UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA
AT LOS ANGELES
OFFICIAL REPORT OF THE
PROCEEDINGS
OF THE
Sixteenth Republican
National Convention
HELD IN;
CHICAGO, ILLINOIS
JUNE 7, 8, 9 AND 10, 1916
RESULTING IN THE NOMINATION OF
CHARLES EVANS HUGHES, of New York, for President
AND THE NOMINATION OF
CHARLES WARREN FAIRBANKS, of Indiana
for Vice-President
REPORTED BY GEORGE L. HART, OFFICIAL REPORTER
Published Under the Supervision of the General Secretary of the Convention
THE TENNYJ PRESS
318-326 West 39th St.
New York
COPYRIGHT. 1916
Bv LAFAYETTE B. GLEASON
TK
2.353
ILLUSTRATIONS
Adams, John T 210
Bliss, Cornelius N., Jr 132
Estabrook, Fred W 194
Fairbanks, Charles W 6
Gleason, Lafayette B 106
Harding, Warren G 14
Hart, George L l?0
Hilles, Charles D 28
Hughes Charles E 4
Lodge, Henry Cabot 88
Martin, Alvah H 198
Murphy, Franklin IQO
Reynolds, James B 32
Sheldon, George R 148
Smoot, Reed 38
Stanley, Fred 202
Stone, William F 118
Upham, Fred W 186
Warren, Charles B 68
Willcox, William R. . . 20
Williams, Ralph E 214
308085
OFFICERS OF THE CONVENTION
CHAIRMAN OF THE NATIONAL COMMITTEE
CHARLES D. HILLES
OF NEW YORK
SECRETARY OF THE NATIONAL COMMITTEE
JAMES B. REYNOLDS
OF MASSACHUSETTS
TEMPORARY CHAIRMAN OF THE CONVENTION
WARREN G. HARDING
OF OHIO
PERMANENT CHAIRMAN OF THE CONVENTION
WARREN G. HARDING
OF OHIO
GENERAL SECRETARY
LAFAYETTE B. GLEASON
OF NEW YORK
SERGE ANT-A T-ARMS
WILLIAM F. STONE
OF MARYLAND
PROCEEDINGS
Republican National Convention
HELD IN
CHICAGO, ILLINOIS
June 6, 7, 8, 9 and 10, 1916
FIRST DAY
CONVENTION HALL
CHICAGO, ILL., JUNE 7, 1916.
THE CHAIRMAN OF THE REPUBLICAN NATIONAL COMMITTEE (Mr.
Charles D. Hilles, of New York). The hour of 11 o'clock having ar-
rived, and a quorum being present, the Convention will be in order.
Paraphrasing a remark made by the late President McKinley, this is
a year whatever may have been true of past years when politics
is patriotism and patriotism is politics. (Applause.) Therefore, the
audience will please rise and sing two verses of "America."
SINGING OF THE NATIONAL ANTHEM
Thereupon the officers, delegates, alternates, and guests of the
Convention, occupying the more than twelve thousand seats in the
Coliseum, rose, and the band played "America" while the immense audi-
ence sang the first two verses of the National Anthem, led by the Columbus
Quartet, composed of Benjamin Churchill, Tenor; William Ballew, Lead;
Forest Chaffer, Baritone; John Nankevis, Bass.
THE CHAIRMAN OF THE COMMITTEE. Prayer will be offered by the
Rev. John Timothy Stone, D. D., Pastor of the Fourth Presbyterian
Church, of Chicago.
(7)
8 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE
PRAYER OF REV. JOHN TIMOTHY STONE, D.D.
Rev. John Timothy Stone, D.D., Pastor of the Fourth Presbyterian
Church of Chicago, 111., offered the following prayer:
Most holy and eternal God, we bow before Thee with reverent hearts
and thoughtful minds. Thou art our God; Thou art the God of all
nations ; Thou art the God of our nation ; Thou hast been the God of our
fathers. Thou hast been our Guide in times of peace and amid the per-
plexities of war. Thou hast given to us freedom, liberty, purpose and
prosperity.
Although the immediate interests which now control our gather-
ing together have reference to our own national issues, we would not
forget the warring, suffering nations of the earth. We pray Thee
to bring them speedily, if it be Thy holy will, to terms of peace and
conditions of adjustment.
We bow before Thee, and pausing quietly, ask Thy blessing be-
fore entering upon the deliberations of this convention. As Thou
dost order the affairs of men, so frame the doings of this great body.
Save from all hasty and ill-spoken word. Control judgments, purposes,
plans and platform, that all may have Thy pure mind of wisdom and
strength. May the men of Thy choice be our choice, and may motive,
method and result center in Thy sure laws of right and in Thy lasting
victories of truth and righteousness.
"Direct, suggest, control, this day,
All we design, or do, or say;
That all our powers, with all their might,
In Thy full glory may unite."
We ask all in the name of our common Master and Lord- Amen.
PHOTOGRAPH OF CONVENTION
THE CHAIRMAN OF THE COMMITTEE. The official Photographer of
the Convention wishes at this time to take a picture of the Convention
and I trust that all present will make an effort to face the camera as well
as they can and be very quiet while the picture is being taken.
Thereupon a photograph was taken of the Convention.
CALL FOR THE CONVENTION
THE CHAIRMAN OF THE COMMITTEE. The Secretary of the Repub-
lican National Committee will read the Call for the Convention.
MR. JAMES B. REYNOLDS, of Massachusetts, Secretary of the Re-
publican National Committee, read the call as follows:
SIXTEENTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION 9
To the Republican Electors of the United States:
In accordance with established custom and in obedience to in-
structions of the Republican National Convention of 1912, the Repub-
lican National Committee now directs that a National Convention
of delegated representatives of the Republican Party be held in the
City of Chicago, in the State of Illinois, at eleven o'clock A. M., on
Wednesday, the 7th day of June, 1916, for the purpose of nominating
candidates for President and Vice-Presidennt, to be voted for at the
Presidential Election on Tuesday, November 7, 1916, and for the trans-
action of such other business as may properly come before it.
The Republican electors of the several States and the District of
Columbia, Alaska, Hawaii, Porto Rico and the Philippine Islands, and
all other electors without regard to past political affiiliations, who
believe in the principles of the Republican Party and indorse its
policies, are cordially invited to unite under this call in the selection
of delegates to said Convention. Said National Convention shall
consist of four Delegates at Large from each State, and two Dele-
gates at Large for each Representative at Large in Congress; one
Delegate from each Congressional District; an additional Delegate
for each Congressional District in which the vote for any Republican
elector in 1908, or for the Republican nominee for Congress in 1914,
shall have been not less than 7,500; two Delegates each from the
District of Columbia, Alaska, Hawaii, Porto Rico and the Philippine
Islands. All Delegates from any State may, however, be chosen
from the State at large, in the event that the laws of the State in
which the election occurs so provide. Alternate Delegates shall be
elected to this Convention for each unit of representation equal to
the number of Delegates elected therein. In the absence of any
Delegate at Large or Delegate from a Congressional District, the
roll of alternates for the State or the district shall be called in the
order in which the names are placed upon the roll of the Convention.
Delegates at Large and their alternates, and Delegates from
Congressional Districts and their alternates, shall be elected in the
following manner:
(1) By primary elections, in accordance with the laws of the
State in which the election occurs, in such States as require by law
the election of Delegates to National Conventions of political parties
by direct primaries; provided, that in any State in which Republican
representation upon the board of judges or inspectors of elections
for such primary election is denied by law, Delegates and alternates
shall be elected as hereinafter provided.
(2) By Congressional, Territorial or State Conventions, as the
case may be, to be called by the Congressional Territorial or State
Committees, respectively. Notice of the call for such Conventions
10 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE
shall be published in a newspaper or newspapers of general circula-
tion in the District, Territory or State. In a Congressional District
where there is no Republican Congressional Committee, the Re-
publican State Committee shall issue the call and make said publication.
No Delegates or alternates shall be deemed eligible to participate
in any Convention to elect Delegates to the National Convention who
were elected prior to the adoption of this call.
Delegates presenting certificates of election from the Canvassing
Boards or officer created or designated by State law to canvass the
returns and issue certificates of election to delegates to the National
Convention shall be placed upon the temporary roll of the Conven-
tion by this Committee.
The election of Delegates from the District of Columbia shall
be held under the direction and supervision of an Election Board
composed of Charles Linkins, Charles H. Bauman and Jesse H.
Foster, of the District of Columbia. This Board shall have authority
to fix the date of said Convention, subject to the provisions of this
call, and to arrange all details incidental thereto; and shall provide
for a registration of the votes cast, such registration to include the
name and residence of each voter.
The delegates from Alaska, Hawaii, Porto Rico and the Philip-
pine Islands shall be elected in conformity with the rules and regu-
lations adopted by this Committee, copies of which will be furnished
to the Governing Comittee of the Republican Party in such Terri-
tory and insular possessions.
All Delegates and alternates shall be elected not earlier than
thirty days after the date of this call, and not later than thirty days
before the date of the meeting of the Republican National Convention,
for which this call is issued, unless otherwise provided by the laws of the
State in which the election occurs.
The credentials of each Delegate and alternate elected prior to
May 24, 1916, must be forwarded to the Secretary of the Republican
National Committee, at the office of the National Committee, Wilkins
Building, Washington, D. C-, promptly upon such election. The
credentials of each Delegate or alternate elected after the 23d day of
May, 1916, must be forwarded to the Secretary of the Republican
National Committee, at Congress Hotel, Chicago, Illinois. Where
more than the authorized number of Delegates is reported to the
Secretary of the National Committee, a contest shall be deemed to
exist, and the Secretary shall notify the several claimants so re-
ported and shall submit all credentials and claims to the whole Com-
mittee for decision as to which claimants shall be placed upon the
temporary roll of the Convention.
All notices of contest shall be submitted in writing accompanied
SIXTEENTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION
11
by a printed statement setting forth the ground of contest, which
must be filed with the Secretary of the Committee twenty days prior
to the meeting of the National Convention, except in cases where
Delegates are chosen by law within that period, and then at any time
prior to the meeting of the National Convention.
In promulgating this call the Secretary of the Republican Na-
tional Committee is directed to send a copy to the member of the
National Committee from each state, and enclose therewith copies
of the call for the Chairman and Secretary of the State Committee
to be forwarded to said Chairman and Secretary by the member of the
National Committee.
The apportionment of Delegates to the National Convention
called hereby shall be as adopted by the National Committee at its
meeting December 16, 1913, and ratified by Republican State Conventions
of States which cast a majority of votes in the Electoral College, schedule
of which is appended hereto.
UPON THE BASIS OF OFFICIAL ELECTION FIGURES FURNISHED TO
THE NATIONAL COMMITTEE, THE APPORTIONMENT OF DELE-
GATES TO THE CONVENTION IS AS FOLLOWS:
ALABAMA 6 Delegates at Large; 2 from the 7th Congressional Di-
trict; 1 from each of the other Congressional Districts
total 16.
ARIZONA 6 Delegates at Large.
ARKANSAS 4 Delegates at Large; 2 each from the 3d, 4th, 5th and 7th
Congressional Districts; 1 from each of the other dis-
tricts total 15.
CALIFORNIA 4 Delegates at Large; 2 from each Congressional District
total 26.
COLORADO 4 Delegates at Large; 2 from each Congressional District
total 12.
CONNECTICUT 4 Delegates at Large; 2 from each Congressional District
total 14.
DELAWARE 6 Delegates at Large.
FLORIDA 4 Delegates at Large; 1 from each Congressional District
total 8.
GEORGIA 4 Delegates at Large; 2 from the 7th Congressional Dis-
trict; 1 from each of the other districts total 17.
IDAHO 4 Delegates at Large ; 2 from each Congressional District
total 8.
ILLINOIS 8 Delegates at Large; 2 from each Congressional District
total 58.
INDIANA 4 Delegates at Large; 2 from each Congressional District
total 30.
IOWA 4 Delegates at Large; 2 from each Congressional District
total 26.
KANSAS 4 Delegates at Large ; 2 from each Congressional District
total 20.
12 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE
KENTUCKY 4 Delegates at Large; 2 from each Congressional District
total 26.
LOUISIANA 4 Delegates at Large; 1 from each Congressional District
total 12.
MAINE 4 Delegates at Large; 2 from each Congressional District
total 12.
MARYLAND 4 Delegates at Large; 2 from each Congressional District
total 16.
MASSACHUSETTS 4 Delegates at Large; 2 from each Congressional District
total 36
MICHIGAN 4 Delegates at Large; 2 from each Congressional District
total 30.
MINNESOTA 4 Delegates at Large; 2 from each Congressional District
total 24.
MISSISSIPPI 4 Delegates at Large; 1 from each Congressional District
total 12.
MISSOURI 4 Delegates at Large; 2 from each Congressional District
total 36.
MONTANA 8 Delegates at Large.
NEBRASKA 4 Delegates at Large; 2 from each Congressional District
total 16.
NEVADA 6 Delegates at Large.
NEW HAMPSHIRE 4 Delegates at Large; 2 from each Congressional District
total 8.
NEW JERSEY 4 Delegates at Large; 2 from each Congressional District
total 28.
NEW MEXICO 6 Delegates at Large.
NEW YORK 4 Delegates at Large; 1 each from the 12th, 13th and 20th
Congressional Districts; 2 from each of the other dis-
tricts total 87.
NORTH CAROLINA 4 Delegates at Large; 1 each from the 1st, 2d and 6th Con-
gressional Districts ; 2 from each of the other districts
total 21.
NORTH DAKOTA 4 Delegates at Large; 2 from each Congressional District
total 10.
OHIO 4 Delegates at Large ; 2 from each Congressional District
total 48.
OKLAHOMA 4 Delegates at Large ; 2 from each Congressional District
total 20.
OREGON 4 Delegates at Large; 2 from each Congressional District
total 10.
PENNSYLVANIA 12 Delegates at Large; 2 from each Congressional District
total 76.
RHODE ISLAND 4 Delegates at Large; 2 from each Congressional District
total 10.
SOUTH CAROLINA 4 Delegates at Large; 1 from each Congressional District
total 11.
SOUTH DAKOTA 2 Delegates at Large; 2 from each Congressional District
total 10.
TENNESSEE 4 Delegates at Large; 1 each from the 5th, 9th and 10th
Congressional Districts ; 2 from each of the other dis-
tricts total 21.
TEXAS 8 Delegates at Large; 2 each from the 14th and 15th Con-
gressional Districts ; 1 from each of the other districts
total 26.
SIXTEENTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION
13
UTAH
VERMONT
VIRGINIA
WASHINGTON
WEST VIRGINIA
WISCONSIN
WYOMING
ALASKA
DISTRICT OF
COLUMBIA
HAWAII
PHILIPPINES
PORTO RICO
4 Delegates at Large; 2 from each Congressional District
total 8.
4 Delegates at Large; 2 from each Congressional District
total 8.
4 Delegates at Large; 2 from the 9th Congressional Dis-
trict; 1 from each of the other districts total IS.
4 Delegates at Large; 2 from each Congressional District
total 14.
4 Delegates at Large; 2 from each Congressional District
total 16.
4 Delegates at Large; 2 from each Congressional District
total 26.
6 Delegates at Large.
2 Delegates at Large.
2 Delegates at Large.
2 Delegates each (without vote except by action of the
Convention).
JAMES B. REYNOLDS,
Secretary.
CHARLES D. HILLES,
Chairman.
Washington, D. C.,
December 14, 1915.
ELECTION OF TEMPORARY CHAIRMAN
THE CHAIRMAN OF THE COMMITTEE. T>y the direction of the Na-
tional Committee and in accordance with tlie rules and precedents of
the Party, the Chairman of the Republican National Committee has the
honor to present for your temporary chairman the name of a delegate
from the State of Ohio, Hon. Warren G. Harding. (Applause.) Are
there any other nominations After a pause.) No further nominations
being offered as many as are in favor of the election of Senator Harding
as temporary chairman will say aye. (A chorus of ayes.) And as many
as are opposed to his election will say no. (Silence.) The motion is car-
ried unanimously. (Applause.)
The chair will appoint as a committee to escort the temporary
chairman to the platform, former Senator W. Murray Crane of Massachu-
setts, Senator William E. Borah of Idaho, and Representative William B.
McKinley, of Illinois.
As the Committee proceeded to that portion of the Coliseum
where the Ohio delegation were seated, and escorted Senator Harding
to the platform, there was loud and prolonged applause on the part
of delegates, alternates and guests of the Convention.
THE CHAIRMAN OF THE COMMITTEE. Ladies and gentlemen of the
Convention, I have the honor to present as your temporary chairman
Senator Harding. (Applause.)
14 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE
ADDRESS OF THE TEMPORARY CHAIRMAN
THE TEMPORARY CHAIRMAN (Mr. Warren G. Harding, of Ohio).
Chairman Hilles, ladies and gentlemen of the Convention:
It is good to greet this representative body of that American
Republicanism on which is centered the high hopes of the republic-
(Applause.) I can believe nay, I know that a vast majority of the
people of our United States is expecting the party sponsors here assembled
to write anew the sacred covenant of Republicanism, and reconsecrate the
party to the nation's service and the people's advancement. (Ap-
plause.) That same majority expects you to select a standard-bearer who
shall not only typify our expression of faith but shall so enlist the con-
fidence and trust of our American citizenship that the work of this con-
vention will be confirmed overwhelmingly at the ballot-box next November.
(Applause and cries of "Right you are.")
The country, wearied afresh by a disappointing and distressing
Democratic administration, is calling for Republican relief, and there
is every inspiration, every encouragement, every confidence that the
light of Republican conscience, set aflame in this convention, will
illumine the way to the country's restoration.
LET US FORGET IQI2
We did not do very well in making for harmony the last time
we met. (Laughter and applause.) The country has regretted, let us
forget and make amends to our country. (Applause.) We did not
divide over fundamental principles, we did not disagree over a na-
tional policy. We split over methods of party procedure and pre-
ferred personalities. Let us forget the differences, and find new in-
spiration and new compensation in an united endeavor to restore
the country. (Applause.)
The essential principles of Republicanism are unchanged and
unchanging; the lofty intent, the indestructible soul and the undying
spirit of Republicanism are as dominant today as in the destined be-
ginning sixty years ago, or at any time during the intervening years,
and they are emphasized today by the proof recorded to Republican
credit in the matchless chapters of American progress. (Applause.)
PRINCIPLES ARE ABIDING
No political party ever has builded or ever can build permanently
except in conscientious devotion to abiding principles. Time never
alters a fundamental truth. Conditions do change, popular interest
is self-asserting, and "paramounting" has its perils, as the Demo-
cratic party will bear witness, but the essentials of constructive gov-
WARREN G. HARDING, of Ohio
Chairman of the Convention
SIXTEENTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION 15
ernment and attending progress are abiding and unchanging. For ex-
ample, we ought to be as genuinely American today as when the founding
fathers flung their immortal defiance in the face of old-world oppressions
and dedicated a new republic to liberty and justice. We ought to be as
prepared for defense as Washington urged amid the anxieties of our na-
tional beginning, and Grant confirmed amid the calm reflections of union
restored. (Applause.)
PASTY SOLIDARITY
It is not my understanding that the remarks of the temporary chair-
man are to be taken as an expression of the party faith. Such expression
must come from this convention, made up of delegates who believe in
popular, respresentative government through the agency of political parties.
You come directly from the people, commissioned to speak their hopes
and aspirations, to utter their patriotic desires and pledge their abiding
faith. Out of the convictions and judgment and wisdom as expressed by
the majority will come the sacred and sincere covenant of the Republican
party.
We are a voluntary organization and must find our strength in
the enlistment of volunteers who find the nearest or best expression
of their individual convictions in our party declarations, and there
can be no treason in withdrawal if our declarations fall short in their
appeal. But I am old-fashioned enough to believe that in popular
government party success and party capacity for service to the nation
must lie in making the will of a righteous majority the willing pledge
of all. (Applause, loud and prolonged.)
NO FORSWEARING REQUIRED
Ladies and Gentlemen of the convention, the first and foremost
wish in my mind is to say that which will contribute to harmony
of effort and add to the assurance of victory next November. (Ap-
plause.) I wish that because we believe Republican success to be for the
best interests of our common country. (Applause.) The allied hosts of
the believers in Republican principles are in a vast majority in this
country when the banners of harmony are unfurled. We have witnessed
the comeback of our party in various states. We have seen the
reenlistment of those who believe in Republican doctrines, and victory
has followed and rejoicing has attended. No apology has been
asked, no forswearing required. This is not the time for recrimina-
tion, it is the day of reconsecration. (Applause and cries of "You
are right!")
Rededicating here and now the Republican party to the progress
and glory of the republic, let us bury party prefixes with the admin-
1C OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE
istration which our differences put in power. I do not believe there
is a really reactionary Republican bearing credentials to this conven-
tion. (Applause.) If there is, he will depart, after our deliberations,
solely and proudly a Republican, with heart aglow with the party
spirit of 1916. And the welcome delegate who emphasizes his pro-
gressivism, is expected to do his part in making our party a reflex of
the best thought and best intent of sincere committal to the uplift
and progress of the American people, thereby strengthening party
purpose instead of magnifying individual belief, and he, too, will
find new rejoicing in being a Republican. (Applause.) No party can
endure which is not progressive. I know the Republican party is
genuinely progressive as well as effective, else it would not rivet the
expectations of the American people today on the most important
convention held since the party formulated a new political decalogue
and gave to union and nationality the immortal Abraham Lincoln.
(Enthusiastic applause-)
REPRESENTATIVE GOVERNMENT
In building the surpassing temple of the Republic, which we have
been doing to the astonishment, sometimes the envy, sometimes the
admiration of the world, and oftentimes inspiring others by our ex-
ample, there ever will be modifications and additions to meet the
public need and conform to popular ideals. We do not fear to imi-
tate nor fail to originate, but there can be no discord about under-
lying foundations or essential walls or proven arches or stately
"columns. Mine is a deep conviction that the founding fathers were
divinely inspired, and the wisdom of representative popular govern-
ment is proven in the surpassing achievement. (Applause.)
It is not alone the miracle of accomplishment which deepens
our reverence; it is not alone the conviction that we have builded the
first, seemingly dependable, popular government on the earth and
exalted all its citizenship, which adds to our faith; but we are the
oldest of existing civilized nations, with one passing exception, con-
tinued under one form of government, and under that form we have
developed the highest standard of living in all the world. Surely we
must be right. (Applause.)
Recalling that the mightier forward strides have been taken under
a half century of Republican control, after we led in fixing the in-
dissoluble ties of union, the retrospection, the contemplation and the
anticipation combine to fill the Republican breast with pride and
hope, and trust and faith, and magnify our obligations in this crucial
year of our national life. (Applause.)
Much of the discussion of the hour is hinged upon a world at
war. We need not wonder thereat, because the enormity of the con-
SIXTEENTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION 17
flict and the influence of its horrors have set mankind in upheaval.
The traditions of civilization have been broken and international laws
have been ignored. There is a tidal wave of distress and disaster,
there are violent emotions and magnified fears. There are the ex-
tremes of incalculable sacrifices and measureless new fortunes not
all American. There are new wonders and new hindrances in com-
merce, changed balances of trade, new marvels in finance and utterly
changed economic conditions. These have attended embarrassments
in our foreign relations as difficult as those which the individual citizen
experiences whose every neighbor is involved in deadly quarrel. Every-
thing is abnormal except the depleted condition of the federal treas-
ury, which is characteristic of Democratic control, and the facility
of the administration for writing varied notes without effective notice.
(Laughter and applause.)
Amid these conditions has stood this unarmed giant, typifying
the American republic, neutral and sane, to whom the neutral nations
have turned for leadership. Our national unselfishness had been
proven, our devotion to humanity had been established, our commit-
tal to international justice had long been proclaimed. The world had
previously heard the voice of American fearlessness, and all the con-
ditions single us out for leadership among the neutral powers, but
the administration at Washington spoke with more rhetoric than
resolution (laughter and applause), and we came to realize what the
warring powers soon came to know, that the official American voice
lacked the volume of determined expression that once demanded
international heed, and we lacked the strength of confidence in our
own defenses. (Applause.)
It is too early to estimate the debit and credit account of the
European war with civilization. Out of measureless cost and ines-
timable heroism must come a rebirth of individual spirituality, re-
awakened national hopes, new liberties and new baptisms in patriot-
ism which must prove some compensation. But we have seen civiliza-
tion stripped of the pretenses which clothed man's savagery, and we
have seen elemental man, developed in genius and more formidable
because of that, intoxicated with power or impassioned in the greed
of conquest, offending or defending, contradicting every evidence of
mankind's humane advancement. In the envy or jealousy or rivalry
or hatred, refined by boasted civilization, are the barbarities of primi-
tive man, and the seal of obsolescence is not yet stamped upon the
warrior's sword.
FOR NATIONAL DEFENSE
Perhaps it is a reminder more than a discovery, but there has
come to us a conviction that this great nation, rich in resources and
strong in patriotic manhood, has been negligent concerning its own
18 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE
defense. We have dwelt in fancied rather than real security. Pride
mingles with regret in this, because it suggests the mind of a nation so
free from intended offense that there was no cultivated thought of
needed defense. Our righteousness of purpose is portrayed in our
trust in unarmed safety. But there is a warning in bleeding Europe,
and there is call today for prudent, patriotic and ample national de-
fense. These is no mistaking the sentiment. We are not thinking of
the hysterical, we need not be moved by a preparedness which is
partisan in conception. We need not believe in a defense propaganda
inspired by those who aim to wax fat in the production of arms and
munitions, because there is none. I deplore the teaching that an
anxiety about our national defense is inspired by greed. We rejoice
in free speech and free press and untrammelled opinion, but patriotsm
is illy promoted by the imputation of false motives, whether aimed
at those who believe in defense or those who doubt its wisdom. Such
a teaching rends the concord of citizenship, which may develop a
worse peril from within than from any enemy without. (Applause.)
Though we do not pretend to be exclusive in our devotion, we
Republicans believe, sincerely and soberly, in adequate national de-
fense. We have always believed in an ample navy, as invincible in
modern might as John Paul Jones builded in our freedom's earliest
fight. We have in mind a protected commerce on the waters, and a
seacoast secure in strong naval defense. We were building to high
rank among naval powers when the Democratic party interrupted, and
we subscribe to a stronger committal now, because of a new realiza-
tion of the envy which our wealth and our commerce invite, and a
new appreciation of our commanding place in the affairs of the world.
I shall not say that it is ours to have the greatest navy in the world,
but noting the elimination of distance and the passing of our onetime
isolation, we ought to have a navy that fears none in the world, and
can say any time and anywhere These are American rights and must
be respected. (Applause and cries "That's right.")
ECONOMY IN SECURITY
It is not for me to specify the provisions for naval defense. Since
modern, warfare is in large part a conflict of brains, so must naval
defense be devised in highest intelligence. Let us strengthen every
arm aerial, submarine, fleet cruisers and great dreadnoughts. Let
him who is anxious about the cost remember that Republican policies
afford the ample means without conscious burdens upon the people.
Every forehanded American citizen, whatever his activity, knows that
the cost of insurance against accident, theft, fire, flood or thunderbolt,
assessed as a fixed charge upon his income, is worth its cost, in peace
SIXTEENTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION 19
of mind, though loss never attends. Moreover, under any system
security is economy itself.
There are manifest differences about our developments for military
defense. The President made a trip from the coast to the valley of
the Missouri to tell the American people the need of preparedness. It
might have been more seemly to tell the story to Congress, for that
body was in session and empowered to act, and seemingly ever ready
to testify obedience. However, Congress undertook to provide an
army for defense and the majority wobbled between pacification and
preparedness until the Republican minority in the Senate put some-
thing real in the pending measure. (Applause.) We Republicans
made a rational response to the call of the land, but Democratic in-
sufficiency and inefficiency are recorded in the Conference-amended
act, and a federal nitrate plant to supply powder to the patriots and
pap to the paternalists and federal fertilizer to the farmers in com-
petition with private enterprise is the great constructive offering of
a Democratic majority. (Laughter and applause.)
Until the civilized world is pledged and repledged to peace, and
until civilization commits nations to the nobler practices of the indi-
viduals who constitute them, in which I would have America lead, this
republic will have need for a basic army and a ready provision for
military defense. We have territory to defend, we have independence
to preserve, we have lives to safeguard, we have property to protect,
we have rights to assert, we have missions of humanity to perform.
We proclaim justice and we love peace, and we mean to have them
and we are not too proud to fight for them. (Loud applause.)
NO CURSE OF MILITARISM
Let no one apprehend the curse of militarism in this fair land
We declare unalterably against it. Our free citizenship, walking con-
fidently, absorbed in the triumphs of peace, would tolerate no such
blight on American institutions. There is to be no surrender of cher-
ished ideals. With that yearning for peace which has marked ou-
continued development, with the same committal to justice which has
given us front rank in the onward march of civilization, with that rare
unselfishness which led us to unsheath the sword for humanity's
sake and put all territorial aggrandizement aside, with that belief in
the square deal, individual, national and international, which is the
foundation of American faith, we mean to go on, an exemplar of peace
to all the nations, an arbiter of justice to all the world, a promoter of
righteousness to all the people of the earth.
At the same time we have more to do than to chart a national
course through the waters surging with the turbulence of war; our
inspiring course is on the highway of peace. Our armed defense must
20
ever be linked with our industrial self-reliance, and the nation worth
dying for must first be worth living for. (Cries of "Right! Right!")
Out of nature's prodigality we have incalculable resources and limit-
less possibilities, and there is need only for the unhindered applica-
tion of man's genius and industry to make us as independent industri-
ally as we are free politically. Ample defense rests on industrial free-
dom and self-reliance as well as patriotic sacrifice, and industrial pre-
paredness gives that assurance of material good fortune in peace on
which must be founded all our higher aspirations. (Applause.)
THE PROTECTIVE POLICY
Subsistence is the first requisite of existence, and we have the
higher American standard of living because of the Republican protec-
tive policy which makes of Americans the best paid workmen in all
the world. Out of the abundance of employment and higher com-
pensation, together with the beckoning opportunity which offers every
reward, we Americans have attracted the laborers of the earth, and
set new standards here. (Applause.)
It is not for me to put the stamp of relative importance on pend-
ing issues the intelligent voters will determine that for themselves.
But I know what they are thinking, and they believe that the protec-
tive policy which made us industrially and commercially eminent is
necessary to preserve that eminence. I know they want it restored
and maintained. For myself I prefer a protective and productive
tariff which prospers America first. I choose the economic policy
which sends the American workingmen to the savings banks rather
than the soup-houses. I commend the plan under which the healthful
glow of prospering business is reflected in every face from the great
captain of industry to the schooling child of the daily wage-earner.
(Applause.)
Moreover, I like the abiding consistency of our unchanging posi-
tion upon this policy. The Republican Convention of 1860, which gave
to the nation and all history the nomination of Lincoln, made this
simple and ample utterance:
"That, while providing revenue for the support of the General
Government by duties upon imports, sound policy requires such an
adjustment of these imports as to encourage the development of the
industrial interests of the whole country; and we commend that policy
of national exchanges which secures to the working men liberal wages,
to agriculture remunerating prices, to mechanics and manufacturers
an adequate reward for their skill, labor, and enterprise, and to the
nation commercial prosperity and independence." ("Applause and
cries of "We were right then and we're right now.")
WILLIAM R. WILLCOX, of New York,
Chairman of the Republican National Committee
SIXTEENTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION 21
We might fittingly reiterate that utterance today. The failure
of revenues under existing Democratic policy, the necessary resort
to the imposition of direct and offensive taxation war taxes on a
people at peace to meet deficiencies which ever attend Democratic
control, the depression and disaster which followed Democratic re-
vision, which were relieved rather than caused by the European war
all these argue the Republican restoration. (Applause-)
TEMPORARY PROSPERITY
No one disputes a temporary prosperity in our land today. But
it is sectional in its factory aspect, abnormal in its fevered rush, fic-
titious in its essentials, and perverting in its tendency. Worse, it is
the gold sluiced from the river of blood, poured out by the horrifying
sacrifice of millions of our fellowmen. God forbid that we should
boast a prosperity wrought in such waste of human life. We would
preferably rejoice in the prosperity of peace. We would rather boast our
good fortune won from the world as it stands erect, in a fair contest,
where men openly contend for the laurels of industry and the garlands
of trade. I do not mean that we must "sharpen our wits in competi-
tion with the world," for we tried that, and involuntarily turned the
blade to cutting our production and severing thousands from Ameri-
can payrolls. There was no cut in the cost of living but a visible hack
at the capacity to live.
The Democratic party is always concerned about the American
consumer. Our Republican achievement is the making of a nation
of prospering producers, and by producers I mean every human being
who applies muscle or skill or brain or all to the conversion of na-
ture's abundance into the necessities and luxuries of life or participates
in the ways and means of their transportation and exchange. Far better a
high cost of living and ability to buy than a lowering of cost attended by
destruction of purchasing capacity. (Applause.)
THE COST OF LIVING
It is worth while to recall the magnified importance given to the
nigh cost of living four years ago; first, to emphasize Democracy's
failure to reduce it, though it risked and almost accomplished the
ruin of our good fortune in attempting it; second, to declare there is
no such thing. What was thought to be the high cost were only the
higher demands and the larger capacity to buy, which were the nat-
ural reflexes of the higher standard of living reared under Republican
protection. (Applause and cries "We want protection.")
The one notable advance in cost has profited the American farmer,
for whose befitting share in good fortune we have stood unfailingly
22 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE
and sincerely. His reward is a Republican achievement and we prefer
to cling to the conditions which brought to agriculture its delayed but
deserved reward and hold it secure in Republican maintenance of
a home market unmatched in all the world. More, we want our basic
prosperity to be home-created and home-sustained, and not depend-
ent on conditions abroad. (Applause.)
Let us agree nay, let us boast that American industry can com-
pete with any in all the world, under like conditions. But we also
boast a condition, created through isolation and maintained by pro-
tection, wherein the rate of American wages is twice or thrice to ten
times that of old-world competition. Reduce our wages and we shall
have conditions more nearly equal, but no Republican will consent to
that. We are willing to standardize the wages of the world. We are
as fit to lead in doing that as we were to fix the newer guaranties of
liberty and independence; but we Republicans do not mean to lower
our scales to effect the leveling. We want the world measurements
raised to our heights. Until it is done we shall cling to American
wages for American workmen, American markets for American prod-
ucts, and hold the Republican guaranty of our material good fortune.
(Applause.)
DEMOCRATIC REPENTANCE
The nations abroad and the Democratic party at home are bear-
ing witness to Republican wisdom. German industrial self-reliance
is the sequence to her adoption of a Republican protective tariff, and
England's manifest conversion to this fostering plan will magnify the
prophetic wisdom of Republican protectionists Even the Democratic
party is penitent now and makes confession in action if not in words.
The proposed destruction of American sugar has been repealed, and
simulated grief about the American breakfast table has been put aside.
With that facility for changing position which has been manifest from
Baltimore to Vera Cruz, the party in power proposes to restore the
tariff commission which it had hastened to destroy. (Applause.)
This change of attitude is not because of its great and manifest
love of commission alone, but because failure is written across every
paragraph of Democratic revision and fear is haunting the White
House slumbers. (Laughter.) The Wilson administration has sensed
the country's anxiety about industrial conditions when revelry in
munitions and the immunity granted by war are ended. It has made
a reflective estimate of the perils of 1914, once called psychological,
and means to apply a stolen remedy, with more concern about the
effects than the ethics involved. (Laughter.) We do not oppose a
tariff commission. We favor it. It is a Republican creation. We do
not want one, however, conceived in Democratic hostility to American
industry or managed in Democratic opposition to business success.
SIXTEENTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION 23
We would hasten the protective defense against foreign invasion, to
guarantee our industrial security, and then let a tariff commission de-
liberately and scientifically work out the needs of American preference.
(Applause.)
SQUARE DEAL FOR BUSINESS
No honest business in this ocuntry is too big to be good and use-
ful, or too little to be protected and encouraged and both big and
little deserve the American shield against destruction by foreign com-
petition, and protection from the raiders, political or otherwise, at
home. Business and its agencies of transportation are so inseparable
from each other and from the common weal that the political party
which does not pledge them a square deal, no more and no less, does
not deserve the confidence of the people. The strength of the business
heart shows in every countenance in all the land, and the weakness
of that heart holds a nation ill. We must strengthen the heart of
American business in government co-operation rather than official op-
position. (Applause.)
It is not inspiring to recite Democratic failures. I shall not dwell
on that party's insincerity or incapacity. The country indicts and
the record convicts. It proclaimed the sacredness of its pledges and
then profaned them. It professed economy and is staggered by its
own extravagance. It has turned adequacy of revenue under indirect
and unfelt taxes to insufficiency and direct taxation. It has espoused
the freedom of the seas and wrought only the freedom ot the Panama
Canal. It reaffirmed its devotion to Jeffersonian principles and sim-
plicity of government and is voting millions of the public treasury to
the establishment of federal factories to destroy private industry. It
declared for enlarged shipping facilities without added burdens upon
the public treasury, and now proposes that fifty to five hundred millions
of public funds go to shipping, federally owned and privately man-
aged, with every menace that federal ownership involves We believe
in a great merchant marine, federally encouraged and privately erected,
wrought in the committal of the achievement of private enterprise and
measured to the requirements of our commerce in peace. (Applause.)
THE NATIONAL EXPANSION
The President has said ours is a provincial party, evidently for-
getting the Federalist founding of our nationality and Republcan ex-
pansion to greater national glory The Democratic party not only
fails to grasp our immensity and importance, it is sectional on the
mainland and unheeding of our island possessions. Its vision does
not catch the splendor of Old Glory in the sunlight of the world.
24 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE
(Applause and cries of "No indeed.") Right now when the devouring
flames of war are burning most fiercely, when our national view must
be world-wide to be comprehensive, the Democratic administration
has proposed to set adrift an island empire, in violation of our obli-
gations to the world, to the Philippine people and ourselves. Amid
proclamations of our ministrations in behalf of mankind it undertook
to renounce its guardianship of a race of people and leave them to
walk alone when they had not been fully taught to creep. A few re-
bellious Democrats joined the Republican minority in sparing us this
national disgrace, but the design is written among the vacillations of
the present administration. (Applause.) The Democratic party once
hauled down the flag which had been unfurled in honor in the Pacific
and met rebuke at the first expression at the polls. No administration
which hauls down the flag and none which proposes to haul it down
ever can succeed itself in directing the affairs of the American people.
(Applause.)
OUR WIDENED RELATIONSHIP
One century of marvellous development has led us into another
century of international sponsorship. This mighty people, idealizing
popular government and committed to human progress, can no longer
live within and for ourselves alone. Obliterated distance make it
impossible to stand aloof from mankind and escape widened responsi-
bility. If we are to become the agency of a progressive civilization
and God's great intent and to believe otherwise is to deny the proofs
of American development we must assume the responsibilities of in-
fluence and example, and accept the burdens of enlarged participation.
The cloistered life is not possible to the potential man or the potential
nation. Moreover, the Monroe doctrine, stronger for a century's
maintenance, fixes an obligation of new-world sponsorship and old-
world relationship. Our part must not be dictatorial, it must be
trusted leadership in a fraternity of American republics. (Applause.)
OUR STRENGTH AT HOME
To meet the obligations we must first make sure of maintained
mental, moral and physical health at home. It is good to recall that
ours is the only major political party ever formed in this country on
a great moral, issue. Our first proclamation was human liberty, to
be glorified by the spiritual and material development of a free people.
We opened the way to higher human attainments and emphasized hu-
man rights under the guarantees of civil liberty. We need only to go
on. imbued with the spirit which has thus far pointed our way. The
light of a moral people is the halo of liberty itself. Let us be honest,
SIXTEENTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION 25
not only in proclamation, but in practice; not alone in campaigns but
in incumbency of office; not only before altars of worship but in our
daily affairs and in every human relationship. If popular government
is to be held dependable and command the confidence as well as the
loyalty of its citizenship, political parties and their platforms and
their spokesmen must be honest and sincere. (Applause and the re-
mark, "Yes, the people don't want molasses platforms-")
PEOPLE'S WELFARE
If we are to urge the world's attention to international justice
we must hold secure our civil justice at home and make social justice
and attending welfare typical of our national life. We have ad-
vanced wonderfully. The reward of merit is eternal, but we can pro-
mote the development of merit. I have spoken so emphatically for
the American producer that I want to add here a committal to im-
proved conditions of production. It is good to gaze afar toward mar-
kets we hope to attain in peaceful commercial conquest, but production
is itself the maker of markets at home. To the safety and inviting
environment of the laborer we must add his growing merits of com-
pensation. There can be no permanent material good fortune that is
not righteously shared, there can be no real moral achievement that
does not lift the great rank and file to an ever higher plane. Main-
tained Republican policies provide conditions for the ideal advance-
ment and continued uplift, and it is not too much to hope that we shall
acclaim the day when choice instead of necessity fixes the status of
the American wage-earner. (Applause.)
My countrymen, for two generations, with short interruptions, the
Republican party, in conscience, courage and capacity, has been trans-
lating the dependable popular sentiment of the republic into govern-
mental policy. We have not yielded to the expediency of adopting
every ephemeral whim, because devotion to country and its ultimate
good ofttimes demand opposition to a momentary popularity. The final
appeal to sober intelligence has justified our course in political right-
eousness. But we have been so engrossed in developing America that
we have not stopped to search our own hearts for the soul of Ameri
canistn. (Applause.)
THE AMERICAN SPIRIT
In the travail of Life, Liberty and the Pursuit of Happiness the
American soul was born. Set aglow at Bunker Hill, it was reflected
in the faces of the patriots of a fearless republic, where men dedicated
themselves to the solemn and momentous task which was traced by
an infinite hand. They were not all Americans by birth, but they were
26 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE
dedicated Americans in the baptismal rites of a new republic and a new
patriotism. They could not all sign the Declaration of Independence,
but they committed all Americans to it for all succeeding time. They
could not all join in making the constitution, but they pledged the
succeeding millions of Americans to its everlasting defense. (Ap-
plause.)
There were stalwart Americans then, Americans from Great Bri-
tain with British ideals and their devotion to orderly government-
There were Americans from the land of Napoleon and Lafayette, to
give of the enthusiasm and heroism of France in establishing new
freedom. There were Americans from Germany to fight the battles of
of the republic and blend their sturdiness and thoroughness in the
progress of a new people, not a new race. There were Americans from
the green fields of Ireland, with a passion for liberty, Americans from
Southern Europe to battle for opportunity. There were Americans
who came from oppression and stood erect in the freedom of the
republic. They all made common cause. There was lack of homo-
genity of race, but there was kinship of soul, and that soul was
American. The gates to our ports have swung inward ever since,
there has been a welcome to the foreign-born, whom we asked to
drink freely of the waters of our political life and find their places in
the sun of American opportunity. They are an inseparable and im-
portant and valued part of American citienship, and the few zealots
of any origin who violate our neutrality do not and can not impugn
the loyalty or the American patriotism of that great body which adds
to the swelling chorus of
"My country, 'tis of thee,
Sweet Land of Liberty."
(Applause, loud and prolonged.)
NATIONAL SYMPATHIES
It is not surprising that in their hearts there is sympathy or
partiality for the land of their nativity wlien it is involved in a life
and death struggle like that which saturates Europe with the blood
of their kinsmen. Search your hearts deeply, my countrymen. One
must be human to be an American, he must have human sympathies
and human loves, and I should pity the foreign-born and the sons of
foreign-born whose very souls are not wrung by the cataclysmal sor-
row of the old world. But sorrow is the test of soul and the very altar
of reconsecration. This is the momentous hour for the blazing soul
of American allegiance. The spirit of the fathers is calling, and the
safety of unborn Americans is demanding and the security of the re-
SIXTEENTH REPUBLICAN- NATIONAL CONVENTION 27
public is requiring that now and here and everywhere, under the Stars
and Stripes, we proclaim a plain, simple, glad and unalterable Ameri-
canism. It must be the offering of loyalty and devotion and love and
trust, and life, if need be, to these United States, now and everlastingly.
(Applause.)
The Americanism which indexes these United States must be
more than the consecration of the individual In the great fulfillment
we must have a citizenship less concerned about what the government
can do for it and more anxious about what it can do to exalt the na-
tion. There must be the submersion of local and sectional views and
the standards of nationality reared in their stead Holding to the
ideals of just American rights, the government must protect those
rights, at home, on our borders, on the seas, in every land and under
every sky. (Applause.)
OUR FOREIGN RELATIONS
Seeking to practice the very Americanism I preach as Republican
gospel, I am reluctant to speak of a division of American sentiment
relating to our foreign affairs. One must be an American first and a
partisan afterwards, though we believe Republicanism is the culture
of highest Americanism. But it must be said, for the truth's sake and
clearer understanding, we have hungered in vain for that unflinching
Americanism at Washington which is needed to exalt the American
soul. There is no geographic modification of American rights. They
are the same in Mexico that they are on the high seas, they are the
same in Europe that they are in Asia, and are sacred everywhere, and
the American spirit demands their fullest protection. (Applause.)
Whatever the ultimate solution may be, history will write Mexico
as the title to the humiliating recital of the greatest fiasco in our
foreign relations. Uncertainty, instability, Mexican contempt and wan-
ing self-respect will be recorded in every chapter, and the pitiable
story of sacrificed American lives and the destruction of lawfully-held
American property will emphasize the mistaken policy of watchful
waiting and wobbling warfare. (Applause.)
Under the pretext of non-interference the Democratic administra-
tion miserably meddled. In the name of peace that same administra-
tion encouraged revolution, and the cost of American sacrifices was
charged to needless war on Huerta, where the real American expendi-
ture required only the voice of authority demanding protection to
American rights. The unbiased critic will recite that the Democratic
administration first coddled Villa as a patriot, then chased him as a
bandit. (Laughter and cries of "That's right.")
Our civilization has evolved the rules of right conduct, and writ-
ten them into forms of government by law. They were conceived in
justice and developed in righteousness. They have become instinctive
28
in our American life, and are cherished as a part of our people's in-
heritance. Our people do not understand any suspension, they are
impelled to march on, confident and unafraid. When the spirit of
American accomplishment, or the mercies of American ministration,
or the inclinations of American teaching, or the adventures of Ameri-
can development take our people abroad, under the compacts of civili-
zation, they have a right to believe that every guaranty of American
citizenship goes with them. When it does not we have forfeited the
American inheritance. (Applause.)
OUR COURSE WITH EUROPE
No political party can draw a variable chart for our ship of state
amid Europe's warring ambitions, lust for power or battles for self-
preservation. Justice points the way through the safe channel of
neutrality. There are dangers, seeming or real, looming on every
side, but we should feel secure along the course marked, by interna-
tional law and our own conscientious convictions of American rights-
"STRAIGHT AHEAD" shall be the command, and when peace comes
the sober judgment of the world will exalt us ever higher and higher
as a people strong in heart and noble in the espousal of justice and
justice's humanity. In that world-wide respect and confidence which
needs only to be preserved, we shall have a lofty place in the great re-
construction, and we reasonably may hope to see this mighty re-
public again ministering to the re-establishment of peace and all its
precious blessings. (Applause.)
My countrymen, Americanism begins at home and radiates abroad.
The republican conception gives the first thought to a free people and
a fearless people, and bespeaks conditions at home for the highest
human attainment. We believe in American markets for American
products, American wages for American workmen, American opportunity
for American genius and industry, and American defense for American
soil. American citizenship is the reflex of American conditions, and we
believe our policies make for a fortunate people for whom moral, material
and educational advancement is the open way. The glory of our progress
confirms. The answered aspirations of a new world civilization acclaim.
We have taken the ideal form of popular government and applied the
policies which had led a continent to the altars of liberty and glorified the
republic. We have justified pride and fortified hope. We need
only to preserve and defend, and go unfalteringly on. Power is the
guarantor of peace and conscience the buckler of everlasting right-
Verily, it is good to be an American. And we may rejoice to be
Republicans. (Applause, loud and prolonged.)
CHARLES D. HILLES, of New York,
Chairman of the Republican National Committee 1912
and Member of Committee on Arrangements
SIXTEENTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION 29
TEMPORARY OFFICERS
THE TEMPORARY CHAIRMAN. The chair recognizes Mr. Charles D.
Hilles, Chairman of the Republican National Committee, who will
present the list of the Committee's recommendations for temporary
officers of the Convention.
MR. CHARLES D. HILLES, of New York. Mr. Chairman and ladies
and gentlemen of the Convention, I am directed by the Republican
National Committee to submit to the Convention its recommendations
with respect to temporary officers.
THE TEMPORARY CHAIRMAN. The list of temporary officers rec-
ommended by the National Committee will be read.
A READING CLERK (Mr. Dennis E. Alward, of Michigan) read as
follows:
Secretary LAFAYETTE B. GLEASON, New York.
Chief Assistant Secretary ... Frank A. Smith, Pennsylvania.
Sergeant-at-lArms William F. Stone, Maryland.
Chief Assistant Sergeant-at-Arms E. P. Thayer, Indiana.
Second Assistant Sergeant-at-Arms Guy V. Howard, Minnesota.
Parliamentarians William S. Bennet, New York.
Herman A. Phillips, District of Columbia.
Official Reporter Geo. L. Hart, Virginia.
Chief of Doorkeepers J. J. Hanson, Maryland.
Chaplains Rev. John Timothy Stone, D.D.
Rt. Rev. Francis C. Kelley, D.D.
Bishop William F. McDowell
Dr. Gerson B. Levi.
Rev. William O. Waters.
Assistant Reporters John K. Marshall, New York.
Fred A. Carlson, Illinois.
Assistant Secretaries Edward D. Baldwin, Oregon.
Richard J. Beamish, Pennsylvania.
C. M. Harger, Kansas.
Paul Haynes, Indiana.
Frank A. Hazelbaker, Montana.
Joseph McCoy, Jr. Missouri.
James L. Phillips, District of Columbia.
Charles A. Rawson, Iowa.
Frank H. Smith, New Jersey.
W. H. Topping, New Hampshire.
Roy M. Watkins, Michigan.
Thomas Williamson, Illinois.
Reading Clerks Dennis E. Alward, Michigan.
H. H. Bancroft, Illinois.
David H. Bowman, Nebraska.
Fred Davis, South Dakota.
William T. Evjue, Wisconsin.
J. Mitchell Galvin, Massachusetts.
Malcolm Jennings, Ohio.
Henry R. Rathbone, Illinois.
W. E. Scott, Colorado.
Will A. Waite, Michigan.
David J. White, Rhode Island.
30 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE
Tally Clerks Ahris S. Bennett, Kentucky
L. L. Dunham, Delaware.
Amos Ewing, Oklahoma.
George W. Johnson, Colorado.
Charles G. Kaufman, West Virginia.
Wesley King, Utah.
W. L. McCormack, Washington.
C. D. Relf, Massachusetts.
H. O. True, Tennessee.
Earl Venable, Idaho.
Principal Assistant Sergeants-at-Arms ..Charles W. Ackerson, Oregon.
Frank K. Bowers, New York.
Emmet F. Branch, Indiana.
Ben E. Chapin, New Hampshire.
John R. Flavell, New Jersey.
E. J. Kelly, Iowa.
John J. Lyons, New York.
Alvah H. Martin, Jr., Virginia.
Hugh L. Martin, Missouri.
H. C. Plumb. Kansas.
James D. Preston, District of Columbia.
John W. Smith, Michigan.
A. W. White, North Carolina.
MR. ADOLPH O. EBERHART, of Minnesota. I move that the recom-
mendations of the Republican National Committee in respect to the
appointment of General Secretary, Chief Assistant Secretary, Sergeant-
at-Arms, Chief Assistant Sergeant-at-Arms, Parliamentarians, Official
Reporter, Chief of Doorkeepers, Chaplain, and other officers, be ap-
proved and confirmed by this Convention.
The motion was agreed to.
RULES FOR CONVENTION
Ma. HENRY F. LIPPITT, of Rhode Island. I offer the following reso-
lution and move its adoption : "Resolved, That until the permanent or-
ganization is effected and permanent rules adopted, this Convention be
governed by the rules adopted by the National Convention in 1908.
The motion was agreed to.
COMMITTEE ON CREDENTIALS
MR. REED SMOOT, of Utah. I offer the resolution which I now hand
to the Secretary.
THE TEMPORARY CHAIRMAN. The resolution will be read.
A READING CLERK (Mr. H. H. Bancroft, of Illinois), read as follows:
"Resolved, That a Committee on Credentials, consisting of one
member from each State and Territory, be appointed, and that as the
Roll of States and Territories is called, the Chairman of each Delega-
SIXTEENTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION 31
tion announce the name of the person selected to serve on said com-
mittee, and also send to the Secretary's desk in writing, the name
of the person thus selected."
The resolution was agreed to.
COMMITTEE ON PERMANENT ORGANIZATION
MR. JOHN S. FISHER, of Pennsylvania. I wish to offer the resolu-
tion which I send to the clerk's desk, and to move its adoption.
THE TEMPORARY CHAIRMAN. The resolution will be read.
A READING CLERK (Mr. J. Mitchell Galvin, of Massachusetts) read
as follows:
"Resolved, That a Committee on Permanent Organization, con-
sisting of one member from each State and Territory, be appointed,
and that as the Roll of States and Territories is called, the Chairman
of each Delegation announce the name of the person selected to serve
on said committee, and also send to the Secretary's desk, in writing,
the name of the person thus selected."
The resolution was agreed to.
COMMITTEE ON RULES
MR. CHARLES B. WARREN, of Michigan. I wish to offer the resolu-
tion which I now hand to the Secretary, and to move its adoption.
THE TEMPORARY CHAIRMAN. The resolution will be read.
A READING CLERK (Mr. Will A. Waite, of Michigan), read as fol-
lows:
"Resolved, That a Committee on Rules, consisting of one member
from each State and Territory, be appointed, and that as the Roll
of States and Territories is called, the Chairman of each Delegation
announce the name of the person selected to serve on said committee,
and also send to the Secretary's desk in writing, the name of the
person thus selected."
The resolution was agreed to-
COMMITTEE ON RESOLUTIONS
MR. CHARLES HOPKINS CLARK, of Connecticut. I offer the resolu-
tion which I now send to the desk, and move its adoption-
THE TEMPORARY CHAIRMAN. The resolution will be read.
AN ASSISTANT SECRETARY (Mr. Thomas Williamson, of Illinois)
read as follows:
"Resolved, That a Committee on Resolutions, consisting of one
member from each State and Territory, be appointed, and that as the
Roll of States and Territories is called, the Chairman of each Delega-
32 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE
tion announce the name of the person selected to serve on said com-
mittee, and also send to the Secretary's desk, in writing, the name of
the person thus selected."
The resolution was agreed to.
ANNOUNCEMENT OF PERSONNEL OF COMMITTEES
THE TEMPORARY CHAIRMAN. The Secretary of the Convention will
now read the lists of committees as made up, being the four com-
mittees provided for by the resolution just adopted by the Conven-
tion, as follows:
Committee on Credentials-
Committee on Permanent Organization.
Committee on Rules and Order of Business.
Committee on Resolutions.
It might be well for the Chair to explain to the convention, prior
to the reading of the lists of committees by the Secretary, that no
names appear on any of the committees for the District of Columbia
and Porto Rico, and for the following reasons: As to the District
of Columbia, after hearing a three-sided contest the Committee on
Credentials recommended that none of the parties be given seats in
the convention, which report the convention adopted; and, as to Porto
Rico, no delegates are present from that Territory.
The Secretary will now read the lists of committees.
THE SECRETARY OF THE CONVENTION (Mr. Lafayette B. Gleason, of
New York). The committees are as follows:
COMMITTEE ON CREDENTIALS
Alabama Charles B. Kennamer
Arizona F. S. Breen
Arkansas A J. Russell
California Charles E. Clinch
Colorado John A. Ewing
Connecticut John F. King
Delaware John W. Herring
Florida William H. Northrup
Georgia F. J. Allen
Idaho Fred W. Gooding
Illinois .... David E. Shanahan
Indiana Edward C. Toner
Iowa H. E. Tomlinson
Kansas W. Y. Morgan
Kentucky J. W. Langley
Louisiana Frank C. Labid
Maine Charles J. Dunn
Maryland '. . . . . J. P. Hill
Massachusetts Charles H. Innes
Michigan William J. Smith
JAMES P>. REYNOLDS, of Massachusetts
Sccrc-tary of the Republican National Committee
SIXTEENTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION 33
COMMITTEE ON CREDENTIALS Continued
Minnesota Leavitt Corning
Mississippi W. F. Elgin
Missouri Harry Clymer
Montana W. J. Brennan
Nebraska Earl S. Mallery
Nevada Hugh H. Brown
New Hampshire Merrill Shurtleff
New Jersey Newton A. K. Bugbee
New Mexico J. M. Cunningham
New York Charles M. Hamilton
North Carolina J. D. Parker
North Dakota James McCormack
Ohio '. Charles Q. Hildebrant
Oklahoma John Fields
Oregon George J. Cameron
Pennsylvania James S. Beacon
Rhode Island Edward H. Rathbun
South Carolina John F. Jones
South Dakota Seth E. Wilson
Tennessee R. S. Hopkins
Texas T. J. Darling
Utah Reed Smoot
Vermont Guy W. Bailey
Virginia R. A. Fulwiler
Washington Dr. A. D. Sloan
West Virginia C. W. Phillis
Wisconsin James A. Stone
Wyoming Loren C. Hinkle
Alaska William A. Gilmore
Hawaii J. K. Kalanianaole
Philippines W. H. Lawrence
COMMITTEE ON PERMANENT ORGANIZATION
Alabama F. F. Crowe
Arizona C. A. Overlook
Arkansas J. C. Russell
California Francis J. Keesling
Colorado Ralph W. Smith
Connecticut Irving H. Chase
Delaware Alden R. Benson
Florida Louis C. Lynch
Geotrgia W. H. Harris
Idaho Stanley Easton
Illinois .... Chas. S. Deneen
Indiana Vernon W. Van Fleet
Iowa Gardner Cowles
Kansas J. J. Rhodes
Kentucky Elmer C. Anderson
Louisiana Chas F. Boagni
Maine Willard P. Hamilton
Maryland Laban Sparks
Massachusetts Chas. G. Washburn
Michigan Albert E. Petermann
Minnesota F. A. Duxbury
34 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE
COMMITTEE ON PERMANENT ORGANIZATION Continued
Mississippi C. L. Hovis
Missouri W. S. Wade
Montana Eugene Carroll
Nebraska W. I. Farley
Nevada Mel S. Badt
New Hampshire Perry H. Dow
New Jersey Ira A. Kipp, Jr.
New Mexico E. F. Gallegos
New York Walter C. Witherbee
North Carolina Charles A. Jonas
North Dakota C. B. Little
Ohio Wm. M. Hahn
Oklahoma P. C. Simons
Oregon Daniel Boyd
Pennsylvania John S. Fisher
Rhode Island Richard S. Aldrich
South Carolina J. D. Adams
South Dakota William Hosea
Tennessee Foster V. Brown
Txas W. M. McDonald
Utah Joseph Howell
Vermont Collin M. Graves
Virginia Joseph L. Crupper
Washington A. L. Rogers
West Virginia S. B. Avis
Wisconsin James Thompson
Wyoming Patrick Sullivan
Alaska W. A. Gilmore
Hawaii Henry J. Lyman
Philippines W. H. Lawrence
COMMITTEE ON RULES
Alabama James J. Curtis
Arizona Ph. Freudenthal
Arkansas M. A. Eisele
California William C. Mushet
Colorado James W. McCreery
Connecticut Schuyler Merritt
Delaware Edmund Mitchell
Florida George W. Bean
Georgia Roscoe Pickett
Idaho James F. Ailshie
Illinois Roy O. West
Indiana Henry W. Marshall
Iowa Robert B. Wallace
Kansas A. F. Williams
Kentucky Thomas C. Jackson
Louisiana Allen C. Lea
Maine Phineas H. Gay
Maryland Gist Blair
Massachusetts J. Lovell Johnson
Michigan Charles B. Warren
Minnesota Thomas Davis
Mississippi J. E. Walker
SIXTEENTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION 35
COMMITTEE ON RULES Continued
Missouri C. C. Madison
Montana E. S. Booth
Nebraska Charles G. Lane
Nevada W. N. McGill
New Hampshire George A. Carpenter
New Jersey John A. Blair
New Mexico Eduardo M. Otero
New York Elon R. Brown
North Carolina Irvin B. Tucker
North Dakota M. P. Johnson
Ohio H. Clay Van Voorhis
Oklahoma Grant Victor
Oregon Ralph W. Hoyt
Pennsylvania Guy W. Moore
Rhode Island Albert A. Jenks
South Carolina J. H. Fordham
South Dakota Charles N. Herreid
Tennessee Newell Sanders
Texas E. E. Diggs
Utah William Spry
Vermont Fred H. Babbitt
Virginia Robert A. Anderson
Washington Alex Poison
West . Virginia A. R. Stallings
Wisconsin John J. Elaine
Wyoming Ralph Denio
Alaska William A. Gilmore
Hawaii Jonah Kuhio Kalanianaole
Philippines . Newton W. Gilbert
COMMITTEE ON RESOLUTIONS
Alabama S. T. Wright
Arizona John B. Wright
Arkansas John I. Worthington
California John G. Mott
Colorado Charles W. Waterman
Connecticut Charles Hopkins Clark
Delaware Ruby S. Vale
Florida M. B. MacFarlane
Geop-gia B. J. Davis
Idaho William E. Borah
Illinois .... Martin B. Madden
Indiana Fred A. Sims
Iowa Howard J. Clark
Kansas Charles F. Scott
Kentucky J. M. Robsion
Louisiana Samuel A. Trufant
Maine John A. Peters
Maryland Thomas Bartlett
Massachusetts Henry Cabot Lodge
Michigan Benjamin S. Hanchett
Minnesota Leavitt Corning
Mississippi S. D. Redmond
36 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE
COMMITTEE ON RESOLUTIONS Continued
Missouri Berryman Kenwood
Montana John M. Burlingame
Nebraska Peter Jansen
Nevada Samuel Platt
New Hampshire George H. Moses
New Jersey Hamilton F. Kean
New Mexico Albert B. Fall
New York James W. Wadsworth, Jr.
North Carolina Marion Butler
North Dakota John E. Paulson
Ohio Paul Rowland
Oklahoma T. B. Ferguson
Oregon W. H. Brooks
Pennsylvania George T. Oliver
Rhode Island Henry F. Lippitt
South Carolina Ernest F. Cochran
South Dakota Thomas Sterling
Tennesse* S. B. Anderson
Texas Eugene Marshall
Utah George Sutherland
Vermont Theodore N. Vail
Virginia D. Lawrence Groner
Washington E. C. Hughes
West Virginia Herschel C. Ogden
Wisconsin Charles Gross
Wyoming Dwight E. Hollister
Alaska Charles D. Hilles
Hawaii Henry J. Lyman
Philippines Newton W. Gilbert '
MEETINGS OF COMMITTEES
THE TEMPORARY CHAIRMAN. The Secretary will announce the
place and hour selected for each committee named by the Con-
vention.
THE SECRETARY OF THE CONVENTION. The times and places selected
for the meetings of committees are as follows:
Permanent Organization. The committee will meet in parlor
1702 of Congress Hotel, at four o'clock p. m., today, Wednesday, June
7, 1916.
Rules and Order of Business. Will meet in parlor 1402 of Con-
gress Hotel at four o'clock this afternoon.
Resolutions. Will meet in the National Committee room, second
floor of Coliseum Annex, being in the rear of this building, immedi-
ately after adjournment of this session of the National Convention, for
the purpose of organization. After organizing, the committee will
recess for dinner, after which a meeting will be held on the platform
of this convention hall at half past three o'clock to give a public hear-
ing to those who wish to appear before said committee.
Committee on Credentials. The committee will meet in the re-
SIXTEENTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION 37
ception room of the Republican National Committee, second floor,
Coliseum Annex, immediately after the adjournment of this conven-
tion. Lunch will be served to members of Committee on Credentials,
after which said Committee will occupy the National Committee room
for the purpose of hearing contests and making up the roll of dele-
gates and alternates.
AUTOMOBILE RIDE
THE TEMPORARY CHAIRMAN. The Secretary will now read an an-
nouncement.
THE SECRETARY OF THE CONVENTION. I am requested to announce
that the Mayor's Entertainment Committee will have one thousand
automobiles outside of the Coliseum upon the adjournment of this
session of the Convention, and that delegates wearing badges are
invited to avail themselves thereof for the purpose of viewing the
city or making any trips about the city which they would like to make.
(Applause.)
THE TEMPORARY CHAIRMAN. It is earnestly desired that everybody
know that the Committee on Resolutions will meet on this platform
within two hours after the adjournment of the Convention, or 3:30
o'clock p. m-, for the purpose of giving public hearings.
The Chair now recognizes Mr. Brown, of New York, for a motion.
MR. ELON R. BROWN, of New York. Mr. Chairman, I move that
the Convention adjourn until eleven o'clock tomorrow morning.
The motion was agreed to; and (at I o'clock and 28 minutes p. m.)
the Convention adjourned until tomorrow, Thursday, June 8, 1916, at
II o'clock a. m.
308085
SECOND DAY
CONVENTION HALL
THE COLISEUM
CHICAGO, ILL., JUNE 8, 1916.
The Convention met at 11 o'clock a. m. pursuant to adjournment
of yesterday.
THE TEMPORARY CHAIRMAN. The members of the Convention and
guests are requested to rise while prayer is offered by Rt. Rev. Mon-
signor Kelly.
PRAYER OF RIGHT REVEREND MONSIGNOR KELLY
Right Reverend Monsignor Francis C- Kelly, President of the
Catholic Church Extension Society of the United States, Chicago,
Illinois, offered the following prayer:
O God, at whose creative touch this earth was born, whose hand
sustains it, whose voice directs it, whose love keeps it, and whose
countenance lights its pathway back to Thee; O Ruler, by whose will
it is divided into nations, races and tongues that, through wise emu-
lation, the sooner may be discovered the hidden stores of Thy bounty,
through which happiness, peace and security come to its people; O
Orient, from whom proceedeth the sun of justice; O Wisdom, seat of
knowledge, font of power and source of truth; we bend our heads
and raise our hearts to Thee as the first act of this day, in acknowl-
edgment of the power that sustains our nation, blesses our people, and
guides our destinies. Direct our counsels and our thoughts to know
that Thou art ever first and greatest; to realize that, without Thee,
for our nation we would hope in vain. Grant us to know that even
the smallest of good acts, if done for Thine honor and glory will
grow greater than empires in Thy sight. Bless, therefore, every act
and thought of ours that is done with the motive of pleasing Thy Di-
vine Majesty, Amen.
38
REED SMOOT, of Utah
Chairman of the Committee qn Credentials
SIXTEENTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION 39
REPORTS OF COMMITTEES
THE TEMPORARY CHAIRMAN. The first busines in order is the re-
port of the Committee on Credentials. Is the Credentials Committee
ready to report?
MR. REED SMOOT, of Utah. Mr. Chairman, we are ready to re-
port.
THE TEMPORARY CHAIRMAN. Ladies and gentlemen of the Con-
vention, the chair recognizes Senator Smoot, of Utah, Chairman of
the Committee on Credentials, to present the report of his Committee.
MR. REED SMOOT, of Utah. Mr. Chairman, and ladies and gentle-
men of the Convention: I am directed by the Committee on Credentials
to make the following report:
REPORT OF COMMITTEE ON CREDENTIALS
The Committee on Credentials respectfully presents to the Con-
vention its report and recommends the seating of the following per-
sons in the respective contest cases which it has heard and decided:
ALABAMA
AT LARGE
Delegates Alternates
P. M. Long Cordova C. P. Lunsford Hackleburg
O. D. Street Guntersville Edward Miller Culman
P. IX Barker Mobile N. B. Spears Pell City
James J. Curtis Jasper G. F. Schad Brawton
William L. Chenault Russellville Paul Goddard Oneonta
J. W. Atkins Heflin Tom H. Stephens Gadsden
DISTRICTS
9 Charles J. Allison Birmingham J. G. Base Birmingham
FLORIDA
DISTRICTS
Delegates Alternates
1 G. W. Bean Tampa E. E. Skipper Bartow
GEORGIA
Delegates Alternates
Henry S. Jackson Atlanta W. R. Watson Lithonia
John M. Barnes Thomson H. D. Bush Covington
Henry Lincoln Johnson Atlanta Charles Taunton Cuthberl
B. J. Davis Atlanta William F. Penn Atlanta
40 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE
GEORGIA Continued
DISTRICTS
Delegates Alternates
1 B. W. S. Daniels Savannah Wm. James Statesboro
2 J. H. Watson Albany J. A. Grant Baiubridge
3 F. G. Boatright Cordele B. W. Warren Americas
4-nE. J. Turner Columbus T. W. Wheat Newman
S F. J. Allen East Point S. S. Simmons Lithia Springs
6 W. O. Emory Macon R. A. Holland McDonough
7 De Witt C. Cole Marietta A. T. Atwater Rome
Albert N. Tumlin ...Cave Spring R. L. Franklin Adairsville
8 W. H. Harris Athens J. P. Watson Athens
9 Roscoe Pickett Jasper T. A. Chastain Jasper
10 C. T. Walker Augusta Warren Edwards Milledgeville
11 H. C. Scarlett Waycross L. W. Brown Screven
12 S. S. Minsey Ailey John T. Nobles Perry
OKLAHOMA
DISTRICTS
Delegates Alternates
5 John R. Hadley Gushing A. McDaniel Normal.
Charles G. Moore Purcell C. E. Goodwin Stratf ore
6 Wm. A. Mauren El Reno Ed. Bourne Duncat
Myron E. Humphrey Chickasha S. W. Hogna Kingfishe.
SOUTH CAROLINA
DISTRICTS
Delegates Alternates
1 Gibbs Mitchell Charleston S. M. Walker Summerton
7 L. A. Hawkins Columbia W. A. Smith Irmo
DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA
We recommend that the action of the National Committee in refusing to place
upon the temporary roll any of the three sets of contesting delegates be sustained
and none be placed upon the permanent roll.
VIRGINIA
DISTRICTS
Delegates Alternates
3 Joseph P. Brady Richmond William R. Vawter Richmond
And that the balance of the temporary roll as made up by the National Committee
be made the permanent roH of the Convention.
Respectfully submitted,
(Signed) REED SMOOT, .
Chairman.
REPORT OF COMMITTEE ON CREDENTIALS
MR. REED SMOOT, of Utah. Mr. Chairman, I move the adoption
of the report of your Committee on Credentials.
The report was agreed to, whereupon the following became the per-
manent roll of the convention:
SIXTEENTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION 41
PERMANENT ROLL OF THE CONVENTION
ALABAMA
AT LARGE
Delegates Alternates
P. M. Long Cordova C. P. Lunsford Hackleburg
O. D. Street Guntersville Edward Miller Cullman
P. D. Barker Mobile N. B. Spears Pell City
James J. Curtis Jasper G. F. Schad Brawton
William L. Chenault Russellville Paul Goddard Oneonta
J. W. Atkins Heflin Tom H. Stephens Gadsden
1 James J. Peterson Mobile E. T. Belsan Mobile
2 Asa E. Stratton Montgomery J- S. Johnson Brantley
3 Clifford M. Cox Ozark Byron Tramwell Dothan
4 F. F. Crowe Montevallo G. C. Michaelson Thorsby
5 H. E. Berkstresser Dodeville L- B. Pond Rockford
6 S. T. Wright Foyette C. M. Sartain Jasper
7 Charles B. Kennamer. . .Guntersville Oscar P. Drake Harleyville
H. Gordon Ashley Ashville R. Oscar Noojin Attalla
8 Albert M. Holland Scottsboro S. L. Sherrill Hartselle
9 Charles J. Allison Birmingham J. G. Base Birmingham
ARIZONA
AT LARGE
Delegates Alternates
Edward Kent Phoenix Frank R. Stewart Phoenix
Charles A. Overlook Douglas John M. Ross Bisbee
Leroy Anderson Prescott Bracey Curtis Nogales
Ph. Freudenthal Solomonville F. M. Pool Winkelman
John B. Wright Tucson G. O. Nolan Ray
Fred S. Breen Flagstaff Charles Granger Kingman
ARKANSAS
AT LARGE
Delegates Alternates
H. L. Remmel Little Rock Charles T. Duke Monticello
John I. Worthington Harrison De Costa Walker Hot Springs
Charles N. Rix Hot Springs John P. Roberts Booneville
Andrew J. Russell Berryville J. N. Donahoo Helena
1 R. B. Campbell Helena A. C. Lang Blytheville
2 T. J. Shanim Walnut Ridge H. C. Wade Batesville
3 R. S. Granger Harrison J. H. Robinson Marshall
V. S. Cannon Huntsville R. G. Floyd Eureka Springs
4 J. H. Butler Van Buren Chas. C. Graves Mansfield
C. C. Gunnells Mena Isaac Isaacson Ft Smith
5 A. C. Remmel Little Rock J. F. Burris Atkins
G. H. Taylor Morrillton Geo. L. Mallory Little Rock
6 M. A. Eisele Hot Springs A. A. Tindall Stuttgart
7 J. C. Russell Camden H. G. Friedheim Camden
S. R. Young Hope T. S. Grayson Magnolia
42 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE
CALIFORNIA
AT LARGE
Delegates Alternates
Walter Bordwell Los Angeles Joseph E. Carr Los Angeles
Mrs. Olive C. Cole Los Angeles Miss Adeline Stanton ....Los Angeles
Mrs. Abbie E. Krebs....San Francisco Mrs. rfattie E. Cotton ..San Francisco
J. O. Hayes San Jose Marshall Hale San Francisco
1 Amiel Hochheimer Williows Charles Mannon Ukiah
Presley I. Lancaster \Villits William N. Speegle Berkley
2 Luke McDonald Redding John H. Campbell Yreka
Charles E. Clinch ....Grass Valley Mrs. Emily Clinch Grass Valley
3 Ephriam Light Calistoga E. W. Churchill Napa
R. R. Veale Martinez Sophie E. K. Hewitt ..San Francisco
4 Albert E. Castle . San Francisco E. H. Tryon San Francisco
Frances V. Keesling San Francisco R. E. Miller San Francisco
5 J. C. Berendsen .San Francisco Bernard Schapiro San Francisco
Alexander Russell . . San Francisco William H. Hammer . . San Francisco
6 Peter J. Crosby Oakland Joseph R. Knowland Alameda
J. F. Carlston Oakland O. D. Hamlin Oakland
7 F. A. Creesey, Jr Modesto George A. Osborn Fresno
John F. Gibson Visalia E. O. Larkin Visalia
8 William H. Crocker San Francisco Charles T. Crocker San Mateo
Willis S. Clayton San Jose William P. Lyon San Jose
9 Lewis L. Lostutter Pomona Sloan Pitzer Alhambra
William C. Mushet . . Los Angeles Frank Roberts Long Beach
10 John G. Mott Los Angeles William M. Garland ....Los Angeles
Eugene W. Britt Los Angeles Bradner W. Lee Los Angeles
11 John S. Akerman San Diego Lyman J. Gage San Diego
Charles C. Chapman Fullerton William F. Holt Redlands
COLORADO
AT LARGE
Delegates Alternates
George A. Carlson Fort Ceilings Henry D. Watson Greeley
Philip B. Stewart Colorado Springs H. E. Perkins Delta
Karl C. Schuyler Denver D. N. Cooper Canon City
Charles W. Waterman Denver A. E. Carlton Cripple Creek
1 A. M. Stevenson Denver J. Foster Symes Denver
Ralph W. Smith Denver Charles Boettcher Denver
2 Spencer Penrose ..Colorado Springs Chas. D. Pickett Wray
J. W. McCreery Greeley Wm. B. Gobin Rocky Ford
3 Fred O. Roof Pueblo P. B. Godsman Burlington
Daniel L. Taylor Trinidad H. F. Ruby Golden
4 John A. Ewing Leadville Wallis Cole Salida
Bulkley Wells Telluride John Welsh Eagle
SIXTEENTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION 43
CONNECTICUT
AT LARGE
Delegates Alternates
J. Henry Roraback North Canaan Charles W. Barnum Salisbury
Charles Hopkins Clark Hartford Hiram Bingham New Haven
John T. King Bridgeport Nathaniel W. Bishop Bridgeport
Francis T. Maxwell Vernon John Buckley Union
1 George VV. Klett New Britain E. Hart Fenn Weathersfield
Charles T. Treadway Bristol Arthur E. Bowers Manchester
2 Frank B. Weeks Middletown William H. Hall Willington
Edwin W. Higgins Norwich Fayette L. Wright Pomfret
3 Isaac M. Ullman New Haven Joseph E. Hubinger New Haven
Rollin S. Woodruff ....New Haven William H. Lyon Meriden
4 Oliver G. Jennings Fail-field Frank P. Farrell Danbury
Schuyler Merritt Stamford C. Milton Fessenden Stamford
5 Irving H. Chase Waterbttry James M. Emerson Ansonia
Edward H. Hotchl-iss ..Torrmgton Dudley L. Vaill Winchester
DELAWARE
AT LARGE
Delegates Alternates
Edmund Mitchell Wilmington Charles Warner Wilmington
Alfred I. du Pont Wilmington Edward G. Bradford, Jr. .. .Wilmington
Alden R. Beson Dover D. Mifflin Wilson Dover
Simeon S. Pennewell Greenwood Harry V. Lyons Lewes
John W. Herring Milford Alvin B. Conner (Deceased).
Ruby S. Vale Milford Sirman D. Marvil (Resigned).
FLORIDA
AT LARGE
Delegates Alternates
Henry S. Chubb Princeton Eugene Oberdorfer Jacksonville
Joseph E. Lee Jacksonville John R. Scott Jacksonville
M. B. Macfarlane Tampa J. A. Colyer Orlando
Z. T. Bielby DeLand William Fluker Pensacola
DISTRICTS
1 G. W. Bean Tampa E. E. Skipper Bartow.
2 Louis C. Lynch Gainesville T. W. Bryan Gainesville
3 William H. Northrup . . . Pensacola M. M. Owens Bonifay
4 W. R. O'Neal Orlando Daniel T Gerow Jacksonville
GEORGIA
AT LARGE
Henry S Jackson Atlanta W. R. Watson Lithonia
John M. Barnes Thomson H. D Bush Covington
Henry Lincoln Johnson Atlanta Charles Taunton Cuthbert
B. J. Davis Atlanta Wm. F. Penn Atlanta
44
OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE
GEORGIA Continued
DISTRICTS
Delegates
I B. \V. S. Daniels.. Savannah Wm.
