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John E. Booty 

The University of the South (ret.) 
Georges Edelen 

Indiana University (ret.) 
Egil Grislis 

The University of Manitoba 
W. Speed HiU 

Lehman College and The Graduate Center, 

The City University of New York 
Arthur Stephen McGrade 

The University of Connecticut 
David Novarr (d. 1987) 

Cornell University 
R. J. Schoeck 

The University of Colorado (ret.) 
P. G. Stanwood 

The University of British Columbia 
Richard S. Sylvester (d. 1978) 

Yale University 
Laetitia Yeandle 

The Folger Shakespeare Library 


T. H. Aston (d. 1985) Robert M. Kingdom 

Herschel Baker (d. 1990) Mortimer Levine 

Arthur E. Barker (d. 1990) Christopher Morris (d. 1993) 

W. D. J. Cargill Thompson (d. 1978) Peter Munz 

Leland Carlson W. O 'Sullivan 

Patrick CoUinson H. C. Porter 

Horton Davies John M. Steadman 

Powel Mills Dawley (d. 1985) H. R. Trevor-Roper 

A. P. d'Entreves (d. 1985) Howard Webber 

C. W. Dugmore (d. 1991) James M. WeUs 

O. B. Hardison, Jr. (d. 1990) 

Editorial Expenses of this edition have been supported by grants Jrom the Program for Editions 

of the National Endowment for the Humanities, an independent federal agency, and from the 

Research Foundation of the City University of New York. 

The Folger Library Edition 

The Works of Richard Hooker 

W. Speed HiU 
General Editor 

Volume Six, 
Part Two 

Richard Hooker 

Of the Laws of 
Ecclesiastical Polity 

Introductions; Commentary 
Books V-VIII 

W. Speed Hill 

General Editor 

with the assistance of 
Egil Grislis 

John E. Booty, Georges Edelen, 
Lee W. Gibbs, William P. Haugaard & 
Arthur Stephen McGrade 
Contributing Editors 

medieval & Penaissance texts & studies 

Bingham ton, New York 


A Chronology of Richard Hooker's Life, Georges Edelen xvii 

Abbreviations and Acronyms; Internal References xxvii 

Part One 

The Preface, William P. Haugaard 1 

Book I, Lee W. Gihhs 81 

Books II, III & IV, William P. Haugaard 125 

BookV, John E. Booty 183 
The Three Last Books and Hooker's Autograph Notes, 

Arthur Stephen McGrade 233 

Book VI, Lee W. Gibbs 249 

Book VII, Arthur Stephen McGrade 309 

Book VIII, Arthur Stephen McGrade 337 


Introduction to the Commentary 395 

The Preface 403 

Book I 477 

Book II 523 

Book III 553 

Book IV 601 

Part Two 


Book V 653 

Book VI 833 

Book VII 895 

Book VIII 985 

Textual Supplements 1053 

Index of Scriptural References 1101 

Bibliography 1157 

Books V-VIII 

Book V 

2:1.1—3 To the Most Reverend . . . England. Book V was dedicated to John 
Whitgift, archbishop of Canterbury, H's patron; see W. Speed Hill, "The Evolu- 
tion of Hooker's Laws of Ealesiastical Polity," S.R.H. (1972), p. 125. 

2:1.9-12 that Discipline . . . approbation, Whitgift endorsed the MS of Book 
V from which Windet set print (2:xiv— xv) in accordance with the "Discipline" or 
law, most likely the Star Chamber decree of 1586, procured by Whitgift (Collin- 
son, E.P.M., p. 274), investing the archbishop of Canterbury and the bishop of 
London with responsibility for licensing books. See H. S. Bennett, English Books 
and Readers 1558-1603 (Cambridge: The University Press, 1965), pp. 56-64. "The 
Stationers' Register entry for January 29, 1593, assigns rights to John Windet for 
'Eight books by Richard Hooker,' with the notation that they had been 'Aucthor- 
ised by the lord archbishop of Canterbury his grace under his hand' "; Hill, 
"Evolution," S.R.H., p. 133; Arber, Transcript, 2:625. 

2:1 .22-2.3. d 6i(ep . , . great. Gregory of Nazianzus (330F-390?), patriarch of Con- 
stantinople, Oration 39, In sancta lumina, chap. 2; Opera (1550), p. 233; PG, 
36.2:336: Mfj jueivcojuev Snep la^ev, aXK' OTcep q^ev yevwjjeea. As Bayne 
notes, H's "quotation reverses the meaning of the last clause of Gregory" (p. 2n). 

2:2.7—1 1 The errors w^hich we sceke . . . suffer. The reference is most likely to 
Whitgift's writings, esp. The Defense of the Aunswere (1574), his policy against the 
Puritans, esp. the enforcement of subscription from 1584 on, and their supression 
in 1590-93. See CoUinson, E.P.M., pp. 243-272, 403-431. There is also an 
allusion here to Whitgift's motto, "Vincit qui patitur," "He overcometh who 
suffereth w^ith patience" (Bayne, p. 3n). 

2:2.15—16 conflicts the Church hath . . . Christ, The christological controver- 
sies beginning in the 3-4C; see 4:9.30-10.15, 185.31-186.35, and chaps. 51-54. 

2:2.16—19 and the next of importance . . . God, Chiefly, papal authority in the 
church; see Jewel, An Apologie or Answere in defence of the Churche of Englande, trans. 
Ann, Lady Bacon (1564; STC 14591); ed. Booty (1963), pp. 25-26. 

2:2.21 silly things. Insignificant, trifling things. H has in mind adiaphora, "things 
indifferent." See 2:303.7— 9.n and 318.17—29 and n, below; Jewel to Peter Martyr, 
Zurich Letters, PS, 1:23; Whitgift, "Of the Authoritie of the church in things 
indifferent," Tract. 2, Defense (1574), pp. 76-131 (PS, 1:175-295); and Cargill 
Thompson, "Philosopher of the 'Politic Society,' " S.R.H. , p. 16; rpr. Studies in 
the Reformation (1980), p. 147. 

2:2.23 divers . . . prelacy Richard Bancroft, bishop of London, Daungerous 
Positions and Survay, both published in 1593; Thomas Bilson, bishop of Winchester 



from 1597, The Perpetual Gouemement of Christes Church, also published in 1593. 

2:2.24 judicious . . . matter of jurisdiction. John Bridges, dean of Salisbury, A 
Defettce of the Government Established (1587), Matthew Sutcliffe, dean of Exeter, A 
Treatise of Ecclesiasticall Discipline (1591), Hadrian Saravia, H's friend, De diversis 
ministrorum evangelii gradibus (1590), and Richard Cosin, dean of Arches, An 
Apologie: of, and for sundrie proceedings by jurisdiction ecclesiasticall (1591). 

2:3.15—17 To reckon up . . . necessarie. On religious divisions see Jewel, Apologie, 
part 3; ed. Booty (1963), pp. 40-50. 

2:3.28-4.1 For ther are . . . appeareth. Compare Pref 3.6-14 (1:15.13-20.3). 

2:4.2—23 Thus . . . ^sedome. Concerning the "Hacket conspiracy" see 4:61 .2— 3 
and n, and Cranmer's Letter, § 3, rpr. in 1:36. 15-53. 15. n, above. Richard Cosin 
prepared the official account, Conspiracie, for pretended reformation: viz. presbyteriall 
discipline. Discovering the late designments by W. Hacket, E. Coppinger, and H. Arthing- 
ton gent, with the execution of the sayd Hacket (1592; STC 5823), and Bancroft 
summarized it {Daungerous Positions, 4.5—15). 

2:5. fc Sulp. Sever. . . . Eccl. See Sulpicius Severus (363F-420/5), Historia sacra 
(1573), pp. 108 ff. (CSEL, 1:103; NPNF.2, 11:121), describing the Manichaean 
heresies of Priscillian, bishop of Avila, resisted "with greater keeness than was 
fitting" (Bayne, p. 6n) by Ithacius, bishop of Sossuba in 384. See also 3:457.15 and 
4:83.4— 5.n. Sulpicius summarizes sacred history from the creation of the world to 
AD 400 and is an especially important source for the history of Priscillianism. 

2:5.18 Martinisme, See 2:82.9.n, below; Cranmer's Letter, § 2, l:36.15-53.15.n, 
above; and 3:174.12, where "Martinist" stands for "Puritan." Leland H. Carlson, 
Martin Marprelate, Gentleman (1981), has identified Martin as Job Throckmorton 
and notes that the term "Martinism" is found in Martinist tracts (pp. 191, 201); on 
these, see Intro, to The Preface, pp. 23—24, above. 

2:5.19-20 honourable knight. Citing Strype, Life of Whitgift, 1:425, Keble and 
Bayne suggest that this may have been Sir Francis Walsingham, patron of H's 
firiend John Rainolds and favorable to the Puritan cause. 

2:5.27 Discipline H has in mind the "Discipline," called "Disciplina Ecclesiae 
Sacrae" in MS, containing instructions for the establishing of presbyterian polity in 
England (rpr., Paget, Introduction, pp. 238-251; 2nd edn., pp. 296-312), and 
Travers's Explicatio, trans. Cartwright, A Full and Plaine Declaration of Ecclesiasticall 
Discipline (both 1574). See 2:424.4-7.n, below, and S. J. Knox, Walter Travers 
(London: Methuen, 1962), chap. 6. 

2:5.28 Elders, The announced subject of Book VI (3:1.8); see Intro, to Book VI. 

2:6.15—19 these tunes come . . . deserve. H seems to have in mind Robert 
Dudley, earl of Leicester (d. 1588), supporter of the Puritans and enemy of Whitgift. 


Book V, Dedication 3-Chapter 1.2 

2:6.24 xd l&iov, "In a way peculiar to oneselP'; see Lampe, A Patristic Greek 
Lexicon (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1961), p. 668. 

2:6.27 xd KOivdv, "Shared in common"; Lampe, p. 761. 

2:7.11— 12.</ Dolens dico, . . . poterit. Charlemagne, Capitula siue leges ealesiasticae et 
dviles (1588), fol. 421'; from a letter of Pope Gregory the Great to Virgilius, bishop 
of Aries, dealing with simony (PL, 77:783): "Quod si ita est, flens dico, gemens 
denuntio, quia cum sacerdotalis ordo intus cecidit, foris quoque diu stare non 
poterit"; "And if it be so, I say it with tears, I condemn it with groans; for when 
the priesdy order is fallen inwardly, outwardly also it cannot long stand" (Bayne, 
p. 9n). Jewel quotes the passage in his Defence of the Apologie; Works, PS, 4:732. 

2:16.1 True Religion In chaps. 1—4 H begins his detailed answer to the accusa- 
tion, "That touchinge the severall puhlique duties of Christian religion, there is amongst us 
much superstition reteined in them" (2:15.4—7), or, as the Admonitioners put it, the 
BCP, whose use w^as enforced by law, "is an unperfecte booke, culled and picked 
out of that popishe dunghil, the Masse booke full of all abhominations" {P.M., p. 
21). He does so by arguing the necessity of "true religion" to the commonw^ealth 
and the harm done by atheism on the one extreme and by superstition on the 
other. The argument here concerning religion and the commonweal should be 
compared with 1.10-12 and VIII.l; and see § 4 (2:21.27-22.2). 

2:\6.f Gaudere . . . contineri. Codex Theodosianus, 16.2.16; (1566), p. 481; Momm- 
sen-Meyer (1962), 1.2:840; Clyde Pharr, The Theodosian Code and Novels and the 
Sirmondian Constitutions, p. 443. "We wish always to rejoice and boast in the faith; 
for we know that our country stands more by religion than by official energy or 
labour and sweat of body" (Bayne, p. 14n); from a decree of Emperor Constantius 
(361 ad) to the Antiochenes, excusing the clergy from paying taxes. 

2:17.^ "Eoxi . . . exeiv. Aristode, Magna moralia, 1.1; 1181*; Opera (1550), 2:58. 
"For without character, a man can achieve nothing in association with his fellows. 
He must be a man of moral worth; and moral worth means possession of the 
virtues" (Loeb, p. 447). See the N.E., 3.6-5.11. 

2:17.fc 'Apx^ eoaepeia. Philo Judaeus, De Decalogo, chap. 12; Opera (1552), 

p. 513. "God is the chiefest top and well-spring of all things that are, and godliness 
of the virtues" (Bayne, p. 15n); Loeb, Treatise of the Ten Commandments, 7:32—33. 

2:17.11—13 So natural! . . . not. Augustine, City of God, 2.21, discusses Cicero's 
argument for the necessity of justice in the commonwealth {De republica, 2.44), 
concluding: "But true justice is found only in that common\vealth whose founder 
and ruler is Christ" (trans. Bettenson, p. 75). Aristode {N.E., 5.9; 1137*) also 
asserts that justice involves not a way of acting but an inner attitude. 

2:18.j 'AyaxTixdv . . . xoXeatv. Aristotle, N.E., 1.2; 1094^ Opera (1550), 2:1. 
"For even though it be the case that the Good is the same for the individual and 



for the state, nevertheless, the good of the state is manifestly a greater and more 
perfect good, both to attain and to preserve" (Loeb, p. 7); the chap, concerns 
politics as the science of good for humanity. 

2:18.6 conscience See 1. 10.1; also, Lancelot Andrewes, A Pattern of Catechistical 
Doctrine, in Minor Works (1846), 6:30, who identifies conscience as "God's depu- 
ty." H. R. McAdoo notes that in 16C and 17C moral theology, "the Thomist 
tradition predominates: Conscience has two parts, synteresis, or the power by which 
we hold and understand general principles of morality, and conscientia, by which we 
apply those principles to specific actions in order to assess their rightness and 
wrongness. Conscience is a function of the practical intellect"; The Structure of 
Caroline Moral Theology (London, 1949), p. 66. 

2: 18. 10-1 2. it For hee gave good heede, . . . parables. H used BB for Eccles. 

2:18.13 fortitude. One of the four cardinal virtues. See Aquinas, S.T, la2ae.61.3. 

2:18./ Wisd. 17:13. Chapter 17 concerns the judgements of God on the Egyptians 
(or, as GB puts it, ". . . against the wicked"); see w. 10—14 in GB and 11-15 in 

2:19.n T6v . . . Kparreiv. Aristotle, N.E., 1.10; 1100''-1101*; Opera (1550), 2:3: 
"... since we hold that the truly good and wise man will bear all kinds of fortune 
in a seemly way, and w^ill always act in the noblest manner that the circumstances 
allow" (Loeb, p. 53). 

2:20.4-5 God ... nature. See S.T, la2ae.91.2, where, working from Rom. 
2:14, Aquinas asserts that "the light of natural reason by which we discern what is 
good what is evil, is nothing but the impression [impressio] of the divine light on 
us." Thereby we are assured that the natural law (of which he is speaking here) is 
"this sharing [participatio] of the Eternal law by intelligent creatures" (B, 28:23). 
Compare chap. 56.5 (2:236.22-25) and Augustine, City of God, 8.1-10. 

2:20.17-24.0 There were in these quarters . . . adventures. The reference is 
most likely to Caesar's Gallic Wars, 6.13, on the Druids, and to chap. 14 on 
metempsychosis. H freely translates "In primis hoc volunt persuadere non interire 
animas, sed ab aliis post mortem transire ad alios; atque hoc maxime ad virtutem 
excitari putant, metu mortis neglecto"; C.Julii Caesaris commentarii [de hello Gallico, 
etc.] (1585; STC 4332), pp. 138 fF. H distinguishes between those who teach the 
transmigration of souls (metempsychosis), ranging from Indian and Greek philoso- 
phers to the Alexandrian Gnostic sect of Carpocratians and Christian sects of 
various sorts, and the Christian conviction of the immortality of the soul and the 
eternal life of the soul/body; see Augustine, City of God, 13.16-18, 22.12-21, and 
25-30, reflected in the BCP burial office {1559, pp. 309-313). 


Book V, Chapter 1.2-2.2 

2:21.18—27 And w^hereas we reade . . . parties. Religion for H was what 
sociologists call a "cultural system." According to this understanding, reUgion 
receives certain infallible principles either as transmitted by the Word of God or 
imprinted in human minds by the God of nature. These principles become the 
axioms of religion, but being received by fallible humans are distorted, making 
necessary the further distinction betw^een true and false religion. The problem for 
16C theologians was that the word "religion" and the understanding of it could 
not be traced back to the NT. Subsequently, unless w^hatever is beyond religion 
informs the content and activity of a religion, it is no more than a cultural phe- 
nomenon. It is important to ask of any writer (1) whether the distinction between 
true and false religion has been made as H makes it and (2) whether reference is 
made to a cultural system per se or to "true" religion, which is a cultural system 
informed and governed by what H calls the Word of God. Concerning the 
etymology of "religion," see Calvin, Inst., 1.12.1; Cicero, De natura deorum, 
2.28.72; and Isidore of Seville, Etymologies, 10.244 (PL, 82:393). In Calvin and in 
H, "religion" denotes that reverence which is indicated by the Greek euaePeia 
and the Latin religere, religio, ligare, obstringere, etc. See also chap. 68.6 (2:349.5—18). 

2:23. r 'Eon yap . . . dpxn^> "For vice is apt to obliterate the originating cause 
of action" (Bayne, p. 20n). Aristode, N.E., 6.5; IHO*"; Opera (1550), 2:31. 
Chapter 6 concerns practical wisdom, the knowledge of how to secure the ends of 
life, as one of the chief intellectual virtues. 

2:23.1 1 Atheisme, H distinguishes between two kinds of atheists: those who have 
never encountered God and those who having encountered him deny him. H is 
aware of the complexity of the subject. Atheists can be people totally dependent 
on the theism they deny, or they can be those ^vho have no knowledge of God, 
including religious persons who know^ not the "true" God of Christian faith. It can 
also indicate philosophers of the pre-Socratic age, and after, whose views were 
naturalistic rather than theistic. H is concerned not for the latter but for those 
whose impiety and immorality drives them to use religion for base purposes. 
Machievelli is the prime example, for he acknowledges the value of reHgion as a 
tool of government while denying its theistic foundation. See Robert K. Faulkner, 
Richard Hooker and the Politics of a Christian England (1981), pp. 20-30. 

2:24. t HcEC est summa delicti . . . posts. Cyprian, De idolorum vanitate, [chap.] 5; 
Opera (1593), p. 336; PL, 4:577. "Herein is the essence of the guilt, to refuse to 
own Him whom you cannot refuse to know" (Bayne, p. 21n). 

2:24. M 2.Pet. . . . 18. In GB both texts speak of the appearance of "mockers" in 
the last days, the only instance of the use of e^TiaiKTai in the NT. See Jude 1, 
preached on w. 17-21, esp. §§ 8-10. 

2:25.1 contentions See Francis Bacon's "An Advertisement touchinge the 
Controversies of the Churche of Englande," written about 1590: "Two principall 
causes have I ever knowen of Atheisme: Curious controversies, and prophane 



scoffinge. Nowe that theis two are joyned in one, noe doubt that sect will make 
noe smale Progression" (Trinity College, Dublin, MS B. 1.13. 6); Works, ed. 
Spedding, Ellis, and Heath (London, 1862), 8:74-95. 

2:25. u' Vos scelera admissa . . . possumus. Minucius Felix, 3C Latin Christian 
author, Octavius, chap. 35; in Arnobius Afer, Disputationum adversus Gentes (1583), 
p. 251; PL, 3:349. "You punish crimes when committed; with us even to think 
them is to sin: you fear detection; we [fear] even our ow^n solitary conscience, and 
without the approval of that we cannot live" (Bayne, p. 23n). Summutn prtesi- 
diutn . . . occultos. Girolamo Cardano (1501—1576), Italian physician and astrolo- 
ger, De sapientia (1544), p. 137. "The best guard of a kingdom against open 
revolts, is justice, against secret, religion" (Bayne, p. 23n). 

2:25.24— 27.10.x Mach. . . . 14. Felix Raab argues that H relies on Machiavelli in 
chaps. 1—2, esp. on the necessity of religion to "publique regiment" (1.2; 2:16.25— 
17.3). H differs in that not any religion, but the religion which has "the light of 
truth," is required. Raab regards chap. 2.3 as presenting "a perfectly fair summary 
of what Machiavelli has to say ... in 77jc Discourses, 1.11—15" of the religion of the 
ancient Romans. Against such teaching H "quotes" Machiavelli to demonstrate 
that his advice is bad; see chap. 2.4. H angrily defends his God-centered view 
against the secular realism of Machievelli and his followers, realizing, as Raab says, 
that "a fundamental principle is at stake" that must be dealt with before the 
argument can proceed; see The English Face of Machiavelli (London: Routledge and 
Kegan Paul, 1965), pp. 62-65. See also Cosin, Conspiracie, for Pretended Reformation, 
sig. B2', which is much less appreciative of Machiavelli. H uses him, however, as 
a source in VIll.8.5 (3:426.3-9 and h). 

2:27.17-19 Zeale, . . . not. Jewel's sermon on Ps. 69:9 discusses the positive value 
of zeal (an affection to protect and preserve God's house) and the dangers of it 
when vehement feeling leads to superstition, idolatry, and other such enormities; 
Certaine Sermons (1583; STC 14596), sigs. H4"-7"; Works (PS), 2:1006. 

2:27.28-30 Fcare . . . superstition. On the value of fear in relation to repent- 
ance, see VI. 3. 2; on its dangers, see Remedie. Excess fear leads to despondency 
(5:371.4—372.4), but here H is concerned with its leading to superstition. See 
Intro, to Book VI, p. 282, above. 

2:28.5-6.2 the wise man . . . understandinge, Wisd. of Sol. 17:11: "Nihil enim 
est timor nisi proditio cogitationis auxiliorum" (Vulgate). 

2:28.16-24 Superstition is, . . . religion. Augustine, De dodrina Christiana, 2.20, 
claims that superstition leads to idolatry. Aquinas agreed but added that superstition 
involves worship that is neither proper nor fitting {S.T., 2a2ae.92.1). Comparing 
superstition to true religion, Calvin concluded that the former is "not content with 
the prescribed manner or order," thus heaping "up a needless mass of inanities" 
{Inst., 1.12.1; LCC, 20:117). Subsequently he speaks of Satan's drawing men's 


Book V, Chapter 2.3-6.2 

minds away from heaven to fill them with error {Inst., 4:17.12; LCC, 21:1372). 
Archbishop Cranmer simply identified superstition with certain practices of the C 
of R {Works, PS, 2:147—148) and exclaimed against the rebels in Devon in 1549, 
"Oh! superstition and idolatry, how they prevail among you" (2:176). This was 
basically the view expressed in the Admonition (see 2:16. l.n, above). 

2:29.<i Marc. 7:9. Jesus attacked the legal obligations of religion imposed by 
human tradition as sunding in the way of a higher law, that of God. 

2:31. c Luc. 1:23. GB glosses: "Whiles their course endured to sacrifice, they 
might not lie \vith their wives, nor drinke anie licour that might make one 
drunke"; that is, their lives were consecrated to their priestly fiinctions, the 
"sollemne outward serviceable worship belonginge unto God" (line 8), to w^hich 
Luke 1:23 is keyed. 

2:31.17—18 about the substance . . . controversie, 13 Eliz. 1, cap. 12, required 
clergy to subscribe to those of the Thirty-Nine Articles "which only concern the 
confession of the true faith and the doctrine of the sacraments." The Admonition- 
ers acquiesced: "For the Articles concerning that substance of doctrine using a 
godlye interpretation in a point or two, which are either too sparely, or els too 
darkely set downe, we wer and ar ready accordyng to dutie, to subscribe unto 
them" {P.M., p. 37). 

2:32.11 booke goinge before . . . examined. Book IV, esp. chaps. 3, 10, 12, 13. 

2:32.21—22 certaine petitions . . . nature. In opposition to the Puritan principles 
listed above, H presents four propositions or general principles in chaps. 6—9 as the 
basis on which to adjudicate the Puritan accusations against the authority claimed 
for BCP as the legally prescribed order of public worship. The four principles — 
reasonableness, antiquity, church authority, and dispensation (equity) — are carefully 
circumscribed (see chap. 10.1), but they reflect the influence of the Prayer Book, 
run parallel to its "Preface" and treatise "Of Ceremonies, Why Some Be Abol- 
ished and Some Retained" {B.C. P., 1559, pp. 14—21), and have exercised some 
influence in subsequent Anglicanism. In chap. 10 H refers to a fifth test, "The rule 
of mens private spirits," and rejects it, as he had in Pref 3.10. See Paget, Introduc- 
tion, pp. 128-130 (2nd edn., pp. 162-165). 

2:32.30 apparent reason. See Pref. 3.10. Concerning the BCP and reason, see 
1559, pp. 362-366. 

2:33.29-30 Signes . . . signifie. William Durandus (13C bishop of Mende), in his 
Rationale divinorum offidorum. Proem (1592), pp. 2—4, discusses allegory, tropology, 
and anagoge as applied to liturgy as well as to Scripture. 

2:34/ eKKXi]aia . . . oupavo^. Germanus II Nauplius, the 13C patriarch, ed.. 
At detat Xeixovgyeiai (1526), sig. M2'; PC, 98:384. "The Church is heaven 
upon earth" (Bayne, p. 31n). From the beginning of a treatise concerning the 
ceremonies of the liturgy. Delectatio Domini . . . caelestium. Ambrose, De 



interpellatione David; Opera (1567), 4:410; PL, 14:813. "The delight of God is in the 
Church; [but] the Church is the substantial image of things heavenly" (Bayne, p. 
31n). Ambrose is commenting on Ps. 27:4. "Veto" is in the 1567 text, which H 
used, but not in other texts. Facit in terns . . . caelorum. Sidonius Apollinaris (5C 
Roman patrician who became bishop of Clermont in Auvergne, although not a 
priest), epist. 6.16; Lucubrationes (1542), p. 205; PL, 58:560; Loeb, 2:276-279. "She 
does on earth the works of heaven" (Bayne, p. 31n). The reference is not to the 
church but to people who perform good works. 

2:34.25—26 the judgment of antiquitie . . . Church, By antiquity H had in 
mind all of the accumulated experience and wisdom of the past but especially the 
example of the early church. Antiquity was accompanied by the principle of 
continuity, to which Andrewes referred when maintaining (as did Vincent of 
Lerins before him) that "what always and everywhere and by all was believed" was 
a test, limited, however, by the truth revealed in Scripture; see his Responsio ad 
Apologiam Cardinalibus Bellarmini, 7.3, LACT (1851; rpr. 1967), p. 25. On antiquity 
and continuity in Anglican theological method, see H. R. McAdoo, The Spirit of 
Anglicanism (London: Adam and Charles Black, 1965), chaps. 9 and 10. Concerning 
antiquity and the BCP, see 1559, pp. 361-362, 366-368. 

2:35.31-36.4.^' TTie sentences . . . actions. Aristotle, N.E., 6.11: Set Tipoaexeiv 
TG)v e^Tceipcov Kai TipeaPuTepcov, f\ <J)povipcov Taiq dvaTtoSeiKTOic; (jxiaeai, 
Ktti 66^ai^, oox nTTov twv aTcoSei^ecov 6ia yap to Sxeiv eK Tqg t^ntip- 
xaq 6/jpa opcoaiv apx&c;. Opera (1550), 2:32; 1143''; Loeb, pp. 362. 

2:36. fe IIpo^ . . . (|>6ETai. Philo Judaeus, De Josepho, chap. 4; Opera (1552), p. 
359. "Against those taken away from us no envy arises" (Bayne, p. 33n). Tl&aa 
. . . aovaJtOTiOeTai. Synesius, the 4C AD Greek neo-Platonic Christian 
philosopher. "All ill-will is laid aside with this life." Unlocated. To 6* ek . . . 
6u))66v(x)^. Gregory of Nazianzus, 'Ev ^tcx', PG, 37:1337. "What is taken away 
from us no more strives against us, and is honoured ungiudgingly." Bayne notes: 
"From some iambics 'Against the envious'; the quotation should begin TO 6'eK. 
Cf Horace, Epist. II.i.l2, of Hercules, pursued till his death by envy — 'exstinctus 
amabitur idem'" (p. 33n). 

2:37./ oaoi . . . (JKOvq. Basil (330F-379), bishop of Caesarea, De Spiritu Sancto, 
chap. 7; Opera (1551), p. 252; PG, 32:93. "Those who, from stayedness of 
disposition have preferred the venerableness of things ancient to specious innova- 
tion, and have preserved unchanged the tradition of the fathers both in country 
and town, use this word." The reference is to "with the Son" in the Doxology 
(Bayne, p. 34n). H explains this passage in chap. 42.11 (2:175.1—21). 

2:37. m 6 pev . . . XavQavei. Aristode, N.E., 2.9: "However, we do not blame 
one who diverges a little from the right course, whether on the side of the too 
much or of the too little, but one who diverges more widely, for his error is 
noticed"; Opera (1550), 2:11; 1109*'; Loeb, p. 113. Modici nulla . . . solet. "Of 


Book V, Chapter 7.1-8.3 

the minute no account as a rule is taken"; Bayne, p. 34n, points out that the 
statement is found in Dejudido in rebus exiguis ferendo by Andre Tiraqueau (1480- 
1558), on the margin of p. 49 and in the index to the tract, printed after Res inter 
alios actas (Lyons, 1562). It is a version of the popular maxim, "De minimis non 
curat lex." In chap. 10 it is argued that "a slight scratch is not a wound" nor "a 
mere indisposition an illness." 

2:38. « q jiev ^6vi\au; . . . nOeiaou Philo Judaeus, Legum allegoriae, 1.19; 
Opera (1552), p. 35. With reference to Gen. 2:10, Philo says that the four rivers of 
Paradise symboUze the four particular virtues, "for each of the virtues is verily a 
commandress and queen"; then follows H's quotation: "for prudence (<J>p6vr|ai(;) 
as regards what is to be done sets limits" (Bayne, p. 35n). Prudence is the first of 
the four cardinal virtues; see Aquinas, S.T., la2ae.61.2. 

2:38.16—17.0 why we should hange . . . doctrine. Cartwright (3:181, not 3:171) 
refers to Whitgift's assertion {Defense, p. 551) that "in matters of order, the churchis 
judgement is to be preferred, before a private mans," to which he responds: "why should 
we for matters of order, alwayes hang our judgement upon the churchis sieve: rather 
than in matter of doctrine." 

2:38.17-19 The Church hath authoritie . . . well. At the outset of the reign of 
Elizabeth I it was necessary to esublish the authority of the national church "to 
institute, change, and abrogate ceremonies and rites in the church" against the 
pretensions of the papacy. See Art. 20 of the Thirty-Nine Articles, the accounts of 
West Dip (1550), in Corpus Christi College, Cambridge, MS 121 (21), and 
Cardwell, ed., A History of Conferences (1849; rpr. 1966), pp. 72-92. Against the 
Puritans, Whitgift defended the "Authoritie of the church in things indifferent" 
(see 2:2.21. n, above). H's argument here reflects the latter more than the former, 
but both must be kept in mind. See III. 8-9; also, John E. Booty, "Hooker and 
Anglicanism," S.R.H., pp. 215—219; and Richard Field, dean of Gloucester, Of the 
Church, 4.30-34; (1849), 2:518-538. 

2:39.16-19.^ Yea simplie . . . consortes. Basil, epist. 68: a7ia^aJiA,d)q o66ev cure 
Twv eK (j>uaea)(; oute twv ek Tipoaipeaeox; KaTopOoufievtov 6pd>, aveu if\c, 
Twv 6fio<J>oXajv aupTCVoiaq eTiiTeXoupevov. Opera, (1551), p. 316; PG, 32:493, 
as epist. 97. H's "if it be wrought by an agent singlinge it selfefrom consortes" is literally, 
"without the agreement of those of like kind." D. 8. . . . congruens. Gratian, 
the 12C canonist, Deaetum, 1.8.2; CJ.Can. (Venice, 1584), 1:30; Friedberg, 1:13. 
"Every part is vicious which does not agree with its whole." The title of chap. 2 
is "To no man is it lawful to do anything against natural la\v" (Bayne, p. 36n). 

2:39. 20-22. r Take not upon thee . . . thine. From that portion of the Mishna 
devoted to the higher morality, called the Pirke Aboth, or Sayings of the Fathers; "8. 
[Rabbi Ishmael] dixit: Ne sis judex unicus: nam non est judex unicus nisi unus. 
Neque dicas suscipite sententiam meam, quoniam penes illos, et non penes te est 
potestas"; the Latin tide is Capitula patrum (hence H's ciution), and Bayne suggests 



he used the translation of Paul Fagius, in Opusculum recens Hebraicum (Isne: [n.p.], 
1541; not seen); Johannes Leusden, Tractatus Talmudicus (Utrecht, 1665), p. 51. 

2:39.24—26.5 There is ... upon. John Cassian (360?— 435?), De incamatione 
Domini, 1.6: "SufBcere ergo solus nunc ad confutandam haeresim deberet consen- 
sus omnium: qua indubitatae veritatis manifestatio est authoritas universorum, et 
perfecta ratio facta est ubi nemo dissensit: Ita ut qui contra hoc sentire nitatur, 
huius prima statim fronte non tam sit audienda assertio, quae damnanda perversitas: 
quia praeiudicium secum damnationis exhibuit, qui indicium universitatis impug- 
nat: et audientiae locum non habet qui a cunctis statuta convellit"; in John of 
Damascus, Opera, (1559), p. 995; PL, 50:30. 

2:41.7 wisedome, . . . necessitie. H here establishes a principle of particular 
relevance to his later treatment (chap. 81) of disciplinarian objections to dispensa- 
tion from canon la\v governing nonresidence and pluralism. Dispensation could be 
given not only from such laws but from any mutable laws, human or divine (see 
1.15.1—3 and V.42.4— 5). The English statute governing dispensations from canon 
law was 25 Hen. VIII, cap. 21 (see also 28 Hen. VIII, cap. 16), which transferred 
power to dispense from the pope and his designated agents to the archbishop of 
Canterbury. However, a book of fees for such dispensations was kept by the clerk 
of Chancery. Should the archbishop refuse to grant dispensation, the lord chancel- 
lor could issue a writ enjoining the archbishop to grant it or explain his refusal in 
Chancery. This act, nullified under Philip and Mary, was revived in 1 Eliz. I, cap. 
1. In time the Queen's commissioners were empowered to act. Puritans attacked 
both concept and laws (see 2:463. 7.n). Cosin defended both (see 472.10— ll.n), 
stressing the fairness of the laws and the care they exhibited to prevent dishonesty 
and corruption; see An Answer to . . . An Abstract (1584), p. 338. Of the concept 
he wrote: "the naturall justice and reason, wherby mans mind is directed unto 
civill societies, dooth not alonelie rest in the generalitie of lawes, but advisedlie 
weieth by the circumstances, whether right to all men be well distributed in them, 
whereupon the Grecians called the law vopoc;, as it were a distribution. So that if 
anie person upon something especiallie considerable, be not well and justlie 
provided for, under the common and generall precept of lawe: then he is to be 
respected by a private and speciall law, whereupon the name of a privilege show- 
eth .... For not onelie they [the Romans], but all other nations . . . did well 
perceive that no law generallie written, without all moderation by circumstances 
occurent, could possiblie but deliver, in steed of right, oftentimes plaine injurie and 
tyrannie: according to that proverbe; Omne jus habet annexam gratiam: Everie law 
hath or ought to have grace and favour annexed" (pp. 348—349). 

2:42. M Necessitas quicquid coegit . . . defendit. "Whatever necessity has compelled, 
it excuses." Lucius Annaeus Seneca, the rhetorician (father of the more famous son 
of the same name, b. about 61 BC), Controuersiae, 9.4; Scripta quae exstant (1587), p. 
97; Loeb, pp. 286-287. 


Book V, Chapter 8.3-11.0 

2:42.w Luc. 6:4. Some of the Pharisees questioned Jesus as to why he broke the 
law (Mishna) forbidding labor on the Sabboth. Jesus replied by asking whether they 
had heard of David, when hungry, along with his fellows, "How he went into the 
house of God, and toke, and ate the shewe bread, and gave also to them which 
were with him, which was not lawful to eate, but for Priests onely" (GB). "The 
Jewish Midrash Yalkut explains that David acted under circumstances which 
endangered life .... David acted from necessity, and therefore did not break the 
law. For the same reason the disciples, who have acted under the constraint of 
hunger, are not to be condemned"; William Manson, The Gospel of Luke (New 
York and London, 1930), p. 58. 

2:42.x Causa . . . alien. Abbas Panormitanus (b. Nicolo de Tudeschi; 1389—1445), 
abbot of Palermo and canonist, Commentaria in tertium deaetalium librum (1586), pp. 
75—76. "In equity the pleas of necessity and of utility are of equal weight" (Bayne, 
p. 40n). H refers to chap. 8 {ut super), § 15: "Necessitas et utilitas aequiparantur in 

2:43.y 'Ev TOiq ... xpd^ei^ Aristotle, N.E., 2.7 (1107*); Opera (1550), 2:9. 
"For in reasoning about matters of conduct general statements are too vague, and 
do not convey so much truth as particular propositions; for conduct is concerned 
with particulars" (Bayne, p. 40n); Loeb, pp. 96, 98. 

2:44.18 privileges, . . . dispensations A series of words associated with "dispen- 
sations" in legal documents; see, for instance, 25 Hen. VIII, cap. 21, §§ 6, 2. 

2:44.28—29 bindinge mens consciences . . . unto. Concerning conscience and 
law, see 2:46.16-18.n, below. 

2:45.2—4 all good law^es . . . guided; See 1.8.4. 

2:45.24—31 the disposition of these thinges . . . law. See 2:41. 7.n, above. 

2:46.16—18 if against all this . . . downe. Compare Field on the nature of 
conscience in relation to human law. Of the Church (1849), 2:529—538. See Pref. 

2:47.12 Places . . . service of God. Christians have alw^ays emphasized the impor- 
tance of the place of worship. Louis Bouyer writes of three stages in the develop- 
ment of this concern for sacred space. First, a place was considered to be sacred 
because of the presence of that which was sacred in it. Mountains, caves, trees, and 
forests were thus regarded as sacred. Secondly, the place itself was viewed as sacred 
because "of its shape, or its orientation in space, or simply its location." The 
choice of Fleury-sur-loire by the Druids and Christians had to do with "its 
location at the center of Gaul, just as its site in the great forest at the height of the 
bend of the Loire retains its connection with the most primitive themes." Thirdly, 
there is that way of conceiving space "which attributes the sacredness of the site to 
the act of consecration by a human agent." Such was the case when Christian 



bishops consecrated places of worship; see Rite and Man (South Bend: University 
of Notre Dame Press, 1963), pp. 151, 154, 156. H belongs to this latter stage, 
believing that public consecration "gives" a place to God (2:51.27—30) and thus 
makes it sacred. During the 16C emphasis on sacred space waned, to be displaced 
among more advanced Protestants with emphasis on the people gathered for 
worship in a building not sacred in itself but rather convenient for the hearing of 
God's Word. 

2:47.c Exod. 26. The chapter provides detailed instructions for building the 
Tabernacle; GB's drawings illustrate them. 

2:48. i I. Chro. 29:2. 1 Chron. 22:14 seems more pertinent. 

2:48.19—24 Our Savior him selfe . . . onlie. Franklin Young argues that Jesus 
deliberately attacked specific places of w^orship, causing the early church to locate 
"the temple or holy place at the point where God confronts man in the person of 
the risen Lord (with respect to God's action) or the Church (with respect to 
response in faith)" and thus "the possibility of spatially localizing worship in 
abstraction firom the totality of life was impossible"; Worship in Scripture and 
Tradition, ed. Massey Shepherd (New York: Oxford University Press, 1963), p. 88. 

2:48.27—30 And as God gave increase . . . could. On the appropriateness and 
not just the necessity of housing the church, see Dom Gregory Dix, The Shape of 
the Liturgy (Westminster, 1945), pp. 19-27. 

2:49.6—8 Temples were in all places . . . spent. One of the earliest church 
buildings as such of which we have historical evidence is that built by Gregory 
Thaumaturgus, bishop of Neocaesarea (about 245). Constantine spent lavishly to 
build a church at the site of the Holy Sepulchre in Jerusalem, as well as churches 
dedicated to the twelve Apostles and to Peace at his New Rome, Constantinople. 
His son built St. Sophia there, and the Emperor Justinian rebuilt it. 

2:49.20-21 temples of Baal, . . . sties. These phrases are derived from Henry 
Barrow, A Brief Discouerie of the False Church, pp. 138 and 141; see 1:36.30-39. 2.n, 
above, and nn following. 

2:49.22-23 The solemnitie . . . p. 130; Henry Barrow (1550P-1593), the separatist 
leader, attacked Rome, Canterbury, and Geneva. Pursued by the government, 
which sought to associate him with the Puritans, he was hanged on 6 April 1593. 
H here cites Barrow — not altogether fairly — as representative of their views; see 
Intro, to The Preface, p. 26, above. The page cited exhibits a particular view of 
church history. After asserting that many churches in England were built by pagans 
and dedicated to their gods, Barrow writes: "I know heere againe that our learned 
Antiquaries will hardly consent to this: but then I must desire them to shew me, 
when these their aunceint Cathedral churches were christened into the saintes 
names they now beare. I suppose they shall find some of them to have caried the 
names they at this day do, a great while. We shal also have much adoe with them 


Book V, Chapter 11.1-12.1 

concerning the first faith which England receaved, which they >vil confirme by the 
notable estate of the church the first 500 yeres after the Apostles. And here shal be 
brought upon me a ^vhole cartlode of >VTiters, Councels, Doctors: unto al ^vhich 
I oppose that little booke of Christs Testament: from which they immediately after 
the destruction of Jerusalem, and the deacease of the Apostles fel away; changing 
and innovating all thinges daily more and more, until they had brought yt to this 
estate: fashioning religion to the fansies and lustes of men. . . . These Synagogues 
are built altogether in the forme of the old Temple of the Jewes, in a long square 
East and w^est, ^vith their holy Court walled round about, commonly called the 
Churchyeard, ^vhich is holy ground, and serveth for Christen burial, being alto- 
gether exempt from civil use: yet is yt lawfiil for the yong men and maides to play 
there together upon their sundaies and holydaies. But who so smiteth any in that 
holy ground, by statute is to have his hand cut off therfore. These Synagogues 
have also their battlementes, and their porch adjoining to the Church, not heer to 
speake of the solemne laying the foundation; where the first stone must be laid by 
the handes of the Bishop or his suffiragans, with certaine magical praiers, and holy 
>vater, and many other idolatrous rites"; A Brief Discoverie of the False Church 
([1591?]; STC 1517), p. 130; The Writings of Henry Barrow, 1587-1590, ed. Leland 
H. Carlson (1962), pp. 465-466. 

2:49.23—24 the hallounng . . . p. 141. "So that yt nothing maketh either for the 
suffiing of these idoll synagogues, much lesse for the worshipping in the same; 
which can no way be purged of idolatrie and superstition wherwith they are now 
fraught and highly placed in the peoples mindes, untill they be plucked downe and 
defaced before their eies. Yet even in these abhominable sties are not the best sort 
and the most learned of the preachers ashamed to execute their ministerie, and to 
call the people unto them to the open breach of Gods lawes, the feeding and 
nourishing the prophane and ignorant people in their old fore-conceaved supersti- 
tious opinion they hold of them; thinking neither the sermons nor sacraments any 
where els so holy, as they are in these hallowed dedicate Churches and Chappies: 
and to the no smal offence, and wounding the hearts of al that have any know^ledg 
of God amongst them, which can no where els come by their sermons and 
ministery, but in these forbidden idolatrous accursed places"; Brief Discouerie, p. 

2:50.n Durand. rational, li.l. ca.6. See Durandus, Rationale divinorum officiorum, 
1.6; (1592), pp. 44—59, esp. § 6 (pp. 47—48), describing the consecration of a 
church: "All being excluded from the church, a single Deacon remaining shut up 
within, the Bishop with his Clergy before the doors of the church proceedeth to 
bless water mixed with salt. In the meanwhile within the building twelve lamps be 
burning before Twelve Crosses which be depicted on the walls of the church. 
Next, the Bishop, the Clergy and people following him and performing the circuit 
of the church, sprinkleth from a rod of hyssop the external walls with Holy Water; 
and as he arriveth each time at the door of the church he striketh the threshold 



with his pastoral staff saying, LIFT UP YOUR HEADS, o YE GATES, etc. The Deacon 
from within answereth, WHO IS THE KING OF GLORY? To whom the Pontiff, THE 
LORD OF HOSTS, etc. But the third time, the door being thrown open, the Bishop 
entereth the church with a few of his attendants, the Clergy and people remaining 
without, and saith, PEACE BE TO THIS HOUSE; and then the Litanies. Next on the 
pavement of the church let a Cross be made of ashes and sand; upon which the 
whole alphabet is described in Greek and Latin characters. And then he sanctifieth 
more water w^ith salt and ashes and wine, and consecrateth the Altar: Lastly he 
anointeth with chrism the Twelve Crosses depicted on the wall"; The Symbolism 
of Church and Church Ornaments, ed. J. M. Neale and B. Webb (1843), pp. 115- 
116. Compare L. Andrew^es, Form of Consecration of a Church and Churchyard, in A 
Pattern of Catechistical Doctrine, Minor Works, LACT (1846), 6:309-333. et de 
... tabernaculum. Gratian, Deaetum, 3.1.2; C.J. Can. (Venice, 1584), 1:2470- 
72; Friedberg, 1:1292. In the place cited a point similar to that made by Durandus 
is found; that is, that the customs related to consecration in the OT must not be 
dismissed, but rather the church must excell the Jews in their consecratory solem- 
nities. Greg 63. See Gregory the Great, Opera (1572), fols. 231", 246', 

257"; H follows the numbering of the Paris edn. of 1533; in Migne (vol. 77), they 
are 12.11, 9.70. and 10.66, respectively. The letters cited are among many the 
bishop of Rome sent authorizing his suffragans to dedicate churches. 

2:50.0 'Eyicaivia ... KoXa. Gregory of Nazianzus, Oratio 44, Eig rtjv 
xvQiaxrjv; Opera (1550), p. 267; PG, 36:608. "It is an ancient custom and a good 
one to celebrate worthily the day of dedication, or rather to give worth to new 
things by a dedication festival; and that not once but often, as each year brings 
back the day, that good things by lapse of time become not forgotten" (Bayne, p. 

2:SQ.p Vide Euseb. . . . 45. Eusebius Pamphili, 4C bishop of Caesarea, in his Life 
of Constantine (4.40), tells of how the emperor in the thirtieth year of his reign 
gave thanks to God by consecrating the Martyrs' Church at Jerusalem; chaps. 43- 
46 describe the ceremonies used. See the Historia ecclesiastica (1570), pp. 179—180. 

2:50.^ Athanas. Apolog. ad Constantium. A defense by Athanasius (295F-373; 
bishop of Alexandria) of his using a church for prayer before the emperor had 
given permission to do so. Citing the precedent of Bishop Alexander, he con- 
cludes: "And thus also did the blessed Alexander, and other Fathers. They contin- 
ued to assemble their people, and when they had completed the work they gave 
thanks unto the Lord, and celebrated the dedication"; Historical Tracts of S. Athana- 
sius (1843), pp. 170-171; PG, 25:618. 

2:51.5 for thavoydinge of privie conventicles. Some Puritans, but chiefly 
Separatists, were accused of meeting in "secret conventicles"; see "The Manner of 
thassemblie of the secret conventicles together with some collections of their 
opynions" (British Library, MS Harley 6848, fol. 83, written in April 1593). 


Book V, Chapter 12.1-13.2 

2:51.15—18 Which considerations . . . them. The meeting of Christians in secret 
due to persecutions during the first three centuries gave rise to reports of immorali- 
ty and sedition. See Justin Martyr, Apology 1, chap. 26; Tertullian, Apology, chap. 
6; and Minucius Felix, Oaauius, chap. 30. 

2:51.18-22 There are which hould, . . . courte. See Cartwright, 1:29 [16], and 

Whitgift, Defense, pp. 92-94; Works, PS, 1:208. 

2:52.25—53.6.6 it hath beene . . . Inne. H here translates a passage fi-om Peter the 
Venerable (1092-1157), abbot of Cluny, writing against the Petrobrusians, using 1 
Cor. 11:20—22 to refute the claim that altars and church buildings are not necessary 
to Christians: "Docet summus post Christum ecclesiae Magister domorum et 
domorum distantiam; et quid domui divinae, quid humanae conveniat more suo 
lucide manifestat. Non patitur crimina carnis in domo spiritus celebrari; sed vult 
Christianos in domibus suis communes cibos edere, in domo autem domini 
dominicam tantum coenam manducare. Instruit eos, ut sicut in illis victum corporis 
sic in isu victum animae quaerere discant: et sicut in illis vium mortalem, sic in 
ista vitam sibi provideant sempitemam. Imitatus est magistrum discipulus Christum, 
in quo loquebatur Christus: et sicut in illis templum dei noluit esse domum 
negotiationis, sic iste Ecclesiam dei non est passus fieri domum comestionis"; 
Contra Henridanorum et Petrobrusianorum haereses (1546), fol. 40'; PL, 189:769; for 
Bayne's trans., see p. 51n. 

2:54. c From KopiaKq . . . Chyrch. For verification of the substance of H's 
etymology, see OED, under "church," which lists a number of possible patristic 

2:54. d Vide Socr. . . . 18. Socrates Scholasticus, Hist, ecdes., 1.16, refers to the 
Emperor Constantine's building two churches, one named after peace (St. Irene) 
and one after the Apostles; (1581), pp. 341-342. Evagrius Scholasticus (536-600) 
writes of St. Sophia (wisdom) and the Church of the Holy Aposdes, built by 
Justinian after the burning of the old St. Sophia; Hist, ecdes., 4.31 [H has 30]; 
(1581), pp. 858-859. The Historia ecclesiastica tripartita of Cassiodorus (485?-580?) 
recounts that Constantius II (324—361), third son of Constantine the Great, built 
"the greater church now called Sophia (Wisdom) and joined it to the church now 
called Irene (Peace)" (Bayne, p. 52n; PL, 69:965). Cassiodorus was a Roman 
author and monk whose history was compiled from those of Socrates Scholasticus, 
Sozomen, and Theodoret and translated into Latin by Epiphanius; it was designed 
to supplement and continue Rufinus's adaptation of Eusebius (ODCC). On 
Rufinus, see 2:66. 15-19. o.n, below; on Epiphanius, see 2:87.1 7-1 9.;>.n, below. 

2:54.19— 23.e To them saith . . . livinge. H here translates two passages firom the 
City of God: from 8.27, concerning the honor Christians pay to martyrs: "Nee 
tamen nos eisdem martyribus templa, sacerdotia, sacra et sacrificia constituimus: 
quoniam non ipsi sed Deus eorum nobis est Deus"; Opera (1556), 5:491; PL, 
41:255; and from 22.10, concerning the superior worthiness of martyrs' performing 



miracles to God's glory as compared to demons' working miracles to prove they 
are gods: "illi talibus diis suis et templa aedificaverunt. . . . Nos autem martyribus 
nostris non templa sicut diis, sed memorias sicut hominibus mortuis quorum apud 
deum vivunt spiritus fabricamus" (ibid., 5:1355; PL, 41:772). 

2:54.c Epist. 49. ad Deogra. Here Augustine considers six questions put by a 
pagan to Christians concerning their faith. The fourth concerns the difference 
between pagan and Christian rites and sacrifices, and in particular the meaning of 
Xaxpeia (sacrifice), which Christians restrict to God alone; see Opera (1556), 
2:199-202; PL, epist. 102 to Deogratias, 33:378. The dutie . . . Bas. in ps. 
114. See Basil, In Psalmum CXIV: v^iv pfev ouv, Kai UTivou Kai dvaTiaoaeo)^ 
Ti^v tiq Toi)q ji&pxupac; ri^r^v Kai xrjv too 0eoO A^arpeiav Tcpoxi^waiv 
exoijuog 6 ^laQoq. Opera (1551), p. 127; PG, 29:484. "For you therefore a 
reward is ready who prefer the honor of martyrs and the worship of God to sleep 
and rest" (Bayne, p. 53n). 

2:55.15—17 In the use of those names . . . them? See Pref 8.6 and the refer- 
ence at 1:42.26— 49.30.«/.n to Guy de Bres. Barrow writes of churches that have the 
names of heathen gods, "having utterly lost the name and order of their Creator, 
as the first, second, third day of the week . . . are not quite given away, one day to 
the son, soli, another to the moon, another to Mercury"; Brief Discouerie, p. 129. 

2:55.^ Vide Seal 277. See Joseph ScaHger (1540-1609), philologist and 

founder of scientific chronology, De emendatione temporum (1583), p. 277: "Sic Bel, 
et Belti, 16, 11, sunt nomina Deorum utriusque sexus. Megasthenes: ouxe PqA-oc; 
tiioq 7ip6YOVO<;, ouxe paaiX,eia Pn^xn;. Tamen apud Danielem pf)X,xi<; est 
Deus non Dea, cap. IIII. Daniel, cuius nomen Belti-schatzar iuxta nomen Dei 

2:55.28-56.1 The like unto this . . . Temple. See 2:49.22-23.n, above. 

2:56.11—14 They had theire . . . severall. See Flavius Josephus's account of the 
rebuilding of the Temple by Herod the Great; Antiquitatum Judicarum lihri xx, in 
Opera (1566), 15.11, p. 334; see also Heb. 9:6, 7. 

2:56.17 partition, H refers here to the two-room plan of the Medieval church 
building, whereby the nave is divided from the chancel by a screen. This w^as a 
departure firom the one room plan of the early church and signified a change in 
emphasis firom corporate communion to the consecration of the elements with 
noncommunicating worshippers glimpsing the elevated host through the chancel 
screen. H shows no understanding of this and proceeds to defend the use of the 
screen in functional terms; see G. W. O. Addleshaw and P. Etchells, The Architec- 
tural Setting of Anglican Worship (London, 1948), pp. 40-41. Puritans and Separatists 
attacked the retention of the screen. Barrow writes: "They have also their holiest 
of al, or chauncel, which peculiarly belongeth to the priest and quire. . . . They 
have their roodloft as a partition between their holie and holiest of all"; Brief 


Book V, Chapter 13.2-15.3 

Discoverie, p. 131. Bancroft replies: "We terme one place the chaunceU, and the 
other the bodie of the church: which manner of distinction, doth greatly offend 
the tender consciences (forsooth) of the purer sort of our reformers. Insomuch as 
M. [Anthony] Gilby, a chiefe man in his time amongst them, doth tearme the Quire 
a cage: and reckoneth that separation of ministers from the congregation: one of the 
hundred points of Popery, which hee affirmeth, do yet remaine in the dturdi of England"; 
A Survay, p. 326. 

2:56.19-23 this is now made . . . Jeeves. Cartwright complains of the distance 
between the minister and the people, so that the people cannot hear and do not 
know "whether he hath curssed them or blessed them." The fiiult Ues with the 
BCP, which directs the minister to stand in "the accustomed pbce." Thus he sits 
"in the chauncell, wyth hys backe to the |>eople, as thoughe he had some secreate 
talke wyth God, whych the people myghte not heare." This he compares with the 
Levitical priest "whych did withdrawe himselfe from the people into the place 
called the holyest place, where he talked with God, and offered for the sinnes of 
the people" (1:134 [105]). Whitgift denied that the rubric directing that morning 
and evening prayer be said "in the accustomed place" invariably meant "in the 
chancell"; Defense, p. 485 (PS, 2:461); but it would normally be in the chancel; see 
1559, pp. 48, 391, and 2:132.3.n, below. 

2:56.26—57.2 The mother of such magnificence . . . Gospell. Not apparendy a 
_ quoution. See Barrow: "Now for places to assemble in: they have Utde love of the 
Gospel which build themselves such stately seeled [ceiled] houses, and all not to 
the people of God a house to assemble and w^orship God in. There w^ere syna- 
gogues built in Judea and Israel after the high places were destroied. Great were 
our blame, if we should suffer the idolaters so &r to exceed and condemne us, 
which have built such magnificent and sumptuous aedifices to their idols; and we 
not aford a poore simple house to the Lord Jesus Christ, who now requireth not 
such sumptuous Temples, his true Temple being the soules and bodies of his 
chosen"; Brief Discoverie, p. 140; see 2:49.19-24.n, above. 

2:57. h IpTfOV ... OaofiaoTn. Aristode, N.E., 4.2; 1122^ Opera (1550), 2:17. 
"As a work of art that is most estimable which is great and beautifril: for the sight 
of such a work excites admiration" (Bayne, p. 56n); Loeb, pp. 207—211. to 
aioOrjaet . . . eiicovE^ "The portions of the beautifril perceived by our senses 
and minds are images only of beauty" (Bayne, p. 56n); not located in Philo 
Judaeus, to whom H attributes it. 

2:57.19.1 Felix thesauri . . . c.l2. H "quotes verbatim the Latin version of Came- 
rarius, published at Basle, 1536 (p. 83), 'Felix, the imperial treasurer, when he saw 
the value of the sacred vessels. Behold, he said, with what vessels Mary's son is 
served' " (Bayne, p. 56n). A quite different version is in Historiae ecdesiasticae 
scriptores Graed (1581), p. 549, and PG, 82:1099, where it is chap. 8. Julian (332- 
363) was the apostate Roman emperor, 361—363. 



2:58.ife Agg. 2:5.10. See the reference to Haggai 2:4 in chap. 11.1 (2:48.fe), and 
GB's note to Ezra 3:12: "Because they sawe that it was nothing so glorious as that 
Temple, which Salomon had buylt, notw^ithstanding Aggeus comforteth them and 
prophecieth that it shalbe more beautiful then the first: meaning the spiritual 
Temple, w^hich are the members of Christes bodie." 

2:58.10—11 77>e best temples . . . bodies. Minucius Felix, Octauius, chap. 32, where 
he asks whether it was not better that God should be "dedicated in our mind, — 
consecrated in our inmost heart [in nostro imo consecrandus est pectore]? . . . Since 
the victim fit for sacrifice is a good heart, a pure mind, an honest judgment" 
(Bayne, p. 57n); in Arnobius Afer, Disputationum aduersus Gentes (1583), p. 248; PL, 

2:58. m,M Euseb. 1.8. c.l. Eusebuis Pamphili, Hist, eccles., 8.1, tells of the prosperi- 
ty which Christians knew before the Diocletian persecution, how not being 
content with the old buildings they built spacious new churches in every city, daily 
growing both in size and magnificence. Neither envy nor the wiles of Satan could 
prevent this so long as people believed that God's arm shielded and protected 
them; Opera (1549), pp. 594-595. Euseb. 1.8. c.2. Chapter 2 describes the 
edict of Diocletian (March, 304) that ordered destruction of churches and scrip- 
tures and the persecution of the Christians (ibid., p. 595). Bayne, p. 58n, quotes 
the Greek. 

2:58.19—20 Before the Emperor . . . Galienus, Constantine was emperor, 305— 
337; Severus (Lucius Septimius), 193—211; Gordian (Antonius Gordianus III), 
238-244; Philip (Julius Verus Philippus), 244-249; and Galienus (Publius Licinus 
Egnatius), 261—268. 

2:58-27-28 Maximinus Gaius Galerius Valerius; he shared rule with Constantine, 

2:58.31-59.1.0 Churches reared . . . them. Euseb. 1.10 c.2 describes the restora- 
tion of those churches destroyed as a result of Diocletian's edict (ibid., p. 597): Kai 
Tiq eveeoq anaaw eTqveei X'^P'*' ^oivxa totcov tov 7ip6 /iiKpoO xaT^ xwv 
Tupdvvcov Suaaepeiaic; qpeiTitofievov, cbonep tK juaKpat; Kai 6avaTr|(t>6pou 
A-u/jqc; otvapKaaKOVTa eecopevoi^, vedx; re zvQbq £k pdepcov ei<; v\\foq 
arceipov eyeipopeovuc;, Kai noXv Kpeirrova Tpv ctyX-atav twv 7c<4X,ai 
KenoA-iOKTifievcov pdvovrac;. (Bayne, p. 58n.). 

2:59.;? l.Chro. 28:14. David presents gold and silver to Solomon for the Temple. 
The passage seems appropriate for the opening of the section: David's "cherefull 
affection" is described in 1 Chron. 29:1—20. 

2:60. 1-5. < The walls of the Church . . . all. Jerome, Epistola ad Nepotian, de vita 
cleric: "Multi aedificant parietes et columnas Ecclesiae substruunt, marmora nitent, 
auro splendent laquearia, gemmis altare distinguitur, et ministrorum Christi nulla 
electio est"; Opera (1516), 1:8"; PL, 22:535, as epist. 52.10. 


Book V, Chapter 15.3-18.1 

2:60m Ad Demetriad. ep.l2. Jerome says let others build churches and decorate 
them with marble, gold, and gems. "But another duty is set before you. It is yours 
to clothe Christ in the poor, to visit Him in the sick, to feed Him in the hungry, 
to shelter Him in the houseless (especially if they be of the household of faith) 
..." (Bayne, p. 60n); Opera (1516), 1:31; PL, 22:1119, as epist. 130.14. Ad 
Gaudentiutn. Jerome refers to Alaric the Goth's sack of Rome: "We live as 
about to die to-morrow; we build as about to live forever in this world. Our walls, 
our ceilings, the capitals of our pillars shine with gold, while Christ, naked and 
hungrey, dies at our doors in the person of the poor man" (Bayne, p. 60n); Opera 
(1516), 1:45"; PL, 22:1099, as epist. 128.4. 

2:60.27-61.4.1/ Againe . . . Basil noteth: H is here citing Wolfgang Musculus's 
Latin translation of Basil's Exhortatio ad baptismum quae et ad poenitentiam quadrare 
videtur. "Non locus, sed propositi initium requiritur. Hieremias enim in luto erat, 
et deum attraxit. Daniel in leonum lacu deum placavit. Tres pueri in camino deum 
promeruere. Latro non cruce prohibitus, quin paradisum assecutus fuerit. Job in 
stercore deum ad misericordiam provocavit. Igitur ubicunque fueris, ora: vel si ante 
judicem, ora. Mare ante aderat, retro JEgyptii insectabantur, medius Moses in loci 
angustis orabat: nihil attamen loquebatur: et ait ei deus: Quid clamas et os tuum 
tacet? Cor enim clamat"; Opera (1540), p. 538. The passage in Basil is an interpo- 
lation firom John Chrysostom's Homily on the Woman of Canaan; PG, 52:458. 

2:61.14 Theire pretense . . . razed. See Barrow, quoted in nn at 2:49.22—24, 
above; also: "It were reason inough for me to alledg and rest in the word of God, 
which hath commanded these idol synagogues and places which have beene 
erected and used to idolatrie and false worship, to be utterly rased and destroied"; 
Brief Discoverie, p. 138—139; Writings of Henry Barrow, ed. Carlson (1962), p. 479. 

2:62.fl Hos. 14:4. Verse 4 in Vulgate, 3 in GB. Hanbury (2:42) suggests that 8:4 
is meant here. 

2:65.4—5 Of publique teachinge . . . catechising. The Admonitioners objected to 
the lack of preaching in England and to the regarding of catechizing and the public 
reading of scriptures as acceptable forms of preaching {P.M., pp. 11, 12, 13, 22— 
23). Cartwright defended the objections, although at first his definition of preach- 
ing was as broad as H's (1:159 [127]; and see 2:378). But even then he considered 
formal preaching by sermons, which he labeled "a cutting the worde of God" (that 
is, "when the meate is cut and shred, it nourisheth more") to be most effective 
and absolutely necessary; see Whitgift, Defense, p. 571. H had a high view of 
preaching by sermons (see chap. 22.1; 2:87.20-88.10), but, preoccupied with the 
Puritan objections to the lack of a clergy able and licensed to preach, he does not 
dwell on them here. See John E. Booty, "The Bishop Confi-onts the Queen: John 
Jewel and the Failure of the English Reformation," in Continuity and Discontinuity 
in Church History (1979), pp. 215-231; also Bayne, p. 65n. 

2:65 J Contraria fortia . . . Domini. Moses Maimonides (1135—1204), widely 



influential Talmudic scholar and philosopher, Morehnubuchim, or Guide of the 
Perplexed, 3.12; Rabi Mossei Aegyptii dux seu director dubitantium aut perplexorum 
([1520]), fol. 75 . "The strong oppositions in which men involve themselves 
according to their pursuits, desires, and opinions, proceed all from ignorance; as the 
blind man firom want of his sight wanders about and hurts himself. The knowledge 
of truth does away with the unfriendliness and hatred of men. Holy Scripture has 
promised this, saying. The lamb shall dwell with the wolf; and gives the reason, 
The earth has been filled with the wisdom of God" (Bayne, p. 66n). 

2:65. 21. fe preached. In the passages from Luke cited by H, KTlpuaao) is used to 
describe the simple act of proclamation. It can, however, be related to Kqpuyfia 
and used in a technical sense to indicate something proclaimed (see 1 Cor. 1:22 
and 15:14). H seems to have in mind the act of preaching (as distinct firom 
teaching) and also what is preached, the "heavenly mysteries." 

2:66.1—2./ how curious soever . . . ours. See Tertullian, De praescriptione haeretico- 
rum, 40.2-4; Opera (1566), 1:184; CCSL, 1:220. Detailing instances, Tertullian 
views pagan idolatry as an imitation or distortion of the divine institutions of the 
OT, just as heresies are Satan's perversions of the NT. 

