UNIVERSITY
OF PITTSBURGH
LIBRARY
^;N>>"t;/'^ Dar.Rm.
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THIS BOOK PRESENTED BY
Francis Newton Thorpe
OFFICI-^C PROCEEDING©
OF THE
NATIONAL REPUBLICAN CONVENTIONS.
The Secretary of the late Republican National Convention at Saint
Louis was directed to prepare and have published the Proceedings.
He was also directed, in 1892, to reprint the Proceedings of the first
three Republican Conventions, viz.: Of the j^ears 1856, at Philadelphia:
i860, at Chicago, and 1864, at Baltimore.
ADDITIONAL COPIES of this Book may be obtained at any
time from CHARLES W. JOHNSON, 259 First Avenue South, Minne-
apolis, Minnesota, Secretary of the National Republican Conventions
of 1892 and 1896.
PRICES.
Proceedings of 1892 or 1896, bound in cloth, single copy, postage prepaid, $1.50
" of 1892 or 1896, bound in paper, single copy, postage prepaid, $1.00
Proceedings of 1856, i860 and 1864, included in one volume, cloth
binding, postage prepaid, . . - - . $2.00
Discount on large orders.
All orders niaj' be addressed to
CHAS. \M. JOHNSON, Secretary,
No. 259 First Avenue South,
Minneapolis, Minn.
OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS
OF THE
ELEVENTH
Republican National Convention
HELD IN THE CITY OF
ST. LOUIS, MO., June 16, 17 and 18,
1896
RESULTING IN THE NOMINATION OF
WILLIAM Mckinley, of Ohio, for President,
AND
GARRETT A. HOBART, OF New Jersey, for Vice-President.
Reported by JAMES FRANCIS BURKE of Pittsburg, Pa.,
Official Stenographer.
1896.
THE PROCEEDINGS.
\ ^ "Resolved, That the Secretary of this Convention is hereby-
directed to prepare and publish a full and complete report of the
official proceedings of this Convention, under the direction of the
National Committee, co-operating with the local committee."
CHARLES W. JOHNSON,
Secretary.
Copyright By
CHARLES W. JOHNSON.
1896.
Officers of the Convention,
Chairman of the National Committee,
HON. THOMAS H. CARTER,
of Montana.
Temporary Chairman of the Convention,
HON. CHARLES W. FAIRBANKS,
of Indiana.
Permanent Chairman,
HON. JOHN M. THURSTON,
of Nebraska.
General Secretary,
CHARLES W. JOHNSON,
of Minnesota,
Sergeant-at-Arms,
TIMOTHY E. BYRNES,
of Minnesota.
"The Republican Party stands for honest money and the
chance to earn it by honest toil.''
WILLIAM McKINLEY.
MAJOR WILLIAM McKINLEY, Jr., of Ohio,
Republican Candidate for President.
Sketch of the life of Wm. McKinley, Jr.
WILLIAM Mckinley, jr. was bom at Niles, Trumbull County, Ohio, on
January 29, 1843. His father was an iron manufacturer, and is still living, his age
being 85; his mother is also living, her age being 83. Young McKinley was edu-
cated at the public schools and at the Poland (Mahoning County) Academy. In
June, 1861, he enlisted in the 23rd O. V. I. as a private. On September 24, 1862, he
was promoted to 2nd lieutenant; on February 7, 1862, 1st lieutenant; on July 25th,
1864, to captain, and was breveted Major by President Lincoln for gallant and
meritorious services at the battle of Opequan, Fisher's Hill and Cedar Creek. He
served on the staff of Ex-President Hayes and Maj. Gen'l Geo. Crook, and after
Crook's capture he served for a time on thestaff of Maj. Gen'l Hancock, and subse-
quently on the staff of Gen'l S. S. Carroll. He was with the 23rd in all its battles,
and was mustered out with it on July 26, 1865. At the close of the war he returned
to Ohio. He had a liking for the military profession, and it was said that but for
the advice of his father he would at the solicitation of Gen'l Carroll have attached
himself to the regular army. He studied law with the Hon. Charles E. Glidden
and David "Wilson of Mahoning County, and then attended the law school at
Albany, N. Y. In 1867 he was admitted to the bar, and in May of the same year
he located in Canton, Stark County, where he soon formed a partnership with
Judge Belden. He was elected prosecuting attorney of Stark County in 1869. On
January 25, 1871, he was married to Miss Ida Saxton, daughter of James A. Saxton ,
a prominent citizen of Canton. He was elected to Congress in 1876, and was con-
tinuously in Congress until March, 1891, except part of his fourth term, he being
unseated by a Democratic House late in the first session, his seat being given to
Mr. Wallace, his competitor. McKinley has been three times "gerrymandered."
In 1878 he was placed in a district consisting of the counties of Stark, Wayne,
Ashland and Portage, which was Democratic by 1,800; but McKinley carried
it by 1,300. In 1884 he was placed in a district consisting of Stark, Summit,
Medina and Wayne, and was elected by over 2,000. Lender the infamous Price
"gerrymander" of 1890, his district was made up of Stark, Wayne, Medina and
Holmes, which had given Governor Campbell, the year before 2,900 majority, but
on the fullest vote ever polled in the district, Mr. McKinley reduced this majority
to 303. Mr. McKinley received 2,500 more votes in the district than had been re"
ceived by Harrison for President in 1888 in the same district. While in Congress,
Mr. McKinley served on the committee of the Revision of Laws, the Judiciary Com-
mittee, the Committee of Expenditures, of the Post Office Department, and the
Committee on Rules ; and when Gen'l Garfield was nominated for the Presidency,
Mr. McKinley was assigned to the Committee on Ways and Means in his place,
and he continued to serve on the last-named committee until the end of his con-
gressional career, being Chairman of that committee during the last Congress,
and w^as the author of the famous tariff law -which bears his name.
For a number of years Mr. McKinley has been the recognized champion of the
cardinal Republican principle of Protection. He was delegate-at-large to the
National Convention of '84, and supported Mr. Blaine for the Presidency. He was
also delegate at-large to the National Convention of '88, -when he supported Mr.
Sherman. At the latter convention his name was sprung for the Presidential
nomination, but in a speech which was characteristic of the man he forbade the
use of his-name for the reason that he had pledged his loyalty to Sherman. He
"was Chairman of the Committee on Resolutions at both conventions.
On June 7, 1891, Maj. McKinley was unanimously nominated by the Ohio
Republicans for Governor; and after one of the most hotlj' contested campaigns
in the history of the State, he was elected by a plurality of 21,511.
In 1893 he w^as re-elected Governor of Ohio by a plurality of 80,955.
At the Ohio State Convention, 1892, Governor McKinley was elected one of the
•delegates-at-large to the Republican National Convention at Minneapolis ; he was
made Chairman of the Ohio Delegation, and Permanent Chairman of the Con-
vention.
HON. GARRETT A. HOBART, of New Jersey,
Republican Candidate for Vice-President.
Sketch of the Life of Garrett A. Hobart.
GARRETT AUGUSTUS HOBART was born June 3. 1844, in Monmouth
County, N. J. His father's name was Addison W., and mother's Sophia.
Hobart's father was a school teacher, but later became a farmer.
His early life was spent in Monmouth County, within sight of the historic
Revolutionary battlefield of Monmouth, and his early education was obtained in
the common schools of Newark and Paterson neighborhood. Later, at the age
of 17, he entered Rutger's College, New Brunswick, and spent four years there,
graduating with high honors when 21 years old. He went to Paterson and com.
menced the study of law in the oflSce of Socrates Tuttle, destined to become his
father-in-law later in life. After spending three years in the law^ office he was
admitted to the practice of law^ in the State of New Jersey, and worked up a large
and remunerative practice, being counsel of the city and county governments.
He was early identified with politics, but sought no political oflSce until 1873,
when he was elected a member of the State Legislature. The next year, 1874, he
w^as re-elected and was made Speaker of the Assembly by a unanimous vote of
his colleagues. In 1875 he was elected State Senator from the Paterson district,
and three years after was given the place as president of the upper body of the
Assembly.
A number of times he was solicited to accept the nomination for Congress-
man from his home district, but would not accept. In 1880 he was the Republican
nominee for United States Senator, but the Assembly being overwhelmingly
Democratic he failed to secure the seat, the honor falling to John R. McPherson.
Mr. Hobart was Chairman of the Republican State Executive Committee for
twelve years, and New Jersey member of the National Committee since 1884.
He was married to Jennie Tuttle, the daughter of Hon. Socrates Tuttle, under
whom he had studied law, July 20, 1866, and has one son living, Garrett Augustus.
He was appointed one of the Receivers of the New^ Jersey Midland Railroad, and
Hugh McCullough, of New^ York, -was joint Receiver, looking after the New York
interests of the road. Later, under the direction of the Court, he became the sole
Receiver and reorganized the road under the name of the Susquehanna Western.
At the time of the receivership there were large amounts owing to the army of
employes, and Mr. Hobart is entitled to the credit of hiring legal counsel to see
that their interest were protected against those of numerous preferred creditors.
In acknowledgment for this fair treatment the men passed resolutions thanking
him for the interest taken in their behalf.
On December 12, 1895, he was appointed one of three arbitrators for the Joint
Traffic Association lines, including thirty-two roads. The purpose of the arbi-
tration commissioners is to prevent discrimination and protect the individual
lines in all their rights. The arbitrators have not, nor can they have any pecu-
niary interest in the roads comprised under the association. Complaint was
made that the existence of the board was contrary' to the purpose and intent of
the inter-state commerce act, but Judge Wheeler, of Vermont, has recently
decided that its existence was not only legal, but necessary for the protection of
shippers from discrimination by rebates or otherwise.
Mr. Hobart has been in public life in New Jersey ever since he was 23 years of
age, but his most recent triumph, and one in which he prides himself most, is his
participation in the State campaign in New Jersey, which resulted in the selec
tion of John W. Griggs, the first Republican Governor the State has had in
thirty years.
The Republican National Committee:
State Member Post Office
Alabama WiLLlAM YOUNGBLOOD Birminghain.
Arkansas POWELL CLAYTON Little Rock.
California JOHN D. Spreckles San Francisco.
Colorado J. F. Saunders Denver.
Connecticut SAMUEL Fepsenden Stamford.
Delaware James H. Wilson Wilmington.
Florida JOHN C. LONG St. Augustine.
Georgia Judson W. Lyons Augusta.
Idaho George L. Shoup Salmon City.
Illinois T. N. JAMIESON Chicago.
Indiana WiNFlELD T. DURBIN Anderson.
Iowa A. B. Cummins Des Moines.
Kansas CYRUS Leland, Jr Troy.
Kentucky John W. Yerkes Danville.
Louisiana A. T. WiMBERLY New Orleans,
Maine JOSEPH H. Manley Augusta.
Maryland GEO. L. WELLINGTON Cumberland.
Massachusetts Geo. H. Lyman Boston.
Michigan GEO. L Maltz Detroit.
Minnesota L. F. HuBBARD Red Wing.
Mississippi jAMES HiLL Vicksburg.
Missouri RICHARD C. KERENS St. Louis.
Montana CHARLES R. Leonard... Butte.
Nebraska JOHN M. THURSTON Omaha.
Nevada C. H. SPROULE Elko.
New Hampshire Person C. Cheney Manchester.
New Jersey Garrett A. Hobart Paterson.
New York Frederick S. Gibbs New York City.
North Carolina J AMES E. BOYD Greensboro.
North Dakota W. H. ROBINSON May ville.
Ohio Chas. L. Kurtz Columbus.
Oregon George A . Steele Portland.
Pennsylvania MATTHEW S. Quay Beaver.
Rhode Island Charles R. Brayton Providence.
South Carolina EuGENE A. WEBSTER Orangeburg.
South Dakota A. B. Kittredge Sioux Falls,
Tennessee W, P. Brownlow Jonesboro,
Texas John Grant Sherman.
Utah L. R. Rogers Salt Lake City.
Vermont Geo. T. Childs St. Albans.
Virginia GEO. E. BOWDEN Norfolk.
Washington P. C. SULLIVAN Tacoma.
West Virginia N. B. ScOTT Wheeling.
Wisconsin HENRY C. PAYNE Milwaukee.
Wyoming WiLLiS VAN Devanter Cheyenne.
Territories and District of Columbia:
Alaska C. S. JOHNSON Sitka,
Arizona W. M. GRIFFITH Florence.
New Mexico SOLOMON LUNA Los Lunas.
Oklahoma HENRY E. AsP Guthrie.
Indian Territory LEO. E. BENNETT Muskogee,
District Columbia Byron M, Parker Washington.
The Republican National Committee.
CAMPAIGN OF 1896.
Chairman, Marcus A. Hanna, Cleveland, Ohio*
THE EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE:
CHICAGO HEADQUARTERS:
Auditorium. Hotel, 308 Wabash Avenue.
M. A. Hanna, Ohio, Chairman.
Charles Dick, Ohio, Secretary.
Henry C. Payne, Wisconsin.
Charles G. Dawes, Illinois.
Winfield T. Durbin, Indiana.
Cyrus Leland, Jr., Kansas.
Edwin F. Brown, Sub-Treasurer.
Wm. M. Hahn, Ohio,
In Charg-e of Bureau of Speakers.
Perry Heath, Ohio,
In Charge of Literary and Press Matter.
Col. William c. Haskell, Sergeant-at-Arms.
Capt. Thomas H. McKee,
In Charge of Documents and Distribution.
NEW YORK HEADQUARTERS:
Metropolitan Life Bldg., No. 1 Madison Avenue.
M. A. Hanna, Ohio, Chairman.
Wm. M. Osborne, Mass., Secretary.
Cornelius N. Bliss, N. Y,, Treasurer.
M. S. Quay, Pennsylvania.
Joseph. H. Manley, Maine.
Powell Clayton, Arkansas.
N. B. Scott, West Virginia.
Gen. Powell Clayton,
In Charge of Bureau of Speakers.
Jules Guthridge,
In Charge of Literary and Press Matter.
Col. H. L. Swords, Sergeant-at-Arms.
Republican Congressional Committee.
Headquarters, Washington City, D. C.
OFFICERS:
Joseph W. Babcock, Chairman.
Lewis D. Apsley, Vice- Chairman.
David H. Mercer, Secretary.
Warner P. Sutton, Assistant Secretary.
William B. Thompson, Treasurer.
EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE:
John A. T. Hull, Iowa.
Joseph G. Cannon, Illinois.
Jeter C. Pritchard, North Carolina.
Jesse Overstreet, Indiana.
James S. Sherman, New York.
John H. Mitchell, Oregon.
Alabama
California
Colorado
Connecticut..
Delaware
Idaho
Illinois
Indiana
low^a
Kansas
Kentucky . . . .
Maine
Maryland . . . .
Massachus'ts
Michigan
Minnesota
Missouri
Montana
Nebraska
N. H'mpshire
New Jersey.. .
Rep. Aldrich.
Rep. Loud.
Senator Wolcott.
Rep. Russell.
Rep. Willis.
Rep. Wilson.
Rep. Cannon.
Rep. Overstreet.
Rep. Hull.
Rep. Long-.
Rep. Colson.
Rep. Boutelle.
Rep. Coffin.
Rep. Apsley.
Rep. Aitken
Rep. Tawney.
Rep. Joy.
Rep. Mercer.
Senator Gallinger.
Rep.Loudenslager,
New York Rep. Sherman.
N. Carolina.. .Senator Pritchard.
N. Dakota. . . .Rep. Johnson.
Ohio Rep. Bromwell.
Oregon Senator Mitchell.
PennsylvaniaRep. Reyburn.
Rhode IslandRep. Bull.
S. Dakota
Tennessee Rep. Gibson .
Texas Rep. Noonan.
Utah
Vermont Senator Proctor.
Virginia Rep. Walker.
Washington..
W. Virginia.. Rep. Miller.
Wisconsin,. . .Rep. Babcock.
Wyoming. . . .Rep. Mondell.
Arizona Del. Murphy.
New Mexico. .Del. Catron.
Oklahoma. . ..Del. Flynn.
National Republican League of the United States.
Club Rooms, 2 and 3 Auditorium Hotel.
OFFICERS:
D. D. Woodmansee, President.
Cincinnati, O.
M. J. Dowling, Secretary.
Renville, Minn.
A. T. Bliss, Treasurer.
Saginaw, (W. S.) Mich.
Chairmen Republican State Committees*
CORRECTED TO AUGUST 20th, 1896.
State Chairman Headquarters Residence
Alabama William Vaughn Birmingham Birmingham
Arkansas Henry M. Cooper Little Rock Little Rock
California Frank McLaughlin San Francisco Oroville
^ . ^ ( J. L. Hodges, Regular Denver Denver
Colorado ^_ y
Connecticut O.R. Flyer Hartford Torrington
Delaware Hugh C. Brown Wilmington Wilmington
Florida Jno. E. Stillman Jacksonville Jacksonville
Georgia A. E. Buck Atlanta Atlanta
Idaho Geo. H. Stewart Boise City Boise City
Illinois Charles P. Hitch Chicago Paris
Indiana John K. Gowdy . Indianapolis Rushville
Iowa H. G; McMillan Des Moines Rock Rapids
Kansas Cyras Leland, Jr Topeka Troy
Kentucky Sam. J. Roberts Louisville Lexington
. . ( P F. Herwig, Execative Com New Orleans New Orleans
Louisiana | J. B. Donnally, sogaf PiaDiei<5..New Orleans New Orleans
Maine Jos. H. Manley Augusta Augusta
Maryland Geo. L.Wellington Baltimore Cumberland
Massachusetts Geo. H. Lyman Boston Boston
Michigan Dexter M. Ferry Detroit Detroit
( Eli S. Warner. Central com St. Paul St. Paul
Minnesota j Tams Bixby, Execaiive Com St. Paul Red Wing
^^. . . . ) A. M. Lea. Hill Com Vicksburg Vicksburg
Mississippi (H. C. Griffin, lyoch Com... Jackson Natchez
Missouri Chauncey I. Filley St. Louis St. Louis
Montana
Nebraska Geo. W. Post Lincoln York
Nevada R. K. Colcord Carson City Carson City
New Hampshire.... Stephen S. Jewett Concord Laconia
New Jersey Franklin Murphy Newark Newark
New York Charles W. Hackett New York Utica
North Carolina Albert E. Holton Raleigh Wiston
North Dakota Earnest C. Cooper Fargo Grand Forks
Ohio Chas. L. Kurtz, Execative Com.. Columbus Columbus
Oregon Solomon Hirsch Portland Portland
Pennsylvania John P. Elkin Philadelphia Philadelphia
Rhode Island ...Hunter Ci White Providence Providence
South Carolina Eugene A. Webster Charleston Orangsburg
u ir, T^ 1, * J J. D.Elliott Yankton Tyndall
South Dakota j James Munn , For Black Hiiis. . . . Deadwood Deadwood
Tennessee Newell Sanders Chattanooga Chattanooga
Texas John Grant Dallas Sherman
Utah John E.Dooly Salt Lake Salt Lake
Vermont Olin Merrill. Burlington Enosburgh Falls
Virginia William Lamb Petersburg Norfolk
Washington Scott Swetland Tacoma Vancouver
West Virginia Wm. M. O.Dawson Wheeling Kingwood
Wisconson Edwin D. Coe Milwaukee Milwaukee
Wyoming Willis Van Devanter Cheyenne Cheyenne
Territofies.
Arizona Jos. H. Kibbey Phoenix Phoenix
New Mexico E. L. Bartlett Santa Fe... Santa Fe
Oklahoma Wm. Grimes Guthrie.. Kingfisher
Republican Congfressional Committeet 1896.
Chairman Joseph W. Babcock Washington, D. C Necedah, Wis.
Vice-Chairman Lewis D. Apsley Washington, D. C Hudson, Mass.
Secretaries Republican State Committees.
CORRECTED TO AUGUST 20th, 1896.
State Secretary Headquarters Residence
Alabama C. F. Johnson Birmingham Mobile
Arkansas M. W. Gibbs Little Rock Little Rock
California M. R. Higgins San Francisco San Francisco
Colorado Denver
Connecticut Samuel A. Eddy Hartford Canaan
Delaware W. C. R. Colquhonn Wilmington Wilmington
Florida J. E. Lee Jacksonville Jacksonville
Georgia J. H. Deveaux Atlanta Savannah
Idaho Jno. T. Morrison Boise City Caldwell
Illinois Jas. R. B. Van Cleave Chicago Chicago
Indiana Robt. E. Mansfield Indianapolis Muncie
Iowa I. M. Treynor Des Moines Council Bluffs
Kansas Joseph L. Bristow Topeka Ottawa
Kentucky Geo. W. Lieberth Louisville, Newport
T „„;„■„_„ J L. J. Joubert New Orleans New Orleans
i,ouisiana | John S. Dennee, saga^ Planters New Orleans New Orleans
Maine Byron Boyd Augusta Augusta
Maryland H. ClayNaill Baltimore Baltimore
Massachusetts Thomas Talbot Boston Boston
Michigan D. E. Alward Detroit Detroit
Minnesota Edward M. Johnson St. Paul Minneapolis
Mi«ai««inni (T.V.M'AUister, Hill Com Vicksburg Vicksburg
iiississippi -j L. K. Atwood, iiyocb Coo Jackson Jackson
Missouri Albert Griffin St. Louis St. Louis
Montana Thos. A. Cummings Butte Fort Benton
Nebraska John T. Mallalieu Lincoln Kearney
Nevada
New Hampshire Wm. Tutherly Concord Concord
New Jersey John Y. Foster Newark Newark
New York John S. Kenyon New York Syracuse
North Carolina W. S. Hyams Raleigh Bakersville
North Dakota Albert B. Guptill Fargo Fargo
Ohio W. S. Matthews, Ex. Com Columbus ... Columbus
Oregon Jonathan Bourne, Jr Portland Portland
T'«»nnavi,rQti,o * John B. Rcx Philadelphia Huntingdon
i-ennsyivania • • • • "j w. R. Andrews Philadelphia Mead ville
Rhode Island Eugene F. Warner Providence Coventry
South Carolina John Johnson Charleston Charleston
South Dakota R. S. Person Yankton Yankton
Tennessee "Lee Brock Nashville Nashville
Texas W. E. Eston Delias Austin
Utah. Miss Julia A. Farnsworth, Salt Lake Salt Lake
Vermont F. E. Burgess Burlington Burlington
Virginia Asa Rogers Petersburg Petersburg
Washington E. D. Co wen Tacoma Olympia
West Virginia Geo. W. Atkinson Wheeling Wheeling
Wisconsin Jno. M. Ewing Milwaukee Milwaukee
Wyoming B. M. Ausherman Cheyenne Evanston
Territories.
Arizona Robert L. Long Phoenix Phoenix
New Mexico Max Frost Santa Fe Santa Fe
Oklahoma H. F. Ardery Guthrie Guthrie
Republican Congressional Committee, J 896.
Secretary David H. Mercer Washington, D. C Omaha, Neb.
Assistant Sec'y Warren P. Sutton Washington, D. C Michigan
INDEX.
A
Acceptance, Letters of 151-165
Adjournment, sine die 145
Alabama, vote of 124
Allen, Samuel W. K., remarks by, placing- Hon. Charles War-
ren Lippett in nomination for vice president 135
Allison, Hon. William B., named for president by Mr. John
N. Baldwin, of Iowa 106-107
vote cast for 123
Applause and ovation. 25
minutes of 118
Arnett, Bishop, prayer by 45
B
Babcock, Joseph W., Chairman Republican Congressional
Committee 10
Bailey, D. F , remarks by, placing Gen. James F. Walker in
nomination for vice president 139
Baldwin, Hon. John N., of Iowa, remarks of, placing Hon.
Wm. B. Allison in nomination for president 106-107
Bean, John B., reading- clerk 42
Bingham, Gen. Henry H., chairman committee on rules, re-
port of 79-80
Brown, Hon. Arthur, remarks by, on platform 103
Bulkeley, Hon. Morgan G., natned for vice president by Hon.
Samuel Fessenden of Connecticut 132
Burke, James Francis, official reporter 42
Burke, John Jay, official reporter 42
Burleigh, Hon. A. F., renaarks by, on platform 104
Bushnell, Gov. Asa B., resolution by relative and notification
of candidates 142
resolution of thanks to local committee 143
Byrnes, Timothy E., sergeant-at-arms 3-42
c
California, votes of, on platform , 92
Cannon, Hon Frank J., reading of statement of retiring del-
egates by 98
Carson, Col. Perry H., inquiry of 95
14 INDEX.
Carter, Hon. Thomas H., chairman of National Committee. . . 3
the convention called to order by 25
Chairman Republican State Committee 11
Clfcyton, Powell, resolution by 37
Committee, The Republican National 8
Executive Committee of the National 9
Executive Committee of the Republican Congressional. . 10
the new National 104
National, how to fill vacancies in. 105
Local, and its work 17
Permanent Organization 35
Republican Congressional 10
Republican Congressional, officers of 10
Rules and order of business 34
on candidates 36
on resolutions 36
Committees, Business Men's League 20-21
Chairmen Republican State 11
Secretaries, Republican State 12
resolution, constituting standing 33
standing 33-37
notification 144:-145
Credentials' committee 36
Credentials, letter from committee on 45
report of committee on 48
minority report from committee on 49-50
discussion of report of 52
committee on 60
vote on report of committee on 51
report of committee on, adopted 60-61
Convention, how St. Louis obtained the 17-23
official call of 26-27
call to order of the 25
temporary officers of the 32
rules of the 79-80
general officers of 3
roll of the 61-78
official proceedings of the .• 25-145
applause on nomination of Hon. Wm. McKinley 128
newspapers represented in the 167-170
Cox, James, Secretary St. Louis Business Men's League 17
T>
Declaration of unanimous nomination of Hon. Wm. McKinley
for president 131
of the unanimous nomination of Hon. Garrett A.Hobart
for vice president 143
Delegates, roll of the 61-78
statement of retiring 98-101
names of, also signed protest against financial plank 101
Denny, George, presentation of gavel by 47
Depew, Hon. Chauncey M., Remarks by, placing Hon. Levi P.
Morton in nomination for president 113-116
motion seconded by, to make nomination of Hon. Wm.
McKinley unanimous 130
Dubois, Hon. Fred T., separate vote on financial plank asked
by 96
INDEX. 15
E
Evans, Hon. Henry Clay, named for vice president by Hon.
W. M. Randolph, of Tennessee 136-138
Executive Committee for 1896 9
F
Fairbanks, Hon. Charles W., temporary chairman 3
chosen temporary chairman 27
address of 27-32
response by, on accepting gfavel i7
appointed chairman of committee to notify Garrett A.
Hobart 142
remarks by, in ackuowledg;-ment of resolution of thanks. 143
remarks by, notifying Hon. Garrett A. Hobart of his
nomination 149
Fessenden, Hon. Samuel, remarks by, placing Hon. Morgan
G. Bulkeley in nomination for vice president 133
Fifer, Governor, resolution by 38
Filley, Chauncey I., cheers for 49
Financial plank, separate vote demanded on 95
separate vote on 96
adoption of 98
names of those who protested against 101
Florida, vote of 124
Foraker, Hon. Joseph B., chairman committee on resolutions,
report of 81-85
motion of, to lay minority report on the table dl
motion of, that the platform be adopted 95
remarks by, placing Major Wm. McKinley in nomination
for president 117-118
Fort, Hon. J. Franklin, letter from 45
report of, from the committee on credentials 48
chairman committee on credentials, discussion by 52-53
remarks by, placing Hon. Garrett A. Hobart in nomina-
tion for vice president 133-135
Gavels, presentation of 46-47-148
Gavel, presentation of, to Major McKinley 148
Georgia, vote of ] 24
Grosvenor, Gen. Chas. H., address by, on report of Committee
on Credentials 58
objection by 102
resolution by, relative to official proceedings 142
16 Ii\DEX.
H
Hanna, Hon Marcus A., chairman National Committee 9
remarks by 131
Hastings, Hon. Daniel H., remarks by, placing Hon. M. S.
Quay in nomination for president 120-122
motion seconded by, to make nomination of Hon. Wm.
McKinley unanimous 129
resolution by, of thanks to the officers of Convention. . . . 142
Hatcher, R S.. reading clerk 42
Henderson, Hon. D. B., inquiry by 129
motion seconded by, to make nomination of Hon. Wm.
McKinley unanimous 130
Hepburn, Hon. W. P., report of, from the minority of Com-
mittee on Credentials 49-50
address by, on report of Committee on Credentials 55-58
temporary presiding officer 118
Hobart, Hon. Garrett A., (illustration) -. 6
sketch of the life of 7
named for vice president by Hon. J. Franklin Fort, of
New Jersey 133
remarks by, on occasion of his notification 149-150
letter of acceptance of 164
Humphreys, A. B., assistant secretary 42
Humphrey, J. Otis, remarks by, seconding the nomination of
Hon. Garrett A. Hobart 135
Huxford, W. P., Major, assistant sergeant-at-arms 42
I
Illinois, vote of 92-125
Iowa, vote of 97
J
Johnson, Charles W., Secretary of the Convention 3-42
Johnson, W. W., Assistant Sergeant-at-Arms 42
K
Kansas, vote of 93-97
li
LaFollette, Hon. R. M., announcement by 51
remarks by, seconding the nomination of Hon. H. Clay
Evans 138-9
League, Business Men's of St. Louis 17
National Republican 10
officers and headquarters of 10
Lippett, Charles Warren, named for vice president by S. W.
K. Allen, of Rhode Island 135
Littlefield, Hon. Charles E., remarks of, seconding nomina-
tion of Hon. Thomas B. Reed 110-112
Local committee, resolution of thanks to 143
INDEX. 16a
Lodge, Hon. Henry Cabot, announcement of, concerning
platform 139
remarks of, placing Hon. Thomas B. Reed in nomination
for president 108-109
motion by, to make nomination of Hon. Wm. McKinley
unanimous 129
motion of, to proceed to nomination of vice president 132
M
Madden, Martin B., presentation of gavel by. 46
Malloy, John R., reading clerk 42
Manley, Hon. Joseph H., Secretary National Comnaittee, read-
ing call by 26
Mantle, Hon. Lee, remarks by, on platform 101-102
McKinley, Major William (illustration) 4
sketch of the life of 5
named for president by Hon. Joseph B. Foraker, of Ohio. 117-118
vote cast for . . . 123
official notification of his nomination, proceedings rela-
tive to 146-148
remarks by, in reply to notification committee 147
letter of acceptance of 159-160
Minority Report from Committee on Credentials 49-50
from Committee on Resolutions and Platform 86
as a substitute of Committee on Platform, voted on 91
Mississippi, vote of 125
Missouri, vote of 93
Monroe, A. Warfield, assistant secretary and tally clerk 42
Montana, vote of 126
Morton, Hon. Levi P., named for president by Hon. Chauncey
M. Depew, of New York 113-116
vote cast for 123
]sr
National Committee, the new 9-104
organization of ... 9
officers of 9
New York headquarters of 9
Chicago headquarters of 9
New Mexico, vote of 94^97
Newspapers represented in the Convention 167-170
New York, vote of 126
North Carolina 93
Notification of candidates, resolution relative to 142
Notification Committees 144-145
Notification, proceedings relative to 146-150
o
Officers of the Convention, general 3
permanent 42
thanks to 142
Order, question of 42-43
16b INDEX.
Payne, Sereno E., appointed on a comnaittee to escort per-
manent chairman to the chair 43
Permanent organization, committee on 35
report of committee on 41
Plank, vote on the financial 96
adoption of the financial 98
Platform, announcement concerning the 39
report of com mittee on 81-85
Mr. Teller's remarks on the 86-90
adoption of 98
Piatt, Hon. Thomas C, motion seconded by, to make nomin-
ation of Hon. William McKinley unanimous 130
President, nomination of candidates for 105-122
vote on nomination of candidates for 123
Press, roll of the 167-170
Proceedings, resolution authorizing printing of 2
resolution relative to official 142
Previous Question, inoved by Gov. Foraker, on platform.... 95
ordered, on the report of Committee on Resolutions 96
moved on Credentials report 50
Q
Question, division of, demanded by States of Colorado and
Montana 95
Quay, Hon. Matthew Stanley, named for president by Gov.
Hastings of Pennsylvania 120-122
vote cast for 123
H
Randolph, Hon. W. M., cemarks by, placing Hon. H. Clay
Evans in nomination for vice president 136-138
Reed, Hon. Thomas B. named for president by Hon. Henry
Cabot Lodge, of Massachusetts 108-109
vote cast for 123
Riley, W. E., assistant secretary 42
Republican National Committee, the 8
Republican Congressional Committee 10
Republican State Committees, chairmen of 11
Republican State Committees, secretaries of 12
Resolutions, Committee on 36
Committee on, asks further time 39
announcement concerning report of 51
Resolutions and Platform, report of Committee on 81-85
adoption of the report of the committee 98
adoption of, filling vacancies on the National Com-
mittee 105
Roll of the Convention 61-78
Rules, temporary 33
Rules and Order of Business Committee 34
adoption of report of Committee on 81
INDEX. 16c
s
Sale, Rev. Dr. Samuel, opening prayer by 26-27
Second day's proceeding-s 38
Sewell, Hon. William J., appointed on committee to escort
permanent chairman to the chair 43
Scott, Rev. John R., prayer by 81
Smith, George F , assistant Sergeant-at-Arms 42
Smith, H. H., assistant Secretary 42
Smith, John P., remarks bj^, seconding the notnination of
Hon. H. Clay Evans 138
South Dakota, vote of 94
Statement of retiring delegates 98-101
Stone, Charles E, assistant Sergeant-at-Arms 42
Stone, J. H., reading clerk 42
T
Teller, Hon. Henry M., minority report b5^, froin Committee
on Resolutions 86
remarks by, on platform 86 90
Tennessee, vote of 94
Texas, vote of 127
Thanks, resolution of, to the officers 143
resolution of, to the Local Committee 143
Third day's proceedings . 81-146
Thurston, Hon. John M., permanant chairman 3
chosen permanent chairman 41
address of 43
presentation of floral shield to 44
response by, on accepting gavel 46
response of, to the boys of Minneapolis 48
remarks by, naming Major Wm. McKinley for president. 119
announcement by, of the vote for president 128-130
request by 129
statement by 129
announcement by, of the result of presidential roll call.. 128
declaration by, of unanimous nomination of Hon. Wm.
McKinley 131
appointed chairman of committee to notify Hon. Wm.
McKinley 142
remarks by, notifying Major McKinley of his nomina-
tion 146
announcement by, of the vote for vice president 143
resolution of thanks to 142
remarks by, in acknowledgment of resolution of thanks. 143
Torrance, Ell, remarks concerning table 47
u
Unanimous nomination of Hon. Wm. McKinlej' made 131
nomination of Hon. Garrett A. Hobart made 143
16c? INDEX.
y
Vacancies on the National Committee, how filled 105
Vance, Hon. J. Madison, remarks by, seconding the nomina-
tion of Major McKinley 122
Vice presidents of the Convention 41-42
Vice president, proceedings relative to nomination of 132-143
vote on the nomination of 141
Virginia, vote of 94-127
Vote, on ordering the previous question on report of Com-
mittee on Credentials 51
on motion to lay on the table, minority report from the
Committee on platform 91
on the financial plank 96
on the nomination for president 123
on the nomination for vice president 141
announcement of vice presidential 143
w
Walker, General James A., named for vice president by D. F.
Bailey, of Virginia 139
White, A. B., remarks by, seconding the nomination of Hon.
Garrett A. Hobart for vice president 140
Williams, Dr. Wilbur G., prayer by 38
Wilson, F. H., reading clerk 42
Wiswell, George W., assistant sergeant-at-arms 42
Woodmansee, D. D., president National Republican League. 10
Yerkes, J. W., remarks by, on report of Committee on Creden-
tials 54
THE LOCAL COMMITTEE
AND ITS WORK.
BY JAMES COX, SECRETARY ST. LOUIS BUSINESS MEN'S LEAGUE.
The effort made by St. Louis to secure the Conveation was so de-
termined in character that failure was never admitted to be possible
by those at the head of the movement. It was the Business Men's
League which inaugurated and managed the campaign. The
League is a corporation under the laws of the State o^ Missouri and
was incorporated in the year 1895. As the successor of the Autumnal
Festivities Association and of the St. Louis Traffic Commission its
main object as stated in its charter is to stand up for St. Louis and
"to secure by all legitimate means the greatest good for the great-
est number of its people." One of its stated objects as published
in its original prospectus, was to "encourage the holding of con-
ventions and similar gatherings in St. Louis."
In the summer of 1895 the Conventions Committee, appointed to
carry out this plank, held several meetings and placed itself in
communication with each member of the National Executive Com-
mittee. On July 17th a conference was held between the Conven-
tions Committee and Hon. R. C. Kerens, member of the National
Committee from Missouri, at which a definite program was mapped
out. On October 25th a sub-committee was appointed for the pur-
pose of making a canvas of the principal houses in the city with a
view to ascertain to what extent they w^ere willing to subscribe
towards the necessary expenses of holding the Republican Conven-
tion in "St. Louis. This sub committee reported favorably and on
November 5th the Executive Committee, on motion of Hon. Nathan
Frank, adopted a resolution authorizing the appointment of a com-
mittee of twenty-five with instructions to appear before the National
Republican Committee, at Washington, on December 10th and bring
back with them a decision calling for the holding of the convention
in St. Louis in 1896. On November 22nd, each member of the Na-
tional Republican Committee was notified that such committee had
been appointed and would wait upon it at its meeting.
On December 2nd a general meeting was held at the Mercantile
Club. The weather was exceedingly unpropitious but upwards of
500 prominent citizens were present. About $30,000 was subscribed
at the meeting, and committees were appointed to canvas each in-
terest and secure additional subscriptions. On December Gth at a
joint meeting of the Executive and Conventions Committees of the
Business Men's League authority was given to the committee, al-
ready referred to, to proceed to Washington and make the necessary
pledges to secure the Republican National Convention. The fol-
lowing appointments on the committee were confirmed: Clark H.
18 Official Proceedings of the
Sampson, chairman; S. M. Kennard, C. P. Walbridge, E. O. Stanard,
C. I. Filley, Nathan Frank, R. C. Kerens, Thomas Booth, W. H.
Thompson, D. M. Houser, F. B. Brownell, H. C. Townsend, J. M.
Hayes, W. G. Boyd, C. C. Rainwater, Frank Gaiennie, C. M. Flach,
Nathan Cole, William Warner, Kansas City; Congressmen Joy, Cobb
and Bartholdt, and James Cox, secretary.
The utmost enthusiasm prevailed in St. Louis and subscriptions
came in daily towards the necessary fund. Assurances of support
were received from several members of the National Comnaittee,
althoug-h a majority were non-committal on the ground that they
would reserve their decisions until they had heard the claims ad-
vanced by delegations from different cities.
On the morning of December 7th the Committee left the Union
Station at St. Louis for Washington on a Baltimore & Ohio special
train. The occasion was made the object of a demonstration, and
an immense number of people were at the station to wish success
to the delegation and to assure it of their individual and collective
support. The feeling of confidence locally was increased by tele-
grams received from Washington and after the committee had left
a quantity of important matter was sent after it. This included
weather statistics disproving the statement that the weather in St.
Louis is usually exceptionally hot early in June. Among other
ammunition was a set of plans prepared by Architect Isaac Taylor,
showing how the north nave of the Exposition Building could be
fitted up for a Convention Hall with upwards of 12,000 seats, con-
venient in every respect for a gathering of the magnitude pro-
posed.
On its arrival in Washington the Committee lost no time in se-
curing headquarters. The members immediately went into execu-
tive session and completed their organization. Sub-committees
were appointed to confer with different members of the National
Committee and to point out the unique advantages of St. Louis for
Convention purposes. In the selection of the committee care had
been taken to secure as many men as possible with connections in
different states and hence committeemen were approached in many
cases by individual friends.
The unique geographical advantages of St. Louis, its ease of
access from all points of the United States, the great increase in its
railroad and hotel accoinmodations, were made use of as special
arguments in favor of the selection of the city for the Convention
which promised to be the most famous in the history of the party.
Attention was prominently called to the fact that recent Republican
victories in Missouri had placed ttie state in the doubtful column.
It was also a point of great weight that the Republican mayor of
of St. Louis was a member of the delegation and that St. Louis was
one of the few cities which had gone Republican in the disastrous
campaign of 1892. Before the National Committee met, the feeling
became general that St. Louis' chances were rosy in the extreme
and a large number of telegrams were dispatched to the leading
hotels to secure options on headquarters and desirable rooms.
To prevent any complications arising from this the St. Louis
committee wired to all the St. Louis hotels to make no assignments
until all arrangements had been completed. It also secured from
every hotel in the city signed undertakings not to increase rates
during the Convention. On December 10th the battle of the cities
was voted before the National Committee. Speeches on behalf of
St. Louis were made by Hon. Cyrus P. Walbridge, Mayor; Mr. Clark
Eleventh Republican National Convention, 19
H. Sampson, Chairman of the Delegation; Hon. Nathan Frank, Ex-
Congressman for one of the principal St. Louis districts; Mr. S. M.
Kennard, President of the Business Men's League and others. As
a prominent democrat Mr. Kennard was introduced by National
Committeeman Kerens. In the course of his remarks he pointed
out that St. Louis had for years been recognized as the Convention
City of America. He explained how it was proposed to remodel the
north nave of the Exposition Building so as to furnish accommoda-
tion for 12,000 people, at the same time guaranteeing that under any
conditions sufficient accommodation would be forthcoming for a
convention of any magnitude. Discussing the w^eather problem,
he assured the committee that St. Louis was not hot in the month
of June, adding that when the wind blew from the south it did not
stop in St. Louis, but continued to its neighbors on the north getting
hotter and gathering strength as it went.
Speeches followed on behalf of New York, Pittsburg, San Fran-
cisco and Chicago, and then the balloting took place. The effort
made for San Francisco had been exceedingly earnest and as a
result that city led on the first ballot with 19 votes, St. Louis, which
scarcely polled its full strength, came next with li votes. Pitts-
burg had 9 and Chicago 8, a solitary ballot being cast for New
York. On the second ballot 4 of Pittsburg's votes went to St.Louis
and on the third ballot 4 more were similarly transferred, the result
of the vote being St. Louis 22, San Francisco 19, Chicago 9 and Pitts-
burg 1. On the fourth and final ballot St. Louis secured 29 votes
as against 15 for San Francisco and 7 for Chicago. The following
states voted for St. Louis: Alabama, Arkansas, Deleware, District
of Columbia, Florida, Georgia, Indiana, Indian Territory, Kansas,
Kentucky, Louisiana, Maryland, Michigan, Mississippi, Missouri,
New Hampshire, New Jersey, New Mexico, North Carolina, Ohio,
Oklahoma Territory, Pennsylvania, South Carolina, Tennessee,
Texas, Vermont, Virginia, West Virginia and Wyoming.
The headquarters of the St. Louis delegation were the scene of
general festivities on the evening following the selection of the
southwestern metropolis for the Convention. The best possible
feeling existed between the representatives of the rival cities and
many of those who had fought the hardest before the committee
were the most sincere in their congratulations.
In St. Louis itself the proceedings were watched with great inter-
est. Bulletins were received at frequent intervals during the con-
test and when the announcement was finally made that the city had
succeeded for the first time in securing the National Republican
Convention, enthusiasm knew no bounds. Arrangements were im-
mediately made for welcoming back the victorious delegation, and
although in deference to the wishes of members of the party there
w^as no "brass band demonstration," a number of citizens met the
incoming train several miles east of the city and tendered the vic-
tors congratulations.
No time was lost in making arrangements to carry out the prom-
ises made to the National Committee. St. Louis having a reputation
of always doing a little better than it promised it was determined in
this case to outdo all previous records and convince those who had
opposed the selection of St. Louis as the place of nomination of the
next President and Vice-President of the United States, that they
had acted under misapprehension. Committees were promptly ap-
pointed to carry out every detail. The responsibility of the entire
effort rested with the Executive Committee of the Business Men's
20
Official Proceedings of the
League which, as already stated, had taken the initiative in secur-
ing' the Convention. The following are the members of this com-
mittee :
S. M. KENNARI), Pres.
James Cox, Secretary.
D.C. Ball.
H. A. Blossom.
Thomas Booth.
T. B.Boyd.
W. G. Boyd.
G. W. Brown.
Murray Carleton.
Ed. Devoy.
H. I. Drummond.
Nathan Frank.
Frank Gaiennle.
Walker Hill.
Goodman King.
J. J. Lawrence,
Charles Nagel.
Dan Nugent.
J. E. Pilcher.
Jonathan Rice.
Clark H. Sampson.
Frank Shapleigh.
E.G. Stanard.
L. B. Tebbetts.
W. H. Thompson.
H. C. Townsend.
Festus J, Wade.
D. D. Walker.
C.F. Wenneker.
M. C. Wetmore.
J. C.Wilkinson.
E.F. Williams.
W. H. Woodward.
The following committees w^ere appointed to attend to various de.
tails and execute the plans of the Executive Committee:
COMMITTEE ON ARRANGEMENTS.
Clark H. Sampson, Chr.
Frank Gaiennie, Sec.
Jos. D. Bascom.
Thos. Booth.
T. B. Bovd.
Geo. W.Brown.
F". B. Brownell.
Geo. O. Carpenter, Jr.
Nathan Cole.
Edward Devoy.
Chauncey I. Filley.
Nathan Frank.
Jos. M. Hayes.
R. C. Kerens.
F. G. Niedringhaus.
D. M. Honser.
C. C. Rainwater.
L. M. Rumsej'.
A. L. Shapleigh.
Corwin H. Spencer.
Edwin O. Stanard.
Wm. A. Sticknev.
L. B. Tebbetts.
W. H. Thompson.
J. C. Van Blarcom.
C. P. Walbridge.
C. F. Wenneker.
M. C. Wetmore.
Edwards Whitaker.
O. L. Whitelaw.
RECEPTION COMMITTEE.
Ghauncey 1. Filley, Chairman. F. B. Brownell, Vice-Chairman.
W. B. Allen, Secretary ;
( and 150 prominent citizens selected from all political parties.
COMMITTEE ON ENTERTAINMENT.
NATHAN Frank, Ch'm'n.
L. P. Aloe, Secretary.
J. L, Boland.
John P. Boyce.
J. J. Broderick.
E. C. Burnett.
A. A. Biisch.
J.Charles Cabanne.
Janaes M. Carpenter.
A. D. Cooper.
L. L. Culver.
C. R. H. Davis.
H. N. Davis.
John B. Denvir.
J. B. Desnoyers.
James Duross.
A. M.Eddv.
A. E. Faust.
C. H. Flack.
P. R, Flitcraft.
Joseph Franklin.
C. Marquard Forster.
John J.Ganahl.
W. A. Gardner.
August Gehner.
W. J ewett Gilbert.
J. T. Goodfellow.
O. E. Halliwell.
F. V. Hammar.
Ewing Hill.
F. D. Hirschberg.
E. G. Hoflfmann.
James Hopkins.
D. M. Houser.
C. H. Huttig.
F. N. Johnson.
A. T. Kelley.
J. J.Lawrence.
J. B. C. Lucas.
L. G. McNair.
Alvah Mansur.
P.J. Moynihan.
D. C. Nugent.
N. O. Nelson.
C. F. Orthwein.
P. J. Pauly.
Geo. D. Reynolds.
J. H. Rhotehamel.
Geo. H. Shields.
J. C. Simpson.
J. C. Sonierville.
C. C. Sprague.
Henry Stanley.
C. A. Stix.
M. S. Stuyvesant.
I, S. Taylor.
Henry >I. Timkeu.
O. H. White.
Geo. M. Wright.
Eleventh Republican National Convention.
21
COMMITTEE OK TRANSPORTATION.
R. C. KERENS, Chairman.
R. M. Allen.
W. E. Atmore.
John Bird.
James Barker.
E. W. Braisted.
W. F. Brunner.
E. P. Bryan.
H. B. Calkins.
R. A. Campbell.
J.N. Chandler.
S. H. H. Clark.
C. S. Crane.
R. P. Dodd.
W. B. Doddridge.
Howard Elliott.
S. W. Fordyce.
H. W. Gays.
H. C. Haarstick.
W. D. HoUiday.
W. \V. Kent.
E. W. LaBeaunie.
Henr5' A. Lloyd.
I. P. Lusk.
W. J. Lvnch.
W. S. McChesney.
C. McDonald.
D. H. Martyn.
Darius Miller.
H. I.Miller.
M. L. Morrill.
H. A. Morsman.
E. S. Orr.
Clarence F. Parker.
J. T. Poe.
Thos. C. Purdy.
J. Ramsey, Jr.
W.B.Rowland.
John ScuUin.
R P. Tansey.
J. Temple.
H. C. Townsend.
Julius S. Walsh.
F. A. Wann.
G. B. Warfel.
C. G. Warner.
W. F. White.
D.Wishart.
STATE HEADQUARTERS COMMITTEE.
C. P. WALBRIDGE, Ch'mn.
D. C.Ball.
E. N. Beach.
N. M. Bell.
Thos. P, Bell.
David Block
Given Campbell.
J. L. Carlisle.
R. S. Chambers.
H. L. Christie.
E. C. Donk.
J. T. Donovan.
C. P. EUerbee.
Harry Elliott, Jr.
Henry Fairback.
D. D. Fisher.
C. E. Gibson.
James Green.
R. W. Green.
W. A. Hobbs.
Clarence Jones.
Robert H. Keru.
S. P. Keyes.
W. J. Kinsella.
Wm. H.Lee.
H. C. Lewis.
Geo. B. Leighton.
C. C. McDonald.
O. L. Mersman,
Gustave J. Meyer.
Leo Moser.
Geo. S. Myers.
Jno W. Noble.
F. W. Oliver.
W. H. Priesmeyer.
L. L. Prince.
M. Schoenberg.
W. K. Stanard.
A. G. Stifel.
B. J. Strauss.
HALL COMMITTEE.
W. H. Tho?IPSOX, Chairman; S. M. KENXARD, and National Committeeman
R. C. KERENS.
BUREAU OF INFORMATION.
Edward Devoy, Ch'm'n
Festns J. Wade, Sec.
J. C. Birge.
Adolphus Busch. Jr.
T. W. Crouch.
Robt. McCuUoch.
Chas. Ehlerman.
T. W. Grant.
W. C. Merry.
Eugene Muehlman.
C. C. Nicholls.
John O'Brien.
J.E. Pilcher.
W. H. Priesmeyer.
Isaac Schwab.
A. C. Sellner.
W. H, Thomson.
E. Volkening.
L. H. Waltke.
O. M. Wood.
W. H. Woodward.
C. C. Rainwater, Ch'mn
Chas. R. Blake.
H. A. Blossom.
A. D. Brown.
W. G. Boyd.
D. S. Brown.
W.W. Culver.
R. B. Dula.
HOTEL COMMITTEE.
Geo. F. Durant.
John Greenough.
Richard Hospes.
Jacob Klein.
W. H. Lee.
L. Methudy.
S. T. McCormick.
Chas. F. Miller.
Gaius Paddock.
Theo. Shelton.
H. C.Tatum.
John H. Tracy.
Jos. F. Wangler.
H. Wernse.
John C. Wilkinson.
Henry Wood.
PRESS AND TELEGRAPH COMMITTEE.
D. M. HOUSER, Chairman
James Cox, Secretarj'.
Wm.Druhe.
Chas. H. Jones.
C. W. Knapp.
M. J. Lowenstein.
E. M. Osborne.
Emil Preetorius.
John Schroers.
Curt Thiersch.
W. J.Thornton.
22 Official Proceedings of the
In the early stag-es of the preliminary work the principal labor
fell upon. the comniittees on Hotels, Transportation, and Hall. The
Hotel Committee made an immediate canvass of the hotel accom-
modation of the city and perfected a plan whereby no difficulty
could possibly occur in the matter of accommodating either dele-
gations or individuals. The Bureau of Information established
headquarters in the St. Louis Exposition Building for the purpose
of securing a revised list of boarding and private houses able and
willing to entertain visitors during the Convention periods in the
event of the attendance being so large as to overcrowd the hotels.
This bureau accomplished good work and visitors who preferred to
secure accommodations in private houses found no difficulty in
doing so.
The Hall Committee had a still more important task to perform.
The pledge given to the National Committee at Washington was
that the Business Men's League would furnish a hall large enough
for the Convention, regardless of the number who would attend. It
had been arranged to make use of the North Nave of the Exposition
Building which was used in 1888 for the Democratic National Con-
vention. Architect Isaac Taylor of St. Louis prepared plans for the
necessary changes in the arrangetnents of this portion of the home
of the celebrated Exposition. Late in January the Sub-committee
of the National Committee met in St. Louis bringing with them
Architect Adler of Chicago. Messrs. Adler and Taylor explained
fully to the Sub-committee the plans proposed and after several
conferences of the most friendly character it was decided by the
local committee to erect a special building for the Convention.
It was at first proposed to erect a permanent building which could
be used as an Armory as well as a convention hall. The cost of this
structure would have been about $200,000 and no difficulty was antici-
pated in raising the money. It was however finally decided that the
time was so short that delay in the delivery of supplies or bad weather
might prevent the completion of the structure by the second week
in June, and it was hence determined to erect a temporary building.
It was decided from the first that this should be in no sense a
wigwam. A system of construction somewhat similar to that used
for the vast buildings at the World's Fair was determined upon
and a permit was obtained from fhe city authorities for the use of a
portion of the site of Washington Park. This proved to be a
most convenient location. The site adjoins the new City Hall, now
nearly completed, and is within six blocks of the Union Station,
about half that distance from the Exposition Building, and within
easy walking distance of the leading hotels. Electric street railways
from all parts of the city also pass the site.
The general dimensions of the building were two hundred and
sixty feet long, one hundred and eighty feet wide and fifty feet high.
The seating capacity called for about fourteen thousand seats and
after careful deliberation it was decided to proceed to erect the
structure. The cost was estimated at about sixty thousand dollars
and an additional appeal had to be made to the public to raise
money for the purpose.
In the inean time, without waiting for the money to be raised, the
guarantors of the fund, Messrs. S. M. Kennard, W. H. Thompson,
and R. C. Kerens, signed the contract for the erection of the build-
ing, the cost to be about $60,000 including decorations. Work was
commenced in the middle of March and concluded in a little more
than sixty days. In the construction of the vast building about
Eleventh Republican National Convention. 23
1,250,000 feet of Arkansas lumber was used. Upwards of 500 kegs of
nails were also required and the imitation stone work exceeded
5,000 square yards in measurement. Natural light was admitted to
the Auditorium by means of four hundred large windows and the
most elaborate arrangements were included for electric lighting
and for press and telegraph facilities, suitable for holding a great
convention.
The Auditorium was dedicated at a concert held on June 10th at
which several thousand St. Louis citizens attended. There were a
few dedication speeches with patriotic and other music, and the oc-
casion was an exceedingly enjoyable one. The decorations were of
the most gorgeous character and the building itself has been pro-
nounced by those who have attended nearly all the National Con-
ventions for the last twenty years, as the finest convention building
ever erected.
The relations between the Business Men's League and .the National
Committee were of the most amicable character during the entire
preparations for the great convention.
Mr, Manley, Chairman of the Sub-committee of the National Com-
mittee issued the following statement to the Associated Press with
reference to the way in which St. Louis had met its obligations:
" The Citizens of St. Louis have in the most generous and liberal
spirit, met the subcommittee. They have been anxious to gratify
every request which the committee made upon thein, and the com-
mittee feels that the Convention will be cared for in a manner that
will reflect the greatest credit upon the liberality of the citizens of
St. Louis, and that no National Convention ever assembled whose
wants and requirements were met in such a generous and ample
manner as will be those of the Convention which is to be held in St.
Louis in June next. There has been no friction at any time between
the members of the Citizens' Committee, and the Sub-Committee,
and it is only just to thesecitizens of St. Louis who have so amply
represented the spirit of their city, that this statement should be
most emphatically naade."
Just before the Convention adjourned. Gov. Bushnell of Ohio
voiced a similar sentiment on behalf of the delegates and the enthu-
siasm with which his resolution was adopted was further evidence
of the good feeling which existed, and of the appreciation by the
delegates and visitors of the manner in which St. Louis had lived up
to its obligations and given still further proof of its liberality and
hospitality.
PROCEEDINGS
OF THE
Republican National Convention^
AT ST, LOUIS,
THE FIRST DAY,
At precise!}^ 12:20 p. tn. Chairman Thomas H. Carter of the Repub-
lican National Committee declared the Republican Presidential
Convention of 1896 open for the business before it.
The chair instructed the Sergeant-at-Arms to clear the aisles and
to see that order was preserved. Continuing, Chairman Carter said:
The Convention will be in order and the Chaplain will offer prayer
PRAYER BY REV. DR. SAMUEL SALE.
Rabbi Sale, of St. Louis, then stepped forward and offered the fol-
lowing invocation:
All inercif ul and inost gracious Father, fountain of light and life.
We seek Thy presence and implore Thy guidance in the toils and
tasks of our earthly being. Thou who art enthroned in the heart of
man and rulest in the destinies of nations, be nigh unto us now.
and show forth Th}'' wondrous ways in this assembly of Thy people.
Hearken unto Thy servants, the bondmen of freedom, and pour out
on them who have come to do Thy bidding in the service of truth
and honor, the spirit of wisdom and understanding, the spirit of
counsel and strength, the spirit of knowledge and the fear of the
Lord. Make righteousness the girdle of their loins and faithfulness
the girdle of their hips, so that they may manfully discharge the
sacred duties of their gathering, to further the well being of the
people, and to safeguard the honor and integrity of the nation. O,
kindle anew in the hearts of our generation the altar flame of de-
votion to the high aiins that inspired the minds of the founders of
our republic, and above all illumined and immortalized the life of
the Father of his Country. Fill us with a deep and abiding sense
of the transcendent dignity and nobility of American citizenship
and of the sacred obligations that should attend it, so that we may
grow from day to day in the beauty of civic virtue, and our beloved
land from "hundred-harbored Maine" to the vine clad hills of the
26 Official Proceedings of the
Golden Gate, from the ice-bound north to the warm and sunny south
may go from strength to strength; until it achieves its destiny to
become the fixed and shining mark for every bark bound for the
haven of law and liberty. Let not the glory of our past be greater
than the present nor let us come to shame and grief by the worship
of gods of gold and silver, to the neglect of those ideals of the mind
and soul, which alone are worthy of a free man's homage, and alone
can secure the continued possession and enjoyment of civil and re-
ligious liberty. Remove from around us the din and noise of insin-
cerity and hollow-sounding shows, let bitter strife and wrangling
cease, and firmly bound in the love of our common country, let us
realize how good and lovely it is for brethren to dwell together in
harmony. Prosper Thou the work of this council, convened in the
cause of the people, and when its message goes forth over the land,
may its golden ring bring to them the glad assuarance that pros-
perity will brighten our homes, and the immediate Jewel of our
soul, the good name of our people and the credit of our government
shall remain untarnished forever. May Thy grace, O God, come
upon us, and do Thou establish the work of our hands! Amen!
