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Full text of "Official proceedings of the eleventh Republican National Convention held in the City of St. Louis, Mo., June 16, 17, and 18, 1896 .."

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^;N>>"t;/'^ Dar.Rm. 
^Mfif?B JK23^3 


Francis Newton Thorpe 




The Secretary of the late Republican National Convention at Saint 
Louis was directed to prepare and have published the Proceedings. 

He was also directed, in 1892, to reprint the Proceedings of the first 
three Republican Conventions, viz.: Of the j^ears 1856, at Philadelphia: 
i860, at Chicago, and 1864, at Baltimore. 

ADDITIONAL COPIES of this Book may be obtained at any 
time from CHARLES W. JOHNSON, 259 First Avenue South, Minne- 
apolis, Minnesota, Secretary of the National Republican Conventions 
of 1892 and 1896. 

Proceedings of 1892 or 1896, bound in cloth, single copy, postage prepaid, $1.50 
" of 1892 or 1896, bound in paper, single copy, postage prepaid, $1.00 

Proceedings of 1856, i860 and 1864, included in one volume, cloth 

binding, postage prepaid, . . - - . $2.00 

Discount on large orders. 
All orders niaj' be addressed to 

CHAS. \M. JOHNSON, Secretary, 

No. 259 First Avenue South, 

Minneapolis, Minn. 




Republican National Convention 


ST. LOUIS, MO., June 16, 17 and 18, 


WILLIAM Mckinley, of Ohio, for President, 


GARRETT A. HOBART, OF New Jersey, for Vice-President. 

Reported by JAMES FRANCIS BURKE of Pittsburg, Pa., 
Official Stenographer. 



\ ^ "Resolved, That the Secretary of this Convention is hereby- 
directed to prepare and publish a full and complete report of the 
official proceedings of this Convention, under the direction of the 
National Committee, co-operating with the local committee." 



Copyright By 


Officers of the Convention, 

Chairman of the National Committee, 


of Montana. 

Temporary Chairman of the Convention, 


of Indiana. 

Permanent Chairman, 


of Nebraska. 

General Secretary, 


of Minnesota, 



of Minnesota. 

"The Republican Party stands for honest money and the 
chance to earn it by honest toil.'' 



Republican Candidate for President. 

Sketch of the life of Wm. McKinley, Jr. 

WILLIAM Mckinley, jr. was bom at Niles, Trumbull County, Ohio, on 
January 29, 1843. His father was an iron manufacturer, and is still living, his age 
being 85; his mother is also living, her age being 83. Young McKinley was edu- 
cated at the public schools and at the Poland (Mahoning County) Academy. In 
June, 1861, he enlisted in the 23rd O. V. I. as a private. On September 24, 1862, he 
was promoted to 2nd lieutenant; on February 7, 1862, 1st lieutenant; on July 25th, 
1864, to captain, and was breveted Major by President Lincoln for gallant and 
meritorious services at the battle of Opequan, Fisher's Hill and Cedar Creek. He 
served on the staff of Ex-President Hayes and Maj. Gen'l Geo. Crook, and after 
Crook's capture he served for a time on thestaff of Maj. Gen'l Hancock, and subse- 
quently on the staff of Gen'l S. S. Carroll. He was with the 23rd in all its battles, 
and was mustered out with it on July 26, 1865. At the close of the war he returned 
to Ohio. He had a liking for the military profession, and it was said that but for 
the advice of his father he would at the solicitation of Gen'l Carroll have attached 
himself to the regular army. He studied law with the Hon. Charles E. Glidden 
and David "Wilson of Mahoning County, and then attended the law school at 
Albany, N. Y. In 1867 he was admitted to the bar, and in May of the same year 
he located in Canton, Stark County, where he soon formed a partnership with 
Judge Belden. He was elected prosecuting attorney of Stark County in 1869. On 
January 25, 1871, he was married to Miss Ida Saxton, daughter of James A. Saxton , 
a prominent citizen of Canton. He was elected to Congress in 1876, and was con- 
tinuously in Congress until March, 1891, except part of his fourth term, he being 
unseated by a Democratic House late in the first session, his seat being given to 
Mr. Wallace, his competitor. McKinley has been three times "gerrymandered." 
In 1878 he was placed in a district consisting of the counties of Stark, Wayne, 
Ashland and Portage, which was Democratic by 1,800; but McKinley carried 
it by 1,300. In 1884 he was placed in a district consisting of Stark, Summit, 
Medina and Wayne, and was elected by over 2,000. Lender the infamous Price 
"gerrymander" of 1890, his district was made up of Stark, Wayne, Medina and 
Holmes, which had given Governor Campbell, the year before 2,900 majority, but 
on the fullest vote ever polled in the district, Mr. McKinley reduced this majority 
to 303. Mr. McKinley received 2,500 more votes in the district than had been re" 
ceived by Harrison for President in 1888 in the same district. While in Congress, 
Mr. McKinley served on the committee of the Revision of Laws, the Judiciary Com- 
mittee, the Committee of Expenditures, of the Post Office Department, and the 
Committee on Rules ; and when Gen'l Garfield was nominated for the Presidency, 
Mr. McKinley was assigned to the Committee on Ways and Means in his place, 
and he continued to serve on the last-named committee until the end of his con- 
gressional career, being Chairman of that committee during the last Congress, 
and w^as the author of the famous tariff law -which bears his name. 

For a number of years Mr. McKinley has been the recognized champion of the 
cardinal Republican principle of Protection. He was delegate-at-large to the 
National Convention of '84, and supported Mr. Blaine for the Presidency. He was 
also delegate at-large to the National Convention of '88, -when he supported Mr. 
Sherman. At the latter convention his name was sprung for the Presidential 
nomination, but in a speech which was characteristic of the man he forbade the 
use of his-name for the reason that he had pledged his loyalty to Sherman. He 
"was Chairman of the Committee on Resolutions at both conventions. 

On June 7, 1891, Maj. McKinley was unanimously nominated by the Ohio 
Republicans for Governor; and after one of the most hotlj' contested campaigns 
in the history of the State, he was elected by a plurality of 21,511. 

In 1893 he w^as re-elected Governor of Ohio by a plurality of 80,955. 

At the Ohio State Convention, 1892, Governor McKinley was elected one of the 
•delegates-at-large to the Republican National Convention at Minneapolis ; he was 
made Chairman of the Ohio Delegation, and Permanent Chairman of the Con- 

HON. GARRETT A. HOBART, of New Jersey, 

Republican Candidate for Vice-President. 

Sketch of the Life of Garrett A. Hobart. 

GARRETT AUGUSTUS HOBART was born June 3. 1844, in Monmouth 
County, N. J. His father's name was Addison W., and mother's Sophia. 
Hobart's father was a school teacher, but later became a farmer. 

His early life was spent in Monmouth County, within sight of the historic 
Revolutionary battlefield of Monmouth, and his early education was obtained in 
the common schools of Newark and Paterson neighborhood. Later, at the age 
of 17, he entered Rutger's College, New Brunswick, and spent four years there, 
graduating with high honors when 21 years old. He went to Paterson and com. 
menced the study of law in the oflSce of Socrates Tuttle, destined to become his 
father-in-law later in life. After spending three years in the law^ office he was 
admitted to the practice of law^ in the State of New Jersey, and worked up a large 
and remunerative practice, being counsel of the city and county governments. 

He was early identified with politics, but sought no political oflSce until 1873, 
when he was elected a member of the State Legislature. The next year, 1874, he 
w^as re-elected and was made Speaker of the Assembly by a unanimous vote of 
his colleagues. In 1875 he was elected State Senator from the Paterson district, 
and three years after was given the place as president of the upper body of the 

A number of times he was solicited to accept the nomination for Congress- 
man from his home district, but would not accept. In 1880 he was the Republican 
nominee for United States Senator, but the Assembly being overwhelmingly 
Democratic he failed to secure the seat, the honor falling to John R. McPherson. 
Mr. Hobart was Chairman of the Republican State Executive Committee for 
twelve years, and New Jersey member of the National Committee since 1884. 

He was married to Jennie Tuttle, the daughter of Hon. Socrates Tuttle, under 
whom he had studied law, July 20, 1866, and has one son living, Garrett Augustus. 
He was appointed one of the Receivers of the New^ Jersey Midland Railroad, and 
Hugh McCullough, of New^ York, -was joint Receiver, looking after the New York 
interests of the road. Later, under the direction of the Court, he became the sole 
Receiver and reorganized the road under the name of the Susquehanna Western. 
At the time of the receivership there were large amounts owing to the army of 
employes, and Mr. Hobart is entitled to the credit of hiring legal counsel to see 
that their interest were protected against those of numerous preferred creditors. 
In acknowledgment for this fair treatment the men passed resolutions thanking 
him for the interest taken in their behalf. 

On December 12, 1895, he was appointed one of three arbitrators for the Joint 
Traffic Association lines, including thirty-two roads. The purpose of the arbi- 
tration commissioners is to prevent discrimination and protect the individual 
lines in all their rights. The arbitrators have not, nor can they have any pecu- 
niary interest in the roads comprised under the association. Complaint was 
made that the existence of the board was contrary' to the purpose and intent of 
the inter-state commerce act, but Judge Wheeler, of Vermont, has recently 
decided that its existence was not only legal, but necessary for the protection of 
shippers from discrimination by rebates or otherwise. 

Mr. Hobart has been in public life in New Jersey ever since he was 23 years of 
age, but his most recent triumph, and one in which he prides himself most, is his 
participation in the State campaign in New Jersey, which resulted in the selec 
tion of John W. Griggs, the first Republican Governor the State has had in 
thirty years. 

The Republican National Committee: 

State Member Post Office 

Alabama WiLLlAM YOUNGBLOOD Birminghain. 

Arkansas POWELL CLAYTON Little Rock. 

California JOHN D. Spreckles San Francisco. 

Colorado J. F. Saunders Denver. 

Connecticut SAMUEL Fepsenden Stamford. 

Delaware James H. Wilson Wilmington. 

Florida JOHN C. LONG St. Augustine. 

Georgia Judson W. Lyons Augusta. 

Idaho George L. Shoup Salmon City. 

Illinois T. N. JAMIESON Chicago. 

Indiana WiNFlELD T. DURBIN Anderson. 

Iowa A. B. Cummins Des Moines. 

Kansas CYRUS Leland, Jr Troy. 

Kentucky John W. Yerkes Danville. 

Louisiana A. T. WiMBERLY New Orleans, 

Maine JOSEPH H. Manley Augusta. 

Maryland GEO. L. WELLINGTON Cumberland. 

Massachusetts Geo. H. Lyman Boston. 

Michigan GEO. L Maltz Detroit. 

Minnesota L. F. HuBBARD Red Wing. 

Mississippi jAMES HiLL Vicksburg. 

Missouri RICHARD C. KERENS St. Louis. 

Montana CHARLES R. Leonard... Butte. 

Nebraska JOHN M. THURSTON Omaha. 

Nevada C. H. SPROULE Elko. 

New Hampshire Person C. Cheney Manchester. 

New Jersey Garrett A. Hobart Paterson. 

New York Frederick S. Gibbs New York City. 

North Carolina J AMES E. BOYD Greensboro. 

North Dakota W. H. ROBINSON May ville. 

Ohio Chas. L. Kurtz Columbus. 

Oregon George A . Steele Portland. 

Pennsylvania MATTHEW S. Quay Beaver. 

Rhode Island Charles R. Brayton Providence. 

South Carolina EuGENE A. WEBSTER Orangeburg. 

South Dakota A. B. Kittredge Sioux Falls, 

Tennessee W, P. Brownlow Jonesboro, 

Texas John Grant Sherman. 

Utah L. R. Rogers Salt Lake City. 

Vermont Geo. T. Childs St. Albans. 

Virginia GEO. E. BOWDEN Norfolk. 

Washington P. C. SULLIVAN Tacoma. 

West Virginia N. B. ScOTT Wheeling. 

Wisconsin HENRY C. PAYNE Milwaukee. 

Wyoming WiLLiS VAN Devanter Cheyenne. 

Territories and District of Columbia: 

Alaska C. S. JOHNSON Sitka, 

Arizona W. M. GRIFFITH Florence. 

New Mexico SOLOMON LUNA Los Lunas. 

Oklahoma HENRY E. AsP Guthrie. 

Indian Territory LEO. E. BENNETT Muskogee, 

District Columbia Byron M, Parker Washington. 

The Republican National Committee. 


Chairman, Marcus A. Hanna, Cleveland, Ohio* 



Auditorium. Hotel, 308 Wabash Avenue. 

M. A. Hanna, Ohio, Chairman. 
Charles Dick, Ohio, Secretary. 
Henry C. Payne, Wisconsin. 
Charles G. Dawes, Illinois. 
Winfield T. Durbin, Indiana. 
Cyrus Leland, Jr., Kansas. 
Edwin F. Brown, Sub-Treasurer. 
Wm. M. Hahn, Ohio, 

In Charg-e of Bureau of Speakers. 
Perry Heath, Ohio, 

In Charge of Literary and Press Matter. 
Col. William c. Haskell, Sergeant-at-Arms. 
Capt. Thomas H. McKee, 

In Charge of Documents and Distribution. 


Metropolitan Life Bldg., No. 1 Madison Avenue. 

M. A. Hanna, Ohio, Chairman. 
Wm. M. Osborne, Mass., Secretary. 
Cornelius N. Bliss, N. Y,, Treasurer. 
M. S. Quay, Pennsylvania. 
Joseph. H. Manley, Maine. 
Powell Clayton, Arkansas. 
N. B. Scott, West Virginia. 
Gen. Powell Clayton, 

In Charge of Bureau of Speakers. 
Jules Guthridge, 

In Charge of Literary and Press Matter. 
Col. H. L. Swords, Sergeant-at-Arms. 

Republican Congressional Committee. 

Headquarters, Washington City, D. C. 

Joseph W. Babcock, Chairman. 
Lewis D. Apsley, Vice- Chairman. 
David H. Mercer, Secretary. 
Warner P. Sutton, Assistant Secretary. 
William B. Thompson, Treasurer. 


John A. T. Hull, Iowa. 

Joseph G. Cannon, Illinois. 

Jeter C. Pritchard, North Carolina. 

Jesse Overstreet, Indiana. 

James S. Sherman, New York. 

John H. Mitchell, Oregon. 











Kentucky . . . . 


Maryland . . . . 






N. H'mpshire 
New Jersey.. . 

Rep. Aldrich. 
Rep. Loud. 
Senator Wolcott. 
Rep. Russell. 
Rep. Willis. 
Rep. Wilson. 
Rep. Cannon. 
Rep. Overstreet. 
Rep. Hull. 
Rep. Long-. 
Rep. Colson. 
Rep. Boutelle. 
Rep. Coffin. 
Rep. Apsley. 
Rep. Aitken 
Rep. Tawney. 
Rep. Joy. 

Rep. Mercer. 
Senator Gallinger. 

New York Rep. Sherman. 

N. Carolina.. .Senator Pritchard. 
N. Dakota. . . .Rep. Johnson. 

Ohio Rep. Bromwell. 

Oregon Senator Mitchell. 

PennsylvaniaRep. Reyburn. 
Rhode IslandRep. Bull. 

S. Dakota 

Tennessee Rep. Gibson . 

Texas Rep. Noonan. 


Vermont Senator Proctor. 

Virginia Rep. Walker. 

W. Virginia.. Rep. Miller. 
Wisconsin,. . .Rep. Babcock. 
Wyoming. . . .Rep. Mondell. 

Arizona Del. Murphy. 

New Mexico. .Del. Catron. 
Oklahoma. . ..Del. Flynn. 

National Republican League of the United States. 

Club Rooms, 2 and 3 Auditorium Hotel. 

D. D. Woodmansee, President. 

Cincinnati, O. 

M. J. Dowling, Secretary. 
Renville, Minn. 

A. T. Bliss, Treasurer. 

Saginaw, (W. S.) Mich. 

Chairmen Republican State Committees* 

State Chairman Headquarters Residence 

Alabama William Vaughn Birmingham Birmingham 

Arkansas Henry M. Cooper Little Rock Little Rock 

California Frank McLaughlin San Francisco Oroville 

^ . ^ ( J. L. Hodges, Regular Denver Denver 

Colorado ^_ y 

Connecticut O.R. Flyer Hartford Torrington 

Delaware Hugh C. Brown Wilmington Wilmington 

Florida Jno. E. Stillman Jacksonville Jacksonville 

Georgia A. E. Buck Atlanta Atlanta 

Idaho Geo. H. Stewart Boise City Boise City 

Illinois Charles P. Hitch Chicago Paris 

Indiana John K. Gowdy . Indianapolis Rushville 

Iowa H. G; McMillan Des Moines Rock Rapids 

Kansas Cyras Leland, Jr Topeka Troy 

Kentucky Sam. J. Roberts Louisville Lexington 

. . ( P F. Herwig, Execative Com New Orleans New Orleans 

Louisiana | J. B. Donnally, sogaf PiaDiei<5..New Orleans New Orleans 

Maine Jos. H. Manley Augusta Augusta 

Maryland Geo. L.Wellington Baltimore Cumberland 

Massachusetts Geo. H. Lyman Boston Boston 

Michigan Dexter M. Ferry Detroit Detroit 

( Eli S. Warner. Central com St. Paul St. Paul 

Minnesota j Tams Bixby, Execaiive Com St. Paul Red Wing 

^^. . . . ) A. M. Lea. Hill Com Vicksburg Vicksburg 

Mississippi (H. C. Griffin, lyoch Com... Jackson Natchez 

Missouri Chauncey I. Filley St. Louis St. Louis 


Nebraska Geo. W. Post Lincoln York 

Nevada R. K. Colcord Carson City Carson City 

New Hampshire.... Stephen S. Jewett Concord Laconia 

New Jersey Franklin Murphy Newark Newark 

New York Charles W. Hackett New York Utica 

North Carolina Albert E. Holton Raleigh Wiston 

North Dakota Earnest C. Cooper Fargo Grand Forks 

Ohio Chas. L. Kurtz, Execative Com.. Columbus Columbus 

Oregon Solomon Hirsch Portland Portland 

Pennsylvania John P. Elkin Philadelphia Philadelphia 

Rhode Island ...Hunter Ci White Providence Providence 

South Carolina Eugene A. Webster Charleston Orangsburg 

u ir, T^ 1, * J J. D.Elliott Yankton Tyndall 

South Dakota j James Munn , For Black Hiiis. . . . Deadwood Deadwood 

Tennessee Newell Sanders Chattanooga Chattanooga 

Texas John Grant Dallas Sherman 

Utah John E.Dooly Salt Lake Salt Lake 

Vermont Olin Merrill. Burlington Enosburgh Falls 

Virginia William Lamb Petersburg Norfolk 

Washington Scott Swetland Tacoma Vancouver 

West Virginia Wm. M. O.Dawson Wheeling Kingwood 

Wisconson Edwin D. Coe Milwaukee Milwaukee 

Wyoming Willis Van Devanter Cheyenne Cheyenne 


Arizona Jos. H. Kibbey Phoenix Phoenix 

New Mexico E. L. Bartlett Santa Fe... Santa Fe 

Oklahoma Wm. Grimes Guthrie.. Kingfisher 

Republican Congfressional Committeet 1896. 

Chairman Joseph W. Babcock Washington, D. C Necedah, Wis. 

Vice-Chairman Lewis D. Apsley Washington, D. C Hudson, Mass. 

Secretaries Republican State Committees. 

State Secretary Headquarters Residence 

Alabama C. F. Johnson Birmingham Mobile 

Arkansas M. W. Gibbs Little Rock Little Rock 

California M. R. Higgins San Francisco San Francisco 

Colorado Denver 

Connecticut Samuel A. Eddy Hartford Canaan 

Delaware W. C. R. Colquhonn Wilmington Wilmington 

Florida J. E. Lee Jacksonville Jacksonville 

Georgia J. H. Deveaux Atlanta Savannah 

Idaho Jno. T. Morrison Boise City Caldwell 

Illinois Jas. R. B. Van Cleave Chicago Chicago 

Indiana Robt. E. Mansfield Indianapolis Muncie 

Iowa I. M. Treynor Des Moines Council Bluffs 

Kansas Joseph L. Bristow Topeka Ottawa 

Kentucky Geo. W. Lieberth Louisville, Newport 

T „„;„■„_„ J L. J. Joubert New Orleans New Orleans 

i,ouisiana | John S. Dennee, saga^ Planters New Orleans New Orleans 

Maine Byron Boyd Augusta Augusta 

Maryland H. ClayNaill Baltimore Baltimore 

Massachusetts Thomas Talbot Boston Boston 

Michigan D. E. Alward Detroit Detroit 

Minnesota Edward M. Johnson St. Paul Minneapolis 

Mi«ai««inni (T.V.M'AUister, Hill Com Vicksburg Vicksburg 

iiississippi -j L. K. Atwood, iiyocb Coo Jackson Jackson 

Missouri Albert Griffin St. Louis St. Louis 

Montana Thos. A. Cummings Butte Fort Benton 

Nebraska John T. Mallalieu Lincoln Kearney 


New Hampshire Wm. Tutherly Concord Concord 

New Jersey John Y. Foster Newark Newark 

New York John S. Kenyon New York Syracuse 

North Carolina W. S. Hyams Raleigh Bakersville 

North Dakota Albert B. Guptill Fargo Fargo 

Ohio W. S. Matthews, Ex. Com Columbus ... Columbus 

Oregon Jonathan Bourne, Jr Portland Portland 

T'«»nnavi,rQti,o * John B. Rcx Philadelphia Huntingdon 

i-ennsyivania • • • • "j w. R. Andrews Philadelphia Mead ville 

Rhode Island Eugene F. Warner Providence Coventry 

South Carolina John Johnson Charleston Charleston 

South Dakota R. S. Person Yankton Yankton 

Tennessee "Lee Brock Nashville Nashville 

Texas W. E. Eston Delias Austin 

Utah. Miss Julia A. Farnsworth, Salt Lake Salt Lake 

Vermont F. E. Burgess Burlington Burlington 

Virginia Asa Rogers Petersburg Petersburg 

Washington E. D. Co wen Tacoma Olympia 

West Virginia Geo. W. Atkinson Wheeling Wheeling 

Wisconsin Jno. M. Ewing Milwaukee Milwaukee 

Wyoming B. M. Ausherman Cheyenne Evanston 


Arizona Robert L. Long Phoenix Phoenix 

New Mexico Max Frost Santa Fe Santa Fe 

Oklahoma H. F. Ardery Guthrie Guthrie 

Republican Congressional Committee, J 896. 

Secretary David H. Mercer Washington, D. C Omaha, Neb. 

Assistant Sec'y Warren P. Sutton Washington, D. C Michigan 



Acceptance, Letters of 151-165 

Adjournment, sine die 145 

Alabama, vote of 124 

Allen, Samuel W. K., remarks by, placing- Hon. Charles War- 
ren Lippett in nomination for vice president 135 

Allison, Hon. William B., named for president by Mr. John 

N. Baldwin, of Iowa 106-107 

vote cast for 123 

Applause and ovation. 25 

minutes of 118 

Arnett, Bishop, prayer by 45 


Babcock, Joseph W., Chairman Republican Congressional 

Committee 10 

Bailey, D. F , remarks by, placing Gen. James F. Walker in 

nomination for vice president 139 

Baldwin, Hon. John N., of Iowa, remarks of, placing Hon. 

Wm. B. Allison in nomination for president 106-107 

Bean, John B., reading- clerk 42 

Bingham, Gen. Henry H., chairman committee on rules, re- 
port of 79-80 

Brown, Hon. Arthur, remarks by, on platform 103 

Bulkeley, Hon. Morgan G., natned for vice president by Hon. 

Samuel Fessenden of Connecticut 132 

Burke, James Francis, official reporter 42 

Burke, John Jay, official reporter 42 

Burleigh, Hon. A. F., renaarks by, on platform 104 

Bushnell, Gov. Asa B., resolution by relative and notification 

of candidates 142 

resolution of thanks to local committee 143 

Byrnes, Timothy E., sergeant-at-arms 3-42 


California, votes of, on platform , 92 

Cannon, Hon Frank J., reading of statement of retiring del- 
egates by 98 

Carson, Col. Perry H., inquiry of 95 

14 INDEX. 

Carter, Hon. Thomas H., chairman of National Committee. . . 3 

the convention called to order by 25 

Chairman Republican State Committee 11 

Clfcyton, Powell, resolution by 37 

Committee, The Republican National 8 

Executive Committee of the National 9 

Executive Committee of the Republican Congressional. . 10 

the new National 104 

National, how to fill vacancies in. 105 

Local, and its work 17 

Permanent Organization 35 

Republican Congressional 10 

Republican Congressional, officers of 10 

Rules and order of business 34 

on candidates 36 

on resolutions 36 

Committees, Business Men's League 20-21 

Chairmen Republican State 11 

Secretaries, Republican State 12 

resolution, constituting standing 33 

standing 33-37 

notification 144:-145 

Credentials' committee 36 

Credentials, letter from committee on 45 

report of committee on 48 

minority report from committee on 49-50 

discussion of report of 52 

committee on 60 

vote on report of committee on 51 

report of committee on, adopted 60-61 

Convention, how St. Louis obtained the 17-23 

official call of 26-27 

call to order of the 25 

temporary officers of the 32 

rules of the 79-80 

general officers of 3 

roll of the 61-78 

official proceedings of the .• 25-145 

applause on nomination of Hon. Wm. McKinley 128 

newspapers represented in the 167-170 

Cox, James, Secretary St. Louis Business Men's League 17 


Declaration of unanimous nomination of Hon. Wm. McKinley 

for president 131 

of the unanimous nomination of Hon. Garrett A.Hobart 

for vice president 143 

Delegates, roll of the 61-78 

statement of retiring 98-101 

names of, also signed protest against financial plank 101 

Denny, George, presentation of gavel by 47 

Depew, Hon. Chauncey M., Remarks by, placing Hon. Levi P. 

Morton in nomination for president 113-116 

motion seconded by, to make nomination of Hon. Wm. 

McKinley unanimous 130 

Dubois, Hon. Fred T., separate vote on financial plank asked 

by 96 

INDEX. 15 


Evans, Hon. Henry Clay, named for vice president by Hon. 

W. M. Randolph, of Tennessee 136-138 

Executive Committee for 1896 9 


Fairbanks, Hon. Charles W., temporary chairman 3 

chosen temporary chairman 27 

address of 27-32 

response by, on accepting gfavel i7 

appointed chairman of committee to notify Garrett A. 

Hobart 142 

remarks by, in ackuowledg;-ment of resolution of thanks. 143 
remarks by, notifying Hon. Garrett A. Hobart of his 

nomination 149 

Fessenden, Hon. Samuel, remarks by, placing Hon. Morgan 

G. Bulkeley in nomination for vice president 133 

Fifer, Governor, resolution by 38 

Filley, Chauncey I., cheers for 49 

Financial plank, separate vote demanded on 95 

separate vote on 96 

adoption of 98 

names of those who protested against 101 

Florida, vote of 124 

Foraker, Hon. Joseph B., chairman committee on resolutions, 

report of 81-85 

motion of, to lay minority report on the table dl 

motion of, that the platform be adopted 95 

remarks by, placing Major Wm. McKinley in nomination 

for president 117-118 

Fort, Hon. J. Franklin, letter from 45 

report of, from the committee on credentials 48 

chairman committee on credentials, discussion by 52-53 

remarks by, placing Hon. Garrett A. Hobart in nomina- 
tion for vice president 133-135 

Gavels, presentation of 46-47-148 

Gavel, presentation of, to Major McKinley 148 

Georgia, vote of ] 24 

Grosvenor, Gen. Chas. H., address by, on report of Committee 

on Credentials 58 

objection by 102 

resolution by, relative to official proceedings 142 

16 Ii\DEX. 


Hanna, Hon Marcus A., chairman National Committee 9 

remarks by 131 

Hastings, Hon. Daniel H., remarks by, placing Hon. M. S. 

Quay in nomination for president 120-122 

motion seconded by, to make nomination of Hon. Wm. 

McKinley unanimous 129 

resolution by, of thanks to the officers of Convention. . . . 142 

Hatcher, R S.. reading clerk 42 

Henderson, Hon. D. B., inquiry by 129 

motion seconded by, to make nomination of Hon. Wm. 

McKinley unanimous 130 

Hepburn, Hon. W. P., report of, from the minority of Com- 
mittee on Credentials 49-50 

address by, on report of Committee on Credentials 55-58 

temporary presiding officer 118 

Hobart, Hon. Garrett A., (illustration) -. 6 

sketch of the life of 7 

named for vice president by Hon. J. Franklin Fort, of 

New Jersey 133 

remarks by, on occasion of his notification 149-150 

letter of acceptance of 164 

Humphreys, A. B., assistant secretary 42 

Humphrey, J. Otis, remarks by, seconding the nomination of 

Hon. Garrett A. Hobart 135 

Huxford, W. P., Major, assistant sergeant-at-arms 42 


Illinois, vote of 92-125 

Iowa, vote of 97 


Johnson, Charles W., Secretary of the Convention 3-42 

Johnson, W. W., Assistant Sergeant-at-Arms 42 


Kansas, vote of 93-97 


LaFollette, Hon. R. M., announcement by 51 

remarks by, seconding the nomination of Hon. H. Clay 

Evans 138-9 

League, Business Men's of St. Louis 17 

National Republican 10 

officers and headquarters of 10 

Lippett, Charles Warren, named for vice president by S. W. 

K. Allen, of Rhode Island 135 

Littlefield, Hon. Charles E., remarks of, seconding nomina- 
tion of Hon. Thomas B. Reed 110-112 

Local committee, resolution of thanks to 143 

INDEX. 16a 

Lodge, Hon. Henry Cabot, announcement of, concerning 

platform 139 

remarks of, placing Hon. Thomas B. Reed in nomination 

for president 108-109 

motion by, to make nomination of Hon. Wm. McKinley 

unanimous 129 

motion of, to proceed to nomination of vice president 132 


Madden, Martin B., presentation of gavel by. 46 

Malloy, John R., reading clerk 42 

Manley, Hon. Joseph H., Secretary National Comnaittee, read- 
ing call by 26 

Mantle, Hon. Lee, remarks by, on platform 101-102 

McKinley, Major William (illustration) 4 

sketch of the life of 5 

named for president by Hon. Joseph B. Foraker, of Ohio. 117-118 

vote cast for . . . 123 

official notification of his nomination, proceedings rela- 
tive to 146-148 

remarks by, in reply to notification committee 147 

letter of acceptance of 159-160 

Minority Report from Committee on Credentials 49-50 

from Committee on Resolutions and Platform 86 

as a substitute of Committee on Platform, voted on 91 

Mississippi, vote of 125 

Missouri, vote of 93 

Monroe, A. Warfield, assistant secretary and tally clerk 42 

Montana, vote of 126 

Morton, Hon. Levi P., named for president by Hon. Chauncey 

M. Depew, of New York 113-116 

vote cast for 123 


National Committee, the new 9-104 

organization of ... 9 

officers of 9 

New York headquarters of 9 

Chicago headquarters of 9 

New Mexico, vote of 94^97 

Newspapers represented in the Convention 167-170 

New York, vote of 126 

North Carolina 93 

Notification of candidates, resolution relative to 142 

Notification Committees 144-145 

Notification, proceedings relative to 146-150 


Officers of the Convention, general 3 

permanent 42 

thanks to 142 

Order, question of 42-43 

16b INDEX. 

Payne, Sereno E., appointed on a comnaittee to escort per- 
manent chairman to the chair 43 

Permanent organization, committee on 35 

report of committee on 41 

Plank, vote on the financial 96 

adoption of the financial 98 

Platform, announcement concerning the 39 

report of com mittee on 81-85 

Mr. Teller's remarks on the 86-90 

adoption of 98 

Piatt, Hon. Thomas C, motion seconded by, to make nomin- 
ation of Hon. William McKinley unanimous 130 

President, nomination of candidates for 105-122 

vote on nomination of candidates for 123 

Press, roll of the 167-170 

Proceedings, resolution authorizing printing of 2 

resolution relative to official 142 

Previous Question, inoved by Gov. Foraker, on platform.... 95 

ordered, on the report of Committee on Resolutions 96 

moved on Credentials report 50 


Question, division of, demanded by States of Colorado and 

Montana 95 

Quay, Hon. Matthew Stanley, named for president by Gov. 

Hastings of Pennsylvania 120-122 

vote cast for 123 


Randolph, Hon. W. M., cemarks by, placing Hon. H. Clay 

Evans in nomination for vice president 136-138 

Reed, Hon. Thomas B. named for president by Hon. Henry 

Cabot Lodge, of Massachusetts 108-109 

vote cast for 123 

Riley, W. E., assistant secretary 42 

Republican National Committee, the 8 

Republican Congressional Committee 10 

Republican State Committees, chairmen of 11 

Republican State Committees, secretaries of 12 

Resolutions, Committee on 36 

Committee on, asks further time 39 

announcement concerning report of 51 

Resolutions and Platform, report of Committee on 81-85 

adoption of the report of the committee 98 

adoption of, filling vacancies on the National Com- 
mittee 105 

Roll of the Convention 61-78 

Rules, temporary 33 

Rules and Order of Business Committee 34 

adoption of report of Committee on 81 

INDEX. 16c 


Sale, Rev. Dr. Samuel, opening prayer by 26-27 

Second day's proceeding-s 38 

Sewell, Hon. William J., appointed on committee to escort 

permanent chairman to the chair 43 

Scott, Rev. John R., prayer by 81 

Smith, George F , assistant Sergeant-at-Arms 42 

Smith, H. H., assistant Secretary 42 

Smith, John P., remarks bj^, seconding the notnination of 

Hon. H. Clay Evans 138 

South Dakota, vote of 94 

Statement of retiring delegates 98-101 

Stone, Charles E, assistant Sergeant-at-Arms 42 

Stone, J. H., reading clerk 42 


Teller, Hon. Henry M., minority report b5^, froin Committee 

on Resolutions 86 

remarks by, on platform 86 90 

Tennessee, vote of 94 

Texas, vote of 127 

Thanks, resolution of, to the officers 143 

resolution of, to the Local Committee 143 

Third day's proceedings . 81-146 

Thurston, Hon. John M., permanant chairman 3 

chosen permanent chairman 41 

address of 43 

presentation of floral shield to 44 

response by, on accepting gavel 46 

response of, to the boys of Minneapolis 48 

remarks by, naming Major Wm. McKinley for president. 119 

announcement by, of the vote for president 128-130 

request by 129 

statement by 129 

announcement by, of the result of presidential roll call.. 128 
declaration by, of unanimous nomination of Hon. Wm. 

McKinley 131 

appointed chairman of committee to notify Hon. Wm. 

McKinley 142 

remarks by, notifying Major McKinley of his nomina- 
tion 146 

announcement by, of the vote for vice president 143 

resolution of thanks to 142 

remarks by, in acknowledgment of resolution of thanks. 143 

Torrance, Ell, remarks concerning table 47 


Unanimous nomination of Hon. Wm. McKinlej' made 131 

nomination of Hon. Garrett A. Hobart made 143 

16c? INDEX. 


Vacancies on the National Committee, how filled 105 

Vance, Hon. J. Madison, remarks by, seconding the nomina- 
tion of Major McKinley 122 

Vice presidents of the Convention 41-42 

Vice president, proceedings relative to nomination of 132-143 

vote on the nomination of 141 

Virginia, vote of 94-127 

Vote, on ordering the previous question on report of Com- 
mittee on Credentials 51 

on motion to lay on the table, minority report from the 

Committee on platform 91 

on the financial plank 96 

on the nomination for president 123 

on the nomination for vice president 141 

announcement of vice presidential 143 


Walker, General James A., named for vice president by D. F. 

Bailey, of Virginia 139 

White, A. B., remarks by, seconding the nomination of Hon. 

Garrett A. Hobart for vice president 140 

Williams, Dr. Wilbur G., prayer by 38 

Wilson, F. H., reading clerk 42 

Wiswell, George W., assistant sergeant-at-arms 42 

Woodmansee, D. D., president National Republican League. 10 

Yerkes, J. W., remarks by, on report of Committee on Creden- 
tials 54 



The effort made by St. Louis to secure the Conveation was so de- 
termined in character that failure was never admitted to be possible 
by those at the head of the movement. It was the Business Men's 
League which inaugurated and managed the campaign. The 
League is a corporation under the laws of the State o^ Missouri and 
was incorporated in the year 1895. As the successor of the Autumnal 
Festivities Association and of the St. Louis Traffic Commission its 
main object as stated in its charter is to stand up for St. Louis and 
"to secure by all legitimate means the greatest good for the great- 
est number of its people." One of its stated objects as published 
in its original prospectus, was to "encourage the holding of con- 
ventions and similar gatherings in St. Louis." 

In the summer of 1895 the Conventions Committee, appointed to 
carry out this plank, held several meetings and placed itself in 
communication with each member of the National Executive Com- 
mittee. On July 17th a conference was held between the Conven- 
tions Committee and Hon. R. C. Kerens, member of the National 
Committee from Missouri, at which a definite program was mapped 
out. On October 25th a sub-committee was appointed for the pur- 
pose of making a canvas of the principal houses in the city with a 
view to ascertain to what extent they w^ere willing to subscribe 
towards the necessary expenses of holding the Republican Conven- 
tion in "St. Louis. This sub committee reported favorably and on 
November 5th the Executive Committee, on motion of Hon. Nathan 
Frank, adopted a resolution authorizing the appointment of a com- 
mittee of twenty-five with instructions to appear before the National 
Republican Committee, at Washington, on December 10th and bring 
back with them a decision calling for the holding of the convention 
in St. Louis in 1896. On November 22nd, each member of the Na- 
tional Republican Committee was notified that such committee had 
been appointed and would wait upon it at its meeting. 

On December 2nd a general meeting was held at the Mercantile 
Club. The weather was exceedingly unpropitious but upwards of 
500 prominent citizens were present. About $30,000 was subscribed 
at the meeting, and committees were appointed to canvas each in- 
terest and secure additional subscriptions. On December Gth at a 
joint meeting of the Executive and Conventions Committees of the 
Business Men's League authority was given to the committee, al- 
ready referred to, to proceed to Washington and make the necessary 
pledges to secure the Republican National Convention. The fol- 
lowing appointments on the committee were confirmed: Clark H. 

18 Official Proceedings of the 

Sampson, chairman; S. M. Kennard, C. P. Walbridge, E. O. Stanard, 
C. I. Filley, Nathan Frank, R. C. Kerens, Thomas Booth, W. H. 
Thompson, D. M. Houser, F. B. Brownell, H. C. Townsend, J. M. 
Hayes, W. G. Boyd, C. C. Rainwater, Frank Gaiennie, C. M. Flach, 
Nathan Cole, William Warner, Kansas City; Congressmen Joy, Cobb 
and Bartholdt, and James Cox, secretary. 

The utmost enthusiasm prevailed in St. Louis and subscriptions 
came in daily towards the necessary fund. Assurances of support 
were received from several members of the National Comnaittee, 
althoug-h a majority were non-committal on the ground that they 
would reserve their decisions until they had heard the claims ad- 
vanced by delegations from different cities. 

On the morning of December 7th the Committee left the Union 
Station at St. Louis for Washington on a Baltimore & Ohio special 
train. The occasion was made the object of a demonstration, and 
an immense number of people were at the station to wish success 
to the delegation and to assure it of their individual and collective 
support. The feeling of confidence locally was increased by tele- 
grams received from Washington and after the committee had left 
a quantity of important matter was sent after it. This included 
weather statistics disproving the statement that the weather in St. 
Louis is usually exceptionally hot early in June. Among other 
ammunition was a set of plans prepared by Architect Isaac Taylor, 
showing how the north nave of the Exposition Building could be 
fitted up for a Convention Hall with upwards of 12,000 seats, con- 
venient in every respect for a gathering of the magnitude pro- 

On its arrival in Washington the Committee lost no time in se- 
curing headquarters. The members immediately went into execu- 
tive session and completed their organization. Sub-committees 
were appointed to confer with different members of the National 
Committee and to point out the unique advantages of St. Louis for 
Convention purposes. In the selection of the committee care had 
been taken to secure as many men as possible with connections in 
different states and hence committeemen were approached in many 
cases by individual friends. 

The unique geographical advantages of St. Louis, its ease of 
access from all points of the United States, the great increase in its 
railroad and hotel accoinmodations, were made use of as special 
arguments in favor of the selection of the city for the Convention 
which promised to be the most famous in the history of the party. 
Attention was prominently called to the fact that recent Republican 
victories in Missouri had placed ttie state in the doubtful column. 
It was also a point of great weight that the Republican mayor of 
of St. Louis was a member of the delegation and that St. Louis was 
one of the few cities which had gone Republican in the disastrous 
campaign of 1892. Before the National Committee met, the feeling 
became general that St. Louis' chances were rosy in the extreme 
and a large number of telegrams were dispatched to the leading 
hotels to secure options on headquarters and desirable rooms. 

To prevent any complications arising from this the St. Louis 
committee wired to all the St. Louis hotels to make no assignments 
until all arrangements had been completed. It also secured from 
every hotel in the city signed undertakings not to increase rates 
during the Convention. On December 10th the battle of the cities 
was voted before the National Committee. Speeches on behalf of 
St. Louis were made by Hon. Cyrus P. Walbridge, Mayor; Mr. Clark 

Eleventh Republican National Convention, 19 

H. Sampson, Chairman of the Delegation; Hon. Nathan Frank, Ex- 
Congressman for one of the principal St. Louis districts; Mr. S. M. 
Kennard, President of the Business Men's League and others. As 
a prominent democrat Mr. Kennard was introduced by National 
Committeeman Kerens. In the course of his remarks he pointed 
out that St. Louis had for years been recognized as the Convention 
City of America. He explained how it was proposed to remodel the 
north nave of the Exposition Building so as to furnish accommoda- 
tion for 12,000 people, at the same time guaranteeing that under any 
conditions sufficient accommodation would be forthcoming for a 
convention of any magnitude. Discussing the w^eather problem, 
he assured the committee that St. Louis was not hot in the month 
of June, adding that when the wind blew from the south it did not 
stop in St. Louis, but continued to its neighbors on the north getting 
hotter and gathering strength as it went. 

Speeches followed on behalf of New York, Pittsburg, San Fran- 
cisco and Chicago, and then the balloting took place. The effort 
made for San Francisco had been exceedingly earnest and as a 
result that city led on the first ballot with 19 votes, St. Louis, which 
scarcely polled its full strength, came next with li votes. Pitts- 
burg had 9 and Chicago 8, a solitary ballot being cast for New 
York. On the second ballot 4 of Pittsburg's votes went to St.Louis 
and on the third ballot 4 more were similarly transferred, the result 
of the vote being St. Louis 22, San Francisco 19, Chicago 9 and Pitts- 
burg 1. On the fourth and final ballot St. Louis secured 29 votes 
as against 15 for San Francisco and 7 for Chicago. The following 
states voted for St. Louis: Alabama, Arkansas, Deleware, District 
of Columbia, Florida, Georgia, Indiana, Indian Territory, Kansas, 
Kentucky, Louisiana, Maryland, Michigan, Mississippi, Missouri, 
New Hampshire, New Jersey, New Mexico, North Carolina, Ohio, 
Oklahoma Territory, Pennsylvania, South Carolina, Tennessee, 
Texas, Vermont, Virginia, West Virginia and Wyoming. 

The headquarters of the St. Louis delegation were the scene of 
general festivities on the evening following the selection of the 
southwestern metropolis for the Convention. The best possible 
feeling existed between the representatives of the rival cities and 
many of those who had fought the hardest before the committee 
were the most sincere in their congratulations. 

In St. Louis itself the proceedings were watched with great inter- 
est. Bulletins were received at frequent intervals during the con- 
test and when the announcement was finally made that the city had 
succeeded for the first time in securing the National Republican 
Convention, enthusiasm knew no bounds. Arrangements were im- 
mediately made for welcoming back the victorious delegation, and 
although in deference to the wishes of members of the party there 
w^as no "brass band demonstration," a number of citizens met the 
incoming train several miles east of the city and tendered the vic- 
tors congratulations. 

No time was lost in making arrangements to carry out the prom- 
ises made to the National Committee. St. Louis having a reputation 
of always doing a little better than it promised it was determined in 
this case to outdo all previous records and convince those who had 
opposed the selection of St. Louis as the place of nomination of the 
next President and Vice-President of the United States, that they 
had acted under misapprehension. Committees were promptly ap- 
pointed to carry out every detail. The responsibility of the entire 
effort rested with the Executive Committee of the Business Men's 


Official Proceedings of the 

League which, as already stated, had taken the initiative in secur- 
ing' the Convention. The following are the members of this com- 
mittee : 

S. M. KENNARI), Pres. 

James Cox, Secretary. 

D.C. Ball. 

H. A. Blossom. 

Thomas Booth. 

T. B.Boyd. 

W. G. Boyd. 

G. W. Brown. 

Murray Carleton. 

Ed. Devoy. 

H. I. Drummond. 

Nathan Frank. 
Frank Gaiennle. 
Walker Hill. 
Goodman King. 
J. J. Lawrence, 
Charles Nagel. 
Dan Nugent. 
J. E. Pilcher. 
Jonathan Rice. 
Clark H. Sampson. 
Frank Shapleigh. 

E.G. Stanard. 
L. B. Tebbetts. 
W. H. Thompson. 
H. C. Townsend. 
Festus J, Wade. 
D. D. Walker. 
C.F. Wenneker. 
M. C. Wetmore. 
J. C.Wilkinson. 
E.F. Williams. 
W. H. Woodward. 

The following committees w^ere appointed to attend to various de. 
tails and execute the plans of the Executive Committee: 


Clark H. Sampson, Chr. 

Frank Gaiennie, Sec. 

Jos. D. Bascom. 

Thos. Booth. 

T. B. Bovd. 

Geo. W.Brown. 

F". B. Brownell. 

Geo. O. Carpenter, Jr. 

Nathan Cole. 

Edward Devoy. 

Chauncey I. Filley. 
Nathan Frank. 
Jos. M. Hayes. 
R. C. Kerens. 
F. G. Niedringhaus. 
D. M. Honser. 
C. C. Rainwater. 
L. M. Rumsej'. 
A. L. Shapleigh. 
Corwin H. Spencer. 

Edwin O. Stanard. 
Wm. A. Sticknev. 
L. B. Tebbetts. 
W. H. Thompson. 
J. C. Van Blarcom. 
C. P. Walbridge. 
C. F. Wenneker. 
M. C. Wetmore. 
Edwards Whitaker. 
O. L. Whitelaw. 


Ghauncey 1. Filley, Chairman. F. B. Brownell, Vice-Chairman. 

W. B. Allen, Secretary ; 

( and 150 prominent citizens selected from all political parties. 


NATHAN Frank, Ch'm'n. 

L. P. Aloe, Secretary. 

J. L, Boland. 

John P. Boyce. 

J. J. Broderick. 

E. C. Burnett. 

A. A. Biisch. 

J.Charles Cabanne. 

Janaes M. Carpenter. 

A. D. Cooper. 

L. L. Culver. 

C. R. H. Davis. 

H. N. Davis. 

John B. Denvir. 

J. B. Desnoyers. 

James Duross. 

A. M.Eddv. 

A. E. Faust. 

C. H. Flack. 

P. R, Flitcraft. 

Joseph Franklin. 

C. Marquard Forster. 
John J.Ganahl. 

W. A. Gardner. 
August Gehner. 
W. J ewett Gilbert. 
J. T. Goodfellow. 
O. E. Halliwell. 
F. V. Hammar. 
Ewing Hill. 
F. D. Hirschberg. 

E. G. Hoflfmann. 
James Hopkins. 

D. M. Houser. 
C. H. Huttig. 

F. N. Johnson. 
A. T. Kelley. 
J. J.Lawrence. 
J. B. C. Lucas. 
L. G. McNair. 

Alvah Mansur. 
P.J. Moynihan. 
D. C. Nugent. 
N. O. Nelson. 
C. F. Orthwein. 
P. J. Pauly. 
Geo. D. Reynolds. 
J. H. Rhotehamel. 
Geo. H. Shields. 
J. C. Simpson. 
J. C. Sonierville. 
C. C. Sprague. 
Henry Stanley. 
C. A. Stix. 
M. S. Stuyvesant. 
I, S. Taylor. 
Henry >I. Timkeu. 
O. H. White. 
Geo. M. Wright. 

Eleventh Republican National Convention. 



R. C. KERENS, Chairman. 

R. M. Allen. 

W. E. Atmore. 

John Bird. 

James Barker. 

E. W. Braisted. 

W. F. Brunner. 

E. P. Bryan. 

H. B. Calkins. 

R. A. Campbell. 

J.N. Chandler. 

S. H. H. Clark. 

C. S. Crane. 

R. P. Dodd. 

W. B. Doddridge. 

Howard Elliott. 

S. W. Fordyce. 

H. W. Gays. 

H. C. Haarstick. 

W. D. HoUiday. 

W. \V. Kent. 

E. W. LaBeaunie. 

Henr5' A. Lloyd. 

I. P. Lusk. 

W. J. Lvnch. 

W. S. McChesney. 

C. McDonald. 

D. H. Martyn. 
Darius Miller. 
H. I.Miller. 
M. L. Morrill. 
H. A. Morsman. 

E. S. Orr. 

Clarence F. Parker. 
J. T. Poe. 

Thos. C. Purdy. 
J. Ramsey, Jr. 
John ScuUin. 
R P. Tansey. 
J. Temple. 
H. C. Townsend. 
Julius S. Walsh. 

F. A. Wann. 

G. B. Warfel. 
C. G. Warner. 
W. F. White. 


C. P. WALBRIDGE, Ch'mn. 

D. C.Ball. 

E. N. Beach. 
N. M. Bell. 
Thos. P, Bell. 
David Block 
Given Campbell. 
J. L. Carlisle. 

R. S. Chambers. 
H. L. Christie. 
E. C. Donk. 
J. T. Donovan. 
C. P. EUerbee. 
Harry Elliott, Jr. 

Henry Fairback. 
D. D. Fisher. 
C. E. Gibson. 
James Green. 
R. W. Green. 
W. A. Hobbs. 
Clarence Jones. 
Robert H. Keru. 
S. P. Keyes. 
W. J. Kinsella. 
Wm. H.Lee. 
H. C. Lewis. 
Geo. B. Leighton. 
C. C. McDonald. 

O. L. Mersman, 
Gustave J. Meyer. 
Leo Moser. 
Geo. S. Myers. 
Jno W. Noble. 
F. W. Oliver. 
W. H. Priesmeyer. 
L. L. Prince. 
M. Schoenberg. 
W. K. Stanard. 

A. G. Stifel. 

B. J. Strauss. 


W. H. Tho?IPSOX, Chairman; S. M. KENXARD, and National Committeeman 



Edward Devoy, Ch'm'n 
Festns J. Wade, Sec. 
J. C. Birge. 
Adolphus Busch. Jr. 
T. W. Crouch. 
Robt. McCuUoch. 
Chas. Ehlerman. 

T. W. Grant. 

W. C. Merry. 

Eugene Muehlman. 

C. C. Nicholls. 

John O'Brien. 

J.E. Pilcher. 

W. H. Priesmeyer. 

Isaac Schwab. 
A. C. Sellner. 
W. H, Thomson. 
E. Volkening. 
L. H. Waltke. 
O. M. Wood. 
W. H. Woodward. 

C. C. Rainwater, Ch'mn 
Chas. R. Blake. 
H. A. Blossom. 
A. D. Brown. 
W. G. Boyd. 

D. S. Brown. 
W.W. Culver. 
R. B. Dula. 


Geo. F. Durant. 
John Greenough. 
Richard Hospes. 
Jacob Klein. 
W. H. Lee. 
L. Methudy. 
S. T. McCormick. 
Chas. F. Miller. 

Gaius Paddock. 
Theo. Shelton. 
H. C.Tatum. 
John H. Tracy. 
Jos. F. Wangler. 
H. Wernse. 
John C. Wilkinson. 
Henry Wood. 


D. M. HOUSER, Chairman 
James Cox, Secretarj'. 
Chas. H. Jones. 

C. W. Knapp. 
M. J. Lowenstein. 
E. M. Osborne. 
Emil Preetorius. 

John Schroers. 
Curt Thiersch. 
W. J.Thornton. 

22 Official Proceedings of the 

In the early stag-es of the preliminary work the principal labor 
fell upon. the comniittees on Hotels, Transportation, and Hall. The 
Hotel Committee made an immediate canvass of the hotel accom- 
modation of the city and perfected a plan whereby no difficulty 
could possibly occur in the matter of accommodating either dele- 
gations or individuals. The Bureau of Information established 
headquarters in the St. Louis Exposition Building for the purpose 
of securing a revised list of boarding and private houses able and 
willing to entertain visitors during the Convention periods in the 
event of the attendance being so large as to overcrowd the hotels. 
This bureau accomplished good work and visitors who preferred to 
secure accommodations in private houses found no difficulty in 
doing so. 

The Hall Committee had a still more important task to perform. 
The pledge given to the National Committee at Washington was 
that the Business Men's League would furnish a hall large enough 
for the Convention, regardless of the number who would attend. It 
had been arranged to make use of the North Nave of the Exposition 
Building which was used in 1888 for the Democratic National Con- 
vention. Architect Isaac Taylor of St. Louis prepared plans for the 
necessary changes in the arrangetnents of this portion of the home 
of the celebrated Exposition. Late in January the Sub-committee 
of the National Committee met in St. Louis bringing with them 
Architect Adler of Chicago. Messrs. Adler and Taylor explained 
fully to the Sub-committee the plans proposed and after several 
conferences of the most friendly character it was decided by the 
local committee to erect a special building for the Convention. 

It was at first proposed to erect a permanent building which could 
be used as an Armory as well as a convention hall. The cost of this 
structure would have been about $200,000 and no difficulty was antici- 
pated in raising the money. It was however finally decided that the 
time was so short that delay in the delivery of supplies or bad weather 
might prevent the completion of the structure by the second week 
in June, and it was hence determined to erect a temporary building. 

It was decided from the first that this should be in no sense a 
wigwam. A system of construction somewhat similar to that used 
for the vast buildings at the World's Fair was determined upon 
and a permit was obtained from fhe city authorities for the use of a 
portion of the site of Washington Park. This proved to be a 
most convenient location. The site adjoins the new City Hall, now 
nearly completed, and is within six blocks of the Union Station, 
about half that distance from the Exposition Building, and within 
easy walking distance of the leading hotels. Electric street railways 
from all parts of the city also pass the site. 

The general dimensions of the building were two hundred and 
sixty feet long, one hundred and eighty feet wide and fifty feet high. 
The seating capacity called for about fourteen thousand seats and 
after careful deliberation it was decided to proceed to erect the 
structure. The cost was estimated at about sixty thousand dollars 
and an additional appeal had to be made to the public to raise 
money for the purpose. 

In the inean time, without waiting for the money to be raised, the 
guarantors of the fund, Messrs. S. M. Kennard, W. H. Thompson, 
and R. C. Kerens, signed the contract for the erection of the build- 
ing, the cost to be about $60,000 including decorations. Work was 
commenced in the middle of March and concluded in a little more 
than sixty days. In the construction of the vast building about 

Eleventh Republican National Convention. 23 

1,250,000 feet of Arkansas lumber was used. Upwards of 500 kegs of 
nails were also required and the imitation stone work exceeded 
5,000 square yards in measurement. Natural light was admitted to 
the Auditorium by means of four hundred large windows and the 
most elaborate arrangements were included for electric lighting 
and for press and telegraph facilities, suitable for holding a great 

The Auditorium was dedicated at a concert held on June 10th at 
which several thousand St. Louis citizens attended. There were a 
few dedication speeches with patriotic and other music, and the oc- 
casion was an exceedingly enjoyable one. The decorations were of 
the most gorgeous character and the building itself has been pro- 
nounced by those who have attended nearly all the National Con- 
ventions for the last twenty years, as the finest convention building 
ever erected. 

The relations between the Business Men's League and .the National 
Committee were of the most amicable character during the entire 
preparations for the great convention. 

Mr, Manley, Chairman of the Sub-committee of the National Com- 
mittee issued the following statement to the Associated Press with 
reference to the way in which St. Louis had met its obligations: 
" The Citizens of St. Louis have in the most generous and liberal 
spirit, met the subcommittee. They have been anxious to gratify 
every request which the committee made upon thein, and the com- 
mittee feels that the Convention will be cared for in a manner that 
will reflect the greatest credit upon the liberality of the citizens of 
St. Louis, and that no National Convention ever assembled whose 
wants and requirements were met in such a generous and ample 
manner as will be those of the Convention which is to be held in St. 
Louis in June next. There has been no friction at any time between 
the members of the Citizens' Committee, and the Sub-Committee, 
and it is only just to thesecitizens of St. Louis who have so amply 
represented the spirit of their city, that this statement should be 
most emphatically naade." 

Just before the Convention adjourned. Gov. Bushnell of Ohio 
voiced a similar sentiment on behalf of the delegates and the enthu- 
siasm with which his resolution was adopted was further evidence 
of the good feeling which existed, and of the appreciation by the 
delegates and visitors of the manner in which St. Louis had lived up 
to its obligations and given still further proof of its liberality and 



Republican National Convention^ 



At precise!}^ 12:20 p. tn. Chairman Thomas H. Carter of the Repub- 
lican National Committee declared the Republican Presidential 
Convention of 1896 open for the business before it. 

The chair instructed the Sergeant-at-Arms to clear the aisles and 
to see that order was preserved. Continuing, Chairman Carter said: 
The Convention will be in order and the Chaplain will offer prayer 


Rabbi Sale, of St. Louis, then stepped forward and offered the fol- 
lowing invocation: 

All inercif ul and inost gracious Father, fountain of light and life. 
We seek Thy presence and implore Thy guidance in the toils and 
tasks of our earthly being. Thou who art enthroned in the heart of 
man and rulest in the destinies of nations, be nigh unto us now. 
and show forth Th}'' wondrous ways in this assembly of Thy people. 
Hearken unto Thy servants, the bondmen of freedom, and pour out 
on them who have come to do Thy bidding in the service of truth 
and honor, the spirit of wisdom and understanding, the spirit of 
counsel and strength, the spirit of knowledge and the fear of the 
Lord. Make righteousness the girdle of their loins and faithfulness 
the girdle of their hips, so that they may manfully discharge the 
sacred duties of their gathering, to further the well being of the 
people, and to safeguard the honor and integrity of the nation. O, 
kindle anew in the hearts of our generation the altar flame of de- 
votion to the high aiins that inspired the minds of the founders of 
our republic, and above all illumined and immortalized the life of 
the Father of his Country. Fill us with a deep and abiding sense 
of the transcendent dignity and nobility of American citizenship 
and of the sacred obligations that should attend it, so that we may 
grow from day to day in the beauty of civic virtue, and our beloved 
land from "hundred-harbored Maine" to the vine clad hills of the 

26 Official Proceedings of the 

Golden Gate, from the ice-bound north to the warm and sunny south 
may go from strength to strength; until it achieves its destiny to 
become the fixed and shining mark for every bark bound for the 
haven of law and liberty. Let not the glory of our past be greater 
than the present nor let us come to shame and grief by the worship 
of gods of gold and silver, to the neglect of those ideals of the mind 
and soul, which alone are worthy of a free man's homage, and alone 
can secure the continued possession and enjoyment of civil and re- 
ligious liberty. Remove from around us the din and noise of insin- 
cerity and hollow-sounding shows, let bitter strife and wrangling 
cease, and firmly bound in the love of our common country, let us 
realize how good and lovely it is for brethren to dwell together in 
harmony. Prosper Thou the work of this council, convened in the 
cause of the people, and when its message goes forth over the land, 
may its golden ring bring to them the glad assuarance that pros- 
perity will brighten our homes, and the immediate Jewel of our 
soul, the good name of our people and the credit of our government 
shall remain untarnished forever. May Thy grace, O God, come 
upon us, and do Thou establish the work of our hands! Amen! 

Hon. Joseph H. Manley, Secretary of the Republican National 
Committee, then read the call for the convention as follows: 

To the Republican Electors of the United States: In accordance 
with the usage and the instructions of the Republican National 
Convention of 1892, and by direction of the National Committee 
a National Convention of delegated representatives of the Republi- 
can party will be held at the City of St. Louis, in the State of Mis- 
souri, on Tuesday, the 16th daj^ of June, 1896, at 12 o'clock noon, for 
the purpose of nominating candidates for President and Vice-Pres- 
ident of the United States, to be supported at the next national elec- 
tion, and for the transaction of such other and further business as 
may be brought before it. 

The Republican electors in the several States and Territories and 
voters without regard to past political affiliations who believe in 
Republican principles and indorse the Republican policy, are cor- 
dially invited to unite under this call in the formation of a national 

Each State will be entitled to four delegates at large, and for each 
Representative in Congress at large two delegates, and each Con- 
gressional district, each Territory, and the District of Columbia to 
two delegates. The delegates at large shall be chosen by popular 
State conventions, called on not less than twenty days' published 
notice, and not less than thirty daj'^s before the meeting of the na- 
tional Convention. 

