la, of Huntingdon, 74 
Willelmus de la, 59 
Agnes, his wife, 59 
Ferour 
Thomas le, of S^ Ives, 76 
Margareta, his wife, 76 
Willelmus, vicar of Mailing, 94 
Feure, le, see Faber 
Filers, Thomas, of Fen Stanton, 68 

Matillis, his wife, 68 
Filia Abrae, Gristiana, 14 
„ Baldewini, Alicia, 56 
„ Nicholai, Beatricia, 12 



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6 RIC. I. TO 23 RIG. II. 



237 



Filia Badtdfi, Margareta, 3 
„ „ Matildis, 7 

„ „ Boesia, 8 

„ BaQolfi, Margeria, 25 
M Willelmi, Emma, 14 
„ „ Siabilia, 33 

Filius Achillis, WillelmuB, 11 
„ Ade 

Hugo, 35 
Amicia, his wife, 35 

Bobertos, 1 

Bogeras, 37 
AgnetiB, Willeimos, 7 
Akar*, Galfridos, 8 
Alani, Alanus, 11 
Alexandri, Waltenis, 7 
Alaredi, Bobertus, 31 
Andree, Elias, 17 

Amioia, his wife, 17 
Amaldi, Willehnus, 11 
Augastini, Willelmas, 37 
Baldwini 

Johannes, 9 

Simon, 14 
Pelagia, his wife, 14 
Beznardi, Waltenis, 4, 8 
Catberti, Laurenoius, 3 
Dauid, WiUelmns, 16 
Drogonis, Adam, 5 
Eborardi, Bicardus, 15 
Edithe, 

Fulco, 3 

Johannes, 6 
Elye, Bicardns, 33 
Eadonis, Willelmas, 36 
Qalfridi, Gaufridi 

Johannes, 14 

Beginaldus, 3 

Simon, 15 

Walteras, 25 
Alicia, his wife, 25 
Qerardi, Willehnus, 29 
Gemasii, Achilles, 2 
Ginant, Elias, 3 
Godefridi, Willehnus, 37 
Godrioi, Willelmus, 85 
Haraldi, Willehnus, 8 
Henrici 

Osbertns, 5 

Badulfus, 2 

Theobaldus, 5 
Hernei, Heroej 

Adam, 15 

Johannes, 15 
Heylewise, Nicholaus, 16 
Hogonis 

Johannes, 12 

Waltems, 11 
luonis, Willelmus, 14 ter 
Johannis 

Bannlphus, 37 



Symon, 23 
Margeria, his wife, 23 
Filius Eaterine, Bioardus, 14 
„ Nicholai, Thomas, 72 

Sana, his wife, 72 

Johannes, his son, 72 
„ Osberti, Walterus, 2 
„ Ottonis, Willelmus filius, 21 bis, 

24 
„ Badulfi 

Alardus, 2 bU 

Nicholaus, 51 

Badulphus, 7 

Bobertus, 37 

Walterus, 23 

Willelmus, 37 
„ Banulfi, Willelmus, 29 
,, Bc^naldi 

Badulfus, 10 

Bogerus, 4 
Eufemia, his wife, 4 

Willelmus, 6 bU 
„ Bicardi 

Nicholaus, 2 

Bobertus, 13 

Bogerus, 2 

Simon, 23, 24, 53 

Willelmus, 3 
Matillis, 3 
„ Boberti 

Johannes, 20 

Nicholaus, 8 

Beginaldus, 8 
„ Seralie, Gregorius, 14 
,, Simonis 

Johannes, 21 

Bicardus, 10, 24, 46 
Agnes, his widow, 24 
Amicia, his wife, 46, 53 

Simon, 25 

Stephanus, 8 
„ Thome 

Thomas, 7 

Willelmus, 6, 12, 22 
„ Thome filii Nicholai, Johannes, 
72 

Sarra, his wife, 72 
„ Thurketyn, Bicardus, 18 
„ Walteri 

Fulco, 24 

Johannes, 22 

Walterus, 9 

Willelmus, 24 
Margeria, his wife, 24 
„ Warini, Beginaldus, 17 
„ WiUehni 

Elyas, 15 

Johannes, 19, 25 

Otto, 21, 24 

Badulfus, 2 

Thomas, 14 



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INDEX OF NAMES, FIRST PART. 



WiUelmus, 89 
Alicia, his wife, 39 
Fin, Fyn 

OalfriduB, 22, 26 

Johannes, of Huntingdon, 67 

Margareta, his wife, 67 
Margareta filia Roberti, 36 
MatilUs, of Huntingdon, 43 
Robertus, 20, 22, 23 
RobertUB, parson of S' Benedict, 
Huntingdon, 71 
Finchyngfeld, Rioardus de, 49 

Johanna, his wife, 49 
Fisshere, Ricardus le, of Tazley, 70 

Rosa, his wife, 70 
Fitz Ernest, see Fuyz Emys 
Fitz Eustace, Thomas, 83 

Alienora, his wife, 83 
Fitz Wyth' 
Elizabetha, 90 

Ricardus, of Titchmarsh, 76, 77 
Elizabetha, his wife, 76, 77 
Flamstede, Thomas de, 72 