2:66.6-7. w the Jewes . . . Catechismes. H refers to the Lekach Tob or The Book 
of Good Doctrine of Rabbi Abraham ben Hananiah Jaghel, a religious guide in the 
form of a catechetical dialogue between a rabbi and his disciple; it relies heavily on 
Maimonides and was published in Venice in 1595. 

2:66.n Incipientibus brevius . . . atteruntur. M. Fabius Quintilianus, IC AD Roman 
rhetorician, Oratoriarum institutionum, libri xii, bk. 8, Preface; (1568), p. 398. "To 
beginners it is fit that our rules be communicated in a simpler and shorter way. For 
otherwise they are discouraged by the difficulty of a study so various and compli- 
cated, or their faculties, at a time when they specially need to be strengthened and 
by some degree of indulgence to be fostered, are worn out by dealing with matters 
too hard for them" (Bayne, p. 67n); Loeb, 3:176. Incipientibus nobis . . . 
potuisset. Justinian, Institutiones, 1.1.2; (1590), cols. 1-2; Krueger (1963), p. 1; 
Scott, 2:5. "It seems to us as we begin our exposition of Roman law that our best 
method will be to state things first of all easily and simply, and afterwards more 
elaborately and accurately. For if at the beginning we load the mind of the raw and 
imperfect scholar with a copious variety of matter, one of two things must hap- 
pen — either we shall drive him from his studies, or with great labor and much self- 
distrust (which generally assails the young) we shall bring him to that point to 
which without great labour and without self-distrust he might have been led" 
(Bayne, p. 67n). 

2:66.15-19.0 So either by the Apostles, . . . thinges. See Tyrannius Rufinus of 
Aquileia (d. 410), friend and later foe of Jerome, Commentarius in Symbolum 
Apostolorum, chap. 2, in Cyprian, Opera (1521), pp. 361-363, where he explains 
that before separating, the Apostles drew up the creed bearing their name in order 


Book V, Chapter 18.1-19.3 

that their unity might be preserved; see A Commentary on the Apostles' Creed, ed. J. 
N. D. Kelly (1955), pp. 29—30. Rufinus's Commentary gives the earliest continuous 
Latin text of the 4C Latin form of the creed (ODCC). 

2:67. p An alius est . . . oporUt. Tertullian, De poenitentia, chap. 6; Opera (1566), 
2:43; CCSL, 1:331, 332. "Is there one Christ for the baptized, another for the 
catechumens? ... It is becoming that catechumens should desire baptism, but not 
that they should receive it prematurely [?]" (Bayne, p. 68n). Audientibus . . . 
desit. Cyprian, Epistola ad Clerum de lapsis et catechumenis ne uacui communione 
exeant, chap. 2; Opera (1521), p. 97, where it is epist. 13; PL, 4:259, where it is 
epist. 12. "To the catechumens let not your vigilance be wanting" (Bayne, p. 
68n). Audiens . . , interpretatur. Rupert, abbot of Deutz near Cologne (d. 
1135), De divinis offidis epistola, 4.18; (1526), p. be; PL, 170:112. "Each one who 
is hearing the rule of &ith is termed a catechumen, for 'catechumen* means 
'hearer' " (Bayne, p. 68n). More accurately, "catechumen" refers to Kfipuaaovra^, 
"one being instructed (in the rudiments of religion)" (OED). In the early church 
the catechumens received or w^ere taught the creed {traditio symboli, which is ^vhat 
regula fidei must inean here); the audientes would be catechumens at a particular 
suge of the catechumenate. 

2:67.27-68.3 For thus we may . . . daie. The "Prelate" (line 28) was Whitgift, 
who had used Acts 15:21 in the Answere much as H uses it. Cartwright objected 
^ that what James meant here was "that Moyses (meaning the law) red every Saboth 
through out every towne in the sinagogue, was also preached" (1:161 [127]). 
Whitgift denies this, ending however: "the waight of the cause lieth not upon this 
text, this is but one reason among divers"; Defense, p. 577 (PS, 3:44—45); see also 
Cartwright, 2:390-391. 

2:68. r Ps. 105:28. "He sent darknesse, and it was darke and they were not obedi- 
ent unto hys worde" (BB; = BCP version). "He sent darknes, and made it darke: 
and thei were not disobedient unto his commission" (GB); for H's explanation, see 
2:70.5—10. The difference, due to the difference between Hebrew and Septuagint 
versions, was attacked by Martin Marprelate, who believed the BCP corrupted the 
text; see Oh read over D. John Bridges [STC 3734], for it is a worthy worke: or an 
epitome of the fyrste booke, of that right worshipfull volume, written against the Puritanes 
(1588; STC 17453). Thomas Cooper, bishop of Lincoln, reported that the arch- 
bishop admitted that the Prayer Book followed the Septuagint and that "if the 
word be understood of the Israelites, then is it true to say, that 'they were not 
obedient to His commandment'; but if of the signs and wonders that Moses and 
Aaron did before Pharaoh, or of Moses and Aaron themselves, then is it on the 
other side true that 'they were obedient to His commandment' "; An Admonition 
to the People of England (1589); PS (1847), p. 38. See Saravia's Diversi tradatus 
theologi: De diversis ministrorum evangelii gradibus (1611 [1610]; STC 21571), p. 2. 

2:69.25— 29.M the wrordes of the Prophet . . . dignitie. See A. W. Argyle on 



Matthew's version of Micah 5:2: "The quotation differs both from the Hebrew 
and from the LXX [Septuagint]. Like the other 'proof-texts' peculiar to Matthew, 
it is probably taken from a collection of testimonies based on a Targum, i.e. an 
Aramaic paraphrase of the Old Testament for use in the synagogues. The passage 
was understood to mean that the Messiah would be bom at Bethlehem"; Gospel 
According to Matthew (Cambridge: The University Press, 1963), p. 31. 

2:70.21-23 those verie preambles . . . followed. For example, where "Jesus said 
to his disciples" was added to a passage of Scripture; see next n. 

2:70.x The Gosp Trin. See B.C.P., 1559, pp. 161, 206. 

2:7 1. z Although . . . h. d. The unitalicized portion is a paraphrase (indicated by 
"h. d." = hoc dicit) of Cartwright's further statement: "in suche order that the 
whole Canon theroff is oftentimes in one yeare run thorough: yet a nombre of 
churches which have no such order of simple reading/ can not be in this point 
charged with breach of Gods commaundement: which they might be/ if simple 
reading were necessary." The BCP provided for the reading of almost the entire 
Bible during the course of a year (see 1559, pp. 14-16, 25-47). Concerning the 
Puritan practice of Scripture reading before service, see the A booke of the forme of 
common prayer, administration of the saaaments: etc. agreeable to Gods worde, and the use 
of the reformed churches (1585?; STC 16567), a revised version o( The forme of prayers 
and ministrations of the saaaments, etc. used in the Englishe congregation at Geneva: and 
approved, by J. Calvyn (Geneva, 1556; STC 16561), in Hall, ed., Fragmenta Liturgica, 

2:71. a Facto silentio . . . 'solennia'. Augustine, City of God, 22.8; Opera (1556), 
5:1350; PL, 41:770; trans. Bettenson (1972), p. 1046. "Silence being obtained the 
customary portions of Holy Scripture are read" (Bayne, p. 72n). That for 
several! times . . . Antwerp, A Syriac NT was published at Vienna in 1555; 
the polyglot version, Biblia Saaa regia sive Antverpiana, was published in Antwerp in 
1569—1572, and Plantin published the Syriac NT from the Antwerp Polyglot in 
Paris, 1574—75. Eastern liturgies are often little more than collections of scriptual 
texts. See the Sedra for Pentecost in the Syriac liturgy, in Paul Verghese, The Joy 
of Freedom (Richmond, Va.: John Knox Press, 1967), pp. 62-63. 

2:71.14—16 For with us ... to God, On this passage as representing "a doxological 
understanding of the reading of Scripture," as opposed to the Puritan reading of 
Scripture for edification, see John Barton and John Halliburton, "Story and 
Liturgy," Doctrine Commission of the Church of England Report, Believing in the 
Church (Wilton, Conn.: Morehouse-Barlow, 1981), pp. 98-99. 

2:72.1-3 Of preachinge . . . bookes apocryphall. The Admonitioners attacked the 
BCP's allowance of the use of homilies in place of sermons and of the apocryphal 
books of the Bible in place of canonical OT lessons (see 1559, pp. 251, 40—47; 
P.M., pp. 23-24, 102). The homilies were those officially provided in 1547 and 


Book V, Chapter 19.4-20.1 

1563, with a homily against disobedience added in 1571. See "Certain Sermons or 
Homilies" (i547) and "A Homily against Disobedience and Wilful Rebellion" (1570): 
A Critical Edition, ed. Ronald B. Bond (1987). Puritans objected not only because 
the homilies were used in parishes where the unlearned clergy were not licensed 
to preach but also because they were ordered used in places where the learned 
were out of favor; see Corpus Christi College, Cambridge, MS 106 (141), p. 423. 
Apocrypha w^ere objected to as being outside the canon of Holy Scripture and, 
displacing the reading of the OT, their use constituted an affront to God's Word; 
see PRO, S. P. 12/164, 11, fols. 25-26; Inner Temple, Petyt MSS 538, vol. 36, 
fols. 324-325; Bodl. MS Eng. Th. e. 44, pp. 12-13. See also Whitgift, Defense, pp. 
568—582, where Tract. 13, "Of reading of the Scriptures," corresponds to H's 
chap. 20 (PS, 3:28 ff.); also, Horton Davies, The Worship of the English Puritans 
(Westminster, 1948), pp. 64—67 (hereafter W.E.P.), and Worship and Theology in 
England, 1:228-229, 264, 329, 331. 

2:72.13— 15. fc They pleade . . . sanctified; Whitgift rejected the "similitudes" 
alleaged by Cartwright between the unsanctified "vessels of the temple, the 
instruments, beesoms, flesh hookes, trumpets, etc." and the Homilies and the 
Apocrypha; Defense, p. 717. besomes, nor fleshhookes. The first are instru- 
ments for sw^eeping, usually bunches of broom; the second, hooks for removing 
meat firom pots (OED). 2 Chron. 4:16 (GB). T.C. I.l. p.l96. Page 157 in 1st 
edn. of Cartwright's Replye. 

2:72.c Besides . . . etc. The sentences preceding and following this are given 
below at 2:74.m.l2-13.n and 75.^.4-8.n. See Whitgift, Defense, p. 718-719 (PS, 
3:343-344). T.C. 1.1. p.l97. Page 158 in 1st edn. 

2:72.17, king of Syria, Antiochus The forced hellenization of the Jews by 
Antiochus IV (Epiphanes), king of Syria, provoked the rebellion of the Macabees 
(167 BC). 

2:72.21 Onkelos nor Jonathans paraphrase See 2:74. m and n, below. 

2:73. e Justin. Apol. 2. Cartwright refers to chap. 67 of Justin Martyr's first 
Apology, often referred to as the second; see 2:76.1/. A Samarian, Justin (100?-165), 
an early Christian apologist and martyr, composed this Apology about 155, addressing 
it to the Roman emperor Antonius Pius and his sons. Origen. . . . Judic. Cart- 
wright refers to indications that the homilies were preceded by the reading of the 
passages upon which Origen was commenting; see, for instance, the beginnings of 
Homilies 1, 4, and 12 on Exodus and 1 and 4 on Judges; Opera (1536), 1:63, 74, 109, 
384—5, 395. Origen (185?-254) was head of the catechetical school in Alexandria. 

2:73 f Concil. Laod. c.59. Canon 59 of the Council of Laodicea, dated some 
time between 343 and 381, forbade reading of psalms composed by individuals and 
of noncanonical books of the Bible; Concilia (1585), 1:704; Hefele, History of the 
Councils, 2:295; see H's retort, 2:75.10-13. This and the next two references come 
from Cartwright, 1:198 [159]; see Whitgift, Defense, p. 720, marg. 



2J2>.g Concil. Vasens. 2. The second Council of Vaison (or Vaux), 529, decreed 
that for the benefit of the people priests should have authority to preach, and if 
prevented by indisposition, deacons should read from the homilies of the Fathers; 
Concilia (1585), 2:20; Hefele, History of the Councib, 4:169. H quotes from this 
decree at 2:78/ and cites it at 76.1*'. 

2:73. /» Concil. Colon, par. 2. Chapter 6 of Part 2 of the Council of Cologne 
(1536) prohibited public reading, in service time, of the fictional lives of the saints, 
and called for a reform of the Breviary; Concilia (1585), 5:254; Cartwright 1:198 
[159]; Whitgift, Defense, p. 720 (PS, 3:348). See B.C.P., 1559, p. 14. 

2:74.m.l2— 13 And besides . . . paraphrasts. H has truncated Cartwright 1:197 
[158], which for this sentence has: "And besydes that/ they had Onkelos the 
Calday paraphrast/ bothe Galatine and Rabby Moses (surnamed Maymon) write, 
that Jonathan an nother of the Calday paraphrasts floryshed in oure savyor Christes 
tyme/ whose wrytings and paraphrases upon the scryptures/ are estemed compara- 
ble in that kinde of paraphrasticall wryting/ wyth any whych hath laboured that 
wayes. And if any mennes wrytings were to be red in the church/ those paraphras- 
es whych in explanyng the scrypture/ go least from it/ and whych kepe not only 
the numbre of sentences/ but almost the very numbre of words, were of all most 
fitte to be red in the churche"; see textual note, 2:504. 

2:74.w in Elias Thesb. in verbo . . . Patar. The Thisbites of the Hebrew scholar 
Elias Levita (1472—1549), trans. Paul Fagius, in Opusculum recens Hebraicum (1541), 
p. 170, explains "patar" or "dimisit": "the man who is summoned last to the 
reading of the Law on the Sabbath is 'the Dismisser'; and he pronounces the 
Haphtarah, i.e. the second lesson" (Bayne, p. 76n). This involved reading a section 
from the prophets pertaining to the Sabbath rather than the Law itself, which w^as 
not to be read publicly. 

2:75.^.4—8 testament. . . . corner. H has compressed his source: in Cartwright 
1:198 [159] this reads: "testament/ and receveth up what they be. Afterward as 
corruptions grew in the church/ it was permitted that homilies myght be red by 
the deacon/ when the minister was sicke/ and coulde not preach/ and it was also 
in an other councel of Carthage permitted/ that the martyrs lives might be red in 
the church. But besides the evill successse that those decrees had (under pretence 
wherof the popishe legende/ and Gregories homilies, etc., crept in) that use and 
custome was controlled by other councels/ as may appear by the councell of 
Colen/ albeit otherwyse popishe. And truely if there were nothing else but thys 
consideration/ that the bringing in of the reading of Martyrs lives into the 
churcyh/ and of the homilies of auncient wryters/ hath not only by thys meanes 
justled with the Bible/ but also thrust it cleane out of the church/ or into a corner 
where it was not redde nor seene/ it ought to teach all men to beware of placing 
any wryting or worke of men in the church of God/ be they never so well 
learned/ as long as the world should endure"; see textual note, 2:504. 


Book V, Chapter 20.1-20.6 

2:75. r Thapocalyps. The NT book of the Revelation of John was not mentioned 
in the listing of canonical books by the Council of Laodicea, canon 60; Concilia 
(1585), 1:704. This may be because 3:14—22 so severely rebuked the church at 
Laodicea; even so, the Apocalypse of John only gradually found a place in the 
canon and during the 4C was not universally accepted. 

2:75.19—21 With us there is never ... necessarie. See Cranmer's Prefitce to the 
BCP {1559, pp. 14-16). 

2:76. /,M,i' Coimus . . . commemorationem. Tertullian, ^po/o^c/«CM»t, chap. 39; Opera 
(1566), 2:692; CCSL, 1:150. Whitgift had used the passage in his Answere: ". . . we 
come togither to the reading of the holy Scriptures"; see Defense, p. 578 (PS, 
3:46). Judicarum ... Ecclesiis. Origen, In Joshua, Hom. 15, chap. 11; Opera 
(1512), p. 559; PG, 12:897: ". . . the bookes of the olde Testament were delivered 
by the Apostles to be read in the Churches"; so Whitgift, ibid. (PS, 3:47). x&v- 

Tcov avayivwaKcrai. Justin Martyr, Apology i, chap. 67; Opera (1551), p. 

162; PG, 6:429; quoted by Whitgift: ". . . on the Sabboth day when the people 
were gathered togither, to have the scriptures read in the publike congregation, 
and in the time of publike prayer, . . . " H omits the end of the sentence: ^e^pi^ 
eyX''^P^'» "** long as time permits," which Whitgift misinterpreted as "for the 
space of one whole hower" {Defense, p. 578). Bayne comments (p. 78n) that H's 
omission was so as not to call attention to Whitgift's error, which had occured 
because the archbishop relied on Periorius (Paris, 1554), who translated pc^pi^ 
eyxcopei as "quamdiu hora patitur." Factum est . . . etc. Gregory of Tours 
(540?— 594?), Prankish bishop and historian, De miraculis Sand. Martini, 1.5; De gloria 
martyrum, libri duo . . . De gloria confessorum . . . De virtutibus et miraculis S. Martini 
(1583), p. 315; PL, 71:918. Gregory tells how Ambrose of Milan learned of 
Martin's death while in a deep sleep: "It happened on that Sunday, when the 
lesson firom the Prophets had been read, and the reader of the lesson from St. Paul 
was standing ready before the altar, that the most blessed bishop Ambrosius fell 
into a slumber at the holy altar." Not from Sulpicius Severus, as H has it. 

2:76. u/ Vide . . . p. 19. The first Council of Vaison (or Vaux), 442, decreed that, 
deacons being fit to read Christ's words in the Gospel, they should not be judged 
unable to read the expositions of the Fathers in public worship; Concilia (1585), 
2:20-21; Hefele, History of the Councils, 1:68. At 2:73.^, H cites the page on which 
the record of the Council begins and the same decree; see n, above. Item . . . 
C.16. Canon 16 of the Council of Laodicea (see 2:12>f.n) ordered the public 
reading of the Gospels with other writings {aliis scripturis); ibid., (1585), 1:700. 
Cypr. . . . ep.5. In these letters Cyprian recommends that confessors "read the 
Gospel of Christ" in public services on the basis of which their witnesses are made; 
Opera (1593), pp. 76, 80-81; PL, 4:319, 329. "Cyprian lib. 2. Epist. 5" is cited by 

Whitgift, Defense, p. 578 (PS, 3:47). Ambros ca.20. In De offidis ministro- 

rum, 1.8, Ambrose speaks of hearing the Gospel (PL, 16:31); in epist. 75 he says, 
"You have heard, my brother, the lesson of the Gospel" (Bayne, p. 79n; PL, 



16:1271); and in De helia atque jejunio, chap. 20, he says, "You have heard to-day 
in the lesson read the saying of Legion [see Mark 5:9, Luke 8:30]" (PL, 14:724). 

2:76.15— 18.a; Thapostles . . . fuljild? Justin Martyr, Quaestiones et responsiones ad 
orthodoxos. Question 101: ctXA,' &<; efi&vOavov oi d7i6aToA,oi, 7cpd)TOV fi^v TOc 
TOO v6^ou, uarepov 6^ ra euayyeXia, ovrax; Kai mi&q e6i6a^av . . . ti 
ydp eariv 6 vo^og euayyeX-iov TipoKaTiiyyeX/ievov . . . .Opera (1551), p. 
276; PG, 6:1345. The work is now thought to be spurious; see 2:290.24-26.n, 

2:77.1—3.)' What , , . performed. Augustine, Quaest. 33, in Numer.: "Eadem quippe 
sunt in vetere et novo; ibi obumbrata, hie revelata; ibi praefigurata, hie manifesta- 
ta"; Opera (1556), 4:245; PL, 34:732. 

2:77.3—5 Againe . . . olde. Augustine, De catechizandis rudibus, 4.7: "Qua propter 
in veteri testamento est occultatio novi, in novo testamento est manifestio veteris"; 
Opera (1556), 4:898; PL, 40:315, where it is chap. 8. Compare Quaest. 13, in 
Exod.: "Multum et solide significatur, ad Vetus Testamentum timorem potius 
pertinere, sicut ad Novum dilectionem; quanquam et in Vetere Novum lateat, et 
in Novo Vetus pateat"; PL, 34:623. 

2:77.7-9.z That from smaller things . . . things. Walafrid Strabo (807-849), abbot 
of Reichenau, De exordiis et inaementis rerum ealesiasticarum, chap. 22, writing of the 
Epistle and Gospel in the Mass: "Anteponitur autem in ordine quod inferius est 
dignitate, ut ex minoribus animus audientium ad majora sentienda proficiat, et 
gradatim ab imis ad summa conscendat"; in Johannes Cochleus, Speculum missae 
(1572), fol. 75"; PL, 114:946. 

2:77.11—12 And with that name ... Apocryphall. Article 6, Thirty-Nine Articles: 
"And the other bookes, (as Hierome sayeth) the Churche doth reade for example 
of lyfe and instruction of maners: but yet doth it not applie them to establish any 
doctrine. Such are these followyng: the third boke of Esdras. The fourth boke of 
Esdras. The booke of Judith. The rest of the booke of Hester. The booke of 
Wisdome. Jesus the sonne of Sirach. Baruch, the prophet. Some of the .3. Chil- 
dren. The storie of Susanna. Of Bel and the Dragon. The prayer of Manasses. The 
.1. boke of Machab. The .2. Booke of Macha."; Hardwick, Hist, of the Articles 
(1895), pp. 297, 299. 

2:77.14—15 booke of Hermes, . . . like. See, for instance, the canon set forth in 
the Muratorian Fragment (190?), in which the Shepherd of Hermas, included in the 
writings of the Apostolic Fathers along with the epistles of Clement of Rome, is 
spoken of as not belonging with the other writings that came to constitute the NT 
canon, with the clear implication that in some places it was read as a part of the 
canon; see Stevenson, A New Eusebius (1957), p. 146. The Shepherd of Hermas was 
so named because an angel, who appeared to Hermas in the form of a shepherd, 
communicated its contents; see "Hermas," ODCC. 


Book V, Chapter 20.2-20.9 

2:77.18— 19. <j All writings . . . Apocryphall, In the Preface to his (Vulgate) version 
of Samuel and Kings, Jerome says: "This prologue relates to all the books of the 
Scriptures which we have translated from the Hebrew, — a sort of helmeted begin- 
ning \galeatum prindpium]. For we must know that whatever is not included in these 
must be classed as apocryphal [ut scire valeamus quicquid extra hos est in Apocryphis esse 
ponendum]" (Bayne, p. 80n); Opera (1516), 4:7"; PL, 28:600-601. From the phrase 
galeatum prindpium comes the name, Prologus Galeatus, as in H's note. 

2:77.24—78.2.6 Wee must knowe . . . downe. Rufinus, Commentarius in Symbolum 
Apostolorum, chap. 38: "Sciendum tamen est, quod et alii libri sunt quae non 
canonici, sed ecclesiastici a majoribus appellati sunt, ut est Sapientia, qui dicitur 
Solomonis, et alia Sapientia quae dicitur filii Syrach, qui liber apud Latinos hoc ipso 
generali vocabulo Ecclesiasticus appellatur: quo vocabulo non auctor libelli, sed 
scripturae qualitas cognominata est. Ejusdem ordinis est libellus Tobiae et Judith et 
Machabaeorum libri. In novo vero testamento libellus qui dicitur Pastoris sive 
Hermatis, qui appellatur duae viae, vel judicium secundum Petrum, quae omnia 
legi quidem in ecclesiis voluerunt, non tamen proferri ad autoritatem ex his fidei 
confirmandam. Caeteras vero scripturas apocriphas nominarunt, quas in ecclesiis legi 
noluerunt. Haec nobis a patribus, ut dixi, opportunum visum est hoc in loco 
designare"; in Cyprian, Opera (1521), pp. 382-383; PL, 21:374. H omits reference 
to "The Two Ways, or Judgment of Peter." 

2:78. c Vide , . . p. 462. See the list of apocryphal books of the Bible compiled by 
the Roman Synod of 494 under Pope Gelasius I (d. 496); Condlia (1585), 2:462; 
PL, 59:159—160. As Bayne remarks (p. 80n) the decree is controversial, some 
referring at least part of it to Pope Damasus (d. 384); see Hefele, History of the 
Coundk, 4:42. 

2:78. c Prceter . . . scripturarum. Canon 47 was a decree of the third Synod of 
Carthage (397) based on a decree of the Synod of Rome (393); (1585), 1:754; 
Hefele, 2:407, 400. "It was resolved that nothing be read in the Church under the 
name of Holy Scripture but Canonical Scripture (a list follows). But the passions of 
martyrs may be read when their anniversaries are kept" (Bayne, p. 81n). 

2:78.18-19 much lesse of homilies, . . . times. See, for instance, the homilies of 
Origen (cited at 2:76. M.n). H distinguishes between the sermon and the homily 
composed to be read in place of a sermon. A homily is "a practical discourse into 
a view to the spiritual edification of the hearers, rather than for the development 
of a doctrine or theme" (OED). 

2:78/ Si presbyter . . . recitentur. From canon 2: "If the priest from any indisposi- 
tion, cannot preach himself, the homilies of the holy fathers may be read by the 
deacons"; (1585), 2:19. See nn at 2:12>.g and 76. u', above; cited at 86. <. The 
Council took place in 442, not 444. 

2:79.^ Concil. . . . can. 13. The Synod of Carthage allowed the reading of the 



"passions of the martyrs" (see 2:78. e.n). et Greg. . . . ca.86. Gregory of Tours 
wrote of reading "the martyrdom of Polycarp along with other lessons"; De gloria 

martyrum, 1.86 (1563), p. 112; PL, 71:781. et Hadria magn. Keble (2:78n) 

quotes from a lengthy letter (PL, 98:307-418) of Hadrian I (pope, 772-795) to 
Charlemagne asking him to receive his envoys with kindness in order that on their 
return prayers might be said for the emperor's safety at Peter's shrine. If this is in 
fact what H had in mind, it does not seem very apposite, unless it is meant to 
suggest the later corruption of an earlier and laudable practice, as praying for 
Charlemagne can hardly be compared to praying for a "Sainct" or a "Martyr." 

2:79. /i Gelas. . . . p. 461. Gelasius, pope from 492, had spoken of the value of the 
acts of the martyrs, but had also noted their problems, esp. the uncertainty of 
authorship: "wherefore . . . they are not to be read in the Roman Church, lest 
even the least occasion of laughter should arise" (Bayne, p. 82n); Concilia (1585), 
2:461; PL, 59:159-160. 

2:79. »■ Concil. . . . cap.6. On the Council of Cologne, see 2:73. /j.n, above. 

Melch 1.11. MelchiorCanus(1523-1560),theSpanishbishop,protestedagainst 

the inferiority and relative inaccuracy of Christian writings concerning saints and 
martyrs, as compared to writings of non-christians; De locis theologicis (1569), p. 650. 
Viv. . . . 1.5. Juan Luis Vives (1492-1540), the Spanish humanist, wrote of those 
who considered themselves pious while composing lies for religion's sake; De tradendis 
disciplinis (1536), p. 510 (so Bayne, pp. 82-83n; not seen). And see Cranmer, "Answer 
to the Fifteen Articles of the Rebels, Devon, Anno. 1549"; Works, PS, 2:180-181. 

2:79.j In errorum . . . anteponunt. Extravagantes Joannis Papae XXII, 7.1; C.J. Can. 
(Venice, 1584), 3:74; Friedberg, 2:1214. "They run easily into an abyss of errors, 
who prefer their own notions to the definitions of the fathers." The reference is 
to the sect of Fratricelli (Bayne, p. 83n). On "Extra." see 3:470.1-3.n, below. 

2:80. ife Hieron. Salom. Jerome's preface to the books of Solomon stotes that 

apocryphal works such as Wisdom and Ecclesiasticus are to be read for the edifica- 
tion of the people and "not to confirm the authority of ecclesiastical dogmas" 

(Bayne, p. 83n; PL, 28:1242); see 2:77.11-12. Aug ca.l4. Augustine 

defends the public reading of Wisdom as having been long considered worthy by 
lectors and other clergy {De praedestinatione sanctorum, 1.14; PL, 44:980). Praefat. 
glos. ord. Walafrid Strabo (see 2:77. 7-9. n, above) wrote a preface to his Glossa 
ordinaria concerning canonical and noncanonical books, in which he remarked that 
the noncanonical books were allowed to be read by the faithful but that, although 

useful, their authority was limited (PL, 113:20). et Lyr Tob. Nicholas of 

Lyra (1270-1340), Franciscan scholar and precursor of modern biblical criticism, 
wrote that the apocryphal books "have been received by the Church to be read for 
improvement of manners; but their authority in proving matters of controversy is 
of less weight, as Jerome says in his prologue to Judith" (Bayne, pp. 83— 84n); 
Glossa ordinaria (1589), 2:1495. 


Book V, Chapter 20.9-20.11 

2:80.24—28./ manie thinges . . . weake. Cartwright (2:400) refers to Calvin, noting 
examples of how the apocryphal books contradict the canonical scriptures. H has 
Cartwright's recitation of "feults" in mind. 

2:81. m Harm. Confes. ... 6. The Second Helvetian Confession, 1566, chap. 1: 
"And yet we do not deny that certain books of the Old Testament were of the 
ancient authors called Apocryphal and of others Ecclesiastical, to wit, such as they 
would have to be read in the Churches, but not alleged to avouch or confirm the 
authority of faith by them" (Bayne, p. 85n); Harmonia confessionum Jldei, orthodoxa- 
Tum, et reformatarum ecclesiarum, ed. Salnar de Castres (1581), p. 4; An Harmony of the 
confessions of the faith of the christian and reformed churches, ed. J. F. Salvart (1586; STC 
5155), p. 3. The Belgian Confession, 1566, Art. 6 {Harmonia, p. 13; Harmony, p. 
11), begins, "We furthermore make a difference between the holy books and those 
Avhich they call apocryphal" (Bayne, p. 85n) and goes on to make the same point 
as the Helvetian Confession. Lubert. . . . c.5. Sibrand Lubbert (1556—1625), 
professor of divinity at the University of Franeker in Friesland, De principiis 
Christianorum dogmatum (1591), 1.5, p. 50: "These books are not a part of the 
canonical books. For one of them, St. Jerome says, is faulty, another mere fable. 
But what is faulty and fabulous is not a part of the rule of truth. Moreover w^e shall 
show in the case of individual books that they are not a part of the canonical 
books" (Bayne, p. 85n). See also 1.4 (p. 32). Chaps. 4 and 5 of bk. 1 of this 
treatise supplied H with most of his references in this chapter. 

2:82.9.n outragious lies, Martin Marprelate, Certaine minerall, and metaphysicall 
sdioolpoints to be defended by the reverende bishops ([1589]), a broadside (STC 17455), 
Art. 34; "that the creed of the apostles and of Athanasius, the Nicene, etc., contain 
many palpable lies in them, for the Apocrypha (which hath many outragious lies 
in it, as in 2 Esdra xiv.2\, fudith xi.5, 18, Tab. v.l2) is in authority next to the 
Canonical Scriptures" (Bayne, p. 87n). See The Marprelate Tracts 1588, 1589, ed. 
Pierce (1911), pp. 183-196. 

2:82.13—17.0 the one . . . Prophetes; H is citing Josephus, Contra Apionem, 1.8; 
Antiquitatum fudicarum libri xx (1566), p. 657; alleged by Lubbert (1591), p. 19; see 
2:81. m.n, above. 

2:82.14 the dates of Artaxerxes Artaxerxes I rviled Persia 464— 424 BC. 

2:82.17— 19.p the other . . . termed. Here H is citing, not Epiphanius's Ancoratus, 
but his Liber de mensuris et ponderibus, § 4 (PG, 43:243), as found in Lubbert (1591), 
p. 32; see 2:81. w.n, above. Epiphanius (315?—403?), bishop of Salamis, was known 
for his ardent orthodoxy; H cites his Refutation of all the Heresies at 2:265.^ and 

2:82.20 nephew^ That is, grandson (see Une 21) of Jesus, son of Sirach. 

2:82.21—26.^ After that my grandfather . . . 'Law'. From GB's prologue to the 
apocryphal book of Ecclesiasticus. 



2:83.13-14 Jerome ... Apocrypha, Jerome, epist. 107.12; Opera (1516), 1:27'; 
PL, 22:877; cited by Cartwright, 2:401. 

2:83.25 ordinarie Cartwright, 1:159 [126]; Whitgift, Defense, p. 572 (PS, 3:34-35). 

2:83.30-84.1 The publique reading ... it. The Admonitioners objected that 
while Christ "said goe preache" the bishops give the ordinands Bibles with 
authority to preach but prevent them from doing so unless licensed. "So that they 
make the cheefest part [2nd edn. adds: which is] preching, but an accessorie" 
{P.M., p. 22). Whitgift complained that the Admonitioners misunderstood the 
Ordinal and suggested that "to preache the Gospell is to teache and instruct the 
people, in fayth and good maners, be it by wryting, reading or speaking without 
booke"; Answere, quoted from Defense, p. 575 (PS, 3:40). Cartwright responded: 
"What if I graunted that it is preaching/ yet I deny that therefore he that readeth 
an other mans sermon preacheth" (1:160 [127]). See 2:65.4— 5.n, above, and 
2:72.1-3, 472.10-11, and nn, below. 

2:84.13—33 we are to kno^ve . . . salvation. See III. 8. 13— 14. The Reformers 
generally identified Holy Scripture as the Word of God; Calvin, Inst., 1.6.2; Jewel, 
A Treatise of the Holy Scriptures (PS, 4:1163-64). At the same time they understood 
that the Word was not primarily the words of the Bible, but the proclamation of 
scriptural truth. For Calvin one of the marks of the church was "the Word of God 
purely preached and heard" {Inst., 4.1.9). The Holy Spirit is seen as active in 
preaching, conveying the saving Word. At this point H is reluctant to identify 
preaching with the Word, yet he esteems it as the "publication of heavenlie 
mysteries" (chap. 18.1). 

2:85.3-6 what . . . thereunto? Compare 1.7.6; see 2:92.5 and H's discussion of 
"apt" in his Auto. Notes on A.C.L. (4:18.8-24). 

2:86.5 Parsenct, ad Gent, pag.17. See Justin Martyr, Cohortatio ad Graecos 
(attributed to Justin, but most likely 3C AD), chap. 1: Tfjv iieKXovaav ^exa rrjv 
TeX,euTf)v Tou6e too piou zazodai Kpiaiv f\v ov juovov oi qjaeTepoi KaTot 
6e6v KripCTTouai Ttpoyovoi, Kpo(t>qTai te Kai vojioOeTai, aA,A,ot Kai oi nap' 
u^cbv vopiaOevTeq elvai a6(J>oi, ou 7toir|Tai ^ovov, dX,A,a Kai ())iA,6ao(t>oi 
oi Trjv aXqefi Kai eeiav e7tayyeX,X6pevoi Tcap' o^iv eiSevai yvwaiv. Opera 
(1593), p. 17; PG, 6:241. "(On account of) the judgment which is to be after the 
end of this life, which is announced not only by our forefathers according to God, 
to wit the prophets and lawgivers, but also by those among yourselves who have 
been esteemed wise, not poets only, but also philosophers, who professed among 
you that they had attained the true and divine knowledge" (Bayne, p. 91n). 
"Paraenet." means "exhortation." 

2:S6.t Concil. Vasen. 2. c.2. See 2:78./n, above. 

2:86. M Concil. Tol. 4. c.ll. The fourth Council of Toledo (633), canon 11, 
reported that "in some Spanish churches praises are sung after the Epistle, before 


Book V, Chapter 20.12-22.3 

the Gospel is preached [praedketur]" (Bayne, pp. 91— 92n); Concilia (1585), 3:70. 

2:86. t' Rupert. . . . ca.12.13. Rupert of Deutz (see 2:67. p.n, above), De diuinis 
offidis epistola, 1.12, 13, says that asking a blessing when about to read from 
Scripture indicates that no one should preach w^ithout being commissioned to do 
so; (1526), p. 4; PL, 170:18. Isidor . . . ca.lO. Isidore of Seville explained that 
deacons command silence in order that people may hear what is preached \praedica- 
tur\ while the psalm is sung or the lessons read; De ealesiasticis offidis, 1.10; (1534), 
sig. B2'; PL, 83:745. Cited by Whitgift, Defense, p. 578 (PS, 3:46). 

2:86.u' The libel of Schoolp. art.ll. See 2:82.9.M.n, above. Article 11 asserts 
"That reading is preaching: the defendant in this point is Father John Bridges" 
(Bayne, p. 92n; see 2:2.24.n, above). S. Paules . . . instruments. Cartwright is 
quoting himself: see 1:160 [127]; Whitgift, Defense, p. 576 (PS, 3:43). 

2:87.x Evangelizo manu et scriptione. Rainolds responded to his RC adversaries 
who sneered at his gout: "I preach the gospel with hand and writings"; see De 
Romanae ecdesiae idololatria, in cultu sanctorum, reliquiarum, . . . libri duo (1596; STC 
20606), sig. ^6'. 

2:87.7 preachinge. See Cartwright: "the ministring of the holy sacraments unto 
them/ is a declaration and seale of Gods favor and reconcilliation with them/ and 
a plain preaching/ partly that they be washed already from their sinnes/ partly that 
they are of the household of God"; 1:167 [133]; Whitgift, Defense, p. 604 (PS, 

2:87.20-24 So Mrorthie a part . . . tnindes. John Donne described preaching and 
the preacher as "musicum carmen"; The Sermons of John Donne (1953-1962), 2:166— 

2:89.30-31 they yeeld that . . . salvation; See Cartwright: "And although 
reading doe helpe to nourish the fayth which commeth by preaching/ yet thys is 
geven to the preaching cath exochen [KttT' e^oxf)v], that is by excellency/ and for 
that it is the excellentest and most ordinary meanes/ to worke by/ in the hearts of 
the hearers"; 1:159 [126]; Whitgift, Defense, p. 570 (PS, 3:31). 

2:89. fc T. C. . . . 395. "Now if private reading onely/ can not ordinarily engender 
faith: I would know how publike reading onely/ can doo yt" (Cartwright, 2:376). 
"To prove that bare reading engendereth faith/ he citeth ..." (2:377). ". . . the 
Lordes authorised Embassadour . . . without whose ministery . . . faith can not be 
engendered/ nor men ordinarily saved" (2:394—395). 

2:90. c p. 378. "I compared them ["consideration off the creatures . . . unto reading 
off the scriptures"] onely in that both nourishing faith/ neither could ordinarily 
breed yt" (2:378). 

2:90.d p. 383. "Likewise that he affirmeth owt of M. Fox/ off many browght to 
light offthegospell by reading onely: he [Whitgift] maketh not/ nor (as I am perswad- 



ed) could make yt appeare. Although yt be confessed/ that that may be doone by 
the Lordes extraordinary worcking/ which feedeth sometime with quailes in the 
wildernes" (2:383). 

2:93.2—16./ ashamed to defile . . . thereunto. H both quotes and paraphrases 
Cartwright (2:374-375); see Whitgift, Defense, p. 570 (PS, 3:32). 

2:94.22—24 This is in mans conversion . . . beginneth. Aristotle, N.E., 6.2; 
1139*: "Now the cause of action (the efficient, not the final cause) is choice, and 
the cause of choice is desire and reasoning directed to some end" (Loeb, p. 329). 

2:95. 1-7. w,M,o Faine they w^ould have us . . . sent? See the first Admonition 
{P.M., p. 23) and Cartwright, 1:159 [126]: "For S. Paule sayth/ that fayth com- 
meth by hearing/ and hearing of the w^ord preached/ so that the ordinary and 
especiall meanes to worke fayth by/ is preaching and not reading." See also 
Whitgift, Defense, p. 569 (PS, 3:30); Cartwright, 2:375. In A Supplication made in 
the name of certain true subjects (1584; not in STC), Thomas Sampson (1517?-1589), 
the Puritan divine, wrote: "Salvation is promised to them only which do believe; 
but we cannot believe on him of whom we do not hear: we cannot hear without a preacher 
[Rom. 10:14]; as the apostle doth say. It is preaching, and not simply reading, that 
is required for having of faith"; Strype, Annals (1824), 3.1:327. 

2:95.14-25.f TertuUian, . . . heleive. See TertuUian, Apologeticum, 18.5, 8-9. H 
paraphrases a passage that ends: "Qui audierit, inveniet Deum; qui etiam studuerit 
intelligere, cogetur et credere"; Opera (1566), 2:637-638; PL, 1:378; CCSL, 

2:95.q This they did . . . sane. Justinian, Novellae, 146.1.pref ; in collatio 10 of 
Contius's edition of 1569, cols. 623-624; Schoell-KroU (1963), p. 715; Scott, 
17:170. When a dispute arose over whether Hebrew or the local vernacular was to 
be used when the OT was read, Justinian ruled that, although Greek was to be 
preferred, the Jews were to be allowed to read their sacred books in Greek, or 
Italian, or whatever language their own country required; he observed that those 
who use Greek use the Septuagint (the translation of the 70), which he claimed 
was "more accurate than any other" (Bayne, pp. 101— 102n). 

2:96.r Thapostle useth ... Kfipo^i^. 1 Cor. 1:21. See G. Kittel, Theological 
Dictionary of the New Testament, trans, and ed. Bromiley (1964—76), 3:683-696 
(Kf)pux); 3:714-717, esp. 3:716 (Knpuypa). 

2:97.5 This taile of . . . ministers. Cartwright, 2:373: "As though when the 
Prophet calleth the rascall ministers off his time/ domme dogges, and suche as could not 
barcke [Isa. 56:10], his meaning were to charge them that they could not spell/ or 
reade in a booke off their owne language laied before them. And so I trust 
appeareth/ that this taile off reading ministers owght to be cut of: and that they are 
none off those princely giftes/ which our Saviour Christ ascended into heaven/ 
sendeth unto his church/ but bishops (to speake no grievouslier off them) more 


Book V, Chapter 22.7-22.12 

then beggerly presentes." On "sharp speech" in 16C controversy, see John E. 
Booty, John Jewel as Apologist of the Church of England (1963), pp. 63—65. 

2:97.29— 98.2.t restraine it unto sermons; Cartwright, 2:377: "For when our 
Saviour biddeth the Jewes search the scriptures: he referreth them by that search/ 
to judge off the doctrine he had preached before: which proveth no fruict off 
reading/ when there is no preaching, beside that/ it will be hard for him to refer 
the word search/ to reading onely: as if one could not search the scriptures/ when 
he attendeth to them alledged in sermons." 

2:98.9-10 'that he had preached, . . . all. Citing Gal. 1:9 Cartwright wrote: "he 
dooth flady make his preaching/ the rule to examin other preachings by" (2:377). 

2:98.18— 19. u" Againe let the same Apostle ... righteousnes. 2 Tim. 3:16 was 
cited by Whitgift, Defense, p. 570 (PS, 3:32), in defence of reading Scripture. 
Cartwright responded: "The place off Tim. being (as I have shewed) off the proper 
duties off the minister off the word in preaching/ making no manner off mention 
off reading/ is alledged withowt all judgement" (2:377). 

2:99.4—7 our owne sermons . . . man. See A.C.L., pp. 21—22 (4:34.2—22). 

2:99.24— 25.y Thus because Salomon . . . knowledg, Cartwright noted that it 
"may be" that God at times works faith by reading or by the Spirit without 
reading, but ordinarily faith comes by means of preaching (see 2:83.25). "And 
therefore Salomon sayeth [Prov. 29:18]/ that where Prophesie (whiche is not a 
bare readyng/ but an exposytion and applycation of the scriptures) fayleth/ there 
the people pearyshe" (1:159 [126]). Whitgift used the GB: "Where there is no 
vision the people decay"; Defense, p. 572 (PS, 3:35). Cartwright retorted, using 
BB: "why doth he say decay, and not perish as Salomon speaketh?" (2:381). 

2:100.1-4.d Another usuall point . . . faith; Citing John 3:14 ("And as Moses 
lift up the serpent in the wildemes, so must the Sonne of man be lift up [gloss: His 
power must be manifest, which is not yet knowen]"), Cartwright compares 
preaching to the "lifting up or heaving of our saviour" or "the displaying of a 
banner, as the serpent was lift up in the wilderness" (1:159 [126]). In support he 
cited Calvin's making the same comparison. But since Augustine interpreted the 
lifting up as referring to the cross and not to preaching, Cartwright does not insist 
on Calvin's interpretation (2:378-379). Whitgift remarks: "it is a verie harde 
collection [inference] to say: Christ is lifted up by preaching, therefore reading 
letteth him lie on the ground, as though by reading the Gospell, Christ is not also 
hfted up, and made manifest unto the eyes of the faythfull"; Defense, p. 571 (PS, 

2:100.4.6 savor of the ^vorde . . . brayed, H refers to the first edn. of Cart- 
wright's Replye (p. 126): "It is called also a sweet savour [2 Cor. 2], and therefore, 
as the spices being brayed [crushed] and punned [pounded], smell sweeter and 
stronger than when they be whole and unbroken; so the word by interpretation 



being broken and bruised carrieth a sweeter savour unto the understanding than 
when it is by reading given gross and whole"; see Whitgift, Defense, pp. 571—572 
(PS, 3:34). Cartwright explains (2:379-380) that in the 2nd edn. (STC 4712, p. 
159) he had substituted Luke 24:32, with its figure of opening a door, "bycause yt 
was les figurative then the comparison of aromatic thinges." 

2:100.8— 9.e how God giveth . . . readinge. See the Admonition: "By this booke, 
bare reading is [1 Cor. 3:15] good tilling, and single service saying, is excellent [1 
Cor. 3:9] building" (P.M., p. 23). Cartwright considered this to be "a very notable 
place to prove that there is no salvation without preaching" (1:159 [126]). Whitgift 
denied that there was in 1 Cor. 3:6 any comparison between reading and preach- 
ing; Defense, p. 572 (PS, 3:35). 

2:100.11—12/ they conclude an impossibilitie . . , not. See Cartwright 1:159 
[126]; Whitgift, Defense, 569-573; Works, PS, 3:29-34; and the petition to the 
Parliament, A lamentable complaint of the commonalty, by way of supplication to Parlia- 
ment, for a learned ministry (1585; STC 7739), revised as A humble petition of the 
communaltie to their most renowned soveraigne (1587, 1588; STC 7584, 7785), which 
complains that bishops say the people are already sufficiently supplied with preach- 
ers "or that it were an impossible thing to establish a preaching ministry; as if they 
should say, It were not possible for us to be saved" (Bayne, p. 108n). 

2:100.12-14 Alcidatnas the Sophister . . . speech. Pupil of Gorgias (420? BC), 
who in De Sophistis spoke of the advantages of extemporaneous speech. 

2:101. 5-7. /i. sermons are the ordinance . . . easie. Cartwright 2:396 concerns the 
superiority of sermons over homilies and the question of human authority. H 
probably meant 2:383 where "the ordinance of God" and "darck" appear, as cited 
below at 2:102.20.p.n. 

2:101.13-14.1 is not readinge . . . God? Cited by Whitgift, Defense, p. 577 (PS, 

2:101.21-22.) Readinge . . . edifyinge. Cited by Whitgift, Defense, p. 578 (PS, 
3:46). See Isidore of Seville, De ecclesiasticis offidis, 1.10; (1534), sig. Bl"; PL, 
83:745: "Est autem lectio non parva audientium aedificatio." See 2:86. f.n, above. 

2:101. 27-102. 2. m St. Augustine . . . selves. See Augustine on Ps. 66:3; Opera 
(1556), 8:686; PL, 36:805. "Behold the ant of God! He rises every day, he runs to 
the church of God, he prays, he listens to the portion [of scripture] read, he sings 
the hymn, he ponders what he has heard, by himself he thinks it over, he stores 
within him the grains collected in the field" (Bayne, p. llOn). 

2:102. « Lector persona t . . . auditur. A summary of Cyprian's words in epist. 2.5, 
cited above at 2:76. u^; Opera (1521), p. 61; PL, 4:319. "The reader soundeth out 
the high and heavenly words: he readeth out the Gospel of Christ, etc." See 
Whitgift, Defense, p. 578 (PS, 3:47, 56), and chap. 23.1 (2:110-111). 


Book V, Chapter 22.12-22.17 

2:102.20./) Touchinge hardnes . . . impediment. In the three passages noted, 
Cartwright argues the necessity of preaching for the apprehension of the Word, 
not because the Scripture is difficult to understand, but because of "the darcknes 
of our understanding/ which withowt aide oflf preaching can not come to suffi- 
cient knowledge off yt" (2:383). 

2:102.28-103.1.^ which the Eunuch . . . want, Cartwright (1:159 [126]): "Of 
infinite examples take one of the Eunuch [Acts 8:31]/ which although he had bene 
at Jerusalem/ and returning home/ was reading of the Prophet Esay/ yet he beleeved 
not/ untill Phillip came and preached unto hym"; answered by Whitgift, Defense, p. 
573 (PS, 3:36). See also Sampson's Supplication (1584), in Strype, Annals, 3.1:327. 

2:103.7 easie See chap. 31.2-3 (2:135.6-35). 

2:103.33.5 theires, CartNvright, 2:363: "thes wofull readers . . . non-residence 
would bring litle ether to filling off cofres/ or bathing off them in the delightes off 
the world/ or to what other thing soever they in their absence propound: unles 
there were such hungry knightes/ as would for a crust of bread/ supply this 
absence. Now for removing off thes sweepinges owt off the church ministry . . ." 
See A lamentable complaint of the commonalty, cited by H at 2:107/: "Then durst no 
such hedge priests and caterpillars as are spread over the land in great number once 
think to have any entrance into the Church of God to kill souls any more" 
(Bayne, p. 112n); see 2:100.1 1-1 2/n, above. For Cartwright, 2:373, see 2:97.5.n, 

2:104.13-15. < that if God . . . preachinge, Cartwright, 2:364: "that bare reading 
is not able without Gods extraordinary worke/ to deliver one sowle." For Cart- 
wright, 2:383, see 2:90.d.n, above. 

2:104.17-19. M Sacramentes are not . . . them; Cartwright, 2:392: "it is well 
with us/ and the scriptures kepe their honour/ if they bring to the elect salvation/ 
used/ and applied as the order which the lord hath set/ requireth. onles peradven- 
ture he will say the holy Sacramentes leese their honour/ when it is saied they are 
not effectual to salvation/ without men be instructed by preaching before they be 
partakers off them." 

2:104.19-21.1' Sacramentes and prayers . . . condemnation? Cartwright, 2:364: 
"prayers, and Saaamentes forasmuche as they take effecte by the preachinge off the 
worde/ where that is not/ those doo not onely not feede/ but are ordinarily to 
further condemnation." 

2:105.7 charitie. In A Briefe and Plaine Declaration Fulke stated as dogma that 
where there is no preacher there should be no minister of the sacraments (p. 73), 
being convinced that sacraments are seals added to writings: "we know well that a 
word or writing may be available without a seal, but never a seal without a 
vrating" (p. 61; quoted by Bayne, p. 115n). See 1:207. 10-24.n, above. 



2:105.26 to terme it necessarie. See Whitgift, Defense, p 572 (PS, 3:35): "Both 
reading and preaching be necessarie in the Churche, and moste profitable, the 
commendation of the one doth not take anie thing firom the other." 

2:106.6-7.c It is untrue . . . Church. See 2:76.5. 

2:107.4— 6. e And in this present question . . . preachinge. Cartwright, 2:385: 
"good reading is compared with good preaching." 

2:107.6—8/ Now one of them saith . . . tyme. A lamentable complaint of the 
commonality (1585): "Some other take but one word for their text, and after\vard 
runne into the mountaines, that we cannot follow them; not knowing how they 
went up, or how they will come downe: whereas, if they had taken a good portion 
of the text, and had naturaUy expounded, and pithily applied the same; by occasion 
of that large text, we should have remembered a good part of the sermon long 
time after" (p. 9). See 2:103. 33.s.n, above. 

2:107.8-12.^ Another giveth us to understande, . . . church. In 1588 Robert 
Some, master of Peterhouse, Cambridge, wrote A godly treatise containing and deciding 
certaine questions, touching the ministerie, saaaments, and church (STC 22908) in 
response to the separatist John Penry's A defence of that which hath bin written in the 
questions of the ignorant ministerie, and the communicating with them (STC 19604). Job 
Throckmorton (see Carlson, Martin Marprelate, p. 5 and n), replied with M. Some 
laid open in his coulers: Wherein the indifferent reader may easily see, how wretchedly and 
loosely he hath handeled the cause against M. Penry ([1589]; STC 12342), the work 
cited by H. See pp. 21—22: "I speake heere o( sound preaching, that is, of deviding 
the worde aright which the Apostle calleth orthotomain (opeoTopetv), I speake 
not of babling or of handeling a text with a Curricombe, in that I joine with M. 
Some with al my hart, and therefore I wish he had bene with me the 10. of 
November last, at a certaine Church by the exchange, I thinke they cal it Barthol- 
mewe church, where it may be his ears would have glowed, and (if he durst have 
bene so bolde,) I doe not thinke but he would have condemned the preacher and 
that worthely for his babling. For there he might have heard him fetch many 
vagaries, and spend the most of his time in invectives against good men, telling 
th'audience to this effect. That for the papists thanks be to God, we need not so greatly 
feare them, for they were through the uigilans and wisedome of the magistrate reasonably 
hampered . . . but now the magistrate has onely to cast his eye on the phantasticall crue, such 
as toubled the peace of the Church, otherwise there might fall out many mischiefes." In the 
margin: "This preacher (as I understoode since) was M. Some himself." 

2:107. 12-14. /» The best of them . . . simple. Cartwright was explaining the view 
of Wolfgang Musculus (1497-1563), reformed theologian, author o( Loci communes 
(Basel, 1554; rpr. 1560, 1573), whom Whitgift had cited in Defense, p. 580 (PS, 


Book V, Chapter 22.18-24.2 

2:108.3-9 Whereupon it must ... life. See Whitgift, De/cme, p. 718 (PS, 3:344): 
"But I think that no right and true interpreution of the scripture is to be counted 
man's, though it be written, read, or preached by man; for the Spirit of God is the 
author of it; and man is but the instrument." 

2:110.6 Of Prayer. For H prayer consists of "holy desires" (chap. 23.1) or "eleva- 
tions of spirit onto God" (48.2); compare Aquinas, S.T., 2a2ae.83.1, and Calvin, 
Inst., 3.20.29. Prayer involves a dialectic: doctrine descending that prayer may 
ascend (chap. 23.1). In public worship this concerns the mingling of lessons with 
prayers. As George Herbert put it ("Prayer I"): "Gods breath returning to his 
birth." That is, prayer presupposes belief, aroused by God's grace, made possible by 
the divine initiative (chap. 48.3). Common or public prayer is requisite both on 
account of human weakness (chap. 25.1) and because "we are special beings" 
(chap. 24.1; also, Calvin, Inst., 3.20.29). In what follows H discusses helps to public 
prayer: place (chap. 25.2), person (chap. 25.3), and liturgy (chap. 25.4). See John 
E. Booty, Three Anglican Divines on Prayer: Jewel, Andreives, and Hooker (Cambridge, 
Mass.: Society of St. John the Evangelist, 1978), pp. 29—43. 

2:110.10—14 For >vhat is thassemblinge . . . us. See Augustine, Liber de gratia, 
chap. 29 (PL, 33:568); Tobit 12:15; and a sermon of Caesarius of Aries, formerly 
attributed to Augustine: "By the angels ascending and descending on the ladder, 
aposdes and apostolic men and all the doctors of the churches are to be understood; 
.ascending when they preach perfect things to the perfect; descending when they 
explain to babes and ignorant persons such simple things as they are able to 
comprehend" (Bayne, p. 121n; PL, 39:1762). The concept is found in the Eastern 
liturgies; see the Cherubic hymn sung in the Byzantine rite at the Great Entrance 
since the 6C. It was also familiar in the West, as in the prayer Supplices te of the 
Roman Canon where request is made that the holy gifts and sacrifices be "carried 
to the altar on high by the hands of Thy angel." See also the Salisbury horae and 
the primers for the office of the "Proper Angel," based on Matt. 18:10, which is 
the ending of the BCP Gospel for the Feast of St. Michael and All Angels {1559, 
p. 240). 

2:112. r Joh. 4:11. Text in error; the reference should be to Jonah 4: 1 1 . 

2:112.12-14.5 We come by troupes . . . acceptable. Tertullian, Apologeticum, 39.3: 
"Coimus in coetum et congregationem, ut ad Deum, quasi manu facta, precationi- 
bus ambiamus. Haec vis Deo grata est"; Opera (1566), 2:691-692; CCSL, 1:150. 
Ambros. . . . contemni. From a commenury on Romans ascribed to Ambrose, 
15.31; Opera (1567), 5:239; PL, 17:177, where it is "fiunt" not "sunt" and "ut non 
impetrent" not "contemni." "Many least ones of one mind and met together are 
great, nor can the prayers of many be despised" (Bayne, p. 124n). H's reference to 
Ambrose's "l[iber] de paen." seems to be inaccurate. 

2:112.M Ktti aoTi] . . . eaoTiig. Basil, epist. 68; Opera (1551), pp. 316-317; PG, 
32:493, as epist. 97. See 2:39.16-19.n, above. 



2:114.4 the place of assetnblie. See chaps. 11—16. 

2:114.2 Chrys Act. See John Chrysostom, Horn. 15, in Heb. (PG, 63:122), 

where he condemns laughter in church: "But know that angels are present every- 
where, but especially in the house of God. . . ." And Horn. 24, in Act. (PG, 
60:190), where he bewails the irreverence of the young at divine services: "Thou 
standest disorderly. Knowest thou not that thou standest in company with angels? 
With them thou art singing, with them thou art chanting, and thou standest 
laughing!" (Bayne, p. 126n). 

2:114.<J l.Cor. 11:10. S^c Chxysostom, Argumentum epistolae primae ad Corinthios on 
the text in 1 Cor. (PG, 61:218). "If thou despisest men, reverence the angels" 
(Bayne, p. 126n). 

2:114.fc bewtie "Honour" in BCP (=BB), "excellency" in GB. 

2:1 14. c Ad domos . . . supplicamus. Salvian, 5C presbyter of Marseilles, De vera 
judicio et providentia Dei, bk. 7; (1594), p. 230; PL, 53:128, where it is chap. 17. 
"We run at once to the churches, we prostrate our bodies on the ground, we offer 
prayers with tears ofjoyfulness" (Bayne, p. 126n). Church attendance was enforced 
by law (1 Eliz. I, cap. 2), with penalties prescribed for nonattendance, as well as by 
Royal Injunctions (1559, no. 33) and the church courts. 

2:115.4 Thauthoritie of his callinge See chap. 77.1—2. 

2:115.16/ Gods most beloved, Justinian, Codex, 1.3.43 and 44, esp. 43; (1590), cols. 
38-40; Krueger (1963), pp. 28-30, as 1.3.42(43)-43(44). H translates Deo amantissi- 
mus (Greek 0eo<j)iA,eaT&TOU(;), a term used here for bishops and priests. 

2:116.18—23 So that if the liturgies . . . witt. Emphasizing the fluidity of early 
liturgical usages, J. R. Srawley concludes that the attempt to trace liturgical forms 
back to an apostolic liturgy is doomed to failure; The Early History of the Liturgy, 
2nd edn. (Cambridge, 1949), pp. xi-xii. Dom Gregory Dix, The Shape of the 
Liturgy (Westminster, 1945), chap. 3, discusses a classical shape and the basic four 
actions of the Eucharist as being at the root of liturgical developments in the East 
and West. Within the framework of the shape transmitted by liturgical tradition 
there was fluidity, until the formulas became fixed as a result of heresy, schism, and 
the normal consequences of institutional development. 

2:117.14—16 From this . . . superstitious. Puritans and Separatists were opposed 
to set forms of prayer because they denied freedom to ministers and people, could 
not meet all of their needs, implied that God could not be worshipped in any other 
way, and led to hypocrisy and persecution; see Davies, W.E.P., chap. 8. At the 
outset of Elizabeth's reign, however, the Puritans used a version of the BCP 
(attached to the Geneva Bible, STC 2123). Subsequently they obtained their own, 
providing set forms (see 2:119.7-11 and 11-12). William Perkins (1558-1602) 
aflSrmed that set forms of prayer were not sinful, although extemporaneous prayer 


Book V, Chapter 25.2-27.1 

was preferable; see Davies, Worship and Theology in England (1970), 1:73. 

2:117.18-23 or as if our Lord, . . . wordes. That is, the Lord's Prayer (Matt. 
6:9-13; Luke 11:2—4). At the heart of the Puriuns' concern was Christ's teaching 
on prayer and the use of the Lord's Prayer. Barrowists and other Separatists denied 
that it should be repeated: it was a pattern and nothing more. Disciplinarians 
regarded it as a pattern but believed that it was permissible to repeat it. Supporters 
of the esublishment believed that Christians were commanded to use it. 

2:1 18.8-9 For that vcrie hymne . . . liturgie; See Exod. 14:30-15:18 (the Song 
of Moses), possibly composed for the feast at Jerusalem celebrating the reform of 
Josiah, but incorporating the much more ancient Song of Miriam. This liturgical 
song became a part of morning prayer in the Jewish Prayer Book, the last two 
verses of chap. 14 being known as the Sheeraw, the first eighteen of chap. 15 being 
called the Oz Yausher. 

2:1 18. m Math. 26:30 . • . tempor. See Scaliger, De emendatione temporum (1583); 
the reference to Paul of Burgos is on p. 268, the rest on p. 273. H is summarizing 
Scaliger. Paul of Burgos (1351-1435) was a learned Jew who converted to Chris- 
tianity; his additiones become part of the sundard commentary on the 15-16C 
Bible; see Bayne, p. 130n. 

2:118.24-25 songe . . . Simeon, See Luke 1:28, 42 (= Hail Mary); 1:68-79 (= 
Benedictus); and 2:25—35 (= Nunc dimittis); known collectively as the evangelical 
• hymns. 

2:119.7-11 Now albeit the Admonitioners . . . retracted. The Admonition suted 
that in the early church "ministers were not tyed to any forme of prayers invented by 
man, but as the spirit moved them, so they powred forth hartie supplications to the 
Lorde" {P.M., p. 11). This was changed in subsequent edns. to read "so tied to any 
one form"; "invented by man" was dropped; and after "as the spirit moved them" 
they added "and as necessitie of time required." Whitgift noted these changes in his 
Answerr, see Defense, p. 782 (PS, 3:472; see also 2:466). The Admonitioners were 
seemingly afiraid of being misunderstood. Thus, in Certaine Artides, collected and taken 
. . . by the byshops out of [the Admonition], wyth an answere to the same ([1572]; STC 
10850; rpr. P.M., pp. 135-148), the defenders of the Admonition asserted that they did 
not reject all set forms of prayer, but only "their patched Portuise [that is, a "portas" 
or "porteous," a portable breviary]," the BCP. Futhermore, they admitted that they 
used set forms, probably indicating forms fi-om Knox's Geneva Service Book, or the 
modified Prayer Book (see 2:1 17.14-16.n, above, and P.M., p. 139). When Whitgift 
pointed to their inconsistencies, Cartwright responded: "But for as muche as we agree 
of a prescript forme of prayer to be used in the church let that go" (1:135 [105]). In 
his Treatise of the Christian Religion, ed. W. Bradshaw (1616; STC 4707.7), p. 256, 
Cartwright explains why there must be set liturgies. Nevertheless, the trend was 
toward liberation firom set forms. See the Second Admonition (1572; STC 4713; rpr. in 
10849), P.M., p. 114. 



2:119.11-12 theire defender . • . like, A reference to the Puritan Prayer Book 
of "the Bill and the Book" proposed in the 1584 Parliament. The bill proposed 
the replacement of episcopal government with presbyterian discipline and of the 
BCP with "the booke herunto annexed of common prayer, etc." This is most 
likely the Waldgrave (or Middleburgh) Prayer Book, which is in fact an "order of 
common and publique prayer and administration of the sacraments, solemnization 
of marriages, visitation of the sicke, and buriall of the dead" (Bodl., MS Fairfax 30, 
fol. 41'). See Hall, ed., Fragmenta Uturgica, 1:122'. Bancroft refers to it in A Sermon 
Preached at Paules Crosse the 9. of Fehruarie, 1588 (1589; STC 1346), p. 62, as does 
Bridges in his Defence, p. 625. 

2:119.19.^ Grosse errors . . . awaie, Cartwright, 1:131 [102]: "Before I come to 
speake of prayers/ I will treate of the faults that are committed almost thrughout 
the whole Leyturgy/ and publike service of the church of England. Whereof one 
is that/ which is often objected by the authors of the admonition/ that the forme 
of it/ is taken from the church of Antichrist/ as the reading of the Epistles and 
Gospels so cutte and mangled/ as the most of the prayers/ the maner of mynistring 
the Sacraments/ of Manage/ of Buriall/ Confirmation/ translated as it were word 
for word/ saving that the grosse erroures and manifest impieties be taken away"; 
see Whitgift, Defense, p. 474 (PS, 2:438). 