Hon. Joseph H. Manley, Secretary of the Republican National
Committee, then read the call for the convention as follows:
To the Republican Electors of the United States: In accordance
with the usage and the instructions of the Republican National
Convention of 1892, and by direction of the National Committee
a National Convention of delegated representatives of the Republi-
can party will be held at the City of St. Louis, in the State of Mis-
souri, on Tuesday, the 16th daj^ of June, 1896, at 12 o'clock noon, for
the purpose of nominating candidates for President and Vice-Pres-
ident of the United States, to be supported at the next national elec-
tion, and for the transaction of such other and further business as
may be brought before it.
The Republican electors in the several States and Territories and
voters without regard to past political affiliations who believe in
Republican principles and indorse the Republican policy, are cor-
dially invited to unite under this call in the formation of a national
ticket.
Each State will be entitled to four delegates at large, and for each
Representative in Congress at large two delegates, and each Con-
gressional district, each Territory, and the District of Columbia to
two delegates. The delegates at large shall be chosen by popular
State conventions, called on not less than twenty days' published
notice, and not less than thirty daj'^s before the meeting of the na-
tional Convention.
The Congressional district delegates shall be chosen at Conven-
tions called by the Congressional committee of each such district in
the same manner as the nomination of a Representative in Congress
is made in said district, provided, that in any Congressional district
where there is no Republican Congressional committee the Repub-
lican State committee shall appoint from the residents of such dis-
trict a committee for the purpose of calling a district convention to
elect district delegates. The Territorial delegates shall be chosen in
the same manner as the nomination of a Delegate in Congress is
made. The delegates from the District of Columbia shall be cho-
sen at a convention to be called by the committee of three provided
for by the National Committee at its meeting in Washington City
Eleventh Republican National Convention. 27
on Dec. 10, 1895, and such convention shall be constituted of mem-
bers elected in district primaries to be held at such time and places
and presided over by such judges of election as said committee of
three inay appoint.
In addition to the representation now authorized by the rules of
the National Convention for the territories of Utah, New Mexico,
Oklahoina, and Arizona, the committee advises each of said Terri-
tories to elect four deleg^ates and the admission of such additional
delegates to the convention is recommended.
An alternate delegate for each delegate to the National Conven-
tion, to act in case of absence of the delegate, shall be elected in the
same manner and at the same time as the delegate is elected.
All notices of contests must be filed with the Secretary of the
National Committee in writing-, accompanied by printed statements
of the grounds of contest, which shall be made public. Preference
in the order of hearing and determining contests will be given by
the convention in accordance with the dates of filing such notices
and statements with the Secretary.
Thomas H. Carter, Chairman.
Joseph H. Manley.'
Chairman Carter. Gentlemen of the Convention: By direction
of the National Committee I present, subject to 5^our approval for
your Temporary Chairman, Hon. Charles W Fairbanks, of Indiana.
[Applause.]
Mr. Sutherland, of New York: Mr. Chairman, on behalf of the
delegation from the State of New York, I move that the recommend-
ation of the National Committee, in the selection of Temporary
Chairman be now^ approved.
Motion seconded.
Chairman CARTER: It is moved and seconded that the recom-
mendation of the National Committee as to temporary chairman be
now approved.
Motion put and carried unanimously, amid great applause.
Chairman CARTER. I now have the distinguished honor to pres-
ent to you, as your temporary presiding officer, the Hon. Charles
W. Fairbanks, of Indiana.
When the applause subsided, Mr Fairbanks delivered the follow-
address :
ADDRESS OF THE TEMPORARY CHAIRMAN.
Gentlemen of the Convention: I am profoundly grateful for this
expression of your generous confidence. As citizens we were never
called upon to discharge a more important duty than that which
rests upon us — the nomination of a President and Vice-President of
the United States. This duty is a peculiarly impressive one at the
moment, for it is already written in the book of fate that the choice
of this Convention will be the next President and Vice-President of
the great republic.
28 Official Proceedings of the
Three years of Democratic administration have been three years
of panic, of wasted energ-y, of anxiety and loss to the American peo-
ple, without a parallel in our history. To-day the people turn to the
Republican party hopefully, confidently; and it is for us to meet
their expectations; it is for us to give them those candidates upon
whom their hearts have centered, and to give them clear, straight-
forward, emphatic expression of our political faith. The Republi-
can party is a party of convictions; and it has written its convic-
tions in the history of the Republic with the pen and the sword;
with it the supreme question always has been not what is merely
politic, but what is everlastingly right. The great men we have
given to the nation and to history, the mighty dead and the illus-
trous living, are our inspiration and our tower of strength. If we
are but true to their exalted example, we cannot be false to our
countrymen.
For a third of a century prior to the advent of the present Democratic
administration, we operated under laws enacted by the Republican
party. All great measures concerning the tariff and the currency
originated with it. Tariff laws were formed upon lines which pro-
tected our laborers and producers from unequal and unjust foreign
competition ; and upon the theory that the best market in the world is
the home market and that it should be enjoyed by our own coun-
trymen.
Under the currency laws our currency was made national. The
Wildcat State Bank money of the Democratic party was wiped out
of existence. The unprecedented demands growing out of the war
were met by a paper currency which ultimately became as good as
gold. Since the resumption of specie payments in 1879 everj^ dollar
of our money, paper, silver and gold has been of equal purchasing
power the world over. The policy of the party has been to make
and keep our currency equal to the best in the world.
Under the operation of these honest tariff and honest money Re-
publican laws, the country grew in wealth and power beyond pre-
cedent. We easily outstripped all other powers in the commercial
race. On November 8, 1892, there was work for every hand and
bread for everj^ mouth. We reached high water mark. Labor re-
ceived higher wages than ever and capital was profitably and
securely employed. The national revenue^s were sufficient to meet
our obligations and leave a surplus in the Treasury. Foreign and
domestic trade were greater in volume and value than they had
ever been. Foreign balances were largely in our favor. European
gold was flowing toward us. But all of this is changed. The cause
is not hard to seek. A reaction began when it was known that the
legislative and executive branches of the Governiuent were to be
Democratic.
The Democratic party had at Chicago condemned the protective
tariff principle as unconstitutional; and solemnly pledged itself
to the overthrow and destruction of the McKinley law and to the
adoption of free trade as the policy of the United States. This bold,
aggressive attack upon the long settled principles of the Republi-
can party brought its natural fruit in shaken confidence, unsettled
business; and we were seen drifting against the rock of destruction.
Before the work of demolition had actuall}' begun, a run was started
upon the treasury reserve, which the Republican party had wisely
accumulated for the protection of the government credit. The
drain upon the reserve for the redemption of greenbacks and treas-
ury notes greatly surpassed all prior experience and emphasized
Eleventh Republican National Convention. 29
the discredit into which the Democratic admistration had fallen.
An utter want of confidence in the administration possessed the
people.
The Democratic party was harmonious upon one subject and that
was the destruction of the McKinley law. But when they came to
the exercise of the creative faculty the enactment of a great revenue
measure in its stead, there was discord. The imperiled interests
of the country watched and waited through long- and anxious
months for some settlement of the important question. They
wanted an end of uncertainty. At length the Wilson Bill was
adopted and it was characterized by a Democratic President as the
child of "perfidy and dishonor." It was so bad that he would not
contaminate his hand by sig-ning it. A Bill that is too base for Mr.
Cleveland to approve is too rotten for the approval of the American
people.
This important law was wanting in the primary purpose of a
revenue measure; for it failed to provide adequate revenue to
meet the requirements of the government. The deficiency thus far
amounts to some one hundred and fifty millions of dollars. The
end is not yet, for the deficiency grows day by day. This leaves the
Treasurj^ and the public credit in constant peril. Our foreign credit
is impaired and domestic capital feels insecure. The sectional
favoritism of the Wilson law was one of its marked features. Its
blow at sheep husbandry w^as an unpardonable offense. It was a
flagrant wrong to the fartners of the United States. This great in-
dustry had developed and g-rown under Republican protective laws
until it w^as one of our greatest. We are now^ sending abroad mill-
ions of dollars for wool which were paid to our farmers under the
McKinley law.
The Bill struck down Reciprocity, one of the highest achieve-
ments of American statesmanship. No measure was ever enacted
w^hich more directly advanced the interests of the.American farmers
and manufacturers than reciprocity. With its destruction fell ad-
vantageous commercial agreements, under which their products
were surely finding- larger and profitable foreign markets, and with-
out the surrender of their own.
The substitution of ad valorem for specific duties has opened the
way for systematic wholesale frauds upon the treasury and produ-
cers and employees of the country. By means of undervaluations,
foreign goods pass through the custom houses without paying
their just tribute to the Treasury of the United States. Thus we
have lost millions of dollars in revenue, and the foreign producers
have been enabled to unfairly possess our home markets.
Neither time nor place will permit further reference to the unfor-
tunate revenue legislation of the Democratic party, nor to the hurt-
ful, demoralizing effects of it. Suffice it to sa3', that it has been the
g-reat and original factor in breaking down confidence, checking-
progress, emptying the treasury, causing continued deficits and en-
forced idleness among millions of willing workers.
To meet the monthly deficits and protect our credit and save the
g-overnment from protest the President has been forced to sell
bonds : in other words he has been obliged to mortgage the future
in a time of peace to meet the current obligations of the Govern-
ment.
This is in sharp contrast with the Republican record. Our tariff
laws not only raised revenue, but they protected our domestic in-
dustries. They impartially protected the farmer and manufacturer.
30 Official Proceedings of the
both North and South. Not only that, but they also raised sufficient
revenue to gradually reduce the public debt, and without imposing-
a grievous burden upon the people. During the adininistration of
Harrison $236,000,000 of obligations were paid, while Cleveland dur-
ing the last three years has added to our interest bearing debt $262,-
000,000. Against such Democratic financiering the Republican party
enters its emphatic protest.
Having attempted to reverse the tariif policy of the United States
Tvith such lamentable results the Democratic party now proposes to
reverse the currency policy.
It turns to the currency as the parent of our ills. Its effort to shift
the responsibility will deceive no one. Its attack upon the tariff,
its record of inefficiency and insincerity are a part of the unfortu-
nate history of the Republic.
The present currency system is the fruit of Republican wisdom.
It has been adequate to all our past necessities and if uncorrupted
will meet our future requirements. Our greatest prosperity was
attained when Republican currency laws were in full operation.
When the Republican party w^as in power our currency was good; it
was made as good as the best on the globe. We made sound money;
and we also made an honest protective tariff to go with it. Sound
money and an honest protective tariff go hand in hand together,
not one before the other.
The very foundation of a sound currency system is a solvent
treasury. If the people doubt the integrity of the Treasury they
will question the soundness of the currency. Recognizing this
fundamental fact, the Republican party always provided ample
revenue for the treasury.
When in the last half century of our history did the Democratic
party advocate a financial policy that was in the best interests of
the American people? Look at its ante-bellum currency record!
Consider its hostility to the currency rendered necessary by the
exigency of war; and, later, its efforts to inflate the curency in a
time of peace by the issue of greenbacks. Witness its opposition
to the efforts of the Republican party to resume specie payments.
But four short years ago it declared for a return to the old dis-
credited State Bank currency.
The Republican party has not been unfriendly to the proper use
of silver. It has always favored and favors today the use of silver
as a part of our circulating medium. But it favors that use under
such provisions and safe-guards as shall not imperil our present
national standard. The policy of the Republican party is to retain
both gold and silver as a part of our circulating medium, while
the policy of free coinage of silver leads to certain silver monomet-
allism. It is an immutable law that two moneys of unequal value
will not circulate together, and that the poorer always drives out
the better.
The Republican party, desiring fairly to secure a larger use of
silver, pledged itself in favor of an international agreement. Har-
rison, true to the pledge of the party took the initiatory steps and
invited an international monetary conference at Brussels, at which
the subject of an international coinage agreement was ably and
profitably discussed. The Democratic party was also committed to
international bimetallism, but when it came into power, the work
which had been so auspiciously begun by the Republican party,
was abandoned. It was so absorbed in its efforts to break down
Eleventh Republican National Convention. 31
the McKinley law and empty the Treasury that it had no time to
promote international bimetallism.
Those who profess to believe that this government can independ-
ently of the other great commercial powers open its mints to the
free and independent coinage of silver at a ratio of 16 to 1 when the
commercial ratio in all the great markets is 30 to 1, and at the same
time not drive every dollar of gold out of circulation, but deceive
themselves.
Great and splendid and powerful as our Government is, it cannot
accomplish the impossible. It cannot create value. It has not the
alchemist's subtle art of transmuting unlimited silver into gold,
nor can it, by omnipotent fiat, make fifty cents worth of silver one
hundred cents. As well undertake by a resolution of Congress to
suspend the law of gravitation as attempt to compel an unlimited
number of fifty cent dollars to circulate with one hundred cent dol-
lars at a parity with each other. An attempt to compel unlimited
dollars of such unequal value to circulate at a parity is bad in mor-
als and is vicious in policy. Sound thinkers upon the great ques-
tion of the currency know from the beginning of the experiment
how miserably and certainly it would fail. The commerce of the
country would be again thrown upon the sea of uncertainty and the
spectre of want would continue to haunt us for years to come.
Upon opening our mints to the independent free coinage of silver,
foreign credits would be withdrawn and domestic credits would be
greatly curtailed. More than this there would be a certain and sud-
den contraction of our currency by the expulsion of $620,000,000 of
gold, and our paper and silver currency would instantly and greatly
depreciate in purchasing power. But one result would follow this:
enterprise would be further embarrassed, business demoralization
would be increased, and still further and serious injury would be
inflicted upon the laborers, the farmers, the merchants and all
those whose welfare depends upon a wholesome commerce.
A change from the present standard to the low silver standard
w^ould cut down the recompense of labor, reduce the value of the
savings in savings banks and building and loan associations, sala-
ries and incomes would shrink, pensions would be cut in two, the
beneficiaries of life insurance would suffer, in short, the injury
w^ould be so universal and far reaching that a radical change can
be contemplated only with the gravest apprehension.
A sound currency is one of the essential instruments in develop-
ing our commerce. It is the purpose of the Republican party not
only to develop our domestic trade, but to extend our commerce
into the uttermost parts of the earth. We should not begin our con-
test for commercial supremacy by destroying our currency stand-
ard. All the leading powers with which we must compete, sus-
pended the free coinage of silver when the increased production of
silver forced the commercial ratio of silver above the coinage ratio
to gold. Shall we ignore their ripened experience? Shall we at-
tempt what they have found utterly impossible? Shall it be said
that our standard is below theirs? You cannot build prosperity
upon a debased or fluctuating currency; as well undertake to build
upon the changing sands of the sea.
A sound currency defrauds no one. It is good alike in the hands
of the employe and the employer; the laborer and the capitalist.
Upon faith in its worth, its stability, we go forward planning for
the future. The capitalist erects his factories, acquires his materi-
als, employs his artisans, mechanics and laborers. He is confident
32 Official Proceedings of the
that his margin will not be swept away by fluctuations in the cur-
rency. The laborer knows that the money earned by his toil is
as honest as his labor and that it is of unquestioned pxirchasing'
power. He likewise knows that it requires as much labor to earn a
poor dollar as a good one; and he also knows that if poor inoney is
abroad it will surely find its way into his pocket.
We protest against lowering our standard of commercial honor.
We stand against the Democratic attempt to degrade our currency
to the low level of Mexico, China, India and Japan. The present
high standard of our currency, our honor and our flag will be
sacredly protected and preserved by the Republican party.
There are many and important questions requiring the enlight-
ened and patriotic judgment of the Republican party. A pan-Amer-
ican commercial alliance was conceived by James G. Blaine, and the
highest motives of self-interest require us to accomplish what he
had so well begun.
The Monroe doctrine must be firmly upheld ; and the powers of
the earth inade to respect this great, but unwritten law. There can
be no further territorial aggrandizement by foreign governments
on the Western Continent.
Our devotion to the pensioners of the nation was never more em-
phatic nor more necessary than now.
The Republican party believes in the development of our Navy
and Merchant Marine until we establish our undisputed supremacy
on the high sees.
The struggle for Cuban liberty enlists the ardent sympathy of
the Republican party — a party which has given to liberty its fullest
meaning on this continent. We wish to see a new Republic born
on Cuban soil greet the new century whose dawn is already pur-
pling the East.
My friends, the campaign of 1896 is upon us. The great questions
for debate in the august forum of the United States are Free Trade
and Free Silver against a Protective Tariff and Sound Money. As
we regard our homes and our honor, our happiness and our pros-
perity and the future power and majesty of the Republic let us
dedicate ourselves to the restoration of a protective tariff which
shall be genuinely American, and the maintenance of an honest
standard of value with which to measure the exchanges of the
people.
A distinguished Republican has said that the supreme desire of
the American people is for honest money and a chance to earn it by
honest toil.
At the conclusion of Mr. Fairbanks' speech he received an ovation.
Charman Carter: Mr. Chairman: By direction of the National
Committee, I recommend to the convention, for Temporary Secre-
retary. Official Reporters, Sergeant-at- Arms Reading Clerks, etc. as
follows:
For Secretary— Col. Charles W. Johnson, of Minnesota.
Assistant Secretaries — William E. Riley, of Kentucky; Harry H.
Smith, of Michigan; A. B. Humphrey, at large and A. Warfield Mon-
roe, of Maryland.
For OfBcial I^eporters— James Francis Burke and John Jay
Burke, of Pennsylvania.
Eleventh Republican National Convention. 33
Sergeant at Anns — T. E. Bj-rnes, of Minnesota.
Assistants— Geo. W. Wiswell, of Wisconsin; W. W. Johnson, of
Maryland; Maj. W. P. Huxford. of Washington City; Charles E,
Stone, of Illinois.
For Reading Clerks — F. H. Wilson, of Missouri; J. H. Stone, of
Michigan; John R. Malloy, of Ohio; R. S. Hatcher, of Indiana; John
B. Bean, of New Jersey.
These names are suggested, subject to the approval of the Con-
vention for the respective offices indicated.
Chairman FAIRBANKS. Gentlemen of the Convention : You
have heard the recommendation of the National Committee; all in
favor of approving the recommendation will signifj^ the same by
saying " aye."
The motion was carried unanimously.
RULES.
Mr. Lamb, of Virginia. I desire to offer the following:
Resolved, That until a permanent organization is effected, this
Convention will be governed by the rules of the last Republican
National Convention, and I move its adoption.
The motion being seconded and put by the Chair, was carried
unanimously.
committees.
Mr. Lamb, of Virginia. I desire further to offer the following
resolution :
Resolved, That the roll of States and Territories be now called
and that the chairman of each delegation announce the names of
the persons selected to serve on the several committees as follows :
Permanent Organization; Rules and Order of Business; Credentials;
Resolutions; and that all resolutions in relation to the platform of
the Republican party be referred to such committee, without de-
bate, and I move its adoption.
Upon request, the resolution was read by the clerk, from the plat-
form.
The Chairman. You have heard the resolution: all in favor of
its adoption will say "aye."
The resolution was then adopted unanimously.
The Chairman. The resolution is adopted. The Secretary will
proceed with the call of the roll of the States. The Chair would
suggest that as the names of the members of the different commit-
tees are announced by the chairman of the delegation, that the
chairman follow the announcement with a written meinorandum
of the names and addresses of the various members of the commit-
tees to the clerk. The clerk will proceed to call the roll, and while
the roll call is in order, the Convention will please preserve quiet.
34 Official Proceedings of the
Lemuel E. Quigg, of New York, Mr. Chairman, what is this com-
mittee?
The Chairman: All of the committees. The roll will be called
first for the Committee on Permanent Organization.
The clerk here proceeded with the call of the roll.
While .the roll was in progress of being called, the Chair recog-
nized William Warner, of Missouri. Mr. Warner addressed the Chair
as follows:
My observation has heretofore been that the Committee on Per-
manent Organization and Rules of Order of Business is one com-
mittee. Does the resolution adopted substitute two committees?
The Chairman: There are two committees; the committees are
separate. The resolution w^ill be read again for the information of
the delegate.
The Clerk here read the resolution, after which the Secretary again
proceeded with the call of the roll of States.
When California had been called General Grosvenor, of Ohio,
said: I would like to suggest that these lists be made out by the
chairmen of the delegations and sent to the desk to be read by the
clerk from the platform, without being read from the points where
the State delegations are located.
The Chairman: Is there any objection to the suggestion of Gen-
eral Grosvenor that the chairmen of the delegations send up the
names and that the names be read from the platform?
The Chairman: By unanimous consent, the chairmen of the del-
egations will send up the names of the different committeemen and
they will be read by the Clerk from the platform.
The call of the States for the purpose of constituting the various
committees was proceeded with on the plan just adopted.
The committees as finally made up are as follows:
committee on rules and order of business.^
Alabama H.A.Carson
Alaska W. A. Kelley
Arizona Charles H. Akers
Arkansas . W. H. H. Clayton
Colorado James M. Downing
California Frank A. Short
Connecticut John M. Douglass
Delaware (Contest pending)
District of Columbia Andrew Gleason
Florida J. N. Combs
Georgia B. S.Richardson
Idaho Ben E. Rich
Illinois J. T. McKnight
Indiana Garrett L. Van Dusen
Indian Territory W. T.Morgan
Iowa H. W. Macomber
Kansas T. D. Fitzpatrick
Eleventh Republican National Convention. 35
Kentucky J. L,. Butler
Louisiana Mayer Cohen
Maine , J. T.Davidson
Maryland VV. D. Straight
Massachusetts W. M. Butler
Michigan John L. Starkweather
Minnesota : G. L. Gunderson
Mississippi W. F. Elgin
Missouri Nathan Frank
Montana T. C. Marshall
Nebraska F. M. Wetherall
Nevada G. F. Turritin
New Hampshire Charles T. Means
New York. John A. Raines
New Jersey George Hires
New Mexico T. D. Burns
North Carolina George H. White
North Dakota J. M. Devine
Ohio George W. Wilson
Oklahoma Territory Charles Day
Oregon Charles H. Dodd
Pennsylvania H. H. Bingham
Rhode Island Albert L. Chester
South Carolina Robert Moorman
South Dakota Carl G. Sherwood
Texas J. M. McCormick
Tennessee G. P.Shannon -
Utah Thomas Kearns
Vermont Orin M.Barbour
Virginia William Lamb
Washington L. C. Karner
West Virginia J. L. Hurst
Wisconsin C. S. Taylor
Wyoming W. F. Brittain
COMMITTEE ON PERMANENT OKGAxMZATION.
Alabama J. Dawson
Alaska C.W.Young
Arizona Isaac C. Stoddart
Arkansas H. L. Remmel
Colorado J. W. Rockefellow
California .. .O. A. Hale
Connecticut James W. Cheney
Delaware t Contest pending)
District of Columbia Perry H. Carson
Florida E. F. Skinner
Georgia B. F. Brownberry
Idaho..., ... Alex. Robertson
Illinois J.O.Humphrey
Indiana Ot^car L. Montgomery
Indian Territory R. B. Ross
Iowa , E. C. Roach
Kansas GrantHornaday
Kentucky L. T. Neat
Louisiana J. B. Donnelly
Maine W. M. Nash
Maryland W.J.Smith
Massachusetts R. O. Harris
Michigan Frank W. Wait
Minnesota L. S. Swenson
Mississippi Westlej' Crayton
Missouri Samuel Jurden
Montana J. W. Strevell
Nebraska. Geo. H. Thunimell
Nevada C. H. Sproule
New Hampshire J. H. Brown
New York W. L. Proctor
New Jersey Thomas McEwan, Jr.
New Mexico John S. Clarke
North Carolina W. T. O'Brien
North Dakota O. S. Hanson
Ohio C. H. Grosvenor
Oklahoma Territory J. C. Roberts
Oregon J. W. Meldrum
Pennsylvania Charles H. Mullin
36 Official Proceedings of the
Rhode Island E. Charles Francis
South Carolina P. B. Johnson
South Dakota H. T. Meachan
Tennessee W. N. Randolph
Texas H. G. Grace
Utah Arthur Brown
Vermont ■ Victor I. Spear
Virginia .Stith Balling
Washington H. A. Fairchild
West Virginia. Henry Schniulbach
Wisconsin . W. D. Hoard
Wyoming Otto Granim
COMMITTEE ON CREDENTIALS.
Alabama Nathan H. Alexander
Alaska C. S. Blackett
Arizona ....Charles W.Wright
Arkansas Jacob Trieber
Colorado Frank C. Gowdy
California Geo. A. Knight
Connecticut Hubert Williams
District of Columbia Perry H. Carson
Florida John G. Long
Georgia T. M. Dent
Idaho Lyttleton Price
Illinois W. A. Rodenburg
Indiana A. L. Brick
Indian Territory P. L. Soper
Iowa W. P. Hepburn
Kansas I. E. Lambert
Kentucky J. H. Happy
Louisiana Henry Demas
Maine Forest Goodwin
Maryland Robert P. Graham
Massachusetts Jesse M. Gove
Michigan O. L. Spalding
Minnesota L. P. Hunt
Mississippi ..A. M.Lee
Missouri John L. Bittinger
Montana Alex. Metzell
Nebraska John C. Cowan
Nevada W. D. Phillips
New Hampshire Chas. B. Gaffney
New York W. A. Sutherland
New Jersey J. Franklin Fort
New Mexico W. A. Llewellyn
North Carolina C. J. Harris
North Dakota George Bingnheimer
Ohio A. C. Thompson
Oklahoma O. A. Mitscher
Oregon Wallace McCamant
Pennsylvania W. H. Andrews
Rhode Island Samuel W. K. Allen
South Carolina J. H.Fordham
South Dakota M. B. Lucas
Texas H. B. Kane
Tennessee John W. Overall
Utah Clarence E. Allen
Virginia J. H. McLaughlin
Vermont C. A. Prouty
Washington. J. M. Gilbert
West Virginia O. W. O. Hardman
Wisconsin , G. G. Sedgwick
Wyoming B. B. Brooks
COMMITTEE ON RESOLUTIONS.
Alabama H. C. Cashin
Alaska C. S. Johnson
Arizona J. A. Zabriskie
Arkansas John W. McClure
Colorado Henry M. Teller
California Allen B. Lemmon
Connecticut Samuel Fessenden
Delaware (.Contest pending)
Eleventh Republican National Convention. 37
District of Columbia Andre-w Gleason
Florida I. L. Purcell
Georgia W. H. Johnson
Idaho FredT. DuBois
Illinois R. W. Patterson
Indiana Lew Wallace
Indian Territory J.T.Grady
Iowa John H. Gear
Kansas C A. Swenson
Kentucky Leslie Combs
Louisiana H. C. Warmouth
Maine Amos L. Allen
Maryland James A. Gary
Michigan Mark S. Brewer
Minnesota W. R. Merriatn
Mississippi E. W. Lampton
Missouri F. G. Neidringhaus
Montana Charles S. Hartman
Nebraska Peter Johnson
Nevada A. C. Cleveland
New Hampshire Frank S. Streeter
New York Edward Lauterbach
New Jersey Frank Bergen
New 5lexico Soloman Luna
North Carolina M. L. Mott
North Dakota Alex. Hughes
Ohio Joseph B. Foraker
Oklahoma Henry E. Asp
Oregon Charles S. Moore
Pennsj'lvania Smedley Darlington
Rhode Island Walter A. Reed
South Carolina W. D. Crumb
South Dakota David Williams
Texas Webster Flanigan
Tennessee Foster V. Brown
Utah Frank J. Cannon
Virginia James B.Brady
Vermont H. D. Holton
Washington R. F. Burleigh
West Virginia F. M. Reynolds
Wisconsin Robert M. LaFoUette
Wyoming B. F. Fowler
The Chairman here announced the time and place for meeting- of
the various committees.
General Clayton, of Arkansas, I have a resolution to present, to
be referred to the Committee on Rules and Order of Business.
The CHAIRMAN: The resolution cannot be read, if there is objec-
tion. It can only be read by unanimous consent. Is there objec-
tion?
Objection being- made, the resolution was not read.
General Grosvenor, of Ohio. I will ask the Clerk to read the an-
nouncement of committees and their respective meeting places over
again.
The Clerk here read again the list of committees, together with
their places of meeting, etc.
General Grosvenor, of Ohio. I move that the Convefition do now
adjourn until to-morrow morning.
General Clayton, of Arkansas. I think that my resolution refer-
ring to the platform is important and I ask that it be read.
The CHAIRMAN, Under the rules of the last Convention, the reso-
lution will be referred, without reading, to the Committee on Reso-
lutions.
38 Official Proceedings of the
Mr. FiFER, of Illnois. Mr. Chairman : The colored people of Illi-
nois have passed resolutions affecting- the rights of their race, and
they have asked me to bring these resolutions to the attention of
the Convention. I will send them to the Chair and ask that they be
referred to the Committee on Resolutions for action.
The Chairman. If there is no objection, it will be so ordered.
General Grosvenor. I now move that the Convention adjourn
until to-morrow morning at 10 o'clock.
The motion was put to a vote and carried, and at 1:55 o'clock p. m.
the Chairman announced the Convention adjourned.
THE SECOND DAY.
The National Republican Convention began its second day's pro-
ceedings at 10:40 a. m. In calling the Convention to order Chairman
Fairbanks said :
The Convention will be in order. No one will be admitted to the
floor who has not a floor badge, or who is not a delegate. Doctor
Wilbur G. Williams, paster of the Union Methodist Church of St.
Louis, will invoke the Divine blessing.
PRAYER BY DR. WILLIAMS.
The invocation was as follows: "Oh, Thou great and eternal One;
Thou to whom all hearts are open, all desires known and from
whom no secrets are hid. Thou who hast been our help in days
past, who must be our helper to-day, and who art our hope for the
years to come, we bring to Thee our prayers. We praj^ to Thee to
be w^ith us. Thou who wert with our fathers when in the day of
small things they stood resolutely in the land and laid the founda-
tion in this western continent of civil and religious liberty. We
pray to Thee who hast guided us, the people, in our peril. We pray
to the God of Washington and of Lincoln; we pray to the God who
hast been with us as an guide from Plymouth Rock to this time.
We pray to-day as Thou wert with the founders of this great historic
organization when in high dedication of themselves they took a larg-
er conception and a higher conception of the rights of men to find a
larger nation for civilization in this western world. We come to
Thee, Oh God, asking Thy blessing upon these successors of the
noble fathers who are assembled here to-day. We ask that they
may maintain the same high ideal of their industries that guided
their worthy and noble ancestry. May these men be dedicated to
Thee. May they do what they may have to do in accordance with
the will of the Supreme Ruler. We pray that the platform presented
here may be framed in righteousness; that the principles promul-
g-ated in this council may be consonant with the principles of the
Divine Will revealed to man. We ask Thee, Oh God, that Thy bless-
ing may rest upon the people of this great nation represented here
to-day. We ask Thee, Oh God, that the men whom this council
shall place before the people of this great nation to represent their
thoughts and their program may be men after Thine own heart to
Eleventh Republican National Convention. 39
whom the hig-h bequest of duty shall be but the voice of God; men
whom Thou dost approve and who shall seek here in this country the
establishment of that kingdom w^hich coming down out of Heaven
is to be builded until it shall include all nations and all institutions
on this earth. We ask Thee to guide in the deliberations of this
day, and of this entire Convention, and so guide in the future this
historic organization that this country of ours over w^hich once
brooded war's dark cloud, which was once endangered b3^ belliger-
ent factions, and which now^, Thanks be unto Thy good providence,
has become united, purified by her trials, stronger by the struggles
she has endured, shall forevermore be the fit champion of man-
kind in the earth, and the leader of the world in the works of man,
and all this we ask in the name and for the sake of the world's
Redeemer and Savior, Jesus Christ, our Lord. Amen.
THE PLATFORM.
Mr. Lodge, of Massachusetts, was recognized by the Chairman
and made the following statement:
"Mr. Chairman, I desire to state on behalf of the Committee on
Resolutions that the sub-committee has completed a draft of the
platform, and that it is now under consideration by the full commit-
tee. The committee was unable to report this morning and asks
leave of the Convention to sit during this mornings session. It
hopes to be able to report the platform of principles to the Conven-
tion this afternoon. On behalf of the committee I ask that leave
from the Convention.
The Chairman. The Committee on Resolutions asks leave for
further time, and to sit during the session of the Convention. If
there be no objection it will be so ordered.
It is 130 ordered.
Gen. Powell Clayton. Mr. Chairman, I introduced yesterday a
resolution and requested that it be referred to the Committee on
Rules. By mistake it was referred to the Committee on Resolutions.
The resolution has since gone to the proper Committee, and I desire
the record corrected.
The Chairman. The record will be corrected as requested.
Mr. Johnston, of Alabama. Mr. Chairman, Mr. Goins, alternate
from the Sixth Alabama District is at the door without proper cre-
dentials to be admitted inside the hall.
The Chairman. The Sergeant-at-Arms will admit the gentleman
to the Convention.
40 Official Proceedings of the
order of business.
The Chairman. We will proceed with the the regular order. The
first order of business is the report of the Committee on Credentials.
Is the Committee on Credentials ready to report?
If the Committee on Credentials is not ready to report the next
order is the report of the Committee on Permanent Organization.
Is the Committee on Credentials ready to report.
There was no response.
The Chairman. What is the further pleasure of the Convention?
Mr. Wellington, of Maryland. Mr. Chairman, I desire to state
that the Comtnittee on Rules is ready to report. I ask that unani-
mous consent be granted that they may make their report now.
The Chairman. Unanimous consent is asked for the report of the
Committee on Rules. Is there objection to the report of the Com-
mittee on Rules being made at this time?
Mr. Sewell, of New Jersey. Mr. Chairman, I rise for information
and ask whether the Committee on Permanent Organization is
ready to report. And I ask whether the Committee on Rules can
report before the Committee on Permanent Organization has re-
ported?
The Chairman. The regular order can only be changed by unan-
imous consent. Is there objection to the report of the Committee
on Rules?
A number of objections were heard.
The Chairman. There being objection the report cannot be re-
ceived at this time. Mr. W. H. Clayton of Arkansas, offers a resolu-
tion which is immediately referred to the Committee on Resolu-
tions. Mr. H. A. Rucker offers a resolution which is also referred to
the Committee on Resolutions without debate.
Mr. Wellington, of Maryland. Mr. Chairman: I move you that
the Convention take a recess until 2 o'clock this afternoon.
The motion being seconded was put to the Convention by the
Chairman, and lost.
Mr. Sewell, of New Jersey. Mr. Chairman: At the last National
Convention of our party it was decided and it did proceed to a per-
manent organization without awaiting the report of the Committee
on Credentials or the Committee on Rules.
A Delegate. Make your motion.
Mr. Sewell. And I now move that if the Committee on Perma-
nent Organization is ready to report, that the report be received.
The Chairman. The motion now before the Convention is that
the Report of the Committee on Permanent Organization be now
accepted.
A Delegate. I object.
The Chairman. The motion is supported by the precedents of
previous National Conventions. All in favor of its adoption will
w^ill say "aye."
Eleventh Republican National Convention. 41
The motion was put and carried by a large majority.
The Chairman. The Chairman of the Committee on Permanent
Organization will now present his report.
Mr. Wellington, Maryland. Mr. Chairman, I make the point of
order that no business can be transacted in this Convention unless
there be unanimous consent.
Cries of "That's right !" "That's right ! "
Only a few minutes ago I moved that this Convention adjourn be-
cause it is not incumbent upon it to do anything in the present state
of affairs. (Applause.)
The Chairman. The gentleman is out of order. The Convention
itself has voted to receive the report of the Committee on Permanent
Organization. (Applause.)
Mr. LiTTLEFlELD, of Maine. Mr. Chairman, I make the point of
order that we are acting under the rules of the last National Con-
vention. And the rules of that Convention provide that the first
thing in order is the report of the Committee on Credentials. And I
make the point of order that that is the business before the Con-
vention.
( Cries of " Good ! " " That's right ! ")
This Convention cannot suspend the rules by a vive voce vote. I
ask the ruling of the Chair.
The Chairman. The Committee on Credentials was called and it
was not ready to report. Then the Committee on Permanent Organ-
ization was called, and that committee was not ready to report.
Then a motion for a recess was made and voted down by the Con-
vention. Then a motion was made to receive the report of the Com-
mittee on Permanent Organization, and the Convention voted in
favor of receiving it.
The next order of business therefore is the report of the Committee
on Permanent Organization. (Applause.)
PERMANENT ORGANIZATION.
Hon. Thomas McEwan, Jr., of New Jersey. Mr. Chairman, the
Committee on Permanent Organization, pursuant to the orders of
this Convention, met yesterday and elected the Hon. Charles Gros-
venor, of Ohio, as its Chairman. (Applause.) Without going further
into the report, I will say that we have unanimously selected the
Hon. John M. Thurston, of Nebraska, as Permanent Chairman. (Pro-
longed applause.) We present the following detailed report:
For Permanent Chairman— Hon. John M. Thurston, of Nebraska.
VICE-PRESIDENTS.
Alabama Jno. W. Jones
Arkansas M. W. Gibbs
California U. S.Grant
Colorado A. M. Stevenson
Kentucky John J. Hutchinson
42 Official Proceedings of the
Colorado Lemuel W. Livingston
Georgia A. J. Ricker
Indiana B. F.Polk
Kansas M. M. Monroe
Maine E. C. Burleigh
Massachusetts CurtissG uild, Jr
Minnesota C. F. Hendrix
Nevada Thomas C, Marshall
New Jersey Franklin Murphy-
North Carolina J. W. Fortune
Pennsylvania Frank Reeder
South Carolina Robert Smalls
Tennessee Zachary Taylor
Utah W. S. McCormick
Virginia John Anker
West Virginia J. W.Crawford
Wyoming Otto Kramer
New Mexico T. B.Burns
Illinois Joseph W. Fifer
Iowa L. B. Wilson
Kentucky : W. G. Hunter
Maryland Wm. P. Malster
Wisconsin William McPherson
Missouri Nathan Frank
Nebraska Thomas P. Kennard
New Hampshire JohnA. Spaulding
New York John T. Mott
North Dakota J. W. Devine
South Dakota David Meisner
Vermont E. C. Smith
Washington Albert Goldman
"Wisconsin James H. Stout
Arizona John M. Fair
Oklahoma John I. Dille
Secretary — Col. Charles W. Johnson, of Minnesota.
Assistant Secretaries — W. E. Riley, of Kentucky; Harvey H.Smith,
of Michigan; A. Warfield Monroe, of Maryland and A. B. Humphrey,
of New York.
OfScial Reporters — James Francis Burke and John Jay Burke, of
Pennsylvania.
Sergeant at Arms — T. E. Byrnes, of Minnesota.
Assistant Sergeants at Arms — George W. Wiswell, of Wisconsin;
W. W. Johnson, of Maryland; W. P. Huxford, of Washington; Charles
E. Stone, of Illinois; George F. Smith, of Oklahoma.
Reading Clerks — James H. Stone, of Michigan; F. H. Wilson, of
Missouri; John R. Malloy, of Ohio; R. S. Hatcher of Indiana; John B.
Bean, of New Jersey.
On motion, adjourned, subject to the call of the Chairman.
A QUESTION OF ORDER.
Mr. MUDD, of Maryland. Mr. Chairman: I make the point of
order now that while this temporary Convention has voted to re-
ceive that report, that the temporary Convention cannot be heard
upon that report, and that action upon that report cannot be had
until we shall have ascertained the membership of this Convention
by means of a report of the Committee on Credentials, and acted
upon it.
Eleventh Republican National Convention. 43
The Chairman. The Chair over-rules the point of order.
Mr. MUDD. Will you not hear the point of order first?
The Chairman. The question is upon the adoption of the report
of the Committee on Credentials. All in favor of the adoption of
the report will say "aye."
A vote was then taken on the motion and the Chair declared the
motion carried.
Mr. Tuck, of Maryland. Mr. Chairman: I call for a division of
the States.
The Chairman. A division is demanded. All those in favor of
the adoption of the report will please rise.
Mr. MuDD. You cannot vote that way, Mr. Chairman, because
some of the States have double delegations. I state this point of
order that you cannot vote this waj^, because some of the States
have double delegations, and therefore would have more than their
proportionate vote, and you mnst call the roll of the States. We are
entitled to a roll call of the States in order that this inatter inay be
settled. We may as w^ell proceed with the deliberation in order.
The Chairman. It is a matter for the Convention to settle and it
has been settled.
Mr. MUDD. But there is no Convention here. Now, until we have
a permanent organization there is no Convention. We may as well
proceed in order, Mr. Chairman.
The Chairman. Those who are opposed to the motion will please
rise.
A rising vote was then taken in the negative and the Chair declared
the motion lost.
The Chairman. The Chair appoints Senator William J. Sewell,
of New Jersey and Representative Sereno E. Payne, of New York, as
a committee to escort the Permanent Chairinan to the chair.
The Committee then escorted Senator Thurston to the Chair amid
a torrent of applause.
HON. JOHN M. THURSTON, PERMANENT CHAIRMAN.
The Chairman. Geatlemen of the Convention: I have the
honor to present to you, as your Permanent Chairman, Senator
John M. Thurston, of Nebraska.
A magnificent reception was again tendered Senator Thurston as
he mounted the platform, accompanied by the Committee.
When quiet was restored. Chairman Thurston addressed the Con-
vention as follows:
Gentlemen of the Coni^ention: The happy memory of your kind-
ness and confidence will abide in my grateful heart forever. My
sole ambition is to meet your expectations; and I pledge myself to
exercirte the important powers of this high office with absolute jus-
tice and impartiality. I bespeak your cordial co-operation and sup-
44 Official Proceedings of the
port to the ead that our proceeding's may be orderly and dignified,
as befits the deliberations of the supreme council of the Republican
party.
Eight years ago I had the distinguished honor to preside over the
Convention which nominated the last Republican President of the
United States. To-day I have the further distinguished honor to
preside over the Convention which is to nominate the next President
of the United States. This generation has had its object lesson,
and the doom of the Democratic party is already pronounced. The
American people will return the Republican party to power because
they know that its administration will mean:
The supremacy of the constitution of the United States.
The maintenance of law^ and order.
The protection of every American citizen in his right to live, to
labor and to vote.
A vigorous foreign policy.
The enforcement of the Monroe Doctrine.
The restoration of our Merchant Marine.
Safety under the stars and stripes on every sea, in every port.
A revenue adequate for all governmental expenditures, and the
gradual extinguishment of the national debt.
A currency as sound as the government and as untarnished as
its honor, whose dollar, whether gold or silver, or paper, shall have
equal purchasing and debt paying power with the best dollars of
the civilized w^orld.
A protective tariflf which protects, coupled with reciprocity which
reciprocates, thereby securing the best market for American pro-
ducts and opening Anaerican factories to the free coinage of Amer-
ican muscle.
A pension policy just and generous to our living heroes, and to
the widows and orphans of their dead comrades.
The governmental supervision and control of transportation lines
and rates.
The protection of the public from all unlawful combinations and
unjust exaction of aggregated capital and corporated power.
An American welcome to every God-fearing, liberty-loving, consti-
tution-respecting, law-abiding, labor-seeking, decent man.
The exclusion of all whose birth, whose blood, whose condition,
whose teaching, whose practices would menace the permanency of
free institutions, endanger the safety of American society or lessen
the opportunities of American labor.
The abolition of sectionalism — every star in the American flag
shining for the honor and welfare and happiness of every common-
wealth and of all the people.
A deathless loyalty to all that is truly American, and a patriotism
as eternal as the stars.
Chairman Thurston's address was punctured all the way through
with applause and cheers. At its close he received a splended ova-
tion. Proceeding with the business of the Convention he said :
"Gentlemen of the Convention, what is your pleasure?"
The pleasure of the Convention was expressed by the appearance
of a magnificent floral shield, surmounted by a crown of American
Beauty roses, simultaneously with a burst of applause that was
deafening, the delegates rising to their feet and the whole body of
Eleventh Republican National Convention. 45
delegates and spectators joining in one grand ovation as the flower
shield was placed upon the platform and accepted by the Chairman.
Proceeding with the business of the Convention, Chairman Thurs-
ton said: Gentlemen of the Convention: What is your pleasure?
At this interval a letter was passed forward by a delegate with the
request that it be read by the Secretary of the Convention for the
information of the Convention.
COMMITTEE ON CREDENTIALS.
The Chairman directed the Seci*etary to read the letter, which read
as follows:
"St. Louis, Mo., June 17, 1896.
Hon. C. W. Fairbanks, Temporary Chairman Republican National
Convention. Dear Sir: The Committee on Credentials are at this
time in session and engaged in the consideration of the contests be-
fore it, and we w^ill be unable to finish our w^ork in time to report to
the Convention at this session. By order of the Committee. Yours
very truly. J. Franklin Fort, Chairman."
Governor BUSHNELL, of Ohio. Mr. Chairman: I move that the
Convention do now adjourn until 2 o'clock this afternoon.
The Chairman. It is moved that the Convention do now ad-
journ until 2 o'clock this afternoon.
The motion was carried, a very small majority voting in the neg-
ative.
afternoon SESSION.
At two o'clock, the hour for calling the Convention to order,
there w^as a noticeable absence of delegates and the Chairman de-
cided to await the arrival of the delinquents.
During the interval, the Nebraska delegates, through a committee
appointed for the purpose, passed up to the platform two large bou-
quets of red and white roses, one of which w^as placed in front of
Secretary Johnson and the other on the table in front of Official
Reporter Burke.
PRAYER BY BISHOP ARNETT.
At 2:35 the Chairman rapped the Convention to order, announc-
ing that Bishop Arnett, of Wilberforce College, would invoke the
Divine blessing. Bishop Arnett, the well known colored divine
and orator, then offered the following invocation:
"Oh, Lord, our Heavenly Father, the Father of our Lord and Savior
Jesus Christ, the Maker of all things visible and invisible, the judge
of all men — we come before Thee this afternoon to thank Thee for
life and health and the blessings of liberty which have been secured
to us by our fathers in the days that are gone. We invoke Thy divine
blessing upon our land and upoa our country. We thaak Thee for
the institutions of our country. We thank Thee for the opportunities
which Thou hast given to Thy people of every race and condition in
46 Official Proceedings of the
this land that they may enjoy the blessings of life, liberty and the
pursuit of happiness. Accept our thanks we pray Thee for this or-
ganization which has assembled here to-day, representing the
culture, wealth and refinement of more than forty centuries of intel-
lectual effort. We thank Thee Oh Lord, for the blessings that we
enjoy, and we ask Thy special favor upon those engaged in this
work, and bless them as Thou didst their fathers and those that
preceded them. We thank Thee for this organization, and we thank
Thee for the men of the past and for the men of the present. We
thank Thee that Thou didst give us a Lincoln who broke the fetters
from the limbs of four millions and a half of people. We thank
Thee for this organization and we thank Thee, Oh Lord, that Thy
blessing may rest upon the persons nominated by this body. May
they be rnen representing the principles of religion, morality and
education, go forth to the conquest of the great principles now un-
derlying the institutions of our country. These and all other bles-
sings we ask to rest upon this organization, the president of the or-
ganization, the members of the organization, and grant, O Lord, that
the victories to be gained in the future may redound to the blessing
of every citizen of this great land of ours, and may protection and
liberty and civil and political rights be secured to every man,
woman and child from the lakes of the North to the gulf of the
South, and when we have accomplished all, may Thy blessing rest
upon us and our country, and its flag, and the glory shall be Thine
forever. Amen.
GAVELS AND OTHER COURTESIES.
The Chairman. The Chair recognizes Mr. Madden of Chicago,
for a special purpose.
Mr. Martin B. Madden. Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen of the
Convention: On behalf of the State of Illinois, I have the honor to
present to the ofHcers of this Convention, to be presented to the nom-
inee of this Convention, a beautiful and artistically worked gavel,
made from an oak log formerly occupying a position in the building
occupied by Abraham Lincoln (great applause). I venture the hope,
on behalf of the State from which I hail, that the distinguished nom-
inee of this Convention may so perform his duties as to be as near
to the hearts of the people of the Nation as is the distinguished
name of the great emancipator given to the people of the Nation by
the great State of Illinois. (Great cheering and applause).
The Chairman. On behalf of this Convention the Chair accepts
the tender of this gavel for the purposes indicated, and in doing so
expresses the hope that the inspiration of the immortal Lincoln may
fire our hearts to higher patriotism in the discharge of our duty
here and our discharge of duty elsewhere and hereafter. We accept
this gavel and will deliver it after this Convention is over to him
who is to be the next President of the United States.
The Chairman. The Chair recognizes Mr. Denny of Kentucky,
for a similar purpose.
Eleventh Republican National Convention. 47
*
Mr. Denny. Mr. Chairmau and Gentlemen: The intention was
to present this gavel to the Temporary Chairman of this Conven-
tion, but I was prevented from doing- so at the proper time, and I
now seize this opportunity to present it. By the request of the
young men of the Henry Clay Republican Club, of Lexington, Ky.,
I desire to present to the Temporary Chairman of this Convention
this gavel, made from ash wood and cut from the old homestead
of the great commoner, Henry Clay. (Great applause.) They ask
that it be accepted as a memento of the old Ashland District. We
hope that when a ruling is punctuated by the stroke of this gavel
that it may at the same time drive a nail into the coffin of the Dem-
ocracy. (Applause.)
The Chairman. Gentlemen of the Convention: Your Temporary
Chairman will respond in your behalf.
Mr. Fairbanks. On behalf of the convention, it affords me pleas-
ure to acknowledge receipt of the gavel presented by the gentlemen
from Kentucky. In response I am proud to know that the spirit of
Henry Clay animates to-day the Republicans of the State of Ken-
tucky. (Applause.) I am proud of the fact that that grand old
commonwealth has come into the ranks of the Republican party,
and I indulge the hope that in November next she will be found
true to the standard bearers selected by this Convention. (Ap-
plause.)
The Chairman. The Chair recognizes Mr. Torrence, of Minnesota-
for a special purpose.
Mr. Torrence. Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen of the Convention:
In 1892 the boys of the manual training class of the South High
School, Minneapolis, made a table intending it to be used by the
presiding officer of the Republican National Convention, which
met in Minneapolis that year. The table was used for the purpose
intended, and then returned to the boys who made it, bearing evi-
dence of the honorable part it bore in that memorable Convention.
At the request of the Local Committee of this City the table has
been sent by the school to be used by the presiding officer of this
Convention. It is homemade. It is also hand made, and represents
the intelligent skill and labor of the American youth.
The educational and industrial interests of this country have al-
ways had the earnest support and steadfast friendship of the Repub-
lican party, and as we have met to plan and to act for the future
welfare of the nation, it gives me great pleasure, Mr. Chairman and
gentlemen of the Convention, in behalf of these to bring you the
greetings and hearty good will of the Minneapolis children of the
Republic to place this table at your service during the deliberations
of this Convention. (Applause.)
48 Official Proceedings of the
The Chairman. In accepting- the use of this table for the Con-
vention the Chair desires to send back word to the boys of Minne-
sota that even as our Republican fathers handed these United
States down to us, united under one flag-, so that every man within
its borders could share its blessings and its opportunities, so will
we, the Republican party of to-day, hand down its government, un-
der Republican institutions, with all the rights, privileges and op-
portunities for the boys to come. (Cheers).
Gentlemen of the Convention, the next order of business is the
report of the Committee on Credentials, and the Chair recognizes as
Chairman of that Committee, Mr. J. Franklin Fort, of New Jersey.
(Applause).
THE CONTESTED ELECTION CASES.
Mr. Fort, of New Jersey, Chairman of the Committee on Creden-
tials:
REPORT OF THE COMMITTEE.
Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen of the Convention: I present
the report of the Committee on Credentials by its direction.
Your Committee on Credentials respectfully report: That they met
immediately after the adjournment of the session of the Convention
on the sixteenth and organized by the selection of the officers of
the Committee. Since that time we have been giving diligent at-
tention to the business of the Committee. Your Committee would
report its action in the cases before it, with its recommendations
therein:
As to the State of Delaware, the right to represent the State of Del-
aware in this Convention was claimed by two full sets of delegates.
Patient and full attention was given to the hearing of this case. The
contestants for the right to represent that State in this Convention
will be designated as the Anthony Higgins delegation and as the
J. Edward Addicks delegation.
Your Committee recommends that the following persons be seated
as the delegates and alternates from the State of Delaware. I will
not read them all, but simply read tl^e name as designated in the
report. The delegates and alternates headed by Anthony Higgins.
(Prolonged cheers).
In the contest from the State of Texas for delegates at large from
that State, your Committee gave attention to that case, and heard
the contesting delegations, whom we will style as the Cuney delega-
tion and the Grant delegation.
We recommend that the delegates and alternates at large from
Texas, headed by John Grant, be admitted to this Convention. (Ap-
plause).
As to the other matters of contests presented to your Committee,
notice of which was given to the National Committee and heard by
it, we recommend that the roll of delegates and alternates to the
Convention from the several States and Territories and the District
of Columbia, as prepared by the National Committee for the Tempo-
rary Organization, be approved and adopted as the permanent roll
of delgates and alternates to this Convention.
A copy of the roll of delegates and alternates, as so adopted by
this Committee, is herewith submitted.
Respectfully submitted,
J. Franklin Fort,
Chairman Committee on Credentials.
Eleventh Republican National Convention. 49
The Chairman. I recognize Mr. Hepburn of Iowa, for the purpose
of submitting a ininority report. (Applause.)
Mr. Hepburn, of Iowa. Mr. President and Gentlemen of the
Convention: The undersigned members of your Committee on
Credentials dissent from the report of the majority of the Committee
iu this:
We are unwilling to accept the roll of delegates as made up by the
National Committee. The National Committee did not attempt to
consider the merits of the cases presented by any of the one hun-
dred and sixty odd contestants; only the regularity of the Creden-
tials presented being passed upon by the National Committee. I am
informed that in the consideration of the contested cases before the
National Committee, it was distinctly and repeatedly stated thatthe
action of the Committee was only to secure a pri/22a /acz'e roll, and
that the contestants would each have an opportunity to be heard
upon the merits of his case before the Committee on Credentials
when appointed.
None of these contestants except those from Delaware and those
from the State at large from Texas have had any hearing upon the
issues made here before any competent tribunal. In those two
cases heard by your Committee on Credentials not one word of the
testimony adduced was read before your Committee. Affidavits
w^ere filed there by the score, but no man knows what they contained
save as their contents are stated by the gentleman inaking the
argument on the one side or the other. Your Committee on Cre-
dentials persistently voted down propositions specifically, to in-
vestigate cases from Texas other than those from the State at large.
Those from the State of California, those from the State of Louisi-
ana, and one gentleman, a contestant, from the State at large of
Louisiana, makes the statement that he has never had even a hear-
ing upon which to base a prima facie case made up by the National
Committee; that he was not in the city until after his case had been
heard, and that his lips have been at all times sealed. From the
State of Louisiana, from the State of Alabaina, and from the 12th
District of Missouri.
Here the speaker was interrupted by cheers, cries and groans
from the gallery, and from the floor of the Convention by the friends
of Chancey I. Filley, of Missouri, from the 12th District. Two or
three times Mr. Hepburn attempted to proceed but was interrupted
by the tremendous outbreak from the friends of Mr. Filley. When
silence was at length secured he proceeded further to read, as fol-
lows:
I say that there has been no investigation of any of these cases,
except from the State of Delaware, and four from the State of
Texas; and more than 160 Republicans, delegates, as they claim,
with their credentials, w^ith their cases, are demanding now to be
heard in order that the verities involved ma}^ be properly ascer-
tained. (Applause.) We deem it a most dangerous precedent to
permit the National Committee to pass a final judgment on the
election and qualification of meinbers of a National Convention.
(Applause, and cries of "right.") This dangerous exercise of power
ought not to be permitted to any body of men, but should be re-
tained in the hands of the Convention. (Applause.) We therefore
50 Official Proceedings of the
recommeod that the delegation from the State of Delaware, headed
by J. Edward Addicks, with their alternates, be seated; that the
deleg-ation from the State of Texas, headed b3r N. W. Cuney, be
seated with their alternates. (Applause.) And as to the other cases
in which hearing- has up to this time been denied, be recommitted
to the Committee on Credentials, with instructions to perform its
duty, and to hear a report upon the cases.
The Chairman. The Chair recognizes the Chairman of the Com-
mittee.
Mr. Fort, of New Jersey. Mr. President: I now move in the name
of my State, the previous question on the report, of the Committee
on Credentials down to and through to the final vote under the rules
of the House of Representatives.
The motion was seconded by Mr. Doyle, of Georgia ; also by Gene-
ral Grosvenor, of Ohio.
Mr. Hepburn, of Iowa. A parliamentary inquiry : Does that ex-
clude the motion of the minority to substitute the names of the del-
egations that we have named from the two States?
The Chairman. The Chair will state that if the previous question
is ordered, the vote will be taken upon each separate proposition
contained in the two reports, if a demand be made for a separation
of the question. If no demand be made for a separation of the
question, the vote will first be taken upon the minority report
and then upon the majority report. Under the rules of this Con-
vention, there are twenty minutes on this motion assigned to each
side, and the Chairman presenting the majority report and a gen-
tleman representing the minority report are in charge of that time,
and can occupy it either by themselves or by those whom they may
choose to designate.
Mr. MUDD. Mr. Chairman: We request a separation exclusivel3'^
as to Delaware. If that be in order, we want a separate vote and
recommendation as to Delaware.
The Chair inquired whether the motion was seconded; and Penn-
sylvania and California seconded the motion of Mr. Mudd, amid
great cheers.
The Chairman. When the final vote is taken, the vote as to Del-
aw^are will be taken separately. The question is now upon ordering
the previous question, and the Chair recognizes the Chairman of
the Committee as now entitled to proceed.
The Chair will state, however, that the preliminary question is
upon ordering the previous question. If it is ordered the presenta-
tion of each side will then proceed.
Mr. Littlefield. The delegation from Maine demands the roll
call.
The Chairman. A roll call is demanded b}^ the delegation from
Maine.
Eleventh Republican National Convention. 51
The demand is seconded by the delegation from Maryland.
The Chairman. The roll call is seconded by Maryland.
A Delegate. Iowa also seconds the motion. (Cheers.)
The Chairman. The roll call being properly demanded, is order-
ed. The Secretary will call the roll of States, and the Chairman of
each delegation will announce the vote. Those favoring the previ-
ous question will say "aye" and those opposed, will say "no."
During the progress of the vote Mr. Hepburn, of Iowa, made the
point of order that as this question involves the right to contest the
right to seats of ten or more of the delegates here in Convention,
that the delegation from those States having a personal interest in
the question at issue, have no competency to vote.
The Chair holds that the objection is not well taken as to the mo-
tion and order of previous question.
A very enthusiastic reception was accorded the chairmen of the
various delegations, as they arose to announce the vote.
The vote as finally recorded was as follows:
ayes noes
Alabama 19
Arkansas 16
*California 7
Colorado
Connecticut
tDelaware
Florida 7
Georgia 20
Idaho
Illinois 30
Indiana 27
Iowa
Kansas 20
Kentucky 26
Louisiana 11
Maine
Maryland
Massachusetts 2
Michigan 28
Minnesota 18
Mississippi 12
Missouri 20
Montana 1
Nebraska 16
Nevada 1
New Hampshire
New Jersey 20
* 1 not voting. t Not voting.
The Chairman. Upon the ordering of the previous question the
ayes are 551^^ and the nays 359^^. (Cheers.)