Johanna, his wife, 72 
Flaundrys, Johannes, 93 
Fleg, Johannes de, 46 
Xdonia, his wife, 46 
Fiesshewere, Thomas, of Fen Stanton, 
79 
Alicia, his wife, 79 
Fletton, Alexander de, 78 

Nicholaa, his wife, 78 
Foderingeve, see Fotheringhay 
Folksworth, Fokisworth, Folkeswrth, 
Folke8worth,Folkesworthe,Folkes- 
wrze, Fokiworth, Foukeswurth 
Henricus de, 17, 29 
Johannes de, 32 
Ricardus Bullock of, 35 
Mabillia, his wife, 35 
Robertus Dysci of, 49 ter 
Alicia, his wife, 49 
Edelina, his daughter, 49 
Robertus Rnssel of, 34, 65 

Emma, his wife, 65 
Willelmus de, 33, 74 
Willehnns Barat or Baret, 35, 36 
Johanna, his wife, 35, 86 
Forestarius, le Forester 
Alanus, 19 

Gkdfridus le, of Somersham, 61 
Fotheringhay, Foderingeye, Hugo 
filius Edmundi le Stedeman of, 47 
Matillie, his wife, 47 
Fouleweder, Fulweder 
Edmundus, 91 

Alicia, his wife, 91 
Thomas filius Johannis, of Con- 
nington, 40 
Emma, his wife, 40 
Fozham, Robertus de, 29 



Fraunoeys 

Alicia, 12 note 

Johannes, of Gonnington, 96 

Johannes le, of Wimpole, 66 

Willelmus le, of Hemingford, 26 
Fraunkelayn, Fraunckeleyn 

Johannes le, 27 

WiUehnus filius Lucie, of Dynes- 
dene, 63 
Freende, Johannes, of Holme, 90 
Freman 

Adam, of Gonnington, 47 

Alanus filius Roberti le, of (Gonning- 
ton, 49 

Johannes le, of Glatton, 60 

Ricardus, d^k, 91 bU 

Ricardus filius Rogeri le, of Leigh - 
ton, 48 

Robertus, of Orton Longneville, 47 
Isabella, his wife, 48 
Fresingefeld, WillaUnus de, 36 
Frith, Gilebertus del, 62 

Emma, his wife, 62 
Fulweder, see Fouleweder 
Fuyz Emjrs, Philippns, 58 

Sarra, ms wife, 58 
Fyn, see Fin 

Gainsborough, Geynesburgfa, Johan- 
nes de Bautre of, 74 

Johanna, his wife, 74 
Galeys, Johannes, of S* Neots, 69, 73 

Emma, his wife, 69, 73 
Gamelyn, Johannes, chaplain, 73 
Gamiges, Gimeges, Willelmus de, 9, 10 
Ganet 

Johannes, 79 

Willelmus, 62, 79 
Matillis, his daughter, 79 
Gardour, Johannes, 50 

MatiUis, his wife, 50 
Garlaund, Henricus, 56 

Isolda, his wife, 56 
Gktscoigne, Willelmus, 93 
Gauelok 

Johannes, of Needingworth, 68 
Rosa, his wife, 68 

Johannes, of Over, 71 
Rosa, his wife, 71 
Gedeworth, see Jedburgh 
Gemys, Robertus le, of Stagsden, 42 
Gent, Johannes, of Ck)nningfeon, 59 

Agnes, his wife, 59 
Gerbaud, Adam, of Great Gransden, 75 
Gere 

Alanus, 14 

Johannes, 19, 86 
Sibilla, his daughter, 36 

Johannes, of Holywell, 36 

Thomas, of Holywell, 68 
Agnes, his wife, 68 



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5 RIC. I. TO 23 RIC. II. 



289 



Crerntm, Bicardus, 2 
Qemeys 
Adam, 61 

Agnes, his wife, 61 
WillelmuB, 92 
Matillis, his wife, 92 
Geynesbargh, iee QainsboioQgh 
Giddyng, Gyddyng 
Nioholaos de, chaplain, 67 
Badulfus, of Huntingdon, 88 
Symon de, 51 
Gilemor, Bioardns, 11 
Gillyngs, see Telling 
Gimeges, see Ghimiges 
Girton, Gritton, the parson of, Willel- 

mas de Sautre, 67 * 
Ghbtton 
Galfridus de, 64 
Johannes, 88, 91 
Johannes de, 90 
Johannes le Freman of, 60 
Johannes Skele of, 85 
Robertas filius WUlelmi de Gateby 

of, 68 
Rogems de, 43 
Gloucester, earls of, and Hertford 
Gilebertus de Clare, 89 
Ricardus de Glare, 30, 32 tiote 
Gocelin, Gooelyn 
Anabilia filia Willelmi, 41 
Thomas filius Willelmi, 41 note 
Godewyf, Margareta, 85 
Godmanchester, Gormecestre, Gur- 
mondcestre 
Johannes in the lane de, of Hunt- 
ingdon, 59 
Beatrix, his wife, 59 
Willelmus Aired of, 59 
Godynch, Johannes, chaplain, 82 
Goldington, Goldyngton 
Johannes, 85 