The Congressional district delegates shall be chosen at Conven- 
tions called by the Congressional committee of each such district in 
the same manner as the nomination of a Representative in Congress 
is made in said district, provided, that in any Congressional district 
where there is no Republican Congressional committee the Repub- 
lican State committee shall appoint from the residents of such dis- 
trict a committee for the purpose of calling a district convention to 
elect district delegates. The Territorial delegates shall be chosen in 
the same manner as the nomination of a Delegate in Congress is 
made. The delegates from the District of Columbia shall be cho- 
sen at a convention to be called by the committee of three provided 
for by the National Committee at its meeting in Washington City 

Eleventh Republican National Convention. 27 

on Dec. 10, 1895, and such convention shall be constituted of mem- 
bers elected in district primaries to be held at such time and places 
and presided over by such judges of election as said committee of 
three inay appoint. 

In addition to the representation now authorized by the rules of 
the National Convention for the territories of Utah, New Mexico, 
Oklahoina, and Arizona, the committee advises each of said Terri- 
tories to elect four deleg^ates and the admission of such additional 
delegates to the convention is recommended. 

An alternate delegate for each delegate to the National Conven- 
tion, to act in case of absence of the delegate, shall be elected in the 
same manner and at the same time as the delegate is elected. 

All notices of contests must be filed with the Secretary of the 
National Committee in writing-, accompanied by printed statements 
of the grounds of contest, which shall be made public. Preference 
in the order of hearing and determining contests will be given by 
the convention in accordance with the dates of filing such notices 
and statements with the Secretary. 

Thomas H. Carter, Chairman. 
Joseph H. Manley.' 

Chairman Carter. Gentlemen of the Convention: By direction 
of the National Committee I present, subject to 5^our approval for 
your Temporary Chairman, Hon. Charles W Fairbanks, of Indiana. 

Mr. Sutherland, of New York: Mr. Chairman, on behalf of the 
delegation from the State of New York, I move that the recommend- 
ation of the National Committee, in the selection of Temporary 
Chairman be now^ approved. 

Motion seconded. 

Chairman CARTER: It is moved and seconded that the recom- 
mendation of the National Committee as to temporary chairman be 
now approved. 

Motion put and carried unanimously, amid great applause. 

Chairman CARTER. I now have the distinguished honor to pres- 
ent to you, as your temporary presiding officer, the Hon. Charles 
W. Fairbanks, of Indiana. 

When the applause subsided, Mr Fairbanks delivered the follow- 
address : 


Gentlemen of the Convention: I am profoundly grateful for this 
expression of your generous confidence. As citizens we were never 
called upon to discharge a more important duty than that which 
rests upon us — the nomination of a President and Vice-President of 
the United States. This duty is a peculiarly impressive one at the 
moment, for it is already written in the book of fate that the choice 
of this Convention will be the next President and Vice-President of 
the great republic. 

28 Official Proceedings of the 

Three years of Democratic administration have been three years 
of panic, of wasted energ-y, of anxiety and loss to the American peo- 
ple, without a parallel in our history. To-day the people turn to the 
Republican party hopefully, confidently; and it is for us to meet 
their expectations; it is for us to give them those candidates upon 
whom their hearts have centered, and to give them clear, straight- 
forward, emphatic expression of our political faith. The Republi- 
can party is a party of convictions; and it has written its convic- 
tions in the history of the Republic with the pen and the sword; 
with it the supreme question always has been not what is merely 
politic, but what is everlastingly right. The great men we have 
given to the nation and to history, the mighty dead and the illus- 
trous living, are our inspiration and our tower of strength. If we 
are but true to their exalted example, we cannot be false to our 

For a third of a century prior to the advent of the present Democratic 
administration, we operated under laws enacted by the Republican 
party. All great measures concerning the tariff and the currency 
originated with it. Tariff laws were formed upon lines which pro- 
tected our laborers and producers from unequal and unjust foreign 
competition ; and upon the theory that the best market in the world is 
the home market and that it should be enjoyed by our own coun- 

Under the currency laws our currency was made national. The 
Wildcat State Bank money of the Democratic party was wiped out 
of existence. The unprecedented demands growing out of the war 
were met by a paper currency which ultimately became as good as 
gold. Since the resumption of specie payments in 1879 everj^ dollar 
of our money, paper, silver and gold has been of equal purchasing 
power the world over. The policy of the party has been to make 
and keep our currency equal to the best in the world. 

Under the operation of these honest tariff and honest money Re- 
publican laws, the country grew in wealth and power beyond pre- 
cedent. We easily outstripped all other powers in the commercial 
race. On November 8, 1892, there was work for every hand and 
bread for everj^ mouth. We reached high water mark. Labor re- 
ceived higher wages than ever and capital was profitably and 
securely employed. The national revenue^s were sufficient to meet 
our obligations and leave a surplus in the Treasury. Foreign and 
domestic trade were greater in volume and value than they had 
ever been. Foreign balances were largely in our favor. European 
gold was flowing toward us. But all of this is changed. The cause 
is not hard to seek. A reaction began when it was known that the 
legislative and executive branches of the Governiuent were to be 

The Democratic party had at Chicago condemned the protective 
tariff principle as unconstitutional; and solemnly pledged itself 
to the overthrow and destruction of the McKinley law and to the 
adoption of free trade as the policy of the United States. This bold, 
aggressive attack upon the long settled principles of the Republi- 
can party brought its natural fruit in shaken confidence, unsettled 
business; and we were seen drifting against the rock of destruction. 
Before the work of demolition had actuall}' begun, a run was started 
upon the treasury reserve, which the Republican party had wisely 
accumulated for the protection of the government credit. The 
drain upon the reserve for the redemption of greenbacks and treas- 
ury notes greatly surpassed all prior experience and emphasized 

Eleventh Republican National Convention. 29 

the discredit into which the Democratic admistration had fallen. 
An utter want of confidence in the administration possessed the 

The Democratic party was harmonious upon one subject and that 
was the destruction of the McKinley law. But when they came to 
the exercise of the creative faculty the enactment of a great revenue 
measure in its stead, there was discord. The imperiled interests 
of the country watched and waited through long- and anxious 
months for some settlement of the important question. They 
wanted an end of uncertainty. At length the Wilson Bill was 
adopted and it was characterized by a Democratic President as the 
child of "perfidy and dishonor." It was so bad that he would not 
contaminate his hand by sig-ning it. A Bill that is too base for Mr. 
Cleveland to approve is too rotten for the approval of the American 

This important law was wanting in the primary purpose of a 
revenue measure; for it failed to provide adequate revenue to 
meet the requirements of the government. The deficiency thus far 
amounts to some one hundred and fifty millions of dollars. The 
end is not yet, for the deficiency grows day by day. This leaves the 
Treasurj^ and the public credit in constant peril. Our foreign credit 
is impaired and domestic capital feels insecure. The sectional 
favoritism of the Wilson law was one of its marked features. Its 
blow at sheep husbandry w^as an unpardonable offense. It was a 
flagrant wrong to the fartners of the United States. This great in- 
dustry had developed and g-rown under Republican protective laws 
until it w^as one of our greatest. We are now^ sending abroad mill- 
ions of dollars for wool which were paid to our farmers under the 
McKinley law. 

The Bill struck down Reciprocity, one of the highest achieve- 
ments of American statesmanship. No measure was ever enacted 
w^hich more directly advanced the interests of the.American farmers 
and manufacturers than reciprocity. With its destruction fell ad- 
vantageous commercial agreements, under which their products 
were surely finding- larger and profitable foreign markets, and with- 
out the surrender of their own. 

The substitution of ad valorem for specific duties has opened the 
way for systematic wholesale frauds upon the treasury and produ- 
cers and employees of the country. By means of undervaluations, 
foreign goods pass through the custom houses without paying 
their just tribute to the Treasury of the United States. Thus we 
have lost millions of dollars in revenue, and the foreign producers 
have been enabled to unfairly possess our home markets. 

Neither time nor place will permit further reference to the unfor- 
tunate revenue legislation of the Democratic party, nor to the hurt- 
ful, demoralizing effects of it. Suffice it to sa3', that it has been the 
g-reat and original factor in breaking down confidence, checking- 
progress, emptying the treasury, causing continued deficits and en- 
forced idleness among millions of willing workers. 

To meet the monthly deficits and protect our credit and save the 
g-overnment from protest the President has been forced to sell 
bonds : in other words he has been obliged to mortgage the future 
in a time of peace to meet the current obligations of the Govern- 

This is in sharp contrast with the Republican record. Our tariff 
laws not only raised revenue, but they protected our domestic in- 
dustries. They impartially protected the farmer and manufacturer. 

30 Official Proceedings of the 

both North and South. Not only that, but they also raised sufficient 
revenue to gradually reduce the public debt, and without imposing- 
a grievous burden upon the people. During the adininistration of 
Harrison $236,000,000 of obligations were paid, while Cleveland dur- 
ing the last three years has added to our interest bearing debt $262,- 
000,000. Against such Democratic financiering the Republican party 
enters its emphatic protest. 

Having attempted to reverse the tariif policy of the United States 
Tvith such lamentable results the Democratic party now proposes to 
reverse the currency policy. 

It turns to the currency as the parent of our ills. Its effort to shift 
the responsibility will deceive no one. Its attack upon the tariff, 
its record of inefficiency and insincerity are a part of the unfortu- 
nate history of the Republic. 

The present currency system is the fruit of Republican wisdom. 
It has been adequate to all our past necessities and if uncorrupted 
will meet our future requirements. Our greatest prosperity was 
attained when Republican currency laws were in full operation. 
When the Republican party w^as in power our currency was good; it 
was made as good as the best on the globe. We made sound money; 
and we also made an honest protective tariff to go with it. Sound 
money and an honest protective tariff go hand in hand together, 
not one before the other. 

The very foundation of a sound currency system is a solvent 
treasury. If the people doubt the integrity of the Treasury they 
will question the soundness of the currency. Recognizing this 
fundamental fact, the Republican party always provided ample 
revenue for the treasury. 

When in the last half century of our history did the Democratic 
party advocate a financial policy that was in the best interests of 
the American people? Look at its ante-bellum currency record! 
Consider its hostility to the currency rendered necessary by the 
exigency of war; and, later, its efforts to inflate the curency in a 
time of peace by the issue of greenbacks. Witness its opposition 
to the efforts of the Republican party to resume specie payments. 
But four short years ago it declared for a return to the old dis- 
credited State Bank currency. 

The Republican party has not been unfriendly to the proper use 
of silver. It has always favored and favors today the use of silver 
as a part of our circulating medium. But it favors that use under 
such provisions and safe-guards as shall not imperil our present 
national standard. The policy of the Republican party is to retain 
both gold and silver as a part of our circulating medium, while 
the policy of free coinage of silver leads to certain silver monomet- 
allism. It is an immutable law that two moneys of unequal value 
will not circulate together, and that the poorer always drives out 
the better. 

The Republican party, desiring fairly to secure a larger use of 
silver, pledged itself in favor of an international agreement. Har- 
rison, true to the pledge of the party took the initiatory steps and 
invited an international monetary conference at Brussels, at which 
the subject of an international coinage agreement was ably and 
profitably discussed. The Democratic party was also committed to 
international bimetallism, but when it came into power, the work 
which had been so auspiciously begun by the Republican party, 
was abandoned. It was so absorbed in its efforts to break down 

Eleventh Republican National Convention. 31 

the McKinley law and empty the Treasury that it had no time to 
promote international bimetallism. 

Those who profess to believe that this government can independ- 
ently of the other great commercial powers open its mints to the 
free and independent coinage of silver at a ratio of 16 to 1 when the 
commercial ratio in all the great markets is 30 to 1, and at the same 
time not drive every dollar of gold out of circulation, but deceive 

Great and splendid and powerful as our Government is, it cannot 
accomplish the impossible. It cannot create value. It has not the 
alchemist's subtle art of transmuting unlimited silver into gold, 
nor can it, by omnipotent fiat, make fifty cents worth of silver one 
hundred cents. As well undertake by a resolution of Congress to 
suspend the law of gravitation as attempt to compel an unlimited 
number of fifty cent dollars to circulate with one hundred cent dol- 
lars at a parity with each other. An attempt to compel unlimited 
dollars of such unequal value to circulate at a parity is bad in mor- 
als and is vicious in policy. Sound thinkers upon the great ques- 
tion of the currency know from the beginning of the experiment 
how miserably and certainly it would fail. The commerce of the 
country would be again thrown upon the sea of uncertainty and the 
spectre of want would continue to haunt us for years to come. 

Upon opening our mints to the independent free coinage of silver, 
foreign credits would be withdrawn and domestic credits would be 
greatly curtailed. More than this there would be a certain and sud- 
den contraction of our currency by the expulsion of $620,000,000 of 
gold, and our paper and silver currency would instantly and greatly 
depreciate in purchasing power. But one result would follow this: 
enterprise would be further embarrassed, business demoralization 
would be increased, and still further and serious injury would be 
inflicted upon the laborers, the farmers, the merchants and all 
those whose welfare depends upon a wholesome commerce. 

A change from the present standard to the low silver standard 
w^ould cut down the recompense of labor, reduce the value of the 
savings in savings banks and building and loan associations, sala- 
ries and incomes would shrink, pensions would be cut in two, the 
beneficiaries of life insurance would suffer, in short, the injury 
w^ould be so universal and far reaching that a radical change can 
be contemplated only with the gravest apprehension. 

A sound currency is one of the essential instruments in develop- 
ing our commerce. It is the purpose of the Republican party not 
only to develop our domestic trade, but to extend our commerce 
into the uttermost parts of the earth. We should not begin our con- 
test for commercial supremacy by destroying our currency stand- 
ard. All the leading powers with which we must compete, sus- 
pended the free coinage of silver when the increased production of 
silver forced the commercial ratio of silver above the coinage ratio 
to gold. Shall we ignore their ripened experience? Shall we at- 
tempt what they have found utterly impossible? Shall it be said 
that our standard is below theirs? You cannot build prosperity 
upon a debased or fluctuating currency; as well undertake to build 
upon the changing sands of the sea. 

A sound currency defrauds no one. It is good alike in the hands 
of the employe and the employer; the laborer and the capitalist. 
Upon faith in its worth, its stability, we go forward planning for 
the future. The capitalist erects his factories, acquires his materi- 
als, employs his artisans, mechanics and laborers. He is confident 

32 Official Proceedings of the 

that his margin will not be swept away by fluctuations in the cur- 
rency. The laborer knows that the money earned by his toil is 
as honest as his labor and that it is of unquestioned pxirchasing' 
power. He likewise knows that it requires as much labor to earn a 
poor dollar as a good one; and he also knows that if poor inoney is 
abroad it will surely find its way into his pocket. 

We protest against lowering our standard of commercial honor. 
We stand against the Democratic attempt to degrade our currency 
to the low level of Mexico, China, India and Japan. The present 
high standard of our currency, our honor and our flag will be 
sacredly protected and preserved by the Republican party. 

There are many and important questions requiring the enlight- 
ened and patriotic judgment of the Republican party. A pan-Amer- 
ican commercial alliance was conceived by James G. Blaine, and the 
highest motives of self-interest require us to accomplish what he 
had so well begun. 

The Monroe doctrine must be firmly upheld ; and the powers of 
the earth inade to respect this great, but unwritten law. There can 
be no further territorial aggrandizement by foreign governments 
on the Western Continent. 

Our devotion to the pensioners of the nation was never more em- 
phatic nor more necessary than now. 

The Republican party believes in the development of our Navy 
and Merchant Marine until we establish our undisputed supremacy 
on the high sees. 

The struggle for Cuban liberty enlists the ardent sympathy of 
the Republican party — a party which has given to liberty its fullest 
meaning on this continent. We wish to see a new Republic born 
on Cuban soil greet the new century whose dawn is already pur- 
pling the East. 

My friends, the campaign of 1896 is upon us. The great questions 
for debate in the august forum of the United States are Free Trade 
and Free Silver against a Protective Tariff and Sound Money. As 
we regard our homes and our honor, our happiness and our pros- 
perity and the future power and majesty of the Republic let us 
dedicate ourselves to the restoration of a protective tariff which 
shall be genuinely American, and the maintenance of an honest 
standard of value with which to measure the exchanges of the 

A distinguished Republican has said that the supreme desire of 
the American people is for honest money and a chance to earn it by 
honest toil. 

At the conclusion of Mr. Fairbanks' speech he received an ovation. 

Charman Carter: Mr. Chairman: By direction of the National 
Committee, I recommend to the convention, for Temporary Secre- 
retary. Official Reporters, Sergeant-at- Arms Reading Clerks, etc. as 

For Secretary— Col. Charles W. Johnson, of Minnesota. 

Assistant Secretaries — William E. Riley, of Kentucky; Harry H. 
Smith, of Michigan; A. B. Humphrey, at large and A. Warfield Mon- 
roe, of Maryland. 

For OfBcial I^eporters— James Francis Burke and John Jay 
Burke, of Pennsylvania. 

Eleventh Republican National Convention. 33 

Sergeant at Anns — T. E. Bj-rnes, of Minnesota. 

Assistants— Geo. W. Wiswell, of Wisconsin; W. W. Johnson, of 
Maryland; Maj. W. P. Huxford. of Washington City; Charles E, 
Stone, of Illinois. 

For Reading Clerks — F. H. Wilson, of Missouri; J. H. Stone, of 
Michigan; John R. Malloy, of Ohio; R. S. Hatcher, of Indiana; John 
B. Bean, of New Jersey. 

These names are suggested, subject to the approval of the Con- 
vention for the respective offices indicated. 

Chairman FAIRBANKS. Gentlemen of the Convention : You 
have heard the recommendation of the National Committee; all in 
favor of approving the recommendation will signifj^ the same by 
saying " aye." 

The motion was carried unanimously. 


Mr. Lamb, of Virginia. I desire to offer the following: 

Resolved, That until a permanent organization is effected, this 

Convention will be governed by the rules of the last Republican 

National Convention, and I move its adoption. 
The motion being seconded and put by the Chair, was carried 



Mr. Lamb, of Virginia. I desire further to offer the following 
resolution : 

Resolved, That the roll of States and Territories be now called 
and that the chairman of each delegation announce the names of 
the persons selected to serve on the several committees as follows : 
Permanent Organization; Rules and Order of Business; Credentials; 
Resolutions; and that all resolutions in relation to the platform of 
the Republican party be referred to such committee, without de- 
bate, and I move its adoption. 

Upon request, the resolution was read by the clerk, from the plat- 

The Chairman. You have heard the resolution: all in favor of 
its adoption will say "aye." 

The resolution was then adopted unanimously. 

The Chairman. The resolution is adopted. The Secretary will 
proceed with the call of the roll of the States. The Chair would 
suggest that as the names of the members of the different commit- 
tees are announced by the chairman of the delegation, that the 
chairman follow the announcement with a written meinorandum 
of the names and addresses of the various members of the commit- 
tees to the clerk. The clerk will proceed to call the roll, and while 
the roll call is in order, the Convention will please preserve quiet. 

34 Official Proceedings of the 

Lemuel E. Quigg, of New York, Mr. Chairman, what is this com- 

The Chairman: All of the committees. The roll will be called 
first for the Committee on Permanent Organization. 
The clerk here proceeded with the call of the roll. 

While .the roll was in progress of being called, the Chair recog- 
nized William Warner, of Missouri. Mr. Warner addressed the Chair 
as follows: 

My observation has heretofore been that the Committee on Per- 
manent Organization and Rules of Order of Business is one com- 
mittee. Does the resolution adopted substitute two committees? 

The Chairman: There are two committees; the committees are 
separate. The resolution w^ill be read again for the information of 
the delegate. 

The Clerk here read the resolution, after which the Secretary again 
proceeded with the call of the roll of States. 

When California had been called General Grosvenor, of Ohio, 
said: I would like to suggest that these lists be made out by the 
chairmen of the delegations and sent to the desk to be read by the 
clerk from the platform, without being read from the points where 
the State delegations are located. 

The Chairman: Is there any objection to the suggestion of Gen- 
eral Grosvenor that the chairmen of the delegations send up the 
names and that the names be read from the platform? 

The Chairman: By unanimous consent, the chairmen of the del- 
egations will send up the names of the different committeemen and 
they will be read by the Clerk from the platform. 

The call of the States for the purpose of constituting the various 
committees was proceeded with on the plan just adopted. 

The committees as finally made up are as follows: 

committee on rules and order of business.^ 

Alabama H.A.Carson 

Alaska W. A. Kelley 

Arizona Charles H. Akers 

Arkansas . W. H. H. Clayton 

Colorado James M. Downing 

California Frank A. Short 

Connecticut John M. Douglass 

Delaware (Contest pending) 

District of Columbia Andrew Gleason 

Florida J. N. Combs 

Georgia B. S.Richardson 

Idaho Ben E. Rich 

Illinois J. T. McKnight 

Indiana Garrett L. Van Dusen 

Indian Territory W. T.Morgan 

Iowa H. W. Macomber 

Kansas T. D. Fitzpatrick 

Eleventh Republican National Convention. 35 

Kentucky J. L,. Butler 

Louisiana Mayer Cohen 

Maine , J. T.Davidson 

Maryland VV. D. Straight 

Massachusetts W. M. Butler 

Michigan John L. Starkweather 

Minnesota : G. L. Gunderson 

Mississippi W. F. Elgin 

Missouri Nathan Frank 

Montana T. C. Marshall 

Nebraska F. M. Wetherall 

Nevada G. F. Turritin 

New Hampshire Charles T. Means 

New York. John A. Raines 

New Jersey George Hires 

New Mexico T. D. Burns 

North Carolina George H. White 

North Dakota J. M. Devine 

Ohio George W. Wilson 

Oklahoma Territory Charles Day 

Oregon Charles H. Dodd 

Pennsylvania H. H. Bingham 

Rhode Island Albert L. Chester 

South Carolina Robert Moorman 

South Dakota Carl G. Sherwood 

Texas J. M. McCormick 

Tennessee G. P.Shannon - 

Utah Thomas Kearns 

Vermont Orin M.Barbour 

Virginia William Lamb 

Washington L. C. Karner 

West Virginia J. L. Hurst 

Wisconsin C. S. Taylor 

Wyoming W. F. Brittain 


Alabama J. Dawson 

Alaska C.W.Young 

Arizona Isaac C. Stoddart 

Arkansas H. L. Remmel 

Colorado J. W. Rockefellow 

California .. .O. A. Hale 

Connecticut James W. Cheney 

Delaware t Contest pending) 

District of Columbia Perry H. Carson 

Florida E. F. Skinner 

Georgia B. F. Brownberry 

Idaho..., ... Alex. Robertson 

Illinois J.O.Humphrey 

Indiana Ot^car L. Montgomery 

Indian Territory R. B. Ross 

Iowa , E. C. Roach 

Kansas GrantHornaday 

Kentucky L. T. Neat 

Louisiana J. B. Donnelly 

Maine W. M. Nash 

Maryland W.J.Smith 

Massachusetts R. O. Harris 

Michigan Frank W. Wait 

Minnesota L. S. Swenson 

Mississippi Westlej' Crayton 

Missouri Samuel Jurden 

Montana J. W. Strevell 

Nebraska. Geo. H. Thunimell 

Nevada C. H. Sproule 

New Hampshire J. H. Brown 

New York W. L. Proctor 

New Jersey Thomas McEwan, Jr. 

New Mexico John S. Clarke 

North Carolina W. T. O'Brien 

North Dakota O. S. Hanson 

Ohio C. H. Grosvenor 

Oklahoma Territory J. C. Roberts 

Oregon J. W. Meldrum 

Pennsylvania Charles H. Mullin 

36 Official Proceedings of the 

Rhode Island E. Charles Francis 

South Carolina P. B. Johnson 

South Dakota H. T. Meachan 

Tennessee W. N. Randolph 

Texas H. G. Grace 

Utah Arthur Brown 

Vermont ■ Victor I. Spear 

Virginia .Stith Balling 

Washington H. A. Fairchild 

West Virginia. Henry Schniulbach 

Wisconsin . W. D. Hoard 

Wyoming Otto Granim 


Alabama Nathan H. Alexander 

Alaska C. S. Blackett 

Arizona ....Charles W.Wright 

Arkansas Jacob Trieber 

Colorado Frank C. Gowdy 

California Geo. A. Knight 

Connecticut Hubert Williams 

District of Columbia Perry H. Carson 

Florida John G. Long 

Georgia T. M. Dent 

Idaho Lyttleton Price 

Illinois W. A. Rodenburg 

Indiana A. L. Brick 

Indian Territory P. L. Soper 

Iowa W. P. Hepburn 

Kansas I. E. Lambert 

Kentucky J. H. Happy 

Louisiana Henry Demas 

Maine Forest Goodwin 

Maryland Robert P. Graham 

Massachusetts Jesse M. Gove 

Michigan O. L. Spalding 

Minnesota L. P. Hunt 

Mississippi ..A. M.Lee 

Missouri John L. Bittinger 

Montana Alex. Metzell 

Nebraska John C. Cowan 

Nevada W. D. Phillips 

New Hampshire Chas. B. Gaffney 

New York W. A. Sutherland 

New Jersey J. Franklin Fort 

New Mexico W. A. Llewellyn 

North Carolina C. J. Harris 

North Dakota George Bingnheimer 

Ohio A. C. Thompson 

Oklahoma O. A. Mitscher 

Oregon Wallace McCamant 

Pennsylvania W. H. Andrews 

Rhode Island Samuel W. K. Allen 

South Carolina J. H.Fordham 

South Dakota M. B. Lucas 

Texas H. B. Kane 

Tennessee John W. Overall 

Utah Clarence E. Allen 

Virginia J. H. McLaughlin 

Vermont C. A. Prouty 

Washington. J. M. Gilbert 

West Virginia O. W. O. Hardman 

Wisconsin , G. G. Sedgwick 

Wyoming B. B. Brooks 


Alabama H. C. Cashin 

Alaska C. S. Johnson 

Arizona J. A. Zabriskie 

Arkansas John W. McClure 

Colorado Henry M. Teller 

California Allen B. Lemmon 

Connecticut Samuel Fessenden 

Delaware (.Contest pending) 

Eleventh Republican National Convention. 37 

District of Columbia Andre-w Gleason 

Florida I. L. Purcell 

Georgia W. H. Johnson 

Idaho FredT. DuBois 

Illinois R. W. Patterson 

Indiana Lew Wallace 

Indian Territory J.T.Grady 

Iowa John H. Gear 

Kansas C A. Swenson 

Kentucky Leslie Combs 

Louisiana H. C. Warmouth 

Maine Amos L. Allen 

Maryland James A. Gary 

Michigan Mark S. Brewer 

Minnesota W. R. Merriatn 

Mississippi E. W. Lampton 

Missouri F. G. Neidringhaus 

Montana Charles S. Hartman 

Nebraska Peter Johnson 

Nevada A. C. Cleveland 

New Hampshire Frank S. Streeter 

New York Edward Lauterbach 

New Jersey Frank Bergen 

New 5lexico Soloman Luna 

North Carolina M. L. Mott 

North Dakota Alex. Hughes 

Ohio Joseph B. Foraker 

Oklahoma Henry E. Asp 

Oregon Charles S. Moore 

Pennsj'lvania Smedley Darlington 

Rhode Island Walter A. Reed 

South Carolina W. D. Crumb 

South Dakota David Williams 

Texas Webster Flanigan 

Tennessee Foster V. Brown 

Utah Frank J. Cannon 

Virginia James B.Brady 

Vermont H. D. Holton 

Washington R. F. Burleigh 

West Virginia F. M. Reynolds 

Wisconsin Robert M. LaFoUette 

Wyoming B. F. Fowler 

The Chairman here announced the time and place for meeting- of 
the various committees. 

General Clayton, of Arkansas, I have a resolution to present, to 
be referred to the Committee on Rules and Order of Business. 

The CHAIRMAN: The resolution cannot be read, if there is objec- 
tion. It can only be read by unanimous consent. Is there objec- 

Objection being- made, the resolution was not read. 

General Grosvenor, of Ohio. I will ask the Clerk to read the an- 
nouncement of committees and their respective meeting places over 

The Clerk here read again the list of committees, together with 
their places of meeting, etc. 

General Grosvenor, of Ohio. I move that the Convefition do now 
adjourn until to-morrow morning. 

General Clayton, of Arkansas. I think that my resolution refer- 
ring to the platform is important and I ask that it be read. 

The CHAIRMAN, Under the rules of the last Convention, the reso- 
lution will be referred, without reading, to the Committee on Reso- 

38 Official Proceedings of the 

Mr. FiFER, of Illnois. Mr. Chairman : The colored people of Illi- 
nois have passed resolutions affecting- the rights of their race, and 
they have asked me to bring these resolutions to the attention of 
the Convention. I will send them to the Chair and ask that they be 
referred to the Committee on Resolutions for action. 

The Chairman. If there is no objection, it will be so ordered. 

General Grosvenor. I now move that the Convention adjourn 
until to-morrow morning at 10 o'clock. 

The motion was put to a vote and carried, and at 1:55 o'clock p. m. 
the Chairman announced the Convention adjourned. 


The National Republican Convention began its second day's pro- 
ceedings at 10:40 a. m. In calling the Convention to order Chairman 
Fairbanks said : 

The Convention will be in order. No one will be admitted to the 
floor who has not a floor badge, or who is not a delegate. Doctor 
Wilbur G. Williams, paster of the Union Methodist Church of St. 
Louis, will invoke the Divine blessing. 


The invocation was as follows: "Oh, Thou great and eternal One; 
Thou to whom all hearts are open, all desires known and from 
whom no secrets are hid. Thou who hast been our help in days 
past, who must be our helper to-day, and who art our hope for the 
years to come, we bring to Thee our prayers. We praj^ to Thee to 
be w^ith us. Thou who wert with our fathers when in the day of 
small things they stood resolutely in the land and laid the founda- 
tion in this western continent of civil and religious liberty. We 
pray to Thee who hast guided us, the people, in our peril. We pray 
to the God of Washington and of Lincoln; we pray to the God who 
hast been with us as an guide from Plymouth Rock to this time. 
We pray to-day as Thou wert with the founders of this great historic 
organization when in high dedication of themselves they took a larg- 
er conception and a higher conception of the rights of men to find a 
larger nation for civilization in this western world. We come to 
Thee, Oh God, asking Thy blessing upon these successors of the 
noble fathers who are assembled here to-day. We ask that they 
may maintain the same high ideal of their industries that guided 
their worthy and noble ancestry. May these men be dedicated to 
Thee. May they do what they may have to do in accordance with 
the will of the Supreme Ruler. We pray that the platform presented 
here may be framed in righteousness; that the principles promul- 
g-ated in this council may be consonant with the principles of the 
Divine Will revealed to man. We ask Thee, Oh God, that Thy bless- 
ing may rest upon the people of this great nation represented here 
to-day. We ask Thee, Oh God, that the men whom this council 
shall place before the people of this great nation to represent their 
thoughts and their program may be men after Thine own heart to 

Eleventh Republican National Convention. 39 

whom the hig-h bequest of duty shall be but the voice of God; men 
whom Thou dost approve and who shall seek here in this country the 
establishment of that kingdom w^hich coming down out of Heaven 
is to be builded until it shall include all nations and all institutions 
on this earth. We ask Thee to guide in the deliberations of this 
day, and of this entire Convention, and so guide in the future this 
historic organization that this country of ours over w^hich once 
brooded war's dark cloud, which was once endangered b3^ belliger- 
ent factions, and which now^, Thanks be unto Thy good providence, 
has become united, purified by her trials, stronger by the struggles 
she has endured, shall forevermore be the fit champion of man- 
kind in the earth, and the leader of the world in the works of man, 
and all this we ask in the name and for the sake of the world's 
Redeemer and Savior, Jesus Christ, our Lord. Amen. 


Mr. Lodge, of Massachusetts, was recognized by the Chairman 
and made the following statement: 

"Mr. Chairman, I desire to state on behalf of the Committee on 
Resolutions that the sub-committee has completed a draft of the 
platform, and that it is now under consideration by the full commit- 
tee. The committee was unable to report this morning and asks 
leave of the Convention to sit during this mornings session. It 
hopes to be able to report the platform of principles to the Conven- 
tion this afternoon. On behalf of the committee I ask that leave 
from the Convention. 

The Chairman. The Committee on Resolutions asks leave for 
further time, and to sit during the session of the Convention. If 
there be no objection it will be so ordered. 

It is 130 ordered. 

Gen. Powell Clayton. Mr. Chairman, I introduced yesterday a 
resolution and requested that it be referred to the Committee on 
Rules. By mistake it was referred to the Committee on Resolutions. 
The resolution has since gone to the proper Committee, and I desire 
the record corrected. 

The Chairman. The record will be corrected as requested. 

Mr. Johnston, of Alabama. Mr. Chairman, Mr. Goins, alternate 
from the Sixth Alabama District is at the door without proper cre- 
dentials to be admitted inside the hall. 

The Chairman. The Sergeant-at-Arms will admit the gentleman 
to the Convention. 

40 Official Proceedings of the 

order of business. 

The Chairman. We will proceed with the the regular order. The 
first order of business is the report of the Committee on Credentials. 
Is the Committee on Credentials ready to report? 

If the Committee on Credentials is not ready to report the next 
order is the report of the Committee on Permanent Organization. 
Is the Committee on Credentials ready to report. 

There was no response. 

The Chairman. What is the further pleasure of the Convention? 

Mr. Wellington, of Maryland. Mr. Chairman, I desire to state 
that the Comtnittee on Rules is ready to report. I ask that unani- 
mous consent be granted that they may make their report now. 

The Chairman. Unanimous consent is asked for the report of the 
Committee on Rules. Is there objection to the report of the Com- 
mittee on Rules being made at this time? 

Mr. Sewell, of New Jersey. Mr. Chairman, I rise for information 
and ask whether the Committee on Permanent Organization is 
ready to report. And I ask whether the Committee on Rules can 
report before the Committee on Permanent Organization has re- 

The Chairman. The regular order can only be changed by unan- 
imous consent. Is there objection to the report of the Committee 
on Rules? 

A number of objections were heard. 

The Chairman. There being objection the report cannot be re- 
ceived at this time. Mr. W. H. Clayton of Arkansas, offers a resolu- 
tion which is immediately referred to the Committee on Resolu- 
tions. Mr. H. A. Rucker offers a resolution which is also referred to 
the Committee on Resolutions without debate. 

Mr. Wellington, of Maryland. Mr. Chairman: I move you that 
the Convention take a recess until 2 o'clock this afternoon. 

The motion being seconded was put to the Convention by the 
Chairman, and lost. 

Mr. Sewell, of New Jersey. Mr. Chairman: At the last National 
Convention of our party it was decided and it did proceed to a per- 
manent organization without awaiting the report of the Committee 
on Credentials or the Committee on Rules. 

A Delegate. Make your motion. 

Mr. Sewell. And I now move that if the Committee on Perma- 
nent Organization is ready to report, that the report be received. 

The Chairman. The motion now before the Convention is that 
the Report of the Committee on Permanent Organization be now 

A Delegate. I object. 

The Chairman. The motion is supported by the precedents of 
previous National Conventions. All in favor of its adoption will 
w^ill say "aye." 

Eleventh Republican National Convention. 41 

The motion was put and carried by a large majority. 

The Chairman. The Chairman of the Committee on Permanent 
Organization will now present his report. 

Mr. Wellington, Maryland. Mr. Chairman, I make the point of 
order that no business can be transacted in this Convention unless 
there be unanimous consent. 

Cries of "That's right !" "That's right ! " 

Only a few minutes ago I moved that this Convention adjourn be- 
cause it is not incumbent upon it to do anything in the present state 
of affairs. (Applause.) 

The Chairman. The gentleman is out of order. The Convention 
itself has voted to receive the report of the Committee on Permanent 
Organization. (Applause.) 

Mr. LiTTLEFlELD, of Maine. Mr. Chairman, I make the point of 
order that we are acting under the rules of the last National Con- 
vention. And the rules of that Convention provide that the first 
thing in order is the report of the Committee on Credentials. And I 
make the point of order that that is the business before the Con- 

( Cries of " Good ! " " That's right ! ") 

This Convention cannot suspend the rules by a vive voce vote. I 
ask the ruling of the Chair. 

The Chairman. The Committee on Credentials was called and it 
was not ready to report. Then the Committee on Permanent Organ- 
ization was called, and that committee was not ready to report. 
Then a motion for a recess was made and voted down by the Con- 
vention. Then a motion was made to receive the report of the Com- 
mittee on Permanent Organization, and the Convention voted in 
favor of receiving it. 

The next order of business therefore is the report of the Committee 
on Permanent Organization. (Applause.) 


Hon. Thomas McEwan, Jr., of New Jersey. Mr. Chairman, the 
Committee on Permanent Organization, pursuant to the orders of 
this Convention, met yesterday and elected the Hon. Charles Gros- 
venor, of Ohio, as its Chairman. (Applause.) Without going further 
into the report, I will say that we have unanimously selected the 
Hon. John M. Thurston, of Nebraska, as Permanent Chairman. (Pro- 
longed applause.) We present the following detailed report: 

For Permanent Chairman— Hon. John M. Thurston, of Nebraska. 


Alabama Jno. W. Jones 

Arkansas M. W. Gibbs 

California U. S.Grant 

Colorado A. M. Stevenson 

Kentucky John J. Hutchinson 

42 Official Proceedings of the 

Colorado Lemuel W. Livingston 

Georgia A. J. Ricker 

Indiana B. F.Polk 

Kansas M. M. Monroe 

Maine E. C. Burleigh 

Massachusetts CurtissG uild, Jr 

Minnesota C. F. Hendrix 

Nevada Thomas C, Marshall 

New Jersey Franklin Murphy- 
North Carolina J. W. Fortune 

Pennsylvania Frank Reeder 

South Carolina Robert Smalls 

Tennessee Zachary Taylor 

Utah W. S. McCormick 

Virginia John Anker 

West Virginia J. W.Crawford 

Wyoming Otto Kramer 

New Mexico T. B.Burns 

Illinois Joseph W. Fifer 

Iowa L. B. Wilson 

Kentucky : W. G. Hunter 

Maryland Wm. P. Malster 

Wisconsin William McPherson 

Missouri Nathan Frank 

Nebraska Thomas P. Kennard 

New Hampshire JohnA. Spaulding 

New York John T. Mott 

North Dakota J. W. Devine 

South Dakota David Meisner 

Vermont E. C. Smith 

Washington Albert Goldman 

"Wisconsin James H. Stout 

Arizona John M. Fair 

Oklahoma John I. Dille 

Secretary — Col. Charles W. Johnson, of Minnesota. 

Assistant Secretaries — W. E. Riley, of Kentucky; Harvey H.Smith, 
of Michigan; A. Warfield Monroe, of Maryland and A. B. Humphrey, 
of New York. 

OfScial Reporters — James Francis Burke and John Jay Burke, of 

Sergeant at Arms — T. E. Byrnes, of Minnesota. 

Assistant Sergeants at Arms — George W. Wiswell, of Wisconsin; 
W. W. Johnson, of Maryland; W. P. Huxford, of Washington; Charles 
E. Stone, of Illinois; George F. Smith, of Oklahoma. 

Reading Clerks — James H. Stone, of Michigan; F. H. Wilson, of 
Missouri; John R. Malloy, of Ohio; R. S. Hatcher of Indiana; John B. 
Bean, of New Jersey. 

On motion, adjourned, subject to the call of the Chairman. 


Mr. MUDD, of Maryland. Mr. Chairman: I make the point of 
order now that while this temporary Convention has voted to re- 
ceive that report, that the temporary Convention cannot be heard 
upon that report, and that action upon that report cannot be had 
until we shall have ascertained the membership of this Convention 
by means of a report of the Committee on Credentials, and acted 
upon it. 

Eleventh Republican National Convention. 43 

The Chairman. The Chair over-rules the point of order. 

Mr. MUDD. Will you not hear the point of order first? 

The Chairman. The question is upon the adoption of the report 
of the Committee on Credentials. All in favor of the adoption of 
the report will say "aye." 

A vote was then taken on the motion and the Chair declared the 
motion carried. 

Mr. Tuck, of Maryland. Mr. Chairman: I call for a division of 
the States. 

The Chairman. A division is demanded. All those in favor of 
the adoption of the report will please rise. 

Mr. MuDD. You cannot vote that way, Mr. Chairman, because 
some of the States have double delegations. I state this point of 
order that you cannot vote this waj^, because some of the States 
have double delegations, and therefore would have more than their 
proportionate vote, and you mnst call the roll of the States. We are 
entitled to a roll call of the States in order that this inatter inay be 
settled. We may as w^ell proceed with the deliberation in order. 

The Chairman. It is a matter for the Convention to settle and it 
has been settled. 

Mr. MUDD. But there is no Convention here. Now, until we have 
a permanent organization there is no Convention. We may as well 
proceed in order, Mr. Chairman. 

The Chairman. Those who are opposed to the motion will please 

A rising vote was then taken in the negative and the Chair declared 
the motion lost. 

The Chairman. The Chair appoints Senator William J. Sewell, 
of New Jersey and Representative Sereno E. Payne, of New York, as 
a committee to escort the Permanent Chairinan to the chair. 

The Committee then escorted Senator Thurston to the Chair amid 
a torrent of applause. 


The Chairman. Geatlemen of the Convention: I have the 
honor to present to you, as your Permanent Chairman, Senator 
John M. Thurston, of Nebraska. 

A magnificent reception was again tendered Senator Thurston as 
he mounted the platform, accompanied by the Committee. 

When quiet was restored. Chairman Thurston addressed the Con- 
vention as follows: 

Gentlemen of the Coni^ention: The happy memory of your kind- 
ness and confidence will abide in my grateful heart forever. My 
sole ambition is to meet your expectations; and I pledge myself to 
exercirte the important powers of this high office with absolute jus- 
tice and impartiality. I bespeak your cordial co-operation and sup- 

44 Official Proceedings of the 

port to the ead that our proceeding's may be orderly and dignified, 
as befits the deliberations of the supreme council of the Republican 

Eight years ago I had the distinguished honor to preside over the 
Convention which nominated the last Republican President of the 
United States. To-day I have the further distinguished honor to 
preside over the Convention which is to nominate the next President 
of the United States. This generation has had its object lesson, 
and the doom of the Democratic party is already pronounced. The 
American people will return the Republican party to power because 
they know that its administration will mean: 

The supremacy of the constitution of the United States. 

The maintenance of law^ and order. 

The protection of every American citizen in his right to live, to 
labor and to vote. 

A vigorous foreign policy. 

The enforcement of the Monroe Doctrine. 

The restoration of our Merchant Marine. 

Safety under the stars and stripes on every sea, in every port. 

A revenue adequate for all governmental expenditures, and the 
gradual extinguishment of the national debt. 

A currency as sound as the government and as untarnished as 
its honor, whose dollar, whether gold or silver, or paper, shall have 
equal purchasing and debt paying power with the best dollars of 
the civilized w^orld. 

A protective tariflf which protects, coupled with reciprocity which 
reciprocates, thereby securing the best market for American pro- 
ducts and opening Anaerican factories to the free coinage of Amer- 
ican muscle. 

A pension policy just and generous to our living heroes, and to 
the widows and orphans of their dead comrades. 

The governmental supervision and control of transportation lines 
and rates. 

The protection of the public from all unlawful combinations and 
unjust exaction of aggregated capital and corporated power. 

An American welcome to every God-fearing, liberty-loving, consti- 
tution-respecting, law-abiding, labor-seeking, decent man. 

The exclusion of all whose birth, whose blood, whose condition, 
whose teaching, whose practices would menace the permanency of 
free institutions, endanger the safety of American society or lessen 
the opportunities of American labor. 

The abolition of sectionalism — every star in the American flag 
shining for the honor and welfare and happiness of every common- 
wealth and of all the people. 

A deathless loyalty to all that is truly American, and a patriotism 
as eternal as the stars. 

Chairman Thurston's address was punctured all the way through 
with applause and cheers. At its close he received a splended ova- 
tion. Proceeding with the business of the Convention he said : 
"Gentlemen of the Convention, what is your pleasure?" 
The pleasure of the Convention was expressed by the appearance 
of a magnificent floral shield, surmounted by a crown of American 
Beauty roses, simultaneously with a burst of applause that was 
deafening, the delegates rising to their feet and the whole body of 

Eleventh Republican National Convention. 45 

delegates and spectators joining in one grand ovation as the flower 
shield was placed upon the platform and accepted by the Chairman. 

Proceeding with the business of the Convention, Chairman Thurs- 
ton said: Gentlemen of the Convention: What is your pleasure? 

At this interval a letter was passed forward by a delegate with the 
request that it be read by the Secretary of the Convention for the 
information of the Convention. 


The Chairman directed the Seci*etary to read the letter, which read 
as follows: 

"St. Louis, Mo., June 17, 1896. 
Hon. C. W. Fairbanks, Temporary Chairman Republican National 
Convention. Dear Sir: The Committee on Credentials are at this 
time in session and engaged in the consideration of the contests be- 
fore it, and we w^ill be unable to finish our w^ork in time to report to 
the Convention at this session. By order of the Committee. Yours 
very truly. J. Franklin Fort, Chairman." 

Governor BUSHNELL, of Ohio. Mr. Chairman: I move that the 
Convention do now adjourn until 2 o'clock this afternoon. 

The Chairman. It is moved that the Convention do now ad- 
journ until 2 o'clock this afternoon. 

The motion was carried, a very small majority voting in the neg- 

afternoon SESSION. 

At two o'clock, the hour for calling the Convention to order, 
there w^as a noticeable absence of delegates and the Chairman de- 
cided to await the arrival of the delinquents. 

During the interval, the Nebraska delegates, through a committee 
appointed for the purpose, passed up to the platform two large bou- 
quets of red and white roses, one of which w^as placed in front of 
Secretary Johnson and the other on the table in front of Official 
Reporter Burke. 


At 2:35 the Chairman rapped the Convention to order, announc- 
ing that Bishop Arnett, of Wilberforce College, would invoke the 
Divine blessing. Bishop Arnett, the well known colored divine 
and orator, then offered the following invocation: 

"Oh, Lord, our Heavenly Father, the Father of our Lord and Savior 
Jesus Christ, the Maker of all things visible and invisible, the judge 
of all men — we come before Thee this afternoon to thank Thee for 
life and health and the blessings of liberty which have been secured 
to us by our fathers in the days that are gone. We invoke Thy divine 
blessing upon our land and upoa our country. We thaak Thee for 
the institutions of our country. We thank Thee for the opportunities 
which Thou hast given to Thy people of every race and condition in 

46 Official Proceedings of the 

this land that they may enjoy the blessings of life, liberty and the 
pursuit of happiness. Accept our thanks we pray Thee for this or- 
ganization which has assembled here to-day, representing the 
culture, wealth and refinement of more than forty centuries of intel- 
lectual effort. We thank Thee Oh Lord, for the blessings that we 
enjoy, and we ask Thy special favor upon those engaged in this 
work, and bless them as Thou didst their fathers and those that 
preceded them. We thank Thee for this organization, and we thank 
Thee for the men of the past and for the men of the present. We 
thank Thee that Thou didst give us a Lincoln who broke the fetters 
from the limbs of four millions and a half of people. We thank 
Thee for this organization and we thank Thee, Oh Lord, that Thy 
blessing may rest upon the persons nominated by this body. May 
they be rnen representing the principles of religion, morality and 
education, go forth to the conquest of the great principles now un- 
derlying the institutions of our country. These and all other bles- 
sings we ask to rest upon this organization, the president of the or- 
ganization, the members of the organization, and grant, O Lord, that 
the victories to be gained in the future may redound to the blessing 
of every citizen of this great land of ours, and may protection and 
liberty and civil and political rights be secured to every man, 
woman and child from the lakes of the North to the gulf of the 
South, and when we have accomplished all, may Thy blessing rest 
upon us and our country, and its flag, and the glory shall be Thine 
forever. Amen. 


The Chairman. The Chair recognizes Mr. Madden of Chicago, 
for a special purpose. 

Mr. Martin B. Madden. Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen of the 
Convention: On behalf of the State of Illinois, I have the honor to 
present to the ofHcers of this Convention, to be presented to the nom- 
inee of this Convention, a beautiful and artistically worked gavel, 
made from an oak log formerly occupying a position in the building 
occupied by Abraham Lincoln (great applause). I venture the hope, 
on behalf of the State from which I hail, that the distinguished nom- 
inee of this Convention may so perform his duties as to be as near 
to the hearts of the people of the Nation as is the distinguished 
name of the great emancipator given to the people of the Nation by 
the great State of Illinois. (Great cheering and applause). 

The Chairman. On behalf of this Convention the Chair accepts 
the tender of this gavel for the purposes indicated, and in doing so 
expresses the hope that the inspiration of the immortal Lincoln may 
fire our hearts to higher patriotism in the discharge of our duty 
here and our discharge of duty elsewhere and hereafter. We accept 
this gavel and will deliver it after this Convention is over to him 
who is to be the next President of the United States. 

The Chairman. The Chair recognizes Mr. Denny of Kentucky, 
for a similar purpose. 

Eleventh Republican National Convention. 47 


Mr. Denny. Mr. Chairmau and Gentlemen: The intention was 
to present this gavel to the Temporary Chairman of this Conven- 
tion, but I was prevented from doing- so at the proper time, and I 
now seize this opportunity to present it. By the request of the 
young men of the Henry Clay Republican Club, of Lexington, Ky., 
I desire to present to the Temporary Chairman of this Convention 
this gavel, made from ash wood and cut from the old homestead 
of the great commoner, Henry Clay. (Great applause.) They ask 
that it be accepted as a memento of the old Ashland District. We 
hope that when a ruling is punctuated by the stroke of this gavel 
that it may at the same time drive a nail into the coffin of the Dem- 
ocracy. (Applause.) 

The Chairman. Gentlemen of the Convention: Your Temporary 
Chairman will respond in your behalf. 

Mr. Fairbanks. On behalf of the convention, it affords me pleas- 
ure to acknowledge receipt of the gavel presented by the gentlemen 
from Kentucky. In response I am proud to know that the spirit of 
Henry Clay animates to-day the Republicans of the State of Ken- 
tucky. (Applause.) I am proud of the fact that that grand old 
commonwealth has come into the ranks of the Republican party, 
and I indulge the hope that in November next she will be found 
true to the standard bearers selected by this Convention. (Ap- 

The Chairman. The Chair recognizes Mr. Torrence, of Minnesota- 
for a special purpose. 

Mr. Torrence. Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen of the Convention: 
In 1892 the boys of the manual training class of the South High 
School, Minneapolis, made a table intending it to be used by the 
presiding officer of the Republican National Convention, which 
met in Minneapolis that year. The table was used for the purpose 
intended, and then returned to the boys who made it, bearing evi- 
dence of the honorable part it bore in that memorable Convention. 

At the request of the Local Committee of this City the table has 
been sent by the school to be used by the presiding officer of this 
Convention. It is homemade. It is also hand made, and represents 
the intelligent skill and labor of the American youth. 

The educational and industrial interests of this country have al- 
ways had the earnest support and steadfast friendship of the Repub- 
lican party, and as we have met to plan and to act for the future 
welfare of the nation, it gives me great pleasure, Mr. Chairman and 
gentlemen of the Convention, in behalf of these to bring you the 
greetings and hearty good will of the Minneapolis children of the 
Republic to place this table at your service during the deliberations 
of this Convention. (Applause.) 

48 Official Proceedings of the 

The Chairman. In accepting- the use of this table for the Con- 
vention the Chair desires to send back word to the boys of Minne- 
sota that even as our Republican fathers handed these United 
States down to us, united under one flag-, so that every man within 
its borders could share its blessings and its opportunities, so will 
we, the Republican party of to-day, hand down its government, un- 
der Republican institutions, with all the rights, privileges and op- 
portunities for the boys to come. (Cheers). 

Gentlemen of the Convention, the next order of business is the 
report of the Committee on Credentials, and the Chair recognizes as 
Chairman of that Committee, Mr. J. Franklin Fort, of New Jersey. 


Mr. Fort, of New Jersey, Chairman of the Committee on Creden- 


Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen of the Convention: I present 
the report of the Committee on Credentials by its direction. 

Your Committee on Credentials respectfully report: That they met 
immediately after the adjournment of the session of the Convention 
on the sixteenth and organized by the selection of the officers of 
the Committee. Since that time we have been giving diligent at- 
tention to the business of the Committee. Your Committee would 
report its action in the cases before it, with its recommendations 

As to the State of Delaware, the right to represent the State of Del- 
aware in this Convention was claimed by two full sets of delegates. 
Patient and full attention was given to the hearing of this case. The 
contestants for the right to represent that State in this Convention 
will be designated as the Anthony Higgins delegation and as the 
J. Edward Addicks delegation. 

Your Committee recommends that the following persons be seated 
as the delegates and alternates from the State of Delaware. I will 
not read them all, but simply read tl^e name as designated in the 
report. The delegates and alternates headed by Anthony Higgins. 
(Prolonged cheers). 

In the contest from the State of Texas for delegates at large from 
that State, your Committee gave attention to that case, and heard 
the contesting delegations, whom we will style as the Cuney delega- 
tion and the Grant delegation. 

We recommend that the delegates and alternates at large from 
Texas, headed by John Grant, be admitted to this Convention. (Ap- 

As to the other matters of contests presented to your Committee, 
notice of which was given to the National Committee and heard by 
it, we recommend that the roll of delegates and alternates to the 
Convention from the several States and Territories and the District 
of Columbia, as prepared by the National Committee for the Tempo- 
rary Organization, be approved and adopted as the permanent roll 
of delgates and alternates to this Convention. 

A copy of the roll of delegates and alternates, as so adopted by 
this Committee, is herewith submitted. 

Respectfully submitted, 

J. Franklin Fort, 
Chairman Committee on Credentials. 

Eleventh Republican National Convention. 49 

The Chairman. I recognize Mr. Hepburn of Iowa, for the purpose 
of submitting a ininority report. (Applause.) 

Mr. Hepburn, of Iowa. Mr. President and Gentlemen of the 
Convention: The undersigned members of your Committee on 
Credentials dissent from the report of the majority of the Committee 
iu this: 

We are unwilling to accept the roll of delegates as made up by the 
National Committee. The National Committee did not attempt to 
consider the merits of the cases presented by any of the one hun- 
dred and sixty odd contestants; only the regularity of the Creden- 
tials presented being passed upon by the National Committee. I am 
informed that in the consideration of the contested cases before the 
National Committee, it was distinctly and repeatedly stated thatthe 
action of the Committee was only to secure a pri/22a /acz'e roll, and 
that the contestants would each have an opportunity to be heard 
upon the merits of his case before the Committee on Credentials 
when appointed. 

None of these contestants except those from Delaware and those 
from the State at large from Texas have had any hearing upon the 
issues made here before any competent tribunal. In those two 
cases heard by your Committee on Credentials not one word of the 
testimony adduced was read before your Committee. Affidavits 
w^ere filed there by the score, but no man knows what they contained 
save as their contents are stated by the gentleman inaking the 
argument on the one side or the other. Your Committee on Cre- 
dentials persistently voted down propositions specifically, to in- 
vestigate cases from Texas other than those from the State at large. 
Those from the State of California, those from the State of Louisi- 
ana, and one gentleman, a contestant, from the State at large of 
Louisiana, makes the statement that he has never had even a hear- 
ing upon which to base a prima facie case made up by the National 
Committee; that he was not in the city until after his case had been 
heard, and that his lips have been at all times sealed. From the 
State of Louisiana, from the State of Alabaina, and from the 12th 
District of Missouri. 

Here the speaker was interrupted by cheers, cries and groans 
from the gallery, and from the floor of the Convention by the friends 
of Chancey I. Filley, of Missouri, from the 12th District. Two or 
three times Mr. Hepburn attempted to proceed but was interrupted 
by the tremendous outbreak from the friends of Mr. Filley. When 
silence was at length secured he proceeded further to read, as fol- 

I say that there has been no investigation of any of these cases, 
except from the State of Delaware, and four from the State of 
Texas; and more than 160 Republicans, delegates, as they claim, 
with their credentials, w^ith their cases, are demanding now to be 
heard in order that the verities involved ma}^ be properly ascer- 
tained. (Applause.) We deem it a most dangerous precedent to 
permit the National Committee to pass a final judgment on the 
election and qualification of meinbers of a National Convention. 
(Applause, and cries of "right.") This dangerous exercise of power 
ought not to be permitted to any body of men, but should be re- 
tained in the hands of the Convention. (Applause.) We therefore 

50 Official Proceedings of the 

recommeod that the delegation from the State of Delaware, headed 
by J. Edward Addicks, with their alternates, be seated; that the 
deleg-ation from the State of Texas, headed b3r N. W. Cuney, be 
seated with their alternates. (Applause.) And as to the other cases 
in which hearing- has up to this time been denied, be recommitted 
to the Committee on Credentials, with instructions to perform its 
duty, and to hear a report upon the cases. 

The Chairman. The Chair recognizes the Chairman of the Com- 

Mr. Fort, of New Jersey. Mr. President: I now move in the name 
of my State, the previous question on the report, of the Committee 
on Credentials down to and through to the final vote under the rules 
of the House of Representatives. 

The motion was seconded by Mr. Doyle, of Georgia ; also by Gene- 
ral Grosvenor, of Ohio. 

Mr. Hepburn, of Iowa. A parliamentary inquiry : Does that ex- 
clude the motion of the minority to substitute the names of the del- 
egations that we have named from the two States? 

The Chairman. The Chair will state that if the previous question 
is ordered, the vote will be taken upon each separate proposition 
contained in the two reports, if a demand be made for a separation 
of the question. If no demand be made for a separation of the 
question, the vote will first be taken upon the minority report 
and then upon the majority report. Under the rules of this Con- 
vention, there are twenty minutes on this motion assigned to each 
side, and the Chairman presenting the majority report and a gen- 
tleman representing the minority report are in charge of that time, 
and can occupy it either by themselves or by those whom they may 
choose to designate. 

Mr. MUDD. Mr. Chairman: We request a separation exclusivel3'^ 
as to Delaware. If that be in order, we want a separate vote and 
recommendation as to Delaware. 

The Chair inquired whether the motion was seconded; and Penn- 
sylvania and California seconded the motion of Mr. Mudd, amid 
great cheers. 

The Chairman. When the final vote is taken, the vote as to Del- 
aw^are will be taken separately. The question is now upon ordering 
the previous question, and the Chair recognizes the Chairman of 
the Committee as now entitled to proceed. 

The Chair will state, however, that the preliminary question is 
upon ordering the previous question. If it is ordered the presenta- 
tion of each side will then proceed. 

Mr. Littlefield. The delegation from Maine demands the roll 

The Chairman. A roll call is demanded b}^ the delegation from 

Eleventh Republican National Convention. 51 

The demand is seconded by the delegation from Maryland. 

The Chairman. The roll call is seconded by Maryland. 

A Delegate. Iowa also seconds the motion. (Cheers.) 

The Chairman. The roll call being properly demanded, is order- 
ed. The Secretary will call the roll of States, and the Chairman of 
each delegation will announce the vote. Those favoring the previ- 
ous question will say "aye" and those opposed, will say "no." 

During the progress of the vote Mr. Hepburn, of Iowa, made the 
point of order that as this question involves the right to contest the 
right to seats of ten or more of the delegates here in Convention, 
that the delegation from those States having a personal interest in 
the question at issue, have no competency to vote. 

The Chair holds that the objection is not well taken as to the mo- 
tion and order of previous question. 

A very enthusiastic reception was accorded the chairmen of the 
various delegations, as they arose to announce the vote. 

The vote as finally recorded was as follows: 

ayes noes 

Alabama 19 

Arkansas 16 

*California 7 




Florida 7 

Georgia 20 


Illinois 30 

Indiana 27 


Kansas 20 

Kentucky 26 

Louisiana 11 



Massachusetts 2 

Michigan 28 

Minnesota 18 

Mississippi 12 

Missouri 20 

Montana 1 

Nebraska 16 

Nevada 1 

New Hampshire 

New Jersey 20 

* 1 not voting. t Not voting. 

The Chairman. Upon the ordering of the previous question the 
ayes are 551^^ and the nays 359^^. (Cheers.) 

The ayes therefore have it. The Chair recognizes the gentleman 
from the Committee on Resolutions for an announcement. 

Mr. LaFollette, of Wisconsin. Mr. Chairman: The Committee 
on Resolutions has appointed Mr. Burleigh of Washington and my- 
self a Committee to announce to the Convention that the Comiuittee 
on Resolutions has agreed and will be able to report to this Con- 
vention to-night at eight o'clock, but not earlier. 

The Chairman. Gentlemen of the Convention, you have heard 
the announcement. The Convention will now proceed. The pre- 





New \ork 



Nortli Carolina 




North Dakota 











Rhode Island 



South Carolina 



South Dakota 





1 ■ 








* Vermont 








, 8 


West Virginia 








New' Mexico . 