Alternates
James Statesboro
2 J. H. Watson Albany
3 F. G. Boatright Cordele
4 E. J. Turner Columbus
5 F. J. Allen East Point
6 W. O. Emory Macon
7 De Witt C. Cole Marietta
Albert N. Tumlin Cave Spring
8 W. H. Harris Athens
9 Roscoe Pickett Jasper
10 C. T. Walker Augusta
1 1 H. C. Scarlett Waycross
12 S. S. Minsey Alley
J. A. Grant Bainbridge
B. W. Warren Americus
T. W. Wheat Newnan
S. S. Simmons Lithia Springs
R. A. Holland McDonough
A. T. Atwater Rome
R. L. Franklin Adairsville
J. P. Watson Athens
T. A. Chastain Jasper
Warren Edwards Milledgeville
L. W. Brown Screven
John T. Nobles Perry
IDAHO
AT LARGE
Alternates
Wm. E. Borah Boise
James H. Brady Pocatello
James F. Ailshie Coeur d'Alene
E. H. Dewey Nampa
Stanley A Easten Kellogg
Fred W. Gooding Shoshone
John W. Hart Menan
Ezra R. Whitla Coeur d'AJene
Delegates
H. C. Baldridge Parma
R. C. Beach Lewiston
Ezra Burrell Montpelier
Charles F. Koelsch Boise
William E. Lee Moscow
Irwin E. Rockwell Bellevue
L. R. Thomas Blaclcfoot
Otis N Van Tassell St. Anthony
ILLINOIS
AT
Delegates
William J. Calhoun Chicago
Isaac N. Evans Milledgeville
Garrett DeF. Kinney Peoria
Medill McCormick Chicago
William B. McKinley Champaign
William A. Rodenberg ...East St. Louis
William Hale Thompson Chicago
Roy O. West Chicago
LARGK
Alternates
Palmer E. Anderson Princeton
Franklin A. Denison Chicago
Cornelius J. Doyle Springfield
Charles B. Graff Jacksonville
Henry H Kohn Anna
Ralph C. Otis Chicago
Henry R. Rathbone Chicago
John F. Smulski Chicago
1 Martin B. Madden Chicago
George F. Harding Chicago
2 Charles H. Sergei Chicago
Morton D. Hull Chicago
3 Charles S. Deneen Chicago
William H. Weber Blue Island
4 David E. Shanahan Chicago
Joseph J. Elias Chicago
S_William J. Cooke Chicago
August W. Miller Chicago
6 John Siman Chicago
Mathias Wengler Chicago
7 Albert H. Severinghaus ...Chicago
William Busse Mt. Prospect
Morris Lewis Chicago
Phil I. Orme Chicago
Morton MacCormack Chicago
John H. Jones Chicago
Alfred Van Duser Chicago
William E. Helander Chicago
Frank J. Randack Chicago
Matt A. Mueller Chicago
Jacob Geiserowich Chicago
Arthur Ahlgrim Chicago
William W. Loomis LaGrange
Walter J. Fisher Chicago
Andrew J. Martin Chicago
Harry E. Littler Chicago
SIXTEENTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION
ILLINOIS Continued
DISTRICTS
Delegates
8 Christopher Mamer Chicago
Edward I. Williams Chicago
9 Fred W. Upham Chicago
William Wrigley, Jr Chicago
10 James Pease Chicago
Edward J Brundage Chicago
11 Ulysses S. G. Blakely . . . . Plainfield
John Alexander Aurora
12 Henry W. Johnson Ottawa
William L Ellwood DeKalb
13 James R. Cowley Freeport
Henry C. Warner Dixon
14 Orville F. Berry Carthage
Walter A. Rosenfield ..Rock Island
IS James E. Adams Quincy
Joseph E. Westerlund . . Cambridge
16 William E. Hull Peoria
Everett W. Wilson Pekin
17 Homer W. Hall Bloomington
Charles E. Dehner Lincoln
18 Thomas G Vennum Watseka
John H. Harrison Danville
19 Porter J. Milliken Decatur
Lewis L. Lehman Mattoon
20 Homer J. Tice Greenview
Andrew Russel Jacksonville
21 Elbert S. Smith Springfield
James B. Searcy Carlinville
22 William E. Trautman .... Belleville
Cicero J. Lindly Greenville
23 Alfred H. Jones Robinson
Albert D. Rodenberg Centralia
24 Noah C. Bainum Carmi
Marion S. Whitley Harrisburg
25 James A. White Murphysboro
William O. Potter Marion
Alternates
Toney Albano Chicago
Albert Menkicki Chicago
Edwin A. Olson Chicago
Louis O. Kohtz Chicago
Edward Clifford Evanston
Lee McDonough Waukegan
Joseph A .Reuss Naperville
Michael F. Walsh Harvard
Thomas D. Reber Rockford
Frank S. Whitman Belvidere
Charles M. Myers Oregon
Arthur M. Smith Stockton
Everett C. Hardin Monmouth
John Y. Whiteman Biggsville
John C. Work Rushville
James C. Simpson Galesburg
Jay H. Magoon Lacon
Edwin G. Williamson Toulon
David C. Swanson Paxton
Frederick J. Simater Minonk
W. R. Rhodes Toledo
W. H. Drewel Westfield
Oliver F Dolan Lo vington
Winfield S. Harrold Clinton
S. Elmer Simpson Ca* rollton
Ivory G. Blair Chandlerville
Frank R. Milnor Litchfield
Fred H. Kinney Taylorville
Albert C . Bellinger Waterloo
William H. Kugler Okawville
John R. Snook Altamont
Edwin B. Brooks Newton
Alonzo B. Capel Shawneetown
Loren Smith- Metropolis
John B. Jackson Anna
W. George Beever Chester
INDIANA
Delegate*
Will H. Hays Sullivan
James A. Hemenway Booneville
Fred A. Sims Indianapolis
Alternates
Albert V. Conradt Kokomo
A. L. Pfau Terre Haute
Louis Moore Ft. Wayne
Edward C. Toner Anderson Sumner A. Furniss Indianapolis
l_Wm. H. McCurdy Evansville
J. A. Thornburg Booneville
2 Al. M. Ford Vincennes
Robt. G. Miller Bloomington
3 Thomas J. Brooks Bedford
Will W. Cave French Lick
Charles A. Miller Mt. Vernon
W. J. Pethell Winslow
John M. Peek Washington
Fred Cunningham Martinsville
Lee Herr Tell City
Charles F. C. Hancock Jeffersonville
46
OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE
INDIANA Continued
DISTR
Delegates
4 William G. Irwin Columbus
John S. Benham Benham
S John L. Crawford ...Terre Haute
J. J. Higgins Clinton
6 Thomas Millikan Newcastle
R. N. Elliott Connersville
7 Frederick A. Joss .... Indianapolis
Richard Lieber Indianapolis
8 Gorge B. Lockwood Muncie
Frank Merry Dunkirk
9 E. W. Bowen Delphi
J. S. Shanklin Frankfort
10 H S. Norton Gary
Henry Marshall Lafayette
11 James I. Barnes Logansport
John Spangler Winamac
12 A. B. Mier Ligonier
Benton E. Gates . . . Columbia City
13 Vernon W. Van Fleet. South Bend
D. C. Knott Plymouth
ICTS
Alternates
William Arnold Needmore
F. F. Espey Rising Sun
James B. Davis Brazil
Clarence G. Powell Montezuma
Frank Taylor Richmond
Elden A. Robb Greenfield
James Shelton Indianapolis
Gurley Brewer Indianapolis
Ralph S. Todd Bluffton
L. Ray Lenich Union City
L. W. Otto Crawfordsville
J. E. Moore Kokomo
Charles Mauzy Fowler
C. W. Hanley Rensselaer
Edward Bridges Wabash
M. B. Stults Huntington
Byron Somers Ft. Wayne
C. A. Abell Garrett
Louis Vail Goshen
Fred A. Bryan South Bend
IOWA
Delegates
Luther A. Brewer Cedar Rapids
Howard J. Clark Des Moines
George W. French Davenport
William S. Kenyon Ft. Dodge
Alternates
L. B. Whitney Decorah
John H. Darrah Chariton
J. A. Devitt Oskaloosa
J. U. Sammis Le Mars
DISTRICTS
1 La Monte Cowles Burlington
E. R. Smith Fairfield
2 George M. Curtis Clinton
J. Reed Lane Davenport
3 A. M. Cloud Manchester
C. F. Johnston Sheffield
A C. H. McNider Mason City
J. W. Sandusky New Hampton
S W. A. Dexter Toledo
D. W. Norris Marshalltown
6 W. T. Harper Ottumwa
H. W. Spaulding Grinnell
7 Gardner Cowles Des Moines
M. L. Curtis Knoxville
8 James R. Bowsher Leon
H. E. Tomlinson New Market
9 John J. Hess Council Bluffs
Robert B. Wallace . . Council Bluffs
10 Robert Healy Ft. Dodge
Paul E. Stillman Jefferson
11 George C. Call Sioux City
E. L. Hogue Blencoe
David J. Palmer Washington
George S. Tucker Keokuk
C. M. Dutcher Iowa City
George M. Titus Muscatine
W. J. Murray Eldora
M. A. Smith Independence
Karl J. Johnson Osage
William R. Dutton Waukon
John C. Milner Belle Plaine
Charles T. Rogers Gundy Center
Ross R. Mowry Newton
Harry M. Neas Sigourney
W. S. Cooper Winterset
E. W. Valentine Ames
Daniel W. Turner Corning
Earl R. Ferguson Shenandoah
Arthur Farquhar Audubon
J. Y. Wickersham Villisca
S. G. Goldthwaite Boone
Dwight G. McCarty Emmetsburg
E. H. Cunningham Newell
T. S. Snell, Jr Ida Grove
SIXTEENTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION 47
KANSAS
AT LARGE
Delegattt Alternates
Charles F. Scott lola E. B. Jewett Wichita
A. F. Williams Columbus Mrs. Theresp. Breeze. .Cottonwood Falls
T. D. Smith Hiawatha W. L. V. Turner Pratt
W. Y. Morgan Hut chinson J. JL Ransom Kansas City
1 W. D. Casey Atchison E. B. Jones Holton
Ira K. Wells Senaca Charles Porter Atchison
2 Charles H. Tucker Lawrence Sennett Kirk Garnett
John O. Morse Mound City C. H. Jones Olathe
3 Albert H. Denton Arkansas City D. H. Fisher Chanute
W. S. Fitzpatrick Independence Daniel Spoonhour Mulberry
4 Jacob Rhodes Council Grove D. S. Fisher Reading
C. E. Moore Eureka Clarence Haughawout Onaga
S E. R. Fulton Marysville L. D. Spence Barnes
Fred W. Sturges, Jr Concordia Fred R. Fitzpatrick Salina
6 Emmett George Mankato F. M. Lockard Goodland
Ike Purcell Wakeeney E. A. Swezey Barnard
7 L. J. Pettyjohn Dodge City William Townsley Great Bend
J. N. Tincher Medicine Lodge R. H. Miller Kiowa
8 J. B. Adams El Dorado F. G. Emerson Wellington
Ezra Branine Newton Warren Brown El Dorado
KENTUCKY
AT LARGE
'Delegates
Edwin P. Morrow Somerset
John W. Langley Pikeville
Augustus E. Willson Louisville
Richard P. Ernst Covington
Edward C. O'Rear Frankfort
Caleb Powers Barbourville
William Marshall Bullitt Louisville
Phil H. Brown Hopkinsville
* One-half vote each.
DISTRICTS
Delegates Alternates
1 William Mason Murray W. H. McRidley Cadit
Carl Henderson Marion W. L. Prince Behton
2 E. T. Franks Owensboro V. M. Williamson Hopkinsville
C. H. Wilson Sturgis Ben T. Robinson Morton Gap
3 E. L. Peairson Auburn George McCombs Brownsville
Elmer C. Anderson . . .Morgantown W. H. Bogan Franklin
4 M. L. Heavrin Hartford W. F. Nichols Munfordville
T. C. Jackson Lebanon O. M. Mather Horgenville
5 A. T. Hert Louisville William Krieger Louisville
William Heyburn Louisville W. F. Knebelkamp Louisville
48
OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE
KENTUCKY Continued
DISTRICTS
Alternates
6 M. L. Galvin Covington
W. A. Burkamp Newport
7 Richard C. Stoll Lexington
John H. Hardwick Lexington
8 L. F. Petty Shelbyville
D. P. Black -. Richmond
9 W. D. Cockran Maysville
Robert H. Winn Mt. Sterling
10 J. A. Williams Paintsville
S. Monroe Nickell Hazard
11 J. S. Cooper Somerset
J. M. Robison Barbourville
Delegates
W. C. Huddleston Butler
M. C. McClure Dry Ridge
Sam Hurst Beattyville
E. W. Chenault Lexington
J. O. Russell Columbia
W. C. Cundiff Liberty
J. C. Hurst Jackson
Howard C. Cudgell Owingsville
R. Lee Stewart Hindman
S. C. Ferguson Prestonburg
White Moss Pineville
J. T. Bowling Harlan
LOUISIANA
Delegates
Armand Remain New Orleans
Walter L. Cohen New Orleans
S. A. Trufant New Orleans
Emile Kuntz New Orleans
E. F. Dickinson Matthews
D. A. Lines New Orleans
Chas. F. Boagni Opelousas
J. Madison Vance New Orleans
Alternates
C. W. Row Rosedale
C. J. Bell New Orleans
E. J. Rodrigue Paincourtville
J. H. Lowery Donaldsville
Frank E. Posey Baton Rouge
J. M. Pierce . . ". New Orleans
A. C. Lea Shreveport
F. F. Woolfley Lake Charles
1 Wm. S. Dwyer Algiers
Jas. L. Higgins New Orleans
2 A. C. Carpenter New Orleans
W. E. Robertson New Orleans
3 R. H. Brown Jeanerette
P. H. Segura New Iberia
4 W. G. Hudson Shreveport
Chas. M. Roberson ....Shreveport
5 W. T. Insley Delhi
S. W. Green New Orleans
6 George J. Reilley Clinton
B. V. Baranco Baton Rouge
7 L. E. Robinson Welsh
J. S. Thomson Lake Charles
8 Sherman Cook Alexandria
Scott Normand Mansura
* One-half vote each.
W. J. Brophy New Orleans
Wm. E. Weeks New Orleans
E. J. Caire Edgard
J. T. Newman New Orleans
Louis Corde Napoleonville
Frank Blanc New Iberia
R. A. Giddens Coushatta
W. J. Walker Shreveport
John B. Hays, Jr Monroe
J. W. Cooke New Orleans
Louis Bluestein Plaquemine
H. J. Allen Baton Rouge
Frank C. Labet Crowley
C. W. Millspaugh Opelousas
J. T. Charnley Alexandria
William Houston Alexandria
MAINE
AT LARGE
Delegates
Fred N. Dow Portland
Harold M. Sewall Bath
John A. Peters Ellsworth
Alternates
Ernest L. Morrill Saco
Arthur G'. Staples Lewiston
Benjamin F. Colcord Searsport
Charles J. Dunn Orono Patrick F. Therriault Grand Isle
SIXTEENTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION 49
MAINE Continued
DISTRICTS
Delegates Alternates
1 Henry G. Beyer, Jr Portland Adam P. Leighton Portland
Walter P. Perkins Cornish Urbain J. Ledoux Biddeford
2 John R. Bass Wilton Theodore Hawley Rumford
Phineas H. Gay Newcastle Reuel Robinson Camden
3 Guy P. Gannett Augusta F. Morris Fish Hallowell
John R. Trimble Calais Carleton P. Merrill Skowhegan
4 John Houston Guilford Dana H. Danforth Foxcroft
Willard P. Hamilton .... Caribou P. J. Feeney Bangor
MARYLAND
AT LARGE
Delegates Alternates
Walter B. Miller Salisbury Frederick P. Adkins Salisbury
Ovington E. Weller Arlington Albert A. Blakeney Baltimore
Felix Agnus Baltimore Edmund Budnitz Baltimore
J. McPherson Scott Hagerstown Albert A. Doub Cumberland
DISTRICTS
1 John D. Urie Chestertown John G. Carter Denton
Thomas M. Bartlett Easton Albert C. Hayden Price
2 Laban Sparks Sparks T. Irving Zimmerman Arlington
Henry A. Whitaker Bel Air A. R. L. Dohme Baltimore
3 John Philip Hill Baltimore Edward W. Klein Baltimore
John A. Janetzke, Sr Baltimore Frank Hughes Baltimore
4 Henry B. Wilcox Baltimore Walter E. Knickman Baltimore
George W. Cameron Baltimore Chas. R. Williams Baltimore
5 Charles H. Heintzeman . . Baltimore Remus Dorsey Ellicott City
Francis S. Carmody ..Pleasant Seat Alonzo R. Wade La Plata
6 Gist Blair Kensington Geo. R. Dennis, Jr Frederick
Leo Weinberg Frederick W. L. Sperry Cumberland
MASSACHUSETTS
AT LARGE
Delegates Alternates
Samuel W. MoCall Winchester Butler Ames Lowell
Henry Cabot Lodge Nahant Louis A. Frothingham Boston
John W. Weeks Newton Eben S. S. Keith Bourne
Winthrop Murray Crane Dalton Frank W. Stearns Newton
1 William H. Brooks Holyoke James R. Savery Pittsfield
Charles E. Hull Stockbridge Jens J. Madsen Holyoke
2 George A. Bacon Springfield Joseph C. McVeigh Springfield
Alexander McCallum. .. .Northampton Albert E. Taylor Chicopee
3 Herbert E. Cummings Freelon Q. Ball Monson
North Brookfield
J. Lovell Johnson Fitchburg Solon Wilder Gardner
4 William A. L. Bazeley ..Uxbridge George N. Jeppson Worcester
Charles G. Washburn ..Worcester Waldo N. Jenckes Hopedale
50
OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE
MASSACHUSETTS Continued
DISTRICTS
Delegates
S Herbert E. Fletcher Westford
John N. Cole Andover
6 John L. Salstonstall Beverly
Edward R. Hale Haverhill
7 Eugene B. Fraser Lynn
Archie N. Frost Lawrence
8 George B. Wason Cambridge
Wilton B. Fay Medford
9 Fred P. Greenwood Everett
Alvan T. Fuller Maiden
10 Edward C. R. Bagley Boston
Abraham C. Ratshesky Boston
1 1 Charles H. Innes Boston
Warren F. Freeman Boston
12 J. Waldo Pond Boston
Walter B. Grant Boston
13 George H. Doty Waltham
Martin Hays Boston
14 Henry L. Kincaide Quincy
C. Chester Eaton Brockton
IS Edward Anthony Thurston
Fall River
Joseph William Martin, Jr
N. Attleborough
16 Charles L. Gifford Barnstable
Thomas F. Glennon New Bedford
Alternates
Frank E. Dunbar Lowell
Wilford D. Gray Woburn
Isaac Patch Gloucester
William S. Felton Salem
Francis M. Hill Saugus
Daniel C. Smith Lawrence
Jay R. Benton Belmont
Frederick T. Peabody Melrose
George W. Pratt Somerville
Walter M. Pratt Chelsea
Augustus A. Fales Boston
Rocco Leone Boston
David Stoneman Boston
David E. Crawford Boston
Herbert S. Frost Boston
John E. Mayers Boston
Llewellyn E. Pulsifer Natick
Fred H. Williams Brookline
Eugene R. Stone Quincy
Charles R. Hillberg Brockton
Alfred B. Williams Taunton
Godfrey de Tonnancour ....Fall River
John W. Churchill Plymouth
Thomas Thompson New Bedford
MICHIGAN
AT LARGE
Delegates
Oscar B. Marx Detroit
Albert E. Petermann Calumet
Benjamin S. Hanchett ..Grand Rapids
George W. Cook Flint
Alternates
Fred M. Alger Detroit
Addison E. Proctor St. Joseph
Claude E. Hamilton ...Grand Rapids
Myron J. Sherwood Marquette
1 Jerome H. Remick Detroit
John F. Dodge Detroit
2 M. W. Hensel Blissfield
Victor E. Van Ameringen
Ann Arbor
3 Win. J. Smith Battle Creek
Daniel Warner Bronson
A Edgar A. Planck Union
Geo. W. Merriman Hartford
S Henry T. Stanton ..Grand Rapids
Henry Pelgrim, Sr Holland
6 Philip H. McMillan Grosse Points
Wm. J. Goodspeed Lansing
Charles B. Warren Detroit
Joseph Wedda Detroit
Robert A. Smith Jackson
Herbert Brown Wyandotte
A. B. Connable Kalamazoo
Wm. H. Frankhauser Hillsdale
Archie A. Anderson Hastings
Chas. W. Kirsch Three Rivers
Chas. J. Rice Sparta
Jarrett N. Clark Zeeland
Frank B. Ives Stockbridge
Frank S. Neal . . Northville
SIXTEENTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION
51
MICHIGAN Continued
DISTRICTS
Delegates
7 M. R. Deo North Branch
Frank E. Nellis Mt. Clemens
8 Wm. H. Wallace Saginaw
John N. McCall Ithaca
9 John Q. Ross Muskegon
August Field Manistee
10 F. E. P. Kelton Bay City
Stewart B. Gordon Midland
11 Geo. W. McCormick ..Menominee
Crawford S. Reilley . . Cheboygan
12 Frank A. Bell Negaune*
\Vm. Kelly Vulcan
13 Charles W. Burton Detroit
John S. Haggerty Detroit
Alternates
Walter S. Wixson Caro
Burt D. Cady Port Huron
Charles H. Gibson Greenville
Joseph H. Collins Corunna
Wm. J. Branstrom Fremont
George H. Cross Traverse City
E. T. Cameron Mt. Pleasant
Wm. Agans Standish
Sherman T. Handy . . Sault Ste. Marie
Fred Smith Elk Rapids
D. E. Sutherland Iron Wood
S. R. Smith Ahmeek
John Kelsey Detroit
Emil A. Rosinger Detroit
MINNESOTA
AT LARGE
Delegates
Adolph O. Eberhart St. Paul
J. F. Jacobson Madison
Frederick C. Stevens St. Paul
Samuel R. Van Sant Minneapolis
Alternates
Smith Minneapolis
E. E.
Sam Y. Gordon Browns Valley
L. M. Willcutts Duluth
George H. Selover Minneapolis
1 F. A. Duxbury Caledonia
R. L. Johnson Austin
2 C. H. Christopherson .... Luverne
A. J. Gebhard Lamberton
3 Henry L. Simons Glencoe
G. H. Sullivan Stillwater
4 Leavitt Corning St. Paul
H. P. Keller St. Paul
S Josiah H. Chase Minneapolis
Earnest Lundeen Minneapolis
6 Clifton A. Allbright Brainerd
George E. Hanscom St.Cloud
7 Thomas Davis Marshall
Eric L. Thornton Benson
8 Milie Bunnell Duluth
D. M. Gunn Grand Rapids
9 A. G. Anderson ....Fergus Falls
Martin Widsten Warroad
10 Lowell E. Jepson Minneapolis
Henry Rines Mora
A. W. Thompson Preston
C. L. Swenson Albert Lea
W. O. Dustin Elmore
James A. Larson Walnut Grove
S. F. Scott Zumbroto
George J. Bradley Norwood
Charles J. Moose St. Paul
J. S. Arneson St Paul
Harry J. Murphy Minneapolis
Charles S. Albright Minneapolis
Farley Dare Walker
I. W. Bouck Royalton
E. F. Whiting Balaton
Magnus Johnson Litchfield
Sievern Swanson Moose Lake
Chester A. Congdon Duluth
L. W. Oberhauser Frazee
O. L. Melgaard Argyle
Peter J. Youngdahl Minneapolis
E. W. Stark Center City
L.
M.
S.
MISSISSIPPI
AT LARGE
Delegates
B. Moseley Jackson Parke
J. Mulvihill Vicksburg J. C.
D. Redmond Jackson I. T.
Alternates
Daniels Starkeville
Tyler Biloxi
Montgomery Mound Bayou
Wesley Cray ton Vicksburg W. J. Latham Jackson
52
OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE
MISSISSIPPI Continued
DISTRICTS
Delegates Alternates
1 W. F. Elgin Corinth John T. Wood Columbus
2 C. L. Hovis Ripley J. A. Q. Williams Holley Springs
3 J. E. Walker Indianola B. T. Williamson Greenwood
4 A. M. Storer Kosciusko Webster Turner Okoloma
5 *D. W. Sherrod Meridian T. J. Wilson Meridian
*E. E. Howard Meridian C. T. Butler Meridian
6 A. A. Edwards Laurel E. E. Robertson Collins
7 W. O. Ligon Gloster Chas. H. Isaacs Natchez
8 Perry W. Howard Jackson J. W. Hair Jackson
One-half vote each.
MISSOURI
AT LARGE
Delegates Alternates
John C. McKinley Unionville J. R. A. Crossland St. Joseph
Herbert S. Hadley Kansas City W. C. Hueston Kansas City.
John Schmoll St Louis George L. Vaughn St. Louis
Thomas K. Niedringhaus St. Louis Alexander Chinn Glasgow
DISTRICTS
1 Berryman Kenwood Hannibal A. W. Selway Williamstown
W. T. Robinson La Plata C. W. Mullenix Unionville
2 E. L. Marshall Chillicothe W. R. Sweeney Salisbury
Lenny Baldridge Milan J. S. Walters Stoutsville
3 E. L. Morse Excelsior Springs Fred Williams Grant City
E. H. Frisby Bethany B. F. Hardin Albany
4 Ralph O. Stauber St. Joseph Earl N. Raines Rockport
D. W. Porter Mound City C. E. Stevenson Savannah
5 Thos. R. Marks Kansas City B - w - Welch Kansas City
C.C.Madison Kansas City Fred w - Dabney Kansas City
6 David H. Kirk Harrisonville O. G. Boisseau Holden
Chas. A. Hendricks Stockton Perce Bolinger Clinton
7 Holmes Hall Sedalia M. T. Easly Fair Play
Wm. S. Wade Springfield T. C. Andrew Sweet Spring?
8 David W. Peters ..Jefferson City Roy T. Davis Columbia
G. W. Duncan Iberia Alex Verdot Bonnets Mill
9 T. W. Hukriede Warrenton Daniel C. Mills Wellsville
John C. Brown Wentzville Fred C. Meier Bland
10 A. E. L. Gardner Clayton Joseph White St. Louis
Otto F. Stifel St Louis J. T. Caston St Louis
11 A. C. Kunze St. Louis R. E. Harris St. Louis
F. W. Breckmann St Louis J. W. Mulntyre St. Louis
12 L. C. Dyer St. Louis Chas. H. Phillips, Jr St. Louis
Wm. J. Zachritz St. Louis Hutchins I. Inge St. Louis
13 Simon G. Nipper Potosi Garry H. Yount Van Buren
George Stanfill Bonne Terre Henry L. Siebert Ste. Genevieve
14 Sam Ulen Dexter Z. P. Cancer Senath
W. P. Sullivan Billings J. W. Reece Forsyth
15 J. M. McAnulty Neosho D>. H. Kemp Monett
Walace Porter Carthage F. D. W. Arnold Lamar
16 L. J. Ellis Mt. Grove Francis M. Jones Winona
Harry Clymer Steelville George L. Cole Richland
SIXTEENTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION 53
MONTANA
AT LARGE
Delegates Alternates
J. M. Burlingame Great Falls O. F. Goddard Billings
Joseph M. Dixon ...Missoula Lee Mantle Butte
Jacob Albright Virginia City A. A. Braten Bozeman
E. S. Booth Baker O. M. Harvey Livingston
E. O. Selway Dillon T. C. Power Helena
Eugene Carroll Butte George McCone Glendive
Louise F. Lusk Missoula J. H. Stevens Kalispell
W. J. Brennan Kalispell George H. Clynick Bonner
NEBRASKA
AT LARGE
Delegates Alternates
E. R. Gurney Fremont Walter L. Andreson Lincoln
Howard H. Baldridge Omaha A. B. Wood Gering
N. P. Dodge Omaha J. F. White Blair
Frank M. Currie Brewster O. O. Synder O'Neill
1 Ernest M. Pollard Nehawka
J. Reid Green Lincoln
2 W. G. Ure Omaha John W. Towle Omaha
Gould Dietz Omaha Frank H. Woodland Omaha
3 O. R. Thompson Wisner Thomas C. Kirk Neligh
J. H. Kemp Fullerton C. N. McElfresh Columbus
4 Peter Jansen Beatrice J. R. Evans David City
W. I. Farley Aurora William Overstreet York
5 A. Barnett McCook Frank A. Dean Holdreg
Charles G. Lane Hastings Daniel Garber Red Cloud
6 William C. May Gothenburg James J. Bisgard St Paul
Earl D. Mallery Alliance John A. Davies Butte
NEVADA
AT LARGE
Delegates Alternates
H. G. Humphrey Reno W. A. Keddie Fallon
H. H. Brown Tonopah Mrs. T. F. Moran Reno
George B. Williams Fallon W. M. Easton Austin
W. N. McGill Ely H. U. Castle Elko
Mel Badt Wells J. F. Bradley Goldfield
Samuel Platt Carson City Peter Buol Las Vegas
NEW HAMPSHIRE
AT LARGE
Delegates Alternates
Dwight Hall Dover Burt S. Dearborn Laconia
George H. Moses Concord Frank W. Maynard Nashua
Walter M. Parker Manchester Alfred Stanley Plymouth
William D. Swart Nashua Reginald C. Stevenson Exeter
54
OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE
NEW HAMPSHIRE Continued
DISTRICTS
Delegates
1 George A. Carpenter . . . .Wolfsboro
Perry H. Dow Manchester
2 Philip H. Faulkner Keene
Merrill Shurleff Lancaster
Alternates
William J. Cater Portsmouth
Edwin H. Thomas Farmington
John G. M. Glessner Bethlehem
William E. Kinney Claremont
NEW JERSEY
Delegates
David Baird Camden
Newton A. K. Bugbee Trenton
Hamilton F. Kean Elizabeth
Ira' A. Kip, Jr South Orange
Alternates
C. Ledyard Blair Peapack
Pierre P. Garven Bayonne
B'loomfield H. Minch Bridgeton
Myron W. Robinson Hackensack
1 George W. F. Gaunt . . Millica Hill
Lucius E. Hires Salem
2 Winfield F. Cozart ..Atlantic City
Harry L. Knight Medford
3 James W. Johnson New Brunswick
Lewis S. Thompson Brookdale
4 Ogden H. Hammond Barnardsville
AKred K. Leuckel Trenton
5 Ernest R. Ackerman . . . .Plainfield
William F. Redman Madison
6 Daniel E. Pomeroy . . Engjewood
John I. B. Reiley . . Phillipsburg
7 William Barbour Fair Haven
William I. Lewis Paterson
8 Henry M. Doremus Newark
Horace Roberson Bayonne
9 Manton B. Metcalf Orange
William A. Lord Orange
10 Thomas L. Raymond .... Newark
Frederick E. Kip Montclair
11 Edward C. Brennan
West New York
John M. Rehm Hoboken
12 John A. Blair Jersey City
John Headden Jersey City
Francis F. Patterson, Jr Camden
Henry J. West Gloucester City
Christopher S. Hand Wildwood
Charles D. White Atlantic City
Edward Crabbe Toms River
H. Ely Havens Lakewood
Charles Howell Cook Trenton
James S. Studdiford .... Lambertville
Robert B. Cornish Gillette
Arthur N. Pierson Westfield
Henry C. Hunt Sussex
Walter P. Jollie Rutherford
Henry G. Hershfield . . Pompton Lakes
George N. Seger Passaic
Frederick Schultz Jersey City
Robert E. Torrance Kearney
Howard Marshall East Orange
John McNellen Newark
George L. Warren Newark
William B. Kinney Newark
William E. Hansen Weehawken
Walter Kudlich West Hoboken
Thomas A. Angell Jersey City
Fred Dieffenbach, Jr Jersey City
NEW MEXICO
AT LARGE
Delegates Alternates
Thomas B. Catron Santa Fe M. A. Ortiz Santa Fe
Albert B. Fall Three Rivers W. A. Sutherland Las Cruces
B. C. Hernandez Tierra Amarilla T. J. Molinaire Portales
J. M. Cunningham ...East Las Vegas Alfred Grunsfeld Albuquerque
Enfraocio F. Gallegos Gallegos Arch Hurley Tucumcari
Eduardo M. Otero Los Lunas S. E. Aldrich Gallup
SIXTEENTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION
55
NEW YORK
AT LARGE
Delegates
Elon R. Brown Watertown
James W. Wadsworth, Jr. Mt. Morris
Frederick C. Tanner . . New York City
Charles S. Whitman . . New York City
Alternates
Edward H. Butler Buffalo
Charles W. Anderson ..New York City
Jesse S. Phillips Hornell
Cornelius N. Bliss, Jr. New York City
1 George Wilbur Doughty . . Inwood
William F. Flanagan ..Riverhead
2 Joseph H. DeBragga ...Evergreen
Theron H. Burden
Long Island City
3 Robert R. Lawson Brooklyn
John MacCrate Brooklyn
4 Adolph Levy Brooklyn
William A. Prendergast Brooklyn
S William Berri Brooklyn
Alfred E. Vass Brooklyn
6 William M. Calder Brooklyn
Frederick J. H. Kracke .Brooklyn
7 Jacob Brenner Brooklyn
Michael J. Dady Brooklyn
8 Marcus B. Campbell .... Brooklyn
Charles S. Warbasse . . Brooklyn
9 Frank Ehlers Brooklyn
Francis H. Luce . . . . Woodhaver
10 Clarence B. Smith Brooklyn
Baruch Miller Brooklyn
11 George Cromwell
Dongan Hills, S. I.
Chauncey M. Depew ..New York
12 Samuel S. Koenig New York
13 Frederick L. Marshall .New York
14 Otto T. Bannard New York
Herbert Parsons New York
15 Job E. Hedges New York
Henry L. Stimson .... New York
1 6 Martin Steinthal New York
Beverly R. Robinson ..New York
17 William H. Douglas ..New York
William Bondy New York
18 Ogden L. Mills New York
James R. Sheffield New York
19 Charles D. Hilles New York
Nicholas Murray Butler New York
20 Samuel Krulewitch New York
21 George R. Sheldon New York
Valentine J. Hahn New York
22 William H. TenEyck ..New York
John J. Knewitz New York
23 William S. Bennet New York
Thomas W. Whittle ..New York
DISTRICTS
Jeremiah Wood Lynbrook
Henry A. Murphy Huntington
Robert H. Wickert Ridgewood
Herbert C. Conklin Corona
George P. Wilhelm Brooklyn
William Brust Brooklyn
Augustus A. Higgins Brooklyn
Isidor Buxbaum Brooklyn
Edward Viehmann, Jr Brooklyn
John Diemer Brooklyn
Lewis M. Swasey Brooklyn
Samuel R. Green Brookyln
William Boardman Brooklyn
R. Hunter McQuistion Brooklyn
John Feitner Brooklyn
Edward B. Valentine Brooklyn
Harrison C. Glore Brooklyn
Charles J. Weber Brooklyn
Percy Osborn Brooklyn
Ellias Wollman Brooklyn
Walter W. Price Emerson Hflls S. I.
Ely Rosenberg New York
William Blau New York
Michael Ball New York
Clarence H. Fay New York
Harrq Kopp New York
Benjamin F. Fox New York
John S. Shea New York
Michael H. Blake New York
Clarence Schmeizel New York
Gilchrist Stewart New York
Joseph E. Nejedly New York
Ambrose O. Neal New York
William F. Quinn New York
J. Robert Rubin New York
John J. Lyons New York
Isaac Siegel New York
Charles H. Wheelock New York
John M. Givens New York
Emanuel Hertz New York
Alfred B. Simonds New York
John W. Kirby New York
Ernest W. Bradbury New York
56
OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE
NEW YORK Continued
DISTRICTS
Delegates
24 William B. Thompson .... Yonkers
Daniel W. Whitmore . . Mt. Vernon
25 William L. Ward ..Port Chester
Henry R. Barrett ..White Plains
26 John B. Rose, Roseton (Newburgh)
Willet E. Hoysradt . Poughkeepsie
27 Philip Elting Kingston
Louis F. Payn Chatham
28 Henry M. Sage Menands
Ellis J. Staley Albany
29 Louis W. Emerson . .Warrensburg
Harry A. Lewis Petersburg
30 Cyrus Durey Green Lake
Samuel Wallin Amsterdam
31 Bertrand H. Snell Potsdam
Walter C. Witherbee . . Port Henry
32 Thaddeus C. Sweet Phoenix
James Moore Oneida
33 Homer P. Snyder ....Little Falls
Thomas R. Proctor Utica
34 George W. Fairchild Oneonta
Harvey D. Hinman . . Binhampton
35 Francis Hendricks Syracuse
Willard A. Rill Syracuse
36 Norman J. Gould .... Seneca Falls
Clyde W. Knapp Lyons
37 Jacob Sloat Fassett . . Strathmont
William J. Tully Corning
38 George W. Aldridge .... Rochester
James L. Hotchkiss Rochester
39 William Watson Warsaw
J. Coann Curtis Albion
40 John A. Merritt Lockport
John Lord O'Brian Buffalo
41 George P. Urban
Pine Ridge (Buffalo
Harry J. Knepper Buffalo
42 Edward W. Hodson Buffalo
August Ebke Buffalo
43 Edward B. Vreeland ..Salamanca
Charles M. Hamilton Ripley
Alternates
Bertrand G. Burtnett Eastchester
Hugh Herndon Pelham
Leverett F. Crumb Peekskill
James Kilby Nyack
Russell Wiggins Middletown
E. Darwin Morse Amenia
Harry C. Wright Schoharie
Lincoln S. Hart Catskill
Alba M. Ide Troy
W. Leland Thompson Troy
Clarence L. Grippen Corinth
Eugene R. Norton Granville
Horace S. Van Voast .... Schenectady
William Harris Northville
Alexander Macdonald ..St. Regis Falls
Isaac H. Cahoon Ausable Forks
Edwin J. Tallman La FargeviHe
Henry L. Grant Copenhagen
Charles W. Wicks Sauquoit
Robert H. Lamb Hinckley
Andrew J. McNaught, Jr. . . Stamford
James P. Hill Norwich
Bryant C. Winchell Cortland
Fred M. Briggs Homer
Edward J. Cook Geneva
Hubert C. Gutchess Port Byron
Edwin S. Hanf ord Waverly
Harley H. Graham Beaver Dam
Pharcellus V. Crittenden ..Rochester
Andrew H. Bown Penfield
William E. Dana Avon
Edward A. Washburn Batavia
James P. Mackenzie North Tonawanda
William G. Humphrey Buffalo
Philip Leininger Buffalo
George L. Fisher Buffalo
Walter M. Peek East Aurora
Henry Shafer North Collins
Frank Sullivan Smith Angelica
George E. Spring Franklinvile
NORTH CAROLINA
AT LARGE
Delegates
Thos. Settle Asheville
James J. Britt Asheville
J. S. Lewis Asheboro
W. S. O'B. Robinson.. ...Goldsboro
Alternates
Clarence Call North Wilkesboro
L. L. Wrenn Siler City
H. S. Williams Concord
John E. Cameron Kinston
SIXTEENTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION 57
SOUTH CAROLINA Continued
Delegates Alternates
1 Isaac M. Meekins ..Elizabeth City A. S. Mitchell Winton
2 Daniel W. Patrick ....Snow Hill J. E. Wood Kelford
3 Marion Butler Elliott Claud R. Wheatley Beaufort
J. J. Brinson Bairds Creek John R. Handky Goldsboro
4 J. D. Parker Smithfield W. W. Green Kittrell
R. W. Ward Raleigh J. W. Harden Raleigh
S Wm. P. Bynum Greensboro Wm. E. White Mebane
J. R. Joyce Reidsville Heenan Hughes Graham
6 Irvin B. Tucker Whiteville D. C. Downing Fayetteville
7 Chas. H. Cowles Wilkesboro Wiley F. Talley Randleman
Herbert F. Seawell Carthage Wm. A. McDonald Rockingham
8 Frank A. Linney Boone Hugh M. Welborn Transon
James D. Dorsett Spencer Jesse L. Sherrill Statesville
9 C. A. Jonas Lincolnton J. Yates Killian Newton
J. Will Roberts Marshall W. L. A. Dameron Shelby
10 Thos. J. Harkins Asheville C. D. Greer Rutherfordton
Chas. J. Harris Dillsboro A. G. Deweesc Murphy
NORTH DAKOTA
AT LARGE
Delegates Alternates
James Buchanan Buchanan Adam A. Lefor* Lefor
H. P. Halverson Sheyenne John McLean Devil's Lake
Robert M. Pollock Fargo A. M. Baker Fargo
M. P. Johnson Tolley J. M. Anderson Fargo
O. B. Burtness Grand Forks P. G. Swenson La Moure
John E. Paulson Hillsboro H. T. Helgeson Milton
E. A. Bowman La Moure E. A. Hughes Bismarck
C. C. Turner Gladstone N. B. Black Grand Forks
C. B. Little Bismarck Henry Hoden La Moure
James McCormick Churchs Ferry Alfred Steele Jamestown
OHIO
AT LARGE
Delegates Alternates
Warren G. Harding Marion R. B. Brown Zanesville
Wm. Cooper Proctor Cincinnati Chas. A. Cottrill Toledo
John J. Sullivan Cleveland Lawrence K. Langdon Lebanon
Frank B. Willis Columbus Francis W. Treadway Cleveland
1 Julius Fleischman Cincinnati Frank H. Kunkle Cincinnati
John Galvtn Cincinnati Leonard S. Smith Cincinnati
2 John J. Burchenal Cincinnati Louis Schwab Cincinnati
Stanley Struble Cincinnati Edwin E. Winter Cincinnati
.3 E. G. Burkham Dayton Milton J. Beeghly Hamilton
Oscar M. Gottschall Dayton Burt B. Buckley Dayton
58
OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE
OHIO Continued
DISTRICTS
Delegates
4 Charles S. Herbst Wapakoneta
William W. Wood, 3d Piqua
5 William W. Campbell ..Napoleon
Olin W. Gleason Bryan
6 George L. Davis Portsmouth
Frank J. McCafferty . .Fayetteville
7 C. Q. Hildebrant Wilmington
Core S. Ireland Urbana
8 Ralph D. Cole Findlay
Frank Shaw Cardington
9 Noah H. Swayne Toledo
John N. Willys Toledo
10 A. R. Johnson Ironton
L. G. Worstell Athens
11 David Mead Massie . . . . Chillicothe
Chas. B. Whiley Lancaster
12 Edward L. Taylor Columbus
Arthur I. Vorys Columbus
13 John A. Feick Sandusky
John B. Stahl Fremont
14 Geo. L. Glitsch Lorain
C. L. Knight Akron
15 Harvey E. Smith Marietta
H. Clay Van Voorhis ..Zanesville
16 P. S. Cooper Canal Dover
Henry W. Harter Canton
17 C. B. McCoy Coshocton
Wm. M. Hahn Mansfield
18 Russell C. Heddleston
East Liverpool
Joseph C. Heinlein .... Bridgeport
19 Joseph G. Butler, Jr Youngstown..
Hiram E. Starkey Jefferson
20 Paul Rowland Cleveland
A. N. Rodway Cleveland
21 Harry L. Davis Cleveland
Maurice Maschke Cleveland
22 W. R. Hopkins Cleveland
H. H. Johnson Cleveland
Alternates
E. D. Coppock Greenville
B. H. Gilberg Celina
W. H. Phipps Paulding
Fred W. Wolf Wauseon
W. G. Predmore Marathon
J. O. McManis West Union
Charles T Gallagher Mt. Sterling
I. N. Zearing Bellefontaine
Jacob Babst Crestline
A. L. Brown Morral
G. J. Stinchcomb Elmore
Holland C. Webster Toledo
Charles H. Jones Wellston
David H. Moore McArthiw
La Bert Davie New Lexington
John F. White Logan
H. B. Alexander Columbus
David R. Williams Columbus
Earl Ash Fostoria
Joel S. Brigham Sandueky
Robert Hoffman Garretsville
W. S. Kent Kent
C. R. Gibson Caldwell
J. Q. Lyne McConnellsville
William R. Curry Wooster
C. V. Edwards Millesburg
Benson W. Hough Delaware
Geo. Hildebrand Ashland
O. C. Gray Cadiz
C. A. Tope Carrollton
Granville W. Mooney Austinburg
David R. Gflbert Warren
Chris W. Harrold Cleveland
Otto A. Schenle Cleveland
M. P. Kinola Cleveland
R. S. Taylor Cleveland
Vincent Campanella Cleveland
Harry E. Hammar Painsville
OKLAHOMA
AT LARGE
Delegates
John Fields Oklahoma City
Arthur H. Geissler Oklahoma City
Bird S. McGuire Tulsa
T. B. Ferguson Watonga
R.
Alternates
W. Kellough Tu!sa
Bruce L. Keenan Tahlequah
William A. Stewart Okmulgee
Vernon Whiting Pawhuska
DISTRICTS
1 Eugene Lorton Tulsa Wm
Grant Victor Afton
2 L. G. Disney Muskogee
Ed. M. Fry Sallisaw
Higgina Batlesville
Fred W. Farrar Pawhuska
G. O. Grant Stilwell
Walter S. Wilson Henryetta
SIXTEENTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION
59
OKLAHOMA Continued
DISTRI
Delegates
3 R. H. Matthews McAlester
Clark Wasson Antlers
4 George E. McKinnis
M. W. Lynch Stroud
5 John R. Hadley Gushing
Charles G. Moore Purcell
6 Wrri. A. Maurer El Reno
Myron E. Humphrey ...Chickasha
7 W. M. Copeland Cordell
T. W. Sumpter Shattuck
8 Percy C. Simons Enid
Charles Swindall Woodword
Alternates
Chas. von Weisr Ardmore
Robert O. Sumter Atoka
Tom Rails Coalgate
Mr. Harrison Sapulpa
A. McDaniel Norman
C. E. Goodwin Stratford
Ed Bourne Duncan
S. W. Hogan Kingfisher
Zack T. Pryse Mangum
W. C. Roe Frederick
Sam P. Riding Medford
Chas. W. Swearingen Morrison
OREGON
AT LARGE
Delegates
Charles W. Fulton Portland Chas.
Charles H. Carey Portland E. J.
Alternates
W. Ackerson Portland
Brazell . . . Portland
George J. Cameron Portland
R. L. Steeves Salem
Dan J. Boyd Enterprise Andrew C. Smith Portland
1 C. P. Bishop Salem
Albert Abraham Roseburg
2 J. M. Burgess Pendleton
W. H. Brooke Ontario
3 Ralph W. Hoyt Portland
Clarence R. Hotchkiss Portland
Arthur C. Spencer Portland
A. E. Clark Portland
Paul H. Bucholz Stanfield
D. L. Povey Portland
Henry W. Coe < Portland
PENNSYLVANIA
Delegates
William S. Aaron A^toona
Joseph G. Arms'trong Pitsburgh
Edward V. Babcock Pitsburgh
W. Harry Baker Harrisburg
Martin G. Brumbaugh . . . .Germantown
James Elverson, Jr Philadelphia
David L. Gillespie Pittsburgh
Alba B. Johnson Rosemont
Guy W. Moore Kingston
George T. Oliver Pittsburgh
Boies Penrose Philadelphia
John Wanamaker Philadelphia
Alternates
Max S. Apt Philadelphia
Frederick W. Brown Franklin
John W. Ford Philadelphia
Thomas H. Garvin Sharon Hill
Henry P. Haas Pittsburgh
Harry Keller BeEefonte
Frank L. Lanahan Pittsburgh
Charles 'Matthews New Castle
Gabriel H. Moyer Lebanon
Reese A. Phillips Scranton
William Price Pittsburgh
George H. White Philadelphia
DISTRICTS
1 William McCoach Philadelphia
William S. Vare Philadelphia
2 Charles L. Brown .... Philadelphia
James P. McNichol . . Philadelphia
Frank J. Ryan Philadelphia
Amos Scott Philadelphia
Georgje S. Graham Philadelphia
Charlemagne Tower Philadelphia
60
OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE
PENNSYLVANIA Continued
DISTRICTS
Delegates
3 John H. Bromley Philadelphia
John P. Connelly Philadelphia
4 William Abrahams Philadelphia
William Freihofer ....Philadelphia
S William R. Knight, Jr.
Philadelphia
John J. McKinky, Jr. Philadelphia
6 Harry D. Beaston ..Philadelphia
William Potter Philadelphia
7 Horace A. Beale, Jr. . . Parkesburg
William C. Sproul Chester
8 J. Aubrey Anderson Bridgeport
Clarence J. Buckman . . Langhorne
9 William W. Griest Lancaster
H. Edgar Shertz Millersville
10 Edmund B. Jermyn Scranton
Louis A. Watres Scranton
11 John R. Halsey Wilkes-Barre
Charles N. Loveland
Wilkes-Barre
12 William R. Adamson St. Nicholas
Charles E. Berger Schuylkill Haven
13 Robert Grey Bushong ....Reading
Edward M. Young ... .Allen town
14 Merton J. Emery Ariel
Edwin P. Young Towanda
IS Calvin R. Armstrong Lock Haven
Emerson Collins Williamsport
16 C. A. Barren Shamokin
M. Jackson Crispin Berwick
17 Charles T. Aikens . . . . Selinsgrove
John G. Benedict . . . . Waynesboro
18 B. Dawson Coleman Lebanon
A. Carson Stamm .... Harrisburg
19 John P. Stouch Altoona
T. W. Tobias Altoona
20 John E. Barker York
D. Guy Hollinger Hanover
21 Augustus H. Gaffney Kane
William I. Swoope Clearfield
22 James S. Beacom Greensburg
T. W. Phillips, Jr Butler
23 William E. Crow . . . .Uniontown
Isaiah Good Somerset
24 Joseph A. Herron
Monongahela City
J. Rankin Martin .... Beaver Falls
25 John J. Carter Titusville
Frank Connell Erie
26 Robert A. Stotz Easton
Thomas M. Whildin .... Landsford
27 John S. Fisher Indiana
Harry R. Wilson Clarion
Alternates
Elias Abrams Philadelphia
James A. Carey Philadelphia
William J. Benham Philadelphia
Frederick J. Geiger Philadelphia
John H. Lock Philadelphia
William W. Smith Philadelphia
E. J. Lafferty Philadelphia
C. Elwood Stringfield . . . Philadelphia
John Kent Kane Radnor
Washington I. Smith Berwyn
Henry W. Hallowell Bethayres
Hiram H. Keller Doylestown
Charles F. Hager Lancaster
Walter F. Mylin Intercourse
Albert Davis Scranton
Virgil H. Crisman Scranton
E. Foster Heller Wilkes-Barre
Luther M. Kniffen Wakes- Barre
Hiester S. Albright Orwigsburg
Charles D. Straughn Shenandoah
Wilson Rex Slatedale
Harry P. Shomo Hamburg
John C. Harrington Montrose
Samuel J. Price Meshoppen
Edwin H. Ashcraft Coudersport
Charles W. Sheldon Tioga
Alexander Foster Danville
William R. Rohrbach Sunbury
Charles L. Darlington New Bloomfield
John T. Wfflson Belleville
A. R. Allen Carlisle
William J. Noll Cornwall
Arthur B. Cole Altoona
Alvin W. Evans Ebensburg
T. M. Brown Glen Rock
Robert C. Miller Gettyburg
Harry B. Muthersbaugh Driftwood
Harry B. Scott Philipsburg
J. Charles Mettler Evans City
William J. Carnahan Vandergrift
Thomas B. Donnelly . . . .Cornellsville
Robert S. Scull Somerset
C. L. V. Acheson Washington
R. T. Brown Ellwood City
John I. Baker Erie
C. B. Kibler Corry
Charles L. Fellows East . . Stroudsburg
Alfred Marvin Matamoras
S. J. McMains Leechburg
B. E. Taylor Brockwayville
SIXTEENTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION 61
PENNSYLVANIA Continued
DISTRICTS
Delegates Alternates
28 Harry K. Daugherty Grove City E. D. Powell West Middlesex
Charles Miller Franklin William M. Thomas Ridgway
29 Walter Lyon Pittsburgh Edward E. Armstrong Natrona
Richard B. Scandrett Pittsburgh George L. Walter Sharpsburg
30 Robert J. Black McKeesport David F. Collingwood Braddock
George H. Flinn Pittsburgh A. L. Trevaskis Turtle Creek
31 William A. Magee Pittsburgh John B. Barbour Pittsburgh
Alexander P. Moore Pittsburgh William N. Gordon Pittsburgh
32- -John A. Bell Carnegie F. C. Beinhauer Pittsburgh
Miles Bryan McKees Rocks Frank H. Kennedy Oakdale
RHODE ISLAND
AT LARGE
Delegates Alternates
Henry F. Lippitt Providence Michael J. Lynch Providence
R. Livingston Beeckman Providence Frank L. Hinckley Providence
Harry Parsons Cross Providence Guy Norman Newport
Herbert W. Rice Providence Frank H. Hammill Providence
1 George R. Lawton Tiverton Henry Lippitt Providence
Jesse P. Eddy Providence Ezra Dixon Bristol
2 Richard S. Aldrich Providence Albert Hi. Langworthy ..Westerly
Frank P. Comstock ....Providence Nathan M. Wright, Jr Providence
3 Edward H. Rathbun ..Woonsocket John B. Lewis Providence
Albert A. Jenks Pawtucket J. Milton Payne Pawtucket
SOUTH CAROLINA
AT LARGE
Delegates Alternates
Joseph W. Tolbert Greenwood W. M. Porter Spartanburg
J. H. Goodwin Columbus Thos. L. Grant Charleston
J. Duncan Adams Charleston Thos. A. Williams Newberry
J. H. Fordham Orangeburg W. C. Rush Florence
1 Gibbs Mitchell Charleston S. M. Walker Summerton
2 W. S. Dixson Barnwell J. I. Washington Beaufort
3 Ernest F. Cochran Anderson L. C. Waller Greenwood
4 Jas. A. Briar Greenville Ben Madden Laurens
5 John F. Jones Blacksburg J. E. Dixson Society HiH
6 J. R. Levy Florence J. A. Baxter Georgetown
7 L. A. Hawkins Columbia W. A. Smith Irmo
SOUTH DAKOTA
AT LARGE
Delegates Alternates
Thomas Sterling Redfield W. H. Tackett Gregory
Frank M. Byrne Pierre H. C. Shober Huron
Charles N. Herreid Aberdeen J. J. Bentz Mound City
A. O. Ringsrud Elk Point C. J. Morris Siouz Falls
62 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE
SOUTH DAKOTA Continued
DISTRICTS
Delegates Alternates
1 Hans Demuth Sioux Falls Allen R. Fellows Sioux Falls
William Hosea Spencer John H. Bolin Spencer
2 S. H. Elrod Clark M. R. Baskerville Watertown
Charles A. Howard Aberdeen S. X. Way Watertown
3 James G. Stansley Lead Seth Bullock Deadwood
S E. Wilson Hot Springs Allyn Boyden Hamill
TENNESSEE
AT LARGE
Delegates Alternates
R. W. Austin Knoxville
*H. Clay Evans Chattanooga
*J. S. Beasley Nashville
'Newell Sanders Chattanooga
'Frank Elgin Memphis
J. C. R. McCall Nashville
Robert R. Church, Jr Memphis
Dan Schwab Tazewell
DISTRICTS
1 B. W. Hooper Newport N. T. Tucker Erwin
S. R. Sells Johnson City George L. Zirkle Sevierville
2; Thomas N. Brown Maryville Coniey Collins Morriatown
M .H. Hollingsworth Jacksboro Paris Walker Sharps Chapel
3 Jesse M. Littleton Chattanooga Emil Wassman Chattanooga
Foster V. Brown Chattanooga Meigs Copeland Ben ton
4 W. A. Smith Lafayette Byrd P. Allison Monterey
I. J. Human Wartburg Julian H. Campbell Lebanon
5 Frank Comer Woodbury Herbert Brown Lewisburg
6 W. W. Taylor Nashville W. D. Howser Clarksville
A. N. Johnson Nashville Jerre Baker Nashville
7 R. S. Hopkins Columbia E. H. Turman Waynesboro
Joe P. Kidd Ethridge Harry Davis Dickson
8 D. M. Noble Paris Daniel Allen Camden
E. W. Essary Lexington W. H. Lancaster Lexington
9 Duke C. Bowers Dresden Charles A. Eskridge Dresden
10 S. B. Anderson Memphis John W. Farley Memphis
One-half vote each.
TEXAS
AT LARGE
Delegates Alternates
H. F. MacGregor Houston John Hall Lampassas
Phil E. baer Paris J. W. Cocke Waco
Eugene Marshall Dallas R. H. Dunn Port Arthur
C. W. Johnson Graham John W. Philp Dallas
R. A. Harvin Angleton John E. Elgin San Antonio
W. M. McDonald Fort Worth W. E. King Dallas
C. L. McDowell Del Rio N. L. Mills Houston
R. S. Legate Denison David Abner, Jr Conroe
SIXTEENTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION
63
TEXAS Continued
Dtlegatu
1 *W. P. Harris ...Sulphur Springs
*Tom Daly Texarkana
2 'Howard M. Smith ..Port Arthur
George W. Eason. . Nacogdoches
3 *J. W. Butler Tyler
Webster Flanagan Henderson
4 'Thomas I. Roach Celeste
*G. J. Barlow McKinney
5 'George F. Rockhold Dallas
W. W. Alexander Ennis
6 *G. B. Renfrew Rocklale
* J. Wed Davis Teague
7 *W. H, Clifford Palestine
*R. W. Humphrey Liberty
8 Roy B Nichols Houston
William Watson Centerville
9 *C. M. Hughes Wharton
*J. F. McCann Victoria
10 E. P. Wilmot Austin
"Paul Fricke Brenham
H Thomas J. Darling Temple
12 C. A. Dickson Cleburne
J. I. Carter Arlington
13 'E. E. Diggs Childress
*J. L. Hickson Gainesville
14 Frederick Terrell San Antonio
William Biersch wale . Fredericksberg
15 C. K. McDowell Del Rio
R. B. Creager Brownsville
16 *L. S. McDowell Big Springs
*J- L. Marr El Paso
One-half vote each.
Alternates
G. T. Bartlett Linden
M. A. Rickard Mt. Pleasant
Russell H. Dunn Port Arthut
A. E. Sweatland Nacogdoches
G. A. Tohill Big Sandy
V. A. Moore Kemp
M. O. Sharp Denison
C. A. Duck Greenville
W. A. Pierce Itasca
Fred W. Nelson Clifton
J. W. A. Clark Corsicana
J. Allen Myers Bryan
George M. Pridgen Grapeland
W. H. Bradley Trinity
W. H. Pollard Houston
William Wenneweser New Ulm
Frederick Terrell San Antonio
Martin O'Conner Victoria
William White Austin
William Anderson Bastrop
John L. Vaughn Mart
Walter M. Hudson Weatherford
George H. Wray Dublin
W. C. Kenyon Amarillo
J. L. Van Natta Amarillo
M. D. Townley Lampasses
Julius M. Oppenheimer ..San Antonio
Eugene Nolte Segun
Charles H. Moore Brownsville
R. C. Sanderson Big Springs
M. F. Burns Midland
UTAH
Delegates
Reed Smoot Provo
George Sutherland Salt Lake City
William Spry Salt Lake City
A. R. Haywood Ogden
AT LARGE
Alternates
Mrs. Clarissa S. Williams
Salt Lake City
Mrs. H. L. Cummings ..Salt Lake City
Henry Welsh Salt Lake City
James A. Anderson Morgan
1 Joseph Howell Logan
W. S. Candland Mt. Pleasant
2 Fred W. Price ....Salt Lake City
Harry S. Joseph Salt Lake City
William Jenson Bingham City
Niels Poulson Richfield
James E. Ellison Tooele
Peter M. Clegg Layton
64 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE
VERMONT
AT LARGE.
Delegates Alternates
Theodore N. Vail Lyndonville Alex Dunnett Stt Johnsbury
E. R. Morse Proctor Millard F. Barnes Chimney Point
George H. Prouty Newport Henry T. Brown Ludlow
Collin M. Graves Benington Miles S. Sawyer Rutland
Guy W. Bailey Essex Junction . E. A. Davis Bethal
Fred H. Babbitt Bellows Falls Harry B. Shaw Burlington
John T. Cushing St. Albans Frank C. Archibald Manchester
George Eugene Moody Wterebury Smith B. Watte Hyde Park
VIRGINIA
AT LARGE
Delegates Alternates
C. B. Slemp Big Stone Gap W. S. Poage Wytheville
Alvah H. Martin Norfolk John B. Kimberly ....Fortress Monroe
Jos. L. Crupper Falls Church A. E. Parsons Independence
R. A. Fulwiler Staunton Wm. N. Doak Roanoke
1 Clarence G. Smithers . . Cape Charles Wm. T. Hopkins Newport News
2 D. Lawrence Groner Norfolk E. M. C. Quimby Suffolk
3 Jos P. Brady Richmond W. R. Vawter (deceased) ..Richmond
4 W. T. Tillar Emporia R. W. Garnett Farmville
5 *J. M. Parsons Independence Joseph W. Staples Stuart
G. M. Tucker Danville Jack Garst Boone Mill
6 *B. S. Pedigo Floyd G. C. Ainslie Bedford
*C. W. Surface Christiansburg R. I. Roop Christiansburg
7 John Paul Harrisonburg Burder B. Bowman Edinburg
8 John B. Grayson Warrenton R. R. Farr Fairfax
9 J. C. Noel Pennington Gap R. F. Hill Pulaski
Robert A. Anderson Marion P. A. Richmond Gate City
10 J. B. Buhrman Gala C. M. Crawford Lexington
One-half vote each.
WASHINGTON
AT LARGE
Delegates Alternates
Charles P. Lund Spokane Mrs. Wm. A. Burleigh Seattle
E. A. Sims Port Townsend A. L. Bradley Danville
Millard T. Hartson Tacoma Wm. H. O verlock Kent
Scott C. Bone Seattle Samuel Hill Marysville
1 E. C. Hughes Seattle Robert B. Hesketh Seattle
C. D. Bowles Seattle Miller Freeman Seattle
2 Howard D. Taylor . . Eagle Gorge Patrick Halloran Edison
T. B. Summer Everett James M. Hogan Everett
3 Alex Poison Hoquiam C. Kerlee Ilwaco
N, B. Coffman Chehalis Lee F. Jones Kelso
4 John D. Ankeny Walla Walla A. L. Curtis Goldendale
A. D. Sloan North Yakima J. C. Hubbell Ellensburg
S A. L. Rogers Waterville H. W. Stull Colville
Alex Alexander Wilbur E. I. Jones Newport
SIXTEENTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION
65
WEST VIRGINIA
AT LARGE
Delegates
Davis Elkins Morgantown
Henry D. Hatfield Eckman
Isaac T. Mann Bramwell
Herschel C. Ogden Wheeling
Alternates
John Cummings Wheeling
Lucius Hoe, Jr Clarksburg
M. T. Whittico Keystone
Charles E. Mitchell . ..Institute
1 Robert T. Cunningham ..Fairmont
Thomas J. Sherrard Wellsburg
2 W. E. Haskitt Piedmont
A. R. Stallings Parsons
3 J. G. Bradley Dundon
H. B. Curtin Clarksburg
4 J. Mentor Caldwell . . Parkersburg
C. W. Phellis Huntington
5 W. H. Thomas Bramwell
H.
-S.
S. White Matewan
B. Avis Charleston
S. A. Scott Charleston
J. M. Sanders Moundsville
W. L. Smith, Jr Newell
Prescott Huidekoper Romney
Wilbur H. Thomas Martinsburg
John A. Chittum Weston
C. D. Howard Cowen
Jo Williams St. Mary's
Charles E. Hogg Point Pleasant
S. B. Hamer Hinton
E. Edward Hill Keystone
William B. Hines
White Sulphur Springs
B. S. Hastings Montgomery
WISCONSIN
AT LARGE
Delegates
Christian Doerfler Wauwatosa
Walter L. Houser Mondovi
Emanuel L. Philipp Milwaukee
James Thompson La Crosse
Alternates
Alvin P. Kletzsch Milwaukee
George H. Gordon La Crosse
George A. West Milwaukee
Charles J. Sumner Delavan
1 George B. Ingersoll Beloit
William W. Storms Racine
2 Henry Krumrey Plymouth
A. A. Porter Portage
3 John J. Elaine Boscobel
M. B. Olbrich Madison
4 Louis A. Fons Milwaukee
Fred R. Zimmerman Lake
5 Edwin J. Gross Milwaukee
Fred C. Ptitzlaff Milwaukee
6 Emil C. Kraemer ..Fond du Lac
William Rahr Manitowoc
7 James A. Stone Reedsburg
Andrew H. Dahl Westby
8 Walter Alexander Wausau
John F. Jardine Waupaca
9 Charles J. Hagen Appleton
M. W. Perry Algoma
10 Henry S. Comstock ..Cumberland
Charles P. Peterson Glenwood City
1 1 Henry J. Bowell Merrill
D. L. Doble Superior
George L. Harrington Elkhorn
B. M. Caples Waukesha
Joseph F. Huber West Bend
C. F. Mohr Portage
L. A. Brunkhorst Platteville
Charles Gross Stoughton
Julius Wechselberg Milwaukee
L. G. Wheeler Wauwatosa
H. W. Davis Milwaukee
Henry Fink Milwaukee
Charles Oellerwich Oshkosh
Fred Bullwinkel New Holstein
Aug. Siefert Reedsburg
Carl Kurtenacker La Crosse
M. J . Wallrich Shawano
Isaac P. Witter Grand Rapids
George Ansorge Algoma
L. P. Tradewell Antigo
Frank Pierce Menomonie
F. M. Symonds Galesville
A. H. Wilkinson Bayfield
J. P. Peterson Luck
66
OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE
WYOMING
AT LARGE
Dtlegates
Patrick Sullivan Casper
John W. Hay Rock Springs C. A.
Dwight E. Hollister Cody
Ralph Denio Sheridan
Loren C. Hinkle Cheyenne
Thomas Snedden Diamondville
Alternates
Mrs. L. E. Harnsberger Lander
Zaring Basin
H J. Chassell Gillette
T. A. Dunn Moorcroft
C. P. Plummer Wheatland
H. R. Lathrop Casper
ALASKA
AT LARGE
Delegates
William A. Gilmore.
Louis P. Shackleford.
Alternates
Thomas Lloyd.
Ed C. Russell.
DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA
AT LARGE
Delegates
None
Alternates
None
Delegates
Jonah Kuhio Kalanianaole
Henry J. Lyman
HAWAII
AT LARGE
Alternates
Alfred L. Castle
William C. Arci.
Delegates
Newton W. Gilbert.
Amasa S. Crossfield.
PHILIPPINES
AT LARGE
Alternates
A. C. Grilk
W. H. Lawrence
Delegates
None
PORTO RICO
AT LARGE
Alternates
None
THE TEMPORARY CHAIRMAN. The next order of business is the
report of the Committee on Permanent Organization. Is the Com-
mittee ready to report?
MR. WILLIAM M. HAHN, of Ohio (sitting with his delegation).
The Committee is ready to report.
THE TEMPORARY CHAIRMAN. The gentleman will please come to
the platform and make the report for his Committee. For the con-
SIXTEENTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION 67
sideration of this report the chair will ask the Hon. William S.
Bennet, of New York, one of the parliamentary advisors for the chair
provided under the rules, to take the chair.
THE PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr. William S. Bennet, of New York, in
the chair). Ladies and gentlemen of the Convention, I have pleasure
in presenting Mr. William M. Hahn, of Ohio, Chairman of the Com-
mittee on Permanent Organization, who will present the Committee's
report.
MR. WILLIAM M. HAHN, of Ohio. Mr. Chairman and Ladies and
Gentlemen of the Convention: Your Committee on permanent or-
ganization begs leave to make the following report:
REPORT OF COMMITTEE ON PERMANENT ORGANIZATION
We recommend that the several officers composing your temporary
organization be chosen as the permanent officers of this Convention.
Respectfully submitted,
WILLIAM M. HAHN, Chairman.
I wish to state that this is a unanimous recommendation by the
members of the Committee, and I move the adoption of the Com-
mittee's report-
THE PRESIDING OFFICER. The question before the Convention is
on agreeing to the report of the Committee on permanent organiza-
tion.
The report was agreed to.
THE PRESIDING OFFICER. I have the honor to present to this Con-
vention its permanent chairman, the Honorable Warren G. Harding,
of Ohio. (Applause-)
Mr. Harding resumed the chair amidst a great demonstration,
delegates and others rising to their feet and continuing the demon-
stration for several minutes.
ADDRESS OF PERMANENT CHAIRMAN
THE PERMANENT CHAIRMAN (Mr. Warren G. Harding, of Ohio).
Ladies and gentlemen of the Convention: (And the demonstration
broke out anew and continued for several minutes.) I am sure the
Chairman is very grateful to you for your manifestations of approval,
and I take this opportunity of thanking the Committee on Permanent
Organization for its recommendation, and of thanking the delegates
of this Convention for their approval of the report. I must take this
opportunity also to do what I neglected to do on yesterday, namely,
to thank the Committee on Arrangements for so signally honoring
68 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE
me with the temporary chairmanship nomination. It is a very great
honor to preside over a Republican National Convention, which I
know this to be.
I am a believer in the keeping of compacts, and it was insisted that
if I were to be honored with the permanent chairmanship I should
make no speech. I am going to keep the compact. Again thanking
you, ladies and gentlemen, of the Convention, the chair calls for the
next order of business, the report of the Committee on Rules and
Order of business. Is the Committee ready to report? (After a
pause.) The Chair is informed that the Committee asks for a few
moments grace before reporting.
THE PERMANENT CHAIRMAN : The Chair again recognizes the
Senator from Utah, to offer a supplemental report from the Commit-
tee on Credentials.
GIVING THE TERRITORIES A VOTE IN CONVENTION
MR. SMOOT: Mr. Chairman, Ladies and Gentlemen of the Convention,
I am directed to offer the supplemental report from the Committee on
Credentials and move its adoption :
Resolved, that the two delegates seated in this convention from
the Territory of Hawaii, the two delegates from Porto Rico and the
two delegates from the Philippine Islands be given votes in this Con-
vention, as recommended by the Republican National Committee and
by your Committee on Credentials.
Mr. Chairman, I move the adoption of the resolution.
THE PERMANENT CHAIRMAN: The question is on the adoption
of the resolution offered by Senator Smoot of Utah. Is there any
objection? Those of you who favor the adoption of the resolution will
say Aye, contrary No.
The resolution is adopted. (The vote was unanimous.)
THE PERMANENT CHAIRMAN: We will now have the report of
the Committee of Rules and Order of Business, and the Chair presents
Mr. Warren of Michigan. (Applause.)
MR. WARREN : The Chairman of the Convention
THE PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. Mr. Warren
MR. WARREN : From the Committee on Rules and Order of Busi-
ness I desire to present a unanimous report from that Committee to
this Convention as follows:
CHARLES B. WARREN, of Michigan,
Chairman of the Committee on Rules
and Member of the Committee on Arrangements
SIXTEENTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION 69
REPORT OF COMMITTEE ON RULES AND ORDER OF
BUSINESS
I. Hereafter the Convention shall consist of four delegates-at-
large from each State; two additional delegates-at-large for each
Representative-at-large in Congress from any State; one delegate from
each Congressional District in each State; and one additional dele-
gate for each Congressional District in each State in which the vote
for any Republican elector in the last preceding Presidential election,
or for the Republican nominee for Congress in the last preceding
Congressional election shall have been not less than seven thousand
five hundred (7,500);
PROVIDED, however, that the total number of delegates to which
any State is entitled shall be chosen from the State at large if the
law of the State in which the election occurs so requires; and
PROVIDED further that, in the case of any State electing all
Representatives in Congress from the State at large, such State shall
be entitled to as many delegates, elected at large, as though the State
were divided into separate Congressional Districts;
And two delegates each from Alaska, the District of Columbia,
Porto Rico, Hawaii and the Philippine Islands.
An alternate delegate for each delegate to the National Conven-
tioq shall be chosen in the same manner and at the same time as the
delegate is chosen; provided, however, that if the law of any State shall
prescribe the method of choosing alternates they shall be chosen in ac-
cordance with the provisions of the law of the State in which the election
occurs.
In the absence of any delegate-at-large, or delegate from any
Congressional District, the roll of alternates for the State or District
shall be called in the order in which the names are placed upon the
roll of the Convention, unless the State or District Convention or law
of the State electing the absent delegate shall otherwise direct, in which
event the alternates from the State or District shall vote in the order
established by the State or District Convention or law of the State.
II. Each delegate in the Convention shall be entitled to one
vote, which may be cast by his alternate in the absence of the dele-
gate.
III. The Rules of the House of Representatives shall be the rules
of the Convention, so far as they are applicable and not inconsistent
with the following rules.
IV- When the previous question shall be demanded by a ma-
jority of the delegates from any State, and the demand is seconded by two
or more States, and the call is sustained by a majority of the Conven-
tion, the question shall then be proceeded with and disposed of ac-
cording to the Rules of the House of Representatives in similar cases.
70 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE
V- A motion to suspend the rules shall be in order only when
made by authority of a majority of the delegates from any State and
seconded by a majority of the delegates from not less than two other
States.
VI. It shall be in order to lay on the table a proposed amend-
ment to a pending measure and such motion, if adopted, shall not
carry with it or prejudice such measure.
VII. Upon all subjects before the Convention the States shall
be called in alphabetical order and next, Alaska, the District of
Columbia, Hawaii, Philippine Islands, and Porto Rico.
VIII. The report of the Committee on Credentials shall be dis-
posed of before the report of the Committee on Resolutions is acted
upon; and the report of the Committee on Resolutions shall be dis-
posed of before the Convention proceeds to the nomination of candi-
dates for President and Vice-President.
IX. When a majority of the delegates of any two States shall
demand that a vote be recorded, the same shall be taken by States,
Territories and Territorial Possessions in the order hereinbefore es-
tablished.
X. In making the nominations for President and Vice-President
in no case shall the calling of the roll be dispensed with.
When it appears, at the close of the roll-call, that any candidate
has received the majority of votes entitled to be cast in the Conven-
tion, the Chairman of the Convention shall announce the question to
be:
"Shall the nomination of the candidate be made unanimous?" If
no candidate shall have received such majority the Chairman shall
direct the vote to be taken again, and shall repeat the taking of the
vote until some candidate shall have received a majority of the votes.
When any State has announced its vote it shall so stand unless in
case of error in casting the vote.
In the record ot the votes the vote of each State, Territory and
Territorial Possession shall be announced by the chairman of the
several delegations; and in case the vote of any State, Territory or
Territorial Possession shall be divided the chairman shall announce
the number of votes for each candidate, or for or against any proposi-
tion; but if exception is taken by any delegate to the correctness of
such announcement by the chairman of his delegation, the Chairman
of the Convention shall direct the roll of members of such delegation
to be called and the result shall be recorded in accordance with the
vote of the several delegates m such delegation.
XL No member shall speak more than once upon the same ques-
tion, nor longer than five minutes, unless by leave of the Convention,
SIXTEENTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION 71
except in the presentation of the name of the candidate for President or
Vice-President.
XII. All resolutions relating to the Platform shall be referred
to the Committee on Resolutions without debate.
XIII. No person, except members of the several delegations and
officers of the Convention, shall be admitted to the section of the hall
apportioned to delegates.
XIV. A National Committee shall be elected by each National
Convention, called to nominate candidates for President and Vice-
President, consisting of one member from each State, Territory and
Territorial Possession. The roll shall be called and the delegation
from each State, Territory and Territorial Possession shall nominate,
through its chairman, a person to act as a member of said committee.
When the law of any State provides a method for the selection of mem-
bers of national committees of political parties the nomination of a
member of the Republican National Committee in accordance with the
provisions of such law shall be considered a nomination to be carried
into effect by the delegation from such State.
If the nomination be not made pursuant to law instructions by
State and District Conventions to delegates to the National Conven-
tion shall be observed; and if not observed may be made operative by
a vote of the National Convention.
When the delegates from each State, Territory and Territorial Pos-
session shall have so nominated a member of the National Committee,
the Convention shall thereupon elect the person so nominated to serve
as a member of the Committee until the meeting of the National Com-
mittee elected by the next National Convention.
The National Committee shall issue the call for the next Na-
tional Convention, to nominate candidates for President and Vice-
President of the United States at least four months before the time
fixed for said Convention; and delegates and alternates to such Conven-
tion shall be chosen in such manner as the National Committee shall
provide, but not, however, in a manner inconsistent with these rules.
Twenty days before the time set for the meeting of the National
Convention the credentials of each delegate and alternate shall be
forwarded to the Secretary of the National Committee for use in mak-
ing up the temporary roll of the Convention. Notices of contest shall
be forwarded in the same manner and within the same time limit.
Where more than the authorized number of delegates or alternates
from any State, Territory or Territorial Possession are reported to
the Secretary of the National Committee, a contest shall be deemed to
exist and the Secretary shall notify the several delegates and alternates
so reported, and shall submit all such credentials and claims to the whole
72 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE
Committee for decision as to which delegates and alternates reported
shall be placed on the temporary roll of the Convention; provided,
however, that the names of delegates and alternates presenting certifi-
cates of election from the canvassing board or officer created or
designated by the law of the State in which the election occurs, to can-
vass the returns and issue certificates of election to delegates to National
Conventions of political parties in a primary election, shall be placed
upon the temporary roll of the Convention by the National Committee.
When the Convention shall have assembled and the Committee on
Credentials shall have been appointed, the Secretary of the National
Committee shall deliver to the said Committee on Credentials all
credentials and other papers forwarded under this rule.
The officers of the National Committee shall consist of a Chairman,
Vice-Chairman, Secretary, Treasurer, and such other officers as the
Committee may deem necessary, who shall be elected by the members of
the Committee.
The Committee is authorized and empowered to select an Execu-
tive Committee, to consist of ten members, in addition to which the
Chairman, Vice-Chairman, Secretary and Treasurer, shall be ex-officio
members.
Vacancies in the National Committee shall be filled by the Com-
mittee upon the nomination of the Republican State Committee in and
for the State, Territory, or Territorial Possession in which the vacancy
occurs.
The National Committee shall, however, have power to declare
vacant the seat of any member who refuses to support the nominees of
the Convention which elected such National Committee, and to fill
such vacancies.
The first meeting of the National Committee shall take place
within ten days after the adjournment of the National Convention
electing such Committee, upon the call of the member oldest in time
of service upon previous National Committees.
The rules of the House of Representatives shall govern in all
meetings of the Committee in so far as they are applicable and not in-
consistent with these rules. The Committee shall makes its own
rules governing the use of proxies at any meeting.
XV. The Convention shall proceed in the following order of
business:
First. Report of the Committee on Credentials.
Second. Report of the Committee on Permanent Organization.
Third. Report of the Committee on Rules and Order of Business.
Fourth. Report of the Committee on Resolutions.
Fifth. Election of members of the National Committee.
Sixth. Presentation of names of candidates for President.
SIXTEENTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION 73
Seventh. Balloting for candidates for President.
Eighth. Presentation of names of candidates for Vice-President.
Ninth. Balloting for Candidates for Vice-President.
Tenth. Call of roll of States, Territories and Territorial Possess-
ions, for names of delegates to serve respectively on the Committee
to notify the nominee for President and the nominee for Vice-Presi-
dent of their nomination.
MR. CHARLES B. WARREN, of Michigan. Mr. Chairman, the report
of the Committee on Rules and Order of Business is a revision of all
former rules of the National Convention and of those governing the Na-
tional Committee of the Party. The report embodies the rules, fixing the
basis of representation in future National Conventions of the Party and
specifying in certain respects the method and manner of electing delegates,
which were recommended by the National Committee in its session in
December, 1913 and afterward presented to and adopted by nearly all the
Conventions of the Party held in the several States during the year 1914.
The Conventions which adopted these rules represented the Republican
voters in States sending more than a majority of the delegates to this
Convention and represented over a majority of the votes in the next
Electoral College.
I was honored by being appointed Chairman of the Committee which
drafted those rules for submission to the Conventions in the States,
and it was the opinion of the National Committee that should Con-
ventions of delegated representatives of the Party, convened in the
number of States entitled to cast a majority of the votes in a National
Convention, ratify the action of the National Committee, its action
could be assumed to fairly express the sentiment of a great majority of
the Party, for obviously such Conventions, when taken together, would
consist of more representatives of the Party than would be assembled
even in a National Convention.
This question of changing the basis of representation in National
Convention has in the past been presented to Conventions convened for
the purpose of nominating candidates for President and Vice-President.
The existing method of basing the number of delegates to a National
Convention on the population of a State without regard to the vote cast
for the nominees of the party, has been in use from the foundation of
the Party until now. The weakness in the method has long been recog-
nized, but no change has been made because the contest for the nomina-
tion for the great office of President has over-shadowed, in National
Conventions, all over questions and has prevented the unprejudiced con-
sideration of this important subject
Undoubtedly the basis of representation in future National Conven-
tions of the Party adopted by these State Conventions, uninfluenced as
they were by the passions ordinarily aroused by a contest for the Presi-
74 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE
dency and undisturbed as they were by the complications always present
in a nominating Convention, is while not changing the method, just to the
Republican voters of all the States.
These changes in the basis of representation, so made and now em-
bodied in these rules as reported, decreased the representation from those
States customarily referred to as solidly Democratic by seventy-six
votes, decreased the vote of the State of Tennessee by three votes, and
decreased the vote of the State of New York by two votes.
The rules as recommended by the National Committee and adopted
by the State Conventions granted the Territory of Alaska and the Dis-
trict of Columbia two delegates each, with the right to vote, but while
granting to the Territory of Hawaii and to the Philippine Islands and
Porto Rico two delegates each, withheld from such delegates the right
to vote.
The Committee on Rules of this Convention, in the report just read,
recommends that hereafter Alaska, the District of Columbia, Hawaii, the
Philippine Islands and Porto Rico be allowed two delegates each with the
right to vote.
The rules recommended by the National Committee and adopted
by State Conventions, and now reported and recommended by your
Committee, grant to each State the right to direct by law the method and
manner in which delegates to the National Convention shall be chosen,
that is, as to whether or not they shall be chosen from the State-at-large
or part from the State-at-large and part from the Congressional Districts.
It is necessary that the Party, as a national organization, recognize
the right of the voters in any State to determine for themselves the ques-
tion as to whether a part of the delegates from the State shall be elected
from Congressional Districts or all from the State-at-large, if the election
machinery provided by the law of the State is to be used.
One or more of the States have already enacted laws requiring the
election of all delegates to National Conventions of political parties from
the State-at-large, rather than part from the Congressional Districts and
part from the State-at-large, and in order to eliminate conflicts in the fu-
ture between the rules of the Party and the laws of such States, and of
other States that hereafter may enact similar laws, the rule was adopted
and is now recommended that all delegates from any State may be chosen
from the State-at-large or part from the State-at-large and part from
the Congressional Districts, in conformity with the laws of the State in
which the election occurs.