Jocosa, his wife, 85 
Johannes de, 83 

Jocosa, his wife, 83 
Willelmus Gray of, 86 Mm 
Johanna, his wife, 86 bis 
Gormecestre, see Grodmanchester 
Goushill, Gouscill, Johannes de, parson 

of Elton, 77 bis 
Grafham, Grapham, Graffham 
Burwardus de, 24, 25 
Alicia, his wife, 24, 25 
Sibilla, her sister, 24, 25 
Robertus de, of Huntingdon, 60 

Alicia, his wife, 60 
Robertus filius Rogeri de, chaplain, 

74 
Simon le Noble de, 24 
Viel filius Thome de, 43 

Leticia, his wife, 43 
Vitalis de, 8 



Willelmus de, 2, 24 
Agnes, his wife, 24 
Grancestre, Grantessete 
Jacobus de, 93 

Ricardus filius Johannis de, of Oak- 
ington, 73 
Gransden, Grantesden, Hugo le 
Personesseriaunt of, 58 
Eaterina, his wife, 58 
Grantessete, see Grancestre 
Gras, Robertus le, 7 
Graveley, Grauele 
the parson of, Johannes de Hunt- 

yndon, 73 
Ricardus le Mareschal of, 47 
Symon Dyke of, 74 
Amicia, his wife, 74 
Graveshende, Stephanus de, 36 
Gray, see Grey 
Graylen, Robertus, 40 
Great C^tworth, Magna Catteworth 
Simon Russel of, 58 
Willelmus filius Simonis Russel of, 
58 
Great Gidding, Magna Giddyng 
Andreas Belle of, 64 
Johannes Taylour of, 79 
Great Gransden, Magna Grantesdene, 
Magna Grantisden 
Adam Gerbaud of, 75 
Johannes Bisshere of, 87 
Johannes Neubonde of, 81 
Ricardus Prudhome of, 51 
Robertus Huchoun of, 75 
Simon Derham of, *taillour,' 83 
Simon Taillour of, 85 
Agnes, his wife, 85 
Thomas Mayster of, 83 

Sarra, his wife, 83 
See also Gransden 
Great Pazton, Magna Pazton 
Robertus filius Robert! de, 32 
Willehnus du Lay of, 66 

Sarra, his wife, 66 
See also Paxton 
Great Staughton, Magna Stoctun, 
Magna Stokton 
Galfridus Euerard of, 55 
parsons of 
Ricardus del He, 60 
Ricardus Parker, 89 
RogeruB de Lidyate of, 57 
Rogerus Gregori of, 92 
Johanna, his wife, 92 
See also Staughton 
Great Stukeley, Magna Stiuekele, 
Magna Styuecle, Magna Styue- 
kele 
Alicia Pressy of, 35 
Margeria filia Bioberti le Sumunur 
de, 35 



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240 



INDEX OF NAMES, FIRST PART. 



RioaFduB de Bargh of, 79 

Agnes, his wife, 79 
Bobertus Gallon of, 78 

Agnes, his wife, 78 
Simon, the son of Simon de Seynt- 

lys of, 83 
See also Stakeley 
Gregori, Rogeros, of Great Staughton, 
92 
Johanna, his wife, 92 
Greinuill, Eustaohias de, 23 
Grendale, Grendal' 
Bioardns de, 16, 59 

Coustancia, bis wife, 59 
Thomas, 95 bie 
Grene 
Nioholaus, 82 

Johanna, his wife, 82 
Walterus filius Henrici atte, of 
Orton Longueville, 53 
Margereta, bis wife, 53 
Grenham, Hugo, 92 

Eaterina, his wife, 92 
Gretford, Robertas de, 61 

Johanna, his wife, 61 
Grey, Grei, Gray 
Johannes de, 54 
Reginaldns de, 39, 41 
Willehnns, 1 

WillelmuB, of Goldington, 86 &t« 
Johanna, his wife, SQbie 
Gritton, see Girton 
Growethorp, Willelmus, 85 
Grymband 
Adam, of Winwick, 64, 67 
Isolda, his wife, 67 
Johannes, his son, 67 
Willehnns, 39 
Mabilia, his wife, 39 
Gamberi, Reginaldns, 3 
Gnnson, Johannes, of Somersham, 84 

Emma, his wife, 84 
Gnrel, Stephanas, 16 bis 
Isolda, his wife, 16 bis 
Gnrmondcestre, see G^manohester 
Gyffard, Willelmus, parson of Rad- 

winter, 70 
Gynay, Gyney 
Mathens de, 29 

Mabilia, his wife, 29 
Waltems de, 14 

Hackney, Hakenay, Willelmus Barbour 

of, 86 
Hadestoke, Willehnns filius Rioardi 
de, 56 

Elena, his wife, 56 
Haille, see Hale 
Hakewell, see Hawkwell 
Hakford, Robertus, 90 
Hale, la Hale, Hales, Haille, Heyle 



