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OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS
OF THE
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CONVENTION,
Held, in St. Lovuts, j\do.. Jzuxe 3 7 th,
S8th and 39th, 1876.
WITH AN APPENDIX
CONTAINING THE LETTERS OF ACCEPTANCE OF GOV.
TILDEN AND GOV. HENDRICKS.
REPORTED FOR THE CONVENTION.
ST. LOUIS:
WOODWARD, TIERNAN & HALE, PRINTERS AND BINDERS.
1876.
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The National Democratic Convention, to nominate
candidates for President and Vice-President of the
United States, which assembled in St. Louis June
27th, 1876, was the first Convention of the kind in the
history of the country that met west of the Mississippi
Piver. The sitting of such a Convention has always
been an event of deep National interest, but the poli-
tical condition of the country at the opening of the
present campaign, and the encouraging prospects of
the success of the Democratic ticket, gave an extra-
ordinary prominence to the St. Louis Convention, and
drew together an immense concourse of visitors from all
parts of the United States. The citizens of St. Louis,
appreciating the honor of entertaining a National poli-
tical body, for winch all the great cities of the country
had been aspirants, joined with enthusiasm, and without
distinction of party, in the work of arrangement, desir-
ous only that the historical occasion should properly
represent the spirit and hospitality of the city. The
grand hall of the new Exchange building, one of the
finest chambers in the world, was offered for the Con-
vention by the merchants of St. Louis, and the funds
necessary for its decoration and arrangement, and all
other preparations, were subscribed by the citizens gen-
erally. The Pesident Committee, appointed at Wash-
ington by the National Democratic Committee, had
4 Introduction.
charge of the work of preparation, and every possible
effort was made to render it complete in every detail.
The grand hall was arranged for seating six thou-
sand people, its seventy windows were curtained with
crimson, and upon its walls were displayed the shields
and coats-of-arms of the States, encircled with laurel-
leaves and budding cereals, and the platform and
President's stand were magnificently ornamented with
living shrubs and flowers. The seats allotted to the
respective delegations were designated by blue silk
banners, with silver fringe, mounted on spear-heads,
and bearing the names of the States, and all the aisles
and passage-wa}rs were richly carpeted. The tasteful
blending of colors in the work of ornamentation, and
the vivid tints of the ceiling frescoes, made the appear-
ance of the immense chamber extremely beautiful, and
when the floor and galleries were filled by an audience
of nearly eight thousand people, during the sitting of
the Convention, the spectacle was one of extraordinary
animation and impressiveness.
Ample accommodations were also provided in the
Exchange building for committee-rooms, and the ele-
gantly furnished reading-room was placed at the dis-
posal of the National Democratic Committee, as their
headquarters during the continuance of the Convention.
The business office of the Committee was in the Drug
Exchange room, the use of which was also gratuitously
tendered for the purpose.
A Reception Committee of one hundred and seventy-
five members, subdivided in proportion to the numbers
of the different delegations, extended all appropriate
courtesies and hospitality to the members of the Con-
vention. A grand procession of the Fire and Police
Departments, displays of fire-works from the dome of
the Court-House, receptions at private residences,
Introduction. 5
excursions to the parks and suburbs, and other inci-
dents, added variety and interest to the occasion, and
gave the visitors to St. Louis during the Convention
an impression of its hospitality, and metropolitan and
progressive spirit, that cannot readily be forgotten.
The whole expense of the Convention, in every par-
ticular, was borne by the city of St. Louis.
During their stay in the city, the members of the
National Committee were the guests of the Resident
Committee on Arrangements, and it may be added that
the hotel proprietors of the city entered into an agree-
ment that nothing but ordinary rates should be charged
to delegates and all other persons during the sitting of
the Convention.
Irjcliminarg 'BxotztttmQti.
The National Democratic Committee met at Willard's Hotel, Wash-
ington, D. C, at 12 o'clock M., February 22d, 1876, pursuant to
call, and for the purpose of determining the time and place for the
holding of the National Democratic Convention, and promulgating
the official call therefor.
Augustus Schell, of New York, Chairman of the Committee, occu-
pied the chair. All the members present, with the exception of a
few, who were represented by proxies.
On motion of Senator Randolph, T. M. Patterson, of Colorado,
was admitted to represent that Territory.
A brief debate took place on the question whether the time or place
of the National Democratic Convention should first be fixed, and it
was determined that the time should first be agreed upon.
Mr. John G. Thompson, of Ohio, moved that Tuesday, the 27th
of June, 1876, be the day fixed for the assembling of the Convention.
Mr. Eaton, of Kansas, moved, as an amendment, the first Tuesday
in May. This question was discussed in all its bearings, when the
Committee rejected Mr. Eaton's amendment, and agreed to the motion
of Mr. Thompson, fixing the 27th of June as the time for holding
the National Democratic Nominating Convention.
On motion of Mr. Goode, of Virginia, it was resolved that the
delegations now here, desiring the Convention to be held in their res-
pective cities, be heard through one of the members of each delega-
tion, the remarks to be restricted to fifteen minutes.
On motion of Mr. Thompson, it was resolved that the different
States, as here represented, desiring the Convention to be held in
certain cities, now make nominations.
Accordingly, Mr. McCormick, of Illinois, named Chicago.
Mr. McHeniy, of Kentucky, named Louisville.
Mr. Banks, of Mississippi, by request, named Washington.
Mr. Priest, of Missouri, named St. Louis.
Mr. Thompson, of Ohio, named Cincinnati.
Mr. Barr, of Pennsylvania, named Philadelphia.
8 Preliminary Proceedings.
A recess of fifteen minutes was taken, after which a motion was
made and carried that the Chairman prepare the call for the National
Convention, to be submitted to the Committee before being signed
by the members.
Representatives of Chicago, Louisville, Washington, St. Louis,
Cincinnati and Philadelphia then addressed the Committee in advo-
cacy of the claims and advantages of their respective cities, after
which the Committee adjourned until evening.
EVENING SESSION.
The Committee, on reassembling, proceeded to ballot on the place
for holding the National Convention, with the following result :
FIRST BALLOT.
Number of votes cast 38
Necessary to a choice 20
St. Louis 14
Chicago 8
Louisville 7
Cincinnati 4
Philadelphia 4
Washington 1
SECOND BALLOT.
There being no choice, the Committee voted again, as follows
St. Louis 15
Chicago 9
Cincinnati 8
Louisville 5
Philadelphia 1
THIRD BALLOT.
On the third ballot the vote stood :
Louisville 3
Cincinnati 8
No votes were cast for Philadelphia.
St. Louis 17
Chicago 10
FOURTH BALLOT.
The fourth ballot resulted as follows :
St. Louis 19
Chicago 12
Cincinnati 6
Louisville 1
LAST BALLOT.
The fifth ballot resulted as follows :
St. Louis 21
Chicago 15
Cincinn ati 2
St. Louis having received the majority of votes cast, the Chairman
declared that city as the place for holding the Convention.
Preliminary Proceedings. 9
Mr. Priest, of St. Louis, expressed his thanks to the Committee
for the selection they had made. He would tell the Committee they
had made no mistake, and that the reception that would be extended
to the delegates would vindicate the selection made. They would be
received with warm hearts and open hands to hospitable homes. He
hoped the same good feeling and good judgment would be shown in
every step in the campaign.
Mr. Thompson, of Ohio, moved that the vote be declared unani-
mous, which was seconded by Mr. McCormick, of Illinois.
Mr. McHenry expressed himself much gratified at the prevalent
good feeling. Next to Louisville he preferred St. Louis, where he
was sure all would meet with an enthusiastic welcome.
The vote selecting St. Louis was then declared unanimous, amid
applause.
On motion of Mr. Walker, of Virginia, proxy for Nevada, it was
resolved that in view of Colorado as a State in July next, that Terri-
tory be invited to send a delegate to the National Democratic Con-
vention.
A resolution was adopted instructing the Executive Committee and
Hon. John O. Priest, of Missouri, to make all necessary arrange-
ments for the holding of the National Convention.
appointment of committees.
The following is the official record of the action of the Executive
Committee of the National Democratic Committee on the subject of
the arrangements for the Convention on the 27th of June:
At a meeting of the Executive Committee of the National Demo-
cratic Committee, held at Washington, D. C, February 23d, 1876,
the following resolution was adopted :
Resolved, That a committee, consisting of the member from Mis-
souri, the Secretary of the Committee and three other members, be
authorized to make all necessary arrangements for holding the Con-
vention. *
The following were appointed as such committee :
JOHN G. PRIEST, of Mo., Chairman. FREDERICK O. PRINCE, of Mass.
ISAAC E. EATON, of Kansas. WM. B. BATE, of Tennessee.
JOHN G. THOMPSON, of Ohio.
At a meeting of the Executive Committee of the National Demo-
cratic Committee, held at Washington, D. C, Februaiy 24th, 1876,
the following resolution was adopted :
Resolved, That D. H. Armstrong, Web. M. Samuel, H. J. Spaun-
horst, J. Fred. Thornton, Francis D. Lee, D. H. Mac Adam, Joseph
10 Preliminary Proceedings.
Brown, Geo. W. Ford, D. P. Rowland, Julius S. Walsh, and John
M. Gilkeson, be and they are hereby constituted the Resident Com-
mittee of the city of St. Louis, under the Sub-Committee of the
National Executive Committee, and are authorized to make all
needful local provisions and such necessary arrangements as shall be
demanded for the convenience of the Convention to be held in that
city on June 27th, 1876.
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The Resident Committee on Arrangements of St. Louis held their
first meeting at the Southern Hotel, March 8th, 1876, pursuant to
a call issued by John G. Priest, representative from Missouri in the
National Democratic Convention, and the following organization was
effected : David H. Armstrong, Chairman of Committee ; Joseph
Brown, Treasurer; D. H. MacAdam, Secretary.
The earlier meetings were held at the Southern Hotel until the
office and headquarters of the Committee were established in the
Exchange Building, Rooms Nos. 130 and 132, which apartments
were handsomely furnished for the purpose. With the approval of the
Committee the Secretary appointed Mr. F. A. McGarahan Assistant
Secretary, and this gentleman had charge of the office until the final
adjournment of the Committee.
Immediately succeeding organization the Resident Committee
appointed the following gentlemen a
FINANCE COMMITTEE.
CHARLES SPECK,
ISAAC COOK,
THEOPHILE PAPIN,
J. FRED THORNTON,
WM. M. SENTER,
A. A. MELLIKR,
LESLIE A. MOFFETT,
JOSEPH T. McCULLOUGH,
C. BENT CARR,
S. H. LAFLIN,
CHARLES L. HUNT,
THEO. HUNT,
CHARLES GREEN,
MILES SELLS,
DAN'L G. TAYLOR,
GEO. E. FINCH,
WM. LEIGH WICKHAM,
BENJAMIN STICKNEY, Jr.,
r. s. Mcdonald,
H. C CLEMENT,
S. M. DODD,
ALEXANDER CLEMENS,
JNO. B. MAUDE,
JNO. B. GRAY,
E. A. MANNY,
JNO. W. O'CONNELL,
JULIUS S. WALSH,
EDWARD WILKERSON,
FRANK CARTER,
CHAUNCEY F. SHULTZ,
A. W. SLAYBACK,
WILLIAM MITCHELL,
D. P. ROWLAND,
JNO. G. PRATHER,
ALF. W. HENRY,
J. C. KIRKBRIDE,
T. A. ENNLS,
M. M. BUCK,
JAMES E. SHORB.
12 Arrangements in St. Louis.
Hon. Chas. Speck was elected Chairman of the Finance Committee,
J. Fred Thornton, Secretary, and Leslie A. Moffett, Treasurer.
COMMITTEE ON TRANSPORTATION.
The following gentlemen were appointed a Committee on Trans-
portation, to arrange for securing reduced rates to delegates and all
other persons visiting St. Louis to attend the Convention :
R. P. TANSEY, J. CHARLTON,
CHAS. E. FOLLETT, J. W. MASS,
D. H. ARMSTRONG, D. H. MacADAM,
R. T. BRYDON, JAMES D. BROWN,
W. R. ALLEN, J. MEREDITH DAVIES,
E. A. FORD, H. S. DEPEW,
C. K. LORD, W. L. MALCOLM,
D. WISHART.
R. P. Tansey was elected Chairman of the Committee, and D. H.
Mac Adam, Secretary. The Committee succeeded in obtaining half-
fare rates from about one hundred and thirty railroad and steamboat
companies, including all the leading lines in the country.
RECEPTION COMMITTEE.
The Resident Committee also appointed a Reception Committee of
about one hundred and seventy-five members, of which Hon. James
H. Britton was Chairman, and Walter C. Katte, Secretary. This
Committee was subdivided among the different delegations, so that
the representatives of each State received the attention and courtesies
of a separate committee.
ARRANGEMENT OF THE HALL.
The arrangement of the Exchange Hall for the Convention was
placed in the hands of a sub-committee of the Resident Committee,
composed of the following gentlemen :
FRANCIS D. LEE, Chairman.
JOSEPH BROWN,
GEORGE W. FORD.
The design adopted in the arrangement of the hall is illustrated by
a diagram accompanying this report, and afforded accommodation,
including the standing-room on the floor and galleries, for an audience
of over eight thousand people.
Arrangements in St. Louis. 13
The following facts respecting the Exchange building and hall are
presented as a matter of general interest in connection with the
occasion :
The building fronts 233 feet on Third street, and 187 feet on Pine
and Chestnut streets, and, while externally a unit, is in reality divided
into two distinct structures, one fronting on Third street, designed for
banks and offices, and the other occupying the western portion of the
site, and separated from the first by courts 27 feet wide, with open
arcades along the Pine and Chestnut street fronts, the portion occu-
pied by the Grand Exchange Hall. The hall is 221 feet 10 inches
long by 92 feet 6 inches wide, and 68 feet to the ceiling, lit on all
sides by seventy windows, arranged in two tiers, the lower ones 26 by
10, and the upper 23 by 10. A light gallery, supported by enriched
brackets and consoles, extends around the hall and between the two
lines of windows. Not a column or other obstruction exists in the
hall, and the roof has a clear span from wall to wall. The entire
wood- work of the hall is of solid walnut, mahogany, and other hard
woods, and is finished in the highest style of art. The ceiling is a
marvel of beauty, being frescoed in three large panels.
In preparing this grand chamber for the Convention a tasteful and
elaborate ornamentation, wrought out with flowers and evergreens,
intermingled with banners, shields bearing the coats-of-arms of States,
and rich drapings of national colors, added to the brilliancy and
beauty of the general effect.
During the sessions of the Convention music was supplied at
appropriate intervals by Postlewaite's band, which occupied an ele-
vated stand behind the rostrum.
In response to the communication from the merchants of St. Louis,
addressed to the National Democratic Committee, offering the Ex-
change hall for the sessions of the Convention, the following reply
was received : ,
St. Louis, Mo., March 27th, 1876.
Hon. Nathan Cole, President Merchants' Exchange:
Dear Sir: — Your communication of January 12th, 1876, tendering, on hehalf
of the merchants of St. Louis, to the National Democratic Committee, the hall of
the New Chamber of Commerce for the sessions of the National Convention to be
held in St. Louis, June 27th, 1876, was duly submitted to the Committee, and the
invitation therein conveyed was accepted with the warmest expressions of appre-
ciation for the public spirit and courtesy that suggested it.
It is my duty, on behalf of the Committee, to transmit this formal notification of
the acceptance of the invitation (although the press had informed you at the time
of the action taken), and I will avail myself of the opportunity to add that the
prospective use of your magnificent Chamber greatly facilitates the arrangements
14 Arkangements in St, Louis.
for the Convention, and will enable us to prepare a reception for that body and the
large number of distinguished citizens from all parts of the Union who will parti-
cipate in its deliberations, corresponding in character with the commercial and
political influence and importance of this city.
"Without reference to any question of political opinion, I think the merchants of
St. Louis in this matter have adopted a course in accordance with the hospitality
and progressive spirit of our citizens, and which will exercise a beneficial influence
in extending our municipal reputation.
Respectfully,
JOHN G. PRIEST,
Member from Missouri of National Committee.
-©-
OFFICIAL CALL
FOR THE
The National Democratic Committee, to whom is delegated the power
of fixing the time and place of holding the National Democratic Con-
vention of 1876, have appointed Tuesday, the 27th day of June next,
noon, and selected St. Louis as the place of holding such Convention.
Each State will be entitled to a representation equal to double the num-
ber of its Senators and Representatives in the Congress of the United
States, and the Territory of Colorado, whose admission in July as a State
will give it a vote in the next Electoral College, is also invited to send
delegates to the Convention.
Democratic, Conservative and other citizens of the United States,
irrespective of past political associations, desiring to co-operate with the
Democratic party in its present efforts and objects, are cordially invited
to join in sending delegates to the National Convention.
Co-operation is desired from all persons who would change an admin-
istration that has suffered the public creditto become and remain inferior
to other and less favored nations, has permitted commerce to be taken
away by foreign powers, has stifled trade by unequal and pernicious
legislation, has imposed unusual taxation and rendered it most burden-
some, has changed growing prosperity to wide-spread suffering and want,
has squandered the public moneys recklessly and defiantly, and shame-
lessly used the power, that should have been swift to punish crime, to
protect it.
For these and other reasons the National Democratic Party deems the
public danger imminent, and earnestly desirous of securing to our
country the blessing of an economical, pure and free government, cor-
dially invite the co-operation of their fellow-citizens in the effort to
attain this object.
Thomas A. Walker, Ala. John G. Prifst, Mo.
S. li. Cockrell, Ark. George L. Miller, Neb.
Frank McCappin, Cal. Thomas H. Williams, Nev.
William H. Barnum, Conn. M. V. B. Edgerly, N. H.
Charles Beasien, Del. Theo. F. Randolph, N. J.
Chahles E. Dyke, Fla. M. VV. Ransom, N. C.
A. R. Lawton. Ga. John G. Thompson, Ohio.
Cyrus H. McCormick, Ills. James K. Kelly, Oregon.
Thomas Dowling, Ind. James P. Barr, Penn.
M. M. Ham. Iowa. Nicholas Van Slyck, R. I.
Isaac E. Eaton, Kan. Thomas Y. Simons. S. C.
Hknry D. McIIenry, Ky. William B. Batb, Tenn.
Hk>ry D. Ogden. La. F. S. Siockdale. Texas.
L. D. M. Swkat, Maine. B. B. Smalley, Vt.
A. Leo Knott, Aid. John G<»ode, Jr., Va.
William A. Moore, Mich. John Blair Hoge, W. Va.
William Lochrane, Minn. Geo. H. Paul, Wis.
J. H. Sharp, Miss. Thos. M. Patterson, Col.
Augustus Schell, N. Y., Chairman.
Frederick O. Prince, Mass., Sec'y National Democratic Com.
Washington, February 22, 1876.
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NATIONAL DEMOCRATIC CONVENTION
FIRST DAY.
St. Louis, Mo., June 27th, 1876.
The National Democratic Convention, to nominate
candidates for the offices of President and Vice-Presi-
dent of the United States, assembled in the grand hall
of the Merchants' Exchange, in the city of St. Louis,
this day at 12 o'clock, M., pursuant to the call of the
National Democratic Committee.
Hon. Augustus Schell, of New York, Chairman of
the National Democratic Committee, appeared upon
the platform and called the Convention to order.
ADDRESS BY AUGUSTUS SCHELL.
Gentlemen of the Convention: As Chairman of the National
Democratic Committee, the duty has been assigned me to call
this Convention to order. According to the usages of the Demo-
cratic party, this large body of representative men, coming from
every State of our Union, have assembled for the purpose of nomi-
nating candidates (for the Democratic party) for President and Vice-
President of the United States, whose election shall change the ad-
ministration of the government, and save it from the corruptions that
are destrojdng it.
Fortunately the momentous issue in the ensuing Presidential
election is outlined in clear and distinct form and proportions ; it can
18 Official Proceedings of the
not be underestimated, overlooked, avoided. Administrative reform
is the inexorable demand of the American people of all classes and
all parties. The admission is unqualified, that the government must
be purified, elevated ; and the question is, who shall cleanse and raise
it ? Can it be done by the unclean hands that have soiled it ? And
in this hour, when national honor and the moral sense of mankind
demands a reform — a change that would work a revolution in any
other country.
Will the people tolerate for one moment the idea that the thing to
be reformed can or will reform itself ? This idea of self-reformation
may answer very well for an individual, who must answer for his sins
to his own conscience and his God. But what becomes of official
integrny, responsibility and purity, when the men you entrust with
the conduct of your affairs abuse their power, betray their trusts,
violate their obligations and oaths, and, when called to an account,
turn around and with unblushing effrontery tell you, " To be sure we
have done all this ; give us another lease of power and we will undo it."
No ! The people are generous and confiding, they are honest always,
and in the long run intelligent and sagacious ; often slowly, but in the
end unerringly, they comprehend their rights and interests. And
those rights have been too persistently violated and those interests
too constantly neglected for the people of this country ever again to
intrust the Republican party with the administration of the govern-
ment
There is also another issue which demands the consideration of the
country, that is the question of the currency. The Democratic party
has, from its origin and through all the time of its existence, and is
now, the hard-money party of the country. The subtle and adroit
efforts on the part of the Republican party to charge upon the Dem-
ocratic party the present condition of affairs, and to insist that that
party is now the soft-money party, is unjust ; for let me ask on what
page of the statute, in what act of public authority in which Dem-
ocrats have had the power and the control, is there written one word,
one line or one law which has produced or caused the present condition
of things ? All the acts of this government providing for the issue of
paper money, authorizing its use as a legal tender, have been passed,
the judgment of the Supreme Court in declaring said acts constitu-
tional has been rendered, while the Republican party has had full con-
trol of every department of the government. What has been the
effect of it? Commerce is parahzed; the manufacturing interests
almost destroyed ; prosperity has disappeared and want has taken its
place. How is it to be remedied? The Democratic party, with its in-
National Democratic Convention. 19
stincts and its knowledge of public affairs, will see that the remedy is
applied. It cannot be brought about by forced contraction. It
should not be assisted by additional inflation, but we take the country
as it stands. We are called upon to apply the remedy, and one rem-
edy which commends itself to every honest man and every reasonable
Democrat, is to demand the repeal of the "resumption act." Repeal
that act ; put the government in the power of the Democratic party
and let them pursue the course which they will pursue, of an econom-
ical administration of that government and the diminution of taxation,
and I assure 3^011 that the time is not far distant when specie payments
will be resumed, the industries of the country revived, and the whole
American people be once more prosperous and happy.
Gentlemen, the time is auspicious and the occasion suggestive.
One hundred years ago the first Democratic assembly met in Phila-
delphia— representatives of colonies on the Atlantic shore of this
county. They there, under the guidance of that sage, that patriot,
and that man ever to be remembered, Thomas Jefferson, laid the
foundation of that civil and religious liberty which our fathers estab-
lished and which we now enjo}^. On this occasion, in this centennial
year, the Democratic party has assembled in Convention to do that
which our fathers did ; that is to say, proclaim the course and suggest
the means which shall once more give prosperity and happiness to
our people.
During all the time that the power of the government has been in
the hands of the Democratic party, our country has been prosperous
and our people have been happy ; but whenever its flag has drooped
by the advance to power of the Republican party, sorrow and shame
has been our condition. May we not hope now, after sixteen years
of Republican rule, that the Democratic party — that grand old party
which has never betrayed its trust or dishonored its name — be once
-more restored to power and assume its rightful position before the
country ?
It is not for me to forecast the action of this Convention, either in
the selection of candidates or the adoption of its platform. We are
bound by rules that prohibit the possibility of the nomination of any
candidate who is not only the undoubted choice of the delegates
here, but of the people they represent. And this Convention will
present as candidates for President and Vice-President, men whose
public record is pure and patriotic, whose personal characters are
stainless, and whose statesmanship has been tried and proved by large
experience in high official positions. The most of this people yearn
20 Official Proceedings of the
not only for a great reformer but for a ripe and pure statesman as
its chief executive.
In announcing its platform, this Convention will act wisely. It is
a Democratic doctrine that the best government is the one that gov-
erns the least. Acting upon this principle, that may be the wisest
policy that will seek to restore our former prosperhVy by leaving
most to the economy and recuperative energies of the people, and the
least to the positive legislation of the Federal government.
TEMPORARY CHAIRMAN.
Mr. Watterson Avas unanimously elected Temporary
Chairman, and Senator Barnum, of Connecticut, and
Senator Hansom, of North Carolina, were appointed a
committee to conduct him to the chair.
Mr. Watterson assumed the chair, and was received
with cheers. Upon the subsidence of the applause,
Mr. Watterson addressed the Convention as follows :
SPEECH OF HENRY M. WATTERSON.
Gentlemen of the Convention : We are called together to deter-
mine by our wisdom whether honest government, administered by
honest men, shall be restored to the American people, or to decide
by our folly that it is the destin}T of this country to pursue an endless,
ever-revolving circle of partisan passion and corruption, until with
the loss of our material well-being, we shall lose the poor man's last
best hope — civil liberty itself. Ever}7 citizen of the Republic, be he
of the one party or the other, feels, and has felt for manj7 a year, the
depressing influence of what are called hard times. We look about
us and we see neglected fields and vacant houses. The factory is
closed, the furnace-door is shut. There are myriads of idle hands.
The happy activity of prosperous life is nowhere to be found.
4 'Loyalists fatten while honest men starve;
Empty the mart, and shipless the bay."
What is it? What has wrought so great a change in a land that,
ruled by an intelligent, progressive, constitutional party, advanced
within half a century from the condition of a huddle of petty and
squalid provincial sovereignties to a foremost plaCe among the nations
of the earth ?
The reason of men must answer — partisan misrule and sectional
misdirection. The Republicans, my friends, are not alone respon-
sible. With them rests the disgrace; with us the folly. These
National Democratic Convention. 21
twin agents of national mischance, working under the miserable rule
of contraries, have kept the people of the North and South asunder,
and have supplied sustenance to corruption. They have disturbed
values. They have unsettled prices. They have made our whole
financial system a cheat and a snare. They have driven the best
elements of political society into exile, and have organized charlatan-
ism into a sort of public polity, enabling the knave to take advantage
of the dupe, and sacrificing every popular interest to the lust of that
oligarchy which has become so encrusted in power as to believe itself
entitled to rule by the sheer force of its own wrong-doing.
So much let us set down to the convenient pretext of war. So
much to the lon°' account of damages between the North and the
South. It is for you to say whether the same conflict, with con-
sequences multiplied and magnified, shall be inaugurated between
the East and the West.
I shall not undertake on an occasion of this kind, and in a presence
so imposing, to enforce the familiar lesson of mutual forbearance.
Nobod}r doubts our capacity to make battle among ourselves. I ask
your indulgence only on my own behalf. You have called me to a
place not merely of distinction but of difficulty, to a place requiring
the best training of a better man than I am. In taking it, I trust to
your confidence and good nature, and to a heart incapable of an
unmanly or unfair act. The work before us should relate to ideas
rather than to individuals. It is the issue, not the man, that should
engage us. We have come here to make the people's fight, not our
fight ; for free, no less than honest government ; for the reform of the
public service and the regeneration of the public morals ; for admin-
istrative relief from administrative ritualism, embraced in the simple
creed of home rule, reduced taxes, and a living chance for the South
as well as the North, for both the East and the West. If anything
comes from our proceedings it must spring from the spirit of aspira-
tion or fellowship which warmed the followers of Andrew Jackson
and Silas Wright, of Henry Clay and Daniel Webster, whose political
descendants meet together on common ground at last to wrest the
government of their fathers, federal, state and municipal, from the
clutch of rings and robbers, and who mean to extirpate these wher-
ever they are found, and whether they be Democratic or Republican.
[Applause.]
At the close of Mr. Watters oil's address, Bishop
Marvin, of the M. E. Church, offered the following
prayer :
22 Official Proceedings of the
prayer by bishop marvin.
O God, we worship Thee. Thou art the Sovereign of Nations and
of Worlds. Thy name is above every place and Thy authority ruleth
over all. With Thee the nations are a very little thing. Thou takest
up the isles as the dust of the earth. But Thou condescendest, in
infinite goodness, to charge Thyself with the interests and affairs of
all men. Thou art not unconcerned with regard to the happiness of
the creatures whom Thou hast made. We give Thee praise for Thy
mercy to us, for Thy goodness to our nation. Thou didst preserve
the American colonies in their incipiency, in the presence of hostile
savages, and Thou hast raised them into the power of great states
and into a vast government, and hast been merciful to us in all the
past history of our lives. We have sinned. We have done wickedly
before Thee. Private crime and vice have run riot in our country,
and public corruption has brought dishonor and reproach upon our
name ; and yet Thou hast been merciful to us in the midst of all and
notwithstanding all. An ample agriculture, the basis of all pros-
pertty, has fed all, sustained all, and enriched all ; mineral wealth
emboweled in our mountains and opening ample resources for the
present and the future. Labor is in constant demand at reasonable
reward. Our factories, our workshops are crowded with intelligent,
industrious, ingenious, skilful artisans, and supply our homes with
eveiy demand of civilized life. Our commerce governs the whole
earth and levies contribution upon all climes and all nations, to our
comforts and our luxuries, and to the refinement of domestic and
of social life. Our art has touched our civilization with its refine-
ment and its elegance ; and, O Lord, we give Thee praise that schools
and colleges abound, and religion hallows all by the purity of its
doctrine, the elevation of its spirit, and the prevalence of its rights.
Blessed be Thy name, O God, for Thy mercy, for Thou hast distin-
guished us with Thy goodness, Thou hast made us conspicuous
among the nations of the earth. Thou hast nourished us in peace
and hast been our panoply in war. The manifestations of Thy dis-
pleasure have been few and occasional. Our history has been a
history of development and growth. Our national boundaries
encompass a vast domain that lies upon two oceans and touches
upon tropical and arctic extremes.
O God, Thou hast brought us through the first century of our
independent existence, and looked down to-day upon the festivities
and rejoicings of a mighty people. The future is with God. Visit
not our sins upon us, but grant us Thy blessing in all our borders.
National Democratic Convention. 23
Gracious God, look upon this Convention. Guide it in its delibera-
tions, and put Thy blessing upon all the results of its labors. May
these contribute to national and sectional harmony, and to restore
the cordial good-fellowship that must be the basis of all right govern-
ment and permanent prosperity in our nation. May the results of
this Convention tend to public purity and national integrity in every
department of the administration, and in all time to come may a
good government and free institutions, faithfully administered,
secure a prosperous commerce and the growing industries in all our
land, and may public virtue distinguish us as our material resources
distinguish us amongst the nations of the earth ; and when the last
catastrophe and final stroke of time shall sound, may this nation be
found prosperous and happy, united and peaceful ; and all these mer-
cies we ask through Jesus Christ, our Creator and Redeemer. Amen.
TEMPORARY ORGANIZATION.
The Chairman: The Chair is directed by the Democratic Na-
tional Committee to announce as Temporary Secretary of the Con-
vention, Mr. Frederick O. Prince, of Massachusetts, and as Assist-
ant Secretaries, Mr. T. O. Walker, of Iowa, and Mr. S. K. Doni-
phan, of Ohio.
Before the Convention proceeds to business the Chair would ask,
as a matter of convenience to the reporters and the Convention, that
the gentlemen who are recognized by the Chair will call their name
and State. The Convention is now ready for business, and the
Chair desires to know its pleasure.
Mr. Abbott, of Massachusetts : I desire to offer a resolution.
The Chair: The Chair is further directed by the National
Democratic Committee to state that Mr. Dan. Able, of Missouri, has
been selected as Sergeant- at- Arms.
The gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. Abbott) offers the follow-
ing resolution :
Resolved, That the rules of the last National Democratic Conven-
tion govern this bod}" until otherwise ordered.
The Chair : The question is upon the adoption of the resolution.
A Delegate from Kentucky : I move that the resolution be
referred to the Committee on Organization.
The Chair : The gentleman from Kentuck}" moves that this res-
olution be referred to the Committee on Organization. The gentle-
man front Massachusetts (Mr. Abbott) has the floor.
24 Official Proceedings of the
Mr. Abbott : My only purpose in rising is to withdraw the
motion.
The Chair : The question, then, is upon the resolution.
Mr. Littlejohn, of New York: I desire to inquire if those rules
include what is known as the two-third rule? [Cries of "Yes, yes."]
The Chairman: The Chair would state that the resolution does
include the two-thirds rule. [Cries of "Bully !"]
The resolution was adopted amidst vociferous ap-
plause.
CALLING THE ROLL FOR COMMITTEE ON CREDENTIALS.
Mr. Smalley, of Vermont : I desire to offer the following resolu-
tion :
Resolved, That the States be called in their order, and that the
chairman of each delegation present the credentials from his State.
Mr. Fillet, of New York : I move that the Hon. E. O. Perrin,
Reading Secretary of the last National Convention, be nominated for
that position to this Convention.
The Chairman: The gentleman is out of order. A resolution is
pending.
The resolution of Mr. Smalley, of Vermont, was
adopted.
The Chairman : The Secretary will call the roll of States in ac-
cordance with the resolution just passed.
Several Voices : Mr. President —
The Chairman : No other business will be in order while the roll
is being called.
Mr. Wallace, of Pennsylvania: As chairman of the Pennsyl-
vania delegation, I arise in my place and demand to be heard ; I rise
to move to reconsider the resolution, in order that we may have the
Democratic precedents observed upon this floor. [Applause.]
A Delegate from New York : I move to lay that motion on the
table.
Mr. Wallace, of Pennsylvania : Mr. President, I have the floor.
I have a right to the time allowed in the rules of the House of Rep-
resentatives, which give me an hour, if I see fit to demand it.
National Democratic Convention. 25
Mr. Wallace : Now, Mr. President, I know, sir, that all the
past —
A Delegate from New York: Mr. Chairman, a point of order.
The Chair : The gentleman will state his point of order.
The Delegate from New York: The point of order is that the
Convention has just ordered that the roll of States be called, and the
chairmen of the different delegations present their credentials.
The Chair: The point of order is not well taken. The Secretary
of the Convention had not beffun to read the roll of the States. The
gentleman from Pennsylvania has the floor.
A Delegate from New York: The point of order is that the
Chairman of the Convention announced the Temporary Secretaries,
but he did not put the question to the Convention ; that is my point
of order.
The Chair: The point of order is too late; another question is
pending. The gentleman from Pennsylvania has the floor.
Mr. Wallace, of Pennsylvania: Mr. Chairman, I rise to say
that in all past Democratic Conventions a Committee on Credentials
and a Committee on Permanent Organization have been appointed.
The resolution of the gentleman is an innovation. The first business
in order is to call the States, in order that they present their Com-
mittee on Credentials and upon Organization. I insist that the
history of our party proves that this is the practice of National Con-
ventions, and I trust that this Convention will not permit this innova-
tion upon Democratic precedents. I am entitled to one hour ; if any
gentleman desires to occupy a part of my time he is —
A Delegate from New York: Do we understand that each
gentleman, under the rulings of the last National Convention, is
entitled to one hour, or is not the gentleman claiming the privilege
under the rules of the National Congress ?
The Chair : The Chair would state that the gentleman from
Pennsylvania has not exhausted his one hour and still has the floor.
The Delegate from New York: Under the ruling of the last
National Convention, is a member of the Convention entitled to an
hour ?
The Chair : The Chair will decide that point when occasion
requires. The gentleman from Pennsylvania has the floor.
Mr. Wallace : I insist upon the motion to reconsider the res-
olution passed by the Convention.
26 Official Proceedings of the
Mr. Wade, of New York: Mr. Chairman, the resolution offered
by the gentleman from Vermont is the ordinary resolution offered in
■eveiy Democratic National Convention for the last twenty years. It
simply calls for the call of the roll of States, and that the chairmen
selected by the several delegations present their credentials to the
Secretary of this Convention. It will be the duty of the Secretary,
when those credentials are presented, to turn them over to the Com-
mittee upon Credentials which undoubtedly will hereafter be formed.
It is the ordinary resolution, so that the Chair and the gentlemen
here may know whether or no there are contested delegations from
a,ny State. And I think if the gentleman from Pennsylvania will
reflect a moment he will see it is the ordinary wa}^ and the ordinary
resolution.
Mr. Wallace, of Pennsylvania : In answer to the argument of
the gentleman, I hold in my hand the proceedings —
The Chair : The gentleman from Iowa — will the gentleman from
Pennsylvania yield to the gentleman from Iowa?
Mr. Wallace, of Pennsylvania: I will.
Mr. Finch, of Iowa: What is the question before the house?
The Chair : The question before the house is the motion of the
gentleman from Pennsylvania to reconsider the vote just passed. In
order to give the Convention a clear understanding of the question,
the Secretary will read the resolution which the gentleman from
Pennsylvania moves to reconsider.
Mr. Wallace : Now, Mr. President —
The Secretary [reading] : Resolved, That the States be called
in their order, and that the chairman of each delegation present the
credentials from his State.
The Chair : That resolution was passed by the Convention. The
gentleman from Pennsylvania moves that that vote be reconsidered.
The gentleman from Pennsylvania has the floor.
Mr. Wallace, of Pennsylvania: I now read, in answer to the gen-
tleman from New York, the resolution adopted in the Convention of
1868. It is in these words : " That there shall be now two commit-
tees appointed, each committee to consist of one delegate from each
State, to be selected by the respective delegates thereof; one com-
mittee to act as a Committee on Permanent Organization, and the
other as a Committee on Credentials." I therefore submit that it is
in order to call the States for the report of a committee-man on ere-
National Democratic Convention. 27
dentials, and a committee-man on organization. It belongs to the
States to name them.
The Chair : The Chair will state that the Secretary of the Con-
vention has been directed to call the roll by the Convention. The
gentleman from Pennsylvania moves that the vote by which the
resolution was adopted be reconsidered.
Mr. Doolittle, of Wisconsin: Mr. President,5 I believe what the
gentleman from Pennsylvania desires and suggests will expedite all
this business, and probably prevent airy recurrence of it in the
future. It is that we have a Reading Secretary temporarily appointed,
so that the resolutions read from the Chair may be heard all over
the house. Our excellent Secretary fails in that respect to be heard
in all parts of the chamber. I have heard the name of Mr. Har-
rington suggested.
The Chair: The gentleman is out of order. The election of a
Secretary is not in order. A Secretary has been elected, and the
gentleman is not in order.
Mr. Doolittle : Ity leave of the gentleman from Pennsylvania,
I made the suggestion.
The Chair : The question is on the motion of the gentleman
from Pennsylvania to reconsider the vote just passed.
The motion was lost.
The Chair : The Secretary will call the roll.
The Secretary then proceeded with the call of the
roll for the appointment of the Committee on Creden-
tials, with the following result :
COMMITTEE ON CREDENTIALS.
Alabama — E. H. Mo ran.
California — James L. English.
Colorado— Adair Wilson.
Connecticut— Richard S. Hicks.
Delaware— Chas. H. Richards.
Florida — C. W. Yule.
Georgia— P. M. B. Young.
Illinois— John Forsythe.
Indiana — Gen. M. D. Man son.
Iowa— Geo. C. Wright.
Kansas— G. W. Burchard.
Kentucky— Jas. M. Bigger.
Louisiana— J. J. Mellon.
Maine — Wm. McLelhm.
Maryland — Andrew G. Chapman.
Massachusetts— Nich. Hathaway.
Michigan — M. Y. Montgomery.
Minnesota — Geo. E. Skinner.
Mississippi— I. C. Prewell.
Missouri— A. P. Morehouse.
Nebraska— F. A. Harmon.
Nevada— J. S. Kaneen.
New Hampshire— W. H. Cummings.
New Jersey— John P. Stockton.
New York— Rufus W. Peckham.
North Carolina— Chas. Latham.
Ohio— W. W. Armstrong.
Oregon— J. C. Brady.
Pennsylvania— A. G. Broadhead.
Rhode Island— Alpheus F. Angell.
South Caroliva— Jno. C. Sheppard.
Tennessee— John A. Gardner.
Texas— Thomas H. Murray.
Vermont — John Cairn.
Virginia— Fitzhugh Lee.
West Virginia — Leroy Cofram.
Wisconsin— Wm. Wilson.
28 Official Proceedings of the
READING SECRETARY.
Mr. Binney, of Illinois : Mr. Chairman, I now move yon, sir,
that the Hon. E. O. Perrin, the Reading Secretary of the last Na-
tional Convention —
The Chair : The gentleman is not in order. The roll-call of the
States has not yet been completed. The Secretary will continue with
the roll-call.
Mr. Binney : The roll-call of the States has been finished, as I
understand.
The Chair : The Chair was mistaken. The gentleman has the
floor. The Chair will entertain his motion.
Mr. Binney: I move you that Mr. Perrin, who was the Reading
Secretary of the last National Convention, be elected as Assistant
Secretary of this Convention. [Applause.]
Mr. Finch, of Iowa: Mr. Chairman, I move that the officers of
this Convention be selected through the medium of the Committee on
Permanent Organization. [Applause.] Mr. Perrin has not an in-
heritance from the Democratic party. [Applause.] The Democratic
part}T in its National Conventions may have one man for one occasion,
and another for another. [Applause.] We have no royal descent.
I might suggest a name from my own State who has as good a voice
as Mr. Perrin, and I think it would be proper to leave this thing to
the Committee on Permanent Organization, and not forestall the ac-
tion of this Convention. [Applause.]
Mr. Eaton, of Kansas : I rise to a point of order. The ordinary
course that has been pursued has been for the National Committee to
select the Temporary Secretaries. They have already selected them,
and it is not competent now for any member of this Convention to
move that a Temporary Secretary shall be appointed.
The Chair: The gentleman from Kansas rises to a point of order
that the gentleman has not the right at this late hour to raise the
issue of the selection of an Assistant Secretary after the Temporary
Secretary has already been selected by the National Democratic Com-
mittee, according to Democratic usages. The Chair decides that the
point of order is well taken. [Applause.]
ORGANIZATION.
Mr. Buck, of Minnesota, offered the following reso-
lution, which was unanimously adopted :
National Democratic Convention.
29
Resolved, That there now shall be two committees appointed. Each
committee to consist of one delegate from each State, to be selected
by the respective delegates thereof. One committee to act as a Com-
mittee on Credentials, and the other on Permanent Organization ; and
that the roll of States be called, and that the chairman of the delega-
tion of each State announces the name of the delegates selected for
such committees.
Ill accordance with the foregoing resolution, the Sec-
retary proceeded to call the roll of States for the ap-
pointment of a Committee on Organization.
committee on organization.
Alabama— C. C. Langdon.
Arkansas— J. W. Butler.
Connecticut — F. T. Baldwin.
California— A. J. Williams.
Colorado— Gen. D wight Morris.
Dklaware— Wm. G. Whitely.
Florida— J. V. Harris.
Georgia— J. J. Jones.
Illinois— Charles Dunham.
Indiana— B. W. Hanna.
Iowa — L. G. Kinne.
Kansas— M. V. B. Bennett.
Kentucky— Jas. B. Garnell.
Louisiana— E. E. Kid.
Maine— Jno. S. Bicker.
Maryland— Fred C Tabatt.
Massachusktts— Geo. W. Gill.
Michigan — J. D. Norton.
Minnesota— C F. Buck.
Y
Mississjppr — H. L. Jarnigan.
Missouri — R. S. Anderson.
Nebraska — Tobias Castor.
Nevada — J. M. Dorsey.
New Hampshire— Henry H. Metcalf.
New Jersey— John McGregor.
New York— John C Jacobs.
North Carolina— J. S. Battle.
Ohio — Gen. J. B Steadman.
Oregon— J. H. Turner.
Pennsylvania— W. V. McGrath.
Rhode Island— John P. Cooney.
South Carolina— John II. Evins.
Tennessee— Jno. M. Fleming.
Texas— M. D. R. Taylor.
Vermont— Geo. M. Fisk.
Virginia — Wm. H. Hinton.
West Virginia— Jacob B. Jackson.
Wisconsin — Jos. Rankin.
THE REPORTS OF COMMITTEES.
Mr. Carroll, of Tennessee : I desire to offer the following resolu-
tion :
Resolved, That the committees just named be instructed to report
at five o'clock this evening, and that when this Convention adjourn it
be to that hour.
The resolution was adopted.
Mr. Smith, of Illinois : I offer the following resolution :
Resolved, That a committee of one delegate from each State, to be
selected by the delegations thereof, be appointed to report resolutions,
and that all resolutions in relation to the platform of the Democratic
party be referred to said committee without debate.
Adopted.
30 Official Proceedings of the
Mr. Weed, of New York : I move, Mr. President, that the chair-
men of the respective delegations be instructed to hand to the Secre-
tary of this Convention the names of all persons elected by them to
act upon the Committee on Resolutions just authorized.
The Chairman: Without objection, the course suggested by the
gentleman from New York will be adopted.
A DELEGATION OF LADIES.
Mr. Weed, of New York : Mr. Chairman, I move that this Conven-
tion do now adjourn to five o'clock.
The Chairman: Will the gentleman from New York be good
enough to withdraw his motion until the Chair makes an announce-
ment?
Mr. Weed: I will, sir.
The Chairman: The Chair is requested to announce that the Com-
mittee on Organization will meet at 3 :30 o'clock this afternoon, in the
rooms of the National Democratic Committee, at the Lindell hotel.
The Chair desires to state that he is requested by delegates from the
Women's Rights National Convention to state that representatives of
that organization are here, and desire about ten minutes to make a
statement to the Convention. [Cries of ''Hear them! hear them!"]
The Chairman: Without objection, they will now be heard.
The Chair : The Chair will appoint Mr. Weed, of New York, and
Mr. Smalley, of Vermont, a committee to escort the ladies to the
platform. [Applause and laughter.]
A Delegate : Mr. President — ■
The Chair : No motion is in order ; a lady has the floor. [Laughter.]
Several Voices : Mr. President—
The Chair : Gentlemen will take their seats ; the Chair has stated
that a lady has the floor. The Chair has the honor to present to the
Convention Miss Phoebe Couzins, of St. Louis. [Applause.]