2:119.22—120.21 too great afUnitie . . . God, H here summarizes the objections 
to the BCP as found in the two Admonitions and in Field's "A View of Popishe 
Abuses" attached to the first {P.M., pp. 20-34). There were also other lists, such 
as articles presented by Field to Parliament on 8 Dec. 1583 (PRO, S. P. 12/164, 
11, fols. 25—26) and objections in the Puritan compilation called A parte of a register, 
contayninge sundrie memorable matters, written by divers godly and learned in our time, 
which standefor, the reformation of our church ([1593?]; STC 10400); see, for instance, 
pp. 55 fE, 104, etc. Davies, W.E.P., chap. 6, quotes H's summary (p. 58). H's list 
provides the outline for the following chapters. 

2:120.9 Magnificat, See Luke 1:46-55 and 2:118.24-25.n, above. 

2:120.21-26 A greate favourer . , . God. Edward Dering (1540F-1576), the 
Puritan divine, who in A Sermon preached before the Quenes Majestie (1569; STC 
6699), attacked the church and its ministry, especially bishops, and even the queen 
herself. However, when writing against RC recusants, Dering defended the same 
church, its ministry and worship; see A sparing restraint, of many lavishe untruthes, 
which M. doctor Harding . . . dothe chalenge (1568; STC 6725), p. 5, cited by Whit- 
gift, Defense, p. 490 (PS, 2:470), and Bancroft, A Sermon, p. 56. 

2:121.18-28 To say that ... love. On H and toleration see Joseph Lecler, 
Toleration and the Reformation, trans. T. L. Westow (London: Longmans; New 
York: Association Press, 1960), 2:398-403, and W. K. Jordan, The Development of 
Religious Toleration in England (Cambridge, Mass., 1932), 1:222—232. 


Book V, Chapter 27.1-29.2 

2:122.1 agreable to Gods word, . . . Churches, From the tide page o(A Booke of the 
Forme of Common Prayer (1585?); see 2:71. z.n, above. 

2:122.3-8.r It shall not . . . harte. See A Booke of the Forme of Common Prayer, p. 
46 (Hall, Fragmenta liturgica, 1:48), ^vhe^e direction is given as to how the minister 
is to pray. The use of forms of prayer, such as contained in the Puritan prayer 
books, indicates that they were not altogether opposed to them, but, as H points 
out, their own rubrical directions allow considerable freedom; see Davies, W.E.P., 
pp. 122—127. The reference to note r should precede /( (line 3). 

2:122.23-24 Which oversight . . . preach. "The peace of Amboise (1563) gave 
the protestants the right to hold services, which was termed the 'droit de 
preche' " (Bayne, p. 136n). 

2:123.1 Attyre belonginge to the sendee of God. Chapter 29 was written against the 
background of the Vestiarian controversy that began in the reign of Edward VI and 
was intensified in the 1560s by the 1559 BCP Ornaments Rubric, which required 
those vestments "in use by the authority of ParHament in the second year of the 
reign of King Edward the Sixth" {1559, p. 48). Archbishop Parker's Advertisements 
(1566; STC 10026) interpreted the rubric to mean the use of copes and surplices 
in cathedral and collegiate churches and "a comely surpUce with sleeves" in all 
parish churches (Gee and Hardy, Documents, pp. 470—471). Many refiised to wear 
such vestments, describing them as "popish rags," including, according to Andrew 
Feme, Whitgift; see Lambeth Palace Library, MS 2002 (21), fol. 119. Some 
objectors, such as Jewel, concluded that the Reformation should not be jeopar- 
dized for the sake of objectionable adiaphora. Others, more adamant, turned against 
the bishops, the enforcers of government poHcy. See John H. Primus, The Vest- 
ments Controversy (Kampen: J. H. Kok, 1960), and Intro, to The Preface, pp. 12— 
13, above. Whitgift's Tract. 7, "Of the apparell of Ministers" [Defense, p. 256- 
297), corresponds to H's chapter. 

2:123.2-3 Wee thinke the surplice . . . weare H derives this quotation from 
Cartwright's argument against use of cap, surplice, and tippet, which he admits 
"are not the greatest matters we strive for." His fear is that they make "unclean 
the users of them" (1:71-72 [52]); see also, 2:402 flf., 3:242 flf., and Defense, p. 256 
(PS, 2:1). 

2:123.3-8 It is easilie seen . . . in. On p. 54 in the 1st edn.; see Whitgift, Defense, 
p. 269 (PS, 2:23-24). 

2:123.20-22.M Divine religion . . . life. Jerome, In 44. Ezech.: "Religio divina 
alterum habitum habet in ministerio, alterum in usu vitaque communi"; Opera (1516), 
5:257'; PL, 25:457, verse 17. See Whitgift, Defense, pp. 281-282 (PS, 2:47-49). 

2:123.25-124.5. f theglorie . . . clothes. Jerome, Adversus Pelagianos, 1.9: "Adjungis, 
gloriam vestium et omamentorum Deo esse contrariam. Quae sunt rogo, inimici- 
tiae contra Deum, si tunicam habuero mundiorem: si Episcopus, Presbyter, et 



Diaconus, et reliquus ordo ecclesiasticus in administratione sacrificiorum Candida 
veste processerint? Cavete clerici, cavete monachi, viduae et virgines: pehclitamini, 
nisi sordidas vos atque pannosas vulgus aspexerit. Taceo de hominibus saeculi, 
quibus aperte bellum indicitur, et inimicitiae contra Deum, si pretiosis atque 
nitentibus utantur exuviis"; Opera (1516), 3:124"; PL, 23:547-548. See Whitgift, 
Defense, pp. 281-282 (PS, 2:49). 

2:\2^.w lib.l. p.77. Page 57 in 1st edn. of Reply e. 

2:124.11— 21.x the wordes of Chrysostotne . . .garment. H here cites Horn. 60 
ex Matth. (one of the sermons Ad populum Antiochenum): "Hoc vestra dignitas est, 
hoc securitas hoc omnia corona, non ut albam et splendentem tunicam circumeatis 
induti"; Opera (1588), 5:338; (in Latin; the Greek was not published until 1610— 
1613; see nn at 5:48.5-7 and 136.4, above); PG, 58:745. Whitgift, Defense (1574) 
p. 281, cites it as "Hom. 6"; Works (PS), 2:48. Keble (2:129-130n) and Bayne (p. 
138n) quote the Greek. 

2:126. a-d, f-h, j-l H's page references are to the 2nd edn. of Cart\vright's Replye; the 
corresponding pages in 1st edn., cited by Whitgift, are: 58 (a), 52 (b), 55 (c), 52 
(d), 53 {fzndg), 56 {h and^), 60 (k) and 57 (/); the corresponding pages in the PS 
Whitgift are: 2:59 (a), 2:1 (b), 2:30 (c), 2:1 (d), 2:9 (/), 2:17 (g), 2:42 {h and;), 
2:70 (fe) and 2:53 (/). 

2:126. i 1.2. p.403. Cartwright accused Whitgift: "in steed that he should teach 
that we may obey no further unto the magistrate/ than the same wil agree with 
the glory off God, and salvation off our brethren: he teacheth that in thinges of 
their owne nature indifferent/ we must have no further regard/ neither to salvation 
off our brethren/ nor to the glory off God . . . then will agree with doing that the 
magistrate commaundeth" (2:403—404). On the issue of obedience, see A. F. Scott 
Pearson, Church and State: Political Aspects of Sixteenth Century Puritanism (Cam- 
bridge, 1928), and Whitgift, Defense, pp. 646-648, and Tract. 20, "Of the Author- 
itie of the civill Magistrate in Ecclesiasticall matters," pp. 694—709 (PS, 3:189 ff., 

2:126.23 leprosie; See Cartwright, 3:259, and Bayne, p. 140n. 

2:126.29-127.2.w Yee shall polute . . . hence. H here uses GB for Isaiah 30:22 but 
changes "menstruous cloth" to "stayned rag." The passage was cited in "A View 
of Popishe Abuses" {P.M., p. 35n); see Cartwright, 3:257. 

2:127.20-26 M^hcn once they . . . abroad. In Feb. 1566 Laurence Humphrey, 
president of Magdalen College, Oxford, and Thomas Sampson (see 2:95. 7.n) wrote 
to Henry Bullinger at Zurich seeking support in their struggle against the vest- 
ments. BuUinger's answer was published as The judgement of . . . H. Bullinger . . . 
declaring it lawfull to weare the apparell prescribed (1566; STC 4063). See Zurich Letters, 
PS, 1:151-155, 345-355; Primus, The Vestments Controversy (1960), pp. 125-131; 
and Bayne, pp. 141-142n. 


Book V, Chapter 29.2-31.1 

2:127.^ 1.1. p.74. Page 54 in 1st edn. of Cartwright's Replye. 

2:131.29— 34. M Let him which approveth not . . . injoygned. See Basil's forty- 
seventh interrogation, "Concerning those \vho do not agree with the orders of the 
governor," of what was later called Regulae Justus tradatae: T6v ^ir\ icaTa6ex6/jevov 
Toi Tcapa TOO npoecnayToc; eyKpiBevra, XPH (jKxvepmc; rj i6i<jc auT(^ dvriXe- 
yeiv, el xiva exoi Xoyov iaxopdv Kara to PouXq/ia twv ypaijwv, f\ aicoTtq- 
aavxa to TipocrreTay^evov noieiv. Opera (1551), p. 471; PG, 31:1036. H 
omitted the f\ before i6i(jc. 

2:132.3 T.C. 1.1. p. 134. Page 105 in 1st edn. See 2:56.19-23.n, above, and 
Whitgift, Defense, p. 485 (PS, 2:460-462). The BCP was designed for common 
worship, to be heard and understood and participated in by all. See Cranmer's 
defence against the rebels of Devon {Works, PS, 2:169-172) and the defence of the 
use of English in the Westminster Dispuution, 1559 (Cardwell, History of Confer- 
ences, pp. 56-62). 

2:133.2-7.1/ Now because the Gospels . . . bowe. "A View of Popishe Abuses" 
spoke sharply of people sitting while lessons are read but standing for the Gospel; 
furthermore, other names for God command no reverence, but when "Jesus is 
named, then of goth the cappe, and down goeth the knees" (P.M., p. 29). 
Cartw^right cited this passage, pointing out that such practices w^ere against good 
order and were dangerous (1:203 [163]); Whitgift, Defense, p. 739 (PS, 3:389). The 
BCP did not order standing at the Gospel, but the practice was ancient and 
observed in the medieval church (Jungmann, Mass of the Roman Rite, 1:447—448). 
Bowing at the name of Jesus was commanded by Art. 52 of the 1559 Royal 
Injunctions and was based on Phil. 2:9 ff. 

2:133.11—12 And against Infldels . . . profitable. Whitgift: "One reason that 
moved Christians in the beginning the rather to bow at the name of Jesus, than at 
any other name of God, was bicause this name was most hated and most con- 
temned of the wicked Jewes and other persecutors of such as professed the name 
ofjesus"; Defense, p. 742 (PS, 3:390). 

2:133.x T.C. 1.3. p. 215. See also 1:203 [163]. 

2:133.20 Ordinarie of the place; "One who has, of his own right and not be 
depuution, immediate jurisdiction in ecclesiastical cases" (OED). 

2A3y-\34.y,z,b 1.1. p.74 p.l34. Pages 54 and 105, respectively, in 1st edn. 

2:134.23-25. c nothinge to be done . . . selje. Cartwright here echoes the Second 
Admonition {P.M., p. 115) and others (Bayne, p. 150n). Whitgift responded: "You 
mighte as well saye, that bicause a chylde of ten years olde can read the Byble 
translated into Englishe, therefore the Byble translated into Englishe maynteyneth 
an unpreaching ministrie"; Defense, p. 482 (PS, 2:455). 1.1. p.l33. Page 104 in 
1st edn. 



2:135.10-11 ten yeares of age. Quoting the Second Admonition {P.M., p. 101); see 
n preceding. 

2:135.36-136.13 I have often . . . case: See chaps. 79, 81. 

2:136.9-10 the dailie bruses . . . fallinge. See A.C.L., p. 37, H's note (4:53.17- 
19), and Bayne, p. 152n. 

2:136.27 T.C. . . . p. 184. Cartwright faulted the BCP because psalms, prayers, and 
lessons took up the time that might have been spent in preaching (1:133 [104]). 
Whitgift retorted: "the longest tyme (if there be no Communion) is not more than 
an houre; and can you spende that houre better than in praying and hearing the 
scripture read?"; Defense, p. 482 (PS, 2:455); see also Bridges, Defence, p. 625. 
Cartwright responded: "Wherunto, I answer that yf with that hower, he allow an 
other for the sermon: the tyme wil be longer, then the age of some, and infirmities 
of other some, can ordinaryly wel bear" (3:184). Sunday morning worship in the 
C of E normally consisted of Morning Prayer, Litany, and Antecommunion with 
Sermon (see B.C. P., 1559, pp. 375-376). 

2:137.2— 6. </ It is not as some do imagine . . . nightes. H quotes Augustine, 
epist. 121, Ad Probam viduam: "Neque enim, ut nonnuUi putant, hoc est, orare in 
multiloquio si diutius oretur. Aliud est sermo multus, aliud diuturnus affectus. Nam 
et de ipso domino scriptum est, quod pernoctaverit in orando"; Opera (1555), 
2:129"; PL, 33:501, as epist. 130.19. Proba, surnamed Faltonia, fled to Africa to 
excape the barbarian invasion of Rome; Jerome praises her (epist. 8, to Demetrias, 
her grand-daughter). 

2:139.5—6 An hower and a halfe . . . service. Cartwright, 3:185. 

2:139.23-25 We have (they say) . . . prayers. Cartwright, 1:138 [108], and 
Whitgift, Defense, pp. 499-500 (PS, 2:487), contrasting BCP prayers with the 
prayers of the early church and of the continental Reformed churches. It is now 
understood that the prayers of the people early developed in litany form, with 
short prayers or directions for prayer (Dix, Shape, pp. 42-44, 455, 477). Prayer in 
the Reformed tradition was generally lengthy. 

2:139.27-140.2 The brethren in Aegypt . . . longe. Augustine, epist. 121: 
"Dicuntur firatres in Aegypto crebras quidem habere orationes, sed eas tamen 
brevissimas et raptim quodam modo jaculatas, ne ilia vigilanter erecta, quae oranti 
plurimum necessaria est, per productiores moras evanescat atque hebetetur inten- 
tio"; Opera (1555), 2:129'; PL, 33:51, as epist. 130.20; see 2:137.2-6.n, above. 

2:140.16 Lessons intermingled . . . prayers. See chap. 23.1 and 2:110.6.n, above. 

2:141. J Wee have no such formes . . , supplication. Whitgift: "As much diflference 
as there is betwixt man and God: so farre is your similitude firom proving your 
purpose: except you will admit the like similitude used by the Papists, to prove 
praying to Saints"; Defense, p. 500 (PS, 2:487-488). 1.1. p.l38. Page 108 in 1st 


Book V, Chapter 31.2-35.3 

edn. This kind of reason . . . use. The reference is to Malachi 1:14; see /. 

2-A42.k Mepi) ... ^iX6Tifiot. Aristotle, Rhetoric, 1.5; \36\^; Opera (1550), 
2:189. "For a gift is at once a giving of a possession and a token of honour; 
wherefore gifts are desired by the ambitious and by those who are fond of money, 
since they are an acquisition for the latter and an honour for the former; so that 
they ftimish both with what they want" (Loeb, p. 53). 

2:142.26-143.1./ If. . . it is not evell. In KJV, a question: "Is it not evil?" In GB 
and BB, "the sentence is not read interrogatively, but as an aflSrmation, put into 
the mouth of those whom the Prophet is reproving" (Keble, 2:151n). Earlier edns. 
corrected H's text to agree with KJV. 

2:143.6 oft rehearsinge This complaint is part of the overall Puritan objection to 
repetition in the BCP as unduly ritualistic. See the Second Admonition: "Whence 
learned they aU those needelesse repetitions? . . . The words be good . . . but the 
use is naught, forbidden by oure savioure: you when you pray use not vaine 
repetitions as the heathen doe [Matt. 6:7], saythe he" {P.M., p. 114). Cartwright 
defended the translation of PaTTaXoYiiaqTe as "vayne repetitions" arguing that 
the word "was taken up in reproache of a foolishe Poet called Battus, which used 
to repeate one thing many times"; Whitgift denied this, citing Beza and Erasmus, 
saying that the word paTToA-OYEiv referred to babbling or silly speech rather than 
repetition; Defense, pp. 803-804 (PS, 3:513-516). 

2:143.30-144.8 Wee have of prayers . . . Glorie This list of criticisms provides 
a topical outline for chaps. 35—42. 

2:145.15, 25 1.1. p. 136 p.219. Pages 107 and 176, respectively, in 1st edn.; 

see Whitgift, Defense, pp. 494—495. 

2:145.16 cerUine baites. See A.C.L., p. 36 (4:49.21-23). 

2:145. m Prttmissa . . . petitiones. TertuUian, De oratione, chap. 10; Opera (1566), 
2:543; CCSL, 1:263. "After beginning with the legitimate and customary prayer 
{i.e. the Lord's Prayer) as a foundation we have the right to pray about our chance 
desires, we have the right of rearing an outward scaffolding of petitions." Compare 
L. Andrewes, Ninety-Six Sermons, LACT (1841-1843), 5:329-339, 424-434. 

2:146.8.M Luc. 11:1. The reference to n should precede "they request" (line 15). 

2:146.17—18 TertuUian . . . orationem legitimam. See TertuUian in the passage 
cited just above, and Augustine, Enarrationes in Psalmos, 142.6; Opera (1556), 
8:1642—44; PL, 37:1849: "To the Aposdes a rule of prayer was given by the 
heavenly Jurist. 'After this manner pray ye,' He said" (Bayne, p. 162n). 

2:146.24—30.0 TTiat wee have . . . requests? Cyprian, De Oratione Dominica, chap. 
2: "Cum ipsum habeamus apud Patrem advocatum pro peccatis nostris, quando 
peccatores pro delictis nostris petimus, advocati nostri verba promamus. Nam cum 



dicat, quia quodcunque petierimus a Patre in nomine ejus, dabit nobis: quanto 
efHcacius impetramus quod petimus in Christi nomine, si petamus ipsius oratione"; 
Opera (1593), p. 309; PL, 4:521, as chap. 3. 

2:147.15—23 An other fault . . . time. H is quoting through "dolhe beare" (line 21), 
with some omissions; thereafter, he is paraphrasing. See Whitgift, Defense, p. 501 
(PS, 2:492—494). Cartwright cites Justin Martyr as saying that when the president 
of the Christian assembly "has finished the prayers and the thanksgiving, all the 
people present shout their assent, saying, 'Amen' " {Apology 1, chap. 65 [67]). 
Whitgift objected, pointing out that Justin Martyr also said, "we do all rise and 
praise togither"; Defense, p. 502; PS, 2:493. 1.1 p.l39. Page 109 in 1st edn. 

2:147.30-148.1 Twice we appoint ... receyved. See the rubric before General 
Confession in Morning Prayer (B.C. P., 1559, p. 50) and the rubric after the 
administration of bread and wine in Holy Communion (p. 264). But see also the 
rubrics preceding General Confession in Holy Communion (p. 259), before the 
first use of the Lord's Prayer in Morning Prayer (p. 51), and the rubric before the 
second use (p. 59). There were evidently different practices, ranging firom the 
minister speaking for the people to both minister and people speaking together. 

2:\48.p Ti^ . . . (JKOVrjv. Basil, Homilia in Psalmum primum, chap. 2; Opera (1551), 
p. 55; PG, 29:212. "For who can still reckon him an enemy with whom he has 
united his voice in praise to God" (Bayne, p. 165n). H here emphasizes participa- 
tion as communion among believers; see B.C. P., 1559, pp. 368—372, and 
2:154.22-30, below, and Intro, to Book V, pp. 197-199, above. 

2:148.29-149.4.^ that custome . . . utterance. That is, speaking with tongues, 
ecstatic utterance. 

2:150.1—3 sometime . . . side. H refers to antiphonal reading, side to side, rooted 
in early church practice when psalms and canticles were sung antiphonally (see 
2:155.19-20.n, below). 

2:150.r r| KepieiCTiKi) upvoXoyia. "The singing which binds together all 

the sacred rites" (Bayne, p. 166n). Dionysius the Pseudo-Areopagite (late 5C?), De 
ecclesiastica hierarchia, 3.5; Opera (1562), p. 140; PG, 3:432. Dionysius writes of the 
benefit derived from psalms and lessons at the Eucharist, preparing the believer for 
what follows. On the conflation of various men named "Dionysius" in the early 
church, see ODCC. 

2:150.8-9 The ancient when they speake . . . discorses, H has Basil of Cae- 
sarea in mind; see the opening two sections of Homilia in Psalmum primum (PG, 
29:212). See 2:\4S.p, 150.16-17, 153.14-154.4.5, and nn. 

2:150.16-17 What is there necessarie . . . teach? H is quoting Basil, as above: 
Ti ydp ouK av pdOoic; evreuOev; ou Tqg dvSpiaq to jjEYaA,07ipe7ie<;; ou Tqq 
SiKaioauvq^TO dxpipec;; ou aco(t)poa6vr|(;T6 ae^ivov; oo to Tfi<;<t>povriaeo)<; 


Book V, Chapter 36.0-38.2 

riXeiov; ou }iexavoiaq Tp67iov; oox oiiopovfiq perpa. Opera (1551), p. 55; 
PG, 29:213. 

2:151.4 of musique with psalmes. The greatest opposition to church music was 
provided by the Robert Browne, who, in A True and Short Declaration ([1583?]; 
STC 3910.5), wrote: "Their tossing to and fro of psalms and sentences, is like 
tenisse plaie whereto God is called to Judg who can do best and be most gallant in 
his worship: as bie organs, solfaing, pricksong, chaunting, bussing and mumbling 
verie roundlie, on divers handes. Thus thei have a shewe of religion but indeed 
they tume it to gaming, and plaie mockholidaie with the worship of God"; sig. 
B3^; The Writings of Robert Harrison and Robert Broume, eds. Peel and Carlson, 
E.N.T. (1953), p. 415. Moderate Puriuns were concerned that much church 
music was distracting and did not serve to edify; see Percy Scholes, The Puritans 
and Music (London, 1934), and Davies, W.E.P., Append. B. The Reformation was 
inimical to the continued composition of church music in 16C England as the 
rituals for which it was formerly intended were discarded; conversely, psalm- 
singing blossomed, and from 1549 to 1600 some 167 editions of metrical psalms 
were pubUshed (STC, 1:99-107). 

2:151.5—10 Touchinge musical! . . . harmonie. The Pythagorean view of 
heaven and earth emphasized the identity of world soul and world harmony. "The 
Pythagorean Simmias, in Plato's Phaedo (85e) . . . states that the soul is harmony: it 
-has the same relation to the body as harmony . . . has to the lute. The concept of 
the 'lute of the soul' which we will find so often is here imminent"; Leo Spitzer, 
Classical and Christian Ideas of World Harmony (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University 
Press, 1963), p. 15. Spitzer goes on to speak of the curative fimction of music: 
"the Pythagorean physician cured the soul as well as the body; health to him was 
harmony, the proper 'attunement' of body and soul" (p. 16). See Donne on the 
preacher as musicum carmen (2:87. 20-24. n, above). Shakespeare's Merchant of Venice 
(Riverside edn.), 5.1.63—65, aUudes to the doctrine; and see Bayne, p. 168n. 

2:152.21—25 They wrhich under pretense . . . other. Comparing the early 
church with that of the 16C, the Admonition complained: "They ministred the 
Sacrament [Holy Communion] plainely. We pompously, with singing, pypyng, 
surplesse and cope wearyng" {P.M., p. 14). Whitgift replied: "As for pyping, it is 
not prescribed to be used at the Communion by any rule, that I knowe. Synging 
I am sure you do not disallowe, beeing used in all reformed Churches, and an arte 
allowed in Scriptures, and used in praysing of God by David"; Answere, quoted 
from Defense, p. 606 (PS, 3:106). Cartwright responded: " I have answered before 
. . . especially seeing that M. Doctor wil not defend the piping/ and organes/ nor 
no other singing then is used in the reformed churches: which is in the singing of 
two Psalmes/ one in the beginning/ and an other in the ending/ in a plaine tune/ 
easye bothe to be sung of those whych because they can not read/ can not sing 
wyth the rest of the churche" (1:168 [133]). Whitgift countered: "I have heard no 
reasons as yet to improve the manner of singing used in this Churche of England, 



neyther do I say that I allow no other singing than is used in other reformed churches. 
For I woulde not have any Churche to arrogate that perfection unto it selfe, that 
it should thinke all other Churches to be bounde unto it: it was the original cause 
of the pryde of the Churche of Rome. I have onely sayde that other reformed 
Churches allowed singing, which is true"; Defense, p. 607 (PS, 3:108). See B.C.P., 
1559, pp. 350-351, and Peter Le Huray, Music and the Reformation in England, 
i 549-1660 (London: H.Jenkins, 1967). 

2:153.7—14 Be it as . . . thinges. Rabanus Maurus (776-856), abbot of Fulda, on 
psalms in De clericorum institutione, 2.48: "Primitiva Ecclesia ita psallebat, ut modico 
flexu vocis faceret resonare psallentem: ita ut pronuncianti vicinior esset quam 
canenti. Propter carnales autem in Ecclesia, non propter spiritales, consuetude 
cantandi est instituta: ut, quia verbis non compunguntur, suavitate modulaminis 
moveantur"; (1532), p. 122; PL, 107:362. 

2:153.14—154.4.5 St. Basil • . . projitt. Basil, Homilia in Psalmum Primum, chap. 1; 
Opera (1551), p. 55; PG, 29:212-213. See 2:150.r.n, above. 

2:154.21 ps. 54.14 Psalm 55:14, GB and BCP. H's citation is correct for the 
Septuagint and the Vulgate. 

2:154.17 1.1. p.203. Page 163 in 1st edn. 

2:155.17—19 these interlocutorie formes of speech . . . pietie? Another passage 
used by Barton and Halliburton to argue that Hooker's understanding of the 
reading of Scripture is "doxological" rather than edifying; see 2:71.14— 16. n. above. 
On "edification," seejude 2, §§ 7—20. 

2:155.19—20 When and how . . . knowne. Antiphonal singing or chanting was 
part of Jewish custom (see Ezra 3:11, 1 Chron. 29:20, Ps. 106:45, Matt. 26:30), 
passing over into the Christian church. See Pliny the Younger, epist. 10.96, and 
Tertullian, Ad uxorem, 2:9; Opera (1566), 2:132; CCSL, 1:394: "Psalms and hymns 
are sung between two, who strive with one another which shall sing best in God's 
praise. Christ rejoices when He sees and hears them and sends them His peace" 
(Bayne, p. 172n). Augustine reports that Ambrose introduced the custom in the 
West {Confessions, 9.7.15). See 2:150.1-3. 

2:155.20-22. M Socrates maketh Ignatius . . . selves. As a consequence of his 
seeing a vision of angels praising the Trinity in hymns sung antiphonally, Ignatius, 
bishop of Antioch (d. 115?), is said to have introduced this manner of singing to 
the church there; Hist, eales. (1581), p. 455; PG, 139:1390. Compare 2:156.26- 

2:155.23-27.1/ Theodoret, . . . Arrians. Theodoret, bishop of Cyrrhus (393?- 
458?), continued the Hist, eccles. of Eusebius down to 428; see 2.9 (PG, 82:1000), 
where two laymen, Flavian and Diodorus, later bishops, respectively, of Antioch 
and Tarsus, "taught the people to sing the Psalms of David antiphonally, dividing 


Book V, Chapter 38.3-39.2 

the singers into two choirs," a practice which spread everywhere, "even to the 
ends of the earth" (Bayne, p. 173n). They probably revived the practice rather 
than initiated it. 

2:155.27-29.u' Platina ... time. BartolomeoPlatina (1421-1481), Italian human- 
ist, author of Lives of the Popes (1479) and Vatican librarian under Sixtus IV, wrote 
of Pope Damasus, patron of Jerome, that "he instituted the singing of Psalms by 
course in the Church and the use of the Gloria at the end of each" (Bayne, p. 
173n); see Historia de vitis Pontiftcum Romanorum (1572), p. 43. 

2:155.29— 156.2.x And therefore the eldest . . . Roirie. Ambrose, Hexaemeron, 
2.5: "Well is the Church often compared to the sea. At the first rush of the 
incoming congregation it floods all the passages with its waves. Then as the whole 
people pray you hear as it were the long withdrawing roar of those waves. And 
when the voices of men, women, virgins, and children sing the Psalms by course 
there results a tumult of waves all sounding together" (Bayne, p. 173n); see Opera 
(1567), 4:27; PL, 14:165. Whitgift cites Basil as "Hexam. 4.," Defense, p. 502. 

2:156.2—10.)' Amongst the Grscians . . . together. In epist. 63, written to the 
clergy of Neocaesarea, Basil mentions the difficulties described by H and states that 
according to universal custom, when the prayers are ended, psalmody begins. 
"Dividing into two parts, they sing psalms antiphonally, at the same time strength- 
ening their apprehension of the word of Scripture, and preventing their minds or 
" emotions firom wandering. Then coming together again, one is precentor, and the 
rest all sing after him" (Bayne, p. 174n); Opera (1551), pp. 311-312; PG, 32:760, 
764, as epist. 207. 

2:156.4 Sabellius the heretique Sebellianism was a 2C-3C heresy that "held that 
in the Godhead the only differentiation [between the Son and the Father] was 
mere succession of modes or operations"; see ODCC under "Monarchianism." 
Sabellius himself seems to have been of Roman origin. Marcellus Bishop of 
Ancyra (d. 374?), "taught that in the Unity of the Godhead the Son and the Spirit 
only emerged as independent entities for the purposes of Creation and Redemp- 
tion. After the redemptive work is achieved they will be resumed again into the 
Divine Unity and 'God will be all in all'. The clause in the Nicene Creed, 'whose 
Kingdom shall have no end', was inserted to combat his teaching" (ODCC). 

2:156.16-20.2 And of the Churches . . . selves. Pliny the Younger (61?-112?), 
inventor of the literary letter {Epistulae curatius scriptae), published nine books of 
them; the tenth (cited by H) contains his official correspondence with Trajan about 
the administration of Bithynia. See 2:155. 19-20.n, above. 

2:156.20-26.0 Which for anie thinge . . . Miriam. See Philo's De vita contempla- 
tiva for a discussion of the Therapeutae, an Alexandrian sect related to the Essenes, 
and their use of antiphonal hymns; in Lucubrationes (1555), p. 755. See also William 
Beveridge (1637-1708), Works, LACT, 12:242, 251, 254. 



2:157.c From whence soever it came . . . Churches. For Whitgift's response, see 
Defense, pp. 740-741 (PS, 3:387). 

2:158.15-18 a thinge, . . . men; See 2:156.2-10.^.n, above. 

2:159.11-13 Let noveltie therefore . . . prevaile. Ta apxaia I0q KparpiTCO. 
The opening of canon 6 of the Council of Nicaea; Concilia (1585), 1:567. 

2:159.14 p/* Magnificat, Benedictus and Nunc ditnittis. Compare "A View 
of Popishe Abuses": "That they sing Benedictus, Nunc dimittis and Magnificat, we 
knowe not to what purpose, except some of them were ready to die, or excepte 
they would celebrate the memory of the virgine, and John Baptist, etc. Thus they 
prophane the holy scriptures" {P.M., p. 29). Whitgift responded: "By this your 
reason we may not use any of the Psalmes, untill we be in lyke case as David was, 
or other, w^hen they w^ere first made"; Defense, p. 494 (PS, 2:478). The three 
canticles, or little songs, were all from the NT, the Magnificat from Luke 1:46—55, 
the Benedictus from Luke 1:68—79, and the Nunc Dimittis from Luke 2:29—32. 
They are the Breviary canticles for Vespers, Lauds, and Compline, respectively. 
When they came into the offices we do not know, although they were in their 
accustomed places by the time of Benedict of Nursia (480?— 543?). 

2:159.19 T.C. 1.3. p.208. See also Cartwright, 1:137 [107]. 

2:159.20-21 Wee have allreadie . . . scriptures. See chap. 37. 

2:160.32 Asaph Identified as "the seer" in 2 Chron. 29:30, Asaph is credited with 
authorship of twelve of the Psalms. 

2:161.26 Of the Letanie. Compare "A View of Popishe Abuses": "They pray that 
all men may be saved, and that they may be delivered from thundering and 
tempest, when no danger is nighe" {P.M., p. 29; Whitgift, Defense, p. 494; PS, 
2:477). See B.C. P., 1559, pp. 68-76, 393, and E. C. Ratcliflf, in Uturgy and 
Worship, ed. W. K. Lowther Clarke (1932), pp. 282-287. 

2:162.15 as Platina calleth it. See the Hves of Leo I and Gregory I, Historia de vitis 
Pontificum Romanorum (1572), pp. 50, 63; and see 2:155:27-29, above, 2:163.17- 
IS.M.n, below, and Cartwright, 3:204. 

2:162.21-22 1.1. p.l37. Page 107 in 1st edn. of Rep/ye. 

2:162.29-163.5.^ She cannot content . . . spared. TertuUian, Ad uxorem, 2.4.1: 
"Domino certe non potest pro disciplina satisfacere, habens in latere diaboli 
servum, procuratorem domini sui ad impedienda fidelium studia et officia, ut, si 
statio facienda est, maritus de die condicat ad balneas, si ieiunia observanda sint, 
maritus eadem, die convivium exerceat, si procedendum erit, numquam magis 
familiae occupatio obveniat"; Opera (1566), 2:128; CCSL, 1:388; PL, 1:1294. 
"Station" refers to half-fasts on Wednesdays and Fridays until 3 p.m. at which, the 
better to ward off Satan, the faithful stood to pray; see Bayne, p. 180n. 


Book V, Chapter 39.3-41.2 

2:163.8— 9./1 applied by Heathens . . . exequies. See Terence (Roman play- 
wright, principally of comedies; 195—159 BC), Andria, 1.1.100: "funus interim 
procedit; sequimur" Comoediae sex (1583; STC 23886) p. 6; "presendy the hearse 
started; we followed" (Loeb, 1:15—16). See also his Phormio, 5.8.37: "Exsequias 
Chremeti, quibus est commodum ire, hoc tempus est" (p. 339); "All who it 
concerns are desired this very hour to attend the funeral of Chremes" (Loeb, 

2:163.t Martyres . . . progressura sis. Jerome, epist. 22, Ad Eustodtium; Opera 
(1516), 1:64'; PL, 22:404, § 17. 

2:163.y Socrat. 1.6. c.8. Sozotn. 1.8. c.8. Both Socrates and Sozomen vrrote of 
Arians in Constantinople, who, deprived of their churches, met at night to sing 
antiphonal hymns in support of their teachings. In the morning they \vent through 
the city chanting the hymns in places of worship. John Chrysostom organized rival 
singers, whose expenses were bom by the Empress Eudoxia. See 2: 155. 20-22. w.n, 
above, and Hist, ecdes. (1581), pp. 455, 770-771. Sozomen was the early 5C 
continuator of Eusebius's Hist, ecdes. He was a younger contemporary of Socrates 
Scholasticus; his portion, in nine books, covers the years 323—425. Theod. 1.2. 
C.24. First cited at 2:155.23—27; see n above. Book 2.24 concerns the removal of 
St. Babylus from Daphne by the Christians, at the order of Julian. "They joyfully 
set out for the grave, having placed the coffin on a cart; and all of them, walking 
before it, sang in chorus and chanted the Psalms of David, and at every pause 
shouted. Confounded be all those who worship graven images" (PG, 82:1097, as 
6.6). Novel. 68.51. Justinian, Novellae, 67.1 (probably meant here) forbids the 
consecration of chapels without public processions, which nray simply mean 
services; (1590), col. 143; SchoeU-Kroll (1963), p. 344; Scott, 16:259. Novella 
123.32 forbids laity to conduct litanies without clergy, but the word Xixaveia 
need mean no more than "solemn supplication"; (1590), col. 255; Schoell-Kroll 
(1963), p. 617; Scott, 17:98. 

2:163. ife Basil, ep. 63. Basil, epist. 63, Ad dericos Neocaesareos: Ai Aixaveiai, aq 
upetg vOv eTCiTnSeoere. Opera (1551), p. 312; PG, 32:764. "The litanies you 
noAv use." In this instance "litany" means solemn supplication, not procession. See 
Bayne, pp. 181n, and 2:156.2— lO.n, above. Niceph. 1.14 c.3. Nicephorus 
describes how, during a period of heavy rains, Emperor Theodosius the Younger 
suspended circus games and proposed public prayers instead: "And they went forth 
in procession saying their litanies, and offering hymns to God" (Bayne, p. 181n); 
Ecdes. hist. (1562), p. 437. Cedren. in Theodos. Georgius Cedrenus, IIC 
Greek monk, compiled a synopsis of history telling how Theodosius, after three 
years of earthquakes, paid heed to the revelation received by Bishop Proclus that 
he should supphcate (XiTttveueiv) according to a certain formula. Theodosius and 
Pulcheria issued an edict that in the future the world should sing the divine hymn 
in that style (ouTO) V|rdX,Xea6ai tov eeiov upvov). See his Annates (1566), p. 281. 



2:163.17 Mainercus As Bayne notes (p. 182n), more correctly, Mamertus (the 
error is Cartwright's: see 2:162.6). He was archbishop of Vienne in Gaul (d. 475?), 
remembered (as here) for having introduced the processional "litanies" on the 
three days preceding Ascension Day to ward off earthquakes and like natural 
disasters (ODCC). H quotes Cartwright's complaint (1:137 [107]). Whitgift 
dismissed it: "your reasons . . . might as well be alleaged, agaynst any of the 
Psalmes, which all were made at the first upon some speciall occasion"; Defense, p. 
496. See nn following. 

2:163.29-164.3./ Sidonius . . . adversaries. Sidonius (epist. 7.1) reports to 
Mamertus that the Goths are entering Roman territory and that "our only hope is 
in the rogations you instituted" (Bayne, p. 182n); Lucubrationes (1542), p. 209; PL, 
58:563. For Sidonius, see 2:34/n, above. 

2:164.8— 11. m Whereupon ... service. Canon 27 of the first Council of Orleans 
(=Aurelia) (511, not 506) directed that "all churches shall celebrate the Rogations, 
i.e. the Litanies, before Ascension Day, so that the three days' fast ends at the Feast 
of the Ascension"; Concilia (1585), 2:513; Hefele, History of the Councils, 4:91. See 
E. C. Ratcliff, in Liturgy and Worship, ed. Clarke, pp. 282—283. 

2:164.17— 18. n Which thinge . . . province. See chap. 8 of the Council of 
Cologne (1536): "Processiones intra septa Ecclesiarum peragendae." The Council 
justified processions through the fields that prayer for the preservation of the crops 
might be made but admitted that the practice has been abused and therefore 
preferred them to be confined to the interior of churches; H cites Concilia (1585), 
5:282. Injunction 23 of the Royal Injunctions of Edward VI (1547) prohibited 
processions outside churches because of the contention and strife associated with 
them, but also in order that people might better hear inside the church building 
and thus be edified. Henceforth, "immediately before High Mass, the priests with 
others of the choir shall kneel in the midst of the church, and sing or say plainly 
and distinctly the Litany which is set forth in English"; Visitation Articles and 
Injurutions, ed. Frere (1910), 3:124. 

2:165.23 Of Athanasius Creed and Gloria patri. The Athanasian Creed (or 
Quicunque uult) is found in Evensong, preceded by a rubric specifying when it shall 
be used {B.C. P., 1559, p. 64); see J. N. D. Kelly, The Athanasian Creed (New 
York: Harper and Row, 1964), and for the Puritan understanding, Davies, W.E.P., 
Append. C. The Second Admonition had simply demanded: "I would knowe what 
there is in Athanasius Creede, that that must be upon highe dayes (as they terme 
them) rather then the Apostles Creede" {P.M., p. 117). H quotes Cartwright's 
response to Whitgift's Answere {q should have been placed beneath the chapter title, 
at 2:165.23, not keyed to "Arius," 166.7). Concerning the Gloria patri, the Second 
Admonition asked: "where learned they to multiplie up many prayers of one effect, 
so many times Glorye be to the Father, so manye times the Lorde be with you, so 
many times let us pray. ... is it not the popishe Gloria patri?" {P.M., p. 114). 


Book V, Chapter 41.2-42.2 

Whitgift defends the Athanasian Creed as "a playne declaration of the mysterie of 
the Trinitie, such as is necessary for all Christian men to leame and know" and 
judges those who object to its "ofte repetition" suspect of "singularitie and 
unquietnesse." As to "why that Glori patri should be so often repeated," Whitgift 
simply replied that "a good thing cannot be to ofte sayde or hearde"; Defense, p. 

In the context of the on-going Admonition controversy, chap. 42 seems very 
much an excursus on the 4C heresy, Arianism. However, as becomes clear only 
toward the chapter's close, H regards both the Athanasian Creed and the Glori Patri 
to be necessary talismans, protective of the orthodoxy of trinitarian belief, in 
contrast to more radical groups on the continent who moved to attack papal 
doctrine at its supposed core. In H's view these groups were simply recapitulating 
the doctrinal turmoil of the church's early history of heresy. Hence the admonitory 
retelling of its history here. See IV.8.2 (1:299.5-16), and 2:177.20-30.n, below. 

2:165.27—166.4.0 TTtis faith receyved . . . truth. Irenaeus, Adversus omnes haereses, 
1.2 and 3: "Ecclesia enim per universum orbem usque ad fines terrae seminata, et 
ab Apostolis, et a discipulis eorum accepit earn fidem, quae est in unum deum" 
etc. There then follows the rule of faith according to Irenaeus. H quotes firom 
chap. 3 from: "Hanc praedicationem cum acceperit, et hanc fidem, quemadmodum 
praediximus, ecclesia, et quidem in universum mundum disseminata, diligenter 
custodit, quasi unam domum inhabitans, et similiter credit hiis videlicet quasi unam 
animam habens et unum cor, et consonanter haec praedicat et docet et tradit quasi 
unum possidens os . . . Sicut sol creaturae dei in universo mundo unus et idem est, 
sic et lumen, praedicatio veritatis, ubique lucet, et illuminat omnes homines, qui 
volunt ad cognitionem veritatis venire"; ibid., pp. 19—20. On the oral tradition of 
passing down of the rule of faith, see R. P. C. Hanson, Tradition in the Early 
Church (London: SCM Press, 1962), chaps. 1—3. 

2:166.4— 7 .p This rule . . . Gospell. After presenting a creed or rule of &ith, 
Tertullian, in De praescriptione haereticorum, 13.8, wrote: "Haec regula a Christo 
. . . instituta nullas habet apud nos quaestiones nisi quas haereses inferunt et quae 
haereticos faciunt"; Opera (1566), 1:168; CCSL, 1:198. In Adversus Praxean, 2.2, 
after another version of the rule of faith, he wrote: "Hanc regulam ab initio 
evangelii decucurrisse, etiam ante priores quosque haereticos, nedum ante Praxean 
hestemum, probabit tam ipsa posteritas omnium haereticorum quam ipsa novellitas 
Praxeae hestemi"; ibid., 1:672; CCSL, 1:1160. See Hanson, Tradition in the Early 
Churdi, p. 87. 

2:166.8-9 Arius a priest . . . Allexandria, Pupil of Lucian of Antioch, promi- 
nent in teachings called Arian and condemned by various Councils from Nicaea 
(325) on, Arius died in 335. See chaps. 52 and 54.10. 

2:166.16 Bishop of the same Church, Alexander (d. 328) was bishop of the 
church of Alexandria from 313; at his instigation, a council of his clergy excom- 
municated Arius in 321. 



2:167.26 the dayes of Valentinian Valentinian I (d. 375) was emperor 364—367; 
in 367 he proclaimed his son Gradan emperor. 

2:168.23— 24. r his ansMrer . . . Eleazars was, "By refusing the unclean food (Lev, 
11:7—8), Eleazar spurned the unlawful sacrifice and remained faithful to the Law, 
becoming a witness (martyr) to its importance and to its claims upon Jewish 
obedience"; y. B.C. (1968), p. 483. 

2:168.5 Major centenario. Sulpicius Severus, Saaa historia, 2.40; (1573), fol. 102'; 
PL, 20:152; NPNF.2, 11:117. Ossius (or Hosius), bishop of Cordova, was born 
about 257. In 356 Athanasius reported that he had been bishop "more than sixty 
years" {History of the Arians, chap. 42). The date of his death is unknown. 

2:169.18-21 nothinge more grieved him . . . fall. See Gregory of Nazianzus, 
Oratio, 21.26 {In laudam athanasit); Opera (1550), p. 106; PG, 35:1112, as chap. 33. 
Constantius II (324—361) was the third son of Constantine the Great. His remorse 
is attributed to his having put relatives to death, made the pagan Julian the Apos- 
tate, his junior imperial colleague, Caesar, and lent his support to new dogmas. 

2:169.24 Synodes o£Arimine and Seleucia Two Synods to which the Emperor 
Constantius II summoned the bishops of the West and East, respectively, in 359 in 
an attempt to setde the Arian dispute (ODCC). Arimine = Rimini; Seleucia (on 
the Tigris) was a notable outpost of Greek civilization in the orient. 

2:170.t Ex parte nostra . . . extiterunt. Sulpitius Severus, Saaa historia, 2.41; (1573), 
fol. 103'^''; PL, 20:152; NP-NF.2, 11:117: "But on the part of our people, young 
men of but little learning and little prudence had been selected; while on the side 
of the Arians, old men were sent, skillful and abounding in talent, thoroughly 
imbued, too, with their old unfaithful doctrines; and these easily got the upper 
hand w^ith the prince." 

2:170.M Eisdemque . . . loqueretur. Sulpitius Severus, Sacra historia, 2 A3; 
(1573), fol. 104"; PL, 20:152; NP-NF.2, 11:117: "At the same time, he hands 
them a confession of faith which had been drawn up by these wicked men, and 
which, being expressed in deceptive terms, seemed to exhibit the Catholic faith, 
while unfaithfulness secretly lay hid in it." 

2:171.4-5 And in this respect . . . Rome, JuHus I (pope, 337-352) was a 
supporter of Athanasius. That the creed was first presented to Julius I is a matter of 
conjecture; see Bayne, p. 189n. 

2:171.5-6 and afterwardes . . .Jovian, Gregory of Nazianzus writes of the rule 
of faith sent to Jovian by Athanasius, but it was not the Athanasian Creed; Oratio 
21.34; Opera (1550), p. 107; PG, 35:1124. Jovian was emperor 363-364. 

2:171.1/ TauTqv . . . pimaifiov. Gregoiy of Nazianzus, Oratio 21.33 (see n 
preceding): "This confession was, it seems, greeted with respect by all in the East 
and West alike who had in them any life" (Bayne, p. 190n). 


Book V, Chapter 42.2-42.9 

2:171.10-11 Then written, Kelly {Athanasian Creed, p. 35) says "that the 

earliest witness to the Quicunque is Caesarius . . . who was primate of Aries" 502— 
542. He locates its composition in south Gaul somewhere between 435 and 535 
(pp. 110—114). See Daniel Waterland, Critical History of the Athanasian Creed, in his 
Works (Oxford, 1823), 4:241-269. 

2:171. u' That creed . . . Gospel!. That is, what is commonly called the Nicene 
Creed, so called in the Thirty-Nine Articles and used in the celebration of Holy 
Communion. See "The Order for the Administration of . . . Holy Comunion," 
B.C. P., 1559, pp. 250-251, and 2:212.16-22.n, below. 

2: 172.5-1 0.x For that of Hilaric . . . fceW. Hilary (401 ?-450?), archbishop of 
Aries, epist. to Augustine, § 8: "Non enim ignorat prudentissima pietas tua, quanto 
plures sint in Ecclesia, qui auctoritate nominum in sententia teneantur, aut a 
sententia transferantur"; in Augustine, Opera (1556), 7:1230; PL, 33:1011. 

2:172.10 the hymne of glorie. The Gloria Patri, used to conclude the reading of 
the Psalms; see B.C. P., 1559, pp. 53, 64. 

2:172.27-28.b fVee must . . . glory. Basil, epist. 78: 6ei yap HMOtq PaTtTii^eaSai 
^tv ax; 7iapeX,&po^ev KiaTeueiv 6e aq PanTi^opeea' 6o^&^eiv 6^ ax; 
TteTiiaTeuKa/iEv, IlaTepa Kai Yiov Kai 'Ayiov IlveOfia. Opera (1551), p. 330; 
PG, 32:549, as epist. 125. From a document submitted for Eusuthius (d. 337?), 
deposed bishop of Antioch, to sign in proof of his orthodoxy; see Eusebius, De vita 
Constantini, 3.62, and Socrates, Hist, eccles., 1.23.8—24.1. 

2:173.5-6 aic65ei^ia . . . understandinge Basil in connection with the quote 

2:173. 13-16. c i/'(sayth Fcebadius . . . Sonne. Phoebadius, bishop of Agennum in 
Gaul (d. after 392), Liber contra Arianos, chap. 8: "Pater, inquit, maior me est: et 
quomodo maior, statim haeretica praesumptione definiunt, Honore, claritate, 
dignitate, maiestate. Quod si ita est, cur iubetur ut omnes honorificant Filium, sicut 
honorificant Patrem? Quod si ita est, ergo quotidie blasphemamus in gratiarum 
actionibus et oblationibus sacrificiorum, communia haec Patri et Filio confitentes"; 
in Veterum aliquot Galliae theologorum scripta (1586), pp. 94—95; PL, 20:21. 

2:173.20-26.</ In theire . . . inequalitie. Sozomen, Hist, eccles., 3.19 [H: 4.19]: "sed 
in coetus pro more, dum Deum hymnis collaudabant, distributi, sub fidem hymno- 
rum singuli suam opinionem declararent, et alii non patrem modo, sed filium 
etiam, utpote patri honore aequalem, gloria efferrent, alii patrem in filio esse 
dicerent, atque per hanc praepositionem In, filium patre inferiorem ostendere 
conarentur"; (1581), p. 665. He goes on to speak of the Council of Nicaea and of 
Leontius, who would not restrain the Athanasian party but rather touched his 
white hair, saying, "When this snow is melted there will be much mud." Leontius 
was bishop of Jerusalem (fl. 534?). Theodoret, Hist, eccles., 2.24, says: "Perceiving 
that clergy and people were divided into two parties, one using the conjunction 



and in glorifying the Son, and the other giving the preposition by Whom to the 
Son and in to the Holy Spirit, he himself (Leontius) uttered the Hymn of Glory 
inaudibly; and those standing near heard only 'in saecula saeculorum' "; (1581), pp. 
537-538; Bayne, p. 192n. See 2:1 55.23-27.1/. n, above. 

2:174.4 Aetius See 2:212.13-14.n, below. 

2:175.1—12 Upon which confidence ... innovation. Basil wrote his De Sawdo 
Spiritu extolling the full divinity of the Holy Spirit to defend himself against his 
enemies, as he explains in chap. 1; Opera (1551), pp. 247—248; PG, 32:67, 69. 

2:177.10 Arrianisme See nn to 4:10.3-4 and 5-8 (4:186) and 2:165.23, above. 

2:177.19—20 the blasphemies of Arrians ... renued; In The English Creede, 
Consenting with the True, Auncient, Catholique, and Apostolique Church (Part 1, 1585; 
Part 2, 1587; STC 21226-27; rpr. in PS as The Catholic Doctrine of the Church of 
England [= CD.]), Thomas Rogers (d. 1616) defined Samosatenians as those "who 
thought that Christ was not the Son of God before his incarnation" (PS, p. 48) 
and "deliver the Holy Ghost to be nothing else but the motion of God in his crea- 
tures," the Tritheites as those who "affirm the Holy Ghost to be inferior unto the 
Father" (p. 72), the Eutychians those who believed that "Christ really and indeed 
had neither body nor soul, but was man in appearance only" (p. 51), and the 
Macedonians who "utterly denied the Son to be of one substance with the Father" 
(p. 48). Rogers was responding to Fulke's A Briefe and Plaine Declaration; see 
2:105.7.n, above. 

2:177.20-30 renued by them who . . . explaned. H means that in order to 
guard against the anti-Trinitarian heresies that continue to plague the church it is 
necessary to use the Athanasian Creed in public worship. Bayne's notes (pp. 196- 
198) supply the necessary context here. H has in mind a letter of Beza to Duditius 
published in 1573 {Epistolarum theologicarum . . . liber unus) and 1582 {Volumen . . . 
tractationum theologicarum, vol. 3), which he had cited in Just. § 17 (see 5:125.2. fe 
and n, above). Beza enumerates the anti-Trinitarian heresies of such men as 
Michael Servetus (burnt for heresy at Geneva in 1583), and the Italians Laelius 
Socinus, Paul Alciat, George Blandrata, and Valentine Gentilis. Gentilis was 
beheaded in Berne for his opinions in 1566, and the nephew of Socinus, Faustus 
(d. 1601), gave his name to an early form of unitarianism, Socinianism. H could 
have read of Gentilis from Valentini Gentilis teterrimi haeretici . . . breuis explicatio 
(Geneva, 1567), to which Beza contributed a Preface, as well as the Breuis historia 
of Benedict Aretius printed in the same year. Driven out of Switzerland, these 
men took refuge in Poland, Bohemia, and Transylvania. Despite efforts by Calvin, 
in his Brevis admonitio ad fratres Polonos (Geneva, 1565) and letters, to reconcile 
them, the anti-Trinitarians were excluded from orthodox Reformed churches and 
became a separate sect in 1565. Fear of such sectarianism underlies H's vehemence 


Book V, Chapter 42.9-43.4 

2:177.28 Satanasius Having affirmed the proposition that the Nicene, Athanasian 
and Apostles' Creeds "ought to be received and believed," Rogers writes: "There- 
fore much out of the way of godliness are they which term the Apostles' creed, a 
forged patchery; as Barrow doth: and Athanasius', Sathanasius' creed; so did 
Gregorius Paulus in Polonia, and the new Arians and Nestorians in Lithuania" 
{CD., PS, p. 93). The underlying anti-papalism of the attack on the Athanasian 
Creed is evident from a tract by John Wigand, De Deo, contra novos Arianos nuper 
in Polonia exortos, printed in Beza's Brevis explicatio of the heresies of Valentine 
Gentilis (1567), p. 76, which H is refering to: "Sic novi Ariani, qui in Polonia jam 
recens exorti sunt, et quorum sese caput et ducem profitetur quidam Gregorius 
Pauli, Minister Cracoviensis, ediu monstrosa tabula et Turri Babel, ex putrida 
ambitione veluti Scarabaei ex asinis mortuis pullulant. Nam Luthero vix minimam 
partem revelationis et destructionis Antichristi relinquunt, nempe superioris tantum 
tecti in aedificio Antichristiano denudationem. At sibimetipis isti spiritus arrogant 
Antichristi excisionem et extirpationem ab imis usque fundamentis." Gregorius 
Paulus was responsible for the pun on the name of Athanasius H quotes. See 
Bayne, pp. 197— 198n, and n preceding. 

2:177.31—178.3.^ Mortuis authoribus . . . continueth. Phoebadius, Contra Arianos, 
chap. 8; in Veterum aliquot Galliae theologorum scripta (1586), pp. 88-89, where H's 
"scelerata" is "scelera"; PL, 20:18. See 2:173.13— 16.n, above. 

2:178.8 1.1. p. 138. Page 108 in the 1st edn., where "necessarie" (line 6) is "neces- 

2:178.16—17 There are no . . . petitions Paraphrasing Cartwright (lines 5—14). 

2:178.19—24 Neither may we take it . . . come. See the second exhortation to 
communion, derived from the Order of Communion (1548; STC 16456.5), B.C. P., 
1559, p. 256, and also the Thanksgiving (p. 265). 

2:178.27—29 Wherefore have they not . . . prayer? A Booke of the Forme of 
Common Prayer (1585?); see 2:71. z.n, above. 

2:180.14— 18.y whereby we beg . . . prayers. This passage should be in italics, as 
it continues the quotation from Cartwright, 1:138 [108]. 

2:180.30-181.6 Our custome therefore . . . require. From time to time 
occasional forms of prayer and thanksgiving were issued, for instance that issued in 
1585 for use in the diocese of Winchester when the Parry plot was discovered 
{Liturgical Services, ed. Clay, PS, p. 587). Other such orders of prayer and thanksgiv- 
ing, intended for use in parish churches and cathedrals, were issued for the cessa- 
tion of the plague, for the delivery of the Isle of Malu in 1565, for the suppression 
of the rising in the North in 1569, to celebrate the queen's Accession Day, for the 
suppression of the Babington plot, for the defeat of the Spanish Armada in 1 588, 
and for the preservation of queen and realm in 1594 (pp. 457—689). 



2:181.26-27 In some things . . . unsound. From here on, to the beginning of his 
discussion of the sacraments in chap. 50, H considers the specifically doctrinal 
objections made by Puritans against the BCP. Chapter 45 concerns Christ's 
overcoming death and opening the kingdom of heaven to all believers, and thus 
pertains to the Te Deum laudamus {B.C. P., 1559, p. 54). Chapter 46, concerning 
deliverance firom sudden death, pertains to a petition in the Liuny (p. 69). Chapter 
47 concerns the collect for the 12th Sunday after Trinity and a prayer for use after 
the offertory, both pertaining to the approach to God in humility (pp. 193, 266— 
267). Chapter 48, concerning prayer to be delivered firom all adversity, pertains to 
a prayer in the Litany, and also the collect for Trinity Sunday (pp. 72, 174). 
Chapter 49, concerning prayer that all may find mercy, pertains to a petition in the 
Litany (p. 71). Compare the articles presented by John Field to Parliament on 8 
December 1583: "Now let us marke the particulers and first those that be false 
.... First a praier in the 3. collect for grace that we undergoe no kinde of daun- 
ger, which is more then Christ commended to his disciples, more then is taught in 
the doctrine of the Gospell, and therefore erroneous. Of like sorte is that in the 
collect against all perilles; also in the Letanie unitye and concorde wishes to all 
nations, be thei enemies or freendes of the Gospell. Succour, helpe and comforte 
is desired, to all that be in daunger and that indifferentlie without lymitation, with 
diverse such like, which cannot be justified, as warrantable by the worde of god, 
as when praier is made for all infidells and heretikes, in what degree soever. Where 
Saint John saithe. There is a synne etc. And when we desire God to give us those 
things, that we dare not aske, and to be delivered from all bodilye hurte and 
adversitye. Cum multis alliis"; PRO, S. P. 12/164, 11, fol. 25; see 2:119.22- 
120.21. n, above. 

2:182.2-3 Lake of the fathers. The Second Admonition: "Other things there are 
maintained by some of them which are not agreeable with the Scripture: namely 
the false interpretation of this clause in our Creede (he descended into hell) which 
is expresly set downe contrary to the scriptures in the Creede made in meter in 
these wordes: His spirite did after this descend into the lower parts, to them that 
long in darknesse were, the true light of their heartes. If they can warrant this oute 
of the scriptures, then Limbus patrum, and within a while purgatorie will be 
founde oute there" {P.M., p. 118). The Rheims NT (1582, STC 2884) has this 
note on Luke 16:22: "The bosom of Abraham is the resting place of all them that 
died in perfect state of grace before Christ's time, heaven being shut from men. It 
is called in Zachary ix.4, a 'lake without water' and sometimes a 'prison' (Is. lxii.7) 
but most commonly by the divines 'limbus patrum' for that it is thought to have 
been the nigher part or brim of hell" (Bayne, p. 201n). 

2:182.16-17 When thou hadst . . . believers. See 2:181.26-27.n, above. 

2:182.22-24 Now whatsoever he did . . . up. Christ's descent into hell was a 
matter of contention in the Elizabethan church (see Milward, pp. 163-168). The 
Puritans were aligned with Calvin, who, against the literal understanding of the 


Book V, Chapter 44.0-46.0 

medieval church, taught that the article of Christ's descent into hell in the Creed 
is "an expression of the spiritual torment that Christ underwent for us" {Inst., 
2.16.10). On 2 August 1585, in a letter to bishops troubled by preachers at odds 
on the matter, Whitgift explained that he refused the RC teaching that Christ 
"descended into hell, to fetche from thence the fathers etc. for I am perswaded 
that the soules of the Righteous departed were before that tyme in the handes of 
god." He also rejected the teachings of the Calvinists, that "the name of hel" 
means "the paynes of hel" and is not to be taken literally. He takes a third 
position: "I doe . . . beleeve, and am undoubtedly perswaded that Christe (accord- 
ing to the >vordes of the Creede) descended in to hel, in deed, in soule not ther 
to suffer anye thinge (for that w^as before finished uppon the crosse) but to shew^ 
him selfe to be the Victor, Conqueror, and Lorde of hel as before he did of the sea 
and lande. So that his descension is a parte of his victorye, and triumphe and not 
parte of his passion" (Bodleian Library, MS Rawlinson C.167, fol.17'). See Bayne, 
p. 203n. 

2:183.8— 11. w Helvidius against whome . . . borne, Helvidius, a 4C Latin 
theologian, was attacked by Jerome in De perpetua virginitate B. Mariae adversus 
Heluidium (PL, 23:185) for denying Mary's perpetual virginity in his defense of 
marriage against the prevalent exaltation of virginity. Helvidius held that the 
Brethren of the Lord Qames, Joseph, Simon, and Jude; see Mark 6:3, John 7:3, 
Acts 1:14, 1 Cor. 9:5) were in fact the natural sons of Joseph and Mary. Jerome 
replied that they were the sons of another Mary, sister of the Virgin (ODCC). See 
Augustine, De haeresibus ad Quodvultdeum, heresy 84: "Helvidiani exorti ab Hel- 
vidio, ita virginitati Mariae contradicunt, ut eam post Christum alios etiam filios de 
utero suo Joseph peperisse contendant: sed mirum ni istos praetermisso Helvidii 
nomine, Antidicomaritas Epiphanius appellavit"; Opera (1555), 6:7*; PL, 42:46. 

2:183.n Lyr. super Gen. 49. Nicholas of Lyra, commenting on "moraliter" in the 
Vulgate version of the blessing of Joseph (Gen. 49:26), says that "however justi- 
fied" the ancient fathers were not "admitted to the kingdom" of God and that only 
Christ could retrieve them from "limbo" (literally the "edge" or "rim" of Hell) 
and translate them to Heaven; Textus Biblie, Prima Pars (1506), fol. 119*. Th. 
p.3. q.52. ar.5. See Aquinas, S.T., 3a. 52. 5, on Christ's descent into hell; (1588, 
3:167 —171 ); and Additiones tertiam partem, 69.4 and 6, on the meaning of the 
terms used for Hades (4:459'-462''). 

2:183.29—184.1.0 Christs exaltation . . . heavens. Leo I, De ascensione Domini, sermo 
primus: "Christi ascensio, nostra provectio est, et quo processit gloria capitis, eo 
spes vocatur et corporis. . . . Hodie enim non solum paradisi possessores firmati 
sumus, sed etiam coelorum in Christo supema penetravimus"; Sermones et epistolae 
(1482), sigs. L8''-Mf; PL, 54:396, chap. 73. 

2:184.4 Touchinge prayer . . . death. See 2:181.26-27.n, above, and 2:409.8- 
413.19, below. See also Bettie Anne Doebler, The Quickening Seed: Death in the 



Sermons of John Donne (Salzburg: Institut fiir Englische Sprache, 1974), esp. chap. 
2, where she discusses H. 

2:184.25 Cyrus . . . Socrates Founder of the Archaemenid Persian Empire, Cyrus 
(559—529 BC) became the model of the upright ruler for the Greeks; Xenophon 
(427?— 354? BC) discusses his rule in his Cyropaedia. Plato describes Socrates's trial 
and death in the Apology. 

2:184.26 Elihu The fourth of Job's questioners; cited also at 2:188. 1—4.J/. His 
dialogue with Job is now thought to be a later interpolation. 

2:185. r Cyp. de mortal. Cyprian, De mortalitate, chap. 13, written to comfort the 
faithful during a time of plague, refers to a "youth, venerable in honor and 
majesty, lofty in stature and shining in aspect," who stood by the side of a "col- 
league and fellow-priest" w^hen he was at the point of death and rebuked his 
cow^ardice: Cyprian concludes that God's providence must have sent him; Opera 
(1593), p. 345; PL, 4:595, chap. 11; Bayne, p. 206n. The sermon was translated 
three times in the 16C: STC 6152 (1556), 6157 (1534), and 6159.3 (1553). 

2:186.21-23 Prayer that those things . . . graunt. See 2:181.26-27.n, above. 

2:186.27 1.1. p. 136. Page 107 in the 1st edn. Whitgift avers that "acknowledging 
our owne unworthynesse ... is the roote and ground of humilitie, one of the 
principal ornaments of prayer"; Defense, p. 493 (PS, 2:476). 

2:187. f Mefivi]fievo<; . . . unepPoXi)^. Philo Judaeus, De sacrificiis Ahelis et Caini, 
chap. 14; Opera (1552), p. 93. "For if you remember your own nothingness in 
every particular you will also be sure to remember the exceeding greatness of God 
in every thing" (Bayne, p. 207n). 

2:187.2-6 That which wee . . . feare? See chap. 3.1, Vl.3.2, and esp. Remedie. 