Panlmus de, 46, 58 

Roesia, his wife, 46, 58 
Ricardus de, of Beachampstead, 57 

Matillis, his wife, 57 
Robertas filius Stephani de, 40 
Robertus de, of Keyston, 68 

Petronilla, his wife, 68 
Symon de, 26 
Thomas de, olerk, 34 
SibiUa, his wife, 34 
Haliwell, see Holywell 
Halstede, Willelmus, 96 
Isabella, his wife, 96 
Hameldon, Johannes de, 60 
Hamerton 
Hugo Waucfyn of, 65 

Isabella, his wife, 65 
Johannes de, of Huntingdon, 55 

Elena, his wife, 55 
Robertus de, 63 

Alicia, his wife, 63 
Robertus filius Nigilli de, 57 
Hamond, Johannes, of Marston, chap- 
lain, 81 
Hardel, Hardele 
Laurendus, 54 

Sarra, his wife, 54 
Nioholaus de, 64 
Hardredishill, Willelmus de, 32 
Harebergh, Johannes de, chaplain, 69 
Hargrove, Johannes Bauston of, 72 

Alesia, his wife, 72 
Harlyngton, see Herlyngton 
Hasting* 
Henricus de, 20 

Ada, his wife, 20 
Johannes de, 42 
Haunes, Ricardus de, 57 

Alicia, his wife, 57 
Hawkwell, Hakewell, the parson of, 

Walterus de Upton, 67 bis 
Haya, Haia, la Haye, THay 
Ingelramus de, 36 
Julianus de, 18 rioter 22 
Mauricius de, 11 
Sauiola, his widow, 11 
Haysand, Gilebertus de, 80 ter 

Amia, his wife, 80 ter 
Hayward, Johannes le, of Heming- 
ford, 70 

Sarra, his wife, 70 
Hegham Ferrers, see Higham Ferrers 
Helewys, Johannes filius Ricardi, 62 
Helpeston 
Johannes de, 37 

Alicia, his wife, 37 
Rogerus de, 12 
Hemingford, Heminford, Hemmyng- 
ford, Hemyngford 
Johannes, 84, 85 
Johanna, his wife, 84 



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5 RIC. I. TO 23 RIG. 11. 



241 



Johannes de, 62, 83, 92 bis 

Johanna, his wife, 83 
Johannes le Hayward of, 70 

Sarra, his wife, 70 
the parson of, Robertas de Santre, 

54 
Ricardus de, 92 bU 
the vicar of, Willehnns, 23 
Willelmus le Fraunceys of, 26 
Hemingford Abbots 
Johannes de Baggele of, 74 

Beatrix, his ^e, 74 
Symon filius Willehni le Mayster of, 

33 
Hemingford Grey 
Nioholans de, 81, 83 

Matillis, his wife, 81, 83 
the vicar of, Willelmns, 83 
Hemington, Heminton, Hemmigton, 

Hemmington, Hemyngton 
Reginaldoa de, 7 
Ricardos de, 2, 29, 32 note 

Amioia, his wife, 32 note 
Ricardus de, 74 

Deruergulla, his wife, 74 
Ricardus filius Johannis de, 41, 

72 
RioarJus Alius Ricardi de, 72 

.Deruergulla, his wife, 72 
Thomas, 92 
WiUelmus de, 34 

Elena, his wife, 34 
Hengham 
Henricus de, 57 
Johannes de, 57 

Sabina, his wife, 57 
Her, Heyr 
Beatricia, 24 

Emma, her sister, 24 
Henricus de, 59 
Herdwic, Herdwyk 
Nigellus de, 32 
Petrus de, chaplain, 54 
Hereford and Essex 
the countess of, Johanna de Bohun, 

94 
the earl of, Humfridus de Bohun, 
18, 34, 46, 54 

Elizabetha, his wife, 54 
Hereford, Herford (now Hartford, co. 

Hunts) 
Johannes de, of Huntingdon, 79 

Pelagia, his widow, 79 
Imbertus de, 13, 14 

Cecilia, his wife, 13, 14 
Isabella de, 51 
Ricardus de, 28 
RobertuB de, 32 

Isabella, his widow, 52 
Robertus filius Rogeri de, 52 
Rogerus de, 43, 52 

C. A, S, Octavo Series. XXXVIl. 



Hereward, Alanus, 62 

Amabilla, his wife, 62 
Herleston, Willelmns de, derk, 71, 

72, 74 
Herlyngton, Harlyngton 

Johannes, 96 

Johannes de, 91 

Johannes, junior, 93 &t«, 94 

Johannes, senior, 94 
Herrysson, Johannes, 84 

Alicia, his wife, 84 
Hertford, earls of, and Qlouoester 

Gilebertus de Glare, 39 

Ricardus de Clare, 30, 32 note 
Heruy 

Johannes, 93 his 

Johannes, of Colne, 78 
Margareta, his wife, 78 
Heryng, Andreas, of S' Neots, 63 