A Delegate : I rise to a point of order.
The Chair : The gentleman is out of order, and will take his seat
immediately.
The same Delegate : Can't I make a point of order?
The Chair : No, sir, a lady has the floor, and no point of order is
in order. [Cries of "Hurrah for the Chair!")
National Democratic Convention. 31
Miss Couzins then stepped forward and delivered the
following address :
address of miss phcebe couzins.
Mr. President and Gentlemen of the Democratic Convention :
The Centennial anniversary of our nation's birth-da}^ is also, happily,
a Centennial leap-year. [Applause.] It is in order, then, I take it,
to not only receive proposals at the hands of fair women, but also to
accept them. [Applause.] Taking advantage, then, of this right and
your courtesy, I am here as a delegated authority from the fair sex
not only to reaffirm the principles of liberty and equality for them,
but also to sue for the hands of those here assembled in national
convention.
And, Mr. President, I take it the hand must be neither larger nor
smaller than a man's hand. In the good old days of our ancestors
it was deemed an unpardonable offence if the leap~37ear privileges
accorded to women were not unhesitatingly acquiesced in, and he
who did not respond unhesitatingly a "yes" to the coy maiden's fair
wooing was consigned to single blessedness.
And now, gentlemen, if the Democratic party deserves to live long,
be prosperous and happy, give heed to the warning from out the
gates of Paradise, "It is not good for man to be alone," and accept
as a companion in your political household she who blends all the
discordant elements into one harmonious whole. [Applause.] Thomas
Jefferson has said: "Let it be remembered that it has ever been the
pride of woman that the rights for which she contended were the rights
of human nature;" and, gentlemen, we ask this recognition, not as
women, but as human beings, and we sue to-day for our Magna
Charta, not by force of might and power, but by the more potent
voice of truth and justice, speaking to every thinking man in tones
far more persuasive than those which appealed to King John on the
field of Runn3Tmede. [Applause.]
Gentlemen, we cannot assert this right by a resort to the sword.
We confess our inability to thunder forth our claim at the cannon's
mouth, or to fire a shot that can be heard around the world.
But in this grand Centennial year when all others are free, and
when our souls too are responding to the music of the utterances 01
Jefferson and Hancock, of Adams and of Patrick Henry, and with
minds expanding to a realization of their grandeur, with pulses beat-
ing for the freedom they proclaimed, we would fain pluck a live coal
from off the altar of our liberties that shall kindle in your souls a zeal
32 Official Proceedings of the
for the rights of the individual calling for universal humanity, such as
our fathers uttered when they addressed the hearts of the people with
the cry "Taxation without representation is tyranny," and write the
burning thoughts and noble utterances they read by the camp-fires of
the revolution, that immortal truth, "All humanity is created free
and equal."
Gentlemen, we appeal to your sense of justice and of right, using
but the grand old truths of our fathers to support our claim.
And here we rest our case, commending only to you that glorious
truth, that sense of justice is the sovereign power of the human mind,
the most unyielding of any, which rewards with a higher sanction,
which punishes with a deeper agony than any earthly tribunal, which
never slumbers, never dies, which constantly utters and demands
justice by the eternal rule of honesty, truth and equity ; and on this
eternal foundation, honesty, truth and equit}', we stand. We offer and
present to you the "Memorial of the National Woman's Suffrage
Association, to the National Democratic Convention, to be held at
St. Louis, June 27, 1876."
address of the national woman suffrage association to the
national convention.
Philadelphia, June 20, 1876.
To the President and Members of the National Democratic Convention,
assembled at St. Louis, June 27th, 1876.
Gentlemen : In reading the call for your Convention, the "National
Woman Suffrage Association" were gratified to find that your invita-
tion was not limited to voters, but cordially extended to all citizens
of the United States.
We accordingly send delegates from our association asking for
them a voice in your proceedings, and also a plank in your platform,
declaring the political rights of women.
Women are the only class of citizens still wholly unrepresented in
the government, and yet we possess every qualification requisite for
voters in the several States. Women possess property and education ;
we take out naturalization papers and passports ; we pre-empt lands,
pay taxes, and suffer for our own violation of the laws ; we are neither
idiots, lunatics nor criminals ; and, according to your State constitu-
tions, lack but one qualification for voters, which is an insur-
mountable qualification, and therefore equivalent to a bill of
attainder against one-half the people ; a power no State nor Congress
National Democratic Convention. 33
can legally exercise, being forbidden in article 1, sections 9 and 10 of
the Constitution.
Our rulers may have the right to regulate the suffrage, but they
cannot abolish it altogether for any class of citizens, as has been done
in the case of the women of this republic, without a direct violation
of the fundamental law of the land.
As you hold the Constitution of the fathers to be a sacred legacy
to us and our children forever, we ask you to so interpret that Magna
Charta of human rights as to secure justice and equality of all United
States citizens, irrespective of sex.
We desire to call your attention to the violation of the essential
principle of self-government in the disfranchisement of the women of
the several States, and we appeal to you, not only because as a min-
ority you are in a position to consider principles, but because you
were the party first to extend suffrage, by removing the property
qualification from all white men, and thus making the political status
of the richest and poorest citizen the same. That act of justice to
the laboring masses insured your power, with but few interruptions,
until the war.
When the District of Columbia suffrage bill was under discussion
in 1866, it was a Democratic Senator, Mr. Cowan, of Pennsylvania,
who proposed an amendment to strike out the word umale," and thus
extend the rio;ht of suffrage to the women, as well as the black men
of the District. That amendment gave us a splendid discussion on
woman suffrage, that lasted three days in the Senate of the United
States.
It was a Democratic Legislature that secured the right of suffrage
to the women of Wyoming, and we now ask you, in national conven-
tion, to pledge the Democratic party to extend this act of justice to
the women throughout the nation, and thus call to your side a new
political force that will restore and perpetuate your power for years
to come.
The Republican party gave us a plank in their platform in 1872,
pledging themselves to a "respectful consideration" of our demands.
But by their constitutional interpretations, legislative enactments
and judicial decisions, so far from redeeming their pledge, they have
buried our petitions and appeals under laws in direct opposition to
their high-sounding promises and professions.
And now, in 1876, they give us another plank in their platform,
approving ' ' the substantial advance made towards the establishment
(3)
34 Official Proceedings of the
of equal rights for women," cunningly reminding us that the privi-
leges and immunities we now enjoy are all due to Republican legisla-
tion ; although under a Republican dynasty inspectors of elections
have been arrested and imprisoned for taking the votes of women ;
temperance women arrested and imprisoned for praying in the streets ;
houses, lands, bonds, and stock of women seized and sold for their
refusal to pay unjust taxation ; and more than all, we have this sin-
gular spectacle : A Republican woman, who had spoken for the
Republican party throughout the last presidential campaign, arrested
by a Republican officer for voting the Republican ticket, denied the
right of trial by jury by a Republican judge, convicted and sentenced
to a fine of $100 and cost of prosecution, and all this for asserting at
the polls the most sacred of all the rights of American citizenship,
the right of suffrage, specifically secured by recent Republican amend-
ments to the Federal Constitution.
Again : The Supreme Court of the United States, by its recent
decision in the Minor vs. Happersatt case, has stultified its own
interpretation of constitutional law.
A negro, by virtue of his United States citizenship, is declared^
under recent amendments, a voter in every State in the Union ; but
when a woman, by virtue of her United States citizenship, applies to
the Supreme Court of the United States for protection in the exercise
of this same right, she is remanded to the State by the unanimous
decision of the nine judges on the bench, that "the Constitution of
the United States does not confer the right of suffrage upon any one."
All concessions of privileges or redress of grievances are mockery
for any class that has no voice in the laws and law-makers, hence we
demand the ballot, that sceptre of power, in our own hands, as the
only sure protection for our rights of person and property under all
conditions. If the few may grant or withhold rights at their pleasure,
the many cannot be said to enjoy the blessings of self-government.
Jefferson said, "The God who gave us life gave us liberty at the
same time ; the hand of force may destroy but cannot disjoin them."
While the first and highest motive we would urge on you is the
recognition, in all your action, of the great principles of justice and
equality that underlie our form of government, it is not unworthy to
remind you that the party that takes this onward step will reap its
just reward.
Had you heeded our appeals made to you at Tammany Hall, New
York, in 1868, and again in Baltimore in 1872, your party might
now have been in power, as you would have had, what neither party
National Democratic Convention. 35
can boast to-day, a live issue, on which to rouse the enthusiasm of
the people.
Reform is the watchword of the hour ; but how can we hope for
honor and honesty in either party in minor matters, so long as both
consent to rob one-half the people — their own mothers, sisters, wives
and daughters — of their most sacred rights ?
As a party you defended the right of self-government in Louisiana
ably and eloquently during the last session in Congress. Are the
rights of women in all the Southern States, whose slaves are now
their rulers, less sacred than those of the men of Louisiana? "The
whole art of government," says Jefferson, " consists in being
honest."
It needs but little observation to see that the tide of progress, in
all countries, is setting toward the emancipation and enfranchisement
of women ; and this step in civilization is to be taken in our own
day and generation.
Whether the Democratic party will take the initiative in this
reform, and reap the glory of crowning fifteen million women with
the rights of American citizenship, and thereby vindicate our theory
of self-government, is the momentous question we ask you to decide
in this eventful hour, as we round out the first century of our
national life.
Elizabeth Cadt Stanton, Prest.
Matilda Joslyn Gage, Cli. Ex. Com.
Susan B. Anthony, Cor. Sec.
Centennial Headquarters, 1431 Chestnut St., Philadelphia, Pa.
PLANK FOR THE DEMOCRATIC PLATFORM.
Whereas, The Democratic party was the first to abolish the
property qualification, and extend the right of suffrage to all white
men in some of the older States ; and
Whereas, It was a Democratic Legislature which extended the
right of suffrage to the women of Wyoming ; therefore,
Resolved, That we pledge ourselves to secure the right of suffrage
to the women of the United States on equal terms with men.
The Chair : The Convention has heard the memorial, and the
Chair will entertain a motion as to what disposition it will make of it.
Mr. McClernand, of Illinois: I move that the memorial be
referred to the Committee on Resolutions, for their respectful con-
sideration.
36
Official Proceedings of the
The Chair : Without objection, the resolution will be referred
under the rule, as moved by the gentleman from Illinois.
Mr. Davis : I ask that the roll of the States be called, and that
the chairman of each Slate delegation announce the name of the
Committee on Resolutions, so that we may know who compose the
committee.
The Chair: Without objection, the roll will be called, as moved
by the gentleman from Kansas.
Mr. Birch, of Tennessee : I rise to a point of order. When the
motion was made by the gentleman at my left for a Committee on
Resolutions — the point is this, that we were still in a temporary state
of organization. We are not }^et organized. We have no report from
the Committee on Credentials. We have no permanent organiza-
tion, and it is therefore out of order to have a Committee upon
Resolutions until that permanent organization is effected.
The Chair : The Chair will decide that this Convention has the
right to determine what it will do at any stage of its organization.
Mr. Smith, of Wisconsin : This Convention has not determined
to have a Committee on Resolutions yet at all.
The Chair: The Chair would state that this Convention has
passed a resolution to raise a Committee on Resolutions. The roll
of States has not been called upon that resolution. The Secretary
of the Convention will call the roll of the States, and as each State
is called the chairman of its delegation will send the name of the
delegate appointed by his delegation upon the Committee on Resolu-
tions to the Secretary.
committee on resolutions.
The Secretary then called the roll of States for the
appointment of a Committee on Resolutions , with the
following result :
Alabama — Leroy P. Walker.
Arkansas— L. H. Mangum.
California— John S. Hagar.
Colorado— F. J. Marshall.
Connkcticut — R. D. Hubbard.
Delaware — George Cray.
Florida— John Westcott.
Georgia— E. B. Howell.
Illinois— John A. McClernand.
Indiana— D. W. Voovhies.
Iowa— H. H. Trimble.
Kansas— Thomas L. Dorris.
Kentucky — Oliver Duvall.
Louisiana— R. H. Mann.
Maine — D. R. Hastings.
Maryland— George Freaner.
National Democratic Convention.
37
Massachusetts— Edward Avery.
Michigan — Wm, L. Bancroft.
Minnesota — Daniel Bucks.
Mississippi — A. H. Clayton.
Missouri — C. H. Hardin.
Nebraska — Geo. L. Mellen.
Nevada— A. C. Ellis.
New Hampshire— E. C. Bailey.
New Jersey — Joseph N. Gates.
New York — Wm. Dorsheimer.
North Carolina— T. D. Clingham.
Ohio— Gen. Tom Ewing.
Oregon— M. V. Brown.
Pennsylvania— Malcolm Hay.
Rhode Island— Wm. B. Beach.
South Carolina— Sam'l McGowan.
Tennesske— John C. Brown.
Texas— Ashbell Smith.
Vermont — James H. Williams.
Virginia— John A. Meredith.
West Virginia — John J. Davis.
Wisconsin — Alexander Mitchell.
The following resolution, offered by S. S. Hayes, of
Illinois, was referred to the Committee on Resolutions
without being- read to the Convention :
With the frankness and candor to be expected of a great party
coeval with the republic, and founded on the eternal principles of
truth and justice, we declare our opposition —
First — To a further increase of the public debt and of the demand
notes of the government, which should be restrained by constitutional
amendments.
Second — The interference with the operation of the laws of trade
by legislative favors to any class, or by reckless changes in the
measures of value.
Third — To the resumption clause of the act of 1875, which subjects
the country to years of paralysis and depression without the hope of
any good result, and threatens the destruction of our industries and
the ruin of our people. Its immediate repeal is demanded by every
consideration of sound policy.
We also declare in favor of —
First — The strict maintenance of the public faith, and the pay-
ment of all our obligations according to law and the pledges we have
made to our creditors.
Second — An early return to the specie standard, by providing for
the redemption in coin, or coin bonds, of our demand notes, with
proper provisions for their reissue.
Third — The continuance of our legal-tender laws, and of the
volume of our national currency without inflation or contraction,
leaving our merchants, manufacturers and laborers free to prosecute
their lawful enterprises without fear of injury from the government,
and thereby to hasten our recovery from the effects of misrule and
bad legislation, restore the general prosperity, and secure to labor its
just reward.
38 Official Proceedings of the
The following petition was offered by Mr. Miller, of
Nebraska :
Omaha, June 22, 1876. — The undersigned citizens of Nebraska,
being deeply impressed with the belief that a change in the constitu-
tion of the United States, extending the presidential term to six
years, and making the incumbent ineligible to a re-election, is indis-
pensable to effectual civil-service reform and pure and honorable
administration of the general government, respectfully and urgently
request that this proposition be placed before the people as a plank
in the platform. And, furthermore, that numerous offices, created
on account of the emergency of the war, be abolished, and all sala-
ries be regulated in accordance with the reduction in money circula-
tion, the shrinkage in values, and the inevitable financial distress
that is upon the entire country. >
Lorin Miller, E. Wakeley, Enos Lowe, W. H. Remington, E. Kim-
ball, W. M. Warden, Chas. P. Deuel, J. C. Thomas, Geo. Thrall,
W. B. Loring, O. D. Richardson, Geo. D. Medlock, C. S. Goodrich,
Harry P. Deuel, W. P. Wilcox, M. W. Clair, Jas. K. Ish, C. B.
Rustin, D. F. Stephens, E. W. Nash, Samuel Burns, J. J. Sutphen,
Jno. McCormick, F. C. Morgan, M. Hillman, Ben. Gallagher, A. S.
Brown, Wm. G. Maul, Aaron Calm, J. W. Paddock, Albert O.
Norein, E. Cavanaugh, Michael Donovan.
The Secretary then, upon request, re-announced the
times and places of meeting of the various committees,
and the Convention took a recess until 5 o'clock p. m.
National Democratic Convention. 39
AFTERNOON SESSION.
The Convention reassembled at 5 :20 o'clock.
The Chairman : The Convention will please come to order. The
first business before the Convention will be the report of the Com-
mittee on Credentials. The gentleman from California, Mr. English,
has the floor.
Mr. English, of California : I will send the report to the Secre-
tary's desk.
The Chairman: The Secretary of the Convention will read the
report of the Committee on Credentials.
The Secretary read as follows :
Your Committee on Credentials would respectfully report that
there are no contested seats [applause] ; that the States are fully
represented [renewed applause] , and that the delegates reported by
the chairmen of the respective delegations as delegates to this Con-
vention, are entitled to seats in the Convention as delegates from
their respective States.
Respectfully submitted,
Jas. Lawrence English,
Chairman of Committee on Credentials.
[Applause.]
The Chairman : The Convention has heard the report of the Com-
mittee on Credentials; the question is, shall the report be adopted?
Mr. Finch, of Iowa : Mr. Chairman, I desire that there be added
to the report the resolution which I now send to the Secretary. I
will state that the object of it is to allow the Territories representa-
tion upon the same basis as all the States. [Applause.]
40 Official Proceedings of the
The Chairman : The question is upon the adoption of the report
of the Committee on Credentials. No resolution can be entertained ■
while that question is pending. What is the pleasure of the Conven-
tion ?
Mr. Manson, of Indiana: I wish to sa}T that the committee ad-
journed before 3:30 o'clock; the delegation was not full at all, and
as I learned from the records there were only eight States represented,
and there are sufficient here from the District of Columbia asking to
be admitted as delegates upon this floor, I wish to refer this to the
Convention.
Mr. Todd, of Maryland: Mr. Chairman, I hold in my hand a
petition in regard to the matter of the delegates from the District
of Columbia. I would like to ask for information if they are
entitled to seats.
The Chairman : The Chair is unable to furnish the gentleman with
the information, and refers him to the Committee on Credentials.
Mr. Todd: I ask that the petition be read.
The Chairman: There being no objection, the petition will be
read.
The Secretary read as follows :
To the National Democratic Convention:
The delegates from the District of Columbia respectfully represent
that said District, with a population of 150,000 inhabitants, is taxed
without representation and robbed by the rings of the Radical admin-
istration, and for man}'' other causes of complaint against the misrule
of Radicals in national and local politics, and acts done in violation
of law and justice in said District, humbly pray that the Democracy
of said District may be represented and allowed a voice in this Con-
vention. Our people are sincere adherents of Democratic principles,
and most deeply interested in the impending campaign.
Respectfully submitted,
Columbus Alexander,
Robert Powell,
Delegates.
The Chairman : The petition will be referred to the Committee on
Credentials under the rules.
National Democratic Convention. 41
Mr. Todd : I move that the gentlemen have seats on this floor
without the privilege of voting.
The Chair : The gentleman is out of order. The petition goes to
the Committee on Credentials without debate. The question is on the
adoption of the report of the Committee on Credentials.
Mr. McLane, of Maryland: I move an amendment to the report
of the committee, to allow these gentlemen seats upon!the floor with-
out the privilege of voting.
The Chair : The Chair will entertain the motion of the gentleman
after the present question is disposed of. The question is on the
adoption of the report of the Committee on Credentials.
Mr. McLane : It is impossible for the Chair to entertain the pro-
position after the report has been voted upon.
The Chair : The Chair has stated it will entertain the motion after
the house has disposed of the report of the Committee on Credentials.
Mr. Desha, of Kentucky : With all due deference to the Chair, it
does seem to me now is the proper time to entertain a proposition to
amend the report of the committee. After the report is adopted it
will be out of order to move any amendment to it.
The Chair : The Chair did not understand an amendment was
offered to the report of the committee. The Chair refers to the peti-
tion of the delegation from the District of Columbia. Does the Chair
understand the gentleman from Maryland to offer an amendment to
the report of the Committee on Credentials ?
Mr. McLane : Yes, sir.
The Chair : Will the gentleman reduce his amendment to writing ?
Mr. McLane : I will do it.
Mr. Finch, of Iowa : I moved that the report of the Committee on
Credentials be amended by the adoption of these additional delega-
tions, and I heard a second.
The Chair : The Chair did not understand the gentleman to make
a motion.
Mr. Finch : The Chair made a mistake.
The Chair: The Chair rules the gentleman out of order. The
gentleman has his remedy before the Convention.
Mr. Finch : I appeal to the house from the decision of the Chair.
42 Official Proceedings of the
The Chair : The gentleman appeals from the decision of the Chair.
As many as are in favor of sustaining the decision of the Chair will
say aye.
The response was a unanimous aye, which was the
signal for tremendous applause.
The Chair : The gentleman from Maryland has the floor. He has
been asked to reduce his amendment to writing. The Chair will en-
tertain the motion when it is handed up.
Pending the writing out of the amendment by the
gentleman from Maryland, Gen. Williams, of Indiana,
came upon the platform, and being recognized by the
delegates, was saluted with a cheer.
The Secretary then read the resolution of Mr. Todd
as follows :
Resolved, That the report of the Committee on Credentials be
amended so as to admit delegates claiming seats in this Convention
from the District of Columbia, without the privilege of voting. [Cries
of "That's right."]
Mr. Whiteley, of Delaware : I rise to a point of order. I have
no objection to the delegates from the District of Columbia, but I
ask if it is proper for this body to amend the report of the Committee
on Credentials ? These credentials should be sent to that committee
for them to report upon.
The Chair : The report is in the possession of the Convention.
The question before the house is the acceptance or rejection of the
report, and amendments are in order.
Mr. Heister Clymer, of Pennsjlvania : I move to amend by insert-
ing the words " and the delegates from the Territories," and on that
amendment I demand the previous question.
The previous question was carried, and amendments
of Mr. Todd and Mr. Clymer were adopted.
The question being upon the adoption of the report
as amended, it was carried with cheers.
National Democratic Convention.
43
THE LIST OF DELEGATES.
The following is the official list of the Delegates to
the Convention reported by the Committee :
ALABAMA— 20.
at large.
L. P. Walker Huntsville.
C. C. Langdon Mobile.
Eli S. Shorter Eufaula.
John T. Morgan Selma.
First District.— John Maguire Mobile.
" " F.S.Lyons Demopolis.
Second " H. M. Caldwell Greenville.
" " W. W. Screws Montgomery.
Third " J. N. Arrington Union Springs.
" " F. Watkins Opelika.
Fourth " E. W. Pettus Selma.
" " C.L.Scott Camden.
Fifth " E. H. Moren Centreville.
" " U.U.Armstrong Notasulga.
Sixth " M. L. Stansel Carrollton.
" N. N. Clements Tuscaloosa.
Seventh " R.B.Kyle Gadsden.
" " W. A. Handley Roanoke.
Eighth " John D. Snodgrass Scottsboro.
" " A.H.Keller Tuscumbia.
ARKANSAS— 12.
at large.
F. Dos well
N. M. Rose
M. L. Jones
N. N. Reynolds
First District.— L. H. Mangum
" " J.N.Butler
Second " B.D.Williams
" " L.G.Garrett
Third " Jesse Turner
" " J.P.Mitchell
Fourth " J.M.Loughborough
" M M.M.McGuire
CALIFORNIA— 12.
AT LARGE. '
Joseph P. Hoge San Francisco.
Clay W. Taylor Shasta.
John S. Hager San Francisco.
James L. English Sacramento.
44
Official Proceedings of the
First Distinct.— George H. Rogers San Francisco.
" " William Dunphy San Francisco.
Second " J.Hays Oakland.
" " F. T. "Baldwin Stockton.
Third " Harraen Bay Chico.
" " George M. Cornwall Napa.
Fourth " J. A. Moultrie San Jose.
" " T.D.Mott LosAngeles.
CONNECTICUT— 12.
AT LARGE,
W. H. Barnum Salisbury.
W. B. Franklin Hartford.
Colin M. Ingersoll New Haven.
Geo. D. Whittlesey New London.
First District. — R. D. Hubbard Hartford.
" " R. S. Hicks Stafford Springs.
Second " Isaac Arnold Haddam.
" " Thomas Elms Birmingham.
Third " John L. Hunter Willimantic.
" " Edward Hunter Norwich.
Fourth " D wight Morris Bridgeport.
" " Henry Sherwood Sherman.
DELAWARE— 6.
Gov. Saulsbury Dover.
John W. Hall Frederica.
William G. Whitely Wilmington.
Geo. Gray New Castle.
Edward L. Martin - Seaf ord.
Chas. H. Richards Georgetown.
FLORIDA— 8.
S. G.M.Gary
G. A. Stanley
John Westcott
A. Doggett
J. H. McKinne
T. J. Harris
C. W. Yulee
J. E. Hartridge
GEORGIA— 22.
AT LARGE.
James M. Smith Atlanta.
George T. Barnes Augusta.
Rufus E. Lester Savannah.
John W. Wofford Cartersville.
National Democratic Convention.
45
First District
it a
Second
a
it
a
Third
a
Fourth
a
it
it
Fifth
a
it
Sixth
t:
ti
a
Seventh
u
it
a
Eighth
a
Ninth
it
-John C. Nichols Blackshear.
J. J. Jones "Waynesboro.
H. G. Turner Quitman.
E. C. Bower Bleakley.
Alleii Fort Americus.
Walter T. Mc Arthur Lumber City.
Obadiah Warner Gr* eneville.
Mark H. Blanford Columbus.
John J. Hall Griffin.
E. P. Howell Atlanta.
J. W. Preston Monticello.
J. M . Pace Covington.
W. M. Payne Ringgold.
P. M. B. Young Carterville.
W. G. Johnson Lexington.
C. S. Dubose Warrenton.
H. H. Carleton Athens.
H. P. Bell Gumming.
ILLINOIS— 42.
AT LARGE.
William J. Allen Cairo.
Fred. H. Winston Chicago.
Chauncey L. Higbee Pittsfield, Pike Co.
Charles Dunham Geneseo.
First District.— -Melville W. Fuller Chicago.
" " John Forsythe Chicago.
Second " Snowdon S. Hays Chicago.
" " John C. Richberg Chicago.
Third " Perry H. Smith Chicago.
" " Herman Lieb Chicago.
Fourth " Thos. Butterworth Rockford.
" " Augustus M. Herrington Gendra.
Fifth " W.H.Mitchell Freeport.
" " M. D. Hathaway Rochelle.
Sixth " Wm. H. Messenkop Princeton.
" " J.S.Drake Rock Island.
Seventh " Wm. Reddick La Salle.
" " D. H. Pinney Joliet.
Eighth u Jonathan Duff Pontiac.
" " J. E. Ong Lacon.
Ninth " John S. Lee Peoria.
" " Samuel P. Cummings Astoria.
Tenth " David Ellis Carthage.
" " Chas. H. Whittaker Macomb.
Eleventh " Louis E. Worcester Whitehall.
" " Samuel R. Chittenden Mendon.
Twelfth " John A. McClernand Springfield.
" " James M. Epler Jack>onville.
Thirteenth " James S. Ewing Bloomington.
" " James L. Hoblit Lincoln, Logan Co.
Fourteenth " E. S. Terry Danville.
" ** Thos. H. Macoughtry Auscola.
46
Official Proceedings of the
v
Fifteenth Dist. — Wm . M. Garrard Lawrence ville.
" " Wm. S. O'Hair Paris.
Sixteenth " Thos. B. Murray Fayette.
" " G. Van Hoornbeke Carlisle.
Seventeenth " Wm. R. Welsh Carlinville.
" " Gus. A. Koerner Belleville.
Eighteenth " Geo. W. Wall ,....Du Quoin.
" " Monroe C. Crawford Jonesboro.
Nineteenth " Willis Duff Green Mt. Vernon.
" " Samuel L. Chaney Harrisburg.
INDIANA— 30.
AT LARGE.
Bavles W. Hanna Terre Haute.
Mahlon D. Manson Crawfordsville.
Chas. Denby Evansville.
Joseph E. McDonald Indianapolis.
First District.— -Thos. E. Garvin Evansville.
" " O. M. Welborn Princeton.
Second " Sani'l J I . Taylor Washington.
" " Thos. R. Cobb Vincennes.
Third " Sani'l B. Voyles Salem.
" " Francis I. Hord Columbus.
Fourth " Cortez Ewing Greensburgh.
" " Thos. Armstrong Florence.
Fifth " Omar H. Roberts Lawrenceburgh.
" " James Elder Richmond.
Sixth " James W. Salisbury Anderson.
" " J. F. McDowell Marion.
Seventh " W. G. Neff Greencastle.
*' " James B. Ryan Indianapolis.
Eighth " Daniel W. Voorhees Terre Haute.
" " Elijah Newland Bedford.
Ninth " John S. Williams Lafayette.
" " David P. Barnard Frankfort.
Tenth " J. H. Winterbotham Michigan City.
" " B. B. Dailey Delphi.
Eleventh " John Mitchell Peru.
" '" A.F.Armstrong Kokomo.
Twelfth " Sam'l McGaughey Huntington.
" " M.B.Spencer Fort Wayne.
Thirteenth " John B. Stoll ^ . . . Ligonier.
" " Daniel McDonald Plymouth.
IOWA— 22.
AT LARGE.
H. H. Trimble Bloomfield.
B. F. Montgomery Council Bluffs.
D. O. Finch Des Moines.
M. M. Ham Dubuque .
First District. — Edmund Jaeger Keokuk.
" " E. McKitteiick Burlington.
Second " A.J.Monroe Monticello.
" " E.H.Thayer Clinton.
National Democratic Convention.
Third District — S. G. Van Anda Manchester.
'• " C. M. Durham Independence.
Fourth " G. R. Miller Mason City.
1 ' " G. C. Wright Waverly.
Fifth " Peter A. Dey Iowa City.
" " L. G. Kinne Toledo.
Sixth " H. B. Hendershott Ottumwa.
'" " T.J.Anderson Knoxville.
Seventh " D.M.Baker Chariton.
" " V. Wanewright Winterset.
Eighth " Jacob Williams Council Bluffs.
" " W. A. Stow Hamburg.
Ninth " John P. Allison Sioux City.
" " T.L.Bowman Carroll.
KANSAS— 10.
AT large.
Charles W. Blair Fort Scott.
Wilson Shannon Lawrence.
Joseph W. Taylor Leavenworth.
Isaac E. Eaton Leavenworth.
First District.— S. M. Palmer Salina, Saline Co.
" " J. G. Lowe Washington.
Second " M. Y. B. Bennett Columbus.
" " G. W. Burchard Independence.
Third " S. M. Donelson Elgin.
" " T.L.Davis Eureka.
KENTUCKY— 24.
AT LARGE.
W. C. P. Breckenridge Lexington.
Henry Watterson Louisville.
Willis B. Machen Eddyville.
John M. Pice Louisa.
First District. — J. M. Bigger Paducah.
" " J.B.Garnett Cadiz.
Second " Malcolm Yeaman Henderson.
" " Eugene Eaves Greenville.
Third " W. W. Bush Franklin.
" " B.T.Perkins Elkton.
Fourth " R. A. Burton Lebanon.
" " A.M.Brown Elizabethtown.
Fifth " W.B.Hoke Louisville.
" " G. P. Doern Louisville.
Sixth " Lucius Desha Cyntbiana.
" " R. Perry Warsaw.
Seventh " W.A.Cunningham Paris.
44 " Alvin Duvall Frankfort.
Eighth " A. T. Chenault White Hall.
" " N. Gaither Harrodsburg.
Ninth " A. L. Martin Prestonburg.
" " John Dishman Barbourville.
Tenth " James Shackelford Maysville.
" " A. J. Markley Foster, Bracken Co.
48
Official Peoceedings of the
LOUISIANA— 16.
AT LARGE.
E. C. Wickliffe Bayou Sara.
Thomas C. Manning Alexandria.
Robert H. Marr New Orleans.
E. E. Kidd Vernon.
First District. — Louis St. Martin r New Orleans.
" " John Tobin New Orleans.
Second " John J. Mellon New Orleans.
" " James McConnell New Orleans.
Third " F. S. Goode Houma.
" " Joseph L. Brent New River.
Fourth " James Jefferies Alexandria.
" " John C. Moncure Shreveport.
Fifth " H. C. Mitchell Homer.
" " J. B. Cockren Delta.
Sixth " W. H. Pipos Clinton.
" " Henry L. Garland Opelousas.
MAINE— 14.
AT LARGE.
Samuel J. Anderson Portland.
Samuel Watts.. Thomaston.
Francis W. Hill Exeter.
Sam. D. Leavitt Eastport.
First District.— Timothy Shaw Biddeford.
" " R. M. Richardson Portland.
Second " David R. Hastings Fryeburg.
" " Arthur SeweTl Bath.
{Third " V. D. Pinkhaiu Augusta.
" " Sam'l E.Smith Wiscassett.
Fourth " J. S. Ricker Bangor.
" " A. M. Robinson, Jr Bangor.
Fifth " Wm. H. McLellan Belfast.
" " James R. Redman Ellsworth.
MARYLAND— 16.
AT LARGE.
Robert M. McLane Baltimore.
R. B. Carmichael Queenstown.
E. K. Wilson Snow Hill.
Outerbridge Horsey Burkitsville.
First District.— Wm. H. Gale Princess Ann.
" " James Alfred Pierce » Chestertown.
Second " Stevenson Archer Belair.
" " J. Fred. C. Talbot Towsontown.
Third " Joshua I. Turner Baltimore.
" " Robert J. Slater Baltimore.
Fourth " Wm. T. Marklaud Baltimore.
" " Robert T. Banks Baltimore.
Fifth " Andrew G. Chapman Port Tobacco-
" " Sprigg Harwood Annapolis.
Sixth " Richard D. Johnson Cumberland.
*' George Freaner Hagerstown.
National Democratic Convention.
49
MASSACHUSETTS— 26.
AT LARGE.
Josiah G. Abbott Boston.
Edward Avery Boston.
Patrick A. Collins Boston.
George W. Gill Worcester.
First District. — Nicholas Hathaway Fall River.
" " Philander Cobb Kingston.
Second " Francis W. Bird E. Walpole.
" " Edward P. Reed Abington.
Third " Michael Doherty Boston.
" " James Power Boston.
Fourth " Leopold Morse Boston.
" " Timothy J. Daley Boston.
Fifth " Richard Frothingham Charlestown.
" " Charles G. Clark Lynn.
Sixth " Charles A. Ropes Salem.
" " James H. Carleton- Haverhill.
Seventh " Patrick Murphy Lawrence.
" " Albert A. Haggett Lowell.
Eighth " Fred'k W. Clapp Framingham.
" • ." Michael Norton Boston.
Ninth " Geo. F. Yerry Worcester.
" " James E. Estabrook Worcester.
Tenth " Wm. M. Gaylord Northampton.
" " Nahum Harwood Leominster.
Eleventh " Hugh Donelly . . Springfield.
" " Cebra Quackenbush Pittsfield.
MICHIGAN— 22.
AT LARGE.
William L. Webber East Saginaw.
Peter White Marquette.
Merrill I. Mills Detroit.
Henry Chamberlain Three Oaks.
First District.— A. W. Copland Detroit.
" " Edward Kanter Detroit.
Second " Herman J. Redfield Monroe.
" " G. C. Munroe Jonesville.
Third " Michael Shoemaker Jackson.
" " A. J. Boyne Hastings.
Fourth " George B. Turner Cassopolis.
a E. O.Briggs Paw Paw.
Fifth " James Blair Grand Rapids.
" " Fred. A. Nims Muskegon.
Sixth " Martin V. Montgomery Lansing.
" " John D.Norton Pontiac.
Seventh " Wm. L. Bancroft Port Huron.
" " John M. Wattles Lapeer.
Eighth " George L. Burrows Saginaw.
" " A.G.Maxwell Bay City.
Ninth " T. D. Stimson Big Rapids.
" " Edward Ryan Hancock.
(4)
50
Official Proceedings of the
MINNESOTA— 10.
AT LARGE.
Eugene M. Wilson Minneapolis.
Daniel Buck Mankato.
J. H. McKenny Chatfield.
C. F. Buck <. Winona.
First District. — Michael Doran Le Seuer.
" " John F. Norrish....» Hastings.
Second " George E. Skinner Faribault.
" " William Lee St. Paul.
Third " J. N. Castle Stillwater.
" " T. G. Mealey Monticello.
MISSISSIPPI— 16.
AT LARGE.
E. C. Walthall Grenada.
W. S. Featherston Holly.
Locke E. Houston Aberdeen.
Felix Labauve Hernando.
First District. — James O. Banks Columbus.
" " R.H.Allen Baldwin.
Second " A.M.Clayton Lamar.
" " T.W.White Hernando.
Third " W. R. Barksdale Grenada.
" " H. L. Jarnigan Macon.
Fourth " J. C. Prewett Yazoo City.
" " J.C.Smith
Fifth " Frank Johnson. Jackson.
" " R. C. Saffold Handsboro.
Sixth " L.N.Baldwin Port Gibson.
" " Wade Hampton, Jr Duncansby Landing.
MISSOURI— 30.
AT LARGE.
C. H. Hardin Jefferson City.
Stilson Hutchins St. Louis.
Silas Woodson St. Joseph.
H. J. Spaunhorst St. Louis.
First District. — John G. Priest St. Louis.
" " Abe McHose St. Louis.
Second " A. W. Slayback St. Louis.
" " R.D.Lancaster St. Louis.
Third " Michael J. Cullen St. Louis.
" " James C. Edwards St. Louis.
Fourth " Joseph C. Moore Charleston.
" " L. D. Walker Farmington.
Fifth " R.S.Anderson Leesburg.
" " David Newman Rolla.
Sixth " Jos. Wisby - Marshfield.
ls " R.H.Rose Carthage.
Seventh " A.W.Anthony Versailles.
" " E. A. Nickerson Warrensburg.
Eighth " M. Munford Kansas.
*« " N. A. Wade Butler.
National Democratic Convention. 51
Ninth District. — Jno. N. McMichael Plattsburg.
A. P. Morehouse Mary ville.
T. B. Yates Gallatin.
J. E. Nelson Milan.
A. W. Doniphan Richmond.
E. C. Moore Columbia.
J. B. Alverson La Grange.
A. W. Lamb Hannibal.
T. G. Hutt Troy.
A. M. Alexander Paris.
NEBRASKA— 6.
Tenth
it
Eleventh
a
Twelfth
a
Thirteenth
at large.
George L. Miller Omaha.
Tobias Castor Wiebre.
Alexander Bear Norfolk.
Gilbert B. Scofield Nebraska City.
First District. — F. A. Harman Bloomington.
" " Chas. McDonald North Platte.
NEVADA— 6.
AT LARGE.
R.P.Keating Gold Hill.
J. S. Kaneen Virginia City.
R. E. Kelly Ormsby County.
A. C. Ellis Carson City.
First District. — J. C. Fall Unionsville.
" " John H, Dennis Eureka.
NEW HAMPSHIRE— 10.
AT LARGE.
Henry H. Metcalf Dover.
Lafayette Hall New Market.
Edwin C. Bailey Hopkinton.
Geo. W. Goffe Bedford.
First District. — Jno. C. Moulton Laconia.
" " Alvah W. Sulloway Franklin.
Second " Fred. A. Parker Keene.
" " Gustavus Lucke Walpole.
Third " G.F.Putnam Warren.
" " W. H. Cummings Lisbon.
NEW JERSEY— 18.
AT LARGE.
lV John P. Stockton Trenton.
Leon Abbett Jersey City.
John McGregor Newark.
Miles Ross New Brunswick.
First District. — Ebenezer Westcott Camden.
u " James R. Hoagland * Bridgeton.
Second " Andrew J. Smith Heightston.
" " Garrett D. W. Vroom Trenton.
Third " Joseph W. Yates Plainfield.
" " Geo. C. Beekman Freehold.
52
Official Proceedings of the
"Fourth Dist.— Calvin Corle Somerville.
Thos. Kays Newton.
John Hopper Patterson.
Garrett Ackerson, Jr Hackensack.
David Dodd Orange.
Patrick Doyle Newark.
Rudolph F. Rabe Hoboken.
P. H. Laverty Jersey City.
«
Fifth
it
Sixth
n
Seventh
First
a
Se-cond
a
Third
a
Fourth
a
Fifth
<<
Sixth
<<
Seventh
a
Eighth
«
Ninth
a
Tenth
Eleventh
Twelfth
Thirteenth
Fourteenth
Fifteenth
a
■Sixteenth
a
Seventeenth
a
Eighteenth
u
Nineteenth
a
Twentieth
NEW YORK— 70.
AT LARGE.
Francis Kernan Utica.
"William Dorsheimer Buffalo.
Abraham S. Hewitt Utica.
Henry C. Murphy Brooklyn.
District. — James M. Oakley Jamaica.
" Gilbert C. Dean Pattenville.
" Thos. Kinsella Brooklyn.
" Roger A. Pryor Brooklyn.
" Win. C. Kingsley Brooklyn.
" James F. Pierce Brooklyn.
" John C. Jacobs Brooklyn.
" Archibald M. Bliss Brooklyn.
" JohnKelly New York.
" Wm. R. Roberts New York.
" Sam'l S. Cox New York.
" John Fox New York.
" August Belmont New York.
" H. F. Dunmock New York.
" Edward L. Donnelly New York.
" Peter B. Olney .New York.
" Wm. C.Whitney New York.
" Frederick Smythe New York.
" Edward Cooper New York.
" Mantou Marble New York.
" Augustus Schell New York.
" Wm. H. Wickham New York.
" Geo. W. Davis New Rochelle.
" Casper C. Childs Sing Sing.
" James Mackin Fishkill on Hudson.
" Robert E. Andrews Hudson.
" Daniel B. St. John Newburgh.
" Geo. M. Beebe Monticello.
" Wm. F. Russell Saugerties.
" John A. Griswold Catskill.
" D. Manning Albany.
" Rufus W. Peckham Albany.
" J.Russell Parsons Hoosick Falls
" Solomon W. Russell Troy.
" Smith M. Weed Plattsburgh.
" Artemus B. Waldo Plattsburgh.
" Daniel Magone, Jr Ogdensburgh.
" Wm. H. Sawyer Canton
" James Shanahan Tribes Hill.
" Samuel F. Benedict Schenectady.
National Democratic Convention.
53
Twenty-first District— O. M. Alhiben Margarettsville.
" " Gilbert H. Manning Norwich.
Tioenty-second " Allen C. Beach Watertown.
" " DewittC. West Lowville.
Twenty-third " James Stevens Rome.
" " J.K.Brown Holland Patent.
Twenty-fourth " Dewitt C. Littlejohn Oswego.
" " Christopher A. "Wolrath Oneida.
Twenty-fifth " Benton B.Jones Courtland.
" " Alfred Wilkinson Syracuse.
Twenty-sixth " Chas. Ross Auburn.
" " Geo. W. Cuyler Palmyra.
Twenty-seventh " G. H. Lapham Penn Yan.
" " S.H.Hammond Geneva.
Twenty-eighth " Sam'l D. Halliday Ithaca.
" " D. T.Easton Owego.
Twenty-ninth " E. W. Chamberlain Belmont.
" Wm.B. Ruggles Bath.
Thirtieth " Frederick Cook Rochester.
" " Wm. Purcell Rochester.
Thirty-first " W. S. Wrigbt Lockport.
" " H. J. Glowackie. Batavia.
Thirty-second " Albert P. Laning Buffalo.
" " Cyrenus C. Torrance Gowanda.
Thirty-third " Chas. S. Cary Olean.
'• " Wm. Bookstaver Dunkirk.
NORTH CAROLINA— 20.
AT LARGE.
T. L. Clingman Asheville.
P. C. Cameron Hillsboro.
W. J. Green Warrenton .
H. B. Short Fh mington.
First District. — Charles Latham Plymouth.
" " Thos. G. Skinner Hertford.
Second " Wm. T. Dortch. Goldsboro.
" " H. E. T. Manning Weldon.
Third " F. W. Kertchner Wilmington.
" " J. H. Myrover Fayetteville.
Fourth " James S. Battle Rocky Mount.
" " Thomas Webb Hillsboro.
Fifth " J.N. Staples Greensboro.
" " E.B. Wither? Yanceyville.
Sixth " John D. Shaw Lincolnton.
" " B. F. Little Little's Mills.
Seventh " F. E. Shober Salisbury.
" " G.M. Mathes Winston.
Eighth " S. McD. Tate Morganton.
u " W.M.Hardy Asheville.
OHIO— 44.
AT LARGE.
Geo. W. Morgan
W. L. O'Brien
Thos. Ewing, Jr
Henry Bohl
54
Official Proceedings of the
First District.— Isaac C. Collins
" " Wm. J. O'Neil
Second " Thos. B. Paxton
" " Silas W. Hoffman
Third " Wm. Howard
" Isaac Glaze
Fourth " Jacob Baker
" " Geo.W.Houk
Fifth " F. C. LeBond
" " Wm. Carter
Sixth " J. B. Steadman
" " Wm. Sheridan
Seventh " John A. Nipgen
" T.W.Higgins
Eighth " Geo. Lincoln
" " W. V. Marquis
Ninth " John D. Thompson
" " JamesM.White
Tenth " Geo. E. Seney
" " C.S.Parker
Eleventh " R.E.Reese
" " H. L. Chapman
Twelfth « E.F.Bingham
" " Chas. F. Rainey
Thirteenth " Geo. Atherton
" " Chas. H. Mathews
Fourteenth " James A. Estell
" " John B. Netcher
Fifteenth " F.A.Davis
" " P. B. Buell
/Sixteenth " J. M. Estep
" " B.F.Spriggs
Seventeenth " Wm. L, Brown
" " R.S. Shields
Eighteenth " A. H. Comins
" " M.W.Axtell
Nineteenth " S. L. Hunt
" EusebiusLee "...
Twentieth *' W.W.Armstrong
" " Waldemier Otis
OREGON— 6.
H. H. Gilfry Salem.
J. C. Braly McMinnville.
Thos. Milliorn Junction City.
M. Y. Brown Albany.
R. R. Thompson Portland.
James H.Turner Pendleton.
PENNSYLYANIA-58.
AT LARGE.
Wm. A. Wallace Clearfield.
Heister Clymer Reading.
Andrew H.Hill Lewisburg.
Hugh M. North Columbia.
National Democratic Convention.