2:188. M Amongst the parts ... 5. Aristotle, Rhetoric, 1.5; 1361*; in listing the 
constituents of honor he ends with rd papPapiKtt, olov TcpoQKUvriaeK; Kai 
EKaT&aeia: "among foreigners, obeisances and giving place"; Opera, (1550), 
2:189; see 2:142. fe and n. npoaKUvrjeiv is one of the words used for "worship" 
in the NT (see Matt. 4:10, John 4:20, 21, Heb. 1:6, 11:21, etc.). 

2:188. u/ The publican . . . detesteth. Whitgift had asked: "1 praye you whether 
doth the prayer of the Pharisey, that so extolleth himselfe, or of the Publicane, that 
so humbled himselfe, like you better?"; Defense, p. 493 (PS, 2:476). See Luke 
18:13 and 2:186.27.n, above. 

2:188.21-23 The verie silence . . . grace. Whitgift: "In that therefore we saye, 
for our oume unworthynesse we dare not aske it we both aske it, and yet with all 
humilitie acknowledge our owne unworthinesse"; Defense, p. 493 (PS, 2:476). 

2:189.1-2 our feare . . . boldnes Andrewes's teaching is similar; see Ninety-Six 
Sermons, LACT, 5:309, 329. 


Book V, Chapter 46.2-48.8 

2:189.3 familiaritie wth God Cart\vright, 3:203: "Likewise, of one firend 
to>vardes another, which most amiable names, our Savior Christ wil have set 
before us, when we come to prayer: to engender in us, a reverent familiarity, with 
hym. And the bouldnes, that as the children of god owght to have, so much 
passeth that which w^e use, to any of our moste dearest firendes: as we are more 
assured of hys love, then of thiers." 

2:189.6 Prayer to be evermore . . . adversitie. See 2:181.26— 27.n, above. Andrewes 
speaks of this as the prayer of deprecation: that is, prayer that evil may be prevent- 
ed before it happens, to be delivered out of it when it comes, and that it may be 
no greater than we can bear; A Pattern of Catedtistical Doctrine, LACT (1846), 

2:189.11 1.1. p. 136. Whitgift: "This word adversitie . . . properly signifieth all 
affliction or trouble that perteyneth eyther to the body, or to the minde ... it is 
spedes mali, a kinde of euil, for Malum doth conteyne not onely vice and sinne, but 
adversitie also and affliction"; Defense, pp. 491-492 (PS, 2:473). Page 107 in 1st 

2:189.15—24 Mindes . . . prayer. Compare the definition of prayer in chap. 23. 

2:190.y Oratio qute nonfit . . . peccatum. Augustine, Enarrationes in Psalmos, no. 1, 
Ps. 108, commenting on "Et oratio ejus exeat condemnatus"; Opera (1555), 
8:275*; PL, 37:1436, § 9. "The prayer which does not plead Christ's name does 
not only fail to destroy sin, it turns into a sin itself" (Bayne, p. 210n). 

2:191.9— 11. a Our Lord Cod . . . graunted Augustine, epist. 121, Ad probam viduam: 
"Nonnullis impatientibus Dominus Deus quod petebant concessit iratus, sicut 
contra Apostolo negavit propitius"; Opera (1555), 2:129*'; PL, 33:504—505, as epist. 

2:191.12—14 To thinke . . . error. Whitgift answers a version of the negative 
argument from Scripture: "there is no promise in Scripture that we should be free 
from all sirme: therefore we may not pray that we should be free from all sinne"; 
Defense, p. 492 (PS, 2:473—474); compare Andrewes, Ninety-Six Sermons, LACT, 

2:192.20 example Alleged by Whitgift, citing Matt. 26:39 (cited in d); Defense, p. 
492 (PS, 2:474). 

2:193.8 overlaid or opprcst. Quoted from Cartwright (3:201—202), cited in k, 
I, and m. Behind the quote lies a disagreement about how Ps. 91:10 ("There shall 
no evil come unto thee . . . .") should be interpreted; see Defense, p. 493 (PS, 
2:475). Cartw^right argues that "the meaning of the promise must needes be: that 
he shal not be overlayed or oppressed, but contraryly, that the afflictions shal serve 
(as the Aposde saith) to his good." 

2:194.6— 195.5. m he knewe . . . forgett. H's assertion of Christ's perfect fore- 



knowledge is provoked by Cartwright's not unreasonable clarification: "For 
althowgh he knew, that he should suffer, yet yf I answer, that as towching hys 
humanity, he knew not the most infinite and extreme weight of sufferances, which 
God hys heavenly father had measured unto hym, or knowing them, had throwgh 
the unspeakable force of the panges which he then was in, forgotten them: I see 
not, how thys answer may not be maynteyned as a Christian and catholik answer" 

2:195.6 Will, See 1.7, and ^.C.L. and H on fi-ee wiU (4:17-19). 

2:195.16 Monothelites Greek-speaking Christians of the 7C who sought to heal 
the rift between the Council of Chalcedon (451) and the Monophysites by saying 
that in Christ there was "one energy" or "one will," or at least "one state of 
will." See chap. 53. 

2:\96.q Non potuit divinitas . . . demonstrans. "Might not the Godhead have 
quitted the Manhood in one respect but not in another? The Godhead withdrew 
protection, but did not sever union. It forsook so that it did not assist, but it did 
not forsake, so that it went away. In this sense, therefore, in the passion the 
Manhood was forsaken for the Godhead. But since He sustained that death not for 
His own wickedness but for our redemption. He asks why He has been forsaken, 
not as murmuring for the punishment against God, but as demonstrating to us in 
the punishment his own innocence" (Bayne, pp. 216-217n). H is paraphrasing 
Hugh of St.-Victor (1096?-1141, theologian and mystic), De sacramentis Christianae 
ftdei, 2.1.10; (1503), sig. 32""""; PL, 176:400. Deus meus . . . acuat. " 'My God, 
My God, why hast Thou forsaken me?' The cry is neither ignorance, nor faithless- 
ness, nor complaint, but wonder only, which in others should sharpen their ardour 
and energy to investigate the cause" (Bayne, pp. 216— 217n). Unlocated. 

2:197.9-18 But heere . . . welcome. H pictures Christ in Gethsemene (Matt. 
26:36-46, Mark 15:32-42, Luke 22:40-46), not desiring death but yielding to 
God's will, even including death. Compare Calvin, Inst., 2.16.12, including refer- 
ence to the Monothelites. 

2:198.5—8 Consider death in it selfe ... it. See chap. 46. 

2:198.22-24 I take it . . . knewe. See Cartwright, 3:200, quoted at 2:194.6- 
195.5.»i.n, above. 

2:200.6-11 For in verie deed . . . impossible. See A.C.L., chap. 9 (4:26.1-26 
and nn). 

2:201.15-24.(1 In those tribulations , . . perfected. Augustine, epist. 121, Ad 
Probam uiduam; Opera (1555), 2:130' (PL, 33:504, epist. 130): "In his ergo tribula- 
tionibus quae possunt et prodesse et nocere, quid oremus sicut oportet nescimus, 
et tamen quia dura, quia molesta, quia contra sensum nostrae infirmitatis sunt, 
universali humana voluntate ut a nobis haec auferantur oramus. Sed hoc devotionis 


Book V, Chapter 48.9-49.6 

debemus domino deo nostro, ut si ea non abstulerit, non ideo nos ab eo negligi 
existimemus, sed potius pia patientia tnalorutn, bona speremus ampliora: sic enim 
virtus in infirmitate perficitur." 

2:202.16-17 Prayer that all men . . . saved. See 2:181.26-27.n, above, and 4:83.1- 
4. The Admonition complained: "They pray that all men may be saved" {P.M., p. 
29). Whitgift responded: "We do so indeede; and what can you allege >vhy \ve 
should not do so? S. Paule. I.Tim. 2. sayth, I exhort therefore, that first of all supplica- 
tions, prayers, intercessions, and giving of thankes be made for all men. etc. And adding 
the reason, he sayth. For this is good and acceptable in the sight of God our Saviour, who 
will that all men should he saved"; Answere, from Defense, p. 739 (PS, 3:383). 

2:203.22— 25. </ It becomtneth not . . . death. See Sidonius, epist. 6.11, Ad Eleutheri- 
um: "Judaeum praesens charta commendat; non quod mihi placeat error, per quem 
pereunt involuti, sed quia neminem ipsorum nos decet ex asse damnabilem 
pronunciare, dum vivit. In spe enim adhuc absolutionis est, cui suppetit posse 
converti"; Lucubrationes (1542), p. 205; PL, 58:559. On Sidonius, see 2:34/n, 

2:204.6 thapostle . . . KoXdv, See 1 Tim. 2:1-4, cited by Whitgift (see 2:202.16- 
17.n, above), where prayer for all men is called "good" (KaA.6v). 

2:204.31 there is in God . . . will See A.C.L. and H's discussion (4:26.6-28.17, 
129.27-133.22, and nn). 

2:205.1 Propterea . . . moveretur. "There was therefore no contradiction, if the 
man Christ by the affection of compassion which in His humanity He had as- 
sumed, wished something, which nevertheless, by the divine will through which 
with the Father He ordered all things. He knew beforehand would not come to 
pass. For while it pertained to the true humanity that He should be moved by 
compassion it also pertained to the true divinity that He should not be moved 
from his own resolves" (Bayne, pp. 226-227n). See Hugh of St.-Victor's De 
quatuor voluntatibus in Christo in Libellus canonici regularis Latemanensis (1588), fol.25 ; 
PL, 176:845. The four wills are: "voluntas divinitatis, justitiam dicuns; voluntas 
rationis, justitiam approbans; voluntas humaniutis, per quam nulli malum voluit; 
voluntas camis, per quam sibi poenam noluit." On Hugh of St.-Victor, see 2:196. 
^.n, above. 

2:206.11— 207. 5.J This law of supplication . . . sounde. "Quam legem supplicationis 
ita omnium sacerdotum et omnium fidelium devotio concorditer tenet, ut nulla 
pars mundi sit, in qua hujusmodi orationes non celebrentur a populis Christianis. 
Supplicat ergo ubique Ecclesia deo non solum pro Sanctis et in Christo jam 
regeneratis, sed etiam pro omnibus infidelibus et inimicis crucis Christi, pro 
omnibus idolorum cultoribus, pro omnibus qui Christum in membris ipsius 
persequuntur, pro Judaeis, quorum caecitati lumen Evangelii non refulget, pro 
haereticis et schismaticis, qui ab unitate fidei et charitatis alien! sunt. Quid autem 



pro istis petit, nisi ut relictis erroribus suis convertantur ad deum, accipiant fidem, 
accipiant charitatem, et de ignorantiae tenebris liberati, in agnitionem veniant 
veritatis? Quod quia ipsi praestare sibi nequeunt, malae consuetudinis pondere 
oppressi et diaboli vinculis alligati, neque deceptiones suas evincere valent, quibus 
tarn pertinaciter inhaeserunt, ut quantum amanda est Veritas tantum diligant 
falsitatem: misericors et Justus dominus pro omnibus sibi vult hominibus supplicari: 
ut cum videmus de tam profundis malis innumeros erui, non ambigamus deum 
praestitisse quod ut praestaret oratus est: et gratias agentes pro iis qui salvi facti sunt, 
speremus etiam eos qui nondum illuminati sunt, eodem divinae gratiae opere 
eximendos de potestate tenebrarum, et in regnum dei, priusquam de hac vita 
exeant transferendos. Quod si aliquos, sicut videmus accidere, salvantis gratia 
praeterierit, et pro eis oratio Ecclesiae recepta non fuerit: ad occulta divinae 
justitiae judicia referendum, et agnoscendum est secreti hujus profunditatem nobis 
in hac vita patere non posse"; in Ambrose, Opera (1555), 2:11; PL, 51:663, chap. 
12. Traditionally attributed to Prosper of Aquitaine (390P-463?), a defender of 
Augustine, De uocatione Gentium was written by an anonymous Augustinian, not by 
Prosper; chapter 4 treats 1 Tim. 2:4. 

2:207.6 Sacraments, Article 25, Thirty-Nine Articles, lies behind H's discussion 
of the sacraments in chapters 50-68. It emphasizes that sacraments are not simply 
notes or signs of Christian profession, or teaching instruments, but "effectual signs 
of grace" by which God works invisibly in the faithful; Articuli (1571; STC 
10036), p. 15. H places greater emphasis on grace, however, than does the article, 
esp. through his use of terms such as "union" and "participation," reflecting the 
mystical theology of the BCP and of Cranmer, esp. his use of 1 Cor. 10:16 and 
John 6; see Cyril C. Richardson, "Cranmer and the Analysis of Eucharistic 
Doctrine," Jowma/ of Theological Studies, n.s., 16.2 (1965): 429. 

2:207.17-18 not only the word . . . vertue. Cartwright argued otherwise; see 
2:104.19-21. «/.n, above. 

2:208.18-19 grace which worketh salvation. Tit. 2:11. See Calvin, Inst., 3.7.3. 

2:208./ Oportebat Deum . . . copularet. Tertullian, De Trinitate, chap. 23; Opera 
(1566), 2:263; PL, 3:932: "Quoniam si ad hominem veniebat ut mediator Dei et 
hominum esse deberet oportuit ilium cum eo esse, et Verbum carnem fieri ut in 
semet ipso" etc., as in H. "Because if He came to man that He might be a 
mediator of God and men, it behoved Him to be with man, and the Word to be 
made flesh, that in His own self He might consolidate a concord of things earthly 
and things heavenly, by uniting in Himself pledges of both parts and joining 
equally God to man and man to God" (Bayne, p. 231n). The work was actually 
written by Novatian, the 3C rival bishop of Rome. 

2:209.8-12 The Lord our God , . . Ghost. In chaps. 51-56, concerned with 
christology, H adheres to the teachings of the first four general councils (Nicaea, 
325; Constantinople, 381; Ephesus, 431; Chalcedon, 451). Basic to this teaching is 


Book V, Chapter 50.0-52.1 

the Eastern doctrine of substance as defined by Aristotle. See John S. Marshall, 
Hooker and the Anglican Tradition (Sewanee, Tenn.: The University Press, At the 
University of the South, 1963), chap. 14, and Gunnar Hillerdal, Reason and 
Revelation in Richard Hooker (1962), chap. 5. 

2:209. w npoacoxov . . . uxooraaeig. Suidas (IOC compiler of Greek lexicon, 
To jue nagdv ^i^Xiov (1514), under \iTz6(SX(x.<s\.c,. "Persona or hypostasis in the 
usage of the fathers is the specific along with the generic. For the nature of each 
thing is a generality, but hypostases are particular" (Bayne, p. 232n). This was 
contrary to the earlier understanding that OTidaraai^ was the Greek equivalent for 
substantia, or the indivisible concrete reality of the Godhead. Thus it was generally 
associated with the Greek (J>uai(;, translated in the quotation as "nature." The 
Council of Chalcedon used U7i6crraai(; and 7tp6aco7cov to express the singularity 
or oneness of the Person of Christ, thus distinguishing it henceforth firom ({)uai^, 
which was reserved for "nature." i\ ouaia . . . ux&p^ai. See John of Damas- 
cus (d. 754?), the last of the Greek Fathers, De orthodoxae fidei, 3.6; Opera (1559), 
p. 186; PG, 94:1001. H has transposed the clauses. In the proper order the 
quotation reads: "The persona has what is common along with what is particular, 
as well as existing in itself Being does not subsist in itself (uTtoaxaai^), but is 
conjectured firom the persona." 

2:210.0 'O^ eonv . . . yewi]TI]. Ignatius, Epistola ad Magnesias; Epistolae 
(1558), p. 29; PG, 5:765. "Who is His Word, not uttered but existent. For He is 
not a sound of articulated speech, but the begotten essence of the divine energy" 
(Bayne, p. 233n). The text of Ignatius is corrupt here. 

2:210.8— lO.p The father and the holie Chest . . . assent. John of Damascus, De 
orthodoxae fidei, 3.11; Opera (1559), p. 207; PG, 94:1028. 

2:2\0.q In illo Divinitas , . . essemus. Augustine, epist. 57, Ad Dardanum; Opera 
(1555), 2:57''; PL, 33:839, as epist. 187.20: "Unus panis unum corpus multi sumus. 
Per caput nostrum reconciliamur deo, quia in illo est divinitas unigeniti facta 
particeps mortalitatis nostrae, ut et nos participes eius immortalitatis essemus"; "By 
our head we are reconciled to God, for in Him the Godhead of the Only Begot- 
ten is made a partaker of our mortality in order that we also might be partakers of 
His immortality" (Bayne, p. 233n). 

2:212.4 Macedonius Bishop of Constantinople (d. 362?), Macedonius supported 
the Semi-Arian cause and was deposed by the Arian Council of Constantinople in 
381 (ODCC). 

2:212.6-7 Apollinarius ApoUinarius (310?-390?) asserted that in Christ there was 
a human body and soul, but that the human spirit was replaced by the Divine 
Logos; thus while He possessed perfect Godhead, He lacked complete manhood. 
Apollinarianism was the first great christological heresy (ODCC). See n following. 

2:212.1/ Mq6^ . , . Oeou. "For he said that that flesh had no need of a human 



mind, governed as it was by God Who had put it on" (Bayne, p. 235n). See 
Suidas (1514), under 'A7CoA,ivdpiO(;. 

2:212.9 two Gregories Of Nyssa (330?-395?) and of Nazianzus (329-389), 

2:212.13—14 Paulus Samosatenus . . . Eunomius, All early heretics. Paul of 
Samosata (3C) taught that the Godhead was a closely knit Trinity of Father, 
Wisdom, and Word and until creation formed a single hypostasis (substance). 
Sabellius (3C?) evidently held (no writings survive) that in the Godhead the only 
differentiation was a mere succession of modes or operations (ODCC, under 
"Monarchianism"). Photinus (4C), also of whom no writings survive, held a form 
of Sabellianism. Aetius (d. 370?) was an extreme Arian who asserted the total 
unlikeness of the Son to the Father. Eunomius (d. 395), his disciple, taught a single 
supreme Substance whose simplicity is opposed to all distinction of properties or 

2:212.16 first at Rome . . . Synod, The Roman synod of 377, under Pope 
Damasus, condemned ApoUinaris and his follower Timotheus, as did another synod 
at Rome in 382. See Theodoret, Bales, hist., 5:10; chap. 11 lists further anathemas 
of Damasus and their corresponding heresies. 

2:212.16—22 at Constantinople . . . heresie. A reference to the Nicene Creed as 
found in the BCP {1559, pp. 250—251). Because it was at the Council of Constan- 
tinople in 381 that the creed of Nicaea was adopted in a form virtually identical to 
that found in the BCP, it is sometimes called the Niceno-Constantinopolitan 
Creed, although authority for this is not conclusive. See J. N. D. Kelly, Early 
Christian Creeds (New York: Harper and Row, [1950]), chap. 10. 

2:212.x OoK en . . . f|fi&v. Cyril, bishop of Alexandria from 412 to 444; see 
Opera (1546), 4:69; PG, 77:225, epist. 44, Ad eulogium presbyterum: "Nor does he 
confess with us the union of the natures." Cyril emphasized the union of God and 
Man in Christ in one hypostasis (concrete being) and not in external appearance 
(7cp6aco7iov), alone. 06k SXcye . . . ^iXiou;. Leontius (490?-544?), scholar of 
Byzantium and monk, De sedis, in Manuel (Palaelogus), Legatio Imp. Caesaris 
Manuelis Cotnneni Aug. ad Armenios (1578), p. 450; PG, 86.1:1221, Act. 4, § 4. 
"For he (Nestorius) denied the union of the Word of God with man, and alleged 
two persons and a division. Wherefore he called the blessed Mary not Mother of 
God, but Mother of Christ (. . . dA,A,a XpiaroKOv), and though he called Christ 
man and God he did not do so in our sense but merely in that of relationship and 
friendship. Just as we say of two friends who love each other very much that these 
two have one soul {&amp Xeyojaev Ttepi 6uo xivwv (|)iXcov, tc&vu a'kXf\Xov(; 
dyaTCWVTCOV on oi 5uo outoi jiiav V|f6xnv exouai), because owing to their 
great love the same things please them" (Bayne, p. 236n). For Leontius, the union 
of God and man is, to use Origen's metaphor, like the union of iron or wood and 
fire. Christ's entire personaHty is centered in God and no discussion of his actions 
that divides them between human and divine must be allowed to obscure this. 


Book V, Chapter 52.1-53.1 

2:212.24 the heresie of Nestorius The doctrine that there were two separate 
Persons in the Incarnate Christ, the one Divine and the other Human, as opposed 
to the orthodox doxtrine that the Incarnate Christ was a single Person, at once 
God and Man (ODCC). The debate over his views was brief (428—431) but 
intense; deposed from his see (Constantinople), his books were condemned in 435, 
and he himself banished to Upper Egypt; he died about 451. 

2:213.0 fj Xi)^6eiaa . . . "k^yfttSK;. "The name assumed did not precede the 
assumption." Theodoret, Dialogi tres (1547), fol. 30'; Eranistes, ed. Ettlinger (1975), 
Dialogue II, pp. 133.34-134.1; PG, 83:140. "Theodoret, bishop of Cyrus, wrote 
three Dialogues against Eutychianism, of which Hooker makes frequent use in the 
pages which follow. The maintainers of the Dialogues are Eranistes and Orthodox- 
us; Eranistes is often translated 'beggar,' but means probably 'picker up of heretical 
scraps'; he is also called 'polymorphus,' in allusion to the 'multiform' character of 
heresy. Dialogue i. is called *ATpe7iTO<;, The Immutable; Dialogue ii. ' Aavyxvroc^, 
The Unconfounded; Dialogue iii. ' AK&x^fr]^, The Impassible" (Bayne, p. 237n). In 
addition, there are three florilegia containing a valuable series of quotations from 
the early Fathers. 

2:214.31-215.2.6 In Christ . . . extinct. Paschasius, a deacon in Rome (d. 512?), 
De Spiritu Sancto, 2.4, in Saaae bihliothecae sanctorum patrum (1589), 9:760; PL, 
62:29: "in deo et homine, gemina quidem substantia, sed non gemina persona est, 
quia persona personam consumere potest, substantia vero substantiam consumere 
non potest." 

2:215.13-24 Cyrill the chiefest . . . person. In Ad pientissimas reginas de recta in 
Dominum nostrum Jesum Christum fide, in Opera (1573), 2:701-702 (PG, 76:1211), 
Cyril quoted as by Athanasius, from De incamatione uerbi et contra Arianos, the phrase 
"one incarnate nature of God the Word" (piav <j>uaiv too Qeov Aoyou aeaapK- 
(op^VT^v), to emphasize, against Nestorius, the unity of Christ's personality. But the 
Monophysites, w^ho denied two natures in Christ, made use of the quotation for 
their own cause. See Bayne, p. 239n. 

2:215.17 Arians See chap. 42.2-6 and 4:10.5-8.n, above. 

2:216. e 'AxwpiOTOV . . . TOutxp. "The divine nature must be confessed insepara- 
ble from the flesh even on the cross and in the tomb." Theodoret (1547), fol. 68 ; 
PG, 83:280; ed. Etdinger (1975), Dialogue III, p. 227,2-4, where it is Trjv a&pKa 
TtpoaiJKei Aiyeiv, ax&pxoTOV bk. TaoTr)^ and then as in H. 

2:217/ TauTa kikx\inievi\q. Quoted from Theodoret (1547), fol. 16'; PG, 

83:85; ed. Ettlinger (1975), Florilegium I, p. 98.5-6, who attributes it (p. 20) to 
Eustathius of Antioch, De anima. For Irenaeus, Adversus omnes haereses, 3.22, see 

PG, 7:956, and Bayne, p. 241n. Christ vofitp. "By the law of his human 

body"; quoted from Dialogi tres (1547), fol. 44'; ed. Ettlinger, Florilegium II, p. 
168.4, Avhere it is attributed to Gregory of Nyssa, Oratio catechetica magna, chap. 16 



(PG, 45.52). See also Gregory of Nazianzus, Oration 30 [H has "orat. 2"], Ilegi 
Tiov; Opera (1550), p. 213; PG, 36:328, where it is 38.15: "He was sent, but as 
man. For He was two-fold. For He bore fatigue, He was hungry, He was thirsty, 
He was in anguish. He wept, by the law of His body" (Bayne, p. 241n). Too^ 
fifev • . . Xoyip. "To the Man born of Mary (we apply) speeches of humility, to 
the Word Who was in the beginning speeches elevated and suited to Deity" 
(Bayne, p. 241n). See Dialogi tres (1547), fols. 43'— 44^; ed. Ettlinger, pp. 166-169. 
The Greek, w^hich summarizes the argument of Dialogue 11, seems to be a para- 
phrase of a sentence in the beginning of Gregory's Oration 30; PG, 36:104; Bayne, 
p. 241n. 

2:217.22—29.^ The nature which Christ . . . deitie: Asking that Theophilus >vrite 
against Apollinaris, Gregory of Nyssa says: Kai oaov aoQeviq Tf\q <j)uaea)g r|fid)V 
Ktti eTiiKripov, avttKpaOev rq OeoTriTi, eKeivo eyeveTO, OTiep r| OeoTqc; 
ear! ... t\ bi 7tpoaX,Ti())eeiaa Ti\q dvBpcoTcivqq (t)uaefog otKapxr^ vno tt]<; 
7tavTo6uv&pou ©edrqToc;, (oq av emoi xi^ eiKOvi xP<^M^vo?> olov Jiq 
crxay&v o^ouc; dnEipq) TieX&yei KaxaKpaOeiaa, eaxi ^fev ev ©eoxriTi, o6 
.^if\v ev xoT^ ibioiq auxfi(; i6i6|uaaiv . . . ev o66evi KaxaA-ajipavexai f\ 
6ia(})op&* OTcep yap av xi^ T6o» xou uioO, 0e6xr|<; eaxi. Opuscula (1593), pp. 
173-174; PG, 45:1276; see 2:220.M.n, below. Gregory (335F-395?), bishop of 
Nyssa and younger brother of Basil of Caesarea, wishes to deny that there are two 
Sons: XT^v 6ud6a xdjv Yicov. 

2:218.4— 12. /j Hee which . . . together. Hilary of Poitiers, "the Athanasius of the 
West" (d. 367), De Trinitate, bk. 9; Lucubrationes (1523), pp. 155-156; PL, 10:283: 
"Mediator ipse in se ad salutem ecclesiae constitutus, et illo ipso inter deum et 
homines mediatoris sacramento utrumque unus existens, dum ipse ex unitis in 
idipsum naturis, naturae utriusque res eadem est, ita tamen ut neutro careret in 
utroque, ne forte deus esse homo nascendo desineret, et homo rursum deus 
manendo non esset. Haec itaque humanae beatitudinis fides vera est, deum et 
hominem praedicare, verbum et carnem confiteri." 

2:218.12-16.1 His two natures . . . God. Cyril, epist. 45 to Nestorius, now c^ed 
Ad succensum episcopum (PG, 77:232); trans, firom Theodoret (1547), fol. 49 ; PG, 
83:212; ed. Ettlinger (1975), Florilegium II, p. 182.22-25: opwpev oxi 6uo <))6aeig 
auvqA-Oov dX,A,nX,ai^ KaO' evcoaiv dSidaTtaaxov dauyxuxox; Kai dSiaipexcog 
[older texts read: dxpeTcxcoq]. 'H ydp adp^ cvdp^ eaxi Kai ou 8e6xr|<;, ei Kai 
yeyove eeoo adp^. 

2:218. 16-17.y ofech substance. . . safe. Leo I, epist. 28.3, Ad Flauianum; Sermones 
et epistolae (1482), sig. BIO'; PL, 54:763. 

2:2l9.fe 06t6^ . . . xepixcbpn^^iv. John of Damascus, De fide orthodoxa, 3.4; 
Opera (1559), p. 180; PG, 94:1000. "This is the mode of the communication, each 
nature communicating to the other its own properties, because of the sameness of 
the person and the immanence in each other (of the natures)" (Bayne, p. 243n). 


Book V, Chapter 53.2-54.2 

Verutn est duarum . . . refert. This appears to be commentary on the place just 
cited. It is not in the commentary foUowing chap. 4 of the 1559 edn. (pp. 181— 
182). Bayne translates: "There is a sense in which the two natures of Christ impart 
their properties either to other, — I mean in speech, and then not in the abstract 
but only in the concrete, so that the qualities of Godhead are attributed not to 
humanity but to the Man, the qualities of manhood not to deity but to the God. 
The reason is that when the subject of speech is such that He contains both natures 
in Himself it does not matter whether He is named from one or the other" (p. 

2:219.21 tw^o speeches Cited by H in / and m, these are alleged by John of 
Damascus in his De fide orthodoxa, 3.3. H is relying heavily here on John's third 
and fourth chaps. See Augustine, epist. 187.9. 

2:220.8—9 Theodoret disputeth . . . suffer. See Theodoret's criticism of Cyril's 
twelve Anathematisms, called Reprehensio xii. capitum Cyrilli (PG, 76:449), where he 
writes: "Sufferings belong to one who can suffer. For he who cannot suffer is in 
rank above sufferings. . . . Therefore it was not the Christ Who suffered but the 
manhood assumed from us by God" (Bayne, p. 244n). See also PG, 76:436. 

2:220.M 6vnTf|v . . . ApoUinar. "They make the Deity of the Son, mortal" 
(Bayne, p. 244n). Gregory of Nyssa, Adversus Apollinarem; Opuscula (1593), p. 170; 
PG, 45:1272. This is the work called an epistle to Theophilus in 2:217.^; see n. 
- Ep. ad Flavia. See Leo I, epist. 28.3, Ad Flauianum; Sermones et epistolae (1482), 
sig. BIO'; PL, 54:763. "He took the form of a slave without the suin of sin, 
increasing the human, but not diminishing the divine" (Bayne, p. 244n). Cited also 
at 2:218./ 

2:220.11-13 Cyril! on the other side . . . faith. The reference is to Cyril, epist. 
17, Cum Salvator, addressed to Nestorius with twelve anathemas attached (see n 
above), the last insisting that the Word really suffered, was crucified, and died. For 
the anathemas see PG, 76:449. 

2:221.0 Nativitas Dei . . . suhsistit. Hilary of Poitiers, De Trinitate, bk. 5; Lucubrati- 
ottes (1523), p. 80; PL, 10:155, § 37. "The generation of God must contain that 
nature from which it came. For that cannot be other than God which is no 
otherwhence than God of God" (Bayne, p. 245n). Cum sit gloria . . . habet. 
Rufinus, Commentarius in Symbolum Apostolorum, in Cyprian, Opera (1521) p. 366; 
PL, 21:346, as chap. 6. "While (the Son) is in glory, eternity, virtue, dominion, 
and power what the Father is. He nevertheless has all these things not without 
begetter, as the Father, but from the Father, as the Son without beginning. Who 
is equal to the Father" (Bayne, p. 245n). Filiutn aliunde , . . potestatem. Tertul- 
lian, Adversus Praxe^n, chap. 4.1; Opera (1566), 1:674; CCSL, 2:1162. "I derive the 
Son from no other source but from the substance of the Father . . . having received 
all power from the Father" (Bayne, pp. 245— 246n). 



2:221. /> xaaa xarpta, . . . esse. "Whatever in any way gives being to something 
else." See Vulgate of Eph. 3:15: "Ex quo omnis paternitas in coelis et in terris 
nominatur." See also Tertullian, Adversus Praxean, chap. 8; Opera (1566), 1:679: 
"Every origin is a parent and everything which proceeds from an origin is an 
of&pring; more especially the Word of God Who even as His proper tide has 
received the name of Son" (Bayne, p. 246n). The text is used similarly by Dionys- 
ius the Areopagite, De divinis nominibus, 2.8; see 2:150.r.n, above. 

2:221.5-6 father . . . not Chapter 1 of ^.C.L. attacks H at this point; see 4:9-10. 

2:221. 5 Pater luminum . . . 5i)Xov6ti. "Father of lights, that is of the Son and of 
the Spirit." The Greek is from the paraphrase made by George Pachymeres (1242— 
1310), Greek priest and politician, of De coelesti hierarchia, by Dionysius the 
Areopagite, whom H cites; Paraphrasis in omnia Dionysii Areopagitae . . . opera 
(1561), p. 2; PG, 3:129; it begins by quoting James 1:17. Pater est principium 
. . . procedit. "The Father is the beginning of all Deity because He is from none. 
He has none from whom He proceeds, but from Him the Son is begotten and the 
Spirit proceeds" (Bayne, p. 246n). See Augustine, De Trinitate, 4.20; Opera (1555), 
3:71^; PL, 42:908. H is summarizing, not quoting. Hinc Christus . . . BeoTH^ 
"Hence Christ instead of 'the Deity' everywhere uses the name of 'the Father,' 
because the Father is 'God the Source' " (Bayne, p. 246n). The Greek is from the 
paraphrase by Pachymeres of Dionysius the Areopagite, De divinis nominibus, 2.7 
{Paraphrasis, p. 227), where the phrase is explained from James 1:17. See Dionysius 
the Areopagite, Opera (1562), pp. 267-268; PG, 3:645. 

2:221. r Pater tota substantia est . . . propagatio. TertulHan, Opera (1566), 1:680; 
CCSL, 2:1168; Adversus Praxean, chap. 9.2: "The Father is entire substance, but 
the Son the derivation from and begetting of entire substance." This statement has 
been used to prove Tertullian guilty of heretical subordination of Son to Father, 
but in fact he was teaching that Father and Son are of the same substance. In this 
1566 and in modern edns. "portio" ("dividing") is used for "propagatio" ("beget- 

2:221.5 Quod enim Deus . . . est. Hilary of Poitiers, De Trinitate, 5.39; Lucubrationes 
(1523), p. 80; PL, 10:156. "For while He is God, He is of (i.e. out of) God." 
Nihil nisi . . . ftlius. Ibid., 4.10; (1523), p. 48; PL, 10:103. "For the Son has 
nothing which is not begotten" (Bayne, p. 246n). 

2:221. f 'Aicaoyaafia Tqg Bo^q^ Heb. 1:3. "The brightness of the glory." 
'Eonv . . . ai5iou. Wisd. of Sol. 7:25, 26. "For she [Wisdom] is ... a pure 
influence that floweth from the glorie of the Almightie: ... the brightnes of the 
everlasting light." 

2:221. M Nihil in se . . . generans. Hilary of Poitiers, De synodis adversus Arianos, § 
22; Lucubrationes (1523), p. 296; PL, 10:497, where it is "Neque rursum dissimilis 
esse possit natus et generans"; "For the begotten and the begetter have in them- 


Book V, Chapter 54.2-54.4 

selves nothing diverse or dissimilar" (Bayne, p. 246-247n). This work was intend- 
ed to unite all anti-Arians. In trinitate . . . aliud. Vincent (d. before 451), 
presbyter of a monastery in Lerins, Gaul, Pro catholicae fidei antiquitate et veritate 
(1591; STC 24750), p. 40; PL, 50:655, as chap. 13. "In the Trinity one person 
and another person, not one thing and another thing." Vincent goes on: "In the 
Savior one thing and another thing, not one person and another person." Vincent 
was the author of a three-fold text of Catholicity: quod ubique, quod semper, quod ab 
omnibus aeditum est ("What has been believed everywhere, always, and by all"); 
"by this triple text of oecumenicity, antiquity, and consent, the Church is to 
differentiate betw^een true and false traditions" (ODCC). 

2:221.1/ Vhi author . . . est. Hilary of Poitiers, De Trinititate, 12.21; Lucubrationes 
(1523), p. 248; CCSL, 62a:595; "Where the begetter is eternal, there is also an 
eternity of begetting; for as the begetting is from a begetter, so from an eternal 
begetter there is an eternal begetting" (Bayne, p. 247n). Sicut naturam . . , 
processio. H summarizes Augustine's De Trinitate, 5.15. 

2:222. u/ 'Oaa A,eyei . . . OeoTqra. See Theodoret, Dialogi tres (1547), fol. 41' 
(H: fol. 42); PG, 83:181; ed. Ettlinger, Florilegium II, p. 161.9-11; Theodoret is 
here quoting Athanasius, De incamatione verbi et contra Arianos, § 4 (PG, 26:989). 
"When Scripture says such things as. The Son received. The Son was glorified, it 
says them of His manhood, not of His Godhead" (Bayne, p. 247n). H then cites 
the following quotation ("ibid. 44.") in Theodoret from Gregory of Nazianzus, 
Oratio 30 [H has "orat. 2"], IJegl Ylov Xoyov P': 'Qi; (xev yap Xoyoi;, oute 
unqKooq qv, out' a.vf\KOOc; twv ydp uno X^ipct. TaOxa, Kai tcov Seurepcov 
TO /i£v Twv euyvcopoveaTeptov, to 6e tcov d^icov Kptaeco^* ' Q.C, 6e 6ouA,ou 
\xop^\\, QuyKaTapaivei toT(; ojioSouXok;, Kai fiop(j)oOTai to dXA-OTpiov, 
6Xov ev eauTq* (|)epa>v k.\xk. prra tcov i\i&v, Tva ev eaoT<^ SaTiavqaq xd 
XeTpov, iaq icqp6v TcOp, q wc; aT^iSa yn? n^»o^. Ed. Ettlinger, p. 167.16-22; 
see 2:2\l.f.n, above. 

2:222. fc Hie est verus . . . xtema. "This is very God and life eternal." 

2:222.<i &axep . . . avoXXoicorov. Theodoret (1547), fol. 3'; PG, 83:36; ed. 
Ettlinger, Dialogue I, p. 66.9—11; . "As mortality is common to man, so immutabil- 
ity and unchangeableness are common to the holy Trinity." Periculum . . . 
nullum est. Tertullian, De came Christi, chap. 3 (4); Opera (1566), 1:39; PL, 
2:757; CCSL, 2:876. "God is in no danger of losing His own status." Majestati 
. . . ahstulit. Leo I, De nativitate Domini. Sermo septimus [H has "ser. 8"]; in 
Sermones et epistolae (1482), sig. D2'; PL, 54:217, as Serm. 27.2. "The bodily birth 
added nothing to and took nothing from the majesty of the Son of God."Mevei 
. . . Ultap^iv. Theophilus, patriarch of Alexandria (385—412), Epistula paschalis 
xuii (Latin trans, in Jerome, Epistula 98, CSEL, 55:200-201), as quoted by 
Theodoret (1547), fol. 45''; PG, 83:197; ed. Ettlinger, Florilegium II, p. 171.27-28. 
"He remains God as He was from the beginning; He remains God retaining in 



Himself our substance." Informam . . . Dei. Hilary of Poitiers, De Trinitate, 
12.6; Lucubrationes (1523), p. 243, where it is: ". . . sit naturam dei perdidisse"; PL, 
10:457. "To have migrated into the form of a servant is not to have lost the nature 
of God" (see Bayne, p. 248n). 

2:223.29 copulation with deitie. See Origen, Contra Celsum, 3:41; Opera (1536), 
2:625. "He Whom we think and believe to have been from the beginning God 
and the Son of God is the very Logos and the very Wisdom and the very Truth; 
and with respect to His mortal body and the human soul which it contained, we 
assert that not by their communion (koivcoviqc) with Him, but by their unity and 
intermixture (eva>aei Kai avaKp&aei) they received the highest powers, and after 
participating in His divinity, were changed into God (ei<; 0e6v \iZia.pzpX\\Kt- 
vai. In Philoc. ^eTaPepA,r|Kevai)"; Bayne, p. 249n, from Keble. 

2:224.e McTExei . . . evepyeiog. Theodoret (1547), fol. 50'; PG, 83:216; ed. 
Ettlinger, Florilegium II, p. 185.11; : "The human (nature) has a share in the divine 
activity." Bayne remarks: "Quoted from Apollinarius among passages which prove 
that he who first confused the natures, himself clearly distinguished them" (p. 

2:224/ i\ befya evd>a£Q>^. Gregory of Nyssa, quoted by Theodoret (1547), 

fol. 45'; PG, 83:196; ed. Ettlinger, Florilegium II, p. 170.12-15. "The right hand of 
God, Who created all things, by Whom all things were made. He, by the union 
(of the natures) led up to his own height man made one with Him" (Bayne, p. 
250n). H omits Kai o6 X^P'? OTieaxq twv YeY0V0''''^v ou6ev, after eyevero. 
'Ax6 Tii^ ^vaetM; . . . e^ouqio^. John Chrysostom, In Psalmum XLI, § 4, 
quoted from Theodoret (1547), fol. 46'; PG, 55:162; ed. Ettlinger, Florilegium II, 
p. 173.10-11: "From Thy nature taking the first fruits. He set Him far above all 
principality and power" (see Bayne, p. 250n). For ETidvco Ettlinger reads UTtepdvw. 

2:224.22—24 Surely . . . fire; H here uses the argument of Theodoret (1547), fol. 
35'; PG, 83:155; ed. Ettlinger, Dialogue II, pp. 144.30-145.14, which in turn is 
based on the words of Apollinarius quoted at the end of the dialogue: "If the 
mixture of fire and iron, which makes the iron fire, so that it burns as fire does, 
does not change the iron's nature; neither does the union of God with the body 
change the nature of the body, even if the body — for those who can attain to it — 
obtain divine powers" (Bayne, p. 250n; compare Ettlinger, p. 185.1—9). 

2:225. /j rjaox&C**^'^**^ • • • oivcxXa/ipaveaOai. Irenaeus, Aduersus omnes haereses, 
3.19.3, quoted by Theodoret (1547), fol. 69"; PG, 83:284; ed. Ettlinger, Florilegium 
III, p. 230.12-14. "For the Word was quiescent when He was tempted, when He 
was crucified, when He was dying, but was in union with man when He was 
conquering, when He was enduring, when He was being kind, when He was 
rising from the dead, when He was being taken up" (Bayne, p. 250n). 

2:226.« Joh. 20:27. See Theodoret (1547), fol. 36'; PG, 83:161; ed. Ettlinger, 


Book V, Chapter 54.5-55.6 

Dialogue II, p. 148.1—5. Bayne comments (p. 251n): "The use of the text is 
suggested to him by Hippolytus and Theophilus, from whom he quotes, [PG, 
83:] 173, 200." 

2:226.0 Mera Tfjv ai&oraaiv . . . xepiypo^v. Theodoret (1547), fol. 80''; 
PG, 83:328; ed. Etdinger, p. 260.12—14; in the Demonstrationes per syllogismos 
following the dialogues. "After the resurrection it is immortal and incorruptible 
and full of divine glory, but a body none the less, retaining its own form" (Bayne, 
p. 252n). 

2:228.^ Ideo Deus uhique . . . adest. Augustine, epist. 57, Ad Dardanum; Opera 
(1556), 2:275; PL, 33:838, as epist. 187.5.17. "God is therefore said to be every- 
where because He is absent from no part of the universe; He is therefore said to 
be everyw^here in His entirety because He does not afrbrd to one part of the 
universe one part of His presence and to another another part. . . . For not only to 
the created universe but even to every part of it He is equally present in His 
entirety" (Bayne, p. 254n). 

2:229. r Quod ad verbum . . . est. Augustine, epist. 57, Ad Dardanum, Opera (1555), 
2:56*; PL, 33:835, as epist. 187.3.8. See Jewel, A Replie unto M. Hardinges Answeare 
(1565; STC 14606), p. 350; Works (PS), 1:482. Deus qui semper . . . creatura. 
"God Who is for ever and was for ever becomes a creature." A paraphrase of 
sentences recurring in Leo I's Sermones in nativitate, nos. 21—30; PL, 54:190—234; 
probably derived from a secondary source. Multi timore . . . creaturam. From 
Jerome's comments on Eph. 2:10; Opera (1516), 9:105'; PL, 26:467: "Many are 
fearfiil lest they be compelled to call Christ a creature: we proclaim that there is no 
danger in caUing Christ a creature"; H omits: "seeing that with the ^vhole faith our 
hope inspires we profess Him a worm, a man, a crucified one, a curse" (see Bayne, 
p. 255n). 

2:231.1—5.5 How is it true . . . veines? "Natus est dei fiUus; non pudet, quia 
pudendum est. Et mortuus est dei fiUus; prorsus credibile est, quia ineptum est. Et 
sepultus resurrexit; certum est, quia impossibile est. Sed haec quomodo in illo vera 
erunt, si ipse non fliit verus, si non vere habuit in se quod figeretur, quod morere- 
tur, quod sepeliretur et resuscitaretur: camem scilicet, hanc sanguine sufriisam, 
ossibus sub structam, nervis intextam, venis implexam? Quae nasci et mori novit." 
TertuUian, De came Christi, chap. 5.4-5; Opera (1566), 1:42; CCSL, 2:881; PL, 
2:761. Arguing against the doceticism of Marcion (the heresy that Christ had no 
human body but only appeared to have died on the cross), TertuUian asked, in the 
section preceding H's quotation, "Quid destruis necessarium dedecus fidei?" "Why 
dost thou destroy the indispensable dishonor of our faith?" "Natus" is "Crucifixus" 
in CCSL and some other edns. 

2:231.8— 16. t Make thou no doubt . . , man. "Noh itaque dubitare ibi nunc esse 
hominem Christus lesum, unde venturus est, memoriterque recole et fidehter tene 
Christianam confessionem, quoniam resurrexit a mortuis, ascendit in coelum, sedet 



ad dexteram patris, nee aliunde quam inde venturus est ad vivos mortuosque 
iudicandos. Et sic venturus est ilia angelica voce testante, quemadmodum ire visus 
est in coelum, id est in eadem camis forma atque substantia, cui profecto immorta- 
litatem dedit, naturam non abstulit. Secundum hanc formam non est putandus 
ubique diflfusus. Cavendum est enim, ne ita divinitatem adstruamus hominis, ut 
veritatem corporis auferamus." Augustine, epist. 57, Ad Dardanum; Opera (1555), 
2:56^; PL, 33:838, epist. 187.3. And see De nativitate Domini, in Leo I, Sermones et 
epistolae (1482), sigs. D3-5', cited by Bayne, p. 255n. 

2:233.a l.Cor. 15. Verse 24. Compare Augustine, De Trinitate, 1.16; PL, 42:830. 
"What means that, When He shall have delivered up the kingdom to God, even 
the Father? As if God and the Father had not now the kingdom! But because He 
will lead all the just, in whom now the Man Christ Jesus, Mediator of God and 
Men, reigns by faith, to the sight which the same apostle calls the vision 'face to 
face,' therefore it is said. When He shall have delivered up the kingdom to God 
even the Father, as if to give the meaning. When He shall have brought believers 
through to the contemplation of God even the Father" (Bayne, p. 259n). 

2:234.26—27 The union or tnutuall participation . . . worlde. On this key chapter, 
see Intro, to Book V, pp. 197-199, above, and John E. Booty, "Richard Hooker," 
The Spirit of Anglicanism (Wilton, Conn.: Whitehouse-Barlow, 1979), pp. 17-29. 

2:234.33—235.3 two principles, . . . beinge. H here treats w^hat he has dealt with 
at some length in 1.5.2, relying on Aristotle, who affirmed that the human soul by 
means of reproduction is able to "partake in the eternal and divine. That is the 
goal towards which all things strive" (De anima, 2.4; 415 ;. Compare Gregory of 
Nyssa, Contra Eunomium, bk. 1 (PG, 45:274). But Aquinas seems to have been 
most important in the transmission of the idea to H. Concerning the first principle, 
see S.T. la.4.3; (1588), 1:18"; for the second, see la.33.2; (1588), 1:122\ And see 
la.6.1, 2; (1588), 1:21": "All things, by desiring their own perfection, desire God 
Himself, inasmuch as the perfections of all things are so many similitudes of the 
divine being. . . . And so of those beings which desire God, some know Him as He 
is in Himself, and this is proper to a rational creature; others know some participa- 
tion {participationes) of His goodness, and this belongs also to sensible knowledge, 
as being directed to their end by a higher knowledge" (B, 2:85). H himself 
considers divine causation in Pride (5:341.3—6). 

2:235. fc Ecce dico . , , distinctione. TertuUian, Adversus Praxean, 9.1; Opera (1566), 
1:679; CCSL, 2:1168; PL, 2:164. "1 say that the Father is one and the Son 
another; . . . another not by division but by distinction." Nee in numerum . . . 
separatur. Rufinus, Commentarius in Symbolum Apostolorum, chap. 6; in Cyprian, 
Opera (1521), p. 366; PL, 21:346. "Nor does an incorporeal begetting result in a 
plurality of essences, nor can there be division when what is begotten is in no way 
separated fi-om the begetter" (see Bayne, p. 26 In). 

2:237.15-18 All ... effect. See Aquinas, S.T, la.27.1; (1588), l:105^ "God, 


Book V, Chapter 55.6-56.10 

Who is the first principle of all things, may be compared to created things as the 
artisan is to the works of his art" (compare B, 6:7). 

2:239.7 in w^hotne Superscript s should precede "he which." 

2:240.28.c gertnanissimam societatetn. Quoted firom De coena Domini, attribut- 
ed to Cyprian in H*s time, but actually by Arnold, abbot of Bonneval (fl. 1144?), 
and a part his De cardinalibus operibus Christi, chap. 6; see Cyprian, Opera (1593), p. 
49; PL, 189:1644; and Intro, to Book V, p. 217, above. "That bread which the 
Lord offered to the disciples, changed not in outward appearance but in nature, 
was made flesh by the omnipotence of the Word; and as in the person of Christ 
the manhood was plain while the Godhead was latent; so the divine essence 
infused itself in the visible sacrament, that loving worship might in our religion 
attach itself to the Sacraments, and a purer access might lie open to the verity of 
Him Whose body and blood the sacraments are, reaching even to a participation 
of Spirit; so that this union should attain not consubstantiaUty with Christ but the 
truest and most intimate communion" (Bayne, pp. 267— 268n). 

2:2A0.d Cyril, in Joh. LIO. . . . cap. 13. See Cyril, In Evangelium Joannis (1520), 
fol. 210*; PG, 74:344, chap. 2: "Our adversary in his wickedness disdains the 
admission that Christ was the Vine in a corporeal sense also, as conferring His own 
life on the branches" (Bayne, p. 268n). 

2:241. e Nostra quippe . . . poluntates. De coena Domini, chap. 6; Cyprian, Opera 
(1593), p. 501, where the quoution begins, "nostra vero et ipsius"; PL, 189:1644. 
"But the conjunction of us and Him neither mixes the persons nor unites the 
substances, but it allies affections and confederates wills" (Bayne, p. 268n). 

2:241/ Quomodo . . . alitur? Irenaeus, Aduersus haereses, 4.18.5; Opera (1528), p. 
237, where the quotation begins "Quomodo autem rursus dicunt"; PG, 7:1027: 
"And how say they that the flesh passes into corruption and partakes not of Ufe 
which is nourished by the Body and Blood of the Lord?" Cited again in 2:358.z. 

2:24\.g Unde considerandum . . . ipso. "For here it is especially to be observed that 
Christ saith that He shall be in us, not by a certain relation only, as entertained 
through the affections, but also by a natural participation. For as, if one entwineth 
wax with other wax and melteth them by the fire there resulteth of both one, so 
through the participation of the Body of Christ and His precious Blood. He in us 
and we again in Him, are co-united" (Bayne, pp. 268— 269n). See Cyril, In Evange- 
lium Joannis (1520), fol. 210'; PG, 74:341. 

2:242./i Ecclesia . . . i[A.qpoupEvou. See Eph. 1:22-23. "And [God] hathe made 
all things subject under his fete [Christ's], and hathe appointed him over all things 
to be the head of the Church, Which is his bodie, even the fiilnes of him that 
filleth all in all things" (GB, which glosses "fulnes": "the great love of Christ 
tow^arde his Church that he counteth not him self perfect without us which are his 
members"). The Latin is not fi-om the Vulgate. 



2:242.16-17.1 Whence is it . . . others? Augustine, epist. 57, Ad Dardanum; Opera 
(1555), 2:57 ; PL, 33:838, epist. 187.5: "unde in omnibus Sanctis sunt alii aliis 
sanctiores, nisi abundantius habendo habitatorem deum?" 

2:244.28-31 It greatlie ofTendeth, . . . hearinge. Puritans did not limit sacra- 
ments to their teaching function. The Waldegrave Prayer Book (see 2:71.z.n, 
above) viewed the sacraments as marks of the true church, "which Sacraments 
Christ hath left unto us, as holy signs and seals of God's promises to him" (Hall, 
Fragmenta Uturgica, 1:11); see Calvin, Inst., 4.14.5-6, and Davies, W.E.P., chap. 12. 
Thomas Sampson explained in 1583: "With which outwarde signes Godd doth 
effectuallye worke by the power of his holy spirit, in the hartes of the elect, as he 
doeth with his w^orke also, the partakinge of the grace signified by them, and 
promised in the Worde. So that they be neither bare signes, neither do they 
signifie in vaine. For with the outwarde signes Godd giveth unto us the inwarde 
partakinge, and enjoyinge of that grace in very truth which is presented, and 
pledged to us by them"; Bodleian Library, MS Eng. Th. e. 44, pp. 21—22. That 
they did not go as far as H in stressing the grace of the sacraments is indicated by 
the reaction of A.C.L. (see next n). Indeed, the difference between Puritans and 
others such as H was a matter of emphasis, Anglicans stressing the practical efficacy 
of the sacraments in a way and to a degree the Puritans did not. "For Anglicans, 
sacraments were a conspicuously effective means of grace, w^hereas Puritans (true 
to their view of man) stressed prevenient grace, and so mitigated the impact of the 
grace that came by way of the sacraments"; John F. H. New, Anglican and Puritan 
(Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1964), p. 64. 

2:245.31—246.2 But their chiefest force . , , grace. A.C.L. took exception to 
this (4:39.10-14); for H's response see 4:39.25-34 and the fragment, "Grace and 
Sacraments" (4:115—121). The author(s) rightly identified this as a key statement, 
regarding the sacraments not as "meanes conditionall" or as "necessarie as faith" 
(citing chap. 60.4), but as "seales of assurance, by which the spirit worketh 
invisiblie to strengthen our faith." 

2:247.3—5 Salomons virisdom . . . all. H here quotes Wisd. of Sol. 16:7 firom 
GB, which glosses "the brasen serpent" as "a signe of salvacion" (v. 6). 

2:247. M Spiritus sancti . . . mysterii. Commenting on Luke 3:16 (Expo^itioEfawge/ii 
secundum Lucam), Ambrose said: "The office of God is to fill with the grace of the 
mystery of the Holy Spirit" (Bayne, p. 275n); Opera (1567), 5:31; PL, 15:1581, as 
2.79. Sanctijicatis . . . operatur. Cited from De unctione chrismatis et alliis sacramen- 
tis, chap. 8, of Arnold of Bonneval's De cardinalibus operibus Christi, formerly 
attributed to Cyprian (see 2:240.23.n); in Cyprian, Opera (1593), p. 516; PL, 189: 
1654. "Their own nature does not give to the sanctified elements their eflScacy, 
but (through them) the divine power works more potendy." Chrism is a mixture 
of olive oil and balsam used in the rites of the Greek and Latin Churches. 

2:247. 1' Dum homini . . . medicinat. Hugh of St.-Victor, De sacramentis, 1.9.2; 


Book V, Chapter 56.10-58.2 

(1503), sig. 62"; PL, 176:320. "While an invisible good is given back to man, 
outwardly by visible means a signification of the same is afforded him, that he may 
be outNvardly aroused and inwardly healed. ... In the very nature of the vessel the 
virtue of the medicine it contains is expressed." Si ergo vasa sunt . . . medicina. 
Ibid., 1.9.3; (1503), sig. B4'; PL, 176:323. "If therefore the sacraments are vessels 
of spiritual grace, they do not heal of their own operation, because the vessels do 
not heal the sick man, but the medicine in them" (Bayne, pp. 275— 276n). 

2:248.15 The substance of baptisme; H's attention is now^ fixed on the Puritan 
argument against baptism by women and thus on the necessity of baptism (see 
2:251.5— 252.26.n, below). He considers the necessity of a sacrament in relation to 
its substance, as distinguished firom its nonessentials. That substance consists of 
grace, element, and \vord; all else is left to "the w^isdome of the Church ... to 
order accordinge to the exigence of that which is principall." Baptismal grace is 
primary but is conveyed through the use of water (element) and the baptismal 
formula (word). These are the bare essentials of the sacrament in the BCP rite of 
Private Baptism {1559, p. 277). 

2:249.11/ Eucharistia . . . caelesti. Irenaeus, Adversus omnes haereses, 4.34; Opera 
(1528), p. 237; PG, 7:1029, as chap. 18.5. "The Eucharist consists of two things, 
earthly and heavenly"; see Bayne, p. 277n, for the Greek, preserved in the Parallela 
ofjohn of Damascus. Arcanarum . . . constant. First Helvetic Confession (1536), 
Art. 20; Harmonia (1581), p. 74. "These being tokens of secret thinges, doe not 
consist of bare signs, but of signes and thinges also"; Harmony (1586), p. 382. 

2:249.x Sacramentum est cum res . . . operatur. "A sacrament is when a visible 
thing done works inwardly something quite different which is invisible." 
Sacramentum est per quod . . . operatur. "A sacrament is that by which under 
cover of visible things divine power secretly works salvation." Bayne suggests (p. 
277n), as source of both, Isidore of Seville; Originum libri viginti (1577), col. 143; 
PL, 82:255. "Sacramentum est in aliqua celebratione: cum res gesta ita fit, ut 
aliquid significare intelligatur, quod sancte accipiendum est. Sunt autem sacramenta, 
baptismus et chrisma: corpus et sanguis Christi: quae ob id sacramenta dicuntur: 
quia sub tegumento corporalium rerum, virtus divina secretius salutem eorundem 
sacramentorum operatur." See also Augustine, epist. 55; PL, 33:205. Isidore's 
Etymologiae is an encyclopaedia of the knowledge of his time (late 6C, early 7C). 
Sacramentum est signum . . . gratuitum. "A sacrament is a sign efficaciously 
signifying a free operation of God." William of Ockham (1300?— 1349?), quoted by 
Gabriel Biel (d. 1495), prominent theologian of Tubingen, in his lectures on Peter 
Lombard's Sentences, l.l.C; Biel, In iv. libros Sententiarum (1512), sig. A3r. 
Sacramentum proprie . . . homines. "A sacrament properly speaking is not a sign 
of any sacred thing at all, but only a sacred thing conveying grace to men"; firom 
the index to Aquinas, S.T. (1588), [5]:sig. P3', which also contains H's references 
to 2ae.l01.4 and 102.5; (1588), 2:223' and 227". The language is derived firom 
S.T., 3a.60.2, conclusio; (1588), 3:186"; compare B, 29:124-129, 178-211, 56:6- 



11, 10—13. Sacramentum est signum . . . futuri. "A sacrament is a sign of the 
passion of Christ, of grace, and of glory: it is a commemoration of the past, a 
demonstration of the present, and a prophetic pledge of the future." From the 
same index, S.T. (1588) [5]:sig. P3', referring to 3a.60.3; (1588), 3:187'. Sacra- 
menta sunt signa . . . agit. From the Belgian Confession of Faith (1561), Art. 33; 
Harmonia (1581), p. 82. Sacraments "are visible signs and seals of an inward and 
invisible thing, by means whereof God worketh in us by the power of the Holy 
Ghost"; Cochrane, ed.. Reformed Confessions of the 16th Century (1966), p. 213. See 
Harmony (1586), p. 387. Item Boetn. confes. c.ll. "Neither doth He suffer 
them to be only bare and naked ministers and ceremonies"; compare Harmony 
(1586), p. 387. See Bayne, pp. 278— 279n. Both passages are cited in Rogers, The 
English Creede; CD., PS, p. 247. 

2:249. y Sacratnenta constant verba . . . signiflcatis. First Helvetian Confession 
(1536), Art. 19; Harmonia (1581), p. 70. "Sacraments consist of His Word, of 
outward signs, and of things signified"; compare Harmony (1586), p. 377. 

2:250.7—14 sacraments are actions . . . God. A Christian Letter attacked this 
statement concerning intent (see 4:41.5—42.26). H's point here is that the three 
essential parts of a sacrament (grace, elements, w^ords) do not stand alone but 
require the serious intent of the celebrant in the performance of the act. As no one 
can be certain as to the intent of the individual celebrant, people must depend on 
the publicly advertised intent of the church. See also chap. 62.12, 15. 

2:250.2 Si aliud ministri . . . potest. J. P. Lancelotti (1511—1591), professor of 
canon law^, Institutiones juris canoni, 2.2.5; (1578), p. 238. "If the ministers have 
another intention, such as to mock the sacred mysteries, or something else which 
the Church does not agree to, their act is a nullity. For spiritual power may be 
exercised without faith, but not w^ithout the intention of the Church" (Bayne, p. 

2:250.(j Accessorium . . . regulatur. Bayne (p. 280n) notes that this is not a quota- 
tion, but the substance of two rules, one from the canon and the other firom the 
civil law. The first is firom the tract De regulis juris in the Uber sextus decretalium of 
Boniface VIII, 5.12.42: "Accessorium naturam sequi congruit principalis"; C.J. Can. 
(Venice, 1584), 3:824-825; Friedberg, 2:1123. The other is firom Justinian, Digesta, 
50.17.178: "Cum principalis causa non consistat: plerumque ne ea quidem quae 
sequuntur, locum habent"; (1590), col. 2051; Mommsen-Krueger (1963), p. 925; 
Scott, 11:315. The rule Quod jussu {Digesta, 50.17.180) is less relevant: "Quod 
jussu alterius solvitur: pro eo quasi ipsi solutum esset"; (1590), col. 2052; Momm- 
sen-Krueger (1963), p. 925; Scott, 11:315. 

2:250.fc Etsi nihil facile . . . est. Justinian, Digesta, 50.17.183; (1590), col. 2052; 
Mommsen-Krueger (1963), p. 925; Scott, 11:316. "Although no change is lighdy 
to be made in the administration of ritual solemnities, yet when plain equity 
demands it there may be a relaxation" (Bayne, p. 280n). 


Book V, Chapter 58.2-59.5 

2:251.5-252.26 The ground in Scripture . . . Christ? The Admonition objected to 
private baptism by midwives and deacons {P.M., p. 14), deemed necessary for an 
infant who might not survive to be baptized in church — traditionally three days 
after birth. Whitgift defended the practice; Defense, pp. 503-511 (PS, 2:495-507, 
519—520). Cartwright replied, citing the misinterpretation of John 3:5 as refering 
literally to baptism, as the basis for allowing such baptism. Whitgift believed that 
the passage did refer to baptism, on the grounds that "water in that place" was 
"material and elemental water" (whereas the GB glossed it as "the spiritual water 
where the holie Cost doeth washe us into newnes of life"), but backed away from 
fiarther discussion, saying that since both Cartw^right and himself disliked "the 
opinion of those that thinke infants to be condemned, which are not baptized, 
therefore 1 will not contend with you"; Defense, p. 516 (PS, 2:522). A.C.L. 
ignored the question of John 3:5 entirely (4:43—45), but Covel defended a literal 
interpretation of it; Just and Temperate Defence (1603; STC 5881), p. 110. Although 
H had the reluctant support of Whitgift, the more enthusiastic support of Covel, 
and could have cited Jewel {Certaine Sermons [1583], sig. R5'^), most Anglicans 
rejected the medieval view of the absolute necessity of baptism based on a Uteral 
reading of John 3:5; see G. W. Bromiley, Baptism and the Anglican Reformers (1953), 
pp. 58—59. H was out of step with his colleagues on this matter but refrained from 
the fiill consequences of the medieval doctrine: condemning the unbaptized. Thus 
John 3:5 constituted for H "a definite barrier to the laxity which Puritanism would 
inevitably encourage" (Bromiley, p. 63). Concerning modern opinion on John 3:5, 
see Raymond Brown, ed.. Anchor Bible: The Gospel According to John (New York: 
Doubleday, 1966), 1:141-144; and see 2:253.15.n, below. 

2:251.7-20 T.C. 1.1. p.l43 Jire. On the Puriun undersunding of baptism, 

see Davies, W.E.P., pp. 69-70, 216—221, and Worship and Theology in England, 
1:281-283. See also Travers, A Full and Plaine Declaration, pp. 23-25. 1.1. 
p. 143. Page 113 in 1st edn. 

2:252.5—1 1 I holde it . . . nothinge. Concerning the hermeneutical principle 
expressed by H here, see Egil Grislis, "The Hermeneutical Problem in Richard 
Hooker," S.R.H., pp. 196-197. 

2:252.c Minime sunt . . . habuerint. Justinian, Digesta, 1.3[not 2].23; (1590), col. 
11; Mommsen-Krueger (1963), p. 34; Scott, 2:224. "Least of all may those things 
be changed which have had always a fixed interpretation" (Bayne, p. 282n). 

2:253.5-6 this theire later baptisme . . . £yer. See Calvin, Inst., 4.16.25, whose 
views lie behind Cartwright's, on Acts 2:3: "Therefore, just as to baptize by the 
Holy Spirit and by fire is to confer the Holy Spirit, who in regeneration has the 
function and nature of fire, so to be reborn of water and the Spirit is but to 
receive that power of the Spirit, which does in the soul what water does in the 
body" (LCC, 2:1348). 