Indian Territory 



Dist. Columbia 









52 Official Proceedings of the 

vious question has been ordered and discussion will be proceeded 
witii under the rule. The Chair recognizes the g-entleman from New 
Jersey, Mr. Fort. 

Mr. Fort, of New Jersey, Chairman of the Committee on Creden- 

Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen of the Convention: The minority 
report involves three propositions : I propose to take just five min- 
utes in discussing- the question and then yield five minutes of my 
time to Mr. Yerkes, of Kentucky, to discuss the Delaware case and 
ten minutes to General Grosvenorto close the debate. 

The three propositions of the minority report are these : 

First. Open all contests on the temporarj^ roll fixed by the Na- 
tional Committee. 

Second. Seat the Cuney delegation in Texas instead of the Grant 

Third. Seat the Addicks delegation in Delaware instead of the 
Higgins delegation. 

Now as to the first proposition: The Committee on Credentials 
has worked diligently since it organized yesterday. By a large vote, 
31 to li it determined to accept the roll as made up by the National 
Committee, with the exception of the Delaware and Texas cases, 
upon which no action had been taken by that Committee, except to 
refer them to the Committee on Credentials. One hundred and sixty 
contestants appeared before the National Committee by counsel or 
otherwise. They all had opportunity to be heard. They all were 
heard. They were heard longer than your Committee could hear 
them unless w^e sat in session for a full week ; and if we gave them 
all the tiine they asked, this Convention w^ould sit here for three 
months. (Laughter and applause.) 

There are papers and printed briefs in some of these contests cov- 
ering four or five hundred pages. In the cases we have heard w^e 
have taken their statement of what the evidence in the record was. 
It could not be read. It never was read by the National Committee 
or the Committee on Credentials of a National Convention. We 
have a right to presume that every Republican, whether a contest- 
ant or a sitting member, when he stated his case here stated the 
truth, as found in the record. (Applause.) And if in presenting 
their case each of them states the truth, and a conclusion is reached 
from that statement, we have a right to say that the action of the 
National Committee in thus making up the Teinporary Roll of the 
Convention was fair and should stand as the Permanent Roll of this 
Convention. (Applause.) It will be said that these gentlemen were 
not heard at all before the Committee. laterally speaking this is 
true. It was said before the Committee that almost all the contest- 
ants were satisfied with the determination of the National Commit- 
tee, and it was also stated, that the National Committee reached its 
conclusions by an almost unanimous vote. The closest vote in that 
Committee was, I believe, in a contest in the State of New York, and 
the representative from New York on our Committee stated that 
there were no contests to be heard from that State. (Applause.) We 
have tried to be fair. The Committee did not railroad these cases. 
We have given Delaware two hours and a half in its hearing. We 
gave Texas over two hours in hearing of their case, and we spent 
the rest of the time discussing the cases. We coine to you then on 
the general proposition of the minority report first, and ask yovi to 
vote it down, and confirm the teinporary roll, inade up with great 

Eleventh Republican National Convention. 53 

care, wise judgment and sound discretion b}' your National Com- 
mittee. They are honest men. They are good Republicans. They 
are selected from all the States, and they gave to all these cases a 
careful hearing, and a prima facie case, at least, is made out by the 
finding of that Committee. (Applause.) 

Second: — As to the Texas case, I have but three minutes left 
in which to state it. I shall do my best. Texas held a State 
Convention to elect delegates at large. Mr. Cuney was elected 
Temporary Chairman, fairly and legally. He assumed the Chair. 
He proceeded in the Temporary Organization. The Temporary Or- 
ganization was made permanent, under protest, and without a roll 
call. And from the time Cuney took the Chair until he declared the 
Convention adjourned he refused to grant a roll call, no matter who 
demanded it, when or where. (Applause and laughter.) 

A demand was made for a roll call on the report of the Committee 
on Credentials. A roll call was asked on the report of the Committee 
on Permanent Organization. Each of these demands and ever}^ 
other request for a roll call on any question were ruled out of order. 
(Laughter.) A resolution was offered to elect four delegates at 
large, Cuney at the head, and that was declared carried, or rather 
put through, by a vive voce vote with another man that Cuney put 
in the Chair to do up the business. (Applause.) And yet no roll 
call. All amendments were ruled out of order. Then some one 
inoved to adjourn. The affidavits are here, — stacks of them, — that 
Cuney refused to recognize anybody on the motion to adjourn or to 
allow a roll call, and forthwith declared the Convention adjourned, 
picked up his papers, went out with his hat, and took the Convention 
with him. (Laughter and applause.) 

Now, gentlemen, I must finish. Six hundred and forty-one dele- 
gates out of a total of eight hundred and one altogether remained 
in the hall after Cuney left and immediately organized another Con- 
vention, and by unanimous vote elected the four men who now ask 
seats in this Convention. That is all. 

Third: — As to the Delaware case, I will make the statement as 
brief as possible. The Committee decided by a large majority to 
seat the Higgins delegation. 

The Committee therefore makes that recommendation to this Con- 
vention. This is done because in that State it is claimed by the Re- 
publicans who were before us that the delegates headed by J. Ed- 
ward Addicks do not represent the Republican party of Delaware 
or anywhere else. (Cheers.) There was the same kind of procedure 
in the Convention in that State which elected the Addicks delega- 
tion as was witnessed in the Texas Convention. No roll call. Noth- 
ing but excitement, turbulence, force and victory for the faction 
resorting to those methods. The records before us show that Mr. 
Addicks entered into a combination in Delaware to unite with the 
acting Democratic Governor in order to prevent a Republican United 
States Senator to be elected from that State. (Applause.) The fact 
of the matter is simply this, that a majority of your Committee be- 
lieves from the evidence in the case, that Mr. Addicks and hie party 
in Delaware in that contest were highwaj'men on the road to poli- 
tical fortune, no matter what might be the result to the Republican 
party. (Applause.) To endorse what the United States Senate, by 
a vote of every Republican in that body, tried to do, and at the same 
time to rebuke Addicks for defeating Dupont, we seat Dupont in this 
Convention as a delegate irom Delaware with the rest of them. 

54: Official Proceedings of the 

The Chairman. The Chair presents Mr. Yerkes of Kentucky. 

Mr. Yerkes. Mr. Chairman: There are, Gentlemen of the Conven- 
tion, two deleg^ations from the State of Delaware, claiming' to be the 
legal, rightful representatives of that Stale on the floor of this Con- 
vention. One delegation is headed by ex-Senator Higgins, the only 
Republican ever elected to the United States Senate from that State; 
and the other is headed by Mr. J. Edward Addicks. the only Repu- 
blican, so called, who ever prevented the election of a Republican 
United States Senator from Delaware. (Applause.) Upon the roll with 
ex-Senator Higgins, we find the name of Colonel Dupont, who, by 
a recent vote of every Republican in the United States Senate, was 
declared to have been elected by the Republicans of Delaware to 
succeed ex-Senator Higgins, but who failed to secure his seat, and 
that vacancy, we claim, was caused by the man heading the oppos- 
ing delegation. 

I claim that this Convention ia by the rules of its own organiza- 
tion, and is by necessitj'^, not onlj^ judge of the election of its mem- 
bers, but is judge of them and of the propriety of their admission 
to a seat. I admit that so far as the face of the returns is con- 
cerned, Mr. Addicks, and those claiming with him, have a prima 
facie case, but by way of off-set to this, although it may not be 
argument, I call to your recollection the fact that the National Com- 
mittee in its w^isdom saw fit to refuse a seat upon the floor of this 
Convention to those gentlemen who have that prima facie case. The 
National Committee has been endorsed, and more than endorsed, 
by the decision of your own Committee on Credentials, which, by a 
vote of thirty-one to seventeen, not only refused to seat Mr. Addicks, 
but absolutely seated Senator Higgins and his associates. (Ap- 
plause.) There must be of necessity some sound reason for this. 
Certainly these two Committees would not have acted without 
reason and cause. What was the basis of their action and decision? 
We affirm, and the record is here and sustains abundantly the 
claim, that the small majority which Mr. Addicks had in the State 
Convention of Delaware was secured by the use of money, by brib- 
ery and purchase of voters at the primary. Here are the affidavits 
presented to the National Committee, and presented also, as I am 
informed, to j^our Committee on Credentials. 

Now, gentlemen, as was said by a distinguished citizen of New 
York, there are only three ways of securing an election ; first by the 
free choice of the electors; second, by lot ; third, by force, and I 
affirm that fraud and bribery are constituent elements of, and 
are, indeed, force. If this Convention believes, as evidently these 
Committees did believe, that the credentials of Mr. Addicks and 
those on the roll with him, were secvired by means of this nature 
and character, then certainlj', as representatives of the dignity, the 
wisdom, the honor and the integrity of the Republicans of this 
nation, you will not be willing to receive and seat delegates present- 
ing such credentials, men resting under charges proven over- 
whelmingly by unimpeached testimony. 

The Chairman. Mr. Hepburn, of Iowa, will now address you for 
the minority. 

Mr. Hepburn. ?Ir. President and Gentlemen of the Conven- 
tion: — I have the right to assume that any Republican Convention, 
any body of men representing the Republican party will declare in 

Elevknth Republican National Convention. 55 

favor of fairness. The Ainerican people love fairness. They are 
not willing-, I take it, that any man's rights shall be determined 
without he has had his day in Court. 

I say here, without fear of contradiction, that there has been no 
hearing- upon the merits of one hundred and sixty election cases. 
(Applause). I challenge any member of this Convention to deny 
that proposition. When these gentlemen went before the National 
Committee there was a gentleman there representing the interests 
of a certain candidate here. It was his contention in opposing the 
admission of all those that he supposed were not favorable to his 
candidate, that all that the Committee was to pass upon, all it had 
the right to pass upon, was the regularity of the credentials of the 
delegates, and over and over again it was said that the Committee 
contenting itself with that it would impose no hardship upon the 
contestant, as the tribunal elected by the Convention was armed 
with full authority to pass upon the credentials and there would be 
an opportunitj^ there to present the merits of the case. Strange as 
it may seem that same man was one of the judges. A member of 
the Committee in the Committee insisted that there should be no 
hearing because the National Committee had passed upon the case. 
In other words, it was as though he had contended in an inferior 
court that the court had no jurisdiction to try the case, and then 
when an appeal was taken to there insist that the court that had 
yielded to his contention and refused to try the case, had estopped 
the mouths of the appellants?-' Is that fairness? Is that the justice 
that a Convention of Republicans propose to meet out to fellow Re- 

We have contended as a party that all the days that there has 
been a struggling Republican in the Southern States that we would 
see to it that there should be honest elections and there should be a 
fair count. (Applause). 

Every National Convention almost for the last twenty j^ears has 
insisted that that was the dut}^ that justice and equity imposed up- 
on the Republican party, and it has been swift to pledge itself that 
that duty to the fullness of its ability should be carried out; and 
here is the astonishing spectacle in view of all these charges that 
we ourselves are trampling under foot — ruthlessly and remorseless- 
ly — those very doctrines of equity and justice to which we have 
pledged ourselves through twenty years of our eventful existence. 

There has been no adjudication of these cases. There ought to 
be. One gentleman in the Committee informed us that these rights 
were trivial, that they were not property rights; and the burden of 
his argument would be that if it involved in importance the value 
of a mustaug ponj^, then he would insist upon the procedure of al- 
lowing the parties to be heard, but as it onlj^ involved the honor of 
a Republican, the man who said that he was entitled to a seat here 
and the man who said when the right to a seat was denied that he 
was not a cheat, that he was not a scoundrel, that he was not here 
by fraudulent pretense, and that he was elected and selected only 
by a free constituency. 

In a question of this kind, involving the honor of a man, it was so 
trivial that we ought not to subject ourselves to the heated atmos- 
phere of this talk for purposes of that character. Further, I say 
with regard to the case that was last suggested, the Addicks case— I 
say, and I challenge contradictions— I say that there was no proof 
of any character considered by your Committee. Not one affidavit 

56 Official Proceedings of the 

was read; no man knows the verities of the case. One who was once 
a distinguished senator made the statement that twentj^-three dele- 
gfates in the Convention that would not support him were bribed. 
No other man said that. No man's affidavit to that effect, stating- 
knowledge was read. That distinguished gentleman said that some- 
body else told him that upon an occasion critical indeed, Mr. Ad- 
dicks contributed $5,000 to a Democratic campaign fund. That w^as 
the character of the proof. That affidavit was not presented. Again 
he said that the Standard Oil Company, he had learned, had contri- 
buted $30,000 to Addicks' Senatorial election case. Not an affidavit, 
not a particle of proof — and those are the evidences upon which the 
political integrity of Mr. Addicks is itnpeached. If there is more 
name it. If you have got anything else that was brought before 
that Committee, bring it out. I don't know what affidavits might 
have been brought here. I say they were not presented, or read, or 
considered by your Committee, and j^et there stood that man thus 
assailed, stating that he had voted for Abraham Lincoln for Presi- 
dent and for every Republican candidate from that day down. 
(Cheers.) Everj^ one. He stated that never in his life had he voted 
any other than a Republican ticket, and no man assailed it, save by 
these wild and loose and irrelevant and unfounded stories. There 
was a little gentleman there quite voluble, and I might alinost say 
• volatile. (Laughter). And his intellectual proportions were in ex- 
act ratio to the geographical limits of his State. That gentleman 
told us that these five persons were not Republicans, and yet— (cries 
of "what persons?") Others than Addicks — And 5'et thej'- were the 
head and front of the Republican organization there until they 
preferred Addicks for United States Senator to Higgins. Their Re- 
publicanism ceased, when thej^ failed to support the pretensions of 
the ex-senator. Another gentleman was there. He makes the same 
statement. Up to about a year ago they were good Republicans. 
When did they cease to be Republicans? was the query. When they 
began to associate with Addicks, and yet one of those gentlemen 
was the Chairman of the Republican State Committee that called 
the Convention. (The previous speaker here corrected the speaker). 
And one of those gentlemen was selected by his vote and as a re- 
presentative. He had there presenting to us the endorsement of 
the thirteen officers selected bj^ the Republicans in that County 
since this Convention. Think of it. And he not a Republican. 
Everj^ one of the thirteen that have been selected since the Conven- 
tion of last May. Ever}' one of them endorsing his Republicanism. 
Gentlemen, there was in that Convention one hundred and sixty per- 
sons. They assembled the third or the fourth da}' after their selec- 
tion. Seven of them had their seats challenged. The Committee, in 
making up the rcU oinitted those seven from the list, so that one 
hundred and fifty-three were there unchallenged. All of the pro- 
ceedings of that Convention were harmonious, no man making com- 
plaint until it came to the question of seating or unseating the sev- 
en. And when that was raised fift3'-three gentlemen went out of the 
Convention, and the seven excluded delegates went with them, mak- 
ing sixty. No man claims that more than sixty men out of one hun- 
dred and sixty men joined in the selection of Senator Higgins and 
his five colleagues. If I am wrong, correct me in that. Sixty men 
only— make that a majority of one hundred and sixty if you can. 
"Oh, but," saj' these gentlemen, " twenty-three men who remained in 
the Convention were bribed ." No evidence of it was presented there. 
No evidence presented of that. 

Eleventh Republican National Convention. 57 

A Delegate. That they were elected by fraud. 

Mr. Hepburn. That they tvere elected by fraud; twenty-three of 
them. Mind you, Delaware is not a very larg-e State. There are only 
three counties in it. There were three or four days to establish a 
fraud if there was any, but not a word about it. It was never heard 
of until it was necessary to do something' to inake sixty a majority 
of one hundred and sixty. (Applause and laug-hter.) Then the 
fraud was discovered. Then the g^entlemen came to the front, it is 
said, but no affidavit of that character was presented to the Com- 
mittee, read and considered. If one was presented, it was never 
heard of until that o^entlemen got them in his pocket twelve hun- 
dred miles from his home, away froin the possibility of their being 
resisted, and then, perhaps, presented to the National Committee. 
According to my advices, none of them w^ere read — certainly not in 
our Committee. We do not know whether they contained averments 
of this kind or not. Now, gentlemen, that is this case. If you turn 
out Addicks, the contestant, you will leave the State of Delaw^are 
without an organization; there is no other party — there is no other 
power than that which is by the authority of these men that can call 
a State Convention. Are you going to do it simply because some 
man says that Mr. Addicks is not a sound Republican? Let me chal- 
lenge a statement made by my friend from New Jersey. He said 
that this Convention was a tribunal to determine upon the qualifi- 
cations of its members. I deny it. I deny it. I say that our con- 
stituencies determine the qualifications of their representatives. 
(Loud cheers.) Let me remind a Republican National Convention— 
in 1880 — let me call it a inemorable scene. A member of that Con- 
vention from the State of West Virginia offered a declaration upon 
that floor. He said thatif a certain person was nominated, or a cer- 
tain proposition was determined upon he would not support it, and 
thereupon Senator Conkling introduced a resolution reciting that 
fact and moving his expulsion. James A. Garfield (applause) took 
the floor and laid down in that Convention the rights involved. He 
discussed in that masterly way of his the verities of the case, and 
when he was through there was such an overwhelming manifesta- 
tion of the wishes of that Convention that Senator Conkling rose in 
his place and withdrew the resolution, establishing in that way 
what all know must be true, that the constituency determines the 
qualifications of the members that it sends here. Why, that indivi- 
dual comes here for what purpose? In a representative capacity to 
wield the power of those men who sent him. They select the men 
that they are wiling to entrust their power with and if you refuse 
recognition of that righteous rule you will allow Anthony Higgins, 
who has been repudiated by his people; whotn they have said shall 
not serve them; whom they have refused to repose confidence in; 
whom they have said cannot properly represent them, or wield their 
power there— 5'ou have said that he is to wield their power whether 
thej^ wish it or not. Is that representation? Who will he repre- 
sent? The people of Delaware, who said they would not have him, 
or this Convention, this majoritj'^, who says he is to have a seat. 
Think of it, men. There is a great principle involved in this. It is the 
principle of the right of free representation, a right dearly to all 
English speaking people, and to secure which more of English and 
American blood has been shed than for all other questions put to- 
gether. (Applause.) Are' we, a Republican Convention, ready to 
abandon that now? I take it not. With reference to the other case 
(cries of "time," "time.") 

58 Official Proceedings of the 

The Chairman: Gentlemen, the Chair will pass upon the ques- 
tion of time. (Applause.) Both sides were notified that an extra 
allowance of six minutes would be made to cover applause or inter- 

Mr. Hepburn (continuing): With reference to the Texas case. 
Ag-ain I say that you, through your Committe, through your Nation- 
al Committee, have no evidence upon this case. A gentleman said 
that one hundred and forty-one of the delegates of that convention 
remained in their seats and selected the delegates that your com- 
mittee has seated. That was challenged, that was denied; it was a 
statement made by a member on the floor for a contestant and 
denied by another. A gentl man said that he would take the word 
of any Republican in a matter of this kind. A comment on their 
truthfulness that was very complimentary, but what will he do 
when one Republican says yes and another Republican says no, 
with reference to the same question, speaking almost at the same 
time? Ought he not to investigate the proofs? No gentleman did 
it: no man read an affidavit there establishing, or intending to 
establish these facts. The majority of your Committee took the 
word of one contestant, the others said that it was not proven. We 
did not take the words of the other, but we say that the case was not 
proven. It is claimed on the one hand, and about this there is no 
dispute, that;,there was a contestshortly declaring that the three can- 
didates for the Presidency had a following in about equal numbers. 
Finally, two of them combined and there was a short contest over 
the control of the convention. After it was discussed, pro and con, 
upon a roll call about which there is no dispute, Mr. Cuney was 
elected temporary chairman, on this roll call of more than two and 
one-half votes to one, indicating the temper of the convention. It is 
his contention that those men that thus declared themselves author- 
ativelj- upon the roll call about which there is no dispute were the 
men who supported him and his ticket, and gave it it's overwhelm- 
ing majority. (Applause) 

The Chairman: Gentlemen o£ the Convention: General Gros- 
venor, of Ohio, (applause) will now address you on behalf of the 
majority report. 

General Grosvenor: Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen of the 
Convention: In the very brief time which I shall occupy, I shall 
devote substantially the whole of it to the discussion of the ques- 
tion of whether or not the action of the Committee on Credentials, 
in the matter of the Texas contest shall be upheld or condemned. 
I shall put the question to the men of this country; the men who 
profess sometimes that they are in favor of decent elections, and 
when I have done that, and when I have stood by the record without 
changing a word of it, let us see how much of decency there is in 
this country. 

I shall not refer to the attacks of the gentleman upon my col- 
league, the distinguished member of the Committee on Credentials 
from Ohio. He is well known to the people of the country, and the 
aspersions cast upon him will fall harmless at the feet of the gentle- 
men who had displayed so much of judicial temperament here 
on this platform recently. (Applause). The Convention in Texas 
— now follow me — you who are lawyers and you who are not law- 
yers,— the Convention in the State of Texas, was assembled under a 

Eleventh Republican National Convention. 59 

call issued by the Chairman of the State Committee. It assembled 
on the 24:th day of March. There is no dispute about its being- reg- 
ularly called, regularly assembled; no question of anything- up to 
a certain point of time which I will give to you as I have it here 
in the record. A temporary Chairman was nominated by each of 
the factions, but because of certain reasons which I could make very 
plain if I had the time, Mr. Cuney was elected upon a roll call, de- 
manded by both sides as the record shows. A roll call was had, 
and eight hundred and some odd members answered to their names 
and voted. Cuney w^as seated; a Committee on Credentials was 
appointed. Up to that time all parties were co-operating together 
and desiring to see that both sets of these delegates derived their 
title from common source: a Committee on Credentials was sentout 
and after two or three adjournments of the Convention, the Com- 
mittee on Credentials came in with a report. A minority of the 
Committee on Credentials submitted a written minority report, 
which appears in the record. Mr. Cuney rules that the minority 
had no right to make a report, and an appeal was taken from his 
decision, and he refused to put the appeal to the house. There- 
upon he proceeded as the record shows — I hold it in my hand — 
and no honest man w^ill deny it, that on more than twenty occas- 
ions he refused a division of the house; refused a call of the roll, 
and decided every question bj?^ putting it on one side and finally a 
vote was taken tipon delegates at large, and at once an viproar broke 
out; mob violence was iinminent, and Cuney, when a little subsid- 
ence had taken place, waving a paper over his head, declared that 
the delegation was elected and that the Convention had adjourned. 

Sixteen delegates went out with Cuney, and six hundred and forty- 
one delegates stayed in the Convention — elected a Temporary 
Chairman— elected and sent out a Committee on Credentials, made 
the Temporary Chairman permanent, had a regular report of the 
Committee on Credentials, proceeded regularly to elect their dele- 
gaites at large, the Grant delegates, and certified them up here as 
the action of a Convention that had never adjourned. 

Now comes this gentleman and appeals to an intelligent Conven- 
tion of American Republicans to seat the man that thus defied every 
principle of parliamentary law. Now my position is this, and I 
should like to have heard the gentleman answer it. I made it before 
to-day in his hearing, and he has not seen fit to refer to it. I say 
when the moment arrived that Cuney refused to grant the division 
of that house, all that took place afterwards was a simple assump- 
tion of power, without a shadow of legal right, or legal effect behind 
it. That is my position. Let me illustrate now. Suppose that some- 
body gels up upon this platform and takes the gavel of the presiding 
officer. Somebody moves that we now proceed with the nomination 
for President. A p'lVa v^oce vote is taken and a division is demanded 
and he refuses to permit it. Then an appeal is taken; then he refuses 
to entertain it. Then he declares that an election is ordered. Some- 
body nominates somebody, and someone else was to pvit another 
candidate in, and the Chairman says it is not in order. An appeal 
is taken and he refuses to recognize it. He declares his candidate 
nominated, and the Convention adjourns. Now, we have a Conven- 
tion here of about nine hundred. Suppose two hundred get up and 
go out, would this Chairman be ousted of his power? Would this 
Convention cease to operate, or would this Convention be to all in- 
tents and purposes in life, in deed and action, and go forward and 
make the legal nomination just as before? (Applause.) As God is 

60 Official Proceedings of the 

my judge, as God shall hold me to account, that is an illustration 
of what thatrecord shows. Nothing more damnable ever stained the 
pages of the records of an American Convention, and I congratu- 
late the distinguished gentleman that with honied words about lib- 
erty and fair play, the unfortunate representative of the biggest 
scoundrel that ever got on record in Convention of the Republican 
party. (Applause.) That was the whole of it. Now, what are you 
about to do, gentlemen? There are one hundred and sixty contests. 
Every one of them about an American citizen, as the gentleman froin 
Iowa says. Every one of them with some sort of vested rights to 
something. Vested rights to \vork their way into a Convention 
when two committees have said they shall stay out. Will you ask 
to give two hours to each one of these cases? Ten hours a day is 
about as much as 1 am willing to work in this country. And it will 
take forty days to try these contests, for if you open up this question 
and defeat this report you must not, after that, go to drawing dis- 
criminations. You must hear the whole of them. We had thirty 
cases of contests in the House of Representatives this year. Mr. 
Reed appointed three more coinmittees of nine members each, and 
they worked day and night, and at the end of the long session of 
Congress there still remained three or four undisposed of cases. 
And here you are asked to stay here until the first day of August 
to decide whether Tom, Dick or Harry has the right of American 
citizenship. (Applause.) They have had a hearing before two com- 
mittees of this body. The National Committee sat for four long 
days and nights and heard these appeals. They decided them as 
well as they could, and I stand here now to say that it is a little inat- 
ter of cheap peanut policy to be condemning a great Committee be- 
cause, forsooth, the gentleman may not have been able to influence 
that Committee as he thought they ought to be. Another Committee 
has spent all the time which it has reasonably to give to them, and 
this is the best that can be done. I stand here to say that no harm 
will come to the American republic, no harm w^ill come to the fair 
faaie of the Republican party if you succeed in relegating to pri- 
vate life the man of Delaware, and the rascal of Texas. (Applause 
and hisses.) 

The Chairman. Gentlemen of the Convention, the Chair asks 
your close attention while the order of voting is announced: and the 
Chair can state that this order appears to be satisfactory to both 
sides. The question will stand first, upon the minority report and 
a division of the question being asked for, the Delaware case will 
first be voted upon. The question therefore is those who favor the 
minority report, seating the Addicks delegation will say "aye" and 
those opposed "no." Are you ready for the question? The question 
being called for, the Chair proceeded to put it, and upon the vote 
being taken declared the "no's" to have it, ainid applause. The 
Chairinan then said. The question next recurs upon the motion to 
adopt so much of the minority report as refers to the Cuney dele- 
gates from Texas. The "ayes" and "nays" being called the Chair 
declared that the nays have it. (Applause.) 

The Chairman. The question next recurs upon the motion to 
adopt the balance of the minority report referring contests as to 

Eleventh Republican National Convention. 61 

other delegates back to the Committee. The vote being- taken, the 
Chair declared the "no's" to have it. 

The Chairman. The question now recurs upon the adoption of 
the majority report. The question being- put, the Chair declared 
that the majority report was adopted. (Great applause.) 


As finally corrected the official roll of the Convention stood as 



Delegates. Alternates. 


O. W. Buckley Montgomery M. D. Wickersham Mobile 

David D. Shelby Hunts ville Ben. J. DeLemos Haynesville 

W. R. Pettiford Birmingham O. H. Walker Selma 

John H.Jones Haynesville I. N. Carter Monterey 


1— p. D. Barker Mobile S. S. Turner Mobile 

A. N. Johnoon Mobile W.E.Sanders Mobile 

2— Nathan H. Alexander Montsomery Wm. M. Ackley Aloo 

Frank Simmons Evergreen John H. Wilson Montgomery 

3— Samuel S. Booth Montgomery Dallas D. Smith .Opelika 

John Harmon Eufaula A. L. Brewer Union Springs 

i— Thos. G. Dunn Anniston Wylie A. Hadsou Anniston 

W. J. Stevens Anniston D. M.JMcClellan Talledega 

5_DouglMS Smith Opelika R. T. West Wedowee 

H. A, Carson Haynesville H. R. Chi vers — Wetumbka 

6— D. N. Cooper Hamilton Dempsey Winn Livingston 

Dr. J. Dawson Eustan H.L. Coins Tuscaloosa 

7— C. D. Alexander Attalla T. H. Stevens Steeles 

J. S. Curtis Double Springs M. F. Parker Cullam 

8_Walter Simmons Courtland E.W.Garland Scottsboro 

H. V. Cashin Decatur F. C. Ashford Courtland 

9— Ad. Wimbs Greensboro M. L. Fowlkes Birmingham 

W. C. Hanlon Birmingham A. A. Hart well Birmingham 



Powell Clayton Eureka Springs J. A. Freeman Mill ville 

Henry M. Cooper Little Rock S. F. Stahl Bentonville 

H. L. Bemmel Newport Louis Altheimer Pine Bluff 

M. W. Gibbs Little Rock J. N. Donohoo Helena 


1— Jacob Trieber Helena Jacob Shaul Marianna 

F. W. Tucker Clover Bend J. R. Riggans Nodena 

2— W H. B. Clayton Fore Smith M. A. Eisle Hot Springs 

Ferd. Havis Pine Bluff A. G. Hough Swan Lake 

3— B M. Foreman Texarkana P. K. Savage Dermott 

J B. Friedheim Camden D.W. Chandler Camden 

4— .John McClure Little Rock Frank Buiris Atkins 

D B Russell Morrilton Albert DeSha Ashvale 

5— Thomas J. Hunt Fayetteville John I. Worthington Berryville 

Chas. M. Greene Harrison R. E. Sevier Conway 

6— B. F.Bodenhamer Mountain Home Chas.P'.Cole Beebe 

H H Meyers Brinkley J. M. McClintock DeVall's Bluff 


Official Proceedings of the 





L. A. Sheldon Los Angeles 

John D. Spreckles San Francisco 

U. S. Grant San Diego 

George A. Knight San Francisco 

J. M. Gleaves Stiasta 

D.E. Knight Yuba 

J. A. Loutltt San Joaquin 

George Stone San Francisco 


1— Daniel Cole Sierra 

A. B. Lemmon Sonoma 

2— Grove L. Johnson Sacramento 

J. H. NefP Placer 

3— E. S Dennison Oakland 

A. A. Hockheimer Willows 

4— Joseph S. Spear San Francisco 

Henry I. Kawalsky San Francisco 

5— William Cluff San Francisco 

O. A. Hale Santa Clara 

6— Hervpy Lindley Los Angeles 

T. J. Field Monterey 

7-F. H. Short Fresno 

H. H. Sinclair San Bernajdio 

Dr. F. Horel Humboldt 

J. T. Laird Modoc 

F. D. Ryan Sacramento 

E. C. Voorheis Amador 

C. L. Lang Alameda 

Wallace Pond Woodland 

E. J. Baldwin San Francisco 

Michael Seligson San Francisco 

A. S. Mangrum San Francisco 

J. L. Koster San Francisco 

P. P. Flint Los Angeles 

El wood Cooper Santa Barbara 

W. II. McKillrick Kern 

Frank A. Miller Riverside 



Henry M. Teller Central City 

Frank C. Goudy Denver 

John W. Rockefellow Crested Butte 

James M. Downing Aspen 

Robert W. Bonynge Denver 

Charles F. Caswell Grand Junction 

David J. Kelley Denver 

John A.Williams Denver 


1— A. M. Stevenson Denver 

John F. Vivian Golden 

2-C. J. Hart Pueblo 

Charles H. Brickenstein Conejos 

C. B. Timberlake Holyoke 

James Cowie Boulder 

J. J. Elliott Central City 

Charles Newman Durango 



Morgan C. Buckley Hartford 

John I. Hutchinson Essex 

A. H. Brewer. Norwich 

Samuel Fessenden Stamford 

Lewis B. Plimpton Hartford 

Wm. T. Rockwell Bleriden 

Frederick Farnsworth New Loudon 

Howard B. Scott Danbury 


1— J. A. Cheney South Manchester 

Geo. Sykes Rockville 

2— Rufus Blake Derby 

John M. Douglas Middletown 

3— T. H. Allen Sprague 

Charles E. Searles Thompson 

4— E. O. Keeler Nor walk 

Hubert Williams Salisbury 

Chas. M. Jarvis Berlin 

Wm. H. Prescott Vernon 

James Graham Orange 

Wm. A. Brathwell Chester 

■Tas. Pendleton Stonington 

Luciu- H. Fuller Thompson 

.Tohn A. Rusliug Bridgeport 

Rufus E. Holmes West Winsted 



Anthony Higgins. 
John Pilling. 
Washington Hastings. 
Henry A. Dupont. 
Cornelius P. Swain. 
L. H.Bali, M. D. 

Henry G. Morse. 
James H. Wilson. 
Henry L. Hynson. 
Joshua Parker. 
Robert Arnell. 
W. E. Cordery. 

Eleventh Republican National Convention. 63 


Delegates. Alternates. 


Joseph E. Lee Jacksonville M. M. Moore , Orlando 

John G. Long St. Augustine John R. Scott Jacksonville 

Emory F. Skinner Escambia A. Lincoln Pohalski Key West 

L. W. Livingston Key West B. G. Tunison Pensacola 


1— M. S. White Apalachicola W. H. Northrop Pensacola 

James N. Coombs Pensacola A. C. Sammis Port Tampa 

2— Dennis Eagan Jacksonville .lohn E. Stillman Jacksonville 

Isaac L. Pnrcell Palatka W. A. Wilkinson Flemington 



A. E. Buck ..Atlanta R.D.Locke Macon 

H. L. Johnston Axlanra L. M. Plesant Savannah 

Henry A. Rucker Atlanta B. .1. Davis Dawson 

John H. Deveaux Macon R. R. Wright College 


1— M. J. Doyle Savannah F. N. Sims Thebes 

S. B. Morse Savannah P. J. Majors M'aynesboro 

2— B. B\ Brimberry Albany J.J.Mitchell Mercer's Mills 

J. C. Styles Dawson A. E. Dippett Albany 

3— W. P. Pierce Leesburg Augustus Pate Hawkinsville 

E. S. Richardson Marshal ville F. M. Hark] ess Delegal 

4— W. H. Johnson Columbus Samuel Lovejoy Greenville 

D. V, Norwood Newnan J. H. Grant Forsyth 

5— D. C. Wimbish Atlanta .T.M.Smith Monroe 

L.J.Price South Atlanta W.R.Gray Cambleton 

6— P. J. Wimberly Atlanta, P. S. Arnold Fayetteville 

I. W. Wood ...Forsyth Richard Carey Griffin 

7— Charles Adamson Cedanown Frank Lynch Dallas 

T.M.Dent ' Rome Eli H. Chandler Marietta 

8— W. A. Pledger Atlanta H. Carter Lexington 

M. B. Morton Athens T. L. Kennedy Elberton 

9— A. J. Spenee Nelson H. M. Ellington Ellijay 

J. B. Gaston Gainesville H. D. Ingersoll Dahlonega 

10— Judson W. Lyons Augusta Wm. A. McOloud Wadley 

J.M.Barnes Tliompson A. E. Williams Gordon 

11— Wm. Jones Valdosta J. M. Holzendorf Sheffield 

S. M. Scarlett — Way cross Giles McLendon Dublin 



F. T. Dubois Blackfoot A. V. Ferguson Pocatella 

Willis Sweet Moscow Littleton C.J. Bassett Pocatella 

Price Littleton Wallace C. W. Beal Wallace 

A.B.Campbell Wallace T. A. Deitrick Blackfoot 

Ben E. Rich Roxbury S. O. John Hailey 

Alexander Robertson Nampa R. W. Purdum Nampa 



Robert W. Patterson Chicago Chas. M. Pepper Chicao-o 

Wm. Penn Nixon Chicago James W. Ellsworth Chicago 

Joseph W. Fifer Bloom ington Rev. Jordan Chavis Quincv 

Richard J. Oglesby Elkhart Pleasant T. Chapman Vienna 


1— Martin B. Madden Chicago B. E. Hoppin Chicago 

Frank C, Roby Chicago F. C. Pronper Chicago 

2— Edwin S. Conway Oak Park W.H.Bennett Austin 

Wm. Lorimer Chicago Walter Page Chicago 

.3— Edward R. Brainerd Chicago William Murphy Chicago 

George M. Schneider Chicago John A. Kuns Chicago 


Official Proceedings of the 


IIAjINOIS- Continued. 





Josepli Bid will Chicago 

Thomas 0'8haughnessy Chicago 

John M. Smyth Chicago 

Phillip Knopf Cnicago 

Samuel B. Raymond Chicago 

Graeme Steward Chicago 

Charles Whitney Waukegau 

George P. Engelhardt Evanston 

Isaac L. Ellwood DeKalb 

H. D. Judson Aurora 

Smith D.Atkins Freeport 

R. S. Farrand Dixon 

Chas. H Deere Moline 

L. E. Brook-flold Sterling 

Duncan McDousjall Ottawa 

Thomas J. Henderson Princeton 

H.K.Wheeler Kankakee 

H. M. Snapp Jollet 

W. H. Kratz Monticello 

Charles G. Eckert Tuscola 

Clarence E. Snively Canton 

J, C. PincUney Peoria 

J. Mack SchoU Cartbage 

J. O. Anderson Decoruh 

Asa C. Mathews Pittsfleld 

Sargent McKnight Girard 

J. Otis Humphrey Springfield 

Hugh Crea Decatur 

H. J. Hamlin Sh«lby ville 

A. H. Kinne Highland 

A. H. .lones Robinson 

H, A. Neal Charleston 

Thomas S. Bidgeway Shawneetown 

Walter Colyer Albion 

W. A. Rodenburg East St. Louis 

J. D. Gerlach Chester 

Frank A. Prickett Carbondale 

James E. Jobe ..Harrisburg 

William H. Curran Chicago 

Henry S. Burkhardt Chicago 

James H. Burke Chicago 

James Painter Chicago 

Samuel E. Erickson Chicago 

Charles W. Catlin Chicago 

Stephen A. Reynolds Maplewood 

Wm. Gahagan Chicago 

T. B. Stewart Elburn 

H. D. Crum Woodstoclv 

Charles E. Fuller Belvidere 

F. M. Jenks Mt. Carroll 

W. H. Edwards Rock Island 

F. G. Ramsay Morrison 

F.R.Stewart Stra\vn 

Edward Burton Princeton 

J. D. Benedict Danville 

Addison Goddell Loda 

N. M. Benefit Atwood 

T. M. King Gibson City 

George Hutchins Lacon 

Frank A. High Mason City 

J. H. Basterat Quincy 

Washington Brockman Mt. Sterling 

E. M. Husted Roodhouse 

Thomas Conlyt. Beardston 

N. W, Branson Petersburg 

J.E.Hill Lincoln 

F. R. Millinor LitcliBeld 

W. W. Lo wis Greenville 

Aden Knoph Olney 

John Q. Hitch West Liberty 

H. S. Plummer Mt. Vernon 

Van R. Price Mt. Erie 

H L. Rhodes Centralia 

W. D. ('arter....t Nashville 

A.N. Starks... Metropolis 

Richard Taylor Cairo 



Col.R. W.Thompson Terre Haute 

C. W. Fairbanks Indianapolis 

Gen. Lew Wallace Crawfordsville 

Frank M. Millikan New Castle 

Hiram Brownlee Marion 

E.O.Hopkins Evansville 

George L. Knox Indianapolis 

R.T. McDonald Ft. Wayne 


1— Jas.H. McNeely Evansville 

Jas. B. Gamble Princeton 

2— Nat. U. Hill Bloomington 

B. F. Polk Freeland ville 

3— H. C. Hobbs Salem 

John T. Stout Paoli 

4— O. H. Montgomery Seymour 

A. E. Nowlin Lawrenceburg 

5— Taylor Reagan Plainfleld 

Jesse W. Weik Greencastle 

6— Elmer E. Stoner Greenfield 

J. W. Ross Con ners ville 

7— Harrys. New Indianapolis 

.Tos. B. Keeling Indianapolis 

8— W. T. Durbin.r Anderson 

T. H. Johnson Dunkirk 

9— D. A. ('oulter Frankfort 

C. N. Williams Crawfordsville 

10— G. S. Van Dusen Michigan City 

Cloyd Laughery Monticello 

11— A. L. Lawshe .Converse 

Lewis ("igns North Manchester 

12— B>ank S. Roby Angola 

Charles D. Law Fort Wayne 

13— A. L. Brick South Bend 

J. U.Heatwole Goshen 

E. E. Lockwood Posey ville 

Otto Kolb Boon ville 

M. C. Stephenson Worthington 

V. V. Williams Bedford 

John Zimmerman Canuelton 

J. L. Fisher Scottsburg 

W. G. Norris North V^ernon 

Simon Beymer Rising Sun 

David Strouse Rock ville 

A. J. Ralph Dana 

H. R Lennard Matamora 

T.C.Kennedy Shelbyville 

Wm Kothe Indianapolis 

W. T.Thompson Edinburg 

L. '•. Davenport Bluftton 

B. W. Quinn Decatur 

Jas. B. Johns Tipton 

W. O. Darnell Lebanon 

Elmer R. Brigham Goodland 

Clark (^ook Fowler 

C. W. Watkins ....Huntington 

L. McDowell Kokomo 

Chas. Sullivan Garrett 

J. D. Farrell La Grange 

Alonzo Craig North Hudson 

Edwin Newton Winamac 

Eleventh Republican National Convention. 






John H. Gear Burlington 

W. P. Hepburn Clarlnda 

D. B. Henderson Dubuque 

J. S. Clarkson Des Moines 

Gporge M. Curtis Clinton 

E. G. McMillen O'Brien 

Phila Shaller Sac City 

C. J. A. Erickson Boone 


I— James C. Davis Keokuk 

Charles M. Junkin Fairfield 

3-Seth L. Baker Bellevue 

George W. French Davenport 

3— Edward Knott Waverly 

J. T. Merry Manchester 

4— S. B. Zeigler West Union 

Edward Collins North wood 

5-G. R. Struble Toledo 

S. W. Rathbun Marion 

6— Calvin Maning Ottumwa 

W. H. Needham Sigourney 

7— A, B. Cummings Des Moines 

C. D. Bevington Winterset 

8— L. Banks Wilson Creston 

R. H. Spence Mt. Avr 

9-John N. Baldwin Council Bluffs 

Silas Wilson Atlantic 

10— George C. Call Algona 

H. W. Macumber Carroll 

11— F. H. Heisell Sioux Rapids 

E. C. Roach Rock Rapids 

J. A. Cunningham Washington 

E. F. Lacy Louisa 

J. L. Smith Clinton 

W. W. McMuUen Muscatine 

F. J. Will Eagle Grove 

Charles T. Hancock Dubuque 

F. G. Atherton Osage 

Wm. H. Parker Lawler 

F.C.Letts Mai-shalltown 

W. F. Lake Jones 

N. S. Johnson Boomfield 

John E. Offil Prairie City 

C.R. Benton Dallas 

J.A.Mills. Story 

E. J. Dickinson Corydon 

W. D. Eaton Sidney 

F M. Hopkins ...Guthrie Centre 

S.J. Patterson Logan 

S.J. Moore Boone 

J H. Bradt Rockwell City 

C. H. Winterable Primghar 

Lyman Whittier Onawa 



Cyrus Leland, Jr Troy 

Nathaniel Barnes Kansas City 

Thomas J. Anderson Topeka 

A. P. Riddle Minneapolis 

M. M. Murdock Wichita 

C. A. Swenson Lindsboro 

W. B. Townsend Leavenworth 

Thos. Anderson Wilder 

E. L. Shafer Council Grove 

W. H. Nelson Arkansas City 

T. M. Walker Alton 

George Huyckel Ellsworth 


l^Wm. C. Hook Leavenworth 

John Schilling Hiawatha 

2— Grant Hornaday Ft. Scott 

W. H. Brown Paola 

3— John Randolph Pittsburg 

E. G. Dewey Elk City 

4 — I. E. Lambert Emporia 

J. S. Dean Marion 

5— T. D. Fitzpalrick Salina 

Geo. W. Higgenbothen Manhattan 

8— E. F. Robinson Osborne 

I. T. Purcell Grove City 

7— H. J. Bone Ashland 

Frank Vincent Hutchinson 

C. F. Isaacson Seneca 

Oscar Fagerburg Belvue 

T. >J. Hancock Olathe 

D. A. Crocker Pleasanton 

Sam '1 Pitzpatrick Sed an 

John Sperry Thayer 

D. P. Blood Douglass 

C. A. Sayre Cedar Point 

A.B.Kimball Scandia 

T. E. Raines Concordia 

G. A, Gilpin Oberlin 

Dr. W. A. Lee Stockton 

John C Nicholson .. Newton 

F. L. Irish Sterling 



L. P. Tarlton Frankfort 

W.J. DeBoe Marion 

A. R. Burnam Richmond 

S. E. Smith Owensboro 

W. J. Lyons Newport 

Thos Forman Mayville 

Edward Chenault Lexington 

W. F. Welsh Beattyville 


1— J.H. Happy Eddyville 

W. B. Yandell Marion 

2— H. G. Overstreet Owensboro 

T. W. Gardner Rome 

Irwin W'ood Kutana 

Jaco/> Marshall Wickliffe 

Geo. Irwin Calhoun 

Rev. P. H. Kennedy Henderson 

66 Official Proceedings of the 

KENTVCl^Y -Continued. 
Delegates. Alternates. 


3_W. G. Hunter Burksville J. B. Ooflman Russellville 

J. L. Butler Morganiown 

4— J. B. Carlisle Lebanon J. Oanyers Mumfordville 

B. B. Burton Hardingsburg J. E. Wood Elizabethtown 

5— George D. Todd Louisville 

Charles E. Sapp Crescent Hill 

6_w. McD.Shaw Covington R.P.Ernst Covington 

C. N. Valandingham....Willianistown John Tettan Falmouth 

7_George Denny Lexington R. P. Stoll Lexington 

Leslie Combs Lexington L. Frank Sinclair Georgetown 

8_j. W. Yerkes Danville S. E. Welch Derea 

J. W. Carperton Richmond J. N. Cuelton Red house 

9— J. P. McCartney Flemingsburg Dr T. S. Bardford Augusta 

Frank Coles Ashland J. B. Wilholt Grayson 

10— jeflE. Prater Salyersville Oapt. D. L. Cook Winchester 

Howara Wilson Mt. Sterling R. L, Stewart Hind man 

11— John G. White Manchester J.A.Coleman Monticello 

L. T. Neat Columbia John Eversole Boone ville 



Henry Demas Edgurd J. J. Sullivan Donaldsonville 

J. Madison Vance New Orleans Joseph Honore, Jr New Orleans 

Albert H.Leonard Shreveport W.H.Williams New Orleans 

William Pitt Kellogg New Orleans S. A. Wardell New Orleans 


1— Henry C, Warmoth Magnolia James Lewis New Orleans 

Walter L. Cohen New Orleans A. T. Gabriel New Orleans 

2— A. T. Wimberly New Orleans L. B. Carmouche McDonogh ville 

Richard Simms Central Ernest Ducogne New Orleans 

^~?/^-°^-f ^'^T/°*®lrW-^®7^^'''*'M'?f H.O. Maher Donaldsonville 

Mayer Cohen (M vote) .Donaldsonville 

L.S. Clark (V'o vote)........... Franklin j.s. Davidson Bayou Goula 

Wm. J. Behan (1/^ vote). ..New Orleans " "^ •' 

4— B. F. O'Neal .Benton 

William Harper Shreveport ........... ■^■rA,- ••••,; 

5-J. B. Donelly New Orleans J. M. Cook East Carroll 

S. W. Green ,Lake Providence Charles J. Green Ruston 

6— T. B. Brooks Opelousas Michael Winfleld 

W. Wylie Johnson Mande ville Henry Eisle Bayou Chicot 



Amos L Allen Alfred John I. Sturgis New Gloucester ■ 

Charles E.Littiefield Rockland B. F. Briggs. .. Auburn 

Edwin C. Burleigh Augusta Charles A. Marston skowhegan 

E. A. Thompson Dover George B. Dunn Houlton 


l—Geor'^e P. Westcott Portland Charles E. Townsend Brunswick 

J T 'bavidson York Joseph F. Warren Buxton 

o_Harold M Sewall Bath Waldo Pettingell Rumford Falls 

Hiram Ricker Poland W.S.White Rockland 

''—Porrest Goodwin Skowhegan Edward B. Rodick Bar Harbor 

Edward E. Chase Blue Hill Geo. W. Heseltine Gardiner 

4— Stanley Plummer Dexter Isaiah K. Stetson Bangor 

W.M.Nash Cherryfleld Gleason R. Campbell Cherryfleld 



Georo-e L. Wellington Cumberland W. B. Fletcher Annapolis 

Jame= A. Gary Baltimore George W, Bryant Baltimore 

William T Malster Baltimore H. M. Sinclair Cambridge 

Robert P. Graham Salisbury N. M. Rittenhouse Baltimore 

Eleventh Republican National Convention. 






1— Wm. D Straughii Snow Hill 

B. Gootee Stevens Williston 

2— W.J. Smith Elktou 

O. Ross Mace Baltimore 

3— Wm. F. Airey Baltimore 

T. Frank Tyler Baltimore 

4— Felix Agnus Baltimore 

Wm. E. Tilghman Baltimore 

5 — Washington G. Tuck Annapolis 

Sydney E. Mudd Bryantown 

8-S. T. Haffner Frederick 

Robert S. Crawford Hagerstown 

Wm. J. Vannort Chestertown 

John P. Forester Centreville 

Milton Schaeffer Westminster 

E. M. Hoffman Baltimore 

John C. Smith Baltimore 

John 0. Friedel Baltimore 

Robert L. Stevens Baltimore 

Conrad Willis . Baltimore 

John I. Brookes Mutual 

Benjamin h\ Hiss Baltimore 

David E. Dick Frostburg 

Charles B.Jones Rock ville 



Henry Cabot Lodge Nab ant 

W. Murray Crane Dalton 

Eben S. Draper Hopedale 

Curtis Guild. Jr Boston 

Roland H. Boutwell Belmont 

Richard F. Hawkins Springfield 

Louis C. Southard Easton 

S. E. Courtney Boston 


1— Perley A. Russell Barrington 

Wm. Whiting Holyoke 

2— Elisha Morgan Springfield 

Walter M. Wright Orange 

3— A. E. Smith Leicester 

M. V. B. Jefferson Worcester 

4— Geo. W. Weymouth Fitchburg 

Chas. K. Moulton Waltham 

5— William M. Wood Andover 

H. K. White Lowell 

6— Geo. R. Jewett Salem 

H. Hale Willard Newburyport 

7 — Amos P. Bread Lynn 

Jas. Pierce Maiden 

8— A. E. W^inship Somerville 

John Hopewell, Jr Cambridge 

9— Geo. A. Hibbard Boston 

Jesse M. Gove Boston 

10 — Augustus T. Sweat Boston 

Chas. L. Hammond Quincy 

11— Everett C. Benton Belmont 

John S. Richardson Boston 

12— Robert O. Harris East Bridgewater 

Fred. S. Hall Taunton 

13— Wm. M. Butier New Bedford 

L-eontlne Lincoln Fall River 

George K. Baird Lee 

Franklin E, Snow Greenfield 

R. W. Irwin Northampton 

Thomas H. Goodspeed Athol 

Granby P. Bridges Hopkinton 

Jas. F. Crosby Worcester 

Henry Parsons Marlboro 

George J. Burns Ayer 

E. F. Johnson Woburn 

N. P. Frye Andover 

Chas. O. Baily Newbury 

Chas. D. Brown Gloucester 

George H. Dunham Chelsea 

Walters. Keene Stoneham 

Stanley Ruffln Boston 

Edwaid S. Crockett Boston 

Arthur G. Wood Boston 

Peter Morrison Boston 

Stephen M. Marshall Boston 

Geo. P. Lowell Boston 

Chas. H. Utely Brookline 

Burrill Porter Jr North Attieborough 

Thos. E. Grover Canton 

A. H.Washburn •. Middleboro 

Walter I. Rich Barnstable 

Walter O. Luscomb Falmouth 



Russell A. Alger Detroit 

Thomas J. O'Brien Grand Rapids ' 

John Duncan Calumet 

Mark S. Brewer Pontiac 

Crawford S. Kelsey Battle Creek 

Henry A. Haigh Detroit 

George A. Kempf Chelsea 

Isaac G. Washington Port Huron 


1— David Meginity Detroit 

Freeman B. Dlckerson Detroit 

2— James T, Hurst Wyandotte 

Edward P. Allen Ypsilanti 

3— Hamilton King Olivet 

Ebenezer O. Grosvenor Jonesville 

4— Frank W. Waitt Sturgis 

Richard B. Messer Hastings 

5 — Gerrlt J. Diekema Holland 

Wm. H. Anderson Grand Rapids 

6— Wm. McPherson Howell 

Geo. W. Buckingham Flint 

Otto E. E. Guelich Detroit 

James H. Stone Detroit 

Chas. A. Blair Jackson 

Henry C. Smith Adrian 

Albert A. Dorrance Coldwater 

Herbert E. Winsor Marshall 

John L. Yost Cassopolis 

Henry Sherwood Reedsville 

Neil McMillan Rockford 

Grant M. Morse Ionia 

Theodore M. Wolter Detroit 

.lohn Robson Lansing 


Official Proceedings of the 





7— John L. Starkweather Romeo 

Win.H. Aitken Sanilac 

8— Oliver L. Spauidiag St. John 

Theron VV. Atwood (Jaro 

9— Ohas. H. Haekley Muskegon 

Edgar G. Maxwell Pentwater 

10— Temple Emery East Tawas 

J. Frank Eddy Ray City 

11— Edgar P. Baboock Kalkaska 

Chas. L. Crandatl Big Rapids 

12— .Tames McNaughton Iron Mountain 

Charles E Miller Ironwood 

Samuel W. Vance., Port Huron 

J. Herbert Cole Lapeer 

Geo. W.Hill Saginaw 

OttoSprague Owossa 

Frank P. Dunwell Ludington 

Earl Fairbanks Luther 

Pearly C. Heald Midland 

Eugeue Foster Gladwin 

Legrand E. Slussar Mancelona 

Geo. W. Minchin Evart 

Henry .1. Woessner Menominee 

Frank O. Mead Escanaba 



George Thompson St. Paul 

R. G. Evans Minneapolis 

L. P. Hunt Mankato 

Chas. F. Hendryx Sauk Centre 

A. H. Reed ..Glencoe 

Ira C. Richardson Thief River Falls 

James Diment Owatonna 

Burger Thurstenson Cokato 


1— A, D. Gray Preston 

L. S. Swenson Albert Lea 

2— W. R. Edwards Tracy 

W. H. Rowe St. James 

3-L. F. Hubbard Red Wing 

T. M. Paine Glenooe 

4— Wm. R. Merriam St. Paul 

J. H. Grand all Cottage Grove 

5— Chas. A. Pillsbury Minneapolis 

Ell Torrence Minneapolis 

6— Munroe Nichols .. Uuluth 

A. D. Davidson Little Palls 

7 — C. J. Gunderson Alexandria 

Ezra G. Valentine Breckenridge 

P. H. Bailey Waseca 

Olans K. Dahl Caledonia 

L. G. Beebe Winnebago City 

D. A. McLarty Granite Falls 

F. F. Griebe Hastings 

Samuel Bowler Belle Plaine 

FredS. Bryant St. Paul 

H. F. Barker Cambridge 

Chas. S. Cairns Minneapolis 

J. Frank Wheaton Minneapolis 

W. S, McDonald Ann and ale 

Frank Wilson Wadena 

P. H. Konzens Hallock 

G. S. Wattam Warren 



James Hill Jackson 

John S Burton Holly Springs 

Albert M. Lee Vicksburg 

E. H. Lampton Greenville 

Nelson A. Anderson. Vicksburg 

William B, Sorsbye Clinton 

William A. Alcorn, Sr Clarksdale 

William E. Mask Winona 


1— William F. Elgin Corinth 

Richard D. Littlejohn Columbus 

2— George W. Buchanan Holly Sprinas 

William Simmons Sardis 

3— Wesley Cray ton Vicksburg 

Joseph E. Ousley Eutaw 

4 — Charles Rosenbaum De Kalb 

Eugene E. Pettibone Grenada 

5— R. A. Simmons Richland 

A. J. Hyde Meridian 

6— C. A. Simpson Pass Christian 

George F. Bowles Natchez 

7— James M. Matthews, Sr Wesson 

George C. Cranberry Raymond 

Daniel A. Adams luka 

John Fears Monroe 

William Kennedy Ripley 

J. W. Avant Oxford 

George W. Butler Anguilla 

George W. Gilliam Lula 

.Tames M. Loverette Walthall 

Byron W. Force West Point 

John C. Hill Meridian 

J.W.Smith Meridian 

T. .T. Keys Ocean Springs 

J. L. Collins Bay St. Louis 

Emil Engbarth Rodney 

Edward W. Jones Jackson 

Eleventh Republican National Convention. 






Chauncey I. Filley St. Louis 

Wni. Warner Kansas City 

F. G. Niedringhaus St. Louis 

J. H, Bothwell Sedalia 

Louis Benecke Brunswiclc 

•las. T. Moore Lebanon 

Leon Jordan Kansas City 

W. M. Farmer St. Louis 


1— Jos. Park La Plata 

Edward W. Robinson Kahoka 

2— J as L. Minnis Carrolltoa 

J. E. Swanger Milan 

8— M. M. Campbell Albany 

Jackson Walker Betliany 

4 — John G. Grems Maryville 

J. L. Bittinger St. Joseph 

5— Joseph H. Harris Kansas City 

Ed. M. Taubman Lexington 

6-F. E. Kellogg Rich Hill 

S. W. J urden Holden 

7— B. P. Leonard Bolivar 

J. J. Smith Sweet Springs 

8— A. R. Jackson Climax Springs 

F. B. Landar California 

9— A. F. Mispagel St. Charles 

S. T. Sharp Montgomery City 

10-L. J. W. Wall St.' Louis 

Chas. F. Gallinkamp Union 

11-F. B. Brownell St. Louis 

Lee A. Phillips St. Louis 

12— Nathan Prank St. Louis 

Chas. O. Comfort St. Louis 

13— C. B. Parsons Riverside 

C. Jesse Roote Mansfield 

14-M. B.Gideon Ozark 

J. L. Davis Forsyth 

1.)— T. B. Haughawout Carthage 

G. A. Purdy Pierce City 

J. L. Baker Lancaster 

A.J. Preeland Lakeland 

W. B. Rodgers Trenton 

W. B. Stewart Moberly 

James A. Rathbun Braymer 

P. M. Hatch Osborn 

Ralph O. Stauber St. Louis 

H. E, Ralston Elmo 

W. H. Wagoner Independence 

Nelson Crews Kansas City 

B. Zick Pleasant Hill 

Geo. R. Baker Montrose 

F. B. Parker Springfield 

W. M Johns Sedalia 

W. Smithpeter Buffalo 

W. L. V^aughn Linn 

T. L. Douglas Mexico 

S.R. McKay . Troy 

G. A. Wutdeman Old Orchard 

Fritz W. Clemens St. Louis 

L. M. Fish back St. Louis 

Henry Gaus.* Jr St. Louis 

T. A. Arnold St. Louis 

C G. Sehoenhard, Jr St. Louis 

John Schwab, Jr Ironton 

Ray Philips Koy 

M.E. Shelton Poplar Bluff 

R. A. Sparks Benton 

T. L. Wills Lamar 

John 0. Herms Neosho 



Lee Mantle Butte 

Thomas H. Carter Helena 

Charles S. Hartman Boseman 

Thomas C. Marshall Missoula 

Alex. Metzel Puller's Springs 

Jared W. Sto well Miles i^ity 

P. R. Dolmen Butte 

Tom B. Miller Helena 

O. F. Goddard Billings 

J. M. Slish Philipsburg 

J. B. Losee Anaconda 

J. G. Bair Choteau 



John L. Webster Omaha 

Thomas P. Kennard Lincoln 

Peter Jansen Jansen 

George H. Thummel Grand Island 

O.G.Smith Kearney 

L. P. Judd Cedar Rapids 

C. B. Dempster Beatrice 

A. C. Wright Elmwood 


1— L. L. Lindsey Lincoln 

H. N. Dovey Plattsmouth 

2- John M. Thurston Omaha 

John C. Co win Onfaha 

3— John T. Bressler Wayne 

John C. Martin Clarks 

4— F. M. Wetherald Helron 

C. B. Anderson DeWitt 

5— J P. A. Black Bloomington 

S. W.Cnristy Edgar 

6— B, H. Goodeil Kearney 

E. L. Meyer Newport 

S. P. Davidson Tecumseh 

James Walsh Benson 

B. F. Monroe Blair 

H C. Baird Coleridge 

C. J. Garlow Columbus 

A. Graham Beatrice 

G.J. KailbacK Ashland 

C. H. Beaumont Madrid 

J. S. Hoover Blue Hill 

E. J. Davenport Valentine 

J. O. Taylor Broken Bow 

70 Official Proceedings of the 


Delegates. Alternates. 