The Report embodies a rule that if a delegate is certified to the Na-
tional Convention as a regularly elected delegate in a primary election, and
his certificate is signed by the officer designated by law to issue such cer-
tificates, the delegates holding such a certificate shall be entitled to have his
SIXTEENTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION 75
name placed on the temporary roll of the Convention and the National
Committee cannot go behind that certificate.
In all respects these rules are general in their application. How-
ever, it is fair to state that one rule, which is recommended, arose
from a controversy pending in the delegation from the State of Ten-
nessee over the nomination of a member of the National Committee :
"If the nomination be not made pursuant to law, instructions by State
and District Conventions to delegates to the National Convention shall
be observed; and if not observed may be made operative by a vote of
the National Convention."
Mr. Chairman : In order that the rules may be before the Conven-
tion for adoption or rejection, I move the adoption of the Rules and
Order of Business as read.
PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The question is on the adoption of the re-
port of the Committee. Is there any objection? If not those of you who
favor the adoption of the report will say Aye, contrary No. The report
is adopted. (The vote was unanimous.)
The chair is informed that the Committee on Resolutions is not
yet ready to report; and with that arbitrary authority which goes with
the gavel, in response to a request made from Ohio and seconded
by forty-seven other States in the Union, I appoint ex-Secretary
Stimson and Speaker Sweet of New York to escort to the platform
that distinguished spokesman for American Republicanism for more
than fifty years, the Honorable Chauncey M. Depew. (Great applause
continuing until Senator Depew reached the platform.)
REMARKS BY CHAUNCEY M. DEPEW.
MR. DEPEW : Gentlemen of the Convention, and Ladies and Gen-
tlemen in the gallery, I had a conversation with that great Uhioan,
General Garfield, after he had been nominated for President, in which
he said, "From my experience, I want to give you two pieces of
advice if you expect success in politics: One is never to make a
speech when you are called on suddenly, and only when you have had
ample time for preparation The other is never crack a joke or tell
a story." (Laughter and applause.)
The Chairman was quite right in saying it was over fifty years
that I have been preaching Republicanism. It is exactly sixty, and
this is the sixtieth anniversary. (Applause.)
It is a marvelous thing in the experiences of life, which as a rule
are not particularly inspiring, on account of age or for any other rea-
son, to have lived in the great crises of this Republic and been an
active participant for sixty years. (Applause-) It seems to me that
there is a relation between the campaign of 1856 and the campaign
upon which we are now entering. There was one great issue in that
76 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE
campaign and it was a difficult issue and an issue of idealism and Ameri-
canism. There had been, since the formation of the Republic, a lie in our
politics, in our political measures ; in our Acts of Congress, as against the
Declaration of Independence that all men are created equal, with certain
unalienable rights, that among these are life, liberty and the pursuit of
happiness. After that campaign and what followed, the Declaration of
Independence stood and stands today for liberty all over the world. (Ap-
plause.)
And so today we have a great world crisis in which happily we
are not directly involved. A crisis in which civilization is at st?ke
and Christianity is doubted. A crisis in which eight-tenths at least
of the believing and professing Christians of the world are cutting
each other's throats, destroying each other's property, burning each
other's cities and villages and using engines of war which were re-
garded as the ultimate end and height of cruelty five hundred years
ago. (Applause.) And yet we, thank God, are out of it. We, thank
God, cannot be drawn into it and we are entering upon this canvass
either upon an assertion of Americanism which will keep us out of it,
or a mollycoddle policy which will put us into it. (Applause-)
It is a fortunate thing to pass four score, if your memory is right.
I remember the thrills that have come to me in my life from the as-
sertion of Americanism backed up by America. I remember as a boy
how I felt ten feet tall and having all the elements of Uncle Sam in
me as I had dreamed of him, when the news came for there were no
cables then, or methods of telegraphic communication, but when a
Man-O'-War sailed into the harbor of New York with Commodore
Ingram's report that while in the harbor of Smyrna, he had found an
American, a naturalized citizen, a former Austrian subject, arrested and
put on board of an Austrian Man-O'-War, he lined up alongside of that
Austrian Man-O'-War, trained his guns upon her and said, "Give me
Koszta, or I will sink you." (Cries of "Good Boy" and cheering.)
He brought Koszta home and landed him in New York. Austria
objected, Austria threatened, but William L. Marcy, a New York
statesman, then Secretary of State, sent this immortal message :
"Whoever bears the character and charter of an American is
safe anywhere in the world." (Great applause.)
I remember the thrill that I received, and then I was a man, I was
in public life, I was Secretary of State of New York, and the war
had just concluded, that during the period of our war and our trouble,
an adventurer in the history of nations, Louis Napoleon, had under-
taken to rule Mexico. He had sent there a French army and a scion of
the Hapsburgs. He had created a throne and put Maximilian on it and had
violated every principle of the Monroe Doctrine. But the Civil War was
over. We had a million of soldiers on the one side and the other who were
SIXTEENTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION 77
trained, prepared, ready. There was just one message sent, and that was by
another New Yorker, William H. Seward (Applause.) he sent word to
Louis Napoleon, Emperor, "Get out of Mexico-" (Laughter.) He
added to that, "General Sheridan is on the border." (Applause.) And
you could have played checkers on his coat tails as he went out of
Mexico; and there was no war, and there was no war with Austria.
The Double Eagle shut up.
I remember a more recent incident in Venezuela, when Great
Britain seized part of her territory and said it was hers, and Grover
Cleveland sent his message, "Either arbitrate or fight." (Applause.)
Great Britain arbitrated and there was no war. And when that
message of John Hay's went to Morocco, "Perdicaris alive or Raisuli
dead" and Perdicaris was delivered the next day, there was no war.
(Applause.)
The cartoonist and vaudevillist frequently grasp and present current
conditions before statesmen discover them. The curtain rose at the
theatre and on the stage were three characters, the Kaiser, Admiral von
Tirpitz of submarine fame and Uncle Sam. The Kaiser said to the Ad-
miral, "Who is that man?" The Admiral replied, "Uncle Sam." "Why,
asked the Kaiser, does he look so glum." "Because, von Tirpitz answered,
"I just swatted him on the jaw." "What did Uncle Sam say?" "He said
he was too proud to fight." Then ordered the Kaiser, "Swat him again."
That Uncle Sam may have been an idealist or a psychologist, or a lover of
humanity, but he was not an American. (Applause.)
My friends, we are as a nation idealists. At the same time we
are the most practical nation in the wide world. The world has al-
ways understood us, up till now. (Laughter and cheers.)
I received a letter a few days ago from a famous statesman on
the other side who said to me, "In our great crisis we believe liberty
is at stake and Empires and Nations are to die or live, and as we
think civilization is to die or live, what is the professor going to do?"
(Laughter.) Well, I could only answer, "I could have told you
eighteen months ago what the professor would do, but a year after-
wards he changed his mind." (Laughter.) I saw in yesterday's paper,
when a great American had adopted as his slogan "America first" and it
was three weeks before this American had made it public, and the pro-
fessor said, "Well I guess I might as well take that myself." it is well
known" (a loud yell from the gallery and great applause and cheering.)
It is well known that for a while he said preparedness is unnecessary,
and three thousand miles enough protection, he suddenly started across
the continent preaching it louder and louder and when he got back the
Democratic Congress refused to do what is necessary for real prepared-
ness. It is a well known fact that there was published and placed in the
hands of the printer and the newspapers and therefore in the hands
78 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE
necessarily of friends of the President, Elihu Root's speech on the
opening of the New York Convention (Applause) and that speech aroused
the country to our weak and un-American foreign policy, it impressed the
administration, and as a result the last note which is the only one that
has any teeth in it, was sent to Germany, but nothing has been done since.
My friends, it was well known, it was announced almost authoritatively,
that the Lusitania was to be sunk. The President of the United States
could have said one word at that time (Applause) and there would have
been no tragedy of the Lusitania.
We, ourselves, my brethren, we ourselves fail to appreciate what
our country is. You want to have lived in it and worked in it for
all the years that I have to understand what it means, and you want
to travel abroad and meet in all countries the men who rule and the
men who govern and the men who make public opinion, and have
their idea of what this country is. All over the world, until within
this recent administration, it was understood that in the United States
were potentialities of power, potentialities of arms, potentialities of
money, potentialities of resources, which, concentrated, would pre-
vent the country from being penned up; which, concentrated, and put
in any cause would lead to the acknowledgment of our rights. With that
potential power all that has ever been needed has been an authoritative ut-
terance to get what we wanted and prevent what we did not want "Amer-
ica stands for that." (Applause.)
Well, my friends, when I was in the South the other day, I came
into a little place where a New Yorker had bought a farm and he
said, "You love good things, I want to tell you what happened here.
Of course, in Florida, here, they are all Democrats, but some of
them don't believe in it although they vote it. (Laughter.) The
pastor of our church resigned and we were looking for a new minis-
ter and it was reported that a clergyman was willing to come and
one of his recommendations was that he had a library of one thou-
sand volumes. Whereupon an old brother got up and said, "We don't
want him. Too much book-learning is a handicap upon real and
true religion. What we want and all we want as a library for our
minister is the Bible to teach him the gospel, his almanac to teach
him the date, and a Democratic weekly newspaper to teach him total
depravity.' " (Laughter.) We had an illustration of it the other day.
Now, if there is one thing I cannot understand, it is a pacifist. I
cannot understand him at all. I look back and I find that they were purely
English who fought at Bunker Hill and Concord. They were mostly
Germans who fought at the battle with Anthony Wayne in Pennsyl
vania; they were largely French who fought in South Carolina, and
they were my own good old, solid, Holland Dutch in New York under
SIXTEENTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION 79
Schuyler, and Herkimer and the rest, and Americanism in 1776 and
Americanism today do not differ in any respect except the size and volume
.of the word. (Laughter.)
Now what is a pacifist? I turn to the exponent and I believe
my friend is here in the hall and I think the greatest exponent is
my friend Mr. Bryan. (Applause.)
Now Mr. Bryan presents a solution, as I read it, for what might
happen. You know it has been developed in the mechanism, the
experience and the wonderful inventions of this war, that an army
carries with it guns which will shoot five miles and hit within a radius of
two feet; the target indicated by an aeroplane overhead and the shell
exploding will destroy a whole regiment, a brigade, a town, t nearly,
and they carry mitrailleuses which will sweep all before them for miles, and
yet I understand the pacifist argument to be that if by any chance two or
three hundred thousand or four hundred thousand of these highly
trained troops, with these highly specialized methods of destruction,
should land upon our shore, a million Americans in Ford machines would
meet them and drive them off. (Laughter.)
And that reminds me of an old joke of mine, and while I am
charged with chestnuts, they are generally my own, and I think it
fully applies to the gentlemen who would be in those Ford machines,
that a Ford machine is like a bathtub: Everybody wants one and
nobody wants to be seen in it. (Laughter.)
Well, my friends, just a word about the old-fashioned, hard-pan
Republicanism. I preached it sixty years ago; I have preached it
ever since, from stump and platform and in halls and in churches
all over the country We do not grasp how rich we are. We don't
grasp what a prize we are. You remember that when Blucher, the
famous German Commander, who had helped Wellington win the
Battle of Waterloo, was taken over to England to visit the King, the
only remark he made while riding in his carriage through London,
was, "What a town to loot!" And we don't appreciate what a country
we are to loot- When this war closes, there will be millions of trained
soldiers, ready for anything, without conscience and without princi-
ple, wanting to get something, and if they thought that America
could be squeezed, America would be squeezed without regard to
scraps of paper. But I don't fear so much an invasion of the country,
if the Republicans can get in power and properly prepare, (applause)
as I do for an industrial invasion. No matter what they may say who
preach on the other side, the idealists of free trade, no matter what
they may say, these millions of men are coming back to the industries
and factories, which are now united on the other side. Only yesterday it
was announced that all the dye manufacturers of Germany had united
in a hundred million dollar corporation. They are going to be aided
80 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE
by their Government, and their Government is going to give them
facilities on the Government owned railroads, and facilities on their mer-
chant marine which will cover the ocean, while our flag has been driven
off from the Pacific by the action of this Administration. (Applause.)
We have at present the greatest tariff we ever saw, a prohibitory
one, by war. Let peace come, and leave the situation as it is today,
with the Underwood tariff the law, with the idealists of free trade in
power in the Presidency and in Congress, and there will happen such
a dumping of manufactures of every kind, of cotton and of wool, of
steel and of wood on this country as will close our factories, will drive
our present highly-paid mechanics out of employment and out of wages
and opportunities an industrial cataclysm which will make 1896 seem like a
holiday. (Applause.)
My friends, I knew Abraham Lincoln. He was a wonderful man.
He was not the ideal that we have made him. We have not raised
him quite yet where Washington is, so that you have to get a tele-
scope to see him, without a human attribute of any sort. Lincoln was
the most intensely human being I ever met; (applause) but there were
two Lincolns, one the idealist who, reading the Bible and Shakespeare,
had formed a perfect language and who spoke it best in the Gettysburg
speech and in his second inaugural. The other was Lincoln, the practical
man of affairs, who could tell more stories and better ones than I ever
heard from any other man, and every one of them with a point that was
a dead shot in the center against whom it was aimed. He was a practical
politician who had organized his party in Illinois, an organization which re-
sulted in victory. So that you have on the one side the idealist, and on
the other side the practical man of affairs, and that is only possible in
the product that comes from our common schools, the product that lives
our common American life, the democracy that makes us, in the villages
and farms all over the country so intimately acquainted, so well known
to each other, so that we are all brothers and sisters, until we go out to
fight and make our own way as Lincoln did.
And now, my friends, with a speech unprepared, but obedient to the
command of our chairman, I thank you for listening to me. The Japanese
and I know about them, because I was appointed Minister to Japan sixty
years ago (laughter) and Japan then had no navy but junks, no army
except those with spears and arrows and armor, no universities
and today they are among the foremost powers of the world. But
among their institutions is this : They have their sovereign they
call him Emperor; their House of Lords our Senate; their Elective
House our House of Congress. But while those fellows do what
they can, they have over them a body which governs and whose de-
cisions are final, and they are called the Elder Statesmen. Now, gentlemen,
SIXTEENTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION 81
I want to say to you that if you get in trouble and in a hopeless conflict
and wish a solution, a solution that will save the country-, here is an elder
statesman. (Great applause and laughter.)
(Cries of "Uncle Joe-")
THE PERMANENT CHAIRMAN (Mr. Harding). Ladies and gentlemen
of the convention: When the Chairman left Washington to come to
this convention, a very able member of the majority in the Senate
said to me: "You Republicans are making such headway and we
Democrats are making such fools of ourselves, that I have a notion
you will not only recover control of the House but you will get the
Senate as well, and we feel confident you will get the White House,
and the only thing left to the present administration will be Colonel
E. M. House, and that won't make much difference to the country."
(Laughter.)
And now I want to present to this convention one of the most
notable figures that ever gave his personality and talent on the Re-
publican side to the American House of Representatives, grand old
Uncle Joe Cannon of Illinois. (Great applause.)
MR. JOSEPH G. CANNON (Of Illinois). Mr. Chairman.
THE PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. Mr. Cannon.
REMARKS BY MR. JOSEPH G. CANNON
MR. JOSEPH G. CANNON (Of Illinois). Gentlemen of the Conven-
tion, distinguished citizens, and the ladies God bless them I some-
times wish, and I do now as I look into their faces that I could adopt
them all to be my granddaughters. (Applause.)
I have been stopping at the Union League Club for a few days,
and the weather has been so bad I have not stepped out; but I have
not been lonesome, for a number of newspaper men have called on
me and I have given out the same interview three times, but as yet it
has not reached the managing editor. And I am going to give it to
you. There was one question which I was asked that I answered but
which never appeared in print.
The question was: "Who will the Republican Convention nomi-
nate as its standard bearer?" And it was not a long answer. I said:
"It is a Republican Convention; it will nominate a Republican for its
standard bearer, upon a Republican platform, and he'll be elected-'
(Applause.) One of them said: "You don't have to prove it." An-
other said: "You must prove it." I said: "The American people,
one hundred million strong, will not, in my time, although I should
live to be one hundred years old, again allow forty-two per cent, of
the people to elect a president and a congress." (Applause.)
82 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE
Now I guess that is about all of a Republican speech that I ought
to make after the splendid, the magnificent speech we had from our
permanent chairman, and that remarkable speech we had from that
prince of speakers, Honorable Chauncey M. Depew. Chauncey, I
am going to your one hundredth anniversary. (Applause.) Men may
come, and men may go, but I think you will live to be one hundred
and fifty. (Laughter.)
Gentlemen, there are one hundred million people in the United
States, American sovereigns. I asked today how many people were
in the Coliseum. I was told that, including visitors, delegates and
alternates, there were some fourteen thousand. Now let us not be
stuck on ourselves. Those fourteen thousand people that fill this
great Coliseum today might cross over to the other side before an-
other convention time comes around. The earth might open, and
distinguished as you are, you might be all swallowed up. But the
proper policies for a government of, for and by the people, economic
and otherwise, would remain to be chosen, as they will be in this
convention. All the candidates that are spoken of before this con-
vention might sink into the middle of the earth, and yet we could
supply equally good candidates four years from now. We could supply
equally good candidates and equally handsome women to meet and
designate other standard bearers in this great country. (Applause.)
I am not speaking disrespectfully of the personnel of this delegation
or of the candidates when I say that.
Gentlemen, it is said in Holy Writ: "Whom the Lord loveth, He
chasteneth." And yet, when you run back over the history of the
world, you will find that He did not often chasten nations, great
bodies of people, unless they divided and quarreled amongst them-
selves and cut at each other. Sometimes great leaders, great public
men, from purely personal motives bring about such conditions.
We have had illustrations of that, many such illustrations in the
history of the race, from the beginning up to the present time. But
the average life of a generation is less than forty years, which leads
me to call your attention to the fact that there will be a new genera-
tion tramping fast upon our heels and upon your heels. Once in a
while we have to have a little kindergarten experience.
We fell out, from the personal standpoint largely, four years ago,
and a minority overcame us which is now in power. We were all good
Republicans then about material questions, about proper policies, and
we are all good Republicans now. (Applause.)
And let me tell you something. There is not going to be any
further falling out between leaders, whoever they may be, because
when this great convention speaks it will nominate a worthy ticket,
and, as I said in the beginning, it will be elected. (Applause.)
SIXTEENTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION 83
I want to do complete justice to every American citizen. I had
the honor of being Speaker of the national House of Representatives
when one of the most illustrious Americans was President. He was,
and is, a great man. I will not enter into what divided us; but this
year we have no Shiboleth from anybody. The Country is bigger
than any man or any set of men. (Applause.)
Now I am not going to take time to talk about the party in power.
I might talk about its respectability, the rounded, scholarly sentences
that emanate from those in power, the frequent changes that occur on
the part of its public men going out of office and others going in; re-
spectability yes. I wish to God it was ten times as respectable as
it is. (Laughter.)
I look into your faces and I ask you to close your eyes and hark
back for six generations and inquire who your ancestors were, and it
you count them up you will find that you have more than four hun-
dred. And, in common with myself, the great majority of you have
English blood and Irish blood and Scotch blood and Dutch blood and
German blood and French blood in your veins; all Caucasias all
great peoples. But here is the great melting pot. I am not going to
quarrel when someone says, "Cannon, you're Irish." Yes, with a
strain of French and a strain of English and a strain of German. I
don't know which is the strongest, but I know that what is true of
me is true of nearly all of you.
You gentlemen who have been in Washington recollect the group
of statuary at Lafayette Square representing Lafayette and his French
aides. Farther, along you come to the statue of the great Kosciusko.
Over at the next corner there is the statue of Von Steuben, and at
the next corner you find the statue of Rochambeau. They helped to
gain our liberty, these men who came from so many different coun-
tries in Europe to help us when our forebears were struggling to
gain their independence. In the center of this square is the equestrian
statue of Andrew Jackson, typical American, born of immigrant Irish
parents, soldier, statesman, patriot, eight years President, who, in
war and in peace, led in the preservation of our country.
I listened, Mr. Chairman, with great interest, to your speech yes-
terday. I would not give three whoops for a man who was born in
Germany, in France, in England, Ireland or Scotland, or in Austria,
who, when he shut his eyes and thought of this great struggle, had
no sympathies for the land of his birth. (Applause.) But I have said
before, and I will say again, that of all the citizens Americans that
make up this great Republic, whatever their sympathies may be in the
great struggle abroad, there is not one per cent, of these one hundred
84 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE
millions of people who will not stand under the Stars and Stripes
against any or all of these countries and fight to the death for the
preservation of our common country. (Applause.)
It is a pretty hard matter to follow a man like Chauncey M-
Depew, and I am not going to try to follow him any farther.
But I will say this in closing: Make your nomination wisely;
make the Republican Platform broad enough to cover every nationality
that is represented here in this country. We are all American citizens.
Pronounce in your platform for Republican policies. Recognize the
progress of the country. When you have nominated your candidate,
when you have made your platform and gone before the people with
that platform and that candidate, all hell shall not prevail against that
ticket and that platform because that ticket and that platform are
necessary for the preservation and well-being of the country. (Ap-
plause.)
THE PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. Ladies and gentlemen of the con-
vention: Lest some of the exceedingly critical writers of the day
shall infer that we Republicans live only in the past by introducing
these eminent and much beloved veterans of the party, I want to
present to this convention a Republican who represents a new genera-
tion in the party, but is nevertheless in harmony with those who have
given their services at an earlier time. I want to present to you one
of the ablest and readiest debaters of the United States Senate, and
one of the most distinguished Republicans of these United States.
I have the pleasure of calling up and presenting to you Senator
William E. Borah of Idaho. (Applause.)
SPEECH OF WILLIAM E. BORAH OF IDAHO
MR. WILLIAM E. BORAH. Mr. Chairman and gentlemen of the con-
vention: When the Republican party met in this city fifty-six years ago
it came in the midst of political unrest to consult the conscience of the
American people. It professed no purpose and essayed no ambition other
than to serve those who felt that the hour was at hand when the nation
should experience a new birth of freedom. We had long struggled with
the problem of human slavery. We had procrastinated and compromised,
placed gain and business in front of conscience and freedom until we
seemed steeped beyond escape in cowardice and dishonor. But under-
neath this surface of sham and selfishness flowed the undercurrents strong
and deep of conviction and truth. A political party was needed to write
in its platform national honor first and all things else second. (En-
thusiastic applause.) This the Republican party had the courage, the
foresight and the patriotism to do. Let us linger for a moment beside this
splendid party precedent that we may learn wisdom and gather courage
for the great conflict just ahead. (Applause.) There is no example of
SIXTEENTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION 85
sublime moral courage more worthy of emulation in all the annals of
political warfare.
We are met here again after the lapse of more than fifty years.
Again we are in the midst of a great national crisis. The usual and the
ordinary are pushed aside and those things which have to do with the
primary obligations of citizenship demand consideration. (Applause.)
Again millions of voters bewildered by months of indecision and confusion,
remembering the traditions of the old party and anxious for its future
glory turn to these proceedings, eager to catch the clear, firm tones of
conviction, the unmistakable note of national honor. Let us not disap-
point them. Even should they prove to be in the minority, better that the
old party, true to the sublime precepts of its first great leader uphold and
maintain at whatever cost of place and power the dignity and inviolability
of American citizenship and the prestige and honor of this government
than to enter upon the shameless paths of expediency. (Applause.) A
nation without honor is spiritually dead. A political party which in times
of national stress, when not only our standing and prestige in every capital
in Christendom is at stake but when the efficiency and worth of our in-
stitutions are involved, would compromise with duty for the sake of power
or barter our rights and standing abroad for supposed political strength
at home would be a treasonable organization. (Applause.)
During all these years we have been generous with the inestimable
boon of American citizenship. They have come from every clime and we
have gone out to meet them and to welcome them to the opportunities
and to the glory of citizenship in the only real republic that ever existed
upon the earth. In doing so we have not erred. Let us not be misled by
the fears of some or the prejudices of others. These people who have
sworn allgiance to this government are neither ungrateful nor disloyal.
(Applause.) In any controversy involving the rights and honor of this
government with other nations they would stand resolute to the last for
this republic. (Applause.) They have done so on every battle-field from
Brandywine to Gettysburg, from Bunker Hill to the Wilderness. (Ap-
plause.) We do not doubt them at all and we do not want any policy as
a party based upon the theory that they are traitors and that we are
trimmers. (Hand clapping and loud applause.) Let us make our
policy clear and strong for America, for our dignity and honor here and
abroad, and all who love America best will be with us, the others we do
not want. (Applause.) There is room enough under the Republican ban-
ner for every loyal citizen regardless of the birth place of his ancestors;
(applause) and there is no room for the man of divided allegiance though
three centuries of native blood courses his veins. (Applause.) The mis-
take which public men are making in these days is in placing the common
standard of patriotism of loyalty to the government too low instead of
too high. The citizenship of this country will measure up in any real test
86 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE
where American rights and interests are involved to the old heroic stand-
ard of the fathers. (Applause.)
But if this view be founded in error and there are any considerable
number of people in this country who own to a divided allegiance never-
theless there is but one course to pursue. Our duty is clear and unmis-
takable, our pathway as a party is plain. The party whose youth was
consecrated to the preservation of the Union and faltered not at the
sacrifice the task involved, will not in the maturity of its manhood shirk
from the responsibility of maintaining in all their integrity our interests
and our rights as a nation among other nations. (Applause.) The men
who fought at Vicksburg and Antietam fought in vain if that govern-
ment which they died to preserve gives neither standing nor security to
their children. (Applause, loud and prolonged). In vain did Lincoln
grapple with the intrepid Douglass over the freedom of a race, in vain
did he carry through four long years of internal strife, the stupendous
burdens of government, in vain did he yield up his life as the last full
measure of his devotion, if American women and American men are to
be sacrificed to the cruelty of every power which finds them in the path-
way of its relentless purpose. (Applause.) It is for us here highly to
resolve that these dead shall not have died in vain but that they died in
the noblest cause for which men may die in the cause of peace loving
but self -protecting, self-respecting republic. (Applause.} We are weary
of words that have behind them no high resolve to make them good. We
have seen our own robbed and ravished and drowned and murdered.
We have seen the flag subjected to nameless insult the flag which sym-
bolizes our past achievements and our future aspications, our hopes and
prayers. We are weary of words we want protection for our people,
their lives and their property. We want respect and honor for this gov-
ernment and we believe that the party of Lincoln and Grant and McKinley
knows how to command these things and how to maintain them and to
do so in peace and honor. (Applause.)
Let us pledge ourselves anew not in mere form but with profoundest
purpose to a united, unified and disenthralled country. Let us examine
anew the obligations of citizenship and reconsecrate our party to those
enduring principles of national honor for which it has always stood, not
alone because it is the only thing for a self-respecting political organiza-
tion to do but because it is the surest guarantee of peace a cardinal tenet
of our faith from the beginning. (Applause.) A timid appreciation of
national rights is an invitation to aggression. A vacillating foreign policy
solicits attack. A nation too proud to fight will soon be regarded by the
dominant powers of the world as too cowardly to live. (Applause loud
and prolonged). If you consent to the slaying of the citizen across the
border it is only a question of time until he will be murdered in his own
home and under his own flag. (A voice: That has already been done.)
SIXTEENTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION 87
Columbus and Glenn Springs are the legitimate fruits of our cowardly in-
difference to the assassination at San Isabel. The policy which invites
contempt seldom fails to earn a more substantial punishment. (Applause.)
Foreign governments are not in doubt as to our rights or the consideration
due us as a people. But they are in doubt as to our willingness to protect
our rights. The surest way to keep the peace is to keep the faith. (Ap-
plause.)
The issues which have for years distinguished our political campaigns
are important but not controlling. The tariff will be readjusted. It will
be framed on protective lines and upon lines broad enough to include the
farmer as well as the manufacturer, the laborer as well as the employer.
It will be our task early assumed and gladly performed to provide a dif-
ferent brand of prosperity than that which had its origin in the calamities
of war and will have its finish in the blessings of peace. Never have we
had a greater concern in the wholesome principles of protection than we
shall have at the close of this war. (Applause.) True to this principle
for fifty years the Republican party can be trusted to meet that situation
with judgment and promptness.
But vital as this and kindred questions are there lies beyond and over
and above them all this eminent and transcendent problem are we a
nation ? (A delegate : "Yes, but the world has had little cause to realize
that fact during the past three years." Laughter and applause.) MR.
BORAH, of Idaho : Have we a national mind, a national purpose and
do we possess national ideals? Are they dear enough that men will dare
and die for them? Can this democracy of ours for which the brave have
suffered and sacrificed and died give security to life and protection to
property. (Applause and a voice: "Yes we will after March 4th, 1917.")
Has it a soul which suffers when wrongs are inflicted upon the human
family and does it hate injustice or have these qualities been withered and
eaten away by the love of ease and the consuming passion for wealth?
Has our republic a moral code, has it a standard of intellectual integrity
and does it place honor and sacrifice above dishonor and ignoble ease?
Do the sturdy virtues still live among this people and are we ready to
protect our own, the honor of our women and the lives of our men as
our forefathers did in the olden days the days of our building?
Yes, we have a soul that dares to denounce wrong, to speak out for
humanity (applause) a people who love honor and thrill to the appeals of
our countrymen in distress. We are a nation with ideals down in our
hearts and in the introspective hour we scorn the contentment that is born
of duty shirked and of material advantages coined of the miseries of the
human race. (Applause.) We are a people waiting for a voice, waiting
for a leader, as our fathers waited for Lincoln, for a party whose tradi-
tions are the achievements of patriotism and whose creed is the Union
uncompromised and unstained. Let us summon to the contest the national
88 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE
spirit. Let us make our plea to the sturdier and braver virtues. Let us
avoid the side arches and byways of expediency. (Applause.) Let us
take the broad, open way of justice and courage, the way our fathers trod,
and never leave it. Let us declare once and for all that we will shirk
not at all from the obligation of protecting our own; (great applause.)
let us declare that while we love peace and covet and respect the friend-
ship of all nations, even these blessings are not to be purchased at the
price of honor. (Applause.) And so believing and so declaring let us
make ready as a great party to meet the obligations which devolve upon us.
as a people and as a government. Gentlemen of the convention, I thank
you. (Long and continued applause.)
RECESS.
MR. HERBERT PARSONS, of New York. Mr. Chairman, I move that this
Convention do now recess until four o'clock this afternoon.
The motion was agreed to; and, (at I o'clock and 31 minutes p. m.)
the Convention recessed until 4 o'clock p. m.
AFTERNOON SESSION
At four o'clock p. m. the Convention reassembled.
REPORT OF COMMITTEE OF RESOLUTIONS
THE PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The first business in order is the re-
port of the Committee on Resolutions. The Chair has the pleasure of
introducing the Chairman of the Committee, Senator Henry Cabot Lodge,
of Massachusetts. (Enthusiastic applause.)
MR. HENRY CABOT LODGE, of Massachusetts. Mr. Chairman and
ladies and gentlemen of the Convention, on behalf of the Committee on
Resolutions I make the following report :
THE PLATFORM
In 1861 the Republican party stood for the Union. As it stood for
the Union of States, it now stands for a united people, true to Ameri-
can ideals, loyal to American traditions, knowing no allegiance ex-
cept to the Constitution, to the Government and to the flag of the
United States.
We believe in American policies at home and abroad.
HON. HENRY CABOT LOBGE, of Massachusetts,
Chairman of the Committee on Resolutions
SIXTEENTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION 89
PROTECTION OF AMERICAN RIGHTS
We declare that we believe in and will enforce the protection of
every American citizen in all the rights secured to him by the Con-
stitution, by treaties and the laws of nations, at home and abroad,
by land and sea. These rights, which in violation of the specific
promise of their party made at Baltimore in 1912, the Democratic
President and the Democratic Congress have failed to defend, we
will unflinchingly maintain.
FOREIGN RELATIONS
We desire peace, the peace of justice and right, and believe in
maintaining a strict and honest neutrality between the belligerents
in the great war in Europe. We must perform all our duties and in-
sist upon all our rights as neutrals without fear and without favor.
We believe that peace and neutrality, as well as the dignity and in-
fluence of the United States, cannot be preserved by shifty expedients,
by phrase-making, by performances in language, or by attitudes ever
changing in an effort to secure groups of voters. The present Admin-
istration has destroyed our influence abroad and humiliated us in
our own eyes. The Republican party believes that a firm, consistent,
and courageous foreign policy, always maintained by Republican
presidents in accordance with American traditions, is the best, as it is
the only true way, to preserve our peace and restore us to our right-
ful place among the nations.
We believe in the pacific settlement of international disputes, and
favor the establishment of a world court for that purpose.
. MEXICO
We deeply sympathize with the fifteen million people of Mexico
who for three years have seen their country devastated, their homes
destroyed, their fellow citizens murdered and their women outraged,
by armed bands of desperadoes led by self-seeking, conscienceless agi-
tators who when temporarily successful in any locality have neither
sought nor been able to restore order or establish and maintain peace.
We express our horror and indignation at the outrages which
have been and are being perpetrated by these bandits upon American
men and women who were or are in Mexico by invitation of the laws
and of the government of that country and whose rights to security
of person and property are guaranteed by solemn treaty obligations.
We deno'unce the indefensible methods of interference employed by
this Administration in the internal affairs of Mexico and refer with
shame to its failure to discharge the duty of this country as next friend
to Mexico, its duty to other powers who have relied upon us as such
90 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE
friend, and its duty to our citizens in Mexico, in permitting the con-
tinuance of such conditions, first by failure to act promptly and firmly,
and second, by lending its influence to the continuation of such condi-
tions through recognition of one of the factions responsible for these
outrages
We pledge our aid in restoring order and maintaining peace in
Mexico. We promise to our citizens on and near our border, and to
those in Mexico, wherever they may be found, adequate and absolute
protection in their lives, liberty and property.
MONROE DOCTRINE
We reaffirm our approval of the Monroe Doctrine, and declare its
maintenance to be a policy of this country essential to its present
and future peace and safety and to the achievement of its manifest
destiny.
LATIN AMERICA
We favor the continuance of Republican policies which will result
in drawing more and more closely the commercial, financial and social
relations between this country and the countries of Latin America.
PHILIPPINES
We renew our allegiance to the Philippine policy inaugurated by
McKinley, approved by Congress and consistently carried out by
Roosevelt and Taft. Even in this short time it has enormously im-
proved the material and social conditions of the Islands, given the
Philippine people a constantly increasing participation in their gov-
ernment and if persisted in, will bring still greater benefits in the
future.
We accepted the responsibility of the Islands as a duty to civiliza-
tion, and the Filipino people- To leave with our task half done, would
break our pledge, injure our prestige among nations, and imperil
what has already been accomplished.
We condemn the Democratic administration for its attempt to
abandon the Philippines, which was prevented only by the vigorous
opposition of Republican members of Congress, aided by a few patrio-
tic Democrats.
RIGHT OF EXPATRIATION
We reiterate the unqualified approval of the action taken in De-
cember, 1911, by the President and Congress to secure with Russia,
as with other countries, a treaty that will recognize the absolute right
of expatriation and prevent all discrimination of whatever kind be-
SIXTEENTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION 91
tween American citizens whether native born or alien, and regardless
of race, religion or previous political allegiance. We renew the
pledge to observe this principle and to maintain the right of asylum,
which is neither to be surrendered nor restricted, and we unite in
the cherished hope that the war which is now desolating the world
may speedily end, with a complete and lasting restoration of brother-
hood among the nations of the earth and the assurance of full equal
rights, civil and religious, to all men in every land.
PROTECTION OF THE COUNTRY
In order to maintain our peace and make certain the security of
our people within our own borders the country must have not only
adequate but thorough and complete national defenses ready for any
emergency We must have a sufficient and effective Regular Army,
and a provision for ample reserves, already drilled and disciplined,
who can be called at once to the colors when the hour of danger
comes.
We must have a Navy so strong and so well proportioned and
equipped, so thoroughly ready and prepared, that no enemy can gain
command of the sea and effect a landing in force on either our West-
ern or our Eastern coast. To secure these results we must have a
coherent and continuous policy of national defense, which even in
these perilous days the Democratic party has utterly failed to de-
velop, but which we promise to give to the country.
TARIFF
The Republican party stands now, as always, in the fullest sense for
the policy of tariff protection to American industries and American labor
and does not regard an anti-dumping provision as an adequate substitute.
Such protection should be reasonable in amount but sufficient to pro-
tect adequately American industries and American labor and so adjusted
as to prevent undue exactions by monopolies or trusts. It should, more-
over, give special attention to securing the industrial independence of the
United States as in the case of dye stuffs.
Through wise tariff and industrial legislation our industries can be
so organized that they will become not only a commercial bulwark but a
powerful aid to national defense.
The Underwood tariff act is a complete failure in every respect.
Under its administration imports have enormously increased in spite of
the fact that intercourse with foreign countries has been largely cut off
by reason of the war, while the revenues of which we stand in such dire
need have been greatly reduced.
Under the normal conditions which prevailed prior to the war it was
92 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE
clearly demonstrated that this Act deprived the American producer and
the American wage earner of that protection which enabled them to meet
their foreign competitors, and but for the adventitious conditions created
by the war, would long since have paralyzed all forms of American in-
dustry and deprived American labor of its just reward.
It has not in the least degree reduced the cost of living, which has con-
stantly advanced from the date of its enactment. The welfare of our
people demands its repeal and the substitution of a measure which in
peace as well as in war will produce ample revenue and give reasonable
protection to all forms of American production in mine, forest, field and
factory.
We favor the creation of a tariff commission with complete power to
gather and compile information for the use of Congress in all matters
relating to the tariff.
BUSINESS
The Republican party has long believed in the rigid supervision and
strict regulation of the transportation and of the great corporations of
the country. It has put its creed into its deeds, and all really effective
laws regulating the railroads and the great industrial corporations are
the work of Republican Congresses and Presidents. For this policy of
regulation and supervision the Democrats, in a stumbling and piecemeal
way, are within the sphere of private enterprise and in direct competition
with its own citizens, a policy which is sure to result in waste, great ex-
pense to the tax payer and in an inferior product.
The Republican party firmly believes that all who violate the laws
in regulation of business, should be individually punished. But prosecu-
tion is very different from persecution, and business success, no matter
how honestly attained, is apparently regarded by the Democrat party as
in itself a crime. Such doctrines and beliefs choke enterprise and stifle
prosperity. The Republican party believes in encouraging American busi-
ness, as it believes in and will seek to advance all American interests.
RURAL CREDITS
We favor an effective system of Rural Credits as opposed to the
ineffective law proposed by the present Democratic Administration.
RURAL FREE DELIVERY
We favor the extension of the Rural Free Delivery system and
condemn the Democratic administration for curtailing and crippling
it.
MERCHANT MARINE
In view of the policies adopted by all the maritime nations to
encourage their shipping interests, and in order to enable us to com-
SIXTEENTH REPUBLICAN' NATIONAL CONVENTION 93
pete with them for the ocean-carrying trade, we favor the payment
to ships engaged in the foreign trade of liberal compensation for
services actually rendered in carrying the mails, and such further leg-
islation as will build up an adequate American Merchant Marine and
give us ships which may be requisitioned by the Government in time
of national emergency.
We are utterly opposed to the Government ownership of vessels
as proposed by the Democratic party, because Government-owned
ships, while effectively preventing the development of the American
Merchant Marine by private capital, will be entirely unable to provide
for the vast volume of American freights and will leave us more
helpless than ever in the hard grip of foreign syndicates.
TRANSPORTATION
Interstate and intrastate transportation have become so inter-
woven that the attempt to apply two and often several sets of laws
to its regulation has produced conflicts of authority, embarrassment
in operation and inconvenience and expense to the public.
The entire transportation system of the country has become es-
sentially national. 'We. therefore, favor such action by legislation or,
if necessary, through an amendment to the Constitution of the United
States as will result in placing it under complete Federal control.
ECONOMY AND A NATIONAL BUDGET
The increasing cost of the national government and the need
for the greatest economy of its resources in order to meet the grow-
ing demands of the people for government service call for the severest
condemnation of the wasteful appropriations of this democratic ad-
ministration, of its shameless raids on the treasury, and of its op-
position to and rejection of President Taft's oft repeated proposals
and earnest efforts to secure economy and efficiency through the
establishment of a simple businesslike budget system to which we
pledge our support and which we hold to be necessary to effect any
real reform in the administration of national finances.
CONSERVATION
We believe in a careful husbandry of all the natural resources of
the nation a husbandry which means development without waste; use
without abuse.
CIVIL SERVICE REFORM
The Civil Service Law has always been sustained by the Re-
publican party, and we renew our repeated declarations that it shall
94 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE
be thoroughly and honestly enforced and extended wherever practica-
ble. The Democratic party has created since March 4, 1913, thirty
thousand offices outside of the Civil Service law at an annual cost of
forty-four million dollars to the tax payers of the country.
We condemn the gross abuse and the misuse of the law by the
present Democratic administration and pledge ourselves to a reor-
ganization of this service along lines of efficiency and economy.
TERRITORIAL OFFICIALS
Reaffirming the attitude long maintained by the Republican party,
we hold that officials appointed to administer the government of any
territory should be bona fide residents of the territory in which their
duties are to be performed.
LABOR LAWS
We pledge the Republican party to the faithful enforcement of
all Federal laws passed for the protection of labor. We favor voca-
tional education; the enactment and rigid enforcement of a Federal
child labor law; the enactment of a generous and comprehensive
workmen's compensation law, within the commerce power of Con-
gress, and an accident compensation law covering all Government
employes. We favor the collection and collation, under the direction
of the Department of Labor, of complete data relating to industrial
hazards for the information of Congress, to the end that such legis-
lation may be adopted as may be calculated to secure the safety, con-
servation and protection of labor from the dangers incident to in-
dustry and transportation.
SUFFRAGE
The Republican party, reaffirming its faith in government of the
people, by the people, for the people, as a measure of justice to one-
half the adult people of the country, favors the extension of the suf-
frage to women, but recognizes the right of each state to settle this
question for itself.
CONCLUSION
Such are our principles, such are our "purposes and policies-"
We close as we began. The times are dangerous and the future is
fraught with perils. The great issues of the day have been confused
by words and phrases. The American spirit, which made the country
and saved the union, has been forgotten by those charged with the re-
sponsibility of power. We appeal to all Americans, whether natural-
ized or native-born, to prove to the world that we are Americans in
thought and in deed, with one loyalty, one hope, one aspiration. We
SIXTEENTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION 95
call on all Americans to be true to the spirit of America, to the great
traditions of their common country, and above all things, to keep the
faith.
MR. LODGE, of Massachusetts. I move the adoption of the report.
MR. ADOLPH O. EBERHART, of Minnesota. I second the motion.
THE PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The question is upon the adoption of
the report of the Committee on Resolutions. The Chair recognizes Mr.
Edwin J. Gross, of Wisconsin, of the Committee on Resolutions, who
wishes to present a minority report.
MINORITY REPORT
MR. EDWIN J. GROSS, of Wisconsin. Mr. Chairman and delegates of
this Convention : Being unable to agree with the majority report, as a
member
(The speaker was interrupted by cries of "Louder!" Louder!")
THE PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. If the delegates will be patient with the
speaker his voice will doubtless reach you in a moment. He is saving
some of his strength to yell for the nominee of this Convention. (Laugh-
ter and applause.)
MR. GROSS, of Wisconsin. Being unable to agree with the majority
report, as a member of the Committee on Resolutions, from the State
of Wisconsin, I submit the following minority report and recommend
its adoption.
TARIFF
We favor a protective tariff the schedules of which shall be based upon
the ascertained difference in the labor in this country and abroad and
which shall be so adjusted as to assure its benefit to labor and yet not
tax the consumer to cover inefficient management nor place a premium on
the exhaustion of our natural resources. The investigation of these facts
and the revision of these schedules should be made by a non-partisan tariff
commission, subject to the action of Congress.
PATENTS
Inventions should be fully developed and utilized for the public
benefit under reasonable regulation by the Federal Trade Commission. We
pledge the enactment of a law which will protect the inventor as well as
the public, and which cannot be used against the public welfare in the
interest of injurious monopolies.
96 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE
SHIP SUBSIDY
We are unequivocally opposed to ship subsidies. We believe the
American merchant marine can be builded upon a stable basis by equaliz-
ing the costs of building and the costs of operation. We commend the
enactment of the so-called Seamen's Law which gave freedom to seamen
and equalized the labor costs of ship operation between vessels of the
United States and foreign countries. We insist upon the proper enforce-
ment of that act and demand legislation to equalize the cost of ship
construction.
SOCIAL WELFARE
A well nurtured, well developed, loyal citizenship is essential to Na-
tional defense. Without such a body of citizens, physical resources are
of little value. The nation best commands an adequate defense that most
efficiently safeguards against exploitation and most adequately provides
for the material and physical well-being of its citizens. We favor laws,
to assure the greatest possible safety to workmen from industrial acci-
dents and vocational diseases, to provide compensation for occupational
accidents and diseases, to facilitate and encourage safe provisions for de-
pendents and for old age, to strictly regulate and control the employment
of women and children, to secure the fullest inquiry and publicity with
regard to living conditions and conditions of employment, to encourage
the organization of workmen and farmers to co-operate in the distribu-
tion of products and the elimination of unnecessary expense, loss and
waste and to promote their education, efficiency and general welfare.
We favor the strengthening of the various agencies of the govern-
ment relating to pure foods, quarantine and health, and their union into
a single United States Health Service not subordinated to any interest,
commercial or financial, but devoted to co-operation with the health ac-
tivities of the various States and cities of the nation, and to such efforts
as are consistent with reasonable personal liberty, looking to the elimina-
tion of unnecessary disease and the lengthening of human life.
GOVERNMENT MANUFACTURE OF MUNITIONS
We favor a comprehensive survey by the government of the indus-
tries, transportation and other resources of the United States and such or-
ganization thereof in times of peace, that in time of war every resource of
the country shall be available immediately for the needs of the government.
National defense should involve equal sacrifice and there should be no
private profit from war or preparation for war. The private manufac-
SIXTEENTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION 97
ture of munitions of war furnishes a direct incentive to war. Govern-
ment manufacture of munitions, by eliminating private profit, does away
with the desire for war. We pledge the government manufacture of all
munitions and vessels of war in time of peace, and in time of war the
requisition and operation by the government of privately owned plants
so far as needed.
NAVAL SUPPLIES
We pledge ourselves to the acquisition and operation by the govern-
ment of coal mines and oil wells upon the Atlantic and Pacific Coasts
and in Alaska for the supply of the Navy and other Governmental de-
partments with fuel and oil.
TAXATION
Great fortunes have been gained through the manufacture and sale of
munitions of war to belligerent European countries. We believe that
those who have directly profited by the European war should contribute
a portion of such profits to pay the increased expenses of our govern-
ment caused by expansion of our military program. We therefore favor
paying for such increased expenditures by increasing the surtax upon
incomes, levying a tax upon all manufacturers of munitions of war, and
a graduated Federal Inheritance Tax with reasonable exemptions.
STRICT NEUTRALITY
We insist that this country shall maintain strict neutrality toward
nations engaged in war, thus preserving friendly relations with all belliger-
ents and keeping open the door of opportunity to service in promoting
just terms of peace. We pledge to so amend our neutrality laws as to make
it the duty of the President, by Executive order, to preserve the perfect
balance of our neutrality even at the sacrifice of profits to the money
power and the manufacturers of arms and ammunition.
CONFERENCE OF NEUTRAL NATIONS FOR PEACE
We favor a conference of neutral nations with a view to a permanent
organization to promote peace, prevent wars and aid in the settlement of
international questions and the adjustment of differences between na-
tions at war.
INTERNATIONAL PEACE TRIBUNAL
To compose the differences of nations and to maintain World peace,
we favor the creation of an International Tribunal to which shall be
referred for final settlement all issues between nations, and upon the
establishment of such a Tribunal we favor action by our government
98 OFFICIAL PROCEEDIXGS OF THE
toward general disarmament of the nations of the world; and that an
adequate International army and navy be maintained under the com-
mand of such Tribunal to enforce its decrees.
REFERENDUM OF WAR
We favor a law providing for a popular expression of opinion by
the voters for or against war with any foreign government with which
the President shall have severed diplomatic relations.
FOREIGN RELATIONS
We denounce the un-American and undemocratic secret diplomacy
which continually threatens the honor, peace and security of our coun-
try, and we favor full and immediate publicity in all our relations with
foreign governments.
DOLLAR DIPLOMACY
The natural resources of our country have been largely monopolized
by privileged interests. These interests have formed monster combina-
tions in every important industry, controlling production and prices and
creating a vast surplus wealth. This excess capital which might otherwise
be loaned at reduced interest rates to the people from whom it has been
wrongfully exacted, has been withdrawn from the country by the masters
of finance and used to secure concessions in oil, coal, timber and mineral
lands in Mexico, Central and South American countries, and loaned in
China and elsewhere at usurious rates and extortionate commissions,
thus enabling these interests to control the natural resources of the
weaker nations and exploit their helpless peoples.
In support of this system, in recent years there has been an attempt
to establish and maintain a foreign policy of "Dollar Diplomacy" that
would make our government the guarantor for the private investments
of our privileged interests in foreign countries.
Back of this foreign policy lies in large part the demand for a big
army and a big navy to enforce the collection of the private claims and
protect the concessions and investments of these interests.
These same interests own the munition plants which fatten off the
great government contracts to supply the big army and build the big
navy maintained by taxing our people.
We denounce this mercenary system of a degraded foreign policy
which has at times reduced our State Department from its high service
as a strong and kindly intermediary of defenseless governments into a
trading outpost for these privileged interests and concessions seekers
engaged in exploiting weaker nations.
SIXTEEXTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION 99
\Ye pledge ourselves against "Dollar Diplomacy" and the identifica-
tion of the government with the claims of concession seekers, financiers
and privileged interests operating in weaker countries.
WOMAN'S SUFFRAGE
\Ye favor the extension of suffrage to women.
INITIATIVE, REFERENDUM AND RECALL
Over and above constitutions and statutes, and greater than all, is
the supreme sovereignty of the people. \Yhenever the initiative, referen-
dum and the recall have been adopted by State governments, it has stimu-
lated the interest of the citizen in his government and awakened a
deeper sense of responsibility. If it is wise to entrust the people with
this power in State government, no one can challenge the extension of
this power to the national government. We favor such amendments to
the federal constitution, and thereupon the enactment of such statutes
as may be necessary to extend the initiative, the referendum and the
recall to representatives in Congress and United States senators.
LEGISLATION AND PUBLICITY
We pledge the enactment of a law requiring all congressional com-
mittee hearings to be public and providing for a permanent public record
of all appearances and votes at committee meetings and for the strictest
regulation of the acts of all persons employed for pecuniary considera-
tion to oppose or promote legislation.
During the reading of the minority report of the Committee on
resolutions there was some little confusion.
After reading the section in regard to patents and ship subsidies, the
following occurred :
MR. GROSS, of Wisconsin. Can you hear me, ladies and gentlemen?
A DELEGATE. No.
ANOTHER DELEGATE. Never mind, that's all right.
THE PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The Convention will be in order.
A minority member of any committee is entitled to a hearing by the
Convention in order.
FROM THE GALLERY. Louder, louder, louder!
THE PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. Any offending guest of this Conven-
tion who interrupts a speaker will be removed, under the order of the
Chair, by the Sergeant-at-Arms. (Applause among the delegates.)
When Mr. Gross reached the woman suffrage clause of his report
he said :
MR. GROSS, of Wisconsin. "We favor the extension of suffrage to
women," and we stop there! (Applause.)
100 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE
MR. GROSS, of Wisconsin. Gentlemen of the Convention, you may
not like what I have said in this platform, but at least I have said ex-
actly where we stand and there is no mistake about it.
When Mr. Gross was concluding the section of the minority report
in regard to the initiative, referendum and recall, the following occurred:
MR. GROSS, of Wisconsin. "We favor such amendments to the Fed-
eral Constitution, and thereupon the enactment of such statutes as may
be necessary to extend the initiative, the referendum, and the recall to
representatives in Congress and United States senators." (Loud laughter,
cries of "No, No, No." and hisses.)
THE PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The Convention will be in order. I
feel quite sure that it is not necessary for the Chairman to say that the
delegates will respectfully hear what any minority member may have to
say, and the guests of the Convention must not interrupt any minority
speaker by interjecting remarks or any one offending will be removed
from the hall.
After concluding the final section of the minority report on legis-
lation and publicity, Mr. Gross said:
MR. GROSS, of Wisconsin. Ladies and gentlemen of the Convention,
you heard your Chairman when he opened this great Convention on
yesterday morning deliver a speech that rang clear and true in some
particulars. (Laughter.)
THE PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The Convention will be in order.
MR. GROSS, of Wisconsin. We state this, ladies and gentlemen of the
Convention, that although
A DELEGATE FROM INDIANA. Mr. Chairman, I rise to a point of order.
THE PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The gentlemen will state his point of
order.
THE DELEGATE FROM INDIANA. There is nothing before the house but
the reading of the platform, and under our rules a member cannot de-
liver a speech when reading the platform.
THE PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The delegate from Indiana is quite
right in his point of order but, by inference at least, the gentleman on
the platform moved to substitute the minority report for the majority
report, and under that construction he has the floor for five minutes.
ANOTHER DELEGATE. Mr. Chairman.
THE TEMPORARY CHAIRMAN. For what purpose does the gentleman
rise?
THE DELEGATE. I want to make a motion.
THE TEMPORARY CHAIRMAN. No motion is in order at this moment.
Mr. Gross will proceed.
MR. GROSS, of Wisconsin. Gentlemen of this Convention, I do not
think it will hurt you one minute to listen to what I have to say, (cries
of "Oh, no.") because if you do not agree with what I have to say you
SIXTEENTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION 101
do not need to vote that way. I wouldn't want any man to violate his
conscience by his vote. (A voice, "You need not worry.") As I was
saying when I was interrupted, your Chairman on yesterday well said that
although this country is undergoing a state of prosperity, it is not a
natural condition but an artificial condition brought about by that great
holocaust across the pond. He stated that we are making great profits
out of shipments of munitions of war; and God forbid that we should
rejoice over money made in that way. (Handclapping.) You are ap-
plauding that statement now because it came from your Chairman, but
when I read that plank a few moments ago that would wipe out such
horrible conditions abroad, you did not applaud or handclap then. If it
was right for your chairman to take that position and you agreed with
him, why isn't it right for you to agree with the minority plank on that
proposition?
It may be true that we should not involve ourselves for expediency's
sake, but the Republican Party is expected to do what any progressive
party ought to do and should do; and if the question is right I do not
care one snap of the finger for expediency. If a question is right it is
worth fighting for and worth adopting irrespective of the expediency
The majority platform covers a situation that deals with a state of neu-
trality that uses the phraseology something like strict and honest neu-
trality. Why! Doesn't the Democratic administration at Washington
claim to conduct a strict and honest neutrality? It is simply a general
expression that doesn't amount to anything. Put some teeth in that plank
of your platform
THE PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The time of the gentleman has ex-
pired.
MR. GROSS, of Wisconsin. I say, put some teeth in that plank of your
platform, and do not merely use high-sounding phrases that mean abso-
lutely nothing. I want you to consider these things, ladies and gentlemen
of the Convention, and vote, if you conscientiously can, in favor of the
minority platform. I thank you.
MR. LODGE, of Massachusetts. Mr. Chairman.
THE PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The Chair recognizes Senator Lodge
of Massachusetts.
MR. LODGE, of Massachusetts. Mr. Chairman and gentlemen of the
convention : I shall not take your time in discussing the minority report,
for it would involve a discussion of the entire report of the committee,
upon which your Committee on Resolutions has spent many hard-working
hours. The minority report is signed alone by the gentleman who has
presented it. (Laughter and applause.) And, while we all respect the
courage of conviction displayed by the gentleman, yet I think it only
fair to say that the committee has considered, I believe, all the sugges-
tions contained in the minority report, and on the only one on which a
102 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE
vote was obtained, the committee voted forty-five to one against it. 1
therefore trust, and it is all I intend to say, that the convention will not
substitute the minority report for that of the committee.
While on my feet and after reading the report of the Committee on
Resolutions I moved the adoption of the report.
The question was called for.
THE PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The question before the convention is
on the substitute offered by the gentleman from Wisconsin, (Mr. Gross),
that the minority report be adopted in place of the majority report.
All in favor of the motion will make it known by saying "aye." (A few
scattering ayes.) Those opposed will make their pleasure known by
saying "no." (A chorus of "noes.") The noes have it and the substitute
is lost.
The question now is on the adoption of the report of the Committee
on Resolutions, or which may be termed the majority report.
And the report was agreed to.
COMMUNICATION FROM PROGRESSIVE CONVENTION
THE PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. Ladies and gentlemen of the conven-
tion : Your chairman is in receipt of a communication which he desires
to convey to the delegates of this convention :
"Chicago, June 8th, 1916.
"Hon. Warren G. Harding, Chairman of the Republican National Con-
vention, The Coliseum, Chicago.
"Dear Sir : By direction of the Progressive National Convention,
I transmit for the consideration of the Republican National Convention
copy of a resolution duly adopted by the Progressive National Convention
at its afternoon session, June 8th, 1916.
"Very truly yours,
"O. K. DAVIS,
"Secretary, Progressive National Convention."
RESOLUTION
"In the spirit of the statement approved at the meeting of its
National Committee held on January nth last past, the National
Convention of the Progressive Party invites and requests the
National Convention of the Republican Party to appoint a Com-
mittee on Conference to meet with a similar committee from this
body."
The reading of the resolution was greeted by enthusiastic applause.
MR. REED SMOOT, of Utah. Mr. Chairman.
THE PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The chair recognizes Senator Smoot,
of Utah.
SIXTEENTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION 103
MR. SMOOT. I move that, in view of the request of the Progressive
National Convention, a committee of five delegates be appointed by the
Chairman of this Convention to confer with a committee or the Conven-
tion of the Progressive Party. (Applause.)
A DELEGATE. I second the motion.
A VOICE. We have got to get together.
THE PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The question is on agreeing to the
motion of the Senator from Utah. Those of you who favor the adoption
of the motion will say "aye." (A chorus of ayes.) Contrary "no." (A
few scattering noes were heard.) The ayes seem to have it. (After a
pause.) The ayes have it, and the motion is agreed to.
COMMITTEE OF CONFERENCE
THE PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. In accordance with the instructions of
this Convention, the Chair appoints as such a committee, Senator Smoot
of Utah, Ex-Senator Murray Crane of Massachusetts, Senator William
E. Borah of Idaho, Dr. Nicholas Murray Butler of New York, and Ex-
Congressman A. R. Johnson of Ohio. (Applause.)
ELECTION OF NATIONAL COMMITTEE
PERMANENT CHAIRMAN : The next business in order is the election
of the National Committee. In accordance with Rule No. 14, the Secretary
will call the roll for nomination of members of the National Committee.
The Secretary will call the roll.
As the Secretary calls the roll of States, the Chairman of each State
Delegation will please announce the nomination by his State for its mem-
ber of the committee.
The Convention will be in order.
Thereupon the Secretary proceeded to call the roll. When Connecti-
cut was reached, the Chairman for Connecticut said as follows :
Chairman of Connecticut delegation: Connecticut has not as yet
nominated.
The Secretary continued with the call of the roll and when Kentucky
was reached, Mr. A. E. Willson for Kentucky said as follows:
The Chairman announces the election of A. T. Hert, by the delegation,
but I am advised that there will be a contest of this election by Mr. J. W.
McCulloch. (Confusion and cries of "No! No!")
MR. R. C. STOLL: (Of Kentucky) I want to submit that on yesterday
at a meeting of the delegates they were notified that they would have
ample notice of a meeting for the selection of a National Committeeman,
but just at this moment they have called a meeting for the election of a
104 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE
National Committeeman. There are several delegates who are not here,
and who did not know the matter was going to come up. We protest
against this election.
(Mr. Stoll's further remarks were not audible on the stage, and
the calling of the roll was proceeded with.)
At the call of New York.
MR. WHITMAN, of New York. Mr. Chairman, the report of New York
will be made later.
When Tennessee was reached.
MR. HOOPER, of Tennessee. Mr. Chairman, I challenge the announce-
ment of Tennessee, under the authority of Rule No. 14, adopted by this
Convention today. I move to substitute the name of John J. Gore for Na-
tional Committeeman of this State (Tennessee) on the ground that in-
structions were violated in the election of Mr. Littleton.
PERMANENT CHAIRMAN : The case of Tennessee will be passed until
the roll call is completed, when the Chair will again revert to Tennessee.
Secretary Gleason continues the call of the roll of States, to the end.
PERMANENT CHAIRMAN: The Chair recognizes Mr. O. B. Marx, of
Michigan.
MR. MARX : Mr. Chairman, I move that the members so nominated
without objection be now elected.
PERMANENT CHAIRMAN: The gentleman from Michigan (Mr. Marx)
moves the election of the members of the National Committee who are
nominated without objection. The question is on the adoption of the
motion of the member from Michigan. Those who favor the motion
will say Aye. Opposed, no. The motion is carried.
The Chair recognizes the Hon. R. W. Austin, of Tennessee.
MR. AUSTIN : Mr. Chairman, I move to lay the motion of Mr. Hooper
of Tennessee on the table.
PERMANENT CHAIRMAN: The delegate from Tennessee, Mr. Austin,
moves to lay the motion of Governor Hooper of the same State, on the
table.
MR. BROWN, of New York: Mr. President.
PERMANENT CHAIRMAN: For what purpose does the gentleman rise?
MR. BROWN : For information. I desire to know the motion.
PERMANENT CHAIRMAN : The motion is to lay the challenge of Gov-
ernor Hooper of Tennessee on the table. The motion is not debatable.
VOICES AMONG THE DELEGATES: State the motion. What is the mo-
tion? (Cries of "Hooper! Hooper!")
PERMANENT CHAIRMAN : Gentlemen of the Convention, Governor
Hooper of Tennessee challenges the nomination presented by that State.
Delegate Austin of Tennessee moves to lay the challenge on the table and
the motion, under the rules, is not debatable. Those of you who favor
SIXTEENTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION 105
laying the challenge on the table say Aye. Those of you who are opposed
will say No. (Loud No vote.) The Noes appear to have it. The
Noes do have it and the motion to table does not prevail.
I recognize the gentleman from New York, Senator Eloii R. Brown.
MR. BROWN : Mr. Chairman.
PERMANENT CHAIRMAN : Senator Brown has the floor.
MR. BROWN : I move that in the matter of the National Committee-
man from Tennessee, the pending motion, be referred to the National
Committee, and I do so for this reason.
(No! No!)
PERMANENT CHAIRMAN : State your motion, and then your re-
marks will be in order.
MR. BROWN : I have stated my motion, that it be referred.
PERMANENT CHAIRMAN : Senator Brown, of the New York delega-
tion, moves that the protest and the contest, if you please, from Tennessee,
be referred to the National Committee with power to act. Such is the
pending motion before the Committee of the Convention now.
A DELEGATE: Seconded.
MR. BROWN, of New York: Mr. Chairman.
PERMANENT CHAIRMAN: Senator Brown, Gentlemen.
MR. BROWN: Gentlemen of the Convention: As a member of the
Committee on Rules, and a member of the Sub-Committee on Rules, be-
fore whom this matter was considered, I make this motion because of the
inability at this time, even more than at the time the Committee was in
session, to give due consideration to the claims of the contestants for
the position.
MR. HOOPER, of Tennessee (Interrupting) : We all agreed, Mr. Chair-
man.
MR. BROWN, of New York (continuing) : to give due consideration
to the claims of the contestants for the position. It will be utterly futile
for the Convention to enter into a consideration of it, because the parties
disagree as to the facts. You have adopted your rules. Those rules will
be binding upon the National Committee, and the National Committee can
settle the matter according to the very justice of the case.
DELEGATES : Cries of "Question, Question."
MR. HOOPER, of Tennessee : Mr. Chairman, I want to say on behalf
of the Tennessee delegation that from expressions I hear here, just now,
I feel sure that the entire delegation is in accord with the motion made
by the gentleman from New York. Am I right, gentlemen?
DELEGATES : Yes, yes.
MR. HOOPER, of Tennessee: All right, let it go to the National Com-
mittee.
PERMANENT CHAIRMAN: Are there any other remarks?
106 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE
PERMANENT CHAIRMAN : The question is on the motion of the gen-
tleman from New York to refer the matter to the National Committee with
power to act. Those of you who favor agreeing with the motion will say
Aye. Opposed, No. The Ayes have it.
(The vote was unanimous.)
PERMANENT CHAIRMAN : The gentleman who made a partial report
from Kentucky Is Governor Willson ready to report?
MR. J. W. LANGLEY, of Kentucky. Mr. Chairman, that was a full
report. Our delegation selected Mr. Hert yesterday by a majority vote.
The other side announced that they would raise a contest on the idea that
a previous vote in Kentucky several weeks ago elected another gentleman,
but we take it there is no election until today, and our delegation has voted
by a conceded majority to nominate Mr. Hert.
MR. E. T. FRANKS (Of Kentucky) : Mr. Chairman.
PERMANENT CHAIRMAN: For what purpose does the gentleman rise?
MR. FRANKS (Of Kentucky) : I rise for the purpose of moving that
the Kentucky situation be referred to the National Committee with
power to act.
A DELEGATE: Seconded.
MR. JOHN W. LANGLEY (Of Kentucky) : Mr. Chairman, a point of
order. I understand the chair to announce the motion to vote on all
nominations to which there was no objection.
(Several delegates were in the aisles, and there was some confusion.)
PERMANENT CHAIRMAN : Quite right.
MR. LANGLEY: There was no objection made to the nomination by
Governor Willson, and therefore my point of order is that National Com-
mitteeman from Kentucky
PERMANENT CHAIRMAN : The point of order is sustained. The chair
will recognize Mr. Warren (of Michigan) for a motion.
(See page 203 for list of members of National Committee so far as
of yesterday.
MR. WARREN (Of Michigan) : Mr. Chairman, I move that the Con-
vention do now adjourn until eleven o'clock tomorrow morning.
PERMANENT CHAIRMAN: The motion is to adjourn until eleven
o'clock tomorrow morning.
DELEGATES : Aye. Aye.
PERMANENT CHAIRMAN : The motion is carried and the convention is
adjourned until eleven o'clock tomorrow morning.
The motion was agreed to; and (at 5 o'clock and 55 minutes p. m.)
the Convention adjourned until tomorrow, Friday, June Qth, 1916, at II
o'clock a. m.
LAFAYETTE B. GLEASON, of New York
General Secretary of the Convention
THIRD DAY
CONVENTION HALL
THE COLISEUM
CHICAGO, ILL, JUNE 9, 1916.
The Convention met at II o'clock a. m.
THE PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The Convention will be in order. The
Chair requests the members of the Convention and its guests to rise while
prayer is offered by Bishop William F. McDowell.
PRAYER OF BISHOP WILLIAM F. McDOWELL
Bishop William F. McDowell, of the Methodist Episcopal Church,
Washington, D. C, offered the following prayer :
Almighty God, unto Whom all hearts are open, all desires known and
from Whom no secrets are hid, cleanse the thoughts of our hearts by
the inspiration of Thy holy spirit that we may perfectly love Thee and
perfectly magnify Thy holy name in what we do this day. Go before
us with Thy holy spirit that all our work begun, continued and ended in
Thee may redound to Thy glory and the welfare of mankind.
We are here on the most important day that has ever witnessed a
gathering like this. What we here do has more than party significance;
it means everything to the republic; it means vastly to the world itself.
Oh, Lord God, may the spirit of Abraham Lincoln fall upon this
great company today that we may nobly consecrate ourselves to that larger
service of humanity that characterized him and those who like him have
fought the good fight and kept the faith and finished their course.
Keep us true to those ideals that make for human welfare every-
where in the world.
Lift us above all that is low and little and petty and material, and
save us, O God, that we may help Thee save the world for liberty, for
righteousness, for truth, for human welfare.
Guide the thoughts and the hearts of men, control the speech of men
and let Thy blessings fall upon the republic and the world for Jesus
Christ's sake, we ask it, Amen.
107
108 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE
CORRECTION OF RULING OF THE CHAIR AS TO NATIONAL
COMMITTEEMAN FROM KENTUCKY
THE PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The Chair asks unanimous consent of
the Convention to correct an error on the part of its Presiding Officer
which occured during the proceedings of yesterday. Is there objection?
A VOICE. Let us hear it.
THE PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. In ruling upon a point of order on
yesterday raised by a delegate from the State of Kentucky, the Chair was
quite correct, according to the information at hand; but the Chair was
not at that time aware that a protest had been filed in writing with the
Secretary of the Convention relating to the nomination of a member of
the National Committee from that State. In order to correct the pro-
ceedings and make the record straight the Chair now recognizes Mr.
William Heyburn of Kentucky.
MR. WILLIAM HEYBWRN, of Kentucky. Mr. Chairman, and gentlemen
of the Convention : The Kentucky delegation met at the Auditorium
Hotel on June 7, at 10 o'clock, all of the delegates from that State being
present. By a vote of 13^ to ^ Mr. A. T. Hert was nominated for
National Committeeman ; the other 12 votes being present but not voting.
I therefore move you that in view of the fact that Mr. A. T. Hert had a
clear majority of the Kentucky delegation that he be elected the member
of the National Committee for the State of Kentucky.
THE PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. Gentlemen of the Convention, you
have heard the motion offered by the gentleman from Kentucky, (Mr.
Heyburn) that Mr. A. T. Hert be elected National Committeeman for
the State of Kentucky. What is the pleasure of the Convention?
MR. W. D. COCHRAN, of Kentucky. Mr. Chairman
THE PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The Chair recognizes Mr. Cochran of
Kentucky.
MR. W. D. COCHRAN, of Kentucky. At the State Convention which
selected delegates at large to this National Convention, notice was given
of a meeting of the delegates for the purpose of organization. After
the close of the proceedings of the Convention a meeting of the dele-
gates was held, with 16 present, and 155/2 votes were cast, 5/2 vote not
voting; and the others remained away and tried to keep some of these
from attending in an effort to prevent a quorum being present. At that
meeting John W. McCulloch was re-elected the member of the National
Committee for the State of Kentucky. A motion was made to re-consider,
and that was laid upon the table.
A DELEGATE. I move to substitute the name of A. T. Hert for the
name of John W. McCulloch as National Committeeman for the State
of Kentucky.
MR. JAMES W. WADSWORTH, JR., of New York. Mr. Chairman.
SIXTEENTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION 109
THE PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The Chair recognizes Senator Wads-
worth of New York.
MR. JAMES W. WADSWORTH, JR. I move that the matter of the con-
test for National Committeeman for the State of Kentucky be referred
to the Republican National Committee with power to act.
A DELEGATE. I second the motion.
THE PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. Mr. Wadsworth of New York moves
that the question of a National Committeeman for the State of Kentucky
be referred to the National Committee with power to act. What is the
pleasure of the convention?
MR. WILLIAM MARSHALL BULLITT, of Kentucky. Mr. Chairman.
THE PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The chair recognizes the gentleman
from Kentucky.
MR. WILLIAM MARSHALL BULLITT. That motion is debatable, is it
not?
THE PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. For five minutes.
MR. WILLIAM MARSHALL BULLITT. Mr. Chairman and gentlemen of
the convention : Under the rules adopted by this National Convention
the chairman of each State delegation, when the roll of States was called,
was to announce the name of the one person chosen by the delegation to
act as the member of the National Committee from that State. That has
been done (considerable confusion arose among the Kentucky delega-
tion and extending to other delegates.)
THE PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. Gentlemen of the convention, you
will please hear the gentleman from Kentucky, who wishes to make a
statement to the convention.
MR. WILLIAM MARSHALL BULLITT. As I was saying that has been
done ; and there is no provision in the party law for the National Com-
mittee to hear contests concerning the eligibility of its members. The
chairman of the delegation at the roll-call gave the name of Mr. A. T.
Hert. Any member of the Kentucky delegation had the right to call for
a poll of the delegates if he was not satisfied with the announcement by the
chairman. No one did so when the roll was called and when the an-
nouncement was made ; therefore it seems to me that that announcement
fs bound to stand certainly unless the delegation, when called for a
poll, votes otherwise. There is no provision in the party law for leaving
a contest to the National Committee for settlement as a matter of ar-
bitration, unless done by consent, and I therefore oppose the motion of
the Senator from New York (Mr. Wadsworth) upon the ground that it
is not proper under the party law, and that the announcement of the
chairman of the Kentucky delegation must stand unless a poll of the
Kentucky delegation is called for, and when such poll is called for and
voted upon the result should be different from the announcement by the
chairman.
110 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE
THE PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The question before the Convention
is on the motion of the Senator from New York, (Mr. James W. Wads-
worth, Jr.) to refer the Kentucky controversy to the National Committee
with power to act. Those of you who favor the motion will say "Aye."
(A chorus of Ayes.) Contrary "No." (A good many Noes.) The Ayes
seem to have it. (After a pause.) The Ayes have it, and the matter
is referred to the National Committee with power to act.
NATIONAL COMMITTEEMEN FOR OTHER STATES
THE PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The Secretary will read the report
from two other State delegations nominating members of the Republi-
can National Committee.
THE SECRETARY OF THE CONVENTION. I will read the following com-
munication :
Chicago, June 9, 1916.
Hon. Warren G. Harding, Chairman,
Republican National Convention,
Chicago, Illinois.
Sir:
I take pleasure in reporting to you that the unanimous choice of this
delegation for the Minnesota member of the National Republican Com-
mittee is Hon. Chester A. Congdon, of Duluth.
Yours truly,
S. R. VAN SANT,
Chairman Minnesota Delegation.
I also wish to announce that I have the certificate from the South
Carolina delegation naming J. W. Tolbert as the member of the Republi-
can National Committee for the State of South Carolina.
MR. JAMES W. WADSWORTH, JR., of New York. Mr. Chairman, I
move that this Convention do now elect Mr. Chester A. Congdon as the
member of the Republican National Committee for the State of Min-
nesota, and Mr. J. W. Tolbert as the member of the same Committee for
the State of South Carolina.
The motion was agreed to.
CONFERENCE COMMITTEE REPORT
THE PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The Chair will now ask the Conven-
tion to hear a report from Mr. Smoot of Utah, Chairman of the Con-
ference Committee appointed to confer with a similar committee selected
by the National Progressive Convention.
SIXTEENTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION 111
MR. REED SMOOT, of Utah. Mr. Chairman, ladies and gentlemen of
the Convention : Your Committee has instructed me to make the fol-
lowing report:
"To the Republican National Convention :
Your Committee appointed pursuant to the resolution adopted at
yesterday's session, met in conference with a committee representing the
National Progressive Convention last evening. That the Progressive
Committee of Conference consisted of Messrs. Perkins of New York,
Johnson of California, Bonaparte of Maryland, Wilkinson of New York,
and Parker of Louisiana.
The conference was frank, free and most friendly. The conferees
were of one mind in believing that the good of the country and perhaps
its repute and influence for years to come, depends upon the complete de-
feat of the present Democratic Administration and the restoration of the
control of the Executive and Legislative branches of the Government to
the hands of those who firmly believe in and will execute the policies that
are so heartily supported by the Republican and the Progressive parties
alike.
The Progressive conferees were unanimous in urging with temperate-
ness and fairness, the opinion that Theodore Roosevelt of New York
had so large a personal following and such a close personal relation to
the issues of the coming campaign as to make him the most desirable
candidate upon which to unite.
It was agreed that your conferees would report these facts to this
Convention.
Respectfully submitted,
REED SMOOT.
W. MURRAY CRANE.
W. E. BORAH.
NICHOLAS MURRAY BUTLER,
A. R. JOHNSON.
June 9th, 1916.
THE PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. Inasmuch as the Committee of Con-
ference has not asked for its discharge it is authorized to continue its
work. (Great applause.)
NOMINATION OF CANDIDATES FOR PRESIDENT
THE PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. Under Rule 9, adopted by this Con-
vention, we will now proceed to the business of presentation of names
of Candidates for the nomination for the Presidency of the United States.
The Secretary will proceed to call the roll of States.
The Chair has arrogated to itself the authority to require that sec-
onding speeches be made after the complete roll call of States, and he
desires such delegates as are commissioned to speak the wishes of their
112 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE
several delegations to send their names to the chair in order that they
may be recognized in the same order in which the presentation speeches
are made.
On the calling of the roll, now to be made by the Secretary, nominat-
ing speeches for candidates for the Presidency will be in order. The
secretary will call the roll of States.
The Secretary rose to call the roll of States.
MR. FRANK R. STEWART, of Arizona. Mr. Chairman
THE PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. For what purpose does the gentleman
rise?
MR. FRANK R. STEWART, of Arizona. Mr. Chairman, 1 wish to say
that I am the first alternate on the list, and delegate John B. Wright is
absent
THE PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. Wait until the State of Arizona is
reached on the roll call and then you can present any matter which may
be pertinent.
THE SECRETARY OF THE CONVENTION. I will request Mr. Will A.
Waite, of Michigan, one of the reading clerks, to call the roll.
Alabama was called and passed.
Arizona was called.
MR. EDWARD KENT, of Arizona. Mr. Chairman and gentlemen of the
Convention : Arizona has no candidate for the Presidency, and I am
instructed by my delegation to say that Arizona yields to New York.
MR. FRANK R. STEWART, of Arizona. Mr. Chairman, I challenge the
report of the delegation and ask for a roll call.
THE PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. A demand having been made for the
calling of the roll of the delegates from Arizona, and the vote as an-
nounced challenged, the Secretary will call the roll.
MR. EDWARD KENT, of Arizona. I rise to a point of order, Mr.
Chairman.
THE PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The gentleman will state his point of
order.
MR. EDWARD KENT, of Arizona. My point of order is that no mem-
ber of the Arizona delegation, at least no delegate has challenged Arizona's
vote. The gentleman who has spoken is not entitled to a place on the
delegation.
THE PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The chairman of the Arizona delega-
tion says that the gentleman who has risen and challenged the announce-
ment for Arizona is not entitled to a place on the delegation. The Chair
will determine that point upon the roll call. The Secretary will call the
roll of delegates from the State of Arizona.
THE SECRETARY OF THE CONVENTION, (Mr. Lafayette B. Gleason, of
New York). The delegates will answer as their names are called.
The Secretary called the name of Edward Kent, delegate, and he
answered "Ave."
SIXTEENTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION 113
The Secretary called the name of Charles A. Overlook, delegate, and
he answered "Aye."
The Secretary called the name of Leroy Anderson, delegate, and he
answered "Aye."
The Secretary called the name of Ph. Freudenthal, delegate, and he
answered "Aye."
The Secretary called the named of John B. Wright, delegate, and some
one answered "Aye."
The Secretary called the name of Fred S. Breen, delegate, and he
answered "Aye."
THE SECRETARY OF THE CONVENTION. Mr. Chairman, all six have
answered "Aye."
MR. FRANK R. STEWART, of Arizona. Mr. Chairman, Mr. John B.
Wright is not in the delegation but returned to Arizona yesterday.
THE PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. Will the gentleman rise who an-
swered for Mr. Wright?
MR. BRACEY CURTIS, of Arizona. I answered when his name was
called.
THE PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. By what right did you answer when
Mr. Wright's name was called?
MR. BRACEY CURTIS, of Arizona. Mr. Wright turned over his badge
and ticket to me, the third alternate on the list of six alternates represent-
ing the State of Arizona, and therefore I feel that I am acting as the
proxy for Mr. Wright.
THE PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. Under the rules of the Convention you
have no right to represent Mr. Wright. The Secretary will therefore
call the name of the first alternate in the place of Mr. John B. Wright,
delegate, who is absent.
The Secretary thereupon called the name of Frank R. Stewart, the
first Alternate on the list of alternates from the State of Arizona, and he
answered "aye." (Laughter.)
THE SECRETARY. The gentleman votes "aye."
MR. FRANK R. STEWART, of Arizona. I vote "No." (Laughter.) Well,
I was only answering to the roll call, you understand.
THE PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. On a poll a majority of the delegates
from Arizona having yielded to New York, the Secretary will now call
New York.
THE SECRETARY OF THE CONVENTION (Mr. Lafayette B. Gleason of
New York). Pursuant to the courtesy extended by the State of Arizona and
by direction of the Permanent Chairman of this Convention I do now
call the State of New York.
MR. CHARLES S. WHITMAN, of New York. Mr. Chairman.
THE PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The Chair recognizes Governor Charles
S. Whitman, of New York. (And when Governor Whitman reached the
platform he was greeted by loud and prolonged applause.)