The ayes therefore have it. The Chair recognizes the gentleman
from the Committee on Resolutions for an announcement.
Mr. LaFollette, of Wisconsin. Mr. Chairman: The Committee
on Resolutions has appointed Mr. Burleigh of Washington and my-
self a Committee to announce to the Convention that the Comiuittee
on Resolutions has agreed and will be able to report to this Con-
vention to-night at eight o'clock, but not earlier.
The Chairman. Gentlemen of the Convention, you have heard
the announcement. The Convention will now proceed. The pre-
OES
AYES
NOES
a
New \ork
19
52
Nortli Carolina
161/2
5y2
10
North Dakota
6
8
Ohio
46
12
Oregon
8
Pennsylvania
59
1
Rhode Island
8
6
South Carolina
18
6
South Dakota
8
18
Tennessee
23
1 ■
8
Texas
16
8
26
Utah
6
* Vermont
4
3
3
Virginia
22
1
Washington
, 8
12
West Virginia
12
16
24
6
98
4
2
New' Mexico .
1
5
6
4
o
14
Indian Territory
8
b
Dist. Columbia
9
5
8
Alaska
Total
2
5511-2
3591-2
52 Official Proceedings of the
vious question has been ordered and discussion will be proceeded
witii under the rule. The Chair recognizes the g-entleman from New
Jersey, Mr. Fort.
Mr. Fort, of New Jersey, Chairman of the Committee on Creden-
tials:
Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen of the Convention: The minority
report involves three propositions : I propose to take just five min-
utes in discussing- the question and then yield five minutes of my
time to Mr. Yerkes, of Kentucky, to discuss the Delaware case and
ten minutes to General Grosvenorto close the debate.
The three propositions of the minority report are these :
First. Open all contests on the temporarj^ roll fixed by the Na-
tional Committee.
Second. Seat the Cuney delegation in Texas instead of the Grant
delegation.
Third. Seat the Addicks delegation in Delaware instead of the
Higgins delegation.
Now as to the first proposition: The Committee on Credentials
has worked diligently since it organized yesterday. By a large vote,
31 to li it determined to accept the roll as made up by the National
Committee, with the exception of the Delaware and Texas cases,
upon which no action had been taken by that Committee, except to
refer them to the Committee on Credentials. One hundred and sixty
contestants appeared before the National Committee by counsel or
otherwise. They all had opportunity to be heard. They all were
heard. They were heard longer than your Committee could hear
them unless w^e sat in session for a full week ; and if we gave them
all the tiine they asked, this Convention w^ould sit here for three
months. (Laughter and applause.)
There are papers and printed briefs in some of these contests cov-
ering four or five hundred pages. In the cases we have heard w^e
have taken their statement of what the evidence in the record was.
It could not be read. It never was read by the National Committee
or the Committee on Credentials of a National Convention. We
have a right to presume that every Republican, whether a contest-
ant or a sitting member, when he stated his case here stated the
truth, as found in the record. (Applause.) And if in presenting
their case each of them states the truth, and a conclusion is reached
from that statement, we have a right to say that the action of the
National Committee in thus making up the Teinporary Roll of the
Convention was fair and should stand as the Permanent Roll of this
Convention. (Applause.) It will be said that these gentlemen were
not heard at all before the Committee. laterally speaking this is
true. It was said before the Committee that almost all the contest-
ants were satisfied with the determination of the National Commit-
tee, and it was also stated, that the National Committee reached its
conclusions by an almost unanimous vote. The closest vote in that
Committee was, I believe, in a contest in the State of New York, and
the representative from New York on our Committee stated that
there were no contests to be heard from that State. (Applause.) We
have tried to be fair. The Committee did not railroad these cases.
We have given Delaware two hours and a half in its hearing. We
gave Texas over two hours in hearing of their case, and we spent
the rest of the time discussing the cases. We coine to you then on
the general proposition of the minority report first, and ask yovi to
vote it down, and confirm the teinporary roll, inade up with great
Eleventh Republican National Convention. 53
care, wise judgment and sound discretion b}' your National Com-
mittee. They are honest men. They are good Republicans. They
are selected from all the States, and they gave to all these cases a
careful hearing, and a prima facie case, at least, is made out by the
finding of that Committee. (Applause.)
Second: — As to the Texas case, I have but three minutes left
in which to state it. I shall do my best. Texas held a State
Convention to elect delegates at large. Mr. Cuney was elected
Temporary Chairman, fairly and legally. He assumed the Chair.
He proceeded in the Temporary Organization. The Temporary Or-
ganization was made permanent, under protest, and without a roll
call. And from the time Cuney took the Chair until he declared the
Convention adjourned he refused to grant a roll call, no matter who
demanded it, when or where. (Applause and laughter.)
A demand was made for a roll call on the report of the Committee
on Credentials. A roll call was asked on the report of the Committee
on Permanent Organization. Each of these demands and ever}^
other request for a roll call on any question were ruled out of order.
(Laughter.) A resolution was offered to elect four delegates at
large, Cuney at the head, and that was declared carried, or rather
put through, by a vive voce vote with another man that Cuney put
in the Chair to do up the business. (Applause.) And yet no roll
call. All amendments were ruled out of order. Then some one
inoved to adjourn. The affidavits are here, — stacks of them, — that
Cuney refused to recognize anybody on the motion to adjourn or to
allow a roll call, and forthwith declared the Convention adjourned,
picked up his papers, went out with his hat, and took the Convention
with him. (Laughter and applause.)
Now, gentlemen, I must finish. Six hundred and forty-one dele-
gates out of a total of eight hundred and one altogether remained
in the hall after Cuney left and immediately organized another Con-
vention, and by unanimous vote elected the four men who now ask
seats in this Convention. That is all.
Third: — As to the Delaware case, I will make the statement as
brief as possible. The Committee decided by a large majority to
seat the Higgins delegation.
The Committee therefore makes that recommendation to this Con-
vention. This is done because in that State it is claimed by the Re-
publicans who were before us that the delegates headed by J. Ed-
ward Addicks do not represent the Republican party of Delaware
or anywhere else. (Cheers.) There was the same kind of procedure
in the Convention in that State which elected the Addicks delega-
tion as was witnessed in the Texas Convention. No roll call. Noth-
ing but excitement, turbulence, force and victory for the faction
resorting to those methods. The records before us show that Mr.
Addicks entered into a combination in Delaware to unite with the
acting Democratic Governor in order to prevent a Republican United
States Senator to be elected from that State. (Applause.) The fact
of the matter is simply this, that a majority of your Committee be-
lieves from the evidence in the case, that Mr. Addicks and hie party
in Delaware in that contest were highwaj'men on the road to poli-
tical fortune, no matter what might be the result to the Republican
party. (Applause.) To endorse what the United States Senate, by
a vote of every Republican in that body, tried to do, and at the same
time to rebuke Addicks for defeating Dupont, we seat Dupont in this
Convention as a delegate irom Delaware with the rest of them.
(Applause.)
54: Official Proceedings of the
The Chairman. The Chair presents Mr. Yerkes of Kentucky.
(Applause.)
Mr. Yerkes. Mr. Chairman: There are, Gentlemen of the Conven-
tion, two deleg^ations from the State of Delaware, claiming' to be the
legal, rightful representatives of that Stale on the floor of this Con-
vention. One delegation is headed by ex-Senator Higgins, the only
Republican ever elected to the United States Senate from that State;
and the other is headed by Mr. J. Edward Addicks. the only Repu-
blican, so called, who ever prevented the election of a Republican
United States Senator from Delaware. (Applause.) Upon the roll with
ex-Senator Higgins, we find the name of Colonel Dupont, who, by
a recent vote of every Republican in the United States Senate, was
declared to have been elected by the Republicans of Delaware to
succeed ex-Senator Higgins, but who failed to secure his seat, and
that vacancy, we claim, was caused by the man heading the oppos-
ing delegation.
I claim that this Convention ia by the rules of its own organiza-
tion, and is by necessitj'^, not onlj^ judge of the election of its mem-
bers, but is judge of them and of the propriety of their admission
to a seat. I admit that so far as the face of the returns is con-
cerned, Mr. Addicks, and those claiming with him, have a prima
facie case, but by way of off-set to this, although it may not be
argument, I call to your recollection the fact that the National Com-
mittee in its w^isdom saw fit to refuse a seat upon the floor of this
Convention to those gentlemen who have that prima facie case. The
National Committee has been endorsed, and more than endorsed,
by the decision of your own Committee on Credentials, which, by a
vote of thirty-one to seventeen, not only refused to seat Mr. Addicks,
but absolutely seated Senator Higgins and his associates. (Ap-
plause.) There must be of necessity some sound reason for this.
Certainly these two Committees would not have acted without
reason and cause. What was the basis of their action and decision?
We affirm, and the record is here and sustains abundantly the
claim, that the small majority which Mr. Addicks had in the State
Convention of Delaware was secured by the use of money, by brib-
ery and purchase of voters at the primary. Here are the affidavits
presented to the National Committee, and presented also, as I am
informed, to j^our Committee on Credentials.
Now, gentlemen, as was said by a distinguished citizen of New
York, there are only three ways of securing an election ; first by the
free choice of the electors; second, by lot ; third, by force, and I
affirm that fraud and bribery are constituent elements of, and
are, indeed, force. If this Convention believes, as evidently these
Committees did believe, that the credentials of Mr. Addicks and
those on the roll with him, were secvired by means of this nature
and character, then certainlj', as representatives of the dignity, the
wisdom, the honor and the integrity of the Republicans of this
nation, you will not be willing to receive and seat delegates present-
ing such credentials, men resting under charges proven over-
whelmingly by unimpeached testimony.
The Chairman. Mr. Hepburn, of Iowa, will now address you for
the minority.
Mr. Hepburn. ?Ir. President and Gentlemen of the Conven-
tion: — I have the right to assume that any Republican Convention,
any body of men representing the Republican party will declare in
Elevknth Republican National Convention. 55
favor of fairness. The Ainerican people love fairness. They are
not willing-, I take it, that any man's rights shall be determined
without he has had his day in Court.
I say here, without fear of contradiction, that there has been no
hearing- upon the merits of one hundred and sixty election cases.
(Applause). I challenge any member of this Convention to deny
that proposition. When these gentlemen went before the National
Committee there was a gentleman there representing the interests
of a certain candidate here. It was his contention in opposing the
admission of all those that he supposed were not favorable to his
candidate, that all that the Committee was to pass upon, all it had
the right to pass upon, was the regularity of the credentials of the
delegates, and over and over again it was said that the Committee
contenting itself with that it would impose no hardship upon the
contestant, as the tribunal elected by the Convention was armed
with full authority to pass upon the credentials and there would be
an opportunitj^ there to present the merits of the case. Strange as
it may seem that same man was one of the judges. A member of
the Committee in the Committee insisted that there should be no
hearing because the National Committee had passed upon the case.
In other words, it was as though he had contended in an inferior
court that the court had no jurisdiction to try the case, and then
when an appeal was taken to there insist that the court that had
yielded to his contention and refused to try the case, had estopped
the mouths of the appellants?-' Is that fairness? Is that the justice
that a Convention of Republicans propose to meet out to fellow Re-
publicans?
We have contended as a party that all the days that there has
been a struggling Republican in the Southern States that we would
see to it that there should be honest elections and there should be a
fair count. (Applause).
Every National Convention almost for the last twenty j^ears has
insisted that that was the dut}^ that justice and equity imposed up-
on the Republican party, and it has been swift to pledge itself that
that duty to the fullness of its ability should be carried out; and
here is the astonishing spectacle in view of all these charges that
we ourselves are trampling under foot — ruthlessly and remorseless-
ly — those very doctrines of equity and justice to which we have
pledged ourselves through twenty years of our eventful existence.
(Applause).
There has been no adjudication of these cases. There ought to
be. One gentleman in the Committee informed us that these rights
were trivial, that they were not property rights; and the burden of
his argument would be that if it involved in importance the value
of a mustaug ponj^, then he would insist upon the procedure of al-
lowing the parties to be heard, but as it onlj^ involved the honor of
a Republican, the man who said that he was entitled to a seat here
and the man who said when the right to a seat was denied that he
was not a cheat, that he was not a scoundrel, that he was not here
by fraudulent pretense, and that he was elected and selected only
by a free constituency.
In a question of this kind, involving the honor of a man, it was so
trivial that we ought not to subject ourselves to the heated atmos-
phere of this talk for purposes of that character. Further, I say
with regard to the case that was last suggested, the Addicks case— I
say, and I challenge contradictions— I say that there was no proof
of any character considered by your Committee. Not one affidavit
56 Official Proceedings of the
was read; no man knows the verities of the case. One who was once
a distinguished senator made the statement that twentj^-three dele-
gfates in the Convention that would not support him were bribed.
No other man said that. No man's affidavit to that effect, stating-
knowledge was read. That distinguished gentleman said that some-
body else told him that upon an occasion critical indeed, Mr. Ad-
dicks contributed $5,000 to a Democratic campaign fund. That w^as
the character of the proof. That affidavit was not presented. Again
he said that the Standard Oil Company, he had learned, had contri-
buted $30,000 to Addicks' Senatorial election case. Not an affidavit,
not a particle of proof — and those are the evidences upon which the
political integrity of Mr. Addicks is itnpeached. If there is more
name it. If you have got anything else that was brought before
that Committee, bring it out. I don't know what affidavits might
have been brought here. I say they were not presented, or read, or
considered by your Committee, and j^et there stood that man thus
assailed, stating that he had voted for Abraham Lincoln for Presi-
dent and for every Republican candidate from that day down.
(Cheers.) Everj^ one. He stated that never in his life had he voted
any other than a Republican ticket, and no man assailed it, save by
these wild and loose and irrelevant and unfounded stories. There
was a little gentleman there quite voluble, and I might alinost say
• volatile. (Laughter). And his intellectual proportions were in ex-
act ratio to the geographical limits of his State. That gentleman
told us that these five persons were not Republicans, and yet— (cries
of "what persons?") Others than Addicks — And 5'et thej'- were the
head and front of the Republican organization there until they
preferred Addicks for United States Senator to Higgins. Their Re-
publicanism ceased, when thej^ failed to support the pretensions of
the ex-senator. Another gentleman was there. He makes the same
statement. Up to about a year ago they were good Republicans.
When did they cease to be Republicans? was the query. When they
began to associate with Addicks, and yet one of those gentlemen
was the Chairman of the Republican State Committee that called
the Convention. (The previous speaker here corrected the speaker).
And one of those gentlemen was selected by his vote and as a re-
presentative. He had there presenting to us the endorsement of
the thirteen officers selected bj^ the Republicans in that County
since this Convention. Think of it. And he not a Republican.
Everj^ one of the thirteen that have been selected since the Conven-
tion of last May. Ever}' one of them endorsing his Republicanism.
Gentlemen, there was in that Convention one hundred and sixty per-
sons. They assembled the third or the fourth da}' after their selec-
tion. Seven of them had their seats challenged. The Committee, in
making up the rcU oinitted those seven from the list, so that one
hundred and fifty-three were there unchallenged. All of the pro-
ceedings of that Convention were harmonious, no man making com-
plaint until it came to the question of seating or unseating the sev-
en. And when that was raised fift3'-three gentlemen went out of the
Convention, and the seven excluded delegates went with them, mak-
ing sixty. No man claims that more than sixty men out of one hun-
dred and sixty men joined in the selection of Senator Higgins and
his five colleagues. If I am wrong, correct me in that. Sixty men
only— make that a majority of one hundred and sixty if you can.
"Oh, but," saj' these gentlemen, " twenty-three men who remained in
the Convention were bribed ." No evidence of it was presented there.
No evidence presented of that.
Eleventh Republican National Convention. 57
A Delegate. That they were elected by fraud.
Mr. Hepburn. That they tvere elected by fraud; twenty-three of
them. Mind you, Delaware is not a very larg-e State. There are only
three counties in it. There were three or four days to establish a
fraud if there was any, but not a word about it. It was never heard
of until it was necessary to do something' to inake sixty a majority
of one hundred and sixty. (Applause and laug-hter.) Then the
fraud was discovered. Then the g^entlemen came to the front, it is
said, but no affidavit of that character was presented to the Com-
mittee, read and considered. If one was presented, it was never
heard of until that o^entlemen got them in his pocket twelve hun-
dred miles from his home, away froin the possibility of their being
resisted, and then, perhaps, presented to the National Committee.
According to my advices, none of them w^ere read — certainly not in
our Committee. We do not know whether they contained averments
of this kind or not. Now, gentlemen, that is this case. If you turn
out Addicks, the contestant, you will leave the State of Delaw^are
without an organization; there is no other party — there is no other
power than that which is by the authority of these men that can call
a State Convention. Are you going to do it simply because some
man says that Mr. Addicks is not a sound Republican? Let me chal-
lenge a statement made by my friend from New Jersey. He said
that this Convention was a tribunal to determine upon the qualifi-
cations of its members. I deny it. I deny it. I say that our con-
stituencies determine the qualifications of their representatives.
(Loud cheers.) Let me remind a Republican National Convention—
in 1880 — let me call it a inemorable scene. A member of that Con-
vention from the State of West Virginia offered a declaration upon
that floor. He said thatif a certain person was nominated, or a cer-
tain proposition was determined upon he would not support it, and
thereupon Senator Conkling introduced a resolution reciting that
fact and moving his expulsion. James A. Garfield (applause) took
the floor and laid down in that Convention the rights involved. He
discussed in that masterly way of his the verities of the case, and
when he was through there was such an overwhelming manifesta-
tion of the wishes of that Convention that Senator Conkling rose in
his place and withdrew the resolution, establishing in that way
what all know must be true, that the constituency determines the
qualifications of the members that it sends here. Why, that indivi-
dual comes here for what purpose? In a representative capacity to
wield the power of those men who sent him. They select the men
that they are wiling to entrust their power with and if you refuse
recognition of that righteous rule you will allow Anthony Higgins,
who has been repudiated by his people; whotn they have said shall
not serve them; whom they have refused to repose confidence in;
whom they have said cannot properly represent them, or wield their
power there— 5'ou have said that he is to wield their power whether
thej^ wish it or not. Is that representation? Who will he repre-
sent? The people of Delaware, who said they would not have him,
or this Convention, this majoritj'^, who says he is to have a seat.
Think of it, men. There is a great principle involved in this. It is the
principle of the right of free representation, a right dearly to all
English speaking people, and to secure which more of English and
American blood has been shed than for all other questions put to-
gether. (Applause.) Are' we, a Republican Convention, ready to
abandon that now? I take it not. With reference to the other case
(cries of "time," "time.")
58 Official Proceedings of the
The Chairman: Gentlemen, the Chair will pass upon the ques-
tion of time. (Applause.) Both sides were notified that an extra
allowance of six minutes would be made to cover applause or inter-
ruptions.
Mr. Hepburn (continuing): With reference to the Texas case.
Ag-ain I say that you, through your Committe, through your Nation-
al Committee, have no evidence upon this case. A gentleman said
that one hundred and forty-one of the delegates of that convention
remained in their seats and selected the delegates that your com-
mittee has seated. That was challenged, that was denied; it was a
statement made by a member on the floor for a contestant and
denied by another. A gentl man said that he would take the word
of any Republican in a matter of this kind. A comment on their
truthfulness that was very complimentary, but what will he do
when one Republican says yes and another Republican says no,
with reference to the same question, speaking almost at the same
time? Ought he not to investigate the proofs? No gentleman did
it: no man read an affidavit there establishing, or intending to
establish these facts. The majority of your Committee took the
word of one contestant, the others said that it was not proven. We
did not take the words of the other, but we say that the case was not
proven. It is claimed on the one hand, and about this there is no
dispute, that;,there was a contestshortly declaring that the three can-
didates for the Presidency had a following in about equal numbers.
Finally, two of them combined and there was a short contest over
the control of the convention. After it was discussed, pro and con,
upon a roll call about which there is no dispute, Mr. Cuney was
elected temporary chairman, on this roll call of more than two and
one-half votes to one, indicating the temper of the convention. It is
his contention that those men that thus declared themselves author-
ativelj- upon the roll call about which there is no dispute were the
men who supported him and his ticket, and gave it it's overwhelm-
ing majority. (Applause)
The Chairman: Gentlemen o£ the Convention: General Gros-
venor, of Ohio, (applause) will now address you on behalf of the
majority report.
General Grosvenor: Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen of the
Convention: In the very brief time which I shall occupy, I shall
devote substantially the whole of it to the discussion of the ques-
tion of whether or not the action of the Committee on Credentials,
in the matter of the Texas contest shall be upheld or condemned.
I shall put the question to the men of this country; the men who
profess sometimes that they are in favor of decent elections, and
when I have done that, and when I have stood by the record without
changing a word of it, let us see how much of decency there is in
this country.
I shall not refer to the attacks of the gentleman upon my col-
league, the distinguished member of the Committee on Credentials
from Ohio. He is well known to the people of the country, and the
aspersions cast upon him will fall harmless at the feet of the gentle-
men who had displayed so much of judicial temperament here
on this platform recently. (Applause). The Convention in Texas
— now follow me — you who are lawyers and you who are not law-
yers,— the Convention in the State of Texas, was assembled under a
Eleventh Republican National Convention. 59
call issued by the Chairman of the State Committee. It assembled
on the 24:th day of March. There is no dispute about its being- reg-
ularly called, regularly assembled; no question of anything- up to
a certain point of time which I will give to you as I have it here
in the record. A temporary Chairman was nominated by each of
the factions, but because of certain reasons which I could make very
plain if I had the time, Mr. Cuney was elected upon a roll call, de-
manded by both sides as the record shows. A roll call was had,
and eight hundred and some odd members answered to their names
and voted. Cuney w^as seated; a Committee on Credentials was
appointed. Up to that time all parties were co-operating together
and desiring to see that both sets of these delegates derived their
title from common source: a Committee on Credentials was sentout
and after two or three adjournments of the Convention, the Com-
mittee on Credentials came in with a report. A minority of the
Committee on Credentials submitted a written minority report,
which appears in the record. Mr. Cuney rules that the minority
had no right to make a report, and an appeal was taken from his
decision, and he refused to put the appeal to the house. There-
upon he proceeded as the record shows — I hold it in my hand —
and no honest man w^ill deny it, that on more than twenty occas-
ions he refused a division of the house; refused a call of the roll,
and decided every question bj?^ putting it on one side and finally a
vote was taken tipon delegates at large, and at once an viproar broke
out; mob violence was iinminent, and Cuney, when a little subsid-
ence had taken place, waving a paper over his head, declared that
the delegation was elected and that the Convention had adjourned.
Sixteen delegates went out with Cuney, and six hundred and forty-
one delegates stayed in the Convention — elected a Temporary
Chairman— elected and sent out a Committee on Credentials, made
the Temporary Chairman permanent, had a regular report of the
Committee on Credentials, proceeded regularly to elect their dele-
gaites at large, the Grant delegates, and certified them up here as
the action of a Convention that had never adjourned.
Now comes this gentleman and appeals to an intelligent Conven-
tion of American Republicans to seat the man that thus defied every
principle of parliamentary law. Now my position is this, and I
should like to have heard the gentleman answer it. I made it before
to-day in his hearing, and he has not seen fit to refer to it. I say
when the moment arrived that Cuney refused to grant the division
of that house, all that took place afterwards was a simple assump-
tion of power, without a shadow of legal right, or legal effect behind
it. That is my position. Let me illustrate now. Suppose that some-
body gels up upon this platform and takes the gavel of the presiding
officer. Somebody moves that we now proceed with the nomination
for President. A p'lVa v^oce vote is taken and a division is demanded
and he refuses to permit it. Then an appeal is taken; then he refuses
to entertain it. Then he declares that an election is ordered. Some-
body nominates somebody, and someone else was to pvit another
candidate in, and the Chairman says it is not in order. An appeal
is taken and he refuses to recognize it. He declares his candidate
nominated, and the Convention adjourns. Now, we have a Conven-
tion here of about nine hundred. Suppose two hundred get up and
go out, would this Chairman be ousted of his power? Would this
Convention cease to operate, or would this Convention be to all in-
tents and purposes in life, in deed and action, and go forward and
make the legal nomination just as before? (Applause.) As God is
60 Official Proceedings of the
my judge, as God shall hold me to account, that is an illustration
of what thatrecord shows. Nothing more damnable ever stained the
pages of the records of an American Convention, and I congratu-
late the distinguished gentleman that with honied words about lib-
erty and fair play, the unfortunate representative of the biggest
scoundrel that ever got on record in Convention of the Republican
party. (Applause.) That was the whole of it. Now, what are you
about to do, gentlemen? There are one hundred and sixty contests.
Every one of them about an American citizen, as the gentleman froin
Iowa says. Every one of them with some sort of vested rights to
something. Vested rights to \vork their way into a Convention
when two committees have said they shall stay out. Will you ask
to give two hours to each one of these cases? Ten hours a day is
about as much as 1 am willing to work in this country. And it will
take forty days to try these contests, for if you open up this question
and defeat this report you must not, after that, go to drawing dis-
criminations. You must hear the whole of them. We had thirty
cases of contests in the House of Representatives this year. Mr.
Reed appointed three more coinmittees of nine members each, and
they worked day and night, and at the end of the long session of
Congress there still remained three or four undisposed of cases.
And here you are asked to stay here until the first day of August
to decide whether Tom, Dick or Harry has the right of American
citizenship. (Applause.) They have had a hearing before two com-
mittees of this body. The National Committee sat for four long
days and nights and heard these appeals. They decided them as
well as they could, and I stand here now to say that it is a little inat-
ter of cheap peanut policy to be condemning a great Committee be-
cause, forsooth, the gentleman may not have been able to influence
that Committee as he thought they ought to be. Another Committee
has spent all the time which it has reasonably to give to them, and
this is the best that can be done. I stand here to say that no harm
will come to the American republic, no harm w^ill come to the fair
faaie of the Republican party if you succeed in relegating to pri-
vate life the man of Delaware, and the rascal of Texas. (Applause
and hisses.)
The Chairman. Gentlemen of the Convention, the Chair asks
your close attention while the order of voting is announced: and the
Chair can state that this order appears to be satisfactory to both
sides. The question will stand first, upon the minority report and
a division of the question being asked for, the Delaware case will
first be voted upon. The question therefore is those who favor the
minority report, seating the Addicks delegation will say "aye" and
those opposed "no." Are you ready for the question? The question
being called for, the Chair proceeded to put it, and upon the vote
being taken declared the "no's" to have it, ainid applause. The
Chairinan then said. The question next recurs upon the motion to
adopt so much of the minority report as refers to the Cuney dele-
gates from Texas. The "ayes" and "nays" being called the Chair
declared that the nays have it. (Applause.)
The Chairman. The question next recurs upon the motion to
adopt the balance of the minority report referring contests as to
Eleventh Republican National Convention. 61
other delegates back to the Committee. The vote being- taken, the
Chair declared the "no's" to have it.
The Chairman. The question now recurs upon the adoption of
the majority report. The question being- put, the Chair declared
that the majority report was adopted. (Great applause.)
THE ROLL OF THE CONVENTION.
As finally corrected the official roll of the Convention stood as
follows:
ALABAMA.
Delegates. Alternates.
AT LARGE.
O. W. Buckley Montgomery M. D. Wickersham Mobile
David D. Shelby Hunts ville Ben. J. DeLemos Haynesville
W. R. Pettiford Birmingham O. H. Walker Selma
John H.Jones Haynesville I. N. Carter Monterey
DISTRICTS.
1— p. D. Barker Mobile S. S. Turner Mobile
A. N. Johnoon Mobile W.E.Sanders Mobile
2— Nathan H. Alexander Montsomery Wm. M. Ackley Aloo
Frank Simmons Evergreen John H. Wilson Montgomery
3— Samuel S. Booth Montgomery Dallas D. Smith .Opelika
John Harmon Eufaula A. L. Brewer Union Springs
i— Thos. G. Dunn Anniston Wylie A. Hadsou Anniston
W. J. Stevens Anniston D. M.JMcClellan Talledega
5_DouglMS Smith Opelika R. T. West Wedowee
H. A, Carson Haynesville H. R. Chi vers — Wetumbka
6— D. N. Cooper Hamilton Dempsey Winn Livingston
Dr. J. Dawson Eustan H.L. Coins Tuscaloosa
7— C. D. Alexander Attalla T. H. Stevens Steeles
J. S. Curtis Double Springs M. F. Parker Cullam
8_Walter Simmons Courtland E.W.Garland Scottsboro
H. V. Cashin Decatur F. C. Ashford Courtland
9— Ad. Wimbs Greensboro M. L. Fowlkes Birmingham
W. C. Hanlon Birmingham A. A. Hart well Birmingham
ARKANSAS.
AT LARGE.
Powell Clayton Eureka Springs J. A. Freeman Mill ville
Henry M. Cooper Little Rock S. F. Stahl Bentonville
H. L. Bemmel Newport Louis Altheimer Pine Bluff
M. W. Gibbs Little Rock J. N. Donohoo Helena
DISTRICTS.
1— Jacob Trieber Helena Jacob Shaul Marianna
F. W. Tucker Clover Bend J. R. Riggans Nodena
2— W H. B. Clayton Fore Smith M. A. Eisle Hot Springs
Ferd. Havis Pine Bluff A. G. Hough Swan Lake
3— B M. Foreman Texarkana P. K. Savage Dermott
J B. Friedheim Camden D.W. Chandler Camden
4— .John McClure Little Rock Frank Buiris Atkins
D B Russell Morrilton Albert DeSha Ashvale
5— Thomas J. Hunt Fayetteville John I. Worthington Berryville
Chas. M. Greene Harrison R. E. Sevier Conway
6— B. F.Bodenhamer Mountain Home Chas.P'.Cole Beebe
H H Meyers Brinkley J. M. McClintock DeVall's Bluff
62
Official Proceedings of the
Delegates.
CALIFORNIA.
AT LARGE.
Alternates.
L. A. Sheldon Los Angeles
John D. Spreckles San Francisco
U. S. Grant San Diego
George A. Knight San Francisco
J. M. Gleaves Stiasta
D.E. Knight Yuba
J. A. Loutltt San Joaquin
George Stone San Francisco
DISTRICTS.
1— Daniel Cole Sierra
A. B. Lemmon Sonoma
2— Grove L. Johnson Sacramento
J. H. NefP Placer
3— E. S Dennison Oakland
A. A. Hockheimer Willows
4— Joseph S. Spear San Francisco
Henry I. Kawalsky San Francisco
5— William Cluff San Francisco
O. A. Hale Santa Clara
6— Hervpy Lindley Los Angeles
T. J. Field Monterey
7-F. H. Short Fresno
H. H. Sinclair San Bernajdio
Dr. F. Horel Humboldt
J. T. Laird Modoc
F. D. Ryan Sacramento
E. C. Voorheis Amador
C. L. Lang Alameda
Wallace Pond Woodland
E. J. Baldwin San Francisco
Michael Seligson San Francisco
A. S. Mangrum San Francisco
J. L. Koster San Francisco
P. P. Flint Los Angeles
El wood Cooper Santa Barbara
W. II. McKillrick Kern
Frank A. Miller Riverside
COLORADO.
AT LARGE.
Henry M. Teller Central City
Frank C. Goudy Denver
John W. Rockefellow Crested Butte
James M. Downing Aspen
Robert W. Bonynge Denver
Charles F. Caswell Grand Junction
David J. Kelley Denver
John A.Williams Denver
DISTRICTS.
1— A. M. Stevenson Denver
John F. Vivian Golden
2-C. J. Hart Pueblo
Charles H. Brickenstein Conejos
C. B. Timberlake Holyoke
James Cowie Boulder
J. J. Elliott Central City
Charles Newman Durango
CONNECTICUT.
AT LARGE.
Morgan C. Buckley Hartford
John I. Hutchinson Essex
A. H. Brewer. Norwich
Samuel Fessenden Stamford
Lewis B. Plimpton Hartford
Wm. T. Rockwell Bleriden
Frederick Farnsworth New Loudon
Howard B. Scott Danbury
DISTRICTS.
1— J. A. Cheney South Manchester
Geo. Sykes Rockville
2— Rufus Blake Derby
John M. Douglas Middletown
3— T. H. Allen Sprague
Charles E. Searles Thompson
4— E. O. Keeler Nor walk
Hubert Williams Salisbury
Chas. M. Jarvis Berlin
Wm. H. Prescott Vernon
James Graham Orange
Wm. A. Brathwell Chester
■Tas. Pendleton Stonington
Luciu- H. Fuller Thompson
.Tohn A. Rusliug Bridgeport
Rufus E. Holmes West Winsted
DELAWARE.
AT LARGE.
Anthony Higgins.
John Pilling.
Washington Hastings.
Henry A. Dupont.
Cornelius P. Swain.
L. H.Bali, M. D.
Henry G. Morse.
James H. Wilson.
Henry L. Hynson.
Joshua Parker.
Robert Arnell.
W. E. Cordery.
Eleventh Republican National Convention. 63
FLORIDA.
Delegates. Alternates.
AT LARGE.
Joseph E. Lee Jacksonville M. M. Moore , Orlando
John G. Long St. Augustine John R. Scott Jacksonville
Emory F. Skinner Escambia A. Lincoln Pohalski Key West
L. W. Livingston Key West B. G. Tunison Pensacola
DISTRICTS.
1— M. S. White Apalachicola W. H. Northrop Pensacola
James N. Coombs Pensacola A. C. Sammis Port Tampa
2— Dennis Eagan Jacksonville .lohn E. Stillman Jacksonville
Isaac L. Pnrcell Palatka W. A. Wilkinson Flemington
GEORGIA.
AT LARGE.
A. E. Buck ..Atlanta R.D.Locke Macon
H. L. Johnston Axlanra L. M. Plesant Savannah
Henry A. Rucker Atlanta B. .1. Davis Dawson
John H. Deveaux Macon R. R. Wright College
DISTRICTS,
1— M. J. Doyle Savannah F. N. Sims Thebes
S. B. Morse Savannah P. J. Majors M'aynesboro
2— B. B\ Brimberry Albany J.J.Mitchell Mercer's Mills
J. C. Styles Dawson A. E. Dippett Albany
3— W. P. Pierce Leesburg Augustus Pate Hawkinsville
E. S. Richardson Marshal ville F. M. Hark] ess Delegal
4— W. H. Johnson Columbus Samuel Lovejoy Greenville
D. V, Norwood Newnan J. H. Grant Forsyth
5— D. C. Wimbish Atlanta .T.M.Smith Monroe
L.J.Price South Atlanta W.R.Gray Cambleton
6— P. J. Wimberly Atlanta, P. S. Arnold Fayetteville
I. W. Wood ...Forsyth Richard Carey Griffin
7— Charles Adamson Cedanown Frank Lynch Dallas
T.M.Dent ' Rome Eli H. Chandler Marietta
8— W. A. Pledger Atlanta H. Carter Lexington
M. B. Morton Athens T. L. Kennedy Elberton
9— A. J. Spenee Nelson H. M. Ellington Ellijay
J. B. Gaston Gainesville H. D. Ingersoll Dahlonega
10— Judson W. Lyons Augusta Wm. A. McOloud Wadley
J.M.Barnes Tliompson A. E. Williams Gordon
11— Wm. Jones Valdosta J. M. Holzendorf Sheffield
S. M. Scarlett — Way cross Giles McLendon Dublin
IDAHO.
AT LARGE.
F. T. Dubois Blackfoot A. V. Ferguson Pocatella
Willis Sweet Moscow Littleton C.J. Bassett Pocatella
Price Littleton Wallace C. W. Beal Wallace
A.B.Campbell Wallace T. A. Deitrick Blackfoot
Ben E. Rich Roxbury S. O. John Hailey
Alexander Robertson Nampa R. W. Purdum Nampa
ILLINOIS.
AT LARGE.
Robert W. Patterson Chicago Chas. M. Pepper Chicao-o
Wm. Penn Nixon Chicago James W. Ellsworth Chicago
Joseph W. Fifer Bloom ington Rev. Jordan Chavis Quincv
Richard J. Oglesby Elkhart Pleasant T. Chapman Vienna
DISTRICTS.
1— Martin B. Madden Chicago B. E. Hoppin Chicago
Frank C, Roby Chicago F. C. Pronper Chicago
2— Edwin S. Conway Oak Park W.H.Bennett Austin
Wm. Lorimer Chicago Walter Page Chicago
.3— Edward R. Brainerd Chicago William Murphy Chicago
George M. Schneider Chicago John A. Kuns Chicago
64
Official Proceedings of the
Delegates.
IIAjINOIS- Continued.
DISTRICTS.
Alternates.
4—
6-
Josepli Bid will Chicago
Thomas 0'8haughnessy Chicago
John M. Smyth Chicago
Phillip Knopf Cnicago
Samuel B. Raymond Chicago
Graeme Steward Chicago
Charles Whitney Waukegau
George P. Engelhardt Evanston
Isaac L. Ellwood DeKalb
H. D. Judson Aurora
Smith D.Atkins Freeport
R. S. Farrand Dixon
Chas. H Deere Moline
L. E. Brook-flold Sterling
Duncan McDousjall Ottawa
Thomas J. Henderson Princeton
H.K.Wheeler Kankakee
H. M. Snapp Jollet
W. H. Kratz Monticello
Charles G. Eckert Tuscola
Clarence E. Snively Canton
J, C. PincUney Peoria
J. Mack SchoU Cartbage
J. O. Anderson Decoruh
Asa C. Mathews Pittsfleld
Sargent McKnight Girard
J. Otis Humphrey Springfield
Hugh Crea Decatur
H. J. Hamlin Sh«lby ville
A. H. Kinne Highland
A. H. .lones Robinson
H, A. Neal Charleston
Thomas S. Bidgeway Shawneetown
Walter Colyer Albion
W. A. Rodenburg East St. Louis
J. D. Gerlach Chester
Frank A. Prickett Carbondale
James E. Jobe ..Harrisburg
William H. Curran Chicago
Henry S. Burkhardt Chicago
James H. Burke Chicago
James Painter Chicago
Samuel E. Erickson Chicago
Charles W. Catlin Chicago
Stephen A. Reynolds Maplewood
Wm. Gahagan Chicago
T. B. Stewart Elburn
H. D. Crum Woodstoclv
Charles E. Fuller Belvidere
F. M. Jenks Mt. Carroll
W. H. Edwards Rock Island
F. G. Ramsay Morrison
F.R.Stewart Stra\vn
Edward Burton Princeton
J. D. Benedict Danville
Addison Goddell Loda
N. M. Benefit Atwood
T. M. King Gibson City
George Hutchins Lacon
Frank A. High Mason City
J. H. Basterat Quincy
Washington Brockman Mt. Sterling
E. M. Husted Roodhouse
Thomas Conlyt. Beardston
N. W, Branson Petersburg
J.E.Hill Lincoln
F. R. Millinor LitcliBeld
W. W. Lo wis Greenville
Aden Knoph Olney
John Q. Hitch West Liberty
H. S. Plummer Mt. Vernon
Van R. Price Mt. Erie
H L. Rhodes Centralia
W. D. ('arter....t Nashville
A.N. Starks... Metropolis
Richard Taylor Cairo
INDIANA.
AT LARGE.
Col.R. W.Thompson Terre Haute
C. W. Fairbanks Indianapolis
Gen. Lew Wallace Crawfordsville
Frank M. Millikan New Castle
Hiram Brownlee Marion
E.O.Hopkins Evansville
George L. Knox Indianapolis
R.T. McDonald Ft. Wayne
DISTRICTS.
1— Jas.H. McNeely Evansville
Jas. B. Gamble Princeton
2— Nat. U. Hill Bloomington
B. F. Polk Freeland ville
3— H. C. Hobbs Salem
John T. Stout Paoli
4— O. H. Montgomery Seymour
A. E. Nowlin Lawrenceburg
5— Taylor Reagan Plainfleld
Jesse W. Weik Greencastle
6— Elmer E. Stoner Greenfield
J. W. Ross Con ners ville
7— Harrys. New Indianapolis
.Tos. B. Keeling Indianapolis
8— W. T. Durbin.r Anderson
T. H. Johnson Dunkirk
9— D. A. ('oulter Frankfort
C. N. Williams Crawfordsville
10— G. S. Van Dusen Michigan City
Cloyd Laughery Monticello
11— A. L. Lawshe .Converse
Lewis ("igns North Manchester
12— B>ank S. Roby Angola
Charles D. Law Fort Wayne
13— A. L. Brick South Bend
J. U.Heatwole Goshen
E. E. Lockwood Posey ville
Otto Kolb Boon ville
M. C. Stephenson Worthington
V. V. Williams Bedford
John Zimmerman Canuelton
J. L. Fisher Scottsburg
W. G. Norris North V^ernon
Simon Beymer Rising Sun
David Strouse Rock ville
A. J. Ralph Dana
H. R Lennard Matamora
T.C.Kennedy Shelbyville
Wm Kothe Indianapolis
W. T.Thompson Edinburg
L. '•. Davenport Bluftton
B. W. Quinn Decatur
Jas. B. Johns Tipton
W. O. Darnell Lebanon
Elmer R. Brigham Goodland
Clark (^ook Fowler
C. W. Watkins ....Huntington
L. McDowell Kokomo
Chas. Sullivan Garrett
J. D. Farrell La Grange
Alonzo Craig North Hudson
Edwin Newton Winamac
Eleventh Republican National Convention.
65
Delegates.
IOWA.
AT LARGE.
Alternates.
John H. Gear Burlington
W. P. Hepburn Clarlnda
D. B. Henderson Dubuque
J. S. Clarkson Des Moines
Gporge M. Curtis Clinton
E. G. McMillen O'Brien
Phila Shaller Sac City
C. J. A. Erickson Boone
DISTRICTS.
I— James C. Davis Keokuk
Charles M. Junkin Fairfield
3-Seth L. Baker Bellevue
George W. French Davenport
3— Edward Knott Waverly
J. T. Merry Manchester
4— S. B. Zeigler West Union
Edward Collins North wood
5-G. R. Struble Toledo
S. W. Rathbun Marion
6— Calvin Maning Ottumwa
W. H. Needham Sigourney
7— A, B. Cummings Des Moines
C. D. Bevington Winterset
8— L. Banks Wilson Creston
R. H. Spence Mt. Avr
9-John N. Baldwin Council Bluffs
Silas Wilson Atlantic
10— George C. Call Algona
H. W. Macumber Carroll
11— F. H. Heisell Sioux Rapids
E. C. Roach Rock Rapids
J. A. Cunningham Washington
E. F. Lacy Louisa
J. L. Smith Clinton
W. W. McMuUen Muscatine
F. J. Will Eagle Grove
Charles T. Hancock Dubuque
F. G. Atherton Osage
Wm. H. Parker Lawler
F.C.Letts Mai-shalltown
W. F. Lake Jones
N. S. Johnson Boomfield
John E. Offil Prairie City
C.R. Benton Dallas
J.A.Mills. Story
E. J. Dickinson Corydon
W. D. Eaton Sidney
F M. Hopkins ...Guthrie Centre
S.J. Patterson Logan
S.J. Moore Boone
J H. Bradt Rockwell City
C. H. Winterable Primghar
Lyman Whittier Onawa
KANSAS.
AT LARGE.
Cyrus Leland, Jr Troy
Nathaniel Barnes Kansas City
Thomas J. Anderson Topeka
A. P. Riddle Minneapolis
M. M. Murdock Wichita
C. A. Swenson Lindsboro
W. B. Townsend Leavenworth
Thos. Anderson Wilder
E. L. Shafer Council Grove
W. H. Nelson Arkansas City
T. M. Walker Alton
George Huyckel Ellsworth
DISTRICTS.
l^Wm. C. Hook Leavenworth
John Schilling Hiawatha
2— Grant Hornaday Ft. Scott
W. H. Brown Paola
3— John Randolph Pittsburg
E. G. Dewey Elk City
4 — I. E. Lambert Emporia
J. S. Dean Marion
5— T. D. Fitzpalrick Salina
Geo. W. Higgenbothen Manhattan
8— E. F. Robinson Osborne
I. T. Purcell Grove City
7— H. J. Bone Ashland
Frank Vincent Hutchinson
C. F. Isaacson Seneca
Oscar Fagerburg Belvue
T. >J. Hancock Olathe
D. A. Crocker Pleasanton
Sam '1 Pitzpatrick Sed an
John Sperry Thayer
D. P. Blood Douglass
C. A. Sayre Cedar Point
A.B.Kimball Scandia
T. E. Raines Concordia
G. A, Gilpin Oberlin
Dr. W. A. Lee Stockton
John C Nicholson .. Newton
F. L. Irish Sterling
KENTUCKY.
AT LARGE.
L. P. Tarlton Frankfort
W.J. DeBoe Marion
A. R. Burnam Richmond
S. E. Smith Owensboro
W. J. Lyons Newport
Thos Forman Mayville
Edward Chenault Lexington
W. F. Welsh Beattyville
DISTRICTS.
1— J.H. Happy Eddyville
W. B. Yandell Marion
2— H. G. Overstreet Owensboro
T. W. Gardner Rome
Irwin W'ood Kutana
Jaco/> Marshall Wickliffe
Geo. Irwin Calhoun
Rev. P. H. Kennedy Henderson
66 Official Proceedings of the
KENTVCl^Y -Continued.
Delegates. Alternates.
DISTRICTS.
3_W. G. Hunter Burksville J. B. Ooflman Russellville
J. L. Butler Morganiown
4— J. B. Carlisle Lebanon J. Oanyers Mumfordville
B. B. Burton Hardingsburg J. E. Wood Elizabethtown
5— George D. Todd Louisville
Charles E. Sapp Crescent Hill
6_w. McD.Shaw Covington R.P.Ernst Covington
C. N. Valandingham....Willianistown John Tettan Falmouth
7_George Denny Lexington R. P. Stoll Lexington
Leslie Combs Lexington L. Frank Sinclair Georgetown
8_j. W. Yerkes Danville S. E. Welch Derea
J. W. Carperton Richmond J. N. Cuelton Red house
9— J. P. McCartney Flemingsburg Dr T. S. Bardford Augusta
Frank Coles Ashland J. B. Wilholt Grayson
10— jeflE. Prater Salyersville Oapt. D. L. Cook Winchester
Howara Wilson Mt. Sterling R. L, Stewart Hind man
11— John G. White Manchester J.A.Coleman Monticello
L. T. Neat Columbia John Eversole Boone ville
LOUISIANA.
AT LARGE.
Henry Demas Edgurd J. J. Sullivan Donaldsonville
J. Madison Vance New Orleans Joseph Honore, Jr New Orleans
Albert H.Leonard Shreveport W.H.Williams New Orleans
William Pitt Kellogg New Orleans S. A. Wardell New Orleans
DISTRICTS.
1— Henry C, Warmoth Magnolia James Lewis New Orleans
Walter L. Cohen New Orleans A. T. Gabriel New Orleans
2— A. T. Wimberly New Orleans L. B. Carmouche McDonogh ville
Richard Simms Central Ernest Ducogne New Orleans
^~?/^-°^-f ^'^T/°*®lrW-^®7^^'''*'M'?f H.O. Maher Donaldsonville
Mayer Cohen (M vote) .Donaldsonville
L.S. Clark (V'o vote)........... Franklin j.s. Davidson Bayou Goula
Wm. J. Behan (1/^ vote). ..New Orleans " "^ •'
4— B. F. O'Neal .Benton
William Harper Shreveport ........... ■^■rA,- ••••,;
5-J. B. Donelly New Orleans J. M. Cook East Carroll
S. W. Green ,Lake Providence Charles J. Green Ruston
6— T. B. Brooks Opelousas Michael Winfleld
W. Wylie Johnson Mande ville Henry Eisle Bayou Chicot
MAINE.
AT LARGE.
Amos L Allen Alfred John I. Sturgis New Gloucester ■
Charles E.Littiefield Rockland B. F. Briggs. .. Auburn
Edwin C. Burleigh Augusta Charles A. Marston skowhegan
E. A. Thompson Dover George B. Dunn Houlton
DISTRICTS.
l—Geor'^e P. Westcott Portland Charles E. Townsend Brunswick
J T 'bavidson York Joseph F. Warren Buxton
o_Harold M Sewall Bath Waldo Pettingell Rumford Falls
Hiram Ricker Poland W.S.White Rockland
''—Porrest Goodwin Skowhegan Edward B. Rodick Bar Harbor
Edward E. Chase Blue Hill Geo. W. Heseltine Gardiner
4— Stanley Plummer Dexter Isaiah K. Stetson Bangor
W.M.Nash Cherryfleld Gleason R. Campbell Cherryfleld
MARYLAND.
AT LARGE.
Georo-e L. Wellington Cumberland W. B. Fletcher Annapolis
Jame= A. Gary Baltimore George W, Bryant Baltimore
William T Malster Baltimore H. M. Sinclair Cambridge
Robert P. Graham Salisbury N. M. Rittenhouse Baltimore
Eleventh Republican National Convention.
67
Delegates.
MARYLAND-Co?i«?iued.l
Alternates.
DISTRICTS.
1— Wm. D Straughii Snow Hill
B. Gootee Stevens Williston
2— W.J. Smith Elktou
O. Ross Mace Baltimore
3— Wm. F. Airey Baltimore
T. Frank Tyler Baltimore
4— Felix Agnus Baltimore
Wm. E. Tilghman Baltimore
5 — Washington G. Tuck Annapolis
Sydney E. Mudd Bryantown
8-S. T. Haffner Frederick
Robert S. Crawford Hagerstown
Wm. J. Vannort Chestertown
John P. Forester Centreville
Milton Schaeffer Westminster
E. M. Hoffman Baltimore
John C. Smith Baltimore
John 0. Friedel Baltimore
Robert L. Stevens Baltimore
Conrad Willis . Baltimore
John I. Brookes Mutual
Benjamin h\ Hiss Baltimore
David E. Dick Frostburg
Charles B.Jones Rock ville
MASSACHUSETTS.
AT LARGE.
Henry Cabot Lodge Nab ant
W. Murray Crane Dalton
Eben S. Draper Hopedale
Curtis Guild. Jr Boston
Roland H. Boutwell Belmont
Richard F. Hawkins Springfield
Louis C. Southard Easton
S. E. Courtney Boston
DISTRICTS.
1— Perley A. Russell Barrington
Wm. Whiting Holyoke
2— Elisha Morgan Springfield
Walter M. Wright Orange
3— A. E. Smith Leicester
M. V. B. Jefferson Worcester
4— Geo. W. Weymouth Fitchburg
Chas. K. Moulton Waltham
5— William M. Wood Andover
H. K. White Lowell
6— Geo. R. Jewett Salem
H. Hale Willard Newburyport
7 — Amos P. Bread Lynn
Jas. Pierce Maiden
8— A. E. W^inship Somerville
John Hopewell, Jr Cambridge
9— Geo. A. Hibbard Boston
Jesse M. Gove Boston
10 — Augustus T. Sweat Boston
Chas. L. Hammond Quincy
11— Everett C. Benton Belmont
John S. Richardson Boston
12— Robert O. Harris East Bridgewater
Fred. S. Hall Taunton
13— Wm. M. Butier New Bedford
L-eontlne Lincoln Fall River
George K. Baird Lee
Franklin E, Snow Greenfield
R. W. Irwin Northampton
Thomas H. Goodspeed Athol
Granby P. Bridges Hopkinton
Jas. F. Crosby Worcester
Henry Parsons Marlboro
George J. Burns Ayer
E. F. Johnson Woburn
N. P. Frye Andover
Chas. O. Baily Newbury
Chas. D. Brown Gloucester
George H. Dunham Chelsea
Walters. Keene Stoneham
Stanley Ruffln Boston
Edwaid S. Crockett Boston
Arthur G. Wood Boston
Peter Morrison Boston
Stephen M. Marshall Boston
Geo. P. Lowell Boston
Chas. H. Utely Brookline
Burrill Porter Jr North Attieborough
Thos. E. Grover Canton
A. H.Washburn •. Middleboro
Walter I. Rich Barnstable
Walter O. Luscomb Falmouth
MICHIGAN.
AT liARGE.
Russell A. Alger Detroit
Thomas J. O'Brien Grand Rapids '
John Duncan Calumet
Mark S. Brewer Pontiac
Crawford S. Kelsey Battle Creek
Henry A. Haigh Detroit
George A. Kempf Chelsea
Isaac G. Washington Port Huron
DISTRICTS.
1— David Meginity Detroit
Freeman B. Dlckerson Detroit
2— James T, Hurst Wyandotte
Edward P. Allen Ypsilanti
3— Hamilton King Olivet
Ebenezer O. Grosvenor Jonesville
4— Frank W. Waitt Sturgis
Richard B. Messer Hastings
5 — Gerrlt J. Diekema Holland
Wm. H. Anderson Grand Rapids
6— Wm. McPherson Howell
Geo. W. Buckingham Flint
Otto E. E. Guelich Detroit
James H. Stone Detroit
Chas. A. Blair Jackson
Henry C. Smith Adrian
Albert A. Dorrance Coldwater
Herbert E. Winsor Marshall
John L. Yost Cassopolis
Henry Sherwood Reedsville
Neil McMillan Rockford
Grant M. Morse Ionia
Theodore M. Wolter Detroit
.lohn Robson Lansing
68
Official Proceedings of the
Delegates.
MICHIGAN-Confinited.
DISTRICTS.
Alternates.
7— John L. Starkweather Romeo
Win.H. Aitken Sanilac
8— Oliver L. Spauidiag St. John
Theron VV. Atwood (Jaro
9— Ohas. H. Haekley Muskegon
Edgar G. Maxwell Pentwater
10— Temple Emery East Tawas
J. Frank Eddy Ray City
11— Edgar P. Baboock Kalkaska
Chas. L. Crandatl Big Rapids
12— .Tames McNaughton Iron Mountain
Charles E Miller Ironwood
Samuel W. Vance., Port Huron
J. Herbert Cole Lapeer
Geo. W.Hill Saginaw
OttoSprague Owossa
Frank P. Dunwell Ludington
Earl Fairbanks Luther
Pearly C. Heald Midland
Eugeue Foster Gladwin
Legrand E. Slussar Mancelona
Geo. W. Minchin Evart
Henry .1. Woessner Menominee
Frank O. Mead Escanaba
MINNESOTA.
AT LARGE.
George Thompson St. Paul
R. G. Evans Minneapolis
L. P. Hunt Mankato
Chas. F. Hendryx Sauk Centre
A. H. Reed ..Glencoe
Ira C. Richardson Thief River Falls
James Diment Owatonna
Burger Thurstenson Cokato
DISTRICTS.
1— A, D. Gray Preston
L. S. Swenson Albert Lea
2— W. R. Edwards Tracy
W. H. Rowe St. James
3-L. F. Hubbard Red Wing
T. M. Paine Glenooe
4— Wm. R. Merriam St. Paul
J. H. Grand all Cottage Grove
5— Chas. A. Pillsbury Minneapolis
Ell Torrence Minneapolis
6— Munroe Nichols .. Uuluth
A. D. Davidson Little Palls
7 — C. J. Gunderson Alexandria
Ezra G. Valentine Breckenridge
P. H. Bailey Waseca
Olans K. Dahl Caledonia
L. G. Beebe Winnebago City
D. A. McLarty Granite Falls
F. F. Griebe Hastings
Samuel Bowler Belle Plaine
FredS. Bryant St. Paul
H. F. Barker Cambridge
Chas. S. Cairns Minneapolis
J. Frank Wheaton Minneapolis
W. S, McDonald Ann and ale
Frank Wilson Wadena
P. H. Konzens Hallock
G. S. Wattam Warren
MISSISSIPPI.
AT LARGE.
James Hill Jackson
John S Burton Holly Springs
Albert M. Lee Vicksburg
E. H. Lampton Greenville
Nelson A. Anderson. Vicksburg
William B, Sorsbye Clinton
William A. Alcorn, Sr Clarksdale
William E. Mask Winona
DISTRICTS.
1— William F. Elgin Corinth
Richard D. Littlejohn Columbus
2— George W. Buchanan Holly Sprinas
William Simmons Sardis
3— Wesley Cray ton Vicksburg
Joseph E. Ousley Eutaw
4 — Charles Rosenbaum De Kalb
Eugene E. Pettibone Grenada
5— R. A. Simmons Richland
A. J. Hyde Meridian
6— C. A. Simpson Pass Christian
George F. Bowles Natchez
7— James M. Matthews, Sr Wesson
George C. Cranberry Raymond
Daniel A. Adams luka
John Fears Monroe
William Kennedy Ripley
J. W. Avant Oxford
George W. Butler Anguilla
George W. Gilliam Lula
.Tames M. Loverette Walthall
Byron W. Force West Point
John C. Hill Meridian
J.W.Smith Meridian
T. .T. Keys Ocean Springs
J. L. Collins Bay St. Louis
Emil Engbarth Rodney
Edward W. Jones Jackson
Eleventh Republican National Convention.
69
Delegates.
MISSOURI.
AT LARGE.
Alteniates.
Chauncey I. Filley St. Louis
Wni. Warner Kansas City
F. G. Niedringhaus St. Louis
J. H, Bothwell Sedalia
Louis Benecke Brunswiclc
•las. T. Moore Lebanon
Leon Jordan Kansas City
W. M. Farmer St. Louis
DISTRICTS.
1— Jos. Park La Plata
Edward W. Robinson Kahoka
2— J as L. Minnis Carrolltoa
J. E. Swanger Milan
8— M. M. Campbell Albany
Jackson Walker Betliany
4 — John G. Grems Maryville
J. L. Bittinger St. Joseph
5— Joseph H. Harris Kansas City
Ed. M. Taubman Lexington
6-F. E. Kellogg Rich Hill
S. W. J urden Holden
7— B. P. Leonard Bolivar
J. J. Smith Sweet Springs
8— A. R. Jackson Climax Springs
F. B. Landar California
9— A. F. Mispagel St. Charles
S. T. Sharp Montgomery City
10-L. J. W. Wall St.' Louis
Chas. F. Gallinkamp Union
11-F. B. Brownell St. Louis
Lee A. Phillips St. Louis
12— Nathan Prank St. Louis
Chas. O. Comfort St. Louis
13— C. B. Parsons Riverside
C. Jesse Roote Mansfield
14-M. B.Gideon Ozark
J. L. Davis Forsyth
1.)— T. B. Haughawout Carthage
G. A. Purdy Pierce City
J. L. Baker Lancaster
A.J. Preeland Lakeland
W. B. Rodgers Trenton
W. B. Stewart Moberly
James A. Rathbun Braymer
P. M. Hatch Osborn
Ralph O. Stauber St. Louis
H. E, Ralston Elmo
W. H. Wagoner Independence
Nelson Crews Kansas City
B. Zick Pleasant Hill
Geo. R. Baker Montrose
F. B. Parker Springfield
W. M Johns Sedalia
W. Smithpeter Buffalo
W. L. V^aughn Linn
T. L. Douglas Mexico
S.R. McKay . Troy
G. A. Wutdeman Old Orchard
Fritz W. Clemens St. Louis
L. M. Fish back St. Louis
Henry Gaus.* Jr St. Louis
T. A. Arnold St. Louis
C G. Sehoenhard, Jr St. Louis
John Schwab, Jr Ironton
Ray Philips Koy
M.E. Shelton Poplar Bluff
R. A. Sparks Benton
T. L. Wills Lamar
John 0. Herms Neosho
MONTANA.