55
First Distinct.
Second '
<< <
Third '
ti <
Fourth *
a t
Fifth *
a t
Sixth *
a i
Seventh '
tt i
Eighth '
a i
Ninth •
%t t
Tenth <
tt i
Eleventh "
a u
Twelfth *
Thirteenth "
Fourteenth "
a a
Fifteenth "
a a
Sixteenth "
a a
Seventeenth tl
a it
Eighteenth "
a tt
Nineteenth "
a a
Twentieth "
n a
Twenty-first "
a tt
Twenty -second tl
a a
Twenty-third "
it a
Twenty-fourth "
Twenty-fifth "
« «
Twenty-sixth "
(< <«
Twenty-seventh "
—Geo. McGowan Philadelphia.
W. M. Reilly Philadelphia.
John R. Eeed Philadelphia.
Thos. D. Pierce Philadelphia.
R. E.Randall Philadelphia.
Wm. McMullen Phil adelphia.
W. V. McGrath Philadelphia.
H. Donohue Philadelphia.
John Fullerton Philadelphia.
F. Gerger Philadelphia.
Robert E. Monaghan West Chester.
J. B. Rhodes Leni.
Geo. Ross Doylestown.
J. V. Gotwalts Norristown.
A. B. Warner Reading.
Evan Mishler Reading.
J. L. Steinmets Lancaster.
W. H. Grier Columbus.
Wm. Mutchler Easton .
T. B. Metzger Allentown.
D. Lowenburg Bloomsburg.
A. G. Broadhead, Jr Mauch Chunk.
H. B. Wright Wilkesbarre.
James Corbett Scranton.
Wm. N. Randall Schuylkill Haven.
W.J. Matz Pottsville .
Geo. W. Ryon Schamokin.
Geo. H. Spang Lebanon.
R. A. Packer Wy sox.
J. M. Piollet Wysox.
Jno. B. Beck Williamsport.
Geo. D. Jackson Dushore.
R. L. Johnston Evensburg.
E. F. Kerr Bedford.
A. J. Fisher McAllisterville.
John A. Magee New Bloomfield.
F. E. Beltzhover Carlisle.
T. G. Neely Gettysburg.
A. C. Noyes Westport.
Thos. M. Uttley Lewistown.
Chas. E. Boyle Uniontown.
Alex. Patton Rice's Landing.
A. F. Keating Pittsburg.
W. J. Brennan Pittsburg.
Malcolm Hay Pittsburg.
A. G. Cochrane Pittsburg.
W. B. Dunlap Rochester.
I. Bentley Washington.
S. M. Clarke Indiana.
John Gilpin Kittaning.
J. A. Stranahan Mercer.
J. T. Bard Slippery Rock.
J. R. Thompson Erie.
R. L. Cochran Franklin.
56 Official Proceedings of the
EHODE ISLAND— 8.
Nicholas Van Slyck Providence.
William B. Beach Providence.
John P. Cooney Providence.
Jno. M. Studley Providence.
W. T. C. Wardwell Bristol.
Henry D. DeBlois Newport.
Alphius F. Angell Reevepoint-
John B. Pierce "VVickford.
SOUTH CAROLINA— 14.
AT LARGE.
John Bratton Winnsboro .
D. Wyatt Aiken Cokesbury.
J. D. Kennedy Camden .
J. A. Hoyt Anderson.
First District. — J. S. Richardson Sumter.
" " J. D. McLucas Marion.
Second " M. P. O'Conner Charleston.
" " J. F. Ficken Charleston.
Third " Sam'l McGo wan Abbeville.
" " W.B.Stanley Columbia.
Fourth " J. H. Evins Spartanburg.
" " B.F.Perry Greenville.
Fifth " J. C. Sheppard Edgefield.
" " Wm. Elliott Beaufort.
TENNESSEE— 24.
AT LARGE.
John M. Fleming Knoxville.
John C. Brown Pulaski.
John C. Birch Nashville.
John H. Gardener „ Gardener's Station.
First District. — S- Kirkpatrick Jonesboro.
" " John E. Helms Morristown.
Second " Alfred Caldwell Knoxville.
" " Thos. O'Connor Knoxville.
Third " P. H. Coffee McMinnville.
" " M. H. Clift. Chattanooga.
Fourth " John P. Murray Gainesboro.
" " W. R. Saddler Saddlersville.
Fifth " James D. Richardson Murfreesboro.
" " James W. Newman Fayetteville.
Sixth " Samuel Donelson Nashville.
" " W. G. Ewin Waverly.
Seventh " W. C. Whitthorne Columbia.
" " T. F. P. Allison College Grove.
Eighth " A.W.Campbell Jackson.
" " Wm. M. Wright Huntington.
Ninth " S.W.Cochran Troy.
" " P.J.Smith Covington.
Tenth " W.H.Carroll..,.. Memphis.
" " M.T.Polk Bolivar.
National Democratic Convention. 57
TEXAS— 20.
AT LARGE.
F. B. Sexton Marshall.
W. S. Herndon Tyler.
E. G. Bower Dallas.
T. B. Wheeler Austin.
M. D. K. Taylor Jefferson.
Joseph Bates Brazoria.
J. M. Williams Independence.
N. Holland Belleville.
First District. — D. A. Nunn Crockett.
" " W.H.Tucker Palestine.
Second " H. W. Lightfoot Paris.
" " J. A. Weaver Sulphur Springs.
Third " J. C. McCoy Dallas.
" " T.H.Murray McKinney.
Fourth " Asbel Smith Evergreen.
" " Geo. Clark Waco.
Fifth " F. C. Stockdale Indianola.
" " Jos. E. Dwyer San Antonio.
Sixth '* J. D. Giddings Brenham.
" " W.L.Moody Galveston.
VERMONT— 10.
at large.
Marcus D. Gilman Montpelier.
Bradley B. Smalley Burlington.
Jasper Rand St. Albans.
P. S. Benjamin Wolcott.
First District— James H. Williams Bellows Falls.
" " Joseph W. Bliss Bradford.
Second " C.W.Chase Lyndon.
" " Thos. B. Kennedy Fairfield.
Third " Geo. M. Fisk Northfield.
" '" John Cain , Rutland.
VIRGINIA— 22.
AT LARGE.
James A. Walker Newbern.
R. A. Coghill New Glasgow.
D. J. Goodwin Portsmouth.
Fitzhugh Lee Richland Mills.
First District.— Ben. T. Gunter Accomac C. H.
" " C.E.Sinclair Manassas.
Second " Wm. Lamb Norfolk.
" J. B. Prince Jerusalem.
Third " John A. Meredith Richmond.
" " T. O'Brien Midlothian.
Fourth " W. E. Hinton, Jr Petersburg.
" " W.H.Mann Nottoway C. H.
Fifth " Thos. S. Flournoy Danville.
" " W. H. Sutherlin Hillsville.
Sixth " Thos. S. Bocock.. Lynchburg.
" " Wm. P. Johnson Lexington.
58
Official Proceedings of the
Seventh Dist.—S. V. Southall Charlottesville.
" " M, G. Harman Staunton.
Eighth " H. E. Peyton Waterford.
" " S. C.Neale Alexandria.
Ninth " Wm. Watts Big Lick.
" " Wm. B. Astor Lebanon.
WEST VIRGINIA— 10.
AT LARGE.
J. N. Camden Parkersburg.
J. J. Davis Clarksburg.
Alfred Beckley Raleigh C. H.
L. R. Cofran Grafton.
First District. — G. D. Camden Clarksburg.
" " Wilson Beall Wellsburg.
Second " C. J. P. Cresap Beverly.
" " A. B. Jackson Parkersburg.
Third " Henry C. Simms Huntington.
" " James W. Kelly Hartford City.
WISCONSIN- 20.
AT LARGE.
Geo. B. Smith Madison.
James R. Doolittle Racine.
Alexander Mitchell Milwaukee.
Theodore Rodolf La Crosse.
First District.— -N. D. Pratt Racine.
" " Geo. H. Daubner Brookfield Centre.
Second " W.F.Vilas Madison.
" " G. W. Bird Jefferson.
Third " J. H. Earnest Shullsburg.
" " I. T. Carr Monroe.
Fourth " J. A. Hinsey Milwaukee.
" " A. Semler West Bend.
Fifth " E. C. Lewis Juneau.
" " Joseph Rankin Manitowoc.
Sixth " James Robinson Chilton.
" " Myron Reed Waupaca.
Seventh " H. H. Hayden Eau Claire.
" " S. H. Dickinson Sparta.
Eighth " W. Wilson Menomonee.
" " J.C.Clark Wausau.
ARIZONA.
COLORADO— 6.
Thomas M. Patterson Denver.
Adair Wilson Del Norte.
A. J. Williams Denver.
Frank J. Marshall Georgetown.
D. J. Martin Colorado Springs.
Samuel McBride Pueblo .
DAKOTA— 2.
M. W. Sheafe, Jr Elk Point.
L. D. Parmer Yankton.
National Democratic Convention. 59
IDAHO.
MONTANA— 2.
Martin Maginnis Helena.
Samuel T. Hauser Helena.
UTAH-2.
R. C. Chambers Park City.
J. P. Page
WASHINGTON.
WYOMING— 1.
E. L. Pease
DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA -2.
Columbus Alexander
Robert Ball
The Chair : The next thing in order is the report from the Com-
mittee on Organization. Mr. Hanna, of Indiana, has the floor.
Mr. Hanna, of Indiana, from the Committee on Per-
manent Organization, made the following report :
Mr. Chairman : In behalf of the Committee on Permanent Organ-
ization, I have the honor to submit the following report of officers for
this Convention:
PERMANENT OFFICERS.
For Permanent President, Gen. John A. McClernand, of Illinois. [Cheers.]
VICE-PRESIDENTS AND SECRETARIES.
Alabama— Vice-President, S. S. Lyon; Secretary, W. W. Screws.
Arkansas— V ice-President, G. D. Eoyston; Secretary, W. H. Cate.
California— Vice-President, Col. Jack Hayes; Secretary, Geo. M. Cornwell.
Colorado — Vice-President, D. J. Martin; Secretary, Samuel McBride.
Connecticut— Vice-President, Colin M. Ingersoll; Secretary, Thos. Elemus.
Delaware — Vice-President, J. W. Hall; Secretary, E. L. Martin.
Florida— Vice-President, G. A. Stanley; Secretary, John C. Hartridge.
Georgia— Vice-President, Rufus E. Lester; Secretary, H. H. Carlton.
Illinois— Vice-President, E. S. Terry; Secretary, A. C. Storey.
Indiana — Vice-President, John B. Stoll; Secretary, Thos. E. Garvin.
Ioioa— Vice-President, D. F. Ellsworth; Secretary, E. H. Thayer.
Kansas — Vice-President, Wilson Shannon; Secretary, Samuel Donaldson.
Kentucky— Vice-President, W. B. Matchen; Secretary, J. M. Dodd.
Louisiana— Vice-President, T. C. Manning; Secretary, F. S. Goode.
Maine — Vice-President, F. W. Hill; Secretary, L. D. Leavitt.
Maryland— Vice-President, R. R. Carmichael; Secretary, R. D. Johnson.
Massachusetts— Vice-President, Chas. G.Clark; Secretary, Michael Norton.
Michigan — Vice-President, Peter White; Secretary, F. A. Nims.
60 Official Proceedings of the
Minnesota — Vice-President, T. G. Mealey; Secretary, J. F. Nourish.
Mississippi — Vice-President, ; Secretary, .
Missouri — Vice-President, A. W. Lamb; Secretary, N. A. Wade.
Nebraska— Vice-President, Alex. Bear; Secretary, Chas. McDonald.
Nevada— Vice-President, John C. Fall; Secretary, R. C. Kelly.
New Hampshire— Vice-President, John C.Moulton; Secretary, F. A. Barker.
New Jersey — Vice-President, John Hopper; Secretary, Rudolph Rabe.
New York— Vice-President, W. H. Wicki-iam; Secretary, Geo. W. Daniels.
North Carolina— Vice-President, F. E. Shober; Secretary, H. T. Manning.
Ohio — Vice-President, Wm. Carter; Secretary, W. W. Armstrong.
Pennsylvania— Vice-President, T. E. Monaghan j Secretary, Chas. E. Boyle.
Rhode Island — Vice-President, John B. Pierce ; Secretary, John M. Studley.
South Carolina— Vice-President, B. F. Perry; Secretary, J. A. Hoyt.
Tennessee— Vice-President, J. D. Richardson; Secretary, M. T. Polk.
Texas— Vice-President, W. S. Herndon ; Secretary, H. W. Lightford.
Vermont — Vice-President, P. S. Benjamin; Secretary, C. H. Chase.
Virginia— Vice-President, J. A. Walker; Secretary, W. H. Mann.
West Virginia — Vice-President, Alfred Bechley; Secretary, H. C. Simms.
Wisconsin— Vice-President, Theodore Rodolf; Secretary, H. H. Hayden.
READING SECRETARIES AND SERGEANT-AT-ARMS.
The following-named gentlemen are recommended as Reading
Secretaries of the Convention :
S. K. Donovan, T. O. Walker, of Iowa, 1ST. M. Bell, Sam. C. Reid and A. T.
Whittlesey.
Sergeant-at-Arms : Dan Able, of St. Louis.
The Committee also recommend that the rules and regulations
of the National Democratic Convention of 1872 be adopted by this
Convention for the government of its proceedings.
The Chairman: The Convention has heard the report of the
Committee on Organization. The question is, shall the report be
adopted? The Chair is ready to hear the pleasure of the Con-
vention.
a digression.
Mr. Smith, of Wisconsin : I wish to correct the name of the Vice-
President for Wisconsin. It should be Theodore Rodolf.
Mr. Williams, of : I move to insert the name of E. O. Perrin,
of New York, as one of the Reading Secretaries.
The motion was put and the motion lost.
Mr. Williams : I call for a standing vote on the question.
The Chairman: The Chairman has decided the question. The
question is on the adoption of the report on organization.
The question was put and the report adopted.
National Democratic Convention. 61
The Chairman : The Chairman will appoint the Hon. Dan. W.
Voorhees, of Indiana [applause], Gen. Fitzhugh Lee, of Virginia
[applause], and Gov. Win. Dorsheimer, of New York, to escort Gen.
McClernand to the chair.
After waiting for a few moments it appeared the
gentlemen named were not present, and
The Chairman said : Gen. Fitzhugh Lee being out of the hall, the
Hon. Thos. S. Bocock will please act in his place. The Chair
would ask the New York delegation if Gov. Dorsheimer is in his
place ?
A Delegate : He is not here.
The Chairman : The Chair will ask Mr. Manton Marble, of New
York, to take the place of Gov. Dorsheimer. [Applause.]
Gen. McClernand was then escorted to the platform
amid lond applause and spoke as follows :
SPEECH OF GEN. M'CLERNAND.
Gentlemen of the Convention : In choosing me to preside over
your deliberations, you have conferred on me a high and unexpected
honor, which I gratefully acknowledge. This honor carries with it
a duty both delicate and responsible, which it will be my aim and
effort to discharge with all proper dispatch, but above all with fair-
ness and impartiality. [Applause.]
Seconded by your hearty co-operation and guided by the rules you
have been pleased to adopt, my task will be much facilitated. I
hope the manner of its performance may prove satisfactory. To
extend my remarks, I must do so almost without any previous prepa-
ration and upon the spur of the occasion. I trust, therefore, you
will be pleased to hear me indulgently.
You are here, gentlemen, the delegates of the National Demo-
cracy, and come from every portion of our common country. The
occasion is. an interesting and important one. A great and solemn
duty awaits you. Let us pause for a moment to consider it. The
land is in the hands of partisan spoilers. It is infected and blighted
by spreading and cankering misrule. Passing to particulars, the
Constitution is trampled under foot, and the Republic practically
converted into a party despotism. [Applause.] Governors of States,
chosen by the people, have been deposed by the sword, and legisla-
tive assemblies dispersed by the same means. [Applause.] Dis-
62 Official Proceedings of the
criminate and invidious laws have been enacted in the interest of
favored classes and pursuits to the injury and ruin of others, and
thus is upheld the dogma of protection — a relic of barbarism.
[Applause.] The centralization of power, political and monetary,
has become a threatening and marked phenomenon of these dis-
jointed times. [Applause.] A depreciated and debased paper
currency, substituting the use of coin, has unsettled values and para-
lyzed enterprise and industry. [Applause.] Malversations in office,
high and low, have become the order of the day. Even a Minister
of State, a cabinet officer, and the President's Private Secretary
have not escaped judicial inculpation. The work of detection and
exposure is still going on. The Democratic majority in the popular
branch of Congress has unearthed many fraudulent and corrupt
transactions, but these, with the rest, are too numerous for present
notice. [Applause.] It is enough to say, generally, that the civil
service, in almost all its extent, is reeking with rottenness. The
Augean stable urgently needs to be cleansed, and the Democracy are
the Hercules, all-competent and ready for the task. [Applause. J
Hastening on with a few further desultory remarks, I have to
repeat, gentlemen, you are here the representatives of the Democracy
of the whole Union — that Union formed by our fathers and then
numbering thirteen States ; now thirty-eight States, members of one
family, with the same heritage of liberty and equal laws, and heirs of
one destiny — that Union, for a time, unnaturally divided against
itself, but now restored under the genial influence of a growing con-
cord and harmony amongst its members. [Applause.]
What is the part of patriotism ? If your deliberations to-day shall
be wise, if your perception of the necessities of our time, our country
and our politics shall be just and sagacious, if the hearts of the
people shall quicken yours, then, beyond all peradventure, your work
will survive as a priceless blessing to your children and your chil-
dren's children. The States will be restored to their proper federal
relations and to their rightful local authority. Local self-govern-
ment will be re-established to protect and assure the rights of person
and property. The Republic will be preserved and perpetuated,
and greater than the founders of republics are the preservers of
republics. [Loud applause.]
There are to-day, gentlemen, no enemies to the nation on this
continent, except, in a certain sense, the authors and abettors of
administrative centralism — that centralism which is congesting at
the capital those vital currents which, unloosed, would and ought to
flow out to every part, giving life and energy to the body politic in
National Democratic Convention. 63
all its members and extremes — except that corruption which is the
curse of centralism and has never failed, in any age or country, to
bring ruin in its train. [Applause.] What do we see ? Centralism
and corruption have already imposed upon the States the rapacious
tyrannies of carpet-bag rule, illustrated by the addition of two hun-
dred millions of public debt.
Centralism and corruption have also invaded our Northern States
and cities and infected them with the same disease of extrava-
gance and fraud. They have debauched the Federal Government
itself, and made the names of scores of its high officers and public
men a public scandal and shame. The record is horrible — it is one
of incapacity, venality and waste. The party responsible for these
abominations, powerless to repress them, now, with stupendous
effronteiy, pledges itself to this task. Reform is impracticable to it.
Reform of itself implies the amputation of its own members, to which
parties are no more disposed than are individuals to maim them-
selves. [Applause.]
The party in power pledged itself to restore specie payments, yet,
from year to year, it takes us further from that consummation. It
pledged itself to civil service reform, yet. by its action, mocks all
reform. So it pledged itself to protect American labor, yet, by its
customs levies, it has robbed and oppressed labor. A few score
monopolists, a few thousand corruptionists have been enriched, but
capital in the hands of those who earned it by industry and saved it
by frugality is everywhere distrustful and rusts unused. Such are
the unvarnished facts — such a faithful picture. Lo ! is this the final
outcome of essential republican self-government ? Gracious God,
forbid it ! [Applause.]
Yes, gentlemen, we have wandered far from the right path. We
must hasten to return to the ark of the Constitution, to frugal expend-
itures, to the administrative purity of the founders of the Republic.
[Applause.] All must be lost without it. The Government is dis-
solving in its own corruptions. Now is the time to make our election
sure. The golden moment neglected, is gone to make no return.
Reform ! reform ! reform ! is the supreme commanding issue of the
day. All others are inferior — all others are trivial to it. [Ap-
plause.] In its name and authority we appeal to our fellow- citizens
of every former political affiliation to rush to the rescue. [Loud
applause.] Country above party — everything for the cause. [Con-
tinued applause.] Now, gentlemen, in conclusion, recognizing this
imperious necessity, guaranteeing in your platform the work of
national regeneration, selecting standard-bearers true and devoted to
64 Official Proceedings of the
the sacred mission, victory in November — victory in the October
elections — is already yours. [Applause.] Incarnating the vital issue
of reform in candidate and platform, and battling for it to the end,
the States that honored Douglas and Lincoln — the States that
to-day honor Hendricks and Thurman, Hancock and Parker, Bayard
and Tilden — these States, with their thronging populations, like the
woods and winds that rose and followed the fluting Orpheus, will
rise and follow you to final triumph. [Loud applause.]
Gentlemen, I again return you my thanks for the distinguished
honor you have been pleased to confer upon me, which, taking me
by surprise, as I have said, must excuse the waywardness and want
of method of my remarks. [Loud applause.]
Mr. Williams, of Indiana : I understand the Committee on Reso-
lutions are not ready to report. They have only informally organ-
ized and have not taken any action upon their doings. I therefore
move that we adjourn until to-morrow morning at 11 o'clock. At
the request of my friends about here, I make it 10 o'clock.
At the request of Mr. Belmont, I withdraw the motion and yield
the floor to him.
At this juncture Mr. August Belmont, of ISTew
York, got the floor and addressed the Convention as
folloAvs :
The struggle upon which we are entering to-day will in its conse-
quences be of as vital importance as that of any Presidential election
in which the destinies of the American people have heretofore been at
stake. It will decide whether the corrupt and sectional party, which
by its misrule has caused a prostration of trade and industry more
ruinous and more wide-spread than any this country has ever suf-
fered, is to be fastened upon us for four years more, or whether the
Democratic party will be able to regain the reins of government in
order to guide us back to peace, union and prosperity. [Applause.]
The Republican leaders, reckless, selfish, and aggressive as ever,
have by their speeches in Congress, by the inflammatory teachings
of an unprincipled partisan press, and finally by the platforms of
their State and National Conventions, tried to divert the attention
of the electors from their misdeeds and the real issues of the coming
campaign.
In order to escape the just indignation of an outraged people,
whose confidence they have so shamefully betrayed, they appeal to
National Democratic Convention. 65
sectional and sectarian prejudices in order to sow the seeds of dis-
cord between North and South, Protestant and Catholic.
In this Centennial ye&Y of a nation's rejoicings, when the hallowed
memories of the past admonish us to draw closer and stronger the
bonds of fraternity and union ; when we have seen the soldiers of
South Carolina linked arm and arm at the foot of Bunker Hill with
their brethren of Massachusetts ; when the veterans of New England
adorn with flowers the graves of Confederate soldiers — a tribute from
the brave to the brave — the politicians of the Administration party,
bent only upon their own selfish ends, attempt to stir up the worst
passions of human nature, and, not satisfied with the miseries of the
day, are willing to leave to our children an inheritance of suspicion,
prejudice and hatred. [Applause.]
They have played this same nefarious game before, and encouraged
by the timorous policy of our leaders in former Conventions, they
hope to achieve another victory through our fears, which made us
resort to expediencies and injudicious nominations outside of the
Democratic party. [Applause.] Experience has shown the fallacy
of such policy. For every Republican vote which we gained, or
hoped to gain, we lost the votes of thousands of our own people.
Let the lessons of the past serve as warnings at this juncture.
This is a struggle between Democracy, representing union, progress
and prosperity, and Republicanism, representing sectional strife, re-
ligious intolerance, and a continuation of financial and industrial
prostration. [Applause.] Jn such a contest victory must be ours,
if we adopt a strong and unequivocal platform on all the cardinal
questions which agitate the people, and place upon it a National
Democrat, whose private character and public record will infuse that
enthusiasm and that confidence into our ranks which alone can in-
sure success. [Cheers.] The Republicans have once more unfurled
the "bloody shirt," that piratical flag, with which they hope to cap-
ture the liberties of the people. Let us march against them under
the broad banner of the Union — that flag which has never known
and will never know defeat, either from domestic or foreign foes.
[Applause.]
Mr. Chairman, I offer the following resolutions, which, with the
consent of this Convention, I move to be referred to the Committee
on Resolutions :
RESOLUTIONS OFFERED BY MR. BELMONT, OF NEW YORK.
We appeal to the honor and manhood of the American people to
begin this second century of American Union and Independence
(5)
66 Official Proceedings of the
by trampling under foot and extinguishing forever the smouldering
ashes of distrust, rancor and animosity between the two great sections
of our common country.
We denounce with indignation the calculated malignity with which
the leaders of the Republican party have labored to keep alive, through
eleven years of peace, the worst passions of civil war. The Macchia-
vellian motto of the Republican party has been and is, "divide the
people and we shall rule them." For the Democratic party we reply:
"Unite the people and make them free." We denounce the Repub-
lican party, on this great issue, as a party of false pretences. It is a
false pretence to assume the character of a national party, and at
the same time to exist only by sectional divisions ; it is a false pre-
tence to assume the name of a union party, and at the same time to
be an obstacle to national unity ; it is a false pretence to assume
the name of a liberal party, and at the same time to appeal to the
religious prejudices of the people ; it is a false pretence to claim the
title of a progressive party, and at the same time to turn the people
back from peace and the future to war and the past.
THE ADJOURNMENT.
Mr. Williams, of Indiana : I suppose, under the order adopted this
morning, these resolutions of Mr. Belmont will go to the Committee
on Resolutions?
The Chair : Of course ; of course.
Mr. Williams : I now renew my motion that this Convention ad-
journ until to-morrow morning at 11 o'clock.
Cries, "Ten! Ten! "
Mr. Williams : I desire to say, sir, that it is very doubtful, from
information that has come to my knowledge from one of the Com-
mittee on Resolutions standing here at my right, whether it will be
possible for the Committee on Resolutions to report before that hour ;
and if we come here at 10 o'clock and the Committee on Resolutions
are not ready to report, we shall be here in our seats with nothing to
do. I have received information that by 11 o'clock the Committee
on Resolutions will be ready to report, and I therefore move that it
is much better for us to adjourn to 11 o'clock instead of 10, and I
therefore insist on my motion that we adjourn until 11 o'clock.
Mr. Walrath, of New York : Mr. Chairman, I second the motion,
for the reason that the delegation from the State of New York have
a meeting at 10 o'clock to-morrow morning, and it will require some
National Democratic Convention. 67
time to get our tickets and do other business. I hope that the gentle-
man's motion will prevail.
Mr. "Williams' motion was carried, and the Conven-
tion adjourned until to-morrow morning at 11 o'clock.
SPEECHES.
After the adjournment of the Convention there were
loud calls all over the hall for " Voorhees," who in re-
sponse thereto made the following remarks :
SPEECH OF HON. DAN. W. VOORHEES, OF INDIANA.
My Fellow-Citizens of this Convention : I am overwhelmed with
gratitude to so many of my fellow- citizens of distinguished character
from every part of the United States, who have done me the singular
honor of calling for my presence on this occasion and under these
circumstances. I cannot attribute it to anything in my humble ca-
reer ; I know not what to attribute it to, and I may say that at least for
once in my life I am at a loss as to the manner in which I shall respond
to such an overwhelming compliment as has been paid to me. I feel
abashed in the presence of this mighty congregation of people who
expect to hear my humble words. I am here with you, fellow-
Democrats of the United States, for the exalted and patriotic pur-
pose of endeavoring to redeem and wrench our country from the
hands of the despoiiers and the public plunderers. [Applause.] I
am here with you for the purpose of trying to better unite the scat-
tered, shattered, broken bands of our Union by gathering together
in one mighty brotherhood, looking in each other's faces, renewing
ancient friendship, steadying the column, turning its head towards
victory and glory in the future as we have done in the past.
[Applause.]
We are entering upon a new century. Portions of the last century
were full of glory. The closing years of our last century, however,
have had tears and blood commingled, sorrow and gloom. The
cypress of mourning has been in thousands of households, but with
68 Official Proceedings of the
the coming of this new century there comes a new dispensation, the
dawn of a revelation of glory such as shall eclipse the past years of
the century that has gone by. [Applause.] Standing, as I do, one
of the humble representatives of the great valley of the Mississippi,
we stand in a central point to invoke union, to invoke harmony, to
invoke a compromise of conflicting opinions in the Democratic ranks.
[Applause.] There is nothing, rny friends, in the differences and
divergences of opinion in the Democratic party that cannot be hon-
orably, easily, smoothly and harmoniously adjusted, so that when the
lines of battle are formed there shall be no heart-burnings, no
divisions, no collisions of thought. [Applause.] There is no reason
why we should not thus adjust our differences, if differences we have ;
and standing, as I do, one of the representatives of the great Mis-
sissippi valle}T, we appeal to the people of the far East. We say to
them : "What is for your prosperity is likewise for ours. ' ' [Applause. ]
You all rest upon the prosperity of the agricultural interests of the
mighty Mississippi valley, [Applause.] The foundation of com-
mercial glory and greatness is the farmer's plow and the sickle and
the rich harvest. [Applause.] We freight your sbips, we make
your cities prosper. You, in turn, benefit us in a thousand ways.
We interlace and interchange and bind our interests together, when
we properly consider it. We appeal to you now. Give us a living
chance in this Convention and in this contest, and we will make a
glorious return in October for your final charge upon the enenry.
[Loud and continued cheers.]
I stand in your presence neither arrogant nor suppliant ; stand for
absolute justice, willing to concede everything that is just to every-
body else, only asking the same mete to ourselves. Let us not be
extreme to each other; let us not seek to be distasteful. Man's
talent to be disagreeable to his fellow-man is quite sufficient without
cultivating it at all. [Applause.] We should cultivate amiability
and friendship rather. I make these remarks to our brethren of the
East. We have fought a thousand battles with you for the Democ-
racy, and never one against you. Our scores of political conflict
are upon our breasts and none upon our backs. [Applause.]
To our old-time brethren of the South, a word or two to you. I
am one of the men surely that need no apology to look my Southern
brother in the eye and expect him to believe that I speak to him with
no forked tongue. [Cheers.] No political battle was ever so hot ;
the clouds of obloquy and storm and danger never ran so low or
Iblack over the heads of the Democracy, with whom I have worked
and toiled for }^ears, as to deter us from standing by all the consti-
National Democratic Convention. 69
tutional rights and guarantees of our oppressed Southern brothers.
[Loud cheers.] I ask my Southern brethren who know me, and
whom I know, do not in this hour of national counsel, this hour of
national preparation for the great conflict against the Radical foe —
led, as was well said by the distinguished gentleman from New York,
by the pirate's flag of bloody shirt — arrayed against you, do not
in this hour leave us in the Northwest, wounded, helpless, to be
scalped and murdered upon the field of battle. We have no per-
sonal animosities to gratify, we have no personal aims to subserve.
If there is one man who can get more votes than another, were my
own brother a candidate I would be for that other man. The times
are too serious, the issues too mighty, for a personal thought to
intervene.
Three times in the last twelve years we in the Northwest have
charged the enemy's lines under the head of the gallant Democracy
of New York. If it has to be so again we will dress in parade, and
even if it is a forlorn hope, we will fight it like men. [Loud cheers.]
I say there are no heart-burnings, there are no animosities to gratify.
Men of this Convention, it was no purpose of mine to speak here. I
feel like apologizing for it, but your voice sent me here. I did not
desire to speak, but I belong to that class of men who cannot speak
and say nothing. I must say something. [Applause.] And what
I say is the utterance of a sincere heart. In the counsel of old,
tried, cherished and beloved friends, let us purify our hearts for this
great work that is before us. Let us look narrowly to our motives
Let us look narrowly to our duties, and when the sun goes down
upon the finished work of this Convention, I pray Almighty God that
it may be as ordered, that in November your country will stand
redeemed, disenthralled and re- enfranchised in all the rights of a
free people, from the tyrannical bond that has crushed and oppressed
us so long. That is my prayer. [Cheers.]
My fellow-citizens of the Convention, thanking 3^011 with a grateful
heart, over and over again, I will not detain you any longer. [" Go
on, go on! "]
It would be unseemly and improper for me to hold this body of
men any longer together, and thanking you with a heartfelt gratitude
for this demonstration, I take my leave. [Loud and continued
applause.]
Loud calls were made for "Sunset" Cox, and in
response that gentleman advanced to the rostrum, where
his appearance was greeted with enthusiastic cheers.
70 Official Proceedings of the
speech of hon. s. s. cox, of new york.
Mr. Cox addressed trie assemblage as follows :
Gentlemen : It is very hard to follow Daniel W. Voorhees in a
speech without you have his size and his voice. [Laughter.] I
come fresh from Washington. I have been sent here by my con-
stituents in New York City to represent their thought and view to
some extent in this Convention. It was urgent in many ways that I
should be at my post of duty. [Cries of '"Louder."] I will work up
directly if you will only wait. [Laughter.] If you ever made a
pump you all know very well you can't make the water come out of
the spout until you pour down a little beforehand now and then.
[Laughter.]
When I left Washington there was an attempt on the part of the
Senate to bring the House into a collision. That collision concerned
the money bills of the Government. It is a matter that this Con-
vention must meet, and I desire to speak about that most emphati-
cally ; if I cannot before the Convention, at least before some of the
delegates. We have passed our twelve appropriation bills. They
were before the Senate on last Saturday — all of them. Wre have cut
down the Republican estimates sixty-four millions of dollars.
[Cheers, and cries of "Stick to it! "] Aye, we will stick to it.
[Laughter and applause.] Let the thunder of this Convention fol-
low the electric telegraph, and let this Convention say to Congress,
" Be firm, and stand by it," and the sixty-four millions of excess of
Republican estimates will be reduced forty millions above the appro-
priations of last year, to which we have reduced the twelve appro-
priation bills ; and they will thus be cut down, and the people will
see why it is that profligacy, robbery, ringdom, and all the rake-helly
brood of ragged rascaldom has been let loose in this country since
the war. [Cheers.] They complain of us, that we have made
investigations. Well, we have investigated everything and every-
where. It is a careful, studious and industrious Congress. But they
say it is an ex- Confederate Congress ! [laughter] and therefore it
should not be honest, and find out rogues, because, perchance, one
of those gallant men fought at Chancellorsville, or some other place,
on the Confederate side during the long trouble. They say that such
men should not persecute the post-trader on our border. [Laughter
and applause.] They say that because of their inordinate expendi-
tures we will cut down the army. Well, we might do without the
army until after the November election. [Laughter.] Well, we
National Democratic Convention. 71
might make an appropriation for the army in the next December
session. The}' say we will break up the navy. Well, what does our
navy do? Protect our commerce? — a commerce ruined by bad
taxation and worse tariffs, out of existence. [Applause.] I think
the navy might rest a little while. ["Good."] But what else
would we stop? The Indian Bureau [laughter and applause] ;
Spotted Tail and Crazy Horse — they might be let loose on the plains.
Let them, if they would stop those raids, turn the border-men loose,
and the}^ would end these contractors' wars very soon. [Applause.]
But we might stop the internal revenue system awhile ! Well, I
would like to make the crooked paths straight. [Laughter.] Eight
here in St. Louis, I think, you have had some experience in relation
to crooked whisky at least. [Laughter.] And the word went out,
"Let no guilty man escape!" [laughter and applause] and the result
is a discarded ex-Secretary of the Treasury, and guilt roams now all
through that department. I think it might have a rest for a while.
[Laughter and cheers.] There are those rings in Washington. God
knows I would like to have the Washington ring and all of the rings
exiled as far as the rings of Saturn itself. [Cheers.] No harm
would be done by such honesty — exile. What the people in this
Convention should say to their representatives is : be firm to your
trust ; stand by your bills ; go on with your investigations. Unearth
all the frauds connected with administration in the past, and then
we can begin to build up the high places — we can prepare for the
Centennial year.
O, these men that are now being prosecuted and investigated!
How they have learned to love their country since Hayes and Wheeler
have been nominated! [Laughter.] They think to conceal under
their rap-rascality and hypocrisy the crimes of the past. The}^ cannot
hide under such respectable names. There is an alias to it, and it
means Grantism, and Babcockism, and Belknapism, and Washing-
tonism, and every other ringism, and the people of this country are
tired to death of the everlasting malfeasance in office. [Cries of
^'That's so."] It is the dominant question of this country, audit
will override your question of currency with honest people ; and in
the work of purification and the work of pacification let us all unite,
and let u's invite all honest men of all parties to join. Let the
colored man come, and let all liberal and independent men join us
in that work. What we want is not only purification, not merely
pacification North, South, East, and West, in our Convention and
elsewhere, but we want credit to be established. Our government
72 Official Proceedings of the
\
can get cash by having credit. Good money will come with credit.
Good money will come with economy. [Cheers.]
I am not so particular about this money question as I once was, and
I will tell }tou the reason. I don't care so much what kind of clothes
I have got on, or what kind of a pocket I have in them, or what kind
of a pocket-book I have, or whether the money is fifteen cents above
or fifteen below gold, when I know that under those clothes and
around that money and pocket I have a vital, dangerous, corrupting
disease. [Cheers.] Cure the disease, cure the body politic from
all its cancers, and our credit will come to us from abroad and at
home ; and then specie lmry be once more the standard of charges
and prices ; and until that time comes, until we are patient with it,
we cannot have the old chink of gold and silver. [Cheers.]
Now, one word more. I voted in the committee to which I belong
for the repeal of the resumption law. [Loud applause and "Bully!"]
I voted for it because it did not provide for the resumption of specie
payments. It provided for silver, and they called on Congress, and
we passed silver bills for change. They were afraid to take the
responsibility and we remonetized silver, but it is a different thing as
to gold and resumption. No provision has been made, no proposition
acceptable either to the Senate or House, for 1879 ; and I do not speak
illy, or from a lack of confidence, when I say that the best bankers
East and the best business men West join in the general expression
that the resumption of specie payment cannot be accomplished in 1879
[loud applause] by any financiering. I think, therefore, this Conven-
tion would be wise, and I have no doubt they will be wise, to repeal
that act ; for how can you build on a solid foundation until you clean
out the rubbish and the debris, among which I count the resumption
act for 1879 a delusion and a snare ? Its repeal may not be a panacea,
but it may lead us in the future to a better and more truthful fiscal
policy. So much for that. These Republicans have conducted their
fiscal policy and their patriotism a good deal as that banker did,
I think down in Arkansas. A report was made upon his bank.
Somebody said, "'Why find fault with such a good, pious banker as
he! Has he not done well? Think of him. True it is that his
accounts were all bad ; they were not well kept. He was largely
in default ; but he has a good heart, and oh, how he loved the stars
and stripes of his country!" [Loud laughter and applause]
But, my fellow-citizens, we are to enter on a campaign ; we are
entering on a campaign. We ought to honor the centennial year.
It is not on these mere fiscal or temporary questions that we are to
win this contest altogether. We have fundamental principles of gov-
National Democratic Convention. 73
eminent as old as the revolution, which have marked parties from
the beginning ; the idea of home rule, self-government, express and
granted powers. Stand by them. Aye, and stand by pacification
and purification. [Applause.]
Now, who shall be your standard-bearers? [Loud cries of "Til-
den," "Hendricks," and great confusion.] Now, my fellow-citizens,
when I asked that question of you I intended to answer it myself.
[Laughter.] I know the distinguished statesman of New York as a
reformer in his State, and know him well. I know the objections that
are made and well made, and well taken by my friend from Indiana,
Mr. Voorhees, as to the fact that New York has had this great honor
conferred upon her ; but I will not remark upon that I know the
gallant Gen. Hancock, who has always been true to the great seminal
Democratic doctrine, that of placing the civil above the military power.
[Loud applause.] I have known long and served in the national
councils with Thomas A. Hendricks, of Indiana. [Loud applause.]
No man could bear our banner with a whiter or purer record.
[Great applause, continued for several seconds, followed by a single
shout.] I was about to say (before chanticleer gave forth that clarion
sound) I was about to say that I knew the Great Unknown [laughter] ,
but I do not intend to tell you who he is at this time. [Renewed
laughter.] Wait, and in a few days we will let you know. But one
thing I will tell you. Whoever he may be, wherever he may come
from, East or West, one thing must be said of him, and said of him
in response to the great question of the great Psalmist of Israel : Who
shall stand in the holy places ? Who ■ shall stand as our great chief
executive in this great centennial year? [Cries of "Tilclen," "Han-
cock," "Hendricks," &c, followed by a solo of "Uncle Sam."] If
the Great Unknown will just make my speech I will yield to him.
I was -about to say this, with all earnestness, that the people this
year demand, above all other things, a response to that question of
the great Psalmist, for when he spoke of it he had in view the
priest who would stand "between the sins of the people and their God ;
would represent the majesty, the greatness, the glory of that ancient
priesthood who shall stand to offer the sacrifice. [Cries of "Tilden,"
"Hancock."] Well, my fellow-citizens, I will give 3^011 the answer in
the language of scripture. [Laughter and a voice, "In the language
of Democracy it is 'Tilden.' "] I want to tell you one thing, and I
shall not detain you but for one more sentence. It is not for this
meeting altogether to name a man, whatever you may say. It is not
for me, individually or otherwise, to name a man, for I am in a minorit}^,
I am told, in my delegation. It is for the good and lawful heart — the
74 Official Proceedings of the
old motherly gumption of the Convention — to be in no haste to name
him. For we have no ordinary name to contend with as against
Hayes and Wheeler. [A voice, "That's what's the matter."] None
of your impulses ; none of your passions ; none of your sectional hates
or asperities ; no part}^ cries ; no sectional shibboleths. Stand by the
whole country, and then when the Fourth of July shall dawn in a
few days, we can see the old Temple of Liberty, frith, architrave,
column and dome, all redound with the good old Democratic govern-
ment. [Prolonged applause] The answer of the Psalmist is this
(and it is my man for President), "He that hath a pure heart and
clean hands." [Cries of "Tilden," "Hancock," &c] Now one word
more and I am done. If we have such a man — and such men are
not scarce in the Democratic party, whatever they may be in the
other — if we have the man to fill such qualifications, we should
name him in this Convention. [Cries of "Tilden," "Hancock,"
''Hendricks," &c]
At the conclusion of Mr. Cox's remarks the vast
audience dispersed.
National Democratic Convention. 75
SECOND DAY.
St. Louis, June 28th, 1876.
At 11 o'clock A. M., the Convention reassembled,
pursuant to adjournment, in the Hall of the Exchange.
The President called the Convention to order in the
following words :
The Convention will please come to order. We must have order
if we would proceed with our business intelligently and satisfactorily.
I say we must have order, and I will employ all means and energies
with which I am invested to secure it. [Applause.] Father Brady
will open the proceedings of the day with prayer.
Father Brady, of the Annunciation Church, on Sixth
and Chouteau avenue, then offered the following prayer :
In the name of the Father, and of the Son, and of the Holy Ghost.
May the Almighty God, the God of Truth, of Wisdom and of Union,
the Spirit that brings peace on earth to men and good will, descend
unto the members of this Convention, that their labors may this day
be conducted wisely and harmoniously. May the blessing of the
Ruler of all nations come down upon you all, the members of all
the delegations, those whom they represent, and upon all our people
throughout the entire country; and may this blessing remain for-
ever. This we pray, in the name of Him and through Him who
has taught us how to pray.
Our Father who art in heaven, hallowed be Thy name, Thy king-
dom come, Thy will be done on earth as it is in heaven. Give us
this day our daily bread, and forgive us our trespasses as we forgive
them who trespass against us, and lead us not into temptation, but
deliver us from evil. Amen.
16 Official Proceedings of the
3HNUTES DISPENSED WITH.
Gen. Hammond, of Tennessee : I move that the reading of the
minutes of yesterday's proceedings of the Convention be dispensed
with.
The motion was carried.
A Delegate from Georgia : I desire to offer a resolution, and ask
that the rules be suspended and that it be placed upon its passage.
The Chair : Let me inquire of the gentleman if his resolu-
tion relates to the platform. If it does, it is not in order, but must
go to the Committee on Resolutions without debate.
The Delegate from Georgia : Let the resolution be read and the
Contention can judge of its merits.
The Secretary read as follows :
Resolved, That this Convention indorse the work of reform and
economical government, being inaugurated by the House of Repre-
sentatives of the United States, in their efforts to cut down the
expenses of the Government.
A Delegate : I move to refer the resolution to the Committee on
Resolutions. [Cries of "Read," "Read."]
The Chair : Delegates will take their seats and preserve order.
[Applause.] The Secretary will proceed with the reading of the
resolution.
The Secretary proceeded as follows :
And we cannot too firmly express our gratification at the efforts
of the House of Representatives to discover and bring to light the
frauds so long and so outrageously practiced upon the people by the
present administration. We congratulate our country that the time
has arrived when we may stop at least some of the criminals who
have brought the country into disgrace at home and disrepute
abroad, that they are to meet with the punishment due to their
crimes.
Mr. Young, of Georgia : I move to suspend the rules and pass the
resolution.
The Chair : Under the rules adopted, the resolution must go to
the Committee on Resolutions. The Chair so decides.
Mr. Cox, of New York : I propose the following resolution, sir,
for reference.
National Democratic Convention. 77
The Chair: The page will bring up the resolution.
The Chair : The resolution offered by the gentleman from New
York will go to the Committee on Resolutions under the rule
already adopted.
Mr. Cox: I ask to have it read, sir, if it be in order.
The Chair : Let it be read.
The Secretary read the resolution as follows :
Resolved, That in the opinion of this Convention, the will of the
people for retrenchment, as expressed in the preparation of the bills
passed by the Democratic House of Representatives, and now before
the Senate, should not be thwarted, and that we will sustain the
Congressmen who are faithful to their trust in diminishing extrava-
gance and repelling Senatorial dictation on our money bills.,
The Chair : The resolution goes to the Committee on Resolu
tions.
Mr. Vilas, of Wisconsin : I ask leave to offer the following reso-
lution, and move its adoption :
Resolved, That in speaking on any question no delegate be allowed
over five minutes, and that in presenting candidates no delegate
be allowed over ten minutes.
The resolution was carried unanimously.