114 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE
GOVERNOR WHITMAN NOMINATING MR. HUGHES
THE PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The Chair takes pleasure in introducing
to the Convention Governor Charles S. Whitman of the Empire State.
(Renewed applause.)
MR. WHITMAN, of New York. Mr. Chairman, and ladies and gentle-
men of the Convention : As we have been frequently told during the days
past we are here today to choose the standard bearer of the Republican
Party in a great campaign. We are here, and we shall go from this place,
provided that our action be wise and be righteous, having chosen the
ruler for one hundred millions of people. We are here to choose and to
name the next President of the United States. (Great applause.) No
man living can assume nor have assumed a more solemn obligation, a
more sacred trust, than devolves today upon you and me and upon every
man assembled in this Convention, who are representing as we do and
as God grant we may, the sovereign will of a great people. We are here
in response to the demand of the American people that a minority Presi-
dent shall give way to a leader representing the will of the majority.
(Applause.) He who casts his ballot here in any spirit whatsoever save
in profound devotion to America and for what it is and what it has been
and for what it must stand for before the nations of the world, is
undeserving the name of patriot and is unworthy the name Republican.
It is not the policy of expediency that must guide us in this sacred
and solemn moment but the Republicanism of history. The national
horizon is dark and troubled. From afar the lurid flashes of a world
war reminds us of our own citizens killed and our own flag insulted. To
the south we see anarchy encroaching on our borders. At Washington the
President "watches and waits."
Yet we must not think the task before us an easy one. The country
is still at peace, and the maintenance of peace will be plausibly claimed
by the Democratic party. That party hopes the country will soon for-
get the insults of our national honor. It is its belief that the people
will not long remember the vacillating diplomacy clothed in glittering
rhetoric which has alarmed our people, discredited our standing among the
nations, and brought us to the verge of war.
A form of prosperity is in the land and few perhaps recognized its
temporary nature or pause to analyze its causes.
The great war in Europe created unusual and temporary markets
which stayed for the time the disaster otherwise sure to result from a
Democratic tariff. The war came when our factories were beginning tu
close, when cars and engines were being shunted on to sidings for long
idleness, when business was preparing for a siege of hard times such as
had not been experienced since 1895. This great war turned our work-
SIXTEENTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION 115
men from the bread lines back to the mills, the forges and the farms,
as surely as did the election of William McKinley and a Republican
Congress in 1896. (Applause.)
If the devout prayers of all mankind be answered and our hopes be
fulfilled, which God grant, the frightful holocaust of war will end as
quickly and unexpectedly as it began, and the products of European labor
will pour in upon us, undeterred by a tariff barrier, at prices ruinous to
our trade and industries.
We must choose a man so great and of such masterful authority that
he may bring home to the people a realization of the artificial character
of our temporary prosperity. We must choose a man so great that he
may be able to lead us safely through the perils that will follow the re-
sumption of peace. We must choose a man so great in himself that the
fear of comparison with himself will not deter him from surrounding
himself with the greatest men and the ablest statesmen of the nation.
We must choose a man so great that he may meet as a true American the
supreme national issues, not only of the hour but those of the future.
(Applause.)
Our party is rich in men imbued with the true spirit of Americanism.
No one of them can claim a preponderance, a monoply, of the American
spirit in his heart or in his nature. (Applause.) All alike have been
brought up in the school of the great Republican Party, whose record
is the best guarantee of absolute, unswerving and devoted loyalty to the
liberty, the enlightenment and civilization which the flag embodies and
represents, and which the Republican Party has defended from its birth.
Our party has ever believed that for the maintenance of these principles,
the nation should always be ready, should always be prepared, and should
always be "proud to fight." (Applause.)
We bring to you today the name of a man trained in battle for the
truth, tried and found faithful in the administration of great public trusts,
sterling in his Republicanism, free from the animosities engendered by
factional strife, his private life above suspicion, his public life without
flaw, a great lawyer, an effective campaigner, a wonderfully able execu-
tive, a mature statesman, a great judge ; he, above all others, combines the
essential qualifications of a true leader in this crisis of our party and in
this crisis of our country.
His searching, fearless and epoch-making investigation into the man-
agement of our great insurance companies gave the people their first
glimpse of his rare intellectual power, his indomitable courage, his high
idealism. The salutary results achieved have justly endeared the in-
vestigator to the millions of policyholders throughout the nation. (Ap-
plause.)
When he was first nominated for Governor of the Empire State, so
great was his hold upon the people that he was victorious although every
116 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE
other candidate on the Republican ticket went down to defeat. Medi-
tate upon this, gentlemen of the Convention. It is known to all of you
that success in New York State is essential to success in the nation. His
nomination here will carry with it absolute certainty of success there.
(Applause.)
In 1908 the United Republican Party had nominated for its Presi-
dential candidate that eminent statesman and judge, William Howard
Taft. (Loud and prolonged applause, delegates rising to their feet and
waving hats, handkerchiefs and flags, the applause dying down several times
only to start anew.) The Democratic Party, under the leadership of Mr.
Bryan, offered the people plausible panaceas for all our national ills. The
country awaited proof of the sincerity of the promises of the Republican
Party before they were willing to entrust the destinies of the nation to its
keeping. One figure stood forth pre-eminent the champion of the people,
of the party, and of the truth the Governor of the State of New York,
who in his wealth of splendid manhood, had won the attention and the
admiration of the entire country. At the demand of the people, not only
of his State but of the nation, he had been renominated for Governor.
(Applause.)
In the midst of his own campaign the West called for him. The Re-
publican managers felt the need of a speaker who by his reputation and
his logic could carry conviction to the voters of the nation. At Youngs-
town, Ohio, he delivered an address which, as an able and sincere presen-
tation of the Republican platform and as a destructive attack upon the
fallacies of the Democratic proposals, was not equalled except by his own
later speeches. In Indiana he repeated his Ohio triumph, and early in
October he made a meteoric swing around the circle. Through the States
of Wisconsin, Minnesota and South Dakota he bore the party's banner.
There wasn't any question about his Americanism then ; there wasn't any
question about his Republicanism then. The Republican Party needed this
giant from New York, and his sendees were freely given then. In Iowa,
Nebraska and Kansas he pounded home the solid truths and pledges of
the Republican platform. Through Missouri and Illinois his tour was
one great rally of voters to our standards. You remember what he did
in your State ! You men of the Michigan delegation, I know you will bear
me out, that his words uttered there are the accepted Republican gospel
today. Would that I could bring vividly to your minds the heroic picture
he made. Some of you recall it. Would that I could make you see him,
as we saw him, speaking day after day amidst tumultuous enthusiasm,
whether his rostrum was the rear platform of his train or the stage of a
crowded auditorium. See him, the master of logic and convincing speech,
establishing himself as the greatest campaigner of that or any other politi-
cal campaign. (Applause.) See him the Governor of an Eastern State,
marching victorious through the West, demolishing the plausible proposals
SIXTEENTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION 117
of the opposing party with such effect that final victory came to our stand-
ard, and no man contributed more to that result than he did. (Tumultuous
applause.
In the same year he consented that his name be placed in nomination
for the Presidency. He signified his consent in a speech full of sterling
Republican and patriotic doctrine. Hear him speak of the Republican
party and its mission :
"The Republican party is the party of stability, and the
party of progress. Its fundamental policies have determined
the course of the Nation's history. Largely, they are now
without serious challenge and are removed from any contro-
versy the issue of which might be regarded as doubtful. They
include the policy of Union in opposition to every divisive sen-
timent or disrupting force. They include the policy of estab-
lishing the national credit upon a sure foundation, in op-
position to those financial vagaries which, paraded at one time
with solemn argument and fervid appeal as the hope of
the people, are now by common consent relegated to our
museum of political absurdities, wholly amusing save for our
keen appreciation of the peril we narrowly escaped. And they
also include the policy of protection to American industry in
the interest of the wage-earners of our country and in order to
safeguard those higher American standards of living which
our people will never permit to be reduced . . . The great
names of the party are the priceless possession of the Ameri-
can people who irrespective of partisan affiliations, are grate-
ful that the violence of opposition did not deprive the Nation
of their leadership."
Could anyone pay a more sincere tribute to our party, or give more
convincing proof of his Republicanism?
Finally, he was sound upon the great question of national preparedness
and national defense. He has not spoken? Why, my friends, he spoke
eight years ago ! Listen to what he then said :
"We are devoted to the interests of peace and we cherish
no policy of aggression. The maintenance of our ideals is our
surest protection. It is our constant aim to live in friend-
ship with all nations and to realize the aims of a free govern-
ment secure from the interruptions of strife and the wastes of
war. It is entirely consistent with these aims, and it is our
duty, to make adequate provision for our defense and to
maintain forever the efficiency of our Army and Navy. And
this I favor." (Applause.)
These then, are his principles; sound, Republican and patriotic.
118 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE
I need not dwell upon his recent career. You all remember his sec-
ond administration as Governor filled with valiant fights for the people,
which brought him the sympathy, the admiration, the love, of his fellow-
men in his own State, yes, in every State in the Union.
Of his more recent patriotic service on the most august of the world's
judicial tribunals, his magnificent utterances from the bench are his best
and his greatest monument. They show his accustomed tireless energy,
his tremendous reasoning power, his mature grasp of the fundamental
principles out of which has developed the American commonwealth.
This phase of his career is a magnificent supplement to his earlier
achievements. Few of our great executives have had such an opportunity,
or such a trial of their intellectual power. His eminent success is as strik-
ing a tribute to the versatility of his genius, as to the fundamental great-
ness of his character.
We have seen him the man of action, the champion of the people, the
idol of the electorate, the faithful public servant, the profound thinker
on national affairs.
He, above all other men, can bring home to the people the fact that
the Democratic party has failed and miserably failed, in its stewardship.
He, above all other men, can bring to the people a conviction of the
dangers which surround us. He, above all other men, can assure this
country that the Republican Party, the Party of progress, of union, and
of patriotic achievement, is once more united and capable of assuming
the helm of the ship of State. He, above all others, can bring to the
party the confidence of the people. He, above all others, can bring to the
country prosperity, security and honor. He above all other men embodies
in himself and represents to all the world a great people's courage, am-
bition and character. He is the American spirit incarnate. (Applause.)
I do not speak for any man or for any candidate. I do not claim to
represent any man or any candidate. The great State of New York,
through the lips of its Governor, offers to the people and the party, to
the voters of the party not only to them, to the great Nation her son,
her noblest and her best.
I nominate as the Republican candidate for President of the United
States Charles Evans Hughes, of New York. (Applause, enthusiastic and
long continued, during which members of the New York, Michigan,
Maine, Vermont and Mississippi delegations took up their State standards
and marched round the hall ; and a member of the Maine delegation
carried a toy elephant of about two feet in height on his head to the
platform.)
THE PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The convention will be in order. Ari-
zona having yielded to the great Empire State, the Chair now grants
recognition to Dr. Nicholas Murray Butler, of New York. (Applause).
COLONEL WILLIAM F. STONE, of Maryland,
Sergeant-at-Arms of the Convention and of the National Committee
SIXTEENTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION 119
MR. BUTLER NOMINATING MR. ROOT.
MR. BUTLER, of New York. Mr. Chairman, ladies and gentlemen of
the convention :
To be elected twenty-ninth President of the United States, I shall
nominate him who, by common consent, stands with the foremost states-
men of his time in this or any other land. (Applause.)
This is no ordinary convention. These are no ordinary times. The
world is in upheaval. Forces thought to be long since cribbed, cabined
and confined are loose in the world, spreading havoc and destruction on
every side. There is everywhere uncertainty, unrest, grave concern for
the happenings of tomorrow. The American people find themselves in
the midst of a great world storm. Round about them the tempest is
raging, and the great heaving waves of passion, or prejudice and of hate
are threatening the total destruction of the craft which bears those fruits
of human accomplishment that we call civilization. There is need of
vision ; there is need of leadership ; there is need of sound, well-tested prin-
ciple and policy, if all that we hold most dear is to ride this storm in
safety. (Great applause.)
Problems abroad multiply problems at home. Problems at home in-
tensify problems abroad. Where can this nation turn for guidance and
for accomplishment at a crisis like this if not to the party which has given
to American life one after another of the great group of leaders and con-
structive statesmen who have made so large a part of American history
for the past sixty years? That party is possessed of a body of fundamental
principles which rest upon the foundation of American character, Ameri-
can history and American hope. (Applause.) That party does not draw
back from difficulty, because it has grown great by surmounting one severe
difficulty after another. That party does not draw back from problems, be-
cause it has made its repute in the history of free government by success
fully solving one hard problem after another. That party is confident of
finding leaders with vision, with sagacity and with power, because for two
generations of men it has furnished one such after another to the causes
which it has made its own. The best guide for the future is the knowledge
and the experience of the past. (Applause.)
Just now every difficulty, every problem merges into one. That is the
difficulty, that is the problem, of finding the voice and of executing the
will of real America.
Our America is the land where hate expires. (Applause.) It is the
land where differences of race, of creed, of language, all melt away before
the powerful and welding heat of devotion to civil liberty. We are com-
posite as a people, but we are one in fundamental belief, one in controlling
principle, one in confident hope for the future. (Applause.) It was the
task of the Republican Party, with the splendid aid of men of other politi-
120 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE
cal faith, to preserve the integrity of the nation in the 6o's, and to keep its
financial and commercial honor unsullied in the go's. Shall it not be the
goal of the Republican Party, as the twentieth century unfolds itself to be
a stage for the thoughts and the deeds of men, to integrate and to express
the spirit and the soul of the American people at home, and abroad ? May
we not call to our side for the accomplishment of this task, as our grand-
fathers and our fathers did for theirs, all patriotic Americans, men and
women alike, whose faith may at times be different from ours but who see
the compelling power of the one great problem and the one great need of
this moment? (Applause.)
Nineteen sixteen is no ordinary year. The American people find them-
selves voiceless, disunited, broken, owing to what we cannot but regard as
the incompetence of the Administration and its inability either to under-
stand or to confront the stupendous happenings of the past two years. We
are gathered here, in the presence of this great company and under the
scrutiny of the whole American people, to take the first step in substituting
for the Administration now in power a Republican Administration that
shall bring to the people of the United States safety, prosperity, happiness,
and increasing self-respect. (Great applause.) We are here to choose
leaders who, in turn, are to give voice and effect to Republican principles
and to Republican policies. One State after another will, in friendly
rivalry, present the name of him whom it prefers to have selected to be-
come the next President of the United States. For, as surely as the sun
rides in high heaven, the nominee of this Convention will succeed to the
office of the President on March 4, 1917. (Long continued applause.)
It is my privilege to offer you the name not only of a typical Ameri-
can, but of an American whose character, abilities and public service, now
in the ripe fullness of their power, have brought to him fame and distinc-
tion such as fall to the lot of but few men in a century. (Applause.) Born
among the hills of Central New York, on the campus of an American col-
lege which appropriately enough bears the great name of Hamilton, he made
his way with credit and every evidence of promise through college and law
school to the Bar. Admitted to the Bar at the age of twenty-two, his indus-
try, his native ability and his power to clear and persuasive speech quickly
brought him both clients and reputation. Young as he was, President
Arthur found in him a trusted adviser and a close friend. He first held
public office as United States District Attorney, by President Arthur's ap-
pointment. So widespread was his reputation and so high his character
that in 1899, when the problems left by the Spanish War were pressing
heavily upon the Administration and the people, President McKinley turned
to him for counsel and for great public responsibility and service. (Ap-
plause.) When the message of invitation reached him to become Secretary
of War, he replied, "I know nothing about the army. Thank the President
for me, but say it is quite absurd. I know nothing about war." Shortly the
SIXTEENTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION 121
answer came back : "President McKinley directs me to say he is not look-
ing for any one who knows about war or about the army. He is looking for
a statesman to organize and to direct the government of the new pos-
sessions that the war has brought to the people of the United States. You
are the man he wants." Such an invitation was a command. The high-
minded and conscientious lawyer laid aside the ordinary practice of his
profession to answer the call of the greatest of all clients, the people of
the United States. For sixteen years they have been his clients, and how
faithfully and with what distinction he has served them are now matters
of history. (Great applause.)
He reorganized the army of the United States and brought it to the
highest point of efficiency it has ever reached. The General staff and the
War College are the fruit of his policies. In Cuba, in Porto Rico, in the
Philippine Islands, at Panama, his administrative skill and his vision have
made his name one to be conjured with. The policies that were then
formulated and executed brought happiness and contentment to those dis-
tant people and new honor and credit to the Government of the United
States. He was in large measure the founder of our American colonial
policy, and no more enlightened, more humane, or more successful colonial
policy has yet been seen in the world. (Applause.)
Let us not forget that among the problems that press in the im-
mediate future are problems relating to the army. He of whom I speak
was perhaps our greatest Secretary of War. (Applause.)
On the death of John Hay, he was recalled to the Cabinet of President
Roosevelt as Secretary of State. Four brilliant years of constructive
statesmanship and of rapidly growing international influence were the
result. Never was our foreign policy more definite, never was it more
precisely stated, and never was it more kindly and more firmly executed.
In the South American Republics his name is acclaimed as has been that
of no other American since the silvery voice of Henry Clay was stilled.
In China, because of the remission of the Boxer indemnity, he is hailed
as the most generous and most enlightened of statesmen, and our coun-
try is held to be the most beneficient and large-minded of nations. In
Japan, because of the joint agreement which bears his name, he is trusted
as having been able to propose a working solution of a difficult and deli-
cate question of international policy. He found many and serious out-
standing matters of difference with our neighbors to the north, and he
left them all settled or in process of settlement. In every chancellery of
Europe his name is known and honored. (Applause )
Let us not forget that the chief problems that now confront this
nation are those relating to international policy and international influence.
He of whom I speak has unrivalled knowledge of international law and
practice, and his name is written on the roll of Secretaries of State with
the highest. (Applause.)
122 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE
From the great post of Secretary of State he passed for six years
to the United States Senate. Here again his rare knowledge, his familiar-
ity with American political and diplomatic history, his firm grasp of con-
stitutional and legal principle, and his unrivalled power of exposition, gave
him from the moment of his entrance a place in the first rank. Political
friends and political foes alike deferred to his judgment and respected his
opinion. (Applause.) As a direct result of a single speech, dangerous pro-
visions making financial inflation possible were stricken from the Federal
Reserve Act. He retired from his post of service of his own free will in
order that he might now seek years of well-earned rest and repose.
But, Mr. Chairman, the people are not willing that this notable ability,
this exceptional experience, and this quite unequalled reputation shall be
beyond their reach at a time like this. The American people are searching
for the best they have. (Great applause.) They are everywhere asking
whether it is possible that when England and France and Germany and
Russia, and every other nation on the globe, are seeking their most ex-
perienced and ablest men to take posts of highest service, the American
democracy is to be content with anything less than the very best it has.
This is no time to pay compliments. The stern duty of today is to place
in the Presidency of the United States that Republican who by native
ability, by long public service, by large and full contribution to public
policy, and by force of conviction and power of expression, is best fitted
among us to wield the executive power and to guide the destinies of this
nation for the four anxious years upon which we are about to enter.
(Applause.) We must so act as to bring to an end conspiracy, disorder,
and the destruction of life and industry at home, at the behest of agents of
a foreign power or of sympathizers with them, as well as to protect Ameri-
can life and property abroad. (Great applause.)
There are critics of democracy who tell us that nothing is so unpopu-
lar as excellence, that the best is too good for recognition under popular
government. Who are those who so slander democracy, who are those
who so reflect upon popular appreciation and popular judgment, who are
those who so underestimate the intelligence and the virtue of the Ameri-
can people? Is it possible that democracy has made no progress since
Athens of old? Are we still in that stage of civilization where we ostra-
cize Aristides because we are weary of hearing him called the Just? Shall
we, in this twentieth century, only recognize excellence in order to pro-
scribe it? I do not think so meanly of democracy or of the American
people. They wish leadership ; they wish guidance ; they long for a voice
that is powerful enough to express all that their heart feels, and a brain
that is clear enough to state in terms of public policy those hopes and as-
pirations which are democracy's life. (Applause.)
Mr. Chairman, it is my good fortune to enjoy the friendship of many
of those whose names are now to be presented for the consideration of
SIXTEENTH REPUBLICAN' NATIONAL CONVENTION 123
this convention. They are men of character, men of capacity, men of
public experience, men of high patriotism. It would be a pleasure, were
we able to have many Republican Presidents, to find a place for them all.
But we are compelled to make a choice. It is our duty to choose him as
our candidate who, in the year 1916 and in the presence of the issues of
this moment, is in our judgment best fitted and most competent effectively
to represent Republican principles and best able to guide the policies of
the American people. (Applause.)
Mr. Chairman, let us take counsel of courage, not of fear. Let us
seek to lift this coming campaign above all the smaller and the more
sordid phases of politics. Let us give to the nation a President than whom
no public man in the history of this country has possessed larger powers
of mind, firmer or more consistent character, greater capacity for public
service, or more finished skill in exposition and persuasion. Let us fortify
ourselves at home and re-establish our repute abroad. (Applause long
continued.)
Beyond today's raging storm of war I see forming a rainbow of
promise. The bright colors that fade one into another are the colors of
the Saxon and the Celt, the Teuton and the Latin, the Slav and the Hun.
Slowly these pass into the pure white light of the day of peace and prog-
ress, of happiness and friendship among men. This rainbow is the symbol of
our dear America. (Applause.) Each separate color marks an element of
race or creed that goes into its making ; but when the white light of day ab-
sorbs them all into self, they exist no longer as separate colors but only as
indistinguishable parts of a single and sufficient brightness. So, under com-
petent and compelling leadership, I see a single, united America strong,
firm, resolute, just made out of all the different elements that have
sought these shores of hope and promise as a sailor seeks a safe and
sheltered port for refuge when the tempest roars. This America, the
America of Washington and Jefferson, 'of Hamilton and Marshall, of
Webster and Lincoln, will be a light to lighten the whole world and ages
yet unborn. (Applause.) This America will know its mind and do its will
because it shall have found a leader and a voice. (Applause.)
To be Republican candidate for President of the United States, I
name Elihu Root of New York. (Great applause and demonstration.)
THE PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The Secretary will continue the roll
call, and I will ask Senator Sutherland of Utah to take the chair.
MR. GEORGE SUTHERLAND, of Utah, (in the chair). Proceed with the
roll call.
(The Secretary continues the roll call.)
ARKANSAS
DELEGATE FROM ARKANSAS. Mr. Chairman, Arkansas has no candi-
date, but by instructions of the delegates, Arkansas yields to Ohio. (Ap-
plause.)
124 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE
MR. WILLIS NOMINATING MR. BURTON
PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The Chair will recognize Governor Willis,
of Ohio.
(Demonstration for Governor Willis.)
A DELEGATE. Three cheers for Governor Willis of Ohio.
(Cheering.)
PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. Governor Willis of Ohio.
MR. WILLIS. Mr. Chairman, ladies and gentlemen of the Convention :
We have just listened to two great addresses placing in nomination two
distinguished citizens of the Republic. But, my friend Governor Whit-
man, and my friend Dr. Nicholas Murray Butler, not being able to agree
as to the ownership of this New York elephant, I claim it for Ohio.
(Lifting up the toy elephant amid cheers and laughter.)
Ohio is the Mother of Presidents, anyhow, and she has the right to
name them. (Laughter.) I therefore have rescued this animal from
contention and have rededicated him to reunited Republicanism.
But seriously, my fellow countrymen, moved as we always are by
fitting tributes of respect to any great man, let us not forget that we in
this Convention today are not only to nominate a candidate for the
Presidency, but, more important than that, we are to remake and reunite
and reconsecrate this Republican Party that saved the Union. (Cheers
and applause.)
A few years ago it was my privilege to be in the City of Springfield
in this great State, and while there I visited the site of one of the greatest
political meetings this country or any country ever saw; and I learned
from the lips of men who were present at that meeting the story of that
wonderful gathering. When the great crowd had assembled, there
walked out to the edge of the platform a man, tall and lean and angular,
and this is what he said :
"We are now far into the fifth year since a policy was initiated with
the avowed object and confident promise of putting an end to slavery
agitation. (Applause.) Under the operation of that policy agitation has
not only not ceased, but has continually augmented. ... A house
divided against itself cannot stand. (Applause.) I believe this govern-
ment cannot endure permanently half slave and half free. I do not
expect the Union to be dissolved I do not expect the house to fall but
I do expect it will cease to be divided."
Those prophetic words fell from the lips of the man whose memory
is the tenderest and sweetest in all this western world, Abraham Lincoln.
(Applause.) And so I say to you, my fellow citizens, the work we
have to do here today is not simply to name some one of these eminent
gentlemen who are candidates for this high office, but, besides that, we
are to here reunite and reconsecrate ourselves to the everlasting principles
of the Republican Party. (Applause.) Let us unite the "pep" and the
"punch" of the Progressives, with the logic, the righteousness and the
SIXTEENTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION 125
organization of the Republicans, and we shall have a combination so
strong that the gates of Hell shall not prevail against it." (Applause,
and cheers.)
This same patriotic soul to whom I referred a moment ago, also spoke
these words : "We are not enemies, but friends. We must not be
enemies. Though passion may have strained, it must not break, our
bonds of affection. The mystic chords of memory stretching from every
battlefield and patriot grave to every living heart and hearthstone all over
this broad land will yet swell the chorus of the Union when again
touched as surely they will be, by the better angles of our nature."
That was the prophecy and the prayer of two generations ago, and
meeting here as we do, almost on the site of the famous, historic Wig-
wam, where Republican history began to be here is a good place for
us to reunite and reconsecrate ourselves even as our fathers were urged
to do in 1858 and 1860.
1912, with its bitterness and hatred and mistakes and divisions, is
behind us. 1916 is upon us. (Cheers.) We are not here assembled to
pluck the fragrant flowers of eloquence, nor to indulge alone in vain
self-glorification, nor yet to engage in factional dispute, but met in this
splendid place, inspired by the mighty dead, looking down upon us, we
are here in response to the demand of a united people, to do business and
go ahead. The fires of hatred and factional strife have burned out. Let
no man sitting among the ashes seize a fast-dying ember of discord and
wave it above his head as a battle-signal ; the battle of 1912 is over no
apologies should be asked or given by any man for honest differences of
opinion in that conflict.
When this Party came into power, in 1861, it found a treasury
bankrupt. It found industries prostrated. It found a country divided
and overclouded with impending civil war. But like the mighty Hamilton,
it touched the dead corpse of public credit, and it sprang upon its feet.
It sustained the frail and fainting industries of the Republic, and brought
them back to life ; it kept all the stars in the flag, their glory untarnished,
their luster undimmed ; and it elected and re-elected to the Presidency of
the United States the emancipator of a race, Abraham Lincoln. (Cheers.)
But, my fellow countrymen, the Republican Party deserves to live
and to win, not simply because of pride of ancestry or richness of in-
heritance. We are proud of Republican history because it is the history
of the country. Somehow a Republican takes pride in the history of the
nation, and, by the same token, our Democratic friends conceive an
aversion to history and indulge themselves in the wider field of prophecy.
But, proud as we are of our achievements in the past, do not forget this,
ladies and gentlemen, that we deserve to win, not only because of what
has been accomplished but because this Party, revivified, rejuvenated,
united, with its face to the future and aglow, in the consciousness of
126 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE
capacity for service, is able to cope with the problems of the present,
and to hear and heed the beckoning voice of the future, and as an omen
of that bright future, the sun is shining, thank God! (Cheers.)
(Note: The sun was then shining for the first time in three or four
days.)
My fellow citizens, in the days of stress and strife, the Republican
Party was formed to handle a situation like the present. What are the
problems that confront us at this hour? Because of monumental folly
and meddling officiousness, the affairs of this government, both domestic
and foreign, are in a tangle. Somehow we are less proud of our country
than we used to be, and even though we are assured on high authority,
that we are "too proud to fight," I don't believe a blamed word of it.
(Laughter.)
In our relations with the sister nations of the earth, the administra-
tion at Washington has won chagrin at home and contempt abroad. The
American flag that ought to mean much, means but little upon the seas,
or in foreign ports, because our Government has vacillated between the
pen and the sword and the nations of the earth have learned that the
policy of the Administration at Washington is more of "waiting" than it
is of "watchfulness." (Laughter.) In this hour, when world problems
are to be solved, the Republican Party is the organization to which the
people of this country are looking for relief, and I charge you, my fellow
delegates, if you shall go away from this Imperial City by the Lake,
without having effected the union in the Republican Part}" that the voters
of the country expect us to bring about, we shall have committed the
greatest political crime in the history of this Republic. (Cheers.)
In this Convention, we must put aside mere personal ambitions and
factionalism, and do the work that the people have commissioned us to
do. There are some special reasons why that must be done. I have
referred to one, the condition of the foreign affairs of this Republic.
We have lost the confidence of every nation in Europe. We have won
the ill will of every nation in Europe. Their good will and confidence
can be regained only by the Republican policy of fairness to all, favoritism
to none, with the maintenance of an absolute unflinching neutrality among
all the beligerent powers. We have coddled alternately all the chief
bandits in Mexico and furnished them with the ammunition that is now
being shipped back to us in the mangled and bleeding bodies of our
citizens and soldiers. (Applause and cheers.) That is the policy of the
administration at Washington, and that policy of weakness and vacilla-
tion is at the foundation of the trouble with the people to the south of us.
The Republican Party believes that it is better to spend money in
time of peace to preserve peace, than it is to spend blood in time of war
to regain peace. That is the policy of the Republican Party. (Applause.)
In our domestic affairs, the evil effects of the outworn sectional
SIXTEENTH REPURLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION 1 '.' 7
tariff-policy, adopted by the national administration, has been, to some
extent, obscured by the feverish ephemeral activity which is the out-
growth of the lamentable European conflict. Every sane man knows that
but for this unnatural and inhumane stimulus our industries would be
prostrate, and we would be face to face with industrial depression, such
as we have not seen in half a century. And when this world-war ends,
another will begin ; but that will be an industrial war that will know no
neutrals all will be belligerents. As a military and naval preparedness
adequate to make any nation or combination of nations hesitate to violate
the rights of our citizens or the sanctity of our flag is a guaranty of
peace, so industrial preparation through the enactment of a Republican
protective tariff law is essential, if we would maintain American wage
rates and standards of living.
Yes, but somebody says, "Times are fairly good now ; many sections
of our country are prosperous" Oh, my fellow countrymen, in the sight
of Almighty God, I say to you that a prosperity that is fed upon the
bleeding bodies and the broken bones of dying men in Europe is costly
and cannot long endure. (Great applause and cheers.) We shall not be
upon a sound basis industrially until we re-elect a Republican President,
and until we put on the statute books a good old-fashioned McKinley pro-
tective tariff law. (Great applause and cheers.)
To that policy of protection to the American home, the American
working man, the American farm and field and factory, this Party is
irrevocably committed.
In this time of world problems, my fellow countrymen, we want in
the Executive chair a man who knows the world. Even at this moment,
all the republics of South and Central America are suspicious. American
trade is at a standstill. The voice of Pan-Americanism was first sounded
through the silver lips of the Plumed Knight, James G. Elaine. It is time
to sound that note again if we are to win for our people in that section
of the world the fruits of trade expansion to which we are entitled.
The nominee of this Convention, as I have suggested, must be a be-
liever in old-fashioned protective tariff, the tariff of Clay, of Hamilton,
of Garfield and McKinley.
The nominee of this convention must be a Republican seasoned in
the experiences of the past, alive to the needs of the present and able to
hear and heed the beckoning voice of the on-coming future. He must
be a fearless opponent of extravagance and a staunch advocate of old-
fashioned economy ; he must know the fiscal system of the country and
be an uncompromising defender of the patriotic nation-building policy of
protection to American workingmen and American enterprise. He must
personify in record and character the ideals and aspirations of the rank
and file of the party and thus promote harmony and unity by holding
fast to the lessons of wise experience on the one hand and promoting
sane progress on the other.
128 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE
The nominee of this Convention must be a man who believes it is
wise in time of peace to make preparation either to maintain peace or
to fight if we have to. (Applause.)
The nominee of this Convention must be in public record and private
life altogether above suspicion. There must be no flaw in his armor.
There must be no stain upon his shield. He must have a heart that beats
in sympathy with every sentiment that is symbolized in the flag; the red
that symbolizes the courage of the men who died to keep the flag in the air ;
the white that is symbolic of the purity of American womanhood, and the
blue that symbolizes the constancy of American patriotism. You have
some one handed to you a little card with some stanzas from an Ohio
poet that express the sentiment that I hope may dominate this Convention,
whoever is nominated :
"Your flag and my flag, and how it flies today
In your land and my land and half a world away ;
Rose red and blood red, its stripes forever gleam,
Snow white and soul white, the forefathers' dream,
Sky blue and true blue, with stars to gleam aright
The gloried guidon of the day, a shelter through the night.
Your flag and my flag and, oh, how much it holds,
Your land, and my land, secure within its folds.
Your heart and my heart beat quicker at the sight,
Sun-kissed and wind-tossed, red and blue and white.
The one flag, the great flag, the flag for me and you,
Glorified all else beside the Red and White and Blue."
(Great applause and cheering.) (A voice from the gallery: "What's
the matter with Ohio?" A feminine voice, "She's all right.")
MR. WILLIS. God bless the Ohio girls. (Cheers, and "He's all right."
"Who's all right?" etc.)
MR. WILLIS : Ladies and gentlemen, the nominee of this Convention
must be a man whose record is not only unimpeachable, but must be a
man whose record is known. The American people must know of his
efforts where he has stood upon the great public questions of the hour.
There must be nothing to uncover, nothing to explain away, nothing to
apologize for. He must be a man of undaunted courage he must be
unafraid to challenge powerful influences in his own or any other party,
if they block the way of progress.
Such are the qualities of leadership our candidate must have, and
such a candidate Ohio offers to the nation.
The blood of the Grants is in his veins he is a man of dauntless
courage and untiring industry. His boyhood home was the Western
Reserve he fought his own way he knows the life of the common
people. He came from the section of the state which gave the nation
SIXTEENTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION 129
Wade and Giddings, Garfield and McKinley he drank deep at the fount
of their inspiring example he represents in his life the best traditions
of our party.
As a member of Congress for sixteen eventful years, he took promi-
nent part in the legislation of that period, embracing within its scope the
Spanish-American War, sound money, the tariff, anti-trust laws, banking
and financial legislation, conservation, betterment of labor conditions
he helped make Republican history and that is the history of progress.
As a campaigner, he has few equals and no superiors. In his contests
before the people of his district, he ran always many hundreds and some-
times many thousands ahead of his ticket the people believed in him
then they will trust him and elect him now, if nominated by this con-
vention.
Elevated to the Senate in 1909, he at once took the high station to
which he was entitled by his wide experience, his profound learning, his
ability as a debater, his high character and his unflinching devotion to
public duty.
As author, scholar, statesman, he is a recognized authority in legis-
lation and discussion pertaining to monetary and banking affairs legiti-
mate business would feel secure under his administration.
He is the greatest living authority on the world's waterways he
stood for a thorough, efficient system of waterway improvement, but he
fought log-rolling and extravagance his administration would be one of
broad vision tempered by wise economy.
Let me say this men, the man that is nominated by this Convention,
must have the type of leadership that comes from successful advocacy
as well as from possession of commanding, inspiring, engaging person-
ality. Think about this. (Applause.) My fellow Republicans, great as
any leader may be, love him as we may, let us remember that the Re-
publican Party and the principles on which it was founded are greater
than any man that ever lived beneath the sky. (Great applause.)
The type of leadership that crystallizes about great principles, at the
end of the presidential term would leave the Party and the country har-
monious, united, cohesive, organic. If it were leadership based simply
upon engaging personality, however much to be admired, at the end of
the administration there would come disorganization and factional strife.
This is a government of law, and not of individuals. (Applause.)
One more word : The candidate that Ohio presents to this Convention
is cordial without being effusive, scholarly without being pedantic. He is
gentle without being weak. His private life is as clean as his public
career is distinguished ; genial and approachable, he possesses the "rugged
grandeur of the great" and presents in its best light, inspiring, uplifting
party leadership. His modesty and unobtrusiveness are excelled only by
his cordiality and warmth to those who know him best. He is common
^.30 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE
without being common-place. He is firm without being dictatorial. That
is all symbolic of the fact that we are going to take down the ropes, if
necessary, to nominate our candidate. (Referring to the rope hand rail
which became unfastened under the speaker's touch.)
I said he was firm, without being dictatorial. In twenty years of
public life he has won the people's battle for economy and clean govern-
ment, and at the same time has won the love and respect of friend and
foe alike. It is no disparagement of any of the eminent gentlemen whose
names have here been presented, or whose names will be presented, when
I say that there is not in the American Republic a man better equipped
by natural ability, by personal character and private life, by experience,
by breadth of vision, by whole-souled American patriotism, there is
not, I say, beneath the folds of the flag, a man better equipped for the
high office of President than the candidate we present.
In behalf of a re-united and triumphant Republican Party in Ohio,
and speaking the unanimous voice of the delegation from Ohio, I present
to you that scholar, statesman, great American with another we can
win, with him we cannot fail I nominate Theodore Burton, of Ohio.
(Great demonstration.)
A READING CLERK (Mr. Will A. Waite, of Michigan). Continuing
the roll call the next State is California.
THE CHAIRMAN OF THE CALIFORNIA DELEGATION (Mr. Walter Bord-
well). California has no candidate and desires to be passed.
THE READING CLERK. The next State is Colorado.
THE CHAIRMAN OF THE COLORADO DELEGATION (Mr. John A. Ewing).
Colorado has no candidate and desires to be passed.
THE READING CLERK. The next State is Connecticut.
THE CHAIRMAN OF THE CONNECTICUT DELEGATION. Connecticut having
no candidate yields to Massachusetts.
THE PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr. Sutherland, of Utah.) The Chair re-
cognizes Senator Lodge of Massachusetts. (Applause).
MR. LODGE NOMINATING AIR. WEEKS
THE PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr. Sutherland, of Utah). The Chair has
very great pleasure in presenting to the convention Senator Henry Cabot
Lodge, of Massachusetts. (An enthusiastic demonstration greeted Mr.
Lodge).
MR. HENRY CABOT LODGE, of Massachusetts. Mr. Chairman and my
fellow delegates : Born and bred in New Hampshire, adopted by Massa-
chusetts, the candidate whose name I am about to present commands the
confidence and the high respect of these two old States, whose names
stand together on the Declaration of Independence and on the Constitu-
tion of the United States. (Applause.) Admitted to the Naval Academy
in 1877, he received not only the thorough education which is there always
SIXTEENTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION 131
given but he also learned those lessons of patriotism, of honor and of
devotion to the country and to the flag which are never forgotten by the
graduates of Annapolis and West Point. After leaving the Xavy he at-
tained in civil life to a large and well-earned, success in the business
world, whose trust he never failed to command. In that practical school
he acquired a wide knowledge of all the great economic policies and of
the problems of finance upon which the prosperity of the country so
largely depends. In 1898, when war came to us, he returned at once to
the profession of his youth and served his country in naval command
during the conflict with Spain. He was chosen to be Mayor of Newton,
the city where he lives, in 1903, and after an administration of great suc-
cess he was elected a Alember of Congress. In the House he rose to the
front rank and to high distinction not only as a debater but as a master
of economic questions and a legislator of marked constructive ability.
After eight years' service in the House he was elected to the Senate,
where he has not only continued but has added to the distinction which
he had won in the other branch of Congress and where his standing and
reputation are known to all men. A better training for the highest and
most responsible of public offices could not be devised, and this training
rests on the firm foundation of distinguished abilities, strong and upright
character and a reputation without blemish or reproach.
The first duty of the Republican party in the coming campaign is to
drive from power the Administration and the party which have so gravely
injured us at home and so deeply discredited us abroad. (Applause.) In
this great task we invite the cooperation of all citizens who share our
views in regard to the present Administration and urge them to join with
us in the work of bringing the country back to the sound economic
policies under which the material prosperity of the Republic has been
built up during the last half century, and in restoring the influence and
position beyond our own borders which the United States once held but
which have been lost in the last three years. To do this we must have a
candidate who will command support beyond the strict limits of the party
and receive it from all men who sympathize with our purposes. We must
have a man who is in thorough accord with Republican principles. (Ap-
plause, and a voice, "That's right.") Our candidate must be a man who
believes in the protection of American rights by land and sea and who
will maintain an honest and a real neutrality; who loves peace, the peace
of justice and right, and who at the same time thoroughly believes in a
preparation both in the Army and Navy- which will absolutely defend and
secure not only our peace but our rights and our honor. We must have
a man who believes in American policies and the protection of American
interests, who is American through and through. Most of all we must
have a man who believes that this great nation is one one in ideals, in
hopes, in aspirations. (Applause). A man who believes that all Ameri-
cans should be loyal to American traditions, who represents the con-
132 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE
science and the soul of the American people ; a man who will not only
use the power of his great office to advance wise policies and protect
American rights but who believes that it is his duty above all things to
keep the faith the faith of the men who followed Washington at Trenton
and of those who fell at Gettysburg. (Prolonged applause).
Such a man, in every fibre of his being, is the candidate I am now to
present to you, and I name to you as a candidate for the nomination for
President of the United States the Honorable John W. Weeks of Massa-
chusetts. (Loud and prolonged applause.)
THE PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr. Sutherland, of Utah). The roll call
will be proceeded with.
THE READING CLERK (Mr. Waite of Michigan). The next State is
Delaware.
THE PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr. Sutherland of Utah). The Chair rec-
ognizes Mr. Thomas W. Miller, a Representative in the Congress of the
United States from the State of Delaware.
MR. MILLER NOMINATING MR. DU PONT
MR. THOMAS W. MILLER, of Delaware. Air. Chairman and delegates
of the Convention: The fact that the great State of New York, through
its two eminent speakers, has two candidates to propose as the rider this
year for the G.O.P. elephant, seems to have given some solace to my
friend from Ohio (Mr. Willis) who has preceded me. (Laughter).
But judging from what we hear here today, and heard on the opening
day, Ohio isn't the only State in the Union that has a patent on riders
for the elephant. The State of Delaware, and it was the first to sign
the Constitution has until now had no candidate to bring before a Re-
publican National Convention, but today we present an honored son of
our adoption, a man who by his many and versatile accomplishments has
placed himself, from the standpoint of a national character, in the front
ranks of the Nation's regiment of great men, and is so recognized from
one end of this country to the other. (Applause).
A native of Kentucky, born in the year 1863, our friend did not
number among his playthings the silver spoon; what he possesses he has
gained by his own individual efforts. Starting as a miner in the coal
mines of Kentucky, our candidate learned at the start to work up by hard
knocks and in the school of experience. After completing his education,
which was interrupted through his early circumstances, our friend found
himself in the thirties the superintendent of the mine in which he had
started as a mule driver some years before. He was beloved by all with
whom he came in contact and in all affairs between the employees and
employers he stood as the champion of the former's cause. His interest
in the betterment of the civic and industrial condition in the mining town
CORNELIUS N. BLISS, JR., of New York,
Treasurer of the Republican National Committee
SIXTEENTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION 133
while of benefit to the employers, due to the increased efficiency of the
employees, was in reality done to increase the welfare of the workers who
were first in his heart for he had been one of them. (Applause).
He lived in his native State of Kentucky until 1893, when he was
called to the State of Pennsylvania, to carry forward enterprises whicn
were far-reaching in their importance and which gave employment to
many thousands of people. Later on he was called to the State of Dela-
ware, in the year 1900, a State which for a century had been honored by
his family, prominent in the Naval, Military and Industrial history of the
United States. The record of that family has been one of public service
since they landed on this shore a century ago. They called their young
cousin from the South to come up there because he had demonstrated by
his energy and capacity for work that he was the man that was needed
there, a man of executive ability. (Applause).
They say he smells of powder, but I say to you if that is true it is
the same odor that the British smelt at the Battle of Lake Erie in 1812,
much to their displeasure. That powder was hauled by wagon trains
from the State of Delaware for use by Perry, and resulted in placing the
American flag on top in the war of 1812. The same odor was very promi-
nent in Mexico in 1846, and it would have been far better during the past
three years if we had given the same dose to the Republic to the south
of us, either through intervention or as a severe border tonic, rather than
the "watchful waiting" which we have given those people. Had we fol-
lowed the proper course, the Mexican policy of the Administration would
not now be standing before us to mock us no matter which way we
turned. (Applause).
As I said, gentlemen of the Convention, the man of whom I speak
came to Delaware sixteen years ago, and at the opening of the war in
Europe he severed his connection with the enterprise I have just referred
to and went to New York to engage in other pursuits, namely, the con-
struction of the largest office building in the world, and the acquisition
of the Equitable Life Assurance Society, which society brings good cheer
to many people. Delegates of the Convention, after this war in Europe
closes we are going to have two friends, the Atlantic and the Pacific
Oceans, and it behooves us to see that these oceans are held by a Navy
that can patrol both sides of our country and its outlying possessions.
One month ago we saw the Democratic majority in the house of repre-
sentatives endeavoring to adopt a bill which meant scuttle for the ship
of state in the Philippine Islands, and what was one of their reasons?
They gave as one of their reasons that the Philippine Islands were weak
as a defensive unit, a very poor reason when our flag has been planted
there for twenty years or more. I say to you that instead of voting to
scuttle the ship of state they should have voted, as they did not do a
week ago, for a Navy adequate not only to protect the Atlantic and the
134 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE
Pacific shores of our great country but to protect every possession over
which our flag floats. (Applause). If they had followed that policy
there would be before the Senate today a naval bill providing for two
dreadnoughts instead of none, and providing for what is asked for by
the general board of the Navy, which is a board that Congress and the
country should follow in these times when real preparedness is necessary.
But there is another kind of preparedness which should go hand in
hand with Naval and Military preparedness, and that is Industrial pre-
paredness. After this great war is over these two oceans on either side
of us, and which are our friends, will need means of transportation to
meet the competition of our rivals in commerce and trade, and we should
see to it that we are prepared to go into the industrial world and assert
ourselves aggressively in all lines. To do that we need a man of force
and a man of business at the helm of State in this country. That is the
reason why today the State of Delaware is supporting one of its illus-
trious sons. It is proposing today the name of a man who has succeeded
in everything he has undertaken. Like the father of his country, George
Washington, he too started as an engineer ; like the saviour of our country
in the sixties, Abraham Lincoln, he too has come up by hard knocks and
along the road of experience ; like the late lamented William McKinley,
he possesses a kindliness of nature that is unexcelled; he has the energy
and capacity for work of Theodore Roosevelt and the calm deliberate
judgment of William Howard Taft. (Great cheering.)
Gentlemen of the Convention, it is my pleasure, it is my great honor,
to present to this Convention the name of one of Delaware's sons, adopted
though he may be, and the man whom I have endeavored to tell you about
in these few minutes, the man who was endorsed by the Republican State
Convention of Delaware and its delegates instructed for him, is General
Coleman du Pont. I now present on behalf of the State of Delaware
for your consideration for the nomination for President of the United
States General Coleman du Pont. (Applause.)
THE PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr. George Sutherland, of Utah). The Sec-
retary will continue calling the roll.
THE SECRETARY OF TH.E CONVENTION (Mr. Lafayette B. Gleason, of
New York). Florida.
THE CHAIRMAN OF THE DELEGATION (Mr. Henry S. Chubb). Florida
has no nomination to make and passes.
THE SECRETARY OF THE CONVENTION. Georgia.
MR. HENRY LINCOLN JOHNSON, of Georgia. Georgia has no candidate
to present and desires to be passed.
THE SECRETARY OF THE CONVENTION. Idaho.
THE CHAIRMAN OF THE DELEGATION (Mr. John W. Hart). Idaho
passes.
THE SECRETARY OF THE CONVENTION. Illinois.
SIXTEENTH REPUBLICAN' NATIONAL CONVENTION 135
THE PERMANENT CHAIRMAN (Mr. Warren G. Harding, of Ohio, having
resumed the chair). The Chair recognizes Colonel W. J. Calhoun, of
Chicago, a veteran of the Civil War and a compatriot of Major McKinley.
(Applause.)
MR. CALHOUN NOMINATING MR. SHERMAN
MR. W. J. CALHOUN, of Illinois. Mr. Chairman, and ladies and gen-
tlemen of the Convention : For more than fifty years with the exception
of three widely separated administrative periods, the Republican Party
has governed this country. (Applause.)
In its inception
A DELEGATE. Louder, louder, we can't hear the speaker.
THE PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The Convention will be in order. If
the Convention will be in order it will have no difficulty in hearing the
speaker.
MR. CALHOUN, of Illinois. In its inception, it was an idealistic, an
emotional, a radical party. It stood for liberty and against slavery; for
a civilization based on free labor and against a civilization based on slave
labor; for the Union and against disunion; for the payment of the national
debt according to the terms of the bond, and against repudiation in whole
or in part; for a sound and stable currency and against a debased or
fluctuating currency and for the protection of American labor and Ameri-
can industry against the depressing competition of cheaper labor and
cheaper living conditions in Europe and elsewhere. (Applause.) And
four years ago, when it turned over the administration of public affairs
to the opposing party, the country was never so prosperous, never so far
advanced along all lines of intellectual, social and industrial development,
and never so closely united in thought, in sympathy and in aspirations
for the future, as it then was. This, in brief, is the record of the years.
With confidence, we submit that record to the impartial judgment of his-
tory. (Applause.)
Four years ago our party was still the majority party. In numerical
strength, in mental and moral force, and in adaptability to and in experi-
ence with the affairs of government, it was by far the superior party, and
it ought to have won in that election. But unfortunately bitter personal
antagonisms, rival ambitions and factional disputes were developed that
disrupted the party, and it went down in the most disastrous defeat ever
known in the history of American politics. (A voice: "Yes, but we're
going to win this year," followed by applause.)
We are now assembled as the representatives of the people to for-
mulate a declaration of principles and policies, and to nominate candi-
dates for President and Vice-President. It is a grave responsibility that
rests upon us. The time is a serious one. Almost the entire world is
ablaze with the fires of war. Great forces are moving, great events are
136 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE
happening, all around us. The possibilities of danger to this country,
now, or in the near future, are present as never before since the civil
war. And strange to say, our opponents seem oblivious to these world-
wide conditions, and apparently are more intent on the size of the "pork
barrel" than they are on the size of our army and navy for defensive
purposes. Under these conditions, the query comes to the heart, the
conscience of every delegate to this Convention : Are we big enough and
broad enough, are we generous and patriotic enough, to subordinate our
personal antagonisms, our rival ambitions, our factional differences, for
the unification of our party, so that through its success, we may once
more serve the best interests of the country we love? (Applause, and
a voice: "Yes, and we're going to do it.")
The personality of the candidates we nominate may have much to
do with the result. I am authorized by the delegation from Illinois, and
it, in turn, is instructed by the Republicans of the State, to present for
your consideration the name of a candidate for the high office of Presi-
dent of the United States.
The story of his life, as I know it, is, for the most part, a very
simple one; and yet it has in it many elements of the heroic which ele-
vate it far above the level of the commonplace. He was not born in this
State, as I now recall, but was brought here from another State, in his
early infancy, and here he has ever since lived.
An OHIO DELEGATE. Where was he born?
MR. CALHOUN. In Ohio.
THE OHIO DELEGATE. Hurrah for Ohio.
MR. CALHOUN, of Illinois, continuing. His life was developed amid
conditions of extreme poverty, attended with unremitting toil. But it was
not the stifling, the soul-shriveling poverty of the slums to which he was
subjected. His life was that of the son of a pioneer farmer. The air he
breathed was the fresh clear air of the forest and the open field. (Ap-
plause.)
His opportunities for an education were few and irregular, and yet
his desire therefor was intense. There was the country school, some-
times a pupil, sometimes a teacher; and then came the country college
with its limited curriculum. He never fully realized his ambition for an
education, but he early formed the habit of a student, and he has supple-
mented his somewhat limited preparatory achievements with wide reading
and persistent study. (Applause.)
He studied law and entered upon the practice of that profession.
His career at the bar was limited to the districts in which he lived, but
his record is a highly honorable one. (Applause.)
He finally became interested in politics. He went to the State Legis-
lature for one or more terms. He became prominent in its deliberations
and acquired a State-wide reputation. He was elected Lieutenant-
SIXTEENTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION 137
Governor and served four years as the President of the State Senate.
He was appointed by the Governor Chairman of a Commission to re-
organize and concentrate under one management the charities of the
State, and he gave four years to that work. (Applause.)
By this time he became well known to the people. His public service
won for him their respect, their confidence, and, as I believe, their affec-
tion.
He has been twice elected to the United States Senate; once by the
State Legislature, and once by a direct vote of the people; in each in-
stance, his election was preceded by a primary vote for the nomination.
This is an outline of the life story of the man whose name I am
instructed to submit for your consideration. It is a simple story, a story
of a man of plain habits and simple living; but a man of great courage,
of clear intellect, of clean soul, and high resolve. In behalf of the State
of Illinois, I nominate Lawrence Y. Sherman as your candidate for Presi-
dent of the United States. (A great demonstration for Sherman was
begun at 2.55 o'clock p.m., upon the conclusion of Mr. Calhoun's nomi-
nating speech, the Illinois delegates jumping to their feet, waving blue ban-
nerettes bearing Sherman's name and picture and band playing "Illinois."
Thereupon a member of the Illinois delegation took the State banner
from its place and marched around the hall, followed by other delegates.
The Hamilton Club of Chicago, headed by a baby elephant and mem-
bers impersonating Uncle Sam, Paul Revere, three Minute Men, and
Columbia, marched around the delegates' enclosure, preceded by a drum
and fife corps.)
PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The Convention will be in order. The Sec-
retary will continue the calling of the roll of states.
The Secretary called Indiana, and Representative Wood rose.
MR. WOOD NOMINATING MR. FAIRBANKS
THE PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr. George Sutherland, of Utah, in the
chair). It gives the chair very great pleasure to present Representative
Will R. Wood of Indiana. (Applause.)
MR. WILL R. WOOD, of Indiana. Mr. Chairman, Ladies and Gentle-
men of the Convention: From this platform today will be named the
next President of the United States. (Applause.) In selecting our
candidate we will be actuated by but one prime purpose, and guided by
but one supreme desire, that is, to name a man who will stand four-square
to all the winds that blow against the honor, the dignity and rightful
prosperity of the Republic, and who will, at the end of his tenure of
office, leave, as the brightest heritage pf his administration, his entire
country and all its citizens prosperous and at peace with all the world,
and the Republican party, that confided to him its trust, firmly en-
trenched in the confidence and affections of the Nation. (Applause.)
138 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE
In order that this may be, our candidate should be a man who
possesses as nearly as possible all the qualifications of heart and mind
that are so requisite to the fullest discharge of the duties of this great
office.
He should be a man with a grasp of the necessities of the hour,
a statesman in every sense of the word, broadminded and just, who
knows not only the needs of his country and its people but who knows
how to administer to those needs. A man who has firm convictions as
to right and wrong and who has the courage of his convictions and will
right a wrong that is done to the humblest of our citizens. A man who
acts not from impulse, but who bases his action upon reason, and who,
when he makes up his mind, will not change it except when convinced
that he is in error ; and who when so convinced is broad enough and
just enough to acknowledge his error and correct it. A man who believes
in the fundamental principles of the Republican party and that they are
essential to good government, and who knows how to apply those prin-
ciples to secure the best results for all our people. A man who has the
confidence of the business world and who has gained that confidence by
reason of his steadfast adherence to business integrity in the administra-
tion of public office. A man who has an abiding faith in the people, and
they an abiding faith in him because he has been tried in the crucible of
experience and has not been found wanting.
Indiana presents to this Convention for its consideration a candi-
date, who possesses all of these qualifications, in the person of Charles
Warren Fairbanks. (Applause.)
At the zenith of his intellectual powers, possessing a ripe experience
in practical statesmanship and diplomacy, he is peculiarly fitted at this
trying time for the exalted position of President of the United States.
Like Lincoln, he is of the people and for the people. His march
from the Ohio log cabin, in which he was born, to a United States
Senatorship from Indiana and to the Vice-Presidency of the United
States, was no mere accident. Slowly but steadily he made his way from
lowly station to exalted position by reason of his own intrinsic worth
and perseverance. (Applause.)
The confidence of the people, obtained by him in this advance, has
grown with the years. As farmer boy, newspaper reporter, lawyer and
statesman, he has done well his part, and never has he taken one step
in advance of his ability to perform well that part. By being sure of his
course before he starts and sure of the goal he wishes to reach, he has
established throughout the length and breadth of the land a reputation
for wise counsel and safe leadership. (Applause.)
If ever there was a time in this country when the leadership of such
a man was imperative, it is now, and will be in the months and years
that are immediately to come. When this awful European war is over
SIXTEENTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION 139
and the millions who are now engaged in the spilling of blood shall be-
come engaged in the rebuilding of their devastated countries, and the trade
relations of the nations of the earth will have to be reformed and re-
organized, then will we need, as never before, a President of the Fair-
banks caliber. A President who, by reason of his experience in dealing
with the great affairs of the nation, will know what to do and how to
do it and who will have the courage to do it. Fairbanks is most admir-
ably fitted for this task; fitted for it by practical experience obtained in
helping to administer the affairs of the nation in a former crisis. (Ap-
plause.)
In 1898, when the war cloud broke over this country and we en-
gaged in war with Spain, for humanity's sake and to right the wrongs
that had been done our citizens, who was it that stood among the closest
to President McKinley of sainted memory? During the trying days
preceding the declaration of that war, when unjust criticism from rank
and leader of all political parties was being heaped upon the President,
by strong and influential Members of Congress, by a great mass of our
private citizens and by a large number of the great newspapers of the
country, for his delay in declaring war, who was it that stood like a
giant in resistance to the clamor of the multitude and, with the master
voice of a statesman, forewarned the people of the task that was before
us and of our unpreparedness to meet the emergency? When war did
come, who was it that was looked upon as the spokesman of the admin-
istration in the United States Senate? And will anyone today say that
the man whom McKinley selected as his spokesman in such a trying time
was not worthy of such distinction? When this war was over, who was
it that stood in the front rank with those who successfully beat down the
unwarranted attacks of the so-called "anti-imperialists," and formulated
the policy for the government and control of our new territorial acquisi-
tions ; which policy has not only proven the greatest blessing that ever
befell the people of these territories, but has won for our nation the
just plaudits of the world? There is but one answer to all these queries,
and the world knows what it is. It is Charles W. Fairbanks, of Indiana.
(Applause.)
This is not all the experience had by Mr. Fairbanks which makes him
an ideal candidate at the present time. In 1892, when the miasma of free
silver was just beginning to spread its blight over this country, and when
Republicans everywhere were becoming innoculated with it, Mr. Fair-
banks was the first statesman of note in all the land to sound a note
of warning. In his speech as chairman of the Indiana Republican State
convention for that year he boldly declared that "the Republican party
stands for a sound and honest dollar and must forever stand for a
stable currency." Four years later, when the whole country was in a
delirium on the subject of free silver, the Republican convention of th
140 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE
State of Indiana was the first to adopt a plank in its platform declaring
in favor of the gold standard. That plank was written by Charles W.
Fairbanks. He had the foresight to see what disaster the free silver
policy, if adopted in this country, would entail, and had the courage to
place himself, in spite of tremendous opposition in his own party, into
the breach ; and thus he became the earliest champion of the doctrine
that fifty cents' worth of silver could not be made to equal in value a
dollar's worth of purchasing power. This stand taken by him caused
him to be made temporary chairman of the St. Louis Convention in 1896,
which nominated McKinley for President. The keynote speech made by
him on that occasion, in behalf of sound money and a protective tariff,
proved to be a bulwark of defense in that memorable campaign, and
remains today one of the choicest pieces of political literature that was
ever delivered in the annals of our country. The substance of that
speech, so far as protective tariff and sound money were concerned,
was embodied in the platform adopted at that convention, and upon that
platform McKinley was elected and for four years and more he ad-
ministered the principles of that platform to the needs of his country,
and through the magic influence of its administration, mills and factories
long closed were opened, and soup houses and poor houses long open
were closed. . The idle millions found employment at splendid wage and
were paid in honest dollars for all the work they did. Confidence, the
sheet anchor of every business success, resumed command and the most
marvelous era of prosperity in the history of the world was begun, and
destined to continue as long as the principles of that platform were
adhered to, and ended only when those principles were abandoned. (Ap-
plause.)
With the history of the era and its wonderful achievements, the name
of Fairbanks will ever remain imperishably associated. Now, in this
crisis of our nation, as then, a master mind and a master hand are
needed. Through the years that have elapsed since the beginning of
the McKinley period, the candidate we bring to you has kept pace with
the time and grown with the Nation's growth, and by reason of the
experience these years have afforded him in the highest councils of the
Nation and in private life, he is better equipped to serve the people as
their President today than he has ever been before. A great mass of
the people of the United States have long wanted him to be President.
We have reason to believe that the Fates, whose purposes we can not
divine, have reserved him until now. Now, when we are in greater need
of his services than we have been throughout all the intervening years.
(Applause.)
In good weather and in foul, in success and defeat, he has adhered
unerringly to the fundamental principles of the Republican Party, ever
believing that the success of his party and its principles are more to be
SIXTEENTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION 141
desired than any personal aggrandizement. Make him the nominee of
this Convention and there will be no wounds to heal and no enemies to
placate. He has given no one cause to be offended in public speech or
in private conversation. He speaks ill of no one. (Applause.)
Four years ago in this very hall, where the Republican party was
then split in twain and the election of a Democratic President was made
possible, Air. Fairbanks, as chairman of the resolutions committee, pre-
sented a platform that met with the approval of every one and which
was proclaimed by the country to be the most progressive platform ever
submitted to a political convention. The split that came was not be-
cause of the platform but for other reasons, now happily cured and past.
During the embittered campaign that followed, Mr. Fairbanks made
speeches whenever and wherever called upon, always expounding Re-
publican doctrine ; but he at no time and at no place aspersed the char-
acter of, or imputed evil motive to, anyone who for the time had de-
parted from the house of the fathers. For he then believed, as we all
now believe, that if the best interests of this country are to be sub-
served, it must be done through a united Republican party, and that such
union could more easily be effected through persuasive argument, based
upon truth, than it could be through acrimonious accusation. (Applause.)
Mr. Fairbanks is intensely American and stands for the best interests
of American institutions and American citizenship. He believes that
every citizen, whether native or foreign born, owes his entire allegiance
to the stars and stripes, and all for which that emblem stands. He does
not believe, however, that the foreign born citizen need forget the land
of his birth or fail in his sympathies for the kinsmen that he has left
behind, for such a person is not calculated to make a good citizen any-
where. (Applause.)
He stands for preparedness of every kind. Preparedness against
war and preparedness for peace. For such a preparedness against war
as the importance of our nation and its relation to the other nations of
the earth needs to command the respect of all the nations of the earth;
mighty enough to resist all invasion, and to enforce the rights of all our
citizens on land or on sea. But he is not more in love with the arts
of war than he is in love with the pursuits of peace. He is essentially
a man of peace and to secure the great and lasting blessings of peace and
to enforce the rights of our country or its citizens would be his only
reason for war. (Applause.)
There is another commanding reason why Fairbanks should be
selected by this Convention to carry our standard in the coming contest.
Indiana has long been and will this year be the great political battle
ground of the country. It is not only important that we elect a Repub-
lican President, but it is also important that we elect enough Republican
Senators that we may have a majority in the United States Senate. It
142 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE
is also important that we elect a majority of the House of Representa-
tives. That we will elect a majority to the House of Representatives
now seems certain. Whether we can elect a majority to the United
States Senate is a different proposition. We can do it, and we will do
it, if we are wise in our selection of a candidate for President. Indiana
has two United States Senators to elect. If they are elected, we are
reasonably sure of electing a sufficient number in other States to give
us a working majority in the Senate after March 4, 1917. If we fail to
elect the two Senators in Indiana, the United States Senate will remain
Democratic for at least four years to come. The Democratic ticket is
already named. The convention in St. Louis next week will simply
confirm it. It will be Wilson and Marshall. Wilson will be renominated
not because the majority of the Democrats want him, but because not
to nominate him would be an admission of the failure of his adminis-
tration, and an acknowledgment in advance of defeat. Marshall will be
renominated for the sole purpose of aiding the Democrats to carry
Indiana and elect their two United States Senators. '(Applause.)
Is it not plain, therefore, where our duty lies? Will we prove our-
selves wanting in the exercise of good judgment, or will we embrace
the opportunity that affords itself by selecting the man who will not only
make one of the greatest Presidents this country has every had, but
whose election will assure the election of a majority to both Houses of
Congress? (Applause.)
Nominate Fairbanks. Give us this giant oak from Indiana for our
nominee and you will have discharged your full duty to your country
and to the Republican party. (Applause.)
He will keep the trust inviolate. He will serve the people faithfully
and well, and the Republican party will be made greater by reason of
his stewardship. (Great demonstration, during which the Indiana dele-
gation, with the State banner and a large United States flag in the lead
marched around the hall, each delegate bearing a banner with the names
Fairbanks and Indiana on same. Upon reaching the Kentucky delega-
tion the majority of that delegation joined Indiana, and then a part of
the Maine delegation joined Kentucky. As they passed the Ohio dele-
gation a great chorus arose above the cheering, sung to the tune, "Go
tell Aunt Nancy," and using these words : "He is from Ohio. He was
born in Ohio. He is from Ohio, the greatest State of them all.")
THE PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The Convention will be in order and
the Secretary will proceed with the roll call.
THE SECRETARY OF THE CONVENTION. Iowa.
THE PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The chair has pleasure in recognizing
and presenting to the Convention former Congressman N. E. Kendall,
of Iowa. (Applause.)
SIXTEENTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION 143
MR. KENDALL NOMINATING MR. CUMMINS
MR. N. E. KENDALL, of Iowa. Mr. Chairman, and Members of the
Convention : Of all that is good, Iowa affords the best. (Applause, and
cries of "Hurrah for Cummins.") As her representative this afternoon,
I come to offer to the Republican party in the Nation a candidate whose
nomination in June will be equivalent to election in November.
There are Republicans enough in the United States for one dominant
party, but there are not enough for two. (Applause and cries of "That's
right.") At this critical juncture when the great Republic is demoralized
at home and discredited abroad, the public interest is paramount to any
private preferment, and the aspirations of the individual are subordinate
to the welfare of the Commonwealth. (Applause.) As we approach our
duty today we encounter the embarassment which arises from a wealth
of eminent men, each abundantly entitled to the proudest, honor that any
convention could confer. We are determined to rescue a distracted
country from internal distress and international disgrace, and in that
tremendous undertaking we are peculiarly fortunate in this : That any
one of the dozen distinguished Republicans who have been proposed in
that connection would be a creditable successor to Lincoln, and Grant,
and McKinley. (Applause.)
The situation in which we are assembled demands for its solution
the ripest wisdom accompanied by the loftiest patriotism of which we are
capable. At this moment the entire community from ocean to ocean is
profoundly weary of Democratic ascendency, and it awaits with im-
patient eagerness the restoration of Republican control. (Applause.)
Four years ago we demonstrated conclusively that "A house divided
against itself cannot stand." (A voice: "That is right"), and our
domestic quarrels made easy the temporary triumph of our traditional
foes. That incalculable disaster can now be royally repaired if Repub-
licans discontinue hostilities against other Republicans, and concentrate
all their powerful warfare upon their ancient adversaries. At this aus-
picious hour we here highly resolve that our house shall stand, that it
shall cease to be divided against itself. We will let the dead past bury
its dead. With charity for all and with malice toward none, we wel-
come the Progressive at the Auditorium to unite with the Republicans
in the Coliseum for the overthrow of the common enemy. (Great ap-
plause.)
After our attachment to country, I am sure that above every other
consideration we all devotedly love the old Republican party. We re-
member that its great and initial service was to emancipate the enslaved,
and to perpetuate forever an indissoluble union of indestructible States.
That single performance sufficient to immortalize it in the annals of
humanity, was only introductory to a succession of accomplishments so
144 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE
vast in their extent, so varied in their quality, so valuable in their con-
sequences that the civilized world paused transfixed with reverent awe.
(Applause.) Reconstruction was effected, the obligations of the war dis-
charged, the credit of the country rehabilitated, and protection to Ameri-
can industry instituted as the inviolable policy of the nation. In the
period which intervened between the inauguration of Lincoln and the
retirement of Taft, under the beneficent legislation of the Republican
party, our population more than multiplied by three, our mining by four,
our agriculture by six, our commerce by eight, our transportation by
nine, our manufactures by twelve; and our moral primacy in the chancel-
leries of the world was unquestioned on every hemisphere. (Applause.)
And this is the unrivaled record of the Republican party. We are too
vigorous to be destroyed by assault from without. Are we not too sen-
sible to be disrupted by discord from within? (Cries of "Yes, yes.")
The golden years which preceded the fourth day of March, 1913, were
particularly resplendent with Republican achievement and progress and
success ; the melancholy months which have since elapsed are signally
disfigured by Democratic incompetency and retrogression and failure.
When we last relinquished the possession of the Government, the material
well-being of the country challenged the admiration and the envy of
the world. Our capital was safetly invested at satisfactory returns, our
labor was steadily employed at remunerative wages, our enterprise was
constantly engaged in creative development, and everywhere beneath the
stars and stripes we were experiencing the blessings of rational govern-
ment, faithfully administered. Abroad we were overturing European
tyranny, liberating the West Indies, civilizing the Orient, constructing
the canal and illustrating the postulates of justice and equity and altru-
ism before all the parliaments in Christendom. (Applause.) At home
we were making our own commodities, consuming our own products,
occupying our own markets, enjoying our own profits, increasing indi-
vidual income and augmenting national wealth ; everybody busy, con-
tented, happy and proud. (A voice, "You're right.") Behold what a
metamorphosis has been precipitated almost in the twinkling of an eye!
We cannot glance abroad without a sense of shame. We cannot look
at home without a dread of panic. What has occurred? In our foreign
relations the vital opportunities for influence and usefulness have not
disappeared, but they have not been embraced. A rhetorical executive
who is an artist in empty pronunciamento, but an amateur in effective
performance, has advertised to the world that we are too proud to fight
even in a just cause. (Laughter) ; and has thereby incurred for us the
contempt of all the self-respecting nations on the globe. A subservient
Congress which exists merely to register his whimsical will, when it can
be ascertained, has refused to make us ready to resent the insults which
our weakness invites ; and has thus exposed us to affronts which daily
humiliate the American people. In Mexico; with Japan; as regards the
SIXTEENTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION 145
cataclysm across the sea, everywhere the activities of the Washington
administration have been characterized by folly and futility and fizzle.
In our domestic concerns the underlying elements of our former sol-
vency have not dissolved, but they have not been conserved. We have
the same productive soil, responding with unusual usufruct to the genius
of our superior agriculture. We have the same farms and the same
factories, the same rivers and the same railroads, the same mines and
the same machines. We have the same men and the same women, with
the same energies and the same necessities, the same brain eager and
the same brawn ready to feed and clothe and house the multitude which
constitutes America. What has happened to reduce our international
preeminence? What has transpired to disturb our local tranquility?
Nothing: Nothing but the incumbency of a Democratic administration in
whose capacity for diplomatic advantage abroad or economic manage-
ment at home nobody, here or elsewhere, neither butcher nor baker nor
candlestick maker, entertains the remotest confidence. (Applause.)
What is the imperative duty of this hour? No delegate here can
be indifferent to the overwhelming responsibility which solemnizes his
action this afternoon. The importance of this convocation to country
and to party cannot be exaggerated in its gravity. Within our ranks
there are conflicting opinions, conscientiously cherished and honestly
defended, but they may all be generously tolerated without sacrificing
any of the essential principles of the party. If there be fears, there are
also hopes. Let us search for grounds of cohesion, rather than for
causes of dissension. (An Ohio delegate: "Good boy.") We are all in
agreement that in this democracy of ours, equality of opportunity must
be sacredly preserved. We are all in agreement that the people of the
country, white and black, high and low, great and small, must control
it absolutely. We are all in agreement that in the adoption or abrogation
of constitutions, in the enactment or repeal of statutes, in the designation
or displacement of officials, the electors themselves must be the ultimate
authority. We are all in agreement that in this era of expansion and
discrimination, the helplessness of the weak must be protected against
the oppressions of the strong. We are all in agreement that the United
States must establish and maintain a leadership, political, industrial,
commercial, and spiritual, among the peoples of the earth. (Applause.)
We are all in agreement that the crowning consummation of the Twen-
tieth Century must be the enforcement of amicable peace through uni-
versal arbitration, with America as the pioneer in that sublime propa-
ganda. (Applause.) Harmonious as we are upon these the funda-
mentals of our political faith, because of trivial differences shall our
party dismember? Shall it disintegrate? Shall it separate into belliger-
ent fragments and forfeit the prestige it has acquired by fifty years of
predominance? Never! It will grandly survive the reverses of the
146 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE
moment and gathering renewed virility from manifold difficulties glori-
ously conquered, it will embark upon a new and illustrious career oi
usefulness and honor. (Applause.)
The Republican party is now, and always must be, the progressive
party of the nation. It was organized primarily not to make men rich,
which Abraham Lincoln lived and died to communicate to it. With a
just and proper pride in its past, it must go forward year after year,
surmounting one obstacle after another in the pathway of its upward
destiny, the most efficient agency known among men for the upliftment
and the improvement of the social state. (Applause.)
Tomorrow as yesterday, it will so direct the course of the Republic
but to make men free, and it can never surrender the exalted impulse
that the patriotic intelligence of the many rather than the selfish cupidity
of the few shall express the prevailing note in the national strain. (Ap-
plause.)
It will confirm to every citizen in the land, irrespective of sex or
color, an untrammeled ballot for the nomination and election of party
candidates, so that the unhampered preference of all may be reflected
in the results.
It will adhere to protection as the cardinal doctrine of its unfailing
creed, and it will so adjust the schedules of the tariff that prosperity for
the producer will go hand in hand with competition to the consumer. It
will overcome the dangers of combination and monopoly by restoring to
the market place that indispensable independence and reasonable rivalry
which are always incident to honorable trade. And while it will not
interfere with whatever is good in "big business," it will guarantee that
"big business" shall be the servant and not the master of the American
people. (Applause.)
It will safeguard the life, liberty and property of all our people
everywhere, on the ocean and on the land, and in that behalf it will
immediately provide the best ships and the best guns that can be devised
by the ingenuity of man; not as a preliminary to aggressive and un-
warranted war, but as a security for continued and permanent peace.
While "the world is on fire and the sparks are flying in every direction,"
it will not be guilty of the criminal delinquency of remaining unprepared
for a possible conflagration on this continent. (Applause.)
It will so regalvanize the foreign policy of the country that the
American flag will once more inspire genuine affection at home, and
command respectful consideration abroad. And it will so stimulate the
allegiance of the people to their government that in the time to come
no dignity will be so exclusive as citizenship in the American Republic.
This is the program to which our candidate is committed. Upon
these propositions we are, I assume, all in substantial accord. The
question now recurring is, who, in the campaign upon which we are
SIXTEENTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION 14?
entering, can most certainly enlist the earnest co-operation of all those
who deeply believe that the principles to which I have adverted should
be speedily crystalized into the law and practice of the land? Who can
most acceptably appeal to the forces of progress and enlightenment and
righteousness upon which Republican supremacy must always depend?
We offer you a statesman familiar with the past, acquainted with the
present, fore-armed for the future. Of approved ability, of seasoned ex-
perience, of unblemished character, he is unexcelled in his equipment
for the presidential office. For more than a generation he has stood in
the fore-front of the battle for popular government; for the direct
election of senators, for a tax on incomes, for the regulation of rail-
roads, for the restraint of corporations, for the repression of trusts, for
the enlargement of the rights and privileges of the average man : and
he was engrossed in the advocacy of these salutary reforms when men
less fearless were reluctant to volunteer in the unpromising struggle.
Throughout his extended and versatile career, he has never hesitated to
espouse the right no matter how sorely beleaguered, nor to attack the
wrong no matter how strongly entrenched. (Applause.) Without sys-
tematic organization, without publicity bureaus, without electioneering
contrivances, his candidacy has gradually advanced in the approbation of
the country because he is acknowledged to be fit and worthy and avail-
able. Thrice governor of the imperial Hawkeye commonwealth, and
thrice invested with her commission to the Senate of the United States,
his testimonials are a private life that is irreproachable, and a public
service dedicated unreservedly to his fellow men. By the unanimous
mandate of the three hundred thousand enthusiastic and militant Repub-
licans of Iowa, I present him to your friendly favor : Born in Pennsyl-
vania, educated in Illinois, married in Michigan, resident in Iowa, citizen
and Senator of the United States, Albert B. Cummins. (Great demon-
stration, beginning at 4.34 p.m., when Mr. Kendall finished his nominating
speech, the Iowa delegates taking the State Standard, holding both high in
the air and marching round the hall, Minnesota and other States joining
in.)
THE PERMANENT CHAIRMAN (Mr. Harding having resumed the chair).
The Secretary will continue calling the roll.
THE SECRETARY OF THE CONVENTION. Kansas.
MR. W. S. FITZPATRICK, of Kansas. We have no nomination to make
and desire to be passed.
The Secretary of the Convention continued calling the roll and each
State passed until New Mexico was reached.
THE PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The Chair recognizes (and as the
delegates and alternates and guests saw Senator Fall coming forward
on the stage to nominate Mr. Roosevelt a great demonstration drowned
the voice of the Chairman). The Chair recognizes Senator Albert B. Fall,
who speaks for Xew Mexico.
148 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE
MR. FALL NOMINATING MR. ROOSEVELT
MR. ALBERT B. FALL, of New Mexico. Mr. Chairman, Ladies and
Gentlemen of the Convention :
This convention has adopted a platform which every loyal American
citizen can support in the coming election and upon which any loyal
American citizen can become a candidate for the votes of his fellow
citizens. (Applause.) You have declared your intentions respecting
the internal policies of this country, and you have also gone upon record
in most unequivocal language respecting the foreign policy which you
propose to adopt.
I want to call your attention for a moment to the fact that an internal
policy may be changed, may be repealed, may be amended at any moment ;
and for only a moment, possibly, or for a short span, the general welfare
of the country affected. But, fellow citizens, in your foreign affairs one
act of omission or of commission may change the history of this country
forever and may affect the destinies of one hundred millions of people.
Upon the platform which you have made, and in the critical period
in which we are now laboring, and with which we will be confronted for
the next four years at any rate, it behooves you to be careful as to whom
you select for your leader, because upon the Executive depends the ad-
ministration of Foreign affairs.
The eyes of the leaders of all the great warring nations, engaged
in the bloodiest and most gigantic conflict ever known, are upon the
proceedings of this convention today. The hopes of every neutral
nation in the world are with you in your proceedings that you may secure
for them and for yourselves able and effective leadership in the protec-
tion of their neutrality and your neutral rights.
The prayers of millions of your fellow citizens are being offered
to-day for your success, that in your deliberations you may unite under
one banner and under one leader those voters of this country who have
at heart not the welfare of the entire country, who are animated by
the spirit of those who made this country and of those heroes who pre-
served it.
Fellow citizens, in the vision of every leader of the great warring
factions there appears one colossal figure of American manhood. (Ap-
plause.) On the crest of the hope of every neutral nation there is borne
one name of one great American. In the prayer of every American
praying for your success here to-day, although in the heart of that
American may be the favored name of some favored son, there is yet
whispered the name of one great American. (Applause.)
Mexico, torn by civil strife, prostrate and bleeding, has made her
plea to you, and most nobly the Republican delegates in this convention
have responded. You have given them your promise, and every Ameri-
GEORGE R. SHELDON, of New York,
Treasurer of the Republican National Committee 1912
and Member of Committee on Arrangements
SIXTEENTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION 149
can who lives, who has suffered in Mexico, pleads with you to select
as your leader the one man whom they all know will effectively carry
out your promise. (Applause.)
Starving mothers in Mexico who will hear the promise which you
have made will put their hope in one great American and one alone
and that one is Theodore Roosevelt. (Great applause and confusion.
Cries of "Teddy"; "Hughes"; "Burton.")
THE PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. Gentlemen of the convention, you will
please be in order.
A VOICE. Cut him off.
A few hisses were heard.
THE PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. Gentlemen of the convention, no Re-
publican in any Republican convention has a hiss for a Republican
delegate in the convention. (Applause.)
A VOICE. Good. That's right.
THE PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The Chair knows that the delegate
body of this convention will listen with courtesy and respect, and if
the galleries do not, they may listen from the street outside. (Applause.)
MR. ALBERT B. FALL, of New Mexico. Of course, fellow citizens,
it was not necessary that I should be assured that a Republican would
be heard in a Republican Convention, nor was it necessary to give me
the assurance that the candidate for whom I am speaking will be heard
by the people of the entire United States. (Applause.)