AT LARGE.
Lee Mantle Butte
Thomas H. Carter Helena
Charles S. Hartman Boseman
Thomas C. Marshall Missoula
Alex. Metzel Puller's Springs
Jared W. Sto well Miles i^ity
P. R. Dolmen Butte
Tom B. Miller Helena
O. F. Goddard Billings
J. M. Slish Philipsburg
J. B. Losee Anaconda
J. G. Bair Choteau
NEBRASKA,
AT LARGE.
John L. Webster Omaha
Thomas P. Kennard Lincoln
Peter Jansen Jansen
George H. Thummel Grand Island
O.G.Smith Kearney
L. P. Judd Cedar Rapids
C. B. Dempster Beatrice
A. C. Wright Elmwood
DISTRICTS.
1— L. L. Lindsey Lincoln
H. N. Dovey Plattsmouth
2- John M. Thurston Omaha
John C. Co win Onfaha
3— John T. Bressler Wayne
John C. Martin Clarks
4— F. M. Wetherald Helron
C. B. Anderson DeWitt
5— J P. A. Black Bloomington
S. W.Cnristy Edgar
6— B, H. Goodeil Kearney
E. L. Meyer Newport
S. P. Davidson Tecumseh
James Walsh Benson
B. F. Monroe Blair
H C. Baird Coleridge
C. J. Garlow Columbus
A. Graham Beatrice
G.J. KailbacK Ashland
C. H. Beaumont Madrid
J. S. Hoover Blue Hill
E. J. Davenport Valentine
J. O. Taylor Broken Bow
70 Official Proceedings of the
NEVADA.
Delegates. Alternates.
AT LARGE.
A. C. Cleveland Cleveland S. A. D. Glasscock Osceola
Enoch Strother Virginia W. S. Bonni field Winnemucca
.7. B. Overton Virginia C. H. Oolburn Virginia
C. H. Sproule EU:o John Torre Eureka
DISTRICTS.
W. D.Phillips.'. Reno W. W. Williams Stillwater
Geo. F. Turrittin Reno P. Ij. Flannigan Reno
NEW HAMPSHIRE.
at'large.
Stephen S. Jewett Laconia Stephen H. Gale Exeter
B. P. S. Streeter Concord Dexter Richards Newport
Charles T. Means ...Manchester Oscar S. Hatch Littleton
James A. Wood Acworth George A. Clark Manchester
DISTRICTS.
1— Charles B. Gafney Rochester John W. Rowe Brentwood
W.D.Sawyer Dover A. C. Kennett Conway
2— John A. Spaulding Nasliau Frank P. Maynard. ..Claremont
John H. Brown Bristol Thomas C. Rand Keene
NEW JERSEY.
AT LARGE.
William J. Sewell Camden H. C. Loudenslager Woodbury
Garrett A. Hobart Patterson Clarence E. Breckenridge Haywood
Franklin Murphy Newark Charles H. Reed Plainfleld
John Keen Elizabeth Barker Gummere Trenton
DISTRICTS.
1— Robert E. Hand Cape May Frank E. Patterson Camden
Gporge Hires Salem Charles M. Wilkins Wenona
2- Frederick W. Roebling Trenton Henry J. Trick Vincetown
Alfred M. Bradshaw Lakewood George Clinton Atlantic City
3— T. Frank Appleby Asbury Park Charles H. Reed Plainfleld
John W. Herbert, Jr Helmetta Charles Place Somerville
4— Stephen K. Large White House Theo. P. Margerum Dickerson
A. Blair Kelsey Belvidere Geo. W. Stickles Rockaway
5— Wm. Barbour, 218 Church St.. N. York. B. W. Spencer Passaic
Jos. H. Quackenbush Patterson Wni. Makensie Rutherford
6— John Franklin Fort Newark Frederick Mock Newark
Charles Bradley Newark Frank M. Parker Newark
7— Samuel D. Dickinson Jersey City .Joseph Giusta Hoboken
Thomas McEwan, Jr Jersey Citv Thomas Aldcom.. New Durham
-Frank Bergen Elizabeth Charles J. Fisk Plaiofield
William Riker, Jr Orange Charles W. Fuller ....Jersey City
NEW YORK.
AT LARGE.
Thomas C. Piatt New York Hamilton Fish Garrisons
Warner Miller Herkimer Frank S. Weatherbee Port Henry
Chauncey ]\1. Depew New York C. D. Babcock Rochester
Edward Lauterbach New York Daniel H. McMillan Buffalo
;districts.
1—H. C. Johnson Astoria Augustus Denton New Hyde Park
Walter L. Suydam Blue Point Joseph H. Newins Riverhead
2— Theodore B. Willis Brooklyn Denis M. Hurley Brooklyn
Geo. H. Roberts, Jr Brooklyn Wm. E. Phillips Brooklyn
3— Timothy L. Woodruff Brooklvn Jacob Brenner Brooklyn
W. B. Atterbury New York Jas. Lcft'erts Platbush
4— Granville W. Harman Brooklyn Fred. E. Shipman Brooklyn
Jos. R. Clark Brooklyn Jas. P. Connell Bath Beach
5— Fred. W. Wurster Brooklyn J. P. Milliken Brooklyn
Ernest J. Kaltenbach Brooklyn Frank Vogt Brooklyn
Eleventh Republican National Convention.
71
Delegates.
NEW YOUK- Continued.
DISTRICTS.
Alternates.
6— Henry 0. Saffen Brooklyn
George W. Palmer Brooklyn
7— Cornellusr Van Uott New York
Hugh McRoberts Tompklnsville
8— Lispenard Stewart New York
L. L Van Allen ..New York
9— Charles H. Murray New York
.1. J. Collins New York
10— Frederick S. Gibbs New York
John P. Wiodolph New York
11— Jacob M. Patterson New York
George Hi Hard New York
13— Cornelius N. Bliss (Va vote), New York
8. V K. Kruger (H vote)... New York
Howard Carroll (4 vote) New York
ThurlowWeedBarnes (i.iv't)New York
13— William Brookfield New Ygrk
Anson G. McCook New York
14— L. E. Quigg New York
Abraham G ruber New York
15— C. H. T. Collis New York
Robert J. Wright New York
16— Wni. H. Robertson Katonah
John G. Peene Yonkers
17— Benj. B. Odell. Jr Newberg
Thos. W. Bradley Waldon
18— John H. Ketcham Dover Plains
S. D. Coykendall Rondo ut
19— Franks. Black Troy
Louis F. Payne Chatham
20— William Barnes, Jr Albany
Wen. J. Walker Albany
21— Edward Ellis Schenectady
J. LeRoy Jacobs Cairo
22-Wm. L. Proctor Ogdensburg
W. W. Worden Saratoga Springs
23— Addison B. Colvin Glen Falls
Thomas A. Sears Bombay
24— John T. Mott Oswego
D. C. Middleton Watertown
25— Frederick C. Weaver Utica
Albert G. Story Little Falls
26— Frank J. Enz Ithaca
William A. Smyth Oswego
27^Frank Hiseock Syracuse
Francis Hendricks Syracuse
28— Sereno E. Payne Auburn
.John Raines Oauandaigua
29— John F. Parkhurst Bath
Archie E. Haxter. Elmira
30— Archie D. Sanders Stafford
Irvin? M. Thompson Albion
31- Geo. W. Aldridge Rochester
Wm. A. Sutherland ... Rochester
32— John R. Hazel Buffalo
John Craft Buff^lo
33— George E. Matthews Buffalo
Weslev C. Dudley Buffalo
34— N. V. V. Franchot Olean
Lester V. Stearns Dunkirk
James F. Bendernagle Brooklyn
Jacob Worth Brooklyn
Frederick Hadley New York
Frank Foggin Port Richmond
Simon Gavin New York
John Moran New York
Christian Goetz New York
Abraham A. Joseph New York
Cl.'irence W. Meade New York
Jos. T. Hackett New York
Conrad 0. Wiserman New York
Chas. N. Jerolman New York
P. T. Sherman New York
Edward Hardy New York
C. A. Simms New York
Chas. Eldlich New York
T. V. Egan New York
Robert Miller New York
Jastro Alexander New York
Henry R. Hoyt New York
Elias Goodman New York
Geo. H. Sutton New York
Francis M. Carpenter , Mt. Kisco
Frank F. Miller Tarry town
Arthur S Thompkins Nyack
Jos M. Dickey Newberg
L, W. Vail Poughkeepsie
A. T. Clearwater Kingston
.John A. Quackenbush .. Stillwater
Perkins F. Cady Hudson
Jas. H. Mitchell ...Cohoes
Hiram Griggs Altamont
Jacob Snell Fonda
L. W. Baxter Cobleskill
Theo H.Swift Potsdam
Jas. P. Arginsinger Johnstown
Clayton H, Delano Ticonderoga
David F. Dobie Plattsburgh
V. Lansing Waters Low villa
Edward J. Tallman LaFargeville
Thos. W'heeler Utica
B. B. Van Dusen Ilion
Wesley Gould Hancock
George E. Greene Bingham ton
E. F. Blair Erieville
Jas. Loyster Cazenovia
J. Henry Smith Penn Yau
Chas. O. Newton Homer
Chas. M. Woodward Watkins
Chas. T, Andrews Seneca Falls
Eugene Cary Niagara Falls
Clarence M. Alford l^ivonia
Frank P. Higbie Chili Station
Anderson Bowen Fairport
Dennis J. Ryan Buffalo
Simon Seibert Buffalo
Wm L. Marey Buffalo
John G. Wallemeier Tonawanda
E. A Curtis Fredonia
A. Miner Wellman Friendship
NORTH CAROLINA.
AT LARGE.
Jeter C. Prichard Marshal
James E. Boyd Greensboro
O. M. Bernard Greenville
George H. White Tarboro
J. El wood Cox Greensboro
C. T. Bailey Raleigh
W. S. Hogan
J. E. Dellinger Greensboro
72
Official Proceedings of the
NORTH CAROLINA-Contmued.
Delegates. Alternates.
DISTRICTS.
1— J. P. Butler Jamesville
E. C. Duncan Beaufort.
2— J. H. Hanuon Halifax
H. L. Grant Goldsboro
3— A. R. Middleton Keenansville
C. D. Waddell Fayette ville
4-W. H. Martin Raleigh
E. A. .Jolinson Raleigh
5— J. H. Holt. Jr.. (Resigned).
W. T. O'Bilan Durham
6— J. W. Mullen (Vs vote) Huntersville
.1. B. DudlerCi vote) Wilmington
Z. F. Long (i'o vote) Rockinghame
J. M. Goode (.!4 vote) Charlotte
7— .Tames H. Ramsey Salisbury
C. G. Bailey Advance
8— M. L. Mott Wilkesboro
J. B. Fortune Shelby
9— C. J. Harris Dillsboro
John G. Grant Henderson ville
H. G. Gussom Edenton
Hugh Cale Elizabeth City
C. E. Spicer
John N. Williamson
W. H. Crews, Jr Oxford
E. M. Green Wilmington
Wm. McMullen Charlotte
E. D. Stanford Yadkin ville
J. T. Cramer Thomas ville
W, G. Meadows Moravian Falls
NORTH DAKOTA.
AT LARGE.
C. M. Johnson D wight
S. T. Satterthwalt Farao
O. S. Hanson Buxton
J. M. Devine La Moure
Alex. Hughes Bismarck
George Bingenheimer Mandan
Austin King Forman
George W. Soliday New Rockford
E. H. Kent Lakota
M.B.Cassell Sherbrooke
H. L Dickenson Dickenson
W. A. Cadwell Monango
OHIO.
AT LARGE.
Joseph B. Foraker Cincinnati
Asa S Bushnell Springfield
Chas. H. Grosvenor Athens
Mark A. Hanna Cleveland
Dr. J. E. Lowes Dayton
Charles Fleischman Cincinnati
John N. Taylor East Liverpool
John P. Green Cleveland
DISTRICTS.
1— George B. Cox Cincinnati
T. W. Graydon Cincinnati
2— John A. Caldwell Cincinnati
Andrew Hickenlooper Cincinnati
3— Robert Wilson Middletown
Wm. E. Crume. Da v ton
4 — George B. Davis Wapakoneta
J. I. Allread Greenville
5— John M. Sheets Ottawa
M. E Loose Napoleon
6— W. B. Harrison Xenia
E. J. West Wilmington
7— George W. Wilson London
Howard Johns Circleville
8— G. A. Eichelberger Urbana
J. C. Howe Kenton
9— Geo. H. Ketchnm Toledo
J. M, Longnecker Wauseon
10— A. C. Thompson Portsmouth
J. K. Richards Ironton
11— D. Massie Chlllicothe
Jeremiah Carpenter Carpenter
12— Chas. L, Kurtz Columbus
Henry C. Taylor Columbus
13— Linn W. Hull Sandusky
George D, Copeland Fremont
14— Arthur L. Garford Elyria
Jacob Cohn Ashland
15— James R. Barr . Cambridge
David Miller Caldwell
M. L. Kruckemeyer.
W. B.Shattuc
John Goetz. .Ir
Colonel C. B.Wing..
E. B. Weston
W. S.Fornshell
W. H. Phlpps
J.W.Williams
J. P. Dysert
R. R. Mede
George P. Dunham
Horace L. Smith
T. B. Kyle
.John H. VanDemas.
W. T. Hoopes
J. C. Brand, Jr
Robinson Locke
Luther Black
H.S. WiUard
S. H. Eagle
Samuel W. Pascoe...
Charles A. Cable
Cincinnati
Cincinnati
Cincinnati
Cincinnati
Dayton
Camden
, Paulding
Bryan
Rockford
Anna
Wilmington
Xenia
, Troy
.Washington C. H.
Blarysville
Belief ontaine
Toledo
Bowling Green
Wellston
Gallipolis
...New Lexington
Nelsonville
P. Cuneo
T. D. Campbell,..
W. C. Cooper .. .
W. S. Cappellar
E. M. Stanbery. ..
W. B. Gaitree.. ..
.Upper Sandusky
Fostoria
. Mt. Vernon
Mansfield
...McConnelsville
Marietta
Eleventh Republican National Convention.
73
Delegates.
OHIO— Continued.
DELEGATES.
AUet-natei^
16—1. J. Gill Steubenville
David Cunningham Cadiz
17— G. A. Hay Coshocton
W. H. Stout Urichsville
18— Caleb B Wick Youngstown
W. A. Smith East Liverpool
19— Frank Hutehins Warren
Charles Dick Akron
20— Andrew Squire Cleveland
Robert McDowell Cleveland
21— Myron T. Herrick Cleveland
Sylvester T. Everett Cleveland
Thomas B. Rouse Woods ville
Wm. A. Hunt St. Clairsville
A. B. Critchfield Millersburg
J. H. Kauke Millersburg
Myron A. Norris Youngstown
James J. Grant Canton
J.N. Thomas Niles
S. P. Walcott Kent
C F. Leech Cleveland
C. W.Osborne Cleveland
Louis J. Rowbottom Cleveland
J. E.Benson Cleveland
OREGON.
AT LARGE.
R. A. Booth Grant's Pass
Charles Hilton The Dalles
John W. Meldrum Oregon Cltv
C. H. Dodd Portland
George A. Steel Portland
Max Praeht Ashland
J. M. Van Day n Dallas
M.C.Harrison Portland
DISTRICTS.
1— J. F. Calbreath McMinnville
R. S. Moore Linkville
2— Wallace McCamant Portland
Charles W. Parrish Canyon City
A. .1. Johnson Scio
L. F. Willits Ashland
.1. Bourne. Jr Portland
Fred. W. Hendley Pendleton
PENNSYLVANIA.
AT LARGE.
Daniel H, Hastings Harrisburg
James Elverson Philadelphia
Francis J. Torrance Pittsburg
James S, Beacon Greensburg
T. L. Flood Mead ville
Joseph Busier Ogontz
W. W. Griest Lancaster
F. H. Barker Ebensburg
Chas. A. Minor Wilkes-Barre
Bois Penrose Philadelphia
Arthur Kennedy Alleghany
S. J. McCarrell Harrisburg
Frank E. Hollar Carlisle
Chas. Miller Franklin
James B. Raymond Altoona
Chas. M. Plank Reading
DISTRICTS.
1--Edwin S. Stuart Philadelphia
Israel W. Durham Philadelphia
2— David H Lane Philadelphia
Jacob Wild more Philadelphia
(Hamilton Disston, deceased.)
3— Joseph S. Klemmer (Mv) Philadelphia
Jas. B. Anderson (Jivte) Philadelphia
Henry Clay Philadelphia
Ell wood Becker Philadelphia
4— Alex. Grow, .fr Philadelphia
Edward AV. Patton Philadelphia
5— David Martin Philadelphia
H. B. Hackett Philadelphia
6— Smedley Darlington West Chester
Thos J. Clayton Thurlow
7— Jas. B. Holland Norristown
HughB. Eastburn Doyiestown
8— Frank Reeder Easton
.1. M. Dreisbach Mauch Chunk
9— Edward M. Young A) lento wn
A.M. High Reading
10- H. Burd Cassell M arietta
J. Gust Zook Lancaster
11— Wm. Connell Scran ton
John T. Williams Scran ton
12 — John Leisenring Upper Leliieh
M. R. Morgans Wilkes-Barre
13— John F. Finney Pot*s ville
Jos. D. McConnell Ashland
Penrose A. VlcClain Philadelpliia
H. H. Bingham Philadelphia
Frank M. Riter Philadelphia
Wm. B. Ahern Philadelphia
David S. Scott Philadelphia
W. L. Smith Philadelphia
Harry Hunter Philadelphia
John Hunter Philadelphia
A. Lincoln Acker Philadelphia
A. S. L. Shields. Philadelphia(Germant'n)
Thomas J. Powers Philadelphia
Harlan Page PhilHdelphia
Thos. C. Speakman Honey Brook
Wesley S. McDowell Chester
(. R. Halderman Harleys ville
Henry G. Moyer Perkasie
Thos. C. Walton Stroudsburg
Chester A. Pellet Milford
Llewellyn Williams Slatington
H. S Bard ....Reading
J. Pranois Dunlop Lanhein
Day Wood Goshen
Conrad Schroder Scran ton
Jas. J.Williams Archibald
Chas. L. Wilde Hazelton
Lewis Landmesser Wilkes-Barre
S. B. Edwards Pottsville
John I. Matthias Mahanoy City
74
Official Proceedings of the
PENNSYLVANIA— CoHtinited.
Delegates, AUemates.
DELEGATES.
14— Lucien E. Weimer Lebanon
W. Mifflin Smitli Markleville
15—0 F. Wright Susqueanna
E. B. Hardenburgh Honesdale
16— Henry J. Landrus Wellsboro
John S. Meyers Lock Haven
17- Wm. B. Faust Mt. Carmel
U. Y, James Danville
18— John A. Seiders Chambersburg
Jere B. Rox Huntington
19— Chas. H. Mullin Mt. Holly Springs
Samuel L. Johns McSherrystown
20— George R. SeuU Somerset
George T. Bell Holliday sburg
21— John P. Elkin Indiana
Oapt. H. S. Denny Ligonier
22— C. L. Magee Pittsburg
William Flynn Pittsburg
23— W. A. Stone Allegheny
Robert McAfee Allegheny
24— Chas. H. Seaton Uniontown
E. F. Acheson (H. of R.).. Washington
25— M. S. Quay Beaver
Simon Perkins Sharon
26— Wm. H.Andrews Titusville
Lewis Streuber Erie
2;— A. C. Hawkins Bradford
S.C.Lewis Franklin
28— Harry R. Wilson Clarion
J. H. McEwan Ridgway
Alfred R. Houck Lebanon
S. S. Willard New Bloomfield
Frank G.Sairs Alhens
Morris Sheppard Towanda
G. S. Horton Williamsport
Milton J. Potter Coudersport
Fred P. Vincent Dushore
William Back Centralia
Howard O. Lantz Lewistown
A. M. Aurand Beaver Falls
Harry A. Bechtold New Freedom
George D. Thorn Gettysburg
James McMillen Johnstown
S. E. Wilson Punxsutawney
Joseph Beale Leechburg
.r. O. Brown Pittsburg
A. J. Edwards Pittsburg
Robert McCready Sewickley
James M. Essler Tarentum
Frank M. Puller Uniontown
John R. Byrne Scottdale
Samuel H. Miller Mercer
Wm. D. Wallace Newcastle
E. A. Hempstead Meadville
W. W. Moggaridge Corry Harrisburg
T. R. Simpson Oil City
W. H. Howard Emporium
A. H.Woodward Clearfield
S. S. Crissman Philipsburg
RHODE ISLAND.
AT LARGE.
Edward L. Freeman Central Falls
Frank F. Onlev Providence
Sam'l W. K. Allen East Greenwich
Albert L. Chester Westerley
Andrew J. Currie Valley Falls
LueianSharpe Providence
Walter H. Stearos Pawtucket
Charles H. Child Providence
DISTRICTS.
1— John P. Sanborn Newport
George L. Smith Barrington
2— Walter A. Reed . Chepachet
E. Charles Francis Woonsocket
Reginald Norman Newport
Charles H Howland Providence
James Linton Pawtucket
John R.Dennis Central Falls
SOUTH CAROLINA.
Eugene A. Webster Orangeburg
Robert Smalls Beaufort
T. B. Johnson Sumter
W. D. Crum Charleston
E. J. Dickerson Aiken
John R. Tolbert Greenwood
Thomas E. Miller Grahamvllle
P. S. Suber Laurens
DISTRICTS.
1— George I. Cunningham Charleston
R. C. Brown Charleston
2— B.P. Cbatfield Aiken
W. S. Dixon Barnwell
3— Robert Moorman Newberry
R. R. Tolbert Greenwood
4— C. M. Wilder Columbia
Thomas H. OUis Greenvilln
5-0. J. Pride Rock Hill
W. E. Boykin Camden
6— J. E. Wilson Florence
E.H. Dees Darlington
7— J. H. Fordham Orangeburg
Z. E. Walker Sumter
T.J. Reynolds Beaufort
D. W. Robinson Jacksonboro
Paris Simpkins Edgefield
John A. Daniels Fruit Hill
A. C. Merrick Walhalla
W. W. Fisher Mt. Carmel
W. D. Ch appelle Uolumbia
J. C.Hill Greenville
F. R. Massey Lancaster
E. D. Littlejohn Gaffney
E. J. Sawyer Bennettsville
W. R. Jackson Florence
R. H. Jenkins Lincoln ville
J.H.Weston Congaree
Eleventh Republican National Convention.
75
Delegates.
SOUTH DAKOTA.
AT LARGE.
Alternates.
L. B. French Yankton
B. P. Pettigrew Sioux Falls
C. G.Sherwood Clark
D. A. Mizener Mitchell
David Williams Webster
H. C. Meachan Gettysburg
W.N. Lucas Hot Springs
W. E. Smead Lead City
J. E. Tomlinson Oentreville
A. C. Biernatzki Salem
L. L. Lostutter Iroquois
C. L. Olson Howard
O. E. Bostwick Redfield
.T. H. Baldwin St. Lawrence
M. A. Willis.. Custer
C . C. Polk St urgis
TENNESSEE,
AT LARGE.
H. Clay Evans Chattanooga
E.Caldwell Shelbyville
James Jeffreys Camden
E. J. Sanford Knoxville
Hiram Tyree Chattanooga
John P. Smith Johnson City
J. T. Settle Memphis
Allen S. Tate Rutledge
DISTRICTS.
1— W. P. Brownlow Jonesboro
H. C. Jarvis Rogersvllle
2— Jesse L. Rogers Knoxville
.7. F. Baker Hunts ville
3— Foster V. Brown Chattanooga
T. M, Burkett Athens
4— ,1. M. Proctor Crossville
W. H. Pickering Carthage
5— J. W. Overall Liberty
R. L. Couch Bell Buckle
6— J. B. Bosley Nashville
H. L. W. Cheatham Barren Plain
7— R. A. Haggard Waynesboro
H. F. Pariss Columbia
8— Wm. Spellings McKenzie
G. T, Shannon Saltillo
9—1). A. Nunn Brownsville
Henry E. Austin Alamo
10— W. M. Randolph Memphis
Zachary Taylor Memphis
W. H. Penland Newport
R. E. Toomey Greenville
T. N. Brown Mary ville
W. O. Douglass Jellico
A.H. Falkner McMinnville
Gus Cate Cleveland
,L R Story Jamestown
.John A. Denton Dayton
H. Henley Tullahoma
Warren Smith Woodbury
J. W. Dillon Nashville
R. F. Boyd Nashville
J. B. Lilly, Jr Franklin
J. P. Kidd Henry ville
D. W. Nobles Paris
J. Wesson Adams ville
R. F. Hawn Milan
B P. Bondurant Sharon
W. S. Latta Somerville
J. S. Randle Covington
TEXAS.
AT LARGE,
John Grant.
Frank Hamilton.
Ed. Anderson.
Richard Allen.
R. L. Smith.
W. B. Davis.
W. H. Love.
R. G. Collins.
DISTRICTS.
1— Daniel Taylor Navasota
M. W. Lawson Willis
2-H. B.Kane Palestine
T. T. Pollard Beaumont
3— Webster Flanagan Henderson
J. W.Butler Tyler
4— C. M. Ferguson Paris
H. G. Goree Atlanta
5— Cecil A. Lyon Sherman
William .Johnson Bonham
6— J. M. McCormic Dallas
Robert Armstrong Kaufman
7— W. F. Crawford Cameron
B. F. Wallace Temple
8— Marrion MuUins Brownwood
W. J. AVasson Dublin
9— Hugh Hancock Austin
Paul Fricke Brenham
Samuel Andrews Houston
William F. Knowles Fairfield
Thomas Miller Lufkin
C. A. Porter Colmesneil
W. A. Lucy Longview
James Latham Athens
Luke Bills Clarksville
S. J. Spencer Texarkana
H. E. Smith McKinney
George W. Johnson Sherman
David Lowry Ennis
H. M. Johnson Hillsboro
A. M. Armstrong Crawford
W. H. Hawley Belton
George C. Mc Andrew Granbury
Horace Baker Weatherford
L. L. Campbell Bastrop
W, E. Dunger Cad well
76 Official Proceedings of the
TEXAS— Co>Jti?med.
Delegates. Altei'nates.
DELEGATES.
10— R. B. Hawley Galveston James Bankey Gonzales
M. M. Kogers La Grange Thomas Wheatley Matagorda
11— J. O. Luby San Diego B. M. Shelton Rockport
G. R. Townsend Victoria O.L.Reager Wharton
12— C. W.Ogden San Antonio Jackson
Joseph Tweedy Knickerbocker
13— Patrick Dooling Quanah
O. T. Bacon ^Yichita Falls
UTAH.
AT LARGE.
Frank J. Cannon Odgen City Lindsey Rogers Odgen City
Isaac Trumbo Salt Lake City C. C. Goodwin Salt Lake City
Arthur Brown Salt Lake City John O. Graham Provo City
Thomas Kearns Park City J. M. Bolitho Richfield
Clarence E. Allen Salt Lake City Web Green .Mt. Pleasant
William S. McCornick Salt Lake City Joseph A.Smith Lagan City
VERMONT.
AT LARGE.
Redfield Proctor Proctor P. K. Gleed ■. Morrisvllle
Henry D. Holton Brattleboro James M. Pollard Chester
E. C. Smith St. Albans M. H. Allen Ferrisburg
Charles A. Prouty. Newport L. W. Hubbard Lyndon
DISTRICTS.
1— James B. Scully Burlington L. C. Leavens Richford
O. M. Barber Arlington H. S. Bingham Bennington
2— J. W. Brock Montpelier George H. Blake Barton
Victor I. Spear Braintree E. O. Leonard Bradford
VIRGINIA.
AT LARGE.
Wm. Lamb Norfolk W.M.Flanagan Powhattan C. H.
James A. Walker Wytheville J. S. Sammons Charlottesville
S.M.Yost Staunton M.M.Lewis Norfolk
A. W. Harris Petersburg Washington Gardiner Bedford City
DISTRICTS.
1— Geo. T. Scarburg Accoma C. H. J. M. GrifHn Fredericksburg
T. C. Walker Gloucester C. H. W. A. Laws Moutrass
2— George E. Bowden(V2 vote).., Norfolk Jno. Y. Brady Portsmouth
R. M. Smith ('/^ vote) Hampton Wm. Thoroughgood Norfolk
A. H. MartimC'a vote) ..Berkley Jordon Thompson Suffolk
H. LibbeyCo vote).. .Fortress Monroe Robert Norton Yorktown
3— Edmund Waddell Richmond Edsar Allen Richmond
C. W. Harris Manchester R. F. Robinson Both well
4— Stith Balling > etersburg W. H. Green Lawrenceville
.r. D. Brady Petersbuni Charles Gee Disputanta
5— C.J. Barksdale Danville W. B. Brown Rocky Mount
G. M. Tucker Hillsville W. B. Pedigo Stuart
6— J. M. McLaughlin Lynchburg Adotphus Humbles Lynchburg
S. E. Sproul ...Roanoke P.K.Morris Bedford City
7— John Acker Harrisonburg Alex. McCormick. Briggs
J. H. Rives University of Virginia R. E. Griffith Winchester
8— W. G. B Shumate Galveston W. H. A. Young King George C. H.
H. J. Wale Louisa R. L. Mitchell Alexandria
9— J. S. Browning Pocahontas W. P. Kent Wytheville
D. F. Bailey Bristol. Tenn. R.W.Dickinson Lebanon
10- J. C. Seheffer Staunton Willis Carter Staunton
R. T. Hubard Boiling A.Stuart James River
Eleventh Republican National Convention. 77
washington.
Delegates. Alternates.
AT liAHGE.
A. F. Burleigh Seattle W. K. Kennedy Ritzville
H. A. Fairchild Whatcom Henry Christ Vancouver
George H. Emerson Aberdeen Thomas M. May Dayton
L W. earner... Castle Rock M. P. Maloy Waterville
J. M. Gilbert North Yakima W. F. P. Speck Pasco
Albert Goldman Walla Walla E.L.Brown Sidney
Harrv L. Wilson Spokane F. M. Winship Davenport
P. O. 'Sullivan Tacoma H. McLain Colfax
WEST VIRGINIA.
AT LARGE.
O. W.O. Hardman Middlobourne I. H. Duval Wellsburg
F.M.Reynolds Keyser F. M. Thomas Grafton
J.E.Dana Charleston .Tohn L. Hurst Buckhanon
A. B.White Parkersburg George Potfenbarger Point Pleasant
DISTRICTS.
1— Henry Schmulbach Wheeling W. P. Crump Weston
D. W. Boughner Clarksburg .1. W. Stuck West Union
2— N. W. Linch Martinsburg E. A. Billingslea Fairmont
Thomas B. Gould Parsons W. H. Wenz Phillippi
3— Thomas E, Houston Elk Horn Peter Sillman Charlestown
.1. B. Crawford Sewell Wallace Ballard Union
4— Thomas G. Sikes Huntington Edward McCreary Parkersburg
C. F. Rathbone Elizabeth E.J. Thomas Cottageville
WISCONSIN.
AT LARGE,
Philetns Sawyer Oshkosh H. D. Smith Appleton
W. U. Hoard Fort Atkinson W. F. Heine Shullsburg
Eugene S. Elliott Milwaukee James R. Lyons Gleudale
James H. Stout Menomonie W. E. Plummer Durand
DISTRICTS.
1— Cham Ingersoll Beloit N. B. Treat Monroe
E. M. Johnson Whitewater Sam'l I. Stein Belmont
2— Robert ISI. LaFollette Madison S. M. Eaton Watertown
Chris. E. Mohr Portage C.J. RoUis Stoughton
3— Richard Meyer, Jr Lancaster August Selfert Reedsburg
J. W.Rewey Rewey L.H.Bancroft Richland Center
4— William Geuder Milwaukee E. J. Lindsey Milwaukee
.luliusE Roehr Milwaukee William Graf Milwaukee
5— Theodore Zillmer Milwaukee D. E. McGlnley Cedarsburg
H.M.Youmans Waukesha George Spratt Sheboygan Falls
6— L. N. Stevens Montello *George Fitch
G. G. Sedgwick Manitowoc J. H. McNeel Fond du Lac
7— David P.Jones Sparta W. H.Huntington Durand
H.B.Cole Black River Falls Albert Kirchner Fountain City
8— Maynard T. Parker Ahnapee R. D. Rood Stevens Point
A. G. Nelson Waupaca Chas. II. Baake Appleton
9— H. W. Wright Merrill Duncan McLennon Rib Lake
M.C.Ring Neillsville John Osden Antigo
10— Ole K. Anderson West S u perior Simon Thoreson Gransburg
Charles S. Taylor Barron Olaf A. Sasstad Baldwin
*Died March 30.
WYOMING,
Willis Van Devanter Cheyenne H. G. Nickerson Lander
Benjamin F. Fowler Cheyenne W. H. Thorn Buffalo
John C. Davis Rawlins M.C.Barrow Douglas
B. B. Brooks Casper W. H. Kilpatrick New Castle
Clarence C. Hamlin Rock Springs J. H Ryckman Evanston
Otto Gramm Laramie W. F. Brittain Sheridan
78 Official Proceedings of the
TERRITORIAL DELEGATES.
ALASKA.
Delegates. Alternates.
C. S.Johnson ('4 vote) Juneau Theodore Needham Wrangel
Thomas S. Nowell (Vs vote) Juneau W. R. Kelly Sitka
C. W. Young ('/2 vote) Juneau Harrison Bostwick Juneau
0. S.Blackett (Ji vote) Juneau A. C. Van Doren Juneau
ARIZONA.
Henry J. Cleveland ('/j vote) Arizola W. S. Head Prescott
James M. Ford ( 'A vote) Phoenix R. O. Lowell Phoenix
Charles W. Wright ('/a vote) Tucson George Christ. Jr Nogales
Charles H. Akers('o vote) Prescott F. D. Myers Prescott
John W. Dorrington {>A vote) Yuma J. W. Bolton (colored) Phoenix
Myron H. McCord CA vote) Phoenix William Shilllam Benson
William Christy ('4 vote) Phoenix J. H. Carpenter Yuma
Isaac T. Stoddard C-A vote) Prescott Henry J. Cleveland ..Arizola
Burt Dunlap ('/2 vote) Dunlap J. L. Hubbell ..Holbrook
Kalph H. Cameron (!4 vote) Flagstaff A.L. Grow Tombstone
J. L. Malioney ('/2 vote) Winslow F.L.Smith Kingman
J. A. Zabriskie.Cia vote) Tuscon W. A. Freeze Phcenix
DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA.
AT LARGE.
Andrew Gleason Washington W, F. Thomas Washington
Perry H. Carson Ivy City J. W. Bell Washington
INDIAN TERRITORY.
AT LARGE.
PL Soper ...Vinita W, H. Darrow Wyandotte
R B Ross Tahlequa E. W. Fannan South McAlester
Joseph Foitz South McAlester J. H. Wilkins ^ ...Atoka,
I P Grady Hartshorne Cyrus B. Kean Wynnewood
W T Moro-an Wagoner W. F. Seaver Muscogee
John Coyle Rush Springs William Johnston Bartlettsville
NEW MEXICO.
AT LARGE.
A.L.Morrison Santa Fe Phillip Mothersill Engle
John S. Clarke Las Vegas Charles H. Sparks Roswell
Thomas D. Burns Tierra AmorlUa Frank Springer .Las Vegas
Pedro Perea Bernaleno John 8. Van Doren Blue Water
Solomon Luna Las Lunas W. S. Williams Socorro
W. H. H. Llewellyn Las Cruces Celso Baca Lden
OKLAHOMA TERRITORY,
AT LARGE.
John I. Dille El Reno J. D McGuire jNorman
Henry E. Asp Guthrie T. B. Ferguson Watonga
J.C.Roberts Kingfisher Dick T. Morgan ..Perry
John A. Buckles Enid Dyke Ballenger Beaver
O. A. Mitscher Oklahoma City T. A. Butler ^--^fS?^
Charles Day Blackwell T.J. Austin Guthrie
True and corrected roll of Delegates and Alternates, as adopted
by Committee on Credentials.
Attest: J. FRANKLIN FORT,
JACOB TRIEBER, Chairman of Committee.
Sec'y of Committee.
Eleventh Republican National Convention. 79
The Chairman. The order of business is upoa the report of the
Committee on Rules. Is the Committee ready to inake its report?
The Chair recog'nizes General Bingham, of Pennsylvania, chairman
of the Committee.
report of committee on RULES.
General Bingham. Mr. Chairman, and gentlemen of the Con-
vention: Your Committee on Rules have had before them for con-
sideration several propositions not heretofore considered by the
Committee on Rules of previous conventions. We therefore submit
to this Convention, at this time, a body of rules following the rules
of heretofore convention proceedings, in order that the general
business of the Convention can proceed under rules which yoxi
shall or will adopt. Your Committee therefore submits for 5^0 ur
action the following report, as a rule of procedure to govern this
Convention:
Rule I. The Convention shall consist of a number of delegates
from each State equal to double the number of each Senator and
Representative in Congress; six delegates each from the Territories
of Arizona, Indian Territory, New Mexico and Oklahoma; four from
Alaska and two from the District of Columbia.
Rule II. The rules of the House of Representatives of the Fifty-
fourth Congress shall be the rules of the Convention, so far as they
are applicable and not inconsistent with the following rules:
Rule III. When the previous question shall be demanded by a
majority of the delegates from any State, and the demand is sec-
onded by two or more States, and the call is sustained bj^ a majority
of the Convention, the question shall then be proceeded with, and
disposed of according to the rules of the House of Representatives
in similar cases.
Rule IV. A motion to suspend the rules shall be in order only
when made by authority of a majoritj^ of the delegates from any
State, and seconded by a majority of the delegates from not less
than two other States.
Rule V. It shall be in order to lay on the table a proposed
amendment to a pending measure, and such motion, if adopted,
shall not carry with it, or prejudice such measure.
Rule VI. Upon all subjects before the Convention the States
shall be called in alphabetical order and next the Territories, Alaska
and the District of Columbia.
Rule VII. The report of the Committee on Credentials shall be
disposed of before the report of the Committee on Resolutions is
acted upon, and the report of the Committee on Resolutions shall be
disposed of before the Convention proceeds to the nomination of a
candidate for President and Vice-President.
Rule VIII. When a majority of the delegates of any two States
shall demand that a vote be recorded, the same shall be taken by
States, Territories, Alaska and the District of Columbia, the Secre-
tary calling the roll of the States and Territories, Alaska and the
District of Columbia, in the order heretofore established.
Rule IX. In making the nomination forPresidentand Vice-Pres-
dent in no case shall the calling of the roll be dispensed with. When
it appears at the closeof any roll call that any candidate has received
the majority of all the votes to which the Convention is entitled, the
President of the Convention shall announce the question to be:
"Shall the nomination of the candidate be made unanimous?" If no
80 Official Proceedings of the
candidates shall have received such majority, the Chair shall direct
the vote to be taken again, which shall be repeated until some
candidate shall have received a majority of the votes, and when any
State has announced its votes it shall so stand, unless in case of
numerical error.
Rule X. In the record of the votes, the vote of each State, Terri-
tory, Alaska and the District of Columbia shall be announced by
the Chairman, and in case the vote of any State, Territory, Alaska
or the District of Columbia shall be divided, the Chairman shall an-
nounce the number of votes for any candidate, or for or against any
proposition, but if exception is taken by any delegate to the correct-
ness of such announcement by the chairman of his delegation, the
President of the Convention shall direct the roll of members of
such delegation to be called, and the result shall be recorded in ac-
cordance with the vote individually given.
Rule XI. No member shall speak more than once upon the same
question, nor longer than five minutes, unless by leave of the con-
vention, except in the presentation of the names of candidates.
Rule XII. A Republican National Committee shall be appointed,
to consist of one member from each State, Territory, Alaska and the
District of Columbia. The roll shall be called, and the delegation
from each State, Territory, Alaska and the District of Columbia
shall name, through its Chairman a person who shall act as member
of such Committee. Such Committee shall issue the call for the
meeting of the National Convention within sixty days, at least, be-
fore the time fixed for said meeting, and each Congressional Dis-
trict in the United States shall elect its delegates to the National Con-
vention in the same way as the nomination for a member of Con-
gress is made in said District, and in Territories the delegates to
the Convention shall be elected in the same way as a nomination of
a delegate to Congress is made, and said National Committee shall
prescribe the mode of selecting the delegates for the District of
Columbia. An alternate delegate for each delegate to the National
Convention, to act in case of the absence of the delegate, shall be
elected in the same manner and at the same time as a delegate is
elected. Delegates at large for each State and their alternates shall
be elected by State Conventions in their respective States.
Rule XIII. The Republican National Committee is atithorized
and empowered to select an Executive Committee to consist of nine
members, who may or may not be members of the National Com-
mittee.
Rule XIV. All resolutions relating to the platform shall be refer-
red to the Committee on Resolutions without debate.
Rule XV. No persons except members of the several delega-
tions and officers of the Convention shall be admitted to that section
of the hall apportioned to delegates.
Rule XVI. The Convention shall proceed in the following order
of business:
First. Report of the Committee on Credentials.
Second. Report of the Committee on Permanent Organization.
Third. Report of the Committee on Resolutions.
Fourth. Naming members of National Committee.
Fifth. Presentation of names of Candidates for President.
Sixth. Balloting.
Seventh. Presentation of names of Candidates for Vice President.
Eighth. Balloting.
Eleventh Republican National Convention. 81
Ninth. Call of the roll of States, Territories, Alaska and the Dis-
trict of Columbia for names of Deleg^ates to serve respectively on
Committees to notify the nominees for President and Vice President
of their selection for said offices.
General Bingham. I will state that this report has been inade
common to the Convention by printed copies placed around the hall
in the seats of members. I therefore, if there is no objection, move
the adoption of the report.
The question being- put on the adoption of the report of the Com-
mittee, it was adopted by a unanimous vote.
On motion of General Grosvenor, of Ohio, the Convention adjourned
until ten o'clock tomorrow morning^.
THIRD DAY.
At precisely 10:32 o'clock Chairman Thurston called the Conven-
tion to order, introducing- the Rev. John R. Scott, a colored clergy-
man of Florida, who offered the following invocation:
PRAYER BY REV. JOHN R. SCOTT.
Our Father, from whose hands the centuries fall like grains of
sand, we meet to-day ixnited, free, loyal to our land and to Thee; we
thank Thee for all the blessings of life that are ours to enjoy, and
we beseech Thy blessing upon our labors in this Convention, and
we ask that all things that we do may be done to Thy honor and
glory. We ask these things for the sake of Him who has taught us
in praying to say: Our Father, who art in Heaven, hallowed be Thy
name; Thy kingdom come; Thy will be done on earth as it is in
Heaven. Give us this day our daily bread. Forgive us our tres-
passes, as we forgive those who trespass against us. Lead us not
into temptation, but deliver us from evil, for Thine is the Kingdom,
and the power and the glory, forever. Amen.
THE PLATFORM.
The Chairman. Gentlemen of the Convention: The order of
business is the report of the Committee upon Platform. Is that
Committee ready to report?
Governor FORAKER of Ohio. The Committee is ready to report.
The Chairman. The Chair recognizes the Chairman of the Com-
mittee, Senator-elect Foraker, of Ohio.
After a prolonged demonstration of applause, upon his appear-
ance upon the platform. Governor Foraker proceeded as follows :
Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen of the Convention: On behalf of
the Committee on Resolutions, I have the honor to report the fol-
lowing :
The Republicans of the United States, assembled by their repre-
sentatives in National Convention, appealing for the popular and
historical justification of their claims to the matchless achieve-
82 Official Proceedings of the
mentsof thirtj' 3'ears of Republican rule, earnestlj^ and confidently
address themselves to the awakened intelligence, experience and
conscience of their countrymen in the following' declaration of
facts and principles:
For the first time since the civil war the American people have
witnessed the calamitous consequences of full and unrestricted De-
mocratic control of the government. It has been a record of unpar-
alleled incapacit}', dishonor and disaster. In administrative man-
agement it has ruthlessly sacrificed indispensable revenue, entailed
an unceasing deficit, eked out ordinary current expenses with bor-
rowed mone5^ piled up the public debt by $262,00(3,000, in a time of
peace, forced an adverse balance of trade, kept a perpetual menace
hanging over the redemption fund, pawned American credit to alien
syndicates and reversed all the measures and results of successful
Republican rule. In the broad effect of its policy it has precipita-
ted panic, blighted industr}^ and trade with prolonged depression,
closed factories, reduced work and wages, halted enterprise and
crippled American production, while stimulating foreign produc-
tion for the American market. Every consideration of public safety
and individual interest demands that the government shall be
wrested from the hands of those who have shown themselves inca-
pable of conducting it without disaster at home and dishonor abroad
and that it shall be restored to the party which for thirty years ad-
ministered it with unequal success and prosperity. And in this
connection, we heartily endorse the wisdom, patriotism and success
of the administration of Benjamin Harrison. (Applause). We renew
and emphasize our allegiance to the policy of protection, (applause)
as the bulwark of American industrial independence, and the found-
ation of American development and prosperity. This true Ameri-
can polic}' taxes foreign products and encourages home industries.
It puts the burden of revenue on foreign goods; it secures the
American market for the American producers. It upholds the
American standard of wages for the American workingman; it puts
the factory by the side of the farm and makes the American farmer
less dependent on foreign demand and prices; it diffuses general
thrift, and founds the strength of all on the strength of each. In its
reasonable application it is just, fair and impartial, equally opposed
to foreign control and domestic inonopoly, to sectional discrimina-
tion and individual favoritism.
We denounce the present tariff as sectional, injurious to the pub-
lic credit and destructive to business enterprise. We demand such
an equitable tariff on foreign imports which come into competition
with the American product as will not only furnish adequate
revenue for the neces8ar3r expenses of the Government, but will
protect American labor from degradation and the wage level of
other lands. We are not pledged to any particular schedule. The
question of rates is a practical question, to be governed by the con-
ditions of the time and of production. The ruling and uncompromis-
ing principle is the protection and development of American labor
and industries. (Applavise). The country demands a right settle-
ment, and then it wants rest. (Applause).
We believe the repeal of the reciprocity^ arrangements negotiated
by the last Republican Administration was a National calainity, and
demand their renewal and extension on such terms as will equalize
our trade with other nations, remove the restriction which now
obstructs the sale of American products in the ports of other coun-
Eleventh Republican National Convention. 83
tries, and secure and enlarge markets for the products of our farms,
forests, and factories. (Applause).
Protection and Reciprocitj^ are twin measures of American policy
and go hand in hand. Democratic rule has recklessly struck down
both, and both must be re established. Protection for what we pro-
duce; free admission for the necessaries of life which we do not pro-
duce; reciprocal agreement of mutual interest, which gain open
markets for us in return for our open markets for others. Protec-
tion builds up domestic industry and trade and secures our own
market for ourselves; reciprocity builds up foreign trade and finds
an outlet for our surplus. We condemn the present administration
for not keeping pace with the sugar producers of this country. The
Republican party favors such protection as will lead to the produc-
tion on American soil of all the sugar w^hich the American people
iise, and for which they pay other countries more than one hundred
million dollars annually. (Applause). To all our products; to those
of the mine and the field, as well as to those of the shop and the fac-
tory, to hemp and wool, the product of the great industry sheep hus-
bandry; as well as to the foundr5^, as to the mill, we promise the
most ample protection. (Applause). We favor the early American
policy of discriminating duties for the upbuilding of our merchant
marine. (Applause). To the protection of our shipping in the
foreign-carrj'ing trade, so that American ships, the product of
American labor, einployed in American ship-yards, sailing under
the stars and stripes, and manned, officered and owned by Ameri-
cans, may regain the carrying of our foreign commerce. (Applause
and cheers).
The Republican party is unreservedly for sound money. (Great
applause). It caused the enactment of a law providing for the re-
demption of specie payments in 1879. Since then every dollar has
been as good as gold. (Applause). We are unalterabl}'^ opposed to
ever}" measure calculated to debase our currency or impair the credit
of our country. (Applause). We are therefore opposed to the free
coinage of silver, except by international agreement w^ith the lead-
ing commercial nations of the earth — (The speaker was here in-
terrupted by a demonstration of approval on the part of a large
majority of the delegates which lasted several minutes).
(Continuing, Governor Foraker read as follows:)
which agreement we pledge ourselves to promote, and until such
agreement can be obtained the existing gold standard must be
maintained. All of our silver and paper currency must be inain-
tained at parity with gold, and we favor all measures designated
to maintain inviolable the obligations of the United States, of all
our money, whether coin or paper, at the present standard, the
standard of most enlightened nations of the earth.
The veterans of the Union Armies deserve and should receive
fair treatment and generous recognition. Whenever practicable
they should be given the preference in the matter of employment.
(Applause). And they are entitled to the enactment of such laws as
are laest calculated to secure the fulfillment of the pledges made to
them in the dark days of the countrj^'s peril. (Applause).
We denounce the practice in the pension bureau so recklessly
and unjustly carried on by the present Administration of reducing
pensions and arbitrarily droppingnames from the roll, as deserving
the severest condemnation of the American people.
84 Official Proceedings of the
Our foreiofii policy should be at all times firm, vigorous and dig'-
nified, and all our interests in the western hemisphere should be
carefully watched and guarded.
The Hiwaiian Islands should be controlled by the United States,
(Applause), and no foreign power should be permitted to interfere
with them. (Applause). The Nicarauguan Canal should be built,
owned and operated by the United States. (Applause). And, by
the purchase of the Danish Island we should secure a much needed
Naval station in the West Indies.
The massacres in Armenia have aroused the deep sympathy and
just indignation of the American people, and we believe that the
United States should exercise all the influence it can properly exert to
bring these atrocities to an end. In Turkey, American residents have
been exposed to grievous dangers; American property destroj^ed.
There, as everywhere else, American citizens and American property
must be absolutely protected at all hazards and at any cost. (Ap-
plause).
We reassert the Monroe Doctrine in its full extent, and w^e re-
affirm the rights of the United States to give the Doctrine effect by
responding to the appeal of any American State for friendly inter-
vention in case of European encroachment.
We have not interfered and shall not interfere, with the existing
possession of any European power in this hemisphere, but those
possessions must not, on any pretext, be extended.
We hopefully look forward to the eventual withdrawal of the Eu-
ropean powers from this hemisphere, and to the ultimate union of
all the English speaking parts of the continent by the free consent
of its inhabitants; from the hour of achieving their own indepen-
dence the people of the United States have regarded with sympathy
the struggles of other American peoples to free themselves from
European domination. We watch with deep and abiding interest
the heroic battles of the Cuban patriots against cruelt5' and oppres-
sion, (Applause), and our best hopes go out for the full success
of their determined contest for liberty. The government of Spain,
having lost control of Cuba, and being unable to protect the prop-
erty or the lives of resident American citizens, or to comply with its
Treaty obligations, we believe that the government of the United
States should actively use its influence and good offices to restore
peace and give independence to the Island. (Applause).
The peace and security of the Republic and the maintenance of
its rightful influence among the nations of the earth demand a na-
val power commensurate with its position and responsibilities.
We, therefore favor the continued enlargement of the navy, and a
complete system of harbor and sea-coast defenses. (Applause).
For the protection of the equality of our American citizenship
and of the wages of our workinginen, against the fatal competition
of low priced labor, we demand that the immigration laws be thor-
oughly enforced, and so extended as to exclude from entrance to
the United States those who can neither read nor write. (Ap-
plause).
The civil service law was placed on the statute book by the Re-
publican party, which has always sustained it, and we renew our
repeated declarations that it shall be thoroughly and heartily and
honestly enforced and extended wherever practicable.
We demand that every citizen of the United States shall be allow-
ed to cast one free and unrestricted ballot, and that such ballot
shall be counted and returned as cast. (Applause).
Eleventh Republican National Convention. 85
We proclaim our unqualified condemnation of the uncivilized and
preposterous practice well known as lynching^, and the killing- of
human beings suspected or charg^ed with crime without process of
law. (Applause).
We favor the creation of a National Board of Arbitration to settle
and adjust differences which may arise between employers and em-
ployed engaged in inter-state commerce.
We believe in an immediate return to the free homestead policy of
the Republican party, and urge the passage by Congress of the sat-
isfactory free homestead measure which has already passed the
House, and is now pending in the Senate. (Applause).
We favor the admission of the remaining Territories at the earliest
practicable date, having due regard to the interests of the people of
the Territories and of the United States. And the Federal officers
appointed for the Territories should be selected from the bona-fide
residents thereof, and the right of self-government should be
accorded them as far as practicable.
We believe that the citizens of Alaska should have representation
in the Congress of the United States, to the end that needful legis-
lation maj'^ be intelligently enacted.
We sympathize fully with all legitimate efforts to lessen and pre-
vent the evils of intemperance and promote morality. The Repub-
lican party is mindful of the rights and interests of women, and
believes that they should be accorded equal opportunities, equal
pay for equal work, and protection to the home. We favor the ad-
mission of women to wider spheres of usefulness and welcome their
co-operation in rescuing the country from Democratic and Popu-
listic mismanagenaent and misrule. (Applause.)
Such are the principles and policies of the Republican party. By
these principles we will apply it to those policies and pvit them into
execution. We rely on the faithful and considerate judgment of the
American people, confident alike of the history of our great party
and in the justice of our cause, and we present our platform and
our candidates in the full assurance that their selection will bring
victory to the Republican party, and prosperity to the people of the
United States.
Upon reading the concluding paragraph. Governor Foraker moved
the adoption of the report of the Committee on Resolutions, as the
Republican National Platform for 1896.
The Chairm:a.n. Gentlemen of the Convention:— The adoption
of the report has been moved and seconded. Are you ready for the
question?
Cries of "Question," "Question."
Senator Teller, of Colorado, here appeared upon the platforn and
was vigorously cheered.
The Chairman The Chair recognizes the gentleman from Colo-
rado, Senator Teller.
Official Proceedings of the
A minority report.
Senator TELLER here presented a minority report, which he re-
quested the Secretary to read.
The Chairman. The gentleman from Colorado moves as a sub-
stitute the following, for what may be terined the financial plank of
the platform, which the Secretary will read.
The Secretary then read as follows:
"We, the undersigned members of the Committee on Resolutions,
being unable to agree with a portion of the majority report which
treats of the subject of coinage and finances, respectfully submit
the following paragraph as a substitute therefor:
"The Republican party authorizes the use of both gold and silver
as equal standard money, and pledges its power to secure the free
and unlimited coinage of gold and silver at our mints at the ratio
of sixteen parts of silver to one of gold."
Senator Teller was here recognized by the Chairman.
senator teller's REMARKS.
Senator Teller spoke as follows: Gentlemen of the Convention:
I will not attempt to inflict upon you a discussion of the great
financial question which is dividing the people not only of this
country, but of the whole w^orld. The few moments allotted to me
by the Convention will not enable me to more than state in the
briefest possible manner our objections to the financial plank pro-
posed for your consideration. I am a practical man, and I recognize
the conditions existing in this Convention, foreshadowed as they
were b3' the action of the Committee, selected by the representatives
assembled from the different States.
This plank, or this proposition, was submitted to the whole Com-
mittee and by it rejected. Loj^alty tomy own opinion, consideration
of the great interest that is felt in this country, compels me in the
face of unusual difficulties, to present this for your consideration,
not with that bounding hope, or with that courage that I have pre-
sented this in other bodies with greater measure of success than I
can hope for here. The great and supreme importance of this
question is alone my excuse now for the few words that I shall say
to you.
In connection with this subject, in a public capacity, I have dealt
with it now for twenty years. I represent a State that produces
silver, but I want to say to you here and now that my advocacy of
the proposition is not in the slighest degree influenced or con-
trolled by that fact. (Applause).
I contend for it because I believe there can be no sound financial
system in any country in the world that does not recognize this
principle. I contend for it because since 1873, when it was ruthlessly
stricken from our statutes, there has been a continued depreciation
of all the products of human labor and of human energy. I con-
tend for it because in this year of 1896 the American people are in
greater distress than they ever vsrere in their history. I contend for
it because this is in my judgment the great weight, the great in-
cubus that has weighed down enterprise and destroyed progress in
Eleventh Republican National Convention, 87
this favored land of ours. I contend for it because I believe the
progress of my country is dependent on it. I contend for it because
1 believe the civilization ot the world is to be determined by the
rightful or wrongful solution of this financial question. I am toler-
ant of those who differ with me. I act from my judgment, enlight-
ened as best I have been able to enlighten it with by many years of
study and many years of thought. In my judgment, the American
people in the w^hole line of their history have never been called
upon to settle a question of greater importance to them than this.
The great contest in which many of you participated, of whether we
should have two flags or one was not more important to the Ameri-
can people than the question of a proper solution of what shall be
the money system of this land.
I have said enough to show you that I think that this is not
a question of policy, but a question of principle. It is not a
mere idle thing, but one on which hangs the happiness, the
prosperity, the morality and the independence of American labor
and American producers. (Applause). Confronted for the first time
in the history of this glorious party of ours, confronted, I say, for
the first time with danger of a financial system that in my judg-
ment will be destructive of all the great interests of this land, we
are called upon to give to this provision of our platform our ad-
hesion or rejection.
Mr. President, I do not desire to say unkind or unfriendly things,
and I will touch in a moment and on iy a moment on why I object to
this provision of this platform. The Republican party has never
been the party of a single standard. It was a bi-metallic party in its
origin, in all its history. In 1888 it declared for bi-metallism; in
1892 it declared for bi-metallism; in 1896 it declares for a single gold
standard.
Mr. President, in 1888 we carried the State that I here represent, for
whom? For the Republican nominee; we carried it on a bi-metallic
platform. We carried it with a majority that was equal, consider-
ing our vote, to that of any State in the Union. It has been a Re-
publican State from the hour of its admission. It has kept in the
Senate Republican Senators, and in the House Republican members.
Mr. President I promised you that I would not discuss the silver
question and I will not, except to say that this platform is such a
distinct departure from everything heretofore held by this partj^
that it challenges our Republicanism to accept it.
Mr. President, the platform contains some platitudes about in-
ternational conferences. It provides that we will maintain the
gold standard in this country until the principal nations of the
world shall agree that we may do otherwise. Mr. President, this is
the first great gathering of Republicans since this party was organ-
ized that has declared the inability of the American people to con-
trol their own affairs. (Applause on the part of the silver delegates).
To my horror this declaration from the great political party of
Abraham Lincoln and Ulysses S. Grant. Do you believe that the
American people are too weak to actually maintain a financial
system commensurate with the greatness of the country of their
own fruition.
Gentlemen of the Convention, you will have no bi-metallic
agreement with all the great commercial nations of the world, and
it cannot be obtained. So this is a declaration that the gold stand-
ard is to be put upon this country and kept here for all time. Do
you believe that Great Britian, that great commercial nation of the
88 Official Proceedings of the
world— do you believe that Great Britian, our powerful competitor
in commerce and trade, will ever agree to open her mints to the free
coinage of silver? or consent that we should open ours as long as
she gets the advantage of the low prices of the declining values that
have been brought to this country by the adoption of a gold
standard in 1873 in a partial degree only?