Mr. Cox, of New York: I have to present to this Convention, on
behalf of the Workingmen'js Central Union of the State of New
York, a memorial expressing their views. They are men who have
votes, intelligence, strength, and unity ; I would not ask to have
their memorial read, for we have not time ; I ask that it may be a
part of our proceedings here to-day, and I send it to the clerk's
desk for that purpose.
Mr. Eaton, of Kansas : I move that the memorial from the work-
ingmen of New York be embraced in the proceedings of this Con-
vention.
Mr. Cox: And referred to the Committee on Resolutions.
The motion, as amended, prevailed.
A GENERAL DISCUSSION.
Mr. Kelly, of New York : I have been requested by some of my
colleagues on the New York delegation to present to the Convention
78 Official Proceedings of the
the names of some gentlemen in New York who are opposed to the
nomination of Gov. Tilden for the Presidency. [Hisses and cries
of " Sit down."] And I ask that it be read, so that the Convention
will understand the character of the men in that State who are
opposed to Gov. Tilden' s nomination. [Applause and hisses.]
Mr. Jacobs, of New York: I rise to a point of order. It is that
this proposition at this time is out of order.
The Chair : I declare the point of order well taken by the gentle-
man from New York. [Applause.]
Mr. McLane, of Maryland : I desire to hear from the Chair what
is the order of business under the rule.
The Chair : The report of the Committee on Resolutions, and we
are waiting for that.
Mr, McLane : I desire, further, to inquire of the Chair whether
the Committee on Resolutions have reported.
The Chair: Not yet.
Mr. McLane : Then I ask the Chair to entertain a motion that
the Convention now proceed to ballot [cheers] , which is a motion
of privilege.
The Chair : The motion is made that the Convention now proceed
to ballot for candidates.
A Delegate : Mr. President —
The Chair : Wait till I announce the question —
Mr. McLane, of Maryland : I submit this motion as a matter of
privilege, which is always in order, and I would submit to the Chair
and to the Convention — it being a debatable question — the reasons
why I make that motion.
Senator Kernan, of New York: Will the gentleman from Mary-
land yield to me for a question? I suggest first, and I move that a
committee be duly appointed by the Chair to visit the Committee on
Resolutions and to inquire if they are likely soon to present their
report, and if they are not, then the gentleman from Maryland can
put his motion.
Mr. McLane : With great deference to the gentleman from New
York (Senator Kernan), I do not think it expedient to yield to such
a motion.
Senator Kernan : It seems entirely satisfactory to me.
National Democratic Convention. 79
Mr. McLane : The only practical result of such a motion would
be to involve this Convention, through its committee, in a discus-
sion with the Committee on Resolutions. It is not in the power of
this Convention to interfere in any degree with the Committee
already appointed upon Resolutions. They have the whole subject
now before them. It cannot be the wish of any member of this
Convention to hasten in any degree the deliberation of that commit-
tee, or to put any pressure upon that committee. They represent
each one of the States, and it is to be supposed that they represent
judiciously the sense of each and every delegation, and we on our
side have our duty to perform. Our duty is to nominate without
loss of time and without unnecessary discussion. [Cheers.] With-
out unnecessary debate, it is our duty to nominate our candidate. I
make the motion, I am happy to say, without consultation with any-
body in or out of my delegation. It is a purely individual sugges-
tion, and I am convinced it is in the interest of the Democratic party
and in the interest of the country that we should lose no time, and
lose none of that fraternal spirit which brings us all together, and
which now animates us.
I say it, Mr. Chairman, because I stand here ready to cast my
ballot in this Convention, as at the polls, for any one of the various
gentlemen that I have heard suggested. [Applause.] I make the
motion because I am just as well content to have the nominee come
from the West as from the East ; and I would be too happy if it were
possible to have him come from both the West and the East. [Ap-
plause.] My friend from Kentucky says that would be Delaware.
I can tell him that if I had the choice, it should be from Delaware.
[Applause.] From the East or the West [cries of "Time"], but
it is not for me ["Time"] to indicate that choice. [Renewed
cries of " Time."] I believe I have the floor. [Laughter.]
The Chair: The gentleman's time has not expired.
Mr. McLane : If I had spoken ten minutes I would take my seat
with pleasure, because I have said all I have to say. [Laughter.]
Mr. Woodson, of Missouri : Mr. Chairman, I have a resolution I
desire to offer in connection with the motion of the gentleman from
Maryland (Mr. McLane), and I ask, Mr. President, that the resolu-
tion be read for the information of the Convention.
The Chair : It will be so read.
The resolution was read as follows :
80 Official Proceedings of the
Resolved, That this Convention will not ballot for a candidate for
President or Vice-President of the United States until action is had
on the report of the Committee on Eesolutions. [Loud applause.]
Mr. Woodson : I have but one word, Mr. President, to say upon
that resolution. It occurs to me, sir, that we ought not to vote for
candidates until we know what the action of this Convention is to be.
It is hardly probable, Mr. President, that there will be a unanimous
report from that committee. I hope, however, in this I am mistaken,
because I suppose that ever}7 member of this Convention is anxious
to see harmony, not only on the part of the Committee on Resolu-
tions, but harmony in the action of this great body of delegates rep-
resenting the Democracy of the United States. But, sir, we must
have harmony upon principle, or we can have no harmony. I want
them to see the report of the committee. If we can harmonize upon
the report of the Committee on Resolutions, then, sir, we can answer
the question propounded by the distinguished gentleman from New
York (Mr. Cox), as to who will be the next President of the United
States, and the answer will be, the man who is nominated by the
Convention.
Mr. Abbott, of Massachusetts : I move to amend the motion of
the gentleman from Missouri (Mr. Woodson), by striking out all
after the word resolved, and inserting the following, which the Secre-
tary will read.
While the amendment was being taken to the Presi-
dent's desk, Mr. Doolittle, of Wisconsin, said: " I sug-
gest that the bouquet on the stand be removed, so that
we can see the President on this side of the hall."
[Laughter.]
The Chair : What does the gentleman mean by his statement ?
I am not aware that you claimed the attention of the Chair before.
Mr. Doolittle : No, sir. The honorable gentleman from Massa-
chusetts—
The Chair : Well, sir, he has been recognized.
Mr. Doolittle: I understand so, sir.
The Secretary read the amendment of Mr. Abbott,
as follows :
Resolved, That the roll of States be called in regular order, that
each State be allowed to present the name of any candidate for the
National Democratic Convention. 81
Presidency, and that thereupon this Convention do proceed to vote by
States, for a candidate for President of the United States and a
candidate for Vice-President of the United States, and that in cast-
ing their vote for President and Vice-President, the chairman of each
delegation shall rise in his place and name how the delegation votes,
and his statement alone shall be considered the vote of the State.
[Applause and cries of '"No, no!"]
Mr. Abbott : I desire to state that nxy only motive in presenting
the resolution was that we do not lose the day, but proceed imme-
diately to vote for a candidate for President. I have no doubt that
any man who is selected as candidate for President will stand upon
the platform that is finally adopted by this Convention.
Mr. Wallace, of Penns}Tlvania : I move to lay the resolution and
amendment on the table, and upon that that the vote be taken by
States.
Mr. Crawford, of Illinois : I move, sir, a division of the ques-
tion ; that the vote be taken separately upon the original resolution
and the amendment to the original proposition.
Mr. Cox, of New York : I rise to a point of order. I make the
point of order that you cannot call for a division while a motion to
lay upon the table is pending.
The Chair : The point is sustained. Let the Clerk proceed with
the roll-call. The question is to lay the motion on the table.
Mr. Putnam, of New Hampshire : No one in this part of the Con-
vention understands the question at all. What is the question before
us? We would like the Chair to state the question.
The Chair: The question is upon laying upon the table.
Mr. Putnam : What is it that is desired to be laid upon the table ?
The Chair : The motion or resolution is that we shall proceed to
the nomination of candidates for President and Vice-President.
Mr. Putnam : Will the Chair be so kind as to read the resolution
and amendment?
The Chair : Let the resolution and amendment be read.
Mr. McLane, of Maiyland : I accept the amendment, as the
author of the proposition. Therefore the Chair need only have read
the proposed amendment. It becomes the question before the
Convention.
(G)
82 Official Proceedings of the
The Chair: Then let the amendment to the amendment be
read.
The Secretary read the amendments.
Mr. McLane : I accept the substitute, not the amendment, and
ask that the substitute be read.
Mr. Weed, of New York : As I understood, the gentleman from
Maryland accepted the amendment of the gentleman from Massa-
chusetts.
The Chair : I so understood.
Mr. Weed : That makes, then, his motion the amendment to the
resolution of the gentleman from Missouri.
The Chair : Certainly.
Mr. Weed : And if we vote to lay the whole subject upon the
table, that disposes of the whole question for to-day. Am I correct?
Mr. McLane : If the motion be carried.
Ml*. Cox, of New York : I rise to a point of order.
The Chair : All we have to do is to proceed to vote upon the
motion to lay on the table, which carries the whole subject with it.
Mr. Cox : Do I understand the Chair to decide we could not vote
for President to-day if we sustain the motion to lay on the table ?
The Chair : The Chair said nothing on the subject whatever.
Mr. Cox : Let me make a parliamentary inquiry. If we vote to lay
this question on the table, can we not go into the nominations to-day?
The Chair : Let the original resolution be read and the subsequent
amendments.
Mr. Putnam, of New Hampshire : Mr. President —
The Chair : The Secretary will proceed with the reading of the
resolution and amendments.
The Secretary then read the original resolution and
the following amendments :
By Mr. Abbott, of Massachusetts :
Resolved, That this Convention do proceed to vote by States for
candidates for President and Vice-President of the United States,
and that in casting their vote for President and Vice-President, the
National Democratic Convention. 83
chairman of each delegation shall rise in his place and name how the
delegation votes ; and his statement alone shall be considered the
vote of the State. [Cries of "No! no! no! " and hisses.]
The Chair : Order ! order !
When order was restored, the Secretary read the
amendment offered by ex-G-ov. Woodson, of Missouri,
as follows :
Resolved, That this Convention will not ballot for candidates for
the Presidency and Vice-Presidency of the United States until the
Committee on Resolutions have reported.
[Applause and cheers.]
The Chair : Now, gentlemen, the question is, shall these resolu-
tions be laid on the table ? The Clerk will proceed to the call of the
roll.
As the Clerk called Alabama, Mr. Putnam, of New
Hampshire, rose to his feet and said :
Mr. President : If you will hear me for a single moment, I desire
to offer a single motion — that before we proceed with the roll-call, a
reading clerk be stationed in this part of the hall [the south end],
and another in the other part of the hall, and that the reading clerks
repeat the statement of the clerk, as it is announced.
The Chair : The request of the gentleman from New Hampshire
will be observed.
Mr. Doolittle, of Wisconsin: I ask if, before the vote is taken on
the main question, a motion to lay on the table will not prevail ?
The Chair : Yes, sir.
Mr. Wallace, of Pennsylvania : The amendment of the gentleman
from Massachusetts (Mr. Abbott) is the first.
The Chair : The gentleman from Massachusetts offered a sub-
stitute.
The Chair : I am informed that the Committee on Resolutions
are ready to report. [Cheers.] Shall we proceed with the roll-call?
[Cries of "No! no! "]
Mr. Abbott, of Massachusetts : I withdraw my motion to take the
vote by States, and agree on the motion that the vote be taken viva
voce.
84 Official Proceedings of the
Mr. Kernan, of New York: I suggest now what I believe to be for
the best interests of the country, our party and ourselves, and that
is, that we hear from the Committee on Resolutions ; and if, as I am
informed, the}^ expect to be ready to report by one or two o'clock,
I suggest that we wait until we do hear from them, and let us get
thi'ouo'h with this wrano-lmo' at once.
The Chaik : I have recognized the Chairman of the Committee on
Resolutions (Mr. Meredith). [Cheers.]
THE COMMITTEE ON RESOLUTIONS.
Mr. Meredith, of Virginia : Mr. President and gentlemen of the
Convention, I am instructed by the Committee on Resolutions to
inform the Convention that they have agreed upon a platform and
resolutions [cheers] ; that the resolutions have been referred to a
committee of revision, and that the committee will reassemble at one
o'clock and hear the report from the sub-committee on revision. I
am instructed to ask leave of the Convention for the committee to
sit longer for that purpose.
Mr. Kernan, of New York : In view of this report, by which I
rejoice to hear that a platform has been agreed upon, and referred to
a committee on revision, I move that this Convention take a recess
until two o'clock to hear that report. [Cries of "No ! no ! "]
The motion was carried and the Convention took a
recess until two o'clock.
SCENES DURING RECESS.
After the adjournment of the Convention the audi-
ence remained in the hall, and there were loud cries
for Pry or, Doolittle and others. Meantime the hand
played several popular airs — Yankee Doodle, Dixie,
<fcc, amid loud cheers. Finally, in response to repeated
calls, ex-Senator Doolittle, of Wisconsin, came for-
ward upon the platform, and amid loud applause spoke
as follows :
SPEECH OF MR. DOOLITTLE.
Fellow-Citizens and Members of the Convention : For one, I
have been laboring since I came to St. Louis to keep myself cool,
both inside as well as out. [Laughter and applause.] We have
National Democratic Convention. 85
met on a great occasion, and I do not think it proper for me now, in
the interval of the Convention having taken a recess, from this place
and platform to speak to yon at any considerable length, and cer-
tainly not, under any circumstances, to express to yon any preference
of my own on the great question upon which we shall come to act.
[Applause.] I mean upon the great question of putting a candidate
upon a platform after that platform is adopted. I feel as if it might
be, perhaps, doing what would not be exactly proper on an occasion
like this. I will refer, however, to two or three great questions in
which I believe every heart is united.
I believe, as much as I believe in my existence, that if ever a great
responsibility rested upon a Convention it rests upon this Convention
now and here. That responsibility is to take such measures, to lay
down such a platform, and to put upon it such candidates, as will
make our success certain in the overthrow of the party in power.
[Applause.]
This party in power is a great and powerful party. Do not let us
deceive ourselves by supposing that it is weak. I know that party.
I have known it long and well. I have fought with it and I have
fought against it. [Applause.] I know it inside and out, through
and through, and I tell you, gentlemen, that that party for the last
fifteen years has been a war party, imbued with the spirit, accus-
tomed to use the methods and practices which surround military
encampments, not only during the war, but after the war had ended,
in the reconstruction of the South. [Applause.] Guided by that
spirit, this party in power, after the war had closed — three years
after the war had closed, almost — I saw them take, in the Senate of
the United States and in the House of Representatives, such action
and such proceedings as could only be justified b}7 military ideas,
acting not as civilians in the administration of law, but as the leaders
of military forces in the organization of the States of the South, in
order to gain an unlimited control of both houses in Congress by a
two-thirds majority, which could overrule the veto of the President.
I saw in the Senate of the United States, by the domination and
despotic exercise of this power, a gentleman upon the floor of this
Convention was driven from the Senate — I refer to Mr. Stockton, of
New Jersey — and in order to get the vote which was necessary to
obtain that two-thirds majority and accomplish that purpose, I saw
one Senator, who, from the committee, reported in favor of Mr.
Stockton, break his pair with the colleague of the Senator from New
Jersey, confined by sickness at home.
By that act of revolution against law and all the usages of the
86 Official Proceedings of the
Senate, they usurped that two-thirds majority which has ruled this
country with military and despotic power from that day to the present
moment. Having acquired this two-thirds majority in both houses,
trampling under its feet all the pledges it made, and by which it
obtained its lease of power, I saw that party trample the Constitu-
tion under its feet. I saw them pass military reconstruction acts,
by which ten States in this Union and ten millions of people were
robbed of every civil right of liberty and property, and I saw them
subjected to the absolute unqualified domination of military dictators
in time of peace. [Applause.]
You remember with what despotic and unrelenting power it under-
took to depose the President and put in his place a man who
would be more pliable to execute the behests of this despotic power
at Washington. You know, too, how they persecuted those Senators
who preferred to obey their oaths rather than obey the behests of
this party. [Applause.] You saw, gentlemen, that same party, by
telegraphic decrees, entering with the regular army State Legislatures
and organizing them against the law of the people. [Applause.]
But I will not dwell on these things. I have said this only for the
purpose of making one further remark — that is, that if any man in
this country supposes that because this party lately at Cincinnati,
instead of putting forward its great recognized leaders, have put for-
ward Mr. Ha3^es, of Ohio, and Mr. Wheeler, of New York — who are
very respectable gentlemen in the States where they live, but are not
much known elsewhere — that this party has changed its spirit, its
genius, its ambitions, its despotic centralizing tendencies, you will
be utterly mistaken. That parly which could crush Trumbull and
Schurz and Henderson, and even Sumner when he would not obey
its behests [applause] , will take Hayes and Wheeler in its hands like
things of wax. [Applause.] They cannot resist nor refuse to obey
what that party shall decree. Therefore the responsibility rests
upon you, gentlemen, and upon me, in our action here, to put for-
ward such a platform and such candidates that we can wrest this
government from the hands of despotism and centralization and
extravagance and corruption, such as makes the heart sick — corrup-
tion such as is our shame abroad and our disgrace and humiliation
at home.
I say, gentlemen, if we would do it, we must act here wisely — not
in the heat of passion. We must look beyond this chamber, and all
the heat and excitement of the present hour ; we must look beyond
the excited crowds at the Lindell, the Southern, and other hotels in
this city. We must look to the great field where the battle is to be
National Democratic Convention. 87
fought [applause,] and lost or won. As I said in the beginning, gen-
tlemen,, I have been laboring hard to keep myself cool, both inside
and out, in order that if I have airy judgment to give, any opinion to
express, or any advice to offer upon this great and important ques-
tion, it may come as the opinion and advice and suggestion of a
brain that is cool, and a breast that is excited with nothing but love
for the Union and love for the country. [Cheers.] Gentlemen, let
me say, in my brief period in public affairs — and not so very brief,
■either, for this is the tenth Presidential canvass in which I have taken
and am to take an active part [applause], I have learned — and
learned what I did not know in the beginning — that when conventions
assemble in great numbers, and the friends of candidates are excited,
they believe for the moment when the result is announced that the
victory is already won. I have sadly found myself mistaken when
we came to the field of battle. Four times, fellow-citizens, four
times have I attended a convention since the close of the war — con-
ventions which had the same purpose and spirit which we now have
— I mean to restore the Union of the States upon the platform of
fraternity, liberty and equality to all the States and to all the citizens
of the States [applause] , to restore that Union, not only the Union
which we established by our conquering, but to establish that Union
in our heart of hearts [applause], away down deep in all the affec-
tions and interests and aspirations of the whole people, North and
South, black and white. [Applause.] Well do I remember the first
at Philadelphia in 1866. I recognize here many familiar faces which
met me there on that great occasion. They came together at Phila-
delphia ten years ago from all the States of the Union. It was the
first reunion after the civil war. • They came to shake hands together
literally over the "bloody chasm," and when their united thanks went
up to Almighty God that the war was over, that peace had come, that
no more sons and fathers and brothers were to go down to battle and
to death, that sweet peace had come, and come to stay [cheers],
there was a joy in that Convention unutterable. Ten thousand men
and women — strong men — in that Convention, filled with an exulta-
tion which words could not express, gave way to every demonstration
of joy. They wept, they embraced, and then, recovering themselves,
they cheered and shouted — such cheers and shouts as go up from
conquering armies when great fields are won. [Cheers.] But, fel-
low-citizens, though the object with which we met, the ideas to
which we gave utterance, the platform we adopted, and all that was
done to restore the former — and let me sa}r to you in a single
word, we failed in my opinion because at the city of New York
88 Official Proceedings of the
we did not properly organize the forces for the victory. [Applause.]
So badly was the Democratic party beaten in 1868 that in 1872, as if
by unanimous consent, they gave out their word to the Liberal
Republicans — such Senators as Trumbull, Schurz and others — that
if they would take the lead, if the}^ would la}^ down a platform con-
sistent with the constitutional views entertained by the great Demo-
cratic party and put candidates upon it, that party pledged its honor
that, when assembled in convention, it would indorse and sustain
them and aid them in the contest. You remember how well that
pledge was kept, and I say to the Liberal Republicans, if there are
any within the sound of my voice, or if anything that I say here shall
reach them elsewhere ; I say to the Liberal Republicans, and to all
the Liberal Republicans, that the}T have been placed under a debt
and obligation of gratitude to the Democratic party [cheers] that
they ought never to forget, and which they can never so well repay
as by uniting with the Democratic party now in the coming contest.
[Cheers.]
But, fellow-citizens, you know and I know that with all our efforts
Ave still failed to rescue this government from the hands of this
powerful party, and I have only referred to these things, gentlemen,
for the single purpose of giving you to understand the intensity of
that responsibility which I feel as a member of this Convention in
the action which is here to take place. I shall say not a word about
candidates nor platform, for I feel it would in some measure be
trespassing upon the courtesy which has been thus unanimously
extended to me to address you upon the other subject. My only
desire is, and my whole heart goes out in that, that we maybe united
shoulder to shoulder upon our platform of principles, and that when
we come to nominate, our candidates we can lay aside all personal
interests, all personal ambitions, as far as human nature will allow it
to be done [applause], and come together like a band of brothers,
swearing, as our fathers in the Revolution did, that we would pledge
our fortunes and our sacred honor to carry this election, and thus
save republican institutions to ourselves and to our children.
SPEECH OF GEN. BRECKINRIDGE.
In response to loud calls, Gen. Breckinridge, of
Kentucky, spoke as follows :
My Fellow-Democrats: I, of course, attribute the compliment
of this kind call to no personal reasons emanating from myself, but
as a compliment to that gallant and glorious old banner Democratic
National Democratic Convention. 89
State — the grand State of Kentucky [applause] ; and it may be that
the name which I bear has been somewhat interwoven with its history,
and that therefore the call of myself, in honor of Kentucky, deserves
that I should at least make my grateful acknowledgment for it. But
I am not here simply as a Kentuckian. I love every foot of that
dear old mother State witli a passionate idolatry that knows no words
to give it utterance. But my love is bounded by no State lines.
[Applause.] I love this great country of which I am a son ; I love
all that is honorable in its past, and I look forward with unutterable
joy to the glorious hopes of its future. [Applause.] 1 am here in
part representing the State of Kentucky ; to utter no voice of self-
seeking, no voice of personal preference, but, putting all upon the
altar of a common country, to unite with the Democrats of every
section of this country in an honest, earnest, patriotic effort to turn
from the government those who have despoiled it at home, and ren-
dered it disgraceful abroad, and put it in the hands of honest,
upright and grave men from any part of the country. [Applause.]
I do not like to hear so much in this Convention of the East, of
the AVest, and of the South. We talk as if we were three separate
governments, or three separate countries, under some unknown and
intangible treaty of alliance, offensive and defensive. Where does
the West and the East beo'in? Where is the South of which we hear
so much? We are not here as Eastern men, or as Southern men,
but we are here as Democrats and as Americans. [Applause.] Oh,
my brethren, if I could but get into the heart of this Convention the
sublime patriotism that we of Kentucky have, raise to the level of
this great opportunity, and put behind us these sectional divisions
and these State lines, and look at the country as one — one flag, one
liberty, and one destiiry — to be saved by this great one party of
liberty, the great Democratic party, then personal dissensions would
pass away, these offensive clamors would be silenced, and here, as
brothers, we would gather around the same table, and come to a
unanimous conclusion, and then act as one army under a chosen
leader, in a victorious battle. [Applause.]
This is all that I have desired to utter here or elsewhere in St.
Louis. I have no other message to make. I feel that Kentucky can
afford to say this. We lie upon the border. We were called in
olden times the heart of the Union. We gave Clay to try by com-
promise to save it from bloodshed, and when the horrid war did
come, it ran as the plowshare, deep through nearly every family in
that distracted Slate, and now we have made up our divisions. We
hear nothing of the past there. We have turned our e}Tes to the
90 Official Proceedings of the
future ; our farmers are gathering wealth under that magnificent
breast that gives the liquid milk under which we suck, and our citi-
zens have made their strong arms brawny in the labor of love, and
she U blossoming as the rose. We hear of hard times elsewhere,
and sometimes in Kentucky you hear it. You hear it around the
crowded and groaning table, amid all the evidences of comfort. She
can afford to say we have no other choice ; we desire no other thing
said or done here than that which will unite the party, because the
union of the party is the success of liberty in the country. When
she looks backward and sees all the dire calamities of the division of
this party ; when she sees the unfortunate fruits of a quarrel amid
its party ; when she sees her Democratic brethren falling out among
themselves, she comes with a simple message of union and frater-
nity. uYe are brethren," is all she has got to utter. k' Why will
you not love one another, and turn your swords to a common enemy,
and make all your fight against that enemy?" [Applause.] God
knows it is enough to make all of us resolute, and to give us all that
we can do. This is no common foe that we have to fight. This is
no easy adversary that we have to meet. It is a party drunk with
power, and strong with all the power of uncivil organization ; a party
that has carried in some degree the supposed gratitude of a country
which it claims to have saved ; that has possession of the purse
and of the treasury, and unembarrassed by any conscientious scru-
ples ; that knows how to use both that purse, that sword, and all the
power that that common government gives it. It is a party we can-
not easily conquer.
Now, fellow-Democrats, all I desire to say, all that I am author-
ized to say — for I speak not only in my own name, but I speak in the
name of the delegation of which I am an humble part, and of the
great State which sends that delegation here — is, can we not, here
among ourselves, leaving out all the animosities of the past, forgetting
sectional lines, leaving behind us all unkind feeling, having no other
object in view than the success of a party in whose success we
honestly believe is involved the best interest of the country, come to
some fraternal conclusion? And when that conclusion is reached,
honestly and fairly, go into the battle to do all that men can do to
make it victorious. [Applause.] I thank you for the compliment
you have paid me. [Cheers and cries of "Go on!"]
Mr. Breckinridge : I am requested to say that the Hon. B. Gratz
Brown, of Missouri, who was our candidate — and I choose the word
expressly — our candidate, not merely the Liberal Republican, but
National Democratic Convention. 91
the Democratic candidate for Vice-President fonr years ago, is in our
midst. He never spoke except with strength — sometimes I thought,
some years ago, not wisely, but he has learned better. [Laughter.]
He is here and will address us if you so desire it.
Mr. Doolittle, of Wisconsin : Please respond, or give us some-
thing of the views of the Liberals in this contest.
Loud calls for Gratz Brown brought that gentleman to
the rostrum accompanied by a hearty round of applause.
SPEECH OF HON. B. GRATZ BROWN.
Gentlemen of the Convention : I feel very thankful to 3^011 for
this expression of kindness and of compliment, and I can say to you
that I sympathize with you to-day heartily and cordially in all your
efforts [applause] to get over difficulties, to adjust any minor differ-
ences that may exist among yourselves ; to present a man to the
nation worthy of the nation and enable us all, Democrats and Liberals,
to go forward to a crowning victory. [Cheers.]
The gentleman from Wisconsin (Mr. Doolittle) who preceded me
had something to say about the debt of gratitude which the Liberals
of this country were owing to the Democratic party. I believe that
they recognize and acknowledge that debt. [Cheers.] And I believe
that when the battle wears to the front you will find your banner
borne as high and carried as far by the Liberal leaders [cheer] as by
any Democrat. [Cheers.]
It is not my purpose, gentlemen, and it would be inappropriate if
it were, that I should enter here upon any discussion of men or any
discussion of platform. I take it that the two great fundamental
principles which are to be settled in this canvass are putting this
government into the hands of honest men [applause], and basing it
upon free, liberal, universal principles. [Cheers.]
We want reform [cheers ;] we want more than that. We want
relief [cheers], and I have every confidence that the Democratic
party, its leaders, its chieftains here assembled, will put forth a plat-
form and put forth a candidate that will be S3Tnonymous with these
ideas in the ej^es of the country. [Cheers.]
Gentlemen, there are too many distinguished men here from abroad,
that we would all be glad to hear, for me to intrude longer upon your
time. [Cries of "Go on ! goon!"] I have only to thank you for the
kindness which has provoked this call, and to urge that some of them
will come forward and let us hear from them. [Cheers.]
92 Official Pkoceedings of the
speech of senator wallace.
Mr. Wallace, of Pennsylvania, was next called oin%
and spoke as follows :
Gentlemen of the Convention : I thank you for the compliment
that you have paid me, and through me the great old ke37stone com-
monwealth of the Union, in calling me to talk to you briefly, as I shall
upon this occasion. I shall not attempt to detain you in presenting
the issues that this Convention will present to the people of the
country, but I will ask you to go with me briefly into the history of
the recent past, and to inquire as to what these people who attempt
to maintain their hold upon the government, their grasp upon the
throats of the people, have been doing. They, at Cincinnati, in the
vain hope that they could blind the people of the country to the
character of the reform they would inaugurate, have passed a plat-
form by their representative men, and selected candidates whose
record is silent, whose characters are negative, in the hope that the
people will accept negative characters and silent records as the pledge
of well-doing in the future. Their ticket was born of antagonisms
to the only strong candidate that the administration detested and
denounced. It was skilfully accouched by those who manipulate the
power and have blindly defended the measures of Gen. Grant. Its
nursing mother will be a hated and a d}dng administration, and the
first lessons it must learn will be the crooked and devious methods
of Grantism. [Loud applause.] All the power of the national
administration will be unscrupulously emploj^ed for its success, and
if it be elected the reform that is inaugurated will be but a perpetua-
tion of the reigning dynasty. To recount the disgraces of the past,
to reproduce here the shameful record of the personal misgovernment
of the past seven years, is but to produce a record of inevitable
infamy in the future. Why, sirs, we have had an administration of
the government that has discarded statesmanship and sought imbe-
cility [applause] ; that has ignored integrity in official trusts and
yielded both patronage and place to the corrupt ; that has held
complicity with the gold gamblers and nurtured and petted the
whisky ring [cheers] ; that has stolidly winked at corrupt prac-
tices in the custom-houses ; that has lost an Attorney-General because
he could not refute the charges of the misuse of the public moneys ;
that has lost the Secretary of the Interior on unrefuted charges of
corruption in that department ; that has lost the Secretary of the
Treasmy, who was compelled to resign by grave charges of want of
integrity and by public indignation ; that has lost the Postmaster-
National Democratic Convention. 93
General, whose record and motives were unsatisfactory to a discrimi-
nating people, and that has lost a Secretary of War by bribery and
corruption self-confessed, and that has lost a minister to Great Britain
whose course has been unanimously declared to be indefensible and
improper. Each and all of these are and they have been the
staunchest supporters of the anomalous policy called Grantism, and
it is to live and again misgovern us in the success of the ticket nom-
inated at Cincinnati.
Why is it that in the platform which our adversaries enunciated at
Cincinnati the}T forgot to pledge themselves to retrenchment, to
reform, to economy in the administration of the government? What
means this? Is this silence eloquent? Do they mean b}^ this to
approve the refusal of a Republican Senate to meet and agree to the
retrenchment of a Democratic House? Is this what they mean by
this eloquent silence in the Cincinnati platform? But I weary you.
It would be useless for me to attempt to detain you longer from your
dinner, the hour for which has arrived. Let us in this Convention,
if we can, treat each other wirh tolerance, with harmon3r, with con-
cord ; and let us settle here, if we can, a ticket upon which the
country can be a unit. Let us recognize that we have as well a
Western and a central part of this country, as an Eastern and a
Northern and a Southern one. [Applause.] Let us recognize the
existence of twelve millions of people, among whom there are hun-
dreds of thousands of Democrats, who live between the Mississippi
and the Delaware. [Applause.] Let us remember that they exist.
In the spirit of recognizing the interests of the whole country, let us
endeavor to declare our principles and nominate our candidates.
[Applause.]
At the close of Mr. Wallace's remarks the audience
retired.
94 Official Proceedings of the
AFTERNOON SESSION-SECOND DAY.
The Convention reassembled at a quarter past two
o'clock.
The Chair: The Sergeant-at-Arms will clear the aisle and see
that order is preserved. The Committee on Platform, I am informed,
is ready to report.
report from the committee on resolutions.
Mr. Meredith, of Virginia : Mr. President and gentlemen of the
Convention, the Committee on Resolutions have finally agreed upon
their report. It is due to them to state that a great many resolutions
were laid before them upon the subject likely to engage the attention
of the Convention ; that those resolutions have been read, examined,
considered, and deliberately discussed, and they have finally agreed
upon a report which they have instructed me to make to the Convention.
As my voice is not strong, and not able to fill this hall, I have re-
quested Gov. Dorsheimer to read the report for me, which he has
kindly consented to do. [Applause.]
Gov. Dorsheimer read as follows :
THE PLATFORM.
We, the delegates of the Democratic party of the United States, in
National Convention assembled, do hereby declare the adminstration
of the Federal Government to be in great need of immediate reform
[applause] ; do hereby enjoin upon the nominees of this Convention
and of the Democratic party in each State, a zealous effort and
co-operation to this end, and do here appeal to our fellow-citizens of
every form of political connection to undertake with us this first and
most pressing patriotic duty for the Democracy of the whole country.
We do here reaffirm our faith in the permanence of the Federal Union
[applause], our devotion to the Constitution of the United States
[applause] , with its amendments universally accepted as a final settle-
ment of the controversy that engendered the civil war [applause],
and do here record our steadfast confidence in the perpetuity of
National Democratic Convention. 95
republican self-government ; in absolute acquiescence in the will of
the majority, the vital principle of republics ; [applause] ; in the
supremacy of the civil over the military [applause] ; in the two-
fold separation of church and state [applause], for the sake alike of
civil and religious freedom; in the equality of all citizens before just
laws of their own enactment [applause] ; in the liberty of individual
conduct unvexed by sumptuary laws [applause] ; in the faithful educa-
tion of the rising generation, that the}^ may preserve, enjoy and
transmit these best conditions of human happiness and hope. We
behold the noblest products of a hundred years of changeful history.
[Applause.] But while upholding the bond of our union and great
charter of these our rights, it behooves a free people to practice
also that eternal vigilance which is the price of liberty. [Applause.]
Reform is necessary to rebuild and establish in the hearts of the
whole people the Union eleven years ago happily rescued from the
danger of a secession of States, but now to be saved from a corrupt
centralism, which, after inflicting upon ten States the rapacity of
carpet-bag attorneys [applause], has honey-combed the offices of
the Federal Government itself with incapacity, waste and fraud,
infected States and municipalities with the contagion of misrule, and
locked fast the prosperity of industrious people in the paralysis of
hard times. [Applause.] Reform is necessary to establish a sound
currency, restore the public credit and maintain the national honor.
[Applause.] We denounce the failure for all these eleven j^ears to
make good the promise of the legal-tender notes [applause] , which
are a changing standard of value in the hands of the people, and the
non-payment of which is the disregard of the plighted faith of the
nation. [Loud applause.]
We denounce the improvidence which in eleven years of peace has
taken from the people in Federal taxes thirteen times the whole
amount of the legal-tender notes [applause] and squandered four
times their sum in useless expense without accumulating any reserve
for their redemption. [Applause. A voice, "Bully!"] We
denounce the financial imbecility and immorality of that party,
which, during eleven years of peace, has made no advance toward
resumption, no preparation for resumption, but instead has obstructed
resumption by wasting our resources and exhausting all our surplus
income, and while annual^ professing to intend a speedy return to
specie payments, has annually enacted fresh hindrances thereto.
[Applause.] As such hindrance we denounce the resumption clause
of the act of 1875 [cheers,] and we here demand its repeal. [Cheers.]
We demand a judicious system of preparation. [Voices, "Louder;
\
/"
\/
96 Official Proceedings of the
read it again."] We demand^a judicious system of preparation by
public economies, b}^ official retrenchments, and by a wise finance,
which shall enable the nation soon to assure the whole world of its
perfect ability and its perfect readiness to meet any of its promises
at the call of a creditor entitled to payment. [Cheers.]
We believe such a s}^stem, well-advised, and, above all, entrusted
to competent hands for execution, creating at no time an artificial
scarcity of currency, and at no time alarming the public mind into a
withdrawal of that vast machinery of credit by which 95 per cent, of
our business transactions are performed — a system open and public
and inspiring general confidence — would from the day of its adoption
bring healing on its wings to all our harassed industries, set in
motion the wheels of commerce, manufactures and the mechanic arts,
restore employment to labor, and renew in all its sources the pros-
perity of the people. [Cheers.]
Reform is necessary in the sum and mould of Federal taxation, to
the end that capital may be set free from distress and labor lightly
burdened. We denounce the present tariff levied upon nearly four
thousand articles as a masterpiece of injustice, inequality and false
pretence [cheers], which yields a dwindling and not a yearly rising
revenue, has impoverished many industries to subsidize a few. It
prohibits imports that might purchase the products of American
labor ; it has degraded American commerce from the first to an
inferior rank upon the high seas ; it has cut down the values of Amer-
ican manufactures at home and abroad ; it has depleted the returns
of American agriculture, an industry followed by half our people ; it
costs the people five times more than it produces to the Treasury,
obstructs the process of production and wastes the fruits of labor ;
it promotes fraud, fosters smuggling, enriches dishonest officials, and
bankrupts honest merchants. We demand that all custom-house
taxation shall be only for revenue. [Cheers.] Reform is necessary
in the scale of public expense, Federal, State and municipal. Our
Federal taxation has swollen from sixty millions gold in 1860 to
four hundred and fifty millions currency in 1870 ; our aggregate
taxation from one hundred and fifty -four millions gold in 1860 to
seven hundred and thirty millions currency in 1870 — all in one
decade ; from less than five dollars per head to more than eighteen
dollars per head. Since the peace the people have paid to their tax-
gatherers more than thrice the sum of the national debt, and more
than twice that sum for the Federal Government alone. We demand
a rigorous frugality in every department and from every officer of
the Government. [Cheers.]
National Democratic Convention. 97
Reform is necessary to put a stop to the profligate waste of public
lands and their diversion from actual settlers by the party in power,
which has squandered two hundred millions of acres upon railroads
alone, and out of more than thrice that aggregate has disposed of
less than a sixth directly to the tillers of the soil.
Reform is necessary to correct the omissions of a Republican
Congress and the errors of our treaties and our diplomacy, which
has stripped our fellow-citizens of foreign birth and kindred race,
re-erasing the Atlantic from the shield of American citizenship, and
has exposed our brethren of the Pacific coast to the incursions of a
race not sprung from the same great parent stock, and in fact now
by law denied citizenship through naturalization as being unaccus-
tomed to the traditions of a progressive civilization, one exercised
in liberty under equal laws ; and we denounce the policy which thus
discards the liberty-loving German and tolerates the revival of the
Coolie trade in Mongolian women imported for immoral purposes,
and Mongolian men held to perform servile labor contracts. [Ap-
plause.]
Reform is necessary and can never be effected but by making it
the controlling issue of the election and lifting it above the two false
issues with which the office-holding classes and the party in power
seek to smother it.
First — The false issue with which they would enkindle sectarian-
strife in respect to the public schools [applause] , of which the estab-
lishment and support belong exclusively to the several States
[applause], and which the Democratic party has cherished from
their foundation, and is resolved to maintain without partiality or
preference for any class, sect or creed, and without contributions
from the treasury to any. [Applause.]
Second — The false issue by which they seek to light anew the
dying embers of sectional hate between kindred peoples once un-
naturally estranged, but now reunited in one indivisible republic
and a common destiny.
Reform is necessary in the civil service. Experience proves that
efficient economical conduct of the government is not possible if its
civil service be subject to change at every election, be a prize fought
for at the ballot-box, be an approved reward of party zeal instead of
posts of honor assigned for approved competency and held for fidelity
in the public employ ; that the dispensing of patronage should neither
be a tax upon the time of our public men nor an instrument of their
ambition. Here again, professions falsified in the performance attest
that the party in power can work out no practical or salutary reform.
(7)
98 Official Proceedings of the
[Applause.] Reform is necessary even more in the higher grades
of public service. President, Vice-President, judges, senators,
representatives, cabinet officers — these and all others in authority
are the people's servants. Their offices are not a private perqui-
site; they are a public trust. [Applause.] IWhen the annals of
this Republic show disgrace and censure of a Vice-President ; a late
Speaker of the House of Representatives marketing his rulings as a
presiding officer -[ttppinuse] ; three Senators profiting secretly by
their votes as law-makers ; five chairmen of the leading committees of
the late House of Representatives exposed in jobbery ; a late Secre-
tary of the Treasury forcing balances in the public accounts ; a late
Attorney-General misappropriating public funds ; a Secretary of the
Navy enriched and enriching his friends by a percentage levied off
the profits of contractors with his department ; an Ambassador to
England censured in a dishonorable speculation ; the President's
Private Secretary barely escaping conviction upon trial for guilty
complicity in frauds upon the revenue ; a Secretary of War impeached
for high crimes and misdemeanors -[applause] — the demonstration
is complete, that the first step in reform must be the people's choice
of honest men from another party [-applause] , lest the disease of one
political organization infect the body politic, and lest by making no
change of men or parties, we get no change of measures and no real
reform.
All these abuses, wrongs and crimes, the product of sixteen years'
ascendency of the Republican party, create a necessity for reform,
confessed by Republicans themselves ; but their reformers are voted
down in Convention [applause] and displaced from the cabinet.
The party's mass of honest voters is powerless to resist the eighty
thousand office-holders, its leaders and guides.! Reform can only be
had by a peaceful civic revolution. We demand a change of system,
a change of administration [applause], a change of party [applause],
that we may have a change of measures and of men. [Applause.]
Mr. Brown, of Oregon: Mr. President —
Mr. Dorsheimer: I will say that at the end of the resolution
relating to the matter of the Mongolian importation there were two
or three lines of language adopted by the committee which were
written in lead pencil and which I was unable to read, and the Secre-
tary, when I have closed, will supply that omission.
Mr. Brown, of Oregon : We want that read now, Mr. President.
I am on the committee myself, and I demand that that shall be read
in conjunction with the other. [Cries of "No, no."]
National Democratic Convention. 99
Gov. Dorsheimer : The resolution closes as follows: "We de-
nounce the policy which thus discards the liberty-loving German and
tolerates a revival of the Coolie trade in Mongolian women imported
for immoral purposes, and Mongolian men held to servile labor con-
tracts, and demand such modification of the treaty with the Chinese
empire, or such legislation within constitutional limitations, as shall
prevent further importation or immigration of the Mongolian race."
[Cries of "Good!" "Bully!" and cheers.] Your committee have
also had referred to them and recommend the adoption of the follow-
ing resolutions :
Resolved, That this Convention, representing the Democratic party
of the States, do cordially indorse the action of the present House
of Representatives [applause] in reducing and curtailing the expenses
of the Federal Government ; in cutting down enormous salaries,
extravagant appropriations, and in abolishing useless offices and
places not required by the public necessities, and we shall trust to
the firmness of the Democratic members of the House that no
committee of conference and no misinterpretation of rules will be
allowed to defeat these wholesome measures of economy demanded
by the country. [Applause.]
Resolved, That the soldiers and sailors of the Republic, and the
widows and orphans of those who have fallen in battle, have a just
claim upon the care, protection and gratitude of their fellow- citizens.
[Applause.]
The following dissent from the majority report was
also presented by the Hon. Edward Avery, of Massa-
chusetts :
The undersigned members of the Committee on Resolutions, most
heartily indorsing the report of the committee with the exception
hereinafter named, respectfully dissent from the following clause in
that portion of the report relating to finance, viz : "We denounce the
resumption clause of the act of 1875, and we here demand its re-
peal," as apparently inconsistent with the other portions of the re-
port on that subject, and recommend that the report of the committee
be amended by striking out the above clause ; and we further respect-
fully ask that our dissent be recorded and reported to the Convention.
Edward Avery, Massachusetts.
J. W. Yates, New Jersey.
D. K. Hastings, Maine.
William Dorsheimer, New York.
R. D. Hubbard, Connecticut.
100 Official Proceedings of the
Gen. Tom Ewing-, of Ohio : At the request of several members of
the Committee on Resolutions, I present a minority report as to one
phase of the platform.
The undersigned members of the committee recommend that the
following clause in the resolutions reported by the committee be
stricken out: "As such hindrance we denounce the resumption
clause of the act of 1875, and we here demand its repeal" [cheers],
and they recommend that there be substituted for that clause the
following: u The law for the resumption of specie paj'inents on the
first of January, 1879, having been enacted by the Republican party
without deliberation in Congress or discussion before the people,
and being both ineffectual to secure its object, and highly injurious
to the business of the countiy, ought to be forthwith repealed."
[Cheers.]
Thomas Ewixg, Ohio.
D. W. Yoorhkes, Indiana.
John C. Brown, Tennessee.
Malcolm Hay, Pennsylvania.
H. H. Trimble, Iowa.
John J. Davis, West Virginia.
T. L. Davis, Kansas.
C. H. Hardin, Missouri.
Mr. Ewing : I therefore move that the clause referred to in the
resolutions reported be stricken out and the resolution I have read
inserted in its place.
Mr. Eaton, of Kansas : I second the motion.
Mr. Ewing : Gentlemen of the Convention —
Mr. Cox: Mr. Speaker-
Mr. Ewing : I have the floor.
Mr. Cox : If the gentleman from Ohio intends to take the floor, I
wouldn't take it from him.
Mr. Ewing : Yes, sir ; I have got it any way.
A Delegate from Michigan: The delegates in this part of the
hall have not been able to distinguish the difference between the
parts stricken out and. the amendments to the platform. I request
that that part of the platform be read again with the amendments.
The Chair: The request of the gentleman shall be complied
with. The Secretary will read that part of the resolution sought to
be stricken out.
National Democratic Convention. 101
The Secretary : I will read the passage stricken out, and then I
will read the resolution :
"As such a hindrance we denounce the resumption clause of the
act of 1875, and we demand its repeal."
Now I will read the whole resolution :
"We denounce the financial imbecility and immorality of that
party which, during eleven years of peace, has made no advance
towards resumption, no preparation for resumption, but instead has
obstructed resumption by wasting our revenues and exhausting all
our surplus income, and, while annually professing to intend a speedy
return to specie pajmaeut, has annually enacted fresh hindrances
thereto, and as such a hindrance we denounce the resumption clause
of the act of 1875, and we demand its repeal."