Margeria, his wife, 63 
Hethe, Robertus, 93 
Heyghtmondegrove, see Highmangrove 
Heyle, see Htde 
Heyr, see Her 

Hibernia, Michael filius Johannis de, 
46 

Emma, his wife, 46 
Higham Ferrers, Hegham Ferrers, the 

parson of. Master Henricus de la 

Dale, 72 
Highmangrove, Heyghtmondegrove, 
Ricardus de Pentesbuiy of, 80 

Eaterina, his wife, 80 
Hildegar, Hildegare 

Galfridus, 83, 88 

Nicholaus, 49 

Thomas, 91, 93 
Agnes, his wife, 91 

Willelmns, 49 
Hilton 

Johannes Eustace of, 72 

Johannes de, parson of Fen Drayton, 
75 

Rogerus Westmilne of, 73 
Custancia, his wife, 73 

Willelmus de, 7 

Willelmus filius Simonis de, 64 
Alicia, his wife, 64 

Willelmus Westmilne of, 73 
Hinton, Hynton 

Johannes de, 67 
Isabella, his wife, 67 
Willelmus, his son, 67 

Radulfus de, of Thetford, 82 
Johannes, his son, knight, 82 
Hirst, Hyrst 

Rogerus de, 59 

Thomas filius luonis de, 34 

See also Old Hurst and Woodhurst 
Hocton, Hochton, see Houghton 
Hokyngton, see Oakington 

16 



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242 



INDEX OF NAMES, FIRST PART. 



HollMohe 

Petrns de, 66 
Emma, his wife, 66 

Willelmns Soot de, of Taxlej, 
fishere, 88 
Emma, his wife, 83 
Holme, Holm, Halmus 

GilebertUB de, 28 

Johannes Freende of, 90 

Margareta de, 74 bis 

Robertns Lnllv of, 46 

Robertas Mathewe of, 90 
Margareta, his wife, 90 

WillehnuB de, 74 
Holt 

Johannes, 90 

Johannes, knight, 92, 98, 94 
Holywell, Hallwell 

Alexander de, 7, 16 

Apsolon de, 27 
Sybilla, his widow, 27 

Johannes Gere of, 86 

Sibilla, his daughter, 86 

Thomas Gere of, 68 
Agnes, his wife, 68 
Hore, Henrious le, 64 

Johanna, his wife, 64 
Horkestowe, Johannes de, 66 
Homeby, Robertas de, 82 
Hors 

Willehnos, 69 

Willehnos, of S« Ives, 76 bit, 78 
Hose, Thomas de la, 29 
Hothom, Willelmus, 86 
Hotot, see Hoaetot 
Hoaetot, Hotot 

Ricaxdas de, 82 
Mariota, his wife, 82 

Willelmas de, of Clapton, 41 
Hoaghton, Hooton, Hohcton, Howton 

Johannes de, carpenter, 62 
Agnes, his wife, 62 

Rioardas de, 82 

Robertas Alias Roberti de, 82 note 

Simon de, 17 
Hoaseby, Johannes, ohaplain, 86 
Hachoun, Robertas, of Great Grans- 
den, 76 
Halles, Simon, of Hantingdon, 59 

Juliana, his wife, 69 
Halmus, $ee Holme 
Hulot, Andreas, of Little Stukeley, 

chaplain, 79 
Hantingdon, Hunt*, Huntindon,Hant- 

Sigdon, Huntyngton, Hantedon, 
untedone 
Alanus le Lytstere of, 62 
Bartholomens de sancto Lido of, 44 
Gristiana Baude of, 59 
Uie earl of, Johannes de Scooia, 16 
Elias le Tannere of, 58 
Geoiliay his wife, 58 



Johannes de, parson of Ghraveley, 78 
Johannes le Barkere of, 56 

Agnes, his wife, 66 
Johannes de Bristoll of, *aeler,* 61 

Sarra, his wife, 61 
Johannes de Dene of, 66 

MatUlis, his wife, 66 
Johannes de la Fermerye of, 74 
Johannes filius Johannis atte Lanes - 

ende of, 68 
Johannes Fyn of, 67 

Margareta, his wife, 67 
Johannes de Hamerton of, 55 

Elena, his wife, 55 
Johannes de Hereford of, 79 

Pelagia, his widow, 79 
Johannes In the lane de Gk>rme- 
cestre of, 69 

Beatrix, his wife, 59 
Johannes Bassel of, 57, 65, 66 

Letioia, his wife, 66 
Johannes Rassel of, merohant, 58 
Johannes Serle of, 65 
Johannes Tauemer of, 96 

Isabella, his wife, 96 
Johannes Upheys of, 82 
luo Faber of, 1 

Eaterina, his wife, 1 
Martinus filius Martini le Rus of, 47 
the master of the hospital of S* 