2:253.15 privat baptisme The first rubric of BCP's "The Minstration of Bap- 



tism" emphasizes that the oflSce must be performed at church when the congrega- 
tion is gathered, but ends: "Nevertheless (if necessity so require) children may at 
all times be baptized at home" {1559, p. 269). For this purpose a special rite was 
provided, called "Of Them That be Baptized in Private Houses, in Time of 
Necessity" (pp. 277-281). The Interpretation of the Bishops (1560/1) reads: "Itm. 
private Baptisme in necessitie (as in perill of deathe) to be ministred either by the 
Curate, deacon or Reader, or some other grave and sober parson [person] if the 
tyme will suffer"; Corpus Christi College, Cambridge, MS 106 (141), p. 424. The 
BCP did not directly countenance baptism by midwives but, as King James said at 
Hampton Court (1604), its words "could not but intend a permission, and 
suffering of women and private persons to baptize" (Cardwell, History of Conferenc- 
es, p. 174). And yet the king and many of his bishops were opposed to granting 
such permission (pp. 155-157, 172, 174-176). See 2:268.16-17.n and 269.1-2.n, 

2:254.4—18 The true . . . water? H presents three propositions in defense of the 
necessity of baptism: (1) causes and means toward the good are considered neces- 
sary; (2) the Holy Spirit, instrumental in regeneration, is necessary; (3) water as the 
outward means toward regeneration is necessary: and therefore baptism is necessary, 
and the church's teaching concerning John 3:5 is justified. 

2:254/ 'AvoyKaiov . . . adsit. Aristotle, Meta., 5.5 (1015*); Opera (1550), 1:356. 
"That is called necessary without w^hich as an accompanying cause it is not possible 
to live . . . and those things are necessary without which anything cannot be good 
or cannot be produced, or without which some evil cannot be averted or prevent- 
ed." The Latin paraphrase is from Peter de Fonseca's Commentary on the Metaphysics 
(Rome, 1577). See Aquinas, S.T., 3a.68.2; (1588), 3:216. 

2:254.10-11.^ impossible savinge only . . . above? H agrees with BB, which 
has "born from above," while GB has "born again" for John 3:3. 

2:254.20 bath of regeneration? H's translation of 6ia A.ouTpoi5 TtaXiyyeveaia^ 
in Tit. 3:5. 

2:255./ Fideles salutem . . . tribuitur, Hugh of St.-Victor, De saaamentis, 1.9.3; 
(1503), sig B2^; PL, 176:320. "The faithful do not seek salvation from them 
although they seek it in them. . . . For they (the sacraments) do not give what is 
given through them." H is emphasizing the instrumentality of the sacraments. 

2:255.6—13 baptistne is a sacrament . . . life. H here sets forth the main points 
of his theology of baptism: 1. The sacrament was instituted by God in the church 
not as the source of grace but as the instrument or means of grace. 2. It incorpo- 
rates those baptized into Christ (to be made partakers of Christ) and therefore 
members of His body, the church (see 2:256.23—24). 3. Through this sacrament 
the baptized are cleansed of their sin and guilt by the imputation of grace (the 
merits of Christ). 4. They are also infused with grace (given by "divine vertue of 


Book V, Chapter 60.0-60.2 

the holie Ghost"), which moves the baptized to act in consonance with their new 
state (newness of life). H emphasizes this last (see 256.23—26); his statement accords 
with the BCP {1559, p. 275). See also 267.18-32, where H writes of baptism as 
the sacrament of mercy. 

2:255. m Susceptus a Christo . . . crucijixi. Leo I, De passione et resurredione Domini 
eiusdem sermo. xiiii, chap. 6; Sermones et epistolae (1482), sig. K5'; PL, 54:357. 
"Taken up by Christ and taking up Christ, he is not the same after the washing 
that he was before baptism, but the body of the regenerated becomes the flesh of 
the Crucified" (Bayne, pp. 284— 285n). 

2:255. n Caro abluitur . . , emaculetur. TertuDian, De resurredione mortuorum, chap. 
8; Opera (1566), 1:86; CCSL, 1:931. "The flesh is washed that the soul may be 
spotless." Homo per aquam . . . tnutatur. See Eusebius Gallicanus (Pseudo- 
bishop of Emesa), Homily 3, De Epiphania; Homiliae ad populum (1547), fols. 12"— 
13', where we find "intus tunc alter efficitur," "in melioribus," and "persona non 
contingitur." The quotation as H gives it may be translated: "Man, through the 
water of baptism, appearing outw^ardly the same, is inw^ardly made another; bom 
ivith sin he is bom again without sin; he dies to the past, the present result is his 
gain; he puts off the worse, the better is renewed in him; his person is dipped and 
his nature is changed." H believed these homilies were not written by the Eusebi- 
us, bishop of Emesa (d. 359?), but by Salvian, the 5C presbyter of Marseilles; see 
Lawes, VL4.6; 3:26.10-15 and n, below. Tpioof)v . . . Jtxovaa. Gregory of 
Nazianzus, Orat. 40.2, 7, Ei<; xd &yiov Bdimafjoq Opera (1550), pp. 238-239; 
PG, 36:360, 368. "Scripture makes known to us a threefold birth; the bodily birth, 
the birth of baptism, and the resurrection birth. . . . This is the grace and power of 
baptism, bringing with it, not as once the drowning of the world, but the cleansing 
of the sin of each of us" (Bayne, p. 285n). 

2:255.0 Undee genitalis . . . injitndit. Cyprian, Liber de gratia, chap. 3; Opera (1593), 
p. 2, as epist. 2.2, Ad Donatum de gratia Dei; PL, 4:200. "The stain of former years 
being washed away by help of the life-giving water, the light firom above pours 
itself into my cleansed and purified breast." Baptism for Cyprian is second birth. 
06 fi6vov . . . x<xpi^eTai. Theodoret, Haereticarum fabularum compendium, bk. 
5; in Dialogi tres (1547), fol. 130"; PG, 83:512, chap. 18. "For not only does 
baptism give remission of our former sins, but it begets in us a hope of the 
gracious promises, and makes us sharers of the Lord's death and resurrection, and 
grants us participation in the gift of the Holy Spirit." See also Epiphanius, Contra 
odoginta haereses (1566), p. 520. Epiphanius (315?— 403) was bishop of Salamis; his 
Refutation of all the Heresies described and attacked every heresy known to him firom 
the beginning of the church. Baptisari est purgari . . . innocentem. Harmonia 
(1581), p. 89. "To be baptized is to be purged fi-om the filthiness of sins and to be 
indued with the manifold grace of God, for to lead a new and innocent life" 
(Bayne, p. 285n); see Harmony (1586), p. 396. 



2:256.f 'Apx^i • • . P&irna|ia. Basil, De Spiritu Sancto, chap. 10; Opera (1551), p. 
256; PG, 32:113. "Baptism is to me the beginning of Ufe." The sentence contin- 
ues: "and the day of regeneration, the first of days" (Bayne, p. 286n). 

2:256.16-26 Predestination bringeth ... it. See A.C.L., p. 16 (4:43.24-44.1). 

2:256. M He which is not . . . received. Cartwright is here relying on Calvin {Inst., 
4.15.22), who argues that the lack of baptism does not bar children firom the 
Kingdom of Heaven and that baptism is a seal, confirming God's promise in the 
Covenant: "Accordingly, if, when the sign is omitted, this is neither firom sloth nor 
contempt nor negligence, we are safe firom all danger" (LCC, 2:1323). 

2:256.26—257.4 There ^vere of the olde . . . onlie. After describing the ceremo- 
nies and formulae used by the Valentinian Gnostics in baptism, Irenaeus, Aduersus 
omnes haereses, 1.18, writes: "But others, rejecting all this, affirm that it becomes 
not the mystery of infallible and invisible power to be wrought by visible and 
corruptible creatures, nor that of things inconceivable and incorporeal by sensible 
and bodily things. But the mere knowledge of the ineffable greatness, — that is 
perfect redemption. For since defect and passion came from ignorance, by knowl- 
edge the whole state of ignorance falls to pieces. Knowledge therefore is the 
redemption of the inw^ard man" (Bayne, p. 287n); Opera (1528), p. 40; PG, 7:665, 
as chap. 21. Valentinus (2C) was the most influential of the Gnostics. 

2:257. If Hie scelestissimi . . . est. TertuUian, De baptismo, chap. 13; Opera (1566), 
2:413; CCSL, 1:288. "Here those profane wretches raise cavils. Baptism, they say, 
is not necessary for those to ^vhom faith is enough." They (certain Gnostics) cite 
the case of Abraham. Huic nulla proderit . . . sacramentum. Bernard of Clair- 
vaux, epist. 70, Ad Hugonem; Opera (1552), col. 1247; PL, 182:1037. "Faith shall 
profit him nothing who does not receive the sacrament when he might" (see 
Bayne, p. 287n). In 1552 it is epist. 77. 

2:257.(1 Institutio sacramentorum . . . pervenire. Hugo of St.-Victor, De 5<j<Tame«<«, 
1.9.4; (1503), sig. B4''; PL, 176:323. "The institution of the sacraments as regards 
God their author is within His dispensation, but as regards man who obeys is a 
matter of necessity. For it is in God's power to save men without them, but it is 
not in man's power without them to reach salvation" (Bayne, p. 288n). 

2:258. fc Pelagius asserere . . . conferendum. Eusebius Gallicanus, Homilia V. de 
Pascha; Homiliae ad populum (1547), fol. 46": "Pelagius, when impiety is objected 
against him, presumes to assert that baptism should be conferred on infants to give 
them not life but the kingdom of heaven." The passage begins: "Quod testimoni- 
um, contra Pelagii blasphemias evidentissimum atque validissimum est, qui asserere 
arrepta . . . . " See 2:255. n.n, above. 

2:258.5-7 Now the lawe of Christ . . . equitie. Having established the necessity 
of baptism as instituted by God, H now proceeds to discuss exceptions in terms of 
"naturall equitie," including martyrs whose baptisms were prevented (2:258.18- 


Book V, Chapter 60.3-60.5 

259.7) and infants dying unbaptized (259.28-261.9). What is required is the will 
to baptize or be baptized. The principle is best stated at 260.3-7. Compare Calvin, 
Inst., 4.16.26, and the C of T, Session 7 (on baptism), canon 5, which condemns 
those >vho deny the necessity of baptism. 

2:258.c Benignius leges . . . conservetur. Justinian, Digesta, 1.3.18; (1590), col. 10; 
Mommsen-Krueger (1963), p. 34; Scott, 2:224. "Laws must be interpreted 
equitably if their intention is to be carried out" (Bayne, p. 288n). 

2:258.1 0-1 3.</ Whoso beleiveth not . . . fooles? At 2:253.22-28 Cartwright is 
accurately quoted. H was relying on memory here, adding the exact quote later as 
a note. See John 3:18. 

2:258.18—22 For example, . . . barbarous. In his epistle to Jubaianus on heretical 
baptism, Cyprian taught that the Christian martyr is baptized by his own blood 
("baptisentur gloriosissimo et maximo sanguinis baptismo"); Opera (1593), chap. 
19, p. 224; PL, 3:1124; see Bayne 289n, and Augustine, De baptismo, 4.22 (PL, 

2:258.22—259.7.6 Againe ivhen some . . . onlie. See Bernard's epist. 70, Ad 
Hugonem: "Si ante exitum resipuerit, et voluerit, et petierit baptizari, sed mortis 
praeoccupatus articulo forte obtinere nequiverit, dum non desit fides recta, spes pia, 
charitas sincera, propitius sit mihi Deus, quia huic ego ob solam aquam, si defuerit, 
nequaquam omnino possum desperare salutem, nee vacuam credere fidem, nee 
confundere spem, nee excidere chariutem, tantum si aquam non eontemptus, sed 
sola, (ut dixi,) prohibeat impossibilitas"; Opera (1552), col. 1245; PL, 182:1035. 
See 2:257.0/ and n, above. 

2:259.15—25 Tell me I besech you . . . stead. "Dieite mihi quid aliud in nobis est, 
nisi voluntas, nisi petitio? . . . Qui habuit Spiritum tuum, quomodo non aceepit 
gratiam tuam? Aut, si quia solemniter non sunt celebrata mysteria, hoc movet; ergo 
nee martyres, si catechumeni fiierint, coronentur; non enim coronantur, si non 
initiantur. Quod si suo abluuntur sanguine, et hunc sua pietas abluit et voluntas." 
H quotes fi^om the funeral oration delivered by Ambrose, bishop of Milan, for the 
Emperor Valentinian II, who was about to be baptized at age 20 when he was 
murdered. See De obitu Valentiniani consolatio, §§ 51—53; Opera (1567), 3:3-13; PL, 

2:259^ Qui ad tolerandam . . . pati. Josephus, De imperio rationis; Opera (1566), p. 
690. "He who has once devoted himself to bear every injury for the glory of God 
seems to me to have fulfilled his martyrdom. Once to have firmly fixed the resolve 
is to have reached the highest merit; and therefore as I said the mental decision 
takes precedence of the fact of suflfering, and if fate deny the opportunity of 
bearing the pain it has nevertheless granted for the martyr all he has will to 
endure" (Bayne, p. 290n). H is quoting from Erasmus's Latin paraphrase (Cologne, 
1524), fol. 341''; sometimes printed in Greek Bibles as bk. 4 of Maccabees, it is 



probably not by Josephus. In line 4, "sors" should be corrected to "fors". 

2:260.3—4 But yeat seinge grace . . . sacramentes. See Aquinas, S.T., 3a.68.2: 
"Deus interius hominem sanctificat cujus potentia sacramentis visibilibus non 
alligatur" (1588), 3:216". "God, whose power is not restricted to visible sacra- 
ments, sanctifies a man inwardly." Compare B, 57:84-87. 

2:260.10-11.^ divers of the schooledevines As Bayne notes (p. 291n): "The 
references in this note are taken from Georg Cassander's De baptismo infantium, pars 
altera (Cologne, 1565). Cassander says that when no contempt of religion, but 
'articulus necessitatis,' has prevented the administering of baptism, some have held 
that God imputes the grace. They think so, 'quod Deus voluntatem pro facto 
deputat, nee gratiam suam sacramentis alligari, nee ad impossibile quenquam 
obligare voluerit.' The pious intention of the will of the parents is imputed to the 
infants. He continues, 'Hanc sententiam . . . aperte professus, vir in rebus divinis 
acutissimus et experientissimus, Thomas Caietanus, ipse Gersonem sequutus, quem 
deinde, secuti sunt Tilmannus ordinis praedicatorii Coloniensis Theologus, et post 
hunc Thomas Elysius Neapolitanus, cujus extat amplum volumen, cui titulum fecit, 
Clypeus priorum aduersus haeretkos.' " 

Gets. . . . Mar. Jean le Charlier de Gerson (1363—1429), French theologian and 
mystic, in a sermon In nativitate beatae Mariae, delivered at the Council of Con- 
stance (1415; Basle, 1518, 3:59; not seen), on the question of whether both Mary 
and Joseph were "in utero sanctificatione"; Cassander quotes: "Clearly God has 
not so tied the mercy of His salvation to the common law of Christian tradition 
and to the sacraments that He cannot, without prejudice to that law, sanctify 
within the womb children not yet born, by the baptism of His grace and the 
power of the Holy Spirit" (Bayne). Cajetan . . . et 2. In response to S.T., 
3a.68.2, "whether any one can be saved without baptism," Cajetan says that 
"baptism in the intention of the parents" is sufficient, referring to Peter Lombard's 
quotation from Gregory the Great: "What the water of baptism effects for us that 
among the ancients was done for children by faith alone, for older people by the 
virtue of sacrifice, and for those of the stock of Abraham by the mystery of 
circumcision" {Sententiarunt libri iV, 4.1; PL, 4:331). Cajetan (Thomas de Vio, 
1469-1534) was a Dominican theologian and reform-minded ecclesiastic whose 
commentary on Aquinas's Summa theologiae marked a notable revival of scholasti- 
cism in the 16C. Bicl . . . q.2. Biel cites Gerson, quoted above. Cassander's 
quotation ends: "When therefore holy men say that no one can be saved unless 
born again, they speak according to the common law . . . , without prejudice to 
special privileges and divine dispensations"; that is, the "remorse of equitie" that 
H cites in line 10. Tilman. . . . c. 1. Segebert Tilman (1502-1537) discusses the 
opinions of Gerson and Cajetan in a work on the seven sacraments (Cologne, 
1546, p. 43; not seen). Cassander quotes him for eighteen pages. Elisius . . • 
baptis. Thomas Elisius (d. 1570) in Clypeus priorum adversus haeretkos (Venice, 
1563; not seen) discusses "whether a child can be baptized in the womb" (chap. 


Book V, Chapter 60.6-61.1 

De baptismo. Art. 3), quotu^ Gerson, Cajetan, and Tilman; Cassander quotes 
eleven pages. 

What ties all these quotes together is the issue of equity, that is, jurisprudence 
that supersedes common or sutute law, which, if stricdy followed, would lead to 
injustice, especially within the 16C context of high infant mortality. On H's 
understanding of equity, see chap. 9.3. 

2:262.j Exod. 4:24. H's ciution, following Whitgift in the Answere (Defense, p. 
515; PS, 2:519), of Exod. 4:24, here and again at 2:287. », calls attention to an 
incident even modem commentators find puzzUng. Moses lies ill, according to the 
GB gloss, "punished with sickenes for neglecting his Sacrament" (circumcision; see 
Gen. 17:9—12). Sephorah circumcises the son and throw^s the "fore skinne ... at 
his fete" (v. 25), a euphemism, as she "most probably simulated a circumcision of 
her husband by touching him w^ith his son's foreskin" (J. B.C., p. 50), for Moses 
was uncircumcised too. GB acknowledges that "This acte ^vas extraordinarie: for 
Moses \vas sore sicke, and God even then required it." As a result, "he ["the 
Lord" of V. 24; "Or, the Anger (GB)] departed from him" and the affliction was 
Ufted. H comments on the same verses at 2:287, g (see n), and i; and see Bayne, 
pp. 323-324n. 

2:262.13—15 when under suf&cient . . . exhibit, "not the want, but the con- 
tempt or neglect onely of the holy Sacrament, can draw any the least apparance of 
the lordes wrath. Neither is that ether neglect, or contempt prejudicial to the 
infant, but to the parents onely, whose faut that is"; Cartwright, 3:124. 

2:262.15—16 Wee have for baptisme . . . circumcision. At a synod held at 
Carthage in 252, Fidus, an African bishop, suggested that infants be baptized eight 
days after birth, in accord with Jew^ish circumcision. This was rejected, Cyprian 
arguing that none should be denied "the mercy and grace of God" anytime after 
birth. See Epistles of S. Cyprian, LOF (1844), pp. 195-196, and Hefele, History of 
the Councib, 1:97. 

2:262.k In omnibus obligationibus ... debetur. "In all obligations where no day is 
laid down the obligation is due today"; Justinian, Digesta, 50.17.14; (1590), col. 
2029; Mommsen-Krueger (1963), p. 920; Scott, 11:298. 

2:262.25—26 What thinges . . . necessitie. The subject of this chapter is more 
properly "private baptism"; see chap. 62.1 (2:268.18). Here H is at odds with 
Cartwright and Calvin (see Inst., 4.15.20), but in agreement with the BCP {1559, 
p. 277). 

2:263.7— 11. m Which custome . . . singularitie: Leo I, writing to the Sicilian 
bishops {Epist. iv. ad Episc. Sicil.), argued that "baptism is to be celebrated not at 
Epiphany but at Easter" (chap. 1). He explained "why we baptize only at Easter 
and Pentecost" (chap. 3) and stated that "in case of necessity baptism is to be given 
at any time" (chap. 5). H translates the final words: "ut in mortis periculo, in 



obsidionis discrimine, in persecutionis angustiis, in timore naufragii, nullo tempore 
hoc verae salutis singulare remedium cuiquam denegemus"; Bayne, p. 295n; PL, 
59:701, as epist. 16. 

2:263.16— 17. « that sentence which Victor . . . tymes. H refers to a letter ascribed 
to Victor I, bishop of Rome (189—199), addressed to Theophilus of Caesarea in 
Palestine, which he located in the liber pontiftcalis or De vitis Romattomm Pontiftcum, the 
earlier portion of which was formerly (and erroneously) ascribed to Pope Damasus 
(304F-384); PL, 127:1279. There Easter is specified as the proper time for baptism. 
Victor adds: "If there is necessity, or peril of death threaten, whatever the place or 
time; whether in a river or on the sea or in other waters, if only the confession of the 
Christian faith is clear, let gentiles who reach the faith receive baptism" (Bayne, p. 
296n); PG, 5:1485. 

2:263.17—264.1 That which . . . home. See Augustine, Contra epistolam Parmenia- 
m, 2.13; Opera (1556), 7:41; PL, 43:70-71; cited by Calvin, Inst., 4.15.20. Parme- 
nian, a prominent Donatist, succeeded Donatus as bishop of Carthage (350?). 

2:264.5—6 objected against Novatian, Novatian (d. 257—258), leader of a rigorist 
faction at Rome following the persecutions of the mid— 3C, wished to exclude the 
lapsed from the church. It was said that he received clinical baptism (that is, the 
delay of baptism until death was believed to be imminent) while severely ill and 
was not confirmed. This was held against him at the time of his ordination. See 
Eusebius, Hist, eales., 6.43, and 2:271.19-272.24.n, below. H also cites Novatian 
at IV.11.12; see 1:318.20-319.1 and n, above. 

2:264.8-13 A man which hath . . . them. The Council of Neocaesarea, 316 AD, 
canon 12: "Si quis in aegritudine constititus, fuerit baptizatus, presbyter ordinari 
non debet. Non enim fides illius voluntaria, sed ex necessitate est, nisi forte postea 
ipsius studium et fides probabilis fuerit, aut hominum raritas cogat"; Concilia 
(1585), 1:471; Hefele, History of the Councils, 1:229, where the date of the synod 
is 314-325. This canon is found in the C.J.Can., 1.57; (Venice, 1584), 1:395-396. 
Bayne (p. 296n) quotes the Greek. 

2:264.22-27.0 It was thought good . . . expiation. Leo VI, the Wise (Byzantine co- 
emperor from 870, emperor 886-912; his new laws are commonly printed after 
the Nouellae of Justinian in early editions of the civil law), novella constitutio 4: 
"Placuit veteribus, ut quae sacrificia et communiones in privatis aedibus fiunt, ab 
illis sacerdotibus, qui ad generales ecclesias pertinent, solis celebrentur. . . . Atque 
hoc quidem ut statuerent, religionis conservandae causa in mentem illis venisse 
videtur, quo videlicet (ut conjicere est) dum nonnulli sacerdotii praetextu lethale 
defectionis malum tegunt, usu non veniat, uti qui profanati sacrificii particeps 
fuerint, longe magis contaminentur quam expientur"; (1590), col. 354; Greek text, 
J. and P. Nepos, >5 Grecoromanum (1931; rpr. 1962), 1:60; PG, 107:431-434; 
English trans., Scott, C.J. Civ., 17:208-209. 


Book V, Chapter 61.1-61.3 

2:264.27—265.5./) Whereas a sacred canon . . . safe. Leo VI, novella 15: "Etiam hie 
venerandae sextae synodi sacer canon, qui non in privatarum aedium oratoriis 
seorsum, sed in solis in communem usum consecraris templis, divinam regeneratio- 
nis lodonem perfici vult, quum similia cum illis jubeat, qui sacrosancta sacrificia et 
mysteria in privaris domibus celebrari vetant. . . . Nam haec tarn stricte sacrum 
synodo decretum constituisse mihi quidem videtur, propter eos qui quanquam 
sacerdotum nomen gerant, profani tamen sunt, et quos ad lavacrum adducunt, 
pollutes reddunt: qui (ut apparet) domos ejusdem opinionis hominum subeuntes, 
non rem divinam &ciunt, sed cum iis qui conveniunt, in auspicati aliquid moliun- 
tur. Hanc vero provisionem umetsi et divinam esse, et mulu salutaria continere 
constet. . . . Verumtamen quum nunc divina gratia omnes perversae opiniones sint 
profligatae, etiam quantum ad hoc attinet, quamobrem reipublicae hoc decretum 
ad prohibendam in privatarum aedium oratoriis regenerationis lotionem obtrudatur, 
nullum equidem esse necessariam causam video"; (1590), col. 360; Nepos and 
Nepos, 1:73; PG, 107: 453-456; Scott, 17:218. 

2:265.^ To allowe ofwemens haptisinge . . . baptise. The passage from Cartwright 
(1:145 [114]), which H cites in a summary form, occurs in the context of Whit- 
gift's assertion that "M. Bucer in his Censure upon the Communion booke" 
approved of the BCP Ministration of Baptism, including baptism of infants by 
midwives under extreme conditions, for to delay baptism was to open a door 
"unto the Devill, to bring in a contempt of baptisme, and so of our whole 
redemption, and communion of Christ which thorough the sect of Anabaptistes, 
hath to much prevayled with many"; Defense, pp. 521—522 (PS, 535—536). Cart- 
wright objected that Bucer's Censura was not published in English, but Whitgift 
was working from either a manuscript or the Latin. Cartwright responds: "... it 
seemeth very straunge/ that Bucer should not only contrary to the learned w^ryters 
now/ but also contrary to all learned antiquity/ and contrary to the practise of the 
church/ whilest there was any tollerable estate/ alow of w^omens baptising, a. 
Tertullian sayeth it is not permitted unto a woman to speake in the churche/ nor 
to teache/ nor to baptise/ nor to do any worke of a man/ muche lesse of a 
mynister [De Virgini. ve.]. b. And in an other place/ although he do permit to be 
done of lay men in the tyme of necessitie (as it is termed) yet he geveth not the 
lycence to the woman [Lib. de Bapt.]. c. Epiphanius upraideth Marcian that he 
sufl&ed w^omen to baptise [Epiph. li.l. contra heres.]/ and d. in an other booke he 
derydeth them that they made women bishops [Lib. 2. ubi. de phrygib. et Priscil.]/ 
and e. in an other booke he sayth/ it w^as not graunted unto the holy mother of 
Christ to baptise her sonne [Lib. 3.]. f Augustin although he were of that minde/ 
that children could not be saved without baptisme/ yet in the tyme of necessitie 
(as it is called) he doth not allow eyther of baptisme in private houses or by 
women/ but when there was daunger the women hasted to cary the children unto 
the church [1. Li. de merit, et remis. peccau 24. ca.]/ and although g. he doe 
seeme to allow of the baptisme of a lay man in the tyme of necessitie/ yet there 
also he mentioneth not >vomens baptisme/ and frirther he doubteth whether the 



childe should be baptised agayne/ which was baptised by a lay man [Contra ep. 
parmen. lib. 2. 13. cap.], h. And in the fourth councel of Carthage it is simple 
without exception decreed/ that a woman ought not to baptise [Tom. 1. con. ca. 
100]." Cartwright's citations supply the notes of H that follow. See 2:266.6-7.n, 

2:265.12-13 The boldnes . . . Teclaes example Tertullian, De baptismo, 17.5; 
Opera (1566), 2:415; CCSL, 1:291; ed. Evans (1972), p. 34; "But if the writings 
wrongly ascribed to St. Paul claim Thekla's example as a license for women's 
teaching and baptizing, let them know that in Asia the priest who composed that 
writing with the view of adding to St. Paul's fame from his own store, after being 
convicted and confessing that for love of Paul he had done it, was deposed from 
his office." The authorship of the apocryphal Acta of Paul and Thecla is uncertain, 
but it is evident that women were highly regarded in Phrygian Christianity. 

2:265. 15-23.r To give baptisme . . . craveth it. Ibid., 17.1-3: "Dandi quidem 
summum habet ius summus sacerdos, si qui est, episcopus; dehinc presbyteri et 
diaconi, non tamen sine episcopi auctoritate, propter ecclesiae honorem quo salvo 
salva pax est. Alioquin etiam laicis ius est: quod enim ex aequo accipitur ex aequo 
dari potest . . . aemulatio schismatum mater est. Omnia licere dixit sanctissimus 
apostolus, sed non omnia expedire: sufficiat scilicet et in necessitatibus ut utaris 
sicubi aut loci aut temporis aut personae conditio compellit: tunc enim constantia 
succurrentis excipitur, quum urget circumstantia periclitantis." 

2:266.2-3.5 Specialities . . . comprehended. Tertullian, De virginibus uelattdis, chap. 
4; Opera (1566), 2:61; CCSL, 1:1213. Posito . . . species. H refers to the 
statement, "A quocunque removetur genus, ab eodem removetur et species," by 
the jurist Azo of Bologna (1150?-1230?) in his scholia on Title 4 of the Codex 
(Divinum pene opt4s); Summa illustris juris consulti Azonis in titulos Codicis (1499), p. 

2:266. < Non permittitur . . . vindicate. Tertullian, ibid., chap. 9.1; (1566), 2:67; 
CCSL, 1:1218. "It is not permitted to a woman to speak in the church, nor to 
teach, nor to baptize, nor to make offering, nor to claim for herself a part in any 
man's functions, least of all in the priesthood"; cited by Calvin, Inst,, 4.15.4. 

2:266.6-7 As for Epiphanius ... Tertullian. Cartwright (1:145 [114]) cited 
Epiphanius, "li. 1 contra haeres.," who "upbraydeth Marcion that he suffi-ed 
women to baptise"; see 2:265.^; Whitgift, Defense, p. 522; PS, 2:535. Cartwright 
got the reference from Calvin; see Epiphanius, Contra octoginta haereses, 42.4, 49.2, 
and 79.3, and Bayne, p. 299n, 

2:266.10-12 Finallie necessitie. See the Fourth Council of Carthage, canon 

100, cited by Cartwright; Whitgift, Defense, p. 523: "Mulier baptizare non praesu- 
mat"; Concilia (1585), 1:761; Hefele, History of the Councib, 2:417. Calvin alleges the 
canon in opposition to baptism by women, a practice to which Augustine subscribed. 


Book V, Chapter 61.3-62.2 

2:266.M T.C. 1.1. p.l44 sorte. See Whitgift, Defense, pp. 518, 520, 523 (PS, 

2:525, 529, 537), and pp. 114-115 in the 1st edn. 

2:267.1 O sir. The direct address recalls the rhetorical stance of the Prefece; see 
Intro, to The Prefice, pp. 78, above, and H's notes on A.C.L. (4:41.29, 51.15, 

2:267. f Nostra . . . iebemus. Augustine, Contra Mendadum, chap. 17; Opera (1556), 
4:51; PL, 40:542. "We must not provide for another's salvation by our own sin." 

2:268.8 minU and commin. The "lesser things of the lawe" of Matt. 23:23 (line 2 and 
x); see 1:260.9-1 l.^.n, above, and 273.7-8.a. 

2:268.16-17 Whether baptisme by women . . . it. H locates the basic issue underly- 
ing the question of baptism by women in the assumption that a validly ordained 
ministry is essential to the conveyance of baptismal grace (see lines 18—25 and 
2:286.2-6). Having aflBrmed the necessity of baptism, he argues that essential to 
valid baptism are "the element, the worde, and the serious application of both" 
(281.23—24; see 279.14—18). Where these are present and necessity demands 
extraordinary action, baptism by laymen, or women, is valid and has been consid- 
ered so by "the godly learned of all ages" (289.17). Furthermore, such exceptional 
baptism proceeds from compassion and is not to be judged as turning "caelestiall 
brede into gravell, or the medicine of soules into poison" (282.32—33). 

2:269.1—2 and z To make wemen teachers . . . absurditie, H does not assert the 
equality of men and women in the church. In this he is in agreement >vith Whit- 
gift, Defense, pp. 503—511 (PS, 2:495—507). Baptism by women was condemned by 
Tertullian (De baptismo, chap. 17) and the Fourth Council of Carthage (2:266.10- 
12.n), but Augustine approved the practice, and it was on the basis of his argument 
that the schoolmen and the medieval councils approved baptism by \vomen not 
only as irregular but valid, but as regular (Peter Lombard, Sent., 4.3A; Aquinas, 
S.T., 3a.67.4). In England opinion was divided between those, such as Tyndale, 
who defended baptism by women as they sought to promote the rights of the laity 
in general, thus foUowing Augustine and the schoolmen, and those, such as John 
Hooper, bishop of Gloucester and Worcester and Protestant martyr (d. 1555), who 
viewed baptism by women as a "profanation of the divine ordinance" ("Answer to 
the Bishop of Winchester's Book," Early Writings, PS, 1:31), and thus followed 
Tertullian, the Council of Carthage, and Calvin, who, amongst the Reformers, first 
spoke against the traditional practice. Calvin was followed not only by Puritans 
such as Cartwright but by Bullinger, Beza, and the Second Helvetic Confession 
(chap. 22), as well. See G. W. Bromiley, Baptism and the Anglican Reformers, pp. 86— 
89. No one looked beneath the immediate issue to see that prohibition of baptism 
by women in the early church was due to social conventions; see L. G. Patterson, 
"Women in the Early Church: A Problem of Perspective," in Toward a New 
Theology of Ordination, eds. M. H. Micks and C. P. Price (Somerville, Mass.: 
Greeno, Hadden, 1976). And see Stephen Sykes, "Richard Hooker and the 



Ordination of Women to the Priesthood," Sewanee Theological Review, 36.2 (1993): 
200-214, rpr. from After Eve, ed. Janet Martin Soskice (London: Marshall Picker- 
ing, 1990). 

2:269.13— 17. fc Clement extendeth . . . priests? The pertinent passage of the 
Apostolic Constitutions (3.9) begins: "De mulieribus autem an hae baptizare 
debeant, significamus vobis, quod non parvum periculum imminet eis, quae hoc 
faciunt. Ideo non consulimus: periculosum est enim, imo iniquum et impium. . . ."; 
"As regards the administration of baptism by women, we give you to know that 
those attempting it incur no small danger. Wherefore we give no such counsel. 
The thing is dangerous. Nay, it is lawless and impious" (Bayne, p. 303n). There 
follows the passage quoted by H: "Quod si in praecedentibus docere eas non 
permisimus, quomodo quis eas praeter naturam sacra facere concedat? Haec est 
enim inscitia ad Graecorum impietatem pertinens, foeminis deabus sacrificulas 
instituere"; Clement I, Clementina (1570), p. 250; PG, 1:781 (Bayne quotes the 
Greek, p. 303n). The Apostolic Constitutions, an early collection of ecclesiastical 
law, date from the later 4C, but were associated with Clement (fl. 96?), probably 
the third bishop of Rome after Peter (OCDD). 

2:269.20-24.<: as when the Church . . . God. H truncates the end of this passage in 
Cartwright (1:144 [113]): "For as the heathen had women priests, so it [the Church 
in its decline] would have also hir [= their] women priests, and that this was an 
other occasion of brynging in the baptisme by women, it appeareth by your 
Clement, if he can speake any truth" (Bayne, p. 302n). 

2:270.9-10 Wee may not . . . prohibitions. The legal principle enunciated here 
was bound to make the Puritans despair. H is drawing on his fourth fundamental 
proposition (chap. 9.3). 

2:210.d Licita prohibentur, . . . illicita. "Lawful things are forbidden lest if they 
were allowed they should become the occasion of unlawful things." Bayne (p. 
304n) notes that the passage is not where H cites it: Institutiones, 1.21, De authori- 
tate tutorum, § 1; CJ.Civ.: Institutiones (1569), pp. 60-61; nor in the D«^es/,. 6.1.9; 
C.J.Civ.: Digesta (1575), 1:828-829. He suggests the Digest, 1.18,6, which contains 
the gloss: "Praetextu liciti, non debet committi illicitum." 

2:270.14—16 And it male be . . . necessitie is. Bridges, who defended baptism 
by women or other lay persons when necessity required it {Defence, p. 580), reports 
that w^hen the practice was discovered without the presence of necessity the persons 
involved were punished (pp. 576-577). Bishop Cooper is reported as saying that 
those responsible for preparing the Elizabethan BCP asserted in Convocation that 
the book neither maintained baptism by midwives nor taught that children dying 
without baptism were doomed. The "book only taketh order and provideth, that 
if the child be baptized by the midwife rebaptizing be not admitted"; see M. Some 
laid out in his colours, p. 66. 


Book V, Chapter 62.2-62.5 

2:271/ Una est nativitas . . . iterari. Prosper of Aquitaine, Sententiae, no. 331; 
Opera (1539), p. 212; PL, 51:479. "There is one birth earthly, there is another 
heavenly; one of the flesh, another of the Spirit; one of eternity, another of 
mortality; one of male and female, another of God and the Church. But those two 
are each single. For as the womb cannot be entered again so baptism cannot be 
repeated." Prosper gathered the Sentences from Augustine, this one from Tract. 11, 
Injoannem, § 6. Ejafratres . . . haurire. Zeno, 4C bishop of Verona, Invitatio ad 
fontes, no. 15; Sermones (1508), sig. K3'; PL, 11:482. "Haste, brethren, to the 
nourishing ^vater of the birth-giving font that its waters may always be sufficient for 
you, kno^ving this before all else, that this water may never be poured away nor 
ever drunk a second time" (see Bayne, p. 305n). 

2:271.14—16.^ seconde baptisme . . . voyde. See Augustine, De baptismo contra 
Donatistas, 2.14; (1555), 7:85'; PL, 43:138. "Which is more dangerous, never to be 
baptized at all or to be baptized a second time, is difficult to be decided. But I see 
which men most detest and abhor" (Bayne, pp. 305— 306n). 

2:271. 17. /i Tertullian In De baptismo, chap. 15, Tertullian denies that heretics have 
the same God or Christ as the orthodox, in that the heretics have not the same 
baptism as the orthodox: "Consequently, they have not the one because they have 
not the same baptism. As they have it not in proper form, there is no doubt that 
they have it at all"; ed. Evans (1964), p. 33; Opera (1566), 2:414; CCSL, 1:290. 

2:271.17.1 Agrippinus This predecessor of Cyprian held the first Council of 
Carthage (215?), which decided that heretics must be rebaptized. See Cyprian, 
epist. 71.4, Ad Quintum de haereticis baptizandis; Opera (1593), p. 214, and epist. 
73.3, Adjubaianum; (1593), p. 219. 

2:271.19-272.24 Novatian . . . heritiques. Following the Decian persecution 
(249-250), a question arose as to the readmission to the church of those who had 
lapsed from it. Cornelius, bishop of Rome, took what some believed to be a lax 
attitude, while Novatian, a presbyter, took a rigorist position. The same tension 
between laxity and rigorism was evident with regard to the rebaptism of those 
baptized in a schismatic church. In Africa, Donatus led a synod to agree that 
schismatics should be rebaptized. Cyprian agreed, arguing that rebaptism was 
essential, there being no baptism apart from the one true church under a rightfril 
bishop. By 254 Cyprian was disputing with Stephen 1, bishop of Rome, who, 
according to Cyprian (epist. 74.1, 24), judged all baptisms by heretics to be lawful, 
so long as the required verbal formula and ritual acts were used. Whereas the 
attitude of the Roman church was pastoral, that of the Novatianists and of the 
North Afirican church, led by Cyprian, was dedicated to the preservation of the 
church's doctrinal and moral purity, although Cyprian's rigor was not as harsh as 
that of the Montanists. As Bayne observes, Calvin for H is "the Cyprian of the 
sixteenth century" (pp. 301-302). See III. 1.9 (1:199-201) and nn, above. 

2:212.j Eus. 1.7- . . . 76. Eusebius, Hist, eales., 7.1-3, tells of Cyprian's struggles 



over heretical baptism, principally with the bishops of Rome, Cornelius and 
Stephen I. See PG, 20:639-642. For Cyprian's own account in epist. 70-76, see 
Opera (1593), pp. 211-251; LOF (1844), pp. 232-312. 

2:272.16-17 The Bishop of Rome ... customes, Eusebius, Hist, eccles., 7.3 
(PG, 20:641—642), says that "Stephen who thought that no innovations should be 
made contrary to the tradition that had prevailed from antiquity, was gready 
offended at this" (Bayne, p. 307n). 

2:272. fe nii ipsi Episcopi . . . Lucifer. Jerome, Aduersus Luciferianos; Opera (1516), 
3:66''; PL, 23:178. "Those very bishops who had ruled with Cyprian that heretics 
should be rebaptized, returning to ancient custom, put forth a new decree" (Bayne, 
p. 307n). vide et August. . . . c.2.3. Augustine, Contra Cresconium grammaticum, 
3.2-3, discusses Cyprian's views; Opera (1555), 7:54'; PL, 43:497. et 
ep.48. Epist. 48.10 to Vincentius; (1555), 2:38^^-39'; PL, 33:339, as epist. 93. 

2:272./ Dixisti fieri . . . noscuntur. Optatus (fl. 365), bishop of Milevis in Numidia, 
De schismate Donatistarum, 1.10; (1549), sig. A3'; PL, 9:905. "You said that it could 
not be that in a false baptism the defiled could wash clean, the impure could purify, 
the over-thrower could make to stand, the lost could make free, the accused give 
pardon, the damned absolve! But all this can be true only of heretics who have 
falsified the Creed; one saying that there are two Gods when there is one; another 
wishing the Father to be known in the person of the Son; a third withdrawing 
from the Son of God the flesh whereby the world is reconciled to God; and others 
there are of Hke kind who are known to be separated from the sacraments of the 
Catholic Church" (Bayne, p. 307n). 

2:272.23-24 In which heretiques. H here identifies the moderate position 

with regard to baptism by heretics, the rule being that the heresy of baptising by 
heretical ministers does not nuUify the sacrament, unless their heresy touches "the 
highest articles of the Christian faith," such as is indicated by Optatus in /. 

2:273. l-2.m For the baptisme . . . rebaptised. Canon 19 of the Council of 
Nicaea (325) ruled that when the followers of Paul of Samosata (bishop of Anti- 
och), condemned for heresy in 268, desire to return to the Catholic church, "the 
rule which orders them to be rebaptized must be observed"; Concilia (1585), 1:570; 
Hefele, History of the Councib, 1:430. Cathari (or Novatianists) were simply required 
to receive imposition of hands (canon 8; Hefele, 1:410). On the Pauhanists, see 
2:21 2.1 3-1 4.n, above. 

2:273.2-6.M It was likewise . . . Trinitie. Canon 9 [H has 8] of the first Council 
of Aries (314) decreed, with Afiicans having their own law in mind, that any 
heretic coming into the church should be interrogated concerning the Creed, and 
if it is determined that he has been baptized in the name of the Father and the Son 
and the Holy Spirit, "hands only shall be laid upon him, that he may receive the 
Holy Ghost. But if when asked for his Creed he shall not confess this Trinity, he 


Book V, Chapter 62.5-62.10 

is to be baptized" (Bayne, pp. 307-308n); (1585), 1:606; Hefele, 1:188. H read 
"Arianis" for "Afris" as did numerous MSS, but the Council met in 314 concern- 
ing Donatists, not Arians. 

2:273.6—28.0 Dionysius . . . cleare. H is paraphrasing a passage from an epistle of 
Dionysius, bishop of Alexandria (d. 265?), to Xystus (Sixtus), bishop of Rome, as 
quoted by Eusebius, Hist, ecdes., 7.8 [H: 7.9]; Eusebius, Opera (1549), p. 579; PG, 
20:655—656. Cartwright quoted this passage to show that the presumed invalidity 
of baptism in any case does not imply the necessity of rebaptism (3:135). 

2:274. 1 Donatistes The Donatist schism began in the Diocletian persecution (303— 
305), in the African province of Numidia, when conflict broke out between the 
"Traditors" (those w^ho handed over the Scriptures and other church property to 
the persecutors) and the rigorists (those who followed the example of Cyprian, 
resisting the demands of the persecutors and defending the church's purity). H's 
account is faithful to the earliest accounts. Insisting that those baptized by the 
traditors be rebaptized on entering their church — the true, pure church — the 
Donatists were condemned at a synod of Rome (313), and imperial laws were 
enacted against them under Theodosius and Justinian; see the Theodosian Code, 
16.5; Justinian, Codex, 1.6.2; (1575), p. 58. 

2:274.11—12 Caecilian was ordeined . . . Carthage, Known, as here, for his role 
in combatting the Donatist schism, Caecilian (d. 345?) was bishop of Carthage from 
311 and the only bishop of Latin Africa known to have attended the Council of 
Nicaea (325). He was opposed by the rigorist party, who (as H notes) consecrated 
a rival bishop, Majorinus. 

2:275.6.^ Optatus . . . against Parmenian. As cited at 2:272./. 

2:276.3-5 the teachers . . . them. Vincent of Lerins, Adversus pro/anas omnium 
novitates haereticorum commonitorium, chap. 23: "Dicebamus ergo in superioribus quod 
in Ecclesia Dei tenutio esset populi, error magistri: et tanto major tentatio quanto 
ipse esset doctior qui erraret"; in Tres gravissimi, perpetuae Catholicae ftdei constantiae, 
testes (1594), p. 223; PL, 50:660, as chap. 17. On Vincent, see 2:221. M.n, above. 

2:276.8— 12. r saith Vincentius . . . hell. Ibid., chap. 11: "O rerum mira conversio! 
auctores ejusdem opinionis catholici, consecutores vero haeretici judicantur: 
absolvuntur magistri, condemnantur discipuli: conscriptores librorum filii regni 
erunt, assertores vero gehenna suscipiet"; (1594), p. 199; PL, 50:646, as chap. 6. 
See Bayne, 31 In. 

2:276.12—16.5 The invectives . . . follie. The law Adversarios in the Theodosian 
Code, 16.6.4, beginning "Adversarios catholicae fidei," is an edict ascribed to the 
emperors Arcadius (383-408), Honorius (393-423), and Theodosius II (401-450) 
against the Donatists. It attacks them as schismatics become heretics who violate the 
sacraments, repeating baptism "et homines semel ut traditum est munere divinitatis 
ablutos contagione profanae repetitionis inficerent, ita contigit ut haereses ex 



schismate nasceretur"; Mommsen-Meyer, 1.2:881-882; Pharr, pp. 464—465. The 
law Nullus rebaptizandi (16.6.6) is an equally severe edict of Honorius and 
Theodosius II, in which the followers of Novatian are named; Mommsen-Meyer, 
1.2:883-884; Pharr, p. 465. 

2:276. ( 1. siquis . . . 413. A citation of the edicts quoted above as found in Justinian, 
Codex, 1.6.2; (1590), col. 68; Krueger (1963), p. 60; Scott, 12:72. Title 6 is "Ne 
sanctum baptisma iteretur." 

2:277.11 the Anabaptist rebaptiseth The "Anabaptist" movement began 21 
January 1525 when George Blaurock was "rebaptized" by a layman, Conrad 
Grebel, in the home of Felix Mantz in Zurich. While the name was applied 
generally to the radical reformist groups of the Reformation, it was technically 
descriptive of those who insisted on rebaptism. A mandate of Emperor Charles V, 
issued 23 April 1529, applied the imperial laws against Donatism to the Anabaptists 
including the death penalty of the Justinian Code; see 2:274. l.n, above. See G. H. 
Williams, The Radical Reformation (Philadelphia: Westminster Press, 1962), pp. 238- 
240. On the association of the Puritans with the Anabaptists, and its impact on the 
Lawes, see Intro, to The Preface, pp. 49-50, above; and see Bancroft, Sermon 
Preached at Paules Crosse, pp. 24, 86-87. 

2:277.21-24 if baptisme . . . sacrament; A key expression of what H conceived 
to be essential; see chaps. 58.3 (2:250.11-14), 62.14 (2:279.14-17), 62.15 
(2:281.23-24), and 2:268.16-17.n; and see Paget, Introduction, pp. 165-166 (2nd 
edn., p. 210). 

2:277.31-278.1 Weetake. . .sacrament? ParaphrasingCartwright, 1:144 [114]; see 

2:278. f 9. q.2 c. Lugdunensis. See Gratian, Deaetum,, containing the 
answer of Pope Urban II to Hugo, archbishop of Lyons, C.J. Can. (Venice, 1584), 
1:1150-1152; Friedberg, 1:605. At "Lugdunensis" the Glossa ordinaria has this 
statement of the case: "Hugo, Archbishop of Lyons, asked Urban, whether he 
could tolerate in his own orders certain clerics ordained by other bishops. Urban 
answers. Yes, he can, in a spirit of mercy, if they are of good life, and if they were 
ordained without any stain, after due penance has been imposed. He supports his 
decision by the example of John Chrysostom, who tolerated his own clergy 
ordained by the holy Epiphanius, and received them in his own orders, which he 
would not have done if he had known that they had not received orders" (Bayne, 
p. 313n). c. ex literis . . . contrac. See Gregory IX, Decrelales, 4.16.2; C.J. Can. 
(Venice, 1584), 2:1527-1529; Friedberg, 2:708. The title concerns "matrimony 
contracted against the interdict of the Church." The words of chap. 2 are referred 
to: "Although they ought not to have contracted against the order of the Church 
yet the matrimony must not for this be dissolved. But a penance must be imposed 
because they contracted in spite of the Church's prohibition" (Bayne, p. 313n). 
Damas. . . . ohtinet. Damasus Bohemus (early 13C Bolognese canonist), Veteris 


Book V, Chapter 62.10-62.15 

juris ecdesiastid, canonidque dodoris, Burdiardica (1564), fol. 72. Regula 109 states that 
"Many things are to be tolerated when done although there was a prohibition 
against their being done." H's Latin paraphrases the solutio that follows the list of 
places, pro and contra, from which H derives the first two references. In compiling 
the note H may well not have consulted the Deaetales but simply took the refer- 
ences as given here. Whitgift, Defense, p. 504 (PS, 2:497), makes the same argu- 
ment but does not cite the maxim. See Bayne, pp. 313— 314n. 

2:279.x 1.1. p.l65. Page 131 in die 1st edn. See Whitgift, Defense, p. 596 (PS, 3:87). 

2:280.8-9.)' minister be . . . baptisme? Expounding Matt. 28:29, Cartwright 
writes: "althowgh baptism be not instituted here, which was instituted in the ministery 
of John the Baptist, nor here be mentioned any drcumstance: yet the minister of that 
institution, which is no drcumstance, but a subordinate efficient cause, may wel be 
appointed" (3:117); see also 3:138. 

2:280.10-12.2 What if the ministers . . . require? Cartwright, 3:127: "I affirm it 
a necessary point of the Sacrament, that yt be ministred by a Minister. . . . For this is a 
matter of doctrine, and a matter of faith: even in that narrow signification, that he 
taketh of matters of faith. This is none of the variable ceremonies, which alter by 
the diversity of tymes, of countreis, and of persons. . . ." 

2:280.0 Bez. ep.2. . . . haptisarim. Beza, epist. 2, Thomae Tilio Fratri Symmystae 

obseruando; Epistolarum theologicarum . . . liber unus (1573), p. 28; epist. 865, Corre- 
spondence de Theodore de Beze, ed. Hippolyte Aubert et al. (Geneva: Librarie Droz, 
1986), p. 198. 

2:281.8 adverbs more then perbes, Bayne (p. 316n) identified the allusion. A letter 
of the Scottish Jesuit, William Crichton (Creitchton), to Sir Francis Walsingham, 
related how he dissuaded William Parry from attempting to assassinate the queen; 
"William Creitchtons Letter to sir Francis Walsingham, Febr. 20. [1584/5]." Bayne 
sutes that it was "published by royal command" but the STC has no record of it. 
It was, however, printed by Holinshed in his Chronides (1587). Crichton writes: 
"First he alleged the utilitie of the deed for delivering of so manie catholikes out 
of miserie, and restitution of the catholike relligion. 1 answ^ered, that the scripture 
answereth thereto, saieng: Non sunt fadenda mala, ut veniant bona. So that for no 
good, how great that ever it be, may be wrought anie evill, how little that ever it 
be. He replied that it was not evill to take awaie so great evill and induce so great 
good. 1 answered, that all good is not to be doone, but that onelie: 'Quod bene et 
legitime fieri potest.' And therefore, 'dixi Deum magis amare adverbia qu^m nomina. 
Quia in actionibus magis ei placent bene ac legitime, quhm bonum. Ita ut nullum bonum 
liceat facere, nisi bene et legitime fieri possit. Quod in hoc casu fieri non potest' "; Holin- 
shed's Chronides of England, Scotland, and Ireland (London, 1808), 4:472. Crichton is 
said to have been set free in consequence of this letter, which Parry's confession 
occasioned. See DNB and Camden's Annales (1717), 2:428. 



2:280.23-281.28 baptistne is an action . . . required. Here H defines baptism 
as a moral, ecclesiastical, and mystical action. Moral action concerns not only the 
doing of baptism according to the necessary outward matter and form but the 
doing of it well, with requisite religious affection; ecclesiastical action concerns 
ecclesiastical laws governing the performance of the baptismal rite; mystical action 
concerns (outwardly) element, word, and intent, and (inwardly) life and regenera- 
tion. See 1.7—8 and Aristotle, N.E., on the distinction between human and divine 
laws, opus operatum and opus operantis, the deed and the mind; see also Bayne, p. 

2:281.32-282.1 The summe of all . . . effect. See Cartwright, 3:128, 139. 

2:282.25-283.6 The exercise ... vanisheth. On jurisdiction, see VI. 1-2. 

2:283. fc Factum alterius . . . plurimum. Justinian, Digesta,, citing Ulpian; 
(1590), col. 1369; Mommsen-Krueger (1963), p. 636; Scott, 8:309. "The deed of 
one person ought not to bring harm upon another person." Item Alphen. . . . 
insti. Ibid., 28.5.44; (1590), col. 935; Mommsen-Krueger (1963), p. 422, as 
28.5.45; Scott, 6:224-225, as 28.5.44. Alfenus is the lawyer firom whom the law is 
quoted; it contains a saying that "no one by another's deed" can suffer loss of 
rights. Maleficia . . . paen. Justinian, Codex, 9.47.22; (1590), col. 780 (reading 
"Peccata igitur suos teneant auctores: nee ulterius progrediatur metus, quam 
reperiatur delictum"); Krueger (1963), p. 392; Scott, 15:79. "Let evil deeds affect 
the doers of them and not other parties." The rule begins: "Sanctimus ibi esse 
poenam ubi et noxa est" (Bayne, p. 318n). For H on equity, see chap. 9.3. 

2:283.1 8-29. c as Augustine understood . . . avoyde. In epist. 23, Ad Bonifacium, 
Augustine begins by quoting Cyprian, De lapsis, chap. 7; Opera (1593), p. 279: "Ac 
ne quid deesset, inquit, ad criminis cumulum, infantes quoque parentum manibus 
impositi vel attrectati, amiserunt parvuli, quod in primo statim nativitatis exordio 
fuerant consequuti." Augustine then comments: "Amiserunt, dixit, quantum 
attinuit ad illorum scelus, a quibus amittere coacti sunt. Amiserunt in eorum mente 
ac voluntate, qui in illos tantum facinus commiserunt. Nam si in seipsis amisissent, 
remansissent utique divina sententia, sine ulla defensione damnandi. Quod si sanctus 
Cyprianus arbitraretur, non eorum defensionem continuo subiiceret, dicens: Nonne 
illi cum iudicii dies venerit, dicent: Nos nihil fecimus. ... "; Augustine, Opera 
(1556), 2:90; PL, 33:361, as epist. 98.3. Whitgift cites the same letter; Defense, p. 
608 (PS, 3:111). See 2:294.9-22.m and n. 

2:284. 4-21. <f St Augustines . . . baptisme. The reference to Augustine, Contra 
epistolam Parminiani, 2.13, goes back to Whitgift, Defense, p. 518 (PS, 2:526); H's to 
Cartwright, 3:139, is to his response to Whitgift; see 2:263.1 7-264. l.n, above. 
Augustine, Opera (1556), 7:41; PL, 43:70. 

2:284.23-285.8 I doubt . . . given. Ibid.: "Quanquam etsi laicus aliqua pereunti 
dederit necessitate compulsus, quod cum ipse acciperet, quomodo dandum esset 


Book V, Chapter 62.15-62.21 

addidicit, nescio an pie quisquam dixerit esse repetendum. Nulla enim cogente 
necessitate si fiat, alieni muneris usurpatio est: si autem necessitas urgeat, aut 
nullum, aut veniale delictum est. Sed et si nulla necessitate usurpetur, et a quolibet 
cuilibet detur, quod datum fuerit non potest dici non datum, quamvis recte dici 
possit illicite datum. Illicitam autem usurpationem corrigit reminiscentis et poeni- 
tentis affectus. Quod si non correxerit, manebit ad poenam usurpatohs quod datum 
est, vel ejus qui illicite dedit, vel ejus qui illicite accepit, non tamen pro non dato 
habebitur"; Opera (1556), 7:41; PL, 43:71. Keble (2:299n) suggested that Cart- 
wright mistook the force of the idiom "nescio an"; "nescio . . . repetendum" 
ought therefore to be translated, "I hardly think a man may piously say it ought to 
be iterated"; but Cartwright was following Calvin {Inst., 4.15.20), who cited the 
passage as proof that Augustine doubted the validity of lay baptism. Norton trans- 
lates: "I carmot tell whether a man may godlily say that it ought to be iterate"; H's 
conclusion (lines 9—1 1) more accurately represents Augustine's position; see Bayne, 
p. 320n. 

2:285/ tfu scale This image was taken from Augustine, Contra litteras Parmeniani, 
2.13; the passage cited above continues: "Neque unquam per devotum militem, 
quod a privatis usurpatum est signum regale violabitur"; Opera (1556), 7:41; PL, 

2:286.11—12 delictum ... harmes. Compare the maxim of Roman law, "In 
omnibus noxa caput sequitur"; Justinian, Digesta, 47.1.1, 2; (1590), col. 1757; 
Mommsen-Krueger (1963), p. 813; Scott, 10:243. "In all [actions] the crime 
follows the person." 

2:286.^ I say , . . them. Like Calvin {Inst., 4.15.22), Cartwright saw Sephorah's 
(Zipporah's) action as contrary to God's will. Whitgift, Defense, p. 517 {Works, PS, 
2:524), disagreed, saying that Sephorah "did circumcise in a poynt of extremitie 
and not wilfully or of purpose: and that circumcision was a true circumcision, 
though it were not done ordinarily." Cartwright responded (3:126) that it is 
nowhere apparent that the Lord required circumcision if there were no "ordinary 
minister" available. In this last point Cartwright disagreed with Calvin. See 
2:262.y.n, above. 

2:287. /i Mala passis . . . consol. "For sufferers we feel compassion, not anger." 
Apparendy a paraphrase of the last words of Lib. 4, prosa 4; see Boethius, Opera 
omnia ([1570]), p. 1080. "And when we doo judge that men that be sycke in their 
bodyes, be not worthy to be hated but rather worthy to be pytied, even so much 
the more are they not to be hated, but to be pitied whose myndes wckednese 
greaveth, that is more fierce and cruell, than any syckenes of the body"; De 
consolatione philosophiae, trans. George Colvile (1556; STC 3201), sig. X2"'. 
Boethius (480?— 524?), philosopher and statesman, fiiend and adviser to Theodoric, 
composed the Consolation while in prison awaiting execution. 



2:288 A2.j Phinees Phinehas was priest whose religious zeal became proverbial in 
Israel; with Ps. 106:30 compare Numb. 25:7-11. 

2:289.31 Interrogatories in baptisme The next two chapters concern questions 
addressed to sponsors or godparents in the baptismal rite, answered on behalf of the 
infants (see B.C. P., 1559, p. 273). Concerning the renunciation of evil and the 
confession of faith, the questions were addressed to the infant in the 1 549 Prayer 
Book, reflecting medieval custom (Maskell, ed., Monumenta ritualia, 1:22—24) and 
the Lutheran teaching that infants have real faith and that sponsors are simply their 
mouthpieces. Reformed churches, influenced by Calvin, did not believe that there 
was faith in infants. It was under such influence that the interrogatories were 
addressed to the godparents in the second Edwardian Prayer Book, with the 
conviction that the godparents simply gave a pledge of future repentance and faith 
with their own faith as surety (Bromiley, Baptism and the Anglican Reformers, p. 130). 
The author of "A View of Popishe Abuses" went further still, arguing for the 
abolition of the questions, faulting the BCP for requiring godparents to promise 
that "which is not in their powers to perform" and profaning baptism by asking 
"questions of an infante, which can not answere, and speake unto them" {P.M., p. 
26). Cartwright argued in support of such abolition, preferring a plain confession 
of faith made by the sponsors themselves, while Whitgift believed that such 
argument led directly to the heresy of the Anabaptists; Whitgift, Defense, pp. 612, 
620; PS, 3:118, 134-138; Strype, Whitgift, 3:Append. 16. As Whitgift viewed the 
problem, godparents accepted repentance and belief on behalf of the infant who 
would later confirm them. H accepted this and expanded on it (chap. 64.4). 
Bromiley argues that Puritans and their antagonists fundamentally agreed, more so 
than they would admit; nevertheless, Anglicans retained the interrogatories "not 
merely because they were ancient, but because they set out the baptismal condi- 
tions, tightened the bond between sponsor and sponsored, and provided a starting- 
point for subsequent catechetical instruction" (p. 133). 

2:289.33-34 All that are . . • made. H's discussion begins with preliminary 
considerations, arguing the necessity of belief (2:290.26— 28) for entrance into the 
family of Christ and for participation in eternal life; the fact that the sacraments 
("the signes of Gods love") cannot be enjoyed without faith (291.12-13; note the 
use of "therefore"); the fact that sin destroys faith, darkness obliterating heavenly 
illumination: "That the minde therefore maie abide in the light of faith, there must 
abide in the will as constant a resolution to have no fellowship at all with the 
vanities and workes of darkenes" (291.28-292.1). Because there are two covenants, 
(1) the relinquishment of Satan and (2) obedience to the faith of Christ, we have 
interrogatories of two kinds in the BCP. 

2:290.6-18 All pointes . . . require. The distinction between "demonstrable 
conclusions" and "demonstrative principles" is that between philosophy and 
theology, or natural reason and revelation; see Aquinas, S.T. la.2.1, resp. 


Book V, Chapter 62.21-63.3 

2:290./ Apostate . . . Julia Quoted by Gregory of Nazianzus as if from the decree 
of Julian the Apostate, by which the emperor attempted to control education for 
the benefit of paganism. The entire passage reads: "Literature and the Greek 
language are naturally ours who are worshippers of the gods; illiterate ignorance 
and rusticity are yours whose wisdom goes no fiirther than to say, 'beUeve' " 
(Bayne, p. 326n); Opera (1550), p. 296; PG, 35:636. Compare Calvin, Inst., 

2:290.24— 26. m The mysteries . . . comprehend. Justin Martyr's exposition of the 
faith, Quaestiones et responsiones ad orthodoxos, is not now^ considered to be by him, 
having been composed after the Council of Nicaea (325); but see Opera (1551), p. 
181, the text H used. 

2:291.0 Spiritus Sanctus . . .fidem. Jerome, Adversus Ludferianos, chap. 4.9 (abridged 
by H); Opera (1516), 3:63"; PL, 23:164. "The Holy Spirit is not made a dweller in 
that temple which has not a true faith as its priest" (Bayne, p. 327n). 

2:291.20 faith be an intellectuall habit On faith as an intellectual habit, see 
Aquinas, S.T., 2a2.4.1, resp. For H faith is related to both the object of the will 
(the good) and the object of the intellect (truth). His discussion here seems scholas- 
tic, but in his discussion of love H demonstrates his awareness of the Reformation 
understanding of faith as the personal apprehension of divine grace. Luther speaks 
of "the trust and faith of the heart" (Larger Catechism, Book of Concord, p. 365). 
Calvin speaks of faith as "a knowledge of God's will toward us, perceived from his 
Word," but it is also knowledge of Christ whom we receive. Christ is "the goal of 
our faith" {Inst., 3.2.6). Intellect and will are involved in the context of a saving 
interpersonal relationship. See Cert, znd Just., § 15 (5:122.28-123.2). 

2:292. l-3.f Two covenantes . . . Christ. See Isidore of Seville, De eadesiastids 
offidis, 2.24: "Duae sunt pactiones credentium. Prima pactio est, qua renuntiatur 
diabolo et pompis ejus, et universae conversationi illius. Secunda pactio est, qua se 
in patrem et filium et spiritum sanctum credere fatetur" (1534), sig. Ml"; PL, 
83:821. "There are two covenants of believers. By the first he renounces the devil 
and his pomps and all his conversation. By the second he confesses his faith in the 
Father, the Son, and the Holy Ghost" (Bayne, p. 328n). 

2:292.^ Ambros. . . . c.4. Hexaemeron, 1.4: "Derelinquit enim et deserit, qui 
abluitur, inteUigibilem ilium Pharao principem istius mundi, dicens, Abruncio tibi, 
diablole, et angelis tuis, et operibus tuis, et imperiis tuis"; PL, 14:129. Compare 
Calvin, Irtst., 4.15.11: "Baptism indeed promises to us the drowning of our 
Pharaoh" (LCC, 2:1312; see Exod. 14:28). 

2:292.r Tertul. de spectac. De spedaculis, chap. 4: "Cum aquam ingressi Christia- 
nam fidem in legis suae verba profitemur, renuntiasse nos diabolo et pompae et 
angelis ejus ore nostro contestamur" (CSEL, 20:6; PL, 1:635). 