The Chair : Now the substitute, or the amendment rather, will
be read.
Mr. Brown, of Oregon : I move to lay the report of the minority
committee on the table. [Cries of " Good, good!"]
The Chair : The gentleman has not the floor yet.
Mr. Brown: I withdraw the motion if I haven't the floor.
[Laughter.]
The Secretary: I will read the resolution as it will stand if
amended :
"We denounce the financial imbecility and immorality of that party
which, during eleven years of peace, lias made no advance toward
resumption, but instead has obstructed resumption by wasting our
resources and exhausting all our surplus income, and, while annually
professing to intend a speedy return to specie payment, has annually
enacted fresh hindrances thereto. The law for the resumption of
specie payment on the first of January, 1879, having been enacted
by the Republican party without deliberation in Congress or dis-
cussion before the people, and being both ineffectual to secure this
object and highly injurious to the business of the country, should
be forthwith repealed." [Applause.]
The Chair; The gentleman from Ohio (Mr Ewing) has the floor
now, and the Convention will please be silent.
Mr. Ewing: Mr. Chairman and gentlemen of the Convention, I
desire to briefly state the objections to the clause which we propose
to have stricken out. It denounces one clause only of the specie
resumption law. What clause is that? The clause fixing the time
102 Official Proceedings of the
for the resumption of specie payment, leaving the rest of the act to
stand unobjected to and by implication approved. But why does it
object to that clause? Because it is destroying the business of the
country in connection with the balance of the law ? Not at all, but
merely because it is a hindrance to specie payment, the fair inference
being — at any rate, if not a fair one, an inference that will surely
be drawn — that the objections of the national Democratic party to
the specie resumption law is confined only to the date of resumption,
and the objection to that is that that date is a hindrance to resump-
tion, and the construction will be given, and with some degree of
plausibility at least, that the Democratic party want resumption
earlier than the date fixed. [Applause.] I object to that clause in
the resolution because it has the effect — I will not say it was intended
— to palter with the subject in a double sense, "keeping the word
of promise to the ear to break it to the hope."
I said that by inference the balance of the law is approved, and it
is a reasonable and a fair inference, if not a necessary one, and
what does that committee say about it? It commits us to the issuing
of gold bonds to take up the costless fractional currenc}^
It commits us to the reduction of the legal-tender currency by
having bank paper take its place, thus increasing the power of an
already dangerous monopoly — a monopoly that is thoroughly hated
by the mass of the Democracy of this country. [Applause.] It
commits us to the perpetuation of the national bank system, for
if we have no objection to that law except the date of resumption,
then we approve the provisions for the raising up of two or three
thousand great monopolies to control the currency of this country in
addition to the two thousand We already have. [Applause.] It
leaves the Secretary of the Treasury with perhaps the power — I will
not state it positively — but perhaps the power to issue gold interest
bonds of the United States to buy up gold and lock it idly in the
treasury waiting for the day of resumption that may be fixed — a
policy to which the Democracy, my friends of the West, I am sure,
are almost unanimously opposed. [Applause.]
What is this law which we thus, in our resolutions, by implication,
approve ? Who enacted it ? Did it have a Democratic vote ? Not
one in the Senate or House. [Applause.] It is a purely Repub-
lican measure, and the sum of the financial villainies of the Republican
party. [Cries of "Time, time," "Goon."]
Mr. Williams, of Indiana: I move that Gen. Ewing have his
time extended fifteen minutes. [Cries of "No, no."]
National Democratic Convention. 103
Gen. Ewing stepped to the front of the platform
amidst the most tumultuous applause.
Mr. Collins, of Massachusetts : We have a rule that no gentle-
man shall speak for more than five minutes. If objection be made
his time cannot be extended. I object.
The Chair : The Chair holds that the point of order is well
taken, unless the rule be reconsidered or set aside.
Mr. Eaton, of Kansas : I move to reconsider the rule.
The Chair : There is a question pending, and no motion to
introduce a new subject is in order.
Mr. Dorsheoier : I have to ask the gentleman from Massachusetts
[Hisses, cries of "Order," "Time," "Ewing"] — I have to ask that
the gentleman from Massachusetts withdraw his objection and give
Gen. Ewing an opportunity to speak. [Applause.]
Mr. Kernan, of New York : Inasmuch as Mr. Ewing represents a
portion of the committee, I think we should extend his time as moved,
although we may not be able to make a precedent in favor of others
who are not on the committee. I hope his time will be extended as
it has been.
The Chair : The objection is withdrawn.
Mr. McLane, of Maryland : I rise to a point of order. The point of
order is that the Chair cannot entertain the motion of the gentleman
from New York. The rules of the Convention are absolute. Nobody
can reply to the gentleman from Ohio except in a five-minute speech.
It is against the law of the Convention to enter a motion to have him
heard more than five minutes.
The Chair : Will the gentleman from Maryland allow me to
make a remark? The Chair was not aware of any objection.
Mr. McLane : There was objection.
The Chair : The Chair did not hear it.
Mr. McLane: It is the fault of the Chair — the objection was
made in every direction. The noise in the galleries drown the
objections.
The Chair : I recognize the gentleman from Ohio, and his
right to proceed in the absence of objection, and I shall maintain
that position. [Applause.]
Mr. McLane : But objection was made. I appeal from the de-
cision of the Chair, and call for a vote by States. The Chair had no
right to give the floor to the gentleman, and I demand a vote.
104: Official Proceedings of the
A Delegate from Indiana : The rules were suspended, and Gen.
Ewing's time extended fifteen minutes, and upon that motion I move
the previous question.
The Chair : I could not receive a motion to suspend the rules
while this business is pending. The gentleman from Maryland
appeals from the decision of the Chair.
Gen. Ewing : I am very much obliged to you for the kind spirit
manifested, and will not ask the indulgence of the Convention further.
Mr. Cox, of New York : I rise to a point of order.
Mr. Miller, of Nebraska : Who has the floor ?
The Chair : The gentleman from New York, Mr. Cox, has the
floor on a point of order.
Mr. Cox : My point of order was this : I was entitled, after Gen.
Ewing spoke, to be recognized. I had no power to be upon that
platform. My colleagues have rights that I have not.
The Chair: The gentleman is out of order.
Mr. Cox, of New York : I will make my point. I propose to yield
my time to Mr. Ewing. [Cheers.]
The Chair : The gentleman has no right to yield his time. He is
out of order.
Mr. Miller, of Nebraska: I rise to a question of privilege. I
move that the galleries be cleared. [Cheers.]
The Chair: The gentleman from Nebraska moves that the gal-
leries be cleared, and I wish to address myself to the galleries. We
are not to be controlled or intimidated by outsiders, and unless we
can have order, I will turn them out. [Cheers.]
Mr. Dorsheimer, of New York: Mr. Chairman and gentlemen of
the Convention, I do not propose to speak upon this matter at length.
Five minutes is quite time enough for me. I propose here to make
a straight issue between soft money and hard money. [Tremendous
cheering.] By that we stand or we fall. [Cheers.] If you want
soft money, give your votes to the resolution offered by the most
distinguished advocate of soft money in the United States [cheers
and hisses] ; but if you want to leave to the hard-money men
some chance to carry their States, then stand by the report "of
the committee [cheers], which was a compromise so great that
a protest has been sent here signed by every one of the Eastern
Democratic States, and to which I have put my own signature.
[Cries of "Good," and cheers.] This is a middle ground which
National Democratic Convention. 105
does leave some hope ; but if you declare, in the language of the
gentleman from Ohio (Gen. Ewing), for a repeal forthwith, then
abandon all your hope. [Cheers.] I make this issue fair. [A voice,
" You will get enough of it."] As I said, we will stand to that ; and
now, Mr. President, I demand a vote by the States. [Cheers, hisses
and applause.]
Mr. Voorhees, of Indiana, took the stand.
Mr. Breckinridge, of Kentucky: I arise to a point of order.
The distinguished gentleman on the other side did not rise from his
seat before I did, but I arise that both of us may be heard for the
purpose of moving the previous question. [Cries of "No, no," and
confusion.]
Mr. Voorhees : I will only occupy five minutes, and you had
better let me do it.
Several delegates endeavored to get the floor amid
great confusion.
The Chair : Gentlemen, you had better keep quiet ; this conduct
does not scare anybody and does not move anybody.
A Delegate from Kansas : I move that the galleries of this hall
be cleared so that we may have order.
The Chair : It is moved by the gentleman from Kansas that the
galleries be cleared. [Cries of " No, no."]
A Delegate from Massachusetts : I move to lay that motion on
the table. [Cries of " Second the motion."]
The Chair: Does the gentleman withdraw the motion?
A Delegate: No, sir. I say it is absolutely disgraceful the con-
duct we are having in this Convention now, and I want it stopped,
and for that purpose I insist upon my motion that the galleries be
cleared now. [Cries of "No, no."]
Several delegates endeavored to get the floor amid
great confusion.
Mr. Spaunhorst, of Missouri: Mr. President, I arise to a point
of order, and that is that Mr. Voorhees is entitled to the floor, having
been recognized as such, and no motion is in order until order is
restored.
The Chair : Of course ; the Chair so rules. The gentleman from
Indiana has the floor. [Cheers.]
106 Official Proceedings of the
remarks of mr. voorhees.
Mr. Voorhees : Gentlemen of the Convention, with your kind
permission and silence I will take about five minutes, and no more.
We had better be quiet and still in order to get through.
A Delegate : Mr. Chairman —
Mr. Voorhees : I have the floor, and I serve notice on the gentle-
man that I expect to hold it. [Cheers.] The issue that is stated
by the gentleman from New York is a false issue so far as this plat-
form is concerned. There is no issue raised here as between hard
mone}^ and soft money so-called. This platform to which the min-
ority agree contains repeated stipulations that we are in favor, at as
early a period as practical, of resumption of specie payment.
[Cheers.] We are all in favor of that. I am in favor of a resump-
tion of specie pa3rment as soon as the true and healthful interests of
this country will permit. [Cheers.] He who desires specie resump-
tion at an earlier da}r than that desires it for some private and not
from patriotic motives. [Cheers.]
A word or two, for I have but a short time, in regard to legislative
resumption — a forced resumption of specie payment.
Men of New York sitting here before me, you have at this moment
an act in favor of the resumption of specie payment on the 1st day
of January, 1879, on your statute-books. That was enacted two years
ago, and we are two per cent, further from a gold basis to-day than
. we were when it was enacted. That is what it has wrought in be-
half of specie payment. [Cheers.] The Government currency is
not as near unto a fair basis by two per cent, as it was before this
miserable, bungling law was enacted upon your statute-book.
Again, gentlemen, I stand for a growth of the country into specie
payment. I stand for that kind of specie payment that comes by a
return of wealth and prosperity to all the sections. [Cries, "That's
right. "~ We can all recall a time when our paper was worth but
forty cents on the dollar in gold. It had grown to be worth ninety
cents before the law was passed at all. It had appreciated fifty cents
on the dollar before your favorite pet idea of forced resumption
touched the question in the halls of Congress ; it had, sir, by the
natural laws of trade and by the laws of God's growth and pros-
perity returning to the countiy, appreciated fifty cents on the dollar
in the course of eight years. Let us trust that the gap of only about
ten or twelve per cent, remaining will be closed up by the same great
laws in a very short time in the future. This idea that we must do
this by law I utterly repudiate, not because I do not want, as soon
National Democratic Convention. 107
as the business of the country will warrant, a return to specie pay-
ment, but because the healthful, right way to return to specie pay-
ment is to revive the industries. Let this question alone in the halls
of Congress, and trust to God's laws to restore us in His own time.
My friends, something was said by the gentleman from New York
about the effect on his State and other States. I stand here sur-
rounded by ten States who have a right to be heard on this subject —
West Virginia, Ohio, my own gallant Democratic State of Indiana
[applause], Missouri, on whose bosom we are holding this Conven-
tion; Tennessee, that contains the Hermitage and the ashes of Jack-
son and Polk ; Iowa and Kansas — are they not to be considered ? do
they amount to nothing? I will say, with all respect to the gentle-
man from New York who has just sat down, that we have followed
the lead of New York for twelve long years, and each time to disas-
ter [applause], and I, for one, assert tbe West, the mighty West,
with its teeming population. I assert the power of this Mississippi
Valley, with its mighty interests and its great resources. [Cries of
"Time" and " Go on." Yes, I believe my time is up, and in good
faith I should retire.
Mr. Dorsheimer, of New York : Mr. Chairman —
The Chair : The gentleman from New York has the floor.
Mr. Cox, of New York: Mr. President, I should like to inquire
how often can a gentleman speak on one question?
The Chair : I don't know whether the gentleman proposes to
speak. When the question arises the Chair will decide it.
Mr. Cox : And I will make the point of order at the time.
Mr. Dorsheimer : I claim the floor to be my right.
Mr. Cox : You have had your speech once.
Mr. Dorsheimer : And I yield the floor to Mr. Watterson, of Ken-
tucky.
MR. WATTERSON' S REMARKS.
Mr. Watterson, of Kentucky : Gentlemen of the Convention, I
presume that no reasonable member of this Convention would care to
have his private business submitted to an excited and tumultuous
body of this description. How is it, then, that reasonable men, who
have made a most discriminating and representative selection of
members of the committees to settle and decide the important busi-
ness of the whole country, whose committee have come here after a
whole night of careful deliberation, who have submitted a report by
twenty-nine of your most representative members [applause] — how
108 Official Proceedings of the
dare a man with his own theories to come here after all that and ask,
in your excited and tumultuous condition, to reverse that report?
Have we come here to deliberate, or have we come here to decide
upon the important issue of this canvass by passion and theory ? I
don't care what the difference is between the majority and minority
report ; I do not want to know whether there is or is not a difference
between them, I want to adopt the majority report [applause] because
it is your act, and I do not want your delegated act reversed by
eight of your number, who, failing to get satisfaction in the com-
mittee, come to open this dangerous question in this body. [Ap-
plause.] I don't believe that we shall grow wiser by discussing this
question; I therefore move the previous question. [Applause.]
The Chair: Gentlemen of the Convention [confusion] — This
noise will avail nothing ; you cannot drive me out of propriety
or position.
Mr. Cox, of New York: Mr. President — [great confusion.]
The Chair: The Sergeant-at-Arms will report in the Presi-
dent's front.
Mr. Able came forward to the front of the Presi-
dent's stand.
The Chair (to the Sergeant-at-Arms) : now hold yourself in
readiness for a little while. I will have order.
Several voices : Mr. President—
The Chair : Gentlemen of the Convention, I have a communi-
cation from the Kansas delegation which claims my attention, and
I want to call your attention to it.
Mr. Cox, of New York : I rise to a point of order.
A Delegate from New Jersey: I rise, Mr. President —
The Chair : Mr. Cox has the floor. He rises to a point of order.
Mr. Cox: Mr. President, this Convention does not understand
the question.
The Chair : If the Convention will come to order I will state it.
Mr. Cox : I want to rise to a point of order with all due respect
to the Chair. I served with the Chair fifteen years ago in Congress.
The Chair: The gentleman is out of order. [Applause.] The
question is on the previous question.
The Delegate from New Jersey who spoke last : I ask the gentle-
man from Kentucky (Mr. Watterson) if he will allow me five minutes
National Democratic Convention. 109
on this question. He has a right to do it, inasmuch as he has
moved the previous question. ["Object."]
The Chair: There is objection.
The same Delegate from New Jersey : Mr. Watterson is the only
man who can object.
Mr. Watterson: I moved the previous question.
The Chair: Mr. Watterson objects.
The same Delegate : Then I ask for my right on this previous
question. I call for a division of the question. The motion is to
strike out and insert. I want the part which repeals that act stricken
out and I want the other inserted. I want hard money. [Applause.]
The Chair : The question is upon the previous question now.
The motion was carried.
The Chair : The question now is upon the amendment offered by
the gentleman from Ohio.
The New Jersey Delegate : My request is for a division of the
question, which I have a right to. A division will bring the question
up whether or not we ought to vote for soft or hard money.
The Chair: The gentleman's point is well taken.
Mr. Wallace, of Pennsylvania: Mr. President, a point of order.
My point of order is that the previous question has not yet been
taken by this Convention. It requires a majority of this Convention
to second the previous question and apply the gag. I demand a vote
by States, in order that we may know whether the previous question
be or be not seconded.
The Chatr : It was the privilege of the gentleman from Penn-
sylvania to call for a vote by States, but he failed to do it.
Mr. Cox : I call for a vote by States.
Mr. Wallace : I second the demand for a vote b}T States.
Mr. Doolittle : I propose to move an amendment to the minor-
ity clause before the vote is taken [cries of "Out of order]," and I
desire to do it, and while m}^ young friend from Kentucky or from
any other State advises us —
The Chair : You are out of order.
Mr. Doolittle : I wish to say my head is cool and level, and I
know what I mean, and I know that victory or death is right here.
[Applause.] I desire to be heard for five minutes upon nry amend-
ment. [''Object, object."]
110 Official Proceedings of the
The Chair: Objection is made, therefore the gentleman is out
of order. The gentleman from New York calls for a vote by States.
Mr. Cox: I am here endeavoring to carry out the rules as I
understand them, and I raise this point of order.
The Chair : Call the roll.
Mr. Cox : I insist upon my point of order.
Mr. Doolittle : Before the roll is called I wish to offer my
amendment.
Mr. Cox : I want that Secretary to stop, and I want the delegates
to leave the desk and go to their places. The rules of Congress
require that to be done. I give }^ou the authority of the rules of
Congress that no man can stand around that desk as a delegate
except in defiance of the rules of Congress, which you have adopted,
and you know it, Mr. President, for you served there as long as
I did.
The Chair : Gentlemen, the question now is upon the amendment
offered by the gentleman from Ohio to the report made by the
Committee on Platform.
Mr. Doolittle : I move to amend that before a vote is taken—
The Chair : It is out of order.
Mr. Doolittle : I want to offer my amendment.
The Chair : The main question is ordered and the gentleman is
out of order.
Mr. Doolittle : It is not yet ordered I am told, although
at the time I did not hear it, that the previous question had been
ordered.
Mr. Cox, of New York : Ordered and seconded.
Mr. Doolittle : I wish to know further whether I am too late
now to offer an amendment to Gen. Ewing's amendment, or the
amendment of the minority of the committee. If I am not, I desire
to read it now that it may be before the Convention.
The Chair : It will be out of order, the Chair regrets to say to the
gentleman from Wisconsin (Mr. Doolittle), unless the Convention
chooses to receive it by unanimous consent.
Mr. Doolittle : Then by unanimous consent, gentlemen, I ask
simply to read the amendment of Gen. Ewing.
Objection was made.
A Delegate from Massachusetts : Upon what are we voting ?
National Democratic Convention. Ill
The Chair : We are voting under the previous question.
The Massachusetts Delegate : The vote now is upon striking out
the part of the majority report which repeals the resumption act.
Therefore, if we vote in favor of that, this Convention will announce
that it is not in favor of repealing the resumption act.
The Chair : A division of the question has been asked for, and it
is upon striking out a portion of the original resolution or report.
Mr. Wallace, of Pennsylvania : Pennsylvania asks leave to retire
for consultation.
Mr. Doolittle : I move that the Convention do now adjourn.
[Cries of "No, no."]
The motion was lost.
Mr. Doolittle : Then I will ask unanimous consent to read my
amendment.
A Delegate from Arkansas : Has the Chair decided that the pre-
vious question is ordered?
The Chair : Yes, sir.
The Arkansas Delegate : Then I call for a vote on the question
itself — the main question.
The Chair : The Chair has been trying to reach that point. Let
the Clerk call the roll and not stop until I tell him to stop. [Laughter
and confusion.] The question before the house is this : The minority
report recommend the striking out of one of the resolutions of the
majority of the Committee and to insert other matter. A division of
the question is asked, and the question is first, whether the original
report shall be amended by striking out any part of it. [Confusion.]
Mr. McLane, of Maryland : There is so much disorder that we
cannot tell what is going on. The lobby has been doing all the voting
and all the cheering for the last half hour. We want to know what4
is going on, but we cannot hear anything, and I move, if it cannot
be reached in any other way, that the galleries be cleared, much as I
regret it. I want to try and see if we cannot have some order.
The Chair : The gentleman proposes that the galleries be cleared.
Will the Sergeant- at- Arms detail one or two officers to the left and
to the right and rear, to see that order is preserved ?
A Delegate : Are we voting on the previous question or to strike
out?
The Chair : To strike out.
112 Official Proceedings of the
A Delegate : I rise to a point of order. It appears that no mem-
ber of this Convention —
Several Delegates : Mr. Speaker —
Mr. Spauxhorst, of Missouri : Mr. Chairman, with a knowledge
upon my part that this is one of the most momentous questions, and
not generally understood [Cries of "Down! down!" much con-
tusion], I therefore move that this Convention now adjourn until
to-morrow morning at 10 o'clock. [Cries, "Call the roll."]
The Chair : The gentleman is out of order. The Clerk will call
the roll.
Mr. Davis, of Kansas : I would ask if there had been a division
of the motion made by Gen. Ewing? Are we putting the question
whether the motion of Gen. Ewing shall prevail, or whether the
question shall be divided ?
The Chair : The question is whether we shall strike out a subse-
quent question as to insertion.
Mr. Davis : I say the motion to strike out is not in order, unless
the motion to divide the motion is carried.
The Chair : The point is well taken.
Mr. Davis: Then I ask that the roll be not called now. I say we
cannot take a vote on the nomination to strike out unless the house
orders a division of the question.
The Chair : The original proposition, as coming from the Com-
mittee on Resolutions, will now be reported. The amendment pro-
posed to be made thereto will also be reported, and then the question
will be upon the amendment proposed.
Mr. Doolvttle : Can I then move to amend the amendment, or
shall I do it now? I propose to do it at some time or other, and I
wish the Chair to tell me when.
The Chair : It cannot be done until the previous question is ex-
hausted.
Mr. Doolittle : You mean after the proposition has been adopted?
The Chair : Yes, or defeated.
A Delegate : I move to reconsider the vote oy which the previous
question was ordered.
Mr. Porter, of South Carolina: I desire to ask of this Conven-
tion that it vote intelligibly on the proposition. I understand, Mr.
President, that the last motion made before this Convention was the
National Democratic Convention. 113
motion of Mr. Watterson, the gentleman from Kentucky, who de-
manded the previous question.
The Chair : That was ordered.
Mr. Porter: Sir?
The Chair : The previous question was ordered.
Mr. Porter : Now I ask of the President of the Convention what
the question is before the house ?
The Chair : The Chair was going to explain, if the Conven-
tion will give the Chair an opportunity. The Clerk will read the
original proposition and the amendment proposed thereto.
Mr. Kernan, of New York: Mr. Chairman, one word. As I
understand the question now, we are voting on that part of the
minority report which proposes to strike out. Those who are in
favor of the original report will vote aye. Am I right?
The Clerk (reading): "We denounce the financial imbecility —
Mr. Birch, of Tennessee : Mr. Chairman —
Another Delegate: Oh, well, sit down.
The Clerk : The gentleman will take his seat.
Mr. Eaton : I desire to address the Chair and not the Clerk, and
I take my orders from the Chair and not the Clerk. Now, the dis-
tinguished Senatoi from New York, in explaining his vote, gives me
an idea that I desire to have explained by the Chair. It is extremely
important that there should be no mistake.
The Chair : You are out of order.
Mr. Eaton: Then, sir, I ask this. I ask the Chair what will be
the effect of the vote if it be to strike out, and then there should be
a failure to insert the amendment of the minorhVv, I ask the Chair if
that would not be to leave the law as it now is ?
The Chair : It is so understood.
Mr. Birch : Then I ask, Mr. Chairman, if there is any parliamen-
tary means by which we can get a fair and square vote upon the
minority report, without being cheated— and I use the expression
respectfully — by parliamentaiy legerdemain? [Applause. Voices,
"Call the roll."]
The Clerk (beginning to read): "We denounce the financial
imbecility and immorality of that party which, during eleven years of
peace, has made no advance toward resumption, no preparation for
(8)
114 Official Proceedings of the
resumption, but instead has obstructed resumption by wasting our
resources and exhausted all our surplus income, and, while annually
professing to intend a speedy return to specie payment, has annually
enacted fresh hindrances thereto, and as such hindrance we denounce
the resumption clause of the act of 1875, and we demand its repeal."
The Chair : Gentlemen, that is the original proposition. Now
the amendment proposed by Gen. Ewing will be read.
Several Delegates : We cannot hear, and "Order."
The Chair : We must have profound silence to know what is going
on. Let there be quiet. We are reading the resolutions now and
it is very important.
The Clerk (reading): "The law for the resumption of specie
payment on the first day of January, 1879, having been enacted by
the Republican party without deliberation in Congress or discussion
before the people, and both ineffectual to secure its objects and
highly injurious to the business of the country, should be forthwith
repealed."
Mr. Hutchins, of St. Louis : I rise for the purpose of making an
inquiry.
The Chair : Nothing is in order.
Mr. Hutchins : I can be informed as to what effect my vote will
have, so as to make sure. If this delegation votes aye, I under-
stand that it, in effect, votes for the minority report. Does it or not?
[A voice, "It does."] I want to hear from the Chair.
The Chair: Yes. If you vote aye you vote for the amend-
ment.
Mr. Hutchins : Well, that is the minority report. If we vote no,
we vote for the majority report in effect?
The Chair : Yes, sir.
Mr. Hutchins : Well, that is the first time the Convention has
understood that much. I am much obliged to the Chair for the
information.
The Chair : The Secretary will proceed to call the roll.
The Secretary proceeded to call the roll.
THE VOTE.
The vote on the motion to strike out and insert
resulted as follows :
National Democratic Convention.
115
Alabama
Arkansas
California
Colorado
Connecticut...
Delaware
Florida <
Georgia
Illinois
Indiana
Iowa
Kansas
Kentucky
Louisiana
Maine
Maryland
Massachusetts.
Michigan
Minnesota
Mississippi... .
Ayes. Noes.
20
12
12
6
12
6
18
30
5
10
24
22
22
17
16
14
16
26
17
10
16
Missouri
Nebraska
Nevada
New Hampshire..
New Jersey
New York
North Carolina . .
Ohio
Oregon
Pennsylvania....
Rhode Island
South Carolina..
Tennessee
Texas
Vermont
Virginia
West Virginia —
Wisconsin
Ayes. Noes.
9 20
6
6
10
18
70
20
18
6
25
58
24
10
1
10
Total 219
14
16
21
20
515
When New Jersey was called,, the chairman of the delegation rose
and said : I do not understand the ruling of the Chair as to the
effect of this, and I ask the Chair to state it so that my delegation
may vote intelligently. Does the Chair divide or refuse to divide
the question?
The Chair : The question is upon the adoption of the minority
report.
The Delegate from New Jersey: The Chair decided once it
should be divided; has that decision been reversed?
The Chair : The point was made upon that, and the Chair cor-
rected its decision upon that point.
The Delegate from New Jersey: Then New Jersey votes " No."
When Pennsylvania was called Mr. Wallace said: Pennsylvania
was instructed to cast her vote as a unit upon all questions of dele-
gate and principle in this Convention, and casts her vote, 58 votes,
"aye." [Applause.] And I want to inform the Convention that
the vote stands 33 ayes and 23 noes in the delegation.
Mr. Spaunhorst, of Missouri: I was not in when the Missouri
delegation voted. I desire to vote "aye."
Mr. Doolittle: While the clerks are figuring up the vote I can
read this to the Convention. I have no doubt it will be unanimously
adopted.
The Chair: The gentleman from Wisconsin asks the permis-
sion of the Convention to read a paper.
■116 Official Proceedings of the
Mr. Doolittle : I shall move to amend the majority report after
the words declaring in favor or demanding the repeal of that clause
of the resumption aet, after the word "repeal," the following-
words: "That any law in place of the resumption law fixing the
time for resumption for the payment or redemption of such legal-
tender notes, shall provide that such retirement shall be so gradual
and steady as not to disturb values, change the meaning of con-
tracts, increase the burden of existing debts, destroy confidence,
create alarm and uncertainty for the future, and thereb3T to paralyze
industry and enterprise." Does aivybody object to that? That is
what we want in.
The Secretary announced the vote as follows :
Ayes, 219; Noes, 550.
The announcement was received with cheers.
Mr. Doolittle : I now move to amend the majority report b}^
adding after the words which I have designated what I have read.
Mr. Smith Ely, of New York : I rise to a point of order.
The Chair : The question is on the adoption of the report of the
majority. There is a request made by a gentleman from the com-
mittee that a communication be read. Is there objection?
Objection was made. ,
Mr. Doolittle: If I am recognized by the Chair, I move nry
amendment. I do not object.
The Chair: It is objected to.
Mr. Doolittle : I do not object. I give way holding the floor
to move my amendment, knowing that it will be unanimously carried.
The Chair : The gentleman is out of order, upon the ground that
the previous question is not exhausted. Let the States be called
upon the adoption of the report made by the majority of the com-
mittee.
The Secretary : Alabama !
Mr. Doolittle : Mr. President, I desire to inquire for informa-
tion. After this vote is taken, can I then move to amend —
Delegate from Arkansas : The previous question was not adopted
on the report of the committee, but simply on the motion to strike
out and insert.
The Chair : That reaches the main question. That has been dis-
cussed half an hour ago. Let the roll be called.
National Democratic Convention.
117
delegation : Alabama votes aye.
The Secretary : Alabama !
The Chairman of Alabama
[Applause.]
Delegate from Alabama. Is it not in order to —
The Secretary : Arkansas !
The Chair : The previous question commenced long ago upon the
first proposition and it is not exhausted.
Chairman of Arkansas delegation : Arkansas votes &ye. [Ap-
plause.]
The Secretary proceeded with the call of the roll
with the following result
Alabama
Arkansas
California.*. ..
Colorado
Connecticut...
Delaware
Florida
Georgia
Illinois
Indiana
Iowa
Kansas
Kentucky
Louisiana
Elaine
Maryland
Massachusetts.
Michigan
Minnesota
Mississippi
Ayes. Noes
20
12
12
6
12
6
8
22
39
18
I
24
16
U
16
26
21
10
16
3
30
4
Missouri
Nebraska
Nevada
New Hampshire.
New Jersey
New York
North Carolina. .
Ohio
Oregon
Pennsylvania
Rhode Island
South Carolina..
Tennessee
Texas
Vermont
Virginia
West Virginia. . .
Wisconsin
Ayes.
Noes.
21
8
6
6
....
10
18
....
TO
....
20
....
21
20
6
....
58
....
8
....
11
....
24
....
16
....
10
....
21
1
....
10
20
Total 651
83
Pending the call of the roll, when Indiana was called
an Indiana delegate said :
The platform is so long, Mr. Chairman, that we do not understand
it, and a portion of us are not prepared to vote on it.
The Chair : Proceed with the roll-call.
Mr. Davis, of Kansas : Being a member of the Committee, and
having voted aye, I desire to make a statement of why I do it. The
reason I voted a}Te in favor of the adoption of this report by the
majorit}' is this : I want to take the next best thing I can get for the
Western States. If I can't get what I want exactly I will take the
next best thing. I want harmony in this Convention and not dis-
cord and dissension. [Applause and hisses.]
118 Official Proceedings of the
Mr. Eaton, of Kansas : I would ask where is the proper place for
delegates in this Convention ?
The Chair : In their seats.
Mr. Eaton : Then I ask the delegates on the platform to take
their seats.
Mr. Walker, of Virginia : I move to make the report unanimous.
Mr. Eaton : I rise to a point of order. I understand the delegate
from Brooklyn still remains near the Chair.
The Chair : Please mention his name. I don't know him.
Mr. Eaton : Mr. Jacobs. He is a delegate, and I wish him to
take his seat with his delegation.
Mr. Allen, of Illinois : I desire, inasmuch as the Permanent
Chairman of this Convention is from Illinois, to say that as he was
on the Committee on Resolutions after he was chosen Permanent
Chairman, the delegation from Illinois elected the Hon. S. S. Hays
in his place on the Committee on Resolutions on yesterday afternoon,
and I desire that fact recorded.
The Chair : It will be so ordered.
Mr. Doolittle : There is another resolution which I wish to offer
in connection with my amendment after the vote has been declared
(reading) : Resolved, That silver coin as well as gold — [cries of
''Object."]
The Chair : Objection is made.
Mr. Doolittle : I didn't hear it. [Laughter.] I would like to
see the gentleman that objected. I want to appeal to him just to
allow me to read it. I do not wish to take but a few minutes' time.
[Cries of "Read."]
The Chair : The Secretary will report the vote upon the
adoption or non-adoption of the report made by the Committee on
Resolutions.
Mr. Bell, Secretary, announced the vote as follows :
Yeas, 651. [Applause.]
Mr. Dorsheimer : Three cheers for the platform. [Hisses and
applause.]
The Secretary : Noes, 83. [Applause.]
The Chair : The platform is adopted.
Mr. Hutchins, of Missouri : Mr. President —
Mr. Doolittle : Mr. President —
National Democratic Convention. 119
The Chair : The gentleman from Wisconsin (Mr. Doolittle) has
the floor.
Mr. Doolittle : I now move to reconsider the vote by which the
report was adopted, for the purpose of moving at the end of it and in
addition to it what I am now about to read.
A Delegate from Arkansas : I move to lay the motion to recon-
sider on the table.
Mr. Doolittle : I have a right to the floor. Will occupy but five
minutes. (Reading) :
Resolved, That silver coin as well as gold coin is legal-tender
money ["Good"] by the Constitution ["Good" and applause] ;
that in its sound, normal condition there should be no money or
currency but gold and silver coin and paper convertible on demand
into coin ; that we favor a gradual, certain and steady return to that
condition ; that as a most important step in that direction we favor
the immediate restoration of the silver dollar, which has been for
more than eighty years the unit of value or standard dollar of the
republic, as legal tender, as it was before the act of February 12,
1873, and that immediate steps be taken to coin and to issue the
same to meet the just demands of the GoArernment and the people,
and to restore the double standard of gold and silver upon a true
adjustment of their relative value. And further,
Resolved, That any law in place of the resumption law, which we
propose to repeal, providing for the payment or redemption of legal-
tender notes, shall also provide that such retirement shall be so
gradual and steady as not to disturb values, as not to change the
honest meaning of contracts, as not to increase the burden of exist-
ing debts, as not to destroy confidence, create alarms and uncer-
tainty for the future, and thereb}'' paralyze industry and enterprise.
Those are the resolutions for which I move to reconsider the report
for the purpose of moving them in addition.
Mr. Breckinridge, of Kentucky : I rise to a point of order.
The point of order is that by the new rules adopted by this house all
resolutions were to be referred without debate to the Committee on
Resolutions, and that committee not having been discharged, those
resolutions ought to go to that committee.
The Chair : The Chair will state, in answer to the gentleman
from Kentuck}r, that the Convention is not in possession of the gen-
tleman's resolutions. I understood him to be reading them as a part
of his argument in the case.
120 Official Proceedings of the
Mr. Doolittle : I will inquire of the Chair if I can move them in
addition to the original report now, as additional resolutions?
The Chair : No ; they are not in order.
Mr. Doolittle : Then I make my motion to reconsider the vote
adopting the report, for the purpose of allowing me to add these two
resolutions as a part of the platform.
The Chair : The question is upon the motion to reconsider.
Mr. Doolittle : I demand a vote by States. I am informed by
gentlemen familiar with the rules of the House of Representatives
that I am in order to move them now .as independent resolutions to
go with the platform ; is that correct or not ?
The Chair : The Chair overrules that view of the case.
Mr. Doolittle : . Then I stand on my motion to reconsider.
Mr. McLane : I rise to move that the motion to reconsider be laid
upon the table.
The motion was unanimously agreed to.
Mr. Hutchins, of Missouri : Is it in order to move to make the
vote unanimous b}^ which the platform was adopted ?
The Chair : Yes, sir.
Mr. Hutchins : I make that motion and yield the five minutes
which I may be allowed to speak upon the motion, to the Hon. S. S.
Cox, of New York.
The Chair : The motion is that the vote on the platform be
made unanimous and that it be carried by acclamation.
Mr. Hutchins; In making that motion I have a right to speak five
minutes, and I yield that five minutes to Mr. Cox and insist he has
the right to use that five minutes.
The Chair : Objection is made.
Mr. Cox : I claim the right to the floor for five minutes.
The Chair : Go on.
Mr. Cox: I wish to say this: There is very little difference
between the platform adopted —
Mr. Beebe, of New York : A point of order. The motion to
reconsider has been voted down ; that is a finality upon that prop-
osition.
Mr. Cox : I only wish to say that after this Convention shall be
through I pledge you —
National Democratic Convention. 121
a motion for nominations.
Mr. McLane, of Maryland: I move that the Convention now pro-
ceed to nominate candidates for President and Vice-President of the
United States. [Cheers.]
The Chair : It is now moved that the Convention proceed to
nominate candidates for the Presidency and Vice-Presidency of the
United States. [Cheers.]
The motion prevailed.
THE NOMINATIONS.
The Secretary : Alabama.
Delegate from Arkansas : Is it proposed that we shall proceed
to vote for nominees before any nominations are made? [Uproar.]
The Chair : The Convention will come to order.
The Secretary: The Chair desires the Secretary to read the rule
in relation to making nominations [reading] : "The roll of States
shall be called, and if a State has a candidate, he shall be pre-
sented to the Convention in a speech not longer than ten minutes."
Alabama.
When Delaware was called, Mr. Whitely mounted the platform
and spoke as follows :
NOMINATION OF HON. THOS. F. BAYARD.
Mr. Chairman and fellow-Democrats — The Democracy of Dela-
ware have instructed her delegation to put in nomination for the
Presidency of the United States her distinguished citizen, the Hon.
Thomas Francis Bayard. [Cheers.] Is it necessary, fellow-Demo-
crats, for me to enumerate his claims upon you for that office ? They
are known, in our judgment, known and real and admitted by all
Democrats of the Union. [Applause.] In the prime of his life, in
the full vigor of his youthful manhood, drawing his Democracy from
the Constitution, loyal to it, and to it above all other things, live and
active in the protection of all the interests of all the sections of our
country ; a pledged friend to all reforms, civil service and others ; a
pledged enemy of and a foe to corruption in his own as in the Re-
publican party. [Applause ] Talented ; as honest in private life
as in public, as God's glorious sun at noonday [applause] ; he stands
to-day before you and the country, a statesman worthy of the
honor, confidence, and trust of any part}7 or of any people.
In sajdng this, fellow-Democrats, I, of course, do not intend any
comparison derogatory to the distinguished gentlemen who will be
122 Official Proceedings of the
named hereafter. He is not above them, he is not below them, but
he is their peer. [Cheers.] Entering the Senate seven short years
ago, he has made his mark upon the senatorial scroll as high as any
other man. [Cheers.] It is true he comes from a small State ;
but, my fellow- Democrats, while he belongs to Delaware, he belongs
to the Union. [Cheers.] Then I sa3^ in his behalf and in behalf of
the Democracy of Delaware, that the times demand his nomination.
The reading, thinking, patriotic Democrats, who send you here,
demand his nomination. Not Delaware alone, but the Union de-
mands his nomination. Our country's danger demands his nomina-
tion ; and permit me to sa}^, you gentlemen who are friends of other
candidates — success, success, which we are all after, demands his
nomination. [Cheers.]
I leave him, therefore, fellow-Democrats, in your hands. All this
I can say, that Delaware lies down upon that nomination, and means
to fight it out on that line — if not all summer, during the sitting of
this Convention. [Cheers,] But if you do nominate him, all I can
sajr is, that you will have a gallant, worthy and brave standard-
bearer ; for, like the illustrious chevalier of France, from whom he
takes his name, he is "without fear and without reproach."
[Cheers.]
The call of the States proceeded until Indiana was
reached.
NOMINATION OF HON. THOS. A. HENDRICKS.
Mr. Williams, of Indiana : Mr. President and gentlemen of the
Convention — In the name and in behalf of the united Democracy of
the State of Indiana, I put in nomination Gov. Thomas A. Hen-
dricks, of Indiana, [loud and prolonged cheers] as your candidate
for President of the United States. He is a man that is known to
the whole nation. There is no spot or blemish upon his public or
private character. He is presented as the unanimous choice of the
Democracy of a Democratic State. He comes here backed by his
delegation and by every Democrat in Indiana. There is no fire in
his rear here. W^ believe that if he is our nominee we can carry
the State of Indiana by from 12,000 to 20,000. [Cheers.]
You delegates in this Convention must determine for yourselves
by your votes whether you want Indiana to remain Democratic or
not. We propose to support the nominee of this Convention who-
ever he may be. There is no diversity among us on that subject,
but we woulgl like to have a man for our candidate that we know we
can carry the State for. In conclusion, Mr. President, I desire to
National Democratic Convention. 123
read the resolution that was adopted b}^ the Democracy of the State
at its last Convention, and with that, sir, I will close.
Resolved, That the people of Indiana recognize with pride and
pleasure the eminent public services of Hon. Thos. A. Hendricks.
In all public trusts he has been faithful to duty, and in his public
and private life pure and without blemish. We therefore declare
that he is our unanimous choice for the Presidency of the United
States,
I now, Mr. President, give way to my friend from Illinois, Mr.
Puller.
Mr. Fuller, of Illinois : Mr. President and gentlemen of the
Convention — Depressed under the weight of debt and taxation, uni-
versal corruption, general demoralization, and all the evils that
inevitably flow from the persistent disregard of fundamental law in
the long and uninterrupted retention of unlimited power in the same
hands, the country demands a return to the principles and practice
of the fathers of the Republic in this the hundredth year of its exist-
ence [applause], and the restoration of a wise and frugal govern-
ment, that shall leave to every man the freest pursuit of his avoca-
tions or his pleasures, consistent with the rights of his neighbors,
and shall not take from the mouth of labor the bread it has earned.
Dissatisfied with bare respectability, which, though it may tend to
retard, cannot stay the downward progress, the country turns to the
Democratic Convention assembled, and asks this great party to place
in nomination the next President of the United States. [Cheers.]
That nominee must be intrinsically honest himself, that he may be
the cause of honesty in others : capable himself, that he may be
quick to discern and to appropriate the capacity of others as well as
to exert his own ; lofty in thought and pure in spirit, that it may be
at once acknowledged that he may drag up drowning honor by the
locks, raise governmental administration from the depths into which
it has been plunged, and elevate and purify the moral tone of the
nation. [Applause.] He must be a statesman of such breadth of
mind and of such grasp of information as to be enabled to embrace
the whole country within the compass of his judgment, and so to
act that he will secure the greatest good to the greatest number, and
so the good of all. Such a man, Mr. President and gentlemen of
the Convention, is presented in the name of Thomas A. Hendricks,
the gallant Governor of Indiana. [Great applause.] Endowed with
that capacity for continuous effort, that tenacity of purpose, that
simplicity of habit whicti characterized his hardy ancestiy, who and
1 24 Official Proceedings of the
whose fellows centuries ago wrested from the sea the land on which
they lived ; taught by an education, acquired by the use of the axe
and the saw, the value of eeononry — economy which the world seems
to spurn while it acknowledges and does homage to its fruits ;
schooled by thirty years of eminent and honorable practice at the
bar and twenty-five of concurrent activity in high public stations ; of
stainless character, and with a record which needs no explanation,
as it lies open to the sunlight without a blot to mar its purity
[applause] ; conversant with the wants of the entire country, in all its
length and breadth, though particularly of those of the great West,
in which his revolutionary sires were pioneers, and of that South,
linked to it by a thousand ties of inter-communication, common
interest and mutual affection ; added to all, possessed of those qual-
ities of heart that attract friendship and never disappoint it, Thomas
A. Hendricks, as the Democratic standard-bearer, would realize 1he
wishes of the people and would, at least, deserve success. [Ap-
plause.] And if deserved, what better leader to insure it? Here
on the fertile plains of the West ; here on the seat of empire, beneath
that star which for so many years has led the way, and now shines-
fixed but resplendent above the valley of the Mississippi — here the
cleciswe battle of the campaign is to be fought [applause] , for here
are to be waged those great contests which precede the main engage-
ment and determine its results.
What better leader than he to meet the enemy at their first onset,
drive back their wavering forces on the center, and mingle all in
undistinguishable ruin? What better leader than he, who, believing
odium incurred by the practice of virtue is glory and not odium, in
the disastrous days snatched victory from defeat, and lighted up with
the splendor of his achievements the darkness 'twixt the twilight of
1860 and the dawn of 1876? Already, in the expectation of his can-
didacy, hope elevates and joy brightens every crest in the conscious-
ness of approaching victory ; already thousands upon thousands are
listening to catch the blast upon that bugle horn, well worth a million
men. Already our opponents recoil at the suggestion of his name,
for they know in that sign we can conquer.
Mr. President, on behalf of many delegates from Illinois ; on behalf
of thousands of Democratic voters of that State ; on behalf, I be-
lieve, of myriads of my fellow-citizens of the West, the thundering
tramp of whose feet, as they rush to the encounter, and the sound of
whose voices as they rise in triumphant acclaim as they emerge from
the smoke of battle, I even now seem to hear, I have the honor to
second the nomination of Thomas A. Hendricks of Indiana.
National Democratic Convention. 125
Mr. Williams, of Indiana: I desire, with the permission of the
Convention, that Gen. Campbell, of Tennessee, shall occupy five
minutes of my time.
Gen. Campbell, of Tennessee : Mr. President and gentlemen of
the Convention — I am instructed by the delegates from the State of
Tennessee, who received their authority from the largest Convention
that ever assembled in that State, to second the nomination of the
great and distinguished statesman of Indiana, the Hon. Thomas A.