A. C. Cleveland Cleveland S. A. D. Glasscock Osceola 

Enoch Strother Virginia W. S. Bonni field Winnemucca 

.7. B. Overton Virginia C. H. Oolburn Virginia 

C. H. Sproule EU:o John Torre Eureka 


W. D.Phillips.'. Reno W. W. Williams Stillwater 

Geo. F. Turrittin Reno P. Ij. Flannigan Reno 


Stephen S. Jewett Laconia Stephen H. Gale Exeter 

B. P. S. Streeter Concord Dexter Richards Newport 

Charles T. Means ...Manchester Oscar S. Hatch Littleton 

James A. Wood Acworth George A. Clark Manchester 


1— Charles B. Gafney Rochester John W. Rowe Brentwood 

W.D.Sawyer Dover A. C. Kennett Conway 

2— John A. Spaulding Nasliau Frank P. Maynard. ..Claremont 

John H. Brown Bristol Thomas C. Rand Keene 



William J. Sewell Camden H. C. Loudenslager Woodbury 

Garrett A. Hobart Patterson Clarence E. Breckenridge Haywood 

Franklin Murphy Newark Charles H. Reed Plainfleld 

John Keen Elizabeth Barker Gummere Trenton 


1— Robert E. Hand Cape May Frank E. Patterson Camden 

Gporge Hires Salem Charles M. Wilkins Wenona 

2- Frederick W. Roebling Trenton Henry J. Trick Vincetown 

Alfred M. Bradshaw Lakewood George Clinton Atlantic City 

3— T. Frank Appleby Asbury Park Charles H. Reed Plainfleld 

John W. Herbert, Jr Helmetta Charles Place Somerville 

4— Stephen K. Large White House Theo. P. Margerum Dickerson 

A. Blair Kelsey Belvidere Geo. W. Stickles Rockaway 

5— Wm. Barbour, 218 Church St.. N. York. B. W. Spencer Passaic 

Jos. H. Quackenbush Patterson Wni. Makensie Rutherford 

6— John Franklin Fort Newark Frederick Mock Newark 

Charles Bradley Newark Frank M. Parker Newark 

7— Samuel D. Dickinson Jersey City .Joseph Giusta Hoboken 

Thomas McEwan, Jr Jersey Citv Thomas Aldcom.. New Durham 

-Frank Bergen Elizabeth Charles J. Fisk Plaiofield 

William Riker, Jr Orange Charles W. Fuller ....Jersey City 



Thomas C. Piatt New York Hamilton Fish Garrisons 

Warner Miller Herkimer Frank S. Weatherbee Port Henry 

Chauncey ]\1. Depew New York C. D. Babcock Rochester 

Edward Lauterbach New York Daniel H. McMillan Buffalo 


1—H. C. Johnson Astoria Augustus Denton New Hyde Park 

Walter L. Suydam Blue Point Joseph H. Newins Riverhead 

2— Theodore B. Willis Brooklyn Denis M. Hurley Brooklyn 

Geo. H. Roberts, Jr Brooklyn Wm. E. Phillips Brooklyn 

3— Timothy L. Woodruff Brooklvn Jacob Brenner Brooklyn 

W. B. Atterbury New York Jas. Lcft'erts Platbush 

4— Granville W. Harman Brooklyn Fred. E. Shipman Brooklyn 

Jos. R. Clark Brooklyn Jas. P. Connell Bath Beach 

5— Fred. W. Wurster Brooklyn J. P. Milliken Brooklyn 

Ernest J. Kaltenbach Brooklyn Frank Vogt Brooklyn 

Eleventh Republican National Convention. 



NEW YOUK- Continued. 



6— Henry 0. Saffen Brooklyn 

George W. Palmer Brooklyn 

7— Cornellusr Van Uott New York 

Hugh McRoberts Tompklnsville 

8— Lispenard Stewart New York 

L. L Van Allen ..New York 

9— Charles H. Murray New York 

.1. J. Collins New York 

10— Frederick S. Gibbs New York 

John P. Wiodolph New York 

11— Jacob M. Patterson New York 

George Hi Hard New York 

13— Cornelius N. Bliss (Va vote), New York 

8. V K. Kruger (H vote)... New York 

Howard Carroll (4 vote) New York 

ThurlowWeedBarnes (i.iv't)New York 
13— William Brookfield New Ygrk 

Anson G. McCook New York 

14— L. E. Quigg New York 

Abraham G ruber New York 

15— C. H. T. Collis New York 

Robert J. Wright New York 

16— Wni. H. Robertson Katonah 

John G. Peene Yonkers 

17— Benj. B. Odell. Jr Newberg 

Thos. W. Bradley Waldon 

18— John H. Ketcham Dover Plains 

S. D. Coykendall Rondo ut 

19— Franks. Black Troy 

Louis F. Payne Chatham 

20— William Barnes, Jr Albany 

Wen. J. Walker Albany 

21— Edward Ellis Schenectady 

J. LeRoy Jacobs Cairo 

22-Wm. L. Proctor Ogdensburg 

W. W. Worden Saratoga Springs 

23— Addison B. Colvin Glen Falls 

Thomas A. Sears Bombay 

24— John T. Mott Oswego 

D. C. Middleton Watertown 

25— Frederick C. Weaver Utica 

Albert G. Story Little Falls 

26— Frank J. Enz Ithaca 

William A. Smyth Oswego 

27^Frank Hiseock Syracuse 

Francis Hendricks Syracuse 

28— Sereno E. Payne Auburn 

.John Raines Oauandaigua 

29— John F. Parkhurst Bath 

Archie E. Haxter. Elmira 

30— Archie D. Sanders Stafford 

Irvin? M. Thompson Albion 

31- Geo. W. Aldridge Rochester 

Wm. A. Sutherland ... Rochester 

32— John R. Hazel Buffalo 

John Craft Buff^lo 

33— George E. Matthews Buffalo 

Weslev C. Dudley Buffalo 

34— N. V. V. Franchot Olean 

Lester V. Stearns Dunkirk 

James F. Bendernagle Brooklyn 

Jacob Worth Brooklyn 

Frederick Hadley New York 

Frank Foggin Port Richmond 

Simon Gavin New York 

John Moran New York 

Christian Goetz New York 

Abraham A. Joseph New York 

Cl.'irence W. Meade New York 

Jos. T. Hackett New York 

Conrad 0. Wiserman New York 

Chas. N. Jerolman New York 

P. T. Sherman New York 

Edward Hardy New York 

C. A. Simms New York 

Chas. Eldlich New York 

T. V. Egan New York 

Robert Miller New York 

Jastro Alexander New York 

Henry R. Hoyt New York 

Elias Goodman New York 

Geo. H. Sutton New York 

Francis M. Carpenter , Mt. Kisco 

Frank F. Miller Tarry town 

Arthur S Thompkins Nyack 

Jos M. Dickey Newberg 

L, W. Vail Poughkeepsie 

A. T. Clearwater Kingston 

.John A. Quackenbush .. Stillwater 

Perkins F. Cady Hudson 

Jas. H. Mitchell ...Cohoes 

Hiram Griggs Altamont 

Jacob Snell Fonda 

L. W. Baxter Cobleskill 

Theo H.Swift Potsdam 

Jas. P. Arginsinger Johnstown 

Clayton H, Delano Ticonderoga 

David F. Dobie Plattsburgh 

V. Lansing Waters Low villa 

Edward J. Tallman LaFargeville 

Thos. W'heeler Utica 

B. B. Van Dusen Ilion 

Wesley Gould Hancock 

George E. Greene Bingham ton 

E. F. Blair Erieville 

Jas. Loyster Cazenovia 

J. Henry Smith Penn Yau 

Chas. O. Newton Homer 

Chas. M. Woodward Watkins 

Chas. T, Andrews Seneca Falls 

Eugene Cary Niagara Falls 

Clarence M. Alford l^ivonia 

Frank P. Higbie Chili Station 

Anderson Bowen Fairport 

Dennis J. Ryan Buffalo 

Simon Seibert Buffalo 

Wm L. Marey Buffalo 

John G. Wallemeier Tonawanda 

E. A Curtis Fredonia 

A. Miner Wellman Friendship 



Jeter C. Prichard Marshal 

James E. Boyd Greensboro 

O. M. Bernard Greenville 

George H. White Tarboro 

J. El wood Cox Greensboro 

C. T. Bailey Raleigh 

W. S. Hogan 

J. E. Dellinger Greensboro 


Official Proceedings of the 

Delegates. Alternates. 


1— J. P. Butler Jamesville 

E. C. Duncan Beaufort. 

2— J. H. Hanuon Halifax 

H. L. Grant Goldsboro 

3— A. R. Middleton Keenansville 

C. D. Waddell Fayette ville 

4-W. H. Martin Raleigh 

E. A. .Jolinson Raleigh 

5— J. H. Holt. Jr.. (Resigned). 

W. T. O'Bilan Durham 

6— J. W. Mullen (Vs vote) Huntersville 

.1. B. DudlerCi vote) Wilmington 

Z. F. Long (i'o vote) Rockinghame 

J. M. Goode (.!4 vote) Charlotte 

7— .Tames H. Ramsey Salisbury 

C. G. Bailey Advance 

8— M. L. Mott Wilkesboro 

J. B. Fortune Shelby 

9— C. J. Harris Dillsboro 

John G. Grant Henderson ville 

H. G. Gussom Edenton 

Hugh Cale Elizabeth City 

C. E. Spicer 

John N. Williamson 

W. H. Crews, Jr Oxford 

E. M. Green Wilmington 

Wm. McMullen Charlotte 

E. D. Stanford Yadkin ville 

J. T. Cramer Thomas ville 

W, G. Meadows Moravian Falls 



C. M. Johnson D wight 

S. T. Satterthwalt Farao 

O. S. Hanson Buxton 

J. M. Devine La Moure 

Alex. Hughes Bismarck 

George Bingenheimer Mandan 

Austin King Forman 

George W. Soliday New Rockford 

E. H. Kent Lakota 

M.B.Cassell Sherbrooke 

H. L Dickenson Dickenson 

W. A. Cadwell Monango 



Joseph B. Foraker Cincinnati 

Asa S Bushnell Springfield 

Chas. H. Grosvenor Athens 

Mark A. Hanna Cleveland 

Dr. J. E. Lowes Dayton 

Charles Fleischman Cincinnati 

John N. Taylor East Liverpool 

John P. Green Cleveland 


1— George B. Cox Cincinnati 

T. W. Graydon Cincinnati 

2— John A. Caldwell Cincinnati 

Andrew Hickenlooper Cincinnati 

3— Robert Wilson Middletown 

Wm. E. Crume. Da v ton 

4 — George B. Davis Wapakoneta 

J. I. Allread Greenville 

5— John M. Sheets Ottawa 

M. E Loose Napoleon 

6— W. B. Harrison Xenia 

E. J. West Wilmington 

7— George W. Wilson London 

Howard Johns Circleville 

8— G. A. Eichelberger Urbana 

J. C. Howe Kenton 

9— Geo. H. Ketchnm Toledo 

J. M, Longnecker Wauseon 

10— A. C. Thompson Portsmouth 

J. K. Richards Ironton 

11— D. Massie Chlllicothe 

Jeremiah Carpenter Carpenter 

12— Chas. L, Kurtz Columbus 

Henry C. Taylor Columbus 

13— Linn W. Hull Sandusky 

George D, Copeland Fremont 

14— Arthur L. Garford Elyria 

Jacob Cohn Ashland 

15— James R. Barr . Cambridge 

David Miller Caldwell 

M. L. Kruckemeyer. 

W. B.Shattuc 

John Goetz. .Ir 

Colonel C. B.Wing.. 

E. B. Weston 

W. S.Fornshell 

W. H. Phlpps 


J. P. Dysert 

R. R. Mede 

George P. Dunham 

Horace L. Smith 

T. B. Kyle 

.John H. VanDemas. 

W. T. Hoopes 

J. C. Brand, Jr 

Robinson Locke 

Luther Black 

H.S. WiUard 

S. H. Eagle 

Samuel W. Pascoe... 
Charles A. Cable 







, Paulding 






, Troy 

.Washington C. H. 


Belief ontaine 


Bowling Green 



...New Lexington 

P. Cuneo 

T. D. Campbell,.. 
W. C. Cooper .. . 
W. S. Cappellar 
E. M. Stanbery. .. 
W. B. Gaitree.. .. 

.Upper Sandusky 


. Mt. Vernon 



Eleventh Republican National Convention. 



OHIO— Continued. 



16—1. J. Gill Steubenville 

David Cunningham Cadiz 

17— G. A. Hay Coshocton 

W. H. Stout Urichsville 

18— Caleb B Wick Youngstown 

W. A. Smith East Liverpool 

19— Frank Hutehins Warren 

Charles Dick Akron 

20— Andrew Squire Cleveland 

Robert McDowell Cleveland 

21— Myron T. Herrick Cleveland 

Sylvester T. Everett Cleveland 

Thomas B. Rouse Woods ville 

Wm. A. Hunt St. Clairsville 

A. B. Critchfield Millersburg 

J. H. Kauke Millersburg 

Myron A. Norris Youngstown 

James J. Grant Canton 

J.N. Thomas Niles 

S. P. Walcott Kent 

C F. Leech Cleveland 

C. W.Osborne Cleveland 

Louis J. Rowbottom Cleveland 

J. E.Benson Cleveland 



R. A. Booth Grant's Pass 

Charles Hilton The Dalles 

John W. Meldrum Oregon Cltv 

C. H. Dodd Portland 

George A. Steel Portland 

Max Praeht Ashland 

J. M. Van Day n Dallas 

M.C.Harrison Portland 


1— J. F. Calbreath McMinnville 

R. S. Moore Linkville 

2— Wallace McCamant Portland 

Charles W. Parrish Canyon City 

A. .1. Johnson Scio 

L. F. Willits Ashland 

.1. Bourne. Jr Portland 

Fred. W. Hendley Pendleton 



Daniel H, Hastings Harrisburg 

James Elverson Philadelphia 

Francis J. Torrance Pittsburg 

James S, Beacon Greensburg 

T. L. Flood Mead ville 

Joseph Busier Ogontz 

W. W. Griest Lancaster 

F. H. Barker Ebensburg 

Chas. A. Minor Wilkes-Barre 

Bois Penrose Philadelphia 

Arthur Kennedy Alleghany 

S. J. McCarrell Harrisburg 

Frank E. Hollar Carlisle 

Chas. Miller Franklin 

James B. Raymond Altoona 

Chas. M. Plank Reading 


1--Edwin S. Stuart Philadelphia 

Israel W. Durham Philadelphia 

2— David H Lane Philadelphia 

Jacob Wild more Philadelphia 

(Hamilton Disston, deceased.) 
3— Joseph S. Klemmer (Mv) Philadelphia 

Jas. B. Anderson (Jivte) Philadelphia 

Henry Clay Philadelphia 

Ell wood Becker Philadelphia 

4— Alex. Grow, .fr Philadelphia 

Edward AV. Patton Philadelphia 

5— David Martin Philadelphia 

H. B. Hackett Philadelphia 

6— Smedley Darlington West Chester 

Thos J. Clayton Thurlow 

7— Jas. B. Holland Norristown 

HughB. Eastburn Doyiestown 

8— Frank Reeder Easton 

.1. M. Dreisbach Mauch Chunk 

9— Edward M. Young A) lento wn 

A.M. High Reading 

10- H. Burd Cassell M arietta 

J. Gust Zook Lancaster 

11— Wm. Connell Scran ton 

John T. Williams Scran ton 

12 — John Leisenring Upper Leliieh 

M. R. Morgans Wilkes-Barre 

13— John F. Finney Pot*s ville 

Jos. D. McConnell Ashland 

Penrose A. VlcClain Philadelpliia 

H. H. Bingham Philadelphia 

Frank M. Riter Philadelphia 

Wm. B. Ahern Philadelphia 

David S. Scott Philadelphia 

W. L. Smith Philadelphia 

Harry Hunter Philadelphia 

John Hunter Philadelphia 

A. Lincoln Acker Philadelphia 

A. S. L. Shields. Philadelphia(Germant'n) 

Thomas J. Powers Philadelphia 

Harlan Page PhilHdelphia 

Thos. C. Speakman Honey Brook 

Wesley S. McDowell Chester 

(. R. Halderman Harleys ville 

Henry G. Moyer Perkasie 

Thos. C. Walton Stroudsburg 

Chester A. Pellet Milford 

Llewellyn Williams Slatington 

H. S Bard ....Reading 

J. Pranois Dunlop Lanhein 

Day Wood Goshen 

Conrad Schroder Scran ton 

Jas. J.Williams Archibald 

Chas. L. Wilde Hazelton 

Lewis Landmesser Wilkes-Barre 

S. B. Edwards Pottsville 

John I. Matthias Mahanoy City 


Official Proceedings of the 

Delegates, AUemates. 


14— Lucien E. Weimer Lebanon 

W. Mifflin Smitli Markleville 

15—0 F. Wright Susqueanna 

E. B. Hardenburgh Honesdale 

16— Henry J. Landrus Wellsboro 

John S. Meyers Lock Haven 

17- Wm. B. Faust Mt. Carmel 

U. Y, James Danville 

18— John A. Seiders Chambersburg 

Jere B. Rox Huntington 

19— Chas. H. Mullin Mt. Holly Springs 

Samuel L. Johns McSherrystown 

20— George R. SeuU Somerset 

George T. Bell Holliday sburg 

21— John P. Elkin Indiana 

Oapt. H. S. Denny Ligonier 

22— C. L. Magee Pittsburg 

William Flynn Pittsburg 

23— W. A. Stone Allegheny 

Robert McAfee Allegheny 

24— Chas. H. Seaton Uniontown 

E. F. Acheson (H. of R.).. Washington 
25— M. S. Quay Beaver 

Simon Perkins Sharon 

26— Wm. H.Andrews Titusville 

Lewis Streuber Erie 

2;— A. C. Hawkins Bradford 

S.C.Lewis Franklin 

28— Harry R. Wilson Clarion 

J. H. McEwan Ridgway 

Alfred R. Houck Lebanon 

S. S. Willard New Bloomfield 

Frank G.Sairs Alhens 

Morris Sheppard Towanda 

G. S. Horton Williamsport 

Milton J. Potter Coudersport 

Fred P. Vincent Dushore 

William Back Centralia 

Howard O. Lantz Lewistown 

A. M. Aurand Beaver Falls 

Harry A. Bechtold New Freedom 

George D. Thorn Gettysburg 

James McMillen Johnstown 

S. E. Wilson Punxsutawney 

Joseph Beale Leechburg 

.r. O. Brown Pittsburg 

A. J. Edwards Pittsburg 

Robert McCready Sewickley 

James M. Essler Tarentum 

Frank M. Puller Uniontown 

John R. Byrne Scottdale 

Samuel H. Miller Mercer 

Wm. D. Wallace Newcastle 

E. A. Hempstead Meadville 

W. W. Moggaridge Corry Harrisburg 

T. R. Simpson Oil City 

W. H. Howard Emporium 

A. H.Woodward Clearfield 

S. S. Crissman Philipsburg 



Edward L. Freeman Central Falls 

Frank F. Onlev Providence 

Sam'l W. K. Allen East Greenwich 

Albert L. Chester Westerley 

Andrew J. Currie Valley Falls 

LueianSharpe Providence 

Walter H. Stearos Pawtucket 

Charles H. Child Providence 


1— John P. Sanborn Newport 

George L. Smith Barrington 

2— Walter A. Reed . Chepachet 

E. Charles Francis Woonsocket 

Reginald Norman Newport 

Charles H Howland Providence 

James Linton Pawtucket 

John R.Dennis Central Falls 


Eugene A. Webster Orangeburg 

Robert Smalls Beaufort 

T. B. Johnson Sumter 

W. D. Crum Charleston 

E. J. Dickerson Aiken 

John R. Tolbert Greenwood 

Thomas E. Miller Grahamvllle 

P. S. Suber Laurens 


1— George I. Cunningham Charleston 

R. C. Brown Charleston 

2— B.P. Cbatfield Aiken 

W. S. Dixon Barnwell 

3— Robert Moorman Newberry 

R. R. Tolbert Greenwood 

4— C. M. Wilder Columbia 

Thomas H. OUis Greenvilln 

5-0. J. Pride Rock Hill 

W. E. Boykin Camden 

6— J. E. Wilson Florence 

E.H. Dees Darlington 

7— J. H. Fordham Orangeburg 

Z. E. Walker Sumter 

T.J. Reynolds Beaufort 

D. W. Robinson Jacksonboro 

Paris Simpkins Edgefield 

John A. Daniels Fruit Hill 

A. C. Merrick Walhalla 

W. W. Fisher Mt. Carmel 

W. D. Ch appelle Uolumbia 

J. C.Hill Greenville 

F. R. Massey Lancaster 

E. D. Littlejohn Gaffney 

E. J. Sawyer Bennettsville 

W. R. Jackson Florence 

R. H. Jenkins Lincoln ville 

J.H.Weston Congaree 

Eleventh Republican National Convention. 






L. B. French Yankton 

B. P. Pettigrew Sioux Falls 

C. G.Sherwood Clark 

D. A. Mizener Mitchell 

David Williams Webster 

H. C. Meachan Gettysburg 

W.N. Lucas Hot Springs 

W. E. Smead Lead City 

J. E. Tomlinson Oentreville 

A. C. Biernatzki Salem 

L. L. Lostutter Iroquois 

C. L. Olson Howard 

O. E. Bostwick Redfield 

.T. H. Baldwin St. Lawrence 

M. A. Willis.. Custer 

C . C. Polk St urgis 



H. Clay Evans Chattanooga 

E.Caldwell Shelbyville 

James Jeffreys Camden 

E. J. Sanford Knoxville 

Hiram Tyree Chattanooga 

John P. Smith Johnson City 

J. T. Settle Memphis 

Allen S. Tate Rutledge 


1— W. P. Brownlow Jonesboro 

H. C. Jarvis Rogersvllle 

2— Jesse L. Rogers Knoxville 

.7. F. Baker Hunts ville 

3— Foster V. Brown Chattanooga 

T. M, Burkett Athens 

4— ,1. M. Proctor Crossville 

W. H. Pickering Carthage 

5— J. W. Overall Liberty 

R. L. Couch Bell Buckle 

6— J. B. Bosley Nashville 

H. L. W. Cheatham Barren Plain 

7— R. A. Haggard Waynesboro 

H. F. Pariss Columbia 

8— Wm. Spellings McKenzie 

G. T, Shannon Saltillo 

9—1). A. Nunn Brownsville 

Henry E. Austin Alamo 

10— W. M. Randolph Memphis 

Zachary Taylor Memphis 

W. H. Penland Newport 

R. E. Toomey Greenville 

T. N. Brown Mary ville 

W. O. Douglass Jellico 

A.H. Falkner McMinnville 

Gus Cate Cleveland 

,L R Story Jamestown 

.John A. Denton Dayton 

H. Henley Tullahoma 

Warren Smith Woodbury 

J. W. Dillon Nashville 

R. F. Boyd Nashville 

J. B. Lilly, Jr Franklin 

J. P. Kidd Henry ville 

D. W. Nobles Paris 

J. Wesson Adams ville 

R. F. Hawn Milan 

B P. Bondurant Sharon 

W. S. Latta Somerville 

J. S. Randle Covington 



John Grant. 
Frank Hamilton. 
Ed. Anderson. 
Richard Allen. 

R. L. Smith. 
W. B. Davis. 
W. H. Love. 
R. G. Collins. 


1— Daniel Taylor Navasota 

M. W. Lawson Willis 

2-H. B.Kane Palestine 

T. T. Pollard Beaumont 

3— Webster Flanagan Henderson 

J. W.Butler Tyler 

4— C. M. Ferguson Paris 

H. G. Goree Atlanta 

5— Cecil A. Lyon Sherman 

William .Johnson Bonham 

6— J. M. McCormic Dallas 

Robert Armstrong Kaufman 

7— W. F. Crawford Cameron 

B. F. Wallace Temple 

8— Marrion MuUins Brownwood 

W. J. AVasson Dublin 

9— Hugh Hancock Austin 

Paul Fricke Brenham 

Samuel Andrews Houston 

William F. Knowles Fairfield 

Thomas Miller Lufkin 

C. A. Porter Colmesneil 

W. A. Lucy Longview 

James Latham Athens 

Luke Bills Clarksville 

S. J. Spencer Texarkana 

H. E. Smith McKinney 

George W. Johnson Sherman 

David Lowry Ennis 

H. M. Johnson Hillsboro 

A. M. Armstrong Crawford 

W. H. Hawley Belton 

George C. Mc Andrew Granbury 

Horace Baker Weatherford 

L. L. Campbell Bastrop 

W, E. Dunger Cad well 

76 Official Proceedings of the 

TEXAS— Co>Jti?med. 
Delegates. Altei'nates. 


10— R. B. Hawley Galveston James Bankey Gonzales 

M. M. Kogers La Grange Thomas Wheatley Matagorda 

11— J. O. Luby San Diego B. M. Shelton Rockport 

G. R. Townsend Victoria O.L.Reager Wharton 

12— C. W.Ogden San Antonio Jackson 

Joseph Tweedy Knickerbocker 

13— Patrick Dooling Quanah 

O. T. Bacon ^Yichita Falls 



Frank J. Cannon Odgen City Lindsey Rogers Odgen City 

Isaac Trumbo Salt Lake City C. C. Goodwin Salt Lake City 

Arthur Brown Salt Lake City John O. Graham Provo City 

Thomas Kearns Park City J. M. Bolitho Richfield 

Clarence E. Allen Salt Lake City Web Green .Mt. Pleasant 

William S. McCornick Salt Lake City Joseph A.Smith Lagan City 



Redfield Proctor Proctor P. K. Gleed ■. Morrisvllle 

Henry D. Holton Brattleboro James M. Pollard Chester 

E. C. Smith St. Albans M. H. Allen Ferrisburg 

Charles A. Prouty. Newport L. W. Hubbard Lyndon 


1— James B. Scully Burlington L. C. Leavens Richford 

O. M. Barber Arlington H. S. Bingham Bennington 

2— J. W. Brock Montpelier George H. Blake Barton 

Victor I. Spear Braintree E. O. Leonard Bradford 



Wm. Lamb Norfolk W.M.Flanagan Powhattan C. H. 

James A. Walker Wytheville J. S. Sammons Charlottesville 

S.M.Yost Staunton M.M.Lewis Norfolk 

A. W. Harris Petersburg Washington Gardiner Bedford City 


1— Geo. T. Scarburg Accoma C. H. J. M. GrifHn Fredericksburg 

T. C. Walker Gloucester C. H. W. A. Laws Moutrass 

2— George E. Bowden(V2 vote).., Norfolk Jno. Y. Brady Portsmouth 

R. M. Smith ('/^ vote) Hampton Wm. Thoroughgood Norfolk 

A. H. MartimC'a vote) ..Berkley Jordon Thompson Suffolk 

H. LibbeyCo vote).. .Fortress Monroe Robert Norton Yorktown 

3— Edmund Waddell Richmond Edsar Allen Richmond 

C. W. Harris Manchester R. F. Robinson Both well 

4— Stith Balling > etersburg W. H. Green Lawrenceville 

.r. D. Brady Petersbuni Charles Gee Disputanta 

5— C.J. Barksdale Danville W. B. Brown Rocky Mount 

G. M. Tucker Hillsville W. B. Pedigo Stuart 

6— J. M. McLaughlin Lynchburg Adotphus Humbles Lynchburg 

S. E. Sproul ...Roanoke P.K.Morris Bedford City 

7— John Acker Harrisonburg Alex. McCormick. Briggs 

J. H. Rives University of Virginia R. E. Griffith Winchester 

8— W. G. B Shumate Galveston W. H. A. Young King George C. H. 

H. J. Wale Louisa R. L. Mitchell Alexandria 

9— J. S. Browning Pocahontas W. P. Kent Wytheville 

D. F. Bailey Bristol. Tenn. R.W.Dickinson Lebanon 

10- J. C. Seheffer Staunton Willis Carter Staunton 

R. T. Hubard Boiling A.Stuart James River 

Eleventh Republican National Convention. 77 


Delegates. Alternates. 


A. F. Burleigh Seattle W. K. Kennedy Ritzville 

H. A. Fairchild Whatcom Henry Christ Vancouver 

George H. Emerson Aberdeen Thomas M. May Dayton 

L W. earner... Castle Rock M. P. Maloy Waterville 

J. M. Gilbert North Yakima W. F. P. Speck Pasco 

Albert Goldman Walla Walla E.L.Brown Sidney 

Harrv L. Wilson Spokane F. M. Winship Davenport 

P. O. 'Sullivan Tacoma H. McLain Colfax 



O. W.O. Hardman Middlobourne I. H. Duval Wellsburg 

F.M.Reynolds Keyser F. M. Thomas Grafton 

J.E.Dana Charleston .Tohn L. Hurst Buckhanon 

A. B.White Parkersburg George Potfenbarger Point Pleasant 


1— Henry Schmulbach Wheeling W. P. Crump Weston 

D. W. Boughner Clarksburg .1. W. Stuck West Union 

2— N. W. Linch Martinsburg E. A. Billingslea Fairmont 

Thomas B. Gould Parsons W. H. Wenz Phillippi 

3— Thomas E, Houston Elk Horn Peter Sillman Charlestown 

.1. B. Crawford Sewell Wallace Ballard Union 

4— Thomas G. Sikes Huntington Edward McCreary Parkersburg 

C. F. Rathbone Elizabeth E.J. Thomas Cottageville 



Philetns Sawyer Oshkosh H. D. Smith Appleton 

W. U. Hoard Fort Atkinson W. F. Heine Shullsburg 

Eugene S. Elliott Milwaukee James R. Lyons Gleudale 

James H. Stout Menomonie W. E. Plummer Durand 


1— Cham Ingersoll Beloit N. B. Treat Monroe 

E. M. Johnson Whitewater Sam'l I. Stein Belmont 

2— Robert ISI. LaFollette Madison S. M. Eaton Watertown 

Chris. E. Mohr Portage C.J. RoUis Stoughton 

3— Richard Meyer, Jr Lancaster August Selfert Reedsburg 

J. W.Rewey Rewey L.H.Bancroft Richland Center 

4— William Geuder Milwaukee E. J. Lindsey Milwaukee 

.luliusE Roehr Milwaukee William Graf Milwaukee 

5— Theodore Zillmer Milwaukee D. E. McGlnley Cedarsburg 

H.M.Youmans Waukesha George Spratt Sheboygan Falls 

6— L. N. Stevens Montello *George Fitch 

G. G. Sedgwick Manitowoc J. H. McNeel Fond du Lac 

7— David P.Jones Sparta W. H.Huntington Durand 

H.B.Cole Black River Falls Albert Kirchner Fountain City 

8— Maynard T. Parker Ahnapee R. D. Rood Stevens Point 

A. G. Nelson Waupaca Chas. II. Baake Appleton 

9— H. W. Wright Merrill Duncan McLennon Rib Lake 

M.C.Ring Neillsville John Osden Antigo 

10— Ole K. Anderson West S u perior Simon Thoreson Gransburg 

Charles S. Taylor Barron Olaf A. Sasstad Baldwin 

*Died March 30. 


Willis Van Devanter Cheyenne H. G. Nickerson Lander 

Benjamin F. Fowler Cheyenne W. H. Thorn Buffalo 

John C. Davis Rawlins M.C.Barrow Douglas 

B. B. Brooks Casper W. H. Kilpatrick New Castle 

Clarence C. Hamlin Rock Springs J. H Ryckman Evanston 

Otto Gramm Laramie W. F. Brittain Sheridan 

78 Official Proceedings of the 


Delegates. Alternates. 

C. S.Johnson ('4 vote) Juneau Theodore Needham Wrangel 

Thomas S. Nowell (Vs vote) Juneau W. R. Kelly Sitka 

C. W. Young ('/2 vote) Juneau Harrison Bostwick Juneau 

0. S.Blackett (Ji vote) Juneau A. C. Van Doren Juneau 


Henry J. Cleveland ('/j vote) Arizola W. S. Head Prescott 

James M. Ford ( 'A vote) Phoenix R. O. Lowell Phoenix 

Charles W. Wright ('/a vote) Tucson George Christ. Jr Nogales 

Charles H. Akers('o vote) Prescott F. D. Myers Prescott 

John W. Dorrington {>A vote) Yuma J. W. Bolton (colored) Phoenix 

Myron H. McCord CA vote) Phoenix William Shilllam Benson 

William Christy ('4 vote) Phoenix J. H. Carpenter Yuma 

Isaac T. Stoddard C-A vote) Prescott Henry J. Cleveland ..Arizola 

Burt Dunlap ('/2 vote) Dunlap J. L. Hubbell ..Holbrook 

Kalph H. Cameron (!4 vote) Flagstaff A.L. Grow Tombstone 

J. L. Malioney ('/2 vote) Winslow F.L.Smith Kingman 

J. A. Zabriskie.Cia vote) Tuscon W. A. Freeze Phcenix 



Andrew Gleason Washington W, F. Thomas Washington 

Perry H. Carson Ivy City J. W. Bell Washington 



PL Soper ...Vinita W, H. Darrow Wyandotte 

R B Ross Tahlequa E. W. Fannan South McAlester 

Joseph Foitz South McAlester J. H. Wilkins ^ ...Atoka, 

I P Grady Hartshorne Cyrus B. Kean Wynnewood 

W T Moro-an Wagoner W. F. Seaver Muscogee 

John Coyle Rush Springs William Johnston Bartlettsville 



A.L.Morrison Santa Fe Phillip Mothersill Engle 

John S. Clarke Las Vegas Charles H. Sparks Roswell 

Thomas D. Burns Tierra AmorlUa Frank Springer .Las Vegas 

Pedro Perea Bernaleno John 8. Van Doren Blue Water 

Solomon Luna Las Lunas W. S. Williams Socorro 

W. H. H. Llewellyn Las Cruces Celso Baca Lden 



John I. Dille El Reno J. D McGuire jNorman 

Henry E. Asp Guthrie T. B. Ferguson Watonga 

J.C.Roberts Kingfisher Dick T. Morgan ..Perry 

John A. Buckles Enid Dyke Ballenger Beaver 

O. A. Mitscher Oklahoma City T. A. Butler ^--^fS?^ 

Charles Day Blackwell T.J. Austin Guthrie 

True and corrected roll of Delegates and Alternates, as adopted 
by Committee on Credentials. 

JACOB TRIEBER, Chairman of Committee. 

Sec'y of Committee. 

Eleventh Republican National Convention. 79 

The Chairman. The order of business is upoa the report of the 
Committee on Rules. Is the Committee ready to inake its report? 
The Chair recog'nizes General Bingham, of Pennsylvania, chairman 
of the Committee. 

report of committee on RULES. 

General Bingham. Mr. Chairman, and gentlemen of the Con- 
vention: Your Committee on Rules have had before them for con- 
sideration several propositions not heretofore considered by the 
Committee on Rules of previous conventions. We therefore submit 
to this Convention, at this time, a body of rules following the rules 
of heretofore convention proceedings, in order that the general 
business of the Convention can proceed under rules which yoxi 
shall or will adopt. Your Committee therefore submits for 5^0 ur 
action the following report, as a rule of procedure to govern this 

Rule I. The Convention shall consist of a number of delegates 
from each State equal to double the number of each Senator and 
Representative in Congress; six delegates each from the Territories 
of Arizona, Indian Territory, New Mexico and Oklahoma; four from 
Alaska and two from the District of Columbia. 

Rule II. The rules of the House of Representatives of the Fifty- 
fourth Congress shall be the rules of the Convention, so far as they 
are applicable and not inconsistent with the following rules: 

Rule III. When the previous question shall be demanded by a 
majority of the delegates from any State, and the demand is sec- 
onded by two or more States, and the call is sustained bj^ a majority 
of the Convention, the question shall then be proceeded with, and 
disposed of according to the rules of the House of Representatives 
in similar cases. 

Rule IV. A motion to suspend the rules shall be in order only 
when made by authority of a majoritj^ of the delegates from any 
State, and seconded by a majority of the delegates from not less 
than two other States. 

Rule V. It shall be in order to lay on the table a proposed 
amendment to a pending measure, and such motion, if adopted, 
shall not carry with it, or prejudice such measure. 

Rule VI. Upon all subjects before the Convention the States 
shall be called in alphabetical order and next the Territories, Alaska 
and the District of Columbia. 

Rule VII. The report of the Committee on Credentials shall be 
disposed of before the report of the Committee on Resolutions is 
acted upon, and the report of the Committee on Resolutions shall be 
disposed of before the Convention proceeds to the nomination of a 
candidate for President and Vice-President. 

Rule VIII. When a majority of the delegates of any two States 
shall demand that a vote be recorded, the same shall be taken by 
States, Territories, Alaska and the District of Columbia, the Secre- 
tary calling the roll of the States and Territories, Alaska and the 
District of Columbia, in the order heretofore established. 

Rule IX. In making the nomination forPresidentand Vice-Pres- 
dent in no case shall the calling of the roll be dispensed with. When 
it appears at the closeof any roll call that any candidate has received 
the majority of all the votes to which the Convention is entitled, the 
President of the Convention shall announce the question to be: 
"Shall the nomination of the candidate be made unanimous?" If no 

80 Official Proceedings of the 

candidates shall have received such majority, the Chair shall direct 
the vote to be taken again, which shall be repeated until some 
candidate shall have received a majority of the votes, and when any 
State has announced its votes it shall so stand, unless in case of 
numerical error. 

Rule X. In the record of the votes, the vote of each State, Terri- 
tory, Alaska and the District of Columbia shall be announced by 
the Chairman, and in case the vote of any State, Territory, Alaska 
or the District of Columbia shall be divided, the Chairman shall an- 
nounce the number of votes for any candidate, or for or against any 
proposition, but if exception is taken by any delegate to the correct- 
ness of such announcement by the chairman of his delegation, the 
President of the Convention shall direct the roll of members of 
such delegation to be called, and the result shall be recorded in ac- 
cordance with the vote individually given. 

Rule XI. No member shall speak more than once upon the same 
question, nor longer than five minutes, unless by leave of the con- 
vention, except in the presentation of the names of candidates. 

Rule XII. A Republican National Committee shall be appointed, 
to consist of one member from each State, Territory, Alaska and the 
District of Columbia. The roll shall be called, and the delegation 
from each State, Territory, Alaska and the District of Columbia 
shall name, through its Chairman a person who shall act as member 
of such Committee. Such Committee shall issue the call for the 
meeting of the National Convention within sixty days, at least, be- 
fore the time fixed for said meeting, and each Congressional Dis- 
trict in the United States shall elect its delegates to the National Con- 
vention in the same way as the nomination for a member of Con- 
gress is made in said District, and in Territories the delegates to 
the Convention shall be elected in the same way as a nomination of 
a delegate to Congress is made, and said National Committee shall 
prescribe the mode of selecting the delegates for the District of 
Columbia. An alternate delegate for each delegate to the National 
Convention, to act in case of the absence of the delegate, shall be 
elected in the same manner and at the same time as a delegate is 
elected. Delegates at large for each State and their alternates shall 
be elected by State Conventions in their respective States. 

Rule XIII. The Republican National Committee is atithorized 
and empowered to select an Executive Committee to consist of nine 
members, who may or may not be members of the National Com- 

Rule XIV. All resolutions relating to the platform shall be refer- 
red to the Committee on Resolutions without debate. 

Rule XV. No persons except members of the several delega- 
tions and officers of the Convention shall be admitted to that section 
of the hall apportioned to delegates. 

Rule XVI. The Convention shall proceed in the following order 
of business: 

First. Report of the Committee on Credentials. 

Second. Report of the Committee on Permanent Organization. 

Third. Report of the Committee on Resolutions. 

Fourth. Naming members of National Committee. 

Fifth. Presentation of names of Candidates for President. 

Sixth. Balloting. 

Seventh. Presentation of names of Candidates for Vice President. 

Eighth. Balloting. 

Eleventh Republican National Convention. 81 

Ninth. Call of the roll of States, Territories, Alaska and the Dis- 
trict of Columbia for names of Deleg^ates to serve respectively on 
Committees to notify the nominees for President and Vice President 
of their selection for said offices. 

General Bingham. I will state that this report has been inade 
common to the Convention by printed copies placed around the hall 
in the seats of members. I therefore, if there is no objection, move 
the adoption of the report. 

The question being- put on the adoption of the report of the Com- 
mittee, it was adopted by a unanimous vote. 

On motion of General Grosvenor, of Ohio, the Convention adjourned 
until ten o'clock tomorrow morning^. 


At precisely 10:32 o'clock Chairman Thurston called the Conven- 
tion to order, introducing- the Rev. John R. Scott, a colored clergy- 
man of Florida, who offered the following invocation: 


Our Father, from whose hands the centuries fall like grains of 
sand, we meet to-day ixnited, free, loyal to our land and to Thee; we 
thank Thee for all the blessings of life that are ours to enjoy, and 
we beseech Thy blessing upon our labors in this Convention, and 
we ask that all things that we do may be done to Thy honor and 
glory. We ask these things for the sake of Him who has taught us 
in praying to say: Our Father, who art in Heaven, hallowed be Thy 
name; Thy kingdom come; Thy will be done on earth as it is in 
Heaven. Give us this day our daily bread. Forgive us our tres- 
passes, as we forgive those who trespass against us. Lead us not 
into temptation, but deliver us from evil, for Thine is the Kingdom, 
and the power and the glory, forever. Amen. 


The Chairman. Gentlemen of the Convention: The order of 
business is the report of the Committee upon Platform. Is that 
Committee ready to report? 

Governor FORAKER of Ohio. The Committee is ready to report. 

The Chairman. The Chair recognizes the Chairman of the Com- 
mittee, Senator-elect Foraker, of Ohio. 

After a prolonged demonstration of applause, upon his appear- 
ance upon the platform. Governor Foraker proceeded as follows : 

Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen of the Convention: On behalf of 
the Committee on Resolutions, I have the honor to report the fol- 
lowing : 

The Republicans of the United States, assembled by their repre- 
sentatives in National Convention, appealing for the popular and 
historical justification of their claims to the matchless achieve- 

82 Official Proceedings of the 

mentsof thirtj' 3'ears of Republican rule, earnestlj^ and confidently 
address themselves to the awakened intelligence, experience and 
conscience of their countrymen in the following' declaration of 
facts and principles: 

For the first time since the civil war the American people have 
witnessed the calamitous consequences of full and unrestricted De- 
mocratic control of the government. It has been a record of unpar- 
alleled incapacit}', dishonor and disaster. In administrative man- 
agement it has ruthlessly sacrificed indispensable revenue, entailed 
an unceasing deficit, eked out ordinary current expenses with bor- 
rowed mone5^ piled up the public debt by $262,00(3,000, in a time of 
peace, forced an adverse balance of trade, kept a perpetual menace 
hanging over the redemption fund, pawned American credit to alien 
syndicates and reversed all the measures and results of successful 
Republican rule. In the broad effect of its policy it has precipita- 
ted panic, blighted industr}^ and trade with prolonged depression, 
closed factories, reduced work and wages, halted enterprise and 
crippled American production, while stimulating foreign produc- 
tion for the American market. Every consideration of public safety 
and individual interest demands that the government shall be 
wrested from the hands of those who have shown themselves inca- 
pable of conducting it without disaster at home and dishonor abroad 
and that it shall be restored to the party which for thirty years ad- 
ministered it with unequal success and prosperity. And in this 
connection, we heartily endorse the wisdom, patriotism and success 
of the administration of Benjamin Harrison. (Applause). We renew 
and emphasize our allegiance to the policy of protection, (applause) 
as the bulwark of American industrial independence, and the found- 
ation of American development and prosperity. This true Ameri- 
can polic}' taxes foreign products and encourages home industries. 
It puts the burden of revenue on foreign goods; it secures the 
American market for the American producers. It upholds the 
American standard of wages for the American workingman; it puts 
the factory by the side of the farm and makes the American farmer 
less dependent on foreign demand and prices; it diffuses general 
thrift, and founds the strength of all on the strength of each. In its 
reasonable application it is just, fair and impartial, equally opposed 
to foreign control and domestic inonopoly, to sectional discrimina- 
tion and individual favoritism. 

We denounce the present tariff as sectional, injurious to the pub- 
lic credit and destructive to business enterprise. We demand such 
an equitable tariff on foreign imports which come into competition 
with the American product as will not only furnish adequate 
revenue for the neces8ar3r expenses of the Government, but will 
protect American labor from degradation and the wage level of 
other lands. We are not pledged to any particular schedule. The 
question of rates is a practical question, to be governed by the con- 
ditions of the time and of production. The ruling and uncompromis- 
ing principle is the protection and development of American labor 
and industries. (Applavise). The country demands a right settle- 
ment, and then it wants rest. (Applause). 

We believe the repeal of the reciprocity^ arrangements negotiated 
by the last Republican Administration was a National calainity, and 
demand their renewal and extension on such terms as will equalize 
our trade with other nations, remove the restriction which now 
obstructs the sale of American products in the ports of other coun- 

Eleventh Republican National Convention. 83 

tries, and secure and enlarge markets for the products of our farms, 
forests, and factories. (Applause). 

Protection and Reciprocitj^ are twin measures of American policy 
and go hand in hand. Democratic rule has recklessly struck down 
both, and both must be re established. Protection for what we pro- 
duce; free admission for the necessaries of life which we do not pro- 
duce; reciprocal agreement of mutual interest, which gain open 
markets for us in return for our open markets for others. Protec- 
tion builds up domestic industry and trade and secures our own 
market for ourselves; reciprocity builds up foreign trade and finds 
an outlet for our surplus. We condemn the present administration 
for not keeping pace with the sugar producers of this country. The 
Republican party favors such protection as will lead to the produc- 
tion on American soil of all the sugar w^hich the American people 
iise, and for which they pay other countries more than one hundred 
million dollars annually. (Applause). To all our products; to those 
of the mine and the field, as well as to those of the shop and the fac- 
tory, to hemp and wool, the product of the great industry sheep hus- 
bandry; as well as to the foundr5^, as to the mill, we promise the 
most ample protection. (Applause). We favor the early American 
policy of discriminating duties for the upbuilding of our merchant 
marine. (Applause). To the protection of our shipping in the 
foreign-carrj'ing trade, so that American ships, the product of 
American labor, einployed in American ship-yards, sailing under 
the stars and stripes, and manned, officered and owned by Ameri- 
cans, may regain the carrying of our foreign commerce. (Applause 
and cheers). 

The Republican party is unreservedly for sound money. (Great 
applause). It caused the enactment of a law providing for the re- 
demption of specie payments in 1879. Since then every dollar has 
been as good as gold. (Applause). We are unalterabl}'^ opposed to 
ever}" measure calculated to debase our currency or impair the credit 
of our country. (Applause). We are therefore opposed to the free 
coinage of silver, except by international agreement w^ith the lead- 
ing commercial nations of the earth — (The speaker was here in- 
terrupted by a demonstration of approval on the part of a large 
majority of the delegates which lasted several minutes). 

(Continuing, Governor Foraker read as follows:) 

which agreement we pledge ourselves to promote, and until such 
agreement can be obtained the existing gold standard must be 
maintained. All of our silver and paper currency must be inain- 
tained at parity with gold, and we favor all measures designated 
to maintain inviolable the obligations of the United States, of all 
our money, whether coin or paper, at the present standard, the 
standard of most enlightened nations of the earth. 

The veterans of the Union Armies deserve and should receive 
fair treatment and generous recognition. Whenever practicable 
they should be given the preference in the matter of employment. 
(Applause). And they are entitled to the enactment of such laws as 
are laest calculated to secure the fulfillment of the pledges made to 
them in the dark days of the countrj^'s peril. (Applause). 

We denounce the practice in the pension bureau so recklessly 
and unjustly carried on by the present Administration of reducing 
pensions and arbitrarily droppingnames from the roll, as deserving 
the severest condemnation of the American people. 

84 Official Proceedings of the 

Our foreiofii policy should be at all times firm, vigorous and dig'- 
nified, and all our interests in the western hemisphere should be 
carefully watched and guarded. 

The Hiwaiian Islands should be controlled by the United States, 
(Applause), and no foreign power should be permitted to interfere 
with them. (Applause). The Nicarauguan Canal should be built, 
owned and operated by the United States. (Applause). And, by 
the purchase of the Danish Island we should secure a much needed 
Naval station in the West Indies. 

The massacres in Armenia have aroused the deep sympathy and 
just indignation of the American people, and we believe that the 
United States should exercise all the influence it can properly exert to 
bring these atrocities to an end. In Turkey, American residents have 
been exposed to grievous dangers; American property destroj^ed. 
There, as everywhere else, American citizens and American property 
must be absolutely protected at all hazards and at any cost. (Ap- 

We reassert the Monroe Doctrine in its full extent, and w^e re- 
affirm the rights of the United States to give the Doctrine effect by 
responding to the appeal of any American State for friendly inter- 
vention in case of European encroachment. 

We have not interfered and shall not interfere, with the existing 
possession of any European power in this hemisphere, but those 
possessions must not, on any pretext, be extended. 

We hopefully look forward to the eventual withdrawal of the Eu- 
ropean powers from this hemisphere, and to the ultimate union of 
all the English speaking parts of the continent by the free consent 
of its inhabitants; from the hour of achieving their own indepen- 
dence the people of the United States have regarded with sympathy 
the struggles of other American peoples to free themselves from 
European domination. We watch with deep and abiding interest 
the heroic battles of the Cuban patriots against cruelt5' and oppres- 
sion, (Applause), and our best hopes go out for the full success 
of their determined contest for liberty. The government of Spain, 
having lost control of Cuba, and being unable to protect the prop- 
erty or the lives of resident American citizens, or to comply with its 
Treaty obligations, we believe that the government of the United 
States should actively use its influence and good offices to restore 
peace and give independence to the Island. (Applause). 

The peace and security of the Republic and the maintenance of 
its rightful influence among the nations of the earth demand a na- 
val power commensurate with its position and responsibilities. 
We, therefore favor the continued enlargement of the navy, and a 
complete system of harbor and sea-coast defenses. (Applause). 

For the protection of the equality of our American citizenship 
and of the wages of our workinginen, against the fatal competition 
of low priced labor, we demand that the immigration laws be thor- 
oughly enforced, and so extended as to exclude from entrance to 
the United States those who can neither read nor write. (Ap- 

The civil service law was placed on the statute book by the Re- 
publican party, which has always sustained it, and we renew our 
repeated declarations that it shall be thoroughly and heartily and 
honestly enforced and extended wherever practicable. 

We demand that every citizen of the United States shall be allow- 
ed to cast one free and unrestricted ballot, and that such ballot 
shall be counted and returned as cast. (Applause). 

Eleventh Republican National Convention. 85 

We proclaim our unqualified condemnation of the uncivilized and 
preposterous practice well known as lynching^, and the killing- of 
human beings suspected or charg^ed with crime without process of 
law. (Applause). 

We favor the creation of a National Board of Arbitration to settle 
and adjust differences which may arise between employers and em- 
ployed engaged in inter-state commerce. 

We believe in an immediate return to the free homestead policy of 
the Republican party, and urge the passage by Congress of the sat- 
isfactory free homestead measure which has already passed the 
House, and is now pending in the Senate. (Applause). 

We favor the admission of the remaining Territories at the earliest 
practicable date, having due regard to the interests of the people of 
the Territories and of the United States. And the Federal officers 
appointed for the Territories should be selected from the bona-fide 
residents thereof, and the right of self-government should be 
accorded them as far as practicable. 

We believe that the citizens of Alaska should have representation 
in the Congress of the United States, to the end that needful legis- 
lation maj'^ be intelligently enacted. 

We sympathize fully with all legitimate efforts to lessen and pre- 
vent the evils of intemperance and promote morality. The Repub- 
lican party is mindful of the rights and interests of women, and 
believes that they should be accorded equal opportunities, equal 
pay for equal work, and protection to the home. We favor the ad- 
mission of women to wider spheres of usefulness and welcome their 
co-operation in rescuing the country from Democratic and Popu- 
listic mismanagenaent and misrule. (Applause.) 

Such are the principles and policies of the Republican party. By 
these principles we will apply it to those policies and pvit them into 
execution. We rely on the faithful and considerate judgment of the 
American people, confident alike of the history of our great party 
and in the justice of our cause, and we present our platform and 
our candidates in the full assurance that their selection will bring 
victory to the Republican party, and prosperity to the people of the 
United States. 

Upon reading the concluding paragraph. Governor Foraker moved 
the adoption of the report of the Committee on Resolutions, as the 
Republican National Platform for 1896. 

The Chairm:a.n. Gentlemen of the Convention:— The adoption 
of the report has been moved and seconded. Are you ready for the 

Cries of "Question," "Question." 

Senator Teller, of Colorado, here appeared upon the platforn and 
was vigorously cheered. 

The Chairman The Chair recognizes the gentleman from Colo- 
rado, Senator Teller. 

Official Proceedings of the 

A minority report. 

Senator TELLER here presented a minority report, which he re- 
quested the Secretary to read. 

The Chairman. The gentleman from Colorado moves as a sub- 
stitute the following, for what may be terined the financial plank of 
the platform, which the Secretary will read. 

The Secretary then read as follows: 

"We, the undersigned members of the Committee on Resolutions, 
being unable to agree with a portion of the majority report which 
treats of the subject of coinage and finances, respectfully submit 
the following paragraph as a substitute therefor: 

"The Republican party authorizes the use of both gold and silver 
as equal standard money, and pledges its power to secure the free 
and unlimited coinage of gold and silver at our mints at the ratio 
of sixteen parts of silver to one of gold." 

Senator Teller was here recognized by the Chairman. 

senator teller's REMARKS. 

Senator Teller spoke as follows: Gentlemen of the Convention: 
I will not attempt to inflict upon you a discussion of the great 
financial question which is dividing the people not only of this 
country, but of the whole w^orld. The few moments allotted to me 
by the Convention will not enable me to more than state in the 
briefest possible manner our objections to the financial plank pro- 
posed for your consideration. I am a practical man, and I recognize 
the conditions existing in this Convention, foreshadowed as they 
were b3' the action of the Committee, selected by the representatives 
assembled from the different States. 

This plank, or this proposition, was submitted to the whole Com- 
mittee and by it rejected. Loj^alty tomy own opinion, consideration 
of the great interest that is felt in this country, compels me in the 
face of unusual difficulties, to present this for your consideration, 
not with that bounding hope, or with that courage that I have pre- 
sented this in other bodies with greater measure of success than I 
can hope for here. The great and supreme importance of this 
question is alone my excuse now for the few words that I shall say 
to you. 

In connection with this subject, in a public capacity, I have dealt 
with it now for twenty years. I represent a State that produces 
silver, but I want to say to you here and now that my advocacy of 
the proposition is not in the slighest degree influenced or con- 
trolled by that fact. (Applause). 

I contend for it because I believe there can be no sound financial 
system in any country in the world that does not recognize this 
principle. I contend for it because since 1873, when it was ruthlessly 
stricken from our statutes, there has been a continued depreciation 
of all the products of human labor and of human energy. I con- 
tend for it because in this year of 1896 the American people are in 
greater distress than they ever vsrere in their history. I contend for 
it because this is in my judgment the great weight, the great in- 
cubus that has weighed down enterprise and destroyed progress in 

Eleventh Republican National Convention, 87 

this favored land of ours. I contend for it because I believe the 
progress of my country is dependent on it. I contend for it because 
1 believe the civilization ot the world is to be determined by the 
rightful or wrongful solution of this financial question. I am toler- 
ant of those who differ with me. I act from my judgment, enlight- 
ened as best I have been able to enlighten it with by many years of 
study and many years of thought. In my judgment, the American 
people in the w^hole line of their history have never been called 
upon to settle a question of greater importance to them than this. 
The great contest in which many of you participated, of whether we 
should have two flags or one was not more important to the Ameri- 
can people than the question of a proper solution of what shall be 
the money system of this land. 

I have said enough to show you that I think that this is not 
a question of policy, but a question of principle. It is not a 
mere idle thing, but one on which hangs the happiness, the 
prosperity, the morality and the independence of American labor 
and American producers. (Applause). Confronted for the first time 
in the history of this glorious party of ours, confronted, I say, for 
the first time with danger of a financial system that in my judg- 
ment will be destructive of all the great interests of this land, we 
are called upon to give to this provision of our platform our ad- 
hesion or rejection. 

Mr. President, I do not desire to say unkind or unfriendly things, 
and I will touch in a moment and on iy a moment on why I object to 
this provision of this platform. The Republican party has never 
been the party of a single standard. It was a bi-metallic party in its 
origin, in all its history. In 1888 it declared for bi-metallism; in 
1892 it declared for bi-metallism; in 1896 it declares for a single gold 

Mr. President, in 1888 we carried the State that I here represent, for 
whom? For the Republican nominee; we carried it on a bi-metallic 
platform. We carried it with a majority that was equal, consider- 
ing our vote, to that of any State in the Union. It has been a Re- 
publican State from the hour of its admission. It has kept in the 
Senate Republican Senators, and in the House Republican members. 

Mr. President I promised you that I would not discuss the silver 
question and I will not, except to say that this platform is such a 
distinct departure from everything heretofore held by this partj^ 
that it challenges our Republicanism to accept it. 

Mr. President, the platform contains some platitudes about in- 
ternational conferences. It provides that we will maintain the 
gold standard in this country until the principal nations of the 
world shall agree that we may do otherwise. Mr. President, this is 
the first great gathering of Republicans since this party was organ- 
ized that has declared the inability of the American people to con- 
trol their own affairs. (Applause on the part of the silver delegates). 
To my horror this declaration from the great political party of 
Abraham Lincoln and Ulysses S. Grant. Do you believe that the 
American people are too weak to actually maintain a financial 
system commensurate with the greatness of the country of their 
own fruition. 

Gentlemen of the Convention, you will have no bi-metallic 
agreement with all the great commercial nations of the world, and 
it cannot be obtained. So this is a declaration that the gold stand- 
ard is to be put upon this country and kept here for all time. Do 
you believe that Great Britian, that great commercial nation of the 

88 Official Proceedings of the 

world— do you believe that Great Britian, our powerful competitor 
in commerce and trade, will ever agree to open her mints to the free 
coinage of silver? or consent that we should open ours as long as 
she gets the advantage of the low prices of the declining values that 
have been brought to this country by the adoption of a gold 
standard in 1873 in a partial degree only? 

We are the great debtor nation of the world. Great Britian is the 
great creditor. We pay her ever}'^ year millions and hundreds of 
millions of dollars, as income on her investment in this country, on 
her loans. A gold standard, in my judgment, lowers prices and de- 
creases values. And she buys of us millions and millions more 
than she (Great Britian) sells. She buys upon a gold standard, a 
lowering and depreciating standard. How long do you think it will 
be when she will agree to a system of values that raises the price of 
the farm product, or the product of our mines in this country? It is 
a solemn declaration that the Republican party intends to maintain 
low prices and stagnated business for all time to come. 

Mr. President, there is a beautiful provision in this platform 
about the tariff. Mr. President, I subscribe to that. (Applause and 
cheers). I believe in a protective tariff. I have advocated it for 
forty years, but it is my solemn conviction that a protective tarifif 
cannot be maintained upon a gold standard. The tariff protection 
principle is for the raisingof the price of human toil; it is for giving 
to the producer ample compensation for his labor; the gold standard, 
on the contrary, everywhere that it is enforced, is for the purpose of 
reducing values. 

Now, gentlemen of the Convention, I am going to make this simple 
objection as to the protective system; that it is in danger, and then 
I will call your attention to one other fact, and then I will leave it to 
your judgment whether this platform shall be adopted or whether 
it shall be rejected. Under existing conditions, we undoubtedly 
have the gold standard. I do not deny that, but what I have sought 
for twenty years is to change it to the bi-metallic system. I have 
believed, and I now believe that when the Almighty created these 
twin metals he intended that the world should use them for the 
purposes for which they were created. And when he blessed this 
land of ours with more gold and more silver than any other coun- 
try in the world he meant that we should use them for the purposes 
for which they were intended, to-wit: This use by the people as 
standard monej^ We to-day reverse the traditions of our country 
and declare we will use only one. If the American people are in 
favor of that, I have nothing to say. I must submit to the majority 
vote, and the majority voice in this country of ours. I do not believe 
this party of ours, if it could be polled, is in favor of a single gold 
standard. I believe that ninety per cent of the American people are 
in favor of bi-metallism of the old fashioned sort that existed in this 
country up to 1873. 