We are the great debtor nation of the world. Great Britian is the
great creditor. We pay her ever}'^ year millions and hundreds of
millions of dollars, as income on her investment in this country, on
her loans. A gold standard, in my judgment, lowers prices and de-
creases values. And she buys of us millions and millions more
than she (Great Britian) sells. She buys upon a gold standard, a
lowering and depreciating standard. How long do you think it will
be when she will agree to a system of values that raises the price of
the farm product, or the product of our mines in this country? It is
a solemn declaration that the Republican party intends to maintain
low prices and stagnated business for all time to come.
Mr. President, there is a beautiful provision in this platform
about the tariff. Mr. President, I subscribe to that. (Applause and
cheers). I believe in a protective tariff. I have advocated it for
forty years, but it is my solemn conviction that a protective tarifif
cannot be maintained upon a gold standard. The tariff protection
principle is for the raisingof the price of human toil; it is for giving
to the producer ample compensation for his labor; the gold standard,
on the contrary, everywhere that it is enforced, is for the purpose of
reducing values.
Now, gentlemen of the Convention, I am going to make this simple
objection as to the protective system; that it is in danger, and then
I will call your attention to one other fact, and then I will leave it to
your judgment whether this platform shall be adopted or whether
it shall be rejected. Under existing conditions, we undoubtedly
have the gold standard. I do not deny that, but what I have sought
for twenty years is to change it to the bi-metallic system. I have
believed, and I now believe that when the Almighty created these
twin metals he intended that the world should use them for the
purposes for which they were created. And when he blessed this
land of ours with more gold and more silver than any other coun-
try in the world he meant that we should use them for the purposes
for which they were intended, to-wit: This use by the people as
standard monej^ We to-day reverse the traditions of our country
and declare we will use only one. If the American people are in
favor of that, I have nothing to say. I must submit to the majority
vote, and the majority voice in this country of ours. I do not believe
this party of ours, if it could be polled, is in favor of a single gold
standard. I believe that ninety per cent of the American people are
in favor of bi-metallism of the old fashioned sort that existed in this
country up to 1873.
Mr. President and gentlemen of the Convention, I promised you
that I would take btit a few moments, and I believe that I am
allowed only a few minutes more in which I can rapidly address
you. But I want to say a few things, and they may seem to you to
be personal, and that they ought not to be introduced in an audience
like this. I must beg your indulgence if I seem to transcend the
proprieties of this occasion, if I shall say something personal to
myself.
I have formed my conviction on this great question after twenty
years of study; after twenty years of careful thought and careful
Eleventh Republican NatiOxXAl Convention. 89
reading. I have been trained in a school that it seems to me ought
to fit me fairly well for reaching- just conclusions from established
facts. I have formed my conclusions to such an extent that they
become binding on my conscience. I believe that the adoption of a
gold standard in the United States will work great hardship; that it
Avill increase the distress, and that no legislation touching the tariff
can remove the difficulties that now all admit prevail in this land.
I believe that the whole welfare of my race is dependent upon a
rightful solution of this question; that the morality, thecivilizatioa,
nay the very religion of my country is at stake in this contest. I
know, and you know that men in distress are neither patriotic nor
brave. You and I know that hunger and distress will destroy pat-
riotism and love of country. If you have love of country, patriotic
fervor and independence, you must have your citizens comfortably
fed and comfortably clothed. That is what made me a Republican
in 1853: that is what made me a Republican all these years, because
I believed that the Republican party was good for the great masses
of men, that its legislation was intended to lift up and elevate and
hold up and sustain the unfortunate and the distressed and give all
American citizens equal opportunities before the law. (Applause).
I do not believe it can be had with a gold standard.
You may doubt my judgment, and many of you will, but shall I
doubt it? I must act upon my judgment, and not upon yours. I
must answer to my conscience, and not to my neighbor's. I must
do my duty, as it is presented to me and not as presented to you. I
say to you now that I may hasten my remarks that with the solemn
conviction upon me that this gold plank means ultimate disaster
and distress to my fellowman, I cannot subscribe to it, and if
adopted I must, as an honest man, sever my connection with the
political organization that makes that one of the main articles of its
faith. (Applause). I repeat here what I said yesterday in commit-
tee, I would not upon my own judgment alone, carefully as I have
attempted to prepare it, dare to take this step alone. My friends, I
am sustained in my view of the danger that is coming to us and
coming to the world by the adoption of the gold standard by the in-
telligence of the entire world. They may say that the silver ques-
tion is a craze. Let me tell you that the best part of Europe, the
best part of the world, is with the advocates of bi-metallism. All
the great political teachers of Europe, with the exception of five or
six, are the pronounced advocates of bi-metallism, unrestricted, un-
restrained bi-metallism. All the great teachers of political economy
in the European colleges, without exception, are in favor of bi-met-
allism. My own judgment, based as I have said to you, on careful
preparation, on careful study for twenty years bears me out and
puts me in accord with them, and I would be recreant to my trust,
given to me by the people of my State if I failed to protest here, and
if I failed, when the Republican party makes this one of the tenets
of its faith, to sever mv connection from that party. (Applause and
cries of "No!" "No!")
Mr. President, I ask your kind permission to say a few things
personal to myself, and when I have said that, having told you what
my conscience demands that I should do, I will leave this question
for your consideration.
Do you suppose that myself and my associates who act with me
and take the same view of this question that I do— do you suppose
that we can take this step without distress? Do you suppose that
we could take it for any personal advantage, or any honor that could
90 Official Proceedings of the
be conferred upon us? We say it is a question of duty. You may
nominate in this Convention any man you choose; if you will put
him on the right kind of a platform I will vote for him. You may
take any methods to nominate him that you think proper. I will
defer to your judgment and support him if the platform is a right
one, but when you ask me here now to surrender my principles, as an
honest man, I cannot do that. I realize what it will cost us; I re-
alize the gibes and sneers and the contumely that will be heaped
upon us, but, my fellow citizens, I have been through this before—
before the political party to which you belong had a being. I have
advocated a cause more unpopular than the silver cause. I have
stood for the doctrine of free man, free homes and free speech. I
am used to detraction; I am used to abuse and I have had it heaped
upon me without stint. When the Republican party was organized
I was there. It has never had a national candidate since it was or-
ganized that my voice has not been raised in his support. It has
never had a great principle enunciated in its platform that has not
had my approbation until now. With its distinguished leaders, its
distinguished men of forty years, I have been in close communion
and close friendship. I have shared in its honors and in its few
defeats and disasters. Do you think that we can sever our connec-
tion with a party like this unless that it be a matter of duty, a duty
not to our State, but a duty to all people of this great land. (Ap-
plause).
Mr. President, there are few men in a political party that have
been honored more than I have by the people of the State in which
they live. There are few men in this Convention or anywhere else
that have been longer connected with this organization than I.
There are few men in it who have been more active and known in it
— no, not one has been more attached to the great principle of this
party than I have been, and I cannot go out of it without heartburn-
ings and a feeling that no man can appreciate who has not endured
it, and yet I cannot before my country and my God, agree to the pro-
vision that shall put upon this country a gold standard, and I will
not. (Applause). And I do not care what may be the result. If it
takes me out of political life I will go out with a feeling that at least
I maintain my consistency and my manhood, and that my con-
science is clear, and that my country will have no right to find fault
with me. (Cheersj.
I beg your pardon for saying things so personal, but yet if a per-
sonal act that to some implies perfidy and dishonor, is about to be
taken, I think it but just to myself and my associates that I should
proclaim to you that we take this step not in anger, not in pique,
not because we dislike the nominee, prospectively or otherwise, but
because our conscience requires, as honest men that we should
make this sacrifice, for sacrifice we feel that it is.
Thankingyou gentlemen for your kind attention, retiringfrom you
as I do perhaps never again to have an opportunity of addressing a
Republican Convention, I cannot do it without saying that after all
I have in my heart a hope— nay, I have an expectation, that better
counsels will prevail, and that if you should be foolish enough to
adopt this platform and force us to leave the Republican party, that
better counsel will prevail and ultimately, on a true Republican
platform, sustaining Republican principles, I may have the ines-
timable pleasure of again addressing you.
Eleventh Republican National Convention.
91
(Senator Teller received an ovation from the silver men as he con-
cluded his speech. The Chair then recognized Senator-elect Foraker,
who was greeted with tremendous applause.)
Governor Foraker. I move you, Mr. Chairman that the motion
to substitute be laid on the table.
Senator Lodge, of Massachusetts. I rise to second the motion
made by the Senator of Ohio.
The Chairman. It is moved that the substitute offered by the
gentleman from Colorado, be laid upon the table.
The State of Colorado here demanded that the roll of States be
called and a record made of the vote.
The Chairman. Is that demand seconded by any other State?
The State of Montana seconds the demand.
The State of Nevada also seconds the demand.
The Chairman. The Secretary will call the roll of States and the
Chairman of each delegation will answer.
The Chairman announced a recess of five minutes upon motion
being made, in order that the delegations might caucus and deter-
mine how to vote.
When the five minutes had expired, the Chairman directed the
Secretary to call the roll of States, and the following is the vote on
the motion to lay the substitute on the table:
STATE
Alabama 22
Arkansas 16
California 18
Colorado 8
Connecticut 12
Delaware 6
Florida 8
Georgia 26
Idaho 6
Illinois 48
Indiana 30
Iowa 26
Kansas 20
Kentucky 26
Louisiana 16
Maine 12
Maryland 16
Massachusetts 30
^Michigan 28
Minnesota 18
Mississippi 18
Missouri 31
Montana 6
Nebraska, 16
Nevada 6
New Hampshire 8
VOTE AYE NO
15
7
15
1
3
15
S
12
6
6
2
23
3
6
47
1
30
26
16
4
26
16
12
16
30
27
1
18
IS
33
1
6
16
State votes
New Jersey 20
Nevir York 72
North Carolina ..22
North Dakota 6
Ohio 46
Oregon. 8
Pennsylvania 64
Rhode Island. 8
South Carolina 18
South Dakota 8
Tennessee 24
Texas 30
Idaho 6
Vermont 8
Virginia 24
Washington 8
West Virginia 12
Wisconsin 24
Wyoming 6
Arizona 6
New Mexico 6
Oklahoma 6
Indian Territory 6
Dist. of Columbia 2
Alaska 4
AYE
20
72
7^2
6
46
8
64
8
18
6
23
30
19
IWs
924 818;4 lOSJi
The following proceedings were had during the roll call, on the
motion to lay on the table the substitute proposed by Senator
Teller for the financial plank of the platform: When the vote of the
State of California was announced, it was challenged and the Chair
said: "The Secretary will call the individual roll of delegates."
92 Official Proceedings of the
The Secretary called the roll of the California delegation, with the
following result:
L. A. Sheldon, nay; J. D. Spreckels, nay; U. S. Grant, nay, (The
vote of the son of Gen. Grant was received with cheers by the silver
w^ing of the Convention.)
George A. Knight, naj'; Daniel Cole, yea (applause); A. B. Lemon,
nay; George L. Johnson, nay; J. H. Neff, yea; E. S. Dennison, nay;
A. A. Hockheimer, nay; Joseph S. E. Spear, yea; Henry I. Kawalsky,
nay; William Cluff, no response.
The Chair. The Secretary will call the name of the first alternate
from that district.
The Secretary called the name of A. S. Mangrum, who responded,
"No."
The call w^as continued as follows:
O. A. Hale, nay; Hervey Lindley, nay; T. J. Field, nay; F. H. Short,
nay; F. H.Sinclair, nay.
The call having been completed, the Chairman announced the re-
sult as follows: Yeas, 3; nays, 15.
When the vote of the State of Illinois was announced, Martin B.
Madden, a delegate from Illinois, challenged the vote as announced
b3^ the Chair and thereupon the Chairman directed the Secretary to
call the roll of delegates, which he did with the following result:
Robert W. Patterson, yea; William Penn Nixon, yea; Joseph W.
Fifer, yea; Richard J. Oglesby, yea; Martin B. Madden, yea; Frank C.
Robey,5'ea; Edward S. Conway, yea; William Lorrimer, yea; Edward
R. Brahard, yea; George M. Schneider, yea; Joseph Bidwell, yea;
Thomas O'Shaughnessy, yea; James M. Smyth, yea; Phillip Knopf,
yea; Samuel R. Raymond, yea; Graeme Stewart, yea; Charles Whit-
ney, yea; Edward P. Eugelhardt, yea; Isaac L. Ellwood, yea; H. D.
Judson, yea; Smith D. Atkins, yea; R. S. Farrend, yea; Charles H.
Deere, j'ea; L. H. Brookfield, yea; Duncan McDougall, yea; Thomas
J. Henderson, 3'ea; H. E. Wheeler, yea; H. M. Snapp, yea; W. H.
Krantz, yea; Charles G. Eckert, yea; Charles E. Sniveley, yea; J. C.
Pinckney, nay; J. Mack Scholl, yea; J. O. Anderson, yea; Asa G.
Mtitthews, yea; Sargeant McKnight, yea; J. Otis Humphrey, yea;
Hugh Crea, yea; H. J. Hamlin, 3'ea; A. H. Kinne, yea; A. H. Jones,
3'ea; H. A. Neal, yea; Thomas S. Ridgway, yea; Walter Coyle, yea;
W. A. Rodenberg, yea; J. D. Gerlach, yea; Frank A. Pricket, yea;
James E. Jobe, yea.
The Secretarj' announced the result as follows: Yeas, 47; nays, 1.
(Cheers).
When the vote of the State of Kansas was announced, it was chal-
lenged by Mr. Fitzpatrick, of that State, and the Secretary called the
roll of the Kansas delegation, with the following result:
Eleventh Republican National Convention. 93
Cyrus Leland, Jr., yea; Nathaniel Barnes, yea; Thomas J. Ander-
son, yea; A. P. Riddle, no response.
The Chair. The Secretary will call the name of the first alternate-
The Secretary called the name of W. B. Townsend, who responded
yea.
M. M. Murdock, nay; C. A. Swenson, yea; Wm. C. Hook, yea; John
Shilling-, yea; Grant Hornaday, yea; W. H. Brown, yea; John Ran-
dolph, yea; E. G. Dewey, yea; I. E. Lambert, nay; J. S. Dean, nay; T.
D. Fitzpatrick, yea; Geo. W. Hig-genbothen, yea; E. F. Robinson, yea;
I. P. Purcell, yea; H. J. Bone, yea; Frank Vincent, nay.
All having been completed, the Chair announced the result as
follows: Yeas, 16; nays, 4.
When the vote of the State of Missouri was announced Deleg-ate
L. J. Wall challenged the vote of the State, whereupon the Chairman
directed the Secretary to call the roll of the delegates, which re-
sulted as follows:
Chauncey I. Filley, yea; William Warner, yea; F. G. Niedringhaus ,
yea; J. H. Bothwell, yea; Joseph Park, yea; Edward W, Robinson,
yea; James L. Minnis, yea; J. E. Swauger, yea; M. M. Campbell, yea;
Jackson Walker, yea; John G. Grems, yea; J. L. Bittinger, yea;
Joseph H. Harris, yea; Ed. M. Taubman, yea; F. E. Kellogg, yea; S.
W. Jurden, yea; B. F. Leonard, yea; J. J. Smith, yea; A. R. Jackson,
yea; F. B. Lannder, yea; A. F. Mispagel, yea; S. T. Shapp, yea; L. J.
Wall, yea; Charles F. Gallenkamp, yea; F. B. Brownell, yea; George
A. Phillips, yea; Nathan Frank, yea; Charles D. Comfort, yea; C. B.
Parsons, yea; C. Jesse Roote, yea; M. B. Gideon, yea; J. L. Davis, yea,
T. B. Houghawout, nay; G. A. Purdy, yea.
The Chairman thereupon announced the vote of Missouri: Yeas.
33; nay. 1.
W. T. O'Brien challenged the vote of North Carolina.
The Chairman. The vote of North Carolina is challenged, as an-
nounced. The Secretary will call the roll of delegates.
The roll being called, was responded to as follows:
Jeter C. Prichard, nay; James E. Boyd, j'ea; C. M. Bernard, nay;
George H. White, nay; J. P. Butler, naj^; E. C. Duncan, nay; J. H.
Hannon, nay; H. L. Grant, nay; A. R. Middleton, nay; C. D. Waddell^
nay; W. H. Martin, yea; E. A. Johnson, nay; W. H. Crews. Jr. (alter-
nate), yea: W. T. O'Brien, yea; J. W. Mullen, yea; J. B. Dudley, nay;
Z. F. Long, nay; J. M. Good, yea; James H. Ramsey, nay; C. G. Bai-
ley, yea; M. L. Mott, nay; J. B. Fortune, nay; C. J. Harris, yea; John
G. Grant, nay.
The total vote was: Yeas, 7%, nays, 143^.
When the vote of the State of South Dakota was announced:
Senator Pettigrew, of South Dakota. Mr. Chairman, I challenge
the vote of South Dakota.
94 Official Proceedings of the
The reading clerk then called the roll of delegates of South Da-
kota, with the following result:
L. B. French, yea; R. F. Pettigrew, nay; C. G. Sherwood, yea; D. A.
Minezer, nay; David Williams, yea; H. C. Meachan, yea; W. B. Lucas,
yea; W. E. Smead, yea.
Foster B. Brown, of Tennessee challenged the correctness of
Tennessee's vote.
The list of delegates was called, with the following result:
H. Clay Evans, yea; E. Caldwell, yea; James Jeffries, yea; E. J.
Sanford, yea; W. P. Brownlow, alternate for W. H. Penland, yea; H.
C. Jarvis, yea; Jesse L. Rogers, yea; J. F. Baker, yea; Foster V.
Brown, yea; T. N. Burkett, yea; J. M. Proctor, yea; W. H. Pickering,
yea; J. W. Overall, yea; R. L. Couch, yea; J. D. Bosley, yea; H. L. W.
Cheatham, yea; R. A. Haggard, yea; H. F. Farriss, yea; William
Spellings, yea; G. T. Shannon, yea; D. A. Nunn. yea; Henry E. Aus-
tin, alternate for R. F. Hann, yea; W. M. Randolph, yea; Zachary
Taylor, nay. Total— Yeas, 26; nays, 2.
When the vote of the state of Virginia was announced, it was
challenged, and the Secretary called the roll of Virginia as follows:
William Lamb, yea; James A. Walker, nay; S. M. Yost, yea; A. W.
Harris, yea; George T. Scarburg, yea; T. C. Walker, yea; George E.
Bowden {% vote), yea; A. H. Martin (ig vote), yea; R. M. Smith (i^
vote), yea; Harr}^ Libbey (}4 vote), yea; Edmund Waddell, yea; C. W.
Harris, yea; Smith Balling, yea; J. D. Brady, yea; C. B. Barksdale,
naj^; G. M. Tucker, yea; J. M. McLaughlin, yea;S.E. Sproul, yea; John
Acker, naj^; J. H. Rives, nay; W. G. V. Shumate, j^ea; H. J. Wale, yea;
J. S. Browning, yea; E. F. Bailey, nay; J. C. Scheffer, yea; E. T. Hub-
bard, yea. Total — Yeas, 19; nays, 5.
When the vote of the Territory of New Mexico was announced:
The Chair, Does any delegate from New Mexico challenge the
announcement of the vote?
Mr. Llewellyn, of New Mexico. The vote of New Mexico is
challenged.
The Chair. The Secretary will call the roll of the delegates from
New Mexico.
The Secretary called the roll with the following result:
A. L. Morrison, yea; John S. Clarke, yea; Thomas D. Burns, naj';
Pedro Pera, yea; Solomon Luna, nay; W. H. H. Llewellyn, nay.
The vote of New Mexico was announced: Yeas, 3; nays, 3.
When Alaska was called, C. S. Johnson of that delegation inquired:
"Under the rules, is not Alaska entitled to four votes? We are so
informed to-day."
The Chair. The Chair is informed that under the report of the
Committee on Credentials Alaska has four votes.
Mr. Johnson immediately responded:
"Alaska casts four votes yea."
Eleventh Republican National Convention. 95
When the District of Columbia was called, Perrj^ H. Carson, a del-
egate from the District of Columbia was endeavoring- to get the eye
of the Chair. When finally recognized, he asked:
"I want to know about the vote 'yea' and the vote 'nay' — what it
means." (Laughter and cheers.)
The Chair. The Convention is now voting on a motion to lay the
substitute offered by the Senator from Colorado on the table. A
"yea" vote is to lay it on the table.
Mr. Carson. I only wanted to know whether our delegation voted
right or not and I find it did vote right. (Laughter and cheers.)
The Chairman announced the result of the vote as follows: Upon
the motion to lay upon the table the a3^es were 818^^ and the noes
lOoJ^. The substitute is laid on the table.
After the applause had subsided, the Chair recognized Senator-
elect Foraker, of Ohio.
Governor FoRAKER. On behalf of the State of Ohio, I now move
the previous question on the motion to adopt the resolution as read
from the platform.
Senator DuBois, of Idaho, here attempted to gain recognition from
the Chair, amid some confusion, during which the States of Pennsjd-
vania and Massachusetts seconded the motion of Governor Foraker.
Persisting, Senator DuBois was finally permitted to address the
Chair. He said: I ask the gentleman from Ohio to withdraw his
motion for a moment until I can ask him a question. I ask the gen-
tleman from Ohio not to press his motion until I can ask him a
courteous question.
The Chairman. The Chair will state that under the rules for the
previous question and the order of debate, the Chair can recognize
no gentleman until the previous question is put.
Governor Foraker. I will withdraw my motion until the gentle-
man from Idaho can ask his question.
Senator DuBoiS. Mr. Chairman: There are a great manj' dele-
gates in this Convention who are not in favor of the free and unre-
stricted coinage of silver at a ratio of 16 to 1. There are also a great
many delegates in this Convention who are not in favor of the single
gold standard. I therefore ask for a separate vote upon the finan-
cial plank in order that our great party may go on record on this
question. (Cries of disapproval.) I ask this particularly in the in-
terest of the Republican part3^
The Chairman. The Chair will state that in case the previous
question is ordered by this Convention, then under the rules any
State seconded by two other States can have a division of the ques-
tion.
Colorado and Montana called for a division of the question.
The Chairman. The request for a division of the question has
been properly seconded and the Chair will therefore state that in
96 Official Proceedings of the
case the previous question is first ordered, the question will there-
after be put as upon that portion of the plank upon which the
demand is made for a separate vote. The question before the Con-
vention is upon the previous question.
On the question of ordering- the previous question, it was agreed
to nam. con. and the main question was ordered.
Mr. Stevenson, of Colorado. Mr. Chairman: I ask that the States
be called and the votes announced by deleg-ations.
The Chairman. The question on the demand for a division will
be first put upon the adoption of the financial plank reported by the
Committee, and upon that question Idaho demands a roll call. Is
there a second to the demand?
Mr. Matthews, of Montana. Montana seconds the demand of
Idaho for a call of the roll.
separate vote on the financial plank.
The Chairman. Gentlemen of the Convention: The question is,
shall the financial plank as reported by the Committee, be adopted
as a part of the platform of the Republican party? As the States
are called, those favoring its adoption will vote "aye" and those
opposed will vote "no." The Secretary will now call the roll.
The vote resulted as follows:
state vote aye no state vote aye no
Alabama..... 22 19 3 New York 72 72
Arkansas 16 15 1 North Carolina 22 lYs 14^
California 18 i U North Dakota 6 6
Colorado 8 8 Ohio 46 46
Connecticut 12 12 Oregon .8 8
Delaware 6 6 Pennsylvania 64 64
Florida 8 7 1 Rhode Island 8 8
Georgia 26 25 1 South Carolina 18 18
Idaho 6 6 vSouth Dakota 8 7 1
Illinois 48 46 2 Tennessee 24 23 I
Indiana 30 30 Texas 30 30
Iowa 26 26 Utah 6 6
Kansas 20 15 5 Vermont 8 8
Kentucky 26 26 Virginia 24 17 7
Louisiana 16 16 Washington 8 8
Maine 12 12 West Virginia 12 12
Maryland 16 16 Wisconsin 24 24
Massachusetts 30 'M Wyoming 6 6
Michigan 28 25 3 Arizona 6 6
Minnesota 18 18 New Mexico 6 2 4
Mississippi.. 18 18 Oklahoma 6 6
Missouri 34 33 1 absent Indian Territory 6 6
Montana « 6' Dist. of Columbia 2 2
Nebraska 16 13 3 Alaska 4 4
Nevada 6 6
New Hampshire 8 8 924 SlZYz llOVi
New Jersey 20 20
During the calling of the roll on the question to adopt the finan-
cial plank of the platform, there ensued the following proceeding's:
When Iowa was called the Chairinan of the delegation gave the
vote of that State as yeas, 2J:; two not voting.
Mr. Baldwin, of Iowa, challenged the vote of the delegation.
The Chair. The Secretary will call the roll of the delegates.
Eleventh Republican National Convention. 97
The Secretary called the roll of delegates, with the following- re-
sult:
John H. Gear, yea; W. P. Hepburn, yea; D. B. Henderson, yea; J. S.
Clarkson, yea; James C. Davis, yea; Charles M. Junkin, yea; Seth L.
Baker, nay; Geo. W. French, yea; Edward Knott, yea; J. T. Merrj',
yea; S. B. Zeigler, yea; Edward Collins, yea; G. R. Stumble, yea; S.
W. Kathbun, nay; Calvin Maning, yea; W. H. Needham, yea: A. B.
Cummins, yea; C. D. Bevington, no response.
The Secretary called the name of the alternate, J. A. Mills, who
voted yea.
L. Banks Wilson, yea; R. H. Spence, yea; John N. Baldwin, 3'ea;
Silas Wilson, yea; George C. Call, nay; H. W. Macomber, nay; F. H.
Heisell, yea; D. C. Roach, yea.
The roll call having been completed, the Chair announced the re-
sxilt as follows: Yeas, 23; nays, 3.
When the vote of the State of Kansas was announced, a delegate
from Kansas challenged the vote of that State, whereupon the Secre-
tary called the roll of delegates and alternates as follows:
Cyrus Leland, Jr., yea; Nathaniel Barnes, j'ea; Thomas J. Ander-
son, yea; A. P. Riddle, no response; M. M. Murdock, nay: C. A. Swen-
son, no response; W. B. Townsend, yea; Thomas Anderson, no,
response; S. L. Shafer, yea; William C. Hook, yea; John Shilling
yea; Grant Hornaday, yea; W. H. Brown, j^ea; John Randolph, nay;
E. G. Dewey, yea; I. E. Lambert, nay; J. S. Dean, nay; T. D. Fitzpat-
rick, yea; George W. Higgenbothen, yea; E. F. Robinson, 3'ea; I. T.
Purcell, 5^ea; H. J. Bone, yea; Frank Vincent nay.
The Chair thereupon announced the vote of Kansas as: Yeas, 15;
nays, 5.
When the vote of New Mexico was announced, Mr. W. H. H.
Llewellyn challenged the vote of New Mexico.
Upon the call of the roll the following was the result:
A. L. Morrison, 5^ea; John S. Clark, yea; Thomas D. Burns, naj^;
Pedro Perea, nay; Solomon Luna, nay; W. H. H. Llewellyn, nay; — 2
votes yea and four votes nay.
Gen. Walker of Virginia challenged the vote of Virginia.
The roll of delegates was then called with the following result:
William Lamb, yea; James A. Walker, nay; S. M. Yost, 3^ea; A. W.
Harris, yea; George T. Scarburg, yea; T. C. Walker, yea; George E.
Bowden, ^2 vote, nay; R. N. Smith, ^^^ vote, 3'ea; A, H. Martin, y2 vote,
nay; Harry Libbey, % vote, yea; Edmund Waddell, nay; C. W. Harris,
yea; Stich Balling, yea; C. J. Barksdale, nay; G. M. Tucker, yea; J. N.
McLaughlin, yea; S. E. Sproule, yea; John Acker, nay; J. H. Rives,
nay; W. G. B. Shumate, yea: H. J. Wale, 5^ea; J. S. Browning, yea, D.
F. Bailey, naj^; J. C. Schefifer, yea; R. T. Hubbard, yea.
The call of delegates resulted in 16 ayes and 7 nos.
98 Official Proceedings of the
Col. Henderson, of Iowa, here announced that the three neg'ative
votes from Iowa had been changed from "nay" to "aj'e," amid ap-
plause.
The Secretary was instructed to again call the State of Iowa, re-
sulting in the response "26 votes aye."
Chairman Thurston announced the result of the vote as follows:
A5-es8123^; Noes llQi^.
Continuing, the Chair said: And the financial plank is adopted.
(Applause).
ADOPTION OF THE PLATFORM.
The Chair: The question now recurs upon the adoption of the
balance of the platform. All in favor of its adoption will say "aye;"
those opposed, "no."
The vote was put, and the platform was adopted by an almost
unanimous vote, amid great applause.
Immediately after the announcement of the adoption of the plat-
form, Senator Teller, of Colorado, appeared on the platform, and in
a low voice informed the Chair that he had an important communi-
cation to present to the Convention.
The Chair. The gentleman from Colorado rises to a question of
personal privilege.
Senator Teller. Mr. Chairman, we have prepared a statement,
which, with the permission of the Chair, will be read by Senator
Cannon.
STATEMENT OF RETIRING DELEGATES.
The Chairman. It is asked as a matter of personal privilege that
a statement prepared by certain members of this Convention be
read. In the absence of objection, the Chair will permit the Dele-
gate from Utah, Senator Cannon, to read the statement, as a matter
of personal privilege. The Chair asks respectful attention and ab-
solute quiet.
Senator Cannon then read the following statement :
To the Republican National Convention of the United States :
In announcing the purpose asserted in this paper, it is due to our
constituents and to ourselves that there shall be a public showing
of vindicating facts. The sole authorized expression of National
Republican faith from June 9th, 1892 until the present date, has been
the platform adopted in the National Convention at Minneapolis.
Neither the utterances of State Conventions, nor the attitude of in-
dividuals could change the tenor of that platform, or abate the
sanctity of its binding force. Every delegate to this Convention
was elected as its adherent and its advocate. True, one of its most
important paragraphs has been subjected to such a diversion of
construction as to make its language unsatisfactory during the
intervening time, and dangerous if continued in the future; but of the
Eleventh Republican National Convention. 99
intent contained within thatlanguag'e there has never been a doubt.
It is the rightful province of this Convention to revise the party-
tenets and to announce anew the party purpose. A majority of this
Convention, in the exercise of such authority, has this day made
official enunciation of Republican law and gospel. With much of
the platform we agree, believing that in many essential particulars
it compasses the needs of humanity, affirms the maintenance of
right and proposes the just remedj^ for wrong. But it declares one
elemental principle not only in direct contravention of the expres-
sion of party faith in 1892, but in radical opposition to our solemn
conviction. We recognize that in all matters of mere method it is
but just and healthful that the minority shall yield to the will of
the majority, else we have chaos in party and in government. But
as no pronouncement of majorities can change opposing knowl-
edge, or belief, sincerely entertained, so it cannot oblige the minor-
ity to abandon or disobey its principles. As surely as it is requi-
site for peace and progress that minorities shall yield to majorities
in matters of mere method, just so surely is it necessary for that
same peace and progress that minorities shall not yield in matters
of fundamental truth. The Republican platform of 1892 affirms that
the American people, from tradition and interest, favored bi-metall-
ism, and demanded the use of both gold and silver as standard
money. This was accepted by us as a declaration in behalf of the
principle upon which rests the interest of every citizen, and the
safety of the United States. In such terms the platform was then
satisfactory to the believers in bi-metallism within our part}^ Only
because of equivocal construction and evasion has it since been
demonstrated to be insufficient. The platform this day adopted in
the National Republican Convention at St. Louis is as follows.
(Here follows the financial plank of the platform just adopted(.
As the declaration of 1892 has been by a majority of the party
construed to justify a single gold standard for a monetary basis,
and as the recent trend of the official power of the party has been
in that direction, we can but assume that the money plank of the
new platform, which is much more favorable to gold monometallism,
will be determinedly used in behalf of that idea. The Republican
party has won its power and renown by maintaining its purposes
covirageously and relentlessly. It is therefore only in accordance
with the party's history to assume that if it shall come into present
authority in the United States, it will crystallize into law, an admin-
istration under this tempting platform the perpetual single gold
standard in our finances. This, if long continued, will mean the
absolute ruin of the producers of the country, and finally of the
nation itself.
The American people not only favor bi-inetallism from tradition
and interest, but from that wise instinct which has always been
manifest in the affairs of a people destined for the world's leadership.
Under the operation of our great demand for advancement we have
become to other nations the greatest debtor nation of the world.
We pay the vast charges which every year accumulate against us
in the clearing houses of the world with the money of the world,
procured by the disposal of our commodities in the markets of the
world. We are a nation of producers. Our creditors are nations of
consumers. Any system of international or national finance, which
elevates the price of human produce makes our burden lighter and
gives promise of that day when it shall be entirely lifted and our
country freed financially, as it is politically, from the domination of
100 Official Proceedings of the
monarchy and foreign autocracy. History, philosophy and morals
all join with a common instinct of self-preservation in demanding
that the United States shall have a solid, substantial, unvarying
standard composed of all available gold and silver under which our
country will progress to financial enfranchisement. But with a
single gold standard, the country will go on to worse destruction, to
continued falling prices, until our people will becoine the hewers
of wood and the drawers of water for the consumers in the creditor
nations of the earth.
To such an unholy achievement we will not lend ourselves. Dear
as has been the Republican name to its adherents, that name is
not so dear as the faith itself, and we do not abate one jot or tittle of
a mighty principle by which Republicanism has uplifted the world
when we saj^ at this parting of the ways, we cling to the faith, let
ihe name go where it will.
(The speaker was here interrupted by calls of "Time, Time" but
the Chair asked for a respectful hearing, and the speaker con-
tinued):
We hold that this Convention has seceded from the truth; that
the triumph of such secession would be the eventual destruction of
our freedom and our civilization. To that end the people will not
knowinglj^ follow anj^ political party, and w^e choose to take our
place in the ranks of the great mass of citizens who realize that the
hour has come for justice. Did we deem this issue less important
to humanit}^, we would yield, since the associations of all our
political lives have been entertwined with the men and the meas-
ures of this party of past mighty achievement. But the people crj^
aloud for relief; they are bending- beneath a burden growing heavier
with the passing hours; endeavor no longer brings its just reward;
fearfulness takes the place of courage and despair usurps the
throne of hope, and unless the laws of the country and the policies
of political parties shall be converted into mediuins of redress, the
effect of human desperation may sometime be witnessed here as in
other lands and in other ages. Accepting the fiat of this Conven-
tion as the present purpose of the party, w^e withdraw from this
Convention and return to our constituents the authority with which
they invested us, believing that we had better discharge their trust
by this act which restores to them the authority unsullied, than by
giving cowardly and insincere endorsement to the greatest wrong
ever wilfully attempted within the Reptiblican part}^ once the
redeemer of the people, but now about to become their oppressor
unless Providentially restrained.
(This last sentence' was received with an uproar of hisses. The
uproar continued and the Chairman in attempting to appease the
audience said):
The Chairman. The Chair suggests to this Convention that the
Republican party, in convention assembled, need not fear any
declaration —
(Here the uproar was renewed and the Chair could not be heard).
The Chair (continuing): And the Chair further suggests, in the
interests of the Republican party, that whatever is to be said within
reasonable limits bj^ those who can no longer remain in our organ-
Eleventh Republican National Convention. 101
ization oug-ht to be listened to with respectful attention, believing
that full answer to" all such declarations will be made by the great
majority of the American people at the polls in November. (Cheers).
Senator Cannon (continuing): This is signed by a committee in
behalf of the withdrawing delegates. The names of the committee
are: Henry M. Teller, of Colorado; F. T. DuBois, Idaho; Frank J.
Cannon, Utah; Charles A. Hartman, Montana; R.F. Pettigrew, South
Dakota; A. C. Cleveland, Nevada.
Upon completing the reading of the statement, Senator Cannon
shook hands with Senator Thurston and Senator-elect Foraker, and
withdrew from the platform.
This incident was followed by the withdrawal of the silver dele-
gates from the Convention, amid great excitement and a magnificient
demonstration upon the part of the remaining delegates who tried
to outvie each other in demonstrations of loyalty to the party and
her principles. The " Red, White and Blue" "America," and other
patriotic songs were plaj^'ed by the band, joined in by one grand
chorus from the audience, which continued for some minutes.
When quiet was restored, the Chair proceeded as follows:
Gentlemen of the Convention: There seems to be enough dele-
gates left to transact the business of the Convention.
The remark of the Chairman was received with derisive shouts,
and a general uproar of laughter ensued.
The Chairman: The Chair now begs the Convention to hear
the Delegate from Montana, who did not go out. (Applause). (Calls
of "platform" "platform").
The Chairman: It is the wish of this Convention that the gentle-
man come to the platform.
SENATOR MANTLE'S REMARKS.
Senator MANTLE: (Speaking from his seat in the Montana delega-
tion). Mr. and Chairman and gentlemen: There is, evidently, from
the remarks of the Chairman, a misapprehension as to my position,
and that which those who remained with me, occupy with reference
to this Convention. I desire to say that a majority of the delegation
from the State of Montana have not felt that, under all the circum-
stances surrounding this occasion, they were justified in actually
walking out from this Convention. (Cries of good, good). But, Mr.
Chairman, I am compelled to say in deference to the wishes and the
opinions of a vast majority of the Republicans of the State of Mon-
tana, that we cannot give our approval, or our endorsement to the
financial plank this day adopted. ('• Good, good") Now, Mr. Chair-
man, the gentlemen who are here in this Convention are here to rep-
resent the sentiments of the people who sent them here. We of
Montana are here precisely in the same position. Under the pledges
made by the Republican party in its last National Republican
platform, we of the West went out and said to our people: The
102 Official Proceedings of the
Republican party is the friend of silver; it has declared that it is
"in favor of the use of both gold and silver as the standard monej'
of this nation." Upon that statement, although we encountered a
Populist wave which swept over our Western States, we were en-
abled to keep the State of Montana within the Republican party,
and to cast its electoral vote for Benjamin Harrison. But, Mr.
Chairman, had it been stated that the Republican party was in
favor of the single gold standard, that achievement would have
been impossible.
(The speaker was here interrupted by Mr. Henderson, of Iowa,
who said):
Mr. Chairman, I rise to a question of order. (Shouts and cries of
"no, no," "sit down").
(Soine confusion ensued, during which Mr. Henderson and
Senator Mantle exchanged a few remarks, whereupon Mr. Hender-
son withdrew his point of order.)
Senator Mantle: Mr. Chairman: The victors can well afford to
be generous. I am simply expressing the sentiments of the people
who sent me here, and they have never bisen anywhere but in the
Republican partj^. I have never in my life cast anything but a
Republican vote, and I do not want to do it now if I can help it.
(Applause). But we have come here under explicit direction,
under explicit instruction from the Republicans of our State. We
would be false to them and false to ourselves if we did not state
their position, and their objections at this time. Mr. Chairman, in
the name and in behalf of the Republicans of Montana, I protest
earnestl}"^, solemnly and emphatically against the financial plank
of the platform adopted this day. And I say this, that we cannot
accept it; we cannot endorse it; w^e cannot support it But
here there is a difference of opinion in this delegation. There
are those who are satisfied to utter this protest and still participate
in the proceedings of this Convention. (Applause.) There are
others who feel that in declining to support the party declaration
upon this great controlling issue, they are in honor bound
not to participate in the placing of a candidate upon a platform,
a portion of which they cannot at this time endorse. But, Mr. Chair-
man, whatever the action of the delegation may be among its indi-
vidual members, I w^ant to say this that we reserve the right to the
Republicans of the State of Montana, to accept or reject at such time
and in such manner as they may determine the platform and the
candidates this day placed before them by this Convention. (Ap-
plause.)
General Grosvenor: Mr. Chairman. I will not consent that any
more time shall be taken up. I object to the fraudulent introduc-
tion of Democratic speeches under the head of privileged com-
munications.
The Chairman. The Chair believes that in recognizing Senator
Brown, of Utah, to a question of personal privilege, it is not for
a continuation of anything objectionable to this Convention,
Eleventh Republican National Convention. 103
senator brown's remarks.
Senator Brown, of Utah: Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen of this
Convention: The delegation of Utah does not bolt. (Applause).
We do not believe that the Republican party is an oppressor, but
the guardian of liberty and the protector of honest government
everywhere. Three of our delegation have gone, and I am here to
express our sorrow at their departure. We have begged them to re-
main and w^e shall never cease to urge them to return. (Applause).
It is personal, largely, however. As I said before, we have three
delegates in this Convention, and we have three alternates. Mr.
Rodgers, Mr. Green and Mr. Schmidt, all true to the old Republican
party. (Applause). We have come before you as staunch and stal-
w^art Republicans, and as loyal to her principles as are the everlast-
ing mountains where we live. We do not, in saying this, surrender
anything of the belief that we have, and I shall not w^eary you w^ith
a speech on that subject. We still remain true to the principle of
free coinage of silver at the old ratio. We do not believe it can be
settled by a mere vote this fall, or a mere vote in this Convention.
Time, prosperity and success can only settle it, and when it is set-
tled that way, it will be the redemption of silver as Constitutional
money. But, as I said, I promised not to speak to you on that sub-
ject; I come to say to you that there is one great issue before the
American people. One to which the Republican party was pledged
years and years ago; one in which you have not yet fulfilled your
mission — you have promised to the people of the United States an
American Tariff and American protection. That promise you must
fulfill this fall. You must send protection to every ship owner and
every ship maker; you must send protection to the farmer, to the
manufacturer, and I come to you to say that Utah, or part of us at
least, will endeavor to labor to help you in that cavise. (Cries of
"good" "good"). We will go to the people of that State; we will go
to the Protectionists of that State, and we will labor with them to
see if we cannot send three electors who shall vote for the nominee
of this Convention, whoever he may be. (Applause). We will labor
to see to it that we have a representation in Congress that will vote
for every Tariff Bill that comes up. (Applause). We never have
faltered at home on that subject. We are with you. We may have
some doubt or misgiving of the past, but our hearts will reach for-
ward, and we will struggle to convince you that we are right on the
silver question, but whether you are right, or we are right, we will
work together, and we will work with you for the great cause of
Americanism.
And now, Mr. President, I beg that the three alternates whom I have
named be allowed to sit with us as Delegates in this Convention to
take the place of those who have retired. (Applause).
The Chairman: Unless objection is made, the three alternates
from Utah will be authorized to take their seats in the places of the
three delegates who have retired.
104 Official Proceedings of the
mr. burleigh's remarks.
Mr. Burleigh. ?Ir. Chairman and Gentlemen of the Conven-
tion: Coming from the only Pacific coast State which declared in
its platform for the maintenance of the present gold standard and
against the free coinage of silver, I desire to take your attention for
one moment. The young State of Washington, smaller than many
of her magnificent sisters in this Union, yields first place for pa-
triotic devotion to the principles of this government, and loyal alle-
giance to the tenets of the Republican party, to none. We have not
come here to imbibe inspiration on the money question. We brought
our inspiration with us, twenty-five hundred miles from the Pacific
coast, and through the States of Idaho and Montana and it is just
as good here now and just as fervent as before it made the journey.
We believe in a single gold standard, because we think the money
which pays interest to the banker on Wall street is none too good to
pay the wages of labor in Washington. (Cries of "good"). And the
principles of this party inscribed upon our banner with Protection,
Reciprocity, with sound money, as defined by this platform and
with the unanimous choice of the Republicans of that State for
President, William McKinley, of Ohio, (Great applause), we shall
go to Republican victory at the polls in November, and with us will
go the loyal people of the State of Montana.
THE NEW NATIONAL COMMITTEE.
At this point there were calls for the regular order.
The Chairman. The regular order is demanded ; the Secretary
w^ill call the roll, and when each State is called it will report its
member of the -National Committee. It is further requested that
the name and post office address of each member be sent to the desk
in w^riting.
Alabama William Youngblood Birmingham.
Arkansas Powell Clayton Little Rock.
California John D. Spreckels San Francisco.
Colorado J. F. Saunders Denver.
Connecticut . .Samuel Fessenden Stamford.
Delaware James H. Wilson Wilmington.
Florida John C. Long St. Augustine.
Georgia Judson W. Lyons Augusta.
Idaho George L. Shoup Salmon City,
Illinois T. N. Jamieson Chicago.
Indiana Winfield T. Durbin Anderson.
Iowa A. B. Cummins Des Moines.
Kansas Cyrus Leland, Jr Troy.
Kentucky John W. Yerkes Danville.
Louisiana A. T. Wimberly New Orleans.
Maine Joseph H. Manley Augusta.
Maryland George L. Wellinton. . . .Cumberland,
Massachusetts George H. Lyman Boston,
Michigan George L. Maltz Detroit.
Minnesota L. F. Hubbard Red Wing.
Mississippi James Hill Vicksburg.
Missouri Richard C.Kerens St, Louis.
Montana Charles R. Leonard Butte.
Eleventh Republican National Convention. 105
Nebraska John M. Thurston Omaha.
Nevada. C. H. Sproule Elko.
New Hampshire. . .Person C. Cheney Manchester.
New Jersey Garret A. Hobart Paterson.
New York Fred. S. Gibbs New York City,
North Carolina James E. Boyd Greensboro.
North Dakota W. H. Robinson Mayville.
Ohio Chas. L. Kurtz Columbus.
Oregon George A. Steele Portland.
Pennsylvania Matthew S. Quay Beaver.
Rhode Island Charles R. Brayton Providence.
South Carolina Eugene A. Webster Orangeburg.
South Dakota A. B. Kittredge Sioux Falls.
Tennessee W. P. Brownlow Jonesboro.
Texas John Grant Sherman.
Utah L. R. Rogers Salt Lake City.
Vermont George T. Childs St. Albans.
Virginia George E. Bowden Norfolk.
Washington P. C. Sullivan Tacoma.
West Virginia N. B. Scott Wheeling.
Wisconsin Henry C. Payne Milwaukee.
Wyoming Willis Van Devanter Cheyenne.
Arizona W. M. Griffith Florence.
New Mexico Solomon Luna Los Lunas.
Indian Territory . . .Leo E. Bennett Muskogee.
Oklahoma Henry E. Asp Guthrie.
Dist. of Columbia. .Myron M. Parker Washington.
Alaska C. S. Johnson Sitka.
The Chairman. The Chair announces that the members of the
National Committee, as reported to this Convention, will meet to-
morrow morning at ten o'clock at rooms 366 and 368, of the Southern
Hotel, this city. The gentlemen from Ohio, General Grosvenor
offers a resolution which the Secretary will read:
The resolution is as follows: Whereas, there are several vacan-
cies on the National Committee, as reported on the last call; there-
fore,
Resolved, That the National Committee be and it is hereby em-
powed to fill all vacancies on said Committee.
The resolution was adopted.
NOMINATION OF CANDIDATES FOR PRESIDENT.
The Chairman. The regular order of business is the roll call of
States for the presentation of candidates for nomination. (Applause).
Mr. Mantle, of Montana. Mr. Chairman. One of the delegates
from the State of Montana has felt it his duty to withdraw from the
Convention. I desire to ask, sir, that one of the alternates may oc-
cupy his place and cast a vote in this Convention.
The Chair. It will be so ordered, without objection.
The Secretary will call the roll of States.
106 Official Proceedings of the
The roll of States was called and no response was made until the
State of Iowa was reached, when Mr. Henderson said:
Mr. Chairman, Mr. John N. Baldwin, of Council Blviffs, will speak
for Iowa. (Amid great applause, Mr. Baldwin began):
MR. ALLISON NAMED.
Mr. Baldwin. Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen of the Conven-
tion: There is one, but only one of those whose names will be
presented to this Convention who can claim that there has been
placed for him in historj^'s golden urn an estimate of his char-
acter and worth, made by him, on whom nature has stamped her
royal seal; God exhibited as his greatest design of American man-
hood, genius, statesmanship and patriotism, who now in Heaven,
wears a crown of deathless praise, and whose great soul is a portion
of eternity itself — James G. Blaine. (Applause).
Blaine, writing to Garfield, said: "Then comes Allison. He ia
true, kind, reasonable, fair, honest and good. He is methodical, in-
dustrious and intelligent, and would be a splendid man to sail along
with smoothly and successfully."
Complying with the request of the Iowa delegation, I rise to pro-
pose to this Convention the noinination of him, to whom this heri-
tage was bequeathed— William B. Allison, and to ask you to make
it on the old and new testament of Republicanism. It takes a big
man to represent the State of Iowa in the Congress of the United
States for thirty-five years, but Senator Allison is that man. With
the most perfect knowledge of the details of all our political laws
and their histories, with that statesmanlike judgment which dis-
tinguishes the essential from the accidental and the immutable
from the transitory; "with every look a cordial smile, every gesture
a caress," yet with a spirit of such firm mold and purpose that no
bribe or feast or palace could awe or swerve, he has for thirty-five
years upon the floor of the House and Senate been fighting for the
interest of the people; carrying onward and upward the nations'
legislative work; turning cranks out of place; unsphering the cul-
minating stars of Democracy; unmasking the hidden purposes of
corrupt ineasures, until now, he holds the place of ungrudged
supremacy in the legislative halls of that most splendid of capitols.
That which this country has lost is that which it now seeks, "Pro-
tection." To get it the people have worked hard, prayed fast, paid
high and now let them have it. Allison does not believe in a tariff
for Revenvie only, but in a tariff for Protection and Revenue jointly.
He has always insisted that the Protective sj^stem is the mightiest
instrument for the development of our National resources and the
strongest agency to protect American wealth and American labor.
Protection built the laborer his American home, and he never again
will welcoine therein Democratic sirens, singing Free Trade songs,
written and composed b}^ English bards, for having chiseled the
principles of protection in its hearthstone, he will, at the next elec-
tion defend them at his front gate.
The great and important issue which is just now coming around
the corner is the one of sound money, and we can no more dodge it
than we can gravitation — and sound money means the courageous
maintenance of our present gold standard until changed by inter-
national agreement. In this respect, the situation is easily simple,
but certainly serious.
Eleventh Republican National Convention. 107
A decision upon this important question must be made by this
Convention, and, remember, gentlemen, a nation listens to catch the
click of its fate. For Senator Allison you cannot build too strong
a platform for sound money, and if you place him upon it he will
see to it that the dry rot of 16 to 1 does not steal through its staunch
timbers. The United States can no more make good money by
simply placing its symbol of sovereignty or mark of authority on
any kind of metal regardless of its commercial value or relations to
foreign countries, than it can extend its domain by calling a furlong
a mile. He believes that an American dollar should have a few
grains of sense as well as more of silver. That there can be no
stability to our currency or money, if we keep adopting such shift-
ing policies as that under them the same piece may be a copper
cent in one hand or a dollar in another. He believes, that unlimited
coinage would soon lead to unlimited bankruptc3^. No honest
farmer would borrow from his neighbor a bushel of 50-cent wheat
and insist upon paying him back in a bushel of 25-ceat oats, and
so this great government cannot expect to keep its credit at the
highest point if it borrows dollar gold and insists upon paying
back with 50-cent silver, any other construction of the word "coin"
in any laws or any contracts to the contrary notwithstanding.
The platform of this Convention must be for sound money, and in
clear, ringing, unmistakable terms. On any other construction of
it the party may get into power, but the country will be in danger
of falling into the batch of bankrupt governments and at the end
of the party's administration it w^ould probably have no more of an
estate that did Rebelais, whose will, when opened, read: "In the
name of God, Amen. I have nothing. I owe much. I give the rest
to the poor." "At the time when nation wildly looks at nation, stand-
ing with tnute lips apart" Allison did not meet with a clenched fist
the proffei'ed hand of international adjustment. However, he has
stood unwaveringly by the Monroe Doctrine, and insisted that the
United States should recognize any people, struggling for liberty
and Republican institutions, even if they were insurgents in Cuba.
I ask you to nominate him. If you do, the people from the sand-
enshrouded Mexican line, to the live wire that separates us from an
unborn daughter on the North, will shout as in one glorious, glad
anthem, "The old temple of Republicanism still stands. Flock
to it for shelter." If you do, every keynote of the campaign will be
kept up at concert pitch. If you do, the White House will be used
no longer as an experiment station. Nominate him, and not now,
perhaps, but when the strife is over, his name will fall like millenial
music on your ears. Nominate him and a thrill of joy will go from
the West to the East, carrying on its trembling way the songs of our
reapers, only to be lost in the roar of j^our furnaces. Nominate him
and when our corn grows gold in autumn's time, our flocks teeming
and our granaries full, every spindle will be turning daj' and night
on the Merrimac. If you will do this, light will break upon our
darkened land and instantly a long-sufifering people will hear the
surges of returning prosperity.
May the spell of Republicanism have greater power to move you,
than the spell of magic words. In this hour of anxious expectancy;
in this hour pregnant with history, prophecy and destinj^ the grave
gives up its mighty dead, and they are here — Lincoln, Grant, Gar-
field, Blaine, yea all the illustrious dead of the Republican party;
and mingled with its living advocates, martyred Lincoln's spirit
pleads with you to see to it that "These dead shall not have died in
vain."
108 . Official Proceedings of the
An ovation followed the conclusion of Mr. Baldwin's remarks, the
Iowa delegation being especially enthusiastic.
MR. REED NAMED.
By direction of the Chairman the roll call was continued, but no
State responded until Maine was reached, when the Hon. Henry
Cabot Lodge, of Massachusetts, inade the following nominating
speech:
Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen of the Convention: Four years
ago we met as we meet now, representatives of the great Repub-
lican party. Prosperity was in the land, capital was confident and
labor employed. There was a good day's wage for a good daj^'s work,
and the spirit of American enterprise was strong and bold. The
Treasury was full and the revenues were sufficient. We met the pub-
lic needs out of the public income. We were at peace with all the
world and had laid a prudent hand on the key of the Pacific. Four
short years have come and gone. Look around you now. The
Treasury is empty. Our credit is impaired, our revenues are defi-
cient. We meet the public needs not by income, but by borrowing at
high rates and pledging the future to meet the wants of the present.
Business is paralyzed, confidence has gone, enterprise has folded
its eagle wings and mopes and blinks in the market place. There
is no longer a good day's wage for a good day's work. Capital hides
itself and labor idly walks the street. We have met with slights
abroad; we have had serious troubles with other nations; the key
of the Pacific has slipped frotn nerveless hands. Foreign troops
have been landed in this hemisphere. Our boundaries in Alaska
have been threatened. The Monroe Doctrine has been defended, but
has not yet been vindicated. The people of a neighboring Island,
struggling for freedom and independence, look toward us with im-
ploring eyes, and thus far look in vain. (Cheers and applause).
But four short years have come and gone and they have wrought
this change. What has happened? I will tell you in a word.
The Democratic party has been in power. That is the answer.
They deceived the people with promises of a millenium, and the
results of those idle promises are all about us to-day. We have no
such promises to make. We pledge ourselves only to that which
we mean to perform. We will do our best, and as we saved the
Union and abolished slavery in 1860, so in 1896 we will deal with this
Democratic legacy of blunders, bankruptcy and misfortunes.
We have met here to choose the next Presidentof the United States.
No man doubts that we shall win at the next election, but let us not
deceive ourselves with the pleasant fancy that the campaign will be
an easy one. It will be a hard fight. It cannot be otherwise where
so much is at stake. Against the Republican party are arrayed not
only that organized failure, the Democratic party, but all the wand-
ering forces of political chaos and social disorder. It is not merely
the Presidency, which is the great prize set before us. Theprotec-
tion of our industries, our National credit; a strong foreign policy,
all alike are at stake on the great issues to be settled at the polls
next November. We cannot meet such a situation as this with mere
shouts and enthusiasm. Upon us rests the duty of rescuing the
country from the misery into which it has been plunged bj'- three
years of Democratic misrule. We can only succeed bj^ the most
strenuous endeavor. Everything depends upon the administration
Eleventh Republican National Convention. 109
that we put in power. We want a President who, like Lincoln, will
meet the situation, with the chief Republicans about him, and the
party and the people at his back. We want a President who on the
5th day of March will call Congress in extra session, (Applause) and
refusing to make appointments, or to deal with patronage, w^ill
say that all else must wait until Congress sends to him a tariff
which shall put money in the Treasury, and wages in the pocket of
the American workingman. We want a President who will protect,
at all hazards the gold reserve of the Treasury, who will see to it
that every dollar presented is paid in whatever money the creditor
chooses to demand, and will never forget that the nation which
pays with honor, borrows with ease.
We want a President who will guard our foreign policy; who will
always be firm and dignified in dealing with foreign nations, in-
stead of var}^ing a long course of weakness and indifference with a
convulsive spasm of vigor and patriotism. We want a President,
above all, who will lead his party and act with it; who will not, by
senseless quarrels between Capitol and White House, such as we
have lately seen, reduce legislation and execution alike to imbecility
and failure. (Applause). Such a man we want for our great office
in these bitter times, when the forces of disorder are loose and the
wreckers with their false lights gather at the shore to lure the ship
of state upon the rocks. Such a man I am now to present to you.
He needs no praise froiu me, for he has proved himself his title to
leadership. B}^ what he has done and what he is we know w^hat he
can do. For twenty years in victory and in defeat, at the head of
great majorities and of small minorities, he has led his partj^ in
Congress with an ability that no man could dispute and a resource
that has never failed. I have seen him with a maddened opposition
storming about him carry through the great reform which has made
the House of Representatives the able and efficient body it is to-day.
(Applause). I have seen him during the last winter guide a great
majority so that it has met every demand put upon it, and has
placed no burden upon the Republican party in the campaign now
before us.
In the House and before the people he has always been the
brilliant champion of the great Republican policies which, adopted,
have made us prosperous, and abandoned, have left ruin at our
doors. He is a thorough American, by birth, by descent, by breed-
ing; one who loves his country and has served it in youth and luan-
hood, in war and peace, pis public career is as spotless as his
private life. He is a trained statesman, fit for the heaviest task that
can be imposed upon him. He has the confidence of his party and
his country. He is a leader. We know it for we have seen him lead.
To his followers he never said go, but always come. He is entirely
fearless. We know it because w^e have seen his courage tested on
a hundred fields. He is fit to stand at the head of the Republican
column. He is worthy to be an American President.
I have the honor — aye, the very great honor, to present to jou. for
nomination the Speaker of the National House of Representatives,
Thomas B. Reed.
(The mention of Mr. Reed's name was received with a great ova-
tion, lasting several minutes).
The Chairman: The Convention will be in order. Mr. Littlefield.
of Maine, is recognized.
110 Official Proceedings of the
Mr. LiTTLEFlELD: Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen of the Con-
vention: The nominee of this Convention will be the next Presi-
dent of the Republic. That the Republican party is to be victorious
in the coming campaign, whoever its candidate may be, has long
since been settled by the manifold blunders, worse than crimes,
that have been committed by the Democratic party. It has demon-
strated its incapacity to direct the affairs of the nation in full meas-
ure heaped up, running over. It was intrusted with power by a
forgetful and forgiving people, at a time of unexampled prosperity,
with an overflowing national treasury, an unlimited public credit,
labor fully and profitably employed, wheels turning, looms mov-
ing, furnaces glowing, and machinery humming the music that
attends profitable, diversified industry. These were the inevitable
results of the intelligent application of that elemental principle of
our system of government, coeval with the birth agony of the Re-
public, protection to American labor and industry. The Demo-
cratic party, after having denounced the McKinley tariff as the
"culminating atrocity of class legislation," and set forth its declara-
tion of alleged principles, asked for a change of administration and
party in order that there might be "a change of system and a change
of method." We have had a change in administration and party, a
change of system and method, and a complete reversal of results.