John at, Johannes, 88 
MatiUis Fyn of, 48 
Michael Gapellanus of, 25 
the parson of All Saints, Philippos 

de Rauele, 65 
the parson of S* Benedict, Robertas 

FjTQ, 71 

Paulinas Bigenore of, 74 

Alicia, his wife, 74 
piiors of 

Johannes, 4, 8 

Rioardas, 19 bi$, 25, 26 quaUr, 
27 ter, 28, 29 

Rogerus, 10, 12 

uimamed, 28 note 

Willehnas, 2 
Radulfas filius Martini of, 41 
Radolfus Giddyng of, 88 
Rioardus Baude of, 42 
Rioardas Bully of, 47 

Johanna, his wife, 47 
Robertus, 91 bis, 94 
Robertus de, 88 
Robertus, of Catworth, 88 6u. 86, 

88, 94 
Robertus filius Martini of, 41 
Robertus filius WiUehni filii Gosce- 
lini de, 54 

Sarra, bis wife, 54 
Robertus de Graf ham of^ 60 

Alicia, his wife, 60 
Rogerus Cors of, 45 



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5 RIC. I. TO 23 RIC. II. 



243 



Sarra, his wife, 45 
Sjrmon Baade de, 30 
Simon Barges of, 65 

Margareta, his wife, 65 
Simon Hulles of, 59 

Juliana, his wife, 59 
Thomas Benethebrok of, 66 
Thomas le Sanoner of, 33 
Warinas de, merchant, 54 
Willeknas Gristemasse of, 61 
Willeknns de Enere of, 59 

Margareta, his wife, 59 
Willehnns Ojldeboef of, 71 

Alicia, his wife, 71 
Hnntingefdd, Bogems de, 18 
Johanna, his wife, 18 

Jedbnrgh, Oedeworth, the abbot of, 

Nioholans, 88 
lie, Bicardas del, parson of Great 

Stanghton, 60 



TiUelmns, 81 
Blandhia, his wife, 81 
Willelmns filins Thome^ of Dun- 
stable, 45 bis 
Inthelane 
Johannes, de Oormeoestre of Hunt- 
ingdon, 59 
Beatrix, his wife, 59 
Johannes filins Johannis, 59 
loce, Johannes, of S* Neots, 85 
lolumesson, Johannes, of Oonnington, 

chaplain, 91 
Jordan, Johannes, 50 

Johanna, his wife, 50 
Joye, Willehnns, 46 

Agnes, his wife, 46 
Irtirngeborg, Bogeros de, 88 

Hngelina, his wife, 88 
Iselham, Bogems de, chaplain, 78 

Kant, Kent 

Johannes de, 20, 21 bit, 22 

Simon de, 71, 78 
Alicia, his wife, 78 
Eardnn, Johannes, 38 

Benyngna, his wife, 88 
Kamell, Hngo de la, 24 
Kankeswef, Bobertns, 28 

Albreda, his widow, 28 
Kannt, tee Cannt 
Kaynho, Bioardus de, 78 

Johanna, his wife, 78 
Kelshnll, Willehnns, 91 
Kent, tee Kant 
Keston, tee Keyston 
Ketel, Willelmns, of Elton, 40 
Ken, Bobertns le, 37 
Keyston, Kestan, Keston 

Johannes de Derby of, 68 



Agnes, his wife, 68 

Johannes Kyng of, 75 
Agnes, his wife, 75 

Petrus Clement of, 75 
Agnes, his wife, 75 

Bicfurdns le Fanooner o^ derk, 48 ter 

Bobertns de Hale of, 68 
Petronilla, his wife, 68 

Bogems, 91 bU, 94 

Bogeros, of Eastwood, 91. 
Kingeston, Kyngeston, Simon de, 32, 
86 Ht 

Johanna, his wife, 32, 36 Int 
Kingsley, Kynnesley, Thomas de 

Burton of, 82 
Kiriel, Kyriel 

Willelmns, 44 

Willehnns de, 48 
Kirkeby, Bobertns, parson of S* Peter's 

(Paul's Wharf), London, 89 
Kirketon, Johannes de, 59 

Amabilla, his wife, 59 
Knyuet 

Johannes, 77 

Johannes, knight, 85 
Kokelin, Beginaldus, 42 

Agnes, his wife, 42 
Kokesfoid, tee Ck>zford 
Kyng 

Hugo le, 48 
Agnes, his wife^ 48 

Johannes, of Keyston, 75 
Agnes, his wife, 75 

Walteras, 65 
Kynnesley, tee Kingsley 

Lacford, Hubertus de, chaplain, 88 
Lacu, Badulfiis de, of Orton Longue- 
Tille, 57 

Alicia, his wife, 57 
Lamberd, Bicardus, 24 
Lanesende, Johannes Alios Johannis 

atte, of Huntingdon, 68 
Lamgestok*, Nicholaus de, 50 
Langton, Langeton' 

Nicholaus de, 63, 64, 65 

Walteras de, bishop of OoTentry, 
51 hU, 52 bit, 55 

Willelmus de, parson of Stibbington, 
63, 64, 65 
Lanaohe, Bobertns de, of Fen Stanton, 
76 

Elena, his wife, 76 
Launoelin, Lancelln 

Albreda, 24 

Bobertns, 2 
Lanrenz, Benedictus, of Payenham, 45 

Agnes, his daughter, 45 
Lay 

Johannes du, 60 
Isabella, his wife, 60 

16—2 



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244 



INDEX OF NAMES, FIRST PART. 