Mr. President and gentlemen of the Convention, I promised you 
that I would take btit a few moments, and I believe that I am 
allowed only a few minutes more in which I can rapidly address 
you. But I want to say a few things, and they may seem to you to 
be personal, and that they ought not to be introduced in an audience 
like this. I must beg your indulgence if I seem to transcend the 
proprieties of this occasion, if I shall say something personal to 

I have formed my conviction on this great question after twenty 
years of study; after twenty years of careful thought and careful 

Eleventh Republican NatiOxXAl Convention. 89 

reading. I have been trained in a school that it seems to me ought 
to fit me fairly well for reaching- just conclusions from established 
facts. I have formed my conclusions to such an extent that they 
become binding on my conscience. I believe that the adoption of a 
gold standard in the United States will work great hardship; that it 
Avill increase the distress, and that no legislation touching the tariff 
can remove the difficulties that now all admit prevail in this land. 
I believe that the whole welfare of my race is dependent upon a 
rightful solution of this question; that the morality, thecivilizatioa, 
nay the very religion of my country is at stake in this contest. I 
know, and you know that men in distress are neither patriotic nor 
brave. You and I know that hunger and distress will destroy pat- 
riotism and love of country. If you have love of country, patriotic 
fervor and independence, you must have your citizens comfortably 
fed and comfortably clothed. That is what made me a Republican 
in 1853: that is what made me a Republican all these years, because 
I believed that the Republican party was good for the great masses 
of men, that its legislation was intended to lift up and elevate and 
hold up and sustain the unfortunate and the distressed and give all 
American citizens equal opportunities before the law. (Applause). 
I do not believe it can be had with a gold standard. 

You may doubt my judgment, and many of you will, but shall I 
doubt it? I must act upon my judgment, and not upon yours. I 
must answer to my conscience, and not to my neighbor's. I must 
do my duty, as it is presented to me and not as presented to you. I 
say to you now that I may hasten my remarks that with the solemn 
conviction upon me that this gold plank means ultimate disaster 
and distress to my fellowman, I cannot subscribe to it, and if 
adopted I must, as an honest man, sever my connection with the 
political organization that makes that one of the main articles of its 
faith. (Applause). I repeat here what I said yesterday in commit- 
tee, I would not upon my own judgment alone, carefully as I have 
attempted to prepare it, dare to take this step alone. My friends, I 
am sustained in my view of the danger that is coming to us and 
coming to the world by the adoption of the gold standard by the in- 
telligence of the entire world. They may say that the silver ques- 
tion is a craze. Let me tell you that the best part of Europe, the 
best part of the world, is with the advocates of bi-metallism. All 
the great political teachers of Europe, with the exception of five or 
six, are the pronounced advocates of bi-metallism, unrestricted, un- 
restrained bi-metallism. All the great teachers of political economy 
in the European colleges, without exception, are in favor of bi-met- 
allism. My own judgment, based as I have said to you, on careful 
preparation, on careful study for twenty years bears me out and 
puts me in accord with them, and I would be recreant to my trust, 
given to me by the people of my State if I failed to protest here, and 
if I failed, when the Republican party makes this one of the tenets 
of its faith, to sever mv connection from that party. (Applause and 
cries of "No!" "No!") 

Mr. President, I ask your kind permission to say a few things 
personal to myself, and when I have said that, having told you what 
my conscience demands that I should do, I will leave this question 
for your consideration. 

Do you suppose that myself and my associates who act with me 
and take the same view of this question that I do— do you suppose 
that we can take this step without distress? Do you suppose that 
we could take it for any personal advantage, or any honor that could 

90 Official Proceedings of the 

be conferred upon us? We say it is a question of duty. You may 
nominate in this Convention any man you choose; if you will put 
him on the right kind of a platform I will vote for him. You may 
take any methods to nominate him that you think proper. I will 
defer to your judgment and support him if the platform is a right 
one, but when you ask me here now to surrender my principles, as an 
honest man, I cannot do that. I realize what it will cost us; I re- 
alize the gibes and sneers and the contumely that will be heaped 
upon us, but, my fellow citizens, I have been through this before— 
before the political party to which you belong had a being. I have 
advocated a cause more unpopular than the silver cause. I have 
stood for the doctrine of free man, free homes and free speech. I 
am used to detraction; I am used to abuse and I have had it heaped 
upon me without stint. When the Republican party was organized 
I was there. It has never had a national candidate since it was or- 
ganized that my voice has not been raised in his support. It has 
never had a great principle enunciated in its platform that has not 
had my approbation until now. With its distinguished leaders, its 
distinguished men of forty years, I have been in close communion 
and close friendship. I have shared in its honors and in its few 
defeats and disasters. Do you think that we can sever our connec- 
tion with a party like this unless that it be a matter of duty, a duty 
not to our State, but a duty to all people of this great land. (Ap- 

Mr. President, there are few men in a political party that have 
been honored more than I have by the people of the State in which 
they live. There are few men in this Convention or anywhere else 
that have been longer connected with this organization than I. 
There are few men in it who have been more active and known in it 
— no, not one has been more attached to the great principle of this 
party than I have been, and I cannot go out of it without heartburn- 
ings and a feeling that no man can appreciate who has not endured 
it, and yet I cannot before my country and my God, agree to the pro- 
vision that shall put upon this country a gold standard, and I will 
not. (Applause). And I do not care what may be the result. If it 
takes me out of political life I will go out with a feeling that at least 
I maintain my consistency and my manhood, and that my con- 
science is clear, and that my country will have no right to find fault 
with me. (Cheersj. 

I beg your pardon for saying things so personal, but yet if a per- 
sonal act that to some implies perfidy and dishonor, is about to be 
taken, I think it but just to myself and my associates that I should 
proclaim to you that we take this step not in anger, not in pique, 
not because we dislike the nominee, prospectively or otherwise, but 
because our conscience requires, as honest men that we should 
make this sacrifice, for sacrifice we feel that it is. 

Thankingyou gentlemen for your kind attention, retiringfrom you 
as I do perhaps never again to have an opportunity of addressing a 
Republican Convention, I cannot do it without saying that after all 
I have in my heart a hope— nay, I have an expectation, that better 
counsels will prevail, and that if you should be foolish enough to 
adopt this platform and force us to leave the Republican party, that 
better counsel will prevail and ultimately, on a true Republican 
platform, sustaining Republican principles, I may have the ines- 
timable pleasure of again addressing you. 

Eleventh Republican National Convention. 


(Senator Teller received an ovation from the silver men as he con- 
cluded his speech. The Chair then recognized Senator-elect Foraker, 
who was greeted with tremendous applause.) 

Governor Foraker. I move you, Mr. Chairman that the motion 
to substitute be laid on the table. 

Senator Lodge, of Massachusetts. I rise to second the motion 
made by the Senator of Ohio. 

The Chairman. It is moved that the substitute offered by the 
gentleman from Colorado, be laid upon the table. 

The State of Colorado here demanded that the roll of States be 
called and a record made of the vote. 

The Chairman. Is that demand seconded by any other State? 

The State of Montana seconds the demand. 

The State of Nevada also seconds the demand. 

The Chairman. The Secretary will call the roll of States and the 
Chairman of each delegation will answer. 

The Chairman announced a recess of five minutes upon motion 
being made, in order that the delegations might caucus and deter- 
mine how to vote. 

When the five minutes had expired, the Chairman directed the 
Secretary to call the roll of States, and the following is the vote on 
the motion to lay the substitute on the table: 


Alabama 22 

Arkansas 16 

California 18 

Colorado 8 

Connecticut 12 

Delaware 6 

Florida 8 

Georgia 26 

Idaho 6 

Illinois 48 

Indiana 30 

Iowa 26 

Kansas 20 

Kentucky 26 

Louisiana 16 

Maine 12 

Maryland 16 

Massachusetts 30 

^Michigan 28 

Minnesota 18 

Mississippi 18 

Missouri 31 

Montana 6 

Nebraska, 16 

Nevada 6 

New Hampshire 8 



































State votes 

New Jersey 20 

Nevir York 72 

North Carolina ..22 

North Dakota 6 

Ohio 46 

Oregon. 8 

Pennsylvania 64 

Rhode Island. 8 

South Carolina 18 

South Dakota 8 

Tennessee 24 

Texas 30 

Idaho 6 

Vermont 8 

Virginia 24 

Washington 8 

West Virginia 12 

Wisconsin 24 

Wyoming 6 

Arizona 6 

New Mexico 6 

Oklahoma 6 

Indian Territory 6 

Dist. of Columbia 2 

Alaska 4 









924 818;4 lOSJi 

The following proceedings were had during the roll call, on the 
motion to lay on the table the substitute proposed by Senator 
Teller for the financial plank of the platform: When the vote of the 
State of California was announced, it was challenged and the Chair 
said: "The Secretary will call the individual roll of delegates." 

92 Official Proceedings of the 

The Secretary called the roll of the California delegation, with the 
following result: 

L. A. Sheldon, nay; J. D. Spreckels, nay; U. S. Grant, nay, (The 
vote of the son of Gen. Grant was received with cheers by the silver 
w^ing of the Convention.) 

George A. Knight, naj'; Daniel Cole, yea (applause); A. B. Lemon, 
nay; George L. Johnson, nay; J. H. Neff, yea; E. S. Dennison, nay; 
A. A. Hockheimer, nay; Joseph S. E. Spear, yea; Henry I. Kawalsky, 
nay; William Cluff, no response. 

The Chair. The Secretary will call the name of the first alternate 
from that district. 

The Secretary called the name of A. S. Mangrum, who responded, 

The call w^as continued as follows: 

O. A. Hale, nay; Hervey Lindley, nay; T. J. Field, nay; F. H. Short, 
nay; F. H.Sinclair, nay. 

The call having been completed, the Chairman announced the re- 
sult as follows: Yeas, 3; nays, 15. 

When the vote of the State of Illinois was announced, Martin B. 
Madden, a delegate from Illinois, challenged the vote as announced 
b3^ the Chair and thereupon the Chairman directed the Secretary to 
call the roll of delegates, which he did with the following result: 

Robert W. Patterson, yea; William Penn Nixon, yea; Joseph W. 
Fifer, yea; Richard J. Oglesby, yea; Martin B. Madden, yea; Frank C. 
Robey,5'ea; Edward S. Conway, yea; William Lorrimer, yea; Edward 
R. Brahard, yea; George M. Schneider, yea; Joseph Bidwell, yea; 
Thomas O'Shaughnessy, yea; James M. Smyth, yea; Phillip Knopf, 
yea; Samuel R. Raymond, yea; Graeme Stewart, yea; Charles Whit- 
ney, yea; Edward P. Eugelhardt, yea; Isaac L. Ellwood, yea; H. D. 
Judson, yea; Smith D. Atkins, yea; R. S. Farrend, yea; Charles H. 
Deere, j'ea; L. H. Brookfield, yea; Duncan McDougall, yea; Thomas 
J. Henderson, 3'ea; H. E. Wheeler, yea; H. M. Snapp, yea; W. H. 
Krantz, yea; Charles G. Eckert, yea; Charles E. Sniveley, yea; J. C. 
Pinckney, nay; J. Mack Scholl, yea; J. O. Anderson, yea; Asa G. 
Mtitthews, yea; Sargeant McKnight, yea; J. Otis Humphrey, yea; 
Hugh Crea, yea; H. J. Hamlin, 3'ea; A. H. Kinne, yea; A. H. Jones, 
3'ea; H. A. Neal, yea; Thomas S. Ridgway, yea; Walter Coyle, yea; 
W. A. Rodenberg, yea; J. D. Gerlach, yea; Frank A. Pricket, yea; 
James E. Jobe, yea. 

The Secretarj' announced the result as follows: Yeas, 47; nays, 1. 

When the vote of the State of Kansas was announced, it was chal- 
lenged by Mr. Fitzpatrick, of that State, and the Secretary called the 
roll of the Kansas delegation, with the following result: 

Eleventh Republican National Convention. 93 

Cyrus Leland, Jr., yea; Nathaniel Barnes, yea; Thomas J. Ander- 
son, yea; A. P. Riddle, no response. 

The Chair. The Secretary will call the name of the first alternate- 

The Secretary called the name of W. B. Townsend, who responded 

M. M. Murdock, nay; C. A. Swenson, yea; Wm. C. Hook, yea; John 
Shilling-, yea; Grant Hornaday, yea; W. H. Brown, yea; John Ran- 
dolph, yea; E. G. Dewey, yea; I. E. Lambert, nay; J. S. Dean, nay; T. 
D. Fitzpatrick, yea; Geo. W. Hig-genbothen, yea; E. F. Robinson, yea; 
I. P. Purcell, yea; H. J. Bone, yea; Frank Vincent, nay. 

All having been completed, the Chair announced the result as 
follows: Yeas, 16; nays, 4. 

When the vote of the State of Missouri was announced Deleg-ate 
L. J. Wall challenged the vote of the State, whereupon the Chairman 
directed the Secretary to call the roll of the delegates, which re- 
sulted as follows: 

Chauncey I. Filley, yea; William Warner, yea; F. G. Niedringhaus , 
yea; J. H. Bothwell, yea; Joseph Park, yea; Edward W, Robinson, 
yea; James L. Minnis, yea; J. E. Swauger, yea; M. M. Campbell, yea; 
Jackson Walker, yea; John G. Grems, yea; J. L. Bittinger, yea; 
Joseph H. Harris, yea; Ed. M. Taubman, yea; F. E. Kellogg, yea; S. 
W. Jurden, yea; B. F. Leonard, yea; J. J. Smith, yea; A. R. Jackson, 
yea; F. B. Lannder, yea; A. F. Mispagel, yea; S. T. Shapp, yea; L. J. 
Wall, yea; Charles F. Gallenkamp, yea; F. B. Brownell, yea; George 
A. Phillips, yea; Nathan Frank, yea; Charles D. Comfort, yea; C. B. 
Parsons, yea; C. Jesse Roote, yea; M. B. Gideon, yea; J. L. Davis, yea, 
T. B. Houghawout, nay; G. A. Purdy, yea. 

The Chairman thereupon announced the vote of Missouri: Yeas. 
33; nay. 1. 

W. T. O'Brien challenged the vote of North Carolina. 

The Chairman. The vote of North Carolina is challenged, as an- 
nounced. The Secretary will call the roll of delegates. 

The roll being called, was responded to as follows: 

Jeter C. Prichard, nay; James E. Boyd, j'ea; C. M. Bernard, nay; 
George H. White, nay; J. P. Butler, naj^; E. C. Duncan, nay; J. H. 
Hannon, nay; H. L. Grant, nay; A. R. Middleton, nay; C. D. Waddell^ 
nay; W. H. Martin, yea; E. A. Johnson, nay; W. H. Crews. Jr. (alter- 
nate), yea: W. T. O'Brien, yea; J. W. Mullen, yea; J. B. Dudley, nay; 
Z. F. Long, nay; J. M. Good, yea; James H. Ramsey, nay; C. G. Bai- 
ley, yea; M. L. Mott, nay; J. B. Fortune, nay; C. J. Harris, yea; John 
G. Grant, nay. 

The total vote was: Yeas, 7%, nays, 143^. 

When the vote of the State of South Dakota was announced: 
Senator Pettigrew, of South Dakota. Mr. Chairman, I challenge 
the vote of South Dakota. 

94 Official Proceedings of the 

The reading clerk then called the roll of delegates of South Da- 
kota, with the following result: 

L. B. French, yea; R. F. Pettigrew, nay; C. G. Sherwood, yea; D. A. 
Minezer, nay; David Williams, yea; H. C. Meachan, yea; W. B. Lucas, 
yea; W. E. Smead, yea. 

Foster B. Brown, of Tennessee challenged the correctness of 
Tennessee's vote. 
The list of delegates was called, with the following result: 
H. Clay Evans, yea; E. Caldwell, yea; James Jeffries, yea; E. J. 
Sanford, yea; W. P. Brownlow, alternate for W. H. Penland, yea; H. 
C. Jarvis, yea; Jesse L. Rogers, yea; J. F. Baker, yea; Foster V. 
Brown, yea; T. N. Burkett, yea; J. M. Proctor, yea; W. H. Pickering, 
yea; J. W. Overall, yea; R. L. Couch, yea; J. D. Bosley, yea; H. L. W. 
Cheatham, yea; R. A. Haggard, yea; H. F. Farriss, yea; William 
Spellings, yea; G. T. Shannon, yea; D. A. Nunn. yea; Henry E. Aus- 
tin, alternate for R. F. Hann, yea; W. M. Randolph, yea; Zachary 
Taylor, nay. Total— Yeas, 26; nays, 2. 

When the vote of the state of Virginia was announced, it was 
challenged, and the Secretary called the roll of Virginia as follows: 

William Lamb, yea; James A. Walker, nay; S. M. Yost, yea; A. W. 
Harris, yea; George T. Scarburg, yea; T. C. Walker, yea; George E. 
Bowden {% vote), yea; A. H. Martin (ig vote), yea; R. M. Smith (i^ 
vote), yea; Harr}^ Libbey (}4 vote), yea; Edmund Waddell, yea; C. W. 
Harris, yea; Smith Balling, yea; J. D. Brady, yea; C. B. Barksdale, 
naj^; G. M. Tucker, yea; J. M. McLaughlin, yea;S.E. Sproul, yea; John 
Acker, naj^; J. H. Rives, nay; W. G. V. Shumate, j^ea; H. J. Wale, yea; 
J. S. Browning, yea; E. F. Bailey, nay; J. C. Scheffer, yea; E. T. Hub- 
bard, yea. Total — Yeas, 19; nays, 5. 

When the vote of the Territory of New Mexico was announced: 

The Chair, Does any delegate from New Mexico challenge the 
announcement of the vote? 

Mr. Llewellyn, of New Mexico. The vote of New Mexico is 

The Chair. The Secretary will call the roll of the delegates from 
New Mexico. 

The Secretary called the roll with the following result: 

A. L. Morrison, yea; John S. Clarke, yea; Thomas D. Burns, naj'; 
Pedro Pera, yea; Solomon Luna, nay; W. H. H. Llewellyn, nay. 

The vote of New Mexico was announced: Yeas, 3; nays, 3. 

When Alaska was called, C. S. Johnson of that delegation inquired: 

"Under the rules, is not Alaska entitled to four votes? We are so 
informed to-day." 

The Chair. The Chair is informed that under the report of the 
Committee on Credentials Alaska has four votes. 

Mr. Johnson immediately responded: 

"Alaska casts four votes yea." 

Eleventh Republican National Convention. 95 

When the District of Columbia was called, Perrj^ H. Carson, a del- 
egate from the District of Columbia was endeavoring- to get the eye 
of the Chair. When finally recognized, he asked: 

"I want to know about the vote 'yea' and the vote 'nay' — what it 
means." (Laughter and cheers.) 

The Chair. The Convention is now voting on a motion to lay the 
substitute offered by the Senator from Colorado on the table. A 
"yea" vote is to lay it on the table. 

Mr. Carson. I only wanted to know whether our delegation voted 
right or not and I find it did vote right. (Laughter and cheers.) 

The Chairman announced the result of the vote as follows: Upon 
the motion to lay upon the table the a3^es were 818^^ and the noes 
lOoJ^. The substitute is laid on the table. 

After the applause had subsided, the Chair recognized Senator- 
elect Foraker, of Ohio. 

Governor FoRAKER. On behalf of the State of Ohio, I now move 
the previous question on the motion to adopt the resolution as read 
from the platform. 

Senator DuBois, of Idaho, here attempted to gain recognition from 
the Chair, amid some confusion, during which the States of Pennsjd- 
vania and Massachusetts seconded the motion of Governor Foraker. 

Persisting, Senator DuBois was finally permitted to address the 
Chair. He said: I ask the gentleman from Ohio to withdraw his 
motion for a moment until I can ask him a question. I ask the gen- 
tleman from Ohio not to press his motion until I can ask him a 
courteous question. 

The Chairman. The Chair will state that under the rules for the 
previous question and the order of debate, the Chair can recognize 
no gentleman until the previous question is put. 

Governor Foraker. I will withdraw my motion until the gentle- 
man from Idaho can ask his question. 

Senator DuBoiS. Mr. Chairman: There are a great manj' dele- 
gates in this Convention who are not in favor of the free and unre- 
stricted coinage of silver at a ratio of 16 to 1. There are also a great 
many delegates in this Convention who are not in favor of the single 
gold standard. I therefore ask for a separate vote upon the finan- 
cial plank in order that our great party may go on record on this 
question. (Cries of disapproval.) I ask this particularly in the in- 
terest of the Republican part3^ 

The Chairman. The Chair will state that in case the previous 
question is ordered by this Convention, then under the rules any 
State seconded by two other States can have a division of the ques- 

Colorado and Montana called for a division of the question. 

The Chairman. The request for a division of the question has 
been properly seconded and the Chair will therefore state that in 

96 Official Proceedings of the 

case the previous question is first ordered, the question will there- 
after be put as upon that portion of the plank upon which the 
demand is made for a separate vote. The question before the Con- 
vention is upon the previous question. 

On the question of ordering- the previous question, it was agreed 
to nam. con. and the main question was ordered. 

Mr. Stevenson, of Colorado. Mr. Chairman: I ask that the States 
be called and the votes announced by deleg-ations. 

The Chairman. The question on the demand for a division will 
be first put upon the adoption of the financial plank reported by the 
Committee, and upon that question Idaho demands a roll call. Is 
there a second to the demand? 

Mr. Matthews, of Montana. Montana seconds the demand of 
Idaho for a call of the roll. 

separate vote on the financial plank. 
The Chairman. Gentlemen of the Convention: The question is, 
shall the financial plank as reported by the Committee, be adopted 
as a part of the platform of the Republican party? As the States 
are called, those favoring its adoption will vote "aye" and those 
opposed will vote "no." The Secretary will now call the roll. 

The vote resulted as follows: 

state vote aye no state vote aye no 

Alabama..... 22 19 3 New York 72 72 

Arkansas 16 15 1 North Carolina 22 lYs 14^ 

California 18 i U North Dakota 6 6 

Colorado 8 8 Ohio 46 46 

Connecticut 12 12 Oregon .8 8 

Delaware 6 6 Pennsylvania 64 64 

Florida 8 7 1 Rhode Island 8 8 

Georgia 26 25 1 South Carolina 18 18 

Idaho 6 6 vSouth Dakota 8 7 1 

Illinois 48 46 2 Tennessee 24 23 I 

Indiana 30 30 Texas 30 30 

Iowa 26 26 Utah 6 6 

Kansas 20 15 5 Vermont 8 8 

Kentucky 26 26 Virginia 24 17 7 

Louisiana 16 16 Washington 8 8 

Maine 12 12 West Virginia 12 12 

Maryland 16 16 Wisconsin 24 24 

Massachusetts 30 'M Wyoming 6 6 

Michigan 28 25 3 Arizona 6 6 

Minnesota 18 18 New Mexico 6 2 4 

Mississippi.. 18 18 Oklahoma 6 6 

Missouri 34 33 1 absent Indian Territory 6 6 

Montana « 6' Dist. of Columbia 2 2 

Nebraska 16 13 3 Alaska 4 4 

Nevada 6 6 

New Hampshire 8 8 924 SlZYz llOVi 

New Jersey 20 20 

During the calling of the roll on the question to adopt the finan- 
cial plank of the platform, there ensued the following proceeding's: 

When Iowa was called the Chairinan of the delegation gave the 
vote of that State as yeas, 2J:; two not voting. 

Mr. Baldwin, of Iowa, challenged the vote of the delegation. 

The Chair. The Secretary will call the roll of the delegates. 

Eleventh Republican National Convention. 97 

The Secretary called the roll of delegates, with the following- re- 

John H. Gear, yea; W. P. Hepburn, yea; D. B. Henderson, yea; J. S. 
Clarkson, yea; James C. Davis, yea; Charles M. Junkin, yea; Seth L. 
Baker, nay; Geo. W. French, yea; Edward Knott, yea; J. T. Merrj', 
yea; S. B. Zeigler, yea; Edward Collins, yea; G. R. Stumble, yea; S. 
W. Kathbun, nay; Calvin Maning, yea; W. H. Needham, yea: A. B. 
Cummins, yea; C. D. Bevington, no response. 

The Secretary called the name of the alternate, J. A. Mills, who 
voted yea. 

L. Banks Wilson, yea; R. H. Spence, yea; John N. Baldwin, 3'ea; 
Silas Wilson, yea; George C. Call, nay; H. W. Macomber, nay; F. H. 
Heisell, yea; D. C. Roach, yea. 

The roll call having been completed, the Chair announced the re- 
sxilt as follows: Yeas, 23; nays, 3. 

When the vote of the State of Kansas was announced, a delegate 
from Kansas challenged the vote of that State, whereupon the Secre- 
tary called the roll of delegates and alternates as follows: 

Cyrus Leland, Jr., yea; Nathaniel Barnes, j'ea; Thomas J. Ander- 
son, yea; A. P. Riddle, no response; M. M. Murdock, nay: C. A. Swen- 
son, no response; W. B. Townsend, yea; Thomas Anderson, no, 
response; S. L. Shafer, yea; William C. Hook, yea; John Shilling 
yea; Grant Hornaday, yea; W. H. Brown, j^ea; John Randolph, nay; 
E. G. Dewey, yea; I. E. Lambert, nay; J. S. Dean, nay; T. D. Fitzpat- 
rick, yea; George W. Higgenbothen, yea; E. F. Robinson, 3'ea; I. T. 
Purcell, 5^ea; H. J. Bone, yea; Frank Vincent nay. 

The Chair thereupon announced the vote of Kansas as: Yeas, 15; 
nays, 5. 

When the vote of New Mexico was announced, Mr. W. H. H. 
Llewellyn challenged the vote of New Mexico. 

Upon the call of the roll the following was the result: 

A. L. Morrison, 5^ea; John S. Clark, yea; Thomas D. Burns, naj^; 
Pedro Perea, nay; Solomon Luna, nay; W. H. H. Llewellyn, nay; — 2 
votes yea and four votes nay. 

Gen. Walker of Virginia challenged the vote of Virginia. 

The roll of delegates was then called with the following result: 

William Lamb, yea; James A. Walker, nay; S. M. Yost, 3^ea; A. W. 
Harris, yea; George T. Scarburg, yea; T. C. Walker, yea; George E. 
Bowden, ^2 vote, nay; R. N. Smith, ^^^ vote, 3'ea; A, H. Martin, y2 vote, 
nay; Harry Libbey, % vote, yea; Edmund Waddell, nay; C. W. Harris, 
yea; Stich Balling, yea; C. J. Barksdale, nay; G. M. Tucker, yea; J. N. 
McLaughlin, yea; S. E. Sproule, yea; John Acker, nay; J. H. Rives, 
nay; W. G. B. Shumate, yea: H. J. Wale, 5^ea; J. S. Browning, yea, D. 
F. Bailey, naj^; J. C. Schefifer, yea; R. T. Hubbard, yea. 

The call of delegates resulted in 16 ayes and 7 nos. 

98 Official Proceedings of the 

Col. Henderson, of Iowa, here announced that the three neg'ative 
votes from Iowa had been changed from "nay" to "aj'e," amid ap- 

The Secretary was instructed to again call the State of Iowa, re- 
sulting in the response "26 votes aye." 

Chairman Thurston announced the result of the vote as follows: 
A5-es8123^; Noes llQi^. 

Continuing, the Chair said: And the financial plank is adopted. 


The Chair: The question now recurs upon the adoption of the 
balance of the platform. All in favor of its adoption will say "aye;" 
those opposed, "no." 

The vote was put, and the platform was adopted by an almost 
unanimous vote, amid great applause. 

Immediately after the announcement of the adoption of the plat- 
form, Senator Teller, of Colorado, appeared on the platform, and in 
a low voice informed the Chair that he had an important communi- 
cation to present to the Convention. 

The Chair. The gentleman from Colorado rises to a question of 
personal privilege. 

Senator Teller. Mr. Chairman, we have prepared a statement, 
which, with the permission of the Chair, will be read by Senator 


The Chairman. It is asked as a matter of personal privilege that 
a statement prepared by certain members of this Convention be 
read. In the absence of objection, the Chair will permit the Dele- 
gate from Utah, Senator Cannon, to read the statement, as a matter 
of personal privilege. The Chair asks respectful attention and ab- 
solute quiet. 

Senator Cannon then read the following statement : 

To the Republican National Convention of the United States : 
In announcing the purpose asserted in this paper, it is due to our 
constituents and to ourselves that there shall be a public showing 
of vindicating facts. The sole authorized expression of National 
Republican faith from June 9th, 1892 until the present date, has been 
the platform adopted in the National Convention at Minneapolis. 
Neither the utterances of State Conventions, nor the attitude of in- 
dividuals could change the tenor of that platform, or abate the 
sanctity of its binding force. Every delegate to this Convention 
was elected as its adherent and its advocate. True, one of its most 
important paragraphs has been subjected to such a diversion of 
construction as to make its language unsatisfactory during the 
intervening time, and dangerous if continued in the future; but of the 

Eleventh Republican National Convention. 99 

intent contained within thatlanguag'e there has never been a doubt. 
It is the rightful province of this Convention to revise the party- 
tenets and to announce anew the party purpose. A majority of this 
Convention, in the exercise of such authority, has this day made 
official enunciation of Republican law and gospel. With much of 
the platform we agree, believing that in many essential particulars 
it compasses the needs of humanity, affirms the maintenance of 
right and proposes the just remedj^ for wrong. But it declares one 
elemental principle not only in direct contravention of the expres- 
sion of party faith in 1892, but in radical opposition to our solemn 
conviction. We recognize that in all matters of mere method it is 
but just and healthful that the minority shall yield to the will of 
the majority, else we have chaos in party and in government. But 
as no pronouncement of majorities can change opposing knowl- 
edge, or belief, sincerely entertained, so it cannot oblige the minor- 
ity to abandon or disobey its principles. As surely as it is requi- 
site for peace and progress that minorities shall yield to majorities 
in matters of mere method, just so surely is it necessary for that 
same peace and progress that minorities shall not yield in matters 
of fundamental truth. The Republican platform of 1892 affirms that 
the American people, from tradition and interest, favored bi-metall- 
ism, and demanded the use of both gold and silver as standard 
money. This was accepted by us as a declaration in behalf of the 
principle upon which rests the interest of every citizen, and the 
safety of the United States. In such terms the platform was then 
satisfactory to the believers in bi-metallism within our part}^ Only 
because of equivocal construction and evasion has it since been 
demonstrated to be insufficient. The platform this day adopted in 
the National Republican Convention at St. Louis is as follows. 
(Here follows the financial plank of the platform just adopted(. 

As the declaration of 1892 has been by a majority of the party 
construed to justify a single gold standard for a monetary basis, 
and as the recent trend of the official power of the party has been 
in that direction, we can but assume that the money plank of the 
new platform, which is much more favorable to gold monometallism, 
will be determinedly used in behalf of that idea. The Republican 
party has won its power and renown by maintaining its purposes 
covirageously and relentlessly. It is therefore only in accordance 
with the party's history to assume that if it shall come into present 
authority in the United States, it will crystallize into law, an admin- 
istration under this tempting platform the perpetual single gold 
standard in our finances. This, if long continued, will mean the 
absolute ruin of the producers of the country, and finally of the 
nation itself. 

The American people not only favor bi-inetallism from tradition 
and interest, but from that wise instinct which has always been 
manifest in the affairs of a people destined for the world's leadership. 
Under the operation of our great demand for advancement we have 
become to other nations the greatest debtor nation of the world. 
We pay the vast charges which every year accumulate against us 
in the clearing houses of the world with the money of the world, 
procured by the disposal of our commodities in the markets of the 
world. We are a nation of producers. Our creditors are nations of 
consumers. Any system of international or national finance, which 
elevates the price of human produce makes our burden lighter and 
gives promise of that day when it shall be entirely lifted and our 
country freed financially, as it is politically, from the domination of 

100 Official Proceedings of the 

monarchy and foreign autocracy. History, philosophy and morals 
all join with a common instinct of self-preservation in demanding 
that the United States shall have a solid, substantial, unvarying 
standard composed of all available gold and silver under which our 
country will progress to financial enfranchisement. But with a 
single gold standard, the country will go on to worse destruction, to 
continued falling prices, until our people will becoine the hewers 
of wood and the drawers of water for the consumers in the creditor 
nations of the earth. 

To such an unholy achievement we will not lend ourselves. Dear 
as has been the Republican name to its adherents, that name is 
not so dear as the faith itself, and we do not abate one jot or tittle of 
a mighty principle by which Republicanism has uplifted the world 
when we saj^ at this parting of the ways, we cling to the faith, let 
ihe name go where it will. 

(The speaker was here interrupted by calls of "Time, Time" but 
the Chair asked for a respectful hearing, and the speaker con- 

We hold that this Convention has seceded from the truth; that 
the triumph of such secession would be the eventual destruction of 
our freedom and our civilization. To that end the people will not 
knowinglj^ follow anj^ political party, and w^e choose to take our 
place in the ranks of the great mass of citizens who realize that the 
hour has come for justice. Did we deem this issue less important 
to humanit}^, we would yield, since the associations of all our 
political lives have been entertwined with the men and the meas- 
ures of this party of past mighty achievement. But the people crj^ 
aloud for relief; they are bending- beneath a burden growing heavier 
with the passing hours; endeavor no longer brings its just reward; 
fearfulness takes the place of courage and despair usurps the 
throne of hope, and unless the laws of the country and the policies 
of political parties shall be converted into mediuins of redress, the 
effect of human desperation may sometime be witnessed here as in 
other lands and in other ages. Accepting the fiat of this Conven- 
tion as the present purpose of the party, w^e withdraw from this 
Convention and return to our constituents the authority with which 
they invested us, believing that we had better discharge their trust 
by this act which restores to them the authority unsullied, than by 
giving cowardly and insincere endorsement to the greatest wrong 
ever wilfully attempted within the Reptiblican part}^ once the 
redeemer of the people, but now about to become their oppressor 
unless Providentially restrained. 

(This last sentence' was received with an uproar of hisses. The 
uproar continued and the Chairman in attempting to appease the 
audience said): 

The Chairman. The Chair suggests to this Convention that the 
Republican party, in convention assembled, need not fear any 
declaration — 

(Here the uproar was renewed and the Chair could not be heard). 

The Chair (continuing): And the Chair further suggests, in the 
interests of the Republican party, that whatever is to be said within 
reasonable limits bj^ those who can no longer remain in our organ- 

Eleventh Republican National Convention. 101 

ization oug-ht to be listened to with respectful attention, believing 
that full answer to" all such declarations will be made by the great 
majority of the American people at the polls in November. (Cheers). 

Senator Cannon (continuing): This is signed by a committee in 
behalf of the withdrawing delegates. The names of the committee 
are: Henry M. Teller, of Colorado; F. T. DuBois, Idaho; Frank J. 
Cannon, Utah; Charles A. Hartman, Montana; R.F. Pettigrew, South 
Dakota; A. C. Cleveland, Nevada. 

Upon completing the reading of the statement, Senator Cannon 
shook hands with Senator Thurston and Senator-elect Foraker, and 
withdrew from the platform. 

This incident was followed by the withdrawal of the silver dele- 
gates from the Convention, amid great excitement and a magnificient 
demonstration upon the part of the remaining delegates who tried 
to outvie each other in demonstrations of loyalty to the party and 
her principles. The " Red, White and Blue" "America," and other 
patriotic songs were plaj^'ed by the band, joined in by one grand 
chorus from the audience, which continued for some minutes. 
When quiet was restored, the Chair proceeded as follows: 

Gentlemen of the Convention: There seems to be enough dele- 
gates left to transact the business of the Convention. 

The remark of the Chairman was received with derisive shouts, 
and a general uproar of laughter ensued. 

The Chairman: The Chair now begs the Convention to hear 
the Delegate from Montana, who did not go out. (Applause). (Calls 
of "platform" "platform"). 

The Chairman: It is the wish of this Convention that the gentle- 
man come to the platform. 


Senator MANTLE: (Speaking from his seat in the Montana delega- 
tion). Mr. and Chairman and gentlemen: There is, evidently, from 
the remarks of the Chairman, a misapprehension as to my position, 
and that which those who remained with me, occupy with reference 
to this Convention. I desire to say that a majority of the delegation 
from the State of Montana have not felt that, under all the circum- 
stances surrounding this occasion, they were justified in actually 
walking out from this Convention. (Cries of good, good). But, Mr. 
Chairman, I am compelled to say in deference to the wishes and the 
opinions of a vast majority of the Republicans of the State of Mon- 
tana, that we cannot give our approval, or our endorsement to the 
financial plank this day adopted. ('• Good, good") Now, Mr. Chair- 
man, the gentlemen who are here in this Convention are here to rep- 
resent the sentiments of the people who sent them here. We of 
Montana are here precisely in the same position. Under the pledges 
made by the Republican party in its last National Republican 
platform, we of the West went out and said to our people: The 

102 Official Proceedings of the 

Republican party is the friend of silver; it has declared that it is 
"in favor of the use of both gold and silver as the standard monej' 
of this nation." Upon that statement, although we encountered a 
Populist wave which swept over our Western States, we were en- 
abled to keep the State of Montana within the Republican party, 
and to cast its electoral vote for Benjamin Harrison. But, Mr. 
Chairman, had it been stated that the Republican party was in 
favor of the single gold standard, that achievement would have 
been impossible. 

(The speaker was here interrupted by Mr. Henderson, of Iowa, 
who said): 

Mr. Chairman, I rise to a question of order. (Shouts and cries of 
"no, no," "sit down"). 

(Soine confusion ensued, during which Mr. Henderson and 
Senator Mantle exchanged a few remarks, whereupon Mr. Hender- 
son withdrew his point of order.) 

Senator Mantle: Mr. Chairman: The victors can well afford to 
be generous. I am simply expressing the sentiments of the people 
who sent me here, and they have never bisen anywhere but in the 
Republican partj^. I have never in my life cast anything but a 
Republican vote, and I do not want to do it now if I can help it. 
(Applause). But we have come here under explicit direction, 
under explicit instruction from the Republicans of our State. We 
would be false to them and false to ourselves if we did not state 
their position, and their objections at this time. Mr. Chairman, in 
the name and in behalf of the Republicans of Montana, I protest 
earnestl}"^, solemnly and emphatically against the financial plank 
of the platform adopted this day. And I say this, that we cannot 
accept it; we cannot endorse it; w^e cannot support it But 
here there is a difference of opinion in this delegation. There 
are those who are satisfied to utter this protest and still participate 
in the proceedings of this Convention. (Applause.) There are 
others who feel that in declining to support the party declaration 
upon this great controlling issue, they are in honor bound 
not to participate in the placing of a candidate upon a platform, 
a portion of which they cannot at this time endorse. But, Mr. Chair- 
man, whatever the action of the delegation may be among its indi- 
vidual members, I w^ant to say this that we reserve the right to the 
Republicans of the State of Montana, to accept or reject at such time 
and in such manner as they may determine the platform and the 
candidates this day placed before them by this Convention. (Ap- 

General Grosvenor: Mr. Chairman. I will not consent that any 
more time shall be taken up. I object to the fraudulent introduc- 
tion of Democratic speeches under the head of privileged com- 

The Chairman. The Chair believes that in recognizing Senator 
Brown, of Utah, to a question of personal privilege, it is not for 
a continuation of anything objectionable to this Convention, 

Eleventh Republican National Convention. 103 

senator brown's remarks. 

Senator Brown, of Utah: Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen of this 
Convention: The delegation of Utah does not bolt. (Applause). 
We do not believe that the Republican party is an oppressor, but 
the guardian of liberty and the protector of honest government 
everywhere. Three of our delegation have gone, and I am here to 
express our sorrow at their departure. We have begged them to re- 
main and w^e shall never cease to urge them to return. (Applause). 
It is personal, largely, however. As I said before, we have three 
delegates in this Convention, and we have three alternates. Mr. 
Rodgers, Mr. Green and Mr. Schmidt, all true to the old Republican 
party. (Applause). We have come before you as staunch and stal- 
w^art Republicans, and as loyal to her principles as are the everlast- 
ing mountains where we live. We do not, in saying this, surrender 
anything of the belief that we have, and I shall not w^eary you w^ith 
a speech on that subject. We still remain true to the principle of 
free coinage of silver at the old ratio. We do not believe it can be 
settled by a mere vote this fall, or a mere vote in this Convention. 
Time, prosperity and success can only settle it, and when it is set- 
tled that way, it will be the redemption of silver as Constitutional 
money. But, as I said, I promised not to speak to you on that sub- 
ject; I come to say to you that there is one great issue before the 
American people. One to which the Republican party was pledged 
years and years ago; one in which you have not yet fulfilled your 
mission — you have promised to the people of the United States an 
American Tariff and American protection. That promise you must 
fulfill this fall. You must send protection to every ship owner and 
every ship maker; you must send protection to the farmer, to the 
manufacturer, and I come to you to say that Utah, or part of us at 
least, will endeavor to labor to help you in that cavise. (Cries of 
"good" "good"). We will go to the people of that State; we will go 
to the Protectionists of that State, and we will labor with them to 
see if we cannot send three electors who shall vote for the nominee 
of this Convention, whoever he may be. (Applause). We will labor 
to see to it that we have a representation in Congress that will vote 
for every Tariff Bill that comes up. (Applause). We never have 
faltered at home on that subject. We are with you. We may have 
some doubt or misgiving of the past, but our hearts will reach for- 
ward, and we will struggle to convince you that we are right on the 
silver question, but whether you are right, or we are right, we will 
work together, and we will work with you for the great cause of 

And now, Mr. President, I beg that the three alternates whom I have 
named be allowed to sit with us as Delegates in this Convention to 
take the place of those who have retired. (Applause). 

The Chairman: Unless objection is made, the three alternates 
from Utah will be authorized to take their seats in the places of the 
three delegates who have retired. 

104 Official Proceedings of the 

mr. burleigh's remarks. 

Mr. Burleigh. ?Ir. Chairman and Gentlemen of the Conven- 
tion: Coming from the only Pacific coast State which declared in 
its platform for the maintenance of the present gold standard and 
against the free coinage of silver, I desire to take your attention for 
one moment. The young State of Washington, smaller than many 
of her magnificent sisters in this Union, yields first place for pa- 
triotic devotion to the principles of this government, and loyal alle- 
giance to the tenets of the Republican party, to none. We have not 
come here to imbibe inspiration on the money question. We brought 
our inspiration with us, twenty-five hundred miles from the Pacific 
coast, and through the States of Idaho and Montana and it is just 
as good here now and just as fervent as before it made the journey. 

We believe in a single gold standard, because we think the money 
which pays interest to the banker on Wall street is none too good to 
pay the wages of labor in Washington. (Cries of "good"). And the 
principles of this party inscribed upon our banner with Protection, 
Reciprocity, with sound money, as defined by this platform and 
with the unanimous choice of the Republicans of that State for 
President, William McKinley, of Ohio, (Great applause), we shall 
go to Republican victory at the polls in November, and with us will 
go the loyal people of the State of Montana. 


At this point there were calls for the regular order. 

The Chairman. The regular order is demanded ; the Secretary 
w^ill call the roll, and when each State is called it will report its 
member of the -National Committee. It is further requested that 
the name and post office address of each member be sent to the desk 
in w^riting. 

Alabama William Youngblood Birmingham. 

Arkansas Powell Clayton Little Rock. 

California John D. Spreckels San Francisco. 

Colorado J. F. Saunders Denver. 

Connecticut . .Samuel Fessenden Stamford. 

Delaware James H. Wilson Wilmington. 

Florida John C. Long St. Augustine. 

Georgia Judson W. Lyons Augusta. 

Idaho George L. Shoup Salmon City, 

Illinois T. N. Jamieson Chicago. 

Indiana Winfield T. Durbin Anderson. 

Iowa A. B. Cummins Des Moines. 

Kansas Cyrus Leland, Jr Troy. 

Kentucky John W. Yerkes Danville. 

Louisiana A. T. Wimberly New Orleans. 

Maine Joseph H. Manley Augusta. 

Maryland George L. Wellinton. . . .Cumberland, 

Massachusetts George H. Lyman Boston, 

Michigan George L. Maltz Detroit. 

Minnesota L. F. Hubbard Red Wing. 

Mississippi James Hill Vicksburg. 

Missouri Richard C.Kerens St, Louis. 

Montana Charles R. Leonard Butte. 

Eleventh Republican National Convention. 105 

Nebraska John M. Thurston Omaha. 

Nevada. C. H. Sproule Elko. 

New Hampshire. . .Person C. Cheney Manchester. 

New Jersey Garret A. Hobart Paterson. 

New York Fred. S. Gibbs New York City, 

North Carolina James E. Boyd Greensboro. 

North Dakota W. H. Robinson Mayville. 

Ohio Chas. L. Kurtz Columbus. 

Oregon George A. Steele Portland. 

Pennsylvania Matthew S. Quay Beaver. 

Rhode Island Charles R. Brayton Providence. 

South Carolina Eugene A. Webster Orangeburg. 

South Dakota A. B. Kittredge Sioux Falls. 

Tennessee W. P. Brownlow Jonesboro. 

Texas John Grant Sherman. 

Utah L. R. Rogers Salt Lake City. 

Vermont George T. Childs St. Albans. 

Virginia George E. Bowden Norfolk. 

Washington P. C. Sullivan Tacoma. 

West Virginia N. B. Scott Wheeling. 

Wisconsin Henry C. Payne Milwaukee. 

Wyoming Willis Van Devanter Cheyenne. 

Arizona W. M. Griffith Florence. 

New Mexico Solomon Luna Los Lunas. 

Indian Territory . . .Leo E. Bennett Muskogee. 

Oklahoma Henry E. Asp Guthrie. 

Dist. of Columbia. .Myron M. Parker Washington. 

Alaska C. S. Johnson Sitka. 

The Chairman. The Chair announces that the members of the 
National Committee, as reported to this Convention, will meet to- 
morrow morning at ten o'clock at rooms 366 and 368, of the Southern 
Hotel, this city. The gentlemen from Ohio, General Grosvenor 
offers a resolution which the Secretary will read: 

The resolution is as follows: Whereas, there are several vacan- 
cies on the National Committee, as reported on the last call; there- 

Resolved, That the National Committee be and it is hereby em- 
powed to fill all vacancies on said Committee. 

The resolution was adopted. 


The Chairman. The regular order of business is the roll call of 
States for the presentation of candidates for nomination. (Applause). 

Mr. Mantle, of Montana. Mr. Chairman. One of the delegates 
from the State of Montana has felt it his duty to withdraw from the 
Convention. I desire to ask, sir, that one of the alternates may oc- 
cupy his place and cast a vote in this Convention. 

The Chair. It will be so ordered, without objection. 

The Secretary will call the roll of States. 

106 Official Proceedings of the 

The roll of States was called and no response was made until the 
State of Iowa was reached, when Mr. Henderson said: 

Mr. Chairman, Mr. John N. Baldwin, of Council Blviffs, will speak 
for Iowa. (Amid great applause, Mr. Baldwin began): 


Mr. Baldwin. Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen of the Conven- 
tion: There is one, but only one of those whose names will be 
presented to this Convention who can claim that there has been 
placed for him in historj^'s golden urn an estimate of his char- 
acter and worth, made by him, on whom nature has stamped her 
royal seal; God exhibited as his greatest design of American man- 
hood, genius, statesmanship and patriotism, who now in Heaven, 
wears a crown of deathless praise, and whose great soul is a portion 
of eternity itself — James G. Blaine. (Applause). 

Blaine, writing to Garfield, said: "Then comes Allison. He ia 
true, kind, reasonable, fair, honest and good. He is methodical, in- 
dustrious and intelligent, and would be a splendid man to sail along 
with smoothly and successfully." 

Complying with the request of the Iowa delegation, I rise to pro- 
pose to this Convention the noinination of him, to whom this heri- 
tage was bequeathed— William B. Allison, and to ask you to make 
it on the old and new testament of Republicanism. It takes a big 
man to represent the State of Iowa in the Congress of the United 
States for thirty-five years, but Senator Allison is that man. With 
the most perfect knowledge of the details of all our political laws 
and their histories, with that statesmanlike judgment which dis- 
tinguishes the essential from the accidental and the immutable 
from the transitory; "with every look a cordial smile, every gesture 
a caress," yet with a spirit of such firm mold and purpose that no 
bribe or feast or palace could awe or swerve, he has for thirty-five 
years upon the floor of the House and Senate been fighting for the 
interest of the people; carrying onward and upward the nations' 
legislative work; turning cranks out of place; unsphering the cul- 
minating stars of Democracy; unmasking the hidden purposes of 
corrupt ineasures, until now, he holds the place of ungrudged 
supremacy in the legislative halls of that most splendid of capitols. 

That which this country has lost is that which it now seeks, "Pro- 
tection." To get it the people have worked hard, prayed fast, paid 
high and now let them have it. Allison does not believe in a tariff 
for Revenvie only, but in a tariff for Protection and Revenue jointly. 
He has always insisted that the Protective sj^stem is the mightiest 
instrument for the development of our National resources and the 
strongest agency to protect American wealth and American labor. 
Protection built the laborer his American home, and he never again 
will welcoine therein Democratic sirens, singing Free Trade songs, 
written and composed b}^ English bards, for having chiseled the 
principles of protection in its hearthstone, he will, at the next elec- 
tion defend them at his front gate. 

The great and important issue which is just now coming around 
the corner is the one of sound money, and we can no more dodge it 
than we can gravitation — and sound money means the courageous 
maintenance of our present gold standard until changed by inter- 
national agreement. In this respect, the situation is easily simple, 
but certainly serious. 

Eleventh Republican National Convention. 107 

A decision upon this important question must be made by this 
Convention, and, remember, gentlemen, a nation listens to catch the 
click of its fate. For Senator Allison you cannot build too strong 
a platform for sound money, and if you place him upon it he will 
see to it that the dry rot of 16 to 1 does not steal through its staunch 
timbers. The United States can no more make good money by 
simply placing its symbol of sovereignty or mark of authority on 
any kind of metal regardless of its commercial value or relations to 
foreign countries, than it can extend its domain by calling a furlong 
a mile. He believes that an American dollar should have a few 
grains of sense as well as more of silver. That there can be no 
stability to our currency or money, if we keep adopting such shift- 
ing policies as that under them the same piece may be a copper 
cent in one hand or a dollar in another. He believes, that unlimited 
coinage would soon lead to unlimited bankruptc3^. No honest 
farmer would borrow from his neighbor a bushel of 50-cent wheat 
and insist upon paying him back in a bushel of 25-ceat oats, and 
so this great government cannot expect to keep its credit at the 
highest point if it borrows dollar gold and insists upon paying 
back with 50-cent silver, any other construction of the word "coin" 
in any laws or any contracts to the contrary notwithstanding. 

The platform of this Convention must be for sound money, and in 
clear, ringing, unmistakable terms. On any other construction of 
it the party may get into power, but the country will be in danger 
of falling into the batch of bankrupt governments and at the end 
of the party's administration it w^ould probably have no more of an 
estate that did Rebelais, whose will, when opened, read: "In the 
name of God, Amen. I have nothing. I owe much. I give the rest 
to the poor." "At the time when nation wildly looks at nation, stand- 
ing with tnute lips apart" Allison did not meet with a clenched fist 
the proffei'ed hand of international adjustment. However, he has 
stood unwaveringly by the Monroe Doctrine, and insisted that the 
United States should recognize any people, struggling for liberty 
and Republican institutions, even if they were insurgents in Cuba. 

I ask you to nominate him. If you do, the people from the sand- 
enshrouded Mexican line, to the live wire that separates us from an 
unborn daughter on the North, will shout as in one glorious, glad 
anthem, "The old temple of Republicanism still stands. Flock 
to it for shelter." If you do, every keynote of the campaign will be 
kept up at concert pitch. If you do, the White House will be used 
no longer as an experiment station. Nominate him, and not now, 
perhaps, but when the strife is over, his name will fall like millenial 
music on your ears. Nominate him and a thrill of joy will go from 
the West to the East, carrying on its trembling way the songs of our 
reapers, only to be lost in the roar of j^our furnaces. Nominate him 
and when our corn grows gold in autumn's time, our flocks teeming 
and our granaries full, every spindle will be turning daj' and night 
on the Merrimac. If you will do this, light will break upon our 
darkened land and instantly a long-sufifering people will hear the 
surges of returning prosperity. 

May the spell of Republicanism have greater power to move you, 
than the spell of magic words. In this hour of anxious expectancy; 
in this hour pregnant with history, prophecy and destinj^ the grave 
gives up its mighty dead, and they are here — Lincoln, Grant, Gar- 
field, Blaine, yea all the illustrious dead of the Republican party; 
and mingled with its living advocates, martyred Lincoln's spirit 
pleads with you to see to it that "These dead shall not have died in 

108 . Official Proceedings of the 

An ovation followed the conclusion of Mr. Baldwin's remarks, the 
Iowa delegation being especially enthusiastic. 


By direction of the Chairman the roll call was continued, but no 
State responded until Maine was reached, when the Hon. Henry 
Cabot Lodge, of Massachusetts, inade the following nominating 

Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen of the Convention: Four years 
ago we met as we meet now, representatives of the great Repub- 
lican party. Prosperity was in the land, capital was confident and 
labor employed. There was a good day's wage for a good daj^'s work, 
and the spirit of American enterprise was strong and bold. The 
Treasury was full and the revenues were sufficient. We met the pub- 
lic needs out of the public income. We were at peace with all the 
world and had laid a prudent hand on the key of the Pacific. Four 
short years have come and gone. Look around you now. The 
Treasury is empty. Our credit is impaired, our revenues are defi- 
cient. We meet the public needs not by income, but by borrowing at 
high rates and pledging the future to meet the wants of the present. 
Business is paralyzed, confidence has gone, enterprise has folded 
its eagle wings and mopes and blinks in the market place. There 
is no longer a good day's wage for a good day's work. Capital hides 
itself and labor idly walks the street. We have met with slights 
abroad; we have had serious troubles with other nations; the key 
of the Pacific has slipped frotn nerveless hands. Foreign troops 
have been landed in this hemisphere. Our boundaries in Alaska 
have been threatened. The Monroe Doctrine has been defended, but 
has not yet been vindicated. The people of a neighboring Island, 
struggling for freedom and independence, look toward us with im- 
ploring eyes, and thus far look in vain. (Cheers and applause). 

But four short years have come and gone and they have wrought 
this change. What has happened? I will tell you in a word. 
The Democratic party has been in power. That is the answer. 
They deceived the people with promises of a millenium, and the 
results of those idle promises are all about us to-day. We have no 
such promises to make. We pledge ourselves only to that which 
we mean to perform. We will do our best, and as we saved the 
Union and abolished slavery in 1860, so in 1896 we will deal with this 
Democratic legacy of blunders, bankruptcy and misfortunes. 

We have met here to choose the next Presidentof the United States. 
No man doubts that we shall win at the next election, but let us not 
deceive ourselves with the pleasant fancy that the campaign will be 
an easy one. It will be a hard fight. It cannot be otherwise where 
so much is at stake. Against the Republican party are arrayed not 
only that organized failure, the Democratic party, but all the wand- 
ering forces of political chaos and social disorder. It is not merely 
the Presidency, which is the great prize set before us. Theprotec- 
tion of our industries, our National credit; a strong foreign policy, 
all alike are at stake on the great issues to be settled at the polls 
next November. We cannot meet such a situation as this with mere 
shouts and enthusiasm. Upon us rests the duty of rescuing the 
country from the misery into which it has been plunged bj'- three 
years of Democratic misrule. We can only succeed bj^ the most 
strenuous endeavor. Everything depends upon the administration 

Eleventh Republican National Convention. 109 

that we put in power. We want a President who, like Lincoln, will 
meet the situation, with the chief Republicans about him, and the 
party and the people at his back. We want a President who on the 
5th day of March will call Congress in extra session, (Applause) and 
refusing to make appointments, or to deal with patronage, w^ill 
say that all else must wait until Congress sends to him a tariff 
which shall put money in the Treasury, and wages in the pocket of 
the American workingman. We want a President who will protect, 
at all hazards the gold reserve of the Treasury, who will see to it 
that every dollar presented is paid in whatever money the creditor 
chooses to demand, and will never forget that the nation which 
pays with honor, borrows with ease. 

We want a President who will guard our foreign policy; who will 
always be firm and dignified in dealing with foreign nations, in- 
stead of var}^ing a long course of weakness and indifference with a 
convulsive spasm of vigor and patriotism. We want a President, 
above all, who will lead his party and act with it; who will not, by 
senseless quarrels between Capitol and White House, such as we 
have lately seen, reduce legislation and execution alike to imbecility 
and failure. (Applause). Such a man we want for our great office 
in these bitter times, when the forces of disorder are loose and the 
wreckers with their false lights gather at the shore to lure the ship 
of state upon the rocks. Such a man I am now to present to you. 
He needs no praise froiu me, for he has proved himself his title to 
leadership. B}^ what he has done and what he is we know w^hat he 
can do. For twenty years in victory and in defeat, at the head of 
great majorities and of small minorities, he has led his partj^ in 
Congress with an ability that no man could dispute and a resource 
that has never failed. I have seen him with a maddened opposition 
storming about him carry through the great reform which has made 
the House of Representatives the able and efficient body it is to-day. 
(Applause). I have seen him during the last winter guide a great 
majority so that it has met every demand put upon it, and has 
placed no burden upon the Republican party in the campaign now 
before us. 

In the House and before the people he has always been the 
brilliant champion of the great Republican policies which, adopted, 
have made us prosperous, and abandoned, have left ruin at our 
doors. He is a thorough American, by birth, by descent, by breed- 
ing; one who loves his country and has served it in youth and luan- 
hood, in war and peace, pis public career is as spotless as his 
private life. He is a trained statesman, fit for the heaviest task that 
can be imposed upon him. He has the confidence of his party and 
his country. He is a leader. We know it for we have seen him lead. 
To his followers he never said go, but always come. He is entirely 
fearless. We know it because w^e have seen his courage tested on 
a hundred fields. He is fit to stand at the head of the Republican 
column. He is worthy to be an American President. 

I have the honor — aye, the very great honor, to present to jou. for 
nomination the Speaker of the National House of Representatives, 
Thomas B. Reed. 

(The mention of Mr. Reed's name was received with a great ova- 
tion, lasting several minutes). 

The Chairman: The Convention will be in order. Mr. Littlefield. 
of Maine, is recognized. 

110 Official Proceedings of the 

Mr. LiTTLEFlELD: Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen of the Con- 
vention: The nominee of this Convention will be the next Presi- 
dent of the Republic. That the Republican party is to be victorious 
in the coming campaign, whoever its candidate may be, has long 
since been settled by the manifold blunders, worse than crimes, 
that have been committed by the Democratic party. It has demon- 
strated its incapacity to direct the affairs of the nation in full meas- 
ure heaped up, running over. It was intrusted with power by a 
forgetful and forgiving people, at a time of unexampled prosperity, 
with an overflowing national treasury, an unlimited public credit, 
labor fully and profitably employed, wheels turning, looms mov- 
ing, furnaces glowing, and machinery humming the music that 
attends profitable, diversified industry. These were the inevitable 
results of the intelligent application of that elemental principle of 
our system of government, coeval with the birth agony of the Re- 
public, protection to American labor and industry. The Demo- 
cratic party, after having denounced the McKinley tariff as the 
"culminating atrocity of class legislation," and set forth its declara- 
tion of alleged principles, asked for a change of administration and 
party in order that there might be "a change of system and a change 
of method." We have had a change in administration and party, a 
change of system and method, and a complete reversal of results. 
In 1896 we see the perfect converse of the picture presented in 1892. 
In that great achievement of Democratic statesmanship, the con- 
fessed misbegotten offspring of cowardice, perfidy and dishonor, a 
tariff for deficiency only. Prof. Wilson declared that he had just 
begun to "shell the protected industries of the North." The open- 
ing gun of his campaign was sufficient to drive timid capital to 
inaccessible retreats, extinguish the fires, silence the loom, paralyze 
industry, turn honest labor into the street, and plunge the country 
into a condition of business depression hitherto unknown to this 
generation of business men. It encouraged and cherished foreign 
and destroyed domestic industry. It has fostered no industry as it 
has "that of the sheriff." Then the sunshine of prosperity illumined 
the whole land. Now our people grope, shiver and wait in the be- 
numbing shadow of adversity and disaster. Even Cleveland has 
discovered that we are confronted by a condition of business 
depression. Then a surplus overflowed the treasury. Now a deficit 
drains its vaults. The stern logic of events has given the American 
people an object lesson upon the most stupendous scale. But one 
lesson is taught. It is so plain that "he may run that readeth it." 
Another change is decreed. It only waits the slow turning of the 
hand on the dial plate of time to be registered. For the next four 
years the Republican party will again take charge of the business 
of the country. Will it remain in power for decades, shaping in 
harmony with its high destiny the policy of the Republic? The 
action of this Convention in selecting a nominee will determine. 
We stand here as the representatives of this great party, charged 
with the responsibility of deciding whether the lease of power 
which an indignant, exhausted, exasperated people stand ready to 
give us, shall be four years or decades. We are called upon to act for 
the welfare of the whole party, not to express personal preferences. 
The occasion demands our greatest man our foremost leader. He 
should not be the representative of any special policy or any single 
principle of the party. He must be the representative of all in- 
terests, all elements, all sections. He must know no North and no 
South, no East and no West. He must have a private life and a 

Eleventh Republican National Convention. Ill 

public record, flawless, untarnished by suspicion, unsullied by 
calumny, a life upon which the calcium light of a campaign can 
cast no shadow. He must have opinions and the courage to declare 
them, and when he has once declared them, to "stand" like Luther, 
if need be, forever. He must have commanding ability, integrity 
above suspicion. He must be unswervingly loyal to all the prin- 
ciples of the party. He must have a thorough knowledge of the 
science of practical government, an intelligent apprehension of the 
true destiny of the Republic, a sincere purpose, a manly independ- 
ence, a freedom from obligations, entanglements and alliances. He 
must be unselfish in his devotion to the welfare of the whole party, 
inflexible in determination, indomitable in courage. He must have 
an Americanism broad enough and rugged enough to maintain the 
dignity of the Republic and the rights of its citizens in every land 
and on every sea; an Americanism that with a due regard to inter- 
national duties can extend the hand of sympathy to our fellow-men 
wherever they are struggling for freedom; an Americanism that 
does not look upon the Flag as a piece of mere textile fabric, but 
sees in it the emblem of a great and powerful people consecrated to 
liberty and freedom by the expenditure of uncounted treasure and 
the sacrifice of innumerable heroic, patriotic lives. 