2:292.5 'Oaoi ... avocyEW&vrai. Justin Martyr, Apology 1, chap. 61; Opera 



(1551), p. 159; PG, 6:420. "All then who are persuaded and believe that the things 
taught and affirmed by us are true; and undertake that they can live accordingly; are 
taught to pray and with fasting to ask from God remission of their former sins; and 
we pray and fast w^ith them. Then we bring them where there is water, and by the 
regeneration which regenerated us they too are regenerated" (Bayne, p. 328n). 

2:292.20-293.2 'They profane . . . parlia. P.M., p. 26; see 2:289.31.n, above. 

2:293.3 The same defended . . . p.l68. See Cartwright, 1:169 [134]: "And as for 
thys questioning/ it can be little better termed/ then a very trifeling and toying. 
For first of all/ children have not/ nor can not have any faith/ having no under- 
standing of the word of God/ I will not deny/ but children have the spirite of 
God/ whych worketh in them after a wonderful fashion. But I deny that they can 
have faith which cometh by hearing/ and understanding whych is not in them." 
Compare Whitgift, Defense, pp. 610-611 (PS, 3:115). 

2:293.7-17 The Anabaptist . . . mockerie. See 2:277. ll.n, above, and Corpus 
Christi College, Cambridge, MS 113 (38), p. 294, containing a condemnation of 
the Anabaptist teaching on infant baptism: "we condempne and refuse the doctryn 
of them which teache that baptisme is only a signe of penaunce and obedyence and 
that for this cause it shoulde not appartein to infants, because thei cannot as yet 
nether repent neyther obey the word of god. This doctryne is repugnant and 
contrary to the doctryn of the apostles and it doth subvert and destroye the nature 
of all the sacraments because they be instituted and ordeyned of Christ to this end 
and effect that thei may be to the whole Churche and in all the members therof 
without exception a mysticall seale of the righteousnes of faithe, that is to say of 
free acceptinge and allowing unto the grace and favor of god the father for Christes 
sak which righteousnes is called of the apostle the righteousnes of faithe, because 
we attain it by a free and undeserved promyse when we have herd the gospell by 
faith only so that we deserve it not by any kind of our repentaunce or obedyence. 
For this thinge we have the manifest doctryn of the appostell St. Paule." 

2:293.17-18 They with whome ... infantes; Unlike Whitgift, H does not 
identify the Puritans with the Anabaptists on this matter of infant baptism. In fact 
it was widely taken for granted in 16C England by both sides that there had been 
infant baptism from the time of the Apostles. That there was no such baptism, 
however, until the time of TertuUian (see De baptismo, chap. 18) is demonstrated by 
Joachim Jeremias in Infant Baptism in the First Four Centuries (London: SCM Press, 

2:294.9-22. M If, (saith he) . . . thereof Augustine, epist. 23, Ad Bonifacium: "Si 
constituam, inquis, ante te parvulum, et interrogem, utrum cum creverit, futurus 
sit castus, vel fur non sit futurus, sine dubio respondebis, nescio. Et utrum in eadem 
parvula aetate constitutus, cogitet aliquid boni vel mali, dices, nescio. Si itaque de 
moribus eius futuris nihil audes certi promittere, et de eius praesenti cogitatione, 
quid est illud quod quando ad baptismum offeruntur, pro eis parentes tanquam fidei 


Book V, Chapter 63.3-64.4 

doctores respondent, et dicunt illos facere, quod iUa aetas cogitare non potest, aut 
si potest, occultum est? . . . Ad istas ergo quaestiones peto breviter respondere 
dignehs, ita ut non mihi de consuetudine praescribas, sed rationem reddas"; Opera 
(1556), 2:92; PL, 33:363, as epist. 98.7. 

2:294.1/ Sicut credere . . . perdpiendo. Ibid.; Opera (1556), 2:93; PL, 33:363, as epist. 
98.10. H's text summarizes the passage in which this quotation is located. 

2:295. u/ Multum mirabilis . . . nosse. Augustine, epist. 57, Ad Dardanum, also 
known as De praesentia Dei liber; Opera (1556), 2:272; PL, 33:840, as epist. 187.6. 

2:295.24—296.2 This ... a reasonable cause. Augustine, epist. 23, Ad Bonifadum: 
"Respondi sicut existimo quaestionibus tuis, quantum attinet ad minus capaces et 
ad contentiosos non satis, quantum autem ad pacatos et intelligentes plus forte 
quam sat est. Nee tibi ad excusationem meam obieci firmissimam consuetudinem, 
sed salubenimae consuetudinis reddidi quam potui rationem"; Opera (1556), 2:94; 
PL, 33:363, as epist. 98.10. 

2:296.x If children . . . elecUd. Cartwright's text (1:169 [136-137]) follows the 
passage cited at the head of this chapter. 

2:296.13-14 For Mrhen w^ee know^e . . . heaven. Matt. 19:14; and see the gospel 
account of the baptismal rite, Mark 10:13-16; B.C.P., 1559, p. 271. 

2:296.)' 2.Joh. 1. Verses 1 and 4; see A.C.L., p. 36, and H's response, 4:51.21— 

2:297.fl Stipulatio . . . responded Justinian, Digesta,; (1590), col. 1654; 
Mommsen-Krueger (1963), p. 770; Scott, 10:95. "A stipulation is a form of words 
by which he who is questioned replies that he will give or will do what the 
question requires." In hac re . . . Faciam. Justinian, Institutiones, 3.16 [H: 15]; 
(1590), col. 57; Krueger (1963), p. 36, as 3.15.1; Scott, 2:111. "In this matter the 
following formulae have been handed down: 'Do you pledge yourself? I pledge 
myself. Do you promise? I promise. Do you promise faithfully? I promise faithfully. 
Do you go bail? I go bail. Will you give? I will give. Will you do? I Avill do' "; see 
Bayne, p. 334n. 

2:297. fr Gen. 17:14. GB notes of "the uncircumcised man childe," "whosoever 
contemneth the signe, despiseth also the promes," that is, "my covenant." 

2:297.c Accommodat . . . salventur. Augustine, Sermon 10, De verbis ApostoU; Opera 
(1556), 10:296; PL, 38:950, as serm. 176.2. "Their mother the Church provides for 
them the feet of others to come with, the hearts of others to believe with, the 
tongues of others to confess with; that as in their sickness they are weighed down 
by another's sin (Adam's), so in their cure by another's confession they are made 
whole" (Bayne, pp. 334-335n). 

2:297.20-21 Albeit therefore . . . persons See Aquinas, S.T., 3a.68.12, for an 



explanation of the baptism of persons insane or mentally deficient ("amentes et 
furiosos"); and see S.T., 2ala.ll3.3 and 3a.68.12. 

2:298.2 None more fitt This section asks, why godparents and not parents? The 
ansNver is given at 2:299.5—14. Compare canon 29 of 1603: "No parent shall be 
urged to be present, nor be admitted to answer as Godfather for his own child." 

2:298. </ T.C. 1.1. p. 172. Page 137 in the 1st edn. The "View of Popishe Abuses" 
states that rather than godparents, the father of the infant shall present it to be 
baptized and make confession of faith {P.M., p. 27), but if the parents are prevent- 
ed by necessity from attending, some members of the congregation may present the 
child (p. 15). In the Answere, Whitgift asked, "What if the parentes be of evil 
behaviour? . . . what if the parentes be Papistes? . . . [or] heretikes?"; see Defense, p. 
620 (PS, 3:135). Cartwright repUed (1:172 [137]): "If one of the parents be neyther 
drunkarde nor adulterer/ the chylde is holy by vertue of the covenaunt/ for one of 
the parents sake. If they be bothe/ and yet not obstinate in their synne/ whereby 
the church hathe not proceeded to Excommunication/ . . . their chylde can not/ 
nor ought to be refused. To the second question .... If bothe be Papistes/ or con- 
demned heretikes/ . . . and cutte of from the church/ then their children can not 
be receyved; because they are not in the covenaunt: if eyther of them be faithfull/ 
I have answeared before that they ought to be receyved." A similar statement was 
made in Convocation (1562); Strype, Annals, 1.1:508. 

2:298. e Hi enim qui . . . intelliguntur. Justinian, Institutiones, 1.25.pref ; (1590), col. 
15; Krueger (1963), p. 9; Scott, 2:30. "For these, who for the republic fell, by their 
glory are held to live for ever" (Bayne, p. 336n). 

2:299/ Offeruntur . . . ftdelium. Augustine, epist. 23; Opera (1556), 2:19"; PL, 
33:362, as epist. 98.5. "For children are offered for the reception of spiritual grace, 
not so much by those in whose hands they are held — although by them too if they 
be good and faithful — as by the whole society of saints and believers"; quoted by 
Aquinas, S.T., 3a. 68. 9, "Utrum pueri sint baptizandi"; B, 57:106—111. *A^l- 
ouvrai . . . paxrlapan. Justin Martyr, Quaestiones et responsiones ad orthodoxos, 
Resp. 56; Opera (1551), sig. Rf; PG, 6:1297. Not by Justin. "The children are 
deemed worthy of the benefits of baptism by the faith of those who bring them to 
baptism." See Bayne, p. 336n. 

2:299.22-300.2 // commeth . . . God, Augustine, epist. 23: "lUud autem nolo te 
fallat, ut existimes reatus vinculum, ex Adam tractum, aliter non posse dirumpi, nisi 
parvuli ad percipiendam Christi gratiam, a parentibus oSerantur. Sic enim scribens 
dicis, ut sicut parentes fuerunt authores ad eorum poenam, per fidem parentum 
identidem iustificentur, cum videas multos non offerri a parentibus, sed etiam a 
quibuslibet extraneis, sicut a dominis servuli aliquando offeruntur: Et nonnunquam 
mortuis parentibus suis, parvuli baptizantur ab eis oblati qui [in] illis huiusmodi 
misericordiam praebere potuerunt. Aliquando etiam quos crudeliter parentes 
exposuerunt, nutriendos a quibuslibet, nonnunquam a sacris virginibus colliguntur, 


Book V, Chapter 64.4-65.0 

et ab eis ofienintur ad bapdsmum. Quae certe proprios filios non habuerunt ullos, 
nee habere disponunt: ac per hoc nihil aliud hie fieri vides, nisi quod in Evangelio 
scriptum est, cum dominus interrogasset, quis illi a latronibus sauciato, et semivivo 
in via derelicto proximus fliisset. Responsum est enim, Qui in ilium fecit miseri- 
cordiam [Lk. 10]"; Opera (1556), 2:92; PL, 33:362, as epist. 98.6. 

2:300.^ Si Arriatur . . .factunu. John Cassian, De incamatione Domini, 6.5; in John 
of Damascus, Opera (1559), p. 1025; PL, 50:150. "If you were a supporter of the 
Arian or Sabellian heresy, and I did not use your o\vn creed, I w^ould still confute 
you by the authority of holy scripture. . . . What then if I were so to deal with 
you? What would you say? What would you answer? Would it not be this . . . 
That in it you were baptized, in it you were bom again? . . . And truly even in a 
bad case it would be no unreasonable defence and give a plausible reason for error, 
except that it unites obstinacy to error. . . . But now, as you were bom in a 
Catholic city, brought up in the Catholic faith, regenerated by the Catholic 
baptism, how can I treat you as an Arian or Sabellian? Would that you were one! 
I should grieve less that you had been brought up in evil than that you have lapsed 
fi-om good; less that you had never had the faith than that you had had it and lost 
it. ... I ask you, O heretic, nothing unfair, nothing harsh. Do this in the Catholic 
faith which you were about to do fi-om obstinacy" (Bayne, p. 338n). De incamatione 
Domini was written at the request of Leo the Great to aquaint the West with the 
teachings of Nestorius (line 18). 

2:300./j Tertull. 1. de Spectac. See TertuUian, De spectaculis, chap. 4.3; Opera 
(1566), 2:368; CCSL, 1:231. "If it shall appear that the whole apparatus of the 
show^s is idolatrous, without doubt it will thereby be determined that the profession 
of renunciation in the laver of baptism has reference to the shows, which, as idola- 
trous, are subject to the devil, his pomp and his angels" (Bayne, pp. 338— 339n). 

2:301 . 1 1 Of the Crosse in baptisme Its use, obligatory according to the BCP {1559, 
p. 275), was opposed by the Puritans {P.M., pp. 14, 27), who regarded it as an 
unwarranted addition to the sacrament as instituted by Christ, an example of 
human presumption, and "tantamount to instituting a new sacrament" (Davies, 
W.E.P., p. 63). The issue commanded considerable attention (Bromiley, Baptism 
and the Anglican Reformers, p. 153) and was influenced by the literary debate taking 
place between RC and C of E polemicists. The RC John Martiall pointed out that 
Elizabeth was a defender of the cross, retaining it in the Chapel Royal over the 
protests of the reformers; A treatyse of the Crosse gathred out of the Scriptures (1564; 
STC 17496), fols. 1—3. Canon 30 of the 1604 Canons lengthily defends its use, 
reflecting some of the arguments used by H. See E. Cardwell, ed., Synodalia (1842), 
2:178—182. In chap. 65 H defends what he calls a worthy human tradition (§ 2), an 
outward ceremony such as all Christians have (§§ 3—4), of value because it serves 
to edify, being "a signe of rememberance to put us in minde of our dutie" (§ 4), 
thereby helping us to avoid sin and apostacy (§§ 7—8). The tradition has been 
abused and made a symbol for gross superstition, but the English church neither 



omits the custom nor regards it superstitiously (§§ 11). H deals at length with the 
Puritan analogy between the serpent of brass in Hezekiah and the symbol of the 
cross (§§ 12-15), denying that the two are really comparable and insisting that the 
cross was superstitiously used neither in the beginning nor in the present (§16— 
18). Finally, the best way of reformation is not to abolish that which has been 
abused and to substitute its opposite — such a procedure is dangerous, for the 
opposite is not free from all vice — but to bring back that which has been abused 
"to a right perfect and reUgious usage" (§ 20). So it is with the cross: it is "now 
reformed in the mindes of men" (§21). 

2:301.17 former Rites, Concerning the elaborate medieval rites, see Maskell, 
Monumenta, 1:13-36; and see Bayne, p. 340n. 

2:301.19—28 TTie crosse . . . serpent. H is summarizing Cartwright, 1:170-171 
[135—136]. The reference to Hezekiah was introduced in a discussion of apparel; 
see Whitgift, Defense, p. 294 (PS, 2:70), citing Cartwright 1:60 (1st edn.). 

2:301.31— 302.3. « If of this . . . doth. TertuUian, De corona militis, chap. 4; one of 
the earliest references to the custom of Christians' daily and repeatedly making the 
sign of the cross: "Harum et aliarum ejusmodi disciplinarum si legem expostules 
scripturarum, nullum invenies: traditio tibi praetendetur auctrix, consuetudo 
confirmatrix, et fides, observatrix. Rationem traditioni, consuetudini, fidei, 
patrocinaturam aut ipse perspecies aut ab aliquo qui perspexerit disces"; "If of this 
and the like customs thou shouldest require some commandment to be shewed 
thee out of Scriptures, there is none found. Tradition will be pleaded to thee as 
originating them, custom as confirming, and faith as keeping them. What reason 
there is to justify tradition, use, or custom either thou mayest of thyself perceive, 
or else learn of some other that doth" (Bayne, pp. 340-341n); Opera (1566), 1:747; 
CCSL, 1:1043, as chap. 3. De corona concerns the refusal of a Roman soldier, who 
is also a Christian, to wear the laurel crown. 

2:302.y Traditiones non scriptas . . . relinquamus. Cyprian, epist. 74; Opera (1593), 
p. 233; see PL, 4:412 and 43:192-193. Cyprian was writing to Pompeius, bishop 
of Sabrata, defending the rebaptism of heretics against the objections of Stephen, 
bishop of Rome (see 2:271. 19-272. 24.n, above). Stephen wrote: "Nihil innovetur 
nisi quod traditum est"; Cyprian replied, "Unde ista traditio?" Pamelius (Jacques 
de Pamele, RC scholar) annotated Cyprian's Opera (Antwerp, 1568), arousing a 
response from Simon Goulart (1543—1628): "We assert that unwritten traditions, 
if they concern doctrine, must agree with written doctrine. ... In the case of ritual 
and ecclesiastical traditions the order and edification of the churches must be 
reasonably considered; but such as are useless and hurtful, not to say foolish and 
superstitious, we leave to their patrons" (Bayne, p. 34 In). H cites Pamelius in 
VI. 4. 12, X (see 3:42.x and n), and George Cranmer recommends that H cite him 
as "A papist, and therefore not likely to impeach the credit of any thing supposed 
to be written by the Auncient fathers" (3:128.17-18; see n, below). Goulart was 


Book V, Chapter 65.1-65.7 

a Genevan pastor and scholar whose 1593 edn. of Cyprian H uses in V, as here; 
see 2:31l.b,c, and iiS.y-c and nn. 

2:303.7—9 wee use this ceremonie . . . dutie. H alludes to the principle of edifica- 
tion connected to the concept of adiaphora. See Bridges' Defence, p. 800: "Have we 
anie [ceremonies] at al, except those that either God himselfe hath prescribed, or we 
have ground and graunt of the lawfiill use of them, out of God's ivord? or, that, being 
of their nature meere indifferent, have as much reason as will for them to be used, not 
under the colour, but in verie deede, onelyfor order and decende, and so consequentlie^r 
edification, and not otherwise. And may not indifferent ceremonies be so used?" 

2:303.15—18 By ^vhich good reason . . . Christ. See "A View of Popishe 
Abuses," P.M., p. 24; chap. 68.3, below; and Whitgift, Defense, p. 599 (PS, 3:93- 

2:303.21-22 Guiltie . . . Christ. Alluding to passages in Cartwright, 1:171 [136], 
quoted in k and m, above. Compare Whitgift, Defense, p. 617 (PS, 3:129). See 
Cartwright, 3:227. 

2:304.13-18 Simon, seest thou . . . ointment. H's translation of Luke 7:44—46; it 
resembles BB and is not at all close to GB. 

2:305.0 T.C. 1.1. p. 170 Page 136 in the 1st edn. of crossings (line 7) Passage 
quoted in ik is omitted here, abused, (line 10) Cartwright cites Tertullian, De 
corona militis, here. 

2:306.15—22 and q Witnesses . . . levell. Lucius Annaeus Seneca, Epistulae morales, 
1.11: "Magna pars peccatorum tollitur, si peccaturis testis adsistat. Aliquem habeat 
animus, quem vereatur, cujus auctoritate etiam secretum suum sanctius facial. . . . 
Elige itaque Catonetn: si hie videtur tibi nimis rigidus, elige remissioris animi 
virum, Laelium; elige eum, cujus tibi placuit et vita et oratio, et ipsius animum 
ante te ferens et vultus, ilium semper tibi ostende, vel custodem vel exemplum. . . 
Nisi ad regulam, prava non corriges' "; Scripta quae exstant (1587), p. 80. Seneca is 
commenting on the saying of Epicurus: "We ought to choose out some good man, 
and always fix him before our eyes, that we may so live as if he always looked on 
and do all things as if he continually beheld" us (Bayne, p. 345n). See also epist. 
1.25; (1587), pp. 94-95; Loeb, 1:182-86. 

2:307. r To voeiv ^vxaaicu;. Aristode, De anima, 1.1.9; 403*; "Thought 

is either the presentation of an image or not independent of such presentation"; 
Opera (1550), 1:283. H and others translate (fKXVTaaia as "imagination." Bayne 
observes (p. 346n): "In scholastic phraseology 'Stasia' means the process or faculty 
of forming mental representations of things not actually present." 'H }lkv . . . 
XoyiOTiKoi^ Ibid., 3.11.2; 434*; "The faculty of representing images of sense 
exists in irrational animals; but the faculty of representing images for deliberation 
only in animals that reason"; (1550), 1:302. 1550 and modem edns. have aXXoic; 
for dXoyoK;. Tot pev KtveiTat. Ibid., 3.7.5; 431 ; "Thus then the 



reason, while employing as its materials the images of sense, grasps from among 
them general ideas; and in the same manner as it determines for itself within these 
images what is to be pursued and what avoided, so also outside the actual percep- 
tion of these objects it is, when engaged merely with the images of sense, stirred 
to action" (Bayne, p. 346n). 1550 and modem edns. omit 6 v. 

2:307.5 Frons hominis . . . est. Pliny the Elder, Historia naturalis, 11.37; (1559), 
col. 292. "Only man has a face, all other animals have a muzzle or beak. Others 
also have brow, but only with man is it an indication of sorrow and gaiety, mercy 
and severity" (Loeb, 3:516, as chap. 51). 

2:307. f Ezech. 9:4. Cited by Cyprian, Ad Demetrianum, § 19, in connection with 
making the sign of the cross in baptism; Opera (1593), p. 330. 

2:307. M 'EpuOpaivovrai y&p oi aiaxuv6pevoi. Aristode, N.E., 4.9; 
1128 ; Opera (1550), 2:23. "For when people feel shame they blush" (Bayne, p. 

2:307. f Caro signatur . . . muniatur. Tertullian, De resurredione mortuorum, chap. 8; 
Opera (1566), 1:86; CCSL, 1:931.3. "The flesh is signed with the cross that the 
soul may be fortified" (Bayne, p. 347n). 

2:308. 10-1 7. tf Cyprian exhortinge . . . safe. Cyprian, epist. 56.7, Ad Thibarita- 
nos, de exhortatione martyrii: "muniantur oculi, ne videant detestanda simulachra: 
muniatur frons, ut signum Dei incolume servetur: muniatur os, ut dominum suum 
Christum victrix lingua fateatur. Armemus et dextram gladio spiritali, ut sacrificia 
funesta fortiter respuat, ut eucharistiae memor, quae Domini corpus accipit, ipsum 
complectatur, postea a Domino sumptura praemium caelestium conorarum"; Opera 
(1593), p. 156, as epist. 4.6; CSEL, 3.2:664-665; PL, 4:357, chap. 9. 

2:308.21-29. X You that were . . . abhorred. Cyprian, De lapsis, chap. 1: "Parati ad 
patientiam careens, armati ad tolerantiam mortis, repugnastis fortiter saeculo, 
spectaculum gloriosum praebuistis deo, secuturis fratribus fuistis exemplo. . . . 
Sanctificata ora caelestibus cibis post corpus et sanguinem domini, profana contagia 
et idolorum reliquias respuerunt. . . . Frons cum signo Dei pura diaboli coronam 
ferre non potuit, coronae se domini reservavit"; Opera (1593), p. 227; CSEL, 
3.1:237-238; PL, 4:466, chap. 2. 

2:308. y Erant enim . . . coronarii. Tertullian, De corona militis, 7.6 (5); Opera 
(1566), 1:751. Although in CCSL (1:1049) "coronarii" is "coronati," it is "coro- 
narii" in 1566, and hence not a misprint in H: "for suppliants used to wear 
crowns" (Bayne, p. 348n). Chapter 7 argues that crowns have been identified with 

2:310.z "EoTca ... <^pTiK&. Aristotle, Rhetoric, 1.6; 1362*; Opera (1550), 
2:190. "Let that be good . . . which guards such things, or which such things 
follow upon, or which hinders their opposites, or destroys them" (Bayne, p. 350n). 


Book V, Chapter 65.7-65.14 

2:311.(1 Ozias rex . . . protnerentur. Cyprian, De unitate ealesiae, chap. 16; Opera 
(1593), p. 301; PL, 4:514, chap. 18. "King Uzziah was spotted in his forehead 
with a kind of leprosy, being marked by God's anger in that part of his body 
where those are signed who receive God's grace" (Bayne, p. 350n). 

2:311.6-8 ■wee neither otnitt it . . • bene: An expression of the Anglican 
principle of the golden mean as applied to ceremonies. 

2:31 l.fc Quamvis . . . immunes. Goulart's armotation of Cyprian's ^ J DcmefnaMMm, 
§ 19; Opera (1593), p. 333. "Although the ancient Christians used the outward 
sign of the cross they did so without superstition, as I have said in another place, 
and the doctrine of Christ's merit kept the faithful free from the error which 
afterwards stole upon them" (Bayne, p. 351n); see 2:302.y.n, above. 

2:311.22— 24.C This . . . observe. Goulart's annotation of Cyprian's epist. 56.7, Ad 
Thibaritanos, where the Goulart has before him Pamelius's comment on Cyprian's 
statement, cited above, 2:308.10—17, "muniatur frons, ut signum Dei incolumne 
servetur." Goulart says that Christians in the ancient church did not regard making 
the sign of the cross as essential but as "a mark of Christianity" done in defiance 
of pagan ridicule of the crucified Christ. He concludes with the statement quoted 
by H: "Ceremoniam illam, olim indifferentem, Christianis hodie necessariam esse 
minime existimamus"; Cyprian, Opera (1593), pp. 157—158. 

2:312.8-13.</ Wherein ... considered. H has in mind Cartwright, 1:81 [60], 
^vhere the vestments prescribed are compared to the "brazen serpent," given by 
the Lord as a means of remembrance of God's care for his people, adored as god 
by the people, and destroyed as a result. Whitgift, Defense, p. 294 (PS, 2:71), asked: 
"do you thinke that any man doth worship the apparell, as the Israelites did 
worship the serpent?" Cartwright replied (3:261): "althowgh no man worship the 
apparel, by falling down before yt: yet he may have a damnable opinion of yt, and 
as hard to be pulled owt, as the other." 

2:313.22— 25. e if our predecessors . . . authoritie. Gratian, Decretum, 1.63.28: "Per 
hoc magna auctoritas ista est habenda in Ecclesia, ut si nonnulli ex praedecessoribus 
et majoribus nostris fecerunt aliqua, quae illo tempore potuerunt esse sine culpa, et 
postea vertuntur in errorem et superstitionem, sine tarditate aliqua, et cum magna 
auctoritate, aposteris destruantur"; CJ.Can. (Venice, 1584), 1:435—436; Friedberg, 
1 :244. The citation is Gratian's own observation on an edict he ascribed to a Pope 
Stephen. Bayne (p. 353n) supplies the context: "The paragraph describes how the 
right of the emperor to control the election of the pope was gradually abrogated. 
The case of the brazen serpent was analogous, for 'Hezekiah . . . broke in pieces 
the brazen serpent that Moses made'; . . . God had ordered that serpent to be made 
lest by the bites of the serpents the people should perish; but for that reason the 
people began to worship and venerate it, wherefore the king destroyed what 
Moses at God's command had made." The source is uncertain. 



2:314.6 a lump ofbrasse, That is, "the brasen serpent that Moses had made ... he 
called it Nehushtan" (2 Kings 18:4). GB glosses: "That is, a piece ofbrasse: thus 
he calleth the serpent by contempt, which notwithstanding was set up by the 
worde of God, and miracles were wroght by it: yet when it was abused to idola- 
trie, this good King destroyed it, not thinking it worthie to be called a serpent, but 
a piece ofbrasse." 

2:314.13—16/ Shapes and counterfeits . . . heaven. Around 389 AD the Alexandrians 
revolted when the pagan temple of Bacchus was destroyed and the temple of 
Serapis fortified. "Olympius" (line 12) is otherwise unknown. He may be Olympi- 
dorus (bom before 380; died after 425), a Greek historian whose memoirs (written 
407—422), now lost, were used by Sozomen. In the passage quoted by H, the 
pagans are being told that they should choose to die rather than neglect the gods, 
nor should they be discouraged by the destruction of idols and forsake their gods, 
for "asserens imagines ac statuas nihil aliud esse, quam materiam corruptibilem, ac 
proinde ad nihilum potuisse redigi: inhabitasse autem his virtutes quasdam, et eas 
iam in coelum avolasse"; Hist, eccles. (1581), p. 753. 

2:314.31—315.12.^ Thomas . . . reference. H paraphrases Aquinas, S.T. 3a.25.3. 
Bayne supplies the context: Art. 3 "considers, 'Utrum imago Christi sit adoranda 
adoratione latriae'? Four reasons to the contrary are given, of which the third is 
that 'adoratio latriae' ["sacrifice of thanksgiving"] is due to Christ by reason of His 
divinity, not by reason of His humanity; but to the image of His divinity, per- 
ceived by the rational soul, 'adoratio latriae' is not due; still less to the material 
image of His humanity." H paraphrases the response to this: "Ad III dicendum, 
quae creaturae rationali debetur reverentia propter seipsam, et ideo si creaturae 
rationali, in qua est imago Dei, exhiberentur adoratio latriae, posset esse erroris 
occasio, ut s. [scil.] motus adorantis sisteret in homine, inquantum est res quaedam, 
et non ferretur in Deum, cuius est imago, quod non potest contingere de imagine 
sculpta, vel picta in materia sensibiU"; (1588), 3:98"^"; B, 50:192-197. The whole 
article is relevant; see Bayne, pp. 354— 355n. 

2:316. /» Joseph. . . . c.8. See Josephus, Antiquitates Judaicae, 17.8 {Opera, 1566, p. 
368), 18.3 (p. 385), and De hello Judaico, 2.8 (p. 515). Loch, Josephus, 8:440-441, 
9:42-43, and 2:388-389, respectively. 

2:316. t Theire Eagles, . . . Gods. See Dio Cassius (155—251), Greek historian of 
Rome, Historiae Romanae, bk. 40, sub anno 701; (1592), p. 143, where the golden 
eagle, kept in a shrine in the camp, is mentioned; and Herodian of Syria (170?— 
240?), History, 4.8, where mention is made that worship is given to the ensigns and 
images kept in the shrine of the camp. Loeb, 1:412—415. 

2:316.27 the example of Ezechias Hezekiah (Ezechias), king ofjudah ?715— 687 
BC, was known for his oppostion to pagan worship; see 2 Kings 18:4 and 2 Chron. 


Book V, Chapter 65.15-66.1 

2:318.19 Josias Also king of Judah, ruled 640-609 BC; his reform program is 
recorded in 2 Kings 22:3 and 2 Chron. 34:8-35:19. 

2:318.17—29 some thinges are ... ease. H distinguishes three kinds of ceremo- 
nies: 1. Those evil by nature that must be destroyed. 2. Those corrupted in use, 
incapable of reform, that must be removed. 3. Those, such as the sign of the cross, 
that though abused can be reformed. 

2:319.22-26 For in scares ... both. See Aristotle, N.E., 2.9; 1109*; Opera 
(1550), 2:11. "Enough has now been said to show that moral virtue is a mean, and 
in w^hat sense this is so, namely that it is a mean betw^een tvv^o vices, one of excess 
and the other of defect; and that it is such a mean because it aims at hitting the 
middle point in feeUngs and in actions" (Loeb, p. 111). 

2:320.30 of confirmation afier baptisme. In chap. 66 H has in mind objections 
made by the Admonitioners against the BCP's confirmation rite, listing them in § 
9: (1) that it is explained as being a sacrament derived firom apostolic practice; (2) 
that only a bishop may do it, inferring that it is better than baptism; and (3) that 
the imposition of hands w^ith prayer is believed to convey strength beyond the 
grace bestowed 'in baptism {P.M., pp. 27—28). Richard Crick, fellow of Magdalen 
College, Oxford, and chaplain to the bishop of Norwich, responded to accusations 
made against a sermon he preached at Paul's Cross in 1573: "Touching confirma- 
tion I noted first that the papists had made a sacrament of it, and preferred it 
before baptisme because Baptisme doth conferr (as they say) primam gratiam, and 
confirmation doth absolve it and make it perfect and I sayd (with Mr. Calvin as I 
remember) that the name it selfe was not altogether to be liked because whereas 
it was called an other name beside the warrant of the word. Secondlie I sayd that 
they erred herein, because they sayd it was to be ministred by the Bishop only and 
not by anie other minister, all which as I remember I noted out of Mr. Calvin, 
and if they were culpable for so doing, that they were also culpable that use them 
after the same sort. For the thing it selfe I sayd and I say againe that it is necessarie 
being used after the maner of the Apostles"; Inner Temple, Petyt MSS 538, vol. 
47, fol. 476'. H has litde patience with such arguments, believing that as a rite 
composed of the imposition of hands w^ith prayer it is rooted in the OT and the 
NT (§1). The gift of miraculous powers was bestowed generally on all Christians 
at first (§ 2), but such powers could only be conveyed by the Apostles and their 
successors and in time resided in bishops alone (§ 3). The imposition of hands with 
prayer was continued because by this rite there comes grace, not such as is received 
in baptism, but such as assists in the cultivation of virtue and defends against evil 
(§ 4). It was at first a part of baptism, but was differentiated when priests began to 
baptize but could not confirm (§ 5). It is still reserved to bishops, as those highest 
in authority, to whom the rite is most appropriate "for honors sake" (§ 6). 
Confirmation was separated firom baptism as infant baptism grew and confirmation 
was recognized as appropriate for those able to perform the works of the Spirit (§ 
7). The rite becomes an encouragement and exhortation to true godliness. Finally, 



H decries "the deepe neglecte of this Christian dutie" by the bishops of his own 
time (§ 8). 

2:321.5 Caro tnanus . . . illuminetur. Tertullian, De resurredione mortuomm, 8.3; 
Opera (1566), 1:86; CCSL, 1:931. "The flesh is shadowed by the imposition of 
hands that the soul also may be illuminated by the Spirit" (Bayne, p. 361n). 

2:321.12 imposition ojhandes This ceremonial gesture is associated ^vith blessing, 
healing, absolving, ordaining, consecrating, and much else. Implicit in it is the 
ancient understanding of the transmission of power (mana) or spiritual grace from 
one who is recognized as especially endowed with charisma. H's examples are 
draw^n, not from "confirmation" as understood in the BCP, but from examples of 
healing, consecration, and ordination. In the next section he draws closer to 
baptism and confirmation. 

2:322.25— 323. 10. fc They . . . graces) Irenaeus, Adversus omnes haereses, 2.57; (1570), 
p. 160: "quapropter et in illius nomine, qui vere illius sunt discipuli ab ipso 
accipientes gratiam, perficiunt ad beneficia reliquorum hominum, quemadmodum 
unusquisque accepit donum ab eo. Alii enim daemones excludunt firmissime et 
vere, ut etiam saepissime credant ipsi, qui emundati sunt a nequissimis spiritibus, et 
sint ecclesia: alii autem et praescientiam habent futurorum, et visiones, et dictiones 
propheticas. Alii autem laborantes aliqua infirmate, per manus impositionem cutant, 
et sanos restituunt. Jam etiam, quemadmodum diximus, et mortui resurrexerunt, et 
perseveraverunt nobiscum annis multis: et quid autem? Non est numerum dicere 
gratiarum quas per universum mundum ecclesia a Deo accipiens, in nomine Christi 
Jesu crucifixi sub Pontio Pilato per singulos dies in opitulationem gentium perficit 
neque seducens aliquem, nee pecuniam ei auferens. Quemadmodum enim gratis 
accepit a Deo, gratis et ministrat." The Greek (quoted by Bayne, p. 362n) was 
preserved by Eusebius, Hist, eccles., 5.7; see PG, 7:829. 

2:323.10-15 no where . . . power. See Hippolytus, The Apostolic Tradition, ed. G. 
Dix, revised by H. Chadwick (London: S.P.C.K., 1968), pp. 33, 38, etc. 

2:323.15— 18.C St. Augustine . . . them. Augustine, De vera religione, chap. 25; 
Opera (1556), 1:718; PL, 34:142. Augustine was writing of the cessation of spiritual 
or miraculous gifts. "For when the Catholic Church was diffused and established 
through the whole world, those miracles were not permitted to last into our times, 
lest the mind should always demand visible signs, and the human race should wax 
cold by the commonness of that the strangeness whereof at first inflamed them" 
(Bayne, p. 363n). 

2:323.30-324.2.<i there followeth . . . seate. Tertullian, De baptismo, 8.1: "Dehinc 
manus imponitur, per benedictionem advocans et invitans Spiritum Sanctum. . . . 
Tunc ille sanctissimus Spiritus super emundata et benedicta corpora libens a Patre 
descendit, super baptismi aquas tanquam pristinam sedem recognoscens conquies- 
cit"; Opera (1566), 2:409; CCSL, 1:283; ed. Evans (1972), pp. 16, 18. "In the 


Book V, Chapter 66.1-66.6 

passage omitted TertuUian refers to Gen. i.2, 'recognizing as it were His primeval 
seat.' [see t, above], suggesting that Jacob's hands were 'transversely slanted one 
over the other' in a manner prophetical of Christ" (Bayne, p. 364n). 

2:324.4— 11. s How greate . . . adversarie. Cyprian, epist. 2.2, Ad Donatum de gratia 
Dei: "Quantus hie animi potentatus, quanta vis est? non tantum ipsum esse 
subtractum pemiciosis contractibus mundi, ut quis expiatus et purus nuUa incursan- 
tis inimici labe capiatur: sed adhuc maiorem, et fortiorem viribus fieri, ut in 
omnem adversarii grassantis exercitum, imperioso iure dominetur?"; Opera (1593), 
p. 3; PL, 4:204, as epist. 1.5. 

2:324.12—15/ The holie Ghost . . . grace. Eusebius Gallicanus, Homilia in die 
Pentecostes, § 1: "Ergo spiritus sanctus qui super aquas baptismi salutifero descendit 
illapsu, in fonte plenitudinem tribuit ad innocentiam, in confirmatione augmentum 
praesut ad gratiam"; Homiliae (1547), fol. 77'; CCSL, 101:338, as Homily 29, "De 
Pentecosten," § 2. 

2:324.^ August cap.26. Augustine, De Trinitate, 15.26; Opera (1556), 3:473; 

PL, 42:1093. "But how great is God, Who gives God! For none of his disciples 
gave the Holy Spirit. They prayed certainly that He might come upon those on 
whom they had imposed their hands, but they did not themselves give Him. And 
this custom the Church to-day observes in the persons of her bishops" (Bayne, p. 
364— 365n). The chapter discusses the double giving of the Holy Spirit by Christ 
before and after his resurrection. 

2:324.24—27.1 I deny not but . . . baptised. Jerome, Aduersus Luciferanos, chap. 4: 
"Non abnuo banc esse ecclesiarum consuetudinem, ut ad eos qui longe in minori- 
bus urbibus per presbyteros et diaconos baptizari sunt, episcopus ad invocationem 
Sancti Spiritus manum impositurus excurrat"; Opera (1516), 3:63'; PL, 23:172, 
chap. 9. From Whitgift, Defense, p. 588 (PS, 3:64). 

2:325.3-8.j The faithfull in Samaria . . . Ghost. Cyprian, epist. 73.8, Ad 
Juhaianum: "baptizari eos ultra non oportebat: sed untummodo quod deerat, id a 
Petro et Joanne factum est, ut oratione pro eis habiu, et manu imposiu, invocare- 
tur et infunderetur super eos spiritus sanctus. Quod nunc quoque apud nos geritur, 
ut qui in Ecclesia baptizantur, praepositis Ecclesiae oflferantur, et per nostram 
orationem ac manus impositionem Spiritum sanctum consequantur, et signaculo 
dominico consummentur"; Opera (1593), p. 220; PL, 3:1115, as chap. 9. 

2:325.25 Cyprian The documents concerned with controversy about baptizing 
heretics are found in PL, 3:1009-1218, and Cyprian, Epistles, LOF, pp. 220-303, 
excerpted in Stevenson, New Eusebius (1957), pp. 251-258. 

2:325.29 annointinge. See Tertullian, De haptismo, chap. 7: "After that we come 
up from the washing and are anointed with the blessed unction, following that 
ancient practice by which . . . there was a custom of anointing them for priesthood 



with oil out of a horn" (ed. Evans, p. 17). See Hippolytus, Apostolic Tradition, ed. 
Dix, pp. 37-38. 

2:326.14—17 The saftie of the Church . . . priestes. Jerome, Adversus Luciferia- 
nos, chap. 9: "Et tnultis in locis idem factitatum reperimus, ad honorem potius 
sacerdotii quam ad legis necessitatem. . . . Ecclesiae salus in summi sacerdotis dig- 
nitate pendet: cui si non exsors quaedam et ab omnibus eminens detur potestas, tot 
in eclesiis efEcientur schismata, quot sacerdotes"; Opera (1516), 3:63^; PL, 23:173. 
Whitgift cites and translates the passage in Defense, p. 726 (PS, 3:360), and Calvin 
refers to it {Inst., 4.19.4); Whitgift believes Calvin's "words . . . declare a maner of 
confirmation correspondent to ours"; Defense, pp. 785— 7[86] (PS, 3:479—480). 

2:327.28—30 surelie greate . . . belongeth. The rite of confirmation was not 
being used in the English church as the BCP intended. In 1587 Robert Cawdrey 
reported that most bishops had not used it for the past twenty-nine years (Strype, 
Aylmer, p. 89). Thus Whitgift issued a letter in 1591 "to the bishops of his 
province, for the better observance of catechizing and confirming of youth" 
(Works, PS, 3:610—611). In fact, the rite was not rigorously observed in the late 
medieval church; see Dom Gregory Dix, The Theology of Confirmation (Westmin- 
ster, 1946), pp. 32-33. 

2:328.9 faigned decretall epistles These are the so-called "Pseudo-Isidorian forger- 
ies," canonical collections that appeared around the 9C, exposed by Marsilius of 
Padua and Nicholas of Cusa (d. 1465), among others. 

2:328.m T.C. I.l. p.l99. Page 160 in 1st edn.; see Whitgift, Defense, pp. 725- 
726. the popish distinction (2nd line fi-om bottom) Cartw^right refers to Lom- 
bard, Sententia, 4.7: "Virtus autem hujus sacramenti est donatio Spiritus Sancti ad 
robur: qui in baptismo datus est ad remissionem" (Bayne, pp. 368— 369n). 

2:329.13—15 laying . . . untruth Cartwright as quoted in m. See the Second 
Admonition: "Confirmation . . . hath no ground out of the scriptures at all" {P.M., 
p. 117). 

2:330.13 Of the sacrament . . . Christ. Chapter 67 is not directed specifically 
against the Puritans but against all believers engaged in controversy over the Real 
Presence of Christ in the Eucharist, particularly those who deny that presence. As 
such it seeks to explain how the Eucharist continues new life begun in baptism and 
threatened by sin (§ 1). The sacrament does this by means on which all agree, "the 
reall participation of Christe and of life in his bodie and bloode" (§ 2). H contends 
that the focus should not be on the narrow issue of the manner of Christ's 
presence in bread and wine, but rather on the effects of the sacrament in the 
"worthie receiver of the sacrament" (§ 6), the elements being mystical yet true 
instruments that "worke our communion [koinonia] with the person of Jesus 
Christ," the fruit being that grace "whereupon there ensueth a kind of transubstan- 
tiation in us" (§ 11). In the process, H pleads for an end to firuidess contention and 


Book V, Chapter 66.6-67.3 

for the enjoyment of that purpose or fruition of the sacrament on which all agree 
(§ 7). He ends with an eloquent exhortation composed in the style of eucharistic 
adoration (§ 12; esp. 2:343.6-26). H's own position (which he would identify as 
the teaching of the C of E) is that of the "Sacramentaries" (see 2:336.16 and n, 
below), or those identified with the teaching of Calvin, emphasizes an actual, 
although mystical, presence that through proper use results in changed lives. 

2:330.27—28.5 Except ye eat . . . you. H uses this text, as Cranmer had used it in 
the BCP as referring to the Eucharist. Some, such as Dering, denied that John 6.53 
referred to the sacrament; A Sermon preached at the Tower of London ([1570]; STC 
6694), sig. B5'. Others, such as Cooper, concluded that it did; A Briefe Homily 
(1580; STC 5684.5), sig. B2'. Raymond Brown beUeves that John 6:51-58 "con- 
tains genuine traditional material (e.g., eucharistic formula)"; Anchor Bible: The 
Gospel Aaording to John (1966), 1:286. The reference in j should be to verse 53. 

2:331.17-19 Zwinglius . . . Christe. Ulrich Zwingli (1484-1531) and Johannes 
Oecolampadius (1482-1531), the reformer of Basle, both regarded the sacraments 
as signs or symbols rather than as means of grace. Both w^ere denounced by Luther 
in his Das diese Wort Christi . . . noch fest stenhen, wider die Schwarmgeister (1527). 
Zwingli, who denied that physical objects could convey spiritual gifts, emphasized 
the concept of remembrance, arguing that the Lord's Supper was the dramatic 
recalling of Christ's life, death, and resurrection. It is doubtful that H realized the 
importance and antiquity of this understanding of anamnesis ("memorial"), the 
word used in the NT narratives of the Eucharist, 1. Cor. 11:24 ff. and Luke 22:19. 
See 2:336. 16.n, below. 

2:331.34-35 consuhstantiate . . . transubstantiate See 2:338.2-5 and 340.25-341.1 
for H's definitions of these terms. 

2:332.7-9 shall I wishe that men . . . how? Compare George Herbert's "The 
H. Communion" (Williams MS): 

. . . whether bread stay 

Or whether Bread doe fly away 
Concerneth bread, not mee. 

But that both thou and all thy traine 

Bee there, to thy truth, and my gaine, 
Concerneth mee and Thee. 
The Works of George Herbert, ed. F. E. Hutchinson (Oxford, 1941), p. 200. Also, 
the verse attributed to Elizabeth I: 

Christ was the Word that spake it; 

He took the Bread and break it: 

And what the Word did make it. 

That I believe, and take it. 
See J. E. Neale, Essays in Elizabethan History (London: Jonathan Cape, 1958), pp. 



2:334.1 Take, eat, this . . . blood; See Mark 14:22-24 (cited in m); Matt. 26:26- 
28; Luke 22:17-19; and 1 Cor. 11:23-25. H singles out the text at issue between 
Roman Catholics and Protestants. The key words were all discussed, but debate 
centered on the meaning of "is" in "This is my body." Stephen Gardiner upheld 
RC doctrine when he asserted that the words in the text mean \vhat they say: that 
bread is transubstantiated into the Body of Christ; A detection of the devils sophistrie, 
wherwith he robbeth the unlearned people, of the true byleef in the saaament of the aulter 
(1546; STC 11591.3), fol. Vl'. Cranmer disagreed: "our saviour Christ called the 
material] bread whiche he brake, his body, and the wyne ... his bloud. And yet he 
spake not this, to the intente that men shulde thynke, that materiall bread is his 
very body"; A defence of the true and catholike doctrine of the saaament of the body and 
bloud of Christ (1550; STC 6000), fol. 4". 

2:334.19 participation 1 Cor. 10:17. See chap. 56, nn to 2:234.26-27 and 234.33- 
235.3, and Intro, to Book V, pp. 197-199, above. 

2:334.21-32 Everie cause . . . sacrament. See chap. 56.5 and 2:237.15— 18.n, 

2:334.33-335.6. M first Take and eat ... them. The author(s) of .^.C.L. were 
troubled by H's understanding of the institution of the Lord's Supper (see 4:48.20— 
27); H protests: "O savage creature" (4:48.2). 

2:335.20-30 sith we all agree . . . inquire. Cited by A.C.L. as proving that H 
minimized transubstantiation (4:46.27—47.4); see H's response (4:47.14—29) and n. 

2:336.16 Sacramentaries That is, Sacramentarians, so called by Luther because, 
rejecting transubstantiation and consubstantiation, they believed that bread and 
wine can be called body and blood only in a metaphorical or "sacramental" sense. 
In the Formula of Concord (1577) a further distinction was made between those 
"crass Sacramentarians" (such as Zwingli and Oecolampadius; see 2:331.17— 19.n, 
above) who teach "that in the Holy Supper only bread and wine are present, 
distributed, and received orally" and others, "subtle Sacramentarians" (such as 
Calvin), "who in part talk our language very plausibly and claim to believe a true 
presence of the true, essential, and living body and blood of Christ in the Holy 
Supper but assert that this takes place spiritually by faith"; Book of Concord (1959), 
p. 482. A.C.L. cites H here (4:48.7; see n). The term was one of opprobrium, its 
use forbidden by the Royal Injunctions (1559), no. 50; see Bayne, pp. 378-379n. 
John Brerely noted that the Protestants were forced to use the name "Sacramenta- 
ries" to distinguish their various groups and cited H in this place for proof; see The 
Apologie of the Romane Church (1604; STC 3604), p. 243. Brerely was identified as 
Lawrence Anderton in S.R.H., p. 220, but he was actually James Anderton; see A. 
F. Allison, "Who Was John Brereley? The Identity of a Seventeenth-Century 
Controversialist," Recusant History, 16.1 (May 1982): 17-41. 

2:337.9 Marcionites Followers of a Christian sect found at Rome in 2C by 
Marcion of Sinope; see l:182.2-16.n, above. In this insunce H has in mind the 


Book V, Chapter 67.4-67.11 

"&lse doctrine" noted in the Formula of Concord: "That Christ did not have a 
true human nature with a body and a soul, as Marcion imagined"; Book of Concord 
(1959), p. 490. See Calvin, Inst., 4.17.17; Lawes, IV.11.9; and 4:92.4-15, 138.10- 
29, and nn, above. The allusion to Marcion in this context is commonplace in the 
16C, as Bayne observes (p. 380n). 

2:338.1' Acceptum panem . . . posset. Tertullian, Aduersus Mardonem, 4.40.3; Opera 
(1566), 1:467; CCSL, 1:656; ed. Evans (1972), 2:492. "The bread which He had 
taken and distributed to the disciples, that He made His own body, by saying 'This 
is my body,' that is, the figure of my body. But there could have been no figure 
unless there were first a veritable body, for an empty thing which a phantasm is 
could not have a figure" (Bayne, p. 38 In). Tertvillian is here arguing against 
Marcion's docetism; see 3.8; ed. Evans (1972), 1:192; and 2:231.1— 5.n, above. 

2:338.t^ Secundum heec . . . substantia. Irenaeus, Adversus omnes haereses, 5.1; Opera 
(1528), p. 294; PG, 7:1124 (chap. 2). "According to this neither has the Lord 
redeemed us with His blood, nor will the cup of the Eucharist be the communion 
of His blood, nor is the bread which we break the communion of His body. For 
blood can only come firom veins and fiesh, and the rest of man's substance wherein 
the Word of God was truly created" (Bayne, p. 381n). H omits, after "substantia," 
"qua vere factum est Verbum Dei." 

2:338.x Ei Toivov avaxXi)o6ev. Theodoret, Dialogue II; (1547), fol. 38'; 

PG, 83:165; ed. Ettlinger, p. 151.23-26; "If therefore the divine mysteries are 
types of the true body, the body of the Lord is now a body, not changed into the 
nature of His divinity, but filled with the divine glory" (Bayne, p. 381 n). H's text 
omits, after xd a&pia, eeiov ^4vTOl Kai 6ea7ioTiK6v aa>pa. 

2:338.y Sacramenta . , . mysteriis. De coena Domini, attrib. to Cyprian (see 2:240. 
28.c.n, above), chap. 7; Opera (1593), p. 501; PL, 189:1644. "Sacraments indeed, 
considered in themselves, must have their own power, and the majesty cannot 
absent itself fi-om the mysteries"; see Bayne, p. 381n. 

2:338.2 Sacramento . . . devotio. Ibid., chap. 6; (1593), p. 501; PL, 189:1644. 
"The divine essence ineffably poured itself upon the visible sacrament that religious 
devotion might be concentrated around the sacraments" (Bayne, p. 38 In). Goulart 
has a long note on this passage, using most of the references used by H; (1593), p. 
507. Invisibilis . . . effectus. Eusebius Gallicanus, Homilia quinta de Pascha; 
Homiliae ad populum (1547), fol. 44"; CCSL, 101:196-197. "The invisible priest by 
His word changes by secret power the visible creatures into the substance of His 
body and blood. ... In the spiritual sacraments the virtue of the word gives the 
order, and the result follows" (Bayne, pp. 381-382n). 

2:339.a xa oup^oXa xioxEuexai. Theodoret, Dialogue H; (1547), fol. 38'; 

PG, 83:168; ed. Ettlinger, p. 152.9-17; H has edited this passage. Eranistes asserts: 
"The Symbols of the Lord's body and blood are one thing before the priesdy 



invocarion, and after the invocation are changed and become another thing." 
Orthodoxos replies: "[But after the consecration the mystic symbols] do not recede 
from their own nature. They remain in their ftsrmer substance figure and ftjrm, 
and are visible and tangible as they were before; but they are thought of and 
believed in as what they have become, and worshipped as being what they are 
believed to be." Thus Orthodoxos denies that the substance of bread and wine is 
changed. Ex quo a Domino . . . projicit. De coena Domini, chap. 3; Cyprian, 
Opera (1593), p. 500; PL, 189:1642. "After by the Lord the words were pro- 
nounced. Do this in memory of Me. This is My flesh, and. This is My blood, 
whensoever these words and this faith are employed, the supersubstantial bread and 
cup, consecrated by a solemn blessing, profit to the life and salvation of man- 
kind." Immortalitatis . . . prcesentiam. Ibid., chap. 2; (1593), p. 500; PL, 
189:1642. "The food of immortality is given, which differs from common foods 
in that it retains the appearance of corporal substance, but by invisible working 
proves the presence of divine power." See Bayne, p. 382n. 

2:339.fc Sensibilibus . . . spiritus. Ibid., chap. 5; (1593), p. 501; PL, 189:1643. "In 
the sacraments which are perceived by the senses there is the effect of eternal life, 
and w^e are joined to Christ, not so much by a bodily as by a spiritual union. For 
He is made bread and flesh and blood. He too is made the food and substance and 
life of His church which He calls His body, giving to it a participation of the 
Spirit." The first sentence in the 1593 edn. reads: "sensibili argumento edocta est 
visibilibus sacramentis inesse vitae aeternae effectum, et non tam corporali, quam 
spiritali transitione Christo nos uniri." Nostra . . . voluntates. Ibid., chap. 6; 
(1593), p. 501; PL, 189:1644. "Our union with Him neither mixes the persons 
nor unites the substances, but it associates capacities and confederates wills"; see 
Goulart's comment (1593), p. 508. Mansio . . . incorporatio. Ibid., chap. 9; 
(1593), p. 501; PL, 189:1645. "Our abiding in Him is eating Him, and our 
drinking Him is a sort of incorporation in Him"; 1593 has "ipso sit mandu- 
catio." Ule est in patre . . . mysterium. Hilary of Poitiers, De Trinitate, 8.15; 
Lucubrationes (1523), p. 136; PL, 10:248. "He is the Father by the nature of His 
divinity; we in Him by His bodily birth, He again in us, by the mystery of the 
Sacraments"; Goulart cites this passage; (1593), p. 508. See Bayne, pp. 382-383n. 

2:339.c Panis hie azymus . . . conformat. De coena Domini, chap. 6; Cyprian, Opera 
(1593), p. 501; PL, 189:1644. "This unleavened bread, a true and pure food, 
through the visible appearance and the sacrament, by its touch sanctifies, by faith 
illuminates, by truth conforms us unto Christ." Non aliud agit . . . gestemus. 
Leo I, De passione et resurrections Domini eiusdem sermo. xiiii; Sermones et epistolae 
(1482), sig. K5''; PL, 54:357, as serm. 12. "Participation in the body and blood of 
Christ does nothing else but unite us to that which we take, so that in all things 
spiritual and corporal we bear about Him in Whom we die, in Whom we are 
buried, in Whom we are raised up again"; quoted by Goulart (1593), p. 512. 
Quemadmodum . . . habentia. Irenaeus, Adversus omnes haereses, 4.34; Opera (1528), 


Book V, Chapter 67.11-67.12 

p. 237; PG, 7:1028 (chap. 18). "As bread from the earth, receiving the summons 
of God" (that is, when the deity is invoked) "is no longer common bread but a 
Eucharist, composed of two things, an earthly something and a heavenly some- 
thing; so also our bodies when they receive the Eucharist are no longer corrupt- 
ible, but have the hope of resurrection"; cited in part at 2:249.1*^ Bayne quotes the 
Greek. Quoniatn . , . est, Cyril, In Evangelium Joannis, 4.14; (1520), fol. 86 ; ed. 
Pusey (1872), 1:530; LOF (1874), 1:418; PG, 73:577; on John 6:53. "Since the 
redeeming flesh, joined to the word of God, which is by nature life, has become 
hfe-giving, when we eat it, then have we life in us, being joined to that Flesh 
>vhich has been made life." See Bayne, p. 383n. 

2:340.19 a vertuouslie disposed minde The inverted commas signal the inserted 
discourse of H's oration, culminating in words taken direcdy from Arnold of 
Bormeval's De coena Domini at 2:343.6—26. Compare Pref. 8.1 (1:36.32—39.2). 

2:340.25—28 *This . . . Lutherans interpretation; See the Formula of Concord 
(1577) in which the Lutheran position is stated in terms of Christ's body being 
" 'under the bread, mth the bread, in the bread,' " while transubstantiation is 
rejected; Book of Concord (1959), p. 575. 

2:340.29-340.1 'This . . . popish construction; Session 13 (Oct. 1551) of the C 
of T, chap. 4, aflSrmed "that through the consecration of the bread and w^ine there 
comes about a conversion of the whole substance of the bread into the substance 
of the body of Christ our Lord . . . ," which is named transubstantiation; Concilium 
Tridentinum: Diariorum . . . nova collectio (1901—), 5:996. For a popular sutement, see 
Robert Bellarmine (1542—1621), An Ample Declaration of the Christian Doctrine 
([1604?]; STC 1834), p. 290. Bellarmine was a notable RC apologist, whose chief 
work of controversy was exacdy contemporaneous with the composition of the 
Lawes: Disputationes de controversiis Christianae ftdei aduersus hujus temporis haereticos, 3 
vols. (Ingolstadt, 1586-1593); H takes note of him in the Dublin Fragment, 
"Modus quo Sacramenta conferunt gratiam" (4:120.20-26 and n), in Answer, § 4 
(5:242. 19-21 /and n), and in VL4.5 (3:23.29-34), § 11 (38.4-19), § 12 (42.4-6), 
6.2 (3:70.d), § 10 (84.15-21 and^), § 11 (88.^), and § 12 (90.2-4 and t); see nn. 

2:341.1—7 This hallowed foode . . . bodie, H's position, and that of the C of E as 
he understands it, as it is of the so-called Sacramentaries (see 2:336. 16.n, above). 
See the Second Helvetic Confession (1566), chap. 21; the Consensus Tigurinus 
(1549); and Calvin >vriting against Tileman Heshusius: "When I say that the flesh 
and blood of Christ are substantially offered and exhibited to us in the Supper, I 
at the same time explain the mode, namely, that the flesh of Christ becomes 
vivifying to us, inasmuch as Christ, by the incomprehensible virtue of his Spirit, 
transfuses his own proper Ufe into us from the substance of his flesh, so that he 
himself Uves in us, and his Ufe is common to us. . . . I frankly engage at close 
quarters with the man who denies that we are partakers of the substance of the 
flesh of Christ, unless we eat it with our mouths. ... I define the mode of com- 



tnunication without ambiguity, by saying that Christ by his boundless and wonder- 
ous powers unites us into the same life with himself, and not only applies the fruit 
of his passion to us, but becomes truly ours by communicating his blessings to us, 
and accordingly joins us to himself, as head and members unite to form one 
body"; CR, 9:470-471; Theological Treatises, LCC, pp. 267-268. See also Inst., 
4.17.5, 11, 14, 19, 24, and 32, treated by Paget as a "commenury on Hooker's 
teaching" (Introduction, pp. 180-182; 2nd edn., pp. 228-229). And see 4:46.1-11 
and 117.1-121.12. 

2:341.25-33 Besides sith . . .joy. See Paget, Introduction, pp. 174-175 (2nd edn., 
pp. 220-221). 

2:343.6—26 the verie letter • . . happie?** From De coena Domini, chap. 10; 
Cyprian, Opera (1593), p. 502. See Bayne, pp. cxv and 386n, and Intro, to Book 
V, p. 217, above. 

2:344.1—2 Ojfalts noted . . . communion. In chap. 68 H addresses six objections 
of the Admonitioners to the BCP sacrament: 1 . The language used in administer- 
ing communion {1559, p. 264; P.M., p. 13); H contends that it is less necessary to 
imitate Christ's words than the purpose of them (§ 2). 2. The rubrical direction to 
receive kneeling; H defends kneeling as "the gesture of pietie" (§ 3). 3. Self- 
examination before communion {1559, p. 257), which they say is neglected {P.M., 
p. 13); H agrees that self-examination is a duty, but denies the existence of 
scriptural warrant for examining communicants (§ 4). 4. The requirement that all 
parishioners receive communion on specified occasions {1559, p. 268), including 
sirmers and papists {P.M., p. 14); H argues that none who profess faith in Jesus 
Christ should be excluded (§§ 5—9). 5. The rubric ordering that there be no 
communion unless there be three or four to communicate {1559, p. 267); the 
Puritans take this to mean that this is "a fytte number" {P.M., p. 25); H protests 
that the few are not to be penalized for the laxity of the rest (§ 10). 6. Private 
communion of the sick {1559, pp. 307-308), to which the Puritans object {P.M., 
p. 25); H argues that it is no sin to minister to the wounds of the sick "with that 
oile which this gracious sacrament doth yeeld" (§ 11). The corresponding tracute 
in Whitgift's Defense is 15, "Of matters touching the Communion," pp. 588-607 
(PS, 3:73-108). 

2:345.^ Can. 9. Apost. concil. 2. The first fifty Apostolic canons were first 
collected about 500 by Dionysius Exiguus, with eighty-five additional canons being 
subsequently added. Canon 9 reads: "All the faithful who come to church and hear 
the Scriptures but are not earnest in prayer and do not receive the Holy Commun- 
ion, as disturbing the order of the Church must be cut off from Communion" 
(Hefele, History of the Councils, 1:461). It was customary in the early church for 
catechumens (and others) to be dismissed before the missa ftdelium began, 
concil. 2. Bracar. ca.83. The reference is to canon 84 (not 83) of a collection 
made by Martin (520P-580?), archbishop of Braga in Spain, assumed to be the 


Book V, Chapter 67.12-68.6 

canons of the Synod ofBraga (572): "If any one enters the Church of God and 
does not Usten to the reading of the Scriptures and for his own pleasure keeps 
away from the communion of the Sacrament and in the observation of sacred rites 
refuses the authorised rule of discipline, we decree that such a person be cast forth 
from the Cathohc Church till he do penance"; see Bayne, p. 389n; PL, 130:588; 
Hefele, 4:397. Both references come from Cartwright, 1:149 [117]; see Whitgift, 
Defense, p. 531, marg., which cites "cap. 83."; hence H's misciution. 

2:345. /j 1.1. p. 166. Page 132 in 1st edn. Besides . . . absurde. H has transposed 
the two sentences of this quotation. Whitgift dismisses the objection of the 
Admonition as "so ridiculous, that it is more worthy to be hissed at, than to be 
confuted"; Answere, quoted in Defense, p. 601 (PS, 3:97). 

2:346.1 Kneeling carieth . . . not. H has extracted this quotation from a passage 
which begins by Cartwright's citing Whitgift as saying that none can be offended 
by kneeling to receive communion, since "kneeling caryeth a greater shewe of 
worshypp/ and Imprinteth in the mindes of the ignorant a stronger opinion and a 
deeper print of adoration/ then the syght of a rounde cake. And if kneeling be so 
void of all fault/ as M. Doctor wold make us beleve/ howe came it to passe/ that 
in King Edwardes dayes/ there was a protestation added in the boke of prayer/ to 
cleare that gesture from adoration. An other reason why kneeling should be taken 
away/ is for that sitting agreeth better wyth the action of the supper" (1:165-166 
[131]). The so-called "Black Rubric" explained that no adoration (or worshipping 
of idols) was intended by kneeling at communion (rpr., B.C. P., 1559, p. vii; for 
its tangled bibliography, see STC, 2:91-93). See Defense, pp. 597-600 (PS, 3:88- 
96), and Bayne, pp. 391-392n. 

2:347.j 1.1. p. 164. Page 130 in 1st edn. All things necessarie . . . examina- 
tion. H has excerpted this from a longer passage; see Whitgift, Defense, pp. 591- 
593 (PS, 3:78-82), and Bayne, p. 392n. 

2:347.6-16 that God . . . Aaron, Cartwright had cited 2 Chron. 35:6 to show 
that "the Levites were there commaunded to prepare the people unto the receiv- 
ing of the passover." GB glosses "prepare your brethren": "Exhorte everie one to 
examine them selves, that they be not unmete to eat of the Passeover" (see j). 
Citing the GB gloss, Whitgift denied that examination was enjoined; Defense, p. 
592. Verse 14, however, reads: "they prepared for themselves and for the Priests"; 
the Vulgate reads "Et fratres vestros . . . preparate," retained in the AV, but 
corrected in the RSV to "prepare for your brethren"; that is, it is "the service," not 
the people, that "was made ready" (lines 15—16). See Bayne, p. 393n. 

2:347.ife T.C. 1.1. p.l67. Page 132 in 1st edn.; see 2:353.^. 

2:348.9-12 Church is a worde . . . not. See 2:54.c and n; III.l; znd Jude ?, § 8 
(5:40.16-^1.1); also, 4:28.18-31.25, above, and Field, Of the Church, 1.7; (1847), 



2:349.13 Religion See 2:21.18-27,n, above. 

2:349.23-24 them which call upon . . . Church. See Rom. 10:13 and 1 Cor. 1:2. 
Compare Field, Of the Church, 2.2; (1847), 1:63. 

2:350.23-25 Manie thinges exclude . . . not. This is a key statement indicating 
H's concern to distinguish the church on earth from the kingdom of God. Bucer 
spoke of the kingdom of God (Christ) as a higher entity and yet always related to 
church and state as manifesting the rule of God in Christ; De regno Christi, ed. F. 
Wendel (1955), p. 54; LCC, 19:225. 