You have heard the records of the various candidates who have been
offered to you. This man's record, as to his private life, is as open as
the day. In his private life a loyal and faithful husband, without ques-
tion. (Applause.) His words, written in the language of every nation
on the globe, and read in the farthest quarters of the world; his acts
engraved upon our American history. And to refer to his birth place,
to his early life, to what he has said and what he has done would be
absolutely futile because he is known to every one of you.
I name for your consideration and for your votes Theodore Roose-
velt of New York.
At the conclusion of Senator Fall's speech at 5.10 p. m. a great dem-
onstration began and continued until 5.46 p.m., being participated in,
apparently, by some delegates and many of the guests in the galleries. At
that point some of the delegates began to insist that the guests desist
from their cheering and the Convention proceed with its business. At
5.49 p.m., responding to the demand of the delegates, the permanent chair-
man rapped for order and announced :
THE PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. Ladies and Gentlemen and Guests of
the Convention : The Chairman of the Convention has no desire to in
any way curb the enthusiasm of any of its delegates over any name
150 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE
presented to this Convention, nor of any of the guests of this convention,
but this Convention has business to perform and we should like our
guests on this occasion, after you have given such a demonstration as
you have, to be courteous enough to allow us to proceed with the neces-
sary program. (Applause, and cries of "That's right" by the delegates.)
The Secretary will resume the calling of the roll.
THE SECRETARY. New York. (A pause without response.) North
Carolina.
A DELEGATE FROM NORTH CAROLINA. No nomination.
THE SECRETARY North Dakota.
A DELEGATE FROM NORTH DAKOTA. North Dakota yields to Wis-
consin.
MR. OLBRICH NOMINATING MR. LA FOLLETTE
THE PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. Ladies and Gentlemen of the Conven-
tion: I present to you Mr. M. B. Olbrich, who speaks for the State of
Wisconsin. (Applause.)
MR. M. B. OLBRICH, of Wisconsin. Mr. Chairman, Delegates of the
Convention : Ladies and Gentlemen :
"The tumult and the shouting dies :
The captains and the kings depart :
Still stands thine ancient sacrifice."
For the third successive time Wisconsin presents to the Republicans
of the nation opportunity for party salvation. Twice before, through
the rejection of her message, disaster came. Today she points once more
the way to victory and honor. She presents again the candidate whose
speech and action best interpret and express the hour's spirit and its
needs.
In the platform you adopted yesterday there was one outstanding
transcendent plank redeeming all the rest a plank fundamentally re-
publican, fundamentally American, fundamental to the permanence of
civilization itself. By that platform you declared, I read : "We believe
in the pacific settlement of international disputes and favor the estab-
ishment of a world court for that purpose." For seven delightful hours
now we have listened entranced by the spell of the matchless eloquence
of master men, and yet of the long list of splendid spokesmen but one
has paid to that plank of paramount importance the tribute of a passing
reference.
War is the world's most obvious reality today. Across the eastern
ocean the genius of militarism, in the ghastly humor of the mad keeper
of a mad-house, has locked the nations of Europe hand in hand and set
them dancing the Masque of the Red Death round the funeral pyre of
civilization. The nation's daily thought is colored by reflection from the
fiery glow that inflames the eastern horizon.
SIXTEENTH REPUBLICAN* NATIONAL CONVENTION 151
To some, old values, viewed in that perspective of blood and flame,
have lost proportion. Re-examining the title deeds of the national in-
heritance in its crimson glare, they find in one hundred and forty years
of national existence one long record of hazardous folly. Stridently they
assert that the red alchemy of war alone can transmute the common
dress of our humanity and mint it into the bright and shining gold of
heroism; that only by the route of the bludgeon can America attain or
preserve the attributes of a national soul. Boldly and baldly they
sanctify slaughter for the sake of commerce and bid us kill to keep the
trade routes open. And their mind's unspoken thought pronounces
Democracy's divine experiment a failure and despotism civilization's last
resource.
Masking an attempted perversion of national destiny by assuming
the outward attributes of a moral crusade, others make more insidious
appeal to the patriotic national heart. They upbraid us as unready, taunt
us with potential treason to a trusteeship of priceless consecration. \Yith
superb and superlative disregard of fact, they picture a naked American
with a sceptre of straw confronting a world in arms. Interest lends a
willing color to belief, and the lavish billions already poured out for the
national defence becomes but a drop in the ocean of their demand. To
them the fact that in fifteen years we have only spent as much for
naval maintenance as Japan and Germany combined is but final proof of
niggardly evasion. No nation, they assert, may will its own life or
destiny. The intervening seas no longer mark a barrier, but afford a
sure and fleet facility of access. Slaves to a reasoning that bastardizes
logic and gives the lie to the experience of the centuries, they assert that
preparation to kill is killing's sure and sole preventative ; that potentially
the only fixed and final arbiter of international conduct is ever aggregate
assassination merely murder multiplied. No avenue of assault upon
the public judgment but speeds its hurried couriers of panic. But though
frenzy, blood-lust and greed, astride the whirlwind of unreason, shrill
their selfish message in the nation's ear, American common sense, like a
very pyramid in the swirling sandstorm, is still unshaken. (Applause.)
Much talk of guns and drums may disturb ; it may confuse, it may
control the judgment of this hour, but it will not control, it will not
stampede the judgment of the American people. (Applause.) "The
ninety-nine per cent" whose bodies must receive the bullets and who with
their children and their children's children must pay and die. For them
the inarticulate millions who sell no munitions of war, who float no
war loans, who strive for no official place, who have had no part in all
this wild alarm, Wisconsin speaks. She presents their candidate today.
They will not fall a-trembling tefore the spectre of a dragon con-
jured like the fabled Phoenix from the ashes of exhausted, annihilated
Europe ; nor will they lash themselves into a lather of panic before the
152 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE
Brown Man of the Pacific without some evidence of ill intent. Not in
a spirit of cowardice; not in a spirit of fear; not in a spirit of blind
indifference to the lesson of the conflict; but with clear-visioned com-
prehension of the consequences their choice is made.
Out of earth's dawn, they see the nations in long procession come,
each in turn to find the hemlock of extinction in the lethal draught now
pressed upon America with frenzied zeal. With the spectacle of a con-
tinent a suicide before their eyes, they cannot be convinced that salva-
tion lies in stupid imitation of the concerted folly that has laid "the one
half world" in ashes at their feet. They read the European "Scroll of
Torment" to no such lame and impotent conclusion. (Applause.)
With soul and heart attuned to the exquisite rhythm of humanity,
there comes to them the pathos of Europe's penitential cry that not all the
tumult of brutal shout and brawl and medieval bluster, nor the thunder
of invective's cheap artillery can silence, stifle, or suppress. For there is
not a war-made grave that scars a European hillside, but makes its mute
appeal. The dry-eyed agony of womanhood that ever pays the last sore
tribute of privation pleads in piteous beseeching prayer. The moaning
shriek that tells of the collapse of reason's tottering throne breathes forth
in undertone a sad solemnity of adminition. Aye ! in the composite
cry from that Gethsemane that signalizes anguish's infinitude, warning
dominates despair, and adjures America to adhere to her Americanism.
(Applause, and voices, "Name your man" and "Louder.")
THE PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr. George Sutherland, of Utah). The
Convention will be in order.
MR. OLBRICH. Just accord me a courteous hearing, please.
AN OHIO DELEGATE. Go ahead, you're all right.
MR. OLBRICH. The issue is indeed Americanism and our candidate
the embodiment of Americanism that distinctive Americanism that solved
the problem of armament a century ago. There to the north lies a thou-
sand miles of shore with not a single battleship, and three thousand
miles of frontier without a fort; a line of national boundary that cleaves
a continent, and yet with all the vexing, varied problems of divided sov-
ereignty, never the shock of conflict ; never a hand to sword hilt ; and
far toward the Southern Cross the sure-footed statesmanship of Chile
and the Argentines has borne aloft the figure of the eternal and ineffable
Christ, and placed it in everlasting effigy amid the summits of the Andes
in token of perpetual peace ; these are the concreted ideals distinctly
American, which the Western Hemisphere offers as its contribution to
allay the agony that grips the parent continent. These two single and
significant facts portend more for the welfare of the world than all
the din of battles, lost or won. Armed with this decisive demonstration
of the possibility of peace without armament having brought solution
to the "blood-rusted" riddle of the ages, America spurns the counsel
SIXTEENTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION 153
that bids her fling away achievement and seek like some vainglorious
Hercules to rear a fondling from the spawn of that same monster whose
icy and compulsive coil even now breaks the back and crushes out the
heart and hope of all our kin across the sea. (Applause.)
She calls Wisconsin's pilot who will not bid farewell to all her
ancient landmarks, set her prow upon a chartless course without a
compass and place the tiller forever in suspicion's hands ; who will
not join in the competitive debasement of the currency of international
confidence; who rejects the theorem that burglary is the final standard
and exemplar of international morals ; who will not seek to set the
weary feet of labor on the rungs of that unending treadmill that grinds
for her not bread, nor glory, but only a dreary grist of nameless
graves, twisted and tortured lives, blighted and broken hearts, and in
the end the dull and futile dust of race degeneracy. (Applause.)
But the candidate whom we present for leadership in this most preg-
nant and potential period of world psychology" is no mere apostle of
negation. From the apex of authority he would aggressively personify
America the real America. In all the galaxy of gallant captains press-
ing forward to command, Wisconsin's champion alone meets in full the
exacting measure of this hour of earth's greatest extremity when
America must not, dare not fail. He sees in war the antithesis of
progress the very inmost sanctuary and citadel of privilege, the throne
of the monstrous incarnation of man's inhumanity to man, the shatter-
ing of whose columns would mark the first great stride toward the
building of the progressive empire of the world. Others have sensed
this thought in part; others have spoken little sections of the truth; but
to him there stands revealed a fixed, unchanging moral law whose appli-
cation is the same from parish to principality and world domain. The
current of his progressivism has never known retiring ebb, but with
expanded opportunity has to "increasing purpose" grown up through
county, state and nation in a "diapason breaking full" in world morality.
Compact of poise, and power and purpose, he would mobilize the
moral energy of the world, summoning the neutral nations in solid
phalanx, and as the spokesman of a billion protesting, sympathizing
souls, he would as "with a monarch's voice" recall "the bloody dogs of
war" and bid this senseless conflict cease; he would subject the con-
tending nationalities to the steady pressure of a world opinion "insistent
and persistent" as "the voice of an offended God" until there came
the peace of Lincoln's fond hope and fervent prayer that endures not
for a day, nor a century, but for all time, "when nation shall not lift
sword against nation, neither shall they learn war any more."
Gentlemen, Wisconsin gives you the name of her loved and trusted
leader brave, true-hearted, courteous, simple, gentleman ; regenerator
of a proud and prosperous commonwealth, first architect of the superb
154 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE
and splendid structure that goes ever forward to completion, a
redeemed America, and to-day her truest prophet of international moral-
ityRobert M. LaFollette. (Applause.)
THE PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr. George Sutherland, of Utah). The
Secretary will continue the calling of the roll.
Each State passed as its name was called until Pennsylvania was
reached.
THE PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr. George Sutherland, of Utah). The
Chair recognizes Mr. Emerson Collins, of Pennsylvania. (Applause.)
MR. COLLINS NOMINATING GOVERNOR BRUMBAUGH
MR. EMERSON COLLINS, of Pennsylvania. Mr. Chairman, and Ladies
and Gentlemen of the Convention : In the classic convention of 1880,
the mighty Conkling in pleading the nomination of the Man of Appo-
mattox said : "We have only to listen above the din and look beyond
the dust of an hour to behold the Republican Party, with ensigns
resplendent with illustrous achievements, marching to certain and lasting
victory." The prophecy of that stirring, fateful hour may be uttered
of this in the firm hope of its fulfillment. The Republican party is now
on the march to the field of transcendent triumph. Whoever may
carry the standard of leadership of the reunited party will receive the
electoral vote of Pennsylvania by a popular majority matching in
magnitude and majesty the proudest in her history. The Republicanism
of the Old Keystone State need not be put under bond for its good
behavior. No need to exact hostages from her to keep the faith. She
will continue the loth Legion of the grand army of Republicanism
whether the nominee of this Convention be choice of hers or favored
son of other.
The very steadfastness of Pennsylvania's faithfulness has been
penalized. She has cast more electoral votes for the candidates of the
party than any other State, but has never been honored with place on
the national ticket. Her loyalty has been rewarded with neglect. She
has not been wanting in sons supremely fitted for the Presidency. She
is not wanting in them now.
Obedient to the free expression and the solemn mandate of an
open preferential primary, in which he received a quarter of a million
votes, Pennsylvania presents to this Convention for nomination the
name of her distinguished Governor, Martin Grove Brumbaugh.
(Applause.) In memory of her fealty in the days that are done, in
the assured promise of its unbroken continuance in the days to come,
in the pride of his fitness and worth, and in the confidence of his
unsurpassed availability, I would now plead her cause and urge his
nomination.
SIXTEENTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION 155
Born on Pennsylvania soil, a scion of a stock that for two centuries
has so richly wrought for her upbuilding, reared in her truest and
tenderest traditions, Brumbaugh typifies the best in her citizenship.
(Applause.)
Two years ago -he reformed and reorganized the broken ranks
of the party in the State and against a united and powerful opposition
won the governorship by an impressive majority.
His administration of that office has been signalized by a luminous
body of constructive, forward-looking measures. Against the reactionary
interests, he forced the passage of a workmen's compensation law,
which now commands the approval of both empolyer and employed.
Social and economic justice has had a new birth. His rule is ever-
lastingly glorified in a Child Labor Law, which under his benign and
compelling hand was written upon the statute books. It is universally
hailed as the most advanced and scientific law touching this momentous
subject in the land, and with its epoch-making provision for the estab-
lishment of continuation schools, linking the school and the factory, is
destined to become the model for the entire Republic. Throughout the
succeeding generations, a conserved manhood and womanhood, in com-
monwealth and country, will have unnumbered voices proclaiming
blessed the name of the man who was brave enough, wise enough
and had heart enough to safeguard childhood against the greed of
the few and the thoughtlessness of the many.
As statesman-educator he enjoys national reputation. At the close
of the Spanish War, the revered McKinley, whose judgment of men
was so unerring, whose selection of lieutenants reached the plane of
genius, summoned Brumbaugh and sent him to organize and super-
vise the educational forces of Porto Rico. He bore the American
conscience and common school to our new and untutored wards in that
island in whose affections, both for what he did and what he is, he will
remain forever enshrined. (Applause.)
In character and capacity, ; n reach and range of powers, in sym-
pathetic insight into the thoughts of the masses, in gift and grace of
speech, he would shed luster on the banner of national leadership. His
candidacy would stand the searching test and steadily strengthen under
the stormy stress of the campaign. A man of vision but not a visionary
man, untouched of a reckless radicalism leading into strange fields, free
of a solid conservatism leading nowhere, the Nation, under his guidance,
would follow a pathway of progress without the loss of a single ideal
or the overthrow of a single principle that has heretofore so bountifully
bleessd us.
He never loses step or contact with the plain people whose child
he is and whose faithful servant he will continue amid whatever honors
may crown him. By the sweet and godly firesides of the great com-
156 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE
\
monalty of the imperial Commonwealth he loves so much and serves
so well, there dwells an abiding trust in the purposes and policies of
Martin G. Brumbaugh.
His Americanism yields to none. From countless platforms these
many years he has preached the priceless heritage that came from the
inspired workmanship of the Forefathers, interpreted the meaning and
the mission of our institutions, exalted the spirit that made and keeps us
free and taught love and reverence for the flag. A commoner by b^rth,
a scholar by training, a leader by divine endowment, a statesman in
grasp and outlook, Martin Grove Brumbaugh possesses a brilliant pleni-
tude of equipment to lead the hosts of Republicanism to victory and to
serve the country with stainless renown in its loftiest place. (Applause.)
THE PERMANENT CHAIRMAN (Mr. Harding of Ohio). The Secretary
of the Convention will proceed with the calling of the roll.
The Secretary of the Convention resumed and concluded the calling
of the roll, each State and territorial possession passing as its name was
called.
SPECIAL RULE LIMITING SECONDING SPEECHES
MR. JAMES W. WADSWORTH, JR., of New York. Mr. Chairman.
THE PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. For what purpose does the gentle-
man rise?
MR. WADSWORTH, of New York. For the purpose of offering a
resolution in reference to limiting nominating speeches.
THE PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The Chair recognizes the Senator from
New York.
MR. WADSWORTH, of New York. I wish to offer the resolution
which I send to the Secretary's desk; which I wish him to read, and
then I will move its adoption.
The Secretary read as follows :
Resolved, That the rules be suspended and a new rule
for this Convention be adopted as follows :
"Two seconding speeches of five minutes duration each,
shall be allowed in support of any candidate whose name has
been presented to the Convention, and if more than two
delegates desire to be heard to second the nomination of any
candidate whose name has been presented, but two minutes
shall be allowed each of such delegates in which to address
the Convention."
MR. BENJAMIN S. HANCHETT, of Michigan. The Michigan delegation
seconds the resolution presented by the Senator from New York.
SIXTEENTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION 15?
MR. WILLIAM SPRY, of Utah. Utah also seconds the resolution.
THE PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The motion made by the gentleman
from New York (Mr. Wadsworth) having been seconded by two States,
is in order. The question is on the adoption of the resolution so offered.
What is the pleasure of the Convention?
The question was called for and the Chair declared the resolution
unanimously agreed to.
THE PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. Seconding speeches in behalf of can-
didates to be nominated for President are now in order. And in that
connection, and in order to gain time, the Chair has arbitrarily ruled
that he will recognize delegates to make seconding speeches as their
names are presented. He now grants recognition to Delegate Leo
Weinburg, of Maryland. And while Mr. Weinburg is coming to the
platform the Chair makes the suggestion, in the interest of economy of
time, that the gentlemen who are to make seconding speeches will come
to the platform so that the Chair may present them promptly.
MR. C. W. FULTON, of Oregon. Mr. Chairman.
THE PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. For what purpose does the gentle-
man rise?
MR. C. W. FULTON, of Oregon. For information.
THE PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. State your request for information.
MR. C. W. FULTON, of Oregon. Wasn't it understood that Oregon
should have the first privilege of seconding the nomination of Mr.
Justice Hughes?
THE PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. It was not so reported to the Chair
and I will not recognize you if your name is not sent up to the Chair
and you do not come forward. Mr. Weinburg has now reached the
stage and it gives me pleasure to introduce to the Convention Delegate
Leo Weinburg, of Maryland.
MR. WEINBURG SECONDING MR. HUGHES' NOMINATION
MR. WEINBURG, of Maryland. Mr. Chairman, Ladies and Gentlemen
of the Convention : Maryland, my Maryland, joins with the great
Empire State to honor that distinguished statesman, that matchless
jurist, that man of incorruptible integrity, Charles Evans Hughes.
(Applause.)
As a representative of the Maryland delegation, living in the birth-
place of the celebrated author of our national anthem, it is altogether
fitting and proper that I should give my feeble tribute to and voluntary
indorsement of the nomination of Judge Hughes whose life and char-
acter are an outpouring of that love of country and devotion to duty
158 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE
which inspired Francis Scott Key to reach the summit of American
patriotism, leaving a name and a fame that gild, with the gorgeous rays
of glory's light, his deathless tomb, from which radiates that fervency of
zeal and constancy of purpose which made American citizenship the
standard of protection, the sheltering rock in a Nation's crisis. Uplifted
by the sublime patriotism and perfect loyalty that animated my fellow-
townsman when he gave to the world the sentiments of love and justice,
fidelity and right, embodied within this heart-touching and emotion-
stirring song, it is indeed a proud privilege to second the nomination of
a man whose mind is embellished with and enriched by lofty thoughts
and ideals and whose heart overflows with that pure Americanism which
is typified by the Star Spangled Banner. (Applause.)
Upon the sacred soil of this unique Republic civilization must be
born anew, and the progress of the human race re-established through
the sovereign rights of men rather than the divine right of kings. With
his private life dedicated to rectitude of conduct and purity of action,
his public career crowned with civic righteousness and progressive accom-
plishment, Charles Evans Hughes, reconsecrating the Nation to the
exalted traditions and ennobling purposes of the fathers, will so guide
the destiny of the United States that it shall become the HOME of a
reconstructed civilization founded upon morality, equality ^ and justice,
with the star of liberty shining on the horizon of national excellence
until it becomes brilliant and magnificent in the blessed zenith of human-
ity; the RESIDENCE of a democracy where, in perfect splendor and com-
plete harmony, the matchless red of the Southern rose and the spotless
white of the Northern snows blend in a mingled flood of unbroken light
revealing a people, united and devoted, peaceful and happy, who
obey only that law which guarantees life, liberty and the pursuit of
happiness, and who follow only that flag the ensign of union that, in
triumph unfurled, will, ultimately, hush the tumult of war and give
peace to the world. (Applause.)
Rising to these grand heights of patriotic fervor, with supreme con-
fidence in the unblemished character and unquestioned ability, uncom-
promising courage and undivided allegiance of the man, as a citizen of
Maryland I second the nomination of Charles Evans Hughes a states-
man as pure in heart as a Lincoln, a judge as wise and just as a Mar-
shall, a patriot as faithful and brave as a Washington, a man, who,
remembering our sublime mission and sacred trust will not, shall not,
cower in the dust when the despot's heel is on the shore and his torch
is at the temple door. (Applause.)
THE PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. Ladies and Gentlemen of the Con-
vention, the Chair presents to you as the next speaker to second the
nomination of one of the candidates for President, Mr. Charles W.
Fulton, of Oregon.
SIXTEENTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION 159
MR. FULTON SECONDING MR. HUGHES' NOMINATION.
MR. CHARLES W. FULTON, of Oregon. Mr. Chairman, Ladies and
Gentlemen of the Convention : When I look over this great audience, I
realize what a tremendous temptation it is to a public speaker. It
is so good looking, and so entirely helpless (laughter) and I might say,
so harmless, and possibly some so thirsty. (Laughter and applause.)
But I am not going to take advantage of the temptation. I had
prepared a very eloquent speech, I assure you, but now that I come to
look it over I find it will do just as well for the Fourth of July as here.
(Laughter and applause.) Hence, I am going to content myself with
saying, that we want to nominate a man who will unite the Republican
party and lead it to victory, and the people of Oregon have selected
one and they have sent us here to present his name to you. They gave
him 30,000 plurality at the primary in May; and they tell us we may
assure you that if he be nominated they will make the 30,000 plurality of
May a 50,000 majority in November. (Applause.) Therefore, in the
name of the State of Oregon and of the united delegation of that State,
I second the nomination of Charles Evans Hughes, of New York.
(Applause.)
THE PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. Ladies and Gentlemen of the Con-
vention, I present to you Judge William P. Bynum, of North Carolina.
(Applause.)
MR. BYNUM SECONDING MR. ROOT'S NOMINATION.
MR. WILLIAM P. BYNUM, of North Carolina. Mr. Chairman and
Ladies and Gentlemen of the Convention : The opportunity of the Repub-
lican party is here. The signs of the time point unerringly to a crisis
approaching in the affairs of this Nation. The persistent aggressions of
Mexico on our border, her growing inability to protect the lives and
property of foreign citizens in her territory, the great war beyond the
waters, the end of which we all devoutly hope is near, the unprepared
and defenseless condition of our own land, all are forcing upon the
people of the United States national and international problems demand-
ing for their solution the wisest statesmanship and the loftiest patriotism
this country can afford. In this perilous situation, all agree that our
greatest need is enlightened and courageous leadership statesmen of fore-
sight and experience who can and will guide the Republic triumphantly
through all the dangers that portend. Fortunately, the Republican party
is rich in such material. We have numbers from whom we may select
our standard-bearer without fear of mistake. But the American people
are looking to this Convention to select the safest, the surest and the
best to choose as its nominee a candidate whose election shall not only
be assured but who will most certainly insure the preservation of the
160 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE
honor and safety, as well as the prosperity and glory of this Nation.
The matchless record of our party in the past, justifies the demand that
we fail not in our duty now. (Applause.)
From the ashes of the great war between the States, the Republican
party lifted this Nation into the serene and imperturbable position of
"an indestructible Union composed of indestructible States." The con-
tinued enforcement of Republican principles and policies has made and
kept it the choicest spot on earth for all classes and conditions of men.
To preserve and keep it so at all hazards is the high and manifest
duty of every American citizen to perpetuate not only its indestructi-
bility as a union of States, but to unify and intensify the national spirit
and patriotism of every element of our population, in every part of the
Union, so that when we come to consider questions affecting the inter-
ests of America, whatever our race, nationality or creed, in our loj^alty
and devotion to her, we shall be one.
The course and quality of this Nation's life for the next four
years, the selection of the man best fitted to interpret that life and to
lead on that course, are to be determined by this Convention. Among
the number superbly fit, and whose election, if nominated, will be sure,
stands one whose majestic ability raises him pre-eminently above the
rest whose qualifications for the chief magistracy of this Nation in
this momentous hour fit him pre-eminently above them all. A statesman
and diplomat, tried and proved in the school of experience, known the
world over, acknowledged without a superior, his ability to guide the
Nation safely through the trying times ahead is conceded by all. Not
only so, but his nomination and election will give assurance to every
one, from the highest to the lowest, that in the administration of our
national affairs, foreign and domestic, every right of every American
citizen everywhere, will be protected, and equal and exact justice guar-
anteed to all. (Applause.)
Nominate him and from that moment national safety and prepared-
ness will be assured, national courage and confidence will be inspired
and national prosperity in all the avenues of trades and business will be
restored. Nominate him and after the fourth day of next March, we
shall have at the head of the Government of the United States, a
statesman wiser and greater and safer than presides over the destinies
of any other nation on earth.
His name, his transcendant abilities, his long and faithful service
to his country and his party have already been told to you, and as a
delegate from the State of North Carolina, I have the honor to second
the nomination of Elihu Root, of New York. (Applause.)
THE PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The Chair has pleasure in present'ng
to the Convention Judge Eugene W. Britt, of California.
SIXTEENTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION 161
MR. BRITT SECONDING MR. ROOT'S NOMINATION.
MR. EUGENE W. BRITT, of California. Mr. Chairman and Delegates
of the Convention : It is a great privilege to be permitted in this Con-
vention to second the nomination of Elihu Root. (Applause.) It was
remarked from this platform to-day that this is a government of laws
and not of men. So it is; but the difference in the effect of the laws
depends on what men administer them. If that were not so, the necessity
for succeeding the present administration with men to be nominated by
this Convention would be less exigent. We demand a change of
parties, that we may have a change of measures and of men. Almost
every speaker who has addressed this Convention has dwelt upon the
seriousness of the crisis which now confronts the country. It is serious,
and it begets the great need of the time great men at the nation's head
efficient men. A time like this demands "tall men, sun-crowned, who
live above the fog in public duty and private thinking." For that reason
I second the nomination of Elihu Root for the great office of President
(Applause.)
Three days ago there appeared in one of the local newspapers of Chi-
cago a signed article by one of the leading so-called "Progressives" of the
country one who was in the front ranks of the secession of 1912. in
which it was declared in so many words that the Republicans here
assembled in Convention "want to nominate Root, and they would
nominate him if they were not afraid." Let us take, counsel of our
courage, and not of our fears. We want to nominate him fpr he is
the wisest man within our sight. Why should Republicans fail of the
courage of their convictions? Of whom may they stand in fear? Of
the Progressives? Why, Colonel Roosevelt, without whom the Pro-
gressive Party is a negligible quantity, exhausted the vocabulary of
panegyric, during the term of his presidency, in extolling the many-
sided pre-eminence of Mr. Root; whose shining qualities, he declared,
equipped him for greatness in any department of the Government of
State, of War, of the Interior, all of them. The Republican Party
has furnished this country with a succession of great Secretaries in the
State Department. There were William H. Seward, James G. Blaine,
Elihu Root, and others; but, like the prominence of charity in St. Paul's
trinity of Christian graces, the greatest of them was Root.
I second the nomination of Elihu Root, for that he is the capable
and fit man now demanded for the American Presidency by the imperious
needs of the country. Transposing to the present tense the words which
Hamlet spoke in the past tense, we say of Mr. Root :
"He is a man, take him for all in all,
I shall not look upon his like again"
in the present generation. (Great applause.)
162 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE
THE PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The Chair presents to the Convention
Colonel Isaac M. Meekins, of North Carolina.
MR. MEEKINS SECONDING MR. BURTON'S NOMINATION
MR. ISAAC M. MEEKINS, of North Carolina. Mr. Chairman, Ladies
and Gentlemen of the Convention : The story goes that a husband and
wife, long estranged, met at the grave of their first born the child of
their youthful strength. Their strife had been bitter; their love had
turned to hate. They looked coldly upon each other, and then they
looked down upon the little mound that held the broken link with which
God had bound their two hearts. They knelt and bowed their faces upon
the cold sod that covered the dust of their dead. They stretched their
hands each to the other across the little grave, and the Angel of God,
with a rain of penitential tears, washed all the bitterness of the years
from their hearts and sent them down life's pathway hand in hand, as in
the old days, when love was lord of their two lives, and the lost babe
lay cradled on the mother's breast.
Ladies and Gentlemen of the Convention, in this crisis of our Nation
let us catch an inspiration from the parallel in the story. Let Taft and
Roosevelt Republicans, let Old Line Republican and Progressive Repub-
lican, kneel to-day at the grave of Abraham Lincoln, their best beloved.
Let the estrangement be forgotten; let all bitterness pass like an uneasy
dream. Let us stretch our hands each to the other across Lincoln's
grave and ask the benediction of the Almighty upon a reunited party
militant and triumphant! Let us here and now reincarnate the party of
Lincoln, of Garfield, of McKinley, martyrs all upon the republic's sacri-
ficial altar. Let us, here and now, rededicate that party to the high
purposes for which they intended it the right of man to liberty, the
sovereignty of reason, the holiness of labor, the benificence of peace
(but peace with honor), remembering always that "A house divided
against itself cannot stand." (Applause.)
The man I have in mind, whom we should consecrate to this glorious
task, is old through experience, gentle through love, in brain a man,
through hope a giant and North Carolina seconds the nomination of
that man, Theodore E. Burton. (Great applause.)
THE PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. I present to the Convention Colonel
Frank R. Stewart, of Arizona.
-MR. STEWART SECONDING MR. BURTON'S NOMINATION.
MR. FRANK R. STEWART, of Arizona. Mr. Chairman and Ladies and
Gentlemen of the Convention : Alexander Hamilton laid the enduring
.foundation of this Government. Abraham Lincoln made it first among the
nations of the earth. In this great crisis in our natinaol existence, it
SIXTEENTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION' 163
becomes our duty, as the representatives of the American people, to
name a man for President of the United States who, when inaugurated,
will give to the people of this country that which Abraham Lincoln con-
secrated his life to attain a constructive purpose. We men of the
West, of the mesas and deserts and golden cities of our Sunland, believe
Theodore E. Burton to be the hope of the Nation, the safest and sanest
choice of the Republican Party for President in 1916, and Arizona
seconds his nomination in faith and with gladness. (Applause.)
THE PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. I present to the Convention Ex-Con-
gressman Thomas Settle, of North Carolina.
MR. SETTLE SECONDING MR. WEEKS' NOMINATION
MR. THOMAS SETTLE, of North Carolina. Mr. Chairman, Ladies
and Gentlemen, Fellow Delegates : The gentleman whose nomination I
rise to second yields to no one in his Americanism. It is bone of his
bone and flesh of his flesh. It is the breath of his nostrils and the pul-
sation of his heart. He yields to no one in his knowledge of the needs
of our country on the question of preparedness. He is familiar with
that question in its theoretical aspect; he is familiar with it in its
practical aspect by virtue of his training, his education, and his experi-
ence. He yields to no one in fitness and qualifications for the exalted
office of President of this country, in knowledge of our country's
resources, and knowledge of our country's needs in the way of legis-
lation to develop her resources. A graduate of the Naval Academy
at Annapolis, he has served in one of the great arms of national
defense, and a part of his education necessarily familiarized him with
the other arm of national defence, the army of our country. (Applause.)
His service in the legislative department of our government only
enhanced the value of his knowledge acquired in other lines of activity.
If to these virtues another might be added I should say it was his
Republicanism. (Applause.) But Republicanism is but the voice and
expression, is but the soul of Americanism, of preparedness, of pro-
tection, and prosperity. (Applause.) He knows that when the
Almighty's attention is turned away from us in chastisement, and
Democracy comes into power that we are all unlucky. He knows that
the Democratic Party was born and christened unlucky, and when in
power we are all unlucky. (Applause, and a voice: "That's right.")
He knows that the very name Democratic Party begins with the unluckiest
letter in the alphabet; the letter "D" is called upon to do more dirty
work than all the balance of the alphabet put together -Democracy,
disease, deceit, dissimulation, deficit, disaster, degeneracy, destruction,
death and damnation. (Applause.) On the other hand, the letter "R"
stands for Republicanism, Reverence for the Constitution, Respect for
the Flag, Resumption of specie payment, Roosevelt, Root, Religion and
16-i OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE
Resurrection, and many other good things and names. And now, Ladies
and Gentlemen of the Convention, on behalf of the State of North Caro-
lina, I second the nomination of John Wingate Weeks, of Massachusetts.
(Applause.)
THE PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. I present former Congressman Bird
McGuire, of Oklahoma.
MR. McGUIRE SECONDING NOMINATION OF MR. -WEEKS
MR. BIRD McGuiRE, of Oklahoma. Mr. Chairman, Ladies and Gen-
tlemen of the Convention : I come from one of the newest but one of
the most important States of the Union. At the approaching election we
will cast three hundred thousand votes, and the nominee of this Con-
vention, whoever he may be, will have a plurality of that three hundred
thousand. (Applause.) The Democratic Party, through Mexican methods
at the ballot box temporarily wrested our State from the Republicans,
but at the coming election we are coming home, and coming home to
stay. (Applause.)
The person is short-sighted indeed who does not understand clearly
that which is in the hearts and minds, not only of the Delegates of this
Convention, but of every patriotic Republican in all the land
You want a man who will win ; but that is not all ; you want a
man who will preserve the Republican Party and perpetuate the princi-
ples of that great party after he has won. "Oh," you say, "you would
like to have a William McKinley ; that you won with him ;" and in
that position you are right. The Republican Party at the time of his
nomination took what was a temporarily unpopular position, but the party
was right and the opposition was wrong. We vigorously pushed a cam-
paign ot education, which educated the American people until they were
right upon the currency question, and by taking that position and stand-
ing boldly and vigorously for the right, even against overwhelming
numbers to start with, we won.
McKinley was a great leader; a great statesman, a conscientious
man, and under his guidance the Republican Party grew stronger and
stronger, and when he fell at the hands of an assassin that great party
was mightier than it had been in all its history. No wonder you want
another McKinley.
I have in mind a gentleman who possesses the combined strength of
both William McKinley and Mark Hanna, and if you make him the
nominee of this Convention, his administration will grow more popular
from day to day, and the Republican Party will be augmented in num-
bers and strengthened in principle. He will grow more and more popular
and he will be elected for a second term by increased and overwhelming
majorities, and when he returns the Republican banner to the National
SIXTEENTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION 165
Convention eight years from now, and resigns his position as President
to his successor, he will leave the greatest party in the history of the
Nation. (Applause.)
I second the nomination of that splendid embodiment of physical,
intellectual and moral manhood John W. Weeks, of Massachusetts.
(Applause.)
THE PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The Chair presents Mr. W. O. Emory,
of Georgia.
MR. EMORY SECONDING AIR. WEEKS' NOMINATION.
MR. \\'. O. EMORY, of Georgia. Mr. Chairman, Ladies and Gentle-
men of the Convention : It is a pleasure to be permitted to stand here
and speak, only if it be one word, for the man that we think ought to
be and we think will be, elected President of the United States next
November. I was just thinking a moment ago of what was said to and
by General Grant at the dedication of .a certain memorial in the City of
New York. The remark was made by the chairman in presenting him
that he was introducing to the audience the greatest chieftain that had
ever drawn the sword. When General Grant rose to speak to that great
audience he said, in effect ,"It may be as the gentleman has said that I
am the greatest chieftain that ever drew the sword, but if I am I want to
say that I had the greatest army behind me that ever carried the sword/'
(Applause.)
Ladies and gentlemen, I want to say to you here that I do not in
any degree sympathize with the thought that we are scarce of Presi-
dential timber in the Republican Party. There are several States here
that could give us such characters as we have already had and that have
gone on to their fathers. But however that is, with these excellent
gentlemen, any or all of them would give us a splendid administration
and the most of them would have a united party at the end of the term.
And, Mr. Chairman and Ladies and Gentlemen of the Convention, I
am certain that if this Convention will see fit to nominate the gentleman
in whose behalf I rise to speak, that he will give us at the end of his
first administration a united and strong party, and at the end of his
second administration an even stronger and more united party.
(Applause.) Inasmuch as my time is up, I will now second the nomina-
tion of John W. Weeks, a second McKinley, and in some respects better
than McKinley, to lead our great party to victory in November. (Ap-
plause.)
THE PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. Ladies and Gentlemen of the Conven-
tion, I present to you Mr. Edwin P. Morrow, of Kentucky.
166 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE
MR. MORROW SECONDING MR. FAIRBANKS' NOMINATION.
MR EDWIN P. MORROW, of Kentucky. Mr. Chairman, Ladies and
Gentlemen of the Convention : When the shouting has died into silence,
when the tumult is stilled, when the echoes of fife and drum have died
into echo, when the wild enthusiasm of this hour has met the seriousness
of the actual conflict, out yonder will be waiting, ready and entrenched,
the serried hosts of Democracy. Far-flung will be our battle line and
success in the coming conflict means the honor of the American flag and
the welfare of every man, woman and child beneath its fluttering folds.
To lead the invincible army of Republicanism into that battle, to make
the charge, to hold the fort, to keep the faith, the united, victorious
Republicans of old Kentucky second the nomination of a Republican
worthy of all its great history and traditions, and great enough in com-
bination of heart and mind, conscience and vision, to be chief executive
of the greatest Republic beneath the sun. We stand for no untried and
no untested leader, but for one proven in the great arena of deeds, for
one tried in the crucible of great experience, and upon whose public life
has beat the great white light of public opinion ; not for an untried
warrior but for one who has in open battle given and received mighty
blows. (Applause, and a voice: "Amen.") We have heard so much
about the heart of America; we stand for a man born where the heart
of the Nation throbs ; (Applause, and a voice from the Ohio delegation :
"Yes, in the great State of Ohio.") ; one reared in the squalor of a log
cabin and by the side of a hearth-stone where the fires of patriotism
spring and burn forever. (Applause.) If we want to find the heart
of America, let us go where the heart of America beats. Name a man
who came from the fields of grain, where the corn stands like sentinels
of prosperity in the furrow, but living now where the wind-swept
prairies are covered with streets of brick and marts of trade and com-
merce; the heart of the great industrial center of America there stands
he who holds alike the love of him who labors in the open field and him
who labors in the factory, him who lives in the country and him who
lives in the city.
THE PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The time of the speaker has expired.
Name your candidate.
MR. MORROW, of Kentucky. Just a moment, please. There stands
the real type of this land, the man of the type of free chance and open
opportunity, Charles Warren Fairbanks, of Indiana, whose nomination I
wish to second on behalf of the State of Kentucky. (Applause.)
THE PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The gentleman's time is up.
MR. MORROW, of Kentucky. I have ten minutes because there is only
one seconding speech to be made from my State.
THE PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. I am sorry, but under the rules we
cannot grant you that privilege.
SIXTEENTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION 167
MR. MORROW, of Kentucky. I had wished to say more, but I must
retire under the rules. (Applause.)
THE PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. Ladies and Gentlemen of the Con-
vention : The Chair now has pleasure in presenting Mr. Ernest Lun-
deen, of Minnesota.
MR. LUNDEEN SECONDING MR. CUMMINS' NOMINATION.
MR. ERNEST LUNDEEN, of Minnesota. Mr. Chairman and Ladies and
Gentlemen of the Convention : Minnesota, our North Star State of the
Union, seconds the nomination of the great Republican leader from our
neighbor State of Iowa.
We take unbounded pride in his loyalty, his courage, and his inde-
pendence. Like Lincoln, he understands the common people; like Lin-
coln he fights for the average man. Just in counsel, fair in battle, the
passing years have emphasized the wisdom of his policies.
We believe in Democracy but Heaven forbid ! We don't believe
in the Democratic party we believe in bringing the Government closer
to the people, we believe that it is better to advance all of the people a
little of the way than to advance a few people a long way. (Applause.)
The text of the life of the senior Senator from Iowa reads in
hearty accord with these views of our people. The tides of public
opinion are running strong to-day. The people at large are demanding
an ever increasing share in their Government.
A young man came out of the West to plead for them, and, when
necessary, to fight for them ; and now grown gray in their service, he is
still their idolized advocate. He has breasted every adversity and solved
every situation that has confronted him. A man who while rising did not
forget the unfortunate, a man who gives the helping hand to those
about him. The Carpenter of Iowa now marches at the head of five
great States. Vision is his advance guard, and wisdom his companion.
Strike from the books of Iowa the statutes of his statesmanship and
our country moves backward.
Like the oak of the forest, like the tall pine of Minnesota, he
stands out against the stormy sky. All his views are rooted deep in
democracy, and the winds of an arrogant opposition cannot prevail
against him. Everywhere that humanity needs protection, everywhere that
misery and hopelessness prevail, there is found our big brother from
Iowa, for his heart beats in sympathy with all mankind.
The clouds of dissension are lifting and the rainbow of hope gives
promise of a reunited party, a greater and grander Nation.
The spirit of immortal Lincoln seems again to speak of our party
as it once spoke to the Nation. "We are not enemies, but friends. We
must not be enemies. Though passion may have strained, it must not
break our bonds of affection, the mystic cords of memory stretching
168 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE
from every battlefield and patriot grave to every living heart and
hearthstone all over this broad land will yet swell the chorus of the
Union when again touched as surely they will by the better angles
of our nature."
Times like these call for candor and plain speech. This is the most
momentous convention since the days of Lincoln. Nominate Senator
Cummins and he will smite the waters of Democratic despond and lead
us from the plagues and deserts of Democratic despair to the promised
land of Republican common-sense.
Providence gave us Washington for the revolution, Lincoln for the
rebellion, Garfield and McKinley to lead us through darkness toward
the light. ^ In every age, in every crisis, God-given leaders tower above
the masses. Such a leader we have in Senator Cummins, of Iowa, the
tall pine of the West.
He fights the fight of a good man. His shield catches the sunlight
of a new time and a new era.
In this time of trial, in this hour of destiny, ladies and gentlemen of
this Convention, give us again a man from the people and for the
people.
The voters of Minnesota have commissioned us to vote for him
and in accordance with their mandate we now add to the standard of
Iowa, the standard of Minnesota. To these will be added the standards
of the great States of South Dakota, Nebraska and Montana, and upon
our banners we inscribe the name of this statesman, this great man, this
peerless pioneer of Progressive Legislation, the name of Albert Baird
Cummins. (Applause.)
THE PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The Chair has pleasure in presenting
Mr. S. E. Wilson, of South Dakota.
MR. WILSON SECONDING MR. CUMMINS' NOMINATION.
MR. S. E. WILSON, of South Dakota. Mr. Chairman and Delegates
of this Convention : I have been commissioned by the delegation from the
Sunshine State of South Dakota to second the nomination of our near
neighbor, from the State of Iowa, Albert B. Cummins. In doing so I wish
to remind you that the Republican party was born in the West, and that the
first nominee for president was selected from a State that borders the Pa-
cific Ocean. There was no thought of his election. There was not much
thought of it in 1860 when Abraham Lincoln, of Illinois, was nominated.
But in 1864 he was the leader of the then great party His leadership un-
challenged, the East had no man to match the peerless Commoner from the
West. In 1868 similar conditions existed, when another Westerner,
General U. S. Grant was nominated and elected, and re-elected in 1872.
Forty-four years have elapsed since then and not a candidate for the
SIXTEENTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 169
Presidency has been named from the West by this great party. At this
time we present to you a candidate from the great West. In the Mississ-
ippi and Missouri valleys and west to the Pacific is a great stretch of
country where our people furnish the food for the East, where they
have from year to year fought a good fight and kept the faith for
Republican doctrines, delivering nearly a solid vote for the candidates of
the Republican party in the electoral college in every Presidential cam-
paign. It ought not to be necessary to always select a candidate from
one of the three pivotal States of the East in order to assure us of the
electoral vote of that particular State.
If Albert B. Cummins is nominated by this Convention, there can
be no doubt of the hearty indorsement of his candidacy by. our friends in
session at the Auditorium. He is a leader of the advanced thought of
the Nation, a great statesman whose name adorns the pages of recent
history along with those of Iowa's greatest sons. He is a worthy suc-
cessor of Grimes and Harlan and Kirkwood and Allison and Dolliver.
Nominate him and the East as well as the West will rally to his standard
and the Republican banner will be carried to certain victory under his
gallant leadership. (Applause.)
MR. A. E. CASSELL, of California. Mr. Chairman, I rise to ask for
information.
THE PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The gentleman will state what it is
about which he desires to inquire.
MR. A. E. CASSELL, of California. We have just passed lunch,
and we have also passed dinner, and I would like to ask, on behalf of
myself and many others in this hall, is it the intention of the Chairman
to give us a recess for supper? (A chorus of "No, No, No.")
THE PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The gentleman seems to have had his
answer. The Chair now presents to the Convention Mr. A. M. Stevenson,
of Colorado.
MR. STEVENSON SECONDING MR. ROOSEVELT'S NOMINA-
TION
MR. A. M. STEVENSON, of Colorado. Mr. Chairman, Ladies and
Gentlemen of the Convention : The candidate for President of the United
States whose nomination I rise to second, is today the foremost citizen
of this Republic; he is the embodiment of the American ideal of citizen-
ship, of patriotism and of statesmanship. With him as President, every
citizen, no matter how high or how humble, pursuing his lawful avocation
on land or sea, may with safety wrap our flag about him and defy his
foes. (Applause.)
His nomination by this convention is equivalent to his election, and
not only his own election, but the election of local Republican candidates,
members of congress, governors and other officers in every doubtful
170 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE
State of the Union. I believe that more than half the people of this
country are anxiously watching the proceedings of this convention, hoping
that he will be your nominee. There is no doubt his nomination is de-
manded by millions of American voters. They know that with him
as standard bearer of the Republican Party defeat is impossible; they
know that with Theodore Roosevelt as our candidate, victory in No-
vember is absolutely certain. It does not so much matter what we in
Chicago today want, we must satisfy the voters of the country and give
them a candidate in whom they have confidence ; one who represents the
best traditions of the Party, and one who will best protect and care for
the interests of the people. (Applause.)
Believing as I do then, Air. Chairman, ladies and gentlemen of
the Convention, that he more surely than any other man can be elected
President of the United States, I take great pleasure in seconding the
nomination of Colonel Roosevelt.
(Applause; and after the delegates ceased applauding and seemed
anxious to go on with the business of the Convention, there appeared
sporadic attempts in the galleries to produce a demonstration, whereupon
the Permanent Chairman said) :
THE PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. Ladies and Gentlemen in the Galleries :
The Chair means to be courteous enough to grant recognition to ten dele-
gates of this Convention to second the nomination of Colonel Roosevelt,
and as it seems to be the evident wish of the delegates to proceed with
the business of the convention, the Chair must ask our guests that they
will exhibit that courtesy which will permit us to speedily carry on the
work of the Convention. (Applause among the delegates, and a voice,
"That is right; let us go on with our business.") I now have pleasure
in presenting to you, ladies and gentlemen of the Convention, former
Senator Marion Butler, of North Carolina.
MR. BUTLER SECONDING MR. ROOSEVELT'S NOMINATION
MR. MARION BUTLER, of North Carolina. Mr. Chairman and Fellow
Delegates : You have heard already too much speech-making for one
day. (Applause and cries of "Good" and of "Louder, please.") If that
were not true, still I want to say that this is not an occasion on which I
desire to make what might be known as a speech. (Applause and cries ot
"Good," and of "That's right.") Fellow Delegates, the situation which con-
fronts us is too serious for our party and for our country, for us to
indulge in partisan eulogies of our friends or rhetorical flights merely to
delight the mind ; rather this is an occasion for serious consideration, of
putting heart to heart and head to head. The Republican party has never
faced a more serious situation than this, and our country has never faced
a more serious situation. (Applause, and cries of "Hear, hear.") Our
country needs a great, strong party today to relieve it from the misrule
GEORGE L. HART, of Virginia,
Official Reporter of the Convention
SIXTEENTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION 171
and mismanagement at home and abroad. The Republican party has in
the past performed that great service as a constructive party, as the
party of progress, but the Republican party today cannot perform that
sen -ice if rent into two parts or camps, each antagonistic to and opposing
the other. Therefore we have just two great duties; first, to unite the
party that was split four years ago, (applause) and if we do not unite
the party we are helpless to serve ourselves or our country or humanity.
And on this point, let me say, that every speaker who has addressed this
Convention today has said he is in favor of uniting the party, and I
want to say that you cannot unite it by talk alone. Now, fellow delegates,
I am willing, for one delegate, to stay here for a week if necessary in
order to heal the breach in the two wings of this grand old party and
bring them together under the Republican banner. (Great applause, and
cries of "Right, Right.") And there is one other thing we have got to
do besides bringing the two wings of the party together. We have got
to do what our ancestors did when Abraham Lincoln was nominated.
On that occasion there was the great issue of human liberty at stake;
and there was before that Convention the names of more than one man,
of men other than Abraham Lncoln. There was the name of the great
Seward, and yet some of the followers and friends of Seward in that
critical hour of our nation's history said it was their duty to turn against
their friend there and then and cast their votes for Abraham Lincoln.
Why? Because Abraham Lincoln was the embodiment of the fight for
human liberty. He was a human platform. We have adopted a magnifi-
cent platform in this Convention, and Temporary Chairman Harding has
delivered a magnificent speech, but those are simply words, written and
spoken; if you do not put soul into those words they will not be worth
while.
THE PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The time of the gentleman has ex-
pired.
MR. MARION BUTLER, of North Carolina. Therefore I now second
the nomination of Theodore Roosevelt, who will put soul into that plat-
form and will bring the Progressive Convention from its hall down the
street and merge it into this Convention and bring about a magnificent
fighting body of reunited Republicans. (Applause.)
THE PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The Chair presents to the Convention
former Ambassador to Italy, Mr. William Potter, of Pennsylvania, who
will speak for two minutes.
MR. POTTER SECONDING MR. ROOSEVELT'S NOMINATION
MR. WILLIAM POTTER, of Pennsylvania. Ladies and gentlemen, dele-
gates of the Convention : I shall only take a minute of your time to ex-
tend to you an invitation in the hope that we may end up this Convention
172 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE
with a wedding. I hope we may have the Progressive bride come back
into the arms of the Republican husband, and that the millions 'of her
children may be permitted to vote for that man, that greatest of living
Americans, whose nomination I now second, Theodore Roosevelt, of
New York. (Applause.)
THE PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The Chair now presents to the Con-
vention Mr. Henry A. Whitaker, of Maryland.
MR. WHITAKER SECONDING MR. ROOSEVELT'S NOMINATION
Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen of the Convention :
This convention is, as it should be, actuated by two cardinal princi-
ples, one of primary and the other of secondary consideration. The
secondary is, however, of importance nearly equal to the primary.
The primary principle is national patriotism and the secondary prin-
ciple, party loyalty. "He who serves his party best, serves his country-
best," which means that when one's party is inspired by pure and lofty
ideals, its administration of the public business will be of like charactei.
Four years ago a combination of circumstances rent the Republican
party asunder, the result being victory at the polls by a minority organi-
zation. In assuming charge of the Government, this organization has be-
haved as a minority, although in complete control, and the effects thereof
have been consistent with minority leadership. The circumstances to
which I have referred, and which have caused a division in the Republi-
can party were unfortunate, but all those who suffered by them have at
least forgiven if not forgotten We are again a united party, dedicated to
the same general principles which have been characteristic of this nation
since 1861.
The people of this country, in this time of crisis and disturbance in
the affairs of the world, and of, I might say, imminent danger, are calling
for a leadership which embodies lofty Americanism and high ideals sup-
ported by the ability to make these principles effective. (Applause.)
As a nation, while we should be kind and courteous to the other na-
tions of the world, at the same time we should not forget the principle
of the "Survival of the fittest to survive." This idea may be a selfish one,
but it is in thorough harmony with the doctrine of self-preservation. Our
country's true mission is peace with all nations and since its beginning, its
record in this respect has been a commendable one. At the same time,
we must be conscious of the fact that the unexpected sometimes happens,
the result being misery to the unprepared.
Therefore, preparedness and real Americanism should be the watch-
word of this country, not only for this generation, but for the years to
come, and the promulgation and the enforcement of these ideas call
SIXTEENTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION 173
for leadership of no ordinary character, rather of the most intense kind.
Looking backward through the vista of the years, from the founda-
tion of the Republic to the present time, the formative period can be truly
credited to the Republican regime.
This nation has been substantially Republican in principle from 1861
to the present time except for the brief interregna of Air. Cleveland and
Mr. Wilson. Right here I would say that historic statistics and all other
sources of information agree, that although Mr. Cleveland was a strong
character and a man of rigid honesty, his administrations were economic
failures, soup houses prevailed, and interest-bearing bonds were issued
in times of peace. The present administration deserves but little com-
ment as to its economic results, we see them and we feel them, and it is
universally admitted that had it not been for the stimulus caused by the
unfortunate conflict in Europe, we would, months ago, have been on the
financial rocks. Extraordinary taxes have been levied to support the
Government, a thing unheard of under Republican rule in times of peace.
The man who is obliged to give his note, must pay tribute to Caesar, and
our national banks have been persecuted by a policy akin to folly. Con-
vers-'ons-from national to state banks are to say the least, not uncommon.
(Applause.)
The Republican party has always been in sympathy with the national
heart beat, and it is now on the eve of being returned to power, provided
it is wise in the selection of its standard bearer. In behalf of thousands of
citizens in the Southland, I purpose now to second the nomination which
has just been made, of a leader whose courage, ability and splendid
Americanism have been thoroughly tried and tested, who has a true
appreciation of American necessities and ideals; who, when he was chief
executive of the nation gave everybody a square deal ; saw that the
American flag was respected and honored the world over; who built the
Panama Canal, and who put our fleet in command of the distant oceans.
He is one who does not place idealistic reliance in the written word with-
out having behind it the power and ability to enforce the word. (Ap-
plause.)
Under his regime of seven years and six months, four general con-
gressional elections were held, and in each instance the Republican party
remained in power in the Lower House. Such has never happened before
or since. As an independent candidate four years ago, 4,100,000 of our
citizens left their respective parties and voted for him, a thing which never
before happened in the history of the Republic, and which is not likely to
happen again. Having, as he does, an understanding of our National
necessities, and having comprehended and interpreted the vital issues of
his time precisely as did the great men of history who have gone before
him, he is the logical candidate, not only for the Republican party, but
for all our people who have a true interest in our national welfare.
174 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE
It is with confident assurance that in seconding his nomination I say
to you that, in my humble judgment, he can and will be elected, if nomi-
nated.
In behalf of a majority of the citizens of the State of Maryland, as
well as from other States in the South, I take pleasure in seconding before
this convention, the nomination of Mr. Roosevelt. (Applause.)
THE PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The Chair now presents Mr. Robert
M. Pollock, of North Dakota.
MR. POLLOCK SECONDING MR. LA FOLLETTE'S NOMINATION
MR. ROBERT M. POLLOCK, of North Dakota. Mr. Chairman and dele-
gates of the Convention.
A DELEGATE. Who is the speaker?
THE PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The gentleman the chair has pre-
sented to you and who is now attempting to speak to the Convention is
Robert M. Pollock, of North Dakota. I hope the Convention will be in
order and will give the gentlemen who are making seconding speeches a
respectful hearing.
MR. POLLOCK, of North Dakota. Delegates of the Convention: I
will say little but mean much. North Dakota seconds tne nomination of
Hon. Robert M. LaFollette. I thank you. (Great applause, and a voice:
"He knows how to make a seconding speech.")
THE PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The Chair now presents Congressman
William S. Vare, of Pennsylvania.
MR. VARE SECONDING MR. BRUMBAUGH'S NOMINATION
MR. WILLIAM S. VARE, of Pennsylvania: Mr. Chairman, ladies and
gentlemen of the Convention. I speak here today not as a Progressive
Republican, but I speak to you as a member of the American Congress
from a district that has elected a Republican for the last fifty years with-
out interruption. (Applause). I speak as a delegate who sat in this
convention four years ago and voted for Hon. William Howard Taft.
(Great Applause.) I speak as a member of the Republican party in Penn-
sylvania and come from a district that gave President Taft the largest
Republican majority that he received in any district in the whole country.
(Applause). And I come to you today as a delegate from that great stal-
wart district to ask the delegates of this Convention not to make the mis-
take we made four years ago. Let us consult the thought that is in the
minds of the American people. Let us be farseeing this Fall and ap-
proach the November election with a re-united party. Pennsylvania in
1904 polled 840,949 votes for the Hon. Theodore Roosevelt. (Applause.)
In 1908 that went down to 745,7/9 votes for Taft, in 1910 it fell to 415,614
for our candidate for Governor, and in 1912 it went down to 273,360
SIXTEENTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION 175
votes for the Republican standard bearer, Hon. William Howard Taft,
and for the first time in the history of a half century Pennsylvania neg-
lected to cast its electoral vote for the Republican candidate for Presi-
dent. In 1914 we saw the light. We nominated Pennsylvania's present
distinguished Governor, Hon. Martin G. Brumbaugh, and he entered into
that fight against a combined Progressive-Democratic opposition and
brought us back a Republican victory by a majority o*- 134,825.
He went before the people of the Commonwealth this Spring as a
candidate for Delegate-at-Large to this convention, and he polled the
highest vote of any official who was on that ticket, representing either the
National or the State government. I am here, delegates of this conven-
tion, to urge you to name for your candidate for president, Pennsylvania's
distinguished Governor, who will be accepted by the country at large for
his sincerity in purpose and record of accomplishments as he was by his
people in Pennsylvania, and I now second the nomination of Hon. Martin
Grove Brumbaugh. (Applause.)
Thereupon the Secretary resumed and concluded the calling of the
roll of States.
BALLOT FOR NOMINEES FOR PRESIDENT
THE PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The roll of States having been com-
pleted, you will prepare your ballot for the nomination of a candidate
for President of the United States. (Applause.) The Secretary will
call the roll of States and the Chairman of each State delegation will an-
nounce the vote of his State.
The Secretary of the Convention proceeded to call the roll of States,
and during the calling of the roll the following took place: (See tabu-
lated vote.)
MR. ARMAND ROMAIN, of Louisiana. (When Louisiana was called).
Mr. Chairman, speaking for six of the 12 votes of Louisiana, I announce
2 for Weeks and 4 for Hughes.
MR. WALTER L. COHEN, of Louisiana. Mr. Chairman, and as to the
other 6 votes of Louisiana I announce I for Weeks, I for Sherman, i for
Root, I 1 /- for Burton, and i l /t for Fairbanks.
THE CHAIRMAN OF THE MICHIGAN DELEGATION (When Michigan was
called.) Mr. Chairman, as the result of the primary in Michigan, our
State will cast 30 votes on the first ballot for Henry Ford.
MR. CHARLES S. WHITMAN, of New York (When New York was
called). Mr. Chairman, the delegates from the State of New York ask
that the vote be polled, and on behalf of the New York delegation I request
that the roll of delegates be called, so that each man may answer as to his
preference for the nomination of a candidate for President.
THE PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The names of the members of the
New York delegation will be called by the Secretary.
176 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE
The Secretary of the Convention having called the roll of the New
York delegates, the result was announced : Root, 43 ; Hughes, 42 ; Roose-
velt, 2 ; as follows :
NEW YORK
AT LARGE
Root Hughes Roosevelt
Elon R. Brown 1
James W. Wadsworth, Jr 1
Frederick C. Tanner 1
Charles S. Whitman 1
DISTRICTS Delegates
1 George Wilbur Doughty . . 1
William F. Flanagan . . 1
2 Joseph H. DeBragga 1
Theron H. Burden 1
3 Robert R. Lawson 1
John MacCrate 1
4 Adolph Levy 1
William A. Prendergast 1
5 William Berri 1
Alfred E. Vass 1
6_William M. Calder 1
Frederick J. Kracke 1
7 Jacob Brenner . . 1
Michael J. Dady
8 Marcus B. Campbell 1
Charles S. Warbasse 1
9 Frank Ehlers 1
Francis H. Luce 1
10 Clarence B. Smith 1
Baruch Miller 1
1 1 George Cromwell
Chauncey M. Depew 1
12 Samuel S. Koenig 1
13 Frederick L. Marshall 1
14 Otto T. Bannard 1
Herbert Parsons 1
IS Job E. Hedges
Henry L. Stimson 1
16 Martin Steinthal . . 1
Beverly R. Robinson 1
17 William H. Douglas 1
William Bondy 1
18 Ogden L. Mills 1
James R. Sheffield 1
19 Charles D. Hilles 1
Nicholas Murray Butler 1
20 Samuel Krulewitch 1
21 George R. Sheldon 1
Valentine J. Hahn 1
22 William H. TenEyck 1
John J. Knewitz 1
23 William S. Bennet 1
Thomas W. Whittle 1
SIXTEENTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION 177
NEW YORK Continued
AT LARGE
Root Hughes Roosevelt
DISTRICT Delegates
24 William B. Thompson 1
Daniel W. Whitmore 1
25 William L. Ward 1
Henry R. Barrett 1
26 John B. Rose 1
Willet E. Hoysradt . .'. 1
27 Philip Elting 1
Louis F. Payn 1
28 Henry M. Sage 1
Ellis J. Staley 1
29 Louis W. Emerson . . 1
Harry A. Lewis 1
30 Cyrus Durey 1
Samuel Wallin 1
31 Bertrand H. Snell 1
Walter C. Witherbee 1
32 Thaddeus C. Sweet 1
James Moore . . 1
33 Homer P. Snyder 1
Thomas R. Proctor 1
34 George W. Fairchild (by Andrew J. McNaught, Jr.,
Alternate) 1
Harvey D. Hinman (by Jas. P. Hill, Alternate) 1
35 Francis Hendricks . . . . 1
Willard A. Rill . . 1
36 Norman J. Gould 1
Clyde W. Knapp 1
37 Jacob Sloat Fassett 1
William J. Tully 1
38 George W. Aldridge 1
James L. Hotchckiss . . 1
39 William Watson 1
J. Coann Curtis 1
40 John A. Merritt 1
John Lord O'Brian . . 1
41 George P. Urban 1
Harry J. Knepper . . 1
42 Edward W. Hodson 1
August Ebke . . 1
43 Edward B. Vreeland (by Frank Sullivan Smith,
Alternate) 1
Charles M. Hamilton 1
43 42 2
The Secretary resumed the calling of the roll of States.
MR. BOIES PENROSE, of Pennsylvania (When the State of Pennsyl-
vania was called). Mr. Chairman, Pennsylvania asks that the delegation
be polled.
THE PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The Chairman of the Pennsylvania
delegation asks that his delegation be polled. The Secretary will call the
178 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE
roll of delegates representing the State of Pennsylvania and each mem-
ber will answer when his name is called giving his preference for the
nomination of a candidate for President.
The Secretary having called the roll of the Pennsylvania delegates,
the result was announced : Brumbaugh, 29 ; Roosevelt, 8 ; Knox, 36 ;
Hughes, 2 ; absent, i ; as follows :
PENNSYLVANIA
Delegates Brumbaugh Roosevelt Knox Hughes
William S. Aaron 1
Joseph G. Armstrong . . . . 1
Edward V. Babcock . . 1
W. Harry Baker .. 1
Martin G. Brumbaugh (by Max S. Apt,
first Alternate at large 1
James Elverson, Jr . . . . 1
David L. Gillespie . . 1
Alba R. Johnson . . . . 1
Guy W. Moore . . . . 1
George T. Oliver . . 1
Boies Penrose . . . . 1
John Wanamaker . . . . 1
DI STRI CTS Delegates
1 William McCoach 1
William S. Vare 1
2 Charles L. Brown 1
James P. McNichol 1
3 John H. Bromley .. .. 1
John P. Connelly (by Elias Abrams,
Alternate . . 1
4 William Abrahams 1
William Freihofer . . 1
S William R. Knight, Jr 1
John J. McKinley, Jr 1
6 Harry D. Beaston 1
William Potter 1
7 Horace A. Beale, Jr . . 1
William C. Sproul . . 1
8 J. Aubrey Anderson . . . . 1
Clarence J. Buckman . . . . 1 . .*
9 William W. Griest 1
H. Edgar Shertz 1
10 Edmund B. Jermyn 1
Louis A. Watres 1
11 John R. Halsey .. 1
Charles N. Loveland 1
12 William R. Adamson 1
Charles E. Berger 1
13 Robert Grey Bushong . . . . 1
Edward M. Young 1
14 Merton J. Emory 1
Edwin P. Young 1
15 Calvin R. Armstrong 1
Emerson Collins 1
SIXTEENTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION 179
PENNSYLVANIA Continued
DI STRI CTS D elcgates
Brumbaugh Roosevelt Knox Hughes
16 C. A. Barron .. 1
M. Jackson Crispin . . . . 1
17 Charles T. Aikens 1
John G. Benedict 1
18 B. Dawson Coleman .. .. 1
A. Carson Stamm . . . . 1
19 John P. Slouch 1
T. W. Tobias 1
20 John E. Baker . . 1
D. Guy Hollinger . . . . 1
21 Augustin H. Gaffney .. .. 1
William I. Swoope . . . . 1
22 James S. Beacom . . 1
T. W. Phillips, Jr 1
23 William E. Crew . . 1
Isaiah Good 1
24 Joseph A. Herron . . . . 1
J. Kankin Martin .. . . 1
25 John J. Carter .. .. 1
Frank Connell .. .. 1
26 Robert A. Stotz . . 1
Thomas M. Whildin (absent, also
both Alternates from district)....
27 John S. Fisher 1
Harry R. Wilson . . 1
28 Harry K. Daugherty 1
Charles Miller .. 1
29 Walter Lyon .. 1
Richard B. Scandrett . . 1
30 Robert J. Black 1
George H. Flinn . . 1
31 William A. Magee 1
Alexander P. Moore . . 1
32 John A. Bell (by Frank H. Ken-
nedy, Alternate) . . . . 1
Miles Bryan . . . . 1
29 8 36 2
While the Pennsylvania delegation was being polled, the following
occurred :
BY A DELEGATE (When the name of Martin G. Brumbaugh was called).
Mr. Brumbaugh does not care to vote. Please call the name of the
first alternate at large, Mr. Max S. Apt.
THE PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The name of the alternate-delegate
will be called as requested.
MR. MAX S. APT (When his named was called). I wish to vote for
Martin Grove Brumbaugh.
When the name of Mr. John P. Connelly, of the Third Congressional
District, was called :
180 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE
MR. BOIES PENROSE, of Pennsylvania. Mr. Chairman, Delegate Con-
nelly is absent, as is also Mr. James A. Carey, the Alternate appearing
opposite his name. Therefore I ask that the name of the first alternate
representing the Third Congressional District, Mr. Elias Abrams, be
called.
THE PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The Secretary will call the name of ttie
first alternate representing the Third Congressional District of Pennsyl-
vania, Air. Elias Abrams, who will represent Mr. John P. Connelly, dele-
gate, in his absence.
MR. ELIAS ABRAMS, of Pennsylvania (When his name was called).
I wish to vote for Mr. Knox.
When the name of Mr. Thomas M. Whildin, of the Twenty-Sixth
Congressional District, was called :
MR. BOIES PENROSE, of Pennsylvania. Mr. Chairman, on account of
his advanced age Mr. Whildin was obliged to leave the Convention and is
absent at this time. Neither of the two alternates representing the
Twenty-sixth Congressional District is present. I therefore wish to an-
nounce that if Mr. Whildin were present he would cast his vote for
Mr. Knox.
THE PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. In the circumstances, the name of Mr.
Whildin will be passed.
When the name of Mr. John A. Bell, representing the Thirty-second
Congressional District, was called :
MR. BOIES PENROSE, of Pennsylvania. Mr. Chairman, Mr. Bell is ab-
sent, as is also Mr. F. C. Beinhauer, the first Alternate. I would like to
ask that the Secretary call the name of the second alternate from the
Thirty-second Congressional District, Mr. Frank H. Kennedy.
THE PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The Secretary will call the name of
Mr. Kennedy.
MR. FRANK H. KENNEDY, of Pennsylvania (When his name was
called). I wish to vote for Mr. P. C. Knox.
The Secretary having resumed and concluded the calling of the roll
of States, etc., the result was announced:
Hughes, 253^; Root, 103; Burton, 77 l /2\ Weeks, 105; du Pont, 12;
Sherman, 66 ; Fairbanks, 74x2 ; Cummins, 85 ; Roosevelt, 65 ; LaFollette,
25 ; Brumbaugh, 29 ; Ford, 32 ; Knox, 36 ; Borah, 2 ; Willis, 4 ; McCall, I ;
Taft, 14 ; absent, 2^2 ; total, 987 ; as follows :
SIXTEENTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION 181
States,
. . .. 6
4
1
1
is
1
3
3
2 2
3
1
26
9
8
3
3 2
1
, . . . I"?
5
1
,
. . . . 14
5
5
1
1
2
.. .. 6
1
Florida
8
8
Georgia
17
6
2
1
Idaho'
8
4
4
58
56
2
Indiana
30
30
. . . . 26
,.
. . . . 20
10
2
3
2 2
1
Kentucky
26
10
15
1
. . . . 12
4
1
3
\V* 1
\V
12
6
1
3
'
2
. . .. 16
7
1
3
. . .. 36
4
28
4
Michigan
. . . . 30
.
Minnesota
... 24
12
4
I 1 /
2
1
3 1 A
36
18
8
6
2
8
g
Nebraska
16
u
.... 6
4
2
New Hampshire
8
8
New Jersey
28
12
12
1
1
2
.... 6
2
2
2
New York
87
42
43
2
21
6
2
3
1
9
North Dakota
10
Ohio
48
48
20
5
1
6
2 1
2
2
1
Oregon
10
10
Pennsylvania
. : . . 76
2
8
Rhode Island .
10
10
South Carolina
11
2
1
3
2
2
1
South Dakota.
. .. 10
10
Tennessee
21
9
31/2
1
1
5
Texas
26
1
1
1
1 1
1
1
1
Utah
8
4
3
1
Vermont
8
8
15
3
3
1
1
\y.
14
5
8
1
West Virginia
16
1
5
1
7
26
11
Wyoming
6
6
Alaska
2
1
1
.... 2
1
1
Philippines
2
1
1
987 253^ 103 105 74}4 66 77>4 65 85
182 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE
ROBERT M. LA FOLLETTE: IS votes from Wisconsin; 10 from North Dakota.
COLEMAN DU PONT: 5 votes from Delaware; 3 from Georgia; 1 from Tennessee;
1 from Texas; 2 from West Virginia.
MARTIN G. BRUMBAUGH: 29 votes from Pennsylvania.
HENRY FORD: 30 votes form Michigan; 2 from Nebraska.
WILLIAM H. TAFT: 14 votes from Texas.
PHILANDER C. KNOX: 36 votes from Pennsylvania.
FRANK B. WILLIS: 3 votes from Missouri; 1 from Texas.
SAMUEL W. McCALL: 1 vote from Texas.
WILLIAM E. BORAH: 1 vote from Alabama; 1 vote from Texas.
ABSENT: 1 vote from Missouri: vote from Tennessee; 1 vote from Penn-
sylvania.
ANNOUNCEMENT OF FAILURE TO NOMINATE
THE PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. No candidate having received a ma-
jority of the votes in the Convention, there is no nomination. The Chair
recognizes Governor Brumbaugh, of Pennsylvania, for an announcement.
MR. MARTIN G. BRUMBAUGH, of Pennsylvania. Mr. Chairman, and
ladies and gentlemen of the convention : Most earnestly and sincerely
thanking my friends for their support, I now desire to withdraw my name
from this contest for the nomination for the office of President of the
United States, and, in doing so, wish to ask why, after we have drawn a
platform as fine as we have, we do not nominate a candidate that fits the
platform ; a man who in character, in courage, and in capacity will make
this country loved at home and revered abroad; why not nominate Theo-
dore Roosevelt of New York? (Great applause.)
SECOND BALLOT FOR PRESIDENT
THE PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. Fellow Delegates: You will now
prepare your ballots for a second roll call for the nomination ot a can-
didate for President. The Secretary will call the roll of States and
the Chairman of each delegation will announce the preference of the
SIXTEENTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION 183
delegates unless there is a desire that the individual delegates be polled,
in which case upon request the same will be done.
THE SECRETARY OF THE CONVENTION. Alabama, 16 votes.
MR. H. CLAY EVANS, of Tennessee. Mr. Chairman.
THE PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. For what purpose does the gentleman
rise?
MR. H. CLAY EVANS, of Tennessee. I move that we adjourn until
IO o'clock tomorrow morning.
THE PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The gentleman is not in order. A
roll call has been ordered and commenced and no motion is now in order.
The Secretary will proceed with the roll call.
THE SECRETARY OF THE CONVENTION. Will Alabama announce her
vote?
Considerable confusion having arisen, particularly by reason of a
hum of voices in the galleries, there was a demand for order by the
delegates.
THE PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. If we do not have order during the
ballot the Sergeant-at-Arms will clear the galleries. The galleries must
be in order. (Applause.)
The Secretary having resumed and concluded the roll call of the
States, etc., the second ballot was announced : Hughes, 3285^ ; Root,
981/2; Burton, 76^ ; Weeks, 79; du Pont, 13; Sherman, 65; Fairbanks,
88y 2 ; Cummins, 85; Roosevelt, 81 ; LaFollette, 25; McCall, i; Knox, 36;
Willis, I ; Wood, i ; Harding, I ; Wanamaker, 5 ; Absent, 2 ; total, 987 ; as
follows :
184 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE
States.
Q
.... 16
9
*
4
ft. ^o
5
1 i
U
.... 6
4
1 i
.... 15
2
3
3 2
4
1
.... 26
11
12
1 i
Colorado
12
5
1
6
.... 14
5
7
1
1
Delaware
6
1
Florida
8
8
Georgia
. . . 17
6
4
2
2
.... 8
4
1
3
Illinois
58
56
2
Indiana
. . .. 30
30
.. . . 26
?6
Kansas
20
10
2
3
2 2
1
... 26
11
14
1
Louisiana
12
6
1
1
1*A 1
Maine
. . . . 12
8
1
3
Maryland
16
7
1
5
3
Massachusetts
.... 36
12
19
Michigan
.... 30
28
2
Minnesota
. . . . 24
, 4
Mississippi
12
4
\y.
2
1 3 1 /
2
Missouri
.... 36
22
2
12
Montana
8
8
Nebraska
. . . . 16
2
14
Nevada
6
4
2
New Hampshire
8
3
3
2
New Jersey
28
16
3
1
4
2
New Mexico
.... 6
2
2
2
New York
87
43
42
2
North Carolina
21
6
2
3
1 9
North Dakota . .
10
Ohio
. . . . 48
48
Oklahoma
20
5
1
5
1 1
4 2
1
Oregon
10
10
Pennsylvania
76
8
1
23
Rhode Island
10
10
South Carolina
. . . . 11
4
3
3
1
South Dakota
10
10
Tennessee
21
8
1 A
4*A
1
1 5
Texas
26
3
3
3
5 2
3 2
1
Utah
8
5
2
1
Vermont ....
8
8
Virginia
15
854
5
^ l /2
Washington
14
5
7
2
West Virginia
16
4
1
3
1
7
26
11
6
6
Alaska
2
1
1
Hawaii
2
1
1
Phillippines
2
1
1
987 328J4 98J4 79 88^ 65 76^ 81
SIXTEENTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION 185
COLEMAN DU PONT: S votes from Delaware; 3 from Georgia; 1 from Tennessee;
2 from Texas;. 2 from Pennsylvania.
ROBERT M. LAFOLLETTE: 15 votes from Wisconsin; 10 from North Dakota.
PHILANDER C. KNOX: 36 votes from Pennsylvania.
FRANK B. WILLIS: 1 vote from Texas.
LEONARD WOOD: 1 vote from New Jersey.
WARREN G. HARDING: 1 vote from New Jersey.
JOHN WANAMAKER: 5 votes from Pennsylvania.
SAMUEL W. McCALL: 1 vote from Texas.
ABSENT: 1 vote from Pennsylvania; 1 vote from Caliofrnia.
During the balloting the following occurred :
MR. ARMAND ROMAIN, of Louisiana, (when Louisiana was called).
Mr. Chairman, I wish to announce 6 of Louisiana's votes for Hughes.
MR. WALTER L. COHEN, of Louisiana. And, Mr. Chairman, I wish
to announce the other 6 votes to which Louisiana is entitled as follows:
Weeks, i; Sherman, i; Root, i; Burton, i^; Fairbanks, 1^2.
THE PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The Secretary will record the vote
of Louisiana as announced by two of the delegates representing that
State.
MR SAMUEL W. McCALL, of Massachusetts, (when Massachusetts
was called). Mr. Chairman, a poll of the Massachusetts delegation is
asked for.
THE PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The Chairman of the Massachusetts
delegation requests a poll
THE VOICES OF MANY DELEGATES. "Oh, no ;" "oh, no ;" "let us not
take up time."
THE PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The Convention will be in order.
The Chair will make an announcement in this manner : Under the
rules, a delegation cannot be polled except on a challenge of the vote.
The Chair has earnestly endeavored throughout the day to maintain the
sweet temper of this Convention by being generous in the application of
the rules
A DELEGATE Bully for the Chair. Nobody has heard of a steam
roller in this Convention. (Applause.)
THE PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. In this case the Chair will yield to
the request of Governor McCall, of Massachusetts, and have his delega-
tion polled ; but after this time there will be no poll of a delegation except
on a challenge of the vote. The Secretary of the Convention will call
the roll of the Massachusetts delegates.
The Secretary having resumed and concluded the roll call of the
186
OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE
Massachusetts delegation, the vote was announced :
19 ; Roosevelt, 5 ; as follows :
MASSACHUSETTS
Hughes, 12; Weeks,
AT LARGE
Delegates Hughes.
Samuel W. McCall 1
Henry Cabot Lodge
John W. Weeks, (By Butler Ames, First
Alternate at Large)
Winthrop Murray Crane 1
DISTRICTS/) elegates
1 William H. Brooks 1
Charles E. Hull 1
2 George A. Bacon
Alexander McCallum
3 Herbert E. Cummings 1
J. Lovell Johnson 1
4 William A. L. Bazeley
Charles G. Fletcher
5 Herbert E. Fletcher
John N. Cole
6 John L. Salstonstall 1
Edward R. Hale
7 Eugene B. Fraser 1
Archie N. Frost
8 George B. Wason
Wilton B. Fay 1
9 Fred P. Greenwood
Alvan T. Fuller
10 Edward C. R. Bagley 1
Abraham C. Ratshesky
1 1 Charles H. Innes
Warren F. Freeman
12 J. Waldo Pond 1
Walter B. Grant 1
13 George H. Doty
Martin Hays
14 Henry L. Kincaide . .
C. Chester Eaton
15 Edward Anthony Thurston
Joseph William Martin, Jr
16 Charles L. Gifford
Thomas F. Glennon .
Weeks.
Roosevelt.
1
12 19 5
During the balloting by the Massachusetts delegation the following
occurred :
MR. SAMUEL W. McCALL, (when the name of John W. Weeks was
called). Call the name of the alternate delegate
THE PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. Inasmuch as Mr. Weeks does not
desire to vote the Secretary will call the name of the first alternate at
large.
FRED W. UPHAM, of Chicago,
Chairman of the Local Committee on Arrangements
and Assistant Treasurer of the Republican National Committee
SIXTEENTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION 187
MR. BUTLER AMES, of Massachusetts, (when his name was called).
I wish to vote for Mr. Samuel W. McCall.
Thereupon some confusion arose in the Massachusetts delegation.
MR. EDWARD ANTHONY THURSTON, of Massacusetts. Mr. Chairman.
THE PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. For what purpose does the gentleman
rise?
MR. THURSTON. It was understood and agreed that the alternate at
large who stood in the place of Mr. John W. \Veeks, and who now
occupies his seat in this delegation, should represent him and cast the
vote which Mr Weeks represents. I therefore ask that the Secretary
will call the name of the man who is at this time acting as a delegate-at-
large in the place of Mr. Weeks, and that man's name is Eben S. S.