WiUelmus de, 60 
Barra, his wife, 60 

WillelmuB da, of Great Pazton, 66 
Barra, his wife, 66 
Lecke, Leke, Lek 

Henricns de, 4 

Henricns filius Henrici de, 21 

Johannes de, 15 

Theobaldus de, 4, 8, 17 
Ledere, Ricardns, 87 

Agnes, his wife, 87 
Lee, Willelmus de la, of Swaffham, 95 

Elizabetha, his wife, 95 
Jjefsy, Thomas, 14 

Basilia, his widow, 14 
Lega, Bartholomeus de, 5 

Emma, his widow, 5 
Legat, Robertus, 35 
Leighton, Leghton 

Johannes Lord of, 91 

Reginaldus de, 48 
Alicia, his wife, 48 

RicarduB filius Rogeri le Freman 
of, 48 

Thomas Terry of, 28 
Leke, see Lecke 
Lenclton, Geroldus de, 14 
Lenn, Ricardus Lomb of, 39 

Gristiana, his wife, 39 
Lenuejse, Walterus, 63 

Amicia, his wife, 63 
Leonard, Bartholomeus filius Roberti, 

of S* Neots, 45 
Lepham, Willelmus, 86 
Lese, Robertus de la, 44 

Agnes, his daughter, 44 
Lesquier, Rogerus, 9 
Letistere, see Lytstere 
Lettres, Henricus de, 46 

Idonea, his wife, 46 
Leycestre 

Paskettus de, 30 
Ff'l'cia, his wife, 30 

Master Radulfns de, vicar of Dod- 
dington, 42 

Rogerus, of Ghesterton, 85 
Margareta, his wife, 85 

Willelmus de, 30 his 
Leye, Thomas de, 67 
Lidyate,Bogerus de, of GreatStaughton, 

57 
Lilleford, Rogerus de, 48 

Alicia, his wife, 48 
Lincoln 

the bishop of, Ricardus, 32 note, 36 

a canon of, and archdeacon of 
WeUs, Willelmus, 13 

the countess of, Hauwisia de Quency, 
15 

the earl of, and constable of Chester, 
Johannes, 15 



Margareta, his wife, 15 
Johannes, clerk, 94 
Lindes, Thomas de, 13 
Lindon, Osbertus de, 13 
Little Gransden, Parua Grantesden, 
Rogerus Barker of, 81 
Alicia, his wife, 81 
See also Gransden 
Little Staughton, Parua Stokton 
Johannes filius Simon is of, 55 
Thomas de Blakedone of, 56 

Alicia, his wife, 56 
Thomas Growe of, 92 
See also Staughton 
Little Stukeley, Parua Styuecle 
Andreas HcQot of, chaplain, 79 
Gristiana the daughter of Willelmus 

filius Thome o^ 42 
Willelmus Petit of, 45 

Johanna, his wife, 45 
See also Stukeley 
Little Thurlow, Parua Thillowe, the 
parson of, Robertus de Wymund[e- 
wold], 76 
Littlebyry, Littelbyr', Litlebyr, Litte- 
byr*, Lytlebyr 
Galfridus filius Thome de, 33 
Johannes de, 24, 29 bis 

Margeria, his wife, 29 bis 
Johannes filius Johannis de, 24, 
29 nou 
Roesia, his wife, 29 note 
Rogerus de, 42, 53 
Lodwyk, Robertus filius Willelmi de, 28 
Lokesley, Lokesl', Lockesle, LockeF 
Robertus de, 20, 21 bis 
Thomas de, 22 
Lolleworth, Willelmus, 95 
Lolly, Ricardus, 26 
Lomb 
Ricardus, of Lenn, 39 

Gristiana, his wife, 39 
WUlelmufl, 59 
Amabilla, his wife, 59 
London 
citizen and clothier of, Johannes de 

Abyndon, 75 
Edmundus Neue of, 65 
Johannes de, 72 
parson of S^ Peters (Pauls Wharf), 

Robertus Eirkeby, 89 
Walterus de Chychestre of, *8picer,* 
79 
Agnes, his wife, 79 
Longauilla, LungeuUl' 
Henricus de, 9 
Reginaldus de, 6 
Beatricia, his widow, 6 
Longus, le Longe 
Johannes filius Ricardi, of Shudy 
Camps, 79 



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5 RIC. I. TO 23 RIC. II. 