In 1896 we see the perfect converse of the picture presented in 1892.
In that great achievement of Democratic statesmanship, the con-
fessed misbegotten offspring of cowardice, perfidy and dishonor, a
tariff for deficiency only. Prof. Wilson declared that he had just
begun to "shell the protected industries of the North." The open-
ing gun of his campaign was sufficient to drive timid capital to
inaccessible retreats, extinguish the fires, silence the loom, paralyze
industry, turn honest labor into the street, and plunge the country
into a condition of business depression hitherto unknown to this
generation of business men. It encouraged and cherished foreign
and destroyed domestic industry. It has fostered no industry as it
has "that of the sheriff." Then the sunshine of prosperity illumined
the whole land. Now our people grope, shiver and wait in the be-
numbing shadow of adversity and disaster. Even Cleveland has
discovered that we are confronted by a condition of business
depression. Then a surplus overflowed the treasury. Now a deficit
drains its vaults. The stern logic of events has given the American
people an object lesson upon the most stupendous scale. But one
lesson is taught. It is so plain that "he may run that readeth it."
Another change is decreed. It only waits the slow turning of the
hand on the dial plate of time to be registered. For the next four
years the Republican party will again take charge of the business
of the country. Will it remain in power for decades, shaping in
harmony with its high destiny the policy of the Republic? The
action of this Convention in selecting a nominee will determine.
We stand here as the representatives of this great party, charged
with the responsibility of deciding whether the lease of power
which an indignant, exhausted, exasperated people stand ready to
give us, shall be four years or decades. We are called upon to act for
the welfare of the whole party, not to express personal preferences.
The occasion demands our greatest man our foremost leader. He
should not be the representative of any special policy or any single
principle of the party. He must be the representative of all in-
terests, all elements, all sections. He must know no North and no
South, no East and no West. He must have a private life and a
Eleventh Republican National Convention. Ill
public record, flawless, untarnished by suspicion, unsullied by
calumny, a life upon which the calcium light of a campaign can
cast no shadow. He must have opinions and the courage to declare
them, and when he has once declared them, to "stand" like Luther,
if need be, forever. He must have commanding ability, integrity
above suspicion. He must be unswervingly loyal to all the prin-
ciples of the party. He must have a thorough knowledge of the
science of practical government, an intelligent apprehension of the
true destiny of the Republic, a sincere purpose, a manly independ-
ence, a freedom from obligations, entanglements and alliances. He
must be unselfish in his devotion to the welfare of the whole party,
inflexible in determination, indomitable in courage. He must have
an Americanism broad enough and rugged enough to maintain the
dignity of the Republic and the rights of its citizens in every land
and on every sea; an Americanism that with a due regard to inter-
national duties can extend the hand of sympathy to our fellow-men
wherever they are struggling for freedom; an Americanism that
does not look upon the Flag as a piece of mere textile fabric, but
sees in it the emblem of a great and powerful people consecrated to
liberty and freedom by the expenditure of uncounted treasure and
the sacrifice of innumerable heroic, patriotic lives.
I come to you from a State that has always followed in victory or
defeat the standard of the party; that ever since the party was born
of its aspirations for freedom, has cast its vote for its candidates;
that w^ill cast its vote for the nominee of this Convention, whoever
he may be; and I bring to you a candidate, who, by his twenty years
of battle for the party in the House of Representatives, has demon-
strated his possession of these qualifications in a pre-eminent
degree. He has rendered conspicuous and enduring service to the
party and the Nation; service that was not within the power or
ability of any other to render. He trampled underfoot immemorial
precedent in order that the party that had been intrusted by the
country with the transaction of its business might discharge its
duties and see that the business of the country was done. The
universal practice of the Republican and Democratic parties had
been such as to justify the statement of Mills in speaking for the
Democracy that "we propose to exercise control of the House just
as much as though w^e were still in the majority, because we know
our minority is still strong enough to make us the virtual rulers,"
resulting in a government of the minority and not of the majority,
a complete subversion of the fundamental principle of representa-
tive government. With this condition he was confronted at the
assembling of the 51st Congress. He found the House of Repre-
sentatives a body of obstruction. He made it a deliberative,
legislative business body. He found it a hissing and a by-word.
He made it the instrument of the peoples' will, one of the glories of
the Republic. A determined minority stood like a lion in its path
to thwart and defeat, but he made it possible for the Republican
party to fulfill its pledges to the people. But for his over-mastering
courage and inflexible determination, the McKinley bill would have
been nothing but a legislative dream. The most venomous, ran-
corous and vituperative abuse known to partisan hatred was poured
upon him by a defeated, baffled, exasperated minority. He became
the center of a whirlwind of denunciation and calumniation the
country over. His political future was staked upon the issue. He
never hesitated to count the cost. Conscious of the rectitute and
patriotism of his purpose, calm, serene, self-reliant, undismayed,
112 Official Proceedings of the
indomitable, massive, heroic, the great speaker towered above it all,
an immovable bulwark against which "the gates of hell itself could
not prevail." He lived to emerge, unscathed, from the avalanche of
partisan detraction and vilification, and see his position sustained
by the greatest legal tribunal of the civilized world, and he had the
proud satisfaction of witnessing the humiliation of his detractors
and calumniators when they were compelled to adopt his rules. As
true as the needle to the pole has been his devotion to theprinciples
of honesty and sound finance. His record for sound money is with-
out a break. He believes in sound finance, and in sound finance
with a definition. He believes in a definition that defines. He is
willing that his definition should be known of all men, and his
definition is that until ^ve can have bimetallism by international
agreement, "the present gold standard should be maintained." He
believes that any other principle means disaster and a loss of the
confidence of the great business interests of the countrj^. He knows
that the government mint is not an alembic that can transmute
fifty cents worth of silver metal into a coin of the realm of the value
of one dollar. The Republican party was held up in the United States
Senate and commanded to stand or deliver a dollar in coin for fifty
cents of value. They could bring the party to a stand, but under
his leadership they could not make it deliver. Entrusted by his
party with an office second only in power to that of the Presidency,
having at his disposal the highest objects of Congressional ambi-
tion, the control of great interests, he has scorned to use his power
for his own aggrandisement. Dignified, unselfish, dispassionate,
independent, untrammelled, sincere, conscientious, unmindful of
his personal advancement, he has discharged the duties of his
high office. Amid the exigencies of an intense canvass for this
great office, his devotion to the welfare of the whole party has been
pure and steadfast, without "variableness, neither shadow of turn-
ing." His energies have been exerted to make it possible to elect
the nominee of this Convention, not to secure for himself the posi-
tion of its standard bearer. He is entangled by no alliances, bound
by no combinations. He has no friends that he will be compelled
to reward, no enemies that it will be necessary to punish. He was
never dominated or controlled by clique or cabal. He has never
bowed and never w^ill bow the knee to Baal. If nominated bj^ this
Convention he, and none other, will be the President of the Re-
public. We therefore present to you the great speaker, the leader
of leaders, pre-eminent in fitness, by his eminent public services
and abilities, towering above his fellows like a son of Anak, the
wisest, strongest, ablest, noblest of American statesmen, Honorable
Thomas B. Reed. Reed the Lion Hearted. If nominated he will
lead this land permanently back to the 'paths of prosperitj'^ and
fame," and we shall take back with us "our ancient glorj'' undimmed
by adversit}', our ancient honor unsullied by defeat."
MR. MORTON NAMED.
By direction of the Chairman, the Secretary continued to call the
roll of States, no response being made until the State of New York
was reached, when Mr. Sutherland of that delegation arose and said:
"The claims of the State of New York and her favorite son will be
presented by her other favorite son— that citizen of all the States of
the Union — Chauncey M. Depew."
Eleventh Republican National Convention. 113
The appearance of Mr. Depew was the signal for a great ovation,
iu which the whole body of delegates took part.
Before Mr. Depew was able to address the Chair a delegate in-
quired: "What about the erring sisters who walked out of here a
while ago?"
Mr. Depew: They have deserted a Republican convention, com-
posed of representatives of the party from all sections of the Union,
and they walked out because they objected to the gold standard. I
wonder how they will feel when they arrive at the gate of the Celes-
tial City where they will find that it is run under a Republican gov-
ernment. (Laughter). I wonder how Ihey will feel when they find
that, as we are told by the old Apostle, the streets are paved with
gold. (Laughter and cheers).
Continuing, Mr. Depew said: Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen of
the Convention: National Republican Conventions have been
epoch makers. They have formulated the principles, originated
the policies and suggested the measures which in the history of
these United States formed its most progressive period. They have
nominated for the Presidency statesmen and soldiers who were the
leaders of the people in their onward march to larger liberty and
broader and better industrial conditions.
No party, no matter however glorious its achievements or how
brilliant its successors can rely upon the past. Its former triumphs
are only certificates of character, which must be met by continuing
efifort as beneficent and wise as anything of w^hich it boasts. A
party which is to permanently govern a country and is secure in
its past must not only be equal to the present, but must forecast
and provide for the future. The Republican party has held pos-
session of the government of the United States for more than a
generation, because it has triumphantly met these conditions. The
unequal success of the Republican party, its hold upon the coun-
try, and its masterful influence upon affairs, have been due to the
fact that in every crisis its principles have solved the problems of
the hour, and its selected leader has been the man for the occasion.
The greatest moral and patriotic questions which a free people
were ever called upon to meet were slavery and secession in the
early days of our organization. But with Union and liberty as our
watchword, and with Lincoln as our leader, we saved the Republic
and emancipated the slaves. The passionate and critical issues of
reconstruction were successfully met and the hostile sections hap-
pily united by a policy of conciliation which could only secure the
consent of the victors and the assent of the conquered by the influ-
ence of the soldier president who had the confidence of the armies
which he had led in triumph, and the enemies whom he had paroled
with honor. In a period when progress halted because of the dis-
trust of Commonwealth and their citizens, of each other, the later
and better judgment of the country expressed its acknowledgment
to the non-partisanship and judicial fairness of Hayes and Evarts.
The youth who came to manhood after the civil war and knew little
of its agonies or its animosities found a glorious example of Amer-
ican possibility and achievement in the canal driver, the college
student, the school principal, the college president, the Union Gen-
eral, the illustrious debater in the House of Representatives, the
114 Official Proceedings of the
brilliant and magnetic Garfield. In defeat and in victory for the
policies which stood for the development of American industries,
for America, for Americans, whether native or naturalized, and for
the reciprocity which bound the North American and South Ameri-
can continents together, we had the plumed knight of our enthus-
iasin and our love, James G. Blaine. (Great applause.) As a new gen-
eration came to the majority to whom the past was a legend, the
present, the difficult task of development and prosperity, and the
future theory without experience, the Republican party again hap-
pily practiced in its control of the executive and the legislative
branches of the government, that policy of protection of American
industries and that practice of sound finance which gave to the
Republic its era of greatest prosperity, and its period of the largest
returns for capital, the fullest employment for labor, and the high-
est wages for work in the history of our nation, in the closing j^ear
of the administration of that able and accomplished statesman,
Benjamin Harrison.
A few weeks preceding the convention of four years ago, at Min-
neapolis, I had an afternoon with Mr. Blaine. With marvelous
intuition, he forecast the future. He said: " Substantially all the
forces of opposition, of distrust and of disappointment, of theory
and of im gination which accumulate against a party thathas been
in power for over thirty years, are now concentrated for an assault
upon our position and are'certain to succeed. The Democratic party
and its allies of Populism and all other isms, are destined in this
campaign, no matter who is our candidate, or what is our platform,
to secure possession of the government." The country knows to its
loss, its sorrow and its grief, that the prediction has been fulfilled
in every part. In its fulfillment the United States has the experi-
ence, and Europe has the business and prosperity.
We meet to take up the broken cord of national development and
happiness, and link it once more to the car of progress. Our indus-
tries stagnant, our manufactures paralyzed) our agriculture dis-
heartened, our artisans unemployed, our finances disordered, our
treasury bankrupt, our credit impaired, our position among the
nations of the world questioned, all look to this Convention and call
upon its wisdom for hope and rescue. The conditions created by the
practice of Democratic policies, the promise of Democratic meas-
ures and the differences of Democratic statesmen would seem to
argue an unquestioned and overwhelming triumph for the Repub-
lican party in the coming election. No matter how brilliant the
promise, no matter how serene the outlook, it is the part of wisdom,
with the uncertainties of politics and our recent experience of the
tragic shifting of issues, to be careful, prudent and wise in platform
and in candidate.
The last few years have been a campaign of university extension
among the people of the United States, and while we may in plat-
form and candidate meet all the requirements of party obligations
and party expectations, we must remember that there is a vast con-
stituency which has little fealty to parties or to organizations, but
votes for the man and the principles which are in accord with their
viewin the administration of the country. The whole country, north,
south, east and west, without any division in our lines, or out of them,
stands, after what has happened in the last three years, for the pro-
tection of American industries, for the principle of reciprocity, and
for America for Americans, but a compact neighborhood of great
commonwealths, in which are concentrated the majority of the pop-
Eleventh Republican National Conventiojv. 115
ulation of the manufacturers, and of the industrial energies of tne
United States, has found that business and credit exist only with
the stability of sound money.
It has become the fashion of late to decry business as unpatriotic.
We hear much of the "Sordid considerations of capital," " employ-
ment," "industrial energies" and "prosperous labor." The United
States differing from the medieval conditions which govern older
countries, differing from the militarism which is the curse of
European nations, differing from thrones which rest upon the sword,
is pre-eminently and patriotically a commercial and a business na-
tion. Thus, cominerce and business are sjmonymous with patriot-
ism. When the farmer is afield, sowing and reaping the crops
which find a market that remunerates him for his toil, when the la-
borer and the artisan find work seeking them, and not themselves
desparing of work, when the wage of the toiler promises comfort
for his family and hope for his children, when the rail is burdened
with the product of the soil and of the factor}^, when the spindles are
humming and the furnaces are in blast, when the mine is putting
out its largest product and the national and individual wealth are
constantly increasing, when the homes, owned, umnortgaged, by the
people, are more numerous day by day and month By inonth, when
the schools are most crowded, the fairs most frequent, and happy
conditions most universal in the nation, then are the promises ful-
filled, which make these United States of America the home of the
oppressed and the land of the free.
It is to meet these conditions and to meet them with a candidate
who represents them, and about whom there can be no question,
that New York presents lo you for the Presidenc3S under Ihe unani-
mous instructions of two successive Republican State Conventions,
the name of her Governor, Levi P. Morton.
New York is the cosmopolitan State of the Union; she is both the
barometer and therinometer of the changes of popular opinion and
popular passion. She has been the pivotal cominonwealth which
has decided nearly every one of the national elections in this gen-
eration. She has more Yankees than any city in New England,
more southerners than any community in the south; and more
native born Avesterners than anj?^ city in the west, and the represent-
atives of the Pacific coast within her borders have been men who
have done much for the development of that glorious region.
These experienced and cosmopolitan citizens, with their fingers
upon the pulses of the finance and trade of the whole countrjr, feel
instantly the conditions that lead to disaster or to prosperity. Hence;
they swing the State sometime to the Republican and sotnetime
to the Democratic column.
In the treinendous effort to break the hold which Democracy
had upon our commonwealth, and w^hich it had stren gthened for
ten successive years, we selected as our standard bearer, the gentle-
man whom I present on behalf of our State here toda}-^, and w^ho
carried New York and took the legislature with him, bj'^ 156,000 ma-
jority.
We are building a navy, and the White Squadron is a forerunner
of a commerce which is to whiten every sea and carry our flag into
every port of the world. Not our wish, perhaps, nor our ambitions,
probably, but our very progress and expansion have made us one
of the family of nations. We can no longer, without the hazzard of
unnecessary frictions with other governments conduct our foreign
policy, except through the medium of a skilled diplomacy. For
116 Official Proceedings of the
four years as Minister to France, when critical questions of the im-
port of our products into that country were imminent, Levi P. Mor-
ton learned and practiced successfully the diplomacy which was
best for the prosperity of his country. None of the mistakes which
have discredited our relations with foreign nations during' the past
four years could occur under his administration. He is the best
type of the American business man — that type which is the ideal of
school, the academy and the college. That type which the mother
presents to her boy in the western cabin and in the eastern tene-
ment, as she is marking out for him a career by which he shall rise
from his poor surroundings to grasp the prizes which come through
American liberty and American opportunity. You see the picture.
The New Kngland clergyman on his meagre salary, the large family
of boys and girls about him, the sons going out with their common
school education, the boy becoming the clerk in the store, then
granted an interest in the business; then becoming its controlling
spirit, then claiming the attention of the great house in the citj"^
and called to a partnership, then himself the master of great affairs.
Overwhelmed by the incalculable conditions of civil war, but with
undaunted energy and foresight, he grasped again the elements of
escape out of bankruptcy and of success, and with the return of
prosperity he paid to the creditors who had compromised his in-
debtedness every dollar, principal and interest, of what he owed
them. The best type of a successful business man, he turns to poli-
tics, to be a useful member of Congress, to diplomacy, to be a suc-
cessful Minister abroad, to the executive and administrative
branches of government, to be the most popular Vice-President
and the presiding officer of that most august body, the Senate of
the United States.
Our present deplorable industrial and financial conditions are
largely due to the fact that while we have a President and a cabinet
of acknowledged ability, none of them have had business training or
experience. They are persuasive reasoners upon industrial questons,
but have never practically solved industrial problems. They are
the book farmers who raise wheat at the cost of orchids, and sell
it at the price of wheat. With Levi P. Morton, there would be no
deficiency to be met by the issue of bonds; there would be no blight
on our credit which would call for the services of a syndicate; there
would be no trifling with the delicate intricacies of finance and com-
merce which would paralyze the operations of trade and manufac-
ture. Whoever may be nominated by this convention will receive
the cordial support, the enthusiastic advocacy of the Republicans
of New York, but in the shifting conditions of our commonwealth,
Governor Morton can secure more than the party strength, and
without question in the coming canvass, no matter what issues may
arise between now and November, place the Empire State solidly in
the Republican column.
(Prolonged applause followed the remarks).
Eleventh Republican National Convention. 117
major mckinley named.
By direction of the Chairman, the Secretary proceeded with the
call of the States, no response being- made until the State of Ohio
was reached, when Governor Bushnell, on behalf of the Ohio delega-
tion, said: Mr. Chairman, Senator Foraker will speak for Ohio and
Ohio's candidate.
Governor Foraker upon his appearance upon the platform was
accorded a splendid reception, the whole house joining in the ap-
plause. He spoke as follows:
Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen of the Convention: It would be
extremely difficult if not entirely impossible to exaggerate the disa-
greeable experiences of the last four years. The grand aggregate
of the multitudinous bad results of a Democratic National Admin-
istration may be summed up as one stupendous disaster; it has been
a disaster, however, not without at least one redeeming feature. It
has been fair — nobody has escaped. It has fallen equally and alike
upon all sections of the country and all classes of our population.
The just and the unjust, the Republican and the Democrat, the rich
and the poor, the high and the low, have suffered in common. Idle-
ness and its consequent poverty and distress have been the rewards
of labor; distress and bankruptcy have overtaken business, shrunken
values have dissipated fortunes, deficient revenues have impovished
the government, while bond issues and bond syndicates have dis-
credited and scandalized the nation. Over against this fearful
penalty we can set down one great blessed compensatory result. It
has destroyed the Democratic party. The proud columns that
swept the country in triumph in 1892 are broken and hopeless in 1896.
Their boasted principles when put to the test of a practical applica-
tion, have proven delusive fallacies and their great leaders have
degenerated into warring chieftains of hostile and irreconciliable
factions.
Their approaching national convention, is but an approaching
national nightmare. No man pretends to be able to predict any
good result to come from it, and no man is seeking its noinination,
except only the limited few who have advertised their unfitness for
anj^ kind of a public trust by proclaiming their willingness to stand
on any sort of platform that may be adopted. The truth is the party
that could stand up under the odium of human slavery opposition
to the war for the preservation of the Union, emancipation enfran-
chisement, reconstruction and specie resumption, at last finds itself
overmet and undone by itself. It is rising in the throes of final dis-
solution, superinduced bj' a dose of its own doctrines. No human
agency can prevent its absolute overthrow at the next election, ex-
cept only this convention. If we make no mistake here, the Demo-
cratic party will go out of power on the Ith day of March, 1897, to
remain out of power until God, in his wisdom, and mercy and good-
ness, shall see fit once more to chastise his people. So far we have
not made any mistake. We have adopted a platform which, not-
withstanding the scene witnessed in this hall this morning, meets
the demands and expectations of the American people. It remains
for us now as a last crowning act of our work here to again meet
that same expectation in the nomination of our candidate. What is
that expectation ? What do the people want ? You all do know.
118 Official Proceedings of the
They want something- more than a good business man; they want
something more than a good Republican; they want something
more thati a fearless leader; they want something more than a wise,
patriotic statesman; they -want a man who embodies in himself not
only all these essential qualifications, but who, in addition in the
highest possible degree, typifies in name, character, record, ainbi-
tion and purpose the exact opposite of all that is signified and rep-
resented by the present free trade, deficit making, bond issuing,
labor saving, Democratic administration. I stand here to present
to this Convention such a man. His name is William McKinley.
(At this point the Convention became uncontrollable by the chair-
man, the ovation which greeted the name of McKinley lasting
twenty-five minutes).
You seein to have heard the name of my candidate before. And
so you have. He is known to all the world. His testinaonials are, a
private life without reproach; four years of heroic service as a boy
soldier for the Union on the battlefields of the Republic, under such
generals as gallant Phil Sheridan; twelve years of conspicuous ser-
vice in the halls of Congress, associated with such great leaders and
champions of Republicanism as James G. Blaine: four years of ex-
ecutive experience as Governor of Ohio; but, greatest of all, meas-
ured by present requirements, leader of the House of Representa-
tives and author of the McKinley law — the law under which labor
had the richest rewards and the country generally the greatest
prosperity ever enjoyed in our history. No other name so com-
pletely meets the requirements of the American people; no other
man so absolutely commands their hearts and their affections. The
shafts of envy and jealousy, slander and libel, calumny and detrac-
tion, lie broken at his feet. They have all been shot and shot in
vain, — the quiver is empty and he is untouched. The American
people know him, trust him, believe in hiin, love him and they will
not allow him to be unjustly disparaged in their estimation. They
know he is patriotic; they know he is an American of Americans;
they know he is wise and experienced; that he is able and just, and
they want him for President of the United States. They have already
so declared — not in this or that State or section, but in all the States
and all the sections, from Ocean to Ocean, and from the Gulf to the
Lakes. They expect us to give them a chance to vote for him. If
we do we shall give joy to their hearts, enthusiasm to the campaign
and triumphant victory to our cause; and he in turn, will give us an
administration under which the country will enter upon a new era
of prosperity at home and of glory and honor abroad. By all these
tokens of the present, and all these promises for the future, in the
naiue of the forty-six delegates from Ohio, I submit his claims to
your consideration.
(Another ovation resulted when Governor Foraker finished).
Chairman Hepburn here recognized Hon. John M. Thurston, of
Nebraska who had retired, temporarily, from the Chair, for the pur-
pose of seconding Major McKinley's nomination.
Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen of the Convention: — This is the
year of the people. They are conscious of their power. They are
tenatious of their rights. They are supreme in this Convention.
They are certain of victory now and in November. The people have
framed the issue of this campaign. What is it? Money? Yes, money.
Eleventh Republican National Convention. 119
Not that which is coin for the mine owner at the mint, or clipped by
the coupon cutter from the bond, but that which is created by
American muscle on the farms and in the work shops of the United
States. (Applause).
This is the year of the people. They have risen in their might.
They are united as never before. We know their wishes and are
heretodo theirwill. They know the man best qualified and equipped
to lead the victory.
This is the year of the people. In their name, by their authority,
I second the nomination of the orreat champion, William McKinley.
(Applause).
When his country called to arms, he took into his boyish hands a
musket and followed the flag, bravely following- it to the front of
the battle, so that it might float serenely in the Union sky. For a
quarter of a centtiry he has stood in the fierce light of public
place, and his robes of office are as spotless as the driven snow; his
great God-given powers have been always consecrated to the ad-
vancement of his own country, and the uplifting ennoblement of his
own countrymen.
This is the year of the people. The necessities of 1896 are almost
as great as those of 1861. It is true that the enemies of the Union
have ceased to threaten with the sword, but Free Trade and Free
Coinage are no less dangerous to American advancement than w^ere
the armed hosts of treason and rebellion: If the voice of the people
is indeed the voice of God, then William McKinley is a complement
of Abraham Lincoln, (Applause). Divinel}^ ordained, as I believe,
for a great mission to lead this people out of the shadow of depres-
sion into the sunshine of enduring prosperity. My countrymen; let
not your hearts be troubled; the darkest hour is just before the day.
The twentieth century will dawn bright and clear, God lives, the
Republican party is coming back to power, and William McKinley
is to be President of the United States. (Great applause;.
In an inland manufacturing city on election night November the
8th, 1891, after the wires had confirmed the news of a great Republi-
can victory, the workingmen started to climb to the top of the great
smokeless chimney. That chimney had been built b}^ the invitation
and upon the promise of a Republican protective legislation. In
the factory over which it towered was employment for twice a thou-
sand men. Its mighty roar had heralded prosperity of a whole com-
munity now^ bleak, blackened, voiceless and dismantled, like a grim
spectre of evil it frowned down upon the helpless city, while idle-
ness, poverty, stagnation and want attested the utter failure of the
Free Trade experiment. Up and up and up they climbed, watched
by the multitude below^; up and up and up, vintil at last they stood
upon the summit, and there in the blare of the electric lights, cheered
by the gathered thousands, they unfurled and nailed the American
flag. (Applause). Down in the streets strongmen wept and mothers
lifted up their babes, invoking the blessing on the flag, and then in
patient lips, burst forth in a song of hallelujah, of exulting hosts,
the mighty paen of a people's joy. They sang, and enthusiastic
millions sing it yet.
"Hurrah, hurrah, we bring the jubilee.
Hurrah, hurrah, the flag that makes us free;
And so w^e sing the chorus from Atlanta to the sea,
Hurrah for McKinley and Protection."
120 Official Proceedings of the
My countrymen, on behalf of those stalwart workmen and on be-
half of the vast army of American toilers that their employment
may be certain, their wages just, their dollars the best of the civi-
lized world; on behalf of that dismantled chimney and deserted fac-
tory at its foot, that the furnaces may once more flame, the mighty
wheels revolve, the whistles scream, the anvils ring-, the spindles
hum— on behalf of the cottages around about and all the humble
homes of this broad land, that comfort and contentment may again
abide by the fireside's glow, the women sing, the children laugh —
yes, and on behalf of that American flag and all it stands for and
represents, for the honor of every stripe, for the glory of every star
— that it's power may fill the earth, and its splendors span the sky, I
nominate that loyal American, christian gentleman, soldier, states-
man, William McKinley, of Ohio. (Great applause).
MR. QUAY named.
By direction of the Chairman, the Secretary continued to call the
roll of States. No further response was made until Pennsylvania
was reached, when Governor Hastings, of that State, appeared on
the platform, amid a great demonstration and proceeded to speak
as follows:
Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen of the Contention:— Pennsylva-
nia comes to this convention, giving you the cordial assurance that
whoever may be the standard bearer of our party in the coming
campaign, he will receive of all the States in the Union the largest
majority from the Keystone State. (Great applause). Having with-
in her boundary more American citizens who own the homes in
which they live, whose principal daily occupation is to subdue and
develop her great native resource, whose wage-earners one with the
other, skilled and unskilled, receive the highest average American
wage-rate. The Republicans of Pennsylvania come to this conven-
tion and bid you demand and their every interest demands a system
of currency equal to the best of any in the world. (Applause). They
demand as well that the government they love, and for whose flag
they have fought and which they still stand ready to defend, shall
paj^ its debts in money and not in promises. They do not believe
that a dollar can be created by the fiat of any government. They be-
lieve that it requires 100 cents of intrinsic or exchangeable value, ac-
cording to the markets of the world, and that any depreciation or
degredation of that standard would be hurtful to her great business
interests and would be a blow at the honor of our nation's flag.
They believe in that old fashioned system of economy which requires
us to live within our income, and where the income is not equal
to the necessary outgo they believe in increasing the revenue rather
than running the country further into debt. They believe that the
great object of government is to defend and protect the people who
ordained the government for its best interest, and as you say in your
platform, we believe that the revenue policy and the protective policy
go hand in hand; and the people of Pennsylvania stand as sturdy
champions of that wise measure, which injuring no one and
helping all, has made this country great and prosperous. Penn-
sylvania comes to this convention and with great unanimity, asks
you to name a standard bearer who will represent not only its asso-
ciations, but the brightest and best aspirations of the Republican
party; a man who has been a loyal supporter of its every great move-
Eleventh Republican National Convention. 121
ment; who has been a favorite with our people, and they and I re-
spectfully ask this honor at your hands of this man who has always
been in the forefront of battle for his party; who has been its wise
counsellor and successful leader of its forlorn hope. He stood with
those Republicans who have fought the great battles of American
liberty. He was among the first to comprehend the magnitude of
the armed debate of 1861, and to give himself to his country's cause.
He stemmed the tide of currency inflation in 1878, and wrought the
victory which, if less ostentations, was fully equal in importance
and success to the country as that of Grover Cleveland and Free
Trade in 1888.
The American citizen who believes that all policies should be for
America's best interests, the American soldier who admires valor
as much as he loves the flag of his reunited country; the American
manufacturer anxious to re-light the fires of industry where silence
and darkness now holds sway; they who believe that dollars good
as gold should be given as the wage for a fair day's work; they who
believe in reciprocity; they who believe in calling a halt upon any
further foreign invasion upon our domestic shores. All these have
found in him a steadfast friend and able champion.
He was the soldiers' friend in peace and he was their constant
friend in war. The survivors of those who fought for freedom and
gained immortal fame recognize in him a comrade whose valor has
been proved on well-fought fields and attested by the noblest trophy
ever won by soldiers, the decoration awarded him by the Congress
of the United States.
Called to lead a forlorn hope in the campaign of 1888, he wrought
a task equal to the six labors of Hercules. He organized the patriot-
ism and the Republicanism of the country for victory. He throttled
the Tammany tiger in his lair, and forcing an honest vote and an
honest count in the stronghold of the most powerful and corrupt
organization in the land, rescued the country from the heresies of
democracy. (Applause).
Having thus made himself too powerful and too dangerous to the
enemy the order went forth to assassinate him. But the poisoned
arrows of vituperation and slander fell broken at his feet. He turned
to the people among whom he lives and whose servant he was and
their vindication was a unanimous re-election to the Senate of the
United States.
Oh, my countrymen, let us not forget the magnitude and respon-
sibility of this great Convention. Let the American people in the
coming campaign determine whether they are willing to live
through another free trade panic. Let the American wage-earner
and the American wage-payer determine each for himself the
causes which brought hunger to the home of one, and financial
ruin to the other. Let the American farmers compare farm product
prices with free trade promises. Let those who have saved a compe-
tence and those who have earned a livelihood determine whether
they are willing to be paid in American dollars disgraced and dis-
credited to fifty per cent of their value. Let him who fought for his
country; let the widow and the orphan; let the loving parent who
gave up all that was dear contemplate that flag and all it represents,
pawned, as your platform says, to a foreign and domestic joint
syndicate, to raise temporary loans for the purpose of postponing
the financial disaster, and answer whether they want the shame and
humiliation repeated. Let the sovereign voice be heard in the com-
ing election, declaring that the only •government founded on the
122 Official Proceedixgs of the
rock of freedom, blessed with every ^it't of nature and crowned with
unmeasured possibilities, shall not be dethroned, degraded and
pauperized by a party policy at war with the very genius of our
National existence. Nominate him whom I now name to you, and
this country will have a President whose mental endowments, broad-
minded statesmanship, unusual and marvellous capacity, ripe ex-
perience, knightlj'^ courtesy and true Americanism are unexcelled.
Nominate him and he will elect himself. (Applause). I name to
you the soldier statesman, Pennsylvania's choice, Matthew Stanley
Quay.
(At the conclvision of Governor Hastings' address, a grand recep-
tion was accorded the name of Senator Quay, which lasted seven-
teen minutes).
The Chair directed the Secretary to proceed with the calling of the
roll of States, which was completed without further responses,
whereupon the Chairman said:
This concludes the calling of the roll of States.
Senator Vance, of Louisiana. Gentlemen of the Convention:
The time has grown very late and I am satisfied that you, are tired.
I know that you all feel that we have had a great day, and a great
feast of reason, therefore I shall not tire you. I only come to add
my voice as the representative of eight millions of people. I coiue
to join in general acclaim for one purpose; I come to add our inite
in helping you, you men who elect Presidents, in helping you to
nominate for that high ofBce, the highest and most gifted in the
grasp of the American people, that man who is in the hearts of my
race; that inan who is the man of the people, that man the prophet
of protection, that great general and soldier statesman, that Napo-
leon of American politics, William McKinley, of Ohio. (Applause.)
The Chairman. The Convention will please be in order. The
next order of business will be the call of the roll of States for the
vote upon the noinination of a candidate for President which then
proceeded.
Eleventh Republican National Convention.
123
THE BALLOT.
The official vote for the presidential candidates waa aa follows:
State.
Alabama . . . ,
Arkansas . . .
California ..
^Colorado. . .
Connecticut
Delaware . . .
Florida
Georgia
*Idaho
Illinois
Indiana
Iowa
Kansas
Kentuck}'
Louisiana
Maine
Maryland
Massachusetts .
Michigan
Minnesota
Mississippi
Missouri
IMontana
Nebraska
JNevada
New Hainpshire
New Jersey
§New York
North Carolina
North Dakota
Ohio
Oregon
Pennsylvania
Rhode Island
South Carolina
South Dakota
Tennessee
Texas
Utah
Vermont
Virginia
Washington
West Virginia
Wisconsin
Wyoming
District of Columbia.
Arizona
New Mexico
Oklahoma
Alaska
Indian Territory
Totals.
19
16
18
7
6
6
22
46
30
20
26
11
15
1
28
18
17
34
1
16
3
19
17
19K
6
46
8
6
4
12
1
29
8
1
'2^
18
8
24
21
3
8
23
8
12
24
6
6
5
4
4
6
6611^
SWz
55
58
26
1^
58
351^
61 14
*Bolted the Convention. +Four blank ; 1 for J. Donald Cameron. JTliree absent.
§One vote passed.
124 Official Proceedings of the
During th§ call of the roll on the vote by States for the nomination
of a candidate for President, the following- proceedings took place.
When the vote of the State of Florida was announced, and the State
of Georgia called, Mr. Thatcher of Florida interrupted the proceed-
ings by saying: "Mr. Chairman, the vote of Florida was challenged
at the proper time, and I ask that the challenge be acted upon."
"Sit down!" "Sit down!" delegates in all parts of the hall cried, but
Mr. Thatcher shook his head and stood calmly awaiting the Chair-
man's decision.
''Gentlemen of the Convention," said Senator Thurston, "the Chair
will not proceed with the call without giving every delegate an op-
portunity to exercise his just right to challenge the announcement
of a vote. The confusion has been so great that the Chair did not
understand either of the delegates who arose. The gentleman from
Florida challenges the vote, and the roll of Florida will be called."
The clerk called the roll with the following result:
Jos. E. Lee, McKinley; John G. Long, McKinley; Emory F. Skinner,
McKinley; L. W. Livingston, McKinley; M. S. White, Morton; James
M. Coombs, Morton; Dennis Egan, McKinley; Isaac L. Purcell, Mc-
Kinley.
When the State of Georgia was reached, the vote was challenged
and the clerk called the roll of that delegation with this result.
A. E. Buck, McKinley; H. L. Johnson, Quay; Henry Rucker, McKin-
ley; John H. Devereaux, McKinley; M. J. Doyle, McKinley; S. B.
Morse, McKinley; B. F. Brimberry, McKinley; J. C, Stiles, McKinley;
W. P. Pierce, McKinley; F. S. Richardson, McKinley; W. H. Johnson,
McKinley; D. A. Norwood, McKinley; D. C. Wimpish, McKinley; L.
J. Price, McKinley; F. J. Wimberly, McKinley; I. W, Wood, Quay;
Charles Adamson, McKinley; T. M. Dent, McKinley; W. A. Pledger,
Reed; M. B. Morton, McKinley; A. J. Spence, McKinley; A. B. Gas-
ton, McKinley; Judson W. Lyons, McKinley; J. M. Barns, McKinley:
William Jones, McKinley; S. M. Scarlett, McKinley.
Georgia— Reed, 2; Quay, 2; McKinley, 22.
After the State of Idaho had been called, and no response had been
made thereto, delegate Wimbs.of Alabama, demanded a roll call on
the vote of his delegation.
" The Chair recognizes the gentleman from Alabama," said Mr.
Thurston, "as he rose in time, if the Chair had understood him, to
challenge the announcement of his State. Does the gentleman
challenge the announcement of Alabama?"
"I do," replied Mr. Wimbs, and the Chairman directed the Secre-
tary to call the roll of Alabama, with the following result:
C. W. Buckley, McKinley; David D. Shelby, McKinley; W. R. Petti-
ford, McKinley; John H. Jones, McKinley; P. D. Barker, McKinley;
A. N. Johnson, Thomas B. Reed; Nathan H. Alexander, McKinley;
Eleventh Republican National Convention. 125
Frank Simmons, McKinley; Samuel S. Booth, McKinlej^; John Har-
mon, McKinley; Thomas G. Dunn, McKinley; W. J. Stevens,
McKinley; Doug-lass Smith, McKinley; H. A. Carson, McKinley; D.
N. Cooper, McKinley; Dr. J. Dawson, McKinley; C. D. Alexander.
McKinley; J. S. Curtis, McKinley; Walter Simmons, McKinley; H. B.
Casin, McKinley; Ad. Wimbs,Reed; W. C. Hanlon, Levi P. Morton.
Alabama— Reed, 2; Morton, 1; McKinley, 19.
When the State of Illinois was reached. "Mr. Chairman, I chal-
lenge the votes of Illinois," said Duncan McDougall, a delegate from
that State. Hisses followed that motion, but the Chairman ordered
the roll to be called, which resulted as follows:
Robert W. Patterson, McKinley; Willliam Penn Nixon, McKinley;
Joseph W. Fifer, McKinley; Richard J. Oglesby, McKinley; Martin
B. Madden, McKinley; Frank C. Roby, McKinley; Edward S. Conway
McKinley; William Lorimer, Reed (applause from Maine); Edward
R. Brainerd, McKinley; George M. Schneider, McKinley; Joseph
Bidwell, McKinley; Thomas O'Shaughnessy, McKinley; John M.
Smyth, Reed; Philip Knopf, McKinley; Samuel B. Raymond, McKin-
ley; Graeme Steward, McKinley; Charles Whitney, McKinley; George
P. Engelhardt, McKinley; Isaac L. Ellwood, McKinley; H. D. Judson,
McKinley; Smith D. Atkins, McKinley; R. S. Farrand, McKinley;
Charles H. Deere, McKinley; L. H. Brookfield, McKinley; Duncan
McDougall, McKinley; Thomas J. Henderson, McKinley; H. K.
Wheeler, McKinley; H. M. Snapp, McKinley; W. H. Kratz, McKinley;
Charles G. Eckert. McKinley; Charles E. Sniveley, McKinley; J. C,
Pinckney, McKinley; J. Mack Sholl, McKinley; J. O. Anderson, Mc-
Kinley; Asa C. Matthews, McKinley: Sargeant McKnight, McKinley;
J. Otis Humphrey, McKinley; Hugh Crea, McKinley; H. J. Hamlin,
McKinley; A. H. Kinne. McKinley; A. H. Jones, McKinley; H. A.
Neal, McKinley; Thomas S. Ridgeway, McKinley; Walter Colver,
McKinley; W. A. Rodenburg; McKinley; J. D. Gerlach, McKinley;
Frank A. Prickett, McKinley; James E.Jobe, McKinley.
Illinois Reed— 2; McKinley. 46.
The vote of the State of Mississippi was challenged by delegate
Charles Rosenbaum, of DeKalb. The Secretary was ordered to call
the roll, and the delegation was polled as follows:
James Hill, McKinley; John S. Burton, McKinley; Albert M. Lee,
McKinley; E. H. Lampton; McKinley; William F. Elgin, McKinley;
Richard D. Littlejohn, Quay; Geo. W. Buchanan, McKinley; Wm.
Simmons, McKinley; Wesley Crayton, McKinley; Jos. E. Ousle}',
McKinley.
The Secretary announced this vote as follows: Quay, 1; McKin-
ley, 17.
126 Official Proceedings of the
When Montana was called Chairman Stowell of that State said:
"One vote for McKinley, one for J. D Cameron, of Pennsylvania,
three blank, one absent, and I ask that the roll of the alternates be
called to supply the place of our absentees."
"Will the gentleman give the names of the absentees?" the Chair-
man asked.
"Hon. Charles S. Hartman," replied Mr. Stowell.
"From which district?" asked the Chairman.
"The State at large of Montana."
"The Secretary will then call the name of the first alternate dele-
gate at large," directed the Chairman.
"P. R. Dolman," called the Secretary.
"Blank," responded Mr. Dolman.
"Mr. Dolman votes blank," said the Secretary and then he asked:
"Who are the other absentees?"
"Are there any other absentees?" asked Senator Thurston.
"No, sir; there is only one," replied Mr. Stowell.
The Secretary then announced the vote of Montana as follows:
Blank, 4; 1 for J. Donald Cameron and 1 for McKinley.
When the State of New York was reached, Mr. Piatt announced the
vote as 541^ for Mr. Morton, and 17 for McKinley, whereupon John
Raines demanded that the delegation be polled, and the call of the
roll resulted as follows:
Thomas C. Piatt, Morton; Warner Miller, Morton; Chauncey M. De-
pew, Morton; Edward Lauterbach, Morton; H. C. Johnson, Morton;
Joseph H. Nevins, alternate for Walter L. Snydam, McKinley; Theo
dore B. Willis, McKinley; Geo. H. Roberts, jr., McKinley; Timothy L.
Woodruff, Morton; W^ B. Atterbury, McKinley; Granville W. Har-
mon, Morton; Joa. R. Clark, Morton; Fred W. Wurster, Morton; Ernest
J. Kaltenbach, McKinley; Henry C.Saffen, Morton; George W. Palmer,
Morton; Cornelius VanCott, Morton; Hugh McRoberts, Morton; Lis-
penard Stewart, Morton; L. L. VanAllen, Morton; Charles H. Murray,
Morton; J. J. Collins, Morton; Frederick S. Gibbs, Morton; John P. Win.
dolph, Morton; Jacob M. Patterson, Morton; George Billiard, Morton;
Cornelius N. Bliss, {% vote), McKinley; S. V. R. Cruger, {}4 vote), Mc-
Kinley; Howard Carroll, {}4 vote,) Morton; Thurlow Weed Barnes %),
vote,) Morton; William Brookfield, McKinley; Anson G. McCook, Mor-
ton; Lem.E. Quigg, Morton; Abraham Gruber, Morton; C . H. T. Collis
McKinley; Robert J. Wright, McKinley; Wm. H. Robertson, McKin-
ley; John G. Peene, McKinley; Benj. B. Odell, jr., Morton; Thomas
W. Bradley, McKinley; John H. Ketcham, Morton; S. D. Coykendall,
Morton; Franks. Black, Morton; I.ouis F. Payne, Morton; William
Barnes, jr., Morton; Wm. J. Walker, Morton; Edward Ellis, Morton;
J. LeRoy Jacobs, Morton; Wm. L. Proctor, Morton; W. W. Worden,
Morton; Addison B. Colvin, Morton; Thomas A. Sears, Morton; John
Eleventh Republican National Convention. 127
T. Mott, Morton: D. C. Middleton, Morton; Frederick C. Weaver, Mor-
ton; Albert G. Story, McKinley; Frank J. Enz, Morton; William A.
Smyth, Morton; Frank Hiscock, Morton; Francis Hendricks, Morton;
Sereno E. Payne, Morton; John Raines, Morton; John F. Parkhurst,
Morton; Archie E. Baxter, Morton; Archie D. Sanders, Morton; Irv-
ing M. Thompson, Morton; Geo. A. Aldridge, Morton; Wm. A. Suth-
erland, Morton; John R. Hazel, Morton; John Craft, Morton; George
E. Matthews, McKinley; Wesley C. Dndlej^ McKinley; N. V. V.
Franchot, McKinley; Lester V. Stearns, McKinley.
New York — For Morton, 55; for McKinley, 17.
Before the announcement could be heard from the Texas delega-
tion, Mr. W. J. Wasson challenged the vote of Texas, and the Secre-
tary proceeded to call the roll of districts of that State.
John Grant, McKinley; R. L. Smith, McKinley; David Taylor, Mc-
Kinley; H. B. Kane, McKinle}^: Webster Flannigan, McKinle}^; C. M-
Ferguson, McKinley: Cecil A, Lyon, McKinley; J. M. McCormick,
McKinley; W. F. Crawford, Reed; Marion Mullens, Reed; Hugh Han-
cock, Reed; R. P. Hawley, Reed; — Lubey, McKinley; Frank Hamil-
ton, McKinley: — Davis, McKinley; M. W. Lawson, McKinley; T. P.
Pollard, McKinley; J. W. Butler, McKinley; H. G. Goree, McKinley;
William Johnson, McKinlej^; Robt. Armstrong, McKinley; B. F. Wal-
lace, Reed; W. J. Wasson, McKinle}'; Paul Fricke, McKinley; M. M.
Rogers, Allison; — Townsend, McKinley.
C. W. Ogden (no answer).
"Mr. Ogden is absent," said Delegate Flannigan. "Mr. Johnson is
his alternate and votes for McKinley."
When the vote of Virginia was announced, Mr. Brady challenged
the vote, whereupon the roll was called as follows:
William Lamb, McKinley; James A. Walker, McKinley: S. M, Yost,
McKinley; A. W. Harris, McKinley; George T. Scarburg, McKinley;
T. C. Walker, McKinley: George E. Bowden (i^ vote), McKinley; R. N.
Smith (1/^ vote), McKinley; A. H. Martin (i^ vote), McKinley; Harry
Libbey (i^ vote), McKinley; Edmund Waddell, McKinley; C. W. Har-
ris, McKinley; Seth Balling, McKinley; J. D. Brady, Reed; C.J. Barks-
dale, McKinley; G. M. Tucker, McKinley; J. M. McLaughlin, McKin-
ley; S. E. Sproul, McKinley; John Acker, McKinley: J. H. Rives, Mc-
Kinley; W. G. B. Shumate, McKinley; H. J. Wale, McKinley; J. S.
Browning. McKinley; D. F. Bailey, McKinley; J. C. Scheffer, McKin-
ley; R. T. Hubard, McKinley.
Virginia — Reed 1; McKinley, 23.
Mr. Morrison, of New Mexico, challenged the vote of that Territory,
and the clerk called the roll as follows:
A. L. Morrison, McKinley; John S. Clark, McKinley; Thomas D.
Burns, McKinley; Pedro Perea, McKinley; Solomon Luna, McKin-
ley; W. H. H. Llewellyn, Allison.
New Mexico — Allison, 1; McKinley, 5.
128 Official Proceedings of the
John Raines, of New York. I ask unanimous consent that the
name of John F. Parkhurst, of the Twenty-ninth District of New
York, be called. He was not in his seat when his name was called,
and his alternate did not cast a vote.
The Chairman. Unless objection is made his name will be
called.
The Secretary called the name of John F. Parkhurst, who cast his
vote for Levi P. Morton, as above stated.
A Delegate from Illinois. Mr. Chairman, I arise to make a correc-
tion. When the name of John M. Smith, from the Sixth District, was
called, his alternate answered for John M. Smith, that gentleman
not being in the hall. Now, I think the name of the alternote should
be called and the vote cast in the name of the alternate, and not in
the name of John M. Smith.
The Secretary was directed to call the name of James H. Parker,
alternate, who voted for Thomas B. Reed.
When Chairman Thurston attempted to announce the vote the
pent-up enthusiasm of the great assemblage cut him off short. He
started with the vote for McKinley, but he did not finish that.
"McKinley, six hundred and six "
The rest was taken for granted, and the assemblage was precipi-
tated into a great outburst of cheers and whoops and yells and the
usual concomitant of such a tumult at a Presidential Convention,
with flags, plumes of the National colors, tin horns, umbrellas and
everything which could be brought into motion in the hands of the
howling thousands. Pandemonium reigned in the pit, and it reigned
in the galleries. Men embraced each other, and some of the dele-
gates shed tears of joy. The ladies waved handkerchiefs and flags,
and some of them applauded vigorously, while many more actuallj'^
cheered.
The alternates of the Ohio delegation raised the banner of the
Tippecanoe Club, of Cleveland, and this was the signal for greater
cheering. Then the band broke out with "America," and from out-
side of the Auditorium came the boom of a cannon, which began to
fire a President's salute for a double purpose — in honor of McKinley
and as an indication to the people in the city that a candidate had
been named.
Just as the cannon belched forth the second time some enthu-
siastic McKinley men raised over the main entrance a large portrait
of McKinley framed with bunting of the national colors and topped
with groups of President's flags. Again there was another wild re-
newal of the cheering.
Eleventh Republican National Convention. 129
The Chairman. The Chair desires to make a statement. Appli-
cations have been made for recognition by the representatives of
all the other candidates voted for to make a certain motion. The
Chair believes that it will be the fairest thing to recognize the rep-
resentative of each candidate and in the order of each candidate
according to the votes cast for each.
Mr. Henderson, of Iowa. Will it now be in order to make the
motion referred to by the Chair?
The Chairman. Not until the vote referred to is announced. The
Chair takes this opportunity to prefer a personal request. Some of
the delegates from the different States have presented your chair-
man the respective badges of their States. The Chair would be de-
lighted to take away from this Convention the badge of each State
to retain as a memento of this occasion, and of the kindness and
courtesy towards the Chair of each and every member of this Con-
vention.
The Chairman. The Chair is prepared to announce the vote upon
the roll call. The following votes have been cast for William Mc-
Kinley, 661 Vs-
(Disorder prevailed immediately the vote was announced, the
delegates clamoring in an effort to show their appreciation of the
nomination of Major McKinley, which lasted for some minutes.)
MAKES IT UNANIMOUS.
Senator LODGE. Mr. Chairman, speaking for my own State and I
believe for all the other States that supported Mr. Reed, I wish to
say that we pledge a great majority in our own State, and all the
assistance we can give you in any other State, and all the help that
w^e can render in any way for the great victory of William McKin-
ley. Mr. Chairman, I move you that the nomination of William
McKinley be made unanimous.
Governor HASTINGS, of Pennsylvania. Gentlemen of the Conven-
tion: Pennsylvania rises to second the motion to make the nomina-
tion of William McKinley unanimous. Pennsylvania has a right to
second the motion. Pennsylvania was loyal to her favorite son, and
Pennsylvania, with that loyalty now becomes the champion of pro-
tection, the champion of America's great champion, William Mc-
Kinley. (Great applause). In Pennsylvania we welcome the issue
of American protection and American policy, and when Major Mc-
Kinley in his home in Canton, Ohio, on the night of election, listens
to the returns, he will find that his largest majority comes from the
State of Pennsylvania.
After a determined effort, Chairman Thurston was able to secure
order, when he proceeded to announce the balance of the vote, as
follows:
130 Official Proceedings of the
Morton, 58; Allison, 35i^; Reed, 84i^; Quay, 61i/^; Cameron, 1;
blank, 4.
After making- the announcement. Chairman Thurston said: lu
accordance with the statement of the Chair, four gentlemen will be
recognized in the order of the vote, for the candidates they repre-
sent: I recognize the gentleman from Massachusetts, Mr. Lodge.
Senator Lodge. The friends of Mr. Reed have followed him with
the same loyalty which he has always shown himself to country, to
principle and to party. That loyalty they now transfer to the sol-
dier, the patriot, and American, whom you have nominated here
to-day. (Applause).
Mr. Platt, of New York. In behalf the delegation from the State
of New York, I desire to second the motion to make the nomination
of William McKinley unanimous (applause), and I pledge the State
of New York to give its usual, if not double its usual, majority at
the election for his success. (Applause).
The Chairman. The Chair recognizes the gentleman from Iowa,
Mr. Henderson.
Mr. Henderson, Mr. Chairman and brother Republicans: You
have elected a National Committee to run the coming campaign;
you do not need it. The Republicans of the country will run it
themselves. (Applause). The Republicans, the rank and file, have
made the nomination this afternoon, and not Mark Hanna or Gen-
eral Grosvenor, and from every State will come a vote for Major
McKinley unprecedented in the history of the American people.
Applause). By the authority of our distinguished Iowa son. Sen-
ator Allison, by the instruction of the Iowa delegation, representing
the great loyal Republican party of Iowa, I second the nomination
to make Major McKinley the unanimous choice of the Republican
party of the United States. (Great applause).
At this point the Chairman recognized Dr. Depew, of New York,
for whom the delegates were calling for some time.
DR. DEPEW'S REMARKS.
Dr. Depew. Mr. Chairman, I am in the happy position of making
a speech for the man who is going to be elected. It is a great thing
for an orator when his first nominee has failed to come in and sec-
ond a man who has succeeded.
New York is here with no bitter feelings, no hard feelings and no
disappointment. (Applause). We recognize that the wave has sub-
merged us, and my speech was the bubble, but when that bubble
burst it was a cannon from New York sounding for William Mc-
Kinley. (Applause).
They said of Governor Morton's father that he was a New England
clergyman who brought up a family of ten children on three hun-
Eleventh Republican National Convention. 131
dred dollars a year, and notwithstanding' w^as gifted in prayer.
(Laughter). It does not make any difference how poor, how misera-
ble, how out of work, how ragged, how next door to a tramp any man
may be in the United States to-night, he will be gifted in prayer at
the result of this Convention. (Applause).
The peculiarity of this nomination is just that which always
pleases the American people. We are not like the Germans, an ab-
stract people, not like the Germans deifying principles unless they
are connected w^ith a man, and there is a principle dear to the Amer-
ican heart which is this principle, the one that moves its spindles,
that supports its industries, the one that makes its wage-earner
sought for employment and not seeking employment, and that prin-
ciple for years gone by has been embodied in one man. His per-
sonality expresses it, and by the voice of the American people, with
a majority unequalled, his personality will carry him to the Presi-
dential chair. The aspirations of the voters of America, of the fam-
ilies of Americans; of the children of America, and the homes of
America are for McKinley, Protection, and America for Americans.
fGreat applause).
A general call from all part? of the hall was then heard for Mr.
Hanna, who finally yielded to the entreaties of the audience and
arose and said:
Mr. HannA: Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen of the Convention:
I am glad that there was one member of this Convention who has
the intelligence at this late hour to ascertain how this nomination
was made. By the people. What feeble efforts I may have con-
tributed to the result, I am here to lay the fruits of it at the feet of
my party and upon the altar of my country. (Applause).
I am ready now to take my position in the ranks alongside of my
friend General Henderson, and all other good Republicans from
every State, and do the duty of a soldier until next November.
(Great applause).
The Convention here called for Senator Quay, desisting only when
informed by the Chairman that he was not present.
UNANIMOUS.
The CHAIRMAN: Gentlemen of the Convention, the question
now^ is shall the nomination of William McKinley be made unani-
mous? All of you who are in favor of making the nomination of
William McKinley unanimous will rise.
The Convention rose to its feet as one man amid a tumult of ap-
plause.
THE DECLARATION.
The Chairman: Gentlemen of the Convention, by authority of
your unanimous vote, as Chairman of this Convention, I declare
that William McKinley, of the State of Ohio, is the nominee of the
Republican party for President of the United States. (Applause).
THE VICE-PRESIDENCY.
The Chair here recognized Senator Lodge, of Massachusetts.
132 Official Proceedings of the
Senator LODGE: Mr. Chairman, I move that we now proceed to
nominate a candidate for Vice-President, and that the nominating-
speeches be limited to fifteen minutes.
A delegate here amended to make it five minutes, which was ac-
cepted.
Governor Hastings, of Pennsylvania: Mr. Chairman, I second
the motion.
The CHAIRMAN: Gentlemen of the Convention, the regular order
now is the call of States for the nomination of Vice-President, and
it is moved that the presentation speeches be limited to five min-
utes for each candidate. All in favor of that motion will say "aye."
Motion carried.
The Chairman here directed the Secretary to call the roll of States
for a candidate for Vice-President.
The Secretary proceeded with the call of the roll of States, and
when the State of Connecticut was reached, Hon. Samuel Fessenden,
mounted the platform and spoke as follows:
Mr. President and Gentlemen of the Convention: There are
two acts already performed by this great Convention which should
receive the most hearty and enthusiastic approval and ratification
of all loyal Republicans of the United States. The first is the nomi-
nation of the soldier, patriot and great statesman of Ohio, Governor
McKinley, as our candidate for President. The second is the adop-
tion of a platform, which in unequivocal terms pledges the Repub-
lican party to the principles of protection, with reciprocity, always
so nobly championed by William McKinley, and to an honest cur-
rency, based upon the present gold standard.
The Republicans of Connecticut at their State Convention, were
among the foremost to express in clear and emphatic w^ords their
belief in an honest dollar and a single gold standard. The people
of Connecticut are keenly alive to the importance of these great
questions, and though classed as a doubtful State, we believe that
upon these issues, Connecticut in November will give her electoral
vote to Governor McKinley.
I have the pleasure and the honor to present to this Convention,
as a candidate for the second place on our National ticket, the name
of a Connecticut man — a man who represents the sentiments of Con-
necticut as well as of all sound money Republicans upon the vital
issues of the coming contest. A staunch and fearless Republican —
a man distinguished for his rare courage, his energy, his ability and
his integrity. One who by his own hands, and his own brains, has
achieved the great successes of his life. A man whose high distinc-
tion is not due to accident, but is the result of his own merit.
One, Mr, President and gentlemen, w^hose commanding talent and
whose business activity, has placed him at the head of one of the
greatest financial institutions of our country.
For four consecutive terms he was chosen mayor of the Deiuo-
cratic city of Hartford, and in 1888, was elected Governor of our
State.
By his bravery, by his generosity, and by his sagacity, his admin-
istration was made one of the most famous in the history of the
State.
Eleventh Republican National Convention. 133
That the ticket may be complete, that Connecticut may be made
doubly sure, and that the name of a son of New England may have
a place upon the National ticket, Connecticut nominates for Vice-
President the Honorable Morgan G. Bulkeley. (Applause).
The Secretary proceeded with the call of the roll of Slates, no re-
sponse being- made until New Jersey was reached, when Mr. Sewell
said: J. Franklin Fort will present the name of New Jersey's fav-
orite son, Garrett A. Hobart. (Applause).