I come to you from a State that has always followed in victory or 
defeat the standard of the party; that ever since the party was born 
of its aspirations for freedom, has cast its vote for its candidates; 
that w^ill cast its vote for the nominee of this Convention, whoever 
he may be; and I bring to you a candidate, who, by his twenty years 
of battle for the party in the House of Representatives, has demon- 
strated his possession of these qualifications in a pre-eminent 
degree. He has rendered conspicuous and enduring service to the 
party and the Nation; service that was not within the power or 
ability of any other to render. He trampled underfoot immemorial 
precedent in order that the party that had been intrusted by the 
country with the transaction of its business might discharge its 
duties and see that the business of the country was done. The 
universal practice of the Republican and Democratic parties had 
been such as to justify the statement of Mills in speaking for the 
Democracy that "we propose to exercise control of the House just 
as much as though w^e were still in the majority, because we know 
our minority is still strong enough to make us the virtual rulers," 
resulting in a government of the minority and not of the majority, 
a complete subversion of the fundamental principle of representa- 
tive government. With this condition he was confronted at the 
assembling of the 51st Congress. He found the House of Repre- 
sentatives a body of obstruction. He made it a deliberative, 
legislative business body. He found it a hissing and a by-word. 
He made it the instrument of the peoples' will, one of the glories of 
the Republic. A determined minority stood like a lion in its path 
to thwart and defeat, but he made it possible for the Republican 
party to fulfill its pledges to the people. But for his over-mastering 
courage and inflexible determination, the McKinley bill would have 
been nothing but a legislative dream. The most venomous, ran- 
corous and vituperative abuse known to partisan hatred was poured 
upon him by a defeated, baffled, exasperated minority. He became 
the center of a whirlwind of denunciation and calumniation the 
country over. His political future was staked upon the issue. He 
never hesitated to count the cost. Conscious of the rectitute and 
patriotism of his purpose, calm, serene, self-reliant, undismayed, 

112 Official Proceedings of the 

indomitable, massive, heroic, the great speaker towered above it all, 
an immovable bulwark against which "the gates of hell itself could 
not prevail." He lived to emerge, unscathed, from the avalanche of 
partisan detraction and vilification, and see his position sustained 
by the greatest legal tribunal of the civilized world, and he had the 
proud satisfaction of witnessing the humiliation of his detractors 
and calumniators when they were compelled to adopt his rules. As 
true as the needle to the pole has been his devotion to theprinciples 
of honesty and sound finance. His record for sound money is with- 
out a break. He believes in sound finance, and in sound finance 
with a definition. He believes in a definition that defines. He is 
willing that his definition should be known of all men, and his 
definition is that until ^ve can have bimetallism by international 
agreement, "the present gold standard should be maintained." He 
believes that any other principle means disaster and a loss of the 
confidence of the great business interests of the countrj^. He knows 
that the government mint is not an alembic that can transmute 
fifty cents worth of silver metal into a coin of the realm of the value 
of one dollar. The Republican party was held up in the United States 
Senate and commanded to stand or deliver a dollar in coin for fifty 
cents of value. They could bring the party to a stand, but under 
his leadership they could not make it deliver. Entrusted by his 
party with an office second only in power to that of the Presidency, 
having at his disposal the highest objects of Congressional ambi- 
tion, the control of great interests, he has scorned to use his power 
for his own aggrandisement. Dignified, unselfish, dispassionate, 
independent, untrammelled, sincere, conscientious, unmindful of 
his personal advancement, he has discharged the duties of his 
high office. Amid the exigencies of an intense canvass for this 
great office, his devotion to the welfare of the whole party has been 
pure and steadfast, without "variableness, neither shadow of turn- 
ing." His energies have been exerted to make it possible to elect 
the nominee of this Convention, not to secure for himself the posi- 
tion of its standard bearer. He is entangled by no alliances, bound 
by no combinations. He has no friends that he will be compelled 
to reward, no enemies that it will be necessary to punish. He was 
never dominated or controlled by clique or cabal. He has never 
bowed and never w^ill bow the knee to Baal. If nominated bj^ this 
Convention he, and none other, will be the President of the Re- 
public. We therefore present to you the great speaker, the leader 
of leaders, pre-eminent in fitness, by his eminent public services 
and abilities, towering above his fellows like a son of Anak, the 
wisest, strongest, ablest, noblest of American statesmen, Honorable 
Thomas B. Reed. Reed the Lion Hearted. If nominated he will 
lead this land permanently back to the 'paths of prosperitj'^ and 
fame," and we shall take back with us "our ancient glorj'' undimmed 
by adversit}', our ancient honor unsullied by defeat." 


By direction of the Chairman, the Secretary continued to call the 
roll of States, no response being made until the State of New York 
was reached, when Mr. Sutherland of that delegation arose and said: 
"The claims of the State of New York and her favorite son will be 
presented by her other favorite son— that citizen of all the States of 
the Union — Chauncey M. Depew." 

Eleventh Republican National Convention. 113 

The appearance of Mr. Depew was the signal for a great ovation, 
iu which the whole body of delegates took part. 

Before Mr. Depew was able to address the Chair a delegate in- 
quired: "What about the erring sisters who walked out of here a 
while ago?" 

Mr. Depew: They have deserted a Republican convention, com- 
posed of representatives of the party from all sections of the Union, 
and they walked out because they objected to the gold standard. I 
wonder how they will feel when they arrive at the gate of the Celes- 
tial City where they will find that it is run under a Republican gov- 
ernment. (Laughter). I wonder how Ihey will feel when they find 
that, as we are told by the old Apostle, the streets are paved with 
gold. (Laughter and cheers). 

Continuing, Mr. Depew said: Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen of 
the Convention: National Republican Conventions have been 
epoch makers. They have formulated the principles, originated 
the policies and suggested the measures which in the history of 
these United States formed its most progressive period. They have 
nominated for the Presidency statesmen and soldiers who were the 
leaders of the people in their onward march to larger liberty and 
broader and better industrial conditions. 

No party, no matter however glorious its achievements or how 
brilliant its successors can rely upon the past. Its former triumphs 
are only certificates of character, which must be met by continuing 
efifort as beneficent and wise as anything of w^hich it boasts. A 
party which is to permanently govern a country and is secure in 
its past must not only be equal to the present, but must forecast 
and provide for the future. The Republican party has held pos- 
session of the government of the United States for more than a 
generation, because it has triumphantly met these conditions. The 
unequal success of the Republican party, its hold upon the coun- 
try, and its masterful influence upon affairs, have been due to the 
fact that in every crisis its principles have solved the problems of 
the hour, and its selected leader has been the man for the occasion. 
The greatest moral and patriotic questions which a free people 
were ever called upon to meet were slavery and secession in the 
early days of our organization. But with Union and liberty as our 
watchword, and with Lincoln as our leader, we saved the Republic 
and emancipated the slaves. The passionate and critical issues of 
reconstruction were successfully met and the hostile sections hap- 
pily united by a policy of conciliation which could only secure the 
consent of the victors and the assent of the conquered by the influ- 
ence of the soldier president who had the confidence of the armies 
which he had led in triumph, and the enemies whom he had paroled 
with honor. In a period when progress halted because of the dis- 
trust of Commonwealth and their citizens, of each other, the later 
and better judgment of the country expressed its acknowledgment 
to the non-partisanship and judicial fairness of Hayes and Evarts. 
The youth who came to manhood after the civil war and knew little 
of its agonies or its animosities found a glorious example of Amer- 
ican possibility and achievement in the canal driver, the college 
student, the school principal, the college president, the Union Gen- 
eral, the illustrious debater in the House of Representatives, the 

114 Official Proceedings of the 

brilliant and magnetic Garfield. In defeat and in victory for the 
policies which stood for the development of American industries, 
for America, for Americans, whether native or naturalized, and for 
the reciprocity which bound the North American and South Ameri- 
can continents together, we had the plumed knight of our enthus- 
iasin and our love, James G. Blaine. (Great applause.) As a new gen- 
eration came to the majority to whom the past was a legend, the 
present, the difficult task of development and prosperity, and the 
future theory without experience, the Republican party again hap- 
pily practiced in its control of the executive and the legislative 
branches of the government, that policy of protection of American 
industries and that practice of sound finance which gave to the 
Republic its era of greatest prosperity, and its period of the largest 
returns for capital, the fullest employment for labor, and the high- 
est wages for work in the history of our nation, in the closing j^ear 
of the administration of that able and accomplished statesman, 
Benjamin Harrison. 

A few weeks preceding the convention of four years ago, at Min- 
neapolis, I had an afternoon with Mr. Blaine. With marvelous 
intuition, he forecast the future. He said: " Substantially all the 
forces of opposition, of distrust and of disappointment, of theory 
and of im gination which accumulate against a party thathas been 
in power for over thirty years, are now concentrated for an assault 
upon our position and are'certain to succeed. The Democratic party 
and its allies of Populism and all other isms, are destined in this 
campaign, no matter who is our candidate, or what is our platform, 
to secure possession of the government." The country knows to its 
loss, its sorrow and its grief, that the prediction has been fulfilled 
in every part. In its fulfillment the United States has the experi- 
ence, and Europe has the business and prosperity. 

We meet to take up the broken cord of national development and 
happiness, and link it once more to the car of progress. Our indus- 
tries stagnant, our manufactures paralyzed) our agriculture dis- 
heartened, our artisans unemployed, our finances disordered, our 
treasury bankrupt, our credit impaired, our position among the 
nations of the world questioned, all look to this Convention and call 
upon its wisdom for hope and rescue. The conditions created by the 
practice of Democratic policies, the promise of Democratic meas- 
ures and the differences of Democratic statesmen would seem to 
argue an unquestioned and overwhelming triumph for the Repub- 
lican party in the coming election. No matter how brilliant the 
promise, no matter how serene the outlook, it is the part of wisdom, 
with the uncertainties of politics and our recent experience of the 
tragic shifting of issues, to be careful, prudent and wise in platform 
and in candidate. 

The last few years have been a campaign of university extension 
among the people of the United States, and while we may in plat- 
form and candidate meet all the requirements of party obligations 
and party expectations, we must remember that there is a vast con- 
stituency which has little fealty to parties or to organizations, but 
votes for the man and the principles which are in accord with their 
viewin the administration of the country. The whole country, north, 
south, east and west, without any division in our lines, or out of them, 
stands, after what has happened in the last three years, for the pro- 
tection of American industries, for the principle of reciprocity, and 
for America for Americans, but a compact neighborhood of great 
commonwealths, in which are concentrated the majority of the pop- 

Eleventh Republican National Conventiojv. 115 

ulation of the manufacturers, and of the industrial energies of tne 
United States, has found that business and credit exist only with 
the stability of sound money. 

It has become the fashion of late to decry business as unpatriotic. 
We hear much of the "Sordid considerations of capital," " employ- 
ment," "industrial energies" and "prosperous labor." The United 
States differing from the medieval conditions which govern older 
countries, differing from the militarism which is the curse of 
European nations, differing from thrones which rest upon the sword, 
is pre-eminently and patriotically a commercial and a business na- 
tion. Thus, cominerce and business are sjmonymous with patriot- 
ism. When the farmer is afield, sowing and reaping the crops 
which find a market that remunerates him for his toil, when the la- 
borer and the artisan find work seeking them, and not themselves 
desparing of work, when the wage of the toiler promises comfort 
for his family and hope for his children, when the rail is burdened 
with the product of the soil and of the factor}^, when the spindles are 
humming and the furnaces are in blast, when the mine is putting 
out its largest product and the national and individual wealth are 
constantly increasing, when the homes, owned, umnortgaged, by the 
people, are more numerous day by day and month By inonth, when 
the schools are most crowded, the fairs most frequent, and happy 
conditions most universal in the nation, then are the promises ful- 
filled, which make these United States of America the home of the 
oppressed and the land of the free. 

It is to meet these conditions and to meet them with a candidate 
who represents them, and about whom there can be no question, 
that New York presents lo you for the Presidenc3S under Ihe unani- 
mous instructions of two successive Republican State Conventions, 
the name of her Governor, Levi P. Morton. 

New York is the cosmopolitan State of the Union; she is both the 
barometer and therinometer of the changes of popular opinion and 
popular passion. She has been the pivotal cominonwealth which 
has decided nearly every one of the national elections in this gen- 
eration. She has more Yankees than any city in New England, 
more southerners than any community in the south; and more 
native born Avesterners than anj?^ city in the west, and the represent- 
atives of the Pacific coast within her borders have been men who 
have done much for the development of that glorious region. 
These experienced and cosmopolitan citizens, with their fingers 
upon the pulses of the finance and trade of the whole countrjr, feel 
instantly the conditions that lead to disaster or to prosperity. Hence; 
they swing the State sometime to the Republican and sotnetime 
to the Democratic column. 

In the treinendous effort to break the hold which Democracy 
had upon our commonwealth, and w^hich it had stren gthened for 
ten successive years, we selected as our standard bearer, the gentle- 
man whom I present on behalf of our State here toda}-^, and w^ho 
carried New York and took the legislature with him, bj'^ 156,000 ma- 

We are building a navy, and the White Squadron is a forerunner 
of a commerce which is to whiten every sea and carry our flag into 
every port of the world. Not our wish, perhaps, nor our ambitions, 
probably, but our very progress and expansion have made us one 
of the family of nations. We can no longer, without the hazzard of 
unnecessary frictions with other governments conduct our foreign 
policy, except through the medium of a skilled diplomacy. For 

116 Official Proceedings of the 

four years as Minister to France, when critical questions of the im- 
port of our products into that country were imminent, Levi P. Mor- 
ton learned and practiced successfully the diplomacy which was 
best for the prosperity of his country. None of the mistakes which 
have discredited our relations with foreign nations during' the past 
four years could occur under his administration. He is the best 
type of the American business man — that type which is the ideal of 
school, the academy and the college. That type which the mother 
presents to her boy in the western cabin and in the eastern tene- 
ment, as she is marking out for him a career by which he shall rise 
from his poor surroundings to grasp the prizes which come through 
American liberty and American opportunity. You see the picture. 
The New Kngland clergyman on his meagre salary, the large family 
of boys and girls about him, the sons going out with their common 
school education, the boy becoming the clerk in the store, then 
granted an interest in the business; then becoming its controlling 
spirit, then claiming the attention of the great house in the citj"^ 
and called to a partnership, then himself the master of great affairs. 
Overwhelmed by the incalculable conditions of civil war, but with 
undaunted energy and foresight, he grasped again the elements of 
escape out of bankruptcy and of success, and with the return of 
prosperity he paid to the creditors who had compromised his in- 
debtedness every dollar, principal and interest, of what he owed 
them. The best type of a successful business man, he turns to poli- 
tics, to be a useful member of Congress, to diplomacy, to be a suc- 
cessful Minister abroad, to the executive and administrative 
branches of government, to be the most popular Vice-President 
and the presiding officer of that most august body, the Senate of 
the United States. 

Our present deplorable industrial and financial conditions are 
largely due to the fact that while we have a President and a cabinet 
of acknowledged ability, none of them have had business training or 
experience. They are persuasive reasoners upon industrial questons, 
but have never practically solved industrial problems. They are 
the book farmers who raise wheat at the cost of orchids, and sell 
it at the price of wheat. With Levi P. Morton, there would be no 
deficiency to be met by the issue of bonds; there would be no blight 
on our credit which would call for the services of a syndicate; there 
would be no trifling with the delicate intricacies of finance and com- 
merce which would paralyze the operations of trade and manufac- 
ture. Whoever may be nominated by this convention will receive 
the cordial support, the enthusiastic advocacy of the Republicans 
of New York, but in the shifting conditions of our commonwealth, 
Governor Morton can secure more than the party strength, and 
without question in the coming canvass, no matter what issues may 
arise between now and November, place the Empire State solidly in 
the Republican column. 

(Prolonged applause followed the remarks). 

Eleventh Republican National Convention. 117 

major mckinley named. 

By direction of the Chairman, the Secretary proceeded with the 
call of the States, no response being- made until the State of Ohio 
was reached, when Governor Bushnell, on behalf of the Ohio delega- 
tion, said: Mr. Chairman, Senator Foraker will speak for Ohio and 
Ohio's candidate. 

Governor Foraker upon his appearance upon the platform was 
accorded a splendid reception, the whole house joining in the ap- 
plause. He spoke as follows: 

Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen of the Convention: It would be 
extremely difficult if not entirely impossible to exaggerate the disa- 
greeable experiences of the last four years. The grand aggregate 
of the multitudinous bad results of a Democratic National Admin- 
istration may be summed up as one stupendous disaster; it has been 
a disaster, however, not without at least one redeeming feature. It 
has been fair — nobody has escaped. It has fallen equally and alike 
upon all sections of the country and all classes of our population. 
The just and the unjust, the Republican and the Democrat, the rich 
and the poor, the high and the low, have suffered in common. Idle- 
ness and its consequent poverty and distress have been the rewards 
of labor; distress and bankruptcy have overtaken business, shrunken 
values have dissipated fortunes, deficient revenues have impovished 
the government, while bond issues and bond syndicates have dis- 
credited and scandalized the nation. Over against this fearful 
penalty we can set down one great blessed compensatory result. It 
has destroyed the Democratic party. The proud columns that 
swept the country in triumph in 1892 are broken and hopeless in 1896. 
Their boasted principles when put to the test of a practical applica- 
tion, have proven delusive fallacies and their great leaders have 
degenerated into warring chieftains of hostile and irreconciliable 

Their approaching national convention, is but an approaching 
national nightmare. No man pretends to be able to predict any 
good result to come from it, and no man is seeking its noinination, 
except only the limited few who have advertised their unfitness for 
anj^ kind of a public trust by proclaiming their willingness to stand 
on any sort of platform that may be adopted. The truth is the party 
that could stand up under the odium of human slavery opposition 
to the war for the preservation of the Union, emancipation enfran- 
chisement, reconstruction and specie resumption, at last finds itself 
overmet and undone by itself. It is rising in the throes of final dis- 
solution, superinduced bj' a dose of its own doctrines. No human 
agency can prevent its absolute overthrow at the next election, ex- 
cept only this convention. If we make no mistake here, the Demo- 
cratic party will go out of power on the Ith day of March, 1897, to 
remain out of power until God, in his wisdom, and mercy and good- 
ness, shall see fit once more to chastise his people. So far we have 
not made any mistake. We have adopted a platform which, not- 
withstanding the scene witnessed in this hall this morning, meets 
the demands and expectations of the American people. It remains 
for us now as a last crowning act of our work here to again meet 
that same expectation in the nomination of our candidate. What is 
that expectation ? What do the people want ? You all do know. 

118 Official Proceedings of the 

They want something- more than a good business man; they want 
something more than a good Republican; they want something 
more thati a fearless leader; they want something more than a wise, 
patriotic statesman; they -want a man who embodies in himself not 
only all these essential qualifications, but who, in addition in the 
highest possible degree, typifies in name, character, record, ainbi- 
tion and purpose the exact opposite of all that is signified and rep- 
resented by the present free trade, deficit making, bond issuing, 
labor saving, Democratic administration. I stand here to present 
to this Convention such a man. His name is William McKinley. 

(At this point the Convention became uncontrollable by the chair- 
man, the ovation which greeted the name of McKinley lasting 
twenty-five minutes). 

You seein to have heard the name of my candidate before. And 
so you have. He is known to all the world. His testinaonials are, a 
private life without reproach; four years of heroic service as a boy 
soldier for the Union on the battlefields of the Republic, under such 
generals as gallant Phil Sheridan; twelve years of conspicuous ser- 
vice in the halls of Congress, associated with such great leaders and 
champions of Republicanism as James G. Blaine: four years of ex- 
ecutive experience as Governor of Ohio; but, greatest of all, meas- 
ured by present requirements, leader of the House of Representa- 
tives and author of the McKinley law — the law under which labor 
had the richest rewards and the country generally the greatest 
prosperity ever enjoyed in our history. No other name so com- 
pletely meets the requirements of the American people; no other 
man so absolutely commands their hearts and their affections. The 
shafts of envy and jealousy, slander and libel, calumny and detrac- 
tion, lie broken at his feet. They have all been shot and shot in 
vain, — the quiver is empty and he is untouched. The American 
people know him, trust him, believe in hiin, love him and they will 
not allow him to be unjustly disparaged in their estimation. They 
know he is patriotic; they know he is an American of Americans; 
they know he is wise and experienced; that he is able and just, and 
they want him for President of the United States. They have already 
so declared — not in this or that State or section, but in all the States 
and all the sections, from Ocean to Ocean, and from the Gulf to the 
Lakes. They expect us to give them a chance to vote for him. If 
we do we shall give joy to their hearts, enthusiasm to the campaign 
and triumphant victory to our cause; and he in turn, will give us an 
administration under which the country will enter upon a new era 
of prosperity at home and of glory and honor abroad. By all these 
tokens of the present, and all these promises for the future, in the 
naiue of the forty-six delegates from Ohio, I submit his claims to 
your consideration. 

(Another ovation resulted when Governor Foraker finished). 

Chairman Hepburn here recognized Hon. John M. Thurston, of 
Nebraska who had retired, temporarily, from the Chair, for the pur- 
pose of seconding Major McKinley's nomination. 

Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen of the Convention: — This is the 
year of the people. They are conscious of their power. They are 
tenatious of their rights. They are supreme in this Convention. 
They are certain of victory now and in November. The people have 
framed the issue of this campaign. What is it? Money? Yes, money. 

Eleventh Republican National Convention. 119 

Not that which is coin for the mine owner at the mint, or clipped by 
the coupon cutter from the bond, but that which is created by 
American muscle on the farms and in the work shops of the United 
States. (Applause). 

This is the year of the people. They have risen in their might. 
They are united as never before. We know their wishes and are 
heretodo theirwill. They know the man best qualified and equipped 
to lead the victory. 

This is the year of the people. In their name, by their authority, 
I second the nomination of the orreat champion, William McKinley. 

When his country called to arms, he took into his boyish hands a 
musket and followed the flag, bravely following- it to the front of 
the battle, so that it might float serenely in the Union sky. For a 
quarter of a centtiry he has stood in the fierce light of public 
place, and his robes of office are as spotless as the driven snow; his 
great God-given powers have been always consecrated to the ad- 
vancement of his own country, and the uplifting ennoblement of his 
own countrymen. 

This is the year of the people. The necessities of 1896 are almost 
as great as those of 1861. It is true that the enemies of the Union 
have ceased to threaten with the sword, but Free Trade and Free 
Coinage are no less dangerous to American advancement than w^ere 
the armed hosts of treason and rebellion: If the voice of the people 
is indeed the voice of God, then William McKinley is a complement 
of Abraham Lincoln, (Applause). Divinel}^ ordained, as I believe, 
for a great mission to lead this people out of the shadow of depres- 
sion into the sunshine of enduring prosperity. My countrymen; let 
not your hearts be troubled; the darkest hour is just before the day. 
The twentieth century will dawn bright and clear, God lives, the 
Republican party is coming back to power, and William McKinley 
is to be President of the United States. (Great applause;. 

In an inland manufacturing city on election night November the 
8th, 1891, after the wires had confirmed the news of a great Republi- 
can victory, the workingmen started to climb to the top of the great 
smokeless chimney. That chimney had been built b}^ the invitation 
and upon the promise of a Republican protective legislation. In 
the factory over which it towered was employment for twice a thou- 
sand men. Its mighty roar had heralded prosperity of a whole com- 
munity now^ bleak, blackened, voiceless and dismantled, like a grim 
spectre of evil it frowned down upon the helpless city, while idle- 
ness, poverty, stagnation and want attested the utter failure of the 
Free Trade experiment. Up and up and up they climbed, watched 
by the multitude below^; up and up and up, vintil at last they stood 
upon the summit, and there in the blare of the electric lights, cheered 
by the gathered thousands, they unfurled and nailed the American 
flag. (Applause). Down in the streets strongmen wept and mothers 
lifted up their babes, invoking the blessing on the flag, and then in 
patient lips, burst forth in a song of hallelujah, of exulting hosts, 
the mighty paen of a people's joy. They sang, and enthusiastic 
millions sing it yet. 

"Hurrah, hurrah, we bring the jubilee. 

Hurrah, hurrah, the flag that makes us free; 

And so w^e sing the chorus from Atlanta to the sea, 
Hurrah for McKinley and Protection." 

120 Official Proceedings of the 

My countrymen, on behalf of those stalwart workmen and on be- 
half of the vast army of American toilers that their employment 
may be certain, their wages just, their dollars the best of the civi- 
lized world; on behalf of that dismantled chimney and deserted fac- 
tory at its foot, that the furnaces may once more flame, the mighty 
wheels revolve, the whistles scream, the anvils ring-, the spindles 
hum— on behalf of the cottages around about and all the humble 
homes of this broad land, that comfort and contentment may again 
abide by the fireside's glow, the women sing, the children laugh — 
yes, and on behalf of that American flag and all it stands for and 
represents, for the honor of every stripe, for the glory of every star 
— that it's power may fill the earth, and its splendors span the sky, I 
nominate that loyal American, christian gentleman, soldier, states- 
man, William McKinley, of Ohio. (Great applause). 

MR. QUAY named. 

By direction of the Chairman, the Secretary continued to call the 
roll of States. No further response was made until Pennsylvania 
was reached, when Governor Hastings, of that State, appeared on 
the platform, amid a great demonstration and proceeded to speak 
as follows: 

Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen of the Contention:— Pennsylva- 
nia comes to this convention, giving you the cordial assurance that 
whoever may be the standard bearer of our party in the coming 
campaign, he will receive of all the States in the Union the largest 
majority from the Keystone State. (Great applause). Having with- 
in her boundary more American citizens who own the homes in 
which they live, whose principal daily occupation is to subdue and 
develop her great native resource, whose wage-earners one with the 
other, skilled and unskilled, receive the highest average American 
wage-rate. The Republicans of Pennsylvania come to this conven- 
tion and bid you demand and their every interest demands a system 
of currency equal to the best of any in the world. (Applause). They 
demand as well that the government they love, and for whose flag 
they have fought and which they still stand ready to defend, shall 
paj^ its debts in money and not in promises. They do not believe 
that a dollar can be created by the fiat of any government. They be- 
lieve that it requires 100 cents of intrinsic or exchangeable value, ac- 
cording to the markets of the world, and that any depreciation or 
degredation of that standard would be hurtful to her great business 
interests and would be a blow at the honor of our nation's flag. 
They believe in that old fashioned system of economy which requires 
us to live within our income, and where the income is not equal 
to the necessary outgo they believe in increasing the revenue rather 
than running the country further into debt. They believe that the 
great object of government is to defend and protect the people who 
ordained the government for its best interest, and as you say in your 
platform, we believe that the revenue policy and the protective policy 
go hand in hand; and the people of Pennsylvania stand as sturdy 
champions of that wise measure, which injuring no one and 
helping all, has made this country great and prosperous. Penn- 
sylvania comes to this convention and with great unanimity, asks 
you to name a standard bearer who will represent not only its asso- 
ciations, but the brightest and best aspirations of the Republican 
party; a man who has been a loyal supporter of its every great move- 

Eleventh Republican National Convention. 121 

ment; who has been a favorite with our people, and they and I re- 
spectfully ask this honor at your hands of this man who has always 
been in the forefront of battle for his party; who has been its wise 
counsellor and successful leader of its forlorn hope. He stood with 
those Republicans who have fought the great battles of American 
liberty. He was among the first to comprehend the magnitude of 
the armed debate of 1861, and to give himself to his country's cause. 
He stemmed the tide of currency inflation in 1878, and wrought the 
victory which, if less ostentations, was fully equal in importance 
and success to the country as that of Grover Cleveland and Free 
Trade in 1888. 

The American citizen who believes that all policies should be for 
America's best interests, the American soldier who admires valor 
as much as he loves the flag of his reunited country; the American 
manufacturer anxious to re-light the fires of industry where silence 
and darkness now holds sway; they who believe that dollars good 
as gold should be given as the wage for a fair day's work; they who 
believe in reciprocity; they who believe in calling a halt upon any 
further foreign invasion upon our domestic shores. All these have 
found in him a steadfast friend and able champion. 

He was the soldiers' friend in peace and he was their constant 
friend in war. The survivors of those who fought for freedom and 
gained immortal fame recognize in him a comrade whose valor has 
been proved on well-fought fields and attested by the noblest trophy 
ever won by soldiers, the decoration awarded him by the Congress 
of the United States. 

Called to lead a forlorn hope in the campaign of 1888, he wrought 
a task equal to the six labors of Hercules. He organized the patriot- 
ism and the Republicanism of the country for victory. He throttled 
the Tammany tiger in his lair, and forcing an honest vote and an 
honest count in the stronghold of the most powerful and corrupt 
organization in the land, rescued the country from the heresies of 
democracy. (Applause). 

Having thus made himself too powerful and too dangerous to the 
enemy the order went forth to assassinate him. But the poisoned 
arrows of vituperation and slander fell broken at his feet. He turned 
to the people among whom he lives and whose servant he was and 
their vindication was a unanimous re-election to the Senate of the 
United States. 

Oh, my countrymen, let us not forget the magnitude and respon- 
sibility of this great Convention. Let the American people in the 
coming campaign determine whether they are willing to live 
through another free trade panic. Let the American wage-earner 
and the American wage-payer determine each for himself the 
causes which brought hunger to the home of one, and financial 
ruin to the other. Let the American farmers compare farm product 
prices with free trade promises. Let those who have saved a compe- 
tence and those who have earned a livelihood determine whether 
they are willing to be paid in American dollars disgraced and dis- 
credited to fifty per cent of their value. Let him who fought for his 
country; let the widow and the orphan; let the loving parent who 
gave up all that was dear contemplate that flag and all it represents, 
pawned, as your platform says, to a foreign and domestic joint 
syndicate, to raise temporary loans for the purpose of postponing 
the financial disaster, and answer whether they want the shame and 
humiliation repeated. Let the sovereign voice be heard in the com- 
ing election, declaring that the only •government founded on the 

122 Official Proceedixgs of the 

rock of freedom, blessed with every ^it't of nature and crowned with 
unmeasured possibilities, shall not be dethroned, degraded and 
pauperized by a party policy at war with the very genius of our 
National existence. Nominate him whom I now name to you, and 
this country will have a President whose mental endowments, broad- 
minded statesmanship, unusual and marvellous capacity, ripe ex- 
perience, knightlj'^ courtesy and true Americanism are unexcelled. 
Nominate him and he will elect himself. (Applause). I name to 
you the soldier statesman, Pennsylvania's choice, Matthew Stanley 

(At the conclvision of Governor Hastings' address, a grand recep- 
tion was accorded the name of Senator Quay, which lasted seven- 
teen minutes). 

The Chair directed the Secretary to proceed with the calling of the 
roll of States, which was completed without further responses, 
whereupon the Chairman said: 

This concludes the calling of the roll of States. 

Senator Vance, of Louisiana. Gentlemen of the Convention: 
The time has grown very late and I am satisfied that you, are tired. 
I know that you all feel that we have had a great day, and a great 
feast of reason, therefore I shall not tire you. I only come to add 
my voice as the representative of eight millions of people. I coiue 
to join in general acclaim for one purpose; I come to add our inite 
in helping you, you men who elect Presidents, in helping you to 
nominate for that high ofBce, the highest and most gifted in the 
grasp of the American people, that man who is in the hearts of my 
race; that inan who is the man of the people, that man the prophet 
of protection, that great general and soldier statesman, that Napo- 
leon of American politics, William McKinley, of Ohio. (Applause.) 

The Chairman. The Convention will please be in order. The 
next order of business will be the call of the roll of States for the 
vote upon the noinination of a candidate for President which then 

Eleventh Republican National Convention. 



The official vote for the presidential candidates waa aa follows: 


Alabama . . . , 
Arkansas . . . 
California .. 
^Colorado. . . 
Delaware . . . 












Massachusetts . 








New Hainpshire 

New Jersey 

§New York 

North Carolina 

North Dakota 




Rhode Island 

South Carolina 

South Dakota 







West Virginia 



District of Columbia. 


New Mexico 



Indian Territory 

















































61 14 

*Bolted the Convention. +Four blank ; 1 for J. Donald Cameron. JTliree absent. 
§One vote passed. 

124 Official Proceedings of the 

During th§ call of the roll on the vote by States for the nomination 
of a candidate for President, the following- proceedings took place. 
When the vote of the State of Florida was announced, and the State 
of Georgia called, Mr. Thatcher of Florida interrupted the proceed- 
ings by saying: "Mr. Chairman, the vote of Florida was challenged 
at the proper time, and I ask that the challenge be acted upon." 

"Sit down!" "Sit down!" delegates in all parts of the hall cried, but 
Mr. Thatcher shook his head and stood calmly awaiting the Chair- 
man's decision. 

''Gentlemen of the Convention," said Senator Thurston, "the Chair 
will not proceed with the call without giving every delegate an op- 
portunity to exercise his just right to challenge the announcement 
of a vote. The confusion has been so great that the Chair did not 
understand either of the delegates who arose. The gentleman from 
Florida challenges the vote, and the roll of Florida will be called." 

The clerk called the roll with the following result: 

Jos. E. Lee, McKinley; John G. Long, McKinley; Emory F. Skinner, 
McKinley; L. W. Livingston, McKinley; M. S. White, Morton; James 
M. Coombs, Morton; Dennis Egan, McKinley; Isaac L. Purcell, Mc- 

When the State of Georgia was reached, the vote was challenged 
and the clerk called the roll of that delegation with this result. 

A. E. Buck, McKinley; H. L. Johnson, Quay; Henry Rucker, McKin- 
ley; John H. Devereaux, McKinley; M. J. Doyle, McKinley; S. B. 
Morse, McKinley; B. F. Brimberry, McKinley; J. C, Stiles, McKinley; 
W. P. Pierce, McKinley; F. S. Richardson, McKinley; W. H. Johnson, 
McKinley; D. A. Norwood, McKinley; D. C. Wimpish, McKinley; L. 
J. Price, McKinley; F. J. Wimberly, McKinley; I. W, Wood, Quay; 
Charles Adamson, McKinley; T. M. Dent, McKinley; W. A. Pledger, 
Reed; M. B. Morton, McKinley; A. J. Spence, McKinley; A. B. Gas- 
ton, McKinley; Judson W. Lyons, McKinley; J. M. Barns, McKinley: 
William Jones, McKinley; S. M. Scarlett, McKinley. 

Georgia— Reed, 2; Quay, 2; McKinley, 22. 

After the State of Idaho had been called, and no response had been 
made thereto, delegate Wimbs.of Alabama, demanded a roll call on 
the vote of his delegation. 

" The Chair recognizes the gentleman from Alabama," said Mr. 
Thurston, "as he rose in time, if the Chair had understood him, to 
challenge the announcement of his State. Does the gentleman 
challenge the announcement of Alabama?" 

"I do," replied Mr. Wimbs, and the Chairman directed the Secre- 
tary to call the roll of Alabama, with the following result: 

C. W. Buckley, McKinley; David D. Shelby, McKinley; W. R. Petti- 
ford, McKinley; John H. Jones, McKinley; P. D. Barker, McKinley; 
A. N. Johnson, Thomas B. Reed; Nathan H. Alexander, McKinley; 

Eleventh Republican National Convention. 125 

Frank Simmons, McKinley; Samuel S. Booth, McKinlej^; John Har- 
mon, McKinley; Thomas G. Dunn, McKinley; W. J. Stevens, 
McKinley; Doug-lass Smith, McKinley; H. A. Carson, McKinley; D. 
N. Cooper, McKinley; Dr. J. Dawson, McKinley; C. D. Alexander. 
McKinley; J. S. Curtis, McKinley; Walter Simmons, McKinley; H. B. 
Casin, McKinley; Ad. Wimbs,Reed; W. C. Hanlon, Levi P. Morton. 

Alabama— Reed, 2; Morton, 1; McKinley, 19. 

When the State of Illinois was reached. "Mr. Chairman, I chal- 
lenge the votes of Illinois," said Duncan McDougall, a delegate from 
that State. Hisses followed that motion, but the Chairman ordered 
the roll to be called, which resulted as follows: 

Robert W. Patterson, McKinley; Willliam Penn Nixon, McKinley; 
Joseph W. Fifer, McKinley; Richard J. Oglesby, McKinley; Martin 
B. Madden, McKinley; Frank C. Roby, McKinley; Edward S. Conway 
McKinley; William Lorimer, Reed (applause from Maine); Edward 
R. Brainerd, McKinley; George M. Schneider, McKinley; Joseph 
Bidwell, McKinley; Thomas O'Shaughnessy, McKinley; John M. 
Smyth, Reed; Philip Knopf, McKinley; Samuel B. Raymond, McKin- 
ley; Graeme Steward, McKinley; Charles Whitney, McKinley; George 
P. Engelhardt, McKinley; Isaac L. Ellwood, McKinley; H. D. Judson, 
McKinley; Smith D. Atkins, McKinley; R. S. Farrand, McKinley; 
Charles H. Deere, McKinley; L. H. Brookfield, McKinley; Duncan 
McDougall, McKinley; Thomas J. Henderson, McKinley; H. K. 
Wheeler, McKinley; H. M. Snapp, McKinley; W. H. Kratz, McKinley; 
Charles G. Eckert. McKinley; Charles E. Sniveley, McKinley; J. C, 
Pinckney, McKinley; J. Mack Sholl, McKinley; J. O. Anderson, Mc- 
Kinley; Asa C. Matthews, McKinley: Sargeant McKnight, McKinley; 
J. Otis Humphrey, McKinley; Hugh Crea, McKinley; H. J. Hamlin, 
McKinley; A. H. Kinne. McKinley; A. H. Jones, McKinley; H. A. 
Neal, McKinley; Thomas S. Ridgeway, McKinley; Walter Colver, 
McKinley; W. A. Rodenburg; McKinley; J. D. Gerlach, McKinley; 
Frank A. Prickett, McKinley; James E.Jobe, McKinley. 

Illinois Reed— 2; McKinley. 46. 

The vote of the State of Mississippi was challenged by delegate 
Charles Rosenbaum, of DeKalb. The Secretary was ordered to call 
the roll, and the delegation was polled as follows: 

James Hill, McKinley; John S. Burton, McKinley; Albert M. Lee, 
McKinley; E. H. Lampton; McKinley; William F. Elgin, McKinley; 
Richard D. Littlejohn, Quay; Geo. W. Buchanan, McKinley; Wm. 
Simmons, McKinley; Wesley Crayton, McKinley; Jos. E. Ousle}', 

The Secretary announced this vote as follows: Quay, 1; McKin- 
ley, 17. 

126 Official Proceedings of the 

When Montana was called Chairman Stowell of that State said: 

"One vote for McKinley, one for J. D Cameron, of Pennsylvania, 
three blank, one absent, and I ask that the roll of the alternates be 
called to supply the place of our absentees." 

"Will the gentleman give the names of the absentees?" the Chair- 
man asked. 

"Hon. Charles S. Hartman," replied Mr. Stowell. 

"From which district?" asked the Chairman. 

"The State at large of Montana." 

"The Secretary will then call the name of the first alternate dele- 
gate at large," directed the Chairman. 

"P. R. Dolman," called the Secretary. 

"Blank," responded Mr. Dolman. 

"Mr. Dolman votes blank," said the Secretary and then he asked: 
"Who are the other absentees?" 

"Are there any other absentees?" asked Senator Thurston. 

"No, sir; there is only one," replied Mr. Stowell. 

The Secretary then announced the vote of Montana as follows: 
Blank, 4; 1 for J. Donald Cameron and 1 for McKinley. 

When the State of New York was reached, Mr. Piatt announced the 
vote as 541^ for Mr. Morton, and 17 for McKinley, whereupon John 
Raines demanded that the delegation be polled, and the call of the 
roll resulted as follows: 

Thomas C. Piatt, Morton; Warner Miller, Morton; Chauncey M. De- 
pew, Morton; Edward Lauterbach, Morton; H. C. Johnson, Morton; 
Joseph H. Nevins, alternate for Walter L. Snydam, McKinley; Theo 
dore B. Willis, McKinley; Geo. H. Roberts, jr., McKinley; Timothy L. 
Woodruff, Morton; W^ B. Atterbury, McKinley; Granville W. Har- 
mon, Morton; Joa. R. Clark, Morton; Fred W. Wurster, Morton; Ernest 
J. Kaltenbach, McKinley; Henry C.Saffen, Morton; George W. Palmer, 
Morton; Cornelius VanCott, Morton; Hugh McRoberts, Morton; Lis- 
penard Stewart, Morton; L. L. VanAllen, Morton; Charles H. Murray, 
Morton; J. J. Collins, Morton; Frederick S. Gibbs, Morton; John P. Win. 
dolph, Morton; Jacob M. Patterson, Morton; George Billiard, Morton; 
Cornelius N. Bliss, {% vote), McKinley; S. V. R. Cruger, {}4 vote), Mc- 
Kinley; Howard Carroll, {}4 vote,) Morton; Thurlow Weed Barnes %), 
vote,) Morton; William Brookfield, McKinley; Anson G. McCook, Mor- 
ton; Lem.E. Quigg, Morton; Abraham Gruber, Morton; C . H. T. Collis 
McKinley; Robert J. Wright, McKinley; Wm. H. Robertson, McKin- 
ley; John G. Peene, McKinley; Benj. B. Odell, jr., Morton; Thomas 
W. Bradley, McKinley; John H. Ketcham, Morton; S. D. Coykendall, 
Morton; Franks. Black, Morton; I.ouis F. Payne, Morton; William 
Barnes, jr., Morton; Wm. J. Walker, Morton; Edward Ellis, Morton; 
J. LeRoy Jacobs, Morton; Wm. L. Proctor, Morton; W. W. Worden, 
Morton; Addison B. Colvin, Morton; Thomas A. Sears, Morton; John 

Eleventh Republican National Convention. 127 

T. Mott, Morton: D. C. Middleton, Morton; Frederick C. Weaver, Mor- 
ton; Albert G. Story, McKinley; Frank J. Enz, Morton; William A. 
Smyth, Morton; Frank Hiscock, Morton; Francis Hendricks, Morton; 
Sereno E. Payne, Morton; John Raines, Morton; John F. Parkhurst, 
Morton; Archie E. Baxter, Morton; Archie D. Sanders, Morton; Irv- 
ing M. Thompson, Morton; Geo. A. Aldridge, Morton; Wm. A. Suth- 
erland, Morton; John R. Hazel, Morton; John Craft, Morton; George 
E. Matthews, McKinley; Wesley C. Dndlej^ McKinley; N. V. V. 
Franchot, McKinley; Lester V. Stearns, McKinley. 

New York — For Morton, 55; for McKinley, 17. 

Before the announcement could be heard from the Texas delega- 
tion, Mr. W. J. Wasson challenged the vote of Texas, and the Secre- 
tary proceeded to call the roll of districts of that State. 

John Grant, McKinley; R. L. Smith, McKinley; David Taylor, Mc- 
Kinley; H. B. Kane, McKinle}^: Webster Flannigan, McKinle}^; C. M- 
Ferguson, McKinley: Cecil A, Lyon, McKinley; J. M. McCormick, 
McKinley; W. F. Crawford, Reed; Marion Mullens, Reed; Hugh Han- 
cock, Reed; R. P. Hawley, Reed; — Lubey, McKinley; Frank Hamil- 
ton, McKinley: — Davis, McKinley; M. W. Lawson, McKinley; T. P. 
Pollard, McKinley; J. W. Butler, McKinley; H. G. Goree, McKinley; 
William Johnson, McKinlej^; Robt. Armstrong, McKinley; B. F. Wal- 
lace, Reed; W. J. Wasson, McKinle}'; Paul Fricke, McKinley; M. M. 
Rogers, Allison; — Townsend, McKinley. 

C. W. Ogden (no answer). 

"Mr. Ogden is absent," said Delegate Flannigan. "Mr. Johnson is 
his alternate and votes for McKinley." 

When the vote of Virginia was announced, Mr. Brady challenged 
the vote, whereupon the roll was called as follows: 

William Lamb, McKinley; James A. Walker, McKinley: S. M, Yost, 
McKinley; A. W. Harris, McKinley; George T. Scarburg, McKinley; 
T. C. Walker, McKinley: George E. Bowden (i^ vote), McKinley; R. N. 
Smith (1/^ vote), McKinley; A. H. Martin (i^ vote), McKinley; Harry 
Libbey (i^ vote), McKinley; Edmund Waddell, McKinley; C. W. Har- 
ris, McKinley; Seth Balling, McKinley; J. D. Brady, Reed; C.J. Barks- 
dale, McKinley; G. M. Tucker, McKinley; J. M. McLaughlin, McKin- 
ley; S. E. Sproul, McKinley; John Acker, McKinley: J. H. Rives, Mc- 
Kinley; W. G. B. Shumate, McKinley; H. J. Wale, McKinley; J. S. 
Browning. McKinley; D. F. Bailey, McKinley; J. C. Scheffer, McKin- 
ley; R. T. Hubard, McKinley. 

Virginia — Reed 1; McKinley, 23. 

Mr. Morrison, of New Mexico, challenged the vote of that Territory, 
and the clerk called the roll as follows: 

A. L. Morrison, McKinley; John S. Clark, McKinley; Thomas D. 
Burns, McKinley; Pedro Perea, McKinley; Solomon Luna, McKin- 
ley; W. H. H. Llewellyn, Allison. 

New Mexico — Allison, 1; McKinley, 5. 

128 Official Proceedings of the 

John Raines, of New York. I ask unanimous consent that the 
name of John F. Parkhurst, of the Twenty-ninth District of New 
York, be called. He was not in his seat when his name was called, 
and his alternate did not cast a vote. 

The Chairman. Unless objection is made his name will be 

The Secretary called the name of John F. Parkhurst, who cast his 
vote for Levi P. Morton, as above stated. 

A Delegate from Illinois. Mr. Chairman, I arise to make a correc- 
tion. When the name of John M. Smith, from the Sixth District, was 
called, his alternate answered for John M. Smith, that gentleman 
not being in the hall. Now, I think the name of the alternote should 
be called and the vote cast in the name of the alternate, and not in 
the name of John M. Smith. 

The Secretary was directed to call the name of James H. Parker, 
alternate, who voted for Thomas B. Reed. 

When Chairman Thurston attempted to announce the vote the 
pent-up enthusiasm of the great assemblage cut him off short. He 
started with the vote for McKinley, but he did not finish that. 

"McKinley, six hundred and six " 

The rest was taken for granted, and the assemblage was precipi- 
tated into a great outburst of cheers and whoops and yells and the 
usual concomitant of such a tumult at a Presidential Convention, 
with flags, plumes of the National colors, tin horns, umbrellas and 
everything which could be brought into motion in the hands of the 
howling thousands. Pandemonium reigned in the pit, and it reigned 
in the galleries. Men embraced each other, and some of the dele- 
gates shed tears of joy. The ladies waved handkerchiefs and flags, 
and some of them applauded vigorously, while many more actuallj'^ 

The alternates of the Ohio delegation raised the banner of the 
Tippecanoe Club, of Cleveland, and this was the signal for greater 
cheering. Then the band broke out with "America," and from out- 
side of the Auditorium came the boom of a cannon, which began to 
fire a President's salute for a double purpose — in honor of McKinley 
and as an indication to the people in the city that a candidate had 
been named. 

Just as the cannon belched forth the second time some enthu- 
siastic McKinley men raised over the main entrance a large portrait 
of McKinley framed with bunting of the national colors and topped 
with groups of President's flags. Again there was another wild re- 
newal of the cheering. 

Eleventh Republican National Convention. 129 

The Chairman. The Chair desires to make a statement. Appli- 
cations have been made for recognition by the representatives of 
all the other candidates voted for to make a certain motion. The 
Chair believes that it will be the fairest thing to recognize the rep- 
resentative of each candidate and in the order of each candidate 
according to the votes cast for each. 

Mr. Henderson, of Iowa. Will it now be in order to make the 
motion referred to by the Chair? 

The Chairman. Not until the vote referred to is announced. The 
Chair takes this opportunity to prefer a personal request. Some of 
the delegates from the different States have presented your chair- 
man the respective badges of their States. The Chair would be de- 
lighted to take away from this Convention the badge of each State 
to retain as a memento of this occasion, and of the kindness and 
courtesy towards the Chair of each and every member of this Con- 

The Chairman. The Chair is prepared to announce the vote upon 
the roll call. The following votes have been cast for William Mc- 
Kinley, 661 Vs- 

(Disorder prevailed immediately the vote was announced, the 
delegates clamoring in an effort to show their appreciation of the 
nomination of Major McKinley, which lasted for some minutes.) 


Senator LODGE. Mr. Chairman, speaking for my own State and I 
believe for all the other States that supported Mr. Reed, I wish to 
say that we pledge a great majority in our own State, and all the 
assistance we can give you in any other State, and all the help that 
w^e can render in any way for the great victory of William McKin- 
ley. Mr. Chairman, I move you that the nomination of William 
McKinley be made unanimous. 

Governor HASTINGS, of Pennsylvania. Gentlemen of the Conven- 
tion: Pennsylvania rises to second the motion to make the nomina- 
tion of William McKinley unanimous. Pennsylvania has a right to 
second the motion. Pennsylvania was loyal to her favorite son, and 
Pennsylvania, with that loyalty now becomes the champion of pro- 
tection, the champion of America's great champion, William Mc- 
Kinley. (Great applause). In Pennsylvania we welcome the issue 
of American protection and American policy, and when Major Mc- 
Kinley in his home in Canton, Ohio, on the night of election, listens 
to the returns, he will find that his largest majority comes from the 
State of Pennsylvania. 

After a determined effort, Chairman Thurston was able to secure 
order, when he proceeded to announce the balance of the vote, as 

130 Official Proceedings of the 

Morton, 58; Allison, 35i^; Reed, 84i^; Quay, 61i/^; Cameron, 1; 
blank, 4. 

After making- the announcement. Chairman Thurston said: lu 
accordance with the statement of the Chair, four gentlemen will be 
recognized in the order of the vote, for the candidates they repre- 
sent: I recognize the gentleman from Massachusetts, Mr. Lodge. 

Senator Lodge. The friends of Mr. Reed have followed him with 
the same loyalty which he has always shown himself to country, to 
principle and to party. That loyalty they now transfer to the sol- 
dier, the patriot, and American, whom you have nominated here 
to-day. (Applause). 

Mr. Platt, of New York. In behalf the delegation from the State 
of New York, I desire to second the motion to make the nomination 
of William McKinley unanimous (applause), and I pledge the State 
of New York to give its usual, if not double its usual, majority at 
the election for his success. (Applause). 

The Chairman. The Chair recognizes the gentleman from Iowa, 
Mr. Henderson. 

Mr. Henderson, Mr. Chairman and brother Republicans: You 
have elected a National Committee to run the coming campaign; 
you do not need it. The Republicans of the country will run it 
themselves. (Applause). The Republicans, the rank and file, have 
made the nomination this afternoon, and not Mark Hanna or Gen- 
eral Grosvenor, and from every State will come a vote for Major 
McKinley unprecedented in the history of the American people. 
Applause). By the authority of our distinguished Iowa son. Sen- 
ator Allison, by the instruction of the Iowa delegation, representing 
the great loyal Republican party of Iowa, I second the nomination 
to make Major McKinley the unanimous choice of the Republican 
party of the United States. (Great applause). 

At this point the Chairman recognized Dr. Depew, of New York, 
for whom the delegates were calling for some time. 


Dr. Depew. Mr. Chairman, I am in the happy position of making 
a speech for the man who is going to be elected. It is a great thing 
for an orator when his first nominee has failed to come in and sec- 
ond a man who has succeeded. 

New York is here with no bitter feelings, no hard feelings and no 
disappointment. (Applause). We recognize that the wave has sub- 
merged us, and my speech was the bubble, but when that bubble 
burst it was a cannon from New York sounding for William Mc- 
Kinley. (Applause). 

They said of Governor Morton's father that he was a New England 
clergyman who brought up a family of ten children on three hun- 

Eleventh Republican National Convention. 131 

dred dollars a year, and notwithstanding' w^as gifted in prayer. 
(Laughter). It does not make any difference how poor, how misera- 
ble, how out of work, how ragged, how next door to a tramp any man 
may be in the United States to-night, he will be gifted in prayer at 
the result of this Convention. (Applause). 

The peculiarity of this nomination is just that which always 
pleases the American people. We are not like the Germans, an ab- 
stract people, not like the Germans deifying principles unless they 
are connected w^ith a man, and there is a principle dear to the Amer- 
ican heart which is this principle, the one that moves its spindles, 
that supports its industries, the one that makes its wage-earner 
sought for employment and not seeking employment, and that prin- 
ciple for years gone by has been embodied in one man. His per- 
sonality expresses it, and by the voice of the American people, with 
a majority unequalled, his personality will carry him to the Presi- 
dential chair. The aspirations of the voters of America, of the fam- 
ilies of Americans; of the children of America, and the homes of 
America are for McKinley, Protection, and America for Americans. 
fGreat applause). 

A general call from all part? of the hall was then heard for Mr. 
Hanna, who finally yielded to the entreaties of the audience and 
arose and said: 

Mr. HannA: Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen of the Convention: 
I am glad that there was one member of this Convention who has 
the intelligence at this late hour to ascertain how this nomination 
was made. By the people. What feeble efforts I may have con- 
tributed to the result, I am here to lay the fruits of it at the feet of 
my party and upon the altar of my country. (Applause). 

I am ready now to take my position in the ranks alongside of my 
friend General Henderson, and all other good Republicans from 
every State, and do the duty of a soldier until next November. 
(Great applause). 

The Convention here called for Senator Quay, desisting only when 
informed by the Chairman that he was not present. 


The CHAIRMAN: Gentlemen of the Convention, the question 
now^ is shall the nomination of William McKinley be made unani- 
mous? All of you who are in favor of making the nomination of 
William McKinley unanimous will rise. 

The Convention rose to its feet as one man amid a tumult of ap- 


The Chairman: Gentlemen of the Convention, by authority of 
your unanimous vote, as Chairman of this Convention, I declare 
that William McKinley, of the State of Ohio, is the nominee of the 
Republican party for President of the United States. (Applause). 


The Chair here recognized Senator Lodge, of Massachusetts. 

132 Official Proceedings of the 

Senator LODGE: Mr. Chairman, I move that we now proceed to 
nominate a candidate for Vice-President, and that the nominating- 
speeches be limited to fifteen minutes. 

A delegate here amended to make it five minutes, which was ac- 

Governor Hastings, of Pennsylvania: Mr. Chairman, I second 
the motion. 

The CHAIRMAN: Gentlemen of the Convention, the regular order 
now is the call of States for the nomination of Vice-President, and 
it is moved that the presentation speeches be limited to five min- 
utes for each candidate. All in favor of that motion will say "aye." 

Motion carried. 

The Chairman here directed the Secretary to call the roll of States 
for a candidate for Vice-President. 

The Secretary proceeded with the call of the roll of States, and 
when the State of Connecticut was reached, Hon. Samuel Fessenden, 
mounted the platform and spoke as follows: 

Mr. President and Gentlemen of the Convention: There are 
two acts already performed by this great Convention which should 
receive the most hearty and enthusiastic approval and ratification 
of all loyal Republicans of the United States. The first is the nomi- 
nation of the soldier, patriot and great statesman of Ohio, Governor 
McKinley, as our candidate for President. The second is the adop- 
tion of a platform, which in unequivocal terms pledges the Repub- 
lican party to the principles of protection, with reciprocity, always 
so nobly championed by William McKinley, and to an honest cur- 
rency, based upon the present gold standard. 

The Republicans of Connecticut at their State Convention, were 
among the foremost to express in clear and emphatic w^ords their 
belief in an honest dollar and a single gold standard. The people 
of Connecticut are keenly alive to the importance of these great 
questions, and though classed as a doubtful State, we believe that 
upon these issues, Connecticut in November will give her electoral 
vote to Governor McKinley. 

I have the pleasure and the honor to present to this Convention, 
as a candidate for the second place on our National ticket, the name 
of a Connecticut man — a man who represents the sentiments of Con- 
necticut as well as of all sound money Republicans upon the vital 
issues of the coming contest. A staunch and fearless Republican — 
a man distinguished for his rare courage, his energy, his ability and 
his integrity. One who by his own hands, and his own brains, has 
achieved the great successes of his life. A man whose high distinc- 
tion is not due to accident, but is the result of his own merit. 

One, Mr, President and gentlemen, w^hose commanding talent and 
whose business activity, has placed him at the head of one of the 
greatest financial institutions of our country. 

For four consecutive terms he was chosen mayor of the Deiuo- 
cratic city of Hartford, and in 1888, was elected Governor of our 

By his bravery, by his generosity, and by his sagacity, his admin- 
istration was made one of the most famous in the history of the 

Eleventh Republican National Convention. 133 

That the ticket may be complete, that Connecticut may be made 
doubly sure, and that the name of a son of New England may have 
a place upon the National ticket, Connecticut nominates for Vice- 
President the Honorable Morgan G. Bulkeley. (Applause). 

The Secretary proceeded with the call of the roll of Slates, no re- 
sponse being- made until New Jersey was reached, when Mr. Sewell 
said: J. Franklin Fort will present the name of New Jersey's fav- 
orite son, Garrett A. Hobart. (Applause). 

Mr. Fort spoke as follow s: 

Mr. President and Gentlemen of the Convention: I rise to pre 
sent to this Convention the claims of New^ Jersey to the vice-presi- 

We come because we feel that we can for the first time in our his- 
tory bring to you a promise that our electoral vote will be cast for 
your nominees. If you comply with our request, this promise will 
surely be redeemed. 

For forty years, through the blackness of darkness of a univer- 
sally triumphant Democracy, the Republicans of New^ Jersey have 
maintained their organization and fought as valiantly as if the out- 
come were to be assured victory. Only twice through all this long 
period has the sun shone in upon us. Yet, through all these weary 
years, we have, like Goldsmith's "Captive," felt that: 

Hope, like the gleaming taper's light, 

Adorns and cheers ourway, 
And still as darker grows the night. 

Emits a brighter ray. 

The tultillment of this hope came in ISOl. In that year, for the 
first time since the Republican party came into existence, we sent 
to Congress a solid delegation of eight Republicans, and elected a 
Republican to the United States Senate. We followed this in 1895 
b}' electing a Republican Governor by a majority of 27,000. And in 
this year of grace we expect to give the Republican electors a ma- 
jority of not less than 20,000. 