2:352.20-25 Now because . . . a^vrie. The Act of Supremacy (1 Eliz. I, cap. 1) 
empowered the queen to appoint commissioners to exercise ecclesiastical jurisdic- 
tion. She did so, sending out commissions in 1559 to enforce the provisions 
contained in the Uniformity Act (1 Eliz. I, cap. 2) concerning conformity to the 
BCP and church attendance. Armed with articles and injunctions of visitation the 
commissioners began a work that issued in an extraordinary court, eventually 
named the Court of High Commission, and in efforts to bring recusants into 
conformity. See, for instance, Arthur J. Willis, ed.. Church Life in Kent, being Church 
Court Records of the Canterbury Diocese, 1559-1565 (London and Chichester: 
Phillimore, 1975), pp. 25-32. Additional parliamentary acts were enforced with 
varying degrees of severity, such as those of 1563, 1581, and 1593. See W. R. 
Trimble, The Catholic Laity in Elizabethan England, 1558—1603 (Cambridge: 
Harvard University Press, 1964), and Bayne, pp. 397— 398n. 

2:353.^ T.C. 1.1. p.l67 Pages 132-133 in 1st edn. If the place . . . etc. 
Answered by Whitgift, Defense, pp. 602-605 (PS, 3:100-104). 

2:354.9—10 But if they . . . man Bayne (p. 398n) suggests that H may have in 
mind here the Jesuits and Seminary priests who came to England following 
Elizabeth's excommunication by the pope in 1570 and were active into the 1590s; 
see the letter of Richard Topclyff to Lord Burghley (1590), in Strype, Annals, 

2:354.21-27 For neither doth God . . . him. See "A Declaration of the Queen's 
Proceedings Since Her Reign," attributed to Elizabeth I and written in connection 
with the rebellion in the North (1569): "We know not, nor have any meaning to 
allow that any our subjects should be molested either by examination or inquisition 
in any matter, either of faith, as long as they shall profess the Christian faith, not 
gainsaying the authority of holy Scriptures, and of the articles of our faith, con- 
tained in the Creeds ApostoUc and Catholic; or for matter of ceremonies, or any 
other external matter appertaining to Christian Religion, as long as they shall in 
their outward conversation show themselves quiet and conformable, and not 
manifestly repugnant and obstinate to the laws of the Realm, which are established 
for frequentation of divine service in the ordinary churches, in like manner as all 
other laws are, whereunto subjects are of duty and by allegiance bound"; William 


Book V, Chapter 68.6-68.11 

Edward Collins, Queen Elizabeth's Defence of Her Proceedings in Church and State 
(London: S.P.C.K., 1958), pp. 46-^7; transcribed from MS PRO S. P. Dom. Eliz., 
vol. 66, No. 54; the original draft is Hatfield MS 1450. 

2:355. r T.C. 1.1. p. 147. Page 166 in 1st edn. Cartwright joined the Admonition- 
ers in objecting that the BCP allowed a few ("three or fower") out of a congrega- 
tion to conununicate at the Lord's Supper. For Whitgift's answer, see Defense, p. 
528-530 (PS, 2:547). 

2:356.2 publique coaction Cartwright, 1:149 [117], argues that that BCP "ought 
to provide that those which woulde w^ithdrawe themselves, should be by ecclesias- 
ticall discipline at all tymes, and now also under a godly Prince by civill punish- 
ment brought to communicate with their brethren"; Whitgjft, Defense, p. 531. 

2:356.8—1 1 Onlie . . . them. A key statement. The literature of the time indicates 
the concern on the part of the church leaders for the paucity of communions 
made, even at the times specified by law; therefore to wait until the whole people 
gathered, either of their own volition or as compelled to do so, before celebrating 
the Lord's Supper would be wrong if only in terms of the pastoral concern that 
bishops and priests ought to have for the faithfiJ who depend upon the sacrament. 

2:356.19-20 Of such kind . . . otherwhere. See Cartwright, 1:149 [117]; Whit- 
gift, Defense, p. 531 (PS, 2:551). 

2:356.23-25 True it is that ... not. See Cartwright, 1:149 [118]; Whitgift, 
Defense, pp. 532-533 (PS, 2:554-556). 

2:357.3—4 As for the last . . . sick. See "A View of Popishe Abuses" (P.M., p. 
25, and 2:344. l-2.n, above), and Whitgift's response. Defense, pp. 525-528 (PS, 
2:540-548). The concern of the early church w^as to preserve its unity \vith the 
sick or absent being communicated from the one altar (see Justin Martyr, Apology 
1, chaps. 65, 67), implying the reservation of the consecrated elements. Commun- 
ion was provided for the dying (the uiaticum); see Nicaea (325), canon 13, noted 
by Whitgift, Defense, p. 527, marg. The first note that we have of a private 
celebration for the sick was recorded in the 5C by Uranius in his Epistle concerning 
the Death of Nola, chap. 2. See Charles Harris, "The Communion of the Sick, 
Viaticum, and Reservation," in Clarke, ed.. Liturgy and Worship (1932), pp. 541— 
615. The 1549 Prayer Book allowed for reservation of the sacrament for the sick, 
but the 1552 and subsequent books dropped this provision, necessitating a "pri- 
vate" celebration ft>r the sick; see B.C. P., 1559, p. 410. 

2:357.4 (they graunt) Cartwright, 1:146 [115], cites Justin Martyr, as in n above, 
and Tertullian (De oratione, chap. 19); the latter discusses the scruple that some felt 
at breaking their fast on a day of humiUation by partaking of the Eucharist. He 
advises that the faithfijl reserve the sacrament for consumption at home when the 
fiut has ended. See Cyprian (De lapsis, chap. 16), who teUs of the in^t to whom 



the cup could not be administered without sobbing and sickness, because it had 
taken part in pagan rites. See Bayne, pp. 403-404n. 

2:357. t T.C. 1.1. p.l46. Page 115 in 1st edn. "It is not to be denyed/ but that 
thys abuse is very auncient/ and was in Justin Martyrs tyme/ in Tertullians and 
Cyprians tyme/ even as also there were other abuses. . . . First of all in the primi- 
tive church the dyscipline of the churche was so severe and so extreame/ that if 
any which professed the truth/ and were of the body of the church/ did through 
infirmitie deny the truth/ and joyned hym self unto the idolatrous service/ 
although he repenting came again unto the church/ yet was he not received to the 
communion of the Lords supper any more. And yet lying in extremitie of sicke- 
nes/ and redy to depart thys lyfe/ if hee dyd require the communion in token that 
the church had forgeven the faulte . . . they graunted that he might be partaker of 
it/ as may appeare by the story of Serapion [Euseb. lib. 6. chap. 43]. Another cause 
was that which was before alleaged/ which is the false opynion which they had 
conceived/ that all those were condemned/ that received not the supper of the 
Lord/ and therfore when as those that were (as they called them catechumeni) 
which is yong novices in relygion never admitted to the supper/ or yong children 
fell sicke daungerously/ they ministred the supper of the Lord unto them/ least 
they should want their voyage victuall (as they termed it) .... " The last is a 
reference to the viaticum. Eusebius tells of Serapion of Alexandria, Hist, cedes., 6.44, 
as reported by Dionysius, bishop of Alexandria (d. 264?), in a letter to Fabius, 
bishop of Antioch. 

2:358.1*' Aia . . . &iapoiv. Theophylact, archbishop of Achrida (fl. 1078), an 
accomplished scriptural exegete, on Phil. 3:11: e^avAaxaaiv evraOOa voel Ti^v 
IvSo^ov xfjv ev vaj^Xaig e^apaiv. PG, 124:1185. "'Understand here by 
e^avdaraaiv ["resurrection"; see line 15] the glorious rising up in the clouds of 
heaven.' All shall rise, he [Paul] explains, but all shall not be taken up" (Bayne, p. 

405n). n&VTE^ oyaBotv. "The dead in Christ shall rise first. Then shall we 

which live and remain be caught up with them also in the clouds to meet the Lord 
in the air." Theophylact comments on 1 Thess. 4:16—17: "The dead in Christ are 
the faithful (Ttiaxoi), for since they are to be caught up in the clouds they shall 
rise first" (see Bayne, p. 405n). Ammonius of Alexandria prepared a 3C harmony 
of the Gospels. 

2:358.x MaturaUe . . . solemnia. Decoena Domini, chap. 10; Cyprian, Opera (1593), 
p. 502; PL, 189:1646. 

2:358. y ^dppaKOV . . . ©aveiv. Ignatius, Epistola ad Ephesios, chap. 20; Epistolae 
(1558), p. 137; PG, 5:661. ". . . breaking one bread, which is the medicine of 
immortality, the antidote that we should not die, but live for ever in Jesus Christ" 
{Apostolic Fathers, Loeb, 1:195). 

2:358.2 Iren. 1.4 c.34. Aduersus omnes haereses: "Quomodo autem rursus dicunt 
camem in corruptionem devenire, et non percipere vitam, quae a corpore domini 


Book V, Chapter 68.11-69.2 

et sanguine alitur?"; Opera (1528), p. 237; PG, 7:1027, as chap. 18. "And how say 
they that the flesh passes into corruption and partakes not of life, which is nour- 
ished by the Lord's Body and by His blood?"; Bayne (p. 406n) quotes the Greek. 
See 2:339.c.5— 8 and n, above. 

2:359.d Etsi nihil facile . . . est. See 2:250.6 and n, above. 

2:359.18 Offestivall dayes H turns in chap. 69 to consider the Puritan objections to 
the BCP Calendar and its ordering of the church year according to Christian 
tradition (see B.C. P., 1559, pp. 22—47). But once more, before taking up specific 
charges, H lays a foundation, beginning with philosophical considerations and 
ending with biblical ones. What time is, how it is divided, and why certain times 
are preferred are the questions he seeks to answer. He is concerned to distinguish 
chronos firom kairos, chronological time, with its regular succession and continuance, 
firom significant time, such time as the church year designates. 

2:360.8—1 1 Gods own etemitie . . . together. H here christianizes the cosmolo- 
gy that was the product of ancient astronomy, systematized by the Alexandrian 
Ptolemy in the 2C AD, and fiirther elaborated by Arabian scholarship, principally 
that of the Sassanid dynasty in Spain. It was popularized in the Christian West by 
such writings as The Celestial Hierarchy of Dionysius the Areopagite, which H 
knew, and Dante's Paradise. The end of The Divine Comedy both reflected the 
predominant world view of the late Middle Ages and helped perpetuate it. It was 
presumed by the schoolmen; see, for instance, Aquinas, S.T., la.108.6, on the 
hierarchy of angels. According to this cosmology, the earth is fixed at the middle 
point of the universe. Around it spin the nine heavenly spheres, one each for the 
seven planets (including the moon and the sun), one for the fixed stars, and one 
called the primum mobile. These spheres are spinning around the earth, their motion 
being caused by the nine orders of angels (the pure Intelligences) created by God, 
who inhabits the true Heaven or Empyrean: God the One alone, sole reality, true 
Existence, Prime Mover, etc.; see plates 17 and 18 in The Riverside Shakespeare, ed. 
Evans (1974). Dorothy Sayers suggests that if the first few verses of Genesis were 
translated into the language of this ancient/medieval cosmology, w^e might have 
something like this: "In His timelessness. Being called into being the Intelligences 
[Angels] and the Prime Matter. And the Prime Matter was without form and 
unintelligible; and space lay in darkness. And the Power of the First Mover moved 
upon the unmeasuredness of space. And Act expressed Itself in the creation of 
light. And the movement of light was the beginning of time"; Further Papers on 
Dante (New York: Harper and Brothers, 1957), p. 91. 

2:360.19—20 Hereupon some . . . heaven. See Aristotle, De coelo, 1.9; 279*: 
Xpovoq 6^ dpie^6<; Kivrjaecog Opera (1550), 1:202; "time is the number of 
motion"; what follows is quoted by H in 2:365./ Aquinas refers to Aristotle's 
concept in S.T., la.66.4, resp. 3, "tempus est numerus motus firmamenti"; "time 
is the measure of the movement of the firmament"; B, 10:46-47; (1588), 1:225": 



"Accidit enim tempori quod sit numerus motus firmamenti, inquantum hie motus 
est primus motuum"; "For time is the measure of the movement of the firmament 
only in the sense that this movement is the first among others" (B, 10:4&-49). 

2:360.27 Melissus The philosopher Melissus of Samos (b. 470 BC?), according to 
Diogenes Laertius (2C AD) in his Liues of the Philosophers (9.4), taught that there 
^vas no real, only apparent, motion (Loeb, 2:434). 

2:361.16 time doth eat ... thinges. See Bayne, p. 409n: " 'Tempus edax 
rerum,' is a phrase of Ovid's, Metam. xv.234; to Thales is ascribed the saying, t6v 
Xpovov ao^K&xaTOV dTt&vrcov, civeupiaKeiv ydp xa n&yna. Erasmus quotes it 
in the Adagia under Tertullian's proverb, 'Tempus omnia revelat,' and compares 
the famous saying of Pindar, apipai 6' znxKoxnox, |adpTope^ ao(j>d>TaToi. The 
. . . mediaeval description of eternity, which derives from Plato, Timaeus, 37—8, is 
given by Aquinas, Sum. Th. i. 10, 'De Dei etemitate' "; (1588), 1:31'— 35*. 

2:361. fc Xp6vo^ . . . KoXdq. "Time is that in which opportunity is; opportunity 
is that in which there is not much time." Hippocrates, the physician (d. 357 BC?), 
Praeceptiones, § 1, in Opera (1595), p. 27; Loeb, 1:312. 

2:362.3—5 For as God . . . holines. Compare H's discussion of the place of 
^vorship, chap. 11.1. 

2:363. 1 The manner of celebratinge festivall dayes. Chapter 70 is based on the 
Puritan conviction expressed in the Disciplina ecclesiae saaa, chap. 15: "Festi dies 
sunt commode abolendi" (Paget, Introduction, p. 245; 2nd edn., p. 304); "holy daies 
(as we tearme them) must be abolished, commode, as they may, handsomely" (Ban- 
croft, Daungerous Positions, p. 95). H proceeds to assert the necessity of celebrating 
festival days, grounded in natural law and involving three natural elements: praise, 
bounty, and rest (§§ 1-4). Corruption had turned praise into idolatry, bounty into 
excess, and rest into wantonness (§ 5), and therefore the Jews established certain 
days and provided rules for keeping them (§ 6). St. Paul rejected such Jewish 
legalisms (§ 7), but this does not mean that such observations can be dispensed 
with altogether. H then defines the bases on which holy days may and should be 
kept, including a description of the church year (§ 8), and distinguishes among 
those days which must be kept, those which must be kept for a time, and those 
which fall within the positive ordinances of the church (§ 9). He finally makes it 
clear that the dispute is not over Sunday, which the Puritans maintain, but over 
other times traditionally kept as sacred by the church. 

2:363/ Grande . . . dedecus? Tertullian, Apologeticum, chap. 35; Opera (1566), 
2:682; CCSL, 1:145. For "chores," 1566 has "thoros" and CCSL has "toros." "It 
is forsooth a notable homage to bring fires and beds out of doors, to feast in all the 
streets, to dress up your city as a tavern, to make the gutters run with wine, to run 
pell-mell into riot, indecency, and lust! Is then public joy expressed by public 
shamelessness?" (Bayne, p. 41 In). Dies festos . . . occupari. Justinian, Codex, 3 


Book V, Chapter 69.2-70.8 

[not 12J.12.9 [not 1]; (1590), col. 193; Krueger (1963), p. 128, as 3.12.9 (11); 
Scott, 12:277, as 3.12.10. "We desire that festival days dedicated to the most high 

God be not spent in pleasure seeking" (Bayne, p. 41 In). 'Avii 5aicpuoi^ 

Theodoret, the peroration of sermon 8, De martyribus; in Graecarum affedionum 
curatio, ed. F. Sylburgius (1592), p. 123; PG, 83:1033. "In place of the old carnival 
of revelry and obscenity sober festivals are celebrated, without drunkermess, 
without horseplay and laughter, but with hymns to God and reading of the holy 
Scriptures, and prayers made beautiful by honourable tears." See Bayne, p. 41 In. 

2:363.^ Tfj^ fap . . . ^Xav6pa)xov. Philo Judaeus, De Abrahamo; In libms Mosis, 
Opera (1552), p. 257. "The lover of God and the lover of man are of the same 
nature" (Bayne, p. 412n). 

2:364.13-18 Rest is the end . . . not. Compare Aquinas, S.T., la.73.2, conclu- 
sio: in which he considers Gen. 2:2, "God rested on the seventh day from all the 
work which He had done"; (1588), 1:233': "Requievit Deus die septimo ab omni 
opere quod patrarat"; B, 10:145. See Calvin, Inst., 2.8.28-29, on the sabbath rest. 

2:365.; 066' eoriv . . . ai&vcu Aristode, De coelo, 1.9; 279*; Opera (1550), 
1:202; in a passage following that cited at 2:360. 19-20.n, above. "Nor is there any 
change in anything that has its place beyond the outermost motion; but to all 
eternity those things continue without alteration and without suffering, in posses- 
sion of the best and most self-effacing life" (Bayne, p. 413— 414n). Modem edns. 
read Teroypevcov for <j>epopevqv. 

2:365.15—16 above . . . change, H refers to the empyrean heaven above the 
"highest moveable sphere," the primum mobile; see 2:360.8-1 l.n, above. 

2:366. fe l.Chron. 23:31. This verse is believed to be the work of a reviser, 
reflecting action taken to correct the laxity of the ministers of the Second Temple. 

2:366.21 feast of lotUs The feast of Purim commemorates, on the 14th and 15th 
of Adar, the deliverance of the Jews from the plot of Haman. 

2:366.23 Dedication The feast of Dedication, instituted by Judas Maccabaeus and 
celebrated annually for eight days from the twenty- fifth of Chislev, commemorates 
the rededication of the Temple after its poUution by the agents of Antiochus 
Epiphanes. GB so glosses John 10:22. 

2:367./) Si omnem . . . decurrimus? Tertullian, De jejunio adversus Psychicos, chap. 
14; Opera (1566), 2:525; CCSL, 1:1272-1273. "If the Aposde has abolished 
absolutely all devotional observance 'of seasons and days and months and years' 
why do we keep Easter each year in the first month? Why in the fiifty days 
following do we keep a joyfril holiday?" (Bayne, p. 415n); see chap. 72.11. 

2:367.14—16.^ By festivall solemnities , . . time. Augustine, De civitate Dei, 10:4: 
"Ei beneficiorum ejus solemniutibus festis et diebus sututis dicamus sacramusque 



memoriam, ne volumine temporum ingrata subrepat oblivio"; Opera (1556), 5:540; 
PL, 41:280 (chap. 3.2). 

2:367.24— 26. r Wee begine . . . embassage. That is, Lady-Day, 25 March, which 
until 1752 was the ecclesiastical, civil, and legal beginning of the year. 

2:368.17—18 the second Elias John the Baptist, understood as a second Elijah, 
\vhose coming was seen as a necessary prelude to the redemption of Israel. 

2:368.22—25 foure other dayes . . . them. That is, Monday and Tuesday in 
Easter Week and Monday and Tuesday in Whitsun Week; see B.C. P., 1559, pp. 
154-158, 171-173. 

2:369.18 prince of the worid to come. Compare Isa. 9:5 (Vulgate): "Pater 
futuri saeculi, Princeps pacis" (v. 6, GB). 

2:369.19—20 one daie in seaven . . . ever. While dispensing with all other 
festival days marked out in the traditional Calendar, the Puritans adhered to the 
Lord's Day (Sunday, the Sabbath of the Christians) as the one such day wrhich the 
Lord decreed. For a novel explanation of this on the grounds that industrial society 
could not conform to the tradition but needed to rest machinery and men one day 
out of seven, see Christopher Hill, Society and Puritanism (London: Seeker and 
Warburg, 1964), chap. 5: "The Uses of Sabbatarianism." On the origins of the 
Puritan practice, see Patrick Collinson, "The Beginnings of English Sabbatari- 
anism," Studies in Church History, ed. C. W. Dugmore and C. Duggan, 1 (London: 
Nelson, 1964), pp. 207-221. 

2:369.t T.C. 1.1. p.l51. Page 120 in 1st edn. "M. Doctor sayth/ that so they be 
not used superstitiously or unprofitably they may be commaunded. I have shewed 
before/ that they were. If they were so indifferent as they are made/ yet being 
kept of the papistes whych are the enemies of God/ they ought to be abolished." 
See Whitgift, Tract. 10, "Of holydayes," Defense, pp. 538-554 (PS, 2:565). "A 
View of Popishe Abuses" charges that in the BCP "dayes are ascribed unto Saintes, 
and kept holy with fastes on their evenes, and prescript service appointed for them, 
which beside that, they are of many superstitiously kepte and observed, are also 
contrary to the commaundment of God. Sixe dayes shalt thou laboure, and 
therefore we for the superstition that is put in them, dare not subscribe to allowe 
them" (P.M., p. 24; see p. 12); see Whitgift, Defense, pp. 552-554 (PS, 2:592). 

2:370.2-16. M The next is a rare . . . aware. Whitgift had responded to the 
Admonition: "What? do you condemne the feast of Easter also? would you have it 
abrogated because it hath bene abused? do you not knowe that the Apostles them 
selves observed it, and the Churche ever sithence their tyme? . . . Surely you may 
as well reason that the scriptures are not to be read, because that heretikes have so 
greatly abused them"; Defense, pp. 539-540. To this Cartwright replied (3:189): 
"yf it were a tradition of the Apostles, yet it was used of them, as a thing indifferent: 
considering that the same story witnesseth, that S. John the Aposde, togither with 


Book V, Chapter 70.8-71.4 

the churches of Asia, did celebrate the Easter, as the Jues were wont, upon the xiiii 
day of the moneth [Euseb. 5. li. 24.25]. Now, if S.John hym self, which departed 
not from the autority of the scripture, did kepe the Jues day: he gave sufficiently 
to understand, that our Easter hath no autority from the scriptures: for then he would 
have kept yt also." Cartwright's assertion is questionable on scholarly grounds; see 
A. A. McArthur, The Christian Year (London: SCM Press, 1958), and his article, 
"Easter," in A Dictiotuxry of Liturgy and Worship, ed. J. G. Davies (New York: 
Macmillan, 1972), pp. 166-168. 

2:371.15—16 Zacharie and Elizabeth The parents of John the Baptist; see Luke 

2:371.23-26 schoolemen . . . agere, H refers to Aquinas, S.T., la2ae.71.5, resp. 
ad 3: "Dicendum, quod peccatum omissionis contrariatur praecepto afSrmativo, 
quod obligat semper, sed non ad semper: et ideo solum pro tempore illo aliquis 
cessando ab actu peccat, pro quo praeceptum aflSrmativum obligat"; (1588), 2:150^ 
"A sin of omission is contrary to a positive precept which is always true but does 
not bind continuously. Hence, by omitting an act, a man sins only for the time 
during which the positive precept binds him" (B, 25:21). 

2:372.15—19 preserve Lord . . . buildinges. Zech. 4:7; the prayer combines Hosea 
6:4 and 13:4 with Ps. 1:3. Zerubbabel was the civil leader of the repatriated Jews 
from Babylon who had responsibility for the rebuilding of the Temple. 

2:372.23—33 The . . . Church. H's defense of holy days is based on the manner 
in which they "augment" and "by their often retournes" bring men's inward 
dispositions to virtue to perfection. This was understood in the Middle Ages, 
where the holy days were accompanied by elaborate ritual and drama; see O. B. 
Hardison, Jr., Christian Rite and Christian Drama in the Middle Ages (Baltimore: 
Johns Hopkins University Press, 1965); and see Herbert's poems on the special 
days of the church year in The Temple. 

2:372.35—373.1 condemning restraint of men . . . times. This was a significant 
factor in the Puritan objection to holy days. See Christopher Hill, Society and 
Puritanism, chap. 5, cited in 2:369.19— 20.n, above. 

2:373.1/ 1.1 p. 152. Page 120 in 1st edn. Iconfesse . . . given. This is Cartwright's 
response to Whitgift who, confronted by the Puritan objections (see 2:369. f.n), had 
w^ritten in the Answere: "I thinke the meaning of this commaundment [Exod. 20:9] 
is not to tie men to bodily labour, that they may not intermitte the same to labour 
spiritually"; Defense, p. 538 (PS, 2:565); see p. 541 (PS, 2:570-571) and Cart- 
wright, 3:193. 

2:374.19-22 the patrons of libertie ... God, A chief plank of the esublish- 
ment's attack on the Puritans. See Pref.8.4, and Bancroft, Daungerous Positions, pp. 



2:376.9—13 Mardocheus . . . joy. The feast of Purim; see 2:366. 21. n, above. 
Mordecai, who raised and guided Esther, became the second man in the empire. 

2:376.2.1 example out of Hester Cited by Whitgift, Defense, p. 543 (PS, 2:573). 

2:377.23 Susis Susa, or Shushan, a city and royal residence of the Persian empire. 

2:377.30 Nicanor The Roman governor of Judea and noted blasphemer of the 
Temple, defeated by the forces of Judas. In celebration of the victory (13 Adar; = 
March 160 BC), the feast of Nicanor was celebrated on 13 Adar; it was stricken 
from the Jewish calendar after the destruction of the Second Temple in 70 AD. See 
2 Mace. 14-15 and 1 Mace. 7:26-50. 

2:377.31—378.8 let it sufGce men . . . requisite. H asserts the value of holy days 
(see 2:372.23— 33.n) now in terms of anamnesis (or remembrance) in thanksgiving, 
basic to an understanding of the Eucharist in the BCP (see 1559, p. 358, and 
331.17-19.n, above). 

2:378.c Comtnetnoratio . . . celebratur. Justinian, Codex, 3.12.7; (1590), col. 192; 
Krueger (1963), p. 127, as 3.12.6(7).3; Scott, 12:276, as 3.12.7; taken from an 
edict of Valentinian, Theodosius, and Arcadius (389 ad). It adds to other festival 
days the occasions when "the commemoration of the martyrdoms of Apostles, of 
all Christianity the beginning, is duly observed of all" (Bayne, p. 426n). The 
reference could be to the festival of Peter and Paul. 

2:378. J 1.1. p. 153. Page 121 in 1st edn. For so much as ... etc. The quotation 
from Cartwright continues: "or Daniel . . . nor the apostles nor the churches in 
their time never instituted any eyther to kepe the remembrance of Stephen/ or of 
the Virgin Mary/ or of John Baptist/ or of any other notable and rare personage/ 
that the instituting and erecting of them nowe/ and thys attempt by the churches 
whych folowed/ whych have not such certen and undoubted interpreaters of the 
will of God/ as the prophets and apostles were whych lyved in those churches/ is 
not without some note of presumption. . . ."; see Whitgift Defense, p. 543 (PS, 

2:378.c T.C. 1.1. p.l53. See Whitgift, Defense, p. 544 (PS, 2:575). 

2:378./ Scilicet ignorant nos . . . optamus. Eusebius, Hist, eales., 4.15; (1570; 
Greek), p. 52; (1587; Latin), p. 50; PG, 5:1042. "They do not know, I suppose, 
that we can never forsake Christ, Who suffered for the salvation of those that are 
saved from all the world, and can never worship any other. For Him we worship 
as Son of God, but the martyrs, as disciples and imitators of the Lord, we love 
with all honour for their invincible good love of their King and Master; and their 
companions and disciples we desire to be." From the letter of the Church of 
Smyrna occasioned by the martyrdom of Polycarp, commenting on the saying of 
Nicetes: "If you give the body (of Polycarp), the Christians will leave the crucified 
one and worship this man." See Bayne, pp. 426— 427n. 


Book V, Chapter 71.5-71.8 

2:379.^ ^s for all the . . . commodities. The quoution continues: ". . . whych 
\ve receive by them/ whereby M. doctor goeth about to prove the goodnes and 
lawfulnes of their institution/ as that the scriptures are there red and expounded/ 
the patience of those saintes in their persecution and Martyrdome is to the edifying 
of the church remembred/ and yearely renewed: I say/ that we myght have all 
those commodities wythout all those dangers whych I have spoken of/ and 
wythout any keping of yearely memory of those sayntes/ and (as it falleth out) in 
better and more profitable sorte. For as I sayd before of the keping of Easter ... so 
those celebrations of the memories of saintes and martyrs/ streighten our consider- 
ation of them unto those dayes/ whych should continually be thought of/ and 
daily as long as we live" (1:153 [121]). Whitgift responded: "You mighte as well 
saye, there oughte to be no certayne tymes appoynted for the receyving of the 
holy Communion, bycause the meditation of the death and passion of Christe, and 
the application of the same, is fettered to these certayne dayes. . . . The same 
mighte you saye likewyse of the Sabboth daye"; Defense, p. 546 (PS, 2:579). 

2:379./i T.C. 1.1. p.l54. Page 122 in 1st edn. "As for M. Calvine/ as the practise 
of hym and the church where he lyved was and is/ to admit no one holy day 
besides the Lords day: so can it not be shewed out of any parte of hys workes (as 
I thynke) that he approved those holy dayes/ which are now in question." See 
Whitgift, Defense, p. 550 (PS, 2:581-587), and Bayne, p. 427n. 

2:379.7—9 wee honor reverence and obey . . . live. Obedience to the voice of 
the church in the keeping of holy days was enjoined by the Act of Uniformity (1 
Eliz. I, cap. 2), when attendance was demanded at the parish church "upon every 
Sunday and other days ordained and used to be kept as holy days" (Gee and 
Hardy, Documents, p. 463). The full dimensions of this are shown not only by the 
BCP Calendar but also by the additional holy days authorized by the queen in the 
new Calendar of 1561 {Liturgical Services, PS, pp. 436—455) and enforced by the 
bishops in their Interpretations; see Corpus Christi College, Cambridge, MS 106 
(141), p. 425. This further aggrieved the Puritans. 

2:379.y HoXkAq . . . ^lYvero. Dio Cassius, Historiae Romanae, 60.17 (1592), p. 
777; Loeb, 7:408. "[Claudius] did away with many sacrifices and festival days; for 
the greater part of the year used to be taken up with them, with no small detri- 
ment to the commonwealth" (Bayne, p. 428n). 

2:379.25 Saboth See 2:369. 19-20.n, above, and H. Boone Porter, The Day of 
Light: The Biblical and Liturgical Meaning of Sunday (Greenwich, Conn.: The Seabury 
Press, 1960). 

2:380.m Hi vacate . . . solennitatem. Josephus, Contra Apionem, 1.22; Opera (1566), 
p. 666; Loeb, 1:246—249. Josephus is quoting Agatharcides, a Greek writer of the 
time of Ptolemy VI (175—146 BC): "These people are in the habit of resting on the 
seventh day, and they allow none on the fixed days to carry arms, or to cultivate 
the land, or to do anything at all, but are accustomed to worship in their temples 



with outstretched hands till the evening. But when Ptolemy Lagus with an army 
and a multitude of men invaded their state, and they ought to have guarded it, by 
their own observance of their foolish practice, they procured for their province a 
vary hard master, and proved the badness of their custom" (Bayne, p. 429n). H 
quotes the Latin recension of Sigismund Gelenius (Basel, 1548; rpr. 1566). Vide 
et Dion. lib. 37. Dio Cassius, Historiae Romanae, 37.17; (1592), p. 41; Loeb, 
3:126—129; Dio describes the Jewish religion; see 2:379.y.n, above. 

2:380.« 1. Mac. 2:40. Verse 41, which speaks of the necessity of fighting even on 
"the Sabbath daye," seems more apropos. 

2:381. l-6.;> Emperour ... time, Justinian, Codex, 3.12.3; (1590), col. 192; 
Krueger (1963), p. 127, as 3.12.2 (3); Scott, 12:275, as 3.12.3. H cites the same 
title in 2:378.c, above. 

2:381.9-21.^ Wee ordeine . . . rest? Leo VI (see 2:264.22-27.o.n, above), nouelta 
constitutio 54, entided, "That on the Lord's Day all people shall rest firom their 
labors." This edict ends: "Statuimus nos etiam, quod Spiritui sancto, ab Ipsoque 
institutis Apostolis placuit, ut omnes in die sacro, quoque nostra integritas instaurata 
est, a labore vacent: neque agricolae, neque quiquam alii in illo illicitum opus 
aggrediantur. Si enim qui umbram quandam atque figuram observabant, tantopere 
Sabbathi diem venerebantur, ut ab omni prorsus opere abstinerent: quomodo qui 
gratiae lucem, ipsamque veritatem colunt, hos eum diem qui a Domino honore 
ditatus est, nosque ab exitii dedecore liberavit, non venerari par est? aut quomodo, 
quum ex septem diebus unus in Domini honorem consecratus sit, nos aliorum ad 
opera usu contentos non esse, neque ilium Domino eximium et inviolatum 
conservare: sed ipsum etiam vulgarem facere, nostrisque operibus applicandum 
putare, religionis non prorsus dissolutae?"; in Justinian, Novellae (1590), col. 383; 
J. and P. Zepos, Jm5 Grecoromanum (1931; rpr. 1962), 1:124; PG, 107:545-548; 
Scott, 17:254-255. 

2:381.r C. lib.3 tit.l2. Dies festos. Justinian, Codex, 3.12.11; (1590), col. 193; 
Krueger (1963), p. 128, as 3.12.9 (11); Scott, 12:277-278, as 3.12.10. Dated 469 
AD, under Leo 1 and Anthemius. "After forbidding amusements or exaction of 
taxes on festal days dedicated to God, the law proceeds to demand a special 
reverence for the Lord's Day, and to order a cessation of business in the public 
courts and offices. The holy day (religiosus dies) is to be firee firom business, but it 
is not to be by any one spent in impure pleasure. . . . Even a festivity connected 
with the Emperor's birth or ascension, falling on that day, is to be deferred" 
(Bayne, p. 431n). The law ends with the levying of penalties on violators. It is the 
last law in the tide cited in n above. On Leo I and Anthemius, see 2:434. 25.n, 

2:382.1-2 joyfuUnes is to rest, . . . give. See chap. 70.2—4. 

2:382.9-10 theire Pentecost The Jewish feast of Weeks, celebrated on the fiftieth 


Book V, Chapter 71.8-72.1 

day after Passover, when the first firuits of the harvest were presented and, later, 
when the giving of the Law to Moses was commemorated. 

2:382.11 theire feast of Tabernacle* With Passover and Pentecost, one of the 
three great feasts of the Jewish year. It was harvest-home (see Exod. 23:14—16), 
lasted seven days, and was followed by an eighth day of convocation. During it, 
the people dwelt in booths ("tabernacles") in commemoration of their sojourn in 
the wilderness. 

2:382.13-14 theire annuall soUemnitie of Lottes, See 2:366.21. n, above. 

2:382.f Apostolis . . . essent. Socrates, Hist, eccles., 5.21; (1581), p. 443; PG, 
67:628. "The work of the Aposdes was not to sanction laws about the times of 
festivals, but to be the authors for us of a righteous plan of life and piety" (Bayne, 
p. 432n). 

2:383. M Quit toto ... celebrantur. Augustine, epist. 118, Ad Januarium; Opera 
(1555), 2:115'; PL, 33:200, as epist. 54.1: "Customs kept by all the world it is 
right to suppose to have been instituted by the Apostles themselves or by general 
councils whose authority in the Church is very salutary; such customs are for 
instance that the Lord's passion and His resurrection, and His ascent into heaven, 
and the coming of the Holy Spirit should be celebrated by a yearly festival" 
(Bayne, p. 432n). 

2:383.12-13 if they be good are, Aristode, Rhetoric, 1.5.6; 1361*; Loeb, p. 

50. The same point is made in Politia, 2.9 (1269 ;, this time against the Spartans. 

2:384.14^ T.C. 1.1. p.30. Page 17 in 1st edn. Whitgift discusses fasting under the 
rubric, "Of the authoritie of the Churche in things indifferent" (Tract. 2; Defense, 
p. 76); he quotes Cartwright as here, p. 99, and responds, pp. 100-102 (PS, 1:223- 

2:384.2-3 There are which kind, William Perkins defended the practice of 

moral, civil, and religious fasting. The latter has three ends: (1) that the mind 
might become attentive in meditation on the duties of godliness which are to be 
performed, (2) that the rebellion of the flesh may be subdued, (3) to profess 
guiltiness and express humility before God for our sins, which is the chief end. But 
it is wrong to prescribe particular times for fasting, as the Romans do. Fasting 
should be left to the liberty of the church. Furthermore, fasting should not be 
partial, as it is with the Romans, but the Christian when fasting should abstain 
from all food, from soft apparel, and from sweet ointments. See The Reformed 
Catholike, in Works (1608), STC 19649, 1:589-590; on the tangled bibliography of 
these volumes, see STC, 2:227. 

2:384.10-12 politique order The government by means of statutes (2 and 3 Edw. 
VI, cap. 19, and 5 Eliz. I, cap. 5) esublished fasting from meat on Wednesdays, in 
addition to the customary fasting on Fridays, Saturdays, Ember Days, and Lent. 



Wednesday fasts were repealed by 27 Eliz. I, cap. 11. Such fasting, chiefly to 
benefit fishermen and towns dependent upon them, was enjoined for the sake of 
public order. Government and church commanded fasting for other reasons, 
however, especially in times of plague, war, or other calamities, and the church 
issued special order for services, such as the basic one published in 1563 and 
written by Grindal, "to be used every Wednesday in the weeke, duryng this tyme 
of mortalities, and other afflictions"; Grindal, Remains (PS, pp. 75—110, 258—261). 
Other examples are found in Clay, ed.. Liturgical Services (PS, pp. 458—474). The 
ordering of public fasts, regular and occasional, is described in detail, with quota- 
tions from public documents, by Henry Holland, The Christian Exercise of Fasting, 
Private and Publike (1596; STC 13586), sig. A2''-4''. Holland himself spoke of 
public fasting as taking place in the church "betweene the porch and the altar" and 
involving the confession of sins, prayer, the giving of thanks, and learning and 
conferring together (pp. 75—76, 66). For the church's teaching, see "An Homily of 
Good Works. And First of Fasting"; Certain Sermons and Homilies (1864), pp. 291— 
310; and see Bayne, pp. 435-436n. 

2:385.1—2 but onlie to take downe . • . flesh. The opinion of the Puritans, but 
also the opinion of others, such as Erasmus, who wrote that fasting was ordained 
"to tame the wantonnes of the body that he be not wylde and sturdy agenst the 
spyrite" and "to pease the wrath of god provoked with our synful dedes"; An 
epistell . . . concemyng the forbedynge of eatynge offleshe ([1533?]; STC 10488.7), sig. 

2:385.4—7 I much woonder . . . selfe. See Calvin, Inst. 4.12.20. 

2:385.20-21 Fasting . . . minde; Compare Andrewes, A Pattern of Catechistical 
Doctrine, part 3: "Fasting, which is as it were the wings of prayer; as Augustine 
saith, jejunium orationis robur, 'fasting adds strength to prayer,' oratio vis jejunii, 
'prayer gives strength to fasting' " (LACT, Minor Works, 6:06—107). John Cosin 
(1594—1672), bishop of Durham, commenting on the BCP rubric requiring the 
declaration of fasting days in the coming week (1559, p. 251), says: "if it be 
religion to give alms, it is religion to keep fasting days too, which are appointed by 
the Church to be spend in prayer and abstinence. Jejunium eleemosyna, et oratio, 
went ever together, as here they do." He goes on to discuss the statutes mentioned 
above, 2:384.10-12.n. Notes and Collections on the Book of Common Prayer, 1st ser.; 
Works, LACT (1855), 5:94; see §§ 7 and 18. 

2:385.x,)' TcrtuU. 1. de jejun. See Tertullian, De jejunio adversus Psychicos, chap. 
7: "Ita jejunium in deum reverentiae opus est"; Opera (1566), 2:517; CCSL, 
1:1264. Also chap. 6: "He (Moses) whose 'heart' was found habitually 'lifted up' 
rather than fattened up, who in forty days and as many nights maintained a fast 
above the power of human nature, while spiritual faith ministered strength to him: 
both saw w^ith his eyes God's glory and heard with his ears God's voice and 
understood with his heart God's law"; see also chap. 9. Neque . . . est. Ibid.; 


Book V, Chapter 72.2-72.5 

(1566), 1:516-517; CCSL, 1:1263. "Peril has no time for food: . . . hunger is ever 
the attendant of mourning." 1566 has "moeroris." See Bayne, pp. 436— 437n. 

2:385.z MqSet^ . . . bticai&ooL^ Philo Judaeus, De Abrahamo, chap. 36; Opera 
(1552), p. 256; Loeb, 6:100. "And let no one suppose that joy pure and unmixed 
Avith sorrow comes down from heaven to earth, but there is a mixture of the tw^o. 
For the Father has not permitted the race of men to be wholly devoured by grie6 
and sorrows and incurable anguish, but has mixed in their lot something of the 
better kind, deeming it just that the soul should enjoy a sleep and a season of calm 
weather" (Bayne, p. 437n). Philo has been explaining that only God in heaven 
knows perfect joy; man on earth must renounce it. 

2:385.28—386.4 if anie thinge be . . . save. H refers here to that contrapuntal 
rhythm identified as an essential element of Prayer Book w^orship; see Booty, Three 
Anglican Divines on Prayer: Jewel, Andrewes, and Hooker (Cambridge, Mass.: Society 
of St. John the Evangelist, 1978), pp. 9—12. See chapter 72.8, where H treats 
Good Friday and Easter. Compare his relating the fcst days (Wednesday and Friday) 
to the w^eekly festival day (Sunday). 

2:387.4-8 When ye fast ... openly. Matt. 6:16-18 (GB), referring to the third act 
of piety (the first two being almsgiving, w. 1—4, and prayer, w. 5 ff.), "which the 
Jews practised as an accompaniment to prayer, in order to strengthen prayer"; see 
J. C. Fenton, Saint Matthew (Harmondsworth: Penguin Books, 1963), p. 102. 

2:387.11—12 The Pharises weeklie ... reproved. See Luke 18:12, "I fest twice 
in the week," meaning Mondays and Thursdays. Christians fast on Wednesdays 
and Fridays, according to The Didache (the early Christian manual on morals and 
Church practice), chap. 8: "Let not your fasts be with the hypocrites, for they fast 
on Mondays and Thursdays, but do you fast on Wednesdays and Fridays" {Apostolic 
Fathers, Loeb, 1:321). Mondays and Thursdays (the second and fifth days) were fast 
days for the Jews because it was said that it was then that Moses came down from 
and went up Mt. Sinai. 

2:387.15— 17. (i Of publique injoigned fastes . . . rehersall. 2 Chron. 20 refers 
to Jehosaphat's fast before his victory over Moab and Ammon. Jer. 36 refers to the 
fast before Baruch reads the Law to the people. Ezra 8:21 concerns Ezra's fast. 1 
Sam. 7 concerns the fast at Mizpeh before the victory over the Philistines. 

2:387. /i Levit. 23. Enumerates the feasts of the Lord. Levit. 16. Concerns the 
Atonement; "to afflict the Soul" is used to refer to "fasting" in these chapters. 
Philo . . . aiTEioSai. Philo Judaeus, De vita Mosis; in Libros Mosis (1552), p. 
447. 1552 reads aiaioK; for oaiaig dpvriOTEiav for dfivTicrriav. H copied the 
mistakes; see textual note. "On this fast it is not lawful to partake of food or drink, 
that men may keep the feast with pure thoughts, not troubled and impeded by the 
bodily passion repletion is apt to excite, and may propitiate the Father of the 
universe with holy prayers; by which they are wont to obtain pardon of their 



former sins and the possession and enjoyment of new blessings" (Bayne, p. 439n). 

2:388.4 Godolias Appointed governor of Judah under Babylonian rule after the 
seige and destruction of Jerusalem (588—587 BC), the conciliatory Gedaliah was 
condemned as a collaborator by Ishmael, who plotted his assassination (2 Kings 
25:25). His death was commemorated with a fast on the 3rd of Tishri, the end of 
September. See Jer. 40—41; Zech. 7:5 and 8:19 (cited in i). 

2:388. « Zach. 8:19 The prophet Zechariah explains the fasting customs of Israel 
to those in doubt: "Thus saith the Lord of hostes, The fast of the fourthe moneth, 
and the fast of the fifte, and the fast of the seventh, and the fast of the tenth, shal 
be to the house of Judah joye and gladnes, and prosperous hie feasts: therefore love 
the trueth and peace" (GB). 

2:388.9—19 That St Jerome . . . time. H summarizes Jerome's commentary on 
Zech. 8:19, above; see Opera (1516), 6:116"; PL, 25:1546-47. Bayne (p. 440n) 
quotes the Latin. 

2:388.14 Chald^eans Babylonians. 

2:388./ Vide Riber. 1.5. c.21. Francisco de Ribera Villacastin (1537-1591) was 
a Jesuit exegete and professor of sacred scripture; bk. 5.21 of De Templo, et Dei is 
quae ad Templum pertinent, libri quinque (1593), enumerates twenty-four fasts of the 
Jews, ending: "His diebus addiderunt magistri ludaeorum singulis anni hebdomadis 
ieiunium secundi, et quinti diei, id est, secundae, et quintae feriae, tribus de causis 
propter excidium templi, propter combustam legem, et propter blasphemiam 
Rabsacae" (p. 366); see Bayne, p. 440n. 

2:389.M Puram . . • caenam. Apuleius of Madauras in Africa (b. 124 AD?), Opera 
(1575), p. 380, speaking of eating that is pure, that is, without animal flesh. 
Apuleius was the supposed translator of the Hermetica, Hermetis Trismegisti Asclepius 
sive de natura deorum dialogus; Asclepius in the dialogue is Hermes's pupil. A 
rhetorician notable for his florid style, Apuleius is better known as the author of 
The Golden Ass. Such was his later reputation as a thaumaturge (the novel recounts 
his being transformed into a golden ass) that Augustine was obliged to warn the 
faithful against being taken in by his followers (OCD). Pastum . . . causa. 
TertuUian, De pcenitentia, chap. 9; Opera (1566), 2:46; CCSL, 1:336. "To use plain 
food for meat and drink, not for the belly's but for the soul's sake." Vide . • . 
Phil, contempt. Philo Judaeus, De vita contemplatiua, esp. chap. 9; Opera (1552), 
p. 617; Loeb, 9:158. "The table too bears nothing which has blood, but there is 
placed upon it bread for food and salt for seasoning." See Bayne, p. 441n. 

2:389.0 Hieron. . . . Jovinian. Jerome, Contra Jouinianum, 2.16, comments that St. 
Paul attacks not Christian fasts but Jewish superstitions; Opera (1516), 3:37; PL, 

2:389.p R. Mos. . . . jejun. Moses Maimonides; see Bayne, p. 441n. And see 


' Book V, Chapter 72.5-72.8 

Mishneh Torah, ed. Mordecai Yehudah Lieb and Mordecai Dov Ravinowitz 
Qerusalem: Mossad HaRav Kook, 1987), 3:617-644; The Code of Maimonides, 
bk. 3, The Book of the Seasons, trans. Solomon Gandz and Hyman Klein (New 
Haven: Yale University Press, 1961), Treatise 9, Laws Concerning Fast Days, pp. 
432-433, 434, 436, 449, and 452. See 2:65 ./n, above. 

2:389.11—13 Thcire fastinges ... God. Penitence and devotion are the two 
interrelated aspects of fasting; see § 2. 

2:389. r Hora sexta . . . supervenit. Josephus, De vita sua, § 54; in Opera (1548), p. 
567; Loeb, 1:104; in Opera (1566) it is "secta hora superveniens, quae nostros ad 
prandium vocare solet sabbatis" (p. 450). "(There would have been a tumult had 
not) the sixth hour arrived which was wont on the Sabbath to call our people 
home to meat" (Bayne, p. 442n). De vita sua was translated into Latin for the first 
time by Gelenius in the 1548 Basel edn. of Josephus's Opera. 

2:389.5 Sabbata Judceorum . . . dicata. Justinus, Philippic History, 36.2: "The 
Sabbath was by Moses declared for all time a fast day." The error here may be in 
the use of Sabbath for an entire week ("I fast twice a Sabbath"), and may account 
for the error in the next citation; (1592), fol. 123'. Justinus was the 2C abbreviator 
of Trogus Pompeius's Historiae Philippicae, written in the time of Augustus, and 
\videly read in the Middle Ages. Ne Judxus . . . servavi. Suetonius, the Roman 
historian who flourished in the reign of Trajan (98—117 AD), in his Octauius, chap. 
76; XII Caesares (1522), p. 124: "No Jew, my Tiberius, so willingly keeps his 
Sabbath fast as I today have kept it," describing Octavius's indifierence to food. 
Modem texts read "diligenter," "diligently," for "libenter," "willingly." 

2:389.21-390.6 Besides they which . . . time. Matt. 12:1-8, Mk. 2:23-28, Luke 
6:1—5. The Mishna specifically forbade work on the Sabbath (see Shabbath, 7.2), 
but the Midrash Yalkut explained that David had violated the law for the sake of 
necessity, and the Talmud explained, "The Sabbath is given over to you, and not 
you to the Sabbath" {Yoma, 85b). 

2:390.11 thirde hower of the day Or nine o'clock a.m., before which time, and 
particularly on the Sabbath and other feast days, the Je^vs were to fast. 

2:390.M CoL 4:4. As Bayne points out (p. 443n), this reference is a mistake; he 
suggests Acts 14:23, which does mention fasting, but it is hard to see how the two 
citations were confused. 

2:390.16—17 ex aliqua . . . requiringe. Tertullian, Dejejunio adversus Psychicos, chap. 
13; Opera (1566), 2:524-25; CCSL, 1:1272. 

2:390.17-19 It doth not . . . all. See Calvin, Inst. 4.12.17, 19, and 2:391.8-13 
and n, below. 

2:390. f Ignat. ep. ad Philip. See Ignatius of Antioch, To the Philippians, chap. 
13; Epistolae (1558), p. 59; not genuine: see Apostolic Fathers, Loeb, 1:166—171. H 
quotes the Greek at 2:392.ur, Cartwright cites the letter in 384.0/. 



2:391.3 Saterdaie The Saturday fast originated as an extension of Friday's; see 
Tertullian, De jejunio adversus Psychicos, chap. 14; Opera (1566), 2:525—26; Bayne, 
pp. 443-444n. 

2:391.8—13 w^hen St. Ambrose lived . . . othermse. H here summarizes the 
citation made by Whitgift from Augustine's epist. 86, Ad Casulanum, chap. 14.32. 
Augustine reports that Ambrose, being asked whether it is lawful to fast on sabbath 
day and seeing there was some diversity of practice in this matter among the 
churches, replied: "Quando hie sum, non jejuno sabbato, quando Romae sum 
jejuno sabbato: et ad quamcunque ecclesiam veneritis, (inquit) ejus morem servate, 
si pati scandalum non vultis aut facere"; in his Answere Whitgift translates: "When 
I am here, I faste not on the Sabboth, when I am at Rome I doe faste on the 
Sabboth, and to what Churche so ever you come, keepe the custome thereof, if 
you will neyther suffer offence nor gyve offence"; Defense, p. 99 (PS, 1:222—223); 
Augustine, Opera (1556), 2:393; PL, 33:151, as epist. 36. Whitgift treats Augus- 
tine's letter under the rubric, "The opinion of S. Augustine of things indifferent," 
and recommends "The whole Epistle" as "worthy of reading." See Bayne, p. 

2:391.13-19 The Churches . , . Christ. According to canon 15 of Peter, bishop 
of Alexandria (d. 311), Wednesday was kept as a fast because of the Jews' "taking 
counsel for the betrayal of the Lord" and Friday "because He then suffered for our 
sake." The Lord's day "we keep as a day of gladness, because on it He rose again; 
and on it according to tradition we do not even kneel" (Bayne, p. 444n). 

2:391.22 before alleaged At lines 8-13, above; see n. And see Cartwright, 1:30, 
quoted in 2:384.1*" and n, above. 

2:391.31—32 tneanes to blot out sinne. See Ambrose, epist. 63.16: "Quae nobis 
salus esse potest, nisi jejunio eluerimus peccata nostra"; PL, 16:1194. "What 
salvation can w^e have unless by fasting we blot out our sins?" (Bayne, p. 445n). 

2:392.3 Ambrose . . . opinion. Ibid., "Qui sunt hi praeceptores novi, qui 
meritum excludant jejuni?"; PL, 16:1194. "Who are these new teachers who deny 
would the merit of fasting?" See Cartwright, 1:30, quoted at 2:384. tf. 

2:392.26-28.M^ Ignatius hath said ... Christ, See 2:390.30-391.6., v, and n, 

2:392.x Vide . . . 25. Chapters 20-25 of Irenaeus's Adversus omnes haereses describe 
the heresies of Simon Magus, Menander, Basilides, Satuminus, Carpocrates, and 
Cerinthus — Gnostics who taught that the world was not created by God but by 
powers inferior and even hostile to God, identified by some with Jehovah in OT; 
Opera (1528), pp. 42 ff. Epiph. . . . 42. Epiphanius, Refutation of all the Heresies, 
21.4, 22.1, 23.1, 24.2, 27.2, 28.1, 41.1, and 42.2; concerning Marcion, Epiphanius 
reports (42.3): "He fasts on the Sabbath (Saturday) for this reason. Since, he says, 
it is the rest of the God of the Jews" (Bayne, p. 446n). See Contra octoginta haereses 


Book V, Chapter 72.8-72.12 

(1566; Latin), pp. 18-19, 21, 31, 33-34, 91-92, Marcion being on the latter pages; 
(1544; Greek), pp. 30, 32, 35, 49, 133, 135; PG, 41:699. 

2:393.)' Vide Canon. Apost. 55. See 2:345.^.n, above, and canon 66 (65) in 
Hefele, History of the Councils, 1:484, which prohibits &sting on Sundays; Hefele 
notes that "the custom of fasting on Sunday is to be met with only among those 
sects who professed a sort of Gnostic dualism." 

2:393.16-17 Tertullian . . . Montanize, That is, Tertullian's advocacy of rigorist 
Montanist views, including more frequent and more exacting days of fasting; see 
l:159.2r.n, above. 

2:394.9-22 Against us ye pretend . . . selfe? Tertullian, Dejejunio adversus Psydticos, 
chap. 13.1—2: "Praescribitis constituta esse solemnia huic fidei scripturis vel 
traditione majorum; nihilque observationis amplius adjiciendum ob illicitum 
innovationis. State in isto gradu si potestis. Ecce enim convenio vos et praeter 
Pascha jejunantes. . . . Denique respondetis haec ex arbitrio agenda, non ex 
imperio. Movistis igitur gradum, excedendo traditionem, cum quae non sunt 
constituu obitis. Quale est autem, ut tuo arbitrio permittas quod imperio Dei non 
das? plus humanae licebit voluntati quam divinae potestati? Ego me saeculo non 
Deo liberum memini"; Opera (1566), 2:524; CCSL, 1:1271. 

2:395.2-8 Our nue prophecies . . . not, Ibid., chap. 1: "Hi Paracleto controversiam 
&ciunt, propter hoc novae prophetiae recusantur, non quod alium Deum praedi- 
cent Montanus et Priscilla et Maximilla, nee quod Jesum Christum solvant, nee 
quod aliquam fidei aut spei regulam evertant, sed quod plane doceant saepius 
jejunare quam nubere"; and chap. 17: "Quis sanctior inter vos, nisi convivandi 
frequentior, nisi obsonandi pollucibilior, nisi calicibus instructior? Merito homines 
solius animae et camis spiritalia recusatis"; (1566), 2:528-29; CCSL,, 1:1257, 1276. 
The concluding sentence means: "Men of soul and flesh only, as you are, you 
righdy reject things of the spirit" (Bayne, p. 448n). The superscript z should 
precede "These set fasts . . ." (line 10). 

2:395.10-21 and z These set fasts . . . God. See Epiphanius, Refutation of all the 
Heresies, 75.3: "Sed neque jejunium (inquit) erit ordinatum. Haec enim Judaica 
sunt, et sub jugo servitutis. Justo enim lex non est posita, sed patricidis ac matrici- 
dis, et reliquis. Si vero omnino volo jejunare, qualemcunque eligam diem a meipso 
et jejunabo propter libertatem. Unde apud ipsos studium est, ut potius in die 
Dominica jejunent, quarta vero et prosabbato edant. Saepe vero etiam quarta 
jejunant, non ex statuto, sed ex propria (ut inquit) volunute. In diebus autem 
paschatis quando apud nos fiunt humi dormitiones, castitates, afflictiones, siccorum 
esus, preces vigiliae, ac jejunia, et omnes animarum salutes per sanctas afflictiones 
ipsi a summo mane obsonantur, cameque ac vino venas suas explentes cachin- 
nantur, ridentes ac subsannantes eos qui sanctum hunc cultum hebdomadis paschatis 
perficiunt"; Contra octoginta haereses (1564; Latin), fol. 404', as heresy 75; (1544; 
Greek), p. 386; PG, 42:508. Concerning Aerius, known to us only through 



Epiphanius, see 2:439.27-29.n, below. He opposed prescribed fasts, and his 
followers refused to fast even in Holy Week. 

2:396.21—22 a special! sacrifice . . . Moses, The Day of Atonement (Yom 
Kippur); see Num. 29:7-11 and Lev. 16. In the Homily on Fasting, the pubUc act 
is distinguished from the private and illustrated in terms of the Jewish Day of 
Atonement; Certain Sermons and Homilies (1864), p. 293. 

2:396.26-31 There could not . . . intended. The service of commination, 
headed, "A Commination against Sinners, with Certain Prayers to Be Used Divers 
Times in the Year," concluded the Elizabethan BCP (1559, pp. 316-323). In 1549 
it was confined to use on Ash Wednesday, but the 1552 Prayer Book indicated a 
more general use. Based upon medieval forms of excommunication, it begins with 
cursings against impenitent sinners but ends with the Miserere and prayers for mercy 
and forgiveness. See the Injunctions and Articles of Archbishops Grindal and 
Sandys issued in 1571, ordering the use of the service; Visitation Articles, ed. Frere 
(1910), 3:254—255, 278, 304; and Bucer's commendation of the service, Censura 
on BCP; Scripta Anglicana (1577), pp. 491-492. 

2:396.34-397.4 Wherewith . . . them. H probably had the Second Admonition in 
mind: "There is also a Commination grounded uppon great reason, if that be well 
marked, which the priest (forsothe) must say at the entraunce into the matter, that 
is, what a peece of Discipline was in former times kept about the holy time of 
Lent, \vhich untill it be restored, would be supplied with this Jewishe (Deu. xxvii. 
13, 14) order. But what place of scripture dothe induce them to reduce this 
ceremonie? or what place of scripture woulde warrante such a peece of discipline 
as there they seeme verye desirous to have restored? as who shoulde saye suche 
devises of observances for (Galat. iv. 9, 10, 11) dayes and times were profitable or 
sufiferable in Christes churche. Let them endevoure to commend god his discipline, 
which should be all the dayes and times of oure life exercised in Christes churche" 
{P.M., pp. 116—117). The Puriun discipline is alluded to at the end. 

2:397. <j Cone. Laod. . . . ceUbrari. See the Council of Laodicea (360 AD?), canon 
51: "Quod non oportet in Quadragesima martyrum natales peragere, sed sanctorum 
martyrum facere commemorationes in sabbatis et Dominicis"; "In Lent no feasts 
of the martyrs shall be celebrated, but the holy martyrs shall be commemorated on 
the Saturdays and Sundays of Lent." And canon 52: "Quod non oportet in 
Quadragesima nuptias vel natalia celebrare"; "No wedding or birthday feast shall 
be celebrated in Lent" (Bayne, p. 451n); Concilia (1585), 1:703; Hefele, History of 
the Councils, 2:320. Canon 49 specifies that the bread (of the Eucharist) shall not be 
offered during Lent, except on Saturdays (celebrated in many places as the Feast of 
the Creation) and Sundays, largely because the consecration of bread and wine w^as 
regarded as joyful and not appropriate on pentitential days. See Hefele's n. on 
canon 16 (2:310). 

2:398. </ l.Tim. 4:8. "For bodelie exercise profiteth lide." GB glosses: "Meaning 


Book V, Chapter 72.14-73.1 

to be given to ceremonies and to suche things as delite the ^tasie of man." 

2:398.17-18/ Victors extremitie . . . one, Eusebius, Hist, ecdes., 5.23-24, con- 
cerns the Quartodeciman, or Paschal, Controversy, 190 AD?, in which Victor I, as 
the bishop of Rome, sought "to cut off by a single stroke the communities of the 
whole of Asia, together with the neighbouring churches, from the common union, 
on the ground of their unorthodoxy," that is, for keeping Easter on the fourteenth 
of the Jewish month Nisan, rather than on the Sunday following, the date set for 
the feast by the Church of Rome and others (24.9); The Ecclesiastical History, Loeb, 
1:168-170; Opera (1549), p. 552. See ODCC, under "Quartodecimanism." 

2:399./ 'Ev xavri ... auTriv. Aristode, N.E., 2.9; 1109^ Opera (1550), 2:11. 
"We must in everything be most of all on our guard against what is pleasant and 
against pleasure; for when pleasure is on her trial we are not impartial judges" 
(Loeb, p. 113). 

2:399.23—26 From hence . . . life; On ascetical rigorism in the early church, see 
K. E. Kirk, The Vision of God (London, 1931), pp. 218-241; A. D. Nock, Conver- 
sion (London, 1933); and Anthony Merideth, "Asceticism — Christian and Greek," 
Journal of Theological Studies, n.s., 27.2 (October 1976): 313-332, who deals with 
the 4C, principally with Antony of Egypt, Basil of Caesarea, and Gregory of Nyssa. 

2:401.0 Valde absurdum . . . jejunis. Jerome, epist. 31, Ad Eustochium; Opera 
_ (1516), 1:59'; PL, 22:446. The quoution continues: "lu tibi semper comedendum 
est, ut cibum et oratio sequatur et lectio." "It is highly ridiculous to honour by 
immoderate feasting a martyr who, as you know, pleased God by his fasting. And 
when you take food let prayer and the reading of the word be attendants always 
upon your repast." Preceding this Jerome advised that feasts be kept "not so much 
by profusion of meats as by exaltation of mind" (Bayne, p. 455n). 

2:401.23 T.C. 1.1. p.l99. Pages 159-160 in 1st edn. Here Cartwright objects to 
the use of the ring in marriage, the groom's pledge "wyth my body 1 thee wor- 
shyp," and "the receiving of the Communion" by those who are married, as 
found in the BCP Solemnization of Matrimony {1559, pp. 290-299). The Admoni- 
tions critique anticipates Cartwright's three points: see 2:404.7, 404.28, 406.5-9, 
and nn, below. 

2:401.24—25 In this world , . . propagation. Aristotle, Politics, 1.1-2, grounds 
society in the union of male and female who provide for the continuance of the 
race and esublish the basic unit of society, the family; see Lawes 1.10.2-3. In 
emphasizing propagation H singles out the first of the three purposes of marriage 
according to the BCP {1559, pp. 290-291): (1) "procreation of children," (2) 
"remedy against sin, to avoid fornication," and (3) "mutual society, help and 
comfort." In his Censura Bucer argued that the order was wrong, that the third 
should be first, "ut prima est": "Potest enim esse verum Coniugium inter eos, 
quibus nee proles quaeritur: nee remedium contra fomicationem. ... "; Scripta 



Anglicana (1577), p. 488. He spoke of the union in terms of the one flesh (Svo- 
ai(;), the two becoming one flesh to help one another in every aspect of Ufe. H 
alludes to this in his application of "participation" to marriage (2:405.30—406.1), 
but he obviously prefers the Prayer Book order. See John Cosin, Notes and 
Collections on the Book of Common Prayer, LACT (1855), 5:492, and T. A. Lacey, 
Marriage in Church and State (London, 1947). 

2:402.19—21 Now that w^hich is borne • . . besides. The first purpose of 
marriage is "The procreation of children to be brought up in the fear and nurture 
of the Lord, and praise of God" {B.C.P., 1559, p. 290). 

2:402.23—24 necessitie to be linked . . . knot. This stands in contrast to the 
understanding that in sexual intercourse a new status — which is indissoluble — is 
created. H emphasizes utility or necessity for the sake of the family. However, in 
discussing ordination (chap. 77.3; 2:426.10-14), he refers to the marriage knot in 
such a way as to imply its indissolubility. See the contrasting views of Edward B. 
Guerry, The Historic Principle of Indissolubility of Marriage (Sewanee, Term.: The 
University Press, The University of the South, 1953), and Derrick Sherwin Bailey, 
The Mystery of Love and Marriage (New York: Harper and Brothers, 1952). 

2:402.r To6g iepobq y&iiovq. . . . lib.2. Dionysius of Halicamassus (d. 7 BC), 
a Greek rhetorician who lived in Rome, Roman Antiquities, 2.25.2; Scripta quae 
exstant, omnia, et historica, et rhetorica (1586), p. 95; Antiquitatem Romanorum quae 
supersunt, ed. Carolus Jacobius (1885-1905), 1:188, where we read yuvaiKa 
yaperi^v ti^v K&xa y&^out; iepoOg Loeb, 1:380, where it is iK&Xovv bk. Tovq 
iepodc; Kai vo/ii|iiou^ oi 7taA,ai6v yd^ou^. 