Mr. Fort spoke as follow s:
Mr. President and Gentlemen of the Convention: I rise to pre
sent to this Convention the claims of New^ Jersey to the vice-presi-
dency.
We come because we feel that we can for the first time in our his-
tory bring to you a promise that our electoral vote will be cast for
your nominees. If you comply with our request, this promise will
surely be redeemed.
For forty years, through the blackness of darkness of a univer-
sally triumphant Democracy, the Republicans of New^ Jersey have
maintained their organization and fought as valiantly as if the out-
come were to be assured victory. Only twice through all this long
period has the sun shone in upon us. Yet, through all these weary
years, we have, like Goldsmith's "Captive," felt that:
Hope, like the gleaming taper's light,
Adorns and cheers ourway,
And still as darker grows the night.
Emits a brighter ray.
The tultillment of this hope came in ISOl. In that year, for the
first time since the Republican party came into existence, we sent
to Congress a solid delegation of eight Republicans, and elected a
Republican to the United States Senate. We followed this in 1895
b}' electing a Republican Governor by a majority of 27,000. And in
this year of grace we expect to give the Republican electors a ma-
jority of not less than 20,000.
I come, then, to you to day in behalf of new New^ Jersey, a polit-
ically redeemed and regenerated State. Old things have passed
away, and behold all things have become new. It is many long
years since New Jersey has received recognition by a National Con-
vention.
When Henry Cla3^ stood for protection in ISM, New Jersey fur-
nished Theodore Frelinghuysen as his associate. The issue then
was the restoration of the tariff and was more nearly like that of to-
day than that of any other period which I can recall in the nation's
political history. In 1856, when the freedom of man brought the
Republican party into existence, and the great "Pathfinder" was
called to lead. New Jersey furnished for that unequal contest Wil-
liam L. Dayton as the vice-presidential candidate. Since then,
counting for nothing, we have asked for nothing. During this
period Maine has had a candidate for President and a Vice Presi-
dent; Massachusetts a Vice President; New York four Vice Presi-
dents, one of whom became President for almost a full term; Indi-
ana a President, a candidate for President and a Vice President;
Illinois a President four times and a vice presidential candidate;
134 Official Proceedings of the
Ohio two Presidents, and now a candidate for the third time; Ten-
nessee a Vice President who became President for almost a full
term.
We believe that the vice-presidency in 1896 should be given to New
Jersey; we have reasons for our opinion. We have ten electoral
votes. We have carried the State in the elections of 1893, 1894 and 1895.
We hope and believe we can keep the State in the Republican column
for all time. By your action to-day you can g-reatl}'^ aid us. Do you
believe you could place the vice-presidency in a State more justly
entitled to recognition or one which it would be of more public ad-
vantage to hold in the Republican ranks? If the party in any State is
deserving of approval for the sacrifices of its members to maintain
its organization, then the Republicans of New Jersey, in this, the
hour of their ascendency, after long years of bitter defeat, feel that
they can not come to this Convention in vain. We appeal to our
brethren in the South who know with us what it is to be overridden
by fraud in the ballot box, to be counted out by corrupt election offi-
cers, to be dominated by an arrogant, unrelenting Democracy. We
should have carried our State at every election for the past ten years
if the count had been an honest one. We succeeded in throttling
the ballot-box stuffer and imprisoning the corrupt election officers,
only to have the whole raft of them pardoned in a day to work again
their nefarious practices upon an honest people. But to-day under
ballot reform law^s, w^ith an honest count, we know^ w^e can win. It
has been a long, terrible strife to the goal, but we have reached it
unaided and unassisted from without, and we come to-day promis-
ing to the ticket here selected the vote of New Jersey, whether you
give us the vice presidential candidate or not.
We make it no test of our Republicanism that we have a candidate.
We have been too long used to fighting for principle for that. But
we do say that you can, by granting our request, lighten our bur-
den and make us a confident party with victory in sight even before
the contest begins. Will we carry Colorado, Montana and Nevada
this year if the Democracy declares for silver at 16 to 1? Let us hope
we may. New Jersey has as many electoral votes as those three
States together.
Will you not make New Jersey sure to take their place in case of
need? We have in all these long years of Republicanism been the
"Lone Star" Democratic State in the North. Our forty years of
wandering in the wilderness of Democrac}' are ended. Our Egyptian
darkness disappears. We are on the hilltop looking into the prom-
ised land. Encourage us as w^e march over into the political Ca-
naan of Republicanisin, there to remain bj' giving us a leader on
the national ticket to go up with us. We are proud of our public
men. Their Republicanism and love of country has been welded in
the furnace of political adversity. That man is a Republican who
adheres to the party in a State where there is no hope for the grati-
fication of personal ambitions. There are no camp followers in the
minority party in any State. They are all true soldiers in the mili-
tant army, doing valiant service without reward, gain, or the hope
thereof, from principle only.
A true representative of this class of Republicans New Jersey
will offer you to-day. He is in the prime of life, a never-faltering
friend, with qualities of leadership unsurpassed, of sterling honor,
of broad mind, of liberal views, of wide public information; of great
business capacity, and, withal, a parliamentarian who would grace
the presidency of the Senate of the United States. A native of our
Eleventh Republican National Convention. 135
State, the son of an humble farmer, he was reared to love of country
in sight of the historic tield of Monmouth, on which the blood of
our ancestors was shed that the republic might exist. From a poor
country boy, unaided and alone, he has risen to high renown among
us. In our State we have done for him all that the political condi-
tions would permit. He has been Speaker of our assembly and
President of our Senate. He has been the choice for United States
Senator of the Republican minoritj'^ in the Legislature, and had it
been in our power to have placed him in the Senate of the United
States he would long ere this have been there. His capabilities are
such as would grace any position of honor in the nation. Not for
himself; but for our State; not for his ambition, but to give to the
nation the highest t3'pe of public official, do we come to this Con-
vention by the command of our State and in the name of the Repub-
lican partj' of New Jersej^ — unconquered and unconquerable, un-
divided and indivisible — with our united voice speaking for all
that counts for good citizenship in our State, we present to you for
the office of Vice President of the republic, Garrett A. Hobart, of
New Jersey.
Mr. J. Otis Humphrey, of Illinois:
Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen of the Convention: I rise to
second the nomination, and I do so on behalf of the majority of the
delegates of the great State of Illinois. Illinois, which thirty-six
years ago gave to the Republican party her most distinguished son;
and to the world its greatest human character in the person of
Abraham Lincoln. (Applause).
Illinois, which in the dark days of the Republic gave to the party
the matchless silent soldier, the greatest luilitarj^ hero the world
ever saw, in the person of Ulysses S. Grant. (Applause).
Illinois, which twelve years ago, for this satne great office, pre-
sented to the Republican party the leading citizen, soldier of the
century, our own John A. Logan. (Applause).
Illinois, whose electoral vote from Lincoln to Harrison, with un-
varying regularity, has always been given to the Republican party.
On her behalf and in her name, and pledging a like fidelity and an
equal loyalty to the nominees of this Convention. I second the
'nomination for Vice President, the Hon. Garrett A. Hobart, of New
Jersey.
The Secretary proceeded with the call of the States, no response
being made until Rhode Island was reached, when Mr. Allen, of that
State, mounted the platform, and spoke as follows:
MR. LIPPETT named.
Gentlemen of the Convention: I desire to present to you for
the high office of Vice President of the United States, another fam-
ous son of New England. He comes, it is true, from what you some-
times tell us is but a little speck on the map way over on the Atlanic
coast, but that little speck has sent to you and to this country a
Greene, in 1776; a Burnside, in 1861, and you now have in the coun-
cils of this country the father of the McKinley Protection act. I
present to you in the name of the State of Rhode Island, his Excel-
lency Charles Warren Lippett, for the office of Vice President of the
United States. (Applause).
136 Official Proceedings of the
The Secretary proceeded with the call until the State of Tennessee
was reached, when Mr. Randolph, of that State, mounted the plat-
form and spoke as follows :
MR. EVANS NAMED.
Mr. President and Gentlemen of the Convention : It has been
more than thirty years since an)' citizen of the States, organized as
the Confederate States, has been presented by either of the great Na-
tional parties for the office of President or Vice-President.
When the great conflict for the Nation's life was entered upon, the
Republican party had but just assumed control. It became the
champion of the Union of the States, and for the preservation of the
Government under the Constitution. At the close of the contest the
success of the National Annies was regarded as the special triutuph
of the party. The people of the States of the South had been in re-
volt, and it was natural that for a time after hostilities had ceased
the Republican party and those people should distrust each other.
The one found the great majority of its voters in the States which
adhered to the Union, and therefore selected its candidates for Pres-
ident and Vice President from those States. The Democratic party
had been the dominant party in the States of the South for many
generations, and the people regarded that party not only as their
National representative, but as the peculiar exponent of their polit-
ical views. A solid South in a Democratic column of electoral votes
was a necessary consequence, and for many years the Republican
party has entered upon every National contest handicapped with
159 electoral votes absolutely certain against its nominee. To over-
come this immense vote, thus fixed against it, has required the carry-
ing of each of certain doubtful States of the North, and a failure to
carry any one of those States, as demonstrated in the defeat of Mr.
Blaine in the contest of 1884, meant the election of the Democratic
nominee. To change this condition of affairs required a change of
the relations between the people of the Southern States and the Re-
publican party. To accomplish such change two things must con-
cur — the people of the South, or a majority of them, inust be satisfied
that their interests are to be protected by the success of the Repub-
lican party, and also, that the Republican party is ready to concede
to them, when members of it, and acting with it, equal recognition
with the people of the other States in. the selection of officers and
agents for the administration of the Government, and the change
must be brought about by obtaining converts from the Democratic
part5\
The experience of the last four years of the administration of the
National Government upon Democratic principles and through
Democratic officers and agents has furnished satisfactory proofs of
the first proposition, and a large majority of the intelligent people
of the former Solid South is now ready to admit that the principles
announced in the platform just adopted, when honestly adminis-
tered through capable officers and agents, must result in the build-
ing up of a New South, not only in name, but in industrial develop-
ments and all that goes to make up a happy and prosperous people.
The proof of the other proposition that the people of the Southern
States who are Republicans and who are honest, worthy and capable
are to be trusted as officers and agents in the administration of the
Government under like circumstances equally with their brothers
Eleventh Republican National Convention. 137
of the other States, and that no invidious discrimination is to be
made agaiast them because of their locality, ancestry or past his-
tory or affiliation, remains yet to be made. Now is the time for the
g-reat Republican party to make its first serious effort to build itself
up and put itself in a position of impreg-nable strength among the
people of the South. The Solid South is reliably solid for the Dem-
ocratic party no longer. Kentucky, Tennessee, Maryland, Delaware,
West Virginia, Missouri, North and South Carolina, have each given
unmistakable indications of drifting away, and with profitable en-
couragement and suitable recognition, they may be safely placed in
the Republican column, not only when the result of the election in
November is announced, but in future contests, as they periodically
occur; and Tennessee, the gateway of the South, the great battle-
field of the Civil War, the State which voted against Secession when
the question was submitted to its people, by a large majority, the
last State to join itself t3 the Confederate States, and the first Slate
to return to its loyalty to the Union, — now presents you one of its
distinguished citizens for the second place on your ticket. It is true
he is not native born, but he is more — he is a citizen by choice, and
he comes from the portion of a State whose people have always been
loyal to the Union and the Constitution, and which furnished more
soldiers for the Army of the Union, in proportion to their popula-
tion, than any other territory in the United States.
Our nominee was born in the great State of Pennsylvania. He
was reared in the equally great state of Wisconsin. When the Pres-
ident, in the beginning of the Nation's danger, called the citizens to
arms to preserve the Union and perpetuate the Constitution, though
a mere boy, he enlisted as a private soldier, and after going
through all the perils of the war, at the end he was honorably dis-
charged from the service. He then became a citizen of the State of
Tennessee, and has devoted his ind ustry, energy and ability to de-
veloping the resources of that State. He has won the friendship,
respect and confidence of the people among whom he lives. They
have put him in various official positions; he has been Alderman
and Mayor of a City, Member of Congress from his District and
First Assistant Postmaster-General in the last Republican Admin-
istration. In every position he has discharged his duties honestly
and faithfully and to the satisfaction of the people. After he had
thus established himself, the Republicans of Tennessee nominated
him for Governor, and the people, at the November election of 1894,
gave him a majority of 748 votes over his opponent, as shown by the
face of the returns made by the officers holding the election. After
the election, the Democratic Legislature enacted a law for the pur-
pose of contesting it. It is not too much to say that the law was de-
signed to deprive bim of the office to which the people had elected
him, and the same people, who, as a Legislature, passed the law,
assumed, under the law, to pass upon his right to the office. A pre-
tended judicial inquir}' was instituted. As a matter of fact, it was
neither judicial nor fair. The issues made were false, and the testi-
mony was garbled. The decision changed the face of the returns;
enough votes were taken from what he had received to give his
opponent a majority and to change his election into defeat. The
ground of the rejection of the votes was not that they had not been
cast, or that the voters were not legal voters, nor that the Judges of the
election had not been fully satisfied of their right to vote before re-
ceiving their votes. All of these facts were admitted, but the decis-
ion was put on the grounds that though the voters had paid their
138 Official Proceedings of the
poll taxes and had receipts, showing- the fact for the time required
by the law, such receipts had not been produced before the offi-
cers holding- the election, and these officers, for that reason, had no
right to receive their votes, and a man never elected Governor is
now holding oiKce in the State of Tennessee. The people of Ten-
nessee feel that a great wronghas been done them, and they want
an opportunity of expressing their public condemnation of the act.
They want an opportunity of showing the confidence they have in
the citizen who has thus been defrauded of the office to which thej'
elected him. They believe he is worthy of any office within the gift
of the American people. Representing them here, I nominate for
Vice President of the United States Henry Clay Evans. (Applause).
John P. Smith, of Kentucky. Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen of
the Convention: — I regret very much that we have not time to devote
to picturing the qualifications of the man that I rise to second the
nomination of. Hailing from a State that rolled up a majority that
elected the first Republican Governor since the days of Washington —
the home of William O. Bradley, I come to second the nomination of
this distinguished gentleman of Tennessee, believing as I do that
the time has come when there should be no more South, East or
West. I atn tbe representative in part of more than seven millions
of men and women who were bound in chains and shackles until
about thirty years ago. W^e ask of this great body, the grandest
organization this side of eternity, to give us the gentleman from
Tennessee, an able man. But here the color question conies up.
Somehow or other it pops up like the silver or gold question, but
we cannot help it. But I will say this, you never heard of negroes
coming into a National Convention and bolting and walking out
because thej' could not get what they believed to be their rights.
(Applause). We want to fight our battles within the party. Hun-
dreds of thousands of negroes have fallen at the ballot box with a
Republican ballot in their hands. I arise to second the nomination
of that representative Tennesseean, gallant soldier, eminent states-
man and worthy gentleman, H. Clay Evans, of Tennessee. (Ap-
plause).
The Chairman. Gentlemen of the Convention, the Chair presents
to you Mr. LaFollette of Wisconsin,who will address you for a mo-
ment.
Mr. LaFollette. Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen of this Conven-
tion: — You have to-day made a platform which ought to give to the
Republican nominees of this Convention every State in the North
except possibly our silver sisters. You have to-day made a plat-
form which is absolutely certain to give us every State in New
England, and if, gentlemen of this Convention, there is a possibility
of some of the Northwestern States slipping away froin us, is it not
w^ell for us here in deliberation to stop and think? Shall we not to-
day do something, if possible to repair that loss? Every pledge in
the platform to-day that has gone out to the industrial world and
to the workingmen and to the business men of this country, has al-
ready been kept in this Convention. Every promise made in that
platform has already here to-day been fulfiiled. Why do I say that?
Why, because to every business man and to every workingman in
this country William McKinley is the platform.
But, gentlemen of this Convention, there was another vital prin-
ciple in that platform that demands, at the hands of this Conven-
tion, a living pledge here to-day. For a period of thirty years or
Eleventh Republican National Convention. 139
more no Republican Convention has yet assembled that did not in
its utterance declare for the sanctity of the ballot. Gentlemen, for
a generation of time, a large body of Republicans in this country
having no promise of material advantages such as comes to their
brethren of the North in the industrial section of this country from
their support of the party and its platform have, in so far as they
could, surrounded as they are, borne evidence of their fealty and
loj'alty to us.
Gentlemen, let us stop here to-day and think a moment. It is ne-
cessary that we do something for them more than words. To-day
you have an opportunity to do for our Southern Republicans that
which you have done for the industrial North, to give them a can-
didate upon this ticket that shall be to them a pledge and give them
renewed courage and hope. (Applause). I want to say that I speak
of Mr. Evans with some feeling. Because when that great blue
wave arose in the North, it swept to the sea and crushed the rebel-
lion to the earth, he went with it on its course from the State of Wis-
consin. I had the privilege of serving beside him in the halls of
Congress. Those that met him when he was First Assistant Post-
master-General know of his executive ability, and you have but to
pay a visit to the South, to that magnificent city of the New South
to see what he is as a business man. (Applause). Whether he has
the ability so characteristic of the gentleman from Cleveland, I do
not know, but of this I am certain that his indominable courage,
his splendid powers of organization, and his well-known ability
have put the State of Tennessee over into the Republican column.
(Applause).
Gentlemen, when we may possiblj^ lose something from the North-
west that has heretofore been Republican, let us here to-night, in
the closing hours of this greatest convention that has been held in
the history of the party, mark out a new line of cleavage that separ-
ates the two great sections of this country — put Henry Clay Evans
on the ticket with William McKinley, and I pledge you here, from
having spent three months in the South this winter, I pledge you
out of my own knowledge that you will put a belt of new Republi-
can States along the line. (Applause).
MJR. WALKER NAMED.
The call of the roll of States was proceeded with, and when Vir-
ginia was reached, Mr. Bailej'' arose and addressed the Convention
as follows:
Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen of the Convention: When we
come to making Presidents and Vice Presidents, there seems to be
a line that divides us as a people, and that line, my countrymen, is
the same line that separated the two great sections, the North and
the South, in the late unhappy war between the States.
From 1861 down to this good hour, neither of the great political
parties of this country have dared to cross the rubicon. As a repre-
sentative of the South; as a representative of the Confederates of
the South, I am here to-day to voice the sentiments of my Southern
people and to demand at the hands of this Convention that that
dead line be forever obliterated on this occasion. (Applause). I
want to say in behalf of the Southern people that they are as loyal
to the Union to-daj^ — that they are as loyal to the Nation's flag to-
day as they ever were to the flag of the Confederacj'.
140 Official Proceedings of the
I ask, in behalf of the people of the South, that when this great
party steps back into power this fall— and it seems that the gods
have so decreed it — I want the people of the South to feel within the
folds, under and beneath the protection of the old Republican
party, that they of the South can have the same rights and the
same privileges, that they can move out on the same lines as the
people of the North can do. My countrymen, the combined States
of Virginia, West Virginia, North Carolina, Tennessee and Ken-
tucky, is the Garden of Eden of this continent. While her agricul-
tural products will compare favorably with any section of the Union,
thej' are nothing to compare with the mineral wealth of that great
section. They are nothing to compare with her forests of timber,
with her iron and mineral products. These are the States, my
countrymen, with which we propose this fall to forever break up
the Solid South, and to bring these great States into the Republican
column.
I want to say here to you to-day that the financial plank which we
have adopted to-day is strong medicine for the Southern States, as
well as the Western States, but we propose to take it like little men
and stand by it fully. Now, there are other things in that platform
which are dearer to us than money— than gold or silver. It is the great
protective principle which is involved in it. That policy is the
policy by which we propose to win those States to the Republican
column. Gentlemen of the Convention, that great section speaks
to you to-day. You have heard of the accomplished Evans of Ten-
nessee. Virginia speaks for one of her ablest sons for your consid-
eration. She brings you a man who. at peace and at war, has proved
himself to measure up to the high and full stature of a man. As a
lawyer, he stands in the forefront of the Virginia bar; as a civilian,
he has proved true to their trust; as a statesman, he has proved
himself to be a man of business and a man of brains. I present to
you, gentlemen, in behalf of Virginia, General James A. Walker, a
member of this Convention and the only Republican member from
Virginia in the Federal Congress.
The clerk proceeded with the call of the roll of States. When
West Virginia was reached, Mr. White, of that delegation, spoke as
follows:
Mr. Chairman : I ask at this time, though the conditions are
unfavorable, for the privilege of speaking for a Republican State
with a Republican electoral vote, on the question of who shall be
our candidate for Vice President. West Virginia, with its solid Re-
publican Congressional delegation, and a Republican United States
Senator; with its solid Republican Legislature, so largely Repub-
lican in both Houses, that the entire Democratic membership might
withdraw and there would be still left a Constitutional number in
both Houses of Reptiblicans to transact business. Although West
Virginia was the first Southern State to break the Solid South, which
it did in 1888 by electing our gallant General Goff, who was deprived
of his seat by a Legislature, Democratic on joint ballot by one vote.
West Virginia, Mr. Chairman, is here as a Southern State with a
Republican electoral vote solid for sound money, solid for McKin-
ley, and solid for Mr. Hobart, of New Jersey, for Vice President.
(Applause).
The Chairman. Gentlemen of the Convention, the roll of the
States will now be called for the nomination of a Vice President.
Eleventh Republican National Convention. 141
The Secretary proceeded to call the roll of States :
Alabama — 22 votes: Bulkeley, 1; Evans. 11; Hobart, 10.
Arkansas — 16 votes: Hobart, 10; Evans, 5; Bulkeley, 1.
California — 18 votes: Evans, 3; Bulkeley, 1; Hobart, 14,
Colorado — 8 votes: (passed.)
Connecticut — 12 votes: Bulkeley, 12.
Delaware— 6 votes: Hobart, 6.
Florida — 8 votes: Hobart, 5; Evans, 3.
Georgia — 26 votes: Hobart, 5; Evans, 21.
Idaho— 6 votes: (passed.)
Illinois — 48 votes: Hobart, 44; Evans, 4.
Indiana— 30 votes: Hobart, 12; Evans, 16; Reed, 1; Thurston, 1.
Iowa— 26 votes: Hobart, 8; Evans, 5; Reed, 1; Bulkeley, 10; Grant, 2.
Kansas— 20 votes: Hobart, 20.
Kentucky — 26 votes: Hobart, 8; Evans, 17; Depew, 1.
Louisiana — 16 votes: Hobart, 8; Evans, 8.
Maine — 12 votes: Evans, 5; Bulkeley, 2; Depew, 2; Morton, 1; Brown, 2.
Maryland— 16 votes: Hobart, 14; Evans, 1; Bulkeley, 1.
Massachusetts — 30 votes: Hobart, 14; Evans, 12; Bulkeley, 4.
Michigan— 28 votes: Hobart, 21; Evans, 7.
Minnesota — 18 votes: Hobart, 6; Evans, 12.
Mississippi — 18 votes: Hobart, 13; Evans, 5.
Missouri— 34 votes: Hobart. 10; Evans, 23; Thurston, 1.
Montana — 6 votes: Hobart, 1; 5 absent.
Nebraska — 16 votes: Hobart, 16.
Nevada — 6 votes: Hobart, 3; 3 absent.
New Hampshire — 8 votes: Hobart, 8.
New Jersey — 20 votes: Hobart, 20.
New York— 72 votes: Hobart, 72.
North Carolina— 22 votes: Hooart, IY2; Evans, 20^^.
North Dakota— 6 votes: Hobart, 3; Evans, 3.
Ohio— 46 votes: Hobart, 25; Evans, 15; Bulkeley, 6.
Oregon — 8 votes: Hobart, 8.
Pennsylvania— 64 votes: Hobart, 64.
Rhode Island — 8 votes: Lippett, 8.
South Carolina — 18 votes: Hobart, 3; Evans, 15.
South Dakota — 8 votes: Hobart, 8.
Tennessee — 24 votes: Evans, 24.
Texas — 30 votes: Hobart, 11; Evans, 12: absent, 7.
Utah — 6 votes: Hobart, 5; Evans, 1.
Vermont — 8 votes: Hobart, 8.
Virginia — 24 votes: Jas. A. Walker, 24.
Washington — 8 votes: Hobart, 8.
West Virginia — 12 votes: Hobart, 12.
Wisconsin — 24 votes: Hobart, 3; Evans, 20; Reed, 1.
Wyoming — 6 votes: Hobart, 6.
Arizona — 6 votes: Hobart, 4; Evans, 1; Bulkeley, 1.
New Mexico — 6 votes: Evans, 6.
Oklahoma — 6 votes: Hobart, 4; Evans, 2.
Indian Territory — 6 votes: Hobart, 6.
District of Columbia — 2 votes: Hobart, 2.
Alaska — 4 votes: Hobart, 4.
The Chairman. Gentlemen of the Convention, the Chair advises
the Convention that it will be necessary, after the Vice Presidential
nomination, to call the roll for the appointment of two important
committees. Delegates are therefore asked to remain in their places
142 Official Proceedings of the
until the business of the Convention is concluded. The Chair will
state that under the rules adopted by this Convention there will be
a Committee of Notification: one for the Presidential notification
and one for the Vice Presidential. The deleg^ates from each State
and Territory are therefore requested to prepare and have ready for
announcement a member of each of these two committees.
Pending the announcement of the vote, unless objection is made,
the Chair will submit to the Convention the following resolution
offered by General Grosvenor of Ohio, which the Secretary will read:
THE OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS.
The Secretary read the resolution as follows:
"Resolved, That the Secretary of this Convention is hereby di-
rected to prepare and publish a full and complete report of the offi-
cial proceedings of this Convention, under the direction of the Na-
tional Committee, co-operating with the local Committee."
The Chairman then put the question and the resolution w^as unan-
imously adopted.
Governor BusHNELL, of Ohio. I desire to offer a resolution,
which I will ask the Secretary to read.
The Chairman. The gentleman from Ohio offers a resolution and
unless objection is made, after it is read it will be offered to the Con-
vention for its action.
The clerk then read the resolution as follows:
THE NOTIFICATIONS.
Resolved, That the permanent Chairman of this Convention,
Hon. John M. Thurston, be appointed Chairman of the Committee
to notify Hon. William McKinley of his nomination for President;
and that the Temporary Chairman, Hon. Charles W. Fairbanks be
appointed Chairman of the Committee to notify the Vice-Presi-
dential nominee of his nomination."
The question was then put to the Convention on the adoption of
the resolution, and the same was unanimously carried.
THANKS TO THE OFFICERS.
Governor Hastings, of Pennsjdvania. I am instructed by the
unanimous voice of the Pennsylvania delegation, to offer a vote of
thanks to the Temporary Chairman, the Permanent Chairman, the
Secretary, the Sergeant at Arms, the Official Reporter and the other
officers of this Convention.
This vote has been seconded by every State in the Convention, and
if you will permit me, I will usurp the authority of the President
for a moment and put the question.
Governor Hastings then put the motion which was carried unani-
mously.
Eleventh Republican National Convention. 143
Chairman THURSTON. The Chair in returning- thanks for so much
of the resolution as relates to the present occupant of the Chair,
desires to express heartfelt thanks to every member of this Conven-
tion for the uniform kindness, courtesy and assistance shown dur-
ing all the proceedings of this Convention.
THANKS TO THE LOCAL COMMITTEE.
Governor BUSHNELL, of Ohio. I desire to move in behalf of the
delegation from Ohio, and the delegates from all the States to this
Convention, a vote of thanks to the Local Committee, the people of
St. Louis, and to all who have taken part in the arrangements for
the Convention, and the provision of this magnificent hall, for the
manner in which every obligation and promise has been met, and
for the generous entertainment of delegates and visitors.
The resolution was seconded siinultaneously from several dele-
gations and carried by acclamation.
The Chairman. The Chair notifies the Convention that the two
Committees on notification, when selected, are requested to meet at
the Southern Hotel to-morrow morning at eleven o'clock.
Mr. Fairbanks. Mr. Chairman, I arise for the purpose of return-
ing to the Convention my heartfelt thanks for the generous resolu-
tion of your endorsement. I account it a great honor to have been
called upon to preside even for a brief tiine over this greatest of Re-
publican Conventions, and I congratulate the American people
upon the splendid work of this Convention.
VOTE ON VICE-PRESIDENT.
Chairman THURSTON. Gentlemen of the Convention: Your vote
for the Vice Presidential nominee is as follows: Hobart, 533)^;
Evans, 2801^; Bulkeley, 39; Walker, 24; Lippelt, 8; Grant, 2; Depew, 3;
Morton, 1; Thurston, 2.
MADE UNANIMOUS.
Gentlemen of the Convention. The question stands upon making
this nomination unanimous. So many as favor making the nomi-
nation of Garrett A. Hobart unanimous will rise.
Apparently all the delegates rose to their feet, and the Chairman
said: It is unanimous, Gentlemen of the Convention.
THE DECLARATION.
r
By virtue of the unanimous vote of this Convention and the au-
thority vested in the Chair, Garrett A. Hobart is declared to be the
nominee of the Republican party for Vice President.
144 Official Proceedings of the
notification committee.
The Chairman: Gentlemen of the Convention: The question is
now on appointing the Committee to notify the President and the
Vice President of their nomination by this Convention. It is the re-
quest of the Chair that the names be sent up in writing- with the ad-
dress of each member. The Secretary called the roll. In response
to the roll call the following committees to notify the candidates
were chosen.
TO NOTIFY PRESIDENT.
Alabama CD. Alexander
Arkansas • Henry M. Cooper
California Frank Miller
Connecticut George Sykes
Delaware Henry Morse
Florida Dennis Eagan
Georgia M. B. Morton
Illinois Charles H. Deere
Indiana Hiram Brownlee
Iowa Calvin Manning
Kansas Nathaniel Barnes
Kentucky John McCartney
Maine George P. Westcott
Maryland W. F. Airey
Massachusetts M. B. V. Jefferson
Michigan Thomas J. O'Brien
Minnesota Monroe Nichols
Mississippi W. D. Frazee
Missouri J. D. Haughawaut
Nebraska John P. Bressler
New Hampshire William D. Sawyer
New Jersey Fred W. Roebling
New York Frank Hiscock
North Carolina Claude M. Benard
North Dakota CM. Johnston
Ohio M. A. Hanna
Oregon Charles Hilton
Pennsylvania Theodore L. Flood
South Carolina E. H. Deos
South Dakota Walter E. Smead
Tennessee Ernest Calfwell
Texas J. W. Butler
Utah L. R. Rodgers
Vermont James W. Brock
Virginia J. S. Browning
Washington Henry E. Wilson
West Virginia W^. M. Lincoln
Wisconsin M. C Ring
Wyoming H. H. Nickerson
New Mexico Pedro Perea
Oklahoma John A. Buckler
District of Columbia Joseph R. Faltz
Alaska C. S. Johnston
Eleventh Republican National Convention. 145
to notify vice president.
Alabama W. R. Pettiford
Arkansas John Hadis
California Ely Dennison
Connecticut Edwin O. Keeler
Delaware Henry A. Diipont
Florida Dennis Eagan
Georgia N. J. Doyle
Illinois Isaac L. Edwards
Indiana Jesse Weick
low^a C. W. Junkin
Kansas Frank Vincent
Kentucky John G. White
Maine Stanlej^ Cueman
Maryland W. G. Tuck
Massachusetts Williard J. Hale
Michigan R. A.Alger
Minnesota A. D. Davidson
Mississippi J. E. Ousley
Missouri B. F. Leonard
Nebraska John T. Bressler
New Hampshire James A. Wood
New Jersey W. Barbour
New York Lispenard Stewart
North Carolina J. H. Hannon
North Dakota J. M. Devine
Ohio , George Ketchum
Oregon Charles W. Parrish
Pennsylvania H. S. Jenney
South Carolina C. J. Pride
South Dakota H.T. Meacham
Tennessee H. C. Jarvis
Texas J. O. Lubby
Utah J. A. Smith
Vermont Edward C. Smith
Virginia R. T. Hubbard
Washington James N. Gilbert
West Virginia P. E. Houston
Wisconsin Julius Rohrer
Wyoming B. F. Fowler
New Mexico Pedro Perea
Oklahoma William Grimes
District of Columbia John Doyle
Alaska C. W. Young
Upon the conclusion of the calling of the roll of States, upon mo-
tion, Chairman Thurston declared the Convention adjourned sine
die. The hour of adjournment was 7:53 p. m.
James Francis Burke,
John Jay Burke,
Attest : Official Reporters.
Charles W. Johnson,
Secretary of the Convention.
146
Official Proceedings of the
NOTIFICATION OF GOV. MCKINLEY.
The members of the Committee on Notification of the Candidate for Presi-
dent assembled at Cleveland, Ohio, on the 28th of June, and on the 29ih of
June, proceeded by special train to Canton, the home of the nominee, the
Hon. William McKinley, to discharge that duty. Hon. Mark A. Hanna,
chairman of the committee was in charge of the party.
The speech of notification was made by Hon. John M. Thurston, of Ne-
braska, the President of the Convention and was as follows:
"Governor McKinley— We are here to
perform a pleasant duty assigned us by
the Republican national convention recent-
ly assembled at St. Louis— that of formally
notifying- you of your nomination as the
candidate of the Republican party for pres-
ident of the United States. We respect-
fully request your acceptance of this nomi-
nation and your approval of the declara-
tion of the principles adopted by the con-
vention. We assure you that you are the
unanimous choice of a united party, and
your candidacy will be immediately ac-
cepted by the country as an absolute guar-
antee of Republican success.
"Your nomination has been made in obe-
dience to a popular demand, whose univer-
sality and spontaniety attest the affection
and confidence of the plain people of the
United States. By common consent you
are their champion. Their mighty uprising
In your behalf emphasizes the sincerity of
their conversion to the cardinal principles
of protection and reciprocity as best ex-
emplified in that splendid congressional act
■which justly bears your name.
"Under it this nation advanced to the
very culmination of prosperity, far sur-
passing that of all other peoples and all
other times; a prosperity shared in by all
sections, all interests and all classes; by
capital and labor, by producer and con-
sumer; prosperity so happily in harmony
with the genius of popular government
that its choicest blessings were most wide-
ly distributed among the lowliest toilers
and the humblest homes.
"In 1892 your countrymen, unmindful of
your solemn warnings, returned that party
to power which reiterated dts everlasting
opposition to a protective tariff and de-
manded the repeal of the McKinley act.
They sowed the wind. They reaped the
whirlwind. The sufferings and losses and
disasters to the American people from four
years of Democratic tariff are vastly
greater than those which came to them
from four years of civil war.
"Out of it all one great good remains.
Those who scorned your counsels speedily
witnessed the fulfillment of your prophecies,
and, even as the scourged and repentant
Israelites abjured their stupid idols and re-
sumed unquestioning allegiance to Moses
and to Moses' God, so now your country-
men, shamed of their errors, turn to you
and to those glorious principles for which
you stand in the full belief that in your can-
didacy and the Republican platform the end
of the wilderress has come and the pro-
mised land of American prosperity is again
to them an assured inheritance.
"But your nomination means more than
the indorsement of a protective tariff, of
reciprocity, of sound money and of honest
finance, for all of which you have so stead-
fastly stood. It meajis an indorsemnt of
your heroic youth, your fruitful years of
arduous public service, your sterling patriot-
ism, your stalwart Americanism, your
Christain character and the purity, fidelity
and simplicity of your private life. In all
these things you are the typical American;
for in all these things you are the chosen
leader of the people. God give you strength
so to bear the honors and meet the duties
of that great oflSce for which you are now
nominated, and to^ which you will be elected,
that your administration will enhance the
dignity and power and glory of this Repub-
lic and secure the safety, welfare and happi-
ness of its liberty loving people."
Eleventh Republican National Convention.
147
Gov. McKinley replied as follows:
"Senator Thurston and Gentleman of the
Notification Committee of the Republican
National Convention — To be selected as their
presidential candidate by a great party
convention representing so vast a number
of the people of the United States is a
most distinguished honor, for which I would
not conceal my high appreciation, although
deeply sensible of the great responsibilities
of the trust and my inability to bear them
without the generous and constant support
of my fellow countrymen. Great as is the
honor conferred, equally arduous and im-
portant is the dutj'^ imposed, and in accept-
ing- the one I assume the other, relying
upon the patriotic devotion of the people to
the best interests of our beloved country
and the sustaining care and aid of Him
without whose support all we do is empty
and vain.
"Should the people ratify the choice of the
great convention for which you speak, my
only aim will be to promote the public
good, which in America is always the good
of the greatest number, the honor of our
country and the welfare of the people.
"The questions to be settled in the na-
tional contest this year are as serious and
important as any of the great governmental
problems that have confronted us in the
last quarter of a century. They command
our sober judgment and a settlement free
from partisan prejudice and passion, bene-
ficial to ourselves and tiefitting the honor
and grandeur of the republic. They touch
every interest of our common country. Our
industrial supremacy, our productive ca-
pacity, our business and commercial pros-
perity, our labor and its rewards, our
national credit and currency, our proud
financial honor and our splendid free citi-
zenship, the birthright of every American,
are all involved in the pending campaign,
and thus every home in the land is directly
and intimately connected with their proper
settlement.
"Great are the issues involved in the com-
ing election, and eager and earnest are the
people for their right determination. Our
domestic trade must be won back and our
idle working people employed in gainful
occupations at American wages. Our home
market must be restored to its proud rank
of first in the world, and our foreign trade,
so precipitately cut off by adverse national
legislation, reopened on fair and equitable
terms for our surplus agricultural and
manufacturing products.
"Protection and reciprooity, twin meas-
ures of a true American policy, should
again command the earnest encouragement
of the government at Washington. Public
confidence must be resumed and the skill
the energy and the capital of our country
find ample employment at home, sustained,
encouraged and defended against the un-
equal competition and serious disadvan-
tages with which they are now contending.
The government of the United States must
raise money enough to meet both its cur-
rent expenses and increasing needs. Its
revenues should be so raised as to protect
the material interests of our people, with
the lightest possible drain upon their re-
sources, and maintaining that high stand-
ard of civilization which has distinguished
our country for more than a century of
its existence,
"The income of the government, I repeat,
should equal its necessary and proper ex-
penditures. A failure to pursue this policy
has compelled the government to borrow
money in a time of peace to sustain its
credit and pay its daily expenses. This pol-
icy should be reversed, and that, too, as
speedily as possible. It must be apparent
to all, regardless of past party ties or af-
filiations, that our paramount duty is to
provide adequate revenue for the expendi-
tures of the government, economically and
prudently administered. This the Republi-
can party has heretofore done, and this I
confidently believe it will do in the future,
when the party is again intrusted with
power in the executive and legislative
branches of our government.
"The national credit, which has thus far
fortunately resisted every assault upon it,
must and will be upheld and strengthened.
If sufficient revenues are provided for the
support of the government there will be no
necessity for borrowing money and increas-
ing the public debt.
"The complaint of the people Is sot
against the administration for borrowing
money and issuing tonds to preserve the
credit of the country, but against the ruin-
ous policy which has made this necessary,
owing to the policy which has been inaug-
urated.
"The inevitable effect of such a policy I9
seen in the deficiency in the United States
treasury, except as it is replenished by
loans, and in the distress of the people Mho
are suffering because of the scant demand
for either their labor or the products of
their labor. Here is the fundamental
trouble, the remedy for which Is Republi-
can opportunity and duty.
"During all the years of Republican con-
trol following resumption, there was a
steady reduction of the public debt, while
the gold reserve was sacredly maintained,
and our currency and credit preserved
without depreciation, taint or suspicion. If
we would restore this policy that brought
us unexampled prosperity for more than
thirty years under the most trying condi-
tions ever known in this country, the
policy by which we made and bought more
goods at home and sold more abroad, the
trade balance would be quickly turned in
148
Official Proceedings of the
our favor, and gold would come to us and
not go from us in the settlement of all
such balances in the future.
"The party that supplied, by legislation,
the vast revenues for the conduct of our
greatest war, that promptly restored the
credit of the country at its close, that
from its abundant revenues paid off a large
share of the debt incurred In this war, and
that resumed specie payments, and placed
our paper currency upon a sound and en-
during basis, can be safely trusted to pre-
serve both our credit and currency with
honor, stability and inviolability. The
American people hold the financial honor
of our government as sacred as our flag,
and can be relied upon to guard it with
the same sleepless vigilance. They hold its
preservation above party fealty, and. have
often demonstrated that party ties avail
nothing when the spotless credit of our
country is threatened.
"The money of the United States, and
every kind or form of it, whether of paper,
silver or gold, must be as good as the best
in the world. It must not only be current
at its full face value at home, but it must
be counted at par in any and every com-
mercial center of the globe. The sagacious
and far seeing policy of the great men
who founded our government, the teachings
and acts of the wisest financiers at every
stage in our history, the steadfast faith
and splendid achievements of the great
party to which we belong and the genius
and integrity of our people have always
demanded this and will ever maintain it.
The dollar paid to the farmer, the wage
earner and the pensioner must continue
forever equal in purchasing and debt pay-
ing power to the dollar paid to any govern-
ment creditor.
"The contest this year will not be waged
upon lines of theory and speculation, but in
the light of severe practical experience and
new and dearly acquired knowledge. The
great body of our citizens know what they
want and that they intend to have. They
know for what the Republican party stands
and what its return to power means to
them. They realize that the Republican
party believes that our work should be
done at home and not abroad, and every-
where proclaim their devotion to the prin-
ciples of a protective tariff, which, while
supplying adequate revenues for the gov-
ernment, will restore American production
and serve the best interests of American
labor and development. Our appeal, there-
fore, is not to a false philosophy or vain
theorists, but to the masses of the Ameri-
can people, the plain, practical people
whom Lincoln loved and trusted and whom
the Republican party has always faithfully
striven to serve.
"The platform adopted by the Republican
national convention has received my care-
ful consideration and has my unqualified
approval. It is a matter of gratification to
me, as I am sure it must be tO' you and
Republicans everywhere and to all our
people, that the expressions of its declara-
tion of principles are so direct, clear and
emphatic. They are too plain and positive
to leave any chance for doubt or question
as to their purport and meaning. But
you will not expect me to discuss its pro-
visions at length or in any detail at this
time. It will, however, be my duty and
pleasure at some future day to make to
you, and through you to the great party
you represent, a more formal acceptance of
the nomination tendered me.
"No one could be more profoundly grate-
ful than I for the manifestation of public
confidence of which you have so eloquently
spoken. It shall be my aim to attest this
appreciation by an unsparing devotion to
what I esteem the best interests of the
people, and in this work I ask the counsel
and support of you, gentlemen, and of
every other friend of the country. The
generous expressions with which you, sir,
convey the official notice of my nomination
are highly appreciated a,nd as fully recip-
rocated, and I thank you and your asso-
ciates of the notification committee and the
great party and convention at whose in-
stance you come for the high and excep-
tional distinction bestowed upon me."
PRESENTED WITH A GAVEL.
At the conclusion of his speech of accept-
ance Major McKinley was presented with a
gavel. Like all gavels, it had a history. It
was used by Chairman Thurston as presid-
ing officer of the St. Louis convention. It
was made from a log taken from the cabin
in New Salem. 111., in which Abraham Lin-
coln lived in 1832.
Eleventh Republican National Convention.
149
NOTIFICATION OF HON. GARRETT A. HOBART.
The committee appointed by the National Republican Convention at St.
Louis to notify Garrett A. Hobart of his nomination for vice president of
the United States, arrived at Patterson, New Jersey, his home, July 7th and
went to Mr. Hobart's house, where they were received by Mr. and Mrs, Ho-
bart and a number of ladies and gentlemen, to whom Charles W. Fairbanks
chairman of the committee, spoke as follows:
Kinley in the pending contest. For you and
your distinguished associate we bespeak the
enthusiastic and intelligent support of all
our countrymen who desire that prosperity
shall again rule throughout the republic."
At the conclusion of Mr. Fairbanks'
speech Mr. Hobart replied as follows:
"Mr. Chairman and gentlemen of the com-
mittee: I beg to extend to you my grateful
acknowledgments for the kind and flattering
terms in which you convey the formal
announcement of my nomination for vice-
president of the United States by the Re-
publican national convention at St. Louis.
I am profoundly sensible of the honor which
has been done me and through me the state
in which all my life has been spent, in my
selection as a candidate for this high ofiice.
I appreciate it the more because it as-
sociates me in a contest which involves the
very gravest issues with one who repre-
sents in his private character and public
career the highest intelligence and best
spirit of his party, and with whom my per-
sonal relations are such as to afford a
guarantee of perfect accord in the work of
the campaign which is before us.
"It is sufficient for me to say at this
time that, concurring in all the declara-
tions of principle and policy embodied in
the St. Louis platform, I accept the nomi-
nation tendered to me with a full appre-
ciation of its responsibilities and withj an
honest purpose, in the event that the peo-
ple shall ratify the choices made by the
national convention, to discharge any
duties which may devolve upon me with
sole reference to the public good.
"Let me add that it will be my earnest
effort in the coming campaign to contribute
in every way possible to the success of the
party which we represent and which on the
important issues of the time stands for the
"Mr. Hobart: The Republican national
convention, recently assembled at St.
Louis, commissioned us to formally notify
you of your nomination for the office of
vice president of the United States. We
are met, pursuant to the direction of the
convention, to perform the agreeable duty
assigned us.
"In all the splendid history of the great
party which holds our loyal allegiance the
necessity was never more urgent for stead-
fast adherence to those wholesome princi-
ples which have been the sure foundation
rock of our national prosperity. The de-
mand was never greater for men who hold
principles above all else, and who are un-
moved, either by the clamor of the hour
or the promises of false teachers.
"The convention at St. Louis, in full
measure, mat the high demands of the
times in its declarations of party principles
and in the nomination of candidates for
president and vice-president.
"Sir, the office for which you are nomi-
nated is of rare dignity, honor, and power.
It has been graced by the most eminent
statesmen who have contributed to the up-
building of the strength and glory of the
republic.
"Because of your exalted personal char-
acter and of your* intelligent and patriotic
devotion to the enduring principles of a pro-
tective tariff, which wisely discriminates in
favor of American interests, and to a cur-
rency whose soundness and integrity none
can challenge, and because of your conspic-
uous fitness for the exacting and important
duties of the high office, the Republican
National convention, with a unanimity and
enthusiasm rarely witnessed, chose you as
our candidate for vice-president of the
United States.
"We know it to be gratifying to you per-
sonally to be the associate of William Mc-
150
Official Proceedings of the
best interests of the people. Uncertainty or
instability as to the money question in-
volves most serious consequences to every
interest and to every citizen of the country.
The gravity of this question cannot be
overestimated. There can be no financial
security, no business stability, no> real
prosperity where the policy of the g-overn-
ment as to that question is at all a matter
of doubt.
"Gold is the one standard of value among
all enlightened commercial nations. All
financial transactions, of whatever charac-
ter, all business enterprise, all individual
or corporate investments are adjusted to it.
An honest dollar, worth 100 cents every-
where, cannot be coined out of 53 cents'
worth of silver plus a legislative fiat. Such
a debasement of our currency would inev-
itably produce incalculable loss, appalling
disaster and national dishonor. It is a
fundamental principle in coinage, recog-
nized and followed by all the statesmen of
America in the past, and never yet safely
departed from, that there can be only one
basis upon which gold and silver may be
concurrently coined as money, and that
basis is equality, not in weight, but in the
commercial value of the metal contained in
the respective coins. This commercial value
is fixed by the markets of the world, with
which the great interests of our country
are necessarily connected by innumerable
business ties which cannot be severed or
ignored. Great and self-reliant as our
country is, it is great not alone within its
own borders and upon its own resources,
but because it also reaches out to the ends
of the earth in all manifold departments of
business, exchange and commerce, and
must maintain with honor its standing and
credit annong the nations of the earth.
"The question admits of no compromise.
It is a vital principle at stake, but it is in
no sense partisan or sectional. It concerns
all people. Ours, as one of the foremost
nations, must have a monetary standard
equal to the best. It is of vital conse-
quence that this question should be settled
now in such a way as to restore public
confidence here and everywhere in tbe in-
tegrity of our purpose. A doubt of that
integrity among the other great commer-
cial countries of the world will not only
cost us millions of money, but that which,
as patriots, we should treasure still more
highly— our industrial and commercial su-
premacy.
"My estimate of the value of a protective
policy has been formed by the study of the
object lessons of a great Industrial state,
extending over a period of thirty years. It
is that protection not only builds^ up im-
portant industries from small beginnings,
but that those and all other industries
flourish or languish in proportion as pro-
tection is maintained or withdrawn. I have
seen it indisputably proved that the pros-
perity of the farmer, merchant and all
other classes of citizens goes hand in hand
with that of the manufacturer and me-
chanic. I ajn firmly persuaded that what
we need most of all tO' remove the business
paralysis that affiicts this country is the
restoration of a policy which, while afford-
ing ample revenue to meet the expenses of
the government, will reopen American
workshops on full time and full handed,
with their operatives paid good wages in
honest dollars, and this can only come
under a tariff which will hold the interests
of our own people paramount in our politi-
cal and commercial systems.
"The opposite policy, which discourages
American enterprises, reduces American
labor to idleness, diminishes the earnings
of American workingmen, opens our mar-
kets to commodities from abroad which we
should produce at home, while closing for-
eign markets against our products, and
which, at the same time, steadily augments
the public debt, increasing the public bur-
dens, while diminishing the ability of the
people to meet them is a policy which must
find its chief popularity elsewhere than
among American citizens.
"I shall take an early opportunity, gen-
tlemen of the committee, through you to
communicate to my fellow-citizens with
somewhat more of detail my views con-
cerning the dominant questions of the hour
and the crisis which confronts us as a na-
tion.
"With this brief expression of my ap-
preciation of the distinguished honor that
has been bestowed upon me, and this sig-
nification of my acceptance of the trust to
which I have been summoned, I place my-
self at the service of the Republican party
and of the country."
Eleventh Republican National Convention.
151
THE LETTERS OF ACCEPTANCE.
MAJOR MCKINLEY'S LETTER.
CANTON, Ohio, Aug. 26, 1896.
Hon. John M. Thurston and Others, Mem-
bers of the Notification Committee of the
Republican National Convention— Gentle-
men— In pursuance of the promise made to
your committee when notified of my nomi-
nation as the Republican candidate for pres-
ident, I beg to submit this formal accept-
ance of that high honor, and to consider in
detail questions at issue in the pending
campaign.
Perhaps this might be considered unnec-
essary in view of my remarks on that oc-
casion and those I have made to delega-
tions that have visited me since the St.
Louis convention, but in view of the mo-
mentous importance of the proper settle-
ment of the issues presented on our future
prosperity and standing as a nation, and
considering only the welfare and happiness
of our people, I could not be content to
omit again calling attention to the ques-
tions which, in my opinion, vitally affect
our strength and position among the gov-
ernm.ents of the world, and our morality, in-
tegrity and patriotism as citizens of that
republic which for a century past has been
the best hope of the world and the inspira-
tion of mankind.
We must not now prove false to our own
high standards in government, nor unmind-
ful of the noble example and wise precepts
of the fathers, or of the confidence and
trust which our conduct in the past has al-
ways inspired.
For the first time since 1868, if ever be-
fore, there is presented to the American
people this year a clear and direct issue as
to our monetary system, of vast importance
in its effects, and upon the right settlement
of which rests largely the financial honor
and prosperity of the country.
It is proposed by one wing of the Demo-
cratic party and its allies, the People's and
silver parties, to inaugurate the free and
unlimited coinage of silver by independent
action on the part of the United States at a
ration of 16 ounces of silver to one ounce
of gold. The mere declaration of this pur-
pose is a menace to our financial and indus-
trial interests, and has already created uni-
versal alarm. It involves great peril to the
credit and business of the country, a peril
so grave that conservative men everywhere
are breaking away from their old party as-
sociation and tmiting with other patriotic
citizens in emphatic protest against the
platform of the Democratic national con-
vention as an assault upon the faith and
honor of the government and the welfare of
the people.
We have had few questions in the lifetime
of the republic more serious than the one
which is thus presented.
The character of the money which shall
measure our values and exchanges and set-
tle our balances with one another and with
the nations of the world is of such primary
importance and so far-reaching in its con-
sequences as to call for the most painstak-
ing investigation, and in the end a sober
and unprejudiced judgment at the polls.
We must not be misled by phrases nor de-
luded by false theories.
Free silver would not mean that silver
dollars were to be freely had without cost
or labor. It would mean the free use of the
mints of the United States for the few who
are owners of silver bulUon, but would
make silver coin no freer to the many who
are engaged in other enterprises. It would
not make labor easier, the hours of labor
shorter or the pay better. It would not
make farming less laborious or more profit-
able. It would not start a factory or make
a demand for an additional day's labor. It
would create no new occupations. It would
add nothing to the comfort of the masses,
the capital of the people or the wealth of
the nation.
It seeks to introduce a new measure of
value, but would add no value to the thing
measured. It would not conserve values.
On the contray, it would derange all exist-
ing values. It would not restore business
152
Official Proceedings of the
confidences, but its direct effect would be to
destroy the little which yet remains.
The meaning of the coinage plank adopt-
ed at Chicago is that anyone may taKe a
quantity of silver bullion, now worth 53
cents, to the mints of the United
States, have it coined at the ex-
pense of the government and receive for
it a silver dollar which shall be legal ten-
der for the payment of all debts, public and
private.
The owner of the silver bullion would get
the silver dollar. It would belong to him
and to nobody else. Other people would get
it only by their labor, the products of their
land or something of value. The bullion
owner, on the basis of present values, would
receive the silver dollar for 53 cents' worth
of silver, and other people would be required
to receive it as a full dollar in the payment
of debts.
The government would get nothing from
the transaction. It would bear the expense
of coining the silver and the community
would suffer loss by its use.
We have coined since 1878 more than 400,-
000,000 silver dollars which are maintamed
by the government at parity with gold, and
are a full legal tender for the payment of
all debts, public and private. How are the
silver dollars now in use different from
those which would be in use under free
coinage? They are to be of the same weight
and fineness; they are to bear the same
stamp of the government. Why would they
not be of the same value?
I answer: The silver dollars now in use
■were coined on account of the government
and not for private account or gain, and
the government has solemnly agreed to
keep them as good as the best dollars we
have. The government bought the silver
bullion at its market value and coined it
into silver. Having exclusive control of the
mintage, it only coins what it can hold at
a parity with gold.
The profit representing the difference be-
tween the commercial value of the silver
bullion and the face value of the silver dol-
lar goes to the government for the benefit
of the people. The government bought the
silver bullion contained in the silver dolU*-
at very much less than its coinage value.
It paid it out to its creditors and put it in
circulation among the people at its face
value of 100 cents, or a full dollar. It re-
quired the people to accept it as a legal
tender, and is thus morally bound to main-
tain it at a parity with gold, which was
then, as now, the recognized standard with
us and the most enlightened nations of the
world.
The government having issued and cir-
culated the silver dollar, it must in honor
protect the holder from loss. This obliga-
tion it has so far sacredly kept. Not only
is there a moral obligation, but there is a
legal obligation, expressed in public statute,
to maintain the parity.
These dollars in the particulars I have
named are not the same as the dollars
which would be issued under free coinage,
They would be the same in form, but dif-
ferent in value. The government would
have no part in the transaction, except to
coin the silver bullion into dollars. It would
share in no part of the profit. It would
take upon itself no obligation. It would
not put the dollars into circulation. It could
only get them as any citizen would get
them — by giving something for them. It
would deliver them to those who deposited
the silver, and its connection with the
transaction there end.
Such are the silver dollars which would
be issued under free coinage of silver at the
ratio of 16 to 1. Who would then maintain
the parity? What would keep them at par
with gold? There would be no obligation
resting upon the government to do it, and
if there were it would be powerless to do
it. The simple truth is, we would be driven
to a silver basis— to silver monometallism.
These dollars, therefore, would stand upon
their real value.
If the free and unlimited coinage of silver
at a ratio of 16 ounces of silver to one
ounce of gold would, as some of its advo-
cates assert, make 53 cents in silver worth
iOO cents and the silver dollar equal to the
gold dollar, then we would have no cheaper
money than now, and it would be no easier
to get. But that such would be the result
is against reason and is contradicted by ex-
perience in all times and in all lands.
It means the debasement of our currency
to the amount of the difference between the
commercial and coin value of the silver dol-
lar, which is ever changing, and the effect
would be to reduce property values, entail
untold financial loss, destroy confidence, im-
pair the obligations of existing contracts,
further impoverish the laborers and pro-
ducers of the country, create a panic of un-
paralleled severity and inflict upon trade
and commerce a deadly blow.
Against any such policy I am unalterably
opposed.
Bimetallism cannot be secured by inde-
pendent action on our part. It cannot be
obtained by opening our mints to the un-
limited coinage of the silver of the world,
at a ratio of 16 ounces of silver to one
ounce of gold, when the commercial ratio
is more than 30 ounces of silver to on©
ounce of gold.
Mexico and China have tried the experi-
ment. Mexico has free coinage of silver
and gold at a ratio slightly in excess of
161/^ ounces of silver to one ounce of gold,
and, while her mints are freely open to both
metals at that ratio, not a single dollar in
Elevemth Republican National Convention.
153
gold bullion is coined and circulated as
money. Gold has been driven out of circu-
lation in these countries, and they are on a
silver basis alone.
Until international agreement is had, it is
the plain duty of the United States to main-
tain the gold standard. It is the recognized
and sole standard of the great commercial
nations of the world, with which we trade
more largely than any other. Eighty-four
per cent of our foreign trade for the fiscal
year 1895 was with gold standard countries,
and our trade with other countries was set-
tled on a gold basis.
Chiefly by means of legislation during and
since 1878 there has been put in circulation
more than $624,000,000 of silver, or its rep-
resentative. This has been done in the
honest effort to give to silver, if possible,
the same bullion and coinage values, and
encourage the concurrent use of both gold
and silver as money. Prior to that time
there had been less than nine millions of
silver doUai-s coined in the entire history
of the United States, a period of 89 years.
This legislation secures the largest use of
silver consistent with financial safety and
the pledge to maintain its parity with gold.
We have today more silver than gold.
This has been accomplished at times with
grave peril to the public credit. The so-
called Sherman law sought to use all the
silver product of the United States for
money at its market value. From 1890 to
1893 the government purchased 4,500,000
ounces of silver a month, or 54,000,000 ounces
a year. This was one-third of the product
of the world and practically all of this
country's product.
It was believed by those who then and
now favor free coinage that such use of
silver would advance its bullion value to its
coinage value, but this expectation was not
realized. In a few months, notwithstand-
ing the unprecedented market for the silver
produced in the United States, the price of
silver went down very rapidly, reaching a
lower point than ever before. Then, upon
the recommendation of President Cleve-
land, both political parties united in the
repeal of the purchasing clause of the
Sherman law.
We cannot with safety engage in further
experiments in this direction.
On the 22d of August, 1891, in a public ad-
dress, I said:
"If we could have an international ratio
which all the leading nations of the world
would adopt, and the true relation be fixed
between the two metals and all agree upon
the quantity of silver which would consti-
tute a dollar, then silver would be as free
and unlimited in its privileges of coinage as
gold is today. But that we have not been
able to secure, and with the free and un-
limited coinage of silver adopted in the
United States at the present ratio, we would
be still further removed from any interna-
tional agreement. We may never be able
to secure it if we enter upon the isolated
coinage of silver. The double standard im-
plies equally at a ratio, and that equality
can only be estabUshed by the concurrent
law of nations. It was the concurrent law
of nations that made the double standard;
It will require the concurrent law of nations
to reinstate and maintain it.