Keith, who, carrying out the will of the people who elected his principal,
would vote for Mr. Weeks.
THE PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. That may only be done by unanimous
consent.
MR. THURSTON. We now ask that the Chairman of the delegation
will announce that as the unanimous consent of the delegation.
MR. SAMUEL W. McCALL, of Massachusetts. On behalf of the
Massachusetts delegation I will ask that that be done.
THE PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. In the absence of objection that will
be done. (Applause, and no objection was offered.) The Secretary will
call the name of Mr. Keith, who will cast his vote in place of Mr. Weeks.
MR. EBEN S. S. KEITH (when his name was called). I wish to
vote for John W. Weeks. (Applause.)
THE PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. That takes off the vote heretofore
recorded for Mr. McCall and adds one to the vote for Mr. Weeks.
THE SECRETARY OF THE CONVENTION. The vote of the State of
Massachusetts then stands on this second ballot: Weeks, 19; Hughes,
12; Roosevelt, 5.
MR. BOIES PENROSE, of Pennsylvania, (before the total vote had
been announced). Air. Chairman, I desire to correct the score. (Laugh-
ter.) I mean the vote.
THE PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. You desire to do what?
MR. PENROSE. To correct the vote as announced for the State of
Pennsylvania.
THE PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. It is always in order to correct a vote.
MR. PENROSE. The vote of the Pennsylvania delegation as originally
announced was 37 for Knox, which should have been 36, and 22 for
Roosevelt, which should have been 23. The balance of the vote as
originally announced is all right.
THE PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The Secretary will make the correc-
tion as desired.
188 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE
THE SECRETARY OF THE CONVENTION. That makes the total vote on
this second ballot, for Knox, 36; and Roosevelt, 81. (See tabulated vote
on page 184.)
ANNOUNCEMENT OF FAILURE TO MAKE NOMINATION.
THE PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. No candidate having received a
majority of the votes of this Convention, there is no nomination.
MR. BOIES PENROSE, of Pennsylvania. Mr. Chairman.
THE PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. For what purpose does the Senator
rise?
MR. PENROSE. I rise to make a motion to adjourn until n o'clock
tomorrow morning.
Many voices cried: "No, No, No."
A DELEGATE FROM NORTH CAROLINA. I second the motion.
THE PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The gentleman from Pennsylvania
(Mr. Penrose) moves that the Convention do now adjourn until II
o'clock tomorrow morning. What is the pleasure of the Convention?
MR. C. W. FULTON, of Oregon. I desire a roll call on motion to
adjourn.
THE PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. It takes two States to demand a roll
call. What is the pleasure of the Convention?
Many voices called: "Question."
THE PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. Under the rules of the Convention,
the delegate from Oregon having asked for a roll call, it must be seconded
by the demand of one additional State.
MR. JOHN PHILIP HILL, of Maryland. Maryland joins Oregon in
demanding a roll call on the motion to adjourn.
MR. O. E. WELLER, of Maryland. I challenge that announcement
for Maryland.
THE PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The Secretary will call the roll on
motion to adjourn until II o'clock tomorrow morning. Those in favor
of adjournment will vote "Aye," and those opposing adjournment will
vote "No." The Secretary will now call the roll.
ROLL CALL ON MOTION TO ADJOURN.
The Secretary proceeded to call the roll of States, and at the con-
clusion thereof, the vote was announced : Ayes, 6945/2 ; Noes, 286^ ;
Absent, 6; total 987; which vote in detail was as follows:
SIXTEENTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION 189
Votes Ayes Noes Absent
Alabama ;. 16 5 11
Arizona 6 3 3
Arkansas 15 15
California 26 11 14 1
Colorado 12 12
Connecticut 14 9 5
Delaware 6 4 2
Florida 8 . . 8
Georgia 17 12 5
Idaho 8 4 4
Illinois 58 58
Indiana 30 30
Iowa 26 26
Kansas 20 10 10
Kentucky 26 13} 11} 1
Louisiana 12 6 6
Maine 12 10 2
Maryland 16 10 6
Massachusetts 36 30 5 1
Michigan 30 .. 30
Minnesota 24 22 2
Mississippi 12 6 6
Missouri 36 36
Montana 8 8
Nebraska 16 8 8
Nevada 6 5 .. 1
Xe\v Hampshire 8
New Jersey 28 15 13
New Mexico 6 6
New York 87 45 42
North Carolina 21 17 3 1
North Dakota 10 10
Ohio 48 48
Oklahoma , 20 16 4
Oregon 10 .. 10
Pennsylvania 76 65 10 1
Rhode Island 10 .. 10
South Caralina 11 8 3
South Dakota 10 10
Tennessee 21 12 9
Texas 26 21 5
Utah 8 6 2
Vermont 8 . . 8
Virginia 15 14 1
Washington 14 10 4
West Virginia 16 9 7
Wisconsin 26 10 16
Wyoming 6 6
Alaska 2 1 1
Hawaii 2 2
Philippines 2 2
987 694} 286}
190 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE
THE PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr. Sutherland, of Utah, who had been
called to the chair while the vote was being polled). A large majority
of the votes of the Convention having been cast for the motion to
adjourn until tomorrow morning at n o'clock, the Chair declares the
motion agreed to; and (at 9 o'clock and 48 minutes p. m.) the Con-
vention adjourned until tomorrow, Saturday, June 10, 1916, at n o'clock
a. m.
HON. l-K. \XKI.I.X Ml KI'IIV. of Xew Jersey,
Member of Committee on Arrangements
FOURTH DAY
CONVENTION HALL
THE COLISEUM.
CHICAGO, ILL., JUNE 10, 1916.
The Convention met at II o'clock a. m.
THE PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The Convention will now be in order.
The Chair requests the delegates and guests of the Convention to rise
while prayer is offered by Dr. Gerson B. Levi, Rabbi of Temple Israel,
Chicago, 111.
PRAYER OF DR. GERSON B. LEVI.
Dr. Gerson B. Levi, Rabbi of Temple Israel, Chicago, Illinois, offered
the following prayer:
Our Heavenly Father, most fervently do we invoke Thy blessing
for Thy children here gathered in convention. May the consciousness
of Thy near presence inform every thought, inspire every word of
counsel, and dignify every act.
But for more than the consciousness of Thy presence with us do we
pray. We ask for the consciousness that we are with Thee, so that we
make ourselves willing instruments for the fulfillment of Thy plans
for the realization of Thy kingdom upon earth and in the hearts and
lives of men. Inspired by this deep sense of responsibility may we so
plan and act, so take counsel and perform that through us happiness be
increased for all, to youth be assured opportunity, to age comfort, to
the weak new hope and to the strong a deeper sense of the stewardship
implied in power. Inspired by this we shall labor to make this nation a
bulwark of freedom, a haven of refuge to the oppressed, a beacon light
to peoples struggling on to the light of liberty and self-government, a
friend and steady advocate of peace.
Be with the delegates when after convention they shall return to
their home and community circles there to carry the messages of a deep
and sacred patriotism. Bless all of us with the blessing of old: "May
the Lord bless you and keep you. May the Lord cause the light of his
countenance to shine upon you and be gracious unto you. May the
Lord lift up his countenance unto you and grant you peace" in heart
and home, in State and Nation. Amen.
TOI
192 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE
FURTHER REPORT BY COMMITTEE OF CONFERENCE
THE PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The chair grants recognition to Mr.
Smoot, of Utah, to present a further report from the Committee of
Conference. (Applause.)
MR. SMOOT, of Utah. Mr. Chairman and Ladies and Gentlemen of
the Convention: Your Committee of Conference begs to make a fur-
ther report, as follows:
CHICAGO, ILL., June 10, 1916.
To the Conferees of the National Progressive Party :
On behalf of the Republican Conferees, we present for consideration,
as a candidate for President, Justice Hughes.
It is plain that he will soon command the support of a majority of
the Republican Convention.
His availability as a candidate rests, First, Upon his known char-
acter and ability; Second, Upon his public service, as Governor of New
York; Third, His removal from any association with the Convention
of 1912, and the differences which then arose.
The support of Justice Hughes in the Republican Convention repre-
sents spontaneous interest and belief in his candidacy, which have shown
themselves in widely scattered States and among all classes and groups
of voters.
These have shown themselves without any formal organization in his
behalf and are one ground for believing that the candidacy would be
acceptable to all groups of Republicans and would re-unite them.
His silence as to recent issues is the necessary result of his judicial
position. His earlier speeches and declarations, however, give ground
for the assurance that he is in accord with the platform that has been
adopted by the Republican and Progressive Conventions.
Respectfully submitted,
(Signed) REED SMOOT,
W. MURRAY CRANE,
WM. E. BORAH,
NICHOLAS MURRAY BUTLER,
A. R. JOHNSON.
MR. SMOOT, of Utah. In answer to that communication your Com-
mittee received the following:
CHICAGO, ILL., June 10, 1916.
To the Conferees of the Republican National Convention :
In accordance with the precedent set by yourselves with respect to
the communication received by us, we shall take pleasure in presenting
SIXTEENTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION 193
your communication to the National Convention of the Progressive
Party, which meets at 10:30 o'clock this morning.
Respectfully submitted,
GEORGE W. PERKINS,
HIRAM JOHNSON,
HORACE S. WILKINSON,
CHARLES J. BONAPARTE.
JOHN M. PARKER.
MR. SMOOT. Since the arrival of your Committee upon the platform
of this Convention, the following communications have been received,
which I now present to the Convention.
June loth, 1916.
HON. REED SMOOT, Chairman.
Sir: After the conferees of the Progressive National Convention
left the Blackstone Hotel this morning to attend the final meeting with
the conferees of the Republican National Convention, a communication
was received from Mr. Roosevelt, of which I enclose you a copy.
Yours truly,
(Signed) JOHN W. McGRATH,
Secretary to Theodore Roosevelt.
To the Conferees of the Progressive Party.
Gentlemen . I understand that this morning you are to have your
last conference with the conferees of the Republican National Conven-
tion, that they have repeatedly asked you to present for their consideration
a second choice, but that your Committee has not seen its way clear
to do this.
For months I have thought of this matter, and for the last few
weeks it has been the chief thing of which I have thought, as I feel
with all my heart that it is the imperative duty of all of us who wish
to see our country restored to the position she should hold to sink all
minor differences and come together if by any possibility we can find
a common standing ground. The day before yesterday in my telegram
to Senator Jackson, I said: "Can we not, forgetting past differences,
now join for the safety and honor of our country to enforce the policies
of genuine Americanism and genuine Preparedness? Surely we can
afford to act in accordance with the words of Abraham Lincoln when
he said : 'May not all having a common interest reunite in a common
effort to save our common country? May we ask those who have not
differed with us to join in the same spirit toward those who have.' As
far as my soul is known to me it is in this same spirit that at this
time I make appeal to the Republicans and Progressives assembled at
Chicago."
194 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE
What I thus said I meant with all my soul, and I mean it now;
and I ask you and the members of the Progressive Convention, which
I am informed applauded that telegram when read to the Convention,
now to help me make those words good by our deeds.
I deeply appreciate your loyalty to me and the position in support
of me which you have taken. But it would be an injustice both to you
and myself not to regard that loyalty to me as fundamentally a loyalty
to the principles you and I represent. In the statement of the Pro-
gressive National Committee issued in January last and in my state-
ment made at Trinidad in February last, we pledged ourselves to leave
nothing undone to reach an honorable agreement with the Republicans
in order to achieve the end we have in view.
In view of the conditions existing, I suggest the name of Senator
Lodge, of Massachusetts. He is a man of the highest integrity, of the
broadest national spirit and of the keenest devotion to the public good.
For thirty years he has been in the House of Representatives and in the
Senate at Washington. For twenty years he has been a member of the
Foreign Affairs Committee. For a very long period he was a member
of the Naval Affairs Committee. He has not only a wide experience
in public affairs but a peculiarly close acquaintance with the very type
of questions now most pressing for settlement. He has consistently
fought for Preparedness, preparedness for the Navy, preparedness in
fortifying the Panama Canal, preparedness in upbuilding the Army. He
has been on the whole the member with the largest vision and the most
intelligent devotion to American needs that we have had on the Foreign
Affairs Committee during this generation. He rendered distinguished
service on the Alaskan Boundary International Commission. In addi-
tion, he has been one of the staunchest fighters for different measures
of economic reform in the direction of justice, championing such meas-
ures as the Pure Food Law, the Safety Appliance Law, the Workmen's
Compensation Act, the National Law prohibiting the labor of Children,
the Hepburn Rate Bill, the bill creating a Bureau of Corporations, and
many similar measures. I, therefore, urge upon you favorably to con-
sider his name and report on it to the conferees from the Republican Na-
tional Convention, and if you do not agree with me in this respect
nevertheless to transmit this telegram to the Republican conferees and
to request them to place it before their Convention at the same time
yourself laying the telegram before the Progressive Convention.
Let me again quote from my telegram of the day before yesterday
to Senator Jackson, of Maryland : "The differences that have divided,
not merely Republicans and Progressives, but good Americans of all
shades of political belief from one another in the past, sink into nothing
when compared with the issues now demanding decision, for these issues
are vital to the national life. They are the issues of a unified American-
FK1.D \\. KSTABKOOK, of New Hampshire,
Member of the Committee on Arrangements
SIXTEENTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION 195
ism and of National Preparedness. If we are not all of us Americans
and nothing else, scorning to divide along lines of section, of creed,
or of national origin, then the Nation itself will crumble into dust. If
we are not thoroughly prepared, if we have not developed a strength
which respects the rights of others but which is also ready to enforce
from others respect for its own rights, then sooner or later we shall
have to submit to the will of an alien conqueror."
I wrote the above sentences because I felt them deep in my
heart They set forth the vital needs of this t'me. The nomination of
Senator Lodge will meet those vital needs. I earnestly ask that what
you can do to bring about that nomination in the name of our common
Americanism be done. THEODORE ROOSEVELT.
(Great applause, beginning in the Massachusetts delegation and
extending throughout the Convention.)
MR. SMOOT. Your Committee deem it proper to inform this Con-
vention that the Committee is in possession of official notification that
not only our communication to the conferees of the National Progressive
Party but the letter of Theodore Roosevelt addressed to that party was
laid upon the table by a vote of its Convention.
THE PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The Convention will be in order.
With that authority which is vested in the Chair, it directs that the
report of the Committee on Conference be made a part of the record
of this Convention, and for you, I thank the Committee for its services
in your behalf. (Applause.)
The business in order before the Convention is that of balloting
for the nomination of a candidate for President. Before ordering the
Secretary to call the roll the Chair takes very great pleasure in recogniz-
ing a delegate from Massachusetts, Senator John W. Weeks. Mr.
Weeks, ladies and gentlemen of the Convention.
When Mr. Weeks came forward there was a demonstration in which
the Massachusetts delegates rose to their feet and cheered.
MR. WEEKS WITHDRAWS HIS NOMINATION.
MR. JOHN W. WEEKS, of Massachusetts. Mr. Chairman and Ladies
and Gentlemen of the Convention : I ask the indulgence of the Conven-
tion for one moment only. I have been a candidate before this Conven-
tion for the Republican nomination for the Presidency. It is quite
apparent to me that the Convention prefers another, and not wishing to
delay the proceedings of the Convention, I now desire to withdraw my
name with the request that those who have supported me shall follow
the dictates of their own judgment as to whom they shall support here-
after. I want to say to this Convention that there are no political scars
196 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE
on me. (Applause, and cries of "Good.") In thanking those who have
supported me, I believe I can say with the utmost confidence that they
will join me in doing all that lies within their power to promote the
success of the candidates of this Convention at the ensuing election this
fall. Ladies and gentlemen of the Convention, I thank you. (Applause.)
MR. RODENBURG WITHDRAWS MR. SHERMAN'S NAME.
MR. WILLIAM A. RODENBURG, of Illinois. Mr. Chairman
THE PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. For what purpose does the gentleman
rise?
MR. RODENBURG. To make a statement
THE PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The Chair recognizes Congressman
Rodenburg, of Illinois.
MR. RODENBURG. Mr. Chairman and Ladies and Gentlemen of the
Convention (Several voices : "Come to the platform, we can't hear you.)
THE PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. Mr. Rodenburg, had you not better
come to the platform?
MR. RODENBURG. I only have a few words to say to the Convention
and do not think it worth while to delay the Convention until I could
come to the platform.
A VOICE. What you cannot hear now from the gentleman in this
Convention will be more than made up in the tremendous majority which
Illinois will give to the Republican ticket this fall. (Great applause.)
MR. RODENBURG. Mr. Chairman and Ladies and Gentlemen of the
Convention : Senator Sherman has requested me to say to the delegates
who have supported him in this contest that he is deeply appreciative
of their loyalty and friendship, but that he now cheerfully releases them
from any and all allegiance that they may feel that they owe to his
candidacy. (Great applause.)
MR. McCORMICK WILL SUPPORT MR. HUGHES INSTEAD OF
MR. ROOSEVELT
MR. MEDILL McCoRMiCK, of Illinois. Mr Chairman.
THE PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. For what purpose does the gentleman
rise?
MR. McCoRMiCK. To make a statement.
THE PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The Chair recognizes the delegate
from Illinois, Mr. Medill McCormick.
MR. McCoRMiCK. Mr. Chairman and Members of this Convention :
Theodore Roosevelt has had no more devoted friends than some of us
who sit in this Convention. There are some who like myself had hoped
that if the candidate of their several States were not nominated, Theodore
SIXTEENTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION 197
Roosevelt might be nominated. But our primary obligation is to the
candidate to be nominated by this Convention. (Great applause.) We
might yield an ungracious assent to the action of this Convention after
the next ballot, but it is our duty now to join with our every energy in
the spirit and purpose of this Convention to elect its candidate and to
defeat the candidate of the Democratic Convention. (Applause, and
cries of "Good.") And for that reason, following my conscience and
my duty, I shall vote for Charles Evans Hughes, of New York. (Great
applause.)
J
THIRD ROLL CALL FOR CANDIDATE FOR PRESIDENT
THE PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The Secretary of the Convention will
call the roll of States for the third ballot for the nomination of a candi-
date for the office of President of the United States.
The Secretary then proceeded to call the roll of States and the
result was announced, as follows : Hughes, 949J4 ; Roosevelt, 18^2 ; La-
Follette, 3 ; du Pont, 5 ; Weeks, 3 ; Lodge, ^ ; absent, i ; total, 087 ; as
follows :
States, Territories
Alabama 16 16
Arizona 6 6
Arkansas 15 IS
California 26 26
Colorado 12 12
Connecticut 14 14
Delaware 6 6
Florida 8 8
Georgia 17 17
Idaho 8 8
Illinois 58 58
Indiana 30 30
Iowa 26 26
Kansas 20 20
Kentucky 26 26
Louisiana 12 12
Maine 12 12
Maryland 16 15 1
Massachusetts 36 32 3
Michigan 30 30
Minnesota 24 24
Mississippi 12 SA 3}
Missouri 36 34
Montana 8 7 1
Nebraska 16 16
Nevada 6 6
198 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE
States, Territories
.... 8
28
27 1
5
5 1
New York
87
North Carolina ,
, . 21
14
7
North Dakota
10
10
Ohio
... 48
48
20
19 1
Oregon
10
10
76
72 3
1
Rhode Island
10
10
11
6
5
South Dakota
10
10
....'. 21
18 3
Texas
26
26
i
Utah
8
7 1
Vermont
8
8
Virginia
... . . 15
15 15
14
14
16
16
Wisconsin
26
23 .. 3
g
6
Alaska
.. .. 2
2
2
2
2
987
949# 18tf 3
5371
During the calling of the roll the following took place :
Colorado's vote was first announced, Hughes, 9; Roosevelt, 3; but
was afterwards changed as follows:
MR. A. M. STEVENSON, of Colorado. Mr. Chairman.
THE PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. For what purpose does the gentleman
rise?
MR. STEVENSON. To make a statement and correct the vote.
THE PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The Chair recognizes Mr. Stevenson,
of Colorado.
MR. STEVENSON. I am requested, sir, although it is a little out of
order, to ask that those delegates in this Convention who have voted for
Colonel Roosevelt, withdraw his name from further consideration by this
Convention. (Applause.) And to say further that those of us from
Colorado hope the Convention will act harmoniously and nominate Mr.
Justice Hughes by acclamation. (Applause.)
MR. FRED ROOF, of Colorado. Mr. Chairman.
THE PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. For what purpose does the gentleman
rise?
ALVAH H. MARTIN, of Virginia
Member of Committee on Arrangements
SIXTEENTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION 199
MR. ROOF. To change the vote of Colorado, and to make it 12
for Hughes.
THE PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The Chair should announce to the
Convention that under the liberality of the moment in granting recogni-
tion to Delegate Stevenson, of Colorado, in order to correct the vote
of his delegation, he, speaking for the delegates from his State, withdraws
the name of Colonel Roosevelt as a candidate for nomination for
President.
MR. STEVENSON. I beg the Chairman's pardon, I am not speaking
for any but the delegates from my State, but I have been requested by
those delegates from Colorado who have been supporting Colonel Roose-
velt to offer that suggestion.
THE PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. Mr. Stevenson, who is as big as his
name and as he looks, says he speaks for the Roosevelt delegates in
this Convention from the State of Colorado.
MR. EDWARD KENT, of Arizona. Mr. Chairman.
THE PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. For what purpose does the gentleman
rise?
MR. EDWARD KENT. For the purpose of correcting the vote of
Arizona. The vote was heretofore announced as Hughes 5, and Roose-
velt i. We wish now to make the vote Hughes 6.
THE PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The correction will be made by the
Secretary and he will proceed with the roll call.
THE SECRETARY OF THE CONVENTION. The next State is Connecticut,
with 14 votes. How do the delegates desire to vote?
THE CHAIRMAN OF THE CONNECTICUT DELEGATION. Hughes, 14.
THE SECRETARY OF THE CONVENTION. The next State is Delaware,
with 6 votes. How do the delegates from Delaware desire to vote?
MR. S. S. PENNEWELL, of Delaware. Mr. Chairman, I have been
requested to withdraw the name of T. Coleman du Pont from further
consideration as a candidate for the nomination for the Presidency and
to announce Delaware's 6 votes for Hughes.
THE PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The Secretary will so record the vote
and proceed with the roll call.
The Secretary proceeded with the roll call until Indiana was reached.
MR. FRANK B. WILLIS, of Ohio. Mr. Chairman.
THE PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. For what purpose does the delegate
rise?
MR. FRANK B. WILLIS. To make a statement.
THE PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The Chair recognizes the Governor
of Ohio, as he always must. (Laughter.)
200 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE
MR. WILLIS WITHDRAWS MR. BURTON'S NAME
MR. WILLIS. Ladies and Gentlemen of the Convention: I am
authorized by Senator Burton, of Ohio, to withdraw his name from fur-
ther consideration by this Convention, and to thank his friends for their
support of him so far. (Applause.)
THE PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The Secretary will proceed with the
roll call.
THE SECRETARY OF THE CONVENTION. The next State is Indiana,
which is entitled to 30 votes. What is the pleasure of the delegation?
MR. WILL H. HAYS, of Indiana. Mr. Chairman.
THE PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. For what purpose does the gentleman
rise?
MR. HAYS. For the purpose of making a statement.
THE PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The Chair recognizes Mr. Will H.
Hays, of Indiana, for the purpose of making a statement.
MR. HAYS WITHDRAWS MR. FAIRBANKS' NAME
MR. WILL H. HAYS, of Indiana. Mr. Chairman, on behalf of the
Indiana delegation, thanking the Convention for its consideration, I
withdraw the name of Charles Warren Fairbanks, and Indiana casts her
30 votes for Hughes. (Applause.)
THE PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The Secretary of the Convention will
so record the vote of Indiana and proceed with the roll call.
THE SECRETARY OF THE CONVENTION. The next State is Iowa, which
has 26 votes in this Convention. What is the pleasure of the Iowa
delegation ?
MR. WADSWORTH WITHDRAWS MR. ROOT'S NAME.
MR. JAMES W. WADSWORTH, JR., of New York. Mr. Chairman.
THE PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. Senator Wadsworth, of New York.
MR. WADSWORTH. Mr. Chairman, I am authorized by the delegates
from New York who have thus far in this contest been supporting Mr.
Elihu Root, to withdraw his name. (Applause.)
THE PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The Senator from New York (Mr.
Wadsworth) speaking for the Root delegates of that State, withdraws
the name of Elihu Root. The Secretary will proceed with the roll call.
THE SECRETARY. Iowa has not announced her choice. She is entitled
to 26 votes.
MR. GEORGE W. FRENCH, of Iowa. On behalf of Iowa I withdraw
the name of Senator Albert B. Cummins, and Iowa casts her 26 votes
for Hughes. (Applause.)
SIXTEENTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION 201
THE PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The vote of Iowa will be recorded
accordingly, and the Secretary will proceed with the roll call.
The Secretary proceeded with the roll call until Maryland was
reached.
MR. WILL H. HAYS, of Indiana. Mr. Chairman.
THE PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. For what purpose does the gentleman
rise?
MR. HAYS. To make a motion for a suspension of the rules.
(Cries of "No, No, No.")
THE PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. Under our rules and pursuant to the
wishes of the delegates of the Convention the Chair has directed a roll
call, and that roll call is being proceeded with, and therefore the gentle-
man is out of order. The Secretary will continue calling the roll.
THE SECRETARY OF THE CONVENTION. The next State is Maryland,
16 votes; the vote is announced Hughes, 15; Roosevelt, I. Massachusetts,
36 votes. What is the pleasure of fhe delegation?
MR. SAMUEL W. McCALL, of Massachusetts. We ask that you pass
Massachusetts for a moment.
(Cries of "No, No, No.")
THE PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The Chair will wait on Massachusetts
for a moment.
After a short delay:
MR. McCALL. Mr. Chairman, the delay in the action of the Massa-
chusetts delegation has been caused by the interesting communication
that has been made to the Convention by our Committee of Conference.
That was the first time the delegation knew of the proposed action.
While we should be very glad to support the brilliant son of Massachu-
setts whose name has been presented by Colonel Roosevelt, yet there
is no temptation presented to which the delegates from Massachusetts
may yield because the action of this Convention has already been
clearly indicated, so I announce the vote of the delegation. Massachu-
setts casts I vote for Weeks, 3 for Roosevelt, and 32 for Hughes.
(Applause.)
THE PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The Secretary will record the vote
of Massachusetts as announced and proceed with the roll call.
The Secretary proceeded with the roll call until Oregon was reached.
MR. C. W. FULTON, of Oregon. Oregon still casts her unanimous
vote for Hughes, and will do so in November. (Applause.)
Thereupon, it being 12 o'clock and 40 minutes p. m., the calling of
the roll having been concluded, and there being no doubt as to the choice
of the Convention, while the vote was being tabulated there was a great
demonstration.
THE PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The Convention will be in order and
the Secretary will read the result of the ballot.
202 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE
THE SECRETARY OF THE CONVENTION. The result of the third ballot
for a candidate for President is as follows : Hughes, 949^ ; Roosevelt,
l8 l / 2 ; Lodge, 7 ; LaFollette, 3 ; Weeks, 3 ; du Pont, 5 ; absent, i ; total, 987.
ANNOUNCEMENT OF NOMINATION FOR PRESIDENT.
THE PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. Mr. Charles Evans Hughes, of New
York, having received the necessary votes to be declared the nominee
of this Convention for President, under the rules the Chair asks, shall
it be made unanimous?
(Cries of "Yes, Yes, Yes.")
MR. WILLIAM POTTER, of Pennsylvania. Mr. Chairman, I wish to
ask recognition for Mr. Moore.
THE PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The Chairman recognizes Mr. Alex-
ander P. Moore, of Pennsylvania.
MR. ALEXANDER P. MOORE, of Pennsylvania. Mr. Chairman and
Ladies and Gentlemen of the Convention : I have fought to the last
ditch for the man that I believed was the man for the Convention, but
I want to be a soldier, and I make a motion now that the nomination of
Justice Charles E. Hughes be made unanimous. (Applause.)
THE PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The Chair recognizes Delegate Henry
Cabot Lodge, of Massachusetts. (Applause.)
MR. HENRY CABOT LODGE, of Massachusetts. Mr. Chairman and my
Fallow Delegates : This great Convention has chosen as its candidate a
strong, able, distinguished, upright man and a thorough American. (Ap-
plause, and a voice: "That's right.") He should have the cordial sup-
port, not only of every Republican from one end of the country to the
other, but of every man who honestly believes that another four years
of the present administration would be a calamity to the people of the
United States (Applause) ; because they are disintegrating public senti-
ment, are lacking in American spirit, and failing to stand for the con-
science and the soul of the American people. (Applause.) It is an
honor and a pleasure to second the motion of Mr. Moore, of Penn-
sylvania, that the nomination of Mr. Hughes be made unanimous. (Ap-
plause.)
THE PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The question is on making unanimous
the nomination of Mr. Hughes. Those who are in favor of the motion
will say Aye. (A great response of ayes.) There are no "Noes."
(Great Applause.) Mr. Justice Hughes is unanimously nominated by
this Convention as its candidate for President.
FRED STANLEY, of Kansas,
Member of the Committee on Arrangements
SIXTEENTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION 203
NATIONAL COMMITTEEMEN
THE PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The Chair now instructs the Secretary
to call for reports of nominations for National Committeemen from
States not yet reported.
THE SECRETARY. Connecticut has not yet reported
A DELEGATE FROM CONNECTICUT. Our delegation has selected John
T. King.
THE SECRETARY. West Virginia has not yet reported.
THE CHAIRMAN OF THE DELEGATION. West Virginia has selected
Virgil L. Highland.
THE SECRETARY. New York has not yet reported.
MR. CHARLES S. WHITMAN, of New York. The New York delega-
tion has selected Mr. Herbert Parsons.
THE PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The question is on the confirmation by
this Convention of the nominations just made. Those of you who favor
their confirmation will say "Aye." (A chorus of "Ayes.") Contrary,
"No." (Silence.) The nominations are confirmed.
THE SECRETARY OF THE CONVENTION. Delaware has not yet reported.
MR. S. S. PENNEWELL, of Delaware. Delaware has not elected yet.
THE PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. Will Delaware elect now and report
their choice?
MR. PENNEWELL. We are not prepared to do so at this time.
THE PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The National Committee will have
power to fill vacancies.
THE SECRETARY OF THE CONVENTION. The National Committee as se-
lected, with contests from Kentucky and Tennessee, and vacancies from
the District of Columbia and Porto Rico, is as follows:
NATIONAL COMMITTEE.
State or Territory Name of Member
Alabama Oliver D. Street
Arizona Allen B. Jaynes
Arkansas H. A. Remmel
California Wm. H. Crocker
Colorado Hubert Work
Connecticut John T. King
Delaware Coleman du Pont
Florida Henry S. Chubb
Georgia Henry S. Jackson
Idaho John W. Hart
Illinois Wm. Hale Thompson
Indiana James A. Hemenway
Iowa ' John T. Adams
Kansas Fred Stanley
Kentucky A. T. Hert or John W. >fcCulloch
204 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE
Louisiana Armand Remain
Maine Frederick Hale
Maryland Wm. P. Jackson
Massachusetts VV. Murray Crane
Michigan Charles B. Warren
Minnesota Chester A. Congdon
Mississippi L. B. Moseley
Missouri Jacob L. Babler
Montana Thomas A. Marlow
Nebraska R. B. Howell
Nevada H. G. Humphrey
New Hampshire Fred W. Estabrook
New Jersey Franklin Murphy
New Mexico Chas. A. Spiess
New York Herbert Parsons
North Carolina John M. Morehead
North Dakota Gunder Olson
Ohio Rudolph K. Hynicka
Oklahoma James J. McGraw
Oregon Ralph E. Wiliams
Pennsylvania Boies Penrose
Rhode Island Wm. P. Sheffield
South Carolina J. W. Talbert
South Dakota Willis C. Cook
Tennessee Jesse M. Littleton or John J. Gore
Texas H. F. MacGregor
Utah Reed Smoot
Vermont Earle S. Kinsley
Virginia Alvah H. Martin
Washington S. A. Perkins
West Virginia V. L. Highland
Wisconsin Alfred T. Rogers
Wyoming George E. Pexton
Alaska Cornelius D. Murane
District of Columbia To be filled by Committee
Hawaii R. W. Breckons
Porto R*ico To be filled by Committee
Philippines Henry B. McCoy
THE PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The next business in order before
this Convention is to name a winning running mate for our nominee
for President.
A VOICE. We can't hear.
THE PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. I said the next business in order
before the Convention is that of naming a winning running mate for
our nominee for President. (Cries of "Harding" and "Fairbanks" and
"Cummins.")
NOMINATION OF CANDIDATE FOR VICE PRESIDENT
THE PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. This Convention has fixed its rules
of procedure. The Secretary will call the roll of States for the presenta-
tion of names of candidates for nomination for the office of Vice-
President.
SIXTEENTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION 205
The Secretary proceeded to call the roll and each State passed as its
name was called until Colorado was reached.
MR. FRED O. ROOF, of Colorado (when Colorado was called).
Colorado yields to Pennsylvania.
MR. H. L. REMMEL, of Arkansas. Mr. Chairman, I would like to
make a correction. Arkansas yields to Nebraska.
MR. GEORGE T. OLIVER, of Pennsylvania. I rise to a point of order.
THE PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. State your point of order.
MR. GEORGE T. OLIVER, of Pennsylvania. My point of order is that
Arkansas having passed, and Colorado having yielded to Pennsylvania,
it is now in order to recognize Pennsylvania.
THE PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The point of order is well taken.
Colorado has yielded to Pennsylvania. The Clerk will call Pennsylvania.
THE SECRETARY. Pennsylvania.
MR. JOHN WANAMAKER, of Pennsylvania. Mr. Chairman.
THE PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The Chair now recognizes Mr. John
Wanamaker, of Pennsylvania.
MR WANAMAKER NOMINATING MR. FAIRBANKS.
MR. WANAMAKER, of Pennsylvania. Mr. Chairman and Brethren of
the Convention : It is for but a brief moment I come to do the bidding
of the delegates from Pennsylvania through their Chairman and Senator.
It is to place in nomination for the office of Vice-President Charles War-
ren Fairbanks, of Indiana. Few words are necessary because of his well-
known, long public services as Vice-President, in which he gave abun-
dant evidence of ability as a presiding officer of the Senate and his
other public services through many years. As friend and advisor
to President McKinley he will always be particularly remembered. He
is tall of stature, and, with great wisdom, looks over the heads of most
people, and sees farther than many of his colleagues. I have, from per-
sonal knowledge, a high opinion of his clear vision, and wise and strong,
good judgment on business questions. His training and reputation as
a thoroughly able lawyer, and his experience as a Senator from Indiana,
are guarantees of his fitness to ably fill the office of Vice-President of
the United States. To put his name alongside that of Mr. Justice Hughes,
so unanimously selected this morning for President, completes a strong
ticket, and one which will have, I believe, the support of the business
men of the United States. Speaking for the business men of the country,
permit me to say that they are clamoring for a business administration,
and I believe Hughes and Fairbanks will satisfy them, and, further, that
they will join in helping to roll up when election day comes around, the
largest majority of any ticket we could frame.
I nominate Charles Warren Fairbanks, of Indiana, for the Vice-
Presidency. (Applause.)
206 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE
THE PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The delegate from Pennsylvania (Mr.
Wanamaker) having presented the name of Charles Warren Fairbanks
as a candidate for Vice-President, the Secretary will proceed with the roll.
The Secretary proceeded with the roll call, and each State passed
until Kentucky was reached.
A DELEGATE FROM KENTUCKY. Kentucky takes great pleasure in
seconding the nomination of Charles Warren Fairbanks for Vice-Presi-
dent.
The Secretary proceeded with the roll and each State passed as its
name was called until Maine was reached.
A DELEGATE FROM MAINE. Maine seconds the nomination of Fair-
banks.
The Secretary resumed calling the roll and each State passed until
Nebraska was reached.
MR. E. R. GURNEX, of Nebraska. Mr. Chairman, our Mr. Baldridge
is on his way to the platform.
THE PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. Ladies and Gentlemen of the Con-
vention : The Chair presents Mr. Howard Baldridge, of Nebraska.
MR. BALDRIDGE NOMINATING MR. BURKETT.
MR. HOWARD H. BALDRIDGE, of Nebraska. Mr. Chairman and Ladies
and Gentlemen of this Convention : For more than fifty years the States
west of the Mississippi River, with few exceptions, have given their
unswerving loyalty to the Republican party; for fifty years they have
pledged and proved their allegiance to its principles and to its policies.
During this time in every election they have been called to the colors,
and only in the exceptional few cases have they failed to respond. Dur-
ing this time Democracy, entrenched behind the impregnable ramparts in
the South, and Republicanism almost equally secure in its position in the
East, it has remained for the West to decide the contest and lead the
embattled Republican hosts to a triumphant victory. (Applause.)
My friends, the opening for settlement of this great western territory
was almost contemporaneous with the birth of the Republican party.
Under Republican legislation during these fifty years we have awakened
this great western world from its savage lethargy. Its forests have been
felled, its rivers spanned, its mountains crossed, and its towns and cities
built. Great States have been carved out, and trackless wastes have been
transformed into fruitful fields and gardens of beauty. From a settle-
ment largely of the men who in the sixties laid down the sword of battle
to take up the plowshare of peace, an empire has developed whose life
thus far has fanned the life of the party an empire teeming with mil-
lions of happy and prosperous people, energetic, enthusiastic, determined,
through whose veins course the blood of those patriots who fought for
this country and brought our party into being to express in legislation
SIXTEENTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION 207
their highest and best government ideals. To-day the ideals of this party
are their legitimate inheritance. Its tenets are their political religion. Its
standard is their icon of faith. These twenty-two States west of the
Mississippi hold the real balance of power between the East and the
South and are expected to furnish Republican majorities.
Your conventions from time to time, since the birth of the party, have
nominated candidates from Maine, New York, New Jersey, Ohio, Indiana,
Illinois, and other States, but not once in fifty years has a candidate for
office been called by our National Convention from a State west of the
Mississippi. You of the East have nominated our candidates and dic-
tated our platforms for more than fifty years, and we of the West have
been expected to follow your leadership, and if, perchance sometimes,
though rarely, we did not, we were classed as Populists, anarchists or
political nondescripts. (Applause.) But, my friends, we have followed
just the same, relying upon the permanence of the principles of the
Republican party which have fairly swept our party along the pathway of
progress and prosperity. (Applause.) But is loyalty always to go un-
rewarded? Are doubtful States always to win the prize? I tell you that
there is a feeling most pronounced that the western half of our country,
with its intelligence and its riches, and its development and improvements,
with its achievements and its possibilities, with its ideals and its new and
ever-perplexing problems, should be recognized in making up the Repub-
lican ticket this year. (Applause.)
If we are forever to be forbidden to furnish a leader to head the
ticket, at least once in every fifty years, men of the Convention, give
us a Vice-President out of the West. A selection has been made by a
number of the Western States.- This Convention is asked to ratify their
choice made at the polls and to respond to the expression of their regis-
tered will. Nebraska presents to this Convention for its nomination a
man who is the embodiment of those ideals that make for the highest type
of American citizenship ; a son of the sacred soil of Iowa, fostered and
developed in the peerless prairie State of Nebraska, he breathed the spirit
and aspirations of the West. (Applause.) For six years he served effi-
ciently and well his district and the Nation in the lower House ; for
six years he served efficiently and well the State and the Nation in the
upper House ; his public record is written into twelve years of his coun-
try's most important legislation. It is expressive of the glorious history
of our party and the radiant triumph of our faith. He is a student of his
party's policies and his country's needs. To his genius for statecraft, he
has added ripened experience in statesmanship. He may not be of the
heroic type, but he is safe and sound in his political doctrine. He is
progressively conservative and conservatively progressive and so will
unite the party in the West. He is courageous in his adherence to prin-
ciple and has no twilight zone in his makeup where duty dallies with
expediency or right truces with wrong. During the coming campaign,
208 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE
being a forceful and brilliant orator, he will carry the message of truth
and conviction to the people in a way that will make for the success of
the ticket. He will stand squarely on the platform you have adopted
because he believes in those principles out and out and through and
through. He believes in that true Americanism that will demand respect
for the flag wherever it floats, and respect for the life and property of
every American citizen wherever he may be.
Ladies and gentlemen of the Convention, in behalf of the State that I
represent, I present to this Convention for its consideration the name
of former Senator Elmer E. Burkett, of Nebraska and the great West.
(Applause.)
THE PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The Secretary will resume the calling
of the roll.
THE SECRETARY OF THE CONVENTION. The next State is Nevada,
entitled to six votes. What is the pleasure of the delegation?
MR. SAMUEL PLATT, of Nevada. Nevada yields to West Virginia.
THE PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The Secretary will call the State of
West Virginia.
THE SECRETARY. West Virginia.
THE PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. Nevada yields to West Virginia. (A
pause, without response.) The Secretary will resume the calling of the
roll.
THE SECRETARY. New Hampshire.
A DELEGATE FROM NEW HAMPSHIRE. New Hampshire passes.
THE SECRETARY The next State is New Jersey.
A DELEGATE FROM NEW JERSEY. New Jersey seconds the nomination
of Fairbanks.
THE SECRETARY The next State is New Mexico.
MR. THOMAS B. CATRON, of New Mexico. Mr. Chairman, New Mex-
ico believes that we ought to have a team of workers in this campaign,
and therefore seconds the nomination of Charles Warren Fairbanks.
The States of New York, North Carolina and North Dakota passed
and then Ohio was called.
MR. FRANK B. WILLIS, of Ohio. Mr. Chairman and Ladies and
Gentlemen of the Convention : In behalf of the delegation from Ohio I
rise to second the nomination of a distinguished son of Ohio, a man who
was born in Ohio, a man who met his wife in Ohio, a man whom we
claim as our own. I second the nomination of Charles Warren Fair-
banks. (Applause.)
THE PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The Secretary will proceed with the
calling of the roll.
THE SECRETARY. The next State is Oklahoma. What is the pleasure
of Oklahoma?
A DELEGATE FROM OKLAHOMA. We desire to pass.
SIXTEENTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION 209
THE SECRETARY. The next State is Oregon.
MR. ALBERT ABRAHAM, of Oregon. Mr. Chairman.
THE PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The Chair recognizes the gentleman
from Oregon.
MR. ABRAHAM. Mr. Chairman, and Ladies and Gentlemen of the
Convention : Oregon needs to make no apology in presuming to address
you at this time. If it were not for the fact that the situation in Oregon
is peculiar and needed a word of explanation I would not at this time
presume upon your patience But in the interests of the State of Oregon,
and in the best interests of the Republican party, I have thought it best to
make as short an explanation of our position as possible (Applause.)
A DELEGATE: Good.
MR. ALBERT ABRAHAM. Upon the primary ballot at this election there
appeared the name of but one candidate for the office of Vice-President.
Inevitably the vote of Oregon was cast for that candidate. There are
those who believe that we should ignore this vote. But I believe that in
the best interests of the party we, as representatives of the State of Ore-
gon, at the risk of being deemed ridiculous, should be willing to show
that there is a more important thing to perform than to leok after our
own personal feelings.
The candidate, to be brief, who has received the popular vote of Ore-
gon for Vice-President is a native of the State of Illinois, and a resi-
dent here. He not only commands the popular vote of the State of
Oregon, but two years ago in the congressional campaign in the great
State of Illinois, when there were six or seven candidates in opposition to
him, he carried the great city of Chicago for the Republican nomination
for Congressman at large. (Cries of "Name your man.")
One minute, please. I don't think he will carry this election over
Charles Warren Fairbanks, but I think we ought to be fair, Mr. Chair-
man. (Cries of "Name him, name him.")
I name as the man for whom I personally feel it incumbent upon me
to cast my first vote, to fulfill the wishes of the people of the State of
Oregon, William Grant Webster, of Illinois.
MR. C. W. FULTON, of Oregon. Mr. Chairman.
THE PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. For what purpose does the gentleman
rise?
MR. FULTON. I rise for the purpose of explaining on behalf of the
delegation from Oregon the very peculiar and anomalous situation which
is suggested.
A DELEGATE. Fairbanks knows it.
THE PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. We will have a concentrated explana-
tion from the delegate from Oregon.
MR. FULTON. Yes, I will endeavor to concentrate it. Under our pri-
mary law any man can have his name placed on the ballot by request.
A DELEGATE. Change the law.
210 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE
MR. FULTON. We are going to, and this gives us an example of what
it leads to.
THE PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. Hail to Oregon for that.
MR. FULTON. Now, Mr. Chairman, this gentleman by the name of
Webster
A DELEGATE. Oh, we know him.
MR. FULTON (Continuing) secured the placing of his name on the
ballot, and there was no other name on the ballot, consequently he got
some votes; but let me say this, the rest of us do not feel that we are
bound by any such election. (Laughter and applause.)
THE PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. That is satisfactory. The Secretary
will proceed with the calling of the roll.
The Secretary called the States of Rhode Island, South Carolina,
South Dakota, and all passed, and then called the name of Tennessee.
MR. H. CLAY EVANS, of Tennessee. On behalf of the Tennessee dele-
gation I rise to second the nomination of a distinguished citizen of the
Republic. He was not born in Tennessee, neither did he marry a wife in
Tennessee, but Tennessee loves him just the same. (Applause.) Ten-
nessee seconds the nomination of Honorable Charles Warren Fairbanks.
(Applause.)
THE PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The Secretary will proceed with the
calling of the roll.
THE SECRETARY. The next State is Texas.
MR. PHIL E. BEAR, of Texas. Texas seconds the nomination of
Charles Warren Fairbanks.
THE SECRETARY OF THE CONVENTION. The next State is Utah. Does
Utah wish to make a nomination?
A DELEGATE FROM UTAH. Utah desires to second the nomination of
Mr. Fairbanks.
THE SECRETARY OF THE CONVENTION. The next State is Vermont.
What is the pleasure of the delegation?
A DELEGATE FROM VERMONT. Vermont wishes to pass.
THE SECRETARY OF THE CONVENTION. The next State is Virginia.
What is the pleasure of Virginia?
MR. D. LAWRENCE GRONER, of Virginia. Mr. Chairman, Virginia
cannot claim to be the birthplace or the home of Charles Warren Fair-
banks, but Virginia is the mother of both Indiana and Ohio, and out of the
abundance of her affection for her distinguished children, she seconds the
nomination of Charles W. Fairbanks. (Applause.)
THE SECRETARY OF THE CONVENTION. The next State is Washington.
A DELEGATE FROM WASHINGTON. The State of Washington seconds
the nomination of Mr. Fairbanks.
THE SECRETARY OF THE CONVENTION. The next State is Wisconsin.
A DELEGATE FROM WISCONSIN. Wisconsin has no candidate for Vice-
President.
JOHN T. ADAMS, of Iowa
Member of Committee on Arrangements
I Mi'*'*
SIXTEENTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION 211
THE SECRETARY OF THE CONVENTION. The next State is Wyoming.
A DELEGATE FROM WYOMING. The Wyoming delegation takes pleas-
ure in seconding the nomination of Mr. Fairbanks.
THE SECRETARY OF THE CONVENTION. Alaska.
A DELEGATE FROM ALASKA. Alaska wishes to second the nomination
of Mr. Fairbanks.
THE SECRETARY OF THE CONVENTION. Hawaii.
A DELEGATE FROM HAWAII. Hawaii also wishes to second the nomina-
tion of Mr. Fairbanks.
THE SECRETARY OF THE CONVENTION. The Philippine Islands.
A DELEGATE FROM THE PHILIPPINES. The Philippines wish to second
the nomination of Mr. Fairbanks.
THE SECRETARY OF THE CONVENTION. Mr. Chairman, that concludes
the roll call.
BALLOT FOR VICE-PRESIDENT
THE PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The Secretary of the Convention will
call the roll of States and territorial possessions and the delegations will
prepare to express their choice on the matter of the selection of a candi-
date for Vice-President.
The Secretary of the Convention having concluded the roll call of
the States and territorial possessions, the vote was announced : Fair-
banks, 863; Burkett, 108; Borah, 8; Webster 2; Burton, i; Johnson, i;
absent, 4 ; total, 987, as follows :
I I i I 1 i I I
Alabama 16 15 1
Arizona 6 6 . . . . . .
Arkansas 15 14 1
California 26 26
Colorado 12 12
Connecticut 14 14
Delaware 6 6
Florida 8 8
Georgia 17 17
Idaho 8 7 1
Illinois 58 56 1 1
Indiana 30 30
Iowa 26 . . 26
Kansas 20 20
Kentucky 26 26
Louisiana 12 12
Maine 12 12
Maryland 16 16
Massachusetts 36 34 1 .. .. 1
Michigan 30 30
212 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE
States,
I
. 24
1
12
^
1 1 I.,.!
5 5
.
,|
2
12
12
. .
.. 36
36
8
1
7
Nebraska
16
16
6
6
8
8
28
28
6
6
New York
87
76
11
21
19
2
North Dakota
10
10
Ohio
.... 48
48
20
19
1
10
7
1
2
76
74
1
1
Rhode Island
10
10
South Carolina
11
9
2
South Dakota
10
10
21
21
Texas
26
26
Utah
8
8
.... 8
8
, ... . 15
15
14
14
16
16
26
11
12 .. 2
1
6
6
Alaska
2
2
Hawaii
2
2
2
2
987
863
108 1 8 1
2 4
After the roll call had been completed and while the ballot was being
tabulated, there was a great demonstration in behalf of Mr. Fairbanks, it
being plain to all the delegates that he had been nominated by a large
majority, and after a time the Permanent Chairman made the following
statement :
THE PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The Secretary will read the result of
the ballot. The Chair very much desires that the delegates be seated and
attentive to the business of the Convention for a few moments. There
are half a dozen very necessary and important things to be done before
this great body adjourns. We must finish up our work properly, Ladies
and Gentlemen of the Convention. If our guests are no longer interested
we will be very glad to excuse them, but the delegates of this Convention
must give us their attention for a few moments so that we may conclude
the business for which we came here.
SIXTEENTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION 213
The Secretary announced the vote as heretofore shown.
THE PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. Mr. Fairbanks, of Indiana, having re-
ceived the requisite vote to be declared the nominee of this Convention,
the Chair, under the rule, asks, shall the nomination be made unanimous?
(Applause, and cries of "Yes, yes.")
MR. RALPH D. COLE, of Ohio. Mr. Chairman, I move that the nomi-
nation of the Hon. Charles Warren Fairbanks, of Indiana, for the office
of Vice-President, be made unanimous.
SEVERAL DELEGATES. We second the motion.
And the motion was agreed to.
SPECIAL ENTERTAINMENT PROVIDED FOR DELEGATES,
ALTERNATES, AND THEIR FRIENDS
THE PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The delegates will please listen to an
announcement to be made on behalf of the Mayor of Chicago.
The Secretary of the Convention read as follows :
Mayor William Hale Thompson's Entertainment Committee wishes
to invite the Delegates and Alternates and their friends to a display of
fire works, and entertainment, to be held in Grant Park, opposite the
Congress Hotel at eight o'clock this evening, and the Committee also
wishes to extend an invitation to the Delegates and Alternates to an au-
tomobile tour of the City of Chicago, leaving the Congress Hotel tomor-
row morning (Sunday) at 9:30. Automobiles have been provided.
WILLIAM HALE THOMPSON,
Mayor.
CHAIRMAN OF NOTIFICATION COMMITTEE
THE PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The Chair will now recognize Mr. S.
A. Perkins, of Washington.
MR. S. A. PERKINS, of Washington. Mr. Chairman, and Ladies and
Gentlemen of the Convention : I wish to offer the following resolution
and move its adoption :
Resolved, That the Chairman of this Convention, Senator Warren
G. Harding, be appointed Chairman of the Committee to notify Hon.
Charles E. Hughes of his nomination for President, and that Senator
Wm. E. Borah, of Idaho, be appointed Chairman of the Committee to
notify Hon. Charles W. Fairbanks of his nomination for Vice-President.
And the resolution was agreed to.
214 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE
PUBLICATION OF CONVENTION PROCEEDINGS
THE PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The Chair now recognizes Delegate H.
F. MacGregor, of Texas.
MR. H. F. MACGREGOR, of Texas. Mr. Chairman, and Ladies and
Gentlemen of the Convention : I desire to offer the following resolution
and move its adoption :
Resolved, That the Secretary of this Convention is hereby directed
to prepare and publish for the Convention, a full and complete report of
its official proceedings, under the direction of the National Committee.
And the resolution was agreed to.
VACANCIES IN NOMINATIONS
THE PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The Chair recognizes Governor Mur-
phy of New Jersey.
MR. FRANKLIN MURPHY, of New Jersey. Mr. Chairman, and Dele-
gates of the Convention : I offer the following resolution and move its
adoption :
Resolved, That the Republican National Committee be and it is
hereby authorized and empowered to fill all vacancies which may occur
by reason of death, declination or otherwise, in the ticket nominated by
this Convention, or it may in its judgment call a National Convention
for said purpose.
And the resolution was agreed to.
THANKS TO CONVENTION OFFICERS
THE PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The Chair now recognizes Mr. Freder-
ick Hale, of Maine.
MR. FREDERICK HALE, of Maine. Mr. Chairman, and Delegates of the
Convention : I offer the following resolution and move its adoption :
Resolved, That the thanks of this Convention are tendered to the
Chairman, the Secretary, the Sergeant-at-Arms, and the other officers and
deputies for their faithful and effective services in the conduct of the
Convention
And the resolution was agreed to.
THANKS TO ENTERTAINMENT COMMITTEE
THE PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The Chair recognizes Mr. Will H.
Hays, of Indiana.
MR. WILL H. HAYS, of Indiana. Mr. Chairman, and Ladies and Gen-
tlemen of the Convention : I offer the following resolution and move its
adoption :
RALPH E. WILLIAMS, of Oregon
Member of Committee on Arrangements
SIXTEENTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION 215
Be It Resolved by this Convention, that our hearty and sincere thanks
are due, and are hereby tendered to the Hon. William Hale Thompson,
Mayor of Chicago, and the members of the Mayor's Entertainment Com-
mittee for the splendid hospitality shown during our stay in this city.
And the resolution was agreed to.
NATIONAL COMMITTEEMAN FOR MINNESOTA
THE PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The Chair refers for one moment again
to the selection of a National Committeeman for the State of Minnesota,
in order to comply with and conform to the laws of that State. The Sec-
retary will read a certificate furnished by the delegation from that State.
The Secretary of the Convention read as follows :
The delegation of the Delegates and Alternates from Minnesota at
a meeting after the nomination of President and Vice-President as re-
quired by law unanimously adopted the following resolution :
Resolved, That the election of Chester A. Congdon of Duluth as a
member of the National Committee for the State of Minnesota is hereby
ratified and confirmed. S. R. VAN SANT.
The election of Mr. Congdon was approved by the Convention.
THANKS TO CITIZENS OF CHICAGO
The Permanent Chairman. The Chair now recognizes Mr. Earle S.
Kinsley, of Vermont.
MR. EARLE S. KINSLEY, of Vermont. Mr. Chairman, and Delegates
to the Convention : I offer the following resolution and move its adop-
tion :
Resolved, That the thanks of this Convention are hereby tendered
to Mr. Fred W. Upham, Chairman of the Chicago Committee on
Arrangements, and the other members of his Committee, to the mem-
bers of the Sub-Committee on Arrangements of the National Committee,
and to the citizens of Chicago, for the provision made by them, which re-
sulted in such excellent accommodation and comfort for the delegates,
the alternates, and the guests.
The resolution was agreed to.
COMMITTEES TO NOTIFY NOMINEES
THE PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The Chair requests the Chairman
of each delegation to submit in writing the name of its member of the
Committee to notify Hon. Charles Evans Hughes of his nomination for
President, and also the name of its member of the Committee to notify
Hon. Charles Warren Fairbanks of his nomination for Vice-President.
The list when completed was as follows :
216 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE
COMMITTEE TO NOTIFY CANDIDATE FOR PRESIDENT.
HON. WARREN G. HARDING, Chairman.
Alabama P. D. Barker
Arizona Edward Kent
Arkansas A. C. Remmel
California J. O. Hayes
Colorado Spencer Penrose
Connecticut Francis T. Maxwell
Delaware D. Mifflin Wilson
Florida Henry S. Chubb
Georgia John M. Barnes
Idaho E. H. Dewey
Illinois Walter A. Rosenfield
Indiana Geo. B. Lockwood
Iowa Luther A. Brewer
Kansas A. H. Denton
Kentucky R. C. Stoll
Louisiana Clarence S. Hebert
Maine .'. . . Harold M. Sewall
Maryland Felix Agnus
Massachusetts Edward A. Thurston
Michigan John Q. Ross
Minnesota Herbert P. Keller
Mississippi W. S. Ligon
Missouri \Vm. P. Sullivan
Montana Joseph M Dixon
Nebraska Gould Dietz
Nevada W. A. Kiddie
New Hampshire W. D. Swart
New Jersey . . . . N . Thos. L. Raymond
New Mexico A. B. Fall
New York George W. Aldridge
North Carolina Thos. J. Harkins
North Dakota C. C. Turner
Ohio Oscar M. Gottschall
Oklahoma S. G. Victor
Oregon C. P. Bishop
Pennsylvania John Wanamaker
Rhode Island R. Livingston Beeckman
South Caralina Dr. J. L. Levy
South Dakota James G. Stanley
Tennessee J. S. Beasley
Texas Dr. E. P. Wilmot
Utah Reed Smoot
Vermont George H. Prouty
Virginia John C. Noel
Washington Scott Bone
West Virginia W. H. Thomas
Wisconsin Christian Doerfler
Wyoming Patrick Sullivan
Alaska Louis P. Shackelford
Hawaii Jonah K. Kalanianaole
Philippines ; Newton W. Gilbert
SIXTEENTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION 217
COMMITTEE TO NOTIFY CANDIDATE FOR VICE-PRESIDENT.
HON. WM. E. BORAH, Chairman.
Alabama J. M. Atkins
Arizona Ph. FreudenthaJ
Arkansas R. S. Granger
California Sirs. Abbie E. Krebs
Colorado H. E. Perkins
Connecticut Oliver G. Jennings
Delaware Edward G Bradford, Jr.
Florida Joseph E. Lee
Georgia J. H. Watson
Idaho E. R. Whitla
Illinois O. F. Berry
Indiana Richard Lieber
Iowa Geo. C. Call
Kansas J. N. Tichner
Kentucky Ed. C. O'Rear
Louisiana Edward J. Rodrigue
Maine John Huston
Maryland A. H. Doub
Massachusetts George B. Wason
Michigan Stewart B. Gordon
Minnesota D. M. Gunn
Mississippi P. W. Howard
Missouri David W. Peters
Montana J. Albright
Nebraska J. Reid Green
Nevada Mrs. W. A. Moran
New Hampshire Philip N. Faulkner
New Jersey Daniel E. Pomeroy
New Mexico B. C. Hernandez
New York Jacob Sloat Fassett
North Carolina W. S. O'B. Robinson
North Dakota E. A. Bowman
Ohio R, C. Heddleston
Oklahoma Jno. R. Hadley
Oregon Newton Burgess
Pennsylvania Edwin B. Jermyn
Rhode Island Harry P. Cross
South Caralina W. S. Dixson
South Dakota Hans Demuth
Tennessee Duke C. Bowers
Texas L. S. McDowell
L'tah Harry S. Joseph
Vermont John Gushing
Virginia J. p. Brady
Washington Millard T. Hartson
West Virginia W. E. Heskitt
Wisconsin A. A. Porter
Wyoming Thos. Snedden
Alaska \Vm. A. Gilmore
Hawaii Henry J. Lyman
Philippines W. H. Lawrence
218 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE
HONORARY VICE-PRESIDENTS
Alabama Ase E. Stratton
Arizona Le Roy Anderson
Arkansas S. R. Young
California Amiel Hochheimer
Colorado Bulkeley Wells
Connecticut Frank B. Weeks
Delaware Alfred I. Du Punt
Florida W. P. O'Neal
Georgia B. W. S. Daniels
Idaho James F. Ailshie
Illinois Fred W. Upham
Indiana Benton E. Gates
Iowa George W. French
Kansas E. L. Fulton
Kentucky Phil Brown
Louisiana Alvin C. Carpenter
Maine Guy P. Gannett
Maryland Henry C. Wilcox
Massachusetts George H. Doty
Michigan George W. Cook
Minnesota J. F. Jacobson
Mississippi D. W. Sherrod
Missouri George W. Duncan
Montana Louise Lusk
Nebraska Howard H. Baldrige
Nevada Herbert C. Humphreys
New Hampshire Walter M. Parker
New Jersey Wm. Barbour
New Mexico Charles Springer
New York Wm. Berri
North Carolina Wm. P. Bynum
North Dakota H. P. Halverson
Ohio Wm. Cooper Proctor
Oklar oma Arthur H. Geissler
Oregon C. R. Hotchkiss
Pennsylvania Wm. W. Griest
Rhode Island Frank P. Comstock
South Carolina John H. Goodwyn
South Dakota Samuel H. Elrod
Tennessee B. W. Hooper
Texas R. A. Harvin
Utah Wm. D. Caudland
Vermont Geo. E. Moody
Virginia . . . Clarence G. Smithers
Washington E. A. Sims
West Virginia Henry S. White
Wisconsin Henry Krumrey
Wyoming Thos. Snedden
Alaska W. A. Gilmore
Hawaii J. K. Kalanianaole
Philippines W. H. Lawrence
SIXTEENTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION 219
FINAL ADJOURNMENT
THE PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. I now have the satisfaction of recog-
nizing Air. Charles D. Hilles, of New York, for the closing motion of our
session. (Great applause as Mr. Hilles came to the front of the platform.)
MR. CHARLES D. HILLES, of New York. Mr. Chairman, and Ladies
and Gentlemen of the Convention : Before submitting a motion I wish
to make an announcement. The new Republican National Committee
will meet for organization in the room of the Committee in the Coliseum
annex this afternoon at five o'clock. I now move that this Convention
adjourn without day.
The motion was agreed to; and (at 2 o'clock and 2 minutes p. m.) the
Convention adjourned without day.
Republican , National Committee
1916
STATE NAME P. O. ADDRESS
Alabama OLIVER D. STREET Guntersville
Arizona ALLAN B. JAYNES Tucson
Arkansas H. L. REMMEL Little Rock
California WILLIAM H. CROCKER San Francisco
Colorado HUBERT WORK Pueblo
Connecticut JOHN T. KING Bridgeport
Delaware COLEMAN DU PONT Wilmington
Florida HENRY S. CHUBB Princeton
Georgia HENRY S. JACKSON Atlanta
Idaho JOHN W. HART Mcnan
Illinois WILLIAM HALE THOMPSON . . . Chicago
Indiana JAMES A. HEMENWAY Booneville
Iowa JOHN T. ADAMS Dubuque
Kansas FRED STANLEY Wichita
Kentucky A. T. HERT Louisville
Louisiana ARMAND ROMAIN New Orleans
Maine FREDERICK HALE Portland
Maryland WILLIAM P. JACKSON Salisbury
Massachusetts W. MURRAY CRANE Dalton
Michigan CHAS. B. WARREN Detroit
Minnesota CHESTER A. CONGDON Duluth
Mississippi L. B. MOSELEY Jackson
Missouri *. . . JACOB L. BABLER St. Louis
Montana THOMAS A. MARLOW Helena
Nebraska R. B. HOWELL Omaha
Nevada H. G. HUMPHREY Reno
New Hampshire FRED W. ESTABROOK Nashua
New Jersey FRANKLIN MURPHY Newark
New Mexico CHARLES A. SPIESS East Las Vegas
New York HERBERT PARSONS New York City
North Carolina JOHN M. MOREHEAD Charlotte
North Dakota GUNDER OLSON Grafton
Ohio RUDOLPH K. HYNICKA Cincinnati
Oklahoma JAMES J. McGRAW Ponca City
Oregon RALPH E. WILLIAMS Portland
Pennsylvania BOIES PENROSE Philadelphia
Rhode Island WILLIAM P. SHEFFIELD Newport
South Carolina J- W. TOLBERT Greenwood
South Dakota WILLIS C. COOK Sioux Falls
Tennessee
Texas H. F. MxcGREGOR Houston
Utah REED SMOOT Provo
Vermont EARLE S. KINSLEY Rutland
Virginia ALVAH H. MARTIN Norfolk
Washington '. S. A. PERKINS Tacoma
West Virginia V. L. HIGHLAND Clarksburg
Wisconsin ALFRED T. ROGERS Madison
Wyoming GEORGE E. PEXTON Evanstown
Alaska CORNELIUS S. MURANE Juneau
Dist. of Columbia
Hawaii R. W. BRECKONS Honolulu
Philippines HENRY B. McCOY Manila
Porto Rico
220
Republican National Committee
CAMPAIGN 1916
WILLIAM R. WILLCOX, Chairman.
JAMES B. REYNOLDS, Secretary.
CORNELIUS N. BLISS, Jr. Treasurer.
BEVERLEY R. ROBINSON, Assistant Treasurer.
FRED W. UPHAM, Assistant Treasurer.
WILLIAM F. STONE, Sergeant-at-Arms.
Campaign Committee
JOHN T. ADAMS, Iowa.
EVERETT COLBY, New Jersey.
WILLIAM H. CROCKER, California.
FRED W. ESTABROOK, New Hampshire.
JAMES A. GARFIELD, Ohio.
JAMES A. HEMENWAY, Indiana.
A. T. HERT, Kentucky.
R. B. HOWELL, Nebraska.
HAROLD L. ICKES, Illinois.
ALVAH H. MARTIN, Virginia.
HERBERT PARSONS, New York.
GEORGE W. PERKINS, New York.
S. A. PERKINS, Washington.
CHESTER H. ROWELL, California.
OSCAR S. STRAUS, New York
CHARLES B. WARREN, Michigan.
RALPH E, WILLIAMS, Oregon.
Executive Committee
JOHN T. ADAMS, Iowa.
WILLIAM H. CROCKER. California.
FRED W. ESTABROOK, New Hampshire.
JAMES A. HEMENWAY, Indiana.
A. T. HERT, Kentucky.
R. B. HOWELL, Nebraska.
ALVAH H. MARTIN, Virginia.
HERBERT PARSONS, New York.
S. A. PERKINS, Washington.
CHARLES B. WARREN, Michigan.
RALPH E. WILLIAMS, Oregon.
221
CHARLES EVANS HUGHES
BY ROBERT H. FULLER
Charles Evans Hughes, who was nominated for President by the
Republican National Convention, was chosen by the Convention not only
without his consent, but against his wishes. It was the first time that a
candidate for the Presidency had ever been so chosen. Not a delegate
in the Convention knew when he was nominated whether he would
accept or not
Strong efforts had been made before the Convention met to get from
him an indication of whether, if nominated, he would take the nomina-
tion. Persistent attempts were also made to obtain some expression of
his views upon the issues that were under discussion. These brought
no result. In Nebraska, where Mr. Hughes' name was placed in the
primary ballot, he asked that it be withdrawn and the request was
granted. The same thing happened in the primaries of other States ;
but the Republicans of Vermont declared for him, and in Oregon, where
his name remained in the primary ballot against his protest, he was made
the favorite over two eminent Republican aspirants for the nomination
who made a canvass of the State.
NEVER SOUGHT OFFICE
This unwillingness to seek office is characteristic of Mr. Hughes.
He has always held the view that nomination should seek the man, but
that, on the other hand, no citizen has the right to refuse a call to public
service if it is possible for him to accept it. He was nominated by the
Republicans for Mayor of New York City in 1906 when he was in the
midst of the insurance investigation and he refused because he believed
he could be of more service by completing the investigation. He was
nominated for Governor late in the same year, accepted and was elected.
He permitted admirers to urge his nomination for President in 1908, when
he was Governor of New York, though he announced when he consented
to the use of his name that he would neither ask any delegate to vote for
him nor seek to influence the action of the Convention by the use of his
power as Governor. He adhered strictly to this programme. He was
nominated for Governor a second time without any request for renomi-
nation, and he was re-elected. While he has never criticized the open
seeking of nominations by others, he himself has never sought one, and
his attitude in this respect has been scrupulously consistent.
222
CHARLES EVANS HUGHES 223
CONFIDENCE IN THE PEOPLE
Governor Hughes has always shown complete reliance upon the ability
of the mass of the people to decide what is best for them. He summed
up his political faith in the first speech which he delivered in the Presi-
dential campaign of 1908 when he was supporting the candidacy of
William Howard Taft for the Presidency.
"I have an abiding confidence in the progress of the people," he said
at Youngstown, Ohio. "Resistlessly they move forward to the attainment
of their goal. Every privilege maintained at the expense of the common
interest will finally go the way of despotism and ancient tyranny. But
in our progress one must seek to avoid false steps. Ours must be the
rule of reason, clear-eyed, calm, patient and steadfast ; defeating the
conspiracies of intrigue and escaping the pitfalls of folly. Supreme
must be the sense of justice, with its recognition of our mutual depend-
ence. We cannot change human nature or bring about a state of society
or of administration of government which does not reflect its failings.
We rejoice in the measure of success which has already been attained,
and we must resolve to devote ourselves more loyally than ever to the
general good, counting our partisan opportunities and victories as gain
only as they give us chance to serve our common country."
This confidence in the people made it natural for Mr. Hughes, while
he was Governor, to appeal to them when he found the Legislature reluc-
tant to execute plans which he believed to be for public benefit. His
"appeals to the people" were a feature of his administrations, and they
contributed most effectively to the accomplishment of the long list of
achievements which distinguished his tenure of the office of Governor.
Among lawyers, Mr. Hughes was known as a leader of the bar when
the insurance investigation first revealed to the public in general the
rare combination of intellectual abilities and capacity for work .which he
possessed. Since that investigation, he has been kept constantly in the
public service, and he has willingly devoted all his energies to that serv-
ice, despife the very material monetary sacrifice which it has entailed.
He was called from his private law practice just as he was beginning to
reap the financial rewards of the place he had won.
The dominant characteristics of Governor Hughes' record are his
sincerity and his consistency. In his statements he has always promised
less than he meant to perform, and he has never proposed a public prob-
lem for solution without having in mind a practical remedy. In executive
office, it has always been his aim to confine himself to the discharge of
the duties imposed upon him by law and to accept full responsibility for
them. Only in this way, he believes, can Republicanism have a chance to
work properly.
Governor Hughes was endorsed by the Progressive National Com-
mittee on June 26.
224 BIOGRAPHY OF
THE CHIEF DATES OF MR. HUGHES* CAREER
The chief dates in the life of Charles E. Hughes, the Republican
nominee for President, may be given as follows :
Born at Glens Falls, New York, April n, 1862;
Studied in Colgate University, 1876-8;
Was graduated from Brown University, 1881 ;
Was graduated from the Columbia Law School, 1884;
Was admitted to the New York Bar, 1884;
Married Miss Antoinette Carter, December 5, 1888,
Practiced law in New York City, 1884-91 ;
Was Professor of Law, Cornell University, 1891-3 ;
Practiced law in New York City, 1893-1906;
Was special lecturer on law, Cornell University, 1893-5 ;
Was special lecturer on law, New York Law School, 1893-1900;
Was counsel of the Stevens Gas Committee, 1905 ;
Was counsel of the Armstrong Insurance Committee, 1905-6;
Declined Republican nomination for Mayor of New York City, 1905 ;
Was appointed special assistant to the United States Attorney
General, Anthracite Coal Investigation, 1906;
Was elected Governor of New York, November, 1906;
Began his first term as Governor, January i, 1007;
Re-elected Governor of New York, November, 1908;
Was appointed Associate Justice of the United States Supreme
Court, May 2, 1910;
Resigned the office of Governor of New York, October 6, 1910;
Took the oath of office as Associate Justice of the United State Su-
preme Court, October 10, 1910;
Was nominated for President by the Republican National Convention
and resigned from the United States Supreme Court, June 10, 1916;
Was endorsed for President by the National Committee of the Pro-
gressive Party, June 26, 1916.
ANCESTRY
Mr. Hughes is a typical product of American evolution. His father,
David Charles Hughes, was born in Monmouthshire on the borders of
Wales. He was a son of Nathan Hughes, a publisher in South Wales,
who died when he was thirteen years old. His life reads like a
romance. He was one of a large family of children, studious, imaginative
and filled with the earnest enthusiasm which is characteristic of the
Welsh blood. Among the books which he read when he was a boy
was the Autobiography of Benjamin Franklin. The career of this great
man filled the lad with a determination to come to America and take
advantage of the opportunities which Franklin had known so well how
to use.
CHARLES EVAXS HUGHES 22.J
The fulfillment of this ambition was deferred until the boy had
reached the age of twenty-three and had become a preacher. He then
took passage for America where he had neither friends nor acquaint-
ances, delighted with the realization at last of his boyhood dreams.
Mr. Hughes was in many respects a remarkable man. Although his
life was confined to restricted channels, like the lives of most men, he
always made warm and sincere friendships. He possessed great energy
and unquestioning faith in the religious doctrines which he expounded.
His indomitable spirit was never subdued or discouraged by disap-
pointment. Worldly advancement and his own comfort made no appeal
to him when they interfered with service to others. There are hundreds
of men and women who, as children, attended the churches in which he
ministered, and who now hold his memory in affectionate regard.
Although his salary as minister was always small, he never turned away
an appeal for help and in his later life he laughed over stories that were
told of generosity so imprudent that it sometimes left him without an
overcoat in Winter because he had given away the only one he possessed.
Mr. Hughes had been only three days in this country when in 1855,
he received an assignment to preach at Vails Gate, in the vicinity of
Xewburgh. This gave him a foothold ; but he felt the need of more
study and in order to obtain money to satisfy this need he taught in an
academy near Baltimore. He thus obtained funds which enabled him to
attend Wesleyan University for two years. Mr. Hughes married Miss
Mary Catherine Connelly in 1860, and in the same year was ordained as
a Baptist Minister and became pastor of the church at Glen Falls.
There his only child, Charles Evans Hughes, was born in April, 1862.
Mr. Hughes was admitted to citizenship in Kingston, Ulster County, New
York. He affiliated himself with the Republican party. With his usual
enthusiasm he upheld Republican principles, always working for and
voting for the Republican candidate. He was a fervent Abolitionist and
no man did more than he to maintain the Union cause in northern New *
York.
Mr. Hughes served churches in Sandy Hill now Hudson Falls
and Oswego, New York ; Newark and Jersey City, New Terse}' ; Brook-
lyn and Manhattan, New York City ; and Scranton, Pennsylvania ; after
his retirement he continued to preach while his strength permitted him
to do so. He lived to see his son Governor of the State of New York,
and he died in the Executive Mansion in Albany.
While Governor Hughes' father was of foreign birth, his descent
on his mother's side is American to Pre-Revolutionary days. Mrs.
Hughes was a product of two lines of descent, one the Connelly side
Scotch Irish, and the other the Jan Burhans and Terpenning lines
Dutch stock. Jan Burhans settled in Kingston, New York, as early
as 1660.
Mrs. Hughes was a quiet, slender little woman, of marked mental
226 BIOGRAPHY OF
ability, whose cheerful and patient fortitude and good management kept
going a household which her husband's impulsive generosity might have
scattered had it been in less competent hands than hers. She was a
graduate of Claverack College and prior to her marriage had engaged in
teaching. She had special aptitude for mathematics. Her grandmother
on her father's side was from Connecticut a Yankee of English descent.
Her great grandfather, a Scotch-Irishman, who lived in Ulster County,
New York, served on the staff of George Clinton, the first Governor of
the State of New York. In recognition of the service that he rendered,
Governor Clinton obtained from General Washington a commission for
him in the Revolutionary Army, where he made a record which brought
him high recommendation. On the Dutch side, also, Mrs. Hughes' Ulster
County ancestry was of Revolutionary stock.
Her Connelly grandfather, also of Ulster County, New York, was a
physician of reputation. His son, William Connelly, who was Mr.
Hughes' grandfather on his mother's side, was a contractor. He em-
ployed a considerable number of men in the construction of tanneries,
mills and similar structures under contract. At the time of his mar-
riage, William Connelly held a building contract in Middletown, Dela-
ware County, New York. Delaware County was at that time little better
than a wilderness. He took his gang of men, his teams and other para-
phernalia, and accompanied by his bride, he went into the woods to
execute his contract. It was there, in 1830, that Mrs. Hughes, the
Governor's mother, was born.
EDUCATION
Charles Evans Hughes, who was named after his father, and his
father's mother (Jane Evans) had an excellent constitution, but on
account of early illness was in delicate health as a boy. His early edu-
cation and training were in care of his father and mother and, save for
a brief time in Oswego, he did not attend school until he was ten years
old. In Newark he was graduated at the Oliver Street Public School in
1873 an d then entered the Newark High School. On removing to New
York, he became a pupil of Grammar School No. 35, in West Thirteenth
Street, and in June, i87s, when he was thirteen years old, he was gradu-
ated from that school and delivered the salutatory address in the Academy
of Music.
Despite the disadvantage of attending different schools, Mr. Hughes
made rapid progress in his studies and he was only fourteen years old
when he entered Madison University, now Colgate University, in Hamil-
ton, New York. After remaining there two years, he entered Brown
University, in the Sophomore class. He was nominated as a Phi Delta
Kappa man in his junior year and he won the Dunn Premium for the
highest standing in English literature. He was a member of the editorial
staff of the Brunonian, the College newspaper.
CHARLES EVANS HUGHES 227
He was graduated from Brown University in 1881, when he was
nineteen years old. He stood third in his class, a rank which entitled
him to deliver the classical oration. He also took one of the two
Carpenter Premiums which were assigned to the two members, already
on scholarships, of the Senior class who "shall, in the judgment of the
faculty, unite in the highest degree the three most important elements
of success in life ability, character and attainment."
As Mr. Hughes grew older, he gained slowly in strength. He was
always a great worker. After his graduation from Brown University, he
taught Greek and mathematics in Delaware Academy at Delhi, New York,
and studied law in the office of Judge Gleason there. He was able to
enter the Columbia Law School in 1882, and while there he spent a por-
tion of his time for a year in the office of General Stewart L. Woodford,
who was then United States District Attorney for the Southern District
of New York and who afterwards became Minister to Spain.
AS A LAWYER
Mr. Hughes obtained a position as clerk in the 'law firm of Chamber-
lain, Carter and Hornblower during a part of his last year in the Law
School. This firm afterward became Carter, Hornblower and Byrne.
He was graduated from the Law School in 1884, receiving the Prize
Fellowship in his class, and he was admitted to the Bar in the same year.
In 1887, Mr. Hornblower and Mr. Byrne withdrew from the firm in
which Mr. Hughes had been employed and he became a member of the
new firm of Carter, Hughes and Cravath.
Miss Antoinette Carter, whom Mr. Hughes married in December,
1888, was the daughter of the senior member of the firm, Walter S.
Carter.
Mr. and Mrs. Hughes have four children, one son and three daughters
the oldest Charles E. Hughes, Jr., is married and has two children of
his own. He is a graduate of Brown University and of the Harvard Law
School and practices law in New York City. The eldest daughter, Helen,
was graduated at Vassar College in 1914, the second daughter Catherine
enters Wellesley College next fall. The youngest, Elizabeth, was born in
the Executive Mansion in Albany in 1907.
Mr. Hughes practiced law until 1891 when, his health feeling the
strain of work, he accepted an appointment as Professor of Law in
Cornell University. He remained in Ithaca from 1891 to 1893 and after
his return to New York City, he continued to give a special course of
lectures on law at Cornell University until 1895, a d in the New York
Law School until 1900.
When he returned from Ithaca in 1893, ne joined his old firm, which
became Carter, Hughes and Kellogg, and later Carter, Hughes and
Dwight. It retained this name until Mr. Dwight's death in 1903. Mr.
228 BIOGRAPHY OF
Dwight was succeeded in his firm by George VV. Schurman, a brother
of Jacob Gould Schurman, President of Cornell University.
Mr. Carter died in 1904 and Mr. Hughes then became head of the
firm, the name once more changing to Hughes, Rounds and Schurman.
Hitherto Mr. Hughes had been little known excepting as a lawyer.
He had always been a Republican in politics, enrolling with his party
and voting at the primaries. In the legal profession, he was regarded as
one of the foremost counsel in the City. He retained complete personal
independence, enjoying a general practice. Although without political
ambition at that time, or even any thought of entering politics, it was
natural for him to avoid any connection that he could not justify to
his own conscience.
THE STEVENS COMMITTEE
Mr. Hughes' entry into public life occurred when he was appointed
counsel to the Stevens Gas Investigating Committee in 1905. Before
that year there had been much complaint at the cost of gas in New York
City, where the price was one dollar a thousand feet. The gas company,
which enjoyed a virtual monopoly in the city, declared that it could not
reduce the price and still make money. The Legislature appointed a
joint committee with Senator Frederick C. Stevens, of Attica, as its
Chairman, to investigate the lighting companies and report. Mr. Stevens
selected Mr. Hughes as counsel to the Committee.