245 



Felicia, his wife, 79 

Simon, 11 
Lord 

Adam le, of Aloonbury, 53 
Johanna, bis widow, 53 
WiUelmus, his son, 53 

Johannes, 86, 93 

Johannes, of Golesdon, 90, 93, 94 

Johannes, of Leighton, 91 
Louetoi, Lanetot 

Nigellns de, 3 

RogeniB de, 23, 26, 29 

Roysia de, 10 

Thomas de, 43 
Low, Johannes le, 46 

Cecilia, his wife, 46 
Lucas, Johannes, parson of All Saints, 

Sawtry, 93, 95 
Lnddington, Lollinton, Lollyngton 

Hugo de, 14 
Angnes, his wife, 14 

Robertas le Sweyn of, 35 

WiUelmus Est of, 79 
Agnes, his wife, 79 
Lully, Robertus, of Holme, 45 
Lutlington, WiUelmus de, chaplain, 49 
Luton, Thomas de, 66 
Luuet, Robertus, 18 
Lyndeseye, Gristiana de, 80 
Lythfot, Galfridus, 37 

Margeria, his wife, 37 
Lytstere, Lytestere, Letistere 

Alanus le, of Huntingdon, 62, 63 bis 
Johanna, his wife, 63 bis 

Simon le, of S^ Neots, 57 
Eaterina, his wife, 57 

Mabot, Johannes, 85 

Magna Bradele, WUlelmus filius 
Walteri de, 34 
Emma, his wife, 34 

Magna Catteworth, see Qreat Catworth 

Magna Gidding, see Great Gidding 

Magna Grantesden, see Great Gransden 

Magna Pazton, see Great Paxton 

Magna Stoctun, see Great Staughton 

Magna Styueole, see Great Stukeley 

Maister, Simon, 89 

Malaroor', Walterus, 7 
Alicia, his widow, 7 

MaUing, Mallyng, the vicar of, WiUel- 
mus Ferour, 94 

Manhale, Ricardus, 89, 90 
Alicia, his wife, 89 

Manypeny, Johannes, 66 
A^es, his wife, 66 

Mare, Robertus de la, 24 

Marescal, le, see Marscallus 

Marham, Johannes, chaplain, 82, 83 

Mariot, Galfridus, 77 
Agnes, his wife, 77 



MarsoaUus, Marchal, le MaresoaU, le 
Mareschal 
Johannes, of Yelling, 64 

AHcia, his wife, 64 
Petrus, 55 

Isabella, his wife, 55 
Ricardus, of Graveley, 47 
Robertus, 85 
Robertus, of S' Neots, 60 

Beatrix, his wife, 60 
WiUelmus, 33 

Pelegia, his wife, 33 
WUlelmus, of Ramsey, 11 
Marston,Mersshton, Johannes Hamond 

of, chaplain, 81 
Martel, Alanus, master of the Knights 

Templars, 9 
Martin, Martyn 
Galfridus, 63 

Elizabetha, his daughter, 63 
Johannes, 63 

Matillis, his wife, 63 
Thomas, of Colne, 60 

Margareta, his wife, 60 
WiUelmus fiUus WUlelmi, 31 
Alicia, his wife, 31 
Masoun 

Hugo le, 70 

Alicia, his wife, 70 
Nicholaus Mus WiUelmi le, of S^ 
Neots, 56 
Massi, Johannes, of Brampton, 58 
Maten, Nicholaus de, 2 
Mateshale, Rogerus de, 52 

Gristiana, his wife, 52 
Mathewe, Robertus, of Holme, 90 

Margareta, his wife, 90 
Mauduyt, Thomas, 53 

Alienora, his wife, 53 
Maydewelle, MaydeweU*, Robertus de, 
47, 59 bis 
Johanna, his wife, 47, 59 bis 
Mayster, Mester 
Hamo fiz le, 32 
Alina, his daughter, 32 
Leticia, his daughter, 32 
Symon filius WiUelmi le, of Hem- 

ingford Abbots, 33 
Thomas, of Great Gransden, 83 
Sarra, his wife, 83 
Medbourne, Johannes de, chaplain, 

73 
Meldeburn, Henricus de, 24 

Allotta, his wife, 24 
Merc, Merk 
Hugo de, 35 
Maria de, 35 
Walterus de, 5 
Merch, Thomas de, 72 

Beatrix, his widow, 72 
Mersshton, see Marston 



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246 



INDEX OP NAMES, FIRST PART. 



Morton 
NicholauB de, 17 

Isolda, his wife, 17 
the warden of the house of soholars 
of, Bicardns de Werplesdon, 42 
Mesnill, Bobertus de, 27 
Messager, Bioardus le, 26 
Mester, see Mayster 
Meaerel, Nicholans, 20, 21 bis, 22 
Mewes, Andreas, chaplain, 84, 87 
Mejnell, Bobertns, 93 
Michel 
Johannes, chaplain, 95 
Willelmns, chaplain, 95 
Middelton, Johannes filins Edmondi, 

of Badclive, 88 
Miltoombe, Laurencins, 88 
Mire, Bogems le, of Bedford, 18 

Boysia, his wife, 18 
Moin, le Moigne, see Monaons 
Molendinarius, le Mnner 
Johannes, 25 

Felicia, his wife, 25 
Bobertns, 11 
Gristiana, his wife, 11 
Molesworth, Molesworthe, Moleswrth, 
Moleswrthe, Molleswrth, Mnles- 
wrth, Mollesworth 
Bicardus de, 27 
Bicardns filins Hngonis de, 64 
Simon de, 22