The Republican party has not been, and
Is not now opposed to the use of silver
money, as its record abundantly shows. It
has done all that could be done for its in-
creased use with safety and honor by the
United States, acting apart from other gov-
ernments. There are those who think that
it has already gone beyond the limit of
financial prudence. Surely we can go no
further, and we must not permit false lights
to lure us across the danger line.
We have much more silver in use than
any country in the world except India or
China; $500,000,000 more than Great Britain;
$150,000,000 more than France; $400,000,000
more than Germany; $325,000,000 less than
India and $125,000,000 less than China.
The Republican party has declared in fa-
vor of an international agreement, and if
elected president it will be my duty to
employ all proper means to promote it.
The free coinage of silver in this coun-
try would defer if not defeat, international
bimetallism, and until an international
agreement can be had every interest re-
quires us to maintain our present stand-
ard.
Independent free coinage of silver at a
ratio of sixteen ounces of silver to one
ounce of gold would insure the speedy con-
traction of the volume of our currency.
It would drive at least 500,000,000 of gold
dollars, which we now have, permanently
from the trade of the country and greatly
decrease our per capita circulation.
It is not proposed by the Republican
party to take from the circulating medium
of the country and of the silver we now
have. On the contrary, it is proposed to
keep all of the silver money now in circu-
lation on a parity with gold by maintain-
ing the pledge of the government that all
of it shall be equal to gold.
This has been the unbroken policy of the
Republican party since 1878. It has inaugu-
rated no new policy. It will keep in circu-
lation and as good as gold all of the silver
and paper money which are now included
in the currency of the country. It will
maintaintheir parity. It will preserve their
equality in the future as it has always
done in the past. It will not consent to
put this country on a silver basis, which
would inevitably follow independent free
coinage at a ratio of 16 to 1. It will op-
im
Official Proceedings of the
pose the expulsion of gold from our cir-
culation.
* • *
If there is any one thing that should be
free from speculation and fluctuation it is
the money of a country. It ought never to be
the subject of mere partisan contention.
When wft part with our labor, our pro-
ducts or our property we should receive in
return money which is as staple and un-
chaxiging in value as the ingenuity of hon-
est; men can make it. Debasement of the
currency means destruction of values.
No one suffers so much from cheap money
as the farmers and laborers. They are the
first to feel its bad effects and the last to
recover from them. This has been the
uniform experience of all countries, and
here, as elsewhere, the poor and not the
rich are the greater sufferers from every
attempt to debase our money.
It would fall with alarming severity upon
investments already made, upon insurance
companies and their policy holders, upon
savings banks and their depositors, upon
building and loan associations and their
members, upon the savings of thrift, upon
pensioners and their families, and upon
wage earners and the purchasing power of
their wages.
The silver question is not the only
issue affecting our money in the pending
contest. Not content with urging the free
coinage of silver, its strongest champions
demand that our paper money shall be is-
sued directly by the government of the
United States.
This is the Chicago Democratic declara-
tion. The St. Louis people's declaration is
that "our national money shall be issued
by the general government only, without
the intervention of banks of issue, be full
legal tender for the payment of all debts,
public and private," and be distributed "di-
rect to the people, and through large dis-
bursements of the government."
Thus, in addition to the free coinage of
the world's silver, we are asked to enter
upon an era of unlimited irredeemable
paper currency. The question which was
fought out from 1865 to 1879 is thus to be
reopened, with all its cheap money ex-
periments of every conceivable form foist-
ed upon us.
This indicates a most startling reactionary
IK)licy, strangely at variance with every re-
quirement of sound finance; but the decla-
ration shows the spirit and purpose of
those who by combined action are contend-
ing for the control of the government. Not
satisfied with the debasement of our coin,
which would inevitably follow the free
coinage of silver at 16 to 1 they would still
further degrade our currency and threaten
the public honor by the unlimited issue of
an irredeemable paper currency.
A graver menace to our financial standing
and credit could hardly be conceived, and
every patriotic citizen should be aroused
to promptly meet and effectually defeat it.
It is a cause for painful regret and solici-
tude that an effort is being made by those
high in the counsels of the allied parties to
divide the people of this country into
classes and create distinctions among us
which, in fact, do not exist and are repug-
nant to our form of government. These ap-
peals to passion and prejudice are beneath
the spirit and intelligence of a free people,
and should be met with stern rebuke by
those they are souglit to influence, and I
believe they will be.
Every attempt to array class against class,
"the classes against the masses," section
against section, labor against capital, "the
poor against the rich," or interest against
interest in the United States is in the high-
est degree reprehensible. It is opposed to
the national instinct and interest and
should be resisted by every citizen. We are
not a nation of classes, but of sturdy, free,
ing the demagogue, and never capitualat-
to dishonor.
This ever-recurring effort endangers popu-
lar government and is a menace to our
liberties. It is not a new campaign device
or party appeal. It is as old as government
among men, but was never more untimely
and unfortunate than now. Washington
warned us against it, and Webster said in
the senate, in words which I feel are singu-
larly appropriate at this time:
"I admonish the people against the object
of outcries like these. I admonish every in-
dustrious laborer of this country to be on
his guard against such delusion. I tell him
the attempt is to play off his passion against
his interest and to prevail on him, in the
name of liberty, to destroy all the fruits of
liberty."
Another Issue of extreme importance is
that of protection. The peril of free silver
is a menace to be feared; we are already
experiencing the effect of partial fre6
trade. The one must be averted; the other
corrected.
The Republican party is wedded to th«
doctrine of protection and was never more
earnest in its support and advocacy than
now. If argument were needed to strengrth-
en its devotion to "the American system,"
or increase the hold of that system upon
the party and people, it is found in the
lesson and experience of the past three
years. Men realize in their own daily lives
what before was to many of them only
report, history or tradition. They have had
a trial of both systems and know what
each has done for them.
Washington in his farewell address, Sept.
17, 1796, a hundred years ago, said: "As a
very important source of strength and se-
Eleventh Republican National Convention.
155
curity cherished public credit. One method
of preserving- it is to use it as sparingly as
possible, avoiding the accumulation of debt,
not only by shunning occasions of expense,
but by vigorous exertions in time of peace
to discharge the debts which unavoidable
wars may have occasioned not ungener-
ously throwing upon posterity the burden
which we ourselves ought to bear."
To facilitate the enforcement of the max-
ims which he announced he declared: "It
is essential that you should practically bear
in mind that toward the payment of debts
there must be revenue; that to have rev-
enue there must be taxes; that no taxes
can be devised which are not more or less
inconvenient or unpleasant; that the intrin-
sic embarrasment inseparable from the se-
lection of proper objects (which 4s always a
choice of difficulties) ought to be a decisive
motive for a candid construction of the con-
duct of the government in making it, and
for a spirit of acquiescence in the measures
for obtaining revenue which the public exi-
gencies may at any time dictate,"
Animated by like sentiments, the people
of the country must now face the condi-
tions which beset them. "The public exi-
gencies" demand prompt protective legis-
lation which will avoiid the accumulation of
further debt by providing adequate revenues
for the expenses of the government. This
is manifestly the requirement of duty.
If elected president of the United States
it will be my aim to vigorously promote
this object and give that ample encourage-
ment to the occupations of the American
people which above all else is so impera-
tively demanded at this juncture of our
national affairs.
In December, 1892, President Harrison sent
his last message to congress. It was an
able and exhaustive review of the condition
and resources of the country. It stated our
stiuation so accurately that I am sure it
will not be amiss to recite his official and
valuable testimonj'.
"There never has been a time in our his-
tory," said he, "when work was so abun-
dant, or when wages were so high, whether
m.easured by the currency in which they are
paid or by their power to supply the neces-
saries and comforts of life. The general
average of prices has been such as to give
to agriculture a fair participation in the
general prosperity. The new industrial
plants established since Oct. 6, 1890, and up
to Oct. 22, 1892, number 345, and the exten-
sions of existing plants, 108. The new capi-
tal invested amounts to $40,446,060, and the
number of additional employes, 37,285. Dur-
ing the first six months of the present calen-
dar year 135 new factories were built, of
which 40 were cotton mills, 48 knitting
mills, 26 woolen mills, 15 silk mills, 4 plush
mills and 2 linen mills. Of the forty cotton
mills twenty-one. have been built in the
Southern states." '
This fairly describes the happy condition
of the country in December, 1892. What has
it been since, and what is it now?
* • *
The messages of President Cleveland
from the beginning of his second ad-
ministration to the present time abounds
with descriptions of the deplorable in-
dustrial and financial situation of the
country. "While no resort to history or
official statement is required to advise us
of the present condition, and that which
has prevailed during the past three years,
I venture to quote from President Cleve-
land's first message, Aug. 8, 1893, ad-
dressed to the Fifty- third congress, which
he had called together in extraordinary
session.
"The existence of an alarming and extra-
ordinary business situation," said he, " in-
volving the welfare and prosperity of all
our people, has constrained me to call
together in extra session the people's repre-
sentatives in congress, tO' the end that
through the wise and patriotic exercise of
the legislative duties with which they
solely are charg^ed the present evils may be
mitigated and dangers threatening the
future may be averted.
"Our unfortunate financial plight is not
the result of untoward events, nor 'of con-
ditions related to our natural resources.
Nor is it traceable toi any of the affictions
which frequently check national growth
and prosperity. With plenteous crops,
with abundant promise of remunerative
production and manufacture, with unusual
invitation to safe investment, and with
satisfactory assurances to business en-
terprises, suddenly financial distrust and
fear have sprung up on every side.
"Numerous moneyed institutions have
suspended because abundant assets were
not immediately available to meet the de-
mands of frightened depositors. Surviving
corporations and individuals are content to
keep in hand the money they are usually
anxious to loan, and those engaged in
legitimate business are surprised to find
that the securities they offer for loans,
though heretofore satisfactory, are no
longer accepted. Values supposed to be
fixed are fast becoming conjectual and loss
and failure have invaded every branch of
business."
What a startling and sudden change with-
in the short period of eight months, from
December, 1892, to August, 1893. What had
occurred?
A change of administration. All branches
of the government had been intrusted to the
Democratic party, which was committed
aginst the protective policy that had pre-
156
Official Proceedings of the
vailed uninterruptedly for more than thirty-
two years and brought unexampled pros-
perity to the country, and firmly pledged to
its complete overthrow and the substitution
of a tariff for revenue only. The change
having been decreed by the elections in
November, its effects were at once antici-
pated and felt.
We cannot close our eyes to these altered
conditions, nor would it be wise to exclude
from contemplation and investigation the
causes which produced them. They are
facts which we cannot as a people disre-
gard, and we can only hope to improve our
present condition by a study of their causes.
In December, 1892, we had the same cur-
rency and practically the same volume of
currency that we have now. It aggregated
in 1892, $2,372,599,501; in 1893, $2,323,00€,000; in
1894, $2,323,442,362, and dn December, 1895, $2,-
194,000,230. The per capita of money has
been practically the same during this whole
period. The quantity of the money has been
identical— all kept equal to gold.
There is nothing connected with our
money, therefore, to account for this sud-
den and aggravated industrial change.
Whatever is to be depreciated in our finan-
cial system, it must everywhere be admitted
that our money has been absolutely sound
and has brought neither loss nor incon-
venience to its holders. A depreciated cur-
rency has not existed to further vex the
troubled business situation.
It is a mere pretense to attribute the
hard times to the fact that all our currency
is on a gold basis. Good money never made
times hard. Those who assert that our pres-
ent industrial and financial depression is
the result of the gold standard have not
read American history aright or been care-
ful students of the events ef recent years.
We never had greater prosperity in this
country, in every field of employment and
industry, than in the busy years from 1880
to 1892, during all of which time this country
was on a gold basis and employed more
gold money in its fiscal and business oper-
ations than ever before. We had, too, a
protective tariff, under which ample reve-
nues were collected for the government, and
an accumulating surplus, which was con-
stantly applied to the payment of the pub-
lic debt.
Let us hold fast to that which we know
is good. It is not more money we want;
what we want Is to put the money we al-
ready have at work. When money is em-
ployed men are employed. Both have al-
ways been steadily and remuneratively en-
gaged during all the years of protective
tariff legislation. When those who have
money lack confidence in the stabilty of
values and investments, they will not part
with their money. Business is stagnated—
the life blood of trade is checked and con-
gested.
We cannot restore public confidence by
an act which would revolutionize all values,
or an act which entail a deficiency in the
public revenues. We cannot inspire confi-
dence by advocating repudiation or practic-
ing dishonesty. We cannot restore confi-
dence, either to the treasury or to the peo-
ple, without a change in our present tariff
legislation.
The only measure of a general nature
that affected the treasury and the employ-
ment of our people passed by the Fifty-
third congress was the general tariff act,
which did not receive the approval of the
president.
Whatever virtues may be claimed for
the act, there is confessedly one Which it
does not possess. It lacks the essential
virtue of its creation— the raising of
revenue sufficient to supply the needs of
the government. It has at no time provided
enough revenue for such needs, but it has
caused a constant deficiency in the treasury
and a steady depletion in the earnings of
labor and land. It has contributed to
swell our national debt more than
$262,000,000, a sum nearly as great as the
debt of the government from Washington
to Lincoln, including all our foreign wars
from the revolution to rebellion. Since
its pasage work at home has been dimin-
ished, prices of agricultural products have
fallen, confidence has been arrested, and
general business demoralization is seen on
every hand.
The total receipts under the tariff act of
1894 for the first 22 months of its enforce-
ment, from September, 1894, to June, 1896,
were $557,615,328, and the expenditures
$640,418,363, or a deficiency of $82,803,035. The
decrease in our exports of American pro-
ducts and manufactures during the first
15 months of the present tariff, as con-
trasted with the exports of the first 15
months of the tariff of 1890, was $220,353,320.
The excess of exports over imports during
the first 15 months of the tariff of 1890 was
$213,972,968, but only $56,758,623 under the
first 15 months of the tariff of 1894, a loss
under the latter of $157,214,345.
The net loss in the trade balance of the
United States has been $196,983,607 during the
first fifteen months operation of the tariff of
1894 as compared with the first fifteen
months of the tariff of 1890. The loss has
rate of $13,130,000 per month, or $500,000 for
been large, constant and steady, at the
every business day of the year.
We have either been sending too much
money out of the country, or getting too
little in or both. We have lost steadily in
both directions. Our foreign trade has been
diminished and our domestic trade has suf-
fered incalculable loss. Does not this sug-
gest the cause of our present depression
and indicate its remedy?
Eleventh Republican National Convention.
157
Confldence in home enterprises has almost
wholly disappeared. Our shops are closed,
or running on half time at reduced wages
and small protit if not actual loss. Our
men ati home are idle, and while they are
idle the men abroad are occupied in supply-
ing us with goods.
Our unrivaled home market for the farm-
er has also greatly suffered because those
who constitute it — the great army of Amer-
ican wage-earners — are without the work
and wages they formerly had. If they can-
not earn wages they cannot buy products.
They cannot earn if they have noi employ-
ment, and when they do not earn the farm-
er's home market is lessened and impaired,
and the loss is felt by both producer and
consumer.
The loss of earning power alone in this
country in the past three years is suf-
ficient to have produced our unfortunate
business situation. If our labor was well
employed, and employed at as remunerative
wages as in 1892, in a few months every
farmer in the land would feel the glad
change in the increased demand for his
products and in the better prices which he
would receive.
It is not an increase in the volume of
money which is the need of the time, but
an increase in the volume of business.
Not an increase of coin, but an increase of
confldence. Not more coinage, but a more
active use of the money coined. Not open
mints for the unlimited coinage of the
silver of the world, but open mills for the
full and unrestricted labor of American
workingmen.
The employment of our mints for the
coinage of the silver of the world would not
bring the necessaries and comforts of life
back to our people. This will only come
with the employment of the masses, and
such employment is certain to follow the re-
establishment of a wise protective policy
which shall encourage manufacturing at
home.
Protection has lost none of its virtue and
importance. The first duty of the Republi-
can party, if restored to power in the coun-
try, will be the enactment of a tariff law
which will raise all the money necessary to
conduct the government, economically and
honestly administered, and so adjusted as
to give preference to home manufactures
and adequate protection to home labor and
the home market.
We are not committed to any special
schedule or rates of duty. They are and
always should be subject to change to meet
new conditions, but the principle upon
which rates of duty are imposed remains
the same. Our duties should always be
high enough to measure the difference be-
tween the wages paid labor at home and in
competing countries, and to adequately pro-
tect American investments and American
enterprises.
Our farmers have been hurt by the
changes in our tariff legislation as severe-
ly as our laborers and manufacturers.
The Republican platform wisely declares
in favor of such encouragement to our
sugar interests "as will lead to the produc-
tion on American; soil of all the sugar
which the American people use."
It promises to our wool and woolen in-
terests "the most ample protection," a
guaranty that ought to commend itself to
every patriotic citizen. Never was a more
grievous wrong done the farmers of our
country than that so unjustly inflicted
during the past three years upon the wool
growers of America. Although among our
most industrious and useful citizens, their
interests have been practically destroyed,
and our woolen manufacturers involved In
similar disaster. At no time within the past
thirty-six years, and perhaps never during
any previous period, have so many of our
woolen factories been suspended as now.
The Republican party can be relied upon
to correct these great wrongs if again in-
trusted with the control of the congress.
Another declaration of tne Republican
platform that has my most cordial support
Is that which favors reciprocity. The
splendid results of the reciprocity arrange-
ments that were made under authority of
the tariff law of 1890 are striking and sug-
gestive. The brief period they were in
force, in most cases only three years, was
not long enough to thoroughly test their
great value, but sufficient was shown by
the trial to conclusively demonstrate the
importance and wisdom of their adoption.
In 1892 the export trade of the United
States attained the highest point in our
history. The aggregate of our exports that
year reached the immense sum of $1,030,278,-
148, a sum greater by $100,000,000 than the ex-
ports of any previous year. In 1893, owing
to the threat of unfriendly tariff legisla-
tion, the total dropped to $847,665,194. Our
exports of domestic merchandise de-
creased $189,000,000, but reciprocity still se-
cured us a large trade in Central and
South America, and a larger frade with the
West Indies than we had ever before en-
.ioyed. The increase of trade with the
countries with which we had reciprocity
agreements was $3,560,515 over our trade in
1892. and $16,440,721 over our trade in 1891.
The only countries with which the United
States traded that showed increased ex-
ports in 1893 were practically those with
which we had reciprocity arrangements.
The reciprocity treaty between this coun-
try and Spain, touching the markets of
Cuba and Porto Rica, was announced Sept.
1. 1891. The growth of our trade with
Cuba was phenomenal. In 1891 we sold
that country but 114.441 barrels of flour; in
1892. 366,175, in 1893, 616,406, and in 1894, 662,248.
Here was a growth of nearly 500 per
cent, while our exportations of flour to
Cuba for the year ending June 30, 1895, the
158
Official Proceedings of the
year following' the repeal of the reciprocity
treaty, fell to 379,856 barrels, a loss of near-
ly half our trade with that country. The
value of our total exports of merchandise
from the United States to Cuba, in 1891—
the year prior to the negotiation of the
reciprocity treaty— was $12,224,888; in 1892,
$17,953,579; in 1893, $24,157,698; in 1894,$20,125,321,
but in 1895, after the annulment of the
reciprocity ag-reement, it fell to only $12,-
8S7.G61.
Many similar examples might be given of
our increased trade under reciprocity with
other countries, but enough has been
shown of the efficiency of the legislation
of 1890 to justify the speedy restoration of
its reciprocity provisions. In my judgment,
congress should immediately restore the
reciprocity section of the old law, with
such amendments, if any, as time and ex-
perience sanction as wise and proper.
The underlying principle of this legislation
must, however, be strictly observed. It is
to afford new markets for our surplus agri-
cultural and manufactured products with-
out loss to the American laborer of a single
day's work that he might otherwise pro-
cure.
The declaration of the platform touching
foreign immigration is one of peculiar im-
portance at this time, when our own labor-
ing people are in such great distress.
I am in hearty sympathy with the pre-
sent legislation restraining foreign immi-
gration, and favor such extension of the
lav.'s as will secure the United States from
invasion by the debased and criminal class-
es of the old world. While we adhere to
the public policy under which our country
has received great bodies of honest, in-
dustrious citizens, who have added to the
wealth, progress and power of the country,
and while we welcome to our shores the
well-disposed and industrious immigrant,
who contributes by his energy and in-
telligence to thi cause of free government,
we want no immigrants who do not seek
our shores to become citizens.
We should permit none to participate in
the advantages of our civilization who do
not sympathize with our aims and form of
government. We should receive none who
come to make war upon our institutions
and profit by public disquiet and turmoil.
Against all such our gates must be tightly
closed.
The soldiers and sailors of the Union
should neither be neglected nor forgotten.
The government which they served so well
must not make their lives or condition
harder by treating them as suppliants for
relief in old age or distress, nor regard with
disdain or contempt the earnest interest
one comrade naturally manifests in the
welfare of another.
Doubtless there have been pension abuses
and frauds in the numerous claims allowed
by the government, but the policy govern-
ing the administration of the pension
bureau must always be fair and liberal. No
deservnig applicant should ever sufEer be-
cause of a wrong perpetrated by or for
another.
Our soldiers and sailors gave the govern-
ment the best they had. They freely offered
health, strength, limb and life to save the
country in the time of its greatest peril,
and the government must honor them in
their n-eed, as in their service, with the
respect and gratitude due the brave, noble,
and self sacrificing men who are justly en-
titled to generous aid in their increasing
necessities.
The declaration of the Republican plat-
form in favor of the upbuilding of our
merchant marine has my hearty approval.
The policy of discriminating duties in favor
of our shipping which prevailed in the early
years of our history should be again
promptly adopted by congress and vigor-
ously supported until our pre^ige and su-
premacy on the seas are fully attained. We
sVould no longer contribute directly or in-
directly to the maintenance of the colossal
marine of foreign countries, but provide an
efficient and complete marine of our own.
Now that the American navy is assuming
a position commensurate with our impor-
tance as a nation, a policy I am glad to ob-
serve the Republican platform strongly in-
dorses, we must supplement it with a mer-
chant marine that will give us the ad-
vantages in both our coastwise and foreign
trade that we ought naturally and properly
to enjoy. It should be at once a matter of
public policy and national pride to repossess
this immense and prosperous trade.
The pledge of the Republican national
convention that our civil service laws "shall
be sustained and thoroughly and honestly
enforced, and extended wherever practica-
ble," is in keeping with the position of the
party for the past 24 years, and will be
faithfully observed.
Our opponents decry these reforms. They
appear willing to abandon all the advan-
tages gained, after so many years' agita-
tion and effort. They encourage a return to
methods of party favoritism, which both
parties have often denounced, that experi-
ence has condemned, and that the people
have repeatedly disapproved.
The Republican party earnestly opposes
this reactionary and entirely unjustifiable
policy. It will take no backward step upon
this question. It will seek to improve but
never degrade the public service.
There are other important and timely
declarations in the platform which I can-
not here discuss. I must content myself
with saying that they have my approval.
If, as Republicans, we have lately ad-
dressed our attention, with what may seem
great stress and earnestness, to the new
and unexpected assault upon the financial
integrity of the government, we have done
it because the menace is so grave as to de-
Eleventh Republican National Convention.
159
mand especial consideration, and because
we are convinced that if the people are
aroused to the true understanding and
meaning of this silver and inflation move-
ment they will avert the danger. In doing
this we feel that we render the best service
possbile to the country, and we appeal to
the intelligence, conscience and patriotism
of the people, irrespective of party or sec-
tion, for their earnest support.
We avoid no issues. We meet the sud-
den, dangerous and revolutionary assault
upon law and order, and upon those to
whom is confided by the constitution and
laws the authority to uphold and maintain
them, which our opponents have made,
with the same courage that we have faced
every emergency since our organization as
a party, more than forty years ago. Gov-
ernment by law must first be assured;
everything else can wait.
The spirit of lawlessness must be extin-
guished by the fires of an unselfish and
lofty patriotism. Every attack upon the
public faith, and every suggestion of the
repudiation of debts, public or private,
must be rebuked by all men who believe
that honesty is the best policy, or who
love their country and would preserve un-
sullied its national honor.
The country is to be congratulated upon
the almost total obliteration of the sec-
tional lines which for many years marked
the division of the United States into slave
and free territory, and finally threatened
its partition into two separate govern-
ments by the dread ordeal of civil war.
The era of reconciliation, so long and earn-
estly desired by General Grant and many
other great leaders, north and south, has
happily come, and the feeling of distrust
and hostility between the sections is every-
where vanishing, let us hope never to re-
Nothing is better calculated to R've
strength to the nation at home, increase our
power and influence abroad, and add to the
permanency and security of our free insti-
tutions than the restoration of cordial re-
lations between the people of all sections
and parts of our beloved country. If called
by the suffrages of the people to assume
the duties of the high office of president of
the United States, I shall count it a privi-
lege to aid, even in the slightest degree, in
the promotion of the spirit of fraternal re-
gard which should animate and govern the
citizens of every section, state or part of
the republic.
After the lapse of a century since its ut-
terance, let us at length and forever here-
after heed the admonition of Washington:
"There should be no north, no south, no
east, no west, but a common country." It
shall be my constant aim to improve every
opiX)rtunity to advance the cause of good
government by promoting tha;t spirit of
forbearance and justice which is so essen-
tial to our prosperity and happiness by join-
ing most heartily in all proper efforts to re-
store the relations of brotherly respect and
affection which in our early history char-
acterized all the people of all the states. I
would be glad to contribute towards binding
in indivisible union the different divisions of
the country, which indeed now "have every
inducement of sympathy and interest" to
weld them together more strongly than
ever.
I would rejoice to see demonstrated to
the world that the north and the south and
the east and the west are not separated, or
in danger of becoming separated, because
of sectional or party differences. The war
is long since over; "we are not enemies but
friends," and as friends we will faithfully
and cordially co-operate, under the approv-
ing smile of Him who has thus far so sig-
nally sustained and guided us, to preserve
inviolate our country's name and honor, its
peace and good order, and its continued
ascendency among the greatest govern-
ments on earth. WILLIAM McKINLBY.
160
Official Proceedings of the
HON. GARRETT A. HOBART'S LETTER.
JPaterson, N. J., Sept. 9, 1896.— Hon. Charles
W. Fairbanks and others of the notification
committee of the Republican national con-
vention. Gentlemen: I have already, in ac-
cepting the nomination for the office of the
vice-presidency tendered me by the national
Republictn convention, expressed my ap-
proval of the platform adopted by that body
as the party basis of doctrine. In accord-
ance with accepted usage I beg now to sup-
plement that brief statement of my views
by some additional reflections upon the
questions which are in debate before the
American people.
The platform declarations in reference to
the money question express clearly and un-
mistakably the attitude of the Republican
party as to this supremely important sub-
ject. We stand unqualifiedly honesty in
finance and the permanent adjustment of
our monetary system, in the multifarious
activities of trade and commerce, to the ex-
isting gold standard of value. We hold
that every dollar of currency issued by the
United States, whether of gold, silver or
paper, must be worth a dollar in gold,
whether in the pocket of the man who toils
for his daily bread, in the vault of the
savings-bank which holds his deposits, or
in the exchanges of the world.
The money standard of a great nation
should be as fixed and permanent as the
nation itself. To secure and retain the best
should be the desire of every right-minded
citizen. Resting on stable foundations, con-
tinuous and unvarying certainty of value
should be its distinguishing characteristic.
The experience of all history confirms the
truth that every coin made under any law,
howsoever that coin may be stamped, will
finally command in the markets of the
world the exact value of the materials
which compose it. The dollar of our country,
whether of gold or silver, should be of the
full value of one hundred cents, and by so
much as any dollar is worth less than this
In the market, by precisely that sum- will
some one be defrauded.
The necessity of a certain and fixed money
value between nations as well as individ-
uals has grown out of the interchange of
commodities, the trade and business rela-
tionships which have arisen among the peo-
ples of the world, with the enlargement of
human wants and the broadening of human
interests. This necessity has made gold the
final standard of all enlightened nations.
Other metals, including silver, have a rec-
ognized commercial value, and silver es-
pecially has a value of great importance
for subsidiary coinage. In view of a sedu-
lous effort by the advocates of free coin-
age to create a contrary impression, it can-
not be too strongly emphasized that the
Republican party in its platform affirms
this value in silver, and favors the largest
possible use of this metal as actual money
that can be maintained with safety. Not
only this, it will not antagonize, but will
gladly assist in promoting a double stand-
ard whenever it can be secured by agree-
ment and co-operation among the nations.
The bimetallic currency, involving the free
use of silver, which we now have, is cor-
dially approved by Republicans. But a
standard and a currency are vastly differ-
ent things.
If we are to continue to hold our place
among the great commercial nations, we
must cease juggling with this question and
make our honesty of purpose clear to the
world. No room should be left for misconcep-
tion as to the meajaing of the language used
in the bonds of the government not yet ma-
tured. It should not be possible for any
party or individual to raise a question as
to the purpose of the country to pay all its
obligations in the best form of money rec-
ognized by the commercial world. Any na-
tion which is worthy of credit or confi-
dence can afford to say explicitly on a
question so vital to every interest what it
means, when such meaning is challenged
or doubted. It is desirable that we should
make it known at once and authoritatively
that an "honest dollar" means any dollar
equivalent to a gold dollar of the present
standard of weight and fineness. The world
should likewise be assured that the stand-
ard dollar of America is as inflexible a
quantity as the French Napoleon, the Brit-
ish sovereign or the German 20-mark piece.
The free coinage of silver at the ratio
of 16 *-* 1 is a policy which no nation has
Eleventh Republican National Convention.
161
ever before proposed, and it is not today
permitted in any mint in the world — not
even in Mexico. It is proposed to make
the coinage unlimited, at an absolutely
fictitious ratio fixed with no reference to
Intrinsic value or pledge of ultimate re-
demption. With silver at its present price
of less than 70 cents per ounce in the mar-
ket, such a policy means an immediate
profit to the seller of silver, for tvhich there
is no return now or hereafter to the people
or the government. It means that for
each dollar's worth of silver bullion de-
livered at the mint, practically $2 of stamp-
ed coin will be given in exchange. For $100
worth of bullion nearly two hundred silver
dollars will be delivered.
Let it alpo be remembered that the con-
sequences of such an act would probably
be cumulative in their effects. The crop
of silver, unlike that of hay, or wheat, or
corn— which, being of yearly production,
can be regulated by the law of demand
and supply — is fixed once for all. The silver
which has not yet been gathered is all in
the ground. Dearth or other accident of
the elements cannot augment or diminish
it. Is it not more than probable that with
the enormous premium offered for its min-
ing, the cupidity of man would make an
over-supply continuous, with the necessary
result of a steady depreciation as long as
the silver dollar could be kept in circulation
at all? Under the laws of finance which
are as fixed as those of any other science,
the inevitable result would finally be a
currency all and absolutely flat. There is
no difference in principal between the dol-
lar half fiat and one all fiat. The latter,
as the cheapest, under the logic of "cheap
money," would surely drive the other out.
Any attempt on the part of the govern-
ment to create by its fiat money of a
fictitious value would dishonor us in the
eyes of other peoples and bring infinite re-
proach upon the national character. The
business and financial consequences of such
an immoral act would be worldwide, be-
cause our commercial relations are world-
wide. All our settlements with other lands
must be made, not with the money which
may be legally current in our own country,
but in gold, the standard of all nations with
which our relatio.is are most cordial and
extensive, and no legislative enactment can
free us from that inevitable necessity. It
is a known fact that more than SO per cent
of the commerce of the world is settled
in gold or on a gold basis.
Such free coinage legislation, if ever con-
summated, would discriminate against
every producer of wheat, cotton, corn or
rye — who should in justice be equally en-
titled, with the silver owner, to sell his
products to the United States treasury, at
a profit fixed by the government— and
against all producers of iron, steel, zinc
or copper, who might properly c^'-^'m to
have their metals made into curi.-n. coin.
It would, as well, be a fraud upon all per-
sons forced to accept a currency thus stim-
ulated and at the same time degraded.
In every aspect the proposed policy is
partial and one-sided, because it is only
when a profit can be made by a mine
owner or dealer that he takes his silver to
the mint for coinage. The government is
always at the losing end. Stamp such ficti-
tious value upon silver ore and a dishon-
est and unjust discrimination will be made
against every other form of industry.
When silver buHion worth a little more
than 50 cents is made into a legal-tender
dollar, driving out one having a purchasing
and debt-paying power of 100 cents, it
will clearly be done at the expense and
injury of every class of the community.
Those who contend for the free and
unlimited coinage of silver may believe in
all honesty that while the present ratio
of silver to gold is as 30 to 1 (not 16 to 1),
silver will rise above the existing market
value. If it does so rise the effect will be
to make the loss to all the people so much
less, but such an opinion is but a hazardous
conjecture at best, and is not justified by
experience. Within the last 20 years this
government has bought about 460,000,000 of
ounces of silver, from which it has coined
approximately 430,000,000 of silver dollars
and issued 130,000,000 cf dollars in silver
certificates, and the price of the metal
was steadily declined from $1.15 per ounce
to 68 cents per ounce. What will be the
decline when the supply is augmented by
the offerings of ail the world? The loss
upon these silver purchases to the people
of this country has now" been nearly
$150,000,000.
The dollars of our fathers, about which
so much is said, was an honest dollar,
silver maintaining a full parity of intrinsic
value with gold. The fathers would have
SDurned and ridiculed a proposition to
make a silver dollar worth only 53 cents
stand of equal value with a gold one worth
100 cents. The experience of all nations
proves that any depreciation, however
slight, of another standard from the parity
with gold has driven the more valuable one
out of circulation, and such experience in
a matter of this kind is worth much more
than mere interested speculative opinion.
The fact that few gold coins are seen in
ordinary circulation for domestic uses is
no proof at all that the metal is not per-
forming a most important function in busi-
ness affairs. The foundation of the house
is not always in sight, but the house would
not stand an hour if there were no founda-
tion. The great enginery that moves the
ocean steamship is not always in view of
the passengers, but it is, all the same,
the propelling force of the vessel, without
which it would soon become a worthless
derelict.
162
Official Proceedings of the
It may be instructive to consider a mo-
ment how the free and unlimited coinage
of silver would affect a few great interests,
and I mention only enough to demonstrate
what a calamity may lie before us if the
platform formulated at Chicago is per-
mitted to be carried out.
There are now on deposit in the savings
banks of thirty-three states and territories
of this Union the vast sum of $2,000,000,000.
these are the savings of almost 5,000,000
depositors. In many cases they represent
the labor and economies of years. Any de-
preciation in the vaiue of the dollar would
defraud every man, woman and child to
whom these savings belong. Every dollar
of their earnings when deposited was worth
100 cents in gold of the present standard of
weight and fineness. Are they not entitled
to receive in full, with interest all they have
so deposited? Any legislation that would
reduce it by the value of a single dime
would b© an intolerable wrong to each de-
positor. Every bank or banker who has
accepted the earnings of these millions of
dollars to the credit of our citizens must be
required to pay them back in money not
one whit lessi valuable than that whicli
these banks and bankers received in trust.
There arc in this country nearly 6,000
building and loan associations, with share-
holders to the number of 1,800,000, and with
assets amounting to more than $500,000,000.
Their average of holdings is nearly $300 per
capita, and in many case they represent the
savings of men and women who have denied
themselves the comforts of life in the hope
of being able to accumulate enough to bu.v
or build home's of their own. They have
aided in the erection of over 1,000,000 houses,
which are now affording comfort and
shelter for 5,000,000 of our thrifty people.
Free coinage at the arbitrary rate of 16
ounces of silver to one of gold would be
equivalent to the confiscation of nearly half
the savings that these people have invested.
It would be tantamount to a war upon
American home-makers. It would be an in-
vasion of "the homes of the provident,"
and tend directly to "destroy the stimulus
to endeavor and the compensation of hon-
est toil." Every one of the shareholders of
these associations is entitled to be repaid
in money of the same value which he de-
posited by weekly payments or otherwise
in these companies. No one of them should
be made homeless because a political party
demands a change in the money standard
of our country as an experiment or as a
concession to selfishness or greed.
The magnitude of the disaster which
would overtake these and cognate interests
becomes the more strikingly apparent when
considered in the aggregate. Stated broad-
ly, the savings banks, life insurance and
assessment companies and building and loan
associations of the country hold in trust
$15,309,717,381. The debasement of the cur-
rency to a silver basis, as proposed by the
Chicago platform, would wipe out at one
bl'ow approximately $7,963,504,856 of this ag-
gregate. According to the report of the de-
partment of agriculture the total value of
the main cereal crops of this country in
1894 was $995,438,107. So that the total sum be-
longing- to the people and held in trust in
these institutions which would be obliter-
ated by the triumph of free and unlimited
silver coinage would be seven and one-half
times the total value of the annual cereal
crop of the United States. The total value
of the manufactured products of the coun-
try for the census year of 1890 was $9,372,-
537,283. The establishment of a silver basis
of value, as now proposed, would entail a
loss to these three interests alone equal to-
85 per cent of this enormous output of all
the manufacturing industries of the Union,
and would affect directly nearly one-third
of its whole population.
One hundred and forty millions of dollars
per annum are due to the pensioners of the
late war. That sum represents blood spilled
and sufferings endured in order to preserve
this nation from disintegration. In many
cases the sums so paid in pensions are ex-
ceedingly small; in few, if any, are they
excessive. The spirit that would deplete
these to the extent of a farthing is the
same that would organize sedition, destroy
the peace and security of the country, pun-
ish rather than reward our veteran soldiers,
and is unworthy of the countenance, by
thought or vote, of any patriotic citizen
of whatever political faith. No party, until
that which met in convention at Chicago,
has ever ventured to insult the honored
survivors of our struggle for the national
life by proposing to scale their pensions
horizontally, and to pay them hereafter in
depreciated dollars worth only 53 cents
each.
The amounts due, in addition to the inter-
ests already named, to depositors and trust
companies in national, state and private
banks, to holders of fire and accident insur-
ance polices, to holders of industrial insur-
ance, where the money deposited or the
premiums have been paid in gold or its
equivalent, are so enormous, together with
the sums due, and to become due, for state,
municipal, coujity or other corporate debts,
that if paid in depreciated silver or its
equivalent, it would not only entail upon
our fellow countrymen a loss in money
which has not been equalled in a similar
experience since the world began, but it
would, at the same time, bring a disgrace
to our country such as has never befallen
any other nation which had the ability to
pay its honest debts. In our condition, and
considering our magnificent capacity for
Eleventh Republican National Convention.
163
raising revenue, such wholesale repudiation
is without necessity or excuse. No politi-
cal expediency or party exigency, however
pressing, could justify so monstrous an act.
All these deposits and debts must, under
the platform of the Republican party, be
met and adjusted in the best currency the
world knows, and measured by the same
standard in which the debts have been con-
tracted or the deposits or payments have
bfien made
Still dealing: sparingly with figures, of
which there is an enormous mass to sus-
tain the position of the advocates of the
gold standard of value, I cite one more
fac'^. which is officially established, premis-
ed by the truism that there is no better
test of the growth of a country's prosperity
than its increase in the per capita holdings
of its population. In the decade between
1S80 and 1890, during which we had our
existing gold standard, and were under the
conditions that supervened from the act of
1S73, the per capita ownings of this country
increased from $870 to $1,036. In those ten
years the aggregate increase of the wealth
of our country was $21,395,000,000, being 50
per cent in excess of the increase for any
previous ten years since 1S50, and at the
amazing rate of over $2,000,000,000 a year.
The framers of the Chicago platform in the
face of this fact, and of the enormous in-
crease over Great Britain, during this same
gold-standard decade, of our country's
foreign trade and its production of iron,
coal and other great symbols of national
strength and progress, assert that our
monetary standard is "not only un-Ameri-
can but anti-American," and that it has
brought us "into financial servitude to
London." It is impossible to imagine an
a-ssertion more reckless and indefensible.
The proposition for free and unlimited
silver coinage, carried to its logical con-
clusion—and but one is possible — means, as
before intimated, legislative warrant for
the repudiation for all existing indebted-
ness, public and private, to the extent of
nearly 50 per cent of the face of all such
indebtedness. It demands an unlimited
volume of fiat currency, irredeemable, and
therefore without any standard value in
the markets of the world. E!very consider-
ation of Dublic interest and public honor
demands that this proposition should be
rejected by the American people.
This country cannot afford to give its
sanction to wholesale spoliation. It must
hold fast to its integrity. It must still en-
courage thrift in all proper ways. It must
not only educate its children to honor and
respect the flag ,but it should inculcate
fidelity to the obligations of personal and
national honor as well. Both these great
principles should hereafter be taught in the
common schools of the land, and the lesson
impressed upon those who are the voters
of today and those who are to become the
inheritors of sovereign power in the Repub-
lic, that it is neither wise, patriotic, nor safe
to make political platforms the mediums of
assault upon property, the peace of society
and upon civilization itself.
Until these lessons have been learned by
»ur children, and by those who have reach-
ed the voting age, it can only be surmised
what enlightened statesmen and political
economists will record, as to the action of
a party convention which offers an induce-
ment to national dishonesty by a premium
of 47 cents for every 53 cents' worth of sil-
ver that can be extracted from the bowels
of the whole earth, with a cordial invita-
tion to all to produce it at our mints and
accept for it a full silver legal-tender dollar
of one hundred cents rated value to the
coined free of charge and unlimited in
quantity for private account.
But vastly more than a mere assertion of
a purpose to reconstruct the national cur-
rency is suggested by the Chicago platform.
It assumes in fact, the form of a revolu-
tionary propaganda. It embodies a menace
of national disintegration and destruction.
This spirit manifested itself in a deliberate
proposition to repudiate the plighted public
faith, to impair the sanctity of the obliga-
tion of private contracts, to cripple the
credit of the nation by stripping the govern-
ment of the power to borrow money as the
urgent exigencies of the treasury- may re-
quire, and, in a word, to overthrow all the
foundations of financial and industrial
stability.
Xor is this all. Not content with a propo-
sition to thus debaunch the cur-
rency and to unsettle all conditions
of trade and commerce, the party
responsible for this platform denies
protect the lives and property of its citizens
the competency of the government to
against internal disorder and violence.
It assails the judicial muniments reared
by the constitution for the defense of indi-
vidual rights and the public welfare, and it
even threatens to destroy the integrity and
independence of the supreme court, which
has been considered the last refuge of the
citizen against every form of outrage and
injustice.
In the face of the serious peril which
these propositions embody, it would seem
that there could be but one sentiment
among right thinking citizens as to the duty
of the hour. All men of whatever party,
who believe in law, and have some regard
for the sacredness of individual and insti-
tutional rights, must unite in defense of the
endangered interests of the nation.
While the financial issue which has been
thus considered, and which has come, as
the result of the agitation of recent years,
to occupy a peculiar conspicuousness, is
164
Official Proceedings of the
admittedly of primary importance, there Is
another question which must command
careful and serious attention. Our financial
and business condition is at this moment
one of almost unprecedented depression.
Our great industrial system is seriously
paralyzed. Production in many important
branches of manufacture has altogether
ceased. Capital is without remunerative
employment. Labor is idle. The revenues
of the government are insufficient to meet
Its ordinary and necessary expenses. These
conditions are not the result of accident.
They are the outcome of a mistaken econ-
omic policy deliberately enacted and ap-
plied. It would not be difficult, and would
not involve any violent disturbance of our
existing commercial system, to enact neces-
sary tariff modifications along the line of
experience.
For the first two fiscal years of the so-
called McKinley tariff the receipts from
customs were $380,807,980. At this writing
the Wilson tariff act has been in force for
nearly two full fiscal years; but the total
receipts, actual and estimated, cannot ex-
ceed $312,441,947. A steady deficit, con-
stantly depleting the resources of the goT-
ernment and trenching even upon its gold
reserve, has brought about public distrust
and business disaster. It ha.s. too, necessi-
tated the sale of $262,000,000 of bonds, thereby
Increasing to that extent the national
debt. It will be remembered that in no
year of the more than a quarter of a
century of continuous Republican adminis-
tration succeeding the civil war, when our
Industries were disintegrated and all the
conditions of business were more or less
■disturbed, was the national debt increased
Tsy a single dollar; it was, on the contrary,
steadily and rapidly diminished. In such
a, condition of affairs as this it is Idle
to argue against the necessity of some sort
of a change in our fiscal laws. The Demo-
cratic party declares for a remedy by di-
rect taxation upon a selected class of citi-
zens. It opposes any application of the
protective principle.
Our party holds that by a wise adjust-
ment of the tariff, conceived in moderation
and with a view to stability, we may secure
all needed revenue, and it declares that in
the event of its restoration to power it
will seek to acompllsh that result. It holds,
too, that it is the duty of the government
to protect and encourage in all practical
ways the development of domestic indus-
tries, the elevation of home labor, and the
enlargement of the prosperity of the peo-
ple. It does not favor any forcible legisla-
tion which would lodge in the government
the power to do what the people ought to
do for themselves, but it believes that it ie
both wise and patriotic to discriminate in
favor of our own material resources, and
the utilization, under the best attainabla
conditions, of our own capital and our own
available skill and industry.
The words of the Republican national
platform on this subject are at once tem-
perate and emphatic. It says of the policy
of protection: "In its reasonable applica-
tion it is just, fair and impartial, equally
opposed to foreign control and domestic
monopoly, to sectional discrimination and
individual favoritism. "We demand such
an equitable tariff on foreign imports
which come into competition with American
products as will not only furnish adequate
revenue for the necessary expenses of the
government, but will protect American la-
bor from degradation to the wage level of
other lands. We are not pledged to any
particular schedules. The question of rates
is a practical question, to be governed by
the conditions of the time and of produc-
tion; the ruling and uncompromising prin-
ciple is the protection and development of
American labor and industry. The country
demands a right settlement, and then it
wants rest."
The Republican party, in its first success-
ful national contest, under Abraham Lin-
coln, declared in. favor "of that policy of
national exchanges which secures to the
workingman living wages, to agriculture re-
munerative prices, to mechanics and manu-
facturers an adequate reward for their skill,
labor and enterprise, and to the nation
commercial prosperity and independence."
The principle thus enunciated has never
been abandoned. In the crisis now upon us
it must be tenaciously adhered to. While
we must insist that our monetary standard
shall be maintained in harmony with that
of the civilized world, that our currency
shall be sound and honest, we must also re-
member that unless we make it possible for
capital to find employment and for labor to
earn ample and remunerative wages, it will
be impossible to attain that degree of pros-
perity which, with a sound monetary policy
buttressed by a sound tariff policy, will be
assured.
In 1S92, when by universal consent we
touched the high water mark of our na-
tional prosperity, we were under the same
financial system that we have today. Gold
was then the sole standard, and silver and
paper were freely used as the common cur-
rency. We had a tariff framed by Republi-
can hands under the direction of the great
statesman who now logically leads the con-
test for a restoration of the policy whose
reversal brought paralysis to so many of
our industries and distress upon so large a
body of our people. We were under the
policy of reciprocity, formulated by another
illustrious statesman of the genuine Ameri-
can type. We may, if we choose to do so,
return to the prosperous conditions which
Eleventh Republican National Convention.
165
existed before the present administratton
came into power.
My sincere conviction is that my country-
men will prove wise enough to understand
the issues that confront them, and patriotic
enough to apply safe and sure remedies for
the evils that oppress us. They will not,
I am sure, accept again at their face value
the promises of a party, which under despe-
rate and perverted leadership has so recent-
ly dishonored its solemn pledges, which has
repudiated the principles and policies which
have given it a historic past, and the suc-
cess of which, as now constituted, would en-
danger at home private security and the
public safety, and disastrously affect abroad
both our credit and good name. And fore-
most among those who will decline to fol-
low where the new Democracy leads will be
thousands of mtn. Democrats aforetime and
Democrats today, who count country more
than party, and aie unwilling even by indi-
rection to contribute to results so dis-
astrous to our most sacred interests.
The platform of the Republican national
convention states the party position con-
cerning other questions than those herein
referred to. These, while at the present
time of subordinate importance, should not
be overlooked. The Republican party has
always been the defender of the rights of
American citizenship as against all aggres-
sions whatever, whether at home or abroad.
It has to the extent of its power, defended
those rights and hedged them about with
law. Regarding the ballot as the expres-
sion and embodiment of the sovereignty of
the individual citizen it has sought to safe-
guard it against assault, and to preserve
its purity and integrity. In our foreign re--
lations it has labored to secure to every
man entitled to the shelter of our flag the
fullest exercise of his rights consistent with
international obligation. If it should be re-
stored to rulership, it would infuse needed
vigor into our relations with powers which
have manifested contempt and disregard,
not only of American citizenship, but of
humanity itself.
The Republican party has always stood
for the protection of the American home.
It has aimed to secure it in the
enjoyment of all the blessings of
remunerated industry; of moral cul-
ture and favorable physical environment.
It was the party which instituted the policy
of free homesteads, and which holds now
that this policy shoxild be re-established,
and that the public lands yet vacant and
subject to entry in any part of our national
territory, should be preserved against cor-
porate aggression as homes for the people.
It realizes that the safety of the state lies
in the multiplication of households, and the
strengthening of that sentiment of which
the virtuous home is the best and the truest
embodiment; and it will aim to dignify and
enlarge by all proper legislation this
element of security.
If elected to the position for which I
have been nominated, it will be my earnest
and constant endeavor, under Divine guid-
ance, in the sphere of duty asigned to me,
to serv'e the people loyally along the line
of the principles and poicies of the party
which has honored me with its preference.
I am, gentlemen of the committee, very
truly yours, GARRETT A. HOBART.
APPENDIX.
THE PRESS.
The following- newspapers were represented and had seats assigned
them in the press department:
ARKANSAS.
Little Rock Democrat,
Little Rock Gazette.
Van Buren Times.
CALIFORNIA.
Los Angeles Evening Express.
Los Angeles Daily Times.
Oakland Enquirer.
Oakland Tribune.
Sacramento Bee.
Sacramento Eecord-Unlon.
San Francisco Chronicle.
San Francisco Examiner.
San Francisco Call.
COLORADO.
Denver Republican.
Denver Evening Post.
Denver News.
Denver Times.
CONNECTICUT.
Hartford Post.
Hartford Daily Courant.
Meridan Record & Republican.
DELAWARE.
Wilmington Every Evening.
DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA.
Washington ( Frank G. Carpenter).
Washington Post.
Washington Times.
Washington Evening Star.
GEORGIA.
Atlanta Constitution.
Atlanta Journal.
ILLINOIS.
Alton Republican.
Alton Sentinel Democrat.
Bloomington Pantagraph.
Cairo Bulletin.
Cairo Daily Telegram.
Chicago Evening Post.
Chicago Western Newsp. Union.
Chicago Daily News.
Chicago Olironicle.
Chicago Tribune.
Chicago Dispatch,
Chicago 111. Staats-Zeitung.
Chicago Record.
Chicago Hunt's News Bureau.
Chicago Inter-Ocean.
Chicago Times-Herald.
Chicago Journal.
East St. Louis Daily Journal.
East St. Louis Republican.
Peoria Call.
Peoria The Transcript.
Quincy Whig.
Quincy Herald.
Springfield 111. State Register.
Springfield 111. State Journal.
Rockford Register-Gazette.
Freeport Journal.
INDIANA.
E vansville Courier.
Evans ville Post.
E vansville Journal and News.
Indianapolis News.
Indianapolis Journal.
Vincennes Council.
Indianapolis Sentinel.
Lafayette Daily Courier.
Logansport Daily Jou rnal.
Madison Daily Courier.
Muncie Times.
Terre Haute Evening Gazette.
Terra Haute Express.
168
Official Proceedings of the
IOWA.
Burlington Hawkeye.
Cedar Rapids Republican.
Cedar Rapids Evening Gazette.
Council Bluffs Globe.
Davenport Tribune.
Davenport Times.
Davenport Democrat.
Dubuque Herald.
Dabuque Times.
Dubuque Daily Telegraph.
Des Moines Iowa State Register.
Keokuk Gate City.
Sioux City Journal.
Sioux City Times.
KANSAS.
Atchison The Globe.
Emporia Republican.
Leavenworth Times.
Topeka State Journal.
Topeka State Capital.
Wichita Eagle.
KENTUCKY.
Louisville Commercial.
Louisville Times.
Louisville Post.
Louisville Courier Journal.
Lexington Leader.
LOUISIANA.
New Orleans Times-Democrat.
MARYLAND.
Baltimore Sun.
Baltimore American.
Baltimore News.
Baltimore World.
Baltimore Herald.
MASSACHUSETTS.
Boston Herald.
Boston Daily Standard.
Boston Transcript.
Boston Daily Advertiser.
Boston Journal.
Bolton Post.
Boston Globe.
Boston Evening Record.
Springfield Union.
Springfield Republican.
Lowell Morning Mail.
MICHIGAN.
Detroit Journal.
Detroit., Tribune & Ev'g News.
Detroit Commercial Advertis'r
Detroit Free Press.
Grand Rapids Herald.
MINNESOTA.
Duluth News-Tribune.
Minneapolis Journal.
Minneapolis Penny Press.
Minneapolis Tribune.
Minneapolis.. Times.
St. Paul Dispatch.
St. Paul Globe.
St. Paul The Pioneer Press.
Winona Daily Republican.
MISSOURL
Carthage Press.
Clayton Argus.
Chillicothe Tribune.
Hannibal Courier-Post.
Kansas City Star.
Kansas City Mail.
Kansas City Times.
Kansas City Journal.
Kansas City World.
Sedalia Capital.
Springfield Republican.
Springfield Democrat.
St. Joseph Daily News.
St. Joseph Herald.
St. Joseph Gazette.
St. Louis Herold.
St. Louis Evening Journal.
St. Louis Sunday Mirror.
St. Louis Dyer's Weekly.
St. Louis Western Watchman.
St. Louis Globe-Democrat.
St. Louis Republic.
St. Louis Post Dispatch.
St. Louis Star.
St. Louis Chronicle.
St. Louis Westliche Post.
St. Louis Anzeiger.
St. Louis Amerika.
St. Louis Tribune.
St. Louis Tageblat.
St. Louis Negro World.
St. Louis The Expositor,
MONTANA.
Helena Independent.
Eleventh Republican National Convention.
169
NEBRASKA.
Lincoln State Journal.
Omaha World-Herald.
Omaha Bee.
NEW HAMPSHIRE.
Concord Monitor.
NEW JERSEY.
Camden Courier.
Newark Newark News.
Trenton State Gazette.
Orange Journal.
Jersey City Evening Journal.
Newark Daily Advertiser.
NEW YORK.
Albany Press.
Albany lournal.
Albany Express.
Brooklyn Standard Union.
Buffalo Express.
Brooklyn Times.
Brooklyn Eagle.
Buffalo Enquirer.
Buffalo Courier.
Buffalo News.
Buffalo Times.
Buffalo Commercial.
New York Staats-Zeitung.
New York Tribune.
New York World.
New York Evening World.
New York. . Evening Post.
New York Comm'l Advertiser.
New York Recorder.
New York Harper's Weekly.
New York Herald.
New York Telegram.
New York Daily News.
New York Journal.
New York Times.
New York Mall and Express.
New York The Sun.
New York The Evening Sun.
New York Judge Pub. Co.
New York Morning Advertiser.
New York Press.
New 5fork Mercury.
Rochester Post Express.
Rochester Herald.
Syracuse The Herald.
Syracuse Post.
Syracuse Standard.
Syracuse Journal.
Troy Times.
Troy Press.
Utica Press.
NORTH CAROLINA.
Raleigh News.
Charlotte Observer.
OKLAHOMA TER.
Guthrie Ok. State Capitol.
Guthrie Daily Leader.
OHIO.
Akron Daily Democrat.
Canton Daily Record.
Canton Daily Repository.
Cincinnati.. Post.
Cincinnati Commercial Gazette.
Cincinnati Enquirer.
Cincinnati Times-Star.
Chlllicothe Daily Gazette.
Cleveland Plain Dealer.
Cleveland Press.
Cleveland World.
Cleveland Leader.
Cleveland Recorder.
Columbus Dispatch.
Columbus Ohio State Journal.
Dayton Journal.
Masillon Evening Independent.
Mansfield Daily Shield.
Sandusky The Register.
Toledo Blade.
Toledo.. Commercial.
Youngstown Telegram.
OREGON.
Portland Morning Oregonian.
PENNSYLVANIA.
Erie Dispatch.
Philadelphia Evening Star.
Philadelphia Record.
Philadelphia Times.
Philadelphia Item.
Philadelphia Public Ledger.
Philadelphia Inquirer.
Philadelphia Press.
Philadelphia Evening Telegraph,
Philadelphia Evening Bulletin.
Philadelphia North American.
Pittsburg Times and Daily News.
Pittsburg Dispatch.
Pittsburg Leader.
Pittsburg Press.
Pittsburg ..Post.
Pittsburg Commercial Gazette.
Pittsburg Chronicle-Telegraph .
Scranton Tribune Publishing Co .
170 Official Proceedings of the
RHODE ISLAND.
„ ., ^ , VIRGINIA.
Providence Journal.
Norfolk Evening News.
SOUTH CAROLINA. .Norfolk Land Mark.
Charleston News & Courier and Richmond Daily Star.
Savanna News. Riehmond Times.
SOUTH DAKOTA. WASHINGTON.
Pierre (J. E. Hippie). Seattle Times.
TENNESSEE.
^ , ... „ WISCONSIN.
Nashville Banner.
Nashville American. Oshkosh Daily Northwestern.
Memphis Commercial Appeal. Milwaukee "Wisconsin."
TT7V A <5 Milwaukee Journal.
liiAAS). Milwaukee Daily News.
El Paso Daily Times. Milwaukee Sentinel.
Galveston News. Milwaukee Germania.
Houston Post.
Dallas News. WEST VIRGINIA.
UTAH. Wheeling Intelligencer.
SaltLake Tribune. Wheeling Register.
Salt Lake Herald.
Chicago, Peoria and
St. Louis,
I KAVLLIIMU / St. Paul, Minneapolis,
e^ BETWEEN ] ^'"^h^' St. Joseph,
Kansas City, Lincoln,
Denver, Black Hills and
Pacific Coast
TJhe S^est Juine
t^t^^^^ji^ji^ IS VIA THE GREAT ^j^^^^^^^j^
MAGNmCENT VESTffiULED TRAINS OF
iPutlman Sloopinff Cars
^eclinin£f Chair Cars
iPeerless i)inin£f Cars
Run every day in
the Year.
Any information desired as to Rates of Fare, Time of Trains and Choice of Routes can
be obtained by addressing any of the following representatives of the Burlington Route:
P. S. EUSTIS, G. P. & T. A.,
Chicago, III.
J. FRANCIS, G. P. & T. A.,
Omaha, Neb.
L. W. WAKELEY, G. P. * T. A.
St. Louis, Mo.
W. J. C. KENYON, G. F. & P. A.
St. Paul, Minn.
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