Hendricks. [Applause.] And I pledge the State of Tennessee that
if this Convention, in its wisdom, shall see proper to approve the
nomination which is made here to-day, that in November next we
will carry him at the polls by a majority of fifty thousand votes. I
would not be doing the great State of Tennessee justice, nor nryself
justice, or the other distinguished gentlemen whose names have been
and will be presented to the Convention, if I did not say to you that
all of them have many devoted followers and admirers in the grand
old volunteer State. There are many there who would like to follow
the lead of the great statesman-Governor of New York [applause],
who has cleansed the Augean stables in his State, and driven the
hydra-headed monster of corruption into exile.
There are many, very many in that State who would be glad to fol-
low the distinguished soldier of the State of Pennsylvania [cheers],
and it was when the black clouds of subjugation hovered over our
heads that he was the first to produce a rift in the clouds, and to hold
up the bow of promise to our people. It was he of whom our distin-
guished chairman once said he was like a sword wearing a jewel in
its hilt. But there is one consideration that has more influence with
Tennessee than any other, and that is the supreme consideration of
success. [Applause.] We feel that we must conquer in the battle
that is to be fought in November next, and in casting around among
many of the distinguished men of the nation, whom Tennessee will
follow, she is of the opinion that under the leadership of the great
statesman of Indiana we are more certain to conquer than any other
[cheers], and when we look at his character we find that his
whole history is the very best and most eloquent sermon on political
integrity and reform that was ever written by man. We find that
his Democracy is as catholic as the Constitution itself. We find that
he lives in a locality where there are no dissensions in his ranks.
We find that his own people come up here in solid phalanx for him,
like the Macedonian phalanx, with its lances all pointed outward,
and move toward their friends. [Cheers.]
126 Official Proceedings of the
I thank you, gentlemen of the Convention, and give you now
assurances of the hearty support that the State of Tennessee will
give the distinguished statesman of Indiana in November next.
[Applause.]
When ]STew York was called there was a tremendous
outburst of cheers, which subsided when it was discov-
ered that she had been called out of order, before !N^ew
Jersey.
The Secretary : The Secretary by mistake called New York
instead of New Jersey.
NOMINATION OF HON. JOEL PARKER.
The State of New Jersey being called, Mr. Abbott,
of New Jersey, took the stand and spoke as follows :
Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen of the Convention : New Jersey
is not so great in size as her mighty sister across the Hudson, but
she is surely Democratic at all times [cries of '-Good!"], and in
this great fight which is to be waged against the Radical power at
Washington, you need through this land the vote of New Jersey in
the electoral college [cheers] ; and we say this in New Jersey, that
no matter what Democrat is presented to the people of this Union by
this Convention, New Jersey Democrats know of no fealty to any
man. [Cheers.] But, gentlemen of the Convention, we are delib-
erating in reference to this matter so as to select the man who can
secure success not only in New Jersey, not only in New York, but
through the entire Union. [Cries of "Good!"] We want not
triumph in individual States, and we want at Washington no haze,
but we want some honest Democrat. [Cheers.]
Now, we believe that although the State of New Jersey is not so
great or mighty as some of her sisters in the Union, yet she can
present to this Convention the name of a man that will sweep this
country like a whirlwind from Maine to Florida, and from the
Atlantic to the Pacific [cheers] ; and, gentlemen of the Convention,
the Democracy of that State come here through their delegates as a
unit. [Cries of "Good!"] Every man in that State says, and I
hereby, in obedience to the universal will of the Democracy of that
State, nominate ex-Gov. Joel Parker, of New Jersey [cheers]— a
man never beaten at the polls in his life ; a man sixty years of age,
and all that time from his earliest vote a Democrat. [Cheers.]
His record, about which you have a right to know, as an available
National Democratic Convention. 127
candidate, is this : His private and his public life is beyond and
above reproach. He can look into the eye of his God Himself,
feeling; that there is no stain or shame that should make him blush
[cheers] during the time that he has been Governor, and he has
been honored with that nomination twice in his own State — an honor
never given to any man twice elected there by the people.
He was during six years the Democratic Governor of New Jersey,
and in one of them was the only Democratic Governor in the Union,
and during that time wrote a record of which he can be proud. He
stood by the Federal Government in the fight for the Union, and as
long as there was armed rebellion in the land, New Jersey soldiers,
under the direction of our Governor, were sent to the field. No
man has ever heard from him aught but patriotic utterance ; and the
result was, that when other States were swept from Democratic
moorings of patriotism, the wise, politic course of Joel Parker held
New Jersey firm when all the rest of you were swept away.
[Applause.] Now the question is, who can carry Pennsylvania
["Parker"], Connecticut, New Jersey, New York or Indiana? and,
gentlemen, if I know aught of the Democracy in New York, if I see
before me the enthusiastic friends of Gov. Tilclen [cheers], let me
ask them, will they say to this Convention, you cannot carry that
State with Joel Parker? Will they do it? ["No, no."] Let me
appeal to Pennsylvania, and ask Pennsylvania, who, in 1863, sent New
Jersey regiments to aid your State when she was invaded ? [Voices,
"Parker and Seymour," and cheers.] Yes, and Joel Parker,
within forty-eight hours from the time the cry came from Gov.
Curtin, had his troops marching through the streets of Philadelphia.
I ask you to go into the valley of the Cumberland, ye delegates from
Pennsylvania, and tell them that the man nominated is the one who
sent his troops to the front to save their homes and their families ;
tell them that that man, with a pure record, and a life above reproach,
a loyal man, and one who stood by them in the hour of danger, and
do you think Pennsylvania will desert him? ["No, no, never!" and
a voice, uThe war is over."] Yes, and on that I desire to say this,
that when the war was over, Joel Parker, who stood by the Union as
we all stand by it now, Gov. Parker was the first man to raise his
voice to recognize the fact that when arms were laid down, it was
that the South and every man in it should have the right to vote and
send their representatives to Washington. [Cheers.] His last
message at the end of his term in 1866, the first of January— his
message then breathes only a proper spirit for a Democrat: "When
your country is at war, know nothing except to win. When arms are
128 Official Proceedings of the
laid down, take 3^0111* brothers by the hand, and bury forever all
animosities in the common good of the whole country."
Now, gentlemen of the Convention, I will not detain you longer,
because my time is up ; but I say this, that Joel Parker, if it be your
pleasure to nominate him, can win this fight.
I say this, that there is not a single animosity or a single thing
against which he would have to strive except the Republican paity.
There are no feelings against him. Upon him all could unite, and I
believe that airy Democrat who receives the nomination of this Con-
vention, whoever he may be, will be the successful candidate in
November, and for one little State, New Jersey, that nominates Joel
Parker, will at least give him here nine electoral Azotes. ["Good!"
and applause.]
NOMINATION OF GOV. TILDEN.
The Secretary called the State of New York.
The Chair : Gentlemen of the Convention, I have the honor
to introduce to you Senator Kernan, of New York. [Long con-
tinued applau se . ]
Senator Ivernan spoke as follows :
Mr. President and Delegates of the Democracy of the United
States : I desire to say to you that I rejoice and feel a pleasure in
every word which has been said in commendation of the distinguished
men who have been presented to you for your suffrages in this nom-
inating Convention. [Applause.] They are my countrymen ; they
belong to the glorious party with which I act, and no man would
repel with more indignation any word or insinuation to their detri-
ment, and no man feels more pride in their glorious fame than I do.
[Applause.] But, fellow-Democrats, while I appear before you to
address my words, feeble though they may be, to your judgment,
swa}Ted by nothing but your love of country [applause] , the election
we are to have this fall rises far above the ordinary elections which we
have. It is one, in my judgment, that touches the welfare and the
prosperity of our people throughout the entire Union ; it is not a
mere question of whether honorable, honest and upright men shall
be elected, but whether we shall select those men who are more
sure to carry the election, that we may have reforms and changes
which are essential to our prosperity and our happiness. [Applause.]
Don't we need change and reforms, you warm-hearted men from the
South, who have been trampled down under this Constitution [ap-
plause], and who have been wronged as no people ever have? Don't
National Democratic Convention. 129
we need a restoration of proper administration, by which you men
in those States shall be allowed to manage your own affairs, and shall
be freed from plundering adventurers, who are eating up the substance
of your people, and taking from you all real republican government?
[Applause.] Don't we need change and reform, you men throughout
this fertile and glorious West? Your industry does not get its just
reward. Your labor goes without that which labor should always
win. Your industry is paralyzed, and your capital even is too timid
to aid enterprise. Don't we need it in my own section of the
Union, with our closed factories, where our dispirited laborers seek
in vain for that which shall give bread to their wives and children?
Oh, we need reforms that shall strike down taxation ; which shall
lighten our burden ; which shall give us the prosperity that an eco-
nomical and honest administration will give. We need reforms which
shall bring back purity and honesty and economy in the administra-
tion of your public affairs. And, my fellow-Democrats, I appeal to
your intelligence. The great issue which is in the minds of our
people, the issue upon which this election will be lost or won, is that
question of needed administrative reform — where we can get it.
[Applause.] And in selecting our candidates, without any disrespect
to others, we should select men who will command the entire confi-
dence of our people, as much as we can, in reference to these ques-
tions of reform and economy and reduction of taxation. We all
know that the Republican party resolved in 1868 and 1872, in language
which we cannot excel, that they would give us reforms, and they
would lighten the burdens of taxation. My friends, I know that
any Democrat who comes into the administration will work out re-
forms, but if we are wise men we will take a man, if we find him, who
has made reforms when in office. [Applause.] I have no disrespect
for the Democrats who, in this Convention, can utter dissent to the
good repute of any candidate named. I honor them all ; I am
addressing your judgment. I have said that if we had a man who
had been so fortunate as to be placed in public position, who had
laid his hand on dishonest officials, no matter to what parly they
belonged ; who had rooted out abuses in the discharge of his duty ;
who had shown himself able and willing to bring down taxation and
inaugurate reform — if we are wise men, and have such a man, it is
no disparagement to any other candidate to say that this is the man
that will command the confidence of men who have not been always
, with the Democracy, and make our claims strong, so that it will
sweep all over this Union — a triumphant party vote.
Now, there is in the State whence I come — it is familiar to you — a
(9)
130 Official Proceedings of the
Democrat who has the good fortune to be placed in the position
where these qualities have been exemplified. There had grown up in
our great Democratic city men who called themselves Democrats,
who, under the guise of Democracy, dishonored our party by plun-
dering the people whom they were bound to protect and serve.
[Applause.] And citizens there, and the one I shall name, con-
nected with others, and they overthrew these corruptionists in their
own party, and they restored honesty and economy, and these men
have flown to other lands, lest they be punished for their crimes.
[Applause.]
He was selected as Governor of our State. He came into the office
on the first day of January, 1875. The direct taxes taken from our
tax-ridden people in the State of New York were over fifteen million
dollars in the tax levy of 1874. [Applause.] He has been in office
eighteen months, and the tax levj^ of the State of New York for the
State Treasury for this year, 1876, is but eight million of dollars.
[Cheers.] If you go among our farming people, among our men
who find business coming down and their produce bringing low
prices, you will find that they have faith in the man who has reduced
taxation in the State of New York one-half in eighteen months
[applause] ; and you will hear the honest men throughout the coun-
try say that they want the man that will do at Washington what has
been done in the State of New York. [Cheers.] Now, do not mis-
understand me. We have other worthy men and good men in the
State of New York who, if they had had the chance to have been
elected, and had had a chance to have discovered the frauds in our
State administration along our canals, which were thus depleting our
people, would have done the work faithfully, I doubt not; but it so
happened that ISamuel J. Tilden [loud and continued cheers], but it
so happened that the great Democratic party of the State of New
York reaped this great benefit for our people, and this great honor
for our party, because they elected Samuel J. Tilden. When they
found in the State of New York he had been active in reforming
abuses, it so happened that he was the man who by his measures —
[cries of "Time, time," "Go on, go on."] I won't go on if anybody
objects, but I ask only one minute. [Cries of "Goon," "Time,"
"Go on."]
I want to add one word, my friends, and it is this : I do not come
here to vouch for my opinion, but I read from the resolutions passed
by the Convention of the State of New York, with their two delegates
from every Congressional district of our State — [a voice, "Three"]
which is a part of the credentials which I laid before this Conven-
National Democratic Convention. 131
tion — I want to give you what the representatives of the Democracy
of New York said in their judgment was the position of the gentle-
man I have named, after passing by their commendation of other
things :
Resolved, That the Democratic party of New York, while committing
to their delegates the duty of joining with the feelings of their fellow-
Democrats in all the States in the momentous deliberations of the
National Convention, declare their settled conviction that a return to
the constitutional principles of frugal expenditure and the adminis-
trative purity of the founders of the republic is the first and most
imperious necessity of the times.
This is the commanding issue now before the people of the Union,
and they suggest, with respectful deference to their brethren of other
States, and with cordial appreciation of other renowned Democratic
statesmen, faithful like him to their political principles and public
trust, that the nomination of Samuel J. Tilden to the office of Presi-
dent would insure the vote of the State of New York. [Cheers.]
Mr. Kelly, of New York, took the stand, amid
cheers mingled with hisses.
A Delegate : Mr. Chairman, there seems to be some geese in the
hall. I would like to have them removed. [Laughter.]
Mr. Kelly: Mr. Chairman, I wish that I could convince myself
in what has been said by the Senator from the State of New York in
relation to the candidate that he has named to this Convention for
its support. I, like him, am anxious — hopeful, prayerful — that we
should regenerate this country from the thraldom which now —
A Delegate : Mr. Chairman, is the gentleman seconding the nom-
ination made by the gentleman from New York ? [Cries of ' 'Kelly,
Kelly!" and confusion.]
The Chair : Who can tell but what the gentleman has some other
name to put in nomination? He has a right to speak in his own
time.
A Delegate: Unless the gentleman is up there to second the
nomination of Mr. Tilden, he is out of order.
The Chair : I have not understood for what purpose the gentle-
man has arisen yet. [Cries of "Kelly!" and confusion and hisses.]
Mr. Kelly : Mr. Chairman, I was saying to you and to this Con-
vention [more hisses] that I believe the candidate that can best meet
the condition of things — [hisses.]
132 Official Proceedings of the
Mr. Hutchins, of Missouri: I move you, sir, that the President
instruct the Serge ant- at- Arms to remove from this floor any gentle-
man who is not a delegate who seeks to interrupt the speaker.
[Cheers.]
The Chair : The Chair will see that he is so instructed.
Mr. Hutchins : I will cast my vote for the gentleman against
whom I know he is opposed, but I intend that he shall have fair
pla}r. [Cheers.]
Mr. Davis, of Kansas : I think it is a matter of very great pro-
priet}^ to scotch these vipers who hiss when gentlemen get up to
speak.
The Chair: I hope the Sergeant-at-Arms will attend to those
gentlemen who exercise their lungs in hissing.
Mr. Kelly : I was going to say to you, Mr. Chairman, and to the
members of this Convention — [hisses.]
A Delegate from New York: It is the unanimous wish of the
delegation from the State of New York that the gentleman be heard.
[More hisses and confusion.]
Mr. Weed, of New York: I ask, in behalf of a majority of the
delegation who are opposed in opinion to Mr. Kelly, that he should
have a respectful hearing before this body. [More confusion and
hisses.]
Mr. Kernan, of New York: Mr. President, I appeal to every
friend of the State of New York to give my colleague on the delega-
tion a hearing. All good comes out of that, and no evil. [Cries of
" Good !" | All I ask is, let every man talk before the nomination,
and after the nomination let us all go in for the nominee. [Cheers.]
Mr. Breckinridge, of Kentucky: I rise and have a right to
demand —
The Chair : Will the gentleman tell me what he wants ?
.Mr. Breckinridge: I did not hear the Chair.
The Chair : What is it the gentleman wishes to say ?
Mr. Breckinridge : I desire to raise simply this point of order.
I do not desire that the gentleman from New York shall not be
heard ; for, sir, I am for fair play and a free fight. [Cries of
" Order!,"]
The Chair : The gentleman has the floor, and will not be inter-
rupted.
National Democratic Convention. 133
Mr. Breckinridge : The point of order I desire to make is this —
[great confusion.]
Mr. Kelly [resuming] : Mr. Chairman, I believe the man to
meet the exigency of the case is Thomas A. Hendricks, of Indiana
[cheers] , and while I believe so I feel convinced —
Mr. Breckinridge: Mr. Chairman, I have a right to state my
point of order. It is a right I have as a delegate. [Cries of " Sit
down" and "Kelly."]
The Chajr : Make your point of order.
Mr. Breckinridge : The point of order I desire to make is for
the Chair to decide whether the discussion on the merits of the can-
didates is in order ; if so, whether other gentlemen can be heard
besides the gentleman from New York ; whether it shall be an open
discussion for other gentlemen who choose to enter into it to take
part in it. That is all I want. [Cries of "Kelly."] Is the point
well taken?
Mr. Kelly : I believe I have the floor, Mr. Chairman, and in
view —
The Chairman (to Mr. Breckinridge) : You can be heard in
reply.
Mr. Kelly : I believe that in view of the election that will take
place in October next in Indiana and Ohio, that if that nomination
were given to the Western people, we could save one or both of those
States. [Cheers.] I believe, Mr. Chairman, that if you are beaten
in those two States it is an utter impossibility to save New York.
[Cheers and "That's so."] You gave the nomination for the Presi-
dency in 1864 to the State of New Jersey, to a gentleman who did
this country good service in the late war. The gentleman's connec-
tion was equally as great in the State of New York as it was in New
Jersey. Now, gentlemen, you will recollect that that candidate was
beaten. In 1868 you also favored New York's gallant son, Horatio
Seymour, a man who is respected from Maine to California, wherever
his name is mentioned ; one whose long identity with the Democratic
party makes him, in the mouths of the followers of that party, a
household word. Again, in 1872, you gave the nomination to another
New York gentleman. Both of these candidates were beaten, and
you will recollect that in both and in all three cases the States of
Indiana and Ohio were lost. Now you propose to repeat the errors
that have been committed for the last twelve years [cheers] by again
taking another New York man. [" No !" " No !"] It might appear
134 Official Proceedings of the
to this Convention that I was only present here opposing Mr. Tilden' s
nomination. [A spectator in the gallery here proposed three cheers
for Tilden.]
A Delegate : I rise to a point of order and ask that the Sergeant-
at-Arms be instructed to expel the man who proposed the three
cheers for Tilden. [Great confusion, and cries of "Put him out!"
"No!" "No!"]
Several delegates rose to their feet and pointed to the man referred
to, requesting Mr. Able, the Sergeant- at- Arms, to expel him, while
others shouted " No ! " " No ! "
The Sergeant-at-Arms admonished the gentleman, but did not
remove him.
Mr. Kelly: Members of this Convention, do not be guided by
your passions, but by your reason ; for if you are beaten in the com-
ing canvass, it is the end, in my opinion, of the Democratic party.
[Applause.] I believe sincerely that it will also result in the de-
struction of our Government. Isn't it, then, your duty to act cau-
tiously and prudently? Do not be carried away by any affection
that you may have for Samuel J. Tilden in this Convention. You
may have cause to regret his nomination when you have made it, if
you do make it. [Cries of " Tilden" and great confusion.] I was
going to say that there are now sitting there in that New York dele-
gation a very respectable minority who agree with me that it would
be a fatal policy for the Democratic party to pursue at this time.
[Renewed confusion.] Their mouths are stifled, their tongues are
closed within their mouths. They can say nothing here in view of
the action that was taken by a majority of that delegation. If they
were allowed to speak here they would tell you that, sitting directly
in front of me, there are seventeen delegates who are opposed to
Mr. Tilden' s nomination [applause;] not on personal or political
grounds ; not in malice ; not in anything which would characterize
our opinion as against our judgment, but because they believe in
their hearts and souls that if this Convention nominate Mr. Tilden
as their candidate for the Presidency they will regret it — [the last
part of the sentence was lost in the confusion.] Mr. Chairman, I, as
a member of that delegation, on the part of myself and them, protest
against his nomination because we know and feel that disaster would
come upon our great party if that thing be done. [Cries of "Time !"]
Mr. Chairman, I hope that this Convention will reason upon this
matter in cool judgment. I hope that they will look upon it as sen-
sible men. Recollect what I have already said to the members of
National Democratic Convention. 135
this Convention, that if we are beaten in the West in October,
undoubtedly we will be beaten in the East.
Now, in conclusion, I thank the members of this Convention for the
hearing they have given me. One word more, I warn you to recollect
the words I have said — [the confusion and applause drowned the
last part of the sentence.]
Mr. Boolittle : By one of the rules of this house, I understand
that persons upon the floor who are not members of the Convention,
or in the gallery, if they make disturbance to interrupt a speaker,
are out of order, and would be liable to be expelled from the cham-
ber. I ask the President if that is the rule ?
The Chair : The Chair would respond that such persons are not
only out of order and liable to be removed, but I direct the Ser-
geant-at-Arms to remove them promptly. The Sergeant-at-Arms
finding any persons making any disturbance inside the chamber, is
instructed to remove them from the hall. And I have further to say,
and that will interest many, that the National Executive Committee
are now considering the question, and that very seriously, whether
they will issue any tickets to-morrow except to members of the
Convention.
A Delegate : I have a point of order. There are several other
gentlemen to be nominated in this Convention as candidates for
President. Is it in order for any gentleman to rise on this floor to
second that nomination, and thereby disparage the nominee, as has
been done here ?
The Chair : The Chair would respond that if the gentleman will
read carefully the resolution which was adopted, he will find that it
contains no such restriction.
the call of states continued.
Mr. Flournoy, of Virginia : Mr. President and gentlemen of the
Convention — Virginia is not here in my person to disparage or to
say aught against either of the distinguished men who are named in
connection with the Presidency of the United States. As repre-
senting the Democratic party, Virginia desires, and the interest it
takes in this great movement is, to place a tried, true and honest
Democrat at the head of the government of these United States
[applause] ; and whoever this grand Convention, assembled from the
North, from the South, from the East, from the West, shall name
as its choice for President, will receive in November the vote of old
136 Official Proceedings of the
Virginia. We came here, our delegates, to inquire who it was that
would most likely carry the majority of the electoral votes of the
United Slates, and came here for the purpose and the determination
to support the man that the Convention, in its wisdom, named and
placed before the country. But, gentlemen, we have our opinions ;
and after an examination of the whole field, according to our best
capacity, we have come to the conclusion that that wise, true,
earnest, practical and successful reformer, Samuel J. Tilden, is the
man. [Cheers.] I listened to-day to the reading of our platform
with infinite interest and pleasure, and all through it, from the begin-
ning to the end, rang reform ! reform ! reform ! and honest consti-
tutional administration of the government. [Cheers.] And it
would seem to us, sir, that in this great movement of reform and the
restoration of an honest constitutional administration of the govern-
ment— that in moving to reform and leaving Samuel J. Tilden out,.
would be to act Hamlet with Hamlet out. [Laughter and applause.]
The responsibility that is upon us who are assembled here is great
almost beyond conception. In travelling from my home here I
came across the whole of the original territory of the United States
in 1776. The Mississippi river was its boundary. I stand now upon
the western bank of the Father of Waters, in this grand city, with
its half million of population, and in my mind's eye I look across
to the Pacific, and this great country of ours is washed by the Pa-
cific ocean. I look back to its early days and to the three millions
of people. Now there are forty millions. The first century of our ex-
istence has passed away, and its trials and its triumphs have become
historical ; and the only humiliation we have at the end of the first
century of our existence is that we find this government, grown as
it has in population, spread as it has in territory, in the hands and
in the possession of the spoiler. It is our duty to wrest it from the
hands of the spoiler. It is our duty to snatch it from them and to
place it in the hands of true, tried and honest men, who will bring
the reform that we hear of in New York to Washington City, and
spread its benign influences over all this land. And then, commenc-
ing the new century of our existence, we may see a country put upon
a new track of honesty and constitutional administration that will
give it a lease of life for ages yet to come ; and, as it grows in powerr
as it increases in wealth and population, as it increases in territory,
let its honest administration send forth a voice to the nations of the
earth, and let the sons of liberty keep on in their struggle for a
free government, and then let us make this country of ours the light-
house of liberty to the world [cries of "Time! time!"]; and, sirr
National Democratic Convention. 137
may this great Union endure until the last syllable of recorded time.
[Cheers.]
Mr. Herndon, of Texas : Mr. President and gentlemen of the
Convention — In behalf of the Democratic State of Texas, occupying
the most southwestern part of this Union — a State that once bore
the burdens of the war to enjoy the smiles of peace as an independ-
ent sovereign power ; a State that comes here with the States of this
Union because she loved the system of government enjoyed by
them, because she loved union and loved peace as she does to-day ;
a State whose people having once espoused a cause never faltered in
its support — the people of that State have directed me, upon this
occasion, in behalf of the Democracy, to second the nomination of
Samuel J. Tilden, of New York [cheers], a statesman who stands
in the first rank, who has inaugurated a policy in the great State of
New York, that has borne the fruit of retrenchment, reform and
honest government. [Cheers.] That policy which he has inaugu-
rated has exercised an influence that has been felt all over this Union.
It has pervaded the rank and file of the Democracy in every State,
in every part of this great government, and his nomination upon the
platform which you have adopted is a guarantee of success in No-
vember next. [Cheers.] We do not, in seconding this nomination,
disparage the character, Democracy or statesmanship and ability of
the gentlemen who have already been nominated, or who may here-
after be nominated. We profoundly respect them all, and although
the gentleman whose nomination we now second may not be the suc-
cessful candidate before this Convention, we will pledge our undivided
support to whoever you may nominate. [Cheers.]
But I say to you that if you do place Samuel J. Tilden upon your
platform, as the bearer of your standard, that for the State of Texas
we pledge to you one hundred thousand majority in November
next.
North Carolina was then called and there was no
response.
NOMINATION OF HON. WM. ALLEN.
Ohio heing next called, Mr. Ewing took the platform
and said :
Gentlemen, a few moments ago a duty which had been assigned
to another member of the delegation of my State, and which he was
unexpectedly unable to perform, was assigned to me, of presenting
from Ohio the name of one of our purest, best and most beloved
citizens, and former statesman, William Allen [cheers,] the com-
peer of Webster, Clay, Benton and Wright. He brings from that
138 Official Proceedings of the
earlier and better day of the republic, traditions and the spirit of
personal and official purity which the times demand ; and now, with
a ripe and varied culture, a store of information, a clearness and
vigor of intellect such as few able young men possess, he is one of
the typical Democrats of the Western States. He is a Democrat at
heart, a lover of the people, and beloved by the people. Never in
the whole course of his official career has he forgotten that the
Democratic party is the special representative and defender of the
toiling masses against the exactions of the watchful, idle and rapa-
cious few. His name would be a platform. His name would be a
vast deal which the people of the Western States will be grieved to
find left out of the platform of the Convention.
It would mean hostility to the whole series of finance measures of
the Republican party, by which they have enormously increased the
public burdens and enormously enriched that bonded aristocracy
which has grown up out of the war. [Applause.] It would mean
hostility to the act of 1873, by which, furtively, without a word of
debate, the old standard silver dollar — which was made the Standard
of value by the act of George Washington of 1790, and which was the
unit of measures and the legal tender for all amounts, however large,
until 1873 — was stricken out of the coinage laws, in order that the
owners of the public debt might claim payment in a currency worth
ten per cent, more than that standard dollar [applause], in order
that the people of the United States should pay ten per cent, more to
the gentlemen who get our bonds at fifty and sixty cents on the dol-
lar, than they were entitled to by the very law in force under which
the bonds were issued. [Applause.] His nomination would mean
the absolute, immediate and unconditional repeal of the Republican
resumption law. If it should be the pleasure of the Convention —
which, of course, we are not very sanguine of [laughter]— to select
Mm as its standard-bearer, and if those States are considered of any
value in the impending contest, I may commend him. to you by the
statement that he would sweep them both (Ohio and Indiana) by a
whirlwind of majority. [Great applause.]
NOMINATION OF GEN. HANCOCK.
The Secretary called the State of Pennsylvania.
Mr. Wallace : Pennsylvania has a candidate by whom she means
to stand. His name and his claims will be presented by the Hon.
Mr. Clymer and two other gentlemen.
Mr. Clymer was introduced by the President, and
said:
National Democratic Convention. 139
Mr. President and Gentlemen of the Convention : I am charged
by the delegation from the State of Pennsylvania, representing 325,-
000 Democrats, to present in their name, and by their authority, as
their unanimous choice for the highest elective office on earth, the
name of one born on their soil and dear to their hearts ; the name of
one whose character is the embodiment of all that is chivalrous in
manhood and excellent in morals ; the name of one who never drew
his sword save in defence of his country's honor, or in obedience to
her laws [applause] ; the name of one who, in the hour of supreme
victory, never forgot a common brotherhood ; the name of one who,
although the very exemplar of grim-visaged war, is yet the sincerest
and lowliest devotee of the Constitution and the law ; the name of
one who, in the plenitude of military power, when dishonored, dis-
membered and dismantled States were placed in his absolute sway,
declared that the liberty of the press, the habeas corpus, the right of
trial by jury, the right of persons and of property must be maintained ;
the name of one whose fame and reputation are true to every Amer-
ican citizen of whatever race or color, party or creed — the name of
Winfield Scott Hancock. [Loud cheers.]
We present it to you as the very shibboleth of victory. No man
may doubt his honor ; no man will dare to question his integrity.
About him closes the affection of tens of thousands of men who sat
with him by the camp-fire, who have gone with him through the
shadow of death, and whom he has led into the clear sunlight of vic-
tory. And there are other tens of thousands who have never met
him, save as foeman in battle-array, amid the roar of cannon and the
blood and carnage of civil strife, who yet never breathe his name
save in honor, and to whom he is endeared by his kindness, his justice,
his mercy, and by his devotion to the Constitution and the law. His
past record is his pledge for the future ; we point to it with pride and
rely upon it with unshaken faith. Standing here upon the banks of
this mighty river, in this imperial centre, we ask the brethren from all
the sections of the republic to unite with us in proclaiming him our
nominee. [Applause.] His is no sectional fame ; his will be no sec-
tional support, and his will be no partisan victory. Good men ever}^
where, men who are devoted to the Constitution and the law, men who
denounce fraud and corruption, men who are determined to give to
the people of all the States the inestimable boon of home-rule and
self-government, men who are determined to drive out from high
places the thieves who have fattened upon the ill-gotten gains wrenched
from citizen and soldier alike, men who are opposed to the infamous
and corrupt military systems by which want, misery, suffering and
almost universal bankruptcy are brought upon this land, will unite
140 Official Proceedings of the
with ns upon this son of ours [cheers] ; and if they so unite, who*
may doubt the result?
Mr. Chairman, once in his career — history will record it as a fact —
he saved his State, and through her the union of these States, at
Gettysburg. If you nominate him in this Convention, history will
record another fact, that he will rescue his State in November next,,
[cheers], and thus rescue the Federal Government from the degrada-
tion and misrule which now curses it. [Applause.]
Gen. Brent then appeared on the rostrum and ad-
dressed the Convention as follows :
Mr. Presidknt and Gentlemen of the Convention : I would not
have ventured to trouble this Convention if the delegation of the great
State of Pennsylvania had not expressed their wish that something
should be said in behalf of and in relation to their favorite son, who,
in the State of Louisiana, made a civil record while he was exercising
powers and functions not exceeded by any governor or government
except that of the Sultan of Turkey or the Shah of Persia, and which
government he exercised in the same spirit that George Washington,
the father of his country, exhibited when, the war of the revolution
being terminated, he sheathed his sword and delivered his commission
to the civil authorities of the country. [Applause.] Therefore,
gentlemen, human gratitude would be but an expression if a son of*
Louisiana should hear the name of Winfield Scott Hancock mentioned.
We, in Louisiana and in the South, know Gen. Hancock as the great
Union winner in war and in peace. [Cheers.] Along the fateful
heights of Gettysburg, in the dark thickets of the Wilderness, we
knew him standing in the van and fore front of the late war as the
champion and embodiment of Columbia victrix et benevolens ; and
when peace came, and over this broad republic no flag was seen but
the flag of our common country, we recognize him again as the repre-
sentative of Columbia victrix et benevolens [cheers.] declaring to ten
millions of his fellow-citizens that there still remain to them the civil
birth-right and inheritance of the fathers — habeas corpus, trial by
jury, protection to property in due course of law. Therefore, gentle-
men, he has won us to the Union twice — by arms and in peace — and
I cannot but think that the prosperity and safety of the country will
be assured by him who has been illustrious in war and wise and gen-
erous in peace. [Cheers.]
Mr. Sexton, of Texas : Mr. President and gentlemen — I come from
a far-off State of this Union, and on the extreme Southwestern border,
and I feel it my duty to say, and it is my pleasure to say, that there
are a very considerable number of the people of that State who enter-
National Democratic Convention. 141
tain the opinion that Pennsylvania's distinguished son, Gen. Winfield
S. Hancock [cheers], is a pure patriot and a distinguished statesman,
endowed by nature and by cultivation with ability and intelligence
fully equal to discharge the high and responsible duties of President
of the United States. [Cheers.] I sh mid not have felt it my duty
to say this much had I not been invited by the Penns}dvania delega-
tion, and also because, while a very large majority of my fellow-dele-
gates who represent the State of Texas entertain the opinion that
another distinguished gentleman is the most available candidate whom
we can present at this time for the consideration of the American
people, there are a considerable number in Texas who think that
Gen. Hancock is that man. ("Cheers.] It is just and right to them,
and to the sentiment which I represent for them, that this should be
made known, and for the discharge of this duty I appear before you.
I have simply to say, as was said by the gentleman from Louisiana,
that the ability of Gen. Hancock as a statesman has been tried in
Texas by the severest of all ordeals — the ordeal of experience. It
■gives me pleasure to say this much, and to say if Gen. Hancock
should be nominated by this Convention he will receive a most enthu-
siastic support. I kn<>w I speak the sentiment of Texas when I say
this — that he will receive a most enthusiastic support from the whole
of Texas. [Cheers.]
But, like my colleague who addressed you, I say further, that who-
mever may be nominated of the distinguished gentlemen whose names
have been presented before you, you need have no doubt about the
majority in Texas. We have 10,000 Democratic votes to give to the
nominee of this Convention, and we only ask that those of you who
come from the older and the greater States of this Union will present
us a man who will be sure to win us success in November. [Cheers.]
After Wisconsin was called, Mr. Smith, of Wiscon-
sin, said :
I was busy at the moment, and did not hear the name of Wiscon-
sin called. As chairman of the delegation I have a word — only a
word — to say, and I suppose I may say it, though we have not a
candidate for President of the United States living within our bor-
ders, and what I wish to say —
A Delegate: I rise to a point of order.
Mr. Smith : No, sir, there is no point of order about it ; what I
shall say will have the merit of being the last that can be said upon
the subject of nominations before this Convention, and if there is
another gentleman in this assemblage who wants to call for order, let
Mm do it now. If not, let him hold his peace for two minutes. Sir,
142 Official Proceedings of the
I represent a State — I represent, with my colleagues, a State in the
valley of the great Mississippi river, bounded on the west by the
Mississippi, the fifteenth State in point of population in these United
States, and I knew it when it hadn't 20,000 people in it. We are
not New York, but we are a colony of New York and of Germany
[cheers] and of Ireland as well. The New Yorkers in Wisconsin,
and the Germans in Wisconsin, and the Irishmen in Wisconsin, and
the old Democratic voters who have stood by the Union and the flag
of the Union and the Constitution, have instructed me to second the
nomination of Samuel J. Tilden. [Cheers.] One other word and I
have done. Not because we do not appreciate the high character of
every one of the distinguished names that have been mentioned here
— every one of whom I have the honor personally to know — and one
or two equally distinguished who have not been mentioned at all ;
but it is because we believe that opportunity has enabled Samuel J.
Tilden to rise like the great oak in the forest upon this forest of men.
[Applause.] He can cany the State of Wisconsin ; and if any man
can carry the State of Wisconsin, he ought to carry any other State
in this Union. [Applause and laughter.] Sir, we have suffered in
common with the rest of the Democrats of this nation until we can-
not tolerate this bickering about men ; and I simply say here, that I
do not like to see New York men come here, after the question was
settled, and wash their dirty linen — [the rest of the sentence was
inaudible, owing to the applause.] I do not mean to say, Mr. Presi-
dent, that I have any opposition to these men personally, for I know
that when men meet in National Convention they act just about as
they do in County or State Conventions ; but we go for Tilden be-
cause Mr. Tilden has proved to the people of this country that he has
ability, that he has courage, and that he has the power to crush cor-
ruption and corruptionists. [Great applause.]
Mr. Doolittle : Gentlemen of the Convention, I agree with the
chairman of our delegation that in the next election I believe we can
carry Wisconsin for any one of the candidates who have been named
in this Convention. [Applause.] But I am here to say but a single
word. All the gentlemen named are my personal friends, and have
been for many, many years ; and I feel it now to be one of the most
delicate and responsible duties that I have ever been called upon to
perform, to state my views where it has to affect, so far as the views
are worth anything, a question between friends. Mr. Tilden, of New
York, and myself were associated many years ago in the Democratic
party. With Mr. Hendricks, of Indiana, I have been associated for
years, side by side in the Senate. I know both of them to be great
men, able men, distinguished men. I know from sitting by the side
National Democratic Convention. 143
of Mr. Hendricks that he is a perfectly honest, upright, able states-
man, standing in the foremost rank of the statesmen of the United
States. [Applause.] I have been through nine Presidential cam-
paigns ; I have been in five, aye six, National Conventions to nomi-
nate Presidents ; and with all the experience that I have had in
fighting one long political fight, I may say of thirty years — sometimes
fighting with the Democratic party, when I believed it was right, and
against it when I believed it was wrong ; sometimes fighting with the
Republican party, when I believed it right, and against it when I
believed it wrong — knowing, as I believe I do, both the great parties
of this country, inside and out, through and through, I believe that
he have never yet, and no party has ever yet, been able to cany the
Presidential election without carrying either one or two of the great
central States of Pennsylvania, Ohio or Indiana. And, gentlemen,
looking beyond this Convention coolly, planting now and here the
campaign which we are to fight elsewhere — not in the excitement of
the moment, not in the excitement of the hotels, not in the excite-
ment of personal aspirations, but with that cool judgment with which
a general lays down the campaign of a battle — I tell you that I do
not believe you can carry eA^en New York in November without
carrying Indiana or Ohio in October. [Cheers.]
It does not depend upon us here ; the battle would be already won ;.
but there are millions of voters outside of St. Louis who are to have
a voice, in deciding this result ; and I tell you that I know that it is
in the platform which you shall form here, and the candidates that
you nominate, upon which depends the question whether you can
or not cany Indiana or Ohio or Pennsylvania in the October elec-
tions. Now, fellow- citizens, it is simply for that reason and no other
that I believe — I feel assured — Mr. Hendricks will carry Indiana.
[Applause.] And I say I am not sure that Mr. Tilde n can carry
Indiana. I am inclined to think he cannot. Now, judging from that
alone, and upon that question alone, and because I love my country,
and believe that now the only means of rescuing it is that the Demo-
cratic party should have a victory in November, that I give my
preference to Mr. Hendricks, of Indiana. [Loud applause.] If
these cheers would only elect a man, I would like to hear you cheer.
What I want is: I want your votes. I want your judgment, I want
your good sense, I want you to look over the field of battle. Under-
stand me ; I do not say that Gen. Hancock, of Pennsylvania, might
not carry Indiana [applause] ; I do not say that Mr. Parker, of New
Jersey, would not carry Indiana [applause] . In relation to the can-
didates that are named, gentlemen, I wish the one who can carry the
central States ; and I tell you that whatever Democrat we nominate
144
Official Proceedings of the
that will carry Indiana in the October election will carry New York
in November. [Cheers.]
The Secretary then called the roll of the States for
the first ballot, with the following result :
FIRST BALLOT.
States and Territories.
Alabama
Arkansas
California
Colorado
Connecticut
Delaware
Florida
Georgia
Illinois
Indiana
Iowa
Kansas
Kentucky
Louisiana
Maine
Maryland
Massachusetts...
Michigan
Minnesota
Mississippi
Missouri
Nebraska
Nevada
New Hampshire
New Jersey
New York
North Carolina .
Ohio
Oregon
Pennsylvania....
Rhode Island...
South Cirolina..
Tennessee
Texas
Vermont
Virginia
West Virginia..
Wisconsin
Total.
s
I Thurman.
03
P
3
A
w
a
A
<
<
PQ f
in a
13
5
2
12
.
12
.
6
12
.
■•
6
8
.
5
.
16
1
19
.
23
30
14
.
6
2
.
10
24
.
9
.
. .
2
5
14
.
11
.
3
2
26
.
14
.
8
10
. .
. .
16
.
14
6
.
3
.. 3
3
10
.
. .
.
. .
.. ]
L8 ••
70
. .
..
9
t4 ..
4
2
5
6
. .
. 58
8
14
. .
. .
24
10|
..
n
1
2
10
17
. .
1.
4
L0 ..
19
.. ..
1
33 ]
18 75
404£ ,
)4 3
140£
Necessary to a choice 492
National Democratic Convention. 145
Mr. Hctchins, of Missouri : I desire to ask, on behalf of a portion
of the Missouri delegation, if it is in order for that delegation to
change its vote before the vote is announced? [Cries of "No, no!"
and "Yes!"]
The Chair : The Chair rules that it is in order.
Mr. Hutchins : Well, we desire time in which to consult, in order
to change our vote. Missouri asks to withdraw for five minutes in
order to have a consultation.
The Chair: Missouri has leave to withdraw for consultation.
[Cries of "No, no!" and confusion.]
Senator Wallace, of Pennsylvania: I rise to a point of order.
The only business in order is the announcement of the vote.
The Chair : The vote is not made up. The Chair rules that it is
within the power and privilege of the Missouri delegation to withdraw
for five minutes.
Mr. Wallace : Then it follows that we may stay here all night.
The Chair : It is for the Convention to determine that.
A Delegate from Indiana : I move that when the vote is announced
the Convention adjourn. [Cries of "No, no!"]
After consultation, Gen. Doniphan, of Missouri,
announced that ' ' Missouri changes her vote to sixteen
for Tilden and fourteen for Hendricks." [Cheers.]
The Chair : The Clerk will announce the- vote. Let there be
attention
The Clerk : Gentlemen, I would like to have quiet, if possible.
Whole number of votes cast 738
Necessary to a choice 492
S. J. Tilden received- 417 K
[Cheers loud and long.]
Thos. A. Hendricks 140 K
[Slight cheering.]
Bayard 33
Allen 56
Hancock 75
[A cheer.]
Parker 18
The Chair : Gentlemen of the Convention, no one candidate hav-
ing received two-thirds of the votes cast, no candidate is nominated.
Let the roll be called again.
A Delegate: I move that the Convention adjourn. ■
(10)
146
Official Proceedings of the
The motion was not entertained by the Chair, and
the Clerk proceeded to call the roll.
The roll was called with the following result :
SECOND BALLOT.
States and Territories.
Alabama
Arkansas
California
Colorado
Connecticut
Delaware
Florida
Georgia
Illinois
Indiana
Iowa
Kansas
Kentucky
Louisiana
Maine
Maryland
Massachusetts...
Michigan
Minnesota
Mississippi
Missouri
Nebraska
Nevada
New Hampshire.
New Jersey
New York
North Carolina. .
Ohio
Oregon
Pennsylvania
Rhode Island • • •
South Carolina..
Tennessee
Texas
Vermont
Virginia
West Virginia...
Wisconsin
Total.
to
<
44
10
54
20
12
12
6
12
6
8
22
26
22
2
24
16
14
14
26
19
10
16
30
6
4
10
18
70
20
14
16
10
17
19
535
ft
M
M
o
o
S
u
M
to
fc
<
W
tt
w
58
58
16
30
85
Necessary to a choice.
492
National Democratic Convention. 147
The announcement that Alabama cast her votes solid
for Tilden was greeted with great applause.
The Chairman of the Colorado delegation: We think that the
man receiving the majority of this Convention should receive our
votes ; we therefore change our vote from Hendricks to Tilden.
[Great applause.]
Michigan asked to be passed, and was passed.
The Chairman of the New Jersey delegation : I ask to be passed
for a moment, as the delegates desire to consult. The vote of New
Jersey was to be cast for her distinguished son, and that we have
done ; we have had no consultation as to how we should cast our vote
on the second ballot ; therefore we ask to be passed.
Leave was granted.
New Jersey being called, the Chairman of the dele-
gation announced eighteen votes for Joel Parker.
Mr. Stockton: There is no resolution of the delegation that
affects the vote further than that the first ballot was to be cast for
Joel Parker, with a direct understanding that even upon that, if it
was insisted upon by the delegates, they had the right to cast their
individual vote even then. It was not under any circumstances to
extend further than the first ballot, and there are six of us who claim
now the right to cast our individual votes for Samuel J. Tilden, of
New York.
Mr. Abbott, of New Jersey : If I understand the rules of this
Convention, it is for the chairman and the chairman alone in each
delegation to announce what is the action of the delegation. And I
say that the resolution passed by that delegation was that the chair-
man of the delegation cast the entire vote of New Jersey for Joel
Parker and urge his nomination. I say it was not confined to one
ballot or any number of ballots, and until there is a meeting of the
delegation to rescind that rule I am bound by it to announce the
vote, and I say here to-day that the entire people of the State of New
Jersey want him, and these six gentlemen do not represent him.
Mr. Stockton : I rise and ask privilege for the New Jersey dele-
gation to retire. I state to this Convention that the words of the
resolution passed by our delegation, as stated by the chairman, per-
mit each individual delegate to vote as he sees fit. With a respect
for Gov. Parker, and an affection for him not exceeded by the chair-
man of this delegation — with such a respect for Gov. Parker, I
148 Official Proceedings of the
believe that he desires the success of the Democratic party in the
coming campaign. I feel it my duty to retire and have a meeting of
this delegation, for the purpose of having properly recorded the
votes of those gentlemen who agree with me, that to keep the vote
which is manifest to the whole Convention, is nothing but a compli-
ment, is not to help Gov. Parker, but to prevent, as far as our small
vote does, a union of this Convention upon a candidate who could
be selected.