I come, then, to you to day in behalf of new New^ Jersey, a polit- 
ically redeemed and regenerated State. Old things have passed 
away, and behold all things have become new. It is many long 
years since New Jersey has received recognition by a National Con- 

When Henry Cla3^ stood for protection in ISM, New Jersey fur- 
nished Theodore Frelinghuysen as his associate. The issue then 
was the restoration of the tariff and was more nearly like that of to- 
day than that of any other period which I can recall in the nation's 
political history. In 1856, when the freedom of man brought the 
Republican party into existence, and the great "Pathfinder" was 
called to lead. New Jersey furnished for that unequal contest Wil- 
liam L. Dayton as the vice-presidential candidate. Since then, 
counting for nothing, we have asked for nothing. During this 
period Maine has had a candidate for President and a Vice Presi- 
dent; Massachusetts a Vice President; New York four Vice Presi- 
dents, one of whom became President for almost a full term; Indi- 
ana a President, a candidate for President and a Vice President; 
Illinois a President four times and a vice presidential candidate; 

134 Official Proceedings of the 

Ohio two Presidents, and now a candidate for the third time; Ten- 
nessee a Vice President who became President for almost a full 

We believe that the vice-presidency in 1896 should be given to New 
Jersey; we have reasons for our opinion. We have ten electoral 
votes. We have carried the State in the elections of 1893, 1894 and 1895. 
We hope and believe we can keep the State in the Republican column 
for all time. By your action to-day you can g-reatl}'^ aid us. Do you 
believe you could place the vice-presidency in a State more justly 
entitled to recognition or one which it would be of more public ad- 
vantage to hold in the Republican ranks? If the party in any State is 
deserving of approval for the sacrifices of its members to maintain 
its organization, then the Republicans of New Jersey, in this, the 
hour of their ascendency, after long years of bitter defeat, feel that 
they can not come to this Convention in vain. We appeal to our 
brethren in the South who know with us what it is to be overridden 
by fraud in the ballot box, to be counted out by corrupt election offi- 
cers, to be dominated by an arrogant, unrelenting Democracy. We 
should have carried our State at every election for the past ten years 
if the count had been an honest one. We succeeded in throttling 
the ballot-box stuffer and imprisoning the corrupt election officers, 
only to have the whole raft of them pardoned in a day to work again 
their nefarious practices upon an honest people. But to-day under 
ballot reform law^s, w^ith an honest count, we know^ w^e can win. It 
has been a long, terrible strife to the goal, but we have reached it 
unaided and unassisted from without, and we come to-day promis- 
ing to the ticket here selected the vote of New Jersey, whether you 
give us the vice presidential candidate or not. 

We make it no test of our Republicanism that we have a candidate. 
We have been too long used to fighting for principle for that. But 
we do say that you can, by granting our request, lighten our bur- 
den and make us a confident party with victory in sight even before 
the contest begins. Will we carry Colorado, Montana and Nevada 
this year if the Democracy declares for silver at 16 to 1? Let us hope 
we may. New Jersey has as many electoral votes as those three 
States together. 

Will you not make New Jersey sure to take their place in case of 
need? We have in all these long years of Republicanism been the 
"Lone Star" Democratic State in the North. Our forty years of 
wandering in the wilderness of Democrac}' are ended. Our Egyptian 
darkness disappears. We are on the hilltop looking into the prom- 
ised land. Encourage us as w^e march over into the political Ca- 
naan of Republicanisin, there to remain bj' giving us a leader on 
the national ticket to go up with us. We are proud of our public 
men. Their Republicanism and love of country has been welded in 
the furnace of political adversity. That man is a Republican who 
adheres to the party in a State where there is no hope for the grati- 
fication of personal ambitions. There are no camp followers in the 
minority party in any State. They are all true soldiers in the mili- 
tant army, doing valiant service without reward, gain, or the hope 
thereof, from principle only. 

A true representative of this class of Republicans New Jersey 
will offer you to-day. He is in the prime of life, a never-faltering 
friend, with qualities of leadership unsurpassed, of sterling honor, 
of broad mind, of liberal views, of wide public information; of great 
business capacity, and, withal, a parliamentarian who would grace 
the presidency of the Senate of the United States. A native of our 

Eleventh Republican National Convention. 135 

State, the son of an humble farmer, he was reared to love of country 
in sight of the historic tield of Monmouth, on which the blood of 
our ancestors was shed that the republic might exist. From a poor 
country boy, unaided and alone, he has risen to high renown among 
us. In our State we have done for him all that the political condi- 
tions would permit. He has been Speaker of our assembly and 
President of our Senate. He has been the choice for United States 
Senator of the Republican minoritj'^ in the Legislature, and had it 
been in our power to have placed him in the Senate of the United 
States he would long ere this have been there. His capabilities are 
such as would grace any position of honor in the nation. Not for 
himself; but for our State; not for his ambition, but to give to the 
nation the highest t3'pe of public official, do we come to this Con- 
vention by the command of our State and in the name of the Repub- 
lican partj' of New Jersej^ — unconquered and unconquerable, un- 
divided and indivisible — with our united voice speaking for all 
that counts for good citizenship in our State, we present to you for 
the office of Vice President of the republic, Garrett A. Hobart, of 
New Jersey. 

Mr. J. Otis Humphrey, of Illinois: 

Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen of the Convention: I rise to 
second the nomination, and I do so on behalf of the majority of the 
delegates of the great State of Illinois. Illinois, which thirty-six 
years ago gave to the Republican party her most distinguished son; 
and to the world its greatest human character in the person of 
Abraham Lincoln. (Applause). 

Illinois, which in the dark days of the Republic gave to the party 
the matchless silent soldier, the greatest luilitarj^ hero the world 
ever saw, in the person of Ulysses S. Grant. (Applause). 

Illinois, which twelve years ago, for this satne great office, pre- 
sented to the Republican party the leading citizen, soldier of the 
century, our own John A. Logan. (Applause). 

Illinois, whose electoral vote from Lincoln to Harrison, with un- 
varying regularity, has always been given to the Republican party. 

On her behalf and in her name, and pledging a like fidelity and an 
equal loyalty to the nominees of this Convention. I second the 
'nomination for Vice President, the Hon. Garrett A. Hobart, of New 

The Secretary proceeded with the call of the States, no response 
being made until Rhode Island was reached, when Mr. Allen, of that 
State, mounted the platform, and spoke as follows: 

MR. LIPPETT named. 

Gentlemen of the Convention: I desire to present to you for 
the high office of Vice President of the United States, another fam- 
ous son of New England. He comes, it is true, from what you some- 
times tell us is but a little speck on the map way over on the Atlanic 
coast, but that little speck has sent to you and to this country a 
Greene, in 1776; a Burnside, in 1861, and you now have in the coun- 
cils of this country the father of the McKinley Protection act. I 
present to you in the name of the State of Rhode Island, his Excel- 
lency Charles Warren Lippett, for the office of Vice President of the 
United States. (Applause). 

136 Official Proceedings of the 

The Secretary proceeded with the call until the State of Tennessee 
was reached, when Mr. Randolph, of that State, mounted the plat- 
form and spoke as follows : 


Mr. President and Gentlemen of the Convention : It has been 
more than thirty years since an)' citizen of the States, organized as 
the Confederate States, has been presented by either of the great Na- 
tional parties for the office of President or Vice-President. 

When the great conflict for the Nation's life was entered upon, the 
Republican party had but just assumed control. It became the 
champion of the Union of the States, and for the preservation of the 
Government under the Constitution. At the close of the contest the 
success of the National Annies was regarded as the special triutuph 
of the party. The people of the States of the South had been in re- 
volt, and it was natural that for a time after hostilities had ceased 
the Republican party and those people should distrust each other. 
The one found the great majority of its voters in the States which 
adhered to the Union, and therefore selected its candidates for Pres- 
ident and Vice President from those States. The Democratic party 
had been the dominant party in the States of the South for many 
generations, and the people regarded that party not only as their 
National representative, but as the peculiar exponent of their polit- 
ical views. A solid South in a Democratic column of electoral votes 
was a necessary consequence, and for many years the Republican 
party has entered upon every National contest handicapped with 
159 electoral votes absolutely certain against its nominee. To over- 
come this immense vote, thus fixed against it, has required the carry- 
ing of each of certain doubtful States of the North, and a failure to 
carry any one of those States, as demonstrated in the defeat of Mr. 
Blaine in the contest of 1884, meant the election of the Democratic 
nominee. To change this condition of affairs required a change of 
the relations between the people of the Southern States and the Re- 
publican party. To accomplish such change two things must con- 
cur — the people of the South, or a majority of them, inust be satisfied 
that their interests are to be protected by the success of the Repub- 
lican party, and also, that the Republican party is ready to concede 
to them, when members of it, and acting with it, equal recognition 
with the people of the other States in. the selection of officers and 
agents for the administration of the Government, and the change 
must be brought about by obtaining converts from the Democratic 

The experience of the last four years of the administration of the 
National Government upon Democratic principles and through 
Democratic officers and agents has furnished satisfactory proofs of 
the first proposition, and a large majority of the intelligent people 
of the former Solid South is now ready to admit that the principles 
announced in the platform just adopted, when honestly adminis- 
tered through capable officers and agents, must result in the build- 
ing up of a New South, not only in name, but in industrial develop- 
ments and all that goes to make up a happy and prosperous people. 
The proof of the other proposition that the people of the Southern 
States who are Republicans and who are honest, worthy and capable 
are to be trusted as officers and agents in the administration of the 
Government under like circumstances equally with their brothers 

Eleventh Republican National Convention. 137 

of the other States, and that no invidious discrimination is to be 
made agaiast them because of their locality, ancestry or past his- 
tory or affiliation, remains yet to be made. Now is the time for the 
g-reat Republican party to make its first serious effort to build itself 
up and put itself in a position of impreg-nable strength among the 
people of the South. The Solid South is reliably solid for the Dem- 
ocratic party no longer. Kentucky, Tennessee, Maryland, Delaware, 
West Virginia, Missouri, North and South Carolina, have each given 
unmistakable indications of drifting away, and with profitable en- 
couragement and suitable recognition, they may be safely placed in 
the Republican column, not only when the result of the election in 
November is announced, but in future contests, as they periodically 
occur; and Tennessee, the gateway of the South, the great battle- 
field of the Civil War, the State which voted against Secession when 
the question was submitted to its people, by a large majority, the 
last State to join itself t3 the Confederate States, and the first Slate 
to return to its loyalty to the Union, — now presents you one of its 
distinguished citizens for the second place on your ticket. It is true 
he is not native born, but he is more — he is a citizen by choice, and 
he comes from the portion of a State whose people have always been 
loyal to the Union and the Constitution, and which furnished more 
soldiers for the Army of the Union, in proportion to their popula- 
tion, than any other territory in the United States. 

Our nominee was born in the great State of Pennsylvania. He 
was reared in the equally great state of Wisconsin. When the Pres- 
ident, in the beginning of the Nation's danger, called the citizens to 
arms to preserve the Union and perpetuate the Constitution, though 
a mere boy, he enlisted as a private soldier, and after going 
through all the perils of the war, at the end he was honorably dis- 
charged from the service. He then became a citizen of the State of 
Tennessee, and has devoted his ind ustry, energy and ability to de- 
veloping the resources of that State. He has won the friendship, 
respect and confidence of the people among whom he lives. They 
have put him in various official positions; he has been Alderman 
and Mayor of a City, Member of Congress from his District and 
First Assistant Postmaster-General in the last Republican Admin- 
istration. In every position he has discharged his duties honestly 
and faithfully and to the satisfaction of the people. After he had 
thus established himself, the Republicans of Tennessee nominated 
him for Governor, and the people, at the November election of 1894, 
gave him a majority of 748 votes over his opponent, as shown by the 
face of the returns made by the officers holding the election. After 
the election, the Democratic Legislature enacted a law for the pur- 
pose of contesting it. It is not too much to say that the law was de- 
signed to deprive bim of the office to which the people had elected 
him, and the same people, who, as a Legislature, passed the law, 
assumed, under the law, to pass upon his right to the office. A pre- 
tended judicial inquir}' was instituted. As a matter of fact, it was 
neither judicial nor fair. The issues made were false, and the testi- 
mony was garbled. The decision changed the face of the returns; 
enough votes were taken from what he had received to give his 
opponent a majority and to change his election into defeat. The 
ground of the rejection of the votes was not that they had not been 
cast, or that the voters were not legal voters, nor that the Judges of the 
election had not been fully satisfied of their right to vote before re- 
ceiving their votes. All of these facts were admitted, but the decis- 
ion was put on the grounds that though the voters had paid their 

138 Official Proceedings of the 

poll taxes and had receipts, showing- the fact for the time required 
by the law, such receipts had not been produced before the offi- 
cers holding- the election, and these officers, for that reason, had no 
right to receive their votes, and a man never elected Governor is 
now holding oiKce in the State of Tennessee. The people of Ten- 
nessee feel that a great wronghas been done them, and they want 
an opportunity of expressing their public condemnation of the act. 
They want an opportunity of showing the confidence they have in 
the citizen who has thus been defrauded of the office to which thej' 
elected him. They believe he is worthy of any office within the gift 
of the American people. Representing them here, I nominate for 
Vice President of the United States Henry Clay Evans. (Applause). 

John P. Smith, of Kentucky. Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen of 
the Convention: — I regret very much that we have not time to devote 
to picturing the qualifications of the man that I rise to second the 
nomination of. Hailing from a State that rolled up a majority that 
elected the first Republican Governor since the days of Washington — 
the home of William O. Bradley, I come to second the nomination of 
this distinguished gentleman of Tennessee, believing as I do that 
the time has come when there should be no more South, East or 
West. I atn tbe representative in part of more than seven millions 
of men and women who were bound in chains and shackles until 
about thirty years ago. W^e ask of this great body, the grandest 
organization this side of eternity, to give us the gentleman from 
Tennessee, an able man. But here the color question conies up. 
Somehow or other it pops up like the silver or gold question, but 
we cannot help it. But I will say this, you never heard of negroes 
coming into a National Convention and bolting and walking out 
because thej' could not get what they believed to be their rights. 
(Applause). We want to fight our battles within the party. Hun- 
dreds of thousands of negroes have fallen at the ballot box with a 
Republican ballot in their hands. I arise to second the nomination 
of that representative Tennesseean, gallant soldier, eminent states- 
man and worthy gentleman, H. Clay Evans, of Tennessee. (Ap- 

The Chairman. Gentlemen of the Convention, the Chair presents 
to you Mr. LaFollette of Wisconsin,who will address you for a mo- 

Mr. LaFollette. Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen of this Conven- 
tion: — You have to-day made a platform which ought to give to the 
Republican nominees of this Convention every State in the North 
except possibly our silver sisters. You have to-day made a plat- 
form which is absolutely certain to give us every State in New 
England, and if, gentlemen of this Convention, there is a possibility 
of some of the Northwestern States slipping away froin us, is it not 
w^ell for us here in deliberation to stop and think? Shall we not to- 
day do something, if possible to repair that loss? Every pledge in 
the platform to-day that has gone out to the industrial world and 
to the workingmen and to the business men of this country, has al- 
ready been kept in this Convention. Every promise made in that 
platform has already here to-day been fulfiiled. Why do I say that? 
Why, because to every business man and to every workingman in 
this country William McKinley is the platform. 

But, gentlemen of this Convention, there was another vital prin- 
ciple in that platform that demands, at the hands of this Conven- 
tion, a living pledge here to-day. For a period of thirty years or 

Eleventh Republican National Convention. 139 

more no Republican Convention has yet assembled that did not in 
its utterance declare for the sanctity of the ballot. Gentlemen, for 
a generation of time, a large body of Republicans in this country 
having no promise of material advantages such as comes to their 
brethren of the North in the industrial section of this country from 
their support of the party and its platform have, in so far as they 
could, surrounded as they are, borne evidence of their fealty and 
loj'alty to us. 

Gentlemen, let us stop here to-day and think a moment. It is ne- 
cessary that we do something for them more than words. To-day 
you have an opportunity to do for our Southern Republicans that 
which you have done for the industrial North, to give them a can- 
didate upon this ticket that shall be to them a pledge and give them 
renewed courage and hope. (Applause). I want to say that I speak 
of Mr. Evans with some feeling. Because when that great blue 
wave arose in the North, it swept to the sea and crushed the rebel- 
lion to the earth, he went with it on its course from the State of Wis- 
consin. I had the privilege of serving beside him in the halls of 
Congress. Those that met him when he was First Assistant Post- 
master-General know of his executive ability, and you have but to 
pay a visit to the South, to that magnificent city of the New South 
to see what he is as a business man. (Applause). Whether he has 
the ability so characteristic of the gentleman from Cleveland, I do 
not know, but of this I am certain that his indominable courage, 
his splendid powers of organization, and his well-known ability 
have put the State of Tennessee over into the Republican column. 

Gentlemen, when we may possiblj^ lose something from the North- 
west that has heretofore been Republican, let us here to-night, in 
the closing hours of this greatest convention that has been held in 
the history of the party, mark out a new line of cleavage that separ- 
ates the two great sections of this country — put Henry Clay Evans 
on the ticket with William McKinley, and I pledge you here, from 
having spent three months in the South this winter, I pledge you 
out of my own knowledge that you will put a belt of new Republi- 
can States along the line. (Applause). 


The call of the roll of States was proceeded with, and when Vir- 
ginia was reached, Mr. Bailej'' arose and addressed the Convention 
as follows: 

Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen of the Convention: When we 
come to making Presidents and Vice Presidents, there seems to be 
a line that divides us as a people, and that line, my countrymen, is 
the same line that separated the two great sections, the North and 
the South, in the late unhappy war between the States. 

From 1861 down to this good hour, neither of the great political 
parties of this country have dared to cross the rubicon. As a repre- 
sentative of the South; as a representative of the Confederates of 
the South, I am here to-day to voice the sentiments of my Southern 
people and to demand at the hands of this Convention that that 
dead line be forever obliterated on this occasion. (Applause). I 
want to say in behalf of the Southern people that they are as loyal 
to the Union to-daj^ — that they are as loyal to the Nation's flag to- 
day as they ever were to the flag of the Confederacj'. 

140 Official Proceedings of the 

I ask, in behalf of the people of the South, that when this great 
party steps back into power this fall— and it seems that the gods 
have so decreed it — I want the people of the South to feel within the 
folds, under and beneath the protection of the old Republican 
party, that they of the South can have the same rights and the 
same privileges, that they can move out on the same lines as the 
people of the North can do. My countrymen, the combined States 
of Virginia, West Virginia, North Carolina, Tennessee and Ken- 
tucky, is the Garden of Eden of this continent. While her agricul- 
tural products will compare favorably with any section of the Union, 
thej' are nothing to compare with the mineral wealth of that great 
section. They are nothing to compare with her forests of timber, 
with her iron and mineral products. These are the States, my 
countrymen, with which we propose this fall to forever break up 
the Solid South, and to bring these great States into the Republican 

I want to say here to you to-day that the financial plank which we 
have adopted to-day is strong medicine for the Southern States, as 
well as the Western States, but we propose to take it like little men 
and stand by it fully. Now, there are other things in that platform 
which are dearer to us than money— than gold or silver. It is the great 
protective principle which is involved in it. That policy is the 
policy by which we propose to win those States to the Republican 
column. Gentlemen of the Convention, that great section speaks 
to you to-day. You have heard of the accomplished Evans of Ten- 
nessee. Virginia speaks for one of her ablest sons for your consid- 
eration. She brings you a man who. at peace and at war, has proved 
himself to measure up to the high and full stature of a man. As a 
lawyer, he stands in the forefront of the Virginia bar; as a civilian, 
he has proved true to their trust; as a statesman, he has proved 
himself to be a man of business and a man of brains. I present to 
you, gentlemen, in behalf of Virginia, General James A. Walker, a 
member of this Convention and the only Republican member from 
Virginia in the Federal Congress. 

The clerk proceeded with the call of the roll of States. When 
West Virginia was reached, Mr. White, of that delegation, spoke as 

Mr. Chairman : I ask at this time, though the conditions are 
unfavorable, for the privilege of speaking for a Republican State 
with a Republican electoral vote, on the question of who shall be 
our candidate for Vice President. West Virginia, with its solid Re- 
publican Congressional delegation, and a Republican United States 
Senator; with its solid Republican Legislature, so largely Repub- 
lican in both Houses, that the entire Democratic membership might 
withdraw and there would be still left a Constitutional number in 
both Houses of Reptiblicans to transact business. Although West 
Virginia was the first Southern State to break the Solid South, which 
it did in 1888 by electing our gallant General Goff, who was deprived 
of his seat by a Legislature, Democratic on joint ballot by one vote. 
West Virginia, Mr. Chairman, is here as a Southern State with a 
Republican electoral vote solid for sound money, solid for McKin- 
ley, and solid for Mr. Hobart, of New Jersey, for Vice President. 

The Chairman. Gentlemen of the Convention, the roll of the 
States will now be called for the nomination of a Vice President. 

Eleventh Republican National Convention. 141 

The Secretary proceeded to call the roll of States : 

Alabama — 22 votes: Bulkeley, 1; Evans. 11; Hobart, 10. 

Arkansas — 16 votes: Hobart, 10; Evans, 5; Bulkeley, 1. 

California — 18 votes: Evans, 3; Bulkeley, 1; Hobart, 14, 

Colorado — 8 votes: (passed.) 

Connecticut — 12 votes: Bulkeley, 12. 

Delaware— 6 votes: Hobart, 6. 

Florida — 8 votes: Hobart, 5; Evans, 3. 

Georgia — 26 votes: Hobart, 5; Evans, 21. 

Idaho— 6 votes: (passed.) 

Illinois — 48 votes: Hobart, 44; Evans, 4. 

Indiana— 30 votes: Hobart, 12; Evans, 16; Reed, 1; Thurston, 1. 

Iowa— 26 votes: Hobart, 8; Evans, 5; Reed, 1; Bulkeley, 10; Grant, 2. 

Kansas— 20 votes: Hobart, 20. 

Kentucky — 26 votes: Hobart, 8; Evans, 17; Depew, 1. 

Louisiana — 16 votes: Hobart, 8; Evans, 8. 

Maine — 12 votes: Evans, 5; Bulkeley, 2; Depew, 2; Morton, 1; Brown, 2. 

Maryland— 16 votes: Hobart, 14; Evans, 1; Bulkeley, 1. 

Massachusetts — 30 votes: Hobart, 14; Evans, 12; Bulkeley, 4. 

Michigan— 28 votes: Hobart, 21; Evans, 7. 

Minnesota — 18 votes: Hobart, 6; Evans, 12. 

Mississippi — 18 votes: Hobart, 13; Evans, 5. 

Missouri— 34 votes: Hobart. 10; Evans, 23; Thurston, 1. 

Montana — 6 votes: Hobart, 1; 5 absent. 

Nebraska — 16 votes: Hobart, 16. 

Nevada — 6 votes: Hobart, 3; 3 absent. 

New Hampshire — 8 votes: Hobart, 8. 

New Jersey — 20 votes: Hobart, 20. 

New York— 72 votes: Hobart, 72. 

North Carolina— 22 votes: Hooart, IY2; Evans, 20^^. 

North Dakota— 6 votes: Hobart, 3; Evans, 3. 

Ohio— 46 votes: Hobart, 25; Evans, 15; Bulkeley, 6. 

Oregon — 8 votes: Hobart, 8. 

Pennsylvania— 64 votes: Hobart, 64. 

Rhode Island — 8 votes: Lippett, 8. 

South Carolina — 18 votes: Hobart, 3; Evans, 15. 

South Dakota — 8 votes: Hobart, 8. 

Tennessee — 24 votes: Evans, 24. 

Texas — 30 votes: Hobart, 11; Evans, 12: absent, 7. 

Utah — 6 votes: Hobart, 5; Evans, 1. 

Vermont — 8 votes: Hobart, 8. 

Virginia — 24 votes: Jas. A. Walker, 24. 

Washington — 8 votes: Hobart, 8. 

West Virginia — 12 votes: Hobart, 12. 

Wisconsin — 24 votes: Hobart, 3; Evans, 20; Reed, 1. 

Wyoming — 6 votes: Hobart, 6. 

Arizona — 6 votes: Hobart, 4; Evans, 1; Bulkeley, 1. 

New Mexico — 6 votes: Evans, 6. 

Oklahoma — 6 votes: Hobart, 4; Evans, 2. 

Indian Territory — 6 votes: Hobart, 6. 

District of Columbia — 2 votes: Hobart, 2. 

Alaska — 4 votes: Hobart, 4. 

The Chairman. Gentlemen of the Convention, the Chair advises 
the Convention that it will be necessary, after the Vice Presidential 
nomination, to call the roll for the appointment of two important 
committees. Delegates are therefore asked to remain in their places 

142 Official Proceedings of the 

until the business of the Convention is concluded. The Chair will 
state that under the rules adopted by this Convention there will be 
a Committee of Notification: one for the Presidential notification 
and one for the Vice Presidential. The deleg^ates from each State 
and Territory are therefore requested to prepare and have ready for 
announcement a member of each of these two committees. 

Pending the announcement of the vote, unless objection is made, 
the Chair will submit to the Convention the following resolution 
offered by General Grosvenor of Ohio, which the Secretary will read: 


The Secretary read the resolution as follows: 

"Resolved, That the Secretary of this Convention is hereby di- 
rected to prepare and publish a full and complete report of the offi- 
cial proceedings of this Convention, under the direction of the Na- 
tional Committee, co-operating with the local Committee." 

The Chairman then put the question and the resolution w^as unan- 
imously adopted. 

Governor BusHNELL, of Ohio. I desire to offer a resolution, 
which I will ask the Secretary to read. 

The Chairman. The gentleman from Ohio offers a resolution and 
unless objection is made, after it is read it will be offered to the Con- 
vention for its action. 

The clerk then read the resolution as follows: 


Resolved, That the permanent Chairman of this Convention, 
Hon. John M. Thurston, be appointed Chairman of the Committee 
to notify Hon. William McKinley of his nomination for President; 
and that the Temporary Chairman, Hon. Charles W. Fairbanks be 
appointed Chairman of the Committee to notify the Vice-Presi- 
dential nominee of his nomination." 

The question was then put to the Convention on the adoption of 
the resolution, and the same was unanimously carried. 


Governor Hastings, of Pennsjdvania. I am instructed by the 
unanimous voice of the Pennsylvania delegation, to offer a vote of 
thanks to the Temporary Chairman, the Permanent Chairman, the 
Secretary, the Sergeant at Arms, the Official Reporter and the other 
officers of this Convention. 

This vote has been seconded by every State in the Convention, and 
if you will permit me, I will usurp the authority of the President 
for a moment and put the question. 

Governor Hastings then put the motion which was carried unani- 

Eleventh Republican National Convention. 143 

Chairman THURSTON. The Chair in returning- thanks for so much 
of the resolution as relates to the present occupant of the Chair, 
desires to express heartfelt thanks to every member of this Conven- 
tion for the uniform kindness, courtesy and assistance shown dur- 
ing all the proceedings of this Convention. 


Governor BUSHNELL, of Ohio. I desire to move in behalf of the 
delegation from Ohio, and the delegates from all the States to this 
Convention, a vote of thanks to the Local Committee, the people of 
St. Louis, and to all who have taken part in the arrangements for 
the Convention, and the provision of this magnificent hall, for the 
manner in which every obligation and promise has been met, and 
for the generous entertainment of delegates and visitors. 

The resolution was seconded siinultaneously from several dele- 
gations and carried by acclamation. 

The Chairman. The Chair notifies the Convention that the two 
Committees on notification, when selected, are requested to meet at 
the Southern Hotel to-morrow morning at eleven o'clock. 

Mr. Fairbanks. Mr. Chairman, I arise for the purpose of return- 
ing to the Convention my heartfelt thanks for the generous resolu- 
tion of your endorsement. I account it a great honor to have been 
called upon to preside even for a brief tiine over this greatest of Re- 
publican Conventions, and I congratulate the American people 
upon the splendid work of this Convention. 


Chairman THURSTON. Gentlemen of the Convention: Your vote 
for the Vice Presidential nominee is as follows: Hobart, 533)^; 
Evans, 2801^; Bulkeley, 39; Walker, 24; Lippelt, 8; Grant, 2; Depew, 3; 
Morton, 1; Thurston, 2. 


Gentlemen of the Convention. The question stands upon making 
this nomination unanimous. So many as favor making the nomi- 
nation of Garrett A. Hobart unanimous will rise. 

Apparently all the delegates rose to their feet, and the Chairman 
said: It is unanimous, Gentlemen of the Convention. 



By virtue of the unanimous vote of this Convention and the au- 
thority vested in the Chair, Garrett A. Hobart is declared to be the 
nominee of the Republican party for Vice President. 

144 Official Proceedings of the 

notification committee. 

The Chairman: Gentlemen of the Convention: The question is 
now on appointing the Committee to notify the President and the 
Vice President of their nomination by this Convention. It is the re- 
quest of the Chair that the names be sent up in writing- with the ad- 
dress of each member. The Secretary called the roll. In response 
to the roll call the following committees to notify the candidates 
were chosen. 


Alabama CD. Alexander 

Arkansas • Henry M. Cooper 

California Frank Miller 

Connecticut George Sykes 

Delaware Henry Morse 

Florida Dennis Eagan 

Georgia M. B. Morton 

Illinois Charles H. Deere 

Indiana Hiram Brownlee 

Iowa Calvin Manning 

Kansas Nathaniel Barnes 

Kentucky John McCartney 

Maine George P. Westcott 

Maryland W. F. Airey 

Massachusetts M. B. V. Jefferson 

Michigan Thomas J. O'Brien 

Minnesota Monroe Nichols 

Mississippi W. D. Frazee 

Missouri J. D. Haughawaut 

Nebraska John P. Bressler 

New Hampshire William D. Sawyer 

New Jersey Fred W. Roebling 

New York Frank Hiscock 

North Carolina Claude M. Benard 

North Dakota CM. Johnston 

Ohio M. A. Hanna 

Oregon Charles Hilton 

Pennsylvania Theodore L. Flood 

South Carolina E. H. Deos 

South Dakota Walter E. Smead 

Tennessee Ernest Calfwell 

Texas J. W. Butler 

Utah L. R. Rodgers 

Vermont James W. Brock 

Virginia J. S. Browning 

Washington Henry E. Wilson 

West Virginia W^. M. Lincoln 

Wisconsin M. C Ring 

Wyoming H. H. Nickerson 

New Mexico Pedro Perea 

Oklahoma John A. Buckler 

District of Columbia Joseph R. Faltz 

Alaska C. S. Johnston 

Eleventh Republican National Convention. 145 

to notify vice president. 

Alabama W. R. Pettiford 

Arkansas John Hadis 

California Ely Dennison 

Connecticut Edwin O. Keeler 

Delaware Henry A. Diipont 

Florida Dennis Eagan 

Georgia N. J. Doyle 

Illinois Isaac L. Edwards 

Indiana Jesse Weick 

low^a C. W. Junkin 

Kansas Frank Vincent 

Kentucky John G. White 

Maine Stanlej^ Cueman 

Maryland W. G. Tuck 

Massachusetts Williard J. Hale 

Michigan R. A.Alger 

Minnesota A. D. Davidson 

Mississippi J. E. Ousley 

Missouri B. F. Leonard 

Nebraska John T. Bressler 

New Hampshire James A. Wood 

New Jersey W. Barbour 

New York Lispenard Stewart 

North Carolina J. H. Hannon 

North Dakota J. M. Devine 

Ohio , George Ketchum 

Oregon Charles W. Parrish 

Pennsylvania H. S. Jenney 

South Carolina C. J. Pride 

South Dakota H.T. Meacham 

Tennessee H. C. Jarvis 

Texas J. O. Lubby 

Utah J. A. Smith 

Vermont Edward C. Smith 

Virginia R. T. Hubbard 

Washington James N. Gilbert 

West Virginia P. E. Houston 

Wisconsin Julius Rohrer 

Wyoming B. F. Fowler 

New Mexico Pedro Perea 

Oklahoma William Grimes 

District of Columbia John Doyle 

Alaska C. W. Young 

Upon the conclusion of the calling of the roll of States, upon mo- 
tion, Chairman Thurston declared the Convention adjourned sine 
die. The hour of adjournment was 7:53 p. m. 

James Francis Burke, 
John Jay Burke, 
Attest : Official Reporters. 

Charles W. Johnson, 

Secretary of the Convention. 


Official Proceedings of the 


The members of the Committee on Notification of the Candidate for Presi- 
dent assembled at Cleveland, Ohio, on the 28th of June, and on the 29ih of 
June, proceeded by special train to Canton, the home of the nominee, the 
Hon. William McKinley, to discharge that duty. Hon. Mark A. Hanna, 
chairman of the committee was in charge of the party. 

The speech of notification was made by Hon. John M. Thurston, of Ne- 
braska, the President of the Convention and was as follows: 

"Governor McKinley— We are here to 
perform a pleasant duty assigned us by 
the Republican national convention recent- 
ly assembled at St. Louis— that of formally 
notifying- you of your nomination as the 
candidate of the Republican party for pres- 
ident of the United States. We respect- 
fully request your acceptance of this nomi- 
nation and your approval of the declara- 
tion of the principles adopted by the con- 
vention. We assure you that you are the 
unanimous choice of a united party, and 
your candidacy will be immediately ac- 
cepted by the country as an absolute guar- 
antee of Republican success. 

"Your nomination has been made in obe- 
dience to a popular demand, whose univer- 
sality and spontaniety attest the affection 
and confidence of the plain people of the 
United States. By common consent you 
are their champion. Their mighty uprising 
In your behalf emphasizes the sincerity of 
their conversion to the cardinal principles 
of protection and reciprocity as best ex- 
emplified in that splendid congressional act 
■which justly bears your name. 

"Under it this nation advanced to the 
very culmination of prosperity, far sur- 
passing that of all other peoples and all 
other times; a prosperity shared in by all 
sections, all interests and all classes; by 
capital and labor, by producer and con- 
sumer; prosperity so happily in harmony 
with the genius of popular government 
that its choicest blessings were most wide- 
ly distributed among the lowliest toilers 
and the humblest homes. 

"In 1892 your countrymen, unmindful of 
your solemn warnings, returned that party 
to power which reiterated dts everlasting 
opposition to a protective tariff and de- 

manded the repeal of the McKinley act. 
They sowed the wind. They reaped the 
whirlwind. The sufferings and losses and 
disasters to the American people from four 
years of Democratic tariff are vastly 
greater than those which came to them 
from four years of civil war. 

"Out of it all one great good remains. 
Those who scorned your counsels speedily 
witnessed the fulfillment of your prophecies, 
and, even as the scourged and repentant 
Israelites abjured their stupid idols and re- 
sumed unquestioning allegiance to Moses 
and to Moses' God, so now your country- 
men, shamed of their errors, turn to you 
and to those glorious principles for which 
you stand in the full belief that in your can- 
didacy and the Republican platform the end 
of the wilderress has come and the pro- 
mised land of American prosperity is again 
to them an assured inheritance. 

"But your nomination means more than 
the indorsement of a protective tariff, of 
reciprocity, of sound money and of honest 
finance, for all of which you have so stead- 
fastly stood. It meajis an indorsemnt of 
your heroic youth, your fruitful years of 
arduous public service, your sterling patriot- 
ism, your stalwart Americanism, your 
Christain character and the purity, fidelity 
and simplicity of your private life. In all 
these things you are the typical American; 
for in all these things you are the chosen 
leader of the people. God give you strength 
so to bear the honors and meet the duties 
of that great oflSce for which you are now 
nominated, and to^ which you will be elected, 
that your administration will enhance the 
dignity and power and glory of this Repub- 
lic and secure the safety, welfare and happi- 
ness of its liberty loving people." 

Eleventh Republican National Convention. 


Gov. McKinley replied as follows: 

"Senator Thurston and Gentleman of the 
Notification Committee of the Republican 
National Convention — To be selected as their 
presidential candidate by a great party 
convention representing so vast a number 
of the people of the United States is a 
most distinguished honor, for which I would 
not conceal my high appreciation, although 
deeply sensible of the great responsibilities 
of the trust and my inability to bear them 
without the generous and constant support 
of my fellow countrymen. Great as is the 
honor conferred, equally arduous and im- 
portant is the dutj'^ imposed, and in accept- 
ing- the one I assume the other, relying 
upon the patriotic devotion of the people to 
the best interests of our beloved country 
and the sustaining care and aid of Him 
without whose support all we do is empty 
and vain. 

"Should the people ratify the choice of the 
great convention for which you speak, my 
only aim will be to promote the public 
good, which in America is always the good 
of the greatest number, the honor of our 
country and the welfare of the people. 

"The questions to be settled in the na- 
tional contest this year are as serious and 
important as any of the great governmental 
problems that have confronted us in the 
last quarter of a century. They command 
our sober judgment and a settlement free 
from partisan prejudice and passion, bene- 
ficial to ourselves and tiefitting the honor 
and grandeur of the republic. They touch 
every interest of our common country. Our 
industrial supremacy, our productive ca- 
pacity, our business and commercial pros- 
perity, our labor and its rewards, our 
national credit and currency, our proud 
financial honor and our splendid free citi- 
zenship, the birthright of every American, 
are all involved in the pending campaign, 
and thus every home in the land is directly 
and intimately connected with their proper 

"Great are the issues involved in the com- 
ing election, and eager and earnest are the 
people for their right determination. Our 
domestic trade must be won back and our 
idle working people employed in gainful 
occupations at American wages. Our home 
market must be restored to its proud rank 
of first in the world, and our foreign trade, 
so precipitately cut off by adverse national 
legislation, reopened on fair and equitable 
terms for our surplus agricultural and 
manufacturing products. 

"Protection and reciprooity, twin meas- 
ures of a true American policy, should 
again command the earnest encouragement 
of the government at Washington. Public 
confidence must be resumed and the skill 
the energy and the capital of our country 
find ample employment at home, sustained, 

encouraged and defended against the un- 
equal competition and serious disadvan- 
tages with which they are now contending. 
The government of the United States must 
raise money enough to meet both its cur- 
rent expenses and increasing needs. Its 
revenues should be so raised as to protect 
the material interests of our people, with 
the lightest possible drain upon their re- 
sources, and maintaining that high stand- 
ard of civilization which has distinguished 
our country for more than a century of 
its existence, 

"The income of the government, I repeat, 
should equal its necessary and proper ex- 
penditures. A failure to pursue this policy 
has compelled the government to borrow 
money in a time of peace to sustain its 
credit and pay its daily expenses. This pol- 
icy should be reversed, and that, too, as 
speedily as possible. It must be apparent 
to all, regardless of past party ties or af- 
filiations, that our paramount duty is to 
provide adequate revenue for the expendi- 
tures of the government, economically and 
prudently administered. This the Republi- 
can party has heretofore done, and this I 
confidently believe it will do in the future, 
when the party is again intrusted with 
power in the executive and legislative 
branches of our government. 

"The national credit, which has thus far 
fortunately resisted every assault upon it, 
must and will be upheld and strengthened. 
If sufficient revenues are provided for the 
support of the government there will be no 
necessity for borrowing money and increas- 
ing the public debt. 

"The complaint of the people Is sot 
against the administration for borrowing 
money and issuing tonds to preserve the 
credit of the country, but against the ruin- 
ous policy which has made this necessary, 
owing to the policy which has been inaug- 

"The inevitable effect of such a policy I9 
seen in the deficiency in the United States 
treasury, except as it is replenished by 
loans, and in the distress of the people Mho 
are suffering because of the scant demand 
for either their labor or the products of 
their labor. Here is the fundamental 
trouble, the remedy for which Is Republi- 
can opportunity and duty. 

"During all the years of Republican con- 
trol following resumption, there was a 
steady reduction of the public debt, while 
the gold reserve was sacredly maintained, 
and our currency and credit preserved 
without depreciation, taint or suspicion. If 
we would restore this policy that brought 
us unexampled prosperity for more than 
thirty years under the most trying condi- 
tions ever known in this country, the 
policy by which we made and bought more 
goods at home and sold more abroad, the 
trade balance would be quickly turned in 


Official Proceedings of the 

our favor, and gold would come to us and 
not go from us in the settlement of all 
such balances in the future. 

"The party that supplied, by legislation, 
the vast revenues for the conduct of our 
greatest war, that promptly restored the 
credit of the country at its close, that 
from its abundant revenues paid off a large 
share of the debt incurred In this war, and 
that resumed specie payments, and placed 
our paper currency upon a sound and en- 
during basis, can be safely trusted to pre- 
serve both our credit and currency with 
honor, stability and inviolability. The 
American people hold the financial honor 
of our government as sacred as our flag, 
and can be relied upon to guard it with 
the same sleepless vigilance. They hold its 
preservation above party fealty, and. have 
often demonstrated that party ties avail 
nothing when the spotless credit of our 
country is threatened. 

"The money of the United States, and 
every kind or form of it, whether of paper, 
silver or gold, must be as good as the best 
in the world. It must not only be current 
at its full face value at home, but it must 
be counted at par in any and every com- 
mercial center of the globe. The sagacious 
and far seeing policy of the great men 
who founded our government, the teachings 
and acts of the wisest financiers at every 
stage in our history, the steadfast faith 
and splendid achievements of the great 
party to which we belong and the genius 
and integrity of our people have always 
demanded this and will ever maintain it. 
The dollar paid to the farmer, the wage 
earner and the pensioner must continue 
forever equal in purchasing and debt pay- 
ing power to the dollar paid to any govern- 
ment creditor. 

"The contest this year will not be waged 
upon lines of theory and speculation, but in 
the light of severe practical experience and 
new and dearly acquired knowledge. The 
great body of our citizens know what they 
want and that they intend to have. They 
know for what the Republican party stands 
and what its return to power means to 
them. They realize that the Republican 
party believes that our work should be 
done at home and not abroad, and every- 
where proclaim their devotion to the prin- 
ciples of a protective tariff, which, while 

supplying adequate revenues for the gov- 
ernment, will restore American production 
and serve the best interests of American 
labor and development. Our appeal, there- 
fore, is not to a false philosophy or vain 
theorists, but to the masses of the Ameri- 
can people, the plain, practical people 
whom Lincoln loved and trusted and whom 
the Republican party has always faithfully 
striven to serve. 

"The platform adopted by the Republican 
national convention has received my care- 
ful consideration and has my unqualified 
approval. It is a matter of gratification to 
me, as I am sure it must be tO' you and 
Republicans everywhere and to all our 
people, that the expressions of its declara- 
tion of principles are so direct, clear and 
emphatic. They are too plain and positive 
to leave any chance for doubt or question 
as to their purport and meaning. But 
you will not expect me to discuss its pro- 
visions at length or in any detail at this 
time. It will, however, be my duty and 
pleasure at some future day to make to 
you, and through you to the great party 
you represent, a more formal acceptance of 
the nomination tendered me. 

"No one could be more profoundly grate- 
ful than I for the manifestation of public 
confidence of which you have so eloquently 
spoken. It shall be my aim to attest this 
appreciation by an unsparing devotion to 
what I esteem the best interests of the 
people, and in this work I ask the counsel 
and support of you, gentlemen, and of 
every other friend of the country. The 
generous expressions with which you, sir, 
convey the official notice of my nomination 
are highly appreciated a,nd as fully recip- 
rocated, and I thank you and your asso- 
ciates of the notification committee and the 
great party and convention at whose in- 
stance you come for the high and excep- 
tional distinction bestowed upon me." 


At the conclusion of his speech of accept- 
ance Major McKinley was presented with a 
gavel. Like all gavels, it had a history. It 
was used by Chairman Thurston as presid- 
ing officer of the St. Louis convention. It 
was made from a log taken from the cabin 
in New Salem. 111., in which Abraham Lin- 
coln lived in 1832. 

Eleventh Republican National Convention. 



The committee appointed by the National Republican Convention at St. 
Louis to notify Garrett A. Hobart of his nomination for vice president of 
the United States, arrived at Patterson, New Jersey, his home, July 7th and 
went to Mr. Hobart's house, where they were received by Mr. and Mrs, Ho- 
bart and a number of ladies and gentlemen, to whom Charles W. Fairbanks 
chairman of the committee, spoke as follows: 

Kinley in the pending contest. For you and 
your distinguished associate we bespeak the 
enthusiastic and intelligent support of all 
our countrymen who desire that prosperity 
shall again rule throughout the republic." 

At the conclusion of Mr. Fairbanks' 
speech Mr. Hobart replied as follows: 

"Mr. Chairman and gentlemen of the com- 
mittee: I beg to extend to you my grateful 
acknowledgments for the kind and flattering 
terms in which you convey the formal 
announcement of my nomination for vice- 
president of the United States by the Re- 
publican national convention at St. Louis. 
I am profoundly sensible of the honor which 
has been done me and through me the state 
in which all my life has been spent, in my 
selection as a candidate for this high ofiice. 
I appreciate it the more because it as- 
sociates me in a contest which involves the 
very gravest issues with one who repre- 
sents in his private character and public 
career the highest intelligence and best 
spirit of his party, and with whom my per- 
sonal relations are such as to afford a 
guarantee of perfect accord in the work of 
the campaign which is before us. 

"It is sufficient for me to say at this 
time that, concurring in all the declara- 
tions of principle and policy embodied in 
the St. Louis platform, I accept the nomi- 
nation tendered to me with a full appre- 
ciation of its responsibilities and withj an 
honest purpose, in the event that the peo- 
ple shall ratify the choices made by the 
national convention, to discharge any 
duties which may devolve upon me with 
sole reference to the public good. 

"Let me add that it will be my earnest 
effort in the coming campaign to contribute 
in every way possible to the success of the 
party which we represent and which on the 
important issues of the time stands for the 

"Mr. Hobart: The Republican national 
convention, recently assembled at St. 
Louis, commissioned us to formally notify 
you of your nomination for the office of 
vice president of the United States. We 
are met, pursuant to the direction of the 
convention, to perform the agreeable duty 
assigned us. 

"In all the splendid history of the great 
party which holds our loyal allegiance the 
necessity was never more urgent for stead- 
fast adherence to those wholesome princi- 
ples which have been the sure foundation 
rock of our national prosperity. The de- 
mand was never greater for men who hold 
principles above all else, and who are un- 
moved, either by the clamor of the hour 
or the promises of false teachers. 

"The convention at St. Louis, in full 
measure, mat the high demands of the 
times in its declarations of party principles 
and in the nomination of candidates for 
president and vice-president. 

"Sir, the office for which you are nomi- 
nated is of rare dignity, honor, and power. 
It has been graced by the most eminent 
statesmen who have contributed to the up- 
building of the strength and glory of the 

"Because of your exalted personal char- 
acter and of your* intelligent and patriotic 
devotion to the enduring principles of a pro- 
tective tariff, which wisely discriminates in 
favor of American interests, and to a cur- 
rency whose soundness and integrity none 
can challenge, and because of your conspic- 
uous fitness for the exacting and important 
duties of the high office, the Republican 
National convention, with a unanimity and 
enthusiasm rarely witnessed, chose you as 
our candidate for vice-president of the 
United States. 

"We know it to be gratifying to you per- 
sonally to be the associate of William Mc- 


Official Proceedings of the 

best interests of the people. Uncertainty or 
instability as to the money question in- 
volves most serious consequences to every 
interest and to every citizen of the country. 
The gravity of this question cannot be 
overestimated. There can be no financial 
security, no business stability, no> real 
prosperity where the policy of the g-overn- 
ment as to that question is at all a matter 
of doubt. 

"Gold is the one standard of value among 
all enlightened commercial nations. All 
financial transactions, of whatever charac- 
ter, all business enterprise, all individual 
or corporate investments are adjusted to it. 
An honest dollar, worth 100 cents every- 
where, cannot be coined out of 53 cents' 
worth of silver plus a legislative fiat. Such 
a debasement of our currency would inev- 
itably produce incalculable loss, appalling 
disaster and national dishonor. It is a 
fundamental principle in coinage, recog- 
nized and followed by all the statesmen of 
America in the past, and never yet safely 
departed from, that there can be only one 
basis upon which gold and silver may be 
concurrently coined as money, and that 
basis is equality, not in weight, but in the 
commercial value of the metal contained in 
the respective coins. This commercial value 
is fixed by the markets of the world, with 
which the great interests of our country 
are necessarily connected by innumerable 
business ties which cannot be severed or 
ignored. Great and self-reliant as our 
country is, it is great not alone within its 
own borders and upon its own resources, 
but because it also reaches out to the ends 
of the earth in all manifold departments of 
business, exchange and commerce, and 
must maintain with honor its standing and 
credit annong the nations of the earth. 

"The question admits of no compromise. 
It is a vital principle at stake, but it is in 
no sense partisan or sectional. It concerns 
all people. Ours, as one of the foremost 
nations, must have a monetary standard 
equal to the best. It is of vital conse- 
quence that this question should be settled 
now in such a way as to restore public 
confidence here and everywhere in tbe in- 
tegrity of our purpose. A doubt of that 
integrity among the other great commer- 
cial countries of the world will not only 
cost us millions of money, but that which, 

as patriots, we should treasure still more 
highly— our industrial and commercial su- 

"My estimate of the value of a protective 
policy has been formed by the study of the 
object lessons of a great Industrial state, 
extending over a period of thirty years. It 
is that protection not only builds^ up im- 
portant industries from small beginnings, 
but that those and all other industries 
flourish or languish in proportion as pro- 
tection is maintained or withdrawn. I have 
seen it indisputably proved that the pros- 
perity of the farmer, merchant and all 
other classes of citizens goes hand in hand 
with that of the manufacturer and me- 
chanic. I ajn firmly persuaded that what 
we need most of all tO' remove the business 
paralysis that affiicts this country is the 
restoration of a policy which, while afford- 
ing ample revenue to meet the expenses of 
the government, will reopen American 
workshops on full time and full handed, 
with their operatives paid good wages in 
honest dollars, and this can only come 
under a tariff which will hold the interests 
of our own people paramount in our politi- 
cal and commercial systems. 

"The opposite policy, which discourages 
American enterprises, reduces American 
labor to idleness, diminishes the earnings 
of American workingmen, opens our mar- 
kets to commodities from abroad which we 
should produce at home, while closing for- 
eign markets against our products, and 
which, at the same time, steadily augments 
the public debt, increasing the public bur- 
dens, while diminishing the ability of the 
people to meet them is a policy which must 
find its chief popularity elsewhere than 
among American citizens. 

"I shall take an early opportunity, gen- 
tlemen of the committee, through you to 
communicate to my fellow-citizens with 
somewhat more of detail my views con- 
cerning the dominant questions of the hour 
and the crisis which confronts us as a na- 

"With this brief expression of my ap- 
preciation of the distinguished honor that 
has been bestowed upon me, and this sig- 
nification of my acceptance of the trust to 
which I have been summoned, I place my- 
self at the service of the Republican party 
and of the country." 

Eleventh Republican National Convention. 




CANTON, Ohio, Aug. 26, 1896. 

Hon. John M. Thurston and Others, Mem- 
bers of the Notification Committee of the 
Republican National Convention— Gentle- 
men— In pursuance of the promise made to 
your committee when notified of my nomi- 
nation as the Republican candidate for pres- 
ident, I beg to submit this formal accept- 
ance of that high honor, and to consider in 
detail questions at issue in the pending 

Perhaps this might be considered unnec- 
essary in view of my remarks on that oc- 
casion and those I have made to delega- 
tions that have visited me since the St. 
Louis convention, but in view of the mo- 
mentous importance of the proper settle- 
ment of the issues presented on our future 
prosperity and standing as a nation, and 
considering only the welfare and happiness 
of our people, I could not be content to 
omit again calling attention to the ques- 
tions which, in my opinion, vitally affect 
our strength and position among the gov- 
ernm.ents of the world, and our morality, in- 
tegrity and patriotism as citizens of that 
republic which for a century past has been 
the best hope of the world and the inspira- 
tion of mankind. 

We must not now prove false to our own 
high standards in government, nor unmind- 
ful of the noble example and wise precepts 
of the fathers, or of the confidence and 
trust which our conduct in the past has al- 
ways inspired. 

For the first time since 1868, if ever be- 
fore, there is presented to the American 
people this year a clear and direct issue as 
to our monetary system, of vast importance 
in its effects, and upon the right settlement 
of which rests largely the financial honor 
and prosperity of the country. 

It is proposed by one wing of the Demo- 
cratic party and its allies, the People's and 
silver parties, to inaugurate the free and 
unlimited coinage of silver by independent 
action on the part of the United States at a 
ration of 16 ounces of silver to one ounce 

of gold. The mere declaration of this pur- 
pose is a menace to our financial and indus- 
trial interests, and has already created uni- 
versal alarm. It involves great peril to the 
credit and business of the country, a peril 
so grave that conservative men everywhere 
are breaking away from their old party as- 
sociation and tmiting with other patriotic 
citizens in emphatic protest against the 
platform of the Democratic national con- 
vention as an assault upon the faith and 
honor of the government and the welfare of 
the people. 

We have had few questions in the lifetime 
of the republic more serious than the one 
which is thus presented. 

The character of the money which shall 
measure our values and exchanges and set- 
tle our balances with one another and with 
the nations of the world is of such primary 
importance and so far-reaching in its con- 
sequences as to call for the most painstak- 
ing investigation, and in the end a sober 
and unprejudiced judgment at the polls. 
We must not be misled by phrases nor de- 
luded by false theories. 

Free silver would not mean that silver 
dollars were to be freely had without cost 
or labor. It would mean the free use of the 
mints of the United States for the few who 
are owners of silver bulUon, but would 
make silver coin no freer to the many who 
are engaged in other enterprises. It would 
not make labor easier, the hours of labor 
shorter or the pay better. It would not 
make farming less laborious or more profit- 
able. It would not start a factory or make 
a demand for an additional day's labor. It 
would create no new occupations. It would 
add nothing to the comfort of the masses, 
the capital of the people or the wealth of 
the nation. 

It seeks to introduce a new measure of 
value, but would add no value to the thing 
measured. It would not conserve values. 
On the contray, it would derange all exist- 
ing values. It would not restore business 


Official Proceedings of the 

confidences, but its direct effect would be to 
destroy the little which yet remains. 

The meaning of the coinage plank adopt- 
ed at Chicago is that anyone may taKe a 
quantity of silver bullion, now worth 53 
cents, to the mints of the United 
States, have it coined at the ex- 
pense of the government and receive for 
it a silver dollar which shall be legal ten- 
der for the payment of all debts, public and 

The owner of the silver bullion would get 
the silver dollar. It would belong to him 
and to nobody else. Other people would get 
it only by their labor, the products of their 
land or something of value. The bullion 
owner, on the basis of present values, would 
receive the silver dollar for 53 cents' worth 
of silver, and other people would be required 
to receive it as a full dollar in the payment 
of debts. 

The government would get nothing from 
the transaction. It would bear the expense 
of coining the silver and the community 
would suffer loss by its use. 

We have coined since 1878 more than 400,- 
000,000 silver dollars which are maintamed 
by the government at parity with gold, and 
are a full legal tender for the payment of 
all debts, public and private. How are the 
silver dollars now in use different from 
those which would be in use under free 
coinage? They are to be of the same weight 
and fineness; they are to bear the same 
stamp of the government. Why would they 
not be of the same value? 

I answer: The silver dollars now in use 
■were coined on account of the government 
and not for private account or gain, and 
the government has solemnly agreed to 
keep them as good as the best dollars we 
have. The government bought the silver 
bullion at its market value and coined it 
into silver. Having exclusive control of the 
mintage, it only coins what it can hold at 
a parity with gold. 

The profit representing the difference be- 
tween the commercial value of the silver 
bullion and the face value of the silver dol- 
lar goes to the government for the benefit 
of the people. The government bought the 
silver bullion contained in the silver dolU*- 
at very much less than its coinage value. 
It paid it out to its creditors and put it in 
circulation among the people at its face 
value of 100 cents, or a full dollar. It re- 
quired the people to accept it as a legal 
tender, and is thus morally bound to main- 
tain it at a parity with gold, which was 
then, as now, the recognized standard with 
us and the most enlightened nations of the 

The government having issued and cir- 
culated the silver dollar, it must in honor 
protect the holder from loss. This obliga- 
tion it has so far sacredly kept. Not only 

is there a moral obligation, but there is a 
legal obligation, expressed in public statute, 
to maintain the parity. 

These dollars in the particulars I have 
named are not the same as the dollars 
which would be issued under free coinage, 
They would be the same in form, but dif- 
ferent in value. The government would 
have no part in the transaction, except to 
coin the silver bullion into dollars. It would 
share in no part of the profit. It would 
take upon itself no obligation. It would 
not put the dollars into circulation. It could 
only get them as any citizen would get 
them — by giving something for them. It 
would deliver them to those who deposited 
the silver, and its connection with the 
transaction there end. 

Such are the silver dollars which would 
be issued under free coinage of silver at the 
ratio of 16 to 1. Who would then maintain 
the parity? What would keep them at par 
with gold? There would be no obligation 
resting upon the government to do it, and 
if there were it would be powerless to do 
it. The simple truth is, we would be driven 
to a silver basis— to silver monometallism. 
These dollars, therefore, would stand upon 
their real value. 

If the free and unlimited coinage of silver 
at a ratio of 16 ounces of silver to one 
ounce of gold would, as some of its advo- 
cates assert, make 53 cents in silver worth 
iOO cents and the silver dollar equal to the 
gold dollar, then we would have no cheaper 
money than now, and it would be no easier 
to get. But that such would be the result 
is against reason and is contradicted by ex- 
perience in all times and in all lands. 

It means the debasement of our currency 
to the amount of the difference between the 
commercial and coin value of the silver dol- 
lar, which is ever changing, and the effect 
would be to reduce property values, entail 
untold financial loss, destroy confidence, im- 
pair the obligations of existing contracts, 
further impoverish the laborers and pro- 
ducers of the country, create a panic of un- 
paralleled severity and inflict upon trade 
and commerce a deadly blow. 

Against any such policy I am unalterably 

Bimetallism cannot be secured by inde- 
pendent action on our part. It cannot be 
obtained by opening our mints to the un- 
limited coinage of the silver of the world, 
at a ratio of 16 ounces of silver to one 
ounce of gold, when the commercial ratio 
is more than 30 ounces of silver to on© 
ounce of gold. 

Mexico and China have tried the experi- 
ment. Mexico has free coinage of silver 
and gold at a ratio slightly in excess of 
161/^ ounces of silver to one ounce of gold, 
and, while her mints are freely open to both 
metals at that ratio, not a single dollar in 

Elevemth Republican National Convention. 


gold bullion is coined and circulated as 
money. Gold has been driven out of circu- 
lation in these countries, and they are on a 
silver basis alone. 

Until international agreement is had, it is 
the plain duty of the United States to main- 
tain the gold standard. It is the recognized 
and sole standard of the great commercial 
nations of the world, with which we trade 
more largely than any other. Eighty-four 
per cent of our foreign trade for the fiscal 
year 1895 was with gold standard countries, 
and our trade with other countries was set- 
tled on a gold basis. 

Chiefly by means of legislation during and 
since 1878 there has been put in circulation 
more than $624,000,000 of silver, or its rep- 
resentative. This has been done in the 
honest effort to give to silver, if possible, 
the same bullion and coinage values, and 
encourage the concurrent use of both gold 
and silver as money. Prior to that time 
there had been less than nine millions of 
silver doUai-s coined in the entire history 
of the United States, a period of 89 years. 
This legislation secures the largest use of 
silver consistent with financial safety and 
the pledge to maintain its parity with gold. 

We have today more silver than gold. 
This has been accomplished at times with 
grave peril to the public credit. The so- 
called Sherman law sought to use all the 
silver product of the United States for 
money at its market value. From 1890 to 
1893 the government purchased 4,500,000 
ounces of silver a month, or 54,000,000 ounces 
a year. This was one-third of the product 
of the world and practically all of this 
country's product. 

It was believed by those who then and 
now favor free coinage that such use of 
silver would advance its bullion value to its 
coinage value, but this expectation was not 
realized. In a few months, notwithstand- 
ing the unprecedented market for the silver 
produced in the United States, the price of 
silver went down very rapidly, reaching a 
lower point than ever before. Then, upon 
the recommendation of President Cleve- 
land, both political parties united in the 
repeal of the purchasing clause of the 
Sherman law. 

We cannot with safety engage in further 
experiments in this direction. 

On the 22d of August, 1891, in a public ad- 
dress, I said: 

"If we could have an international ratio 
which all the leading nations of the world 
would adopt, and the true relation be fixed 
between the two metals and all agree upon 
the quantity of silver which would consti- 
tute a dollar, then silver would be as free 
and unlimited in its privileges of coinage as 
gold is today. But that we have not been 
able to secure, and with the free and un- 
limited coinage of silver adopted in the 

United States at the present ratio, we would 
be still further removed from any interna- 
tional agreement. We may never be able 
to secure it if we enter upon the isolated 
coinage of silver. The double standard im- 
plies equally at a ratio, and that equality 
can only be estabUshed by the concurrent 
law of nations. It was the concurrent law 
of nations that made the double standard; 
It will require the concurrent law of nations 
to reinstate and maintain it. 

The Republican party has not been, and 
Is not now opposed to the use of silver 
money, as its record abundantly shows. It 
has done all that could be done for its in- 
creased use with safety and honor by the 
United States, acting apart from other gov- 
ernments. There are those who think that 
it has already gone beyond the limit of 
financial prudence. Surely we can go no 
further, and we must not permit false lights 
to lure us across the danger line. 

We have much more silver in use than 
any country in the world except India or 
China; $500,000,000 more than Great Britain; 
$150,000,000 more than France; $400,000,000 
more than Germany; $325,000,000 less than 
India and $125,000,000 less than China. 

The Republican party has declared in fa- 
vor of an international agreement, and if 
elected president it will be my duty to 
employ all proper means to promote it. 
The free coinage of silver in this coun- 
try would defer if not defeat, international 
bimetallism, and until an international 
agreement can be had every interest re- 
quires us to maintain our present stand- 

Independent free coinage of silver at a 
ratio of sixteen ounces of silver to one 
ounce of gold would insure the speedy con- 
traction of the volume of our currency. 
It would drive at least 500,000,000 of gold 
dollars, which we now have, permanently 
from the trade of the country and greatly 
decrease our per capita circulation. 