The investigation, which was much less spectacular than the insur-
ance investigation which followed it, showed that the price of gas could
be reduced to eighty cents a thousand feet and still leave the gas com-
pany a fair margin of profit. Mr. Hughes wrote the report of the Com-
mittee and prepared bills lowering the price of gas to eighty cents a thou-
sand feet and providing remedies for a number of minor grievances of
consumers.
When he had finished the report and the bills had been introduced,
Mr. Hughes' connection with the matter ceased. There was strong
opposition in the Legislature to the passage of the bills. The gas
company declared that they were confiscatory and fought them to the
United States Supreme Court, where they were finally upheld.
THE LIFE INSURANCE INVESTIGATION
Meanwhile the Legislature had appointed another joint Committee
to investigate the management of the great life insurance companies,
located in the State. This Committee was headed by Senator W. W.
Armstrong, of Rochester. Mr. Hughes had gone to Switzerland to spend
his vacation, but the success of the Gas Investigating Committee con-
CHARLES EVANS HUGHES 229
vinced the Armstrong Committee that it must have him as its counsel.
He was asked by cable to take this position and he accepted. He cut
short his stay abroad and immediately went to work.
The disclosures made by the insurance investigation as to the
practices of a small group of men who were entrusted with the manage-
ment of hundreds of millions of dollars paid in premiums to the com-
panies, created a nation-wide sensation. Mr. Hughes, day by day, turned
the light of the investigation upon shadowy corners and intricate wind-
ings of the insurance business, the existence of which had until then
been unknown outside a small circle. The use of the "Yellow Dog
Fund," the existence of the "House of Mirth" in Albany, huge contribu-
tions to political campaign funds, excessive payments for obtaining new
business, the use by insiders of life insurance money in speculations from
which they reaped the profit, and arbitrary and autocratic methods in
a business whose growth had outstripped the wildest dreams were all
brought into public view during the investigation.
Throughout the inquiry, Mr. Hughes was careful not to asperse any
man's character without warrant. He never indulged in conjecture or
inuendo. His manner of conducting the inquiry showed him to possess
a keen analytical mind and a marvellous capacity for work.
NOMINATED FOR MAYOR
The municipal campaign for the election of a Mayor of the City of
New York came on in the Fall of 1905 before the investigation of the
insurance companies had been completed. The disclosures made in the
investigation had reached many of the financial leaders and some of the
best known men in the country.
As might have been expected, efforts were made to halt the investiga-
tion, at least along lines which were likely to prove damaging. When
suggestions that he might ease up a little were made to Mr. Hughes, he
informed the committee that if any attempt were made to interfere with
him, he would resign and tell the public why he had done so. He was
not troubled again.
The Republican organization of New York City determined to make
Mr. Hughes its candidate for Mayor. When this intention became
known, he declined to permit the use of his name and stated he would
not accept a nomination.
Despite Mr. Hughes' reluctance, the Republican City Convention
insisted upon putting him in the field. He was formally notified of his
nomination on October 9, 1905. He declined to accept and in declining
he made a statement to the Notification Committee in which he said :
"You summon me to what you believe to be a public
duty, and I shall not answer that summons by referring to
230 BIOGRAPHY OF
considerations merely personal, however important they
might be if the question was one of personal preference.
"You and the many others who have urged me to accept
the nomination have not rested the request upon the basis of
partisan obligation, but upon the more secure foundation of
duty to the community. * * *
"I am not insensible to this appeal and I fully appreciate
the responsibility of the position in which, against my will, I
have been placed. * * *
"In this dilemma, I have simply to do my duty as I see it.
In my judgment, I have no right to accept the nomination.
A paramount public duty forbids it. It is not necessary to
enlarge upon the importance of the insurance investigation.
That is undisputed. It is dealing with questions vital to the
interests of millions of our fellow citizens throughout the land.
It presents an opportunity for public service second to none
and involves a correlative responsibility. I have devoted
myself unreservedly to this work. It commends all my
energies. It is imperative that I continue in it. * * *
"I do not believe that the man lives, and certainly I am
not the man, who, while a candidate for the mayoralty, could
perform with proper efficiency that part of the work which
has devolved upon me in the pending inquiry. If I were to
accept the nomination for the high office of Mayor of this
city, I should be compelled to curtail this work, and this I
have no right to do.
"For your expressions of confidence I thank } r ou. The
honor you would confer upon me I most highly esteem.
Your genuine approval and the unanimity and enthusiasm
with which the nomination was made I warmly appreciate.
But I have assumed obligations of the first importance which
make it impossible for me to meet your wishes. I must,
therefore, respectfully decline the nomination."
THE INSURANCE REFORM BILLS
Mr. Hughes performed an almost incredible amount of labor during
the investigation of the insurance companies and the preparation of the
report and the bills which followed the investigation. This report was
presented to the Legislature in the Spring of 1906, and the bills which
it recommended were enacted without change.
These bills regulated the entire business of life insurance. In the
course of the investigation, Mr. Hughes had mastered every detail of
the complicated machinery through which the business was conducted.
The bills provided methods by which the policy-holders of mutual com-
CHARLES EVANS HUGHES 23]
panics might elect the officers of the companies, limited and safe-
guarded the use of surplus and reserve funds, made the officers person-
ally responsible, changed the form of reports so as to make them more
truly portray conditions, protected policy-holders by providing standard
forms of policies, limited the amounts which might be paid to agents
for new business, increased the powers of the Superintendent of Insur-
ance and in other respects abolished the abuses which had grown up with
or crept into the business. In order to put an end to the contribution
of life insurance funds for political campaign purposes, one of the bills
made it unlawful for any corporation in the State to make a political
contribution. This was the first law containing such a prohibition. Simi-
lar laws are now on the Federal statute books and on the statute books
of many States.
THE ANTHRACITE COAL INQUIRY
Mr. Hughes' fame as an investigator was established throughout the
United States by the insurance investigation. As soon as it closed in
1906, the United States Department of Justice made him an Assistant
United States Attorney-General for the purpose of conducting an inquiry
to ascertain whether the United States should bring an action against
the anthracite railroads which owned and carried coal, for violation of
the Sherman Anti-Trust Law.
NOMINATED FOR GOVERNOR
Mr. Hughes had begun the work of preparation for this inquiry
when a demand arose throughout the State for his nomination by the
Republican party as its candidate for Governor. President Roosevelt
sent word to the party leaders that he favored Mr. Hughes and he was
nominated by acclamation at the Convention held in Saratoga. He imme-
diately sent a telegram to the Convention in which he said :
"I shall accept the nomination without pledge other than
to do my duty according to my conscience. If elected, it will
be my ambition to give the State the same efficient and honor-
able administration, free from taint of bossism or of servi-
tude to any private interest. A united party making an appeal
to good citizenship must win."
Mr. Hughes outlined the issue of the campaign in the address which
he made to the Committee appointed to notify him of his nomination.
In this address, referring to the issue, he said :
"It is not an issue of Republican principles or of Demo-
cratic principles. It is not a partisan issue at all. It is the
vital issue of decent government. It is an issue which shall
232 BIOGRAPHY OF
array on one side all lovers of truth, of sobriety and of honest
reform, be they Republicans, Democrats or Independents.
"I promise an honest administration.
"No interest, however prominent, will receive any con-
sideration except that to which, upon the merits of the case,
it may be entitled, when viewed in the light of the supreme
interest of the people.
"It will be my aim to make the administration of the
government efficient and economical.
"I shall spare no effort to make effective the reforms in
the business of life insurance so essential to the interests of
the policy-holders.
"I promise the enforcement of the law with equal severity
and with equal justice to all, rich and poor, corporations and
individuals.
"We desire to enforce the laws we have, and to enact
such additional laws as may be required to secure equal privi-
leges and opportunities and to prevent any one person or
class of persons from being made the victim of oppression.
We believe in open discussion and responsible criticism. But
efforts to make discontent serve self interest, to create class
hatred, to distort the good and to exaggerate the evil, are
subversive of our free institutions and tend to anarchy.
"We make our appeal to the common sense of the
American people, which has never failed to express itself
decisively in a great crisis. We are pledged to achieve re-
forms in the American manner, in accordance with the genius
of our institutions and with love of truth and even-handed
justice.
"It is in this spirit and with these pledges alone that I
accept the nomination."
THE ONLY REPUBLICAN ELECTED
Although he had never made political speeches, Mr. Hughes plunged
vigorously into his campaign and soon became one of the most effective
of political orators. His canvass extended to every large city and to
nearly all the rural Counties. The Democrats and the Independence
League had united, nominating William R. ^Hearst to oppose him. His
canvass was exceedingly difficult, but he was elected by a plurality of
57,897 votes over Mr. Hearst, receiving 749,002 votes against 691,105 for
his opponent. He was the only candidate on the Republican State ticket
to be elected. He went into office with a Democratic Lieutenant Governor,
Comptroller, Secretary of State, Treasurer and Attorney-General.
CHARLES EVANS HU.GHES 233
In his first inaugural address, after pledging himself to devote the
best of his ability to the duties of his office, he said :
"We have reason to congratulate ourselves that coinci-
dent with our prosperity, there is an emphatic assertion of
popular rights and a keen resentment of public wrongs. There
is no panacea in executive or legislative action for all the
ills of society which spring from the frailties and defects of
the human nature of its members. But this furnishes no ex-
cuse for complacent inactivity and no reason for the toleration
of wrongs made possible by defective or inadequate legislation
or by administrative partiality or inefficiency. * * *
"The proper confines of legislative action are not to be
determined by generalities. Slowly but surely the people
have narrowed the opportunities for selfish aggression, and
the demand of this hour, and of all hours, is not allegiance
to phrases, but sympathy with every aspiration foi the bettei-
ment of conditions and a sincere and patient effort to under-
stand every need and to ascertain in the light of experience
the means best adapted to meet it. Each measure proposed
must ultimately be tested by critical analysis of the particular
problem the precise mischief alleged and the adequacy of
the proffered remedy. It is the capacity for such close ex-
amination without heat or disqualifying prejudice which dis-
tinguishes the constructive effort from vain endeavors to
change human nature by changing the forms of government.
* * *
"\Ye are a government of laws and not of men. We
subordinate individual caprice to defined duty. The essen-
tials of our liberties are expressed in constitutional enact-
ments removed from the risk of temporary agitation. But
the security of our government despite its constitutional
guaranties is found in the intelligence and public spirit of
its citizens and in its ability to call to the work of adminis-
tration men of single-minded devotion to the public interests,
who make unselfish service to the State a point of knightly
honor.
"If in administration we make the standard efficiency
and not partisan advantage, if in executing the laws we deal
impartially, if in making the laws there is fair and intelligent
action with reference to each exigency, we shall disarm reck-
less and selfish agitators and take from the enemies of our
peace their vantage ground of attack.
"It is my intention to employ my constitutional powers
to this end. I believe in the sincerity and good sense of the
people. I believe that they are intent on having government
234 BIOGRAPHY OF
which recognizes no favored interests and which is not con-
ducted in any part for selfish ends."
Governor Hughes, in accordance with the promise made in his
inaugural address, devoted his entire time while he was Governor to the
duties of his office. He severed relations with his law firm, gave up his
home in New York, and moved his family to Albany. He was sent to
Albany at a time of political change. Some of the leaders of his party
organization had not yet conformed to the new spirit which was becoming
manifest in many directions. He earnestly desired to work with them
in harmony and to co-operate with the Legislature in framing laws which
might benefit the people of the State. While he accomplished much
during his two terms with the support of the Legislative majority, there
were certain points of difference between them which made his work more
difficult than it would otherwise have been.
He took the stand that he would confine his official activity to the
discharge of the responsibilities imposed upon him by law and that he
would not use his powers as Governor either to coerce the Legislature
or to interfere with political organization or any of its branches. He
assumed his responsibilities and did not seek to interfere in the per-
formance of duties which the law imposed upon the Legislature and
the other State officers. He never tried to "play politics." To use a
homely phrase, he minded his own business.
While this attitude was to a certain extent made necessary during
his first term by the fact that he was the only candidate elected on the
Republican ticket, he adhered to it while he remained Governor.
He not only gave all his energies to the gubernatorial office, but he
introduced innovations which proved popular. The Executive Chamber
in the State Capitol consists of a large room where the Governor's desk
is placed. This room is open to the public. Behind it is a smaller room
to which the Governor may retire when he wishes to be uninterrupted.
This inner room is connected with the corridor by a back door. It had
been customary for Governors to admit the political legislative leaders
by this rear door and to consult with them regarding legislation or other
measures in private in the rear room. Governor Hughes refused to
continue this custom. In popular phrase, he "closed the back door" to
the Executive Chamber, and conducted the State's business in the large
room, without concealment.
Toward the close of his first year as Governor, in 1907, a demand
sprang up that he be made the candidate of the Republicans of the State
of New York in the Republican National Convention for President. This
demand was not pleasing to the Governor, who did not feel there \\as
any urgent reason why he should run for President and who did not
wish to leave unfinished the work he had begun in Albany. Nevertheless,
he felt that he had no right absolutely to forbid the use of his name or to
CHARLES EVANS HUGHES 235
prevent those citizens who believed he ought to be nominated from con-
ducting a campaign in his behalf.
Accordingly, he permitted his name to be used. He declined, how-
ever, to work for his own nomination, and he never asked any one to
work for him or to support him. He did not aid the advocates of his
nomination by making any appointment or by any other official act that
might have increased his following. The only recognition that he gave his
own candidacy was to make two or three speeches in which he defined his
attitude upon the issues of the campaign. One of these speeches was made
before the Republican Club of New York City, which had passed resolu-
tions advocating his nomination, on January 31, 1908. Another was made
in Boston in March, 1908. He also made a Washington Birthday address
before the Union League Club in Chicago.
LETTER TO JAMES S. LEHMAIER
He defined his attitude toward his candidacy in a letter to James S.
Lehmaier, who notified him of the resolution adopted by the Republican
Club. In this letter he said :
"It is my desire that the sentiment of the party shall
have the freest expression, and that such action shall be taken
as will be for its best interests.
"I do not seek office nor shall I attempt to influence the
selection or vote of any delegate. The State administration
must continue to be impartial and must not be tributary to
any candidacy.
"I have no interest in any factional controversy, and
desire above all things that there shall be deliberation, honest
expression of the party will, and harmony of effort.
"I cannot fail to recognize the great honor which the
nomination would confer or the obligation of service which
it would impose. Nor should I care to be thought lacking in
appreciation of the confidence and esteem which prompt the
efforts of those who sincerely desire to bring it about. The
matter is one for the party to decide, and whatever its de-
cision, I shall be content."
In addition to the work of the Regular Republican organization in
many parts of the State, Mr. Hughes' friends formed the Hughes Alliance
to foster sentiment in his favor. Members of all political parties joined
the Alliance.
In the Chicago Convention of 1908, Mr. Hughes received 67 votes.
When it was seen that his nomination was exceedingly improbable, the
organization leaders asked him to withdraw his name, or to "release" the
delegates who had been instructed to vote for him, so that the State
might obtain the nomination for Vice-President. Mr. Hughes declined
236 BIOGRAPHY OF
to send any message to the National Convention, pointing out that he
could not "release" delegates who had been instructed to vote for him,
because the instructions had been given not by him but by the constitu-
ents of the delegates. Nor did he feel that he had any right to withdraw
his name having permitted its use. An effort was made to induce him to
accept the nomination for Vice-President, but he refused to consider the
suggestion. James S. Sherman was nominated for Vice-President.
At the request of William H. Taft, the nominee for President, Mr.
Hughes gladly took the stump in the national campaign. He delivered
his first speech at Youngstown, Ohio, riddling the programme advanced
by William J. Bryan, who was the Democratic candidate. Mr. Hughes
afterwards made a trip through the West, speaking for Mr. Taft.
Although some of the leaders of his own part}- in the State were
reluctant to nominate him for Governor, the managers of the national
campaign insisted that this must be done, so that the national ticket would
not be endangered, and he was nominated to succeed himself. To a
considerable extent, he disregarded his own campaign, devoting a large
part of his time to speaking for the Republican national ticket. Because
of certain hostilities that he had created during his first term, he ran
behind the other candidates on the Republican ticket, but he received
804,651 votes against 735,189 cast for Lieutenant Governor Lewis Stuy-
vesant Chanler, the candidate of the Democratic part, making his plurality
69,462, an increase over that in his first election.
PRESIDENT SCHURMAN'S ESTIMATE
President Jacob Gould Schurman of Cornell University, who came to
know Governor Hughes well during the two years that he taught law in
Cornell, gave his impressions of Mr. Hughes' personality and character in
an introductory chapter for a volume of "Addresses and Papers of Charles
Evans Hughes," published in 1908 by G. P. Putnam and Sons. The fol-
lowing extracts are made from what President Schurman wrote :
"I may here record some of the impressions made by Mr.
Hughes on those who knew him at Cornell University and
have since known him as a lawyer in New York City. In his
physical build he was about six feet in height, slender rather
than stout, but sturdy, tough and wiry. Then, as now and
always, he was a most indef agitable worker; in this respect
indeed he excels any man I have ever known. His mental
outfit is not less remarkable. To understand things is a
necessity of his nature. Like Lord Bacon he must have the
'dry light' of reason on whatever he deals with the truth, the
whole truth, and nothing but the truth, unaffected by any dis-
torting or discoloring rays of passion, prejudice, or emotion.
He possesses a powerful intellect, which is at once acute in
CHARLES EVANS HUGHES 23?
action and comprehensive in range. Analysis is the mark of
a great lawyer, and Mr. Hughes has this faculty in its highest
potency. Not less admirable is his ability to grasp quickly
a complicated mass of facts and arrange them in logical order.
I have seen him work himself into new questions, feel his way
to the heart of them, then gradually marshal the facts with
reference to some fundamental principle or some significant
circumstance until the whole situation became luminous even
to the mind of a layman ; and all this time the speaker talked
literally 'like a book,' and what he said might have been printed
almost without change in a treatise on law or a commentary on
cases. But this gift of intellectual divination and synthesis
marks the creative mind. Air. Hughes is not only analytic and
critical but creative and constructive. His friends, his as-
sociates at the bar, and the judges of the courts have long
admired this remarkable combination of gifts. And the
general public have become aware of them also since Mr.
Hughes followed up his wonderful gas and insurance in-
vestigations with drafting remedial legislation, and especially
since as Governor he framed his Public Utilities Bill as a so-
lution of the gravest question of public policy now before
our people.
"Quite as remarkable as his intellectual gifts is his
sense of justice and fair play. This was impressively rec-
ognized the other day by Mr. Ahearn when, at the close of
his examination, he said that, whatever the finding of the
Governor, he desired to thank him for the courtesy and fair-
ness of the examination. Similarly, Mr. Hughes' fearlessness
and independence have for many years been well understood
by those who know him. And his firm attitude toward hostile
politicians and legislators since he became Governor has given
open proof of these characteristics to the public. Indeed, the
moral attributes of the man are quite on a par with his intel-
lect, powerful and capacious as that is, even if they do not
surpass integrity of character and fidelity to duty. It is no
accident, but the deepest instinct and conviction of his nature,
that has made him the exponent and champion of the sacred-
ness of fiduciary obligations alike in business and in politics.
His own personal life is built on that foundation and his
own professional practice as a lawyer has been regulated by
that principle. It meant fidelity to all his clients, but subservi-
ency to none. He never accepted general retainers involving
his commitment to any and every kind of service. Both his
integrity and his sense of independence forbade truckling to
any client and condoning dubious or crooked ways.
238 BIOGRAPHY OF
"I have said that Mr. Hughes is a marvellous worker;
he also becomes absorbed in his work so that for the time
being nothing outside the range of his duties can greatly
interest much less excite him. It is not merely power of
voluntary concentration, but involuntary absorption in the
object of his activity. His work literally takes possession
of him and has at command the best that is in him. It is con-
sequently impossible for him to do anything he undertakes in
a half-hearted or slipshod manner. Whether teaching law,
defending a client, or administering the affairs of the State
of New York, he gives himself to the duty in hand with such
whole-souled earnestness and devotion that no energy or
interest is left for outside matters which do not concern him.
And this circumstance, along with a large natural endowment
of common sense and excellent practical judgment will ex-
plain why his course as a public servant has been so sure-
footed and unerring. Few men have entered on public office
surrounded by so many dangerous pitfalls; I recall no man
who has made fewer mistakes. In view of it all one might say
that he is not only safe and sane, but almost infallibly sa-
gacious. * * *
"In the Latin language ambition meant a candidate's going
about to solicit office. Of such a quality Mr. Hughes is abso-
lutely devoid. It is one thing to fill an office and another
thing to get an office. To get an office has never been Mr.
Hughes' aim or desire. His opportunities of public service
have come to him unsought. It is not that he regards himself
as superior to other men or that he does not value the good
opinion of his fellow citizens. He does appreciate the con-
fidence and esteem of his fellows. But if they want him for
public service he feels that the call should come from them ;
and if they do not want him he does not desire the office ; so
that in any event there is absolutely nothing for him to
do. * * *
"As he would have nothing to do with getting the nomina-
tion, as the coming of the nomination to him was no concern
of his, so there remained open to him only one way of show-
ing his appreciation of the confidence which had been
vouchsafed to him by the people of the State, namely, by dis-
charging the high duties to which they had called him with all
the ability, wisdom and virtue he could command. To thank
any person, or persons, for the nomination would have been
tantamount to the confession that these persons had done him
a favor. But from Mr. Hughes' way of looking at a nomina-
tion as a call of the people to serve them, with which he had
CHARLES EVANS HUGHES 239
no concern, it will be obvious that such a procedure would
have been a stultifying of himself. On the other hand, inclina-
tion, duty, pride, and self-respect all conspire to move him to
make a record as Qiief Executive which shall amply justify
the wisdom of the convention and the confidence of the
people. * * *
THE PUBLIC SERVICE COMMISSIONS LAW
The chief legislation of Governor Hughes' first year in the Execu-
tive Chamber was the Public Service Commissions Law. The manage-
ment and control of the public service corporations, and especially of the
street railways, had been a leading issue of the State campaign. The great
surface railway system of New York City had just fallen to pieces and
gone into the hands of receivers. Attempts to remedy admitted evils
through the passage of separate bills caused the introduction in the
Legislature of 1906, of 173 bills dealing with railroad matters, fourteen
with electricity, and twenty-two with gas.
Mr. Hughes, after his election and before his inauguration, drew the
Public Service Commission Bill. He strongly recommended the measure
in his first annual message to the Legislature and the bill which he had
defined was introduced on the heels of his message.
An outcry was immediately raised by the public service corporations
and their attorneys throughout the State. They declared that the measure
would take the management of all public service corporations out of the
hands of their stockholders and place it in the hands of State officials who
were far less competent to manage such properties. Governor Hughes,
while the bill was pending, made several addresses in its support. These
were carefully reasoned statements which had great effect upon public
opinion. In one of these, at Elmira, he uttered a sentence which was often
repeated during the campaign for the bill:
"I am here retained by the people of the State of New
York, to see that justice is done, and with no disposition to
injure any investment, but with every desire to give the fullest
opportunity to enterprise, and with every purpose to shield and
protect every just property interest. I stand for the people
of the State of New York against extortion, against favorit-
ism, against financial scandal and against everything that goes
to corrupt our politics by interference with the freedom of
our Legislature and administration. I stand for honest gov-
ernment and effective regulation by the State of public service
corporations."
After the bill went through the Legislature as provided by the Con-
stitution, it was submitted to the Mayor of New York City, and it was
240 BIOGRAPHY OF
vetoed by Mayor McClellan. The Legislature passed it over his veto and
it became a law just as it had been drafted by the Governor.
This law remains on the statute books practically in its original form.
It was one of the first of the efficient and workable State laws for the
control of public service corporations, and it has served as a model for
similar laws in many States. It is not too much to say that the passage
of the Governor's Public Utilities law put an end to the mismanagement,
wildcat financing and poor service of public service corporations. The cor-
porations themselves, which had sincerely dreaded the application of the
law and had fought it by every means in their power, soon found that it
protected them as well as the public and ceased to inveigh against it.
New York had a Railroad Commission, a Rapid Transit Commission
and a State Commission of Gas and Electricity before this law was en-
acted ; but these officials were compelled to work under statutes which gave
them no real authority over the corporations which they were expected
to supervise. Disobedience to their orders involved no penalties, and the
corporations might freely appeal to the courts to relieve them of any ob-
ligation that they might feel bound to obey. In his first message to the
Legislature, in advocating the passage of his bill, Governor Hughes
enumerated the evils which then existed. He said :
"Pernicious favoritism has been practised. Secret rebates
have been allowed, and there have been unjust discriminations
in rates, and in furnishing facilities for transportation. Those
who have sought to monopolize trade have thus been enabled
to crush competition and to grow in wealth and power by
crowding out their rivals who have been deprived of access
to market upon equal terms. These Abuses are not to be
tolerated."
The Public Utilities Bill framed by the Governor abolished the Board
of Railroad Commissioners, the Rapid Transit Commission and the office
of Commissioner of Gas and Electricity and created two State Commis-
sions, the jurisdiction of one of which covered the City of New York,
where subway construction was being planned, while the jurisdiction to
the other extended throughout the rest of the State. These two Com-
missions, by the terms of the bill, had authority over all public service cor-
porations with the exception of telephone and telegraph companies. This
authority extended to the regulation of service, rates, and the issue of se-
curities. The abuses which had been prevalent were prohibited under
severe penalties, the companies were made liable, free passes were forbid-
den, stock- watering was prevented and the appeal to the courts was taken
away.
When the new law was safely on the statute books, Governor Hughes,
in 1908, recommended that the telephone and telegraph companies be
brought under the authority of the Public Service Commissions and this
was accomplished in 1910.
CHARLES EVANS HUGHES 241
The Public Service Commissions Law, which the State of New York
owes to Governor Hughes, is looked upon as one of the most successful
pieces of constructive State legislation ever enacted in this country.
THE TWO-CENT FARE VETO
Governor Hughes' veto of the Two-Cent Fare Bill on June n, 1907,
during his first year in office, attracted attention throughout the country.
Similar statutes had been passed in many States in response to an agitation
to reduce passenger fares upon railroads to the uniform rate of two cents
a mile. There was supposed to be a strong public opinion behind this agi-
tation. Governor Hughes was the first Governor to veto one of these bills.
The bill presented to the Governor provided for a maximum passenger
fare of two cents a mile upon railroads more than 150 miles long. Gover-
nor Hughes pointed out that the bill had not been preceded by any investi-
gation or suitable inquiry and that the rate of two cents a mile was not
based upon official reports or statistics which demonstrated its justice.
The memorandum filed with the veto continued:
"The bill represents a policy seriously mistaken and preg-
nant with disaster. It is of the utmost importance that the
management of our railroad corporations should be subject to
strict supervision by the State and that regulations compelling
the observance of the law and proper and adequate service
should be rigidly enforced. It is the duty of these corpora-
tions to provide transportation of passengers and goods at
reasonable rates, and the State should compel the performance
of this obligation.
"But injustice on the part of railroad corporations toward
the public does not justify injustice on the part of the State
toward the railroad corporation. The action of government
should be fair and impartial, and upon this every citizen, what-
ever his interest, is entitled to insist. We shall make matters
not better but worse if to cure one wrong we establish another.
The fact that those in control of railroad corporations have
been guilty of grossly improper financiering and of illegal and
injurious discriminations in charges points clearly to the neces-
sity of effective State action, but does not require or warrant
arbitrary reprisals. In dealing with these questions democ-
racy must demonstrate its capacity to act upon deliberation and
to deal justly.
"It is of the greatest importance not only that railroad
corporations should be compelled to respect their public obli-
gations, but also that they should be permitted to operate
under conditions which will give a fair return for their service.
242 BIOGRAPHY OF
Upon this depends not simply the security of investors, but
the security of their employees and the protection of every
form of industry and commerce through the maintenance and
extension of necessary transportation facilities. Nothing
could be more opposed to the interests of the community as
a whole than to cripple transportation corporations by arbi-
trary reduction of earnings. It may be said that a two-cent
passenger rate is not so extreme as to have a very injurious
result. But this is a debatable question. Large and prosper-
ous suburban communities have been built up through the
offer of commutation rates much less than the proposed maxi-
mum. Upon the maintenance of these rates many thousands
of our citizens rely. Considerable differences exist between
the railroad corporations with respect to the territory they
serve and the cost of service, and it is manifest that what
would be fair for one might be far from fair for another. An
arbitrary dislocation of tariffs by the fiat of the Legislature
without investigation is a matter of serious concern. The
best that could be said for such legislation would be that it
should be regarded as an isolated case and not as a precedent.
For if flat freight rates, either for all commodities or for
different kinds of commodities, were similarly to be fixed by
the Legislature without investigation or proper ascertainment
of their justice, our railroad business and our industrial and
commercial interests would be thrown into confusion.
"I do not mean to be understood as saying that a maxi-
mum two-cent passenger rate would be unreasonably low. It
might be high enough in many cases. Possibly it would be
high enough in many cases. I fully appreciate the fact that
those who have promoted this bill believe that such a rate
would be fair. But I deem it most important that the policy
of dealing with matters of this sort arbitrarily, by legislative
rule of general application without reference to the demands
of justice in particular cases, should be condemned. Every
workingman, every tradesman, and every citizen believing
himself to have aught at stake in the prosperity of the country
should determinedly oppose it. For it not only threatens the
stability of business enterprise which make's our prosperity
possible, but it substitutes unreason for sound judgment, the
ill-considered demands of resentment for the spirit of fair
play, and makes impossible patient and honorable effort to
correct abuses."
Governor Hughes called attention to the fact that there was a better
way of dealing with the question through the Public Service Commis-
sions, which had just been established He said that the Commissions
CHARLES EVANS HUGHES 243
were able to investigate, to obtain expert assistance and to deal sum-
marily with the question through orders. If the Commissions should find
a passenger rate of two cents a mile to be just and reasonable, they could
order it into effect.
THE FULL CREW BILL VETO
During his first year as Governor, on June 15, 1907, Governor Hughes
vetoed a bill providing for additional brakemen on freight trains, known
as the "Full-Crew Bill." This measure was urged by labor organizations
and had attracted a good deal of attention at the time of its passage. It
provided that railroads in the State which ran more than four freight
trains in twenty-four hours must have a "full crew" of six persons, in-
cluding one engineer, one fireman, one conductor and three brakemen on
every train of twenty cars. The practice of the railroads was to give
two brakemen only to such trains.
The Governor pointed out the fact that the bill made no account of dif-
ference between the different roads and that its advocates admitted that
the employment of a third brakeman on the New York Central Railroad,
for instance, was unnecessary, and that the bill would entail an enormous
outlay for which there was no need. "The bill does not refer its re-
quirements to any proper standard of necessity or provide any criterion
by which its proper application under varying conditions is to be deter-
mined," Governor Hughes said. "It contains an absolute requirement
which, upon the facts conceded before me, cannot be justified." Governor
Hughes pointed out that whenever there was inadequate train service
complaint could be made to the Public Service Commissions.
THE FEDERAL INCOME TAX
Governor Hughes in a special message to the Legislature on January
5, 1910, opposed the ratification of the Income Tax amendment to the
Federal Constitution.
The Governor was required by law to transmit to the Legislature a
certified copy of the resolution adopted by Congress containing the
amendment and he made this the occasion of his message.
The amendment reads as follows :
"Article XVI. The Congress shall have power to lay
and collect taxes on incomes, from whatever source derived,
without apportionment among the several States, and without
regard to any census or enumeration."
Congress exercised the power to tax incomes, without apportionment
among the States, until 1895 when the United States Supreme Court de-
cided that taxes on the rents or income of real estate, and taxes on per-
sonal property, or on the income of personal property, were direct taxes
244 BIOGRAPHY OF
and, therefore, under the Constitution, must be apportioned among the
several States according to their respective populations.
Governor Hughes declared himself to be in favor of a Federal In-
come Tax, but he objected to the words "from whatever source derived,"
which were contained in the proposed amendment. He pointed out that
this was a broad grant of power which might be construed as subjecting
to Federal taxation incomes derived from the bonds of States and their
municipal corporations. It was said that to place the borrowing capacity
of the State and its governmental agencies at the mercy of the Federal
taxing power would be an impairment of the essential rights of the State.
To the argument that the broad words of the amendment would be limited
by construction, it was answered that there could be no satisfactory as-
surance of this.
In his message to the Legislature, Governor Hughes said :
"I am in favor of conferring upon the Federal govern-
ment the power to lay and collect an income tax without ap-
portionment among the States according to population. I be-
lieve that this power should be held by the Federal government
so as properly to equip it with the means of meeting na-
tional exigencies.
"But the power to tax incomes should not be granted
in such terms as to subject to Federal taxation the incomes
derived from bonds issued by the State itself, or those issued
by municipal governments organized under the State's au-
thority. To place the borrowing capacity of the State and of
its governmental agencies at the mercy of the Federal tax-
ing power would be an impairment of the essential rights of
the State which, as its officers, we are bound to defend.
"You are called upon to deal with a specific proposal to
amend the Constitution, and your action must necessarily be
determined not by a general consideration of the propriety
of a just Federal income tax, or of giving to the Federal
government the power to lay such a tax, but whether or not
the particular proposal is of such a character as to warrant
your assent.
"This proposal is that the Federal government shall have
the power to lay and collect taxes on incomes 'from whatever
source derived.'
"It is to be borne in mind that this is not a mere statute
to be construed in the light of constitutional restrictions, ex-
press or implied, but a proposed amendment to the Constitu-
tion itself which, if ratified, will be in effect a grant to the
Federal government of the power which it defines.
"The comprehensive words, 'from whatever source de-
rived,' if taken in their natural sense, would include not only
CHARLES EVANS HUGHES 245
incomes from ordinary real or personal property, but also
incomes derived from State and municipal securities.
"It may be urged that the amendment would be limited by
construction. But there can be no satisfactory assurance of
this. The words in terms are all-inclusive. An amendment
to the Constitution of the United States is the most im-
portant of political acts, and there should be no amendment
expressed- in such terms as to afford the opportunity for
Federal action in violation of the fundamental conditions
of State authority.
"I am not now referring to the advantage which the
States might derive from the exclusive power to tax incomes
from property, or to the argument that for this reason the
power to tax such incomes should be withheld from the Fed-
eral government. To that argument I do not assent.
"I am referring to a proposal to authorize a tax which
might be laid in fact upon the instrumentalities of State gov-
ernment. In order that a market may be provided for State
bonds, and for municipal bonds, and that thus means may be
accorded for State and local administration, such securities
from time to time are excepted from taxation. In this way
lower rates of interest are paid than otherwise would be pos-
sible. To permit such securities to be the subject of Federal
taxation is to place such limitations upon the borrowing power
of the State as to make the performance of the functions of
local government a matter of Federal grace."
In concluding his message, Governor Hughes said :
"We cannot suppose that Congress will not seek to tax
incomes derived from securities issued by the State and its
municipalities. It has repeatedly endeavored to lay such
taxes and its efforts have been defeated only by implied con-
stitutional restriction which this amendment threatens to
destroy. While we may desire that the Federal government
may be equipped with all necessary powers in order that it
may perform the natural function, we must be equally solici-
tous to secure the essential bases of State Government.
"I therefore deem it my duty, as Governor of the State,
to recommend that this proposed amendment should not be
ratified.
The Legislature adopted Governor Hughes' view of the danger ot
the amendment and its ratification was defeated in 1910.
PRIMARY LAW REFORM
Throughout his three and a half years as Governor of the State of
New York, Mr. Hughes fought for the reform of the primary election
246 BIOGRAPHY OF
machinery. New York had fallen far behind other States in its primary
laws. The State had no direct primary law in the modern sense of the
term. This condition, Mr. Hughes believed, favored boss rule and the
nomination of unfit candidates for office. It was not an uncommon thing
in the State for delegates who had been honestly chosen to be unseated
and excluded from nominating conventions because they refused to carry
out the programme that had been laid out by a group of leaders or even a
single leader for the convention to ratify. A flagrant instance of such
arbitrary exclusion had been offered in the Democratic Convention which
was held in Buffalo, in 1906, for the nomination of Mr. Hughes' opponent
in his first campaign for Governor.
In his first and second messages to the Legislature, Governor Hughes
recommended the enactment of a direct primary law in permissive form,
so that any County organization might make use of it if it chose to do so.
After his re-election, in his annual message of 1909, Governor Hughes
asked the Legislature to pass a mandatory direct nominations law. The
chief points which he believed such a law should contain were set forth
in his message as follows :
"I therefore recommend a system of direct nominations
by all parties for all elective offices, other than those of
presidential electors, filled at the November election or at
special elections called to fill vacancies in such offices. Here-
tofore I have suggested that it be made permissive, because it
was believed that such a provision would rapidly lead to its
general extension. But the objections urged to this course and
the strength which the movement for direct nominations has
gathered have produced the conviction that we should decide
upon a policy binding upon all parties. In this State the way
has been prepared for this course by the method of party en-
rollment now in use in portions of the State and by our fa-
miliarity with provisions designed to prevent corrupt prac-
tices and frauds at elections. While I do not desire unduly to
elaborate detail, I further recommend:
"(i) That provision be made for the enrollment of party
voters throughout the State, and that participation in pri-
mary elections be limited to the enrolled party voters, with
stringent measures to prevent fraud. The enrollment may be
made in substantially the same manner as is provided for
with regard to registration.
"(2) That the expense of holding primary elections in-
cluding the printing of official ballots, provision of polling
places and the like, be borne by the public.
"(3) That the Corrupt Practices act be extended so as to
prescribe the expenses which may lawfully be incurred in con-
CHARLES EVANS HUGHES 247
nection with candidacies for nomination and to ensure the
publicity of all expenses.
"(4) That the amount which may be expended by candi-
dates for nomination be limited.
"(5) That generally, with such changes as may be neces-
sary for adaptation, the safeguards of the law governing gen-
eral elections be extended to primary elections.
"\Ye may thus, in perfecting the plan, avoid such mistakes
as may have been made in other States while securing the
benefits of a system which by virtue of its appeal to the senti-
ment of liberty has rapidly won its way in the favor of the
people throughout the country."
In order to carry out his ideas he drew a primary election bill which
became known as the Hinman-Green bill and which created an entirely
original form of machinery which many experienced political leaders be-
lieved would prove effective in practice. It provided for the enrollment
of the party voters, an official primary ballot, separate primary elections
for the choice of State Committees, containing one Committeeman from
each of the 150 Assembly districts in the State, and for meetings of the
State Committees to suggest the names of candidates for nominations, to
be voted for on primary day. It provided for the designation of rival
candidates by petition, and it threw around the voting on primary day,
for the first time, practically all the safeguards adopted to prevent ballot
frauds on election day.
This bill was defeated in 1909, and again in 1910. In an extraordinary
session called by the Governor in 1910 to reconsider the question, another
bill, known as the Cobb bill, was introduced. This bill was called a
"compromise bill" from the fact that it made certain concessions to some
of the opponents of the Hinman-Green bill.
Colonel Roosevelt returned from his trip to Africa while the Cobb
bill was pending in Albany and went to Cambridge to attend the com-
mencement exercises at Harvard University. Both sides in the primary
bill controversy appealed to him. Governor Hughes was about to re-
ceive a degree from Harvard University and he met Colonel Roosevelt at
Cambridge. He asked Colonel Roosevelt to throw his influence in favor
of the bill and this Colonel Roosevelt did in a telegram addressed to
Lloyd C. Griscom, Chairman of the Republican County Committee of
New York County, which he sent from Cambridge on June 29, 1910, as
follows :
"It seems to me that the Cobb bill with the amendments
proposed by you meets the needs of the situation. I believe
the people demand it. I most earnestly hope that it may be
enacted into law."
President Taft also sent a telegram favoring the Cobb bill. Despite
these appeals the bill was beaten in both houses of the Legislature, the
24:8 BIOGRAPHY OF
vote in the Assembly being sixty-three ayes to eighty noes seventy-six
being the vote required for passage and in the Senate, nineteen ayes to
twenty-five noes, twenty-six affirmative votes being necessary for passage.
The contest waged by Governor Hughes for direct nominations started
an agitation which led to the passage of the present Direct Primary Law.
This law does not in the least resemble the plan proposed by the Governor
in the Hinman-Green bill and it has failed to give the party voters the
control which Mr. Hughes believed to be essential. Many persons think
that, while bowing to the popular demand, the Democratic Legislature
which passed the law purposely made it as ineffective as possible so that
the direct nominations idea might be discredited.
During this contest to change the primary election machinery, the cry
was raised that he was seeking to destroy party organization and that he
was "an anti-organization man."
This criticism, however, was a part of the opposition campaign. Gov-
ernor Hughes then, as always, recognized the necessity for party organi-
zation and its desirability. He insisted that his only endeavor was to
make the party organization stronger and more effective than it had ever
been before by giving the party voters themselves a voice in its manage-
ment. He made this clear in his message to the Legislature.
Frederick M. Davenport, the Progressive candidate for Governor in
New York State in 1914, recently made a tour through the West for the
purpose of noting the effect of radical legislation there. The results of
his observations were published in the Outlook. The issue of that publi-
cation for July 12, 1915, contains comments upon several new laws, includ-
ing the Direct Primary. In that article, Mr. Davenport said:
"The preliminary 'unofficial' conferences which are now
held under the Direct Primary from New York to the Pacific
Coast by all parties are the direct descendants of the garret
and subterranean gatherings of both the earlier and the later
periods of popular government in America. And the instinct
cannot be stifled. It should rather be legalized and made
responsible and open; otherwise a secret cabal, whether be-
nevolent or malevolent, is sure to flourish and be a continuing
source of irritation in a democracy. Governor Hughes met
this problem squarely while he was the Executive in New
York. He proposed, as an essential part of the democracy
of his Direct Primary plan, that representative State leaders,
freely chosen by voters in the local assembly districts, and
without power legally to perpetuate themselves, should in the
most open manner and with the most careful legal restrictions,
make the initial suggestions of State candidates for office. But
the final determination upon these suggestions and upon all
other suggestions which might likewise be freely made by
petition, should lie within the whole body of enrolled voters
CHARLES EVANS HUGHES 249
in each party on Primary day, with this open and responsible
and legalized leadership at the top, through a popularly elected
committee or a popularly elected State committee, and with
the town meeting re-established everywhere at the bottom,
the Direct Primary would fulfill the needs of both repre-
sentative and direct democracy far better than it does at
present. The Direct Primary at present drives leadership to
cover and makes no place for those splendid mass gatherings
and discussions in the small units of the Nation which
formerly cleared the air and informed and trained the elect-
orate, not only in New England, but 'in many other parts of
the country."
REFORM OF THE ELECTION LAWS
Governor Hughes throughout his two terms urged reform in the
election laws of the State and particularly a simplified form of ballot under
which the names of candidates for each office should appear but once,
grouped under the name of that office. This form is generally known as
the "Massachusetts ballot."
The contest which was waged when David B. Hill was Governor of
the State in 1889-90 had resulted in a ballot containing party columns,
with emblems which enabled the most ignorant and careless of voters to
vote the straight party ticket by making a single cross-mark at the head
of the party column. There was no limitation as to the number of times
the name of the candidate nominated by several party organizations might
appear on the ballot. While this form of ballot made it easy for the
voter who desired to vote for his party rather than candidates, it practi-
cally disfranchised the voter who desired to vote for candidates rather
than for a party.
In his first message to the Legislature, in 1007, Mr. Hughes said :
"It is not impossible to have a simple form of ballot which
will put parties, candidates and voters respectively on an en-
tirely equal footing. I believe that the best form of ballot is
that in which the names of the candidates for the respective
offices appear but once grouped under the names of the of-
fices. I recommend that such a ballot, with appropriate desig-
nation of party, opposite the candidate's name, should be
adopted. The fact that we are accustomed to another form
of ballot in New York has given rise to objections which ex-
perience in other States has shown to be without weight."
Although Governor Hughes renewed this recommendation each year,
it was not until after he had left the office of Governor that it was
finally adopted. The ballot which he proposed is now the official ballot
of the State.
Campaign contributions from corporations were forbidden by a law
250 BIOGRAPHY OF
resulting from the insurance investigations. This made an enormous dif-
ference in elections, greatly reducing the amount of money spent.
The Corrupt Practices Law was strengthened in several important
particulars during Mr. Hughes' term at his insistence. In his first
message to the Legislature he said :
"The laws relating to Corrupt Practices should be rein-
forced by amendment as experience reveals defects. There is
no better way of putting an end to bribery and corruption
than by compelling full publicity as to campaign expenditures,
and this was the intent of the legislation of last year."
Governor Hughes also recommended that the amount a candidate
might spend to procure his election should be limited. Other recommenda-
tions proposed limitation of the number of poll-workers who might be
employed, and provision for the better identification of voters wherever
fraudulent practices existed.
LABOR LEGISLATION
Many labor laws were enacted during Governor Hughes' admin-
istration.
The Labor Department was made more effective by provisions for
additional inspectors. The Bureau of Mercantile Inspection was created
and the inspection of mercantile establishments was taken from the health
officers of cities of the first class and given to the Department of Labor.
The Child Labor Law was made more stringent. Proper ventilation
and suitable washrooms in factories were provided for. Protection was
given to tunnel workers.
The limitation of hours of labor of employees on street surface rail-
roads was extended to cities of the second class.
The employment of railroad employees, except in specified cases of
accident or unexpected delay, for more than sixteen consecutive hours was
prohibited.
An eight-hour day for railroad telephone and telegraph operators was
provided.
The payment of wages semi-monthly to employees of steam surface
railroads was provided for
Ice-harvesting companies were required to pay wages in cash.
These are samples of the labor legislation which distinguished Gov-
ernor Hughes' term of office.
The most important labor enactment for which he was responsible,
however, was the Employers' Liability and Workmen's Compensation Law.
In order to open the way for the passage of this law, the Governor brought
about the appointment of a Commission, of which Senator J. M. Wain-
wright of Westchester County was Chairman. This Commission made
a thorough study of the laws of other States and countries and their
CHARLES EVANS HUGHES 251
operation. As a result, the first Workmen's Compensation Law in the
State of New York was enacted in 1910, in accordance with the Governor's
recommendations.
This law was afterwards declared unconstitutional by the Court of
Appeals and it was necessary to amend the Constitution in order to make
effective legislation of this character.
The verdict of labor upon Mr. Hughes' administration was given,
after he had resigned the office of Governor, in an editorial in the
Legislative News, the organ of the New York State Federation of Labor :
"HE WAS A GREAT GOVERNOR
"Now that Governor Hughes has retired from politics and
ascended to a place on the highest judicial tribunal in the
world, the fact can be acknowledged without hurting anybody's
political corns, that he was the greatest friend of labor laws
that ever occupied the Governor's chair at Albany. During his
two terms he has signed 56 labor laws, including among them
the best labor laws ever enacted in this or any other State.
He also urged the enactment of labor laws in his messages to
the Legislature, even going so far as to place the demand for
a labor law in one of his messages to an extra session of the
Legislature.
"Only 162 Labor Laws have been enacted in this State
since its creation in 1777 in 133 years. One-third of these,
exceeding in quality all of the others, have been enacted and
signed during Governor Hughes' term of three years and nine
months.
"With such a record of approval and suggestion of pro-
gressive legislation in the interest of humanity to his credit,
it is easy to believe that human rights will have a steadfast
and sympathetic upholder in the new Justice of the Supreme
Court of the United States."
RACE TRACK GAMBLING AND THE CONSTITUTION
The Constitutional Convention of 1894 proposed an amendment to the
State Constitution to prohibit pool-selling and book-making on race
tracks. The prohibition was contained in Section 9 of Article I of the
Constitution in the following language :
"nor shall any lottery or the sale of lottery tickets, pool-selling,
book-making, or any other kind of gambling hereafter be au-
thorized or allowed within this State ; and the Legislature shall
pass appropriate laws to prevent offenses against any of the
provisions of this section."
This provision was adopted as a part of the revised Constitution in
1895. The Legislature passed a law making pool-selling or book-making
252 BIOGRAPHY OF
a felony excepting where an exclusive penalty was otherwise provided. It
then passed the Percy-Gray Law, which provided that the exclusive penalty
for pool-selling or book-making on authorized race tracks, provided no
memorandum or token of the bet was delivered, should be forfeiture of
the amount wagered, to be recovered in a civil action.
Under this disingenous law, conditions at the race tracks operated in
the State had gone from bad to worse. Gambling was carried on
openly and on a tremendous scale in the betting rings which were con-
ducted with no pretense of concealment and, in fact, under the protection
of the authorities. In his judgment these demoralizing conditions en-
couraged thefts and defalcations, ruined many business men, and fostered
vice and crime.
Governor Hughes in his annual message of 1908 pointed out to the
Legislature the conflict between the plain mandate of the Constitution and
the Percy-Gray Law under which book-making and pool-selling were per-
mitted to flourish, and he asked the Legislature to repeal the Percy-Gray
Law. This recommendation led to a bitter struggle. Vast interests and
enormous profits were at stake. The racing men succeeded in enlisting
the support of many influential members of the Legislature of both politi-
cal parties and the Governor was compelled to take his case to the people
of the State.
In his last message, sent to the special session of the Legislature, Gov-
ernor Hughes said :
"Nor can the question be finally disposed of save by
vindicating the honor of the State and by demonstrating that
there is no power, however strong or unscrupulous, which can
be permitted to override the will of the people as expressed in
the fundamental law."
The Governor's racing bills passed the Assembly and as the time
drew near for a final vote on them in the Senate, the racing men exerted
all the pressure they could command. The bills were finally lost in the
regular session by a tie vote; but a vacancy existed in the Forty-seventh
Senate district in the western part of the State. Governor Hughes called
a special election in that district on May 12. The campaign turned upon
the race track bills. The Governor stumped the district in support of
them and a Senator was elected who favored their passage. The Gover-
nor then called a special session of the Legislature to meet on June 12.
The bills -were finally passed by one vote.
Much bitterness was engendered by this contest and for several years
racing was suspended. The race-track men, and with them many friends
of sport in general who had been induced to believe that the Governor
was opposed to horse racing and to all sports, did their best to defeat him
when he ran for re-election. This feeling has now utterly disappeared.
CHARLES EVANS HUGHES 253
The opinion of racing men is shown by the following extract from the
Rider and Driver, the organ of horse breeders, for July, 1916 :
"The nomination of Justice Charles E. Hughes for the
Presidency has brought many inquiries from our readers as to
the probable attitude of horsemen for or against his election.
Naturally, the question is based upon his activities in regard
to the so-called anti-racing, but really anti-gambling legis-
lation in New York State when he was Governor. On first
thought, the impression was that his record would militate
against him, but on mature reflection we feel that time has
healed much of the bitterness of that struggle and that the
improved conditions of racing would seem to justify his course,
which was undoubtedly based upon a high moral sense of
righteousness. In looking back, now, one readily sees that
the Governor was the inflexible agent of a State-wide senti-
ment to put down a condition that had fastened itself upon
the splendid sport of racing, which, although drastic, has
undoubtedly proven to be, like the eradication of slavery and
other evils, for the best good not only of the people at
large, but for horse lovers and racing interests in particular."
CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES
The conservation of natural resources was being much discussed
when Mr. Hughes was elected Governor. New York State had no laws
for the protection of public property of this class. At Niagara Falls it
had given away in perpetuity the most valuable rights in the world and
electric power companies were eagerly seeking new water powers.
To the preservation of these water powers as a part of the public
property, as well as to the preservation and extension of the State's forest
preserves, Mr. Hughes gave much attention.
It had been the custom when grants of water power rights belonging
to the State were made, to require no payment in return, or at best only
a nominal one. The Governor insisted that the State should obtain
suitable compensation for the use of its water powers. In accordance
with his usual custom of ascertaining the facts before attempting to
legislate, he recommended that the State Water Supply Commission
make an investigation of available water powers in the State and report
to the Legislature.
The investigation was completed and the report was made in 1910.
The Governor commended it to the careful consideration of the Legis-
lature and made the following recommendations :
"The investigation has proceeded far enough to raise the
question as to the action which should be taken by the State,
254 BIOGRAPHY OF
and I commend this subject to your most careful consideration.
The following principles should, I believe, be accepted :
"(i) That the flow of water in our rivers should be
regulated and our water powers developed to the fullest
extent that may be practicable.
"This is essential to prevent unnecessary damage from
floods and to ensure our industrial progress and the future
prosperity of our people.
"(2) That with respect to streams having their head-
waters within the boundaries of the forest parks, all plans
of regulation or power development should be executed only
by the State, and all reservoirs and their appurtenances and
the impounded waters should be the property of the State
and under exclusive State control, and not be permitted to
pass into private hands.
"Any such plan should embrace all necessary safeguards
to ensure the proper protection of the forests.
"(3) That with respect to any other streams flowing
through any other public park or reservation of the State,
such plans should likewise be executed by the State and it
should retain exclusive ownership and control in order ade-
quately to safeguard the State's interests.
"(4) That further, as it is of great public importance
that the water powers of the State should be developed in a
comprehensive manner and that these natural sources of
industrial energy should not become the subject of an
injurious private control, such development should be under-
taken by the State whenever such action appears to be
feasible and for the general interest.
"(5) That in any case of State development of water
power provision should be made for the granting of such
rights as may be proper, to use the power so developed upon
equitable terms and conditions.
"(6) That the State should not undertake any plan of
regulation or water-power development save upon a basis
which would make its investment a fair and reasonable one
from the public standpoint by virtue of practicable measures
CHARLES EVANS HUGHES 255
for ensuring such a return upon the State's outlay as would
be equitable in the particular circumstances.
"(7) That any amendment of the Constitution at this
time for the purpose of permitting any portion of the forest
preserve to be used for any such purpose should, by its
terms, or by appropriate reference, suitably define the property
within the preserve which is to be used and the manner of
its use. No amendment and no plan of development should
meet with any favor which, after the most rigid scrutiny, does
not afford absolute assurance that in no way will the public
interest in the forests be parted with or jeopardized."
The Legislature passed a bill providing for the development of
water powers; but it failed to comply with the Governor's recommenda-
tions and the result was so unsatisfactory that he vetoed it.
THE STATE PARK SYSTEM
The Governor took great interest throughout his term in the exten-
sion of the State park system. In his first year, the Hon. William Pryor
Letchworth conveyed to the State a tract of 1,000 acres of land in
Wyoming County, including the Genesee Falls, one of the most beautiful
waterfalls in the State. Threats had been made to appropriate these falls
for the purpose of water power development, and Mr. Letchworth pre-
vented this by his gift, which the State accepted upon the Governor's
recommendation.
Another large extension of the State park system was the gift of
10,000 acres of land in Orange and Rockland Counties, together with
$1,000,000, which was made by Mrs. Mary \Y. Harriman, widow of
Edward H. Harriman, in accordance with his wishes. With this gift, the
State received, as a result of the activity of the Palisades Park Com-
mission, of which George W. Perkins was President, the sum of $1,625,000
from public spirited citizens to be used for the purchase of land adjoining
the Harriman tract for the formation of a reservation, to be developed
in connection with Palisades Park. In consideration of this gift, the
State appropriated $2,500,000 and agreed to move the new State prison
away from the west side of the Hudson to another site.
In addition to these gifts, the firm of Witherbee, Sherman and
Company, ac Port Henry, in the Governor's last year conveyed to the
State the historic ruins of Crown Point on Lake Champlain. The name
of Crown Point has been identified with the history of the State from
the earliest times. Upon the recommendation of the Governor, the gift
was accepted and Crown Point was converted into a State reservation.
256 BIOGRAPHY OF
NEW BANKING LAWS
The panic of 1907 checked prosperity and brought about the failure
of many financial institutions. The events of that year showed the
need for a revision of the banking laws of the State. Governor Hughes
invited six well-known bankers, representing all the classes of institutions
involved, to act as an unpaid Commission to examine into the situation
and make recommendations to him for the reform of the laws. A.
Barton Hepburn was Chairman of this Commission.
Just as the evils which had crept into the business of life insurance
were eradicated by the legislation framed by Mr. Hughes and recom-
mended by the Armstrong Committee, so the chief evils which made the
banking situation unsafe were eradicated by the legislation evolved from
the recommendations of the Committee, the Superintendent of Banks,
and the Governor. This legislation was regulative and restrictive and,
like the insurance legislation, it made the officers and directors responsible.
Among other provisions of the new law was one which extended the
authority of the Superintendent of Banks to private banks in which large
amounts of money were deposited by immigrants unfamiliar with American
institutions. Failures among these banks, which had hitherto been with-
out supervision, had furnished frequent scandals. This law was attacked
as unconstitutional but it was finally upheld by the United States Supreme
Court.
EFFICIENCY IN OFFICE
Governor Hughes always insisted upon efficiency in office. No
project attracted him unless it was practical. In his first inaugural
address, delivered in January, 1007, he said :
"Each measure proposed must ultimately be tested by
critical analysis of the particular problem the precise mischief
alleged and the adequacy of the proffered remedy. It is the
capacity for such close examination without heat or disquali-
fying prejudice which distinguishes the constructive effort
from vain endeavors to change human nature by changing
the forms of government."
Believing that too many laws were passed by the Legislature, he
refused to consider bills that were unnecessary or the purpose of which
could not be met without special legislation, and in this way he materially
reduced the volume of new statutes. The Legislature had been accustomed
to pass, and Governors to sign, a great quantity of bills fixing the
salaries of local officers, cancelling tax sales, validating acts of notaries
and commissioners of deeds, extending franchises of railways, amending
the Forest, Fish and Game Law, authorizing the presentation of claims
against the State or its municipalities, reinstating public officers who had
CHARLES EVANS HUGHES 257
been dismissed, and the like. Governor Hughes insisted that all these
matters should be taken care of under general laws and that if existing
general laws were found to be insufficient, they should be amended.
Governor Hughes was much interested in seeing that the new insur-
ance laws were faithfully executed. In his speech accepting the nomina-
tion for Governor, he had said:
"I shall spare no effort to make effective the reforms
in the business of life insurance so essential to the interests
of the policy-holders."
With regard to public office, the Governor held a high opinion. Like
President Cleveland, he looked upon the duty of filling such offices as
a public trust and he used the greatest care to obtain the men whom
he regarded as best fitted to discharge the duties of the offices which he
was called upon to fill. He never appointed a friend to office as a
reward, or did he ever for revenge remove from office an opponent, or the
friends and supporters of an opponent. In order that he might be the
better able to secure efficiency in office, he obtained from the Legis-
lature in 1907 the passage of a law, known as the Moreland Act, which
authorized the Governor to investigate State administrative departments
in order to ascertain the conditions which existed therein. This law
has proved of much benefit.
THE SHORT BALLOT, STATE BUDGET, CIVIL SERVICE LAWS
Governor Hughes was always an advocate of the short ballot as
the most effective means of centralizing responsibility and encouraging
efficient administration. He also advocated the adoption of a State
budget system and he gave especial attention to upholding and extending
the State Civil Service Laws.
PROBLEMS OF STATE GOVERNMENT
In his annual message to the Legislature of 1909, Mr. Hughes indi-
cated "lines of progress" as follows :
"While we may hesitate to forecast the future, it would
seem that progress in solving the problems of State govern-
ment will involve :
"(i) The concentration of responsibility with regard to
executive powers in order to promote efficiency of
administration ;
"(2) Direct accountability to the people by those
charged with this executive control over administrative
agencies ;
258 BIOGRAPHY OF
"(3) Such provision with regard to electoral machinery
as will aid in focusing the attention of the people upon the
officers so accountable;
"(4) Adequate means to secure the effective expression
of the will of the people in the selection of such officers."
APPOINTED TO THE SUPREME COURT
Mr. Hughes was nominated to be an Associate Justice of the Supreme
Court of the United States by President Taft on May 2, 1910. He
resigned the office of Governor on October 6, 1910, and took his seat
on the bench of the Supreme Court on October loth. There was talk in
1912 of nominating Mr. Hughes for the Presidency, but he absolutely
forbade the use of his name, announcing that if nominated he would
decline the nomination.
NOMINATED FOR PRESIDENT
When his name was again brought forward this year, he declared
that he was not a candidate for the nomination and declined to give
the slightest encouragement to the campaign that was made on his behalf
in various parts of the country. He refused even to consider the possi-
bility of his nomination, declining to state his position upon any of the
issues, forbidding the use of his name wherever it was possible for him
to do so, and refusing even to say whether he would accept if he should
be nominated. He continued to discharge his duties as an Associate Jus-
tice of the Supreme Court and he completed writing an opinion while the
National Convention was in session.
MESSAGE TO THE NATIONAL CONVENTION
When the result of the third ballot had been announced Chairman
Harding sent the following message to Mr. Hughes :
The Coliseum, Chicago, 111.,
June 10, 1916.
To Hon. Charles E. Hughes,
Washington, D. C.
With deliberation and enthusiasm under circumstances which could
not have been more complimentary, and with a unanimity never excelled
in past conventions, you have been nominated by the Republicans of the
nation as our candidate for President of the United States. Your eminent
fitness for this high office, your sterling integrity and unsullied private
character are understood and appreciated by your countrymen. Voicing
the sentiments of the Convention over which I have presided and by the
courtesy of my fellow delegates, I congratulate you and the country upon
the outcome of this Convention.
WARREN G. HARDING.
CHARLES EVANS HUGHES 259
Upon receipt of this message Mr. Hughes' first act was to send his
resignation from the Supreme Court to the President. This was promptly
accepted and Mr. Hughes then wrote and dispatched the following letter
to the Republican National Convention :
"WASHINGTON, June 10, 1916.
"MR. CHAIRMAN AND DELEGATES :
"I have not desired the nomination. I have wished to
remain on the bench. But in this critical period in our
national history, I recognize that it is your right to summon
and that it is my paramount duty to respond. You speak at
a time of national exigency, transcending merely partisan
considerations. You voice the demand for a dominant, thor-
oughgoing Americanism with firm protective upbuilding poli-
cies, essential to our peace and security; and to that call, in
that crisis, I cannot fail to answer with the pledge of all that
is in me to the service of our country. Therefore I accept
the nomination.
"I stand for the firm and unflinching maintenance of all
the rights of American citizens on land and sea. I neither
impugn motives nor underestimate difficulties. But it is
most regrettably true that in our foreign relations we have
suffered incalculably from the weak and vacillating course
which has been taken with regard to Mexico a course
lamentably wrong with regard to both our rights and our
duties. We interfered without consistency; and while seeking
to dictate when we were not concerned, we utterly failed to
appreciate and discharge our plain duty to our own citizens.
"At the outset of the Administration the high responsi-
bilities of our diplomatic intercourse with foreign nations
were subordinated to a conception of partisan requirements,
and we presented to the world a humiliating spectacle of
ineptitude. Belated efforts have not availed to recover the
influence and prestige so unfortunately sacrificed; and brave
words have been stripped of their force by indecision.
"I desire to see our diplomacy restored to its best
standards and to have these advanced; to have no sacrifices of
national interest to partisan expediencies; to have the first
ability of the country always at its command here and abroad
in diplomatic intercourse ; to maintain firmly our rights under
international law; insisting steadfastly upon all our rights
as neutrals, and fully performing our international obligations ;
and by the clear correctness and justness of our position and
our manifest ability and disposition to sustain them to dignify
our place among the nations.
260 BIOGRAPHY OF
"I stand for an Americanism that knows no ulterior
purpose; for a patriotism that is single and complete.
Whether native or naturalized, of whatever race or creed, we
have but one country, and we do not for an instant tolerate
any division of allegiance.
"I believe in making prompt provision to assure abso-
lutely our national security. I believe in preparedness, not
only entirely adequate for our defense with respect to numbers
and equipment in both army and navy, but with all thorough-
ness, to the end that in each branch of the service there may
be the utmost efficiency under the most competent administra-
tive heads.
"We are devoted to the ideals of honorable peace. We
wish to promote all wise and practicable measures for the just
settlement of international disputes.
"In view of our abiding ideals, there is no danger of
militarism in this country. We have no policy of aggression;
no lust for territory, no zeal for strife. It is in this spirit
that we demand adequate provision for national defense,
and we condemn the inexcusable neglect that has been shown
in this matter of national importance. We must have the
strength which self-respect demands, the strength of an effi-
cient ready for every emergency.
"Our preparation must be industrial and economic as well
as military. Our severest tests will come after the war is
over. We must make a fair and wise readjustment of the
tariff, in accordance with sound protective principle, to insure
our economic independence and to maintain American stand-
ards of living. We must conserve the just interests of labor,
realizing that in democracy patriotism and national strength
must be rooted in even-handed business. Preventing, as we
must, unjust discriminations and monopolistic practices, we
must still be zealous to assure the foundations of honest
business. Particularly should we seek the expansion of for-
eign trade. We must not throttle American enterprise here
or abroad, but rather promote it and take pride in honorable
achievements.
"We must take up the serious problems of transportation,
of interstate and foreign commerce, in a sensible and candid
manner, and provide an enduring basis for prosperity by the
intelligent use of the constitutional powers of Congress, so
as adequately to protect the public on the one hand, and on the
other, to conserve the essential instrumentalities of progress.
"I stand for the principles of our civil service laws. In
every department of government the highest efficiency must
CHARLES EVANS HUGHES 261
be insisted upon. For all laws and programs are vain with-
out efficient and impartial administration.
"I cannot within the limits of this statement speak upon all
the subjects that will require attention. I can only say that
I fully endorse the platform you have adopted.
"I deeply appreciate the responsibility you impose. I
should have been glad to have had that responsibility placed
upon another. But I shall undertake to meet it, grateful for
the confidence you express. I sincerely trust that all former
differences may be forgotten and that we may have united
effort in a patriotic realization of our national need and
opportunity.
"I have resigned my judicial office and I am ready to
devote 1113 self unreservedly to the campaign.
"CHARLES E. HUGHES."
ENDORSED BY THE PROGRESSIVES
The Progressive National Convention, which was in session in
Chicago on the same day that Mr. Hughes was nominated, named Colonel
Theodore Roosevelt for President. Air. Roosevelt sent a message to the
Progressive Convention, saying that he could not accept the nomination
at that time and suggesting that the Convention authorize its National
Committee to act for it. This suggestion was adopted and a meeting of
the National Committee was appointed for June 26.
In an interval after the adjournment of the Convention, strong senti-
ment developed in favor of the endorsement of Mr. Hughes' candidacy
by the Progressives. When the Progressive National Committee met in
Chicago on June 26, this sentiment had become so strong that it pre-
vailed in the National Committee and Mr. Hughes was endorsed by a
large majority of the Committee. He sent at once the following telegram
to the Committee:
"I welcome the support of Progressives. We make com-
mon cause in the interest of national honor, of national
security, of national efficiency. We unite in the demand for
an undivided and unwavering loyalty to our country; for a
whole-hearted patriotic devotion overriding all racial differ-
ences. We want a revival of the American spirit a Nation
restored. We insist upon prompt and adequate provision for
the common defense; upon the steadfast maintenance of all
the rights of our citizens, and upon the integrity of inter-
national law.
"The most serious difficulties the present administration
has encountered have been due to its own weakness and
incertitude. I am profoundly convinced that by prompt and
262 BIOGRAPHY OF
decisive action, which existing conditions manifestly called
for, the Lusitania tragedy would have been prevented. We
strongly denounce the use of our soil as a base for alien
intrigues, for conspiracies and the fomenting of disorders in
the interest of any foreign Nation, but the responsibility lies
at the door of the Administration. The moment notice is
admitted, responsibility is affixed. For that sort of thing
could not continue if the Administration took proper meas-
ures to stop it. That responsibility the Administration cannot
evade by condemning others. It was officially stated by the
Secretary of State in the Mexican note of June 20, 1916, that
'for three years the Mexican Republic has been torn with
civil strife ; the lives of Americans and other aliens have been
sacrificed; vast properties developed by American capital and
enterprise have been destroyed or rendered non-productive ;
bandits have been permitted to roam at will through territory
contiguous to the United States and to seize, without punish-
ment, or without effective attempt at punishment, the property
of Americans, while the lives of citizens of the United States
who ventured to remain in Mexican territory or to return
there to protect their interests have been taken, in some
cases barbarously taken, and the murderers have neither been
apprehended nor brought to justice.' What an indictment by
the Administration of its Mexican policy! And still we are
unprepared. That unpreparedness in the midst of perils, and
after the experience of three years, is a demonstration of an
unpardonable neglect for which the Administration is respon-
sible.
"The Government now has and must have most emphatic-
ally the unstinted and patriotic support of every citizen in
the existing exigency. But unquestioning, loyal and patriotic
support of the Government is one thing; approval of the
fatuous course which the Administration has followed is
quite another. I cannot in this message adequately review
that course; that I shall do later.
"No intelligent man is deceived by the temporary pros-
perity due to abnormal conditions, and no one can fail to
appreciate the gravity of the problems with which we shall be
faced when the war ends. We are alive to the imperative
necessity of assuring the bases of honest business. I am in
deep sympathy with the effort to improve the conditions of
labor; to prevent exploitation; to safeguard the future of the
Nation by protecting our women and children. I believe in
Workmen's Compensation laws; in wise conservation of our
natural resources so that they may be protected, developed
CHARLES EVANS HUGHES 263
and used to the utmost public advantage. But underlying
every endeavor to promote social justice is the indispensable
condition that there shall be 9 stable foundation for honorable
enterprise. American industry must have proper protection if
labor is to be safeguarded. We must rescue our instrumentali-
ties of interstate and foreign commerce, our transportation
facilities, from uncertainty and confusion. We must show
that we know how to protect the public without destroying
or crippling our productive energies.
"To what agency shall we look for the essential con-
structive program on which our security and prosperity must
depend? It is vain to expect it from the Democratic Party.
That party has not the national outlook. Both its traditions
and dominating influences are fatal handicaps. I have no sec-
tional word to utter. We are to elect a President of the whole
country, not of a part. The South, as well as the North,
East and West, will be the gainers from our endeavors. But
it is sober truth as I see it that as we go forward we must
make the Republican Party the instrument of our advance.
We want deeds, not words; far-reaching national policies.
The Progressives have insisted on responsible, not invisible,
government; on efficient administration. I yield to no one iti
that demand. I am eager to call the Lest ability of the coun-
try to our aid. For the conduct of the great departments the
Executive is directly responsible, and there is no excuse what-
ever for the toleration of incompetence in order to satisfy
partisan obligations.
"I am deeply appreciative of your endorsement, I find no
difference in platform or in aim which precludes the most
hearty co-operation and the most complete unity. It is
within the party that the liberalizing spirit you invoke can
have the widest and most effective influence. I solicit your
earnest effort for the common cause."
CHARLES WARREN FAIRBANKS
BY HON. GEORGE B. LOCKWOOD
The career of Charles W. Fairbanks is a typical American story of
professional, business and political success ; of forging forward from com-
parative poverty and obscurity to national prominence ; of gradual growth
and advancement through the patient and persistent application of those
mental and moral qualifications which often bring large achievement in
a land where the doors of opportunity have opened to so many possess-
ing no key but that fashioned by courage and capacity.
On a farm in Union County, Ohio, Charles W. Fairbanks was born,
May II, 1852, the son of Loriston M. Fairbanks, a native of Vermont,
who in his youth removed to Ware, Mass., where he worked in a woolen
mill. Afterward he emigrated to Ohio to engage in farming, and there
he married Mary Adelaide Smith, daughter of a family which had lately
come from Columbia County, in New York State. To this couple, while
living in a log house on the edge of the forest Charles W. Fairbanks was
born. There he was reared, bearing, as he grew to manhood, his part in
the strenuous toil of a middle west farm in the making. The Ohio farm
of that period was a real "university of hard knocks;" its matriculates
learned industry, self-reliance and frugality, and within many of them
was stirred the desire for an education which would mean an enlarged
horizon of life.
The parents sympathized with their son's desire for a college educa-
tion, and at the age of fifteen, having exhausted the opportunities of the
country school house, the boy, with a few dollars saved by himself, and
a few more contributed by the father whose developing farm had begun
to yield something more than a bare living, entered the Ohio Wesleyan
University, a Methodist college not far from his home. In company
with a neighbor lad, he set up light housekeeping in a small room. The
room was furnished, and the larder largely supplied from home, and
the expenses of the pair, all told, amounted to a dollar and a half a week.
Yet this amount represented sacrifice on the part of both parents and
son; the young man supplemented the small sum with which he came to
Delaware by working as a carpenter's assistant on Saturdays. He found
time, nevertheless, to take part in general college activities He became
one of the three editors of the college paper, a member of the Phi Gamma
college fraternity; a speaker on public occasions and a leader in student
enterprises. At the age of twenty, a towering, raw-boned youth, he gradu-
ated and returned to his father's house.
264
CHARLES WARREN FAIRBANKS 265
With his mind turned toward the study of law, young Fairbanks
employed the knowledge of reporting he had gained on the college paper,
as a means of getting a foothold in the world. Through an uncle,
Wm. Henry Smith, then general manager of the Western Associated
Press, he secured employment as a representative of that newsgathering
organization, first at Pittsburg and then at Cleveland. At Cleveland he
attended a law school, and in May, 1874, was admitted to the bar. In
June of the same year he located in Indianapolis, for the practice of his
profession. And in October following he married Miss Cornelia Cole,
who had been a fellow student at Ohio Wesleyan University.
In Indianapolis Mr. Fairbanks gave the succeeding period of twenty
years almost exclusively to the law. At a bar boasting of such lawyers
as Benjamin Harrison, Joseph E. McDonald, Thomas A. Hendricks and
others of similar caliber, Mr. Fairbanks won the respect of his associates
and through success in many important pieces of litigation, the confi-
dence of clients. His practice extended to the neighboring states of Illi-
nois and Ohio and before Mr. Fairbanks began to take an active interest
in national politics he enjoyed a law practice comparing favorably in
extent and emoluments with that of any lawyer in the Middle West.
The day Mr. Fairbanks took his seat in the United States Senate, March
4, 1897, he closed the door of his law office and never accepted employ-
ment as an attorney during his occupancy of public office.
Mr. Fairbanks has always been deeply interested in politics and
public affairs ; his refusal to become actively engaged in public life prior
to 1888 was due to his determination to first win a place for himself in
his profession. At the age of 21 he made his first Republican speech in
his old home county in Ohio, and in a modest way thereafter took a
hand in the affairs of his party. His close association with and friend-
ship for Judge Walter Q. Gresham, of the federal bench, led to his cham-
pionship of the Gresham presidential candidacy before the Republican
national convention in 1888. At the age of thirty-five Mr. Fairbanks was
managing the Gresham campaign, which, for a time, promised to be
crowned with complete success. The Republicans of Indiana, however,
expressed a preference for the aspirations of General Harrison, and
the Gresham canvass proceeded under the handicap of the State's adher-
ence to another candidate. On the first ballot General Gresham was
second only to Sherman in number of votes, but on the eighth ballot the
Elaine forces went to Harrison, nominating him. This espousal of the
Gresham cause, based upon strong personal regard and friendship, did
not prevent Mr. Fairbanks from taking an active part in behalf of General
Harrison in the two succeeding campaigns, or from enjoying the confi-
dence of President Harrison while in office. Mr. Fairbanks was a strong
advocate of the renomination of General Harrison in 1892, and Mr. Fair-
banks delivered the keynote speech for the Indiana Republicans at their
State Convention. At that early date, he did not hesitate to attack the
266 BIOGRAPHY OF
cheap money fallacy then becoming prevalent. In 1894, ^ r - Fairbanks
stepped easily into the place of leadership among Indiana Republicans.
He made a thorough speaking campaign throughout the State and Indiana
swung into the Republican column by an unprecedented plurality and
stayed there for sixteen years.
Two years later came a test of Mr. Fairbanks' qualities of leadership.
It was generally conceded that if the State were carried by the Republicans
in 1896, Mr. Fairbanks would be elected Senator to succeed Mr. Voor-
hees. Therefore success was personally important to the Indiana leader.
The free silver heresy had swept the country, and had infected Indiana
Republicanism. Many of the Republican papers and politicians of the
Middle West believed that in the absence of either surrender to, or com-
promise with the free silver advocates, republican success was impossible.
At a meeting of the Republican State Committee called early in 1896,
this opinion was voiced by several party leaders. Mr. Fairbanks listened
to the prophecies of disaster, and then declared that if the abandonment
of the principle of honest money were essential to Republican success,
it would be far better for the party to go down in defeat, and he was
personally ready to go down with it. From that time there was no doubt
as to the position of Indiana Republicanism, and the May convention of
the party spoke in a decisive way against the free silver heresy. This
convention also instructed the State's delegates to the approaching national
convention to support William McKinley for President. Mr. Fairbanks
had long been a personal friend of McKinley and was one of the fore-
most leaders in the advancement of his presidential candidacy. He was
chosen by McKinley to be temporary chairman of the national conven-
tion of 1896.
Mr. Fairbanks' speech sounded the keynote of the St. Louis Conven-
tion. His ringing declarations in favor of protection and sound money
stirred the great convention crowd to demonstrations of enthusiasm,
and foreshadowed the decisive declarations of the party's platform in one
of the crucial campaigns of the nation's history. Speaking of this deliver-
ance, Maj. John W. Carson wrote: "Fairbanks was placed at the head
of the Indiana delegation to the St. Louis Convention, and was made
temporary chairman of that body, delivering a speech that attracted wide
attention and contributed to fix the status of the party on the money
question. The convention declared against the free coinage of silver,
and it was largely due to the persistent efforts of Mr. Fairbanks and a
few other sagacious and conservative men that that declaration was
made."
Mr. Fairbanks threw all his energies into the succeeding campaign.
Indiana was a battle ground, and he took an active part in the management
of the campaign, speaking, beside, in every part of the State, and in
CHARLES WARREN FAIRBANKS 261
other States. The Legislature elected in Indiana in 1896 was heav'ly
Republican and it elected Mr. Fairbanks to the Senate. He took his seat
the day his friend William McKinley was inaugurated President.
Briefly reviewing his career as a Senator, former Secretary of State
John W. Foster writes :
"He came to the Senate of the United States at the same time that
Mr. McKinley was inaugurated as President. They had long been
friends ,and the President had a high estimate of the Senator's ability
and political sagacity. So much was this the case that it came to be
understood that the Senator's acts and speeches were an exposition of the
views of the President. He was the faithful supporter of the latter's
policies and measures. This was notably the case in respect to the Spanish
war. He stood by the President in his strenuous efforts to find peaceful
settlement, when Congress and the country were clamoring for war.
But when the issue was made up and war came, the Senator promptly
tendered his services to the Governor of Indiana for military duty, which
very properly was not accepted. In no other place could he be so useful
to the country as in the Senate.
"His record in the Senate is so fresh to the public mind that it need
hardly be recapitulated. Almost immediately after he entered that body
he was recognized as one of its most useful and influential members.
He debated many of its most important measures and his views and posi-
tion were known on all of them.
"He served in the committees on foreign relations and on immigra-
tions and thus had to deal with some of the most interesting and per-
plexing questions in our relations with foreign governments. I have
already alluded to his attention to the complications with Spain, in which
he assumed so honorable a stand. He had to do with the international
questions growing out of the construction of the Panama Canal. I quote
one of his declarations :
" 'It pays nations, as well as individuals, to adhere to the inflexible
principles of fair dealing. No doubt the United States could have ig-
nored the Clayton-Bulwer treaty and proceeded with the construction of
the canal, but it preferred, as it always prefers, the frank and honorable
way.' "
In 1898 a protocol was signed between the United States and Great
Britain for the appointment of a joint high commission for the adjust-
ment of Canadian questions, that were of long standing and of great
importance. It was desired by the two countries to have them considered
by the commission and finally put to rest.
The commission was composed of twelve members, six from each
country. The chairman of the American members of the commission was
Senator Fairbanks.
268 BIOGRAPHY OF
Of the work of the joint high commission and the ability displayed
by Senator Fairbanks, John W. Foster, one of the American commission-
ers, spoke as follows :
"During the administration of President McKinley it was deemed
desirable to make an earnest effort to adjust the various questions be-
tween the United States and Canada, some of which had been the source
of controversy between the two neighboring countries for generations, and
all of which tended to disturb the harmony of their relations.
"Among these were the Northwestern fisheries, which had been the
fruitful source of discussion and negotiations for a hundred years; the
Behring sea seal industry, which had at one time threatened war with
Great Britain and had been the subject of international arbitration, but
was still a vexed and unsettled question; the Alaskan boundary dispute,
a topic likely any time to bring about a conflict of authorities; com-
mercial reciprocity, a subject in which the Canadians and certain sec-
tions of the United States took deep interest; the bounding privilege, in-
timately connected without interstate commerce laws and the unequal
competition of the Canadian railroads; and several other questions, as
naval armament on the great lakes, reciprocal mining privileges, immigra-
tion and the labor laws, more accurate marking of the international
boundary, etc., embracing no less than twelve different subjects.