Mr. Abbott: When the Senator asked to retire it is not the dele-
gation. The delegation does not ask leave to retire. But I will say
this, that so far as the success of the Democratic party is concerned,
no man in New Jersey wants it better than Joel G. Parker; but
knowing, as I do, the feeling of the people of that State, that they
will support the nominee of this Convention, no matter who he is, I
know this, that they would feel that it was treacherous to desert him
at this hour in order to elect another man.
Mr. Breckinridge, of Kentucky: I rise to a point of order. Let
these gentlemen settle their difficulties in their own committee-room,
not here.
The Chair: The point of order is well taken. New Jersey casts
la votes for Joel Parker.
Mr. Finch, of Iowa : The Iowa delegation desire to change their
vote to 20 for Tilden and 2 for Hancock. [Cheers.]
Mr. Allen, of Illinois : Illinois casts 24 votes for Tilden and 18
for Hendricks.
Gov. Woodson, of Missouri: Missouri desires to change her vote
to 20 votes for Samuel J. Tilden and 10 for Mr. Hendricks.
Mr. Harmon, of Virginia: Uninstructed West Virginia comes,
and I appeal to this Convention, and the gentlemen of that delega-
tion agree with me, that the vote of each delegate should be cast for
himself. [Cries of uNo!" "No!"] I demand my rights on this
floor. I claim that the chairman is doing everything in violation of
his right in casting my vote, and I insist upon it that he has no right
to cast my vote. [Cries of " Sit down !" and confusion.]
The Chair. The gentleman from Virginia is out of order.
A Delegate from Virginia : I claim that the gentlemen of that
delegation agreed that each member should cast his own vote. I
ask, therefore, that we be heard. [Great confusion.]
National Democratic Convention. 149
The Chairman of the Nevada delegation : By authority of the
Nevada delegation I am instructed to cast the entire vote of that
State for Samuel J. Tilden. [Cheers.]
The Chair: Iowa casts 22 votes for Tilden solid.
Mr. Allen, of Illinois : Illinois casts 16 votes for Thomas A.
Hendricks and 26 votes for Samuel J. Tilden.
Mr. HuTcniNS, of Missouri: Missouri wants to make a change,
Mr. Chairman.
Mr. Doniphan, of Missouri : Missouri casts 28 votes for Tilden.
This announcement was greeted with great cheering,
which finally culminated in the delegates and spectators
rising and standing upon chairs and tables, throwing
hats, fans and other articles into the air, continuing to
cheer meantime with the most unbounded enthusiasm.
After quiet had been partially restored the Chairman
called for Ohio. After the lapse of several minutes,
during which there was general confusion, a delegate
from Ohio, said, " Ohio wants to change her vote and
casts 7 votes for Tilden." [Cheering.]
Another Delegate from Ohio: Mr. Chairman, we agreed to vote
as a unit.
The Delegate first named : That is not so.
The second Delegate (excitedly): And there is no man in this
delegation that has a right to cast the vote, save and except the chair-
man of this delegation. [Cheers.] They are bound to stand by
their pledge.
The Chairman of the Texas delegation : The delegation from Texas
will change its vote from 13 to 16 [cheering] for Samuel J. Tilden.
A Delegate from Missouri : I wish it distinctly understood }yy this
Convention that there are five from the State of Missouri who do not
vote for Tilden, but who still stand by Hendricks.
The Chair : The gentleman is out of order.
The same Delegate : Well, I only want to let }-ou know, whether
in or out of order.
The Chairman of the Louisiana delegation, when his State was
called : Louisiana desires to change her vote. She votes for Tilden —
all, except two are absent ; but who, if present, would unite with us.
[Three cheers for Louisiana.]
150 Official Proceedings of the
The Chair : The vote will now be announced.
Mr. Wallace, of Pennsylvania : By order of my delegation I move
to make the nomination of Mr. Tilden unanimous. [Applause and
cries of "Announce the vote!"]
Mr. Bell, the Secretary : The whole number of votes cast — [cries
of "Hush!" "Hush!"] 738. Necessary to a choice, 492. Of these'
Mr. Thurman received 2, Mr. Hancock 59, Bayard 11, Parker 18,
Allen 54 [slight applause], Hendricks 60, Tilden 534. [Tremendous
applause and cheers, which were kept up for several minutes.]
Several Delegates : I move to make the nomination unanimous.
THE NOMINATION MADE UNANIMOUS.
Mr. Wallace, oi Pennsylvania: Pursuant to the order of the
Pennsylvania delegation, I move to make the nomination of Mr.
Tilden unanimous ; and as the second State in the Union, although
we should have preferred one born on our soil, still she will not slack
one nerve nor weaken one effort for the success of the nominee of
the Convention ; and when the ides of November come, we feel
assured that victory will crown our banner with success.
A Delegate from New Jersey : The New Jersey delegation desires
to have the nomination of Mr. Tilden made unanimous. And I will
tell the Convention this, that as we have stood by Joel Parker before
this nomination was made, so, with the same energy and the same
lire, we will stand by Samuel J. Tilden. [Loud cheers.] And
although New Jersey has had no voice in the nominee, she will have
nine votes in the Electoral College for Samuel J. Tilden.
A Delegate from Tennessee : In behalf of the delegation from
Tennessee, whose votes have been cast against the voice of this Con-
vention, Tennessee will give her electoral vote for Mr. Tilden.
A Delegate from Virginia : I am the man from Virginia who cast
the one vote against Tilden. I move to make the nomination unani-
mous. I will take off my coat and work for him. [Loud cheers.]
The question was put, and Mr. Tilden was declared
the unanimous choice of the Democratic party for Pres-
ident of the United States. [Tremendous applause.]
Mr. Paxton, of Ohio, moved that the Convention
adjourn to 10 o'clock to-morrow morning.
The motion was carried and the Convention ad-
journed.
National Democratic Convention. 151
THIRD DAY.
St. Louis, June 29th, 1876.
The Convention was called to order at 10 :20 o'clock
by the President, in the following words :
The Convention will please come to order. Gentlemen and dele-
gates will please be seated. The Chair has the honor of presenting
to the Convention Bishop Robertson, who will open the proceedings
of the day with prayer.
THE PRAYER.
Let us pray. Almighty God, our Heavenly Father, the aid of
those who need, the helper of those who flee to Thee for succor, we
present ourselves before Thee now to implore Thy continued presence
and blessing upon this vast assemblage, gathered from all parts of
this land, to consult for the advancement of our liberties and for the
continuance to us of good government. Our father's God and our
God, we come to Thee as of old, to implore Thy preserving care still
upon this land, whose infancy and sturdy youth Thou hast so greatly
blessed. We would recall especially now in this anniversary year Thine
abounding mercies, and our scant gratitude and unworthy use of
them. May the greatness of Thy goodness quicken us to a national
repentance ; may the heavy hand of social and commercial adversity
bring to us that wisdom and that recurrence to earlier virtues and
principles which our years of prosperity did not accomplish. By
Thy mighty hands stretched forth do Thou our Heavenly Father stay
the progress of political vice and corruption ; defeat the purposes of
those who would use their trusts of government for schemes of per-
sonal advancement and emolument ; give efficacy to the means
■adopted for thrusting from their misused offices those who have
abused the confidence with which they were honored, and dishonored
152 Official Proceedings of the
the offices with which the}r were invested. Respectfully do we ask
Thy Messing upon the deliberations and further action of this Con-
vention. May it remember that its highest office and wisdom will be
to act in behalf of the enduring principles of which this great histor-
ical party has been evermore the representative, and for the people
of whom it is but the servant and trustee. In all the consultations
here, and in all the results hereafter, may the highest ends by the best
means be sought. May those who act here be animated by a livelier
memory of the worthies of the past whose places they now fill, and
of the sacred traditions of the past, in whose light and by whose
help the}' now work. May those older days, with their happy victories
of peace, and of sound, constitutionally distributed authority and
government, be more than fulfilled in our later times. Grant, too,
our Heavenly Father, for the sake of the higher interests which are
involved here, that moderation and a spirit of mutual conciliation
may prevail. May personal prejudices yield to the common good.
May the results which shall be reached here in the enunciation of
great principles and in the choice of wise and worthy leaders sup-
ported and made effectual by labors after this bod}' shall disperse, be
greatly blessed in contributing to purify the state, to make permanent
for our children and our children's children the blessed boon left us
by the patriots of the past, of a pure, free constitutional government,
with all the safeguards for political and civil morality, and with guar-
antees for religious liberty. All of which blessings, for ourselves, for
our country, for our children, and for the generations yet to inhabit
these broad lands, we ask of Thee, Almighty and merciful Father,
for the sake of Thy Son Jesus Christ, our Lord and Saviour. Amen.
ratification.
Mr. Webber, of Michigan : Mr. President, I wish to offer a reso-
lution.
The Chair: Will the gentleman from Michigan suspend for one
moment until I make an announcement?
The Secretary : The chairmen of the delegations who have not
sent to the Secretary a list of the names of delegates, with their
post-office address, will please do so.
The Chair : Is it the pleasure of the Convention that dispatches
addressed to its Chairman be read ?
No objection being made, the Secretary read the
following dispatches :
National Democratic Convention. 15o
Sedalia, Mo.
To Gen. McClernand, President of the National Democratic Convention:
Sedalia fires one hundred guns for Tilden, and hoping Hendricks as Vice-
President; and hurrah for Vest for Governor!
J. W. Stewart.
Cincinnati, Ohio, June 28.
To Gen. McClernand, President of the National Democratic Convention :
Cincinnati nominated Hayes. Cincinnati has just fired two hundred guns on
the approval of the platform and the nomination of Tilden./
(Signed) J. W. C. Johnson, Mayor.
Alexander Law,
H. C. Breck,
John E. Dale,
J. J. Miller,
D. J. Mallory,
And a hundred others.
Jackson, Miss.
To Gen. E. C. Walthall, Chairman 3Iississippi Delegation:
The nomination of Tilden was received last night with great enthusiasm. One
hundred guns fired pledges Mississippi to the Convention for the ticket by twenty-
five thousand majority.
Mount Vernon, III.
To the President and Members of the National Democratic Convention:
Glory, hallelujah! at the good work you have done. The nomination of Tilden
received with great enthusiasm.
Milwaukee, Wis.
To Hon. Alexander Mitchell:
The nomination of Tilden upon the platform adopted gives great satisfaction to
all friends of reform.
Williams, Daily News.
Geneva, N. Y.
To Senator Keman:
The young Democracy indorses the choice of the Convention. Great enthusiasm
over Tilden's nomination. [Applause.]
Detroit, Mich.
To Hon. W. L. Webber, Chairman of the Michigan Delegation:
The nomination received at nine o'clock. All Detroit is out. Cannon, fireworks,
music, cheers for Tilden.
Newark, N. J.
Great throng, fireworks, whole town in great enthusiasm. Essex club greets
the New Jersey delegation and Tilden. [Applause.]
The Secretary: I cannot read it all.
A Voice : All right, we understand the spirit. [Cheers.]
154 Official Proceedings of the
New York.
To Peter B. Olney, St. Louis, Lindell Hotel:
Tilden's nomination received with firing of guns and great enthusiasm.
Willis B. Payne. [Cheers.]
Richmond, Va.
To Judge John A. Meredith, Virginia Delegation:
The Conservative club sends their greeting of Tilden's nomination. [Cheers.]
Philadelphia, June 28, 1876.
To the President of the National Democratic Convention:
We heartily congratulate the Convention on the wisdom of their work, and pre-
dict the ultimate triumph of the Democracy in November.
(Signed) The American Club,
Of Philadelphia.
nomination for vice-president.
The Chair : Gentlemen of the Convention, when the Covention
adjourned last evening, it was proceeding in the execution of an order.
Having nominated the Democratic candidate for President, under
that order it remained for the Convention to proceed to nominate a
candidate for Vice-President. That order remains now to be executed
as the business in hand.
Voices : Call the roll !
The Clerk proceeded with the roll-call, no State
making a nomination nntil the call of Indiana, which
was received with tumultuous cheers and waving of
hats and handkerchiefs, and calls for " Hendricks."
The Chair : Come to order, gentlemen ! Let us hear from Indiana.
Mr. Doolittle : Mr. President —
The Chair: The gentleman from Wisconsin.
The Clerk: Indiana.
A Delegate : Mr. Chairman, the people of the Mississippi valle}?-
nominate Thomas A. Hendricks, of Indiana. [Cheers.]
Mr. McDonald, of Indiana: Mr. Chairman, whenever we find our-
selves brought face to face with a great responsibility, I know of no
way of solving it, excepting we take counsel by our judgment and by
our consciences. The mission of the delegation from Indiana in. this
Convention, so far at least as the name of Gov. Hendricks is concerned,
was ended yesterday, when we had struggled from the time the can-
National Democratic Convention. . 155
vass opened in this city until it closed last evening to place him before
the country for the office which, as much as any man in all this broad
land, he was qualified to fill. The Convention saw proper to decide
otherwise, and so far as that decision is concerned we bow to the will
of the Convention. [Cheers.] The Democracy of Indiana has never
yet suffered its flag to trail in the dust ; has never }^et lowered its
standard to the common enemy. Whether we shall be able to com-
ply with the wishes of this large and most respectable assemblage of
Democrats in what we may be able to do in our State in the coming
election, is one of the questions of the future.
Mr. Slayback, of Missouri : Mr. President, I rise to ask the gentle-
man a question — [Cries of "Object," "Sit down," &c]
Mr. McDonald : In the few words that I have to say —
The Chair : The gentleman is entitled to the floor.
Mr. McDonald: I cannot admit of an interruption. Mr. President,
I have already stated that the mission of the delegation of Indiana,
so far as the name of Gov. Hendricks is concerned, ended on yester-
day evening. We have no authority to say to this Convention that
if it sees proper to place his name upon the ticket that he will accept
it. Therefore, we do not propose to place ourselves in any false
position upon that subject.
A Delegate : Illinois will.
Mr. McDonald : When we sa}' that, Mr. President, we do not say
it because the office of Vice-President is beneath him. It has been
held by men more distinguished than he, more known to history, and
whose patriotism has illustrated some of the brightest pages of the
history of our own party. For myself, Mr. President, I could only
say that upon this question this Convention must take the responsi-
bility— [Loud and prolonged cheering, and cries of "Hendricks,"
drowning all efforts on the part of the speaker to conclude his sentence.]
Mr. Spaunhorst, of Missouri : Mr. President —
The Chair : Illinois has the floor.
Mr. Spaunhorst: Mr. President, I ask that our distinguished
citizen, ex- Gov. Woodson, of Missouri, be awarded the floor to re-
spond to the call made in behalf of Mr. Hendricks. [Cheers, and
cries of "Woodson."]
Mr. Woodson, of Missouri : Mr. President, I feel extremely grati-
fied on this occasion that we are told by the delegate from Indiana
156 Official Proceedings of the
that the responsibility of placing Gov. Hendricks in nomination for
the second office in the gift of the American people has devolved upon
this Convention. [Cheers.] The Missouri delegation have instructed
me, as the representative of this great State, to say that Missouri is a
unit, and we believe the entire Democratic party of America will be
a unit in the support of Tilden and Hendricks. [ Cheers.] Gov.
Hendricks has no truer friend from his own native State, or one who
was willing to stand by him longer than I when his name was placed
in nomination for the first office within the gift of this Convention, for
I conceive that these offices are within the gift of this Convention.
I stood by him, but, gentlemen, if I was disappointed in the realiza-
tion of my expectation, if I felt my heart to weep for it, I this morn-
ing feel that I can rejoice when I remember that the distinguished re-
former, the profound statesman, the honest man, Samuel J. Tilden,
has been nominated by this Convention. [Applause.]
And now, gentlemen, let me say this : Place Samuel J. Tilden
upon the ticket first, Thos. A. Hendricks next [applause], and then
inscribe upon your banner under those names retrenchment and re-
form, honest administration, and from Maine to California oar flag will
float in triumph in November next. [Great applause.] I second the
nomination of Gov. Hendricks. [Applause.]
Mr. Wallace, of Pennsylvania: The Pennsylvania delegation (in
obedience to the willingness of Indiana that this Convention take the
responsibilit}T of nominating Mr. Hendricks) give their support to
that gentleman. [Great applause.] With the Governor of New York,
Tilden, for President, and Hendricks, the Democratic Governor of
Indiana, for Vice-President upon this ticket we will be triumphant in
November. [Applause.] I arise, sir, to move that this Convention
by acclamation declare Thos. A. Hendricks the nominee of this Con-
vention for Vice-President of the United States. [Great applause and .
waving of hats, and cheers.]
Mr. Steadman, of Ohio : The delegation from the State of Ohio
had thought of offering the name of one of her distinguished sons
for Vice-President of the United States — the Hon. Henry B. Payne.
We, however, decline to present his name, and second the nomination
of Thos. A. Hendricks. [Applause.]
Gov. Hardin, of Missouri : I send up a resolution to the Secretaiy,
which I desire to have read.
The Chair : It is out of order, the question being upon the nom-
ination. If the gentleman has anything to say upon that he will be
in order.
National Democratic Convention. 157
Gov. Hardin : I ask common consent to have the resolution read.
[Cries of "Read! read!"] .
The Secretary read as follows :
Resolved, That it is the duty of this Convention to select for Vice-
President one who is the peer of him who has been nominated for the
Presidency [applause] ; and believing that Hon. Thos. A. Hendricks
[great applause], of Indiana, is the full measure of this position, and
also that in our judgment it is his dutj' to serve his country and his
party in this position if nominated and elected, we therefore nom-
inate him unanimously for that office.
A Delegate from Virginia : As the only man in the Virginia dele-
gation who voted for Hendricks, from my district, I second the nom-
ination of Indiana's distinguished son.
Gov. Brown, of Tennessee : The delegation from Tennessee have
from the beginning supported Thos. A. Hendricks for the first position
upon this ticket. The Convention saw fit to choose another. We
not only bow to that choice, but we pledge Tennessee to a majority
for that selection of fifty thousand votes in November. But to enable
us to do it we ask this Convention, by acclamation, to put upon that
ticket, as the second choice of this Convention, Thos. A. Hendricks,
of Indiana. [Loud applause.]
Mr. Wallace, of Pennsylvania : I move that the rules be sus-
pended, the call of the roll of States be suspended, and the vote
taken b}T acclamation.
Gov. Brown, of Tennessee : I second the motion.
The Chair: There is objection on the right. The call will pro-
ceed.
Mr. Wallace : I move a suspension of the order of business, and
I demand a vote upon that, in order that Thomas A. Hendricks may
be nominated by acclamation. The motion is in order.
The Chair : I think the quickest way to reach the result will be to
oro on with the call.
Mr. Abbott, of New Jerse}7: I renew the motion of Senator Wal-
lace, of Pennsylvania, that the rules be suspended, and that we vote
by acclamation for the nomination of Thomas A. Hendricks. I will
tell this Convention why. Thomas A. Hendricks is not the property
of Indiana — he is the property of the Democracy of the United
States. [Cheers.] Governor Hendricks —
158 Official Proceedings of the
The Chair : The gentleman from New Jersey will come to order.
Senator Doolittle has the floor.
Mr. Abbott : I understood the gentleman recognized the gentle-
man from New Jersey. Am I correct?
The Chair : I recognized this gentleman on the right (Mr. Doo-
little) first.
Mr. Doolittle : Let me say to my friend —
Mr. Abbott : It is for the Chairman of the Convention to say
whether I have the floor or not. I shall finish in a very few words.
But I say there is no Democrat in the land that can refuse the nomi-
nation of the National Convention, and Thomas A. Hendricks, mag-
nificent man as he is, would as soon think of committing suicide as
to refuse the wish of the entire Democracy of the land. [Applause.]
The Democracy of the country will do all they can for success, and
as his name seems to be the choice of the country, I say to the
Democracy of Indiana, you have no right to raise your voice against
it, when the entire people of this Union want it ; and I therefore
insist upon the motion made by the Senator from Pennsylvania
(Senator Wallace). [Cheers.]
The Chair : The question is upon the motion to dispense with the
call of the roll upon the ballot for Vice-President.
The motion was lost, and the Secretary called the
roll of the States on the ballot for the nomination of a
candidate for the Vice-Presidency, with the following-
result :
BALLOT EOR VICE-PRESIDENT.
Hendricks.
Alabama 20
Arkansas • 12
California 12
Colorado 6
Connecticut , 12
Delaware • 6
Florida 8
Georgia 22
Illinois 42
Indiana • 30
Iowa 22
Kansas • 10
Kentucky • 24
Louisiana 16
Maine 14
Maryland 16
National Democratic Convention. 159
Massachusetts 26
Michigan 22
Minnesota 10
Mississippi 16
Missouri 30
Nebraska 6
Nevada 6
New Hampshire 10
New Jersey 18
New Yo r k 70
North Carolina 20
Ohio 36
Oregon 6
Pennsylvania 58
Rhode Island 8
South Carolina 14
Tennessee 24=
Texas 16
Vermont , 10
Virginia 22
West Virginia 10
Wisconsin 20
Total 730
Ohio cast 8 votes blank.
The Clerk proceeded with the roll-call as far as
Indiana.
Mr. Williams, of Indiana: I ask that Indiana be passed for the
present.
The Clerk proceeded with the call of the roll.
The following remarks were made by the chairmen
of the various delegations in casting their votes :
Kentuck}'- is proud of the privilege she has of casting her united
vote — "24 in number — for Thomas A. Hendricks. [Cheers.]
Mississippi casts her entire vote — 16 in number — for Hendricks,
and wishes she had 16 more to cast.
Pennsylvania, with the open hearts of all her Democracy, casts
her 58 votes for Thomas A. Hendricks. [Cheers.]
Texas authorizes and instructs her delegation to cast her 16 votes
solid for Thomas A. Hendricks, and we have 100,000 to give for
Tilden and Hendricks in November next. [Cheers.]
South Carolina (the entire delegation in chorus) gives 24 votes for
Hendricks. [Laughter and cheers.]
160 Official Proceedings of the
Upon the conclusion of the roll-call the Clerk again
called Indiana.
Mr. Williams, of Indiana : Mr. President, I have but one word
to say. [Confusion.]
The Chair: Gentlemen, be seated, be seated; Mr. Williams, of
Indiana, has the floor.
Mr. Williams : The Indiana delegation are not authorized to say
that Gov. Hendricks will accept this nomination. They are not
authorized to say that he will accept it. [Cries of "Good, good !" and
cheers.] We have no right to do so. But, sir, in view of this mighty
demonstration, the delegation from Indiana acquiesces in the decision
of this Convention. [Loud cheers and cries of "Good."]
Voices : Announce the vote.
The Chair : Order ! The Secretary will announce the result of the
vote. [Cries of "Vote, vote !"]
Mr. Bell, the Clerk, then announced the vote as
follows : Total number of votes cast, 730.
The Chair: Eight blank?
Mr. Bell : Yes, sir, 738, of which Mr. Hendricks receives 730.
[Tremendous cheers and waving of hats.]
The Chair : Mr. Hendricks having received the entire vote of the
Convention for Vice-President, is therefore the nominee of this Con-
vention for that office. [Tremendous cheering and loud cries for
Voorhees and Kelly.]
ADDRESS OF MR. KELLY, OF NEW YORK.
Mr. Kelly, of ^N"ew York, made his way upon the
platform, amid loud cheers, and spoke as follows :
Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen of the Convention : There is no
man holding a seat in this Convention who has worked more strenuously
against the nomination of Samuel J. Tilden than myself. I did it in
the full belief that it was impossible for us to carry the election with
an Eastern candidate. I gave my opinion to this Convention yester-
day that this nomination should have gone to the Western States.
The Convention has decided otherwise. I submit my opinion to the
decision of this Convention [cheers] , and now that Mr. Tilden is the
National Democratic Convention. 161
candidate of our party, I promise you, and I tell you that I am capable
of working [cheers], that there is no man in the Convention that will
work harder for his election than myself.
In the conviction that I had upon this question, my mind ran toward
that eloquent, that honest, that upright statesman of Indiana.
[Applause.] I knew him twenty-two years ago in Congress. I have
watched his course from that day to this. Is there an individual in
this whole country that can assail the purity of that man's character?
[Cries of "Not one" and applause.] The nominations of this Con-
vention having been made, it therefore becomes the duty of eveiy
Democrat in this country to use his best endeavors and exertions to
elect them. [Applause.] I believe if that be done there can be no
doubt upon that question. We should now bury all our opinions
[applause] that we entertain in favor of the candidates that were
presented to this Convention. Let us now look to the objective point,
and that is that if the Republican party's power should be perpetuated,
all understand and easily comprehend what would be the misfortune
to our country. How is it now under this administration ? Our people
everywhere unemployed, thousands of our business men running into
bankruptcy, our commerce driven from the seas by the neglect of
our national rulers — everything showing a tendency to destroy our
business men. Is there any one here who will suppose for a moment
that we can have any better condition of things if this Republican
administration should be continued in power? They have selected
two men. Now, let me say to you, gentlemen, that two swallows do
not make a summer. [Laughter.] The party remains the same. It
is corrupt in its tendencies, and it is due to the honesty, to the well-
intentioned acts of our members of Congress, that the exposures of
these individuals have been given to the world. Reform not only
commenced in New York, but it was continued in Congress, and
while we are perfectly willing to give all the credit to Gov. Tilden
that he deserves in that respect, let us turn our eyes to the House
of Representatives and say, "Well done, good and faithful servants,
you have rendered a noble work to the party and to the people ;
accept your reward in the respect and admiration of a grateful
country." Mr. Chairman, I will not continue my remarks any
longer ; but let me say before concluding that we appeal to the
members of the Convention to bury their differences of opinion,
bury their hates and their disappointments, and bury every pre-
judice that their minds entertained upon this subject.
Let them go home to their districts, and to their people, and say to
them, those who differed with the gentlemen who made these nomina-
(ii)
162 Official Proceedings of the
tions, "They were not our nominations, we preferred other men, we
were beaten ; other gentlemen were chosen. Why should we, then,
continue to find fault ? Why should we not then turn in and do every-
thing that we can, as it is our duty to do, to elect these candidates
of this Convention ?" If this be done, Mr. President, there can be no
question about the result ; and that old Democratic party who founded
this government, who made the people what they are, will once more
be elevated to power ; the flag which you have carried in many a fight
will once more float in triumph over your head. [Cheers.] And you
will have that self-assurance that you will have an honest government,
an honest administration, and that the people will be once more happy
and contented. [Loud applause.]
The Chair: Gentlemen of the Convention, Mr. Hanna, of Indiana.
MR. HANNA' S ADDRESS.
Mr. President and Gentlemen of the Convention : I thank you
f>r this expression of kindness towards Indiana, and I have reason
to say that in the great contest that has been made, Indiana, I trust,
has done nothing more here than what you would have expected her
to do. But I take this occasion to say to the Convention, and es-
pecially our brethren of New York, that although this contest has
been hard and bitter, Indiana says to you the tomahawk is now buried
to rust forever. [Cheers.] Two among the greatest of all American
citizens have been placed in nomination by this Convention. They
are old and tried captains in the service. Let the old guard of Demo-
cracy now go to the front once more. This is a fight, my fellow-citi-
zens, for constitutional government and reform. We take the stand-
ard in Indiana for our part of it. We raise it up to-day higher than
Presidents ; raise it so high that it may be seen by all States and re-
ceived by all the people of the States ; that, like the serpent of brass
wLrich Moses set up, it may give life and faith and hope and restitu-
tion to all who look upon it throughout this country.
"The wilderness of Shiraz and the bitter waters of Marah have
long been our portion, but we go now to the land of filam [laughter
and applause], where at the promised twelve wells of water, and
beneath the score and ten palm trees, we will spread at last the feast
of our rejoicing and our restitution." [Cheers.]
THE TWO-THIRDS RULE.
Mr. Williams, of Indiana : I offer the following resolution :
National Democratic Convention. 163
The resolution was being taken to the platform by a
page, when
Mr. Miller, of Nebraska, said : I have a resolution which I will
send to the Chair.
The Secretary read Mr. Williams' resolution as fol-
lows :
Resolved, That this Convention recommend to all future Democratic
Conventions not to adopt the two-thirds rule in nominating candi-
dates for President and Vice-President of the United States. [Cries
of "No! no! no!"]
THE NEW COMMITTEE.
Delegate from Louisiana : I move that the roll of the States be
now called, and a National Committee-man from each State be
announced.
The Chair : That is the first business in order. The next business
will be the resolution of the gentleman from Nebraska (Mr. Miller).
Delegate from Louisana : I have a resolution already on that sub-
ject which is ahead of that.
The Chair : Let the roll of the States be called upon the appoint-
ment of National Committee-men. After, that these resolutions will
be in order.
The Secretary [commencing to call the roll] : Alabama ! [Uproar.]
Gentlemen, please sit down. The Secretary desires to say to the
gentlemen, please to send the name on a slip of paper with the {>ost
office address of the member of the Central Committee when each
State is called. Alabama!
NATIONAL DEMOCRATIC COMMITTEE.
Alabama — Walter L. Bragg, of Montgomery.
Arkansas— John J. Sumter, of Hot Springs.
California — F. McCoppin, of San Francisco.
Colorado— B. M. Hughes, of Denver.
Connecticut— Win. H. Barnum, of Lime Rock.
Delaware — Harberson Hickman, of Lewes.
Florida— Wilkinson McCall, of Jacksonville.
Georgia— Geo. T. Barnes, of Augusta.
Illinois— Wm. C. Goudy, of Chicago.
Indiana— Thomas Tolin, of Terre Haute.
Iowa— M. M. Ham, of Dubuque.
164 Official Proceedings of the
Kansas — Isaac E. Eaton, of Leavenworth.
Kentucky — H. D. McHenry, of Hartford.
Louisiana — B. F. Jonas, of New Orleans.
Maine — Edmund Wilson, of Thoinastou.
Maryland— Outerbridge Horsey, of Burkettsville.
Massachusetts— Frederick O. Prince, of Boston.
Michigan — Edward Kanter, of Detroit.
Minnesota — Wm. Lochran, of Minneapolis.
Mississippi— Ethal Barksdale, of Jackson.
Missouri— John G. Priest, of St. Louis.
Nebraska— Geo. L. Miller, of» Omaha.
Nevada— Robert P. Keating, of Gold Hill.
New Hampshire — Aaron W. Sulloway, of Franklin.
New Jersey — Miles Ross, of New Brunswick.
New York— Abraham S. Hewitt, of New York City.
North Carolina— M. V. Ransom, of Weldon.
Ohio — John D. Thompson, of Columbus.
Oregon— John Whitaker, of Pleasant Hill.
Pennsylvania— Wm. L. Scott, Erie.
Rhode Island— Nicholas Van Slyck.
South Carolina— James II. Rion, Waynesboro.
Tennessee— Wm. B. Bate, of Nashville.
Texas— F. C. Stock dale, of Indianola.
Vermont— B. B. Smalley, of Burlington.
Virginia— Robert A. Coghill, of New Glasgow.
West Virginia — Alex. Campbell, of Bethany.
Wisconsin— Wm. F. Vilas, of Madison.
THANKS TENDERED.
Senator Murphy, of New York : I ask leave to introduce a reso-
lution by request. I know that we and every delegate here have a
grateful sense of the kindly manner in which we have been received
by the citizens of St. Louis. The hospitalities which they have ex-
tended to us demand an expression of gratitude. I therefore present
the following resolution :
Resolved, That the thanks of this Convention are herebj" tendered
to the Committee on Reception and the citizens of St. Louis for their
generous, courteous and liberal hospitality to the Convention.
Resolved, That the Secretary communicate a copy of the foregoing
resolution to the Chairman of the Committee on Reception. [Ap-
plause.]
COMMITTEE TO NOTIFY NOMINEES.
Mr. Hanna, of Indiana : I now move that a committee consisting
of one from each State, to be chosen by the delegations, be appointed
to convey to Gov. Hendricks the congratulations of the Convention.
National Democratic Convention.
165
The Chair: There was a resolution sent up by Gov. Brown, of
Tennessee, to that effect before. The question will be the resolu-
tion of Senator Murphy, of New York.
The resolution was unanimously adopted.
The Chair : Gov. Brown, of Tennessee, offers the following reso-
lution ; let it be reported.
The Secretary read the resolution as follows :
Resolved, That a committee be appointed, consisting of the Presi-
dent of this Convention and one delegate of this Convention from
each State, to visit the nominees of the Convention and inform them
of their nomination.
Mr. Mitchell, of Wisconsin : I suggest that the roll be called and
the States name their delegates.
The resolution was adopted.
The Chair : Let the roll be called.
The Secretary proceeded to call the roll of States up-
on the appointment of the committee to notify Messrs.
Tilden and Hendricks of their nomination, with the
following result:
THE COMMITTEE ON NOTIFICATION.
Alabama — Francis S. Lyons.
Arkansas— B. D. Williams.
California— Geo. H. Rogers.
Colorado— Adair Wilson.
Connecticut — W. B. Franklin.
Delaware — Gov. Saulsbury.
Florida— J. D. Harris.
Georgia— Allen G. Fort.
Illinois — Perry H. Smith.
Indiana— Bayless W. Hanna.
Iowa — B. F. Montgomery.
Kansas— Chas. W. Blair.
Kentucky— W. W. Bush.
Louisiana — Louis St. Martin.
Maine — S. J. Anderson.
Maryland— Root. T. Banks.
Massachusetts— Josiah G. Abbott.
Michigan— H. J. Redfield.
Minnesota — J. N. Castle.
Mississippi— J. C Prewett.
Missouri— Henry J. Spaunhorst.
Nebraska— G. B. Scofield.
Nevada- R. P. Keating.
New Hampshire:— Lafayette Hall.
New Jersey — Patrick Henry.
New York— Henry C Murphy.
North Carolina— W. J. Green.
Ohio— Isaac C. Collins.
Oregon— Mark V. Brown.
Pennsylvania— Hendrick B. Wright.
Rhode Island— Wm. B. Beach.
South Carolina— M. P. O'Connell.
Tennessee— Thomas O'Connor.
Texas— Joseph E. Dwyer.
Vermont — Jasper Rand.
Virginia— S. C Neale.
West Virginia— G. D. Camden.
Wisconsin— Joseph Rankin.
166 Official Proceedings of the
The following resolution, offered by Mr. Webber, of
Michigan, was read :
Resolved, That it be recommended to future National Democratic
Conventions, as the sense of the Democracy here in Convention as-
sembled, that the so-called two-thirds rule be abolished as unwise
and unnecessary, and that the States be requested to instruct their,
delegates to the National Democratic Convention to be held, in 1880,
whether it be desirable to continue the two -thirds rule longer in force
in the National Convention, and that the National Committee insert
such request in their call for the Convention.
Mr. Birch, of Tennessee: I move the adoption of that res-
olution.
The question was put amid great confusion.
The Chair : The adoption of the resolution has been moved. Let
the gentlemen attend to it.
A Delegate : Mr. Chairman, I understand the resolution to be to
rescind the two-thirds rule.
The Chair : Yes, sir.
A Delegate : Then I sincerely hope that the members of this Con-
vention will think seriously before they adopt this resolution. I be-
lieve it is against the interests of the Democratic party, and contrary
to a long method of proceeding in our Conventions.
The Chair : T will respond to the gentleman by stating that I
did not intend to be understood as saying that this resolution abolishes
that rule. This Convention has no power to control any subsequent
Convention. It is simply a recommendation that it be dropped at
the next Convention.
A Delegate : I ask that the resolution be read again.
The resolution was read.
Mr. Birch, of Tennessee: I move to lay that resolution on the
table.
A Delegate : I demand the ayes and nays.
Voices : Call the roll.
National Democratic Convention.
167
The roll was called, and the vote resulted as follows
LAYING ON TABLE MOTION TO SUSPEND TWO-THIRDS RULE.
Alabama
Arkansas
California
Colorado
Connecticut
Delaware
Florida
Georgia
Illinois
Indiana
Iowa
Kansas
Kentucky
Louisiana
Maine
Maryland
Massachusetts. • .
Michigan
Minnesota
Mississippi
Missouri
Nebraska
Nevada
New Hampshire.
New Jersey
New York
North Carolina..
Ohio
Oregon.
Pennsylvania. . . .
Rhode Island
South Carolina-.
Tennessee
Texas
Vermont
Virginia
West Virginia...
Wisconsin
Total.
Aye.
20
12
22
16
30
7
9
24
17
5
1
18
20
44
2
58
24
2
10
10
359
Nay
12-
6
12
12
26
15
1
16-
14
16
26
22
10
16
13
6
1
9
70
14
14
10
22
10
379
Pending the calling of the roll, the Chairman of the Kentucky dele-
gation said : Kentucky, under her rule, voting as a unit, though divid-
ed in her own delegation, votes &ye.
The Chairman : While casting up the vote the Chair, with per-
mission of the Convention, will direct the Clerk to report the follow-
ing resolution which is on the table: .
168 Official Proceedings of the
The Secretary read as follows :
Resolved, That the thanks of this Convention are tendered to the
Hon. John A. McClernand, of Illinois, for the able and impartial
manner in which he has discharged the duties of presiding officer of
this Convention.
Adopted unanimously.
At this point a large portrait of Mr. Tilden by Kurtz
was placed behind the speaker amidst great applause.
Mr. Spaunhorst, of St. Louis, offered the following
resolution, which one of the Secretaries proceeded to
read :
Resolved, That this Convention recommend future National Demo-
cratic—
The voice of the Secretary not being sufficiently
strong to make it audible all oyer the hall, there were
repeated calls for " Bell.''
The Chair : Until less noise is made it will take the lungs of a
bellows to read anything.
Mr. Bell then took the resolution amidst cheers, and
read in a stentorian voice as follows :
Resolved, That this Convention recommend future National Demo-
cratic Conventions to allow each Territory and the District of Colum-
bia a vote each.
A Delegate : I move to lay the resolution on the table.
The motion was carried.
Mr. Riley, of Pennsylvania, offered the following
resolution, which was adopted:
Resolved, That the Recording Secretary be requested to prepare
the proceedings of this Convention to be printed in proper form, and
that the National Committee cause a suitable number of copies to be
distributed among the delegates of this Convention.
The Chair : Mr. Smalley, of Vermont, offers the following resolu-
tion, which the Clerk will read :
National Democratic Convention. 169
The Secretary read the resolution as follows :
Resolved, That the place for holding the next Convention be left
to the decision of the National Committee, and that the basis of rep-
resentation be the same as in the present Convention.
The resolution was adopted.
The Chair : The Chair will announce that the vote upon the ques-
tion of laying upon the table the resolution in regard to the two-thirds
rule is as follows : Whole number of votes cast, 738 ; of which the
ayes are 359, nays 379 ; so the resolution does not lie upon the table.
The question is now upon the adoption of the resolution.
Mr. Wallace, of Pennsylvania : I rise to call for a division of the
question by dividing the question, ending the first proposition at the
word "abolished."
A Delegate from Missouri : I move the previous question upon
the original resolution.
Mr. Wallace : It is scarcely necessary for me to say a division of
the question is in order either before or after the main question be
ordered. I desire, Mr. President, simply to bring this Convention
to a vote upon the naked question as to whether we are to have in-
structions from the States in regard to the abolition of the two-thirds
rule, or whether this Convention is to instruct future Conventions as
to their action.
The Chair : The gentleman from Pennsylvania demands a division
of the question. The Clerk will read that portion upon which he calls
a division.
The Clerk read as follows :
Resolved, That it be recommended to future Democratic National
Conventions, as the sense of the Democracy here in Convention as-
sembled, that the so-called two-thirds rule be abolished as unwise and
unnecessary.
The resolution was adopted.
The Secretary read the second part, as follows :
Resolved, That the States be requested to instruct their delegates
to the Democratic National Convention to be held in 1880, whether
it be desirable to continue the two-thirds rule longer in force in
National Conventions, and that the National Committee insert such
request in the call for the next Convention.
The resolution was adopted.
170 Official Proceedings of the
Mr. McMichael, of Missouri, presented the following
resolution, which was adopted :
Resolved, That we, as delegates, hereby pledge our individual and
united support to the nominees of this Convention ; esteeming it a
positive duty to employ every honorable means for the success of the
same in the November election.
Mr. Miller, of Nebraska : I have a resolution to offer.
The Chair : Pass it up.
The resolution as read was as follows :
Resolved, That the thanks of this Convention are due and herebj^
tendered to Hon. N. M. Bell, for his efficient services as Reading
Secretary. [Applause.]
Adopted.
The Chair: The Chair desires to announce that each delegation
will take their banners with them when this Convention adjourns.
A Delegate : And bring them back victorious in November.
[Applause.]
The Chair then announced that the committee ap-
pointed to wait upon Grovs. Tilden and Hendricks, and
notify them of their nomination, would meet at room
20, Lindell Hotel, immediately after the adjournment
of the Convention; also that the new National Com-
mittee would hold a meeting upon the adjournment of
the Convention, at the National Committee rooms.
Mr. Riley, of Nevada, offered the following resolu-
tion :
Resolved, That the thanks of this Convention be tendered to the
President and Board of Directors of the Merchants' Exchange of St.
Louis, for their liberality in presenting the use of their magnificent
building for the deliberations of this Convention, and also to the
citizens of St. Louis for their generous hospitality. [Cheers.]
The resolution was passed unanimously.
PRESENTATION TO THE RESIDENT COMMITTEE.
Mr. Kernan, of New York : Mr. President, I am directed by the
delegation from the State of New York, who have been greatly in-
National Democratic Convention. 171
debtee! to the Resident Committee in St. Louis, to present to that
Committee, in token of our appreciation of their hospitality and
efficiency, a portrait of Samuel J. Tilden which is above 3Tour chair.
Permit me to sa}' one word more, as I have your ear for a moment.
I feel that we are now to go to work harmoniously and energetically
to elect Tilden and Hendricks, and if we elect them I say to }rou I
believe they will sweep over the country, and after the fourth of
March they will sweep the carpet-baggers from the South and the
thieves from the North. [Cheers.]
The Chair : What is the further pleasure of this Convention ?
Mr. Williams, of Indiana : I move that this Convention do now
adjourn.
The question was put and the motion carried, and at
12:30 P. M. the Convention adjourned sine die.
After the adjournment of the Convention, there were
loud calls for Preston. In response Gen. Wm. Preston,
of Kentucky, came upon the platform and spoke as
follows :
I feel sensibly touched, gentlemen, by the call with which you have
honored me, and it would be discourtesy on my part not to say
something in acknowledgment of it. The words that I say shall be
very brief, and I feel it the more because the tribute of this call is
not given to me, for I hold no official position, and it is given to a
powerless man. It is given, I suppose, simply by some partial friends
with whom I have been united in former Democratic Conventions,
and I see before me now the faces of men who have held great and
important trusts in the party — Senators, Governors and magistrates
— all united for the first time on the west bank of the Mississippi to
send an honest man as President to the East. In this noble hall, in
this beautiful building erected upon ground acquired by the splendid
wisdom of Jefferson, in the acquisition of Louisiana, the people see
for the first time assembled the representative men of that great
Democratic party that he may be said to have founded, and who now
come to protect the inheritance he obtained. The}T come under the
leadership of their chiefs to select another chief. They come from
172 Official Proceedings of the
the East, and by a united and harmonious action you have secured
two nominees who, let me say, are not so much your choice as that
of the people, for the names of Tilden and Hendricks were fastened
in the hearts of the country before you assembled here. You are
indeed true and faithful representatives of your party, and the reflex
will go back, giving us an assurance of victory such as we have not
had for twenty years.
We go for two purposes. We find the country torn and distracted,
but the Southern people, among whom I was born, find that for twenty
odd years no hand has been lifted that did not belong to the Demo-
cratic party, to help us, and that the Democratic party have held out
the flask of oil to pour balm into our wounds, but that it has again
and again been dashed to the earth by the remaining rancor of the
Republican chiefs. I recognize at Cincinnati that there was a certain
degree of concession in that body in still seeking the remembrances
which were presented in the names of some of those candidates, but
all men must feel that the true reform and amnesty party was never
led by Mr. Blaine nor Gov. Morton, but is to be found under such
names as Tilden and Hendricks. [Applause.] When he beheld the rights
of Louisiana violated, and the South silenced as it were under it, the
strongest hand and one of the noblest protests came from Tilden
against the injustice of the act. There is no prouder cup in the history
of the party. It fills us with hope, it elevates us to a nobler manhood,
and we come with manful purpose and candidly say to you, that while
we have nothing to remember in the past, we come in the hope of the
future ; that though the men who have so patiently sat here and awaited
the developments that secured the nomination of two Northern
candidates, peculiarly men of the South, that they came to preserve
that silence so that the North may not hereafter have it said that the
slightest dictation existed, as in the Seymour and Blair nomination,
to the gentlemen of the North as to who they should prefer. We
have waited till you indicated that ; you have indicated it unmistakably,
and now united we stand, with a platform of honest money and hon-
est men. [Applause.] I must say one word more. Men in moments
of temptation, and particularly of pecuniary distress, lose their no-
bility of soul under the temptations that are offered by way of relief.
The South has preserved her heritage of self-respect, but she has been
constantly accused of hostility to the Union. I hold that man to be
an enemy to the people of America and this Union who seeks to sap
its public pith or destroy the sanctity of a contract. [Applause.]
I say that among the men that you will find faithful to that obligation,
though poor, yet determined by every means in the world to give
National Democratic Convention. 173
legitimate relief to labor in the hour of distress, is the impoverished
South, and that }tou will find that they will adhere, in good and evil
report, to the honest maxims of their fathers ; and having selected in
moments of tranquillity and calm the principles that command their
judgment, that it is not for the storm to shake that tranquillity. We
will pursue the science of politics amid sunshine and in storm, and
stand by our principles till we fall at their base. [Applause.]