It is not proposed by the Republican 
party to take from the circulating medium 
of the country and of the silver we now 
have. On the contrary, it is proposed to 
keep all of the silver money now in circu- 
lation on a parity with gold by maintain- 
ing the pledge of the government that all 
of it shall be equal to gold. 

This has been the unbroken policy of the 
Republican party since 1878. It has inaugu- 
rated no new policy. It will keep in circu- 
lation and as good as gold all of the silver 
and paper money which are now included 
in the currency of the country. It will 
maintaintheir parity. It will preserve their 
equality in the future as it has always 
done in the past. It will not consent to 
put this country on a silver basis, which 
would inevitably follow independent free 
coinage at a ratio of 16 to 1. It will op- 


Official Proceedings of the 

pose the expulsion of gold from our cir- 

* • * 

If there is any one thing that should be 
free from speculation and fluctuation it is 
the money of a country. It ought never to be 
the subject of mere partisan contention. 

When wft part with our labor, our pro- 
ducts or our property we should receive in 
return money which is as staple and un- 
chaxiging in value as the ingenuity of hon- 
est; men can make it. Debasement of the 
currency means destruction of values. 

No one suffers so much from cheap money 
as the farmers and laborers. They are the 
first to feel its bad effects and the last to 
recover from them. This has been the 
uniform experience of all countries, and 
here, as elsewhere, the poor and not the 
rich are the greater sufferers from every 
attempt to debase our money. 

It would fall with alarming severity upon 
investments already made, upon insurance 
companies and their policy holders, upon 
savings banks and their depositors, upon 
building and loan associations and their 
members, upon the savings of thrift, upon 
pensioners and their families, and upon 
wage earners and the purchasing power of 
their wages. 

The silver question is not the only 
issue affecting our money in the pending 
contest. Not content with urging the free 
coinage of silver, its strongest champions 
demand that our paper money shall be is- 
sued directly by the government of the 
United States. 

This is the Chicago Democratic declara- 
tion. The St. Louis people's declaration is 
that "our national money shall be issued 
by the general government only, without 
the intervention of banks of issue, be full 
legal tender for the payment of all debts, 
public and private," and be distributed "di- 
rect to the people, and through large dis- 
bursements of the government." 

Thus, in addition to the free coinage of 
the world's silver, we are asked to enter 
upon an era of unlimited irredeemable 
paper currency. The question which was 
fought out from 1865 to 1879 is thus to be 
reopened, with all its cheap money ex- 
periments of every conceivable form foist- 
ed upon us. 

This indicates a most startling reactionary 
IK)licy, strangely at variance with every re- 
quirement of sound finance; but the decla- 
ration shows the spirit and purpose of 
those who by combined action are contend- 
ing for the control of the government. Not 
satisfied with the debasement of our coin, 
which would inevitably follow the free 
coinage of silver at 16 to 1 they would still 
further degrade our currency and threaten 
the public honor by the unlimited issue of 
an irredeemable paper currency. 

A graver menace to our financial standing 
and credit could hardly be conceived, and 
every patriotic citizen should be aroused 
to promptly meet and effectually defeat it. 

It is a cause for painful regret and solici- 
tude that an effort is being made by those 
high in the counsels of the allied parties to 
divide the people of this country into 
classes and create distinctions among us 
which, in fact, do not exist and are repug- 
nant to our form of government. These ap- 
peals to passion and prejudice are beneath 
the spirit and intelligence of a free people, 
and should be met with stern rebuke by 
those they are souglit to influence, and I 
believe they will be. 

Every attempt to array class against class, 
"the classes against the masses," section 
against section, labor against capital, "the 
poor against the rich," or interest against 
interest in the United States is in the high- 
est degree reprehensible. It is opposed to 
the national instinct and interest and 
should be resisted by every citizen. We are 
not a nation of classes, but of sturdy, free, 
ing the demagogue, and never capitualat- 
to dishonor. 

This ever-recurring effort endangers popu- 
lar government and is a menace to our 
liberties. It is not a new campaign device 
or party appeal. It is as old as government 
among men, but was never more untimely 
and unfortunate than now. Washington 
warned us against it, and Webster said in 
the senate, in words which I feel are singu- 
larly appropriate at this time: 

"I admonish the people against the object 
of outcries like these. I admonish every in- 
dustrious laborer of this country to be on 
his guard against such delusion. I tell him 
the attempt is to play off his passion against 
his interest and to prevail on him, in the 
name of liberty, to destroy all the fruits of 

Another Issue of extreme importance is 
that of protection. The peril of free silver 
is a menace to be feared; we are already 
experiencing the effect of partial fre6 
trade. The one must be averted; the other 

The Republican party is wedded to th« 
doctrine of protection and was never more 
earnest in its support and advocacy than 
now. If argument were needed to strengrth- 
en its devotion to "the American system," 
or increase the hold of that system upon 
the party and people, it is found in the 
lesson and experience of the past three 
years. Men realize in their own daily lives 
what before was to many of them only 
report, history or tradition. They have had 
a trial of both systems and know what 
each has done for them. 

Washington in his farewell address, Sept. 
17, 1796, a hundred years ago, said: "As a 
very important source of strength and se- 

Eleventh Republican National Convention. 


curity cherished public credit. One method 
of preserving- it is to use it as sparingly as 
possible, avoiding the accumulation of debt, 
not only by shunning occasions of expense, 
but by vigorous exertions in time of peace 
to discharge the debts which unavoidable 
wars may have occasioned not ungener- 
ously throwing upon posterity the burden 
which we ourselves ought to bear." 

To facilitate the enforcement of the max- 
ims which he announced he declared: "It 
is essential that you should practically bear 
in mind that toward the payment of debts 
there must be revenue; that to have rev- 
enue there must be taxes; that no taxes 
can be devised which are not more or less 
inconvenient or unpleasant; that the intrin- 
sic embarrasment inseparable from the se- 
lection of proper objects (which 4s always a 
choice of difficulties) ought to be a decisive 
motive for a candid construction of the con- 
duct of the government in making it, and 
for a spirit of acquiescence in the measures 
for obtaining revenue which the public exi- 
gencies may at any time dictate," 

Animated by like sentiments, the people 
of the country must now face the condi- 
tions which beset them. "The public exi- 
gencies" demand prompt protective legis- 
lation which will avoiid the accumulation of 
further debt by providing adequate revenues 
for the expenses of the government. This 
is manifestly the requirement of duty. 

If elected president of the United States 
it will be my aim to vigorously promote 
this object and give that ample encourage- 
ment to the occupations of the American 
people which above all else is so impera- 
tively demanded at this juncture of our 
national affairs. 

In December, 1892, President Harrison sent 
his last message to congress. It was an 
able and exhaustive review of the condition 
and resources of the country. It stated our 
stiuation so accurately that I am sure it 
will not be amiss to recite his official and 
valuable testimonj'. 

"There never has been a time in our his- 
tory," said he, "when work was so abun- 
dant, or when wages were so high, whether 
m.easured by the currency in which they are 
paid or by their power to supply the neces- 
saries and comforts of life. The general 
average of prices has been such as to give 
to agriculture a fair participation in the 
general prosperity. The new industrial 
plants established since Oct. 6, 1890, and up 
to Oct. 22, 1892, number 345, and the exten- 
sions of existing plants, 108. The new capi- 
tal invested amounts to $40,446,060, and the 
number of additional employes, 37,285. Dur- 
ing the first six months of the present calen- 
dar year 135 new factories were built, of 
which 40 were cotton mills, 48 knitting 
mills, 26 woolen mills, 15 silk mills, 4 plush 
mills and 2 linen mills. Of the forty cotton 

mills twenty-one. have been built in the 
Southern states." ' 

This fairly describes the happy condition 
of the country in December, 1892. What has 
it been since, and what is it now? 
* • * 

The messages of President Cleveland 
from the beginning of his second ad- 
ministration to the present time abounds 
with descriptions of the deplorable in- 
dustrial and financial situation of the 
country. "While no resort to history or 
official statement is required to advise us 
of the present condition, and that which 
has prevailed during the past three years, 
I venture to quote from President Cleve- 
land's first message, Aug. 8, 1893, ad- 
dressed to the Fifty- third congress, which 
he had called together in extraordinary 

"The existence of an alarming and extra- 
ordinary business situation," said he, " in- 
volving the welfare and prosperity of all 
our people, has constrained me to call 
together in extra session the people's repre- 
sentatives in congress, tO' the end that 
through the wise and patriotic exercise of 
the legislative duties with which they 
solely are charg^ed the present evils may be 
mitigated and dangers threatening the 
future may be averted. 

"Our unfortunate financial plight is not 
the result of untoward events, nor 'of con- 
ditions related to our natural resources. 
Nor is it traceable toi any of the affictions 
which frequently check national growth 
and prosperity. With plenteous crops, 
with abundant promise of remunerative 
production and manufacture, with unusual 
invitation to safe investment, and with 
satisfactory assurances to business en- 
terprises, suddenly financial distrust and 
fear have sprung up on every side. 

"Numerous moneyed institutions have 
suspended because abundant assets were 
not immediately available to meet the de- 
mands of frightened depositors. Surviving 
corporations and individuals are content to 
keep in hand the money they are usually 
anxious to loan, and those engaged in 
legitimate business are surprised to find 
that the securities they offer for loans, 
though heretofore satisfactory, are no 
longer accepted. Values supposed to be 
fixed are fast becoming conjectual and loss 
and failure have invaded every branch of 

What a startling and sudden change with- 
in the short period of eight months, from 
December, 1892, to August, 1893. What had 

A change of administration. All branches 
of the government had been intrusted to the 
Democratic party, which was committed 
aginst the protective policy that had pre- 


Official Proceedings of the 

vailed uninterruptedly for more than thirty- 
two years and brought unexampled pros- 
perity to the country, and firmly pledged to 
its complete overthrow and the substitution 
of a tariff for revenue only. The change 
having been decreed by the elections in 
November, its effects were at once antici- 
pated and felt. 

We cannot close our eyes to these altered 
conditions, nor would it be wise to exclude 
from contemplation and investigation the 
causes which produced them. They are 
facts which we cannot as a people disre- 
gard, and we can only hope to improve our 
present condition by a study of their causes. 
In December, 1892, we had the same cur- 
rency and practically the same volume of 
currency that we have now. It aggregated 
in 1892, $2,372,599,501; in 1893, $2,323,00€,000; in 
1894, $2,323,442,362, and dn December, 1895, $2,- 
194,000,230. The per capita of money has 
been practically the same during this whole 
period. The quantity of the money has been 
identical— all kept equal to gold. 

There is nothing connected with our 
money, therefore, to account for this sud- 
den and aggravated industrial change. 
Whatever is to be depreciated in our finan- 
cial system, it must everywhere be admitted 
that our money has been absolutely sound 
and has brought neither loss nor incon- 
venience to its holders. A depreciated cur- 
rency has not existed to further vex the 
troubled business situation. 

It is a mere pretense to attribute the 
hard times to the fact that all our currency 
is on a gold basis. Good money never made 
times hard. Those who assert that our pres- 
ent industrial and financial depression is 
the result of the gold standard have not 
read American history aright or been care- 
ful students of the events ef recent years. 

We never had greater prosperity in this 
country, in every field of employment and 
industry, than in the busy years from 1880 
to 1892, during all of which time this country 
was on a gold basis and employed more 
gold money in its fiscal and business oper- 
ations than ever before. We had, too, a 
protective tariff, under which ample reve- 
nues were collected for the government, and 
an accumulating surplus, which was con- 
stantly applied to the payment of the pub- 
lic debt. 

Let us hold fast to that which we know 
is good. It is not more money we want; 
what we want Is to put the money we al- 
ready have at work. When money is em- 
ployed men are employed. Both have al- 
ways been steadily and remuneratively en- 
gaged during all the years of protective 
tariff legislation. When those who have 
money lack confidence in the stabilty of 
values and investments, they will not part 
with their money. Business is stagnated— 
the life blood of trade is checked and con- 

We cannot restore public confidence by 
an act which would revolutionize all values, 
or an act which entail a deficiency in the 
public revenues. We cannot inspire confi- 
dence by advocating repudiation or practic- 
ing dishonesty. We cannot restore confi- 
dence, either to the treasury or to the peo- 
ple, without a change in our present tariff 

The only measure of a general nature 
that affected the treasury and the employ- 
ment of our people passed by the Fifty- 
third congress was the general tariff act, 
which did not receive the approval of the 

Whatever virtues may be claimed for 
the act, there is confessedly one Which it 
does not possess. It lacks the essential 
virtue of its creation— the raising of 
revenue sufficient to supply the needs of 
the government. It has at no time provided 
enough revenue for such needs, but it has 
caused a constant deficiency in the treasury 
and a steady depletion in the earnings of 
labor and land. It has contributed to 
swell our national debt more than 
$262,000,000, a sum nearly as great as the 
debt of the government from Washington 
to Lincoln, including all our foreign wars 
from the revolution to rebellion. Since 
its pasage work at home has been dimin- 
ished, prices of agricultural products have 
fallen, confidence has been arrested, and 
general business demoralization is seen on 
every hand. 

The total receipts under the tariff act of 
1894 for the first 22 months of its enforce- 
ment, from September, 1894, to June, 1896, 
were $557,615,328, and the expenditures 
$640,418,363, or a deficiency of $82,803,035. The 
decrease in our exports of American pro- 
ducts and manufactures during the first 
15 months of the present tariff, as con- 
trasted with the exports of the first 15 
months of the tariff of 1890, was $220,353,320. 
The excess of exports over imports during 
the first 15 months of the tariff of 1890 was 
$213,972,968, but only $56,758,623 under the 
first 15 months of the tariff of 1894, a loss 
under the latter of $157,214,345. 

The net loss in the trade balance of the 
United States has been $196,983,607 during the 
first fifteen months operation of the tariff of 
1894 as compared with the first fifteen 
months of the tariff of 1890. The loss has 
rate of $13,130,000 per month, or $500,000 for 
been large, constant and steady, at the 
every business day of the year. 

We have either been sending too much 
money out of the country, or getting too 
little in or both. We have lost steadily in 
both directions. Our foreign trade has been 
diminished and our domestic trade has suf- 
fered incalculable loss. Does not this sug- 
gest the cause of our present depression 
and indicate its remedy? 

Eleventh Republican National Convention. 


Confldence in home enterprises has almost 
wholly disappeared. Our shops are closed, 
or running on half time at reduced wages 
and small protit if not actual loss. Our 
men ati home are idle, and while they are 
idle the men abroad are occupied in supply- 
ing us with goods. 

Our unrivaled home market for the farm- 
er has also greatly suffered because those 
who constitute it — the great army of Amer- 
ican wage-earners — are without the work 
and wages they formerly had. If they can- 
not earn wages they cannot buy products. 
They cannot earn if they have noi employ- 
ment, and when they do not earn the farm- 
er's home market is lessened and impaired, 
and the loss is felt by both producer and 

The loss of earning power alone in this 
country in the past three years is suf- 
ficient to have produced our unfortunate 
business situation. If our labor was well 
employed, and employed at as remunerative 
wages as in 1892, in a few months every 
farmer in the land would feel the glad 
change in the increased demand for his 
products and in the better prices which he 
would receive. 

It is not an increase in the volume of 
money which is the need of the time, but 
an increase in the volume of business. 
Not an increase of coin, but an increase of 
confldence. Not more coinage, but a more 
active use of the money coined. Not open 
mints for the unlimited coinage of the 
silver of the world, but open mills for the 
full and unrestricted labor of American 

The employment of our mints for the 
coinage of the silver of the world would not 
bring the necessaries and comforts of life 
back to our people. This will only come 
with the employment of the masses, and 
such employment is certain to follow the re- 
establishment of a wise protective policy 
which shall encourage manufacturing at 

Protection has lost none of its virtue and 
importance. The first duty of the Republi- 
can party, if restored to power in the coun- 
try, will be the enactment of a tariff law 
which will raise all the money necessary to 
conduct the government, economically and 
honestly administered, and so adjusted as 
to give preference to home manufactures 
and adequate protection to home labor and 
the home market. 

We are not committed to any special 
schedule or rates of duty. They are and 
always should be subject to change to meet 
new conditions, but the principle upon 
which rates of duty are imposed remains 
the same. Our duties should always be 
high enough to measure the difference be- 
tween the wages paid labor at home and in 
competing countries, and to adequately pro- 
tect American investments and American 

Our farmers have been hurt by the 
changes in our tariff legislation as severe- 
ly as our laborers and manufacturers. 

The Republican platform wisely declares 
in favor of such encouragement to our 
sugar interests "as will lead to the produc- 
tion on American; soil of all the sugar 
which the American people use." 

It promises to our wool and woolen in- 
terests "the most ample protection," a 
guaranty that ought to commend itself to 
every patriotic citizen. Never was a more 
grievous wrong done the farmers of our 
country than that so unjustly inflicted 
during the past three years upon the wool 
growers of America. Although among our 
most industrious and useful citizens, their 
interests have been practically destroyed, 
and our woolen manufacturers involved In 
similar disaster. At no time within the past 
thirty-six years, and perhaps never during 
any previous period, have so many of our 
woolen factories been suspended as now. 

The Republican party can be relied upon 
to correct these great wrongs if again in- 
trusted with the control of the congress. 

Another declaration of tne Republican 
platform that has my most cordial support 
Is that which favors reciprocity. The 
splendid results of the reciprocity arrange- 
ments that were made under authority of 
the tariff law of 1890 are striking and sug- 
gestive. The brief period they were in 
force, in most cases only three years, was 
not long enough to thoroughly test their 
great value, but sufficient was shown by 
the trial to conclusively demonstrate the 
importance and wisdom of their adoption. 
In 1892 the export trade of the United 
States attained the highest point in our 
history. The aggregate of our exports that 
year reached the immense sum of $1,030,278,- 
148, a sum greater by $100,000,000 than the ex- 
ports of any previous year. In 1893, owing 
to the threat of unfriendly tariff legisla- 
tion, the total dropped to $847,665,194. Our 
exports of domestic merchandise de- 
creased $189,000,000, but reciprocity still se- 
cured us a large trade in Central and 
South America, and a larger frade with the 
West Indies than we had ever before en- 
.ioyed. The increase of trade with the 
countries with which we had reciprocity 
agreements was $3,560,515 over our trade in 
1892. and $16,440,721 over our trade in 1891. 

The only countries with which the United 
States traded that showed increased ex- 
ports in 1893 were practically those with 
which we had reciprocity arrangements. 
The reciprocity treaty between this coun- 
try and Spain, touching the markets of 
Cuba and Porto Rica, was announced Sept. 
1. 1891. The growth of our trade with 
Cuba was phenomenal. In 1891 we sold 
that country but 114.441 barrels of flour; in 
1892. 366,175, in 1893, 616,406, and in 1894, 662,248. 
Here was a growth of nearly 500 per 
cent, while our exportations of flour to 
Cuba for the year ending June 30, 1895, the 


Official Proceedings of the 

year following' the repeal of the reciprocity 
treaty, fell to 379,856 barrels, a loss of near- 
ly half our trade with that country. The 
value of our total exports of merchandise 
from the United States to Cuba, in 1891— 
the year prior to the negotiation of the 
reciprocity treaty— was $12,224,888; in 1892, 
$17,953,579; in 1893, $24,157,698; in 1894,$20,125,321, 
but in 1895, after the annulment of the 
reciprocity ag-reement, it fell to only $12,- 

Many similar examples might be given of 
our increased trade under reciprocity with 
other countries, but enough has been 
shown of the efficiency of the legislation 
of 1890 to justify the speedy restoration of 
its reciprocity provisions. In my judgment, 
congress should immediately restore the 
reciprocity section of the old law, with 
such amendments, if any, as time and ex- 
perience sanction as wise and proper. 

The underlying principle of this legislation 
must, however, be strictly observed. It is 
to afford new markets for our surplus agri- 
cultural and manufactured products with- 
out loss to the American laborer of a single 
day's work that he might otherwise pro- 

The declaration of the platform touching 
foreign immigration is one of peculiar im- 
portance at this time, when our own labor- 
ing people are in such great distress. 

I am in hearty sympathy with the pre- 
sent legislation restraining foreign immi- 
gration, and favor such extension of the 
lav.'s as will secure the United States from 
invasion by the debased and criminal class- 
es of the old world. While we adhere to 
the public policy under which our country 
has received great bodies of honest, in- 
dustrious citizens, who have added to the 
wealth, progress and power of the country, 
and while we welcome to our shores the 
well-disposed and industrious immigrant, 
who contributes by his energy and in- 
telligence to thi cause of free government, 
we want no immigrants who do not seek 
our shores to become citizens. 

We should permit none to participate in 
the advantages of our civilization who do 
not sympathize with our aims and form of 
government. We should receive none who 
come to make war upon our institutions 
and profit by public disquiet and turmoil. 
Against all such our gates must be tightly 

The soldiers and sailors of the Union 
should neither be neglected nor forgotten. 
The government which they served so well 
must not make their lives or condition 
harder by treating them as suppliants for 
relief in old age or distress, nor regard with 
disdain or contempt the earnest interest 
one comrade naturally manifests in the 
welfare of another. 

Doubtless there have been pension abuses 
and frauds in the numerous claims allowed 
by the government, but the policy govern- 
ing the administration of the pension 

bureau must always be fair and liberal. No 
deservnig applicant should ever sufEer be- 
cause of a wrong perpetrated by or for 

Our soldiers and sailors gave the govern- 
ment the best they had. They freely offered 
health, strength, limb and life to save the 
country in the time of its greatest peril, 
and the government must honor them in 
their n-eed, as in their service, with the 
respect and gratitude due the brave, noble, 
and self sacrificing men who are justly en- 
titled to generous aid in their increasing 

The declaration of the Republican plat- 
form in favor of the upbuilding of our 
merchant marine has my hearty approval. 
The policy of discriminating duties in favor 
of our shipping which prevailed in the early 
years of our history should be again 
promptly adopted by congress and vigor- 
ously supported until our pre^ige and su- 
premacy on the seas are fully attained. We 
sVould no longer contribute directly or in- 
directly to the maintenance of the colossal 
marine of foreign countries, but provide an 
efficient and complete marine of our own. 

Now that the American navy is assuming 
a position commensurate with our impor- 
tance as a nation, a policy I am glad to ob- 
serve the Republican platform strongly in- 
dorses, we must supplement it with a mer- 
chant marine that will give us the ad- 
vantages in both our coastwise and foreign 
trade that we ought naturally and properly 
to enjoy. It should be at once a matter of 
public policy and national pride to repossess 
this immense and prosperous trade. 

The pledge of the Republican national 
convention that our civil service laws "shall 
be sustained and thoroughly and honestly 
enforced, and extended wherever practica- 
ble," is in keeping with the position of the 
party for the past 24 years, and will be 
faithfully observed. 

Our opponents decry these reforms. They 
appear willing to abandon all the advan- 
tages gained, after so many years' agita- 
tion and effort. They encourage a return to 
methods of party favoritism, which both 
parties have often denounced, that experi- 
ence has condemned, and that the people 
have repeatedly disapproved. 

The Republican party earnestly opposes 
this reactionary and entirely unjustifiable 
policy. It will take no backward step upon 
this question. It will seek to improve but 
never degrade the public service. 

There are other important and timely 
declarations in the platform which I can- 
not here discuss. I must content myself 
with saying that they have my approval. 

If, as Republicans, we have lately ad- 
dressed our attention, with what may seem 
great stress and earnestness, to the new 
and unexpected assault upon the financial 
integrity of the government, we have done 
it because the menace is so grave as to de- 

Eleventh Republican National Convention. 


mand especial consideration, and because 
we are convinced that if the people are 
aroused to the true understanding and 
meaning of this silver and inflation move- 
ment they will avert the danger. In doing 
this we feel that we render the best service 
possbile to the country, and we appeal to 
the intelligence, conscience and patriotism 
of the people, irrespective of party or sec- 
tion, for their earnest support. 

We avoid no issues. We meet the sud- 
den, dangerous and revolutionary assault 
upon law and order, and upon those to 
whom is confided by the constitution and 
laws the authority to uphold and maintain 
them, which our opponents have made, 
with the same courage that we have faced 
every emergency since our organization as 
a party, more than forty years ago. Gov- 
ernment by law must first be assured; 
everything else can wait. 

The spirit of lawlessness must be extin- 
guished by the fires of an unselfish and 
lofty patriotism. Every attack upon the 
public faith, and every suggestion of the 
repudiation of debts, public or private, 
must be rebuked by all men who believe 
that honesty is the best policy, or who 
love their country and would preserve un- 
sullied its national honor. 

The country is to be congratulated upon 
the almost total obliteration of the sec- 
tional lines which for many years marked 
the division of the United States into slave 
and free territory, and finally threatened 
its partition into two separate govern- 
ments by the dread ordeal of civil war. 
The era of reconciliation, so long and earn- 
estly desired by General Grant and many 
other great leaders, north and south, has 
happily come, and the feeling of distrust 
and hostility between the sections is every- 
where vanishing, let us hope never to re- 
Nothing is better calculated to R've 
strength to the nation at home, increase our 
power and influence abroad, and add to the 

permanency and security of our free insti- 
tutions than the restoration of cordial re- 
lations between the people of all sections 
and parts of our beloved country. If called 
by the suffrages of the people to assume 
the duties of the high office of president of 
the United States, I shall count it a privi- 
lege to aid, even in the slightest degree, in 
the promotion of the spirit of fraternal re- 
gard which should animate and govern the 
citizens of every section, state or part of 
the republic. 

After the lapse of a century since its ut- 
terance, let us at length and forever here- 
after heed the admonition of Washington: 
"There should be no north, no south, no 
east, no west, but a common country." It 
shall be my constant aim to improve every 
opiX)rtunity to advance the cause of good 
government by promoting tha;t spirit of 
forbearance and justice which is so essen- 
tial to our prosperity and happiness by join- 
ing most heartily in all proper efforts to re- 
store the relations of brotherly respect and 
affection which in our early history char- 
acterized all the people of all the states. I 
would be glad to contribute towards binding 
in indivisible union the different divisions of 
the country, which indeed now "have every 
inducement of sympathy and interest" to 
weld them together more strongly than 

I would rejoice to see demonstrated to 
the world that the north and the south and 
the east and the west are not separated, or 
in danger of becoming separated, because 
of sectional or party differences. The war 
is long since over; "we are not enemies but 
friends," and as friends we will faithfully 
and cordially co-operate, under the approv- 
ing smile of Him who has thus far so sig- 
nally sustained and guided us, to preserve 
inviolate our country's name and honor, its 
peace and good order, and its continued 
ascendency among the greatest govern- 
ments on earth. WILLIAM McKINLBY. 


Official Proceedings of the 


JPaterson, N. J., Sept. 9, 1896.— Hon. Charles 
W. Fairbanks and others of the notification 
committee of the Republican national con- 
vention. Gentlemen: I have already, in ac- 
cepting the nomination for the office of the 
vice-presidency tendered me by the national 
Republictn convention, expressed my ap- 
proval of the platform adopted by that body 
as the party basis of doctrine. In accord- 
ance with accepted usage I beg now to sup- 
plement that brief statement of my views 
by some additional reflections upon the 
questions which are in debate before the 
American people. 

The platform declarations in reference to 
the money question express clearly and un- 
mistakably the attitude of the Republican 
party as to this supremely important sub- 
ject. We stand unqualifiedly honesty in 
finance and the permanent adjustment of 
our monetary system, in the multifarious 
activities of trade and commerce, to the ex- 
isting gold standard of value. We hold 
that every dollar of currency issued by the 
United States, whether of gold, silver or 
paper, must be worth a dollar in gold, 
whether in the pocket of the man who toils 
for his daily bread, in the vault of the 
savings-bank which holds his deposits, or 
in the exchanges of the world. 

The money standard of a great nation 
should be as fixed and permanent as the 
nation itself. To secure and retain the best 
should be the desire of every right-minded 
citizen. Resting on stable foundations, con- 
tinuous and unvarying certainty of value 
should be its distinguishing characteristic. 
The experience of all history confirms the 
truth that every coin made under any law, 
howsoever that coin may be stamped, will 
finally command in the markets of the 
world the exact value of the materials 
which compose it. The dollar of our country, 
whether of gold or silver, should be of the 
full value of one hundred cents, and by so 
much as any dollar is worth less than this 
In the market, by precisely that sum- will 
some one be defrauded. 

The necessity of a certain and fixed money 
value between nations as well as individ- 
uals has grown out of the interchange of 
commodities, the trade and business rela- 

tionships which have arisen among the peo- 
ples of the world, with the enlargement of 
human wants and the broadening of human 
interests. This necessity has made gold the 
final standard of all enlightened nations. 
Other metals, including silver, have a rec- 
ognized commercial value, and silver es- 
pecially has a value of great importance 
for subsidiary coinage. In view of a sedu- 
lous effort by the advocates of free coin- 
age to create a contrary impression, it can- 
not be too strongly emphasized that the 
Republican party in its platform affirms 
this value in silver, and favors the largest 
possible use of this metal as actual money 
that can be maintained with safety. Not 
only this, it will not antagonize, but will 
gladly assist in promoting a double stand- 
ard whenever it can be secured by agree- 
ment and co-operation among the nations. 
The bimetallic currency, involving the free 
use of silver, which we now have, is cor- 
dially approved by Republicans. But a 
standard and a currency are vastly differ- 
ent things. 

If we are to continue to hold our place 
among the great commercial nations, we 
must cease juggling with this question and 
make our honesty of purpose clear to the 
world. No room should be left for misconcep- 
tion as to the meajaing of the language used 
in the bonds of the government not yet ma- 
tured. It should not be possible for any 
party or individual to raise a question as 
to the purpose of the country to pay all its 
obligations in the best form of money rec- 
ognized by the commercial world. Any na- 
tion which is worthy of credit or confi- 
dence can afford to say explicitly on a 
question so vital to every interest what it 
means, when such meaning is challenged 
or doubted. It is desirable that we should 
make it known at once and authoritatively 
that an "honest dollar" means any dollar 
equivalent to a gold dollar of the present 
standard of weight and fineness. The world 
should likewise be assured that the stand- 
ard dollar of America is as inflexible a 
quantity as the French Napoleon, the Brit- 
ish sovereign or the German 20-mark piece. 
The free coinage of silver at the ratio 
of 16 *-* 1 is a policy which no nation has 

Eleventh Republican National Convention. 


ever before proposed, and it is not today 
permitted in any mint in the world — not 
even in Mexico. It is proposed to make 
the coinage unlimited, at an absolutely 
fictitious ratio fixed with no reference to 
Intrinsic value or pledge of ultimate re- 
demption. With silver at its present price 
of less than 70 cents per ounce in the mar- 
ket, such a policy means an immediate 
profit to the seller of silver, for tvhich there 
is no return now or hereafter to the people 
or the government. It means that for 
each dollar's worth of silver bullion de- 
livered at the mint, practically $2 of stamp- 
ed coin will be given in exchange. For $100 
worth of bullion nearly two hundred silver 
dollars will be delivered. 

Let it alpo be remembered that the con- 
sequences of such an act would probably 
be cumulative in their effects. The crop 
of silver, unlike that of hay, or wheat, or 
corn— which, being of yearly production, 
can be regulated by the law of demand 
and supply — is fixed once for all. The silver 
which has not yet been gathered is all in 
the ground. Dearth or other accident of 
the elements cannot augment or diminish 
it. Is it not more than probable that with 
the enormous premium offered for its min- 
ing, the cupidity of man would make an 
over-supply continuous, with the necessary 
result of a steady depreciation as long as 
the silver dollar could be kept in circulation 
at all? Under the laws of finance which 
are as fixed as those of any other science, 
the inevitable result would finally be a 
currency all and absolutely flat. There is 
no difference in principal between the dol- 
lar half fiat and one all fiat. The latter, 
as the cheapest, under the logic of "cheap 
money," would surely drive the other out. 
Any attempt on the part of the govern- 
ment to create by its fiat money of a 
fictitious value would dishonor us in the 
eyes of other peoples and bring infinite re- 
proach upon the national character. The 
business and financial consequences of such 
an immoral act would be worldwide, be- 
cause our commercial relations are world- 
wide. All our settlements with other lands 
must be made, not with the money which 
may be legally current in our own country, 
but in gold, the standard of all nations with 
which our are most cordial and 
extensive, and no legislative enactment can 
free us from that inevitable necessity. It 
is a known fact that more than SO per cent 
of the commerce of the world is settled 
in gold or on a gold basis. 

Such free coinage legislation, if ever con- 
summated, would discriminate against 
every producer of wheat, cotton, corn or 
rye — who should in justice be equally en- 
titled, with the silver owner, to sell his 
products to the United States treasury, at 
a profit fixed by the government— and 
against all producers of iron, steel, zinc 
or copper, who might properly c^'-^'m to 
have their metals made into curi.-n. coin. 

It would, as well, be a fraud upon all per- 
sons forced to accept a currency thus stim- 
ulated and at the same time degraded. 

In every aspect the proposed policy is 
partial and one-sided, because it is only 
when a profit can be made by a mine 
owner or dealer that he takes his silver to 
the mint for coinage. The government is 
always at the losing end. Stamp such ficti- 
tious value upon silver ore and a dishon- 
est and unjust discrimination will be made 
against every other form of industry. 
When silver buHion worth a little more 
than 50 cents is made into a legal-tender 
dollar, driving out one having a purchasing 
and debt-paying power of 100 cents, it 
will clearly be done at the expense and 
injury of every class of the community. 

Those who contend for the free and 
unlimited coinage of silver may believe in 
all honesty that while the present ratio 
of silver to gold is as 30 to 1 (not 16 to 1), 
silver will rise above the existing market 
value. If it does so rise the effect will be 
to make the loss to all the people so much 
less, but such an opinion is but a hazardous 
conjecture at best, and is not justified by 
experience. Within the last 20 years this 
government has bought about 460,000,000 of 
ounces of silver, from which it has coined 
approximately 430,000,000 of silver dollars 
and issued 130,000,000 cf dollars in silver 
certificates, and the price of the metal 
was steadily declined from $1.15 per ounce 
to 68 cents per ounce. What will be the 
decline when the supply is augmented by 
the offerings of ail the world? The loss 
upon these silver purchases to the people 
of this country has now" been nearly 

The dollars of our fathers, about which 
so much is said, was an honest dollar, 
silver maintaining a full parity of intrinsic 
value with gold. The fathers would have 
SDurned and ridiculed a proposition to 
make a silver dollar worth only 53 cents 
stand of equal value with a gold one worth 
100 cents. The experience of all nations 
proves that any depreciation, however 
slight, of another standard from the parity 
with gold has driven the more valuable one 
out of circulation, and such experience in 
a matter of this kind is worth much more 
than mere interested speculative opinion. 
The fact that few gold coins are seen in 
ordinary circulation for domestic uses is 
no proof at all that the metal is not per- 
forming a most important function in busi- 
ness affairs. The foundation of the house 
is not always in sight, but the house would 
not stand an hour if there were no founda- 
tion. The great enginery that moves the 
ocean steamship is not always in view of 
the passengers, but it is, all the same, 
the propelling force of the vessel, without 
which it would soon become a worthless 


Official Proceedings of the 

It may be instructive to consider a mo- 
ment how the free and unlimited coinage 
of silver would affect a few great interests, 
and I mention only enough to demonstrate 
what a calamity may lie before us if the 
platform formulated at Chicago is per- 
mitted to be carried out. 

There are now on deposit in the savings 
banks of thirty-three states and territories 
of this Union the vast sum of $2,000,000,000. 
these are the savings of almost 5,000,000 
depositors. In many cases they represent 
the labor and economies of years. Any de- 
preciation in the vaiue of the dollar would 
defraud every man, woman and child to 
whom these savings belong. Every dollar 
of their earnings when deposited was worth 
100 cents in gold of the present standard of 
weight and fineness. Are they not entitled 
to receive in full, with interest all they have 
so deposited? Any legislation that would 
reduce it by the value of a single dime 
would b© an intolerable wrong to each de- 
positor. Every bank or banker who has 
accepted the earnings of these millions of 
dollars to the credit of our citizens must be 
required to pay them back in money not 
one whit lessi valuable than that whicli 
these banks and bankers received in trust. 

There arc in this country nearly 6,000 
building and loan associations, with share- 
holders to the number of 1,800,000, and with 
assets amounting to more than $500,000,000. 
Their average of holdings is nearly $300 per 
capita, and in many case they represent the 
savings of men and women who have denied 
themselves the comforts of life in the hope 
of being able to accumulate enough to bu.v 
or build home's of their own. They have 
aided in the erection of over 1,000,000 houses, 
which are now affording comfort and 
shelter for 5,000,000 of our thrifty people. 

Free coinage at the arbitrary rate of 16 
ounces of silver to one of gold would be 
equivalent to the confiscation of nearly half 
the savings that these people have invested. 
It would be tantamount to a war upon 
American home-makers. It would be an in- 
vasion of "the homes of the provident," 
and tend directly to "destroy the stimulus 
to endeavor and the compensation of hon- 
est toil." Every one of the shareholders of 
these associations is entitled to be repaid 
in money of the same value which he de- 
posited by weekly payments or otherwise 
in these companies. No one of them should 
be made homeless because a political party 
demands a change in the money standard 
of our country as an experiment or as a 
concession to selfishness or greed. 

The magnitude of the disaster which 
would overtake these and cognate interests 
becomes the more strikingly apparent when 
considered in the aggregate. Stated broad- 
ly, the savings banks, life insurance and 
assessment companies and building and loan 

associations of the country hold in trust 
$15,309,717,381. The debasement of the cur- 
rency to a silver basis, as proposed by the 
Chicago platform, would wipe out at one 
bl'ow approximately $7,963,504,856 of this ag- 
gregate. According to the report of the de- 
partment of agriculture the total value of 
the main cereal crops of this country in 
1894 was $995,438,107. So that the total sum be- 
longing- to the people and held in trust in 
these institutions which would be obliter- 
ated by the triumph of free and unlimited 
silver coinage would be seven and one-half 
times the total value of the annual cereal 
crop of the United States. The total value 
of the manufactured products of the coun- 
try for the census year of 1890 was $9,372,- 
537,283. The establishment of a silver basis 
of value, as now proposed, would entail a 
loss to these three interests alone equal to- 
85 per cent of this enormous output of all 
the manufacturing industries of the Union, 
and would affect directly nearly one-third 
of its whole population. 

One hundred and forty millions of dollars 
per annum are due to the pensioners of the 
late war. That sum represents blood spilled 
and sufferings endured in order to preserve 
this nation from disintegration. In many 
cases the sums so paid in pensions are ex- 
ceedingly small; in few, if any, are they 
excessive. The spirit that would deplete 
these to the extent of a farthing is the 
same that would organize sedition, destroy 
the peace and security of the country, pun- 
ish rather than reward our veteran soldiers, 
and is unworthy of the countenance, by 
thought or vote, of any patriotic citizen 
of whatever political faith. No party, until 
that which met in convention at Chicago, 
has ever ventured to insult the honored 
survivors of our struggle for the national 
life by proposing to scale their pensions 
horizontally, and to pay them hereafter in 
depreciated dollars worth only 53 cents 

The amounts due, in addition to the inter- 
ests already named, to depositors and trust 
companies in national, state and private 
banks, to holders of fire and accident insur- 
ance polices, to holders of industrial insur- 
ance, where the money deposited or the 
premiums have been paid in gold or its 
equivalent, are so enormous, together with 
the sums due, and to become due, for state, 
municipal, coujity or other corporate debts, 
that if paid in depreciated silver or its 
equivalent, it would not only entail upon 
our fellow countrymen a loss in money 
which has not been equalled in a similar 
experience since the world began, but it 
would, at the same time, bring a disgrace 
to our country such as has never befallen 
any other nation which had the ability to 
pay its honest debts. In our condition, and 
considering our magnificent capacity for 

Eleventh Republican National Convention. 


raising revenue, such wholesale repudiation 
is without necessity or excuse. No politi- 
cal expediency or party exigency, however 
pressing, could justify so monstrous an act. 

All these deposits and debts must, under 
the platform of the Republican party, be 
met and adjusted in the best currency the 
world knows, and measured by the same 
standard in which the debts have been con- 
tracted or the deposits or payments have 
bfien made 

Still dealing: sparingly with figures, of 
which there is an enormous mass to sus- 
tain the position of the advocates of the 
gold standard of value, I cite one more 
fac'^. which is officially established, premis- 
ed by the truism that there is no better 
test of the growth of a country's prosperity 
than its increase in the per capita holdings 
of its population. In the decade between 
1S80 and 1890, during which we had our 
existing gold standard, and were under the 
conditions that supervened from the act of 
1S73, the per capita ownings of this country 
increased from $870 to $1,036. In those ten 
years the aggregate increase of the wealth 
of our country was $21,395,000,000, being 50 
per cent in excess of the increase for any 
previous ten years since 1S50, and at the 
amazing rate of over $2,000,000,000 a year. 
The framers of the Chicago platform in the 
face of this fact, and of the enormous in- 
crease over Great Britain, during this same 
gold-standard decade, of our country's 
foreign trade and its production of iron, 
coal and other great symbols of national 
strength and progress, assert that our 
monetary standard is "not only un-Ameri- 
can but anti-American," and that it has 
brought us "into financial servitude to 
London." It is impossible to imagine an 
a-ssertion more reckless and indefensible. 

The proposition for free and unlimited 
silver coinage, carried to its logical con- 
clusion—and but one is possible — means, as 
before intimated, legislative warrant for 
the repudiation for all existing indebted- 
ness, public and private, to the extent of 
nearly 50 per cent of the face of all such 
indebtedness. It demands an unlimited 
volume of fiat currency, irredeemable, and 
therefore without any standard value in 
the markets of the world. E!very consider- 
ation of Dublic interest and public honor 
demands that this proposition should be 
rejected by the American people. 

This country cannot afford to give its 
sanction to wholesale spoliation. It must 
hold fast to its integrity. It must still en- 
courage thrift in all proper ways. It must 
not only educate its children to honor and 
respect the flag ,but it should inculcate 
fidelity to the obligations of personal and 
national honor as well. Both these great 
principles should hereafter be taught in the 
common schools of the land, and the lesson 
impressed upon those who are the voters 

of today and those who are to become the 
inheritors of sovereign power in the Repub- 
lic, that it is neither wise, patriotic, nor safe 
to make political platforms the mediums of 
assault upon property, the peace of society 
and upon civilization itself. 

Until these lessons have been learned by 
»ur children, and by those who have reach- 
ed the voting age, it can only be surmised 
what enlightened statesmen and political 
economists will record, as to the action of 
a party convention which offers an induce- 
ment to national dishonesty by a premium 
of 47 cents for every 53 cents' worth of sil- 
ver that can be extracted from the bowels 
of the whole earth, with a cordial invita- 
tion to all to produce it at our mints and 
accept for it a full silver legal-tender dollar 
of one hundred cents rated value to the 
coined free of charge and unlimited in 
quantity for private account. 

But vastly more than a mere assertion of 
a purpose to reconstruct the national cur- 
rency is suggested by the Chicago platform. 
It assumes in fact, the form of a revolu- 
tionary propaganda. It embodies a menace 
of national disintegration and destruction. 
This spirit manifested itself in a deliberate 
proposition to repudiate the plighted public 
faith, to impair the sanctity of the obliga- 
tion of private contracts, to cripple the 
credit of the nation by stripping the govern- 
ment of the power to borrow money as the 
urgent exigencies of the treasury- may re- 
quire, and, in a word, to overthrow all the 
foundations of financial and industrial 

Xor is this all. Not content with a propo- 
sition to thus debaunch the cur- 
rency and to unsettle all conditions 
of trade and commerce, the party 
responsible for this platform denies 
protect the lives and property of its citizens 
the competency of the government to 
against internal disorder and violence. 

It assails the judicial muniments reared 
by the constitution for the defense of indi- 
vidual rights and the public welfare, and it 
even threatens to destroy the integrity and 
independence of the supreme court, which 
has been considered the last refuge of the 
citizen against every form of outrage and 

In the face of the serious peril which 
these propositions embody, it would seem 
that there could be but one sentiment 
among right thinking citizens as to the duty 
of the hour. All men of whatever party, 
who believe in law, and have some regard 
for the sacredness of individual and insti- 
tutional rights, must unite in defense of the 
endangered interests of the nation. 

While the financial issue which has been 
thus considered, and which has come, as 
the result of the agitation of recent years, 
to occupy a peculiar conspicuousness, is 


Official Proceedings of the 

admittedly of primary importance, there Is 
another question which must command 
careful and serious attention. Our financial 
and business condition is at this moment 
one of almost unprecedented depression. 
Our great industrial system is seriously 
paralyzed. Production in many important 
branches of manufacture has altogether 
ceased. Capital is without remunerative 
employment. Labor is idle. The revenues 
of the government are insufficient to meet 
Its ordinary and necessary expenses. These 
conditions are not the result of accident. 
They are the outcome of a mistaken econ- 
omic policy deliberately enacted and ap- 
plied. It would not be difficult, and would 
not involve any violent disturbance of our 
existing commercial system, to enact neces- 
sary tariff modifications along the line of 

For the first two fiscal years of the so- 
called McKinley tariff the receipts from 
customs were $380,807,980. At this writing 
the Wilson tariff act has been in force for 
nearly two full fiscal years; but the total 
receipts, actual and estimated, cannot ex- 
ceed $312,441,947. A steady deficit, con- 
stantly depleting the resources of the goT- 
ernment and trenching even upon its gold 
reserve, has brought about public distrust 
and business disaster. It ha.s. too, necessi- 
tated the sale of $262,000,000 of bonds, thereby 
Increasing to that extent the national 
debt. It will be remembered that in no 
year of the more than a quarter of a 
century of continuous Republican adminis- 
tration succeeding the civil war, when our 
Industries were disintegrated and all the 
conditions of business were more or less 
■disturbed, was the national debt increased 
Tsy a single dollar; it was, on the contrary, 
steadily and rapidly diminished. In such 
a, condition of affairs as this it is Idle 
to argue against the necessity of some sort 
of a change in our fiscal laws. The Demo- 
cratic party declares for a remedy by di- 
rect taxation upon a selected class of citi- 
zens. It opposes any application of the 
protective principle. 

Our party holds that by a wise adjust- 
ment of the tariff, conceived in moderation 
and with a view to stability, we may secure 
all needed revenue, and it declares that in 
the event of its restoration to power it 
will seek to acompllsh that result. It holds, 
too, that it is the duty of the government 
to protect and encourage in all practical 
ways the development of domestic indus- 
tries, the elevation of home labor, and the 
enlargement of the prosperity of the peo- 
ple. It does not favor any forcible legisla- 
tion which would lodge in the government 
the power to do what the people ought to 
do for themselves, but it believes that it ie 
both wise and patriotic to discriminate in 
favor of our own material resources, and 

the utilization, under the best attainabla 
conditions, of our own capital and our own 
available skill and industry. 

The words of the Republican national 
platform on this subject are at once tem- 
perate and emphatic. It says of the policy 
of protection: "In its reasonable applica- 
tion it is just, fair and impartial, equally 
opposed to foreign control and domestic 
monopoly, to sectional discrimination and 
individual favoritism. "We demand such 
an equitable tariff on foreign imports 
which come into competition with American 
products as will not only furnish adequate 
revenue for the necessary expenses of the 
government, but will protect American la- 
bor from degradation to the wage level of 
other lands. We are not pledged to any 
particular schedules. The question of rates 
is a practical question, to be governed by 
the conditions of the time and of produc- 
tion; the ruling and uncompromising prin- 
ciple is the protection and development of 
American labor and industry. The country 
demands a right settlement, and then it 
wants rest." 

The Republican party, in its first success- 
ful national contest, under Abraham Lin- 
coln, declared in. favor "of that policy of 
national exchanges which secures to the 
workingman living wages, to agriculture re- 
munerative prices, to mechanics and manu- 
facturers an adequate reward for their skill, 
labor and enterprise, and to the nation 
commercial prosperity and independence." 
The principle thus enunciated has never 
been abandoned. In the crisis now upon us 
it must be tenaciously adhered to. While 
we must insist that our monetary standard 
shall be maintained in harmony with that 
of the civilized world, that our currency 
shall be sound and honest, we must also re- 
member that unless we make it possible for 
capital to find employment and for labor to 
earn ample and remunerative wages, it will 
be impossible to attain that degree of pros- 
perity which, with a sound monetary policy 
buttressed by a sound tariff policy, will be 

In 1S92, when by universal consent we 
touched the high water mark of our na- 
tional prosperity, we were under the same 
financial system that we have today. Gold 
was then the sole standard, and silver and 
paper were freely used as the common cur- 
rency. We had a tariff framed by Republi- 
can hands under the direction of the great 
statesman who now logically leads the con- 
test for a restoration of the policy whose 
reversal brought paralysis to so many of 
our industries and distress upon so large a 
body of our people. We were under the 
policy of reciprocity, formulated by another 
illustrious statesman of the genuine Ameri- 
can type. We may, if we choose to do so, 
return to the prosperous conditions which 

Eleventh Republican National Convention. 


existed before the present administratton 
came into power. 

My sincere conviction is that my country- 
men will prove wise enough to understand 
the issues that confront them, and patriotic 
enough to apply safe and sure remedies for 
the evils that oppress us. They will not, 
I am sure, accept again at their face value 
the promises of a party, which under despe- 
rate and perverted leadership has so recent- 
ly dishonored its solemn pledges, which has 
repudiated the principles and policies which 
have given it a historic past, and the suc- 
cess of which, as now constituted, would en- 
danger at home private security and the 
public safety, and disastrously affect abroad 
both our credit and good name. And fore- 
most among those who will decline to fol- 
low where the new Democracy leads will be 
thousands of mtn. Democrats aforetime and 
Democrats today, who count country more 
than party, and aie unwilling even by indi- 
rection to contribute to results so dis- 
astrous to our most sacred interests. 

The platform of the Republican national 
convention states the party position con- 
cerning other questions than those herein 
referred to. These, while at the present 
time of subordinate importance, should not 
be overlooked. The Republican party has 
always been the defender of the rights of 
American citizenship as against all aggres- 
sions whatever, whether at home or abroad. 
It has to the extent of its power, defended 
those rights and hedged them about with 
law. Regarding the ballot as the expres- 
sion and embodiment of the sovereignty of 
the individual citizen it has sought to safe- 
guard it against assault, and to preserve 

its purity and integrity. In our foreign re-- 
lations it has labored to secure to every 
man entitled to the shelter of our flag the 
fullest exercise of his rights consistent with 
international obligation. If it should be re- 
stored to rulership, it would infuse needed 
vigor into our relations with powers which 
have manifested contempt and disregard, 
not only of American citizenship, but of 
humanity itself. 

The Republican party has always stood 
for the protection of the American home. 
It has aimed to secure it in the 
enjoyment of all the blessings of 
remunerated industry; of moral cul- 
ture and favorable physical environment. 
It was the party which instituted the policy 
of free homesteads, and which holds now 
that this policy shoxild be re-established, 
and that the public lands yet vacant and 
subject to entry in any part of our national 
territory, should be preserved against cor- 
porate aggression as homes for the people. 
It realizes that the safety of the state lies 
in the multiplication of households, and the 
strengthening of that sentiment of which 
the virtuous home is the best and the truest 
embodiment; and it will aim to dignify and 
enlarge by all proper legislation this 
element of security. 

If elected to the position for which I 
have been nominated, it will be my earnest 
and constant endeavor, under Divine guid- 
ance, in the sphere of duty asigned to me, 
to serv'e the people loyally along the line 
of the principles and poicies of the party 
which has honored me with its preference. 

I am, gentlemen of the committee, very 
truly yours, GARRETT A. HOBART. 



The following- newspapers were represented and had seats assigned 
them in the press department: 


Little Rock Democrat, 

Little Rock Gazette. 

Van Buren Times. 


Los Angeles Evening Express. 

Los Angeles Daily Times. 

Oakland Enquirer. 

Oakland Tribune. 

Sacramento Bee. 

Sacramento Eecord-Unlon. 

San Francisco Chronicle. 

San Francisco Examiner. 

San Francisco Call. 


Denver Republican. 

Denver Evening Post. 

Denver News. 

Denver Times. 


Hartford Post. 

Hartford Daily Courant. 

Meridan Record & Republican. 


Wilmington Every Evening. 


Washington ( Frank G. Carpenter). 

Washington Post. 

Washington Times. 

Washington Evening Star. 


Atlanta Constitution. 

Atlanta Journal. 


Alton Republican. 

Alton Sentinel Democrat. 

Bloomington Pantagraph. 

Cairo Bulletin. 

Cairo Daily Telegram. 

Chicago Evening Post. 

Chicago Western Newsp. Union. 

Chicago Daily News. 

Chicago Olironicle. 

Chicago Tribune. 

Chicago Dispatch, 

Chicago 111. Staats-Zeitung. 

Chicago Record. 

Chicago Hunt's News Bureau. 

Chicago Inter-Ocean. 

Chicago Times-Herald. 

Chicago Journal. 

East St. Louis Daily Journal. 

East St. Louis Republican. 

Peoria Call. 

Peoria The Transcript. 

Quincy Whig. 

Quincy Herald. 

Springfield 111. State Register. 

Springfield 111. State Journal. 

Rockford Register-Gazette. 

Freeport Journal. 


E vansville Courier. 

Evans ville Post. 

E vansville Journal and News. 

Indianapolis News. 

Indianapolis Journal. 

Vincennes Council. 

Indianapolis Sentinel. 

Lafayette Daily Courier. 

Logansport Daily Jou rnal. 

Madison Daily Courier. 

Muncie Times. 

Terre Haute Evening Gazette. 

Terra Haute Express. 


Official Proceedings of the 


Burlington Hawkeye. 

Cedar Rapids Republican. 

Cedar Rapids Evening Gazette. 

Council Bluffs Globe. 

Davenport Tribune. 

Davenport Times. 

Davenport Democrat. 

Dubuque Herald. 

Dabuque Times. 

Dubuque Daily Telegraph. 

Des Moines Iowa State Register. 

Keokuk Gate City. 

Sioux City Journal. 

Sioux City Times. 


Atchison The Globe. 

Emporia Republican. 

Leavenworth Times. 

Topeka State Journal. 

Topeka State Capital. 

Wichita Eagle. 


Louisville Commercial. 

Louisville Times. 

Louisville Post. 

Louisville Courier Journal. 

Lexington Leader. 


New Orleans Times-Democrat. 


Baltimore Sun. 

Baltimore American. 

Baltimore News. 

Baltimore World. 

Baltimore Herald. 


Boston Herald. 

Boston Daily Standard. 

Boston Transcript. 

Boston Daily Advertiser. 

Boston Journal. 

Bolton Post. 

Boston Globe. 

Boston Evening Record. 

Springfield Union. 

Springfield Republican. 

Lowell Morning Mail. 


Detroit Journal. 

Detroit., Tribune & Ev'g News. 

Detroit Commercial Advertis'r 

Detroit Free Press. 

Grand Rapids Herald. 


Duluth News-Tribune. 

Minneapolis Journal. 

Minneapolis Penny Press. 

Minneapolis Tribune. 

Minneapolis.. Times. 

St. Paul Dispatch. 

St. Paul Globe. 

St. Paul The Pioneer Press. 

Winona Daily Republican. 


Carthage Press. 

Clayton Argus. 

Chillicothe Tribune. 

Hannibal Courier-Post. 

Kansas City Star. 

Kansas City Mail. 

Kansas City Times. 

Kansas City Journal. 

Kansas City World. 

Sedalia Capital. 

Springfield Republican. 

Springfield Democrat. 

St. Joseph Daily News. 

St. Joseph Herald. 

St. Joseph Gazette. 

St. Louis Herold. 

St. Louis Evening Journal. 

St. Louis Sunday Mirror. 

St. Louis Dyer's Weekly. 

St. Louis Western Watchman. 

St. Louis Globe-Democrat. 

St. Louis Republic. 

St. Louis Post Dispatch. 

St. Louis Star. 

St. Louis Chronicle. 

St. Louis Westliche Post. 

St. Louis Anzeiger. 

St. Louis Amerika. 

St. Louis Tribune. 

St. Louis Tageblat. 

St. Louis Negro World. 

St. Louis The Expositor, 


Helena Independent. 

Eleventh Republican National Convention. 



Lincoln State Journal. 

Omaha World-Herald. 

Omaha Bee. 


Concord Monitor. 


Camden Courier. 

Newark Newark News. 

Trenton State Gazette. 

Orange Journal. 

Jersey City Evening Journal. 

Newark Daily Advertiser. 


Albany Press. 

Albany lournal. 

Albany Express. 

Brooklyn Standard Union. 

Buffalo Express. 

Brooklyn Times. 

Brooklyn Eagle. 

Buffalo Enquirer. 

Buffalo Courier. 

Buffalo News. 

Buffalo Times. 

Buffalo Commercial. 

New York Staats-Zeitung. 

New York Tribune. 

New York World. 

New York Evening World. 

New York. . Evening Post. 

New York Comm'l Advertiser. 

New York Recorder. 

New York Harper's Weekly. 

New York Herald. 

New York Telegram. 

New York Daily News. 

New York Journal. 

New York Times. 

New York Mall and Express. 

New York The Sun. 

New York The Evening Sun. 

New York Judge Pub. Co. 

New York Morning Advertiser. 

New York Press. 

New 5fork Mercury. 

Rochester Post Express. 

Rochester Herald. 

Syracuse The Herald. 

Syracuse Post. 

Syracuse Standard. 

Syracuse Journal. 

Troy Times. 

Troy Press. 

Utica Press. 


Raleigh News. 

Charlotte Observer. 


Guthrie Ok. State Capitol. 

Guthrie Daily Leader. 


Akron Daily Democrat. 

Canton Daily Record. 

Canton Daily Repository. 

Cincinnati.. Post. 

Cincinnati Commercial Gazette. 

Cincinnati Enquirer. 

Cincinnati Times-Star. 

Chlllicothe Daily Gazette. 

Cleveland Plain Dealer. 

Cleveland Press. 

Cleveland World. 

Cleveland Leader. 

Cleveland Recorder. 

Columbus Dispatch. 

Columbus Ohio State Journal. 

Dayton Journal. 

Masillon Evening Independent. 

Mansfield Daily Shield. 

Sandusky The Register. 

Toledo Blade. 

Toledo.. Commercial. 

Youngstown Telegram. 


Portland Morning Oregonian. 


Erie Dispatch. 

Philadelphia Evening Star. 

Philadelphia Record. 

Philadelphia Times. 

Philadelphia Item. 

Philadelphia Public Ledger. 

Philadelphia Inquirer. 

Philadelphia Press. 

Philadelphia Evening Telegraph, 

Philadelphia Evening Bulletin. 

Philadelphia North American. 

Pittsburg Times and Daily News. 

Pittsburg Dispatch. 

Pittsburg Leader. 

Pittsburg Press. 

Pittsburg ..Post. 

Pittsburg Commercial Gazette. 

Pittsburg Chronicle-Telegraph . 

Scranton Tribune Publishing Co . 

170 Official Proceedings of the 


„ ., ^ , VIRGINIA. 

Providence Journal. 

Norfolk Evening News. 

SOUTH CAROLINA. .Norfolk Land Mark. 

Charleston News & Courier and Richmond Daily Star. 

Savanna News. Riehmond Times. 


Pierre (J. E. Hippie). Seattle Times. 


^ , ... „ WISCONSIN. 

Nashville Banner. 

Nashville American. Oshkosh Daily Northwestern. 

Memphis Commercial Appeal. Milwaukee "Wisconsin." 

TT7V A <5 Milwaukee Journal. 

liiAAS). Milwaukee Daily News. 

El Paso Daily Times. Milwaukee Sentinel. 

Galveston News. Milwaukee Germania. 

Houston Post. 

Dallas News. WEST VIRGINIA. 

UTAH. Wheeling Intelligencer. 

SaltLake Tribune. Wheeling Register. 

Salt Lake Herald. 

Chicago, Peoria and 
St. Louis, 

I KAVLLIIMU / St. Paul, Minneapolis, 

e^ BETWEEN ] ^'"^h^' St. Joseph, 

Kansas City, Lincoln, 
Denver, Black Hills and 
Pacific Coast 

TJhe S^est Juine 

t^t^^^^ji^ji^ IS VIA THE GREAT ^j^^^^^^^j^ 


iPutlman Sloopinff Cars 
^eclinin£f Chair Cars 
iPeerless i)inin£f Cars 

Run every day in 
the Year. 

Any information desired as to Rates of Fare, Time of Trains and Choice of Routes can 
be obtained by addressing any of the following representatives of the Burlington Route: 

P. S. EUSTIS, G. P. & T. A., 
Chicago, III. 

J. FRANCIS, G. P. & T. A., 
Omaha, Neb. 

L. W. WAKELEY, G. P. * T. A. 
St. Louis, Mo. 

W. J. C. KENYON, G. F. & P. A. 
St. Paul, Minn.