"It was determined to refer all these matters to a joint high commis-
sion, and six persons were selected by the United States and an equal
number by Great Britain. For members of this commission it was the
desire of President McKinley to name statesmen of large experience and
the highest standing, as it was known that the British members would be
men of prominence and ability. It was a most distinguished honor that
Senator Fairbanks should be chosen as chairman of the American com-
mission, especially as there was associated with him men of much longer
experience in the public service. The British commission was headed by
Lord Herschel, the lord chancellor, and the recognized head of the English
bar, and next on the commission was Sir Wilfrid Laurier, the prime
minister of Canada, a resourceful and brilliant statesman.
"During the years 1808 and 1899 the commission held two sessions in
Quebec and two in Washington, and went very fully over the important
subjects committed to it for adjustment. On several of these it reached
practically satisfactory conclusions, which would have taken the shape of
treaty stipulations, but for an irreconcilable difference of opinion respect-
ing the Alaskan boundary. Because of a failure to agree to an adjust-
ment of this matter the British members of the commission refused to
come to an agreement of any of the other questions before it, and the
commission adjourned to meet again whenever convened by the chairman
of the two sections.
"The Alaskan boundary controversy has happily been satisfactorily
settled by the London joint tribunal, and this result, so gratifying to the
CHARLES WARREN FAIRBANKS 269
United States, was largely due to the work of the joint high commission.
Senator Fairbanks was a member of the sub-committee having the Alaskan
boundary in charge, and he took a deep interest in shaping the issues which
were eventually submitted to the London tribunal.
"It is a matter of pride to Americans to be assured that in all the
deliberations of the commission, when he was confronted by the ablest
lawyers and statesmen of England and Canada, Senator Fairbanks sus-
tained the cause of his country with skill and success, and represented
it with great dignity and uniform courtesy."
As a member of the Senate Mr. Fairbanks assisted in framing the
tariff and currency legislation which brought to the nation that complete
restoration of prosperity with which the name of President McKinley
will ever be honorably identified. While the tariff legislation was pending,
the relations of the United States with Spain reached an acute stage.
President McKinley sought by diplomacy to avert war, while pushing
forward preparations for hostilities should they come. Against a resolu-
tion introduced by Senator Morgan recognizing the belligerency of the
Cuban insurgents Senator Fairbanks made a strong speech, pleading for
harmony of action with the president. He declared that he believed it
to be the duty of the American government to negotiate with Spain for the
termination of the war and the independence of Cuba. "If these peaceful
and honorable methods fail and the war should continue, I would have ro
hesitancy in reaching out the mighty arm of this government, and saying:
'This war should cease. " Speaking in Apnl, 1898, in behalf of a resolu-
tion declaring Cuba independent, demanding the withdrawal of Spain from
the island and authorizing the President to use the army and navy to
make the resolution operative, Se.iator Fairbanks said :
"Our own tranquility, our own sense of security, our regard for our
present and future comfort and for the lives of her helpless and hapless
subjects, demand that we should interpose the mighty power of this gov-
ernment to stop the carnival of crime and suffering and restore peace to
the Island of Cuba until some suitable government may be formed which
shall be a guaranty to us and to the other nations of the world, that it
will at all times in the future be ready and willing and able to discharge its
domestic and international obligations.
"All efforts at amicable solution have failed, and all that remains is
to invoke the power of this government in behalf of enduring peace and
imperiled humanity. We shall now have the satisfaction of knowing
that, come what may in the lottery of war, we have let undone nothing
which could be done consistently with honor to secure a pacific settlement.
To the high and holy cause of humanity and the vindication of our na-
tional honor, we dedicate the lives and fortune of the people of this Re-
public."
Senator Fairbanks delivered a notable speech against the Teller
resolution providing for the payment of bonds of the United States, prin-
270 BIOGRAPHY OF
cipal and interest, at the option of the government, in silver coin. "There
must be no equivocation," he declared, "with respect to the character of
our money standard, and no hesitancy nor divided purpose in its inflexible
maintenance." Senator Fairbanks supported by speech and vote the bill
establishing permanently the gold standard as the basis of American mone-
tary values.
Other notable speeches by Senator Fairbanks were upon the various
constitutional and administrative problems arising out of the acquisition
of our insular possessions as the result of the Spanish-American war,
and in support of Chinese exclusion and upon other immigration problems.
Senator Fairbanks introduced the bill providing for the financing of the
Panama canal through a bond issue which put a part of the burden, prop-
erly, upon succeeding generations. Senator Fairbanks made a number of
speeches in the Senate and on public occasions in favor of international ar-
bitration.
At the Republican national convention of 1904 Senator Fairbanks was
unanimously nominated for Vice President. He was not a candidate for
this preferment, but accepted the nomination as a call to duty. President
Roosevelt took no part in the speaking campaign, and Senator Fairbanks
made a country wide canvass, traveling 25,000 miles, making hundreds of
speeches, and establishing a permanent national reputation as a public
speaker. Following his election as Vice-President Mr. Fairbanks re-
sponded to such calls for his services as a speaker on public occasions as
he could without neglecting his duty as presiding officer of the Senate.
Few men in the history of the nation have spoken to so many people, in
so many localities ; few men in American public life have acquired
so wide a personal acquaintance. Democratic, cordial and interested in
others, Mr. Fairbanks commands the admiration and respect of vast
numbers of people to a degree seldom surpassed. As President of the
Senate Mr. Fairbanks gained the confidence and good will of the mem-
bership of that body to an extent not often equalled in the history of the
office, and made a record for fidelity in the performance of duty which
has never been surpassed. On only one or two occasions was he absent
from the chair during an entire session of the Senate.
In placing Mr. Fairbanks in nomination for Vice President at Chicago
in 1904 Senator Dolliver said : "The office has sought the man, and he
will bring to the office the commanding personality of a statesman equal
to any of the great responsibilities which belong to our public affairs.
A leader of the Senate, the champion of all the great policies which con-
stitute the invincible record of the Republican party during the past ten
years, his name will become a tower of strength to our cause, not only
in his own state, but everywhere throughout the country. A man of
affairs, the whole business community shares the confidence which his
political associates have reposed in him from the beginning of his public
life. The quiet, undemonstrative popular opinion which has given the
CHARLES WARREN FAIRBANKS
271
Republican party a platform upon which all Republicans can stand with
no dissenting voice, here or anywhere, has long since anticipated the action
of this convention in adding to the national ticket the name of Senator
Fairbanks."
In the Republican national convention of 1908, Vice-President Fair-
banks was presented by Indiana Republicans as a presidential candidate.
Mr. Fairbanks took an active part in the speaking campaign of that year
in behalf of Mr. Taft Upon his retirement from the Vice-Presidency, in
March, 1909, Mr. Fairbanks, in company with Mrs. Fairbanks, started on
a year's trip around the world. Mr. Fairbanks was personally received
by the Emperor of Japan, the Prince Regent of China, the King of
Greece, the King of Italy, the Sultan of Turkey, the Emperor of Ger-
many and the late King Edward of England. Mr. Fairbanks had pre-
viously met the then Prince of Wales, now King George of England,
when he represented the United States at the Quebec tercentenary, by
appointment of President Roosevelt.
Upon their return from this trip, Mr. and Mrs. Fairbanks were re-
ceived with unusual honors at Indianapolis. They were greeted by an
immense crowd as they passed through the streets, escorted by a com-
mittee of representative Indianapolis business men, to their home. Mr.
Fairbanks has devoted himself since to semi-public activities. He founded
the Indiana Forestry Association, and in the act establishing Arbor Day
the Democratic legislature of the state incorporated in the measure a pro-
vision that one of the objects of the annual celebration by Indiana school
children should be the honoring of Mr. Fairbanks and others active in
arousing interest in the reforestization of the state. He became Presi-
dent of the Methodist Hospital of Indiana, a trustee of DePauw Uni-
versity, and has been active in other similar directions.
Mrs. Fairbanks died October 24, 1913. She was prominent and in-
fluential in national women's affairs and had served as President General
of the Daughters of the American Revolution. Mr. Fairbanks has five
children, four sons and a daughter; Warren, Richard, Fred, Robert and
Mrs. John W. Timmons.
By the united voice of Indiana republicanism Mr. Fairbanks was pre-
sented to the Republican National Convention of 1916, as a candidate for
the Presidency. The support attracted was formidable, and the enthu-
siasm with which it was urged was notable. Following the nomination of
Justice Hughes, an almost unanimous call to the Vice-Presidential nomi-
nation was extended to Mr. Fairbanks by the convention. Mr. Fair-
banks was only not a candidate, but did not desire the nomination, and
had wired the chairman of the Indiana delegation not to permit the use
of his name. When the nomination was tendered with such unanimity
and earnestness, however, Mr. Fairbanks was induced to regard it as a
call to further duty to his party, and soon after the adjournment of the
convention he indicated his acceptance.
272 CHARLES WARREN FAIRBANKS
What was said by the late John L. Griffiths concerning the nomina-
tion of Mr. Fairbanks to the vice presidency in 1004, constitutes now an
even more appropriate characterization of the selection and the man, than
it did then. Speaking at a meeting of Mr. Fairbanks' friends and neigh-
bors, assembled without distinction of party at the Fairbanks home in
Indianapolis, Mr. Griffiths said:
The nominee of the Chicago convention for the Vice Presidency has
not been the favorite of fortune. He has fairly and justly earned all the
honors which have been bestowed upon him. He comes close to the
people because his life has been rooted in their lives.
"His nomination is a recognition of the growing power of the great
middle West of that section of our common country where the people
are peculiarly frugal and resourceful, industrious and thrifty, with sturdy
notions of honesty, where they care less for cleverness than for integrity
and place a higher value upon character than they do upon wealth.
"Charles W. Fairbanks was made one of the standard bearers of his
party because he has always had 'a healthy conscience' in public matters
and has been actuated by an overpowering sense of duty. He has felt as
Lincoln did, that in the tides of feeling which sweep and surge about a
public man, he must keep some consciousness of being somewhere near
the right. He must keep some standard or principle fixed within himself.
He has been diligent in the business of his Government. He has never
regarded the holding of an office as a pastime, but has keenly felt the
high responsibility which a lofty trust imposes. He has always had 'a
sweet and just tongue,' speaking what he had to say temperately but for-
cibly. No public utterance of his can be recalled in which he ever
abused a political opponent. He has won his way into the hearts of men
by traveling a pathway too seldom traversed the pathway of gentleness
and fairness and moderation.
"His nomination is a reminder that the early traditions of the Re-
public have not entirely disappeared. Again we have the inspiring spec-
tacle of the office seeking the man. Whenever this occurs, now as in the
days of Washington and Jefferson and the elder Adams, it is the capable
man that is sought the man who by training, education, experience and
ability is best equipped for the office.
Official Notification of Candidates
ADDRESS OF SENATOR HARDING OF OHIO
Notifying Mr. Hughes of His Nomination
for the Presidency.
Mr. Hughes, the Committee here assembled, representing all of the
United States and territories, chosen by the Republican National Con-
vention which met in Chicago on last June 7, is directed by that Conven-
tion formally to notify you of its action in selecting you as its nominee
for the Presidency of the Republic.
Speaking for the Committee, it is my pleasure to say directly what
was conveyed to you by telegraph while the Convention was yet in ses-
sion that you are the unanimous choice of the Republican National Con-
vention for the party standard-bearer.
That Convention uttered the principles of a confident, determined re-
united and enthusiastic Republican party, which turns to you, in highest
respect and trust, as a nominee best typifying the party's purpose and the
people's desires.
Inasmuch as the unusual circumstances inspired an informal notice at
the time of the Convention's action and you then made an informal ac-
ceptance of the call to patriotic duty which won the plaudits of our people.
I shall not refer in detail to the action of the Convention or the declared
principles to which the Republican party is committed. But it is fitting that
I should speak the congratulations of this committee on your most ex-
traordinary nomination. It has no parallel in the history of the Republi-
can party. As the whole people have approvingly witnessed, you have
been chosen for leadership by a Convention which comprised the best
thought, the highest intention and deepest consecration of a great and
historic party, when you were not only not an aspirant, but discouraged
all endeavors in your behalf. Notwithstanding your holding aloof from
all conference and participation, that unfailing understanding which di-
rects popular sentiment to highest victory called you to the services of the
party and the nation. Your record of public service, your well-known and
courageous views on public questions when in executive position, your
abiding devotion to Republicanism, your possession of a confidence which
has united all believers in Republican policies under our party banner,
273
274 NOTIFICATION
your unalterable and abiding Americanism, your high personal character
and well-known capacity all these have fixed you in the American mind
as the best exponent of Republican principles and the wisest leader to re-
store American prestige and efficient government.
We bring you now the commission to that leadership. We bring
it in full confidence that the people will gladly acclaim the Republican
restoration under your trusted leadership. We bring it in the highest
appreciation of that peace of right and justice which your unwavering
Americanism will hold secure rather than endanger. We bring it in the
strong belief that American material good fortune, under Republican
industrial preparedness will be the glad reflex of our own peace and the
world's peace and be held permanent under Republican protection. We
bring it in firm conviction that you, sir, will hold that platform promises
constitute a sacred party covenant, and the expressed will of the people
at the polls must find response in capable and efficient administration. Aye,
sir, we bring it believing you will add to our self-respect, confidence, and
good fortune at home, and to that respect and good opinion abroad which
meets our higher American aspirations.
MR. HUGHES' REPLY
Senator Harding, Members of the Notification Committee and Fellow
Citizens :
This occasion is more than a mere ceremony of notification. We
are not here to indulge in formal expressions. We come to state in a
plain and direct manner our faith, our purpose and our pledge. This
representative gathering is a happy augury. It means the strength of
reunion. It means that the party of Lincoln is restored, alert, effective.
It means the unity of a common perception of paramount national needs.
It means that we are neither deceived nor benumbed by abnormal condi-
tions. We know that we are in a critical period, perhaps more critical
than any period since the Civil War. We need a dominant sense of
national unity; the exercise of our best constructive powers; the vigor
and resourcefulness of a quickened America. We desire that the
Republican Party as a great liberal party shall be the agency of national
achievement, the organ of the effective expression of dominant American-
ism. What do I mean by that? I mean America conscious of power,
awake to obligation, erect in self-respect, prepared for every emergency,
devoted to the ideals of peace, instinct with the spirit of human brother-
hood, safeguarding both individual opportunity and public interest, main-
taining a well-ordered constitutional system adapted to local self-govern-
ACCEPTANCE 275
ment without the sacrifice of essential national authority, appreciating
the necessity of stability, expert knowledge and thorough organization as
the indispensable conditions of security and progress ; a country loved by
its citizens with a patriotic fervor permitting no division in their allegiance
and no rivals in their affection I mean America first and America effi-
cient. It is in this spirit that I respond to your summons.
FOREIGN RELATIONS APPOINTMENTS
Our foreign relations have assumed grave importance in the past
three years. The conduct of diplomatic intercourse is in the keeping of
the Executive. It rests chiefly with him whether we shall show compe-
tence or incompetence; whether the national honor shall be maintained;
whether our prestige and influence shall be lowered or advanced. \Yhat
is the record of the Administration? The first duty of the Executive
was to command the respect of the world by the personnel of our State
Department and our representation abroad. No party exigency could
excuse the non-performance of this obvious obligation. Still, after
making every allowance for certain commendable appointments, it is
apparent that this obligation was not performed. At the very beginning
of the present Administration, where in the direction of diplomatic inter-
course there should have been conspicuous strength and expertness we
had weakness and inexpertness. Instead of assuring respect, we invited
distrust of our competence and speculation as to our capacity for firmness
and decision, thus entailing many difficulties which otherwise easily could
have been escaped. Then, in numerous instances, notably in Latin-
America, where such a course was particularly reprehensible, and where
we desire to encourage the most friendly relations, men of long diplo-
matic experience whose knowledge and training were of especial value
to the country were retired from the service apparently for no other
reason than to meet partisan demands in the appointment of inexperi-
enced persons. Where, as in Santo Domingo, we had assumed an impor-
tant special trust in the interest of its people, that trust was shockingly
betrayed in order to satisfy "deserving Democrats." The record showing
the Administration's disregard of its responsibilities with respect to our
representation in diplomacy is an open book and the specifications may
easily be had. It is a record revealing professions belied. It is a dismal
record to those who believe in Americanism. Take, for example, the
withdrawal of Ambassador Herrick from France. There he stood, in
the midst of alarms, the very embodiment of courage, of poise, of execu-
tive capacity, universally trusted and beloved. No diplomat ever won
more completely the affections of a foreign people; and there was no
better fortune for this country than to have at the capital of any one
of the belligerent nations a representative thus esteemed. Yet the Admin-
istration permitted itself to supersede him. The point is not that the
276 ACCEPTANCE
man was Ambassador Herrick, or that the nation was France, but that
we invited the attention of the world to the inexcusable yielding of
national interest to partisan expediency. It was a lamentable sacrifice of
international repute. If we would have the esteem of foreign nations
we must deserve it. We must show our regard for special knowledge
and experience. I propose that we shall make the agencies of our
diplomatic intercourse, in every nation, worthy of the American name.
MEXICO
The dealings of the Administration with Mexico constitute a confused
chapter of blunders. We have not helped Mexico. She lies prostrate,
impoverished, famine-stricken, overwhelmed with the woes and outrages
of internecine strife, the helpless victim of a condition of anarchy which
the Administration only served to promote. For ourselves, we have wit-
nessed the murder of our citizens and the destruction of their property.
We have made enemies, not friends. Instead of commanding respect and
deserving good will by sincerity, firmness, and consistency, we provoked
misapprehension and deep resentment. In the light of the conduct of
the Administration no one could understand its professions. Decrying
interference, we interfered most exasperatingly. We have not even kept
out of actual conflict, and the soil of Mexico is stained with the blood of
our soldiers. We have resorted to physical invasion, only to retire without
gaining the professed object. It is a record which cannot be examined
without a profound sense of humiliation.
When the Administration came into power, Huerta was exercising
authority as Provisional President of Mexico. He was certainly in fact
the head of the Government of Mexico. Whether or not he should
be recognized was a question to be determined in the exercise of a sound
discretion, but according to correct principles. The President was entitled
to be assured that there was at least a de facto government; that inter-
national obligations would be performed; that the lives and property of
American citizens would have proper protection. To attempt, however,
to control the domestic concerns of Mexico was simply intervention, not
less so because disclaimed. The height of folly was to have a vacillating
and ineffective intervention, which could only evoke bitterness and con-
tempt, which would fail to pacify the country and to assure peace and
prosperity under a stable government. If crimes were committed, we do
not palliate them. We make no defense of Huerta. But the Adminis-
tration had nothing to do with the moral character of Huerta, if in fact
he represented the Government of Mexico. We shall never worthily
prosecute our unselfish aims, or serve humanity, by wrong-headedness.
So far as the character of Huerta is concerned, the hollowness of the
pretensions on this score is revealed by the Administration's subsequent
ACCEPTANCE 277
patronage of Villa (whose qualification as an assassin are indisputable)
whom apparently the Administration was ready to recognize had he
achieved his end and fulfilled what then seemed to be its hope.
The question is not as to the non-recognition of Huerta. The Admin-
istration did not content itself with refusing to recognize Huerta, who was
recognized by Great Britain, Germany, France, Russia, Spain and Japan.
The Administration undertook to destroy Huerta, to control Mexican
policies, even to deny Huerta the right to a candidate for the office of
President at the election the Administration demanded. With what bewil-
derment must the Alexicans have regarded our assertion of their right
to manage their own affairs ! In the summer of 1913, John Lind was
despatched to the City of Mexico as the president's "personal spokesman
and representative" to the unrecognized Huerta in order to demand that
the latter eliminate himself. It was an unjustifiable mission, most offen-
sive to a sensitive people. John Lind lingered irritatingly. The Admin-
istration continued to direct its efforts at the destruction of the government
Mexico had.
In the Spring of 1914, occurred the capture of Vera Cruz. Men from
one of our ships had been arrested at Tampico and had been discharged
with an apology. But our Admiral demanded a salute, which was refused.
Thereupon the President went to Congress, asking authority to use the
armed forces of the United States. Without waiting for the passage of
the resolution, Vera Cruz was seized. It appeared that a shipload of
ammunition for Huerta was about to enter the port. There was a natural
opposition to this invasion and a battle occurred in which nineteen
Americans and over a hundred Mexicans were killed. This, of course,
was war. Our dead soldiers were praised for dying like heroes in a war
of service. Later, we retired from Vera Cruz, giving up this noble war-
fare. We had not obtained the salute which was demanded. We had not
obtained reparation for affronts. The ship with ammunition which could
not land at Vera Cruz had soon landed at another port, and its cargo was
delivered to Huerta without interference. Recently the naked truth was
admitted by a Cabinet officer. We are now informed that "we did not go
to Vera Cruz to force Huerta to salute the flag." We are told that we
went there "to show Mexico that we were in earnest in our demand that
Huerta must go." That is, we seized Vera Cruz to depose Huerta. The
question of the salute was a mere pretext.
Meanwhile, the Administration utterly failed to perform its obvious
duty to secure protection for the lives and property of our citizens. It
is most unworthy to slur those who have investments in Mexico in order
to escape a condemnation for the non-performance of this duty. There
can be no such escape, for we have no debate, and there can be no debate,
as to the existence of this duty on the part of our Government. Let me
quote the words of the Democratic Platform of 1912 : "The constitutional
278 ACCEPTANCE
rights of American citizens should protect them on our borders and go
with them throughout the world, and every American citizen residing or
having property in any foreign country is entitled to and must be given
the full protection of the United States Government, both for himself
and his property." The bitter hatred aroused by the course of the Admin-
istration multiplied outrages, while our failure to afford protection to our
citizens evoked the scorn and contempt of Mexicans. Consider the igno-
minious incident at Tampico in connection with the capture of Vera Cruz.
In the midst of the greatest danger to the hundreds of Americans con-
gregated at Tampico, our ships which were in the harbor were withdrawn
and our citizens were saved only by the intervention of German officers
and were taken away by British and German ships. The official excuse
of the Secretary of the Navy is an extraordinary commentary. Our ships,
it seems, had been ordered to Vera Cruz ; but, as it appeared that they were
not needed, the order was rescinded. Then, we are told, our Admiral
was faced with this remarkable dilemma. If he attempted to go up the
river at Tampico and take our citizens on board, the word of "aggress've
action," as the Secretary called it, "would have spread to the surrounding
country" and it was "almost certain that reprisals on American citizens
would have followed and lives would have been lost." We had so incensed
the Mexicans that we could not rescue our own citizens at Tampico, save
at the risk of the murder of others. We must take Vera Cruz to get
Huerta out of office and trust to other nations to get our own citizens
out of peril. What a travesty of international policy!
Destroying the government of Huerta, we left Mexico to the ravages
of revolution. I shall not attempt to narrate the sickening story of the
barbarities committed, of the carnival of murder and lust. We were then
told that Mexico was entitled to spill as much blood as she pleased to
settle her own affairs. The Administration vacillated with respect to
the embargo on the export of arms and munitions to Mexico. Under the
resolution of 1912, President Taft laid such an embargo. In August,
1913, President Wilson stated that he deemed it his duty to see that
neither side to the struggle in Mexico should receive any assistance from
this side of the border, and that the export of all arms and munitions to
Mexico would be forbidden. But in February, 1914, the embargo was
lifted. In April, 1914, the embargo was restored. In May, 1914, it was
explained that the embargo did not apply to American shipments through
Mexican ports, and ammunition for Carranza was subsequently landed at
Tampico. In September, 1914, the embargo was lifted on exports across
the border; thereupon military supplies reached both Villa and Carranza.
In October, 1915, an embargo was declared on all exports of arms except
to the adherents of Carranza. There was an utter absence of consistent
policy.
For a time we bestowed friendship on Villa. Ultimately we recog-
nized Carranza, not on the ground that he had a constitutional govern-
ACCEPTANCE 279
ment, but that it was a de facto government. The complete failure to
secure protection to American citizens is shown conclusively in the note
of the Secretary of State of June 20, 1916, in which he thus described the
conditions that have obtained during the past three years :
"For three years the Mexican republic has been torn with civil strife;
the lives of Americans and other aliens have been sacrificed; vast prop-
erties developed by American capital and enterprise have been destroyed
or rendered non-productive; bandits have been permitted to roam at will
through the territory contiguous to the United States and to seize, without
punishment or without effective attempt at punishment, the property of
Americans, while the lives of citizens of the United States who ventured
to remain in Mexican territory or to return there to protect their inter-
ests have been taken, in some cases barbarously taken, and the murderers
have neither been apprehended nor brought to justice. * * * It would
be tedious to recount instance after instance, outrage after outrage, atrocity
after atrocity, to illustrate the true nature and extent of the widespread
conditions of lawlessness and violence which have prevailed."
The Santa Ysabel massacre, the raid at Columbus, the bloodshed at
Carrizal, are fresh in your minds. After the Columbus raid we started a
"punitive expedition." We sent a thin line of troops hundreds of miles
into Mexico, between two lines of railway neither of which we were
allowed to use and which we did not feel at liberty to seize. We were
refused permission to enter the towns. Though thus restricted, the enter-
prise was still regarded by the Mexicans as a menace. Our troops xaced
hostile forces and it is not remarkable that our men fell at Carrizal. What
other result could be expected? We were virtually ordered to withdraw,
and without accomplishing our purpose we have been withdrawing and
we are now endeavoring to safeguard our own territory. The entire
National Guard has been ordered out and many thousands of our citizens
have been taken from their peaceful employment and hurried to the
Mexican border. The Administration was to seize and punish Villa for
his outrage on our soil. It has not punished any one; we went in only
to retire, and future movements are apparently to be determined by a
joint commission.
The Nation has no policy of aggression toward Mexico. We have no
desire for any part of her territory. We wish her to have peace, stability,
and prosperity. We should be ready to aid her in binding up her wounds,
in relieving her from starvation and distress, and in giving her in every
practicable way the benefits of our disinterested friendship. The conduct
of this Administration has created difficulties which we shall have to
surmount. We shall have to overcome the antipathy needlessly created
by that conduct and to develop genuine respect and confidence. We shall
have to adopt a new policy of firmness and consistency through which
alone we can promote an enduring friendship. We demand from Mexico
280 ACCEPTANCE
the protection of the lives and the property of our citizens and the se-
curity of our border from depredations. Much will be gained if Mexico
is convinced that we contemplate no meddlesome interference with what
does not concern us, but that we propose to insist in a firm and candid
manner upon the performance of international obligations. To a stable
government, appropriately discharging its international duties, we would
give ungrudging support. A short period of firm, consistent and friendly
dealing will accomplish more than many years of of vacillation.
EUROPEAN WAR. MAINTENANCE OF AMERICAN RIGHTS
In this land of composite population, drawing its strength from every
race, the national security demands that there shall be no paltering with
American rights. The greater the danger of divisive influence, the greater
is the necessity for the unifying force of a just, strong and patriotic posi-
tion. We countenance no covert policies, no intrigues, no secret schemes.
We are unreservedly, devotedly, whole-heartedly, for the United States.
That is the rallying point for all Americans. That is my position. I stand
for the unflinching maintenance of all American rights on land and sea.
We have had a clear and definite mission as a great neutral nation.
It was for us to maintain the integrity of international law ; to vindicate
our rights as neutrals ; to protect the lives of our citizens, their property
and trade from wrongful acts. Putting aside any question as to the high-
est possibilities of moral leadership in the maintenance and vindication of
the law of nations in connection with the European War, at least we were
entitled to the safe-guarding of American rights. But this has not been
secured. We have had brave words in a series of notes, but despite our
protests the lives of Americans have been destroyed. What does it avail
to use some of the strongest words known to diplomacy if Ambassadors
can receive the impression that the words are not to be taken seriously?
It is not words, but the strength and resolution behind the words, that
count. The chief function of diplomacy is prevention; but in this our
diplomacy failed, doubtless because of its impaired credit and the manifest
lack of disposition to back words with action. Had this Government by
the use of both informal and formal diplomatic opportunities left no doubt
that when we said "strict accountability" we meant precisely what we said,
and that we should unhesitatingly vindicate that position, I am confident
that there would have been no destruction of American lives by the sink-
ing of the Lusitania. There, we had ample notice ; in fact, published notice.
Furthermore, we knew the situation and we did not require specific notice.
Instead of whittling away our formal statements by equivocal conversa-
tions, we needed the straight, direct and decisive representations wh'ch
every diplomat and foreign office would understand. I believe that in
this way we should have been spared the repeated assaults on American
ACCEPTANCE 281
lives. Moreover, a firm American policy would have been strongly sup-
ported by our people and the opportunities for the development of bitter
feeling would have been vastly reduced.
It is a great mistake to say that resoluteness in protecting American
rights would have led to war. Rather, in that course lay the best assur-
ance of peace. Weakness and indecision in the maintenance of known
rights are always sources of grave danger; they forfeit respect and invite
serious wrongs, which in turn create an uncontrollable popular resentment.
That is not the path of national security. Not only have we a host of
resources short of war by which to enforce our just demands, but we
shall never promote our peace by being stronger in words than in deeds.
We should not have found it difficult to maintain peace, but we should
have maintained peace with honor. During this critical period, the only
danger of war has lain in the weak course of the Administration.
I do not put life on the same footing, but the Administration has not
only been remiss with respect to the protection of American lives ; it has
been remiss with respect to the protection of American property and
American commerce. It has been too much disposed to be content with
leisurely discussion. I cannot now undertake to review the course of
events, but it is entirely clear that we failed to use the resources at our
command to prevent injurious action, and that we suffered in conse-
quence. We have no ulterior purposes, and the Administration should
have known how to secure the entire protection of every legitimate Ameri-
can interest and the prompt recognition of our just demands as a neutral
nation.
We denounce all plots and conspiracies in the interest of any foreign
nation. Utterly intolerable is the use of our soil for alien intrigues. Every
American must unreservedly condemn them, and support every effort for
their suppression. But here, also, prompt, vigorous and adequate measures
on the part of the Administration were needed. There should have been
no hesitation ; no notion that it was wise and politic to delay. Such an
abuse of our territory demanded immediate and thorough-going action.
As soon as the Administration had notice o| plots and conspiracies, it
was its duty to stop them. It was not lacking in resources. Its re-
sponsibility for their continuance cannot be escaped by the condemnation
of others.
PREPAREDNESS
We are a peace-loving people, but we live in a world of arms. We
have no thought of aggression, and we desire to pursue our democratic
ideals without the wastes of strife. So devoted are we to these ideals,
so intent upon our normal development, that I do not believe that there is
the slightest danger of militarism in this country. Adequate preparedness
is not militarism. It is the essential assurance of security ; it is a necessary
safeguard of peace.
282 ACCEPTANCE
It is apparent that we are shockingly unprepared. There is no room
for controversy on this point since the object lesson on the Mexican
border. All our available regular troops (less, I believe, than 40,000) are
there or in Mexico, and as these have been deemed insufficient the entire
National Guard has been ordered out; that is, we are summoning practi-
cally all our movable military forces in order to prevent bandit incursions.
In view of the warnings of the past three years, it is inexcusable that we
should find ourselves in this plight. For our faithful guardsmen, who
with a fine patriotism responded to this call and are bearing this burden,
I have nothing but praise. But I think it little short of absurd that we
should be compelled to call men from their shops, their factories, their
offices and their professions for such a purpose. This, however, is not all.
The units of the National Guard were at peace strength, which was only
about one-half the required strength. It was necessary to bring in re-
cruits, for the most part raw and untrained. Only a small percentage of
the regiments recruited up to war strength will have had a year's training
in the National Guard, which at the maximum means one hundred hours
of military drill, and, on the average, means much less. Take the Eastern
Department as an illustration. The States in this Department contain
about 72. per cent, of the entire organized militia of the country. I am
informed, by competent authority, that the quota of militia from this De-
partment, recently summoned with the units raised to war strength as
required would amount to about 131,000 men ; that in response to this call
there are now en route to or on the border about 54,000 men, and in camp
in their respective States about 28,000 men ; and thus, after what has al-
ready been accomplished, there still remain to be supplied in recruits about
48,000 men. Men fresh from their peaceful employments and physically
unprepared have been hurried to the border for actual service. They
were without proper equipment, without necessary supplies ; suitable con-
ditions of transportation were not provided. Men with dependent families
were sent; and conditions which should have been well known were dis-
covered after the event. And yet the exigency, comparatively speaking,
was not a very grave one. It involved nothing that could not readily have
been foreseen during the past three years of disturbance, and required
only a modest talent for organization. That this Administration while
pursuing its course in Mexico should have permitted such conditions to
exist is almost incredible.
In the demand for reasonable preparedness the Administration has
followed, not led. Those who demanded more adequate forces were first
described as "nervous and excited." Only about a year and a half ago we
were told that the question of preparedness was not a pressing one; that
the country had been misinformed. Later, under the pressure of other
leadership, this attitude was changed. The Administration, it was said,
had "learned something," and it made a belated demand for an increased
army. Even then, the demand was not prosecuted consistently and the
ACCEPTANCE 283
pressure exerted on Congress with respect to other Administrative meas-
ures was notably absent. The President addressed Congress but little over
six months ago, presenting the plans of the War Department, and Congress
was formally urged to sanction these plans as "the essential first steps."
They contemplated an increase of the standing force of the regular army
from its then strength of 5,023 officers and 102,985 enlisted men, to a
strength of 7,136 officers and 134,707 enlisted men, or 141,843 all told. It
was said that these additions were "necessary to render the army ade-
quate for its present duties." Further, it was proposed that the army
should be supplemented by a force of 400,000 disciplined citizens raised in
increments of 133,000 a year, through a period of three years. At least so
much "by way of preparation for defense" seemed to the President to be
"absolutely imperative now." He said : "We cannot do less." But within
two months this program was abandoned and the able Secretary of War
who had devoted himself persistently to this important question felt so
keenly the change in policy that he resigned from the Cabinet. Now, the
Army Organization Bill provides for an army on paper of 178,000, but in
fact it provides for only 105,000 enlisted men for the line of the regular
army for the fiscal year ending June 30, 1917, and I am informed that for
the net fiscal year there will be an increase of only 15,000. The plan for
the supplemental Federal Army completely under Federal control was
given up.
We are told that the defects revealed by the present mobilization are
due to the "system." But it was precisely such plain defects that under
the constant warnings of recent years, with the whole world intent on
military concerns, should have been studied and rectified. The Adminis-
tration has failed to discharge its responsibilities. Apparently, it is now
seeking to meet political exigencies by its naval program. But it has
imposed upon the country an incompetent naval administration.
We demand adequate national defense ; adequate protection on both
our Western and Eastern coasts. We demand thoroughness and efficiency
in both arms of the service. It seems to be plain that our regular army
is too small. We are too great a country to require of our citizens wno are
engaged in peaceful vocations the sort of military service to which they
are now called. As well insist that our citizens in this metropolis be
summoned to put out fires and police the streets. We do not count it in-
consistent with our liberties, or with our democratic ideals, to have an ade-
quate police force. With a population of nearly one hundred million we
need to be surer of ourselves than to become alarmed at the prospect of
having a regular army which can reasonably protect our border, and per-
form such other military service as may be required, in the absence of a
grave emergency. I believe, further, that there should be not only a rea-
sonable increase in the regular army, but that the first citizen reserve
subject to call should be enlisted as a Federal army and trained under
Federal authority.
284 ACCEPTANCE
The country demands that our military and naval programs shall be
carried out in a business-like manner under the most competent adminis-
trative heads ; that we shall have an up-to-date preparation ; that the
moneys appropriated shall be properly expended. We should also have
careful plans for mobilizing our industrial resources; for promoting re-
search and utilizing the investigations of science. And a policy of adequate
preparedness must constantly have in view the necessity of conserving our
fundamental human interests ; of promoting the physical well-being of our
population, as well as education and training; of developing to the utmost
our economic strength and independence. It must be based, upon a pro-
found sense of our unity, and democratic obligation. It must not mean
the abandonment of other essential governmental work, but that we shall
have, in both, efficiency, and, in neither, waste or extravagance. We should
also be solicitous, by wise provision and conference, to remove so far as
possible the causes of irritation which may in any degree threaten friendly
relations. In our proposals there is, I repeat, no militarism. There is
simple insistence upon common sense in providing reasonable measures of
security and avoiding the perils of neglect. We must have strength of
self-respect ; a strength which contains no threat, but assures our defense,
safeguards our rights and conserves our peace.
THE ORGANIZATION OF PEACE
We are deeply interested in what I may term the organization of
peace. We cherish no illusions. We know that the recurrence of war
is not to be prevented by pious wishes. If the conflict of national inter-
ests is not to be broguht to the final test of force, there must be the
development of international organization in order to provide international
justice and to safeguard so far as practicable the peace of the world.
Arbitration treaties are useful within their proper sphere, but it is
worse than folly to ignore the limitations of this remedy or to regard
such treaties as an adequate means of preventing war. There should be
an international tribunal to decide controversies susceptible of judicial
determination, thus affording the advantage of judicial standards in the
settlement of particular disputes and of the gradual growth of a body of
judicial precedents. In emphasizing the desirability of such a tribunal
for the disposition of controversies of a justiciable sort, it must not be
overlooked that there are also legislative needs. We need conferences of
the Nations to formulate international rules, to establish principles, to
modify and extend international law so as to adapt it to new conditions,
to remove causes of international differences. We need to develop the
instrumentalities of conciliation. And behind this international organiza-
tion, if it is to be effective, must be the co-operation of the nations to
prevent resort to hostilities before the appropriate agencies of peaceful
settlement have been utilized. If the peace of the world is to be main-
ACCEPTANCE 285
tained, it must be through the preventive power of a common purpose.
Without this, it will still remain not only possible, but practicable, to dis-
regard international obligations, to override the rights of States, particu-
larly of small States, to ignore principles, to violate rules. And it is only
through international co-operation giving a reasonable assurance of peace
that we may hope for the limitation of armaments. It is to be expected
that nations will continue to arm in defense of their respective interests,
as they are conceived, and nothing will avail to diminish this burden save
some practical guaranty of international order. We, in this country can,
and should, maintain our fortunate freedom from entanglements with
interests and policies which do not concern us. But there is no national
isolation in the world of the Twentieth Century. If at the close of the
present war the nations are ready to undertake practicable measures in
the common interest in order to secure international justice, we cannot
fail t6 recognize our international duty. The peace of the world, is our
interest, as well as the interest of others, and in developing the necessary
agencies for the prevention of war we shall be glad to have an appropriate
share. And our preparedness will have proper relation to this end as well
as to our own immediate security.
INDUSTRY AND TRADE A FOOL'S PARADISE
When we contemplate industrial and commercial conditions, we see
that we are living in a fool's paradise. The temporary prosperity to which
our opponents point has been created by the abnormal conditions incident
to the war. With the end of the war there will be the new conditions
determined by a new Europe. Millions of men in the trenches will then
return to work. The energies of each of the now belligerent nations,
highly trained, will then be turned to production. These are days of
terrible discipline for the nations at war, but it must not be forgotten
that each is developing a national solidarity, a knowledge of method, a
realization of capacity, hitherto unapproached. In each, the lessons of
co-operation now being learned will never be forgotten. Friction and
waste have been reduced to a minimum; labor and capital have a better
understanding, business organization is more highly developed and more
intelligently directed than ever before. We see in each of these nations
a marvellous national efficiency. Let it not be supposed that this efficiency
will not count when Europe once more at peace pushes its productive
powers to the utmost limit.
On the other hand, in this country, with the stoppage of the manu-
facture of munitions, a host of men will be turned out of employment.
We must meet the most severe competition in industry. We are undisci-
plined, defective in organization, loosely knit, industrially unprepared.
Our opponents promised to reduce the cost of living. This they have
failed to do; but they did reduce the opportunities of making a living.
286 ACCEPTANCE
Let us not forget the conditions that existed in this country under the
new tariff prior to the outbreak of the war. Production had decreased,
business was languishing, new enterprises were not undertaken, instead
of expansion there was curtailment, and our streets were filled with the
unemployed. It was estimated that in the City of New York over 300,000
were out of work. Throughout the country the jobless demanded relief.
The labor commissioners of many States, and our municipal administra-
tions, devoted themselves to the problem of unemployment, while the
resources of our voluntary charitable organizations were most severely
taxed. What ground is there for expecting better conditions when the
unhealthy stimulus of the war has spent its force and our industries and
working-men are exposed to the competition of an energized Europe?
It is plain that we have protective, upbuilding policies. It is idle to
look for relief to the Democratic Party which as late as 1912 declared in
its platform that it was "a fundamental principle of the Democratic Party
that the Federal Government, under the Constitution, had no right or
power to impose or collect tariff duties except for the purpose of revenue.
We are told in its present platform that there have been "momentous
changes" in the past two years, and hence, repudiating its former attitude,
the Democratic Party now declares for a "non-partisan tariff commis-
sion." But have the "momentous changes" incident to the European War
changed the Constitution of the United States? Is it proposed to use a
tariff commission to frame a tariff for revenue only? Is the opposing
party ready to confess that for generations it has misread the Constitu-
tion? Is that party now prepared to accept the protective principle?
Rather, so far as the tariff is concerned, it would appear to be without
principle. Witness its action in connection with the sugar duties, its
reaffirmation of the doctrine of a revenue tariff, its dye-stuffs proposal,
and its formulation in lieu of protective duties of an "anti-dumping"
provision, the terms of which are sufficient to show its ineffective character.
The Republican Party stands for the principle of protection. We
must apply that principle fairly, without abuses, in as scientific a manner as
possible; and Congress should be aided by the investigations of an
expert body. We stand for the safeguarding of our economic independ-
ence, for the development of American industry, for the maintenance of
American standards of living. We propose that in the competitive
struggle that is about to come the American working-man shall not suffer.
The Republican Party is not a sectional party. It thinks and plans
nationally. Its policies are for the promotion of the prosperity of every
part of the country, South, East, North and West. It is not simply a
question of a wise adjustment of the tariff in accordance with sound
principle, but there is also the need in other respects for stable conditions
for commercial and industrial progress. If we are to meet effectively
the conditions which will arise after the war is over, we must put our
ACCEPTANCE 287
house in order Let it be understood that the public right is to be main-
tained without fear or favor. But let us show that we can do this with-
out impairing the essential agencies of progress. There is no forward
movement, no endeavor to promote social justice, which in the last
analysis does not rest upon the condition that there shall be a stable
basis for honest enterprise. This subject has several important phases
to which at this time I can allude only briefly. We should place our
transportation system on a sure footing. We should be able wisely to
adjust our regulative powers so that the fundamental object of protecting
the public interest can be fully secured without uncertainties or con-
flicts and without hampering the development and expansion of trans-
portation facilities. This national end may be accompanied without the
sacrifice of any interest that is essentially local, or without weakening
public control. Our present system is crude and inadequate. Moreover,
in the severe economic struggle that is before us, and in seeking, as we
should, to promote our productive industries and to expand our com-
merce notably our foreign commerce we shall require the most efficient
organization, quite as efficient as that found in any nation abroad. There
must be no unnecessary wastes and no arbitrary obstructions. We have
determined to cut out, root and branch, monopolistic practices, but we
can do this without hobbling enterprise or narrowing the scope of legiti-
mate achievement. Again, we must build up our merchant marine. It
will not aid to put the Government into competition with private owners.
That, it seems to me, is a counsel of folly. A surer way of destroying
the promise of our foreign trade could hardly be devised. It has well been
asked Does the Government intend to operate at a profit or at a loss?
We need the encouragement and protection of Government for our ship-
ping industry, but it cannot afford to have the Government as a com-
petitor.
LABOR
We stand for the conservation of the just interests of labor. We
do not desire production, or trade, or efficiency in either, for its own
sake, but for the betterment of the lives of human beings. We shall not
have any lasting industrial prosperity, unless we buttress our industrial
endeavors by adequate means for the protection of health ; for the elim-
ination of unnecessary perils to life and limb ; for the safeguarding of
our future through proper laws for protection of women and children in
industry; for increasing opportunities for education and training. We
should be solicitous to inquire carefully into every grievance, remember-
ing that there are few disputes which cannot easily be adjusted if there
be an impartial examination of the facts. We make common cause in
this country, not for a few, but for all ; and our watchword must be
co-operation, not exploitation. No plans will be adequate save as they
are instinct with genuine democratic sympathy.
288 ACCEPTANCE
I stand for adequate Federal Workmen's Compensation laws, dealing
not only with the employees of Government, but with those employees
who are engaged in interstate commerce, and are subject to the hazard
of injury, so that those activities which are within the sphere of the
constitutional authority of Congress may be dealt with under a suitable
law.
AGRICULTURE CON SERVATION
We propose to promote by every practicable means our agricultural
interests, and we include in this program an effective system of rural
credits. We favor the wise conservation of our natural resources. We
desire not only that they shall be safeguarded, but that they shall be
adequately developed and used to the utmost public advantage.
NATIONAL TRUSTEESHIP THE PHILIPPINES
We turn to other considerations of important policy. One of these is
our attitude toward the Philippines. That, I may say, is not a question
of self-interest. We have assumed international obligations which we
should not permit ourselves to evade. A breach of trust is not an
admissible American policy, though our opponents have seemed to con-
sider it such. We should administer government in the Philippines with
a full recognition of our international duty, without partisanship, with
the aim of maintaining the highest standards of expert administration,
and in the interest of the Filipinos. This is a matter of National honor.
WOMAN SUFFRAGE
I endorse the declaration in the platform in favor of woman suffrage.
I do not consider it necessary to review the arguments usually advanced
on the one side or the other, as my own convictions proceed from a some-
what different point of view. Some time ago, a consideration of our
economic conditions and tendencies, of the position of women in gainful
occupations, of the nature and course of the demand, led me to the
conclusion that the granting of suffrage to women is inevitable. Opposition
may delay, but in my judgment cannot defeat this movement. Nor can I
see any advantages in the delay which can possibly offset the disadvantages
which are necessarily incident to the continued agitation. Facts should be
squarely met. We shall have a constantly intensified effort and a dis-
tinctly feminist movement constantly perfecting its organization to the
subversion of normal political issues. We shall have a struggle increasing
in bitterness, which I believe to be inimical to our welfare. If women are
to have the vote, as I believe they are, it seems to me entirely clear that
in the interest of the public life of this country, the contest should be
ended promptly. I favor the vote for women.
ACCEPTANCE 289
ADMINISTRATIVE EFFICIENCY CIVIL SERVICE LAWS BUDGET
Confronting every effort to improve conditions, is the menace of
incompetent administration. It is an extraordinary notion that democracy
can be faithfully served by inexpertness. Democracy needs exact knowl-
edge, special skill and thorough training in its servants. I have already
spoken of the disregard of proper standards, in numerous instances, in
appointments to the diplomatic service. Unfortunately there has been
a similar disregard of executive responsibility in appointments to impor-
tant administrative positions in our domestic service. Even with respect
to technical bureaus the demands of science have been compelled to yield
to the demands of politics.
We have erected against importunities of spoilsmen the barriers ol
the civil service laws, but under the present Administration enactments
providing for the creation of large numbers of places have been deliber-
ately removed from the merit system. The principles of our civil service
laws have been shamelessly violated. We stand for fidelity to these
principles and their consistent application. And, further, it is our pur-
pose that administrative chiefs shall be men of special competence emi-
nently qualified for their important work.
Our opponents promised economy, but they have shown a reckless
extravagance. They have been wasteful and profligate. It is time that
we had fiscal reform. We demand a simple business-like budget. I
believe it is only through a responsible budget, proposed by the Executive,
that we shall avoid financial waste and secure proper administrative
efficiency, and a well-balanced consideration of new administrative pro-
posals.
We live in a fateful hour In a true sense, the contest for the
preservation of the Nation is never ended. We must still be imbued with
the spirit of heroic sacrifice which gave us our country and brought us
safely through the days of civil war. We renew our pledge to the ancient
ideals of individual liberty, of opportunity denied to none because of race
or creed, of unswerving loyalty. We have a vision of America prepared
and secure ; strong and just ; equal to her tasks ; an exemplar of the
capacity and efficiency of a free people. I endorse the platform adopted
by the Convention and accept its nomination.
ADDRESS OF THE HON. LAWRENCE Y. SHERMAN
OF ILLINOIS
Notifying Mr. Fairbanks of His Nomination
for the Vice-Presidency
Senator Lawrence Y. Sherman's, of Illinois, speech notifying Charles
W. Fairbanks of his nomination for Vice-P resident follows :
"Pursuant to instructions of the Republican national convention of
1916 and in behalf of the committee of notification, you are formally ad-
vised of your nomination as the candidate of the Republican party for
Vice-President.
"Both candidates on our national ticket enlisted on the call of the
Republican convention representing a majority of the American people.
Neither hesitated in volunteering his services. Both are now rendering
that service in the common cause of redeeming the country from the mis-
rule and habitual incapacity of the Democratic party now nearing the end
of its third failure in half a century.
"In the providence that watches over the affairs of men, the misman-
agement of the Democratic party is always limited to one term. The in-
clusion of a one-term pledge in its platform in 1912 and its significant
absence in 1916 will not prevent the practical operation of the principle.
President Wilson relied upon it when a candidate and not only failed to
keep it when in office but repudiated it in his Palmer letter a month before
he was inaugurated. The American people will enforce obedience to his
broken promise as well as the penalty for a series of the most remarkable
breaches of platform pledges in the history of American politics.
DEMOCRATIC PARTY FLAYED
The Republican party does not rely merely upon the broken faith of
its political adversary. The performances of the Democratic party are
worse than its broken promises. It is a helpless aggregation drifting aim-
lessly in our foreign affairs and driving with malign purpose toward in-
dustrial ruin in our domestic affairs.
"It has utterly failed to read the significance of world-wide events and
resulting conditions in their relation to our future trade. It leaves us
exposed and helpless for either offensive or defensive business operations
at home or abroad when peace is restored.
200
NOTIFICATION 291
"It trusts to chance for its issues and to opportunity for its alleged
principles. If it ever arrives at an)- given point it is by accident and not
by intelligent design in following a defined and intended course of action.
As the inevitable result of war it claims the credit of trade balances with
which the legislation of the Democratic party has no more to do than the
change of seasons which Holy Writ promises us while the earth remaineth.
The largest affirmative result in this Democratic administration is its ap-
propriations. Its largest negative thing is its treasury deficit visible
through the most marvelous system of bookkeeping ever devised since the
ancients invented the science of numbers. It is worthy of a promoter
rather than a financier.
CALLED INCOMPETENT
"It has resorted to an odious stamp tax in time of peace for the first
time in our history. Its excise taxes on occupations, investments, mer-
chandise and insurance, with its small collections on customs duties, brand
the Democratic party as incapable in peace and incompetent to develop and
protect our resources for defensive war.
"The Republicans and the majority of the American people favor a
protective tariff. One-half our government receipts ought to be collected
from customs duties protective in character We believe in this as a cardi-
nal principle of our party faith. Our adversaries admit the soundness of
the Republican principles by restoring the duty on sugar and favoring in
the revenue bill now pending a protective rate on dyes and their component
materials and an anti-dumping law the essential principle of which they
rejected when offered by Republicans as an amendment to the Democratic
tariff act of 1913.
"We will distribute the burdens of taxation equitably and not sec-
tionally. Property is now classified and taxed so that some kinds are ex-
empt and other are taxed so as to bear nearly all the burdens of obnoxious
special taxes. Our American foreign policies never have been and are not
now expressed in and will not be performed by diplomatic notes worthless
at their face value and gone to protest in the foreign capitals of both hem-
ispheres.
FOREIGN POLICY
"Our foreign trade will be encouraged and sustained by protecting
American citizens and their property wherever found. Our citizens abroad
for commercial purposes will not be accused of commercial greed and
selfish ends when they ask their country for protection and safety.
"If there ever was any reason why the American people should go to
war with any nation in Europe this principle campaign asset would weigh
with the thinking people of the republic. It is a claim to a spurious virtue
for there is no more cause for war with any European belligerent than
Pierce had in the Crimean war, Grant in the Franco-Prussian war or
292 NOTIFICATION
Roosevelt in the Russ-Japanese war. If this administration can not man-
age the Mexican affair, what would it do with a powerful, resourceful
and united nation?
"Mr. Fairbanks, you will bring to your office experience, ability, de-
votion to duty and a high standard of Republican faith. On behalf of
our committee and our party I congratulate you, the State of Indiana, and
our country on your selection as a candidate for the highest office save one
in the gift of the American people."
MR. FAIRBANKS' REPLY
The speech of acceptance of Charles Warren Fairbanks of the nomin-
ation for Vice-President of the United States on the Republican ticket,
follows :
Senator Sherman and Gentlemen of the Notification Committee I am
deeply sensible of the high honor of the commission which you bring me.
To be chosen as the candidate of the Republican party for the vice-presi-
dency of the United States is a distinction which any patriotic American
may well covet, I accept the nomination and pledge you my utmost service
during the campaign. If the people ratify the choice of the convention I
shall consecrate my best efforts to the discharge of my official functions.
As you are aware, this is a call which was unsolicited by me; that fact
intensifies my sense of duty to those in behalf of whom you speak.
The platform adopted by the Chicago convention has my hearty ap-
proval. Carried into the public administration and written into the
statutes it will insure industrial and national prosperity during the years
of our ascendency.
This is an hour when we must put our faith to the test. We should
have nothing short of the best political party in the management of the
vast and complicated mechanism of our government.
We have before us for our judgment the platforms of the political
parties which are appealing for the popular suffrage. The Democratic
party has established an unchallenged reputation for the repudiation of its
platform utterances at its will. We never know what covenants it will
keep or what it will reject when clothed with power.
Political parties have individualities by which we may easily identify
them. We readily recognize the Republican party by its long and success-
ful conduct of the public business its efficient administration of our poli-
tical concerns. It has been a pledge-making and a pledge-redeeming party.
To keep faith with the people has been its supreme desire.
One of the greatest problems which presents itself for our solution
goes to the very root of our national prosperity and to the contentment of
ACCEPTANCE -.".).!
millions of our countrymen. We may take counsel of our friends who
are engaged in the great war. Although the hour of peace is beyond their
vision, they are already planning with reference to their industrial affairs
when they leave the trenches. We have given much thought to military
invasion. We should prepare for commercial invasion which would para-
lyze American industry and blight our happiness.
HOW DEMOCRATS CAME INTO POWER
The Democratic party came into power through an unhappy division
within our own ranks. It represented a minority of the people, and does
not today hold a commission from the majority. When invested with
power it immediately set to work to force down the throats of the majority
policies to which they were and ever since have been opposed. Democ-
racy stands, as it had stubbornly stood for many years, for a free trade
or revenue tariff, while the Republican party stands, as it has always
loyally stood for the great doctrine of American protection. Our future
industrial prosperity depends upon our choice between the two in the
pending campaign.
What protection and free trade mean we know from our actual ex-
perience ; they are not in the domain of the academic.
The present free trade, or tariff for revenue law, which Democracy
regards with such high favor, has worked infinite damage. This law,
which is to be maintained if Democracy triumphs, must stand or fall, not
!>y what Democratic conventions say of it, but by what it has said for itself
under normal trade conditions. Even before it was approved by Mr. Wil-
son, who took pride in the executive act, business began to furl its sails.
The coming storm was apparent and prudence took possession of our
people. The certainty of the law spread fear among us. Our competitors
in Europe and in the Orient were filled with joy. Commercial travelers
from England, France, Germany and elsewhere were put upon the road
in the United States and promptly began writing orders. The slowing
down process began with a wrench. The workingmen, who were the first
to feel the blighting effects of the reversal of our great economic policy,
began to lose their jobs ; factories were closed ; trains were taken off our
railway schedules ; thousands of idle cars accumulated upon the sidetracks ;
mines were closed ; the workers in our charities received increased appeals
from the unfortunate victims of the free trade policy. That Democracy
was again in power was made evident throughout the republic.
THE IRONY OF FATE
So strong was the pressure of the unemployed that the administration
was obliged to organize for the purpose of securing them work and wages.
This seemed like mockery. To close the field of labor's opportunity and
294 ACCEPTANCE
rob them by the thousands of their chance for wage, and then to organize
search for work among those who were holding fast to what they had,
seemed like the very irony of fate. The best employment agencies we
have had in a half century have been Republican protective tariff measures,
such as bore the name of William McKinley and others.
With the loss of work and wages under the Wilson administration,
the public revenue diminished. The Underwood law proved not only dis-
astrous to labor, but failed as a revenue producer. The melancholy ex-
periences of the years following the repeal of the McKinley law were being
repeated under the Underwood enactment; the experiences of the years
beginning with 1893 were being repeated in 1913. Hope was fast dying
out, when all Christendom was shocked by the European war. Demands
from the belligerent nations were made upon us for urgent military re-
quirements ; our idle men were recalled to the fields of industry ; our
foreign commerce rose to colossal figures and the golden currents sought
our shores; prosperity returned to us in many quarters not because of
Democracy, but in spite of it. It is not the prosperity of peace; it is not
prosperity thoroughly diffused throughout the country; it is the prosperity
of war, based upon the misfortunes of others; it is a prosperity which is
known to be but temporary ; there is no thought of permanence in it ; all
is spectacular, artificial, ephemeral.
There is no observer who does not know that when the war ceases and
the contest is transferred from the trenches to the factories, an unpre-
cedented war of markets will be on. Our standard of wages and living
will be matched against the lower wage and living standards of other
countries more sharply than ever in our past history.
DISASTROUS TO INDUSTRIES
The protective tariff when again adopted by the Republican party
must prove our safeguard. The Democratic free trade measure was
disastrous to our industries and public revenues before the war began.
Upon what theory, based upon rational judgment, can we assume that we
shall have a more favorable experience when peace is again restored than
we had in the midst of peace when Democracy overthrew our industries (
The Democratic party threw away millions of dollars at our customs
houses by the enactment of their unwise law. Many millions were given
to our foreign competitors without the gain to us of a dollar. This is
strikingly illustrated in a number of instances. I shall advert to one of
the largest. It is but a type of many others.
We are the greatest sugar consuming nation in the world. We are
sending approximately $150,000,000 annually to foreign countries for sugar
which should be produced at home.
When McKinley came into power he sought to stimulate a wide in-
terest in the development of the beet sugar industry. A duty of $1.95 a
ACCEPTANCE 295
hundred pounds was placed upon sugar, which continued for sixteen years
with but little change. Nearly $100,000,000 was invested in the industry
during this period. At the same time foreign sugar producers paid at the
customs houses over $1,100,000,000 for the privilege of selling their com-
modity in the market of the United States.
We have succeeded in developing sugar in some fourteen states. Many
hundred of millions of dollars have been distributed to farmers, laborers,
railroads, etc., in the process of growing, refining and distributing it. To
the extent that we have produced sugar at home we have curtailed our
foreign demand for it.
According to the opinion of James Wilson, former secretary of agri-
culture, we have about 274,000,000 acres suited to the production of sugar
beets more than sufficient for all of our domestic needs. A duty upon
sugar is justified from the standpoint of building up a great American
industry. Furthermore, in the process of creating it, we shall derive many
millions of dollars of revenue and to that extent relieve the tax burdens
which would otherwise rest upon the shoulders of our people.
When the Underwood law was enacted it provided that the tariff upon
sugar should be gradually reduced until it reached the free list, May I,
1916, This was a staggering blow to the great industry, and a tremendous
loss of public revenue. Forced by the necessities of the administration,
congress repealed the free trade clause of the Underwood sugar schedule,
not because the tariff aided an industry, but for revenue only. The repeal
was effected a short time before sugar was scheduled to go upon the free
list. This reversal of the hostile policy of the Democratic administration
is but temporary; if the party remains in power it will pursue the sugar
industry to its death.
Before congress repealed the free trade provision affecting the sugar
schedule, duties amounting to many millions of dollars, which otherwise
would have been paid by foreign sugar producers were lost to our treasury
and the deficiency was raised by obnoxious stamp taxes imposed upon the
people. This was a direct injury to us, not only in the loss of large
revenue, but in the crippling of a great and developing industry which the
Republican party had carefully sought to foster during the administration
of Harrison, McKinley, Roosevelt and Taft.
MERCHANT MARINE
The rebuilding of our merchant marine is one of the imperative and
urgent needs of the times. Our national safety and industrial independ-
ence demand that we shall not dally further with this great question. We
must enact such laws as will enable us to compete successfully with other
maritime nations. We once held a pre-eminent position in the carrying
trade of the high seas, but we have lost our place of leadership, and it
devolves upon us now, if we are the great people we profess to be, to
296 ACCEPTANCE
regain it. It is estimated that for the ten years prior to the beginning of
the European war we paid to foreign ship owners for carrying our imports
and exports approximately $1,500,000,000. The annual drain since then
amounts to approximately $300,000,000. This tremendous outgo if prop-
erly financed would put no additional burden upon the government, and
would result in a large saving to the country. The war has emphasized
the perils of our dependency upon other nations for the carrying of our
foreign commerce. We are seriously handicapped in our effort to expand
our markets into and beyond the seas because we must depend so largely
upon foreign ship owners for the transportation of our products. A mer-
chant vessel is a good commercial traveler and will search out business in
all harbors for the country whose flag it bears.
We are opposed to a government-owned or a government-operated
merchant marine. Such a merchant marine is violative of sound govern-
mental policy ; it will prove expensive and serve to check individual enter-
prise from entering one of the most important fields of our national de-
velopment. In the face of the tremendous drains upon the national
treasury it is unfortunate, indeed, that the Democratic party has seen fit to
project the government into the purchase of merchant ships and to the
expenditure of so vast a sum of money as it now contemplates. With fa-
voring laws sufficient private capital will be invested to enable us to con-
struct in American shipyards and with American labor all the merchant
vessels required to give us our rightful place in the ocean-carrying trade
of the world. Although we sorely need a great merchant marine we
should not seek it, as the Democratic administration proposes, by contra-
vening sound national policies.
ECONOMY
We are resolved to restore economy in government. Our Democratic
friends have repeatedly pledged themselves to economy in public adminis-
tration, but when in power have been extravagant and reckless. Some of
the strongest Democratic leaders have denounced the extravagances of
their party, but have been impotent to give us relief. Economy is in
Democratic platforms, but it seems to have no place in Democratic admin-
istration.
For nearly four years we have walked in darkness and doubt ; we
have endured stress and strain in our domestic affairs and have felt the
humiliation of lost prestige in the chancellories of the world. We are
eager to put our country's domestic concerns upon a sounder footing and
to lift our flag to its former pre-eminence in the esteem of the nations of
the earth. We covet nothing more earnestly than the good name of
America, and any political party which tarnishes it through ignorance or
design forfeits the popular confidence.
ACCEPTANCE 297
We believe unqualifiedly in the maintenance of a firm foreign policy
doing justice to others and demanding like justice for ourselves. This is
the surest method of regaining the world's esteem and insuring the preva-
lence of honorable peace with our international neighbors.
Our opponents pride themselves upon the assumed fact that their
candidate for the presidency has kept the country out of war. Their as-
sertion is too broad ; it comprehends more than the truth. We have not
been kept out of war, for there has been real war in Mexico, due to our
own aggression. It does not redound to our credit. That it was not greater
is due to the fact that Mexico is not greater. There has been no desire upon
the part of any power beyond the seas, either in Europe or in the Orient,
to go to war with us.
It is not a very difficult task for any President to keep out of war if
nobody wants to fight us, and when our people thoroughly believe that an
enlightened, firm diplomatic policy will meet successfully all of our in-
ternational necessities.
MEXICO
We regard the dealings of the President with Mexico as vacillating.
He has been given a free hand and has no one to blame for what he has
done or failed to do except himself. I have tried, so far as my influence
would go, to uphold his hands, regardless of whether we agreed among
ourselves as to the soundness of his policy. In foreign affairs we have
always been loyal to our constitutional leader. Our patience has been put
to the test in Mexico. We have sharply disagreed with the President, but
have stood by him, nevertheless. We have seen things go from bad to
worse; we have seen the butchery of our countrymen upon both sides of
the border ; we have seen millions of dollars' worth of property destroyed,
but we have steadfastly supported him, and shall continue to do so until
the close of the chapter of his power. A settlement day is now at hand,
not between the President and Mexico, but between the President and the
electors of the United States. Our patience is exhausted and we believe
our national interest requires a new deal.
It is unnecessary to view the President's course with Mexico in detail ;
one or two conspicuous facts will suffice. It was our manifest duty to
have recognized Huerta as the President, either de facto or de jure;
he was clearly in power under the forms of Mexican law and was entitled
to recognition by diplomatic precedent. He was a powerful soldier and
the one man above all others in his country who was capable of establish-
ing order. He had been recognized by the leading powers outside of the
United States; but our chief executive turned against him, gave aid and
encouragement to his enemies and in time effected his overthrow. We
have been called upon to incur large obligations in Mexico and along
the border which would have been unnecessary, in my judgment, if we
298 ACCEPTANCE
had recognized Huerta. Such recognition would have given him financial
credit and added strength to his arm. The interposition of President
Wilson in the domestic affairs of Mexico was unwarranted in sound in-
ternational policy and has proved disastrous in point of fact.
We do not generally appreciate the importance of the Mexican pro-
blem. The relations between the two countries are so intimate that every-
thing in honor should be done to maintain good neighborhood between
them. The population of Mexico is 15,000,000. There are some 40,000
American dwellers within the republic, and upon its invitation. The wealth
of the country is roundly $2,400,000,000. American investments amount to
more than $1,000,000,000, or approximately 45 per cent, of the total.
The Mexican situation is a challenge to the Monroe doctrine, the main-
tenance of which is so vital to the future peace and safety of the United
States. It is fair to say that except for the engagement of European
powers in a war at home, which involves their very existence, a protest
would have come from them against the wrongs which have been inflicted
upon their subjects and citizens in Mexico. The protest would have come
so peremptorily that we could not have disregarded it, or have satisfied
the just indignation of our European friends by a few polite notes.
The terrible struggle in Europe will tend to intensify, rather than
moderate, the spirit of nationalism throughout the world, and in the
future, as never before, it will be necessary for us to maintain a standard
of Americanism, free from division by sectionalism, class prejudice or
alien sympathy. There never was a time when it was more important for
us, as Americans, to avoid creating lines of cleavage in this country based
upon place of birth or occupational status. We can not properly censure
Americans of foreign birth for sympathy with the nations which once
claimed their allegiance, as against the nations with which they are fighting,
and the attempt to impute treasonable motives to any one class of our
citizens because of their original nationality, or the sympathies which go
with it, so long as these do not interfere with their paramount loyalty to
this republic, or in any way infringe it, is severely to be condemned. The
greatest menace in this country is not so much the man who loves two
countries as the man who loves no country at all.
PREPAREDNESS
We stand for preparedness measured by our national needs a strong
army and navy adequate to compel respect for our diplomacy and to in-
sure peace. Hand in hand with our physical preparedness, must go in-
dustrial preparedness, which shall insure prosperity for the millions who
labor and who, in the final analysis, are the real source of our national
strength.
ACCEPTANCE 299
The limitations of the hour prevent me from considering all the
phases and issues of the campaign. Later I shall avail myself of the op-
portunity to discuss them.
In conclusion, my friends, I wish to say that it is a very great pleas-
ure to me to be associated in this contest with Charles Evans Hughes our
leader. He has in the fullest degree exemplified in his life and public
services the best aims and highest aspirations of the American people.
His election will be an assurance that we shall go forward in the enjoy-
ment of a new era of honor and prestige abroad and prosperity and con-
tentment at home. We rejoice that the light of a better day is breaking.
INDEX
A.
Abraham, Albert, speech nominating candidate for Vice-President. . . 209
Adjournment, roll call on 189
Final 219
Alternate delegate, decision on right to vote in, 112, 187
Alward, D. E., elected reading clerk 29
Automobile Ride, announcement 37
B.
Baldridge, Howard H., speech nominating candidate for Vice-President 200
Baldwin, E. D., elected Assistant Secretary 29
Bancroft, H. H., elected Reading Clerk 29
Beamish, Richard J., elected Reading Clerk 29
Bennett, William S., elected Parliamentarian 29
Called upon to preside 67
Bennett, A. S. elected Tally Clerk 30
Borah, William E., remarks by 84
Bowers, Frank K., elected Assistant Sergeant-at-Arms 30
Bowman, D. H., elected reading clerk 29
Branch, E. F., elected Assistant Sergeant-at-Arms 30
Britt, Eugene W., speech seconding nomination 161
Brown, Elon R., remarks by 104
Brumbaugh, Martin G., speech nominating for President 154
Speech seconding nomination 174
Speech withdrawing name 183
Burkett, Elmer E., speech nominating for Vice-President 206
Bullett, William M., remarks by 109
Burton, Theodore E., speech nominating for President 124
Speech seconding nomination 162
Speech withdrawing name 200
Butler, Marion, speech seconding nomination 170
Butler, Nicholas Murray, speech nominating Elihu Root 119
Bynum, William P., speech seconding nomination 159
300
INDEX 301
C.
Calhoun, William J., speech nominating Lawrence Y. Sherman 135
Cannon, Joseph G., remarks by 81
Carlson, Fred. A., elected Assistant Reporter 29
Catron, Thomas B., remarks by 208
Chapin, B. E., elected Assistant Sergeant-at-Arms 30
Cochran, W. S., remarks by 108
Collins, Emerson, speech nominating Martin G. Brumbaugh 154
Committees
Conferring with Progressive Convention 103, no, 192
Credentials 31, 32, 39
Escorting Temporary Chairman to Chair 13
Notification of Candidate for President 216
Notification of candidate for Vice-President 217
Permanent Organization 31, 33, 67
Resolutions 31, 35, 88
Rules and Order of Business 30, 34, 68
Convention, call for 8, 9
Election of Officers, permanent 67
Election of Officers, temporary 29
Election of Permanent Chairman 67
Election of Temporary Chairman 13
Entertainment of 37, 2I 3
Permanent roll of 41
Rules and Order of Business 68, 156
Territorial Representation 68
Vice-President, honorary 218
Credentials Committee 31, 32
Report of 39
Cummins, Albert B., speech nominating for President 142
Seconding speech 167, 168
D.
Davis, Fred, elected Reading Clerk 29
Delegates and alternates, roll of 41
Depew, Chauncey M., remarks by 75
Dunham L. L., elected Tally Clerk 30
du Pont, Coleman, nominating speech for 132
Withdrawal of name 199
302 INDEX
E.
Emory, W. O., speech seconding nomination 165
Evans, H. Clay, remarks by 210
Evjue, William T., elected Reading Clerk 29
Ewing, Amos, elected Tally Clerk 30
F.
Fairbanks, Charles W., nominating speech for President 137
Seconding speeches 166
Withdrawal of name 200
Vice-President, speech nominating 205
Vice-President, speech seconding 208
Nominated for Vice-President 211, 213
Speech accepting nomination 292
Fall, Albert B., speech nominating Theodore Roosevelt. . . '. 148
Flavell J. R., elected Assistant Sergeant-at-Arms 30
Fulton, Charles W., speech seconding nomination 159
G.
Galvin, J. M., elected Reading Clerk 29
Gleason, Lafayette B., elected Temporary Secretary 29
Grover D. Lawrence, remarks by 210
Gross, Edward J., remarks by
H.
Hanson, J. J., elected Chief Doorkeeper 29
Harding, Warren G., elected Temporary Chairman 13
Elected Permanent Chairman 67
Remarks as Permanent Chairman 67
Rulings by 100, 106, 108, in, 112, 113, 166, 183, 201, 205
Speech notifying candidate for President 273
Speech as Temporary Chairman 14
Thanks to, Resolution of 214
Harger, C. M., elected Assistant Secretary 29
Hart, George L., elected Official Reporter 29
Haynes, Paul, elected Assistant Secretary 29
Hazelbarker, F. A., elected Assistant Secretary 29
Heyburn, William, remarks by 108
Hilles, Charles D., calls Convention to Order 7
New National Committee meeting 219
Presents Recommendation for Temporary Chairman 13
Presents recommendation for Temporary Officers 29
IXDEX 303
Hooper, B. W., remarks by 108
Howard, Guy V., elected Assistant Sergeant-at-Arms 29
Hughes, Charles E., life of 222
Message to Convention 259
Nominated for President 202
Notified of nomination 273
Speech accepting nomination 274
Speech placing in nomination 1 14
Speeches seconding nomination 157, 159
J.
Jennings, Malcolm, elected Reading Clerk 29
Johnson, George W., elected Tally Clerk 30
Kaufman, C. G., elected Tally Clerk 30
Kelly, Francis C., elected chaplain 29
Prayer by 38
Kelly, E. J., elected Assistant Sergeant-at-Arms 30
Kendall, W. E., speech nominating Albert B. Cummins 142
Kentucky, Member of National Committee from 103, 106, 108
King, Wesley, elected Tally Clerk 30
L.
La Follette, Robert M., speech nominating for President 150
Speech seconding nomination 174
Langley, J. W., remarks by 106
Levi, Gerson B., elected Chaplain 29
Prayer by IQI
Lodge Henry Cabot, remarks on resolutions 101
Remarks 202
Speech nominating John W. Weeks 130
Lundeen, Ernest, speech seconding nomination 167
Lyons John J., elected Assistant Sergeant-at-Arms 30
It
Marshall, John K., elected Assistant Reporter 29
Martin, Alvah H., Jr., elected Assistant Sergeant-at-Arms 30
Martin, Hugh L., elected Assistant Sergeant-at-Arms 30
Massachusetts, vote on President 186
McCall, S. W., remarks by 201
McCormack, W. L., elected Tally Clerk 30
304 INDEX
McCormick, Medill, remarks by 196
McCoy, Joseph, Jr., elected Assistant Secretary 29
McDowell, William F., elected Chaplain 29
Prayer by < 107
McGuire, Bird, speech seconding nomination 164
Meekins, Isaac M., speech seconding nomination 162
Miller, Thomas W., speech nominationg Coleman du Pont 132
Minnesota, member of National Committee no, 215
Moore, A. P. remarks by 202
Morrow, Edwin P., speech seconding nomination 165
N.
National Committee
Announcement of meeting of 219
Campaign Committee 220
Connecticut 203
Election of 103, 1 10, 203
Executive Committee 220
Kentucky, Member of 103, 106, 108
List of 203, 220, 221
Minnesota no, 215
New York 203
Officers and members of 220, 221
South Carolina no
Tennessee, member of 104
West Virginia 203
New York, poll on Presidential nomination 176
Nomination of candidates, ruling by chairman in
Nominations, vacancies in 214
Nominating speeches for candidate for President by
Nicholas Murray Butler 119
William J. Calhoun 135
Albert B. Fall 148
N. E. Kendall 142
Henry Cabot Lodge 130
Thomas W. Miller 132
M. B. Olbrich 150
Charles S. Whitman 114
Frank B. Willis 124
William R. Wood 137
Notification of Candidate
President 273
Vice-President 290
Officers of Convention, permanent 67
INDEX 305
Temporary 13, 29
Resolution of thanks to 214
Olbrich, M. B., speech nominating Robert M. La Follette 150
Order, points of 100, 106, 183, 201 205
P.
Pennsylvania, poll on vote for President 178
Permanent Roll of Convention 41
Phillips, Herman A, elected Parliamentarian 29
Phillips, James L., elected Assistant Secretary 29
Platform 88
Platform, minority report 95
Plumb, H. C, elected Assistant Sergeant-at-Arms 30
Pollock, Robert M., seconding nomination 174
Potter, Wm., speech seconding nomination 171
Prayers by
Francis C. Kelley 38
William F. McDowell 107
John Timothy Stone 8
President
Ballot on nomination, first 175, 178, 181
Second 183, 1 86
Third 197
Speech presenting name of Martin G. Brumbaugh 154
Theodore E. Burton 124
Albert B. Cummins 142
Coleman du Pont 132
Charles \V. Fairbanks 137
Charles E. Hughes 114
Robert M. La Follette 150
Theodore Roosevelt 148
Elihu Root 119
Lawrence Y. Sherman 135
John W. Weeks 130
Speeches seconding nomination for President by
Eugene W. Britt 161
Marion Butler 170
\Ym. P. Bynum 159
\V. O. Emory 165
Charles W. Fulton 159
Ernest Lundeen 167
Bird McGuire 164
Isaac M. Meekins 162
Edwin P. Morrow 165
Robert M. Pollock 174
306 INDEX
William Potter .' 171
Thomas Soule 163
A. M. Stevenson 169
Frank R. Stewart 162
William S. Vare 174
Leo Weinberg 157
Henry A. Whitaker 172
S. E. Wilson 168
Preston, James D., elected Assistant Sergeant-at-Arms 30
Progressive Convention
Communication from 102
Committee to confer with 103
Report from Conference Committee no, 192
Resolution to confer with 103
R.
Rathbone, Henry R., elected Reading Clerk 29
Rawson, Charles A., elected Assistant Secretary 29
Relf, C. D., elected Tally Clerk 30
Reynolds, James B., reading of Call of Convention by 8
Reports of
Committee to confer with Progressive Convention no, 192
Credential Committee 39
Permanent organization 67
Resolutions Committee 88
Rules and order of business 68
Resolutions, relative to
Committee to confer with Progressive Convention 103
Committee on Credentials 30
Committee on notification of candidate for President 216
Committee on notification of candidate for Vice-President 217
Committees on notification, chairman of 213
Committee on permanent organization 31
Committee on Resolutions 31
Committee on Rules and Order of Business 31
Printing Convention proceedings 214
Rules of Convention 30
Seconding speeches 156
Temporary officers 29
Territorial representation 68
Thanks to chairman and officers 214
Thanks to citizens of Chicago 215
Thanks to Entertainment Committee 214
Vacancies in nominations ~, 214
INDEX 307
Resolutions, report of committee upon (platform) 88
Roll calls on
Adjournment 189
Presidential nomination
First ballot 175, 178, 181
Second ballot 183, 186
Third ballot 197
Vice-Presidential nomination 211
Roll of Convention, permanent 41
Roosevelt, Theodore
Communication from, to Conference Committee 193
Nominating speech for 148
Seconding speeches 169, 170, 171, 172
Root, Elihu
Nominating speech for 118
Seconding speech 159, 161
Withdrawal of name 200
Rules, Committee on 31
Rules, Committee Report of 68
Rules, Suspension of, Ruling on 201
Rules, Seconding Speeches 156
Temporary 30
S.
Scott, \Y. E., elected Reading Clerk 29
Settle, Thomas, speech seconding nomination 163
Sherman, Lawrence Y.
Speech nominating for President 135
Withdrawal of name 196
Speech notifying Mr. Fairbanks 290
Smith, Frank A., elected Chief Assistant Secretary 29
Smith, Frank H., elected Assistant Secretary 29
Smith, John \Y., elected assistant Sergeant-at-Arms 30
South Carolina, member National Committee no
Speeches, rule limiting 156
Stevenson, A. M., speech seconding nomination 169
Remarks by 108
Stewart, Frank R., speech seconding nomination 162
Stoll, R. C, remarks by 103
Stone, John Timothy, elected chaplain 29
Prayer by 8
Stone, William F, elected Sergeant-at-Arms 29
Sutherland, George, called to preside 123
308 IXDEX
T.
Tennessee, National Committee Member 104
Territorial Representation 68
Thayer, E. P., elected Assistant Sergeant-at-Arms 29
Topping, W. H., elected Assistant Secretary 29
True, H. O., elected Tally Clerk 30
V.
Vacancies in Nominations 214
Vare, Wm. S., speech seconding' nomination 174
Venable, Earl, elected Tally Clerk 30
Vice-Presidents of Convention, list of honorary 2I&
Vice-President, ballot for 211
Vice-President, speeches presenting
Elmer E. Burkett, by H. H. Baldridge 206
Charles W. Fairbanks, by John Wanamaker 205
William Grant Webster, by Albert Abraham 209
W.
Waite, W. A., elected assistant Secretary 29
Wanamaker, John, speech nominating Charles W. Fairbanks for Vice-
President 205
Warren, Charles B., remarks on rules 73
Waters, William O., elected Chaplain 29
\\ atkins, Roy M., elected Assistant Secretary 29
Webster, Wm. Grant, speech nominating for Vice-President 209
Weeks, John W.
Speech nominating for President 130
Speeches seconding nomination 163, 164, 165
Withdrawal by 195
Weinberg, Leo, speech seconding nomination 157
Whitaker, Henry A., speech seconding nomination 172
White, A. W., elected assistant Sergeant-at-Arms 30
White, David J., elected recording clerk 29
Whitman, Charles S., speech nominating Charles E. Hughes 114
Williamson, Thomas, elected assistant Secretary 29
Willis, Frank B., nominating speech by 124
Remarks by 208
Wilson, S. E., speech seconding nomination 168
Wood, William R., nominating speech by 137
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