We have never given you a pledge we did not keep, and now seeing
that it is accepted in that spirit and united on a platform after days
of discussion here, I say that a new dawn is about to reach the
Democracy of the Union. I say if you ask how long the Democracy
have been out of power, that the future historian will write in a single
sentence the whole stoiy : ''They were expelled from American power
when the people lost their reason, and they returned 10 it when they
recovered it." [Applause.] It is impossible for the minority, as
the Democracy have been, to recover its place by weak counsels or
timid action ; you should always advance after you have fixed your
line of battle. Do not apologize to the Republicans, but with free
trade, honest money, reform, advance to the charge. If you think
in moments of doubt you cannot go a step further, feel as }Tou do in
actual battle when you see the men advance — "only one step further
for the love of God and of country," and you will carry everything.
If}^ou see them faint-hearted, with pencils calculating majorities, throw
the pencils and the calculations to the earth and say, * 'We will count
the arithmetic after we win the victory."
If you go in that spirit into the action, and, guided by the light of
those principles, make no local modifications, but stand upon it, you
will find the Democracy resuming a name long since abandoned —
a name that, when I was a young Whig, struck terror to my heart —
the name of the "unterrified." Let me then in this canvass behold
the unterrified Democracy, and I will show you one that will redeem
your country, and the people will say: "Lo ! the wounded, exani-
mate Democracy, so long prostrate, has again risen in its might,
and it is unterrified, inexpugnable — the Democracy of America and
the world." [Cheers.]
Secretary Bell announced that delegates would find
letters addressed to them, but uncalled for, at room
No. 215, Board of Trade building.
APPENDIX.
ORGANIZATION
— OF THE
NATIONAL DEMOCRATIC COMMITT
St. Louis, June 29th, 1876.
The members of the ISTational Democratic Committee
appointed by the Convention met this day at the Ex-
change Building.
The following gentlemen were present :
Alabama Walter L. Bragg .Montgomery.
Arkansas John I. Sumter Hot Springs-
California F. McCoppin San Francisco.
Colorado B. M. Hughes Denver.
Connecticut Wm. H. Barnura . Lime Bock.
Delaware Harberson Hickman Lewes.
Florida Wilkinson McCall Jacksonville.
Georgia Geo. T. Barnes Augusta.
Illinois Wm. C. Goudy Chicago.
Indiana Thomas Dowling Terre Haute.
Iowa M. M. Ham . ■ Dubuque.
Kansas Isaac E. Eaton Leavenworth.
Kentucky H. D. McHenry Hartford.
Louisiana B. F. Jonas New Orleans.
Maine Edmund Wilson Thomaston.
Maryland Outerbridge Horsey Burkettsville.
Massachusetts Frederick O. Prince Boston.
176 APPENDIX.
Michigan Edward Kanter Detroit.
Minneso i\a Wm. Locliran Minneapolis.
Mississippi Ethal Barksdale Jackson.
Missouri John G. Priest St. Louis.
Nebraska Geo. L. Miller Omaha.
Nevada Robert P. Keating Gold Hill.
New Hampshire Alvah W. Sulloway Franklin.
New Jersey Miles Ross New Brunswick.
New York Abraham S. Hewitt New York City.
North Carolina M. W. Ransom Weldon.
Ohio John D. Thompson Golumhus.
Oregon John Whitaker Pleasant Hill.
Pennsylvania Wm. L. Scott Erie.
Rhode Island Nicholas Van Slyck Providence.
South Carolina James H. Rion Winnsboro.
Tennessee Wm. B. Bate Nashville.
Texas F. S. Stockdale Indianola.
Vermont B. B. Smaller Burlington.
Virginia Robert A. Coghill New Glasgow.
West Virginia Alex. Campbell Bethany.
Wisconsin Wm. F. Vilas 3Iadison.
On motion of Mr. John Gr. Thompson, of Ohio,
Abraham S. Hewitt, of New York, was appointed
Chairman of the Committee by acclamation.
On motion of Mr. M. M. Ham, of Iowa, Frederick
O. Prince, of Massachusetts, was appointed Secretary
and Treasurer of the Committee by acclamation.
Mr. John Gr. Priest, of Missouri, moved that an Ex-
ecutive Committee be appointed, to consist of the Chair-
man, Secretary, and nine others to be named by the
Chair, and the following w^ere appointed :
Hon. John G. Priest, of Missouri.
" M. M. Ham, of Iowa.
" George L. Miller, of Nebraska.
" Wm. H. Barnum, of Connecticut.
" M. W. Ransom, of North Carolina.
" John G. Thompson, of Ohio.
" Wm. L. Scott, of Pennsylvania.
" Miles Ross, of New Jersey.
" William B. Bate, of Tennessee.
It was voted that five members of the Executive
Committee constitute a quorum.
On motion, the Committee adjourned to meet in New
York on the 2d day of August, 1876.
APPENDIX. 177
GEN. 10. A. M'CLERNAND'S ADDRESS.
Governor Tilden: — The Democratic National Convention lately
assembled at St. Louis, though come and gone, is worthily survived
by its work, which may fairly claim candid scrutiny and approval.
The Convention itself was large in numbers, august in character,
and patriotic in sentiment. It counted 738 delegates, representing
38 States, forming an ocean-bound Republic. It met in a rising and
hospitable city enthroned upon the banks of the Mississippi, and
nobly typifying the growing grandeur of the mighty valley of that
river.
It met, too, under grave circumstances — at a time when the sharp
cry of distress was heard in every part of the land ; when the Consti-
tution had ceased to be reverenced and faithfully obeyed by rash and
infatuate rulers ; when the civil authority was exposed to fresh en-
croachments from the military ; when "hate " was rung as the watch-
word and the "bloody shirt " was flaunted as the banner of a sec-
tional and aggressive party; when trade restrictions embarrassed
commerce and impoverished the revenues ; wnen hard money — the
immemorial money of mankind — was dishonored and virtually
banished by vicious legislation from accustomed circulation ; when
public waste and extravagance had long been a ruling and ruinous
vice ; when peculation and corruption were tainting and sapping the
very foundations of government and society ; when a ponderous pub-
lic debt was grinding the over-strained energies of the people ; when
insatiate taxation was devouring their scanty substance and imperil-
ling the public credit and faith ; when gaunt famine, as the conse-
quence of involuntary idleness, was dogging the heels of the laboring
classes ; when, in fact, the country, in its whole extent, was writhing
and pining in extremity.
Yes, it was under these solemn circumstances that the Convention
met, profoundly impressed with its responsibilities. It had but one
(12)
178 APPENDIX.
feeling and a common purpose — to deliver the country from its peril,
to bring the Government back to its constitutional moorings, to re-
store the States to their proper Federal relations and the people of
the States to their old-time brotherhood, to raise up industry and
labor from their despairing prostration and to renew their wonted
hopes and rewards, to retrench public expenditures, to reduce taxa-
tion, to improve the currency, to punish and prevent official infidelity,
to reform abuses — in short, to build up again the ancient glory of the
Union — the Union, one, inseparable and perpetual.
Preliminary to these ends, the Convention, in its wisdom, made a
declaration of principles and policy, to be observed by its members
and the Democratic party, as a touchstone of political faith — a
declaration as sound in promise as it is eloquent and graceful in
expression. Next it proceeded to choose tried, true, able and
experienced statesmen to incarnate its great argument, and to cham-
pion the same against all opposers and dangers ; and finally, accord-
ing to usage, it appointed a Committee to wait upon the eminent
persons so chosen, and formally to notify them of their choice.
In conclusion, I have only to add that that Committee is here, in
person, ready to perform this grateful service, and accordingly I
have the honor and pleasure, as its Chairman, now to place in the
hands of its Secretary a communication to be read and delivered by
him to you as its act.
Mr. J. D. Harris, of Florida, the Secretary of the
Committee, then read and delivered to Gov. Tilden
the folio whig address, signed hy the members of the
Committee.
APPENDIX. 179
COMMITTEE'S ADDRESS TO GO?. TILDEN
New York City, July 11th, 1876.
GOV. SAMUEL J. TILDEN:
Sir: — The undersigned, a Committee of the National Democratic
Convention which met at the city of St. Louis, Mo., on the 27th ult.,
consisting of its President and of one Delegate from each State of the
Federal Union, have been intrusted with the pleasant duty of waiting
upon and informing you of your nomination by that body as the
candidate of the Democratic party for the Presidency of the United
States at the ensuing election.
It is a source of great satisfaction to us, who but reflect the opinions
of the members of the Convention, that a gentleman entertaining and
boldly advocating, as you do and have done, those great measures of
national and State reform, which are an absolute necessity for the
restoration of the national honor, prosperity and credit, should have
been selected as our standard-bearer in the approaching contest.
Your name is identified with the all-absorbing question of reform,
reduction of taxes, and the maintenance of the rights of the laboring
masses.
The Democracy, in designating you as their chosen leader, do not
feel that they are relying merely upon your pledges or promises of
what you will do in the event of your election ; your record of the
past is our guarantee of your future course.
"Having been faithful over a few things, we will make you a ruler
over many things."
Accompanying this letter of notification, we also present you with
the declaration of principles adopted by the Convention. We have
no doubt you will recognize in this declaration measures of political
policy which immediately concern the happiness and welfare of the
180
APPENDIX.
entire people of this country, and we feel that your election to the
Presidency will be a guarantee of their success, and that it will be as
much your pleasure to enforce and maintain them, if elected, as it
was ours to give them the stamp of national representative approba-
tion and approval in their adoption. Entertaining the hope that you
will signify to us your acceptance of the nomination which we have
tendered you, and that you concur with the Convention in their
declaration of principles, we are, dear sir,
Your very obedient servants,
JOHN A. McCLERNAND, Chairman.
F. S. LYONS, Alabama.
B. D. WILLIAMS, Arkansas.
GEO. H. ROGERS, California.
ADAIR WILSON, Colorado.
W. B. FRANKLIN, Connecticut.
Gov. SAULSBURY, Delaware.
J. D. HARRIS, Florida.
ALLEN FORT, Georgia.
PERRY H. SMITH, Illinois.
BAYLESS W. HANNA, Indiana.
B. F. MONTGOMERY, Iowa.
CHAS. W. BLAIR, Kansas.
W. W. BUSH, Kentucky.
LOUIS ST. MARTIN, Louisiana.
SAMUEL J. ANDERSON, Maine.
J. G. ABBOTT, Massachusetts.
H. J. REDFIELD, Michigan.
J. N. CASTLE, Minnesota.
ROBERT T. BANKS, Maryland.
WADE HAMPTON, Jr., Mississippi.
H. J. SPAUNHORST, Missouri.
G. B. SCOFIELD, Nebraska.
R. P. KEATING, Nevada.
L. HALL, New Hampshire.
P. H. LAVERTY, New Jersey.
H. C. MURPHY, New York.
WHARTON J. GREEN, North Carolina.
ISAAC C. COLLINS, Ohio.
MAT. V. BROWN, Oregon.
HENDRICK B. WRIGHT, Pennsylvania
W. B. BEACH, Rhode Island.
M. P. O'CONNOR, South Carolina.
THOMAS O'CONNOR, Tennessee.
JOSEPH E. DWYER, Texas.
JASPER RAND, )
B. B. SMALLEY, $ Vermont.
S. C. NEALE, Virginia.
G. D. CAMDEN, West Virginia.
JOS. RANKIN, Wisconsin.
APPENDIX. 181
GOV. TILDEN'S LETTER OF ACCEPTANCE.
Albany, July 31st, 1876.
Gentlemen: — When I had the honor to receive a personal delivery
of your letter on behalf of the Democratic National Convention
held on the 28th of June, at St. Louis, advising me of my nomina-
tion as the candidate of the constituency represented by that body
for the office of President of the United States, I answered that, at
my earliest convenience, and in conformity with usage, I would pre-
pare and transmit to you a formal acceptance. I now avail myself
of the first interval in unavoidable occupations to fulfill that engage-
ment.
The Convention, before making its nominations, adopted a Declar-
ation of Principles, which, as a whole, seems to me a wise exposi-
tion of the necessities of our country, and of the reforms needed
to bring back the Government to its true functions, to restore purity
of administration, and to renew the prosperity of the people. But
some of these reforms are so urgent that they claim more than a
passing approval.
REFORM IN PUBLIC EXPENSE.
The necessity of a reform ' ' in the scale of public expense — Fed-
eral, State and Municipal" — and "in the modes of Federal taxation,"
justifies all the prominence given to it in the Declaration of the St.
Louis Convention.
The present depression in all the business and industries of the
people, which is depriving labor of its employment, and carrying
want into so many homes, has its principal cause in excessive gov-
ernmental consumption. Under the illusions of a specious pros-
perity, engendered by the false policies of the Federal Government,
a waste of capital has been going on ever since the peace of 1865,.
which could only end in universal disaster.
182 APPENDIX.
The Federal taxes of the last eleven years reach the gigantic sum
of 4,500 millions. Local taxation has amounted to two-thirds as
much more. The vast aggregate is not less than 7,500 millions.
This enormous taxation followed a civil conflict that had greatly
impaired our aggregate wealth, and had made a prompt reduction of
expenses indispensable.
It was aggravated by most unscientific and ill- adjusted methods of
taxation, that increased the sacrifices of the people far beyond the
receipts of the treasury.
It was aggravated, moreover, by a financial policy which tended to
diminish the energy, skill and economy of production, and the fru-
gality of private consumption, and induced miscalculation in busi-
ness and an unremunerative use of capital and labor.
Even in prosperous times, the daily wants of industrious communi-
ties press closely upon their daily earnings. The margin of possible
national savings is at best but a small percentage of national earn-
ings. Yet now for these eleven years governmental consumption has
been a larger proportion of the national earnings than the whole
people can possibly save even in prosperous times for all new invest-
ments.
The consequence of these errors is now a present public calamity.
But they were never doubtful, never invisible. They were necessary
and inevitable, and were foreseen and depicted when the waves of
that fictitious prosperity ran highest. In a speech made by me on
the 24th of September, 1868, it was said of these taxes:
They bear heavily upon every man's income, upon every industry and every busi-
ness in the country, and year by year they are destined to press still more heavily,
unless we arrest the system that gives rise to them. It was comparatively easy,
'when values were doubling under repeated issues of legal-tender paper money, to
pay these taxes out of the froth of our growing and apparent wealth ; but when
values recede and sink towards their natural scale, the tax-gatherer takes from us
not only our income, not only our profits, but also a portion of our capital. * * *
I do not wish to exaggerate or alarm; I simply say that we cannot afford the costly
and ruinous policy of the Radical majority of Congress. We cannot afford that
policy towards the South. We cannot afford the magnificent and oppressive cent-
ralism into which our Government is being converted. We cannot afford the pres-
ent magnificent scale of taxation.
To the Secretary of the Treasury I said, early in 1865 :
There is no royal road for a government more than for an individual or a corpor-
ation. What you want to do now is to cut down your expenses and live within
your income. I would give all the legerdemain of finance and financiering — I would
give the whole of it — for the old homely maxim, ' 'Live within your income."
This reform will be resisted at every step, but it must be pressed
persistently. We see to-day the immediate representatives of the
APPENDIX. 183
people in one branch of Congress, while struggling to reduce ex-
penditures, compelled to confront the menace of the Senate and
Executive, that unless the objectionable appropriations be consented
to, the operations of the Government thereunder shall suffer detri-
ment or cease. In my judgment, an amendment of the Constitution
ought to be devised, separating into distinct bills the appropria-
tions for the various departments of the public service, and excluding
from each bill all appropriations for other objects, and all indepen-
dent legislation. In that way alone can the revisory power of each
of the two houses and of the Executive be preserved and exempted
from the moral duress which often compels assent to objectionable
appropriations rather than stop the wheels of government.
THE SOUTH.
An accessory cause enhancing the distress in business is to be
found in the systematic and insupportable misgovernment imposed
on the States of the South. Besides the ordinary effects of ignorant
and dishonest administration, it has inflicted upon them enormous
issues of fraudulent bonds, the scanty avails of which were wasted
or stolen, and the existence of which is a public discredit, tending to
bankruptcy or repudiation. Taxes, generally oppressive, in some
instances have confiscated the entire income of property, and totally
destroyed its marketable value. It is impossible that these evils
should not react upon the prosperity of the whole country.
The nobler motives of humanity concur with the material interests
of all in requiring that every obstacle be removed, to a complete and
durable reconciliation between kindred populations once unnaturally
estranged, on the basis recognized by the St. Louis platform, of the
*' Constitution of the United States, with its amendments universally
accepted as a final settlement of the controversies which engendered
civil war. ' '
But, in aid of a result so beneficent, the moral influence of every
good citizen, as well as every governmental authority, ought to be
exerted, not alone to maintain their just equality before the law, but
likewise to establish a cordial fraternity and goodwill among citizens,
whatever their race or color, who are now united in the one destiny
of a common self-government. If the duty shall be assigned to me,
I should not fail to exercise the powers with which the laws and the
Constitution of our country clothe its chief magistrate, to protect all
its citizens, whatever their former condition, in every political and
personal right.
184 APPENDIX.
CURRENCY REFORM.
"Reform is necessary," declares the St. Louis Convention, "to
establish a sound currency, restore the public credit and maintain
the national honor ;" and it goes on to " demand a judicious system
of preparation by public economies, by official retrenchments, and by
wise finances, which shall enable the nation soon to assure the whole
world of its perfect ability and its perfect readiness to meet any of
its promises at the call of the creditor entitled to payment."
The object demanded by the Convention is a resumption of specie
payments on the legal-tender notes of the United States. That would
not only "restore the public credit" and "maintain the national
honor," but it would "establish' a sound currency" for the people.
The methods by which this object is to be pursued, and the means
by which it is to be maintained, are disclosed by what the Convention
demanded for the future, and by what it denounced in the past.
BANK NOTE RESUMPTION.
Resumption of specie payments by the Government of the United
States on its legal-tender notes would establish specie payments by
all the banks, on all their notes. The official statement, made on the
12th of May, shows that the amount of the bank notes was 300 millions,
less 20 millions held by themselves. Against these 280 millions of
notes, the banks held 141 millions of legal-tender notes, or a little
more than fifty per cent, of their amount. But they also held on
deposit in the Federal Treasury, as security for these notes, bonds of
the United States, worth in gold about 360 millions, available and
current in all the foreign money markets. In resuming, the banks, even
if it were possible for all their notes to be presented for payment,
would have 500 millions of specie funds to pay 280 millions of notes,
without contracting their loans to their customers, or calling on any
private debtor for payment. Suspended banks, undertaking to re-
sume, have usually been obliged to collect from needy borrowers the
means to redeem excessive issues and to provide reserves. A vague
idea of distress is, therefore, often associated with the process of re-
sumption. But the conditions which caused distress in those former
instances do not now exist.
The Government has only to make good its own promises, and the
banks can take care of themselves without distressing anybody. The
Government is, therefore, the sole delinquent.
LEGAL-TENDER RESUMPTION.
The amount of legal-tender notes of the United States now out-
standing is less than 370 millions of dollars, besides 34 millions of
APPENDIX. 185
dollars of fractional currency. How shall the Government make
these notes at all times as good as specie?
It has to provide, in reference to the mass which would be kept in
use by the wants of business, a central reservoir of coin, adequate to
the adjustment of the temporary fluctuations of international balances,
and as a guaranty against transient drains artificially created by panic
or by speculation.
It has also to provide for the payment in coin of such fractional
currency as may be presented for redemption, and such inconsider-
able portions of the legal tenders as individuals may, from time to
time, desire to convert for special use, or in order to hiy by in coin
their little stores of money.
RESUMPTION NOT DIFFICULT.
To make the coin now in the treasury available for the objects of
this reserve, to gradually strengthen and enlarge that reserve, arid
to provide for such other exceptional demands for coin as may arise,
does not seem to me a work of difficulty. If wisely planned and dis-
creetly pursued, it ought not to cost any sacrifice to the business of
the country. It should tend, on the contrary, to a revival of hope
and confidence. The coin in the treasury on the 30th of June, in-
cluding what is held against coin certificates, amounted to nearly 74
millions. The current of precious metals which has flowed out of our
country for eleven years, from July 1, 1865, to June 30, 1876, aver-
aging nearly 76 millions a year, was 832 millions in the whole period,
of which 617 millions were the product of our own mines.
To amass the requisite quantity, by intercepting from the current
flowing out of the country, and by acquiring from the stocks which
exist abroad without disturbing the equilibrium of foreign money
markets, is a result to be easily worked out by practical knowledge
and judgment.
With respect to whatever surplus of legal tenders the wants of
business may fail to keep in use, and which, in order to save interest,
will be returned for redemption, they can either be paid or they can
be funded. Whether they continue as currency, or be absorbed into
the vast mass of securities held as investments, is merely a question
of the rate of interest they draw. Even if they were to remain in
their present form, and the Government were to agree to pay on them
a rate of interest, making them desirable as investments, they would
cease to circulate and take their place with government, state, muni-
cipal, and other corporate and private bonds, of which thousands of
millions exist among us. In the perfect ease with which they can be
186 APPENDIX.
changed from currency into investments lies the only danger to be
guarded against in the adoption of general measures intended to re-
move a clearly ascertained surplus ; that is, the withdrawal of any
which are not a permanent excess beyond the wants of business.
Even more mischievous would be any measure which affects the pub-
lic imagination with the fear of an apprehended scarcity. In a
community where credit is so much used, fluctuations of values and
vicissitudes in business are largely caused by the temporary beliefs of
men, even before those beliefs can conform to ascertained realities.
AMOUNT OF NECESSARY CURRENCY.
The amount of the necessary currency, at a given time, cannot be
determined arbitrarily, and should not be assumed on conjecture.
That amount is subject to both permanent and temporary changes.
An enlargement of it, which seemed to be durable, happened at the
beginning of the civil war by a substituted use of currency in place
of individual credits. It varies with certain states of business. It
fluctuates, with considerable regularity, at different seasons of the
year. In the autumn, for instance, when buyers of grain and other
agricultural products begin their operations, they usually need to
borrow capital or circulating credits by which to make their purchases,
and want these funds in currency capable of being distributed in
small sums among numerous sellers. The additional need of currency
at such times is five or more per cent, of the whole volume, and, if a
surplus beyond what is required for ordinary use does not happen to
have been on hand at the money centers, a scarcity of currency en-
sues, and also a stringency in the loan market.
It was in reference to such experience that, in a discussion of this
subject, in my annual message to the New York Legislature, of Jan-
uary 5, 1875, the suggestion was made that "The Federal Govern-
ment is bound to redeem every portion of its issues which the public
do not wish to use. Having assumed to monopolize the supply of
currency, and enacted exclusions against everybody else, it is
bound to furnish all which the wants of business require."
* * * * * "The system should passively allow the
volume of circulating credits to ebb and flow, according to the ever-
changing wants of business. It should imitate as closely as possible
the natural laws of trade, which it has superseded by artificial contriv-
ances." And in a similar discussion, in my message of January 4,
1876, it was said that resumption should be effected " by such meas-
ures as would keep the aggregate amount of the currency self-adjust-
ing during all the process without creating at any time an artificial
APPENDIX. 187
scarcity, and without exciting the public imagination with alarms
which impair confidence, contract the whole large machinery of credit,
and disturb the natural operations of business."
MEANS OF RESUMPTION.
"Public economies, official retrenchments and wise finance" are
the means which the St. Louis Convention indicates as provision for
reserves and redemption.
The best resource is a reduction of the expenses of the Govern-
ment below its income ; for that imposes no new charge on the
people.
If, however, the improvidence and waste which have conducted us
to a period of falling revenues oblige us to supplement the results of
economies and retrenchment by some resort to loans, we should not
hesitate. The Government ought not to speculate on its own dishonor,
in order to save interest on its broken promises, which it still compels
private dealers to accept at a fictitious par. The highest national
honor is not only right, but would prove profitable. Of the public
debt, 985 millions bear interest at 6 per cent, in gold, and 712 mil-
lions at 5 per cent, in gold. The average interest is 5.58 per cent.
A financial policy which should secure the highest credit, wisely
availed of, ought gradually to obtain a reduction of one per cent, in
the interest on most of the loans. A saving of one per cent, on the
average would be 17 millions a year in gold. That saving regularly
invested at four and a half per cent, would, in less than thirty-eight
years, extinguish the principal. The whole 1,700 millions of bonded
debt might be paid by this saving alone, without cost to the people.
PROPER TIME FOR RESUMPTION.
The proper time for resumption is the time when wise preparations
shall have ripened into a perfect ability to accomplish the object with
a certainty and ease that will inspire confidence and encourage the
reviving of business. The earliest time in which such a result can
be brought about is the best. Even when the preparations shall have
been matured, the exact date would have to be chosen with reference
to the then existing state of trade and credit operations in our own
countiy, the course of foreign commerce, and the condition of the
exchanges with other nations. The specific measures and the actual
date are matters of detail having reference to ever-changing con-
ditions. They belong to the domain of practical administrative
statesmanship. The captain of a steamer, about starting from New
York to Liverpool, does not assemble a council over his ocean chart,
188 APPENDIX.
and fix an angle by which to lash the rudder for the whole voyage.
A human intelligence must be at the helm to discern the shifting
forces of the waters and the winds. A human hand must be on the
helm to feel the elements day by day, and guide to a mastery over
them.
PREPARATIONS FOR RESUMPTION.
Such preparations are everything. Without them, a legislative
command fixing a day, an official promise fixing a day, are shams.
They are worse — they are a snare and a delusion to all who trust
them. They destroy all confidence among thoughtful men, whose
judgment will at last sway public opinion. An attempt to act on
such a command, or such a promise, without preparation, would end
in a new suspension. It would be a fresh calamity, prolific of con-
fusion, distrust and distress.
THE ACT OF JANUARY 14TH, 1875.
The Act of Congress of the 14th of January, 1875, enacted that
on and after the 1st of January, 1879, the Secretary of the Treasury
shall redeem in coin the legal-tender notes of the United States on
presentation at the office of the Assistant Treasurer in the City of
New York. It authorizes the Secretary ' ' to prepare and provide
for" such resumption of specie payments by the use of any surplus
revenues not otherwise appropriated, and by issuing, in his discretion,,
certain classes of bonds.
More than one and a half of the four years have passed. Congress
and the President have continued ever since to unite in acts which
have legislated out of existence every possible surplus applicable to
this purpose.
The coin in the treasury claimed to belong to the Government, had
on the 30th of June fallen to less than forty-five millions of dollars,
as against fifty-nine millions on the 1st of January, 1875, and the
availability of a part of that sum is said to be questionable. The
revenues are falling faster than appropriations and expenditures are
reduced, leaving the treasury with diminishing resources. The
Secretary has done nothing under his power to issue bonds.
The legislative command, the official promise, fixing a day for
resumption, have thus far been barren. No practical preparations
towards resumption have been made. There has been no progress.
There have been steps backward.
There is no necromancy in the operations of government. The
homely maxims of every-day life are the best standards of its con-
duct. A debtor who should promise to pay a loan out of surplus
APPENDIX. 189
income, yet be seen every day spending all he could lay his hands on
in riotous living, would lose all character for honesty and veracity.
His offer of a new promise, or his profession as to the value of the old
promise, would alike provoke derision.
RESUMPTION PLAN OF THE ST. LOUIS PLATFORM.
The St. Louis platform denounces the failure for eleven years to
make good the promise of the legal tender notes. It denounces the
omission to accumulate " an}?- reserve for their redemption." It
denounces the conduct "which, during eleven years of peace, has
made no advances towards resumption, no preparations for resump-
tion, but instead has obstructed resumption, by wasting our resources
and exhausting all our surplus income, and, while professing to intend
a speedy return to specie payments, has annually enacted fresh hin-
drances thereto." And having first denounced the barrenness of
the promise of a day of resumption, it next denounces that barren
promise as a "hindrance" to resumption. It then demands its
repeal, and also demands the establishment of " a judicious system
of preparation" for resumption. It cannot be doubted that the sub-
stitution of a "system of preparation," without the promise of a
day, for the worthless promise of a day without "a system of pre-
paration" would be the gain of the substance of resumption in
exchange for its shadow.
Nor is the denunciation unmerited of that improvidence which, in
the eleven years since the peace, has consumed 4,500 millions of
dollars, and yet could not afford to give the people a sound and
stable currency. Two and a half per cent, on the expenditures of
these eleven years, or even less, would have provided all the addi-
tional coin needful to resumption.
RELIEF OF BUSINESS DISTRESS.
The distress now felt by the people in all their business and
industries, though it has its principal cause in the enormous waste of
capital occasioned by the false policies of our Government, has been
greatly aggravated by the mismanagement of the currency. Uncer-
tainty is the prolific parent of mischiefs in all business. Never were
its evils more felt than now. Men do nothing, because they are
unable to make any calculations on which they can safely rely. They
undertake nothing, because they fear a loss in everything they would
attempt. They stop and wait. The merchant dares not buy for the
future consumption of his customers. The manufacturer dares not
make fabrics which may not refund his outlay. He shuts his factory
190 APPENDIX.
and discharges his workmen. Capitalists cannot lend on security
they consider unsafe, and their funds lie almost without interest. Men
of enterprise who have credit or security to pledge will not borrow.
Consumption has fallen below the natural limits of a reasonable
economy. Prices of many things are under their range in frugal,
specie-paying times before the civil war. Vast masses of currency
lie in the banks unused. A year and a half ago the legal tenders
were at their largest volume, and the twelve millions since retired
have been replaced by fresh issues of fifteen millions of bank notes.
In the meantime the banks have been surrendering about four millions
a month, because they cannot find a profitable use for so many of
their notes.
The public mind will no longer accept shams. It has suffered
enough from illusions. An insincere policy increases distrust. An
unstable policy increases uncertainty. The people need to know
that the Government is moving in the direction of ultimate safet}^ and
prosperity, and that it is doing so through prudent, safe and con-
servative methods, which will be sure to inflict no new sacrifice on
the business of the country. Then the inspiration of new hope and
well-founded confidence will hasten the restoring processes of nature,
and prosperity will begin to return.
The St. Louis Convention concludes its expression in regard to the
currency by a declaration of its convictions as to the practical results
of the system of preparations it demands. It says: "We believe
such a system, well devised, and above all, intrusted to competent
hands for execution, creating at no time an artificial scarcity of
currency, and at no time alarming the public mind into a withdrawal
of that vast machinery of credit by which ninety-five per cent, of
all business transactions are performed — a system open, public, and
inspiring general confidence — would, from the day of its adoption,
bring healing on its wings to all our harassed industries, set in motion
the wheels of commerce, manufactures and the mechanic arts, restore
employment to labor, and renew in all its natural sources the pros-
perity of the people."
The Government of the United States, in my opinion, can advance
to a resumption of specie payments on its legal- tender notes by
gradual and safe processes tending to relieve the present business
distress. If charged by the people with the administration of the
Executive office, I should deem it a duty so to exercise the powers
with which it has been or may be invested by Congress as best and
soonest to conduct the country to that beneficent result.
APPENDIX. 191
CIVIL SERVICE REFORM.
The Convention justly affirms that reform is necessary in the civil
service, necessary to its purification, necessary to its economy and
its efficiency, necessary in order that the ordinary employment of the
public business may not be "a prize fought for at the ballot-box, a
brief reward of party zeal, instead of posts of honor assigned for
proved competency, and held for fidelity in the public employ."
The Convention wisely added that "reform is necessary even more in
the higher grades of the public service. President, Vice-President,
Judges, Senators, Representatives, Cabinet Officers, these and all
others in authority are the people's servants. Their offices are not
a private perquisite, they are a public trust."
Two evils infest the official service of the Federal Government.
One is the prevalent and demoralizing notion that the public
service exists not for the business and benefit of the whole people,
but for the interest of the office-holders, who are in truth but the
servants of the people. Under the influence of this pernicious error
public employments have been multiplied ; the numbers of those
gathered into the ranks of office holders have been steadily increased
beyond any possible requirement of the public business, while
inefficiency, peculation, fraud, and malversation of the public funds,
from the high places of power to the lowest, have overspread the
whole service like a leprosy.
The other evil is the organization of the official class into a body
of political mercenaries, governing the caucuses and dictating the
nominations of their own party, and attempting to carry the elections
of the people by undue influence, and by immense corruption funds
systematically collected from the salaries or fees of office-holders.
The official class in other countries, sometimes by its own weight,
and sometimes in alliance with the army, has been able to rule the
unorganized masses, even under universal suffrage . Here it has
already grown into a gigantic power, capable of stifling the inspira-
tions of a sound public opinion, and of resisting an easy change of
administration, until misgovernment becomes intolerable, and public
spirit has been stung to the pitch of a civic revolution.
The first step in reform is the elevation of the standard by which
the appointing power selects agents to execute official trusts. Next
in importance is a conscientious fidelity in the exercise of the
authority to hold to account and displace untrustworthy or incapable
subordinates. The public interest in an honest, skillful performance
of official trust must not be sacrificed to the usufruct of the incum-
bents.
192 APPENDIX.
After these immediate steps, which will insure the exhibition of
better examples, we may wisely go on to the abolition of unnecessary
offices, and, finally, to the patient, careful organization of a better
civil service S3Tstem, under the tests, wherever practicable, of proved
competency and fidelity.
While much may be accomplished by these methods, it might
encourage delusive expectations if I withheld here the expression of
my conviction that no reform of the civil service in this country will
be complete and permanent until its chief magistrate is constitutionally
disqualified for re-election ; experience having repeatedly exposed
the futility of self-imposed restrictions by candidates or incumbents.
Through this solemnity only can he be effectually delivered from his
greatest temptation to misuse the power and patronage with which
the Executive is necessarily charged.
CONCLUSION.
Educated in the belief that it is the first duty of a citizen of the
republic to take his fair allotment of care and trouble in public
affairs, I have for forty years, as a private citizen, fulfilled that duty.
Though occupied in an unusual degree during all that period with
the concerns of government, I have never acquired the habit of
official life. When, a year and a half ago, I entered upon my present
trust, it was in order to consummate reforms to which I had already
devoted several of the best years of my life. Knowing as I do,
therefore, from fresh experience, how great the difference is between
gliding through an official routine and working out a reform of
systems and policies, it is impossible for me to contemplate what
needs to be done in the Federal Administration without an anxious
sense of the difficulties of the undertaking. If summoned by the
suffrages of my countrymen to attempt this work, I shall endeavor,
with God's help, to be the efficient instrument of their will.
SAMUEL J. TILDEN.
To Gen. John A. McClernand, Chairman, Gen. W. B. Franklin,
Hon. J. J. Abbott, Hon. H. J. Spaunhorst, Hon. H. J. Redfield,
Hon. F. S. Lyons, and others, Committee, &c.
APPENDIX.
193
ADDRESS TO GOV. HENDRICKS.
New York City, July 11th, 1876.
GOV. THOMAS A. HENDRICKS:
Sir: — The undersigned, a Committee composed of the President
of the National Democratic Convention which met at St. Louis the
27th ult., and one Delegate from each State, have been intrusted
with the agreeable duty of waiting upon and notifying you of your
nomination by that body as the Democratic candidate for the Vice-
Presidency of the United States.
Your unanimous nomination by that Convention to the distinguished
position of the party's candidate for the second office in the gift of
the people assures us that you will accept the candidacy.
Your long life of public service, and the purity and integrity with
which you have invariably discharged the official duties intrusted to
you, commend you especially to the favorable consideration of our
great party.
We also present you a declaration of the principles adopted by the
late Convention, and which are designed for the governing action of
the party in its future course.
(13)
194
APPENDIX.
Hoping that these will meet your co-operation and concurrence,
we, in the desire and earnest expectation that you will notify us of
your acceptance of the nomination tendered, beg leave to renew our
assurances of regard, &c.
Your very obedient servants,
JOHN A. McCLERNAND, Chairman.
F. S. LYONS, Alabama.
B. D. WILLIAMS, Arkansas.
GEO. H. ROGERS, California.
ADAIR WILSON, Colorado.
W. B. FRANKLIN, Connecticut.
Gov. SAULS BURY, Delaware.
J. D. HARRIS, Florida.
ALLEN, FORT, Georgia.
PERRY H. SMITH, Illinois.
BAYLESS W. HANNA, Indiana.
B. P. MONTGOMERY, Iowa.
CHAS. W. BLAIR, Kansas.
W. W. BUSH, Kentucky.
LOUIS ST. MARTIN, Louisiana.
SAMUEL J. ANDERSON, Maine.
J. G. ABBOTT, Massachusetts.
H. J. REDFIELD, Michigan.
J. N. CASTLE, Minnesota.
ROBERT T. BANKS, Maryland.
WADE HAMPTON, Jr., Mississippi.
H. J. SPAUNHORST, Missouri.
GILBERT B. SCOFIELD, Nebraska.
R. P. KEATING, Nevada.
L. HALL, New Hampshire.
P. H. LAVERTY, New Jersey.
HENRY C. MURPHY, New York.
WHARTON J. GREEN, North Carolina.
ISAAC C. COLLINS, Ohio.
MAT. V. BROWN, Oregon.
HENDRICK B. WRIGHT, Pennsylvania
W. B. BEACH, Rhode Island.
M. P. O'CONNOR, South Carolina.
THOMAS O'CONNOR, Tennessee.
JOSEPH E. DWYER, Texas.
JASPER RAND, >
B. B. SMALLEY, >
S. C. NEALE, Virginia,
G. D. CAMDEN, West Virginia.
JOS. RANKIN, Wisconsin.
Vermont.
APPENDIX.
195
0?. HENDRICKS' LETTE
Indianapolis, July 24, 1876.
»
Gentlemen: — I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your
communication, in which you have formally notified me of m}r nomi-
nation b}^ the National Democratic Convention at St. Louis, as their
candidate for the office of Vice-President of the United States. It
is a nomination which I had neither expected nor desired ; and yet I
recognize and appreciate the high honor done me by the Convention.
The choice of such a body, pronounced with such unusual unanimity,
and accompanied with so generous an expression of esteem and con-
fidence, ought to outweigh all merely personal desires and preferences
of my own. It is with this feeling, and I trust also from a deep
sense of public duty, that I now accept the nomination, and shall
abide the judgment of my countrymen.
It would have been impossible for me to accept the nomination if
I could not heartily indorse the platform of the Convention. I am
gratified, therefore, to be able unequivocally to declare that I agree
in the principles, approve the policies, and sympathize with the pur-
poses enunciated in that platform.
The institutions of our country have been sorely tried by the
exigencies of civil war, and, since the peace, by a selfish and corrupt
management of public affairs, which has shamed us before civilized
mankind. By unwise and partial legislation every industry and in-
terest of the people have been made to suffer ; and in the executive
departments of the Government, dishonesty, rapacity and venalit}7 have
debauched the public service. Men known to be unworthy have
been promoted, while others have been degraded for fidelity' to offi-
cial duty. Public office has been made the means of private profit,
and the country has been offended to see a class of men, who boast
the friendship of the sworn protectors of the State, amassing fortunes
196
APPENDIX.
by defrauding the public treasury and by corrupting the servants of
„the people. In such a crisis of the history of the country I rejoice
that the Convention at St. Louis has so nobly raised the standard of
reform. Nothing can be well with us or with our affairs until the
public conscience, shocked b}^ the enormous evils and abuses which
prevail, shall have demanded and compelled an unsparing reformation
of our National Administration, "in its head and in its members."
In such a reformation the removal of a single officer, even the ] resi-
dent, is comparatively a trifling matter, if the system which he rep-
resents, and which has fostered him as he has fostered it, is suffered
to remain. The President alone must not be made the scapegoat for
the enormities of the S3^stem which infest the public service, and
threatens the destruction of our institutions. In some respects I
hold that the present Executive has been the victim rather than the
author of that vicious system. Congressional and party leaders have
been stronger than the President. No one man could have created
it, and the removal of no one man can amend it. It is thoroughly
corrupt, and must be swept remorselessly away by the selection of a
government composed of elements entirely new, and pledged to rad-
ical reform.
REFORMS NEEDED.
The first work of reform must evidently be the restoration of the
normal operation of the Constitution of the United States, with all
its amendments. The necessities of war cannot be pleaded in a time
of peace ; the right of local self-government as guaranteed by the
Constitution of the Union must be everywhere restored, and the
centralized (almost personal) imperialism which has been practiced
must be abandoned, or the first principles of the republic will be lost.
Our financial system of expedients must be reformed. Gold and
silver are the real standard of values, and our national currency will
not be a perfect medium of exchange until it shall be convertible at
the pleasure of the holders. As I have heretofore said, no one desires
a return to specie payments more earnestly than I do ; but I do not
believe that it will or can be reached in harmony with the interests
of the people by artificial measures for the contraction of the currency,
any more than I believe that wealth or permanent prosperity can
be created by an inflation of the currency. The laws of finance
cannot be disregarded with impunity. The financial policy of the
Government, if indeed it deserves the name of policy at all, has
been in disregard of those laws, and therefore has disturbed com-
mercial and business confidence, as well as hindered a return to
APPENDIX. 197
specie payments. One feature of that policy was the resumption
clause of the act of 1875, which has embarrassed the country by
the anticipation of a compulsory resumption for which no prepara-
tion has been made, and without any assurance that it would
be practicable. The repeal of that clause is necessary, that the
natural operation of financial laws may be restored, that the business
of the country may be relieved from its disturbing and depressing
influence, and that a return to specie payments may be facilitated by
the substitution of wiser or more prudent legislation, which shall
mainly rely on a judicious system of public economies and official
retrenchments, and, above all, on the promotion of prosperity in all
the industries of the people.
I do not understand the repeal of the resumption clause of the
act of 1875 to be a backward step in our return to specie payments,
but the recovery of a false step ; and although the repeal may, for
a time, be prevented, yet the determination of the Democratic party
on this subject has now been distinctly declared. There should be no
hindrances put in the wa}^ of a return to specie pa}Tments. "As
such a hindrance," says the platform of the St. Louis Convention,
"we denounce the resumption clause of the act of 1875, and demand
its repeal. ' '
I thoroughly believe that by public economy, by official retrench-
ments, and by wise finance, enabling us to accumulate the precious
metals, resumption at an early period is possible, without producing
an "artificial scarcity of currency" or disturbing public or commer-
cial credit ; and that these reforms, together with the restoration of
pure government, will restore general confidence, encourage the
useful investment of capital, furnish employment to labor, and relieve
the country from the "pararysis of hard times."
OUR INDUSTRIES.
With the industries of the people there have been frequent inter-
ferences. Our platform truly says that man}^ industries have been
impoverished to subsidize a few. Our commerce has been degraded
to an inferior position on the high seas ; manufactures have been
diminished ; agriculture has been embarrassed, and the distress of
the industrial classes demands that these things shall be reformed.
The burdens of the people must also be lightened by a great change
in our system of public expenses. The profligate expenditures which
increased taxation from five dollars per capita in 1860 to eighteen
dollars in 1870, tells its own story of our need of fiscal reform.
198
APPENDIX.
Our treaties with foreign powers should also be revised and amend-
ed, in so far as they leave citizens of foreign birth in any particular
less secure in any country on earth than they would be if they had
been born on our own soil ; and the iniquitous coolie system which,
through the agency of wealthy companies, imports Chinese bondsmen,
establishes a species of slavery, and interferes with the just rewards
of labor on our Pacific coast, should be utterly abolished.
In the reform of our civil service I most heartily indorse that sec-
tion of the platform which declares that the civil service ought not
to be "subject to change at every election," and that it ought not
to be made "the brief reward of party zeal," but ought to be
awarded for proved competency and held for fidelity in the public
employ. I hope never again to see the cruel and remorseless pro-
scription for political opinions which has disgraced the administra-
tion of the last eight years. Bad as the civil service now is, as all
know, it has some men of tried integrity and proved ability. Such
men, and such men only, should be retained in office ; but no man
should be retained on any consideration who has prostituted his
office to the purpose of partisan intimidation or compulsion, or who
has furnished money to corrupt the elections. This is done and has
been done in almost every country of the land. It is a blight upon
the morals of the country, and ought to be reformed.
OUR SCHOOLS.
Of sectional contentions, and in respect to our common schools,
I have only this to say: That in my judgment, the man or party
that would involve our schools in political or sectarian controversy
is an enemy to the schools. The common schools ate safer under
the protecting care of all the people than under the control of any
part}^ or sect. They must be neither sectarian nor partisan, and there
must be neither division nor misappropriation of the funds for their
support. Likewise I regard the man who would arouse or foster
sectional animosities and antagonisms among his countrymen as a
dangerous enemy to his country. All the people must be made to
feel and know that once more there is established a purpose and
policy under which all citizens of every condition, race and color,
will be secure in the enjoj^ment of whatever rights the Constitution
and laws declare or recognize ; and that in controversies that may
arise the Government is not a partisan, but, within its constitutional
authority, the just and powerful guardian of the rights and safety of
all. The strife between the sections and between races will cease as
soon as the power for evil is taken away from a part}^ that makes
APPENDIX. 1W>
political gain out of scenes of violence and bloodshed, and the con-
stitutional authority is placed in the hands of men whose political
welfare requires that peace and good order shall be preserved every-
where.
GOV. TILDEN.
It will be seen, gentlemen, that I am in entire accord with the plat-
form of the Convention by which I have been nominated as a candi-
date for the office of Vice-President of the United States. Permit
me, in conclusion, to express my satisfaction at being associated with
a candidate for the Presidency who is first among his equals as a rep-
resentative of the spirit and of the achievements of reform. In his
official career as the Executive of the great State of New York, he
has, in a comparatively short period, reformed the public service and
reduced the public burdens, so as to have earned at once the grati-
tude of his State and the admiration of the country. The people
know him to be thoroughly in earnest ; he has shown himself to be
possessed of powers and qualities which fit him, in an eminent degree,
for the great work of reformation which this country now needs ; and
if he shall be chosen by the people to the high office of President of
the United States, I believe that the day of his inauguration will be
the beginning of a new era of peace, purity and prosperity in all
departments of our Government.
I am, gentlemen, your obedient servant,
THOMAS A. HENDRICKS.
To the Hon. John A. McClerxand, Chairman, and others, of the
Committee of the National Democratic Convention.
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