2:402.5 Kidduschin . . . nuptiarum. See Keble, 2:428n. In the period of the 
Second Temple, it was decreed that a blessing be recited during the betrothal of a 
couple. One version reads: "Blessed art Thou O Lord, our God and King of the 
Universe, who hath sactified us by His commandments and commandeth us to 
refirain firom unlawful marriages and forbidden us the betrothal and permitteth us 
the marriage, by canopy and sanctification; Blessed art Thou O Lord who sanctifi- 
eth Israel." Ze'ev Falk writes: "This blessing designates the emption [act of buying; 
purchase as in a contract] as a sanctification; as the rabbis put it, the man was 
sanctifying the woman. The term apparently evolved out of the blessing itself, 
which closes with the words 'sanctifieth Israel', and hence the ceremony was called 
'qedushah' or 'qidushin'. The same blessing, which turned into an important 
element of the betrothal, was later to give its name to the ceremony as a whole — 
which was also called 'qidushin' "; Jewish Matrimonial Law in the Middle Ages, 
Scripta Judaica, 6 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1966), pp. 40-41. The 
Kiddushin is the seventh tide of the third series of the Mishnah. 

2:403.8-9 Wherefore to begin restrained, "A View of Popishe Abuses" 

instances "licenses graunted out of this courte to marry in forbiden times, as in 
lent, in advent, in the gang weke, when banners and bells with the prieste in his 


Book V, Chapter 73.3-73.6 

surplesse, singing gospels, and making crosses, rangeth aboute in many places, upon 
the ember dayes, and to forbidden persons, and in exempt places" {P.M., pp. 32— 
33); "gang week" is Rogation Week when the parish bounds were traversed by 
vicar, churchwardens, and certain substantial parishioners, w^ith psalms, litany, and 
homily being read out as they process. See Grindal, Remains (PS, p. 141), and 
Cartwright's objection, in Strype, Annab (1.2:382). In the Answere, Whitgift 
responded, "I do mislike that there should be any time forbidden to marry in (for 
that can have no good meaning) ..." but did not elaborate; quoted in Defense, p. 
685 (PS, 3:277). Bishop Cooper, in his Admonition (1589), believed that forbidding 
marriages at certain times was not unchristian, but he thought the objection trivial 
since the laws concerning the matter were "so litde executed" (PS, pp. 82—86). 
Canon 52 of the Council of Laodicea forbade marriage in Lent and was adopted 
by Gratian, Decretum,; see 2:397. a.n, above. Additional times are specified 
in Lyndwood's Prouinciale, and there is evidence that application was made for 
licenses to marry during forbidden times, but in parliament and convocation during 
Elizabeth's time there was pressure to do away with them. The 1575 Convocation 
drew up an article which stated "that the bishops shall take order that it be 
published and declared in every parish church within their diocese . . . that 
marriage may be solemnized at all times of the year," but the article was disal- 
lowed, most likely by the queen herself (Cardwell, Synodalia, l:133n, which 
contains further details). See Bayne, pp. 458— 459n. 

2:403. M Mulieres antique . . . convenissent. Boethius, in his commentary on 
Cicero's Topica, chap. 16, an abridgement of Aristotle's work of the same name; 
Opera omnia ([1570]), p. 781. "By ancient law women were held in perpetual 
guardianship. But those who had married ceased to be in the power of the 
guardian." The BCP ceremony whereby the father of the bride gives her over to 
the church to be bestowed on the groom {1559, p. 292) came into the 1549 book 
firom the York Manual (Maskell, ed., Monumenta, 1:56) and not firom Sarum. It was 
logical, thus, that it should be questioned. 

2:403.1/ Nullum ne privatam . . . voluerunt. Titus Livy, the Roman historian (d. 17 
ad), Romanae historiae principis, libri omnes, 44.2; (1589), p. 56; Loeb, 9:416, as 
34.2.11. "Our forefathers did not allow women to transact even private business 
except under authority." The reason yeelded . . . consilii. M. Tullius Cicero, 
Pro Lucius Murena oratio, 12.27; Orationum uolumen secundum (1585), 2:298; Loeb, 
pp. 218—219. "On account of the weakness of their judgment" (Bayne, p. 459n). 

2:404.w Vide leges Saxon. . . . 17. See John Heroldt, a learned minister of Basel 
(b. 1511 in Swabia), Originum ac Germanicarum antiquitatum libri (1557), p. 124; title 
6, De haeredihus et uiduis, § 3: "Qui viduam ducere velit, offerat tutori precium, 
emptiones eius, consentientibus ad hoc propinquis eius"; "He who would marry 
a widow must offer her guardian the amount of her cost with the consent of her 
relatives." § 4: "Si tutor abnuerit, convertat se ad proximos eius, et eorum consen- 
su accipiat illam, paratam habens pecuniam, ut tutori eius, si forte aliquid dicere 



velit, dare possit, hoc est solid, ccc"; "If the guardian refuses it he must turn to 
her nearest relations and take her by their consent, having the money ready, that 
he may be able to give it to the guardian, if he wishes to say anything, (with the 
words) This is 300 crowns." And title 17 (p. 126): "Lito Regis liceat uxorem 
emere, ubicunque voluerit. Sed non liceat ullam foeminam vendere"; "The king's 
thrall may buy his wife where he please. But it is not lawful for him to sell any 
woman" (Bayne, pp. 459— 460n). The ring remained as a symbol of this ancient 
custom. The 1549 Prayer Book instructs the man to give the woman a ring "and 
other tokens of spousage, as gold and silver," meaning symbols of the dowry; see 
Maskell, ed., Monumenta, 1:58. 

2:404.7 ringe See "A View of Popishe Abuses": "As for matrimonie, that also 
hathe corruptions to many. It was wonte to be compted a sacramente, and therfore 
they use yet a sacramental signe, to which they attribute the vertue of wedlocke. 
I meane the wedding ring, which they fowly abuse and dally with all, in taking up, 
and laying it downe: In putting it on, they abuse the name of the Trinitie" {P.M., 
p. 27). Whitgift replied that the ring was not of the substance of matrimony but 
"only a Ceremonie," which Bucer thought profitable, the ring being given to the 
minister who then gives it to the groom to bestow upon the bride, thus symboliz- 
ing that we ought to give all that we possess to God who gives all to us. Whitgift 
quotes Bucer: "The putting of the ring upon the fourth finger of the womans left 
hand, to the which as it is said, there commeth a sinew or string firom the heart, 
doth signify that the heart of the wife oughte to be united to her husbande, and 
the roundnesse of the ring doth signifie, that the wife ought to be joyned to hir 
husbande with a perpetual bande of love, as the ring it selfe is withoute ende"; 
Answere, quoted in Defense, p. 723 (PS, 3:353-354); Bucer, Censura on BCP; 
Scripta Anglicana (1577), pp. 488—489. To this Cartwright responded: "If it be M. 
Bucers judgement whych is alledged heere for the ring/ I see that sometimes 
Homere sleapth. For first of all I have shewed/ that it is not lawfull to institute 
new signes and sacraments/ and then it is dangerous to doe it/ as is alledged by the 
admonition. And thirdly/ to make suche fonde allegories of the laying downe of 
the money/ of the roundnes of the ring/ and of the mystery of the fourth finger/ 
is (let me speake it wyth hys good leave) very ridiculous and farre unlike hymselfe. 
And fourthly/ that he wil have the minister to preach upon these toyes/ surely it 
savoreth not of the learning and sharpnes of the judgement of M. Bucer" (1:199 
[159]). For the Puritan service, bare of such ceremonial, see Hall, ed., Fragmenta 
Uturgica, 1:68-74, and Davies, W.E.P., pp. 138-139. Bayne observes: "In the 
mediaeval service the ring was put first on the thumb in the Name of the Father, 
then on the next finger in the Name of the Son, then on the next in the Name of 
the Holy Ghost, and lastly on the so-called fourth finger, saying. Amen, where it 
was to be left, "because a certain vein is in the fourth finger (in medico), going to 
the heart (Sarum Rubric)." The "unicus digitus" (see x) was the fourth finger of 
the left hand, supposed to be connected by a vein to the heart; it was also called 
the "digitus medicinalis" (p. 460n). 


Book V, Chapter 73.6-73.7 

2:404.x Aurum nulla norat . . . annulo. TertuUian, Apologeticum, 6.4; Opera (1566), 
2:589-590; CCSL, 1:97. 

2:404.y Isidor ca.l9. Isidore of Seville, De officiis (1534), 2.19, De conjugatis: 

"Illud vero quod in primis annulus a sponso sponsae datur, fit hoc nimirum vel 
propter mutuae fidei signum, vel propter id magis ut eodem pignore eorum corda 
jungantur"^ (sig. K3*). "The giving of a ring in the first place by the bridegroom to 
the bride takes place no doubt either as a sign of mutual feith or better to signify 
the joining of their hearts by the same token" (Bayne, p. 460n). 

2:404.z Ellas . . . Hhupha. See 2:74. n.n, above, and Elias Leviu, Lexicon Hebrai- 
cum, (1557), under Hhupha: "We call the garment which they spread over the head 
of the bridegroom and the bride, with four staves, at the time of espousals, non ; 
fi-om the Scripture expression {Isaiah iv.5), 'Upon all the glory there (is) non , a 
defence, or canopy of light:' and {Psalm xix.5) 'As a bridegroom cometh out of his 
non , chamber:' or, 'from under his bridal canopy* " (Bayne, p. 461n). 

2:404.23.<i praying over a cup The "benedictio pocuh": "Blessed be Thou, O 
Lord our God, King of the world. Who hast created the firuit of the vine." See 
Bayne, 461n. 

2:404.28 With my bodie . . . worship. These are the words spoken by the groom 
as he puts the ring on the bride's finger {B.C. P., 1559, p. 293). "A View of 
Popishe Abuses" objected: "In putting it on, they abuse the name of the Trinitie, 
they make the new marry ed man, according to the Popish forme, to make an idol 
of his wife, saying: with this ring I thee wedde, with my body I thee worshippe, 
etc." {P.M., p. 27). Whitgift answered: "And yet S. Peter, 1. epist. chap. 3, 
speaking to the husbands, sayth: Likeunse ye husbandes dwell with them as men of 
knowledge, geving honour unto the woman, etc."; Defense, p. 724 (PS, 3:355). Cart- 
wright responded: "he must understand that it is one thing wyth us to worship/ 
and an other thing to honor" (1:199 [160]). This Whitgift denied; see Bayne, p. 

2:405. </ 1. penult. D. de concub. Justinian, Digesta, 25.7.4: "Concubinam ex sola 
animi destinatione aestimari oportet"; (1590), col. 816; Mommsen-Krueger (1963), 
p. 369; Scott, 6:50. "The sutus of concubine ought to depend only upon the 
purpose of the man's mind" (Bayne, p. 463n). 

2:405.c 1. Item . . . de legat. 3. Justinian, Digesta, 32.49.4: "Parvi . . . refert, 
uxori, an concubinae quis lege[t] . . . sane enim, nisi dignitate, nihil interest"; 
(1590), col. 1087; Mommsen-Krueger (1963), p. 491; Scott, 7:134. "It matters 
little whether a bequest be made to a wife or a concubine . . . for doubdess except 
in dignity there is no diflference" (Bayne, p. 463n). 

2:405/ 1. donationes D. de donationibus. Justinian, Digesta, 39.5.31: "an . . . 
maritalis honor et affecdo pridem praecesserit, personis comparatis, vitae conjuncti- 
one considerata, perpendendum esse respondi. neque enim tabulas facere matrimo- 



nium"; (1590), col. 1410; Mommsen-Krueger (1963), p. 654; Scott, 9:32. "I have 
answered that it is to be considered whether conjugal honour and a£fection have 
gone before, the persons being compared, and their manner of life together being 
considered; for a will does not make a marriage" (Bayne, p. 463n). 

2:406.5-9 To end the publique soletnnitie ... in ure. The BCP directed that 
the Holy Communion commence as soon as the marriage service was completed 
and that the the newly married couple receive communion that same day {1559, 
pp. 297, 299). To this "A View of Popishe Abuses" objected: "And bicause in 
Poperie, no holy action mighte be done without a masse, they enjoine the marryed 
persones to receive the communion (as they do their bishoppes and priestes when 
they are made, etc.) . . ." {P.M., p. 27). Whitgift regarded the direction as godly 
and cited Bucer's approbation: "Christians ought not to be joyned in matrimonie, 
but in Christe the Lorde"; Defense, p. 724 (PS, 3:356); Censura on BCP, in Scripta 
Anglicana (1577), p. 489. Cartwright replied: "As for the receiving of the Com- 
munion when they be marryed/ that it is not to be suffered (onles there be a 
generall receiving) I have before at large declared/ and as for the reason that it is 
fathered of M. Bucer/ (whych is that those that be Christians/ maye not be joyned 
in maryage/ but in Christe.) It is verye slender and cold/ as if the sacrament of the 
supper were instituted to declare any such thyng/ or they could not declare their 
joyning togither in Christ by no means/ but by receyving the supper of the 
Lorde" (1:199 [160]). 

2:406.^ OOTO^ 6 v6fio^ . . . Kpareiv. Dionysius of Halicamassus (see 2:402.r.n, 
above), Roman Antiquities, 2.25.4; (1586), p. 95; (1885), 1:189. "This law obliged 
both the married women, as having no other refuge, to conform themselves 
entirely to the temper of their husbands, and the husbands to rule their wives as 
necessary and inseparable possessions" (Loeb, 1:382). 

2:406.1 8-22. /i Unde sufficiam . . . conjirme. Tertullian, Ad uxorem, 2.9; Opera 
(1566), 2:131; CCSL, 1:393 (2.8.6). 

2:406.23 Churchinge of wemen. The BCP obtained this service from the Sarum 
Manual, where it was an order for the purification of women after they had given 
birth (Maskell, ed., Monumenta, 1:46-48). Based on Leviticus 12 and the assump- 
tion that the woman is unclean and not fit to enter the sanctuary, the service began 
at the door of the church, with the lesser litany, psalms, and prayers, and the sprin- 
kling of the woman with holy water, after which she was led into the church. The 
1549 Prayer Book follows the medieval rite closely, but there is no suggestion of 
ritual impurity barring the woman from church. The emphasis now falls on 
thanksgiving for safe delivery, as in the title given to it in the Elizabethan book, 
"The Thanksgiving of Women after Childbirth," and in its general tone {1559, 
pp. 314-315). 

2:406.24 T.C. 1.1. p.150. Page 119 in 1st edn. See Whitgift, Defense, pp. 534- 
535 (PS, 2:557-559). 


Book V, Chapter 73.8-74.4 

2:407.3-8 if there should he . . . pray. Caitwright, 1:151 [119], which ends: "but 
[we] shuld be like unto those heretikes/ which we called of the Syriake word 
Messalians, or continual prayers/ and whych did nothing els but pray," citing 
Theodoret's Ecdes. Hist., 4:11. Whitgift points out that Theodoret says nothing of 
praying too much; Defense, p. 536 (PS, 2:561). Cartwright probably had Augustine 
in mind; see De haeresibus, chap. 57; PL, 42:40. 

2:407.22—24 Suppose that some bond . . , benefactors. The reference is to the 
academic custom of mentioning the names of founders and benefactors in bidding 
prayers before sermons; see Bayne, p. 465n. 

2:408.6-10 It is but an overflowing . . . lawr. "A View of Popishe Abuses" 
complained: "Churching of women after childbirthe, smeUeth of Jewishe purifica- 
tion: Theyr other rytes and customes in their lying in, and comming to church, is 
foolishe and superstitious" {P.M., p. 28). Cartwright expanded on this: "Now^ to 
the churching of women/ in the which tide yet kept/ there seemeth to be hid a 
great part of the Jewish purification. For lyke as in the old law shee that had 
brought forthe a childe/ w^as holden uncleane/ untill suche time as she came to the 
temple to shew her selfe after she had brought forthe a man or a woman (Lev. 12): 
so thys terme of churching of her can seme to import nothing els/ then a banish- 
ment/ and (as it were) a certen excommunication from the church/ during the 
space that is betwene the time of her delivery/ and of her comming unto the 
church. For what doth els thys churching implie/ but a restoring her unto that 
church/ whych can not be without some bar or shutting forth presupposed" 
(1:150 [118]). Whitgift replied that it was a service of "thanksgiving"; Defense, pp. 
534-535 (PS, 2:558); see 2:406.23.n, above. 

2:408. « In lege . . . prohibetur. Gratian, Deaetum, 1.5, dictum before the canon; 
C.J.Can. (Venice, 1584), 1:17-18; Friedberg, 1:7. "In the Uw [Lev. 12:5, 15:20], 
it was enjoined that a woman if she had given birth to a male should abstain from 
entering the Temple for 40 days, if to a female, for 80. But now there is no 
prohibition to entering a church immediately after childbirth." See Bayne, p. 467n. 

2:408.^' Quod profecto . . . coagmentetur. Leo VI, constitutio 17; in Justinian, 
Novellae, (1590), col. 361; Greek text ed. J. and P. Nepos,jM5 Crecoromanum (1931; 
rpr. 1962), 1:75-77; PG, 107:455-460; Scott, 17:220. "If the ancient law pre- 
scribed a time during which a woman should, under such circumstances, be 
excluded from communion, it is not, as I beheve, because of her present condition 
of impurity, but for other reasons concealed by the policy of the law, and I think 
that the principal one was to restrain the concupiscence of those who devote 
themselves to sensual pleasures without moderation, just as many other regulations 
have been established for the purpose of blunting the indomitable desires of 
vfomen. I also think that another reason was to prevent her health from being 
afiected by her confinement; for as everything which is superfluous in nature is 
useless and conducive to decay, women, being subject to loss of blood during 



confinement, are forbidden to place any obstruction to this flow during the time 
prescribed by law; and, in order that they might not be tempted to arrest it, were 
compelled to remain, during that period, temperate and fi-ee firom concupiscence" 

2:408.15—19 To scofTe . . . wise. In the first three Prayer Books, there was no 
rubric directing that the woman wear a veil or be "decently appareled," but the 
custom was suflBciently strong for "A View of Popishe Abuses" to object: "She 
must he in with a white sheete uppon her bed, and come covered w^ith a vayle, as 
ashamed of some foUy" {P.M., pp. 28-29). See Whitgift, Defense, p. 537 (PS, 

2:409.1 oblations The final rubric in the BCP service reads: "The woman that 
Cometh to give her thanks must offer accustomed offerings" {1559, p. 315). The 
1549 Prayer Book indicated that amongst these offerings was the chrysom, or 
christening robe, put on a child at baptism, as a symbol of the cleansing of its sin. 
In addition some money would be offered. "A View" objected that "these are 
matters of custome, and not in the booke" {P.M., p. 29). Cartwright expanded the 
complaint: "she is commaunded to offer accustomed ofirings. Wherin besides that/ 
the very word oflfring caryeth with it a strong sent and suspition of a sacrifice 
(especially being uttered simply without any addition) it can not be without 
danger/ that the boke maketh the custome of the popish church (whych was so 
corrupt) to be the rule and measure of this offiing. And although the meaning of 
the boke is not that it shuld be any offring for sin/ yet this manner of speaking 
may be a stumbling stock in the way of the ignorant and simple/ and the wicked 
and obstinate therby are confirmed and hardned in their corruptions. The best 
which can be answered in this case is/ that it is for the relief of the minister/ but 
then it shuld be remembred/ first that the minister liveth not any more of offer- 
ings. Secondarily/ that the paiment of the ministers wages is not so convenient 
either in the church or before all the people. And thirdly/ that therby we fal into 
that fault ^vhych we condemne in popery/ and that is/ that besides the ordinary 
Hving apoynted for the service of the priests in that whole/ they toke for their 
several services of masse/ baptisme/ burying/ churching, etc. several rewards/ 
which thing being of that service boke wel abolished in certain other things/ I 
cannot see what good cause there shuld be/ to retain it in this and certain other" 
(1:150-151 [118]); Whitgift, Defense, p. 534 (PS, 2:557-559). See Felicity Heal, 
"Economic Problems of the Clergy," Church and Society in England (London: 
Macmillan, 1977), pp. 99-118. 

2:409.10 T.C. 1.3. p.236. Responding to Whitgift {Defense, pp. 727-237; PS, 
3:361-380), Cartwright attacks the burial service of the BCP {1559, pp. 309-313), 
the use of funeral sermons, and mourning apparel; his emphasis falls on the sermons 
(3:236-241) for which no provision is made in the BCP. Indeed, the Elizabethan 
book provides that, with the exception of the opening verses, the office be said at 
the grave side and does not provide any propers (items within an office that change 


Book V, Chapter 74.3-75.3 

according to the season or occasion, as distinct from items that are invariant) for a 
requiem Eucharist. That a strong protest was made by the Puritans indicates that 
sermons were preached, esp. for those of some importance, as in H's own Remedie 

2:409.13—14 'not . . . inconvenient* ^ From Cartwright's table of contents: "of the 
inconvenience, not of the unla^vfulnes the ceremonies in Burial" (3:M3'). 

2:409.14—17 because it appointeth ... it. H has in mind here (in addition to 
Cartwright) "A View of Popishe Abuses": "They appointe a prescripte kind of 
service to burie the dead: And that which is the duety of every christian, they tie 
alone to the minister, wherby prayer for the dead is maintained, and pardy 
gathered oute of some of the prayers, where they pray that we with this oure 
brother, and all other departed in the true faithe of thy holy name, may have our 
perfect consummation and blisse, bothe in bodye and soule [B.C.P., 1559, p. 313]. 
We say nothing of the threefold peale . . . nor of their straunge mourning by 
chaunging theyr garments, which if it be not hipocritical, yet it is superstitious and 
heathnish . . . nor of buriall sermons, whiche are put in place of trentalles [30 
masses for the soul of the dead], wherout spring many abuses, and therfore in the 
best reformed churches, are removed" (P.M., p. 28). Concerning peals of bells, see 
the Interpretations of the Injunctions, Corpus Christi College, Cambridge, MS 106 
(141), p. 427. 

2:410.8-10 If there be no sorrow . . . daungerous. See Cartwright, 1:201 [161]: 
"For the moumyng apparell/ the admonition sayeth not simply it is evill because 
it is done of custome/ but proveth that it is hypocritical oftentimes/ for that it 
proceedeth not from any sadnes of minde/ whych it dothe pretende/ but wome 
only of custome/ there being under a mourning gowne oftentimes a mery heart. 
And considering that where there is sorow in deede for the dead/ there it is very 
hard for a man to kepe a measure that he do not lament too much: We ought not 
to use those meanes whereby we myght be further provoked to sorow. . . ." See 
Whitgift, Defense, pp. 731-732 (PS, 3:367-371), and Cartwright, 3:238. Cartwright 
cites Cyprian, De mortalitate, chap. 20 (PL, 4:596), who says that "black garments 
should not be worn when the dead in heaven have put on white robes" so that 
the heathen may not think Christians suppose their dead "extinct and lost," and 
Augustine, "li. 2. de consolat. mortuorum" (a sermon now ascribed to Chrysos- 
tum), as opposed to "vestas nigras" as (in Cartw^right's words) "unla\vfull and 
undecent" (Bayne, p. 471n). 

2:410.28 funeral! sermons . . . Christians? There is a paucity of information 
concerning frineral customs in the early church; see A. S. Duncan-Jones, "The 
Burial of the Dead," Liturgy ""'^ Worship, ed. Clarke, pp. 616-619; but funeral 
sermons were evidendy preached, esp. for the great and noble; see Grindal, 
Remains (PS, pp. 10-11) and Bayne, p. 471n. Whitgift cited John Foxe (presum- 
ably Actes and Monuments): "In frineralles [of the early church] priestes then flocked 



not together, selling Trentalls and Diriges, for sweping of purgatorie, but onely a 
funerall concion [sermon] was used, with Psalmes of praises and songs of their 
worthy deedes, and alleluia sounding on high, which did shake the golden seelings 
of the temple, as witnesseth Nazianzene, Ambrose, and Jerome, etc."; Defense, p. 
734 (PS, 3:375). See Remedie. 

2:410.28—30 Us it sufHceth . . . surmised. Among such inconveniences, Cart- 
wright mentions that the funeral sermon "norysheth an opinion that the dead are 
better for it," that because the minister is caused sometimes "to preach upon a 
sodaine/ the word of God therby is negligently handled," and "consydering that 
these funerall sermons are at the request of rych men/ and those whych are in 
authoritye/ and are very seldome at the buryaU of the pore/ there is brought into 
the church (contrary to the word of God) an acceptation of persons/ which ought 
not to be" (1.201 [162]); see Whitgift, Defense, pp. 732-733 (PS, 3:372). 

2:411.19 For the comfort . . . mindes See Cartwright, 1:202 [162]: "let it be 
observed/ that thys devise of mannes braine bryngeth forth the same frute that 
other do/ that is/ dryveth quite away a necessary duety of the minister/ whych is/ 
to comfort wyth the worde of God/ the parties whych be greved at the death of 
their frends . . ."; Defense, p. 734 (PS, 3:376). 

2:411.21—22 custome . . . funerall banquets. Concerning this custom, see The 
Tractate "Mourning" (Semahot), ed. Dov Zlotnick (New^ Haven: Yale University 
Press, 1966), p. 88. This treatise was included in the Venice printed edns. of the 
Talmud in 1523 and 1547 (p. 28). 

2:412.1—3 But the greatest . . . dead. This is certainly the tone of the long 
lesson from 1 Cor. 15 prescribed to be read at the Burial OflSce {1559, pp. 310- 

2:412.5—6 in a dumme show . . , ende. Concerning burial, the Puritan Prayer 
Book simply says: "The corpse is reverently to be brought to the grave, accompa- 
nied with the neighbours in comely manner, without any further ceremony" (Hall, 
ed., Fragmenta liturgica, 1:76). Davies, W.E.P., pp. 121—122, indicates that the 
Genevan Service Book adds: "which beyng buriede, the minister goath to the 
churche, if it be not farre of, and maketh some comfortable exhortacion to the 
people, towchyng deathe, and the resurrection." On the strength of this, Whitgift 
claimed that Calvin allowed funeral sermons; Defense, p. 732 (PS, 3:371). 

2:412.10-14 Whereas . . . therein, Cartwright argued that in Scripture the Holy 
Ghost "doth . . . shew us a pattern whereby we should also frame our burials"; 
nevertheless, the church, whether under the Law or under the Gospel, "when it 
was in the greatest purity," never used "any prescript form of service in the burial 
of their dead" (1:200-201 [161]). Whitgift, Defense, p. 729 (PS, 3:365). 

2:412.31-33 Jewes at this dale . . . published, Bayne (p. 475n) cites the 
Supremum lugentium offidum, trans. Gilbert Genebrard (1537—1597), bishop of Aix- 


Book V, Chapter 75.3-76.3 

en-Provence and a distingished Hebraist, "from the Machazor or Prayer Book of 
the Roman Jews . . . found among the Opuscula at the end of Genebrard's 
Chronographia, Paris, 1580 and 1600," and Leo of Modena (Rabbi Juhuda Arje), 
who "published in 1598, at Venice, several funeral orations and some elegies and 
epitaphs, under the tide of 'the Desert of Judah.' " H cites Genebrard in his 
marginalia on the A.C.L. (4:23.14 and n). 

2:413.5—6 consolatorie forme . . . utter. The Hascaba, or prayer for the dead, 
which the rabbi recites at the grave and in the synagogue. See Bayne, p. 475n. 

2:413.20 Of the nature of that ministerie Here H turns from the BCP to the 
Ordinal, Thefourme and matter of making and consecratyng hisshops, priestes, and deacons 
(1559), rpr., Liturgical Services, PS, pp. 274—298. See Paul F. Bradshaw, The Anglican 
Ordinal: Its History and Development (London: S.P.C.K. for Alcuin Club, 1971). 
With the objections of the Admonitioners in mind (see P.M., pp. 15—19, 30-34; 
Davies, W.E.P., p. 75), H has organized the final chapters of Book V (as he writes 
at 2:463.11-19), treating: (1) ordination (chaps. 77-78); (2) the charge alloted to 
the minister (chap. 80); (3) the conditions under which ministers function (81); and 
(4) the maintenance of the ministry (chap. 79). Chapter 76 constructs a philosophi- 
cal and theological foundation on which to erect a defense of Anglican practice. It 
is self-consciously related to the beginning of the entire book (compare 2:414.4—10 
and chap. 1.2—5), and thus provides at once a conclusion to Book V and a transi- 
tion to Books VI— Vlll. Compare his argument for the traditional ministry here 
with that oijude 2, §§ 29-30. 

2:414.6 before declared In chap. 1.2—5. 

2:414.M Si creatura . . . cognoscunt. Paulus Orosius (d. after 418), Adversus paganos 
historiarum libri septem, 2.1; (1561), fols. 37^; PL, 31:743. "If we are God's creation 
we are rightly also God's care. For who loves us more than He Who made us? 
Who rules us better than He Who both made us and loves us? Who can rule and 
order what is made more wisely and strongly than He Who provided that it should 
be made, and has perfected what He provided? Wherefore that all power and all 
rule is from God those who have not read, feel, and those w^ho have read kno\v" 
(Bayne, pp. 477-478n). The title of the chapter is "Of the changes of kingdoms 
made by God's providence." Being asked by Augustine to write his history in 
support of the doctrines maintained in De civitate Dei, Orosius insisted on the 
providential control of history and attacked the pagan complaint that Rome's 
troubles were due to her abandonment of the gods. 

2:415. f.u/ OuTOi . . . eKipeXoupeBa. Euripides, tragic poet (480-406 BC), Phoe- 
nissae {The Phoenician Women), line 565-66; Euripides Poeta ([1562]), p. 101; Loeb, 
3:388—389 (lines 555—556). "Mortals hold their possessions not in fee;/ We are but 

stewards of the gifts of God." oiopeoOa KCLktoq. Heracleidae {The Children 

of Heracles), lines 741-742; ([1562]), p. 511; Loeb, 3:312 Oines 746-747). "For still 
we deem/ That he who prospereth knoweth all things well." 



2:417.4— 6.d Hdse and judicious men . . . ruin. Prov. 16:18 (Vulgate) has "Con- 
tritionem praecedit superbia, et ante ruinam exaltatur spiritus." GB has "Pride 
goeth before destruction, and an highe mind before the fall." ^iX^i . . . 
iavTOV. Herodotus, Greek historian (b. 484 BC), History, 7.10.5; Historiarum lib. 
ix. (1592), p. 442; "You see how the god smites with his thunderbolt creatures of 
greatness more than common . . . for the god suffers pride in none but himself* 
(Loeb, 3:318); from the speech of Artabanus in the assembly summoned by Xerxes 
to discuss the invasion of Greece. 

2:417.11—23 The grosse and bestiall ... felicities. H is here paraphrasing 
Augustine, De civitate Dei, 2.20; Opera (1556), 5:129-130; PL, 41:65; Augustine 
describes the kind of felicity the enemies of Christianity pursue and the morality 
they prefer. See Bayne, pp. 480-481n, and Bettenson, trans., pp. 71—72. 

2:417.23 we thirdlie affirme This is the H's third "assertion" (see 2:414.21) of 
the four basic assumptions with which he launches his argument. 

2:41 8. fc 'Enel . . . a&^oaiv. Euripides, Phoenissae, line 564; Euripides Poeta 
([1562]), p. 101; Loeb, 3:388 (line 554). "Seeing enough sufficieth for the wise." 
Compare the Sermon on the Mount (Matt. 6:25-34), the key word being apKe- 
t6v: "sufficient." 

2:418.c TaiceivoTEpcav . . .falinge. Gregory of Nazianzus, Oratio II, chap. 10 [H: 
3]; Opera (1550), p. 34; PG, 35:828. H cites it by the alternative title, "Apolog[eti- 

2:418.21-25.^/ Men over high exalted . . . mischiefes. Aristotle, Politics, 4.11 [H: 
4.9]; 1295 ; Opera (1550), 2:141. The chapter concerns the virtues of moderation. 

2:418.27-30 For which cause . . . selves. H is here enunciating the rule of 
moderation, related to the understanding of the "golden mean" but also to 
iTi\t\Kr\c, as found in the C.J. Civ., Aristode, Phil. 4:5, and in Elizabethan under- 
standings of the mean, equity, and the like. See the word study in Timothy Puller, 
the legally-trained divine (1638?-1693), The Moderation of the Church of England 
(London, 1679; Wing P-4197), chaps. 1-2, where H is cited. 

2:421.19-21 because wee be all ofTendors . . . others. See Puller, Moderation 
(1679), p. 9: "Moderation as it is now generally used, is a word borrowed from 
the Law, and is used by the Masters thereof, to denote such a gende and benign 
temper, as disposed those who have the administration of the Laws to remit of 
their rigour. ..." 

2:421.22-32 Wherefore the summe ... Steele. Compare H's definition of 
Christian duty here with that of the BCP's Catechism {1559, p. 286). 

2:421.33-422.25 the chiefest happines ... personages, A translation of 
Augustine's De civitate Dei, 5.24; it should be in italics. The rest of this section, 
following "personages," is a paraphrase. It balances the passage paraphrased in 


Book V, Chapter 76.4-77.0 

2:417.11-23 (see n). "Neque enim nos Christianos quosdam imperatores ideo 
felices dicimus, quia vel diutius imperarunt, vel imperantes filios morte placida 
reliquerunt, vel hostes reipublicae domuerunt, vel inimicos cives adversus se 
insurgentes et cavere et opprimere potuerunt. Haec et alia vitae hujus aerumnosae 
vel munera vel solatia quidam eriam cultores daemonum accipere meruerunt, qui 
non pertinent ad regnum Dei, quo pertinent isti: et hoc ipsius misericordia factum 
est, ne ab illo ista, qui in eum crederent, velut summa bona desiderarent. Sed 
felices eos dicimus, si juste imperant, si inter linguas sublimiter honorantium et 
obsequia nimis humiliter salutantium non extolluntur, sed se homines esse memi- 
nerunt; si suam potestatem, ad Dei cultum maxime dilatandum, majestati ejus 
&mulam faciunt; si Deum timent, diligunt, colunt; si plus amant illud regnum, ubi 
non timent habere consortes; si tardius vindicant, facile ignoscunt; si eandem 
vindictam pro necessitate regendae tuendaeque reipublicae non pro saturandis 
inimicitiarum odiis exserunt; si eandem veniam non ad impunitatem iniquitatis, sed 
ad spem correctionis indulgent; si quod aspere coguntur plerumque decemere, 
misericordiae lenitate et beneficiorum largitate compensant; si luxuria tanto eis est 
castigatior, quanto posset esse liberior; si malunt cupiditatibus pravis, quam quibus- 
libet gentibus imperare; et si haec omnia faciunt, non propter ardorem inanis 
gloriae, sed propter caritatem felicitatis aetemae; si pro suis peccatis, humilitatis et 
miserationis et orationis sacrificium Deo suo vero immolare non negligunt. Tales 
Christianos imperatores dicimus esse felices interim spe, postea reipsa futuros, cum 
id quod expectamus advenerit"; Opera (1556), 5:327-328; PL, 41:170-171; trans. 
Bettenson (1972), pp. 219-220. Chapter 24 is tided: "The true felicity of Christian 
emperors," chap. 25: "The prosperity bestowed by God on Constantine, the 
Christian emperor," and chap. 26: "The faith and devotion of the Emperor 
Theodosius." Compare H's Dedication, § 10. 

2:423.11 fourth proposition before sett downe See 2:414.21. 

2:424/ Kai . . , xpoao<|)eiXEi^ Philemon, v. 19: "albeit I do not say to thee, that 
thou owest unto me even thine owne self." 

2:424.4—7 Of power given unto men . . . for. H now turns to the Puritan under- 
standing of ordination in response to their attacks on the Ordinal. Travers defined 
ordination as "a settinge a part off the partie chosen unto his oflace/ and as it 
were/ a kind of investing him into it. For after the election/ a certen order and 
ceremonie is wont to be used/ wherby the parties chosen enter as it wer into the 
possession off ther oflBce. Now this ordination as we call it consisteth especially in 
two ceremonies: Namely in praier (wherunto also I referre the declaringe off his 
dewty) and laying on off handes. For the gospell is content to have the ministers 
theroff invested and ordeined by thes most simple ceremonies/ nor hath any need 
off that carefull and curious consecration off the lawe with which the priestes and 
Levites were consecrated"; A Full and Plaine Declaration, p. 66; Explicatio, fol. 50'. 
Both versions were published anonymously; H cites the latter; however, Travers's 
authorship was well known; see Knox, Walter Travers, pp. 29-31. 



The details of Puritan ordination are given in A Booke of the Forme of Common 
Prayer (see 2:71. z.n, above), sig. £3"— 4': the elders with pastors appointed to 
represent the synod meet in the presence of the congregation to choose and 
examine a man thought fit, after which twenty days are set aside to allow for 
objections to be made. None being forthcoming, on the morning of the ordination 
one of the ministers preaches on the duty of the minister of the Church, after 
which the newly elected minister "is to be ordained by the laying on of the handes 
of the Eldership of that congregation, and the Ministers appointed for that purpose, 
whereof one is to pronounce these wordes: According to this lawfull calling, 
agreeable to the worde of God wherby thou art chosen Pastor in the name of 
God, stande thou charged with the Pastorall charge of this people, over whiche the 
holy ghost hath made thee overseer, to governe this flocke of God, ^vhich hee 
hath purchased with his bloud" (Hall, ed.. Reliquiae liturgicae, 1:75). 

2:425.4—11 The power of the ministerie . . . revive. Compare this description 
of the power and authority of ministry with that of William Perkins, who empha- 
sizes interpretatio; Of the Calling of the Ministerie (1605; STC 19733), sigs. A3'— B7', 
and with that of John Jewel, "Sermon on Luke XI" {Works, PS, 2:1129-1131), 
For a discussion of the ministry among Anglican divines, see H. F. Woodhouse, 
The Doctrine of the Church in Anglican Theology, 1547-1603 (London: S.P.C.K., 
1954), chap. 6, and The Study of Anglicanism, eds. S. Sykes and J. E. Booty (Lon- 
don: S.P.C.K.; Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1988), pp. 285-296. 

2:425.17 (a virorke . . , bodie) See Jerome, epist. 14.8; Opera (1516), 1:2'; PL, 
22:352, where he describes the "dignitas clericorum." "God forbid that I should 
say anything evil concerning them, quia apostolico gradui succendentes, Christi 
corpus sacro ore conficiunt: per quos et nos Christiani sumus" (Bayne, p. 490n). 
And see epist. 146.1; (1516), 3:149"; PL, 22:1193. 

2:425.18-19 a kind of marke . . . indeleble. A Christian Letter attacks H at this 
point; see 4:35.31—37.36. The theory seems to have originated with Augustine in 
his writings against the Donatists, as he made the point that wherever the sacra- 
ment was administered, no matter by whom, the recipient was indelibly marked; 
see De haptismo, 4.16, 6.1; Contra epistolam Parmeniani, 2.13; epist. 173.3. Aquinas 
further developed it, drawing upon Augustine, arguing that those set apart for 
God's service have, like soldiers, a stamp impressed upon them: "character sacra- 
mentalis est quaedam participatio sacerdotii Christi in fidelibus ejus" {S.T., 3a.63.5, 
conclusio; B, 56:90-95). Such indelibility is conferred only by baptism, orders, and 
confirmation, although Aquinas is vague as to why this is so. The C of T, Session 
7, canon 9, is not at all vague: "If anyone say that in the three sacraments of 
baptism, confirmation, and orders, 'character' is not imprinted in the soul, that is, 
a certain spiritual and indelible sign (signum quoddam spirituale et indelibile) so 
that they cannot be repeated; let him be anathema"; see Bayne, p. 490n. 

2-A25.24.g So Tertullian calleth them. TertuUian, De exhortatione castitatis, 7.3: 


Book V, Chapter IIA-IIA 

"Differentiam inter ordinem et plebem constituit Ecclesiae auctoritas, et honor per 
ordinis concessum sanctificatus" {Opera, 1566, 2:179; CCSL, 1024-1025). "The 
authority of the Church and the honour which has acquired sanctity through the 
joint-session of the order have esublished the difference between the order and the 
laity" (Bayne, p. 490n). Tertullian has been arguing that what is not lawful for 
priests cannot be lawful for laity. 

2:425.26 iSidbro^ 1 Cor. 14:16, 23, and 24; "they that are unlearned." 

2:425.29—32 so farre forth . . . following. See VI. 2 on the two powers of order 
and jurisdiction; also, Vlll.2.16 and 4.10. 

2:426.5-7 let them know . . . ever. See Travers, A Full and Plaine Declaration, p. 
20 {Explicatio, fol. 16*^: "For as for popish priestes I speake off those who doe 
take the ministerie upon them without any newe calling/ allowing off/ or appoint- 
ing them thereunto/ but only stand upon the right of those horrible orders/ 
whereby they were ordeined to sacrifice for the quicke and the deade/ that is to 
saie to abolyshe the sacrifice off our Saviour Christe/ who can deny but that this 
there shameles boldenes is cleane contrarie to the most just and equall lawes which 
the Lorde hath made touching the necessitie off vocacion? For althoughe they be 
anoynted and greased/ and have receyved power off there Bishoppes to sacrifice 
for the quicke and the deade: yet/ I denye that oile and that power of sacryfycing 
to be any sufl5cient warraunt for them/ to be ministers of the Gospell and off the 

2:426.7 Suspensions . . . degradations "Suspension" is removal fi^om the rights 
of clerical oflSce, as in the case of the vicar of Great Ellingham in a dispute over 
tithes, "who notw^ithstanding the same suspencion and excommunicacion, he 
ceaseth not contumeliouslye to intermedle in the rights of the church"; The Letter 
Book of John Parkhurst, ed. R. A. Houlbrooke, Norfolk Record Society, 43 (1974 
and 1975), p. 181. "Degradation" is to be stripped of one's offices, grade by grade, 
as in the case of Thomas Cranmer; see John Foxe, Acts and Monuments (1877), 
8:71—80; Actes and monuments of these latter and perillous dayes, touching matters of the 
church (1563; STC 11222). Degradation is generally in tw^o grades, declared and 
real. It would seem that H had the former in mind, for the latter is understood 
actually to strip the offendor of his orders. 

2:426.16-17 Which error ... Jerome In his ^</i/er5M5 ij«i/en<ino5; see 2:427.3.n, 

2:426.18-21 Examples I graunt . . . callinge. The so-called Apostolical Canons 
include one that argues that an apostate cleric who repents should be received as 
a layman, and another that deposes a cleric who enters a Jewish or heretic syna- 
gogue to pray (Hefele, The History of the Councils, 1:482). Cyprian tells of an ItaUan 
bishop, Trophimus, who offered incense in the Decian persecution; he was 
admitted with his flock to the church as a layman; epist. 55.8; PL, 3:778; FOTC 
(1964), p. 140; see Bayne, pp. 491-492n. 



2:426.24-25 Goodnes of nature . . . rigor. See 2:421.18-22. 

2:426.j In 12. tabulis — Sanates. "In the 12 tables there is a warning that the 
law for the 'Sanates' should be the same as for the strong, that is for the good and 
for those who never revolted from the Roman people." Festus is explaining the 
word "Sanates." See M. Verrii Flacci quae extant (1575), p. 233, and Bayne, p. 
492n. Sextus Pompeius Festus, 2C AD Roman grammarian, abridged the De 
verborum significatu of Verrius Flaccus, a glossary of Latin words and phrases, the 
abridgment succeeding the original; only the second half of Festus's work (the 
letters M— V) survives. 

2:426.fe RufBn 28. H refers to Rufinus's Hist, ecdes., 1.28, entitled "Con- 
cerning the Council of holy Bishops at Alexandria and the dissent from them of 
Lucifer"; Rufinus Aquileiensis, Opera (1580), p. 211; PL, 21:498. Rufinus translat- 
ed the Hist, eccles. of Eusebius into Latin at a time when knowledge of Greek was 
declining in the West and added a continuation. Bayne (p. 492n) quotes the Latin. 
See n following. 

2:427.3 fcrventer sort Lucifer (d. 371), bishop of Cagliari in Sardinia and a 
partisan of Athanasius, objected to the decision of the Council of Alexandria 
meeting under Athanasius to readmit repentent Arians to their former clerical 
duties; he would have them forever denied clerical office. See Bayne, pp. 492— 
493n, and Socrates, Hist, eccles., 3.5, 6, 9; Sozomen, 5.12, 13; Theodoret, 3.4, 5. 

2:427.9—1 1 to show severitie . . . error. On the death of Constantius and the 
succession of Julian the Apostate in 361, all banished bishops were recalled, and 
Athanasius organized the synod at Alexandria to restore peace and unity in the 
church. The Synodal Letter of the twenty-one bishops present is in the works of 
Athanasius; see Tomus ad Antiochenos; PG, 26:795—810; Later Treatises ofS. Athana- 
sius, LOF (1881). See Hefele, History of the Councils, 2:276-280. 

2:427./ Papisticus quidam ritus est . . . retinetur. Travers, A Full and Plaine 
Declaration, p. 70; Explicatio, fol. 53': "Therefore that the Bishop in ordeininge off 
ecclesiasticall officers and layinge his handes upon them/ biddethe them receyve 
the holie ghost hath no shadow of any practize off the Apostles/ but is a Popishe 
rite and ceremony folishly at the first and without any foundacion off the scripture 
instituted by them/ .... And after received by the authors of our discipline (by 
ther leave) with no great Judgement/ and yet kept in the church with as litle." See 
Bodl. MS Fairfax 30, fol. 42. The Admonition regarded "Receive the Holy Ghost" 
in the Ordinal as blasphemous {P.M., p. 10); Whitgift explained in the Answere that 
in using these words the bishop does not give the ordinand the Holy Ghost but 
shows him the principle duties of a minister and assures him "of the assistance of 
Gods Holy Spirit"; Defense, p. 227 (PS, 1:489). Cartwright replied: "these words 
(receive the holy ghost) are the imperative mode/ and do expresly signifie a 
commaundment" (1:63 [44]). Whitgift insisted that what the bishop does simply 


Book V, Chapter nA-11.% 

confinns what God does, bestowing the Spirit on those who are called to his 
ministry; Defense, pp. 227-228 (PS, 1:490). See Cartwright, 2:292. 

2:427. m Ecclesi. discipl. . . . lin.8. Travers, A Full and Plaine Declaration, p. 69; 
Explicatio, fol. 52*': "As for Barnabas Sainct Luke doth plainly witnes that he was 
full off the holy ghoste (wherby I under stand the extraordinary guiftes) [qua voce 
ilia dona spiritus inteUigo] . . . ." See also p. 68 (fol. 52'): "For by cause the 
Apostles, when they as the stewardes off God did distribute the holy ghost/ that is 
to say the divers and manifold giftes off the spirit . . . ." Travers refers to Acts 
11:24 and 4:36. See Whitgift, Defense, p. 228 (PS, 1:491). 

2:428.23—24.0 havinge thus spoken . . . Ghost. This passage, which is related to 
Gen. 2:7 and is the Johannine pentecost (see Acts 2), follows on the conviction 
(John 7:39) that the Spirit was not given until Jesus was glorified (that is, crucified). 
All had been accomplished in Christ's oblation of himself, yet there w^as a time 
w^hen certain of his followers received the Spirit as they had not heretofore 
received it. This was the moment of the insufflation, directly related in history to 
the commission to forgive sins (John 20:23; see Matt. 16:19, 18:18). John's 
understanding of the Spirit here differs firom that in the Farewell Discourses (chaps. 
13—16), suggesting the introduction of a variant tradition by the evangelist. See C. 
H. Dodd, The Interpretation of the Fourth Gospel (Cambridge, 1954), pp. 430, 442. 

2:428.24 he must Although the text perhaps should be emended to "we must," 
the referent of "he" in the text as printed is Christ ("/le" of line 23). 

2:429.10-11.^ whose sinnes soever . . . reteined. See 2:428.23— 24.n, above, and 
Calvin, Inst., 4.11.1; Calvin would apply Jesus's gift solely to the ministry of the 
Word and to nothing else. John 20:23 should be compared with Matt. 28:19 and 
with the granting of the "power of the keys" to Peter, Matt. 16:19. See Aquinas, 
S.T., 3a.84.3, resp. ad 3, and Suppl. 3a.l8.1.1 and response. 

2:429.20-21 The cause why . . . not Cartwright, 1:63 [44]: "And if you thinke 
it so good reason/ to use the wordes of our savior Christ/ why may not you as 
wel blow upon them as he did?" Whitgift replied that when Christ did it, he 
signified that he possessed authority to give the Spirit and that it proceeded firom 
him and not only from the Father: "when he spake these wordes, he made a 
perpetuall promise, that all such should receive his spirite, as from time to time 
were by him called to the office of the ministerie"; Defense, pp. 228 (PS, 1:491). 
Cartwright argued that if the words are to be used, so should the breathing 

2:429. r Etsi necessarium est . . . dignitatem. Leo 1, Sermon 1, "On the anniversary 
of his elevation to the office of supreme pontiff"; Sermones et epistolae (1482), sig. 
A4'; PL, 54:143, as Serm. 2. "Although we must tremble for our demerits yet it 
were impious to feel no joy in God's gift of grace: for He Who has given me my 
burden will Himself help me to bear it, and lest the weakling stumble under the 



weight of grace He Who conferred the dignity will give strength to sustain it" 
(Bayne, p. 497n). xd nveviia — TaoTijv. Gregory of Nazianzus, Oratio 10; 
Opera (1550), p. 35; PG, 35:832. "The Holy Ghost placed us in this ministry." 

2:430.27— 431.8. ( sotne are doubtfuU . . . charge. See Travers, A Full and Plaine 
Declaration, pp. 35—36; Explicatio, fol. 27"^: "Neyther only in the office off a 
Bishoppe/ but in all other Ecclesiasticall charges this woyng off places and office/ 
owght to be estemed unmeete and unworthie/ for the modestie off any Christian 
man: and how muche better were yt/ to send backe againe this laboring for offices 
and sutorlike care unto Rome/ from whence yt came. For as much then as great 
fruite ys lost by this ambicious seking for offices and honor/ which they reape who 
are fully persuaded off there calling and off the wille off God appointing them 
therunto/ Seing also the examples off our Savior Christe/ off his Apostles/ off the 
purer and primitive churche/ doe call us from yt and exhortethe us to all sobemes 
and modestie . . . ." Travers continues as H reports (H is here w^orking from the 
Latin): "Corrigamus aliquando morem ilium ad diem ordinationum episcopi ex 
omnibus partibus confluendi, ordinationem, et ordines (trito Papistis vocabulo fere 
appellant) pptendi atque ambiendi, commendatitias amicorum aut dominorum 
literas afferendi . . . ." The anonymous citation in t ("Author") suggests that H was 
unaware that his old antagonist at the Temple was in fact its author; see 5:259— 

2:431. V Td»v xotXaioiv r|KoX.o60i|aav. Gregory of Nazianzus, Oratio 2, § 

114; Opera (1550), p. 32; PG, 35:512. "When I consider the most approved 
aniong the ancients, I find that of those whom the divine grace chose as governors 
or prophets, some obeyed the call with alacrity, others resisted the gift: and neither 
is the timidity to be blamed which shrank back, nor the zeal which sprang for- 
ward; for that dreaded the greatness of the office, this foUowed gladly, relying on 
Him Who gave the call" (Bayne, p. 499n). 

2:432.12 testimoniall letters See the Preface to the Ordinal: "And the Bishop, 
knowing, either by him self or by sufficient testimony, any person to be a man of 
virtuous conversation, and without crime, and after examination and trial, finding 
him learned in the Latin tongue, and sufficiendy instructed in holy Scripture, may, 
upon a Sunday or holy day, in the face of the Church, admit him a Deacon, in 
such manner and form, as hereafter foUoweth" {Liturgical Services, PS, p. 274). 

2:434.25 Anthemius and Leo Anthemius was western Roman emperor, 467—72; 
Leo I was eastern Roman emperor 457—474; H mentions them because their 
names were associated with the cited constitutions. 

2:434.27-435.1 Let not a prelate . . . unwillinglY; Justinian, Codex, 1.3.29: "Nee 
precio, sed precibus ordinetur antistes. Tantum ab ambitu debet esse sepositus, ut 
quaeratur cogendus, rogatus recedat, invitatus effugiat: sola illi suffiagetur necessitas 
excusandi. profecto enim indignus est sacerdotio, nisi fuerit ordinatus invitus"; 
(1590), col. 31; 1.3.30 in Krueger (1963), p. 22; Scott, 12:42. H read "nee pre- 


Book V, Chapter 77.9-78.2 

cibus" ("or upon request") for "sed precibus" ("but upon request"); Bayne, p. 502n. 

2:435. a iiiao^ . . . 6apa<x3led>TEpo^ Gregory of Nazianzus, Oratio 2 ["Apolo- 
get[ica]"], § 112; Opera (1550), p. 31; PG, 35:509. "My temperament is a mean 
between over-boldness and over-timidity. I am more timid than those who always 
jump at office and more bold than those who always run away from it" (Bayne, p. 

2:435.6 np6^ &iaT/)pi)aiv dvot^epovrai. Philo Judaeus, De congressu 

quaerendae eruditionis gratia (On meeting for the sake of seeking instruction), chap. 
18; Opera (1552), p. 297; Loeb, 4:506. "(God ordered to be consecrated the whole 
of the first-bom, the tenth, I mean the tribe of Levi, taking them in exchange for 
the first-bom,) for the preservation and protection of holiness and piety and the 
acts of worship which concern God's honour" (Bayne, p. 503n). 

2:436.28 equalitie. The equality of ministers, and esp. of bishops and elders (and 
presbyters), was a major Puritan goal; see Cartwright, 1:103—104 [79], beginning: 
"Jerome sayeth/ that at the first/ a byshoppe and an Elder (whych you call priest) 
were all one/ but afterward through factions and schismes/ it was decreed/ that 
one should rule over the rest . . . ." For H's formulation of the issues concerning 
inequality among ministers, see VII. 2. H distinguishes the special liturgical duties 
of the higher oflSces in an ecclesiastical hierarchy (exemplifying the power of one 
minister "above" another) from the power of jurisdiction exercised by higher 
officials upon lower ones; see VII.3 (3:153-154), 6.1 (170.27-171.5), and nn. 

2:437.2—6 Which diflference . . . 'Masters*. Compare, for instance, VII. 20. 

2:437.8 laitie and clergie, Seejude 2, § 30: "The Church respected with refer- 
ence unto administration ecclesiastical, doth generally consist but of 2 sorts of men, 
the Labourers, and the Building; they which are ministred unto, and they to whom 
the worke of the ministery is committed; Pastours, and the Jlocke, over whom the holy 
Ghost hath made them overseers" (5:53.9—13). 

2:437.<i T.C. I.l. p.l98 Page 159 in 1st edn. For so much as . . . used. See 

Cartwright, 1:82 [61]: "who can abide that a minister of the gospell/ should be 
called by the name of a Levite/ or sacrificer/ onles it be he whych woulde not 
care muche/ if the remembrance of the death/ and resurrection of our saviore 
Christ were plucked out of hys minde?" Cartwright here follows the reasoning of 
"A View of Popishe Abuses," which argued: "To call us therefore priestes as 
touching oure oflyce, is either to call backe againe the old priesthode of the lawe, 
which is to deny Christ to be comen, or else to kepe a memory of the popish 
priesthode of abhomination stil amongste us" (P.M., p. 25). Whitgift responded in 
the Answere that the word "priest" as it was used in the C of E came from 
"presbyter" not "sacerdos"; Defense, p. 721 (PS, 3:350). Cartwright contended that 
in the popular mind "priest" meant not "presbyter" but "sacrificer" or "sacerdos" 
(1:198 [159]). Whitgift then admitted that he was not enamored of the name 



"priest" but stood his ground, saying that amongst the early church Fathers and 
learned men of his own day "presbyter" was translated "priest," not meaning 
sacrificer but "minister of the Gospel"; Defense, p. 722 (PS, 3:351). Cartwright had 
the last word, pointing out that the Fathers called the Lord's Supper a sacrifice, and 
thus, if you allow their calling a presbyter a sacrificer, you must allow their error 
concerning the sacrament as well (3:264). 

2:437.12—439.14 For as thinges are distinguished . . . not. Compare VII.2.1— 2. 

2:438.13-15.6 ejii too yfiXmq . . . God. See iepouc; in the Etymologicon 
magnum, seu magnum grammaticae penu, ed. Sylburg (1594), p. 468. This Greek 
dictionary was compiled about the IOC. See G. Kittel, Theological Dictionary of the 
New Testament (1964-1976), pp. 221-232, and Bayne, pp. 504-505n. 

2:438/ iepeuoai, Ouatdaai. See iepouc;, in Hesychius, Lexicon; Hesychii 
dictionarium (1514), sig. MS"^; (1857), 2:346. Hesychius of Alexandria was a 5C 
lexicographer whose lexicon survives in a single 15C manuscript. Christus homo 
dicitur . . . obtulit. Isidore of Seville, Etymologies, 7.2; (1577), col. 153; PL, 
82:266. "Christ is called man, because He was born; prophet, because He revealed 
future things: priest, because He ofiered Himself as victim for us" (Bayne, p. 506n). 

2:438.20-22 Seing then that sacrifice . . . applied? H refuses any understanding 
of the priesthood as offering up Christ in sacrifice at every mass, but he would not 
refuse Cranmer's understanding of the Holy Communion as offering up to God 
the "sacrifice of praise and thanksgiving" (B.C. P., 1559, p. 264); see Jewel, A 
Replie unto M. Hardinges Answeare (1565), p. 7 {Works, PS, 1:110). It is doubtful 
that H would go as far as Richard Field, the eirenic dean of Gloucester, who 
found a way of interpreting the Roman Canon of the Mass as conducive to the 
BCP understanding of Holy Communion; Of the Church (1849), 2:60-61. See 
Bayne, p. 507n. 

2:438. /i 'Exei 6* anopiav . . . f| o6. Aristode, De anima, 2.11.1; 422 ; Opera 
(1550), 1:295; on the sense of touch: "It is difficult to say . . . what the organ is 
which is perceptive of the object of touch; whether it is flesh, and whatever is 
analogous to this in creatures without flesh" (Loeb, 128-129). 

2:439.2-3 nameth indifTerentlie both flesh. Fish would not have been properly 
denominated as "flesh," as the word connoted meat as distinct from fish or fowl 
(OED, "fish," sb.M). 

2:439.7 properlie no^v no sacrifice. Compare the view of the C of T, Session 
22 (Sept. 1562), On the Most Holy Sacrifice of the Mass, chap. 2: "And since in 
this divine Sacrifice which is performed in the Mass, that same Christ is contained 
in a bloodless sacrifice who on the altar of the cross once offered himself with the 
shedding of his blood: the holy Synod teaches that this sacrifice is truly propitiato- 
ry, and through it it comes about that if with true hearts and right faith, with fear 
and reverence, with contrition and penitence, we approach God we 'attain mercy 


Book V, Chapter 78.2-78.5 

and find grace and help in time of need' (Heb. 4:16)"; Canons and Decrees of the 
Council of Trent, ed. H. J. Schroeder (1941), pp. 145-146, 418-419. Compare 
Saravia, Of the Honor Due unto Priestes (1591), p. 134: "But as the Lord did nothing 
in derogation of his heavenly dignity, when he gave power unto all christians to 
offer spirituall sacrifice, namely the sacrifice of praise and praier, etc. . . ."; for the 
Latin, see De diuersis ministrorum evangelii gradibus (1590), p. 98. See Bayne, pp. 

2:439.15-16 Presbyter . . . then Priest It is clear that Saravia, a high-churchman, 
preferred "presbyteros" although his translator sometimes made it "priest" in 
English rather than the customary "elder"; compare De diversis ministrorum evangelii 
gradibus, p. 44, with Diverse Degrees, p. 55. See Ttpeapu^ in Kittel's Dictionary, 
6:652, which begins by defining "presbyter" as referring to greater age, presidency, 
and administrative fiinction. In Judaism and Christianity it referred both to age and 
to an office. 

2:439.27-29 A presbyter . . . procreation. Writing of the heresy of Aerius, who 
contended that bishops and priests were equal in dignity, Epiphanius {Refutation of 
all the Heresies, 75.4) asked how this could be since the episcopate propagates 
fathers for the church while the presbyterate propagates sons, not fathers or 
teachers: 6ti plv d(j)poa6vr|(; eoTi to Tidv e^TiXecov, ToTq aovcaiv KeiCTT]- 
Hivoiq, toCto StiXov t6 A,eyeiv auTov eTiiaKOTCov Kai TipeaPoTepov laov 
eivar Kai nCx; larai tooto 6uvaT6v; r\ }ikv yap eoTi TiaTepcov yevvriTiKfj 
T&fyq' naripaq yap ytvvq. ti] eKKXqaicji- q 6e naripaq \if\ Suvapevq 
yevvav, 6id tou XooTpoo naA-iyyeveaiac; TeKva yevvQc Tq eKicXTiai(jf o6 
pf\v 7iaTepa<; f\ 6i6aaK&Xoo<;. Contra octoginta haereses (1544), p. 386; Latin 
(1566), p. 280; PG, 42:508. Sutcliffe refers to this passage, A Treatise of Ealesiasticall 
Discipline, p. 130. Compare Saravia, De diversis ministrorum evangelii gradibus, p. 5, 
quoted by Bayne, p. 509n. 

2:440.fe 1. Pet. 5:1. Peter refers here to himself as among the elders of the com- 
munity. Presbyters or elders were the leaders of the congregations, an institution 
taken over fi^om the OT where elders are found as representatives of the families 
holding responsibility of government in cities and towns. See Bo Reicke, ed., The 
Anchor Bible: The Epistles of James, Peter andjude (1964), pp. 128-129, 57-58. 

2:440./ oi TWV iepcav . . . vofioOerai. Dionysius the Areopagite, The Ecclesiasti- 
cal Hierarchy, 1.5; Opera (1562), p. 110; PG, 3:377. "The legislators of the rites 
divinely instituted" (Bayne, pp. 509-51 On). Sudiffe, Treatise, p. 71, discussing the 
order of bishops, says that Dionysius calls it "eeoJiap&6oTOV 7iapd6oaiv, a divine 
tradition or doctrine." 

2:440. 30-441. 2.M Deacons ordeined. Cyprian, epist. 3.9, Ad Rogatianum 

episcopum de superbo diacano: "Meminisse autem Diaconi debent, quoniam Aposto- 
los, id est, episcopos et praepositos dominus elegit: Diaconos autem post ascensum 
domini in coelos apostoli sibi constituerunt Episcopatus sui et ecclesiae ministros"; 



Opera (1521), p. 85; PL, 4:396 (epist. 75). See VII.4.1 (3:155.21-22). 

2:441.7—9.0 For >vhich cause Ignatius ... him. Ignatius of Antioch, £puto/d (i<j 
Trallianos, chap. 7; Epistolae (1558), p. 12. "And what are deacons but imitators of 
the angelic powers, serving the bishop with a pure and blameless service, as the 
holy Stephen to the blessed James, as Timotheus and Linus to Paul, as Anacletus 
and Clement to Peter" (Bayne, pp. 510-511n). 

2:441.10-11 if the Church ... farther H here refers not to development in 
terms of biological evolution, but in terms of historical mutability (see 1.10.1—3). 
The point was later argued by William Covel, with reference to Whitgift, Sutcliflfe, 
and Hooker, in A Modest and Reasonable Examination (1604; STC 5882), pp. 18— 
24. Covel concludes: "though the Church of all Societies bee fittest to bee 
governed with an auncient and vertuous discipline, yet that discipline is farre 
differing firom the same that they doo require" (p. 24). 

2:441.14—17 Which I note chiefelie . . . end. See the Admonition: "Touchyng 
Deacons, though their names be remaining, yet is the office fowlie perverted and 
turned upside downe, for their dutie in the primative church, was to gather the 
almes diligently, and to distribute faithfully, also for the sicke and impotent 
persones to provide painefully, having ever a diligent care, that the charitie of 
godly men, wer not wasted upon loiterers and idle vagabonds. Now^ it is the first 
step to the ministerie, nay, rather a mere order of priesthode" {P.M., p. 15). 
Whitgift argued that deacons not only collected and provided for the poor in the 
early church but also preached and baptized, pointing to Stephen and Philip as 
examples and quoting Justin Martyr {Apology 1, chap. 65); Defense, pp. 584—585, 
686-693 (PS, 3:61-64, 281-292). Cartwright disputed Whitgift's claims concerning 
Stephen and Philip (1:162 [128]). See Cartwright, 3:89-115. Compare III.ll.l 
(1:246.26-247.8) and see Bayne, p. 51 In. 

2:441.17-19 To charge them . . . hard. The Admonition cites Rom. 12:8, "he 
that distributeth, let him do it with simplicitie," as describing (and prescribing) the 
office of Deacon. Cartwright expanded the reference: "in that place S. Paule 
reckeneth up all the ordinary and perpetuall offices of the church/ as the office of 
the doctor/ of the pastor/ of the deacon/ of the elder/ and leaveth not out so 
muche as the widdow/ which he comprehendeth in these wordes (shewing 
mercy.) . . . S. Paule speaketh there against those which not contenting themselves 
with their owne vocations/ dyd breake into that which appertayned unto others" 
(1:190 [152]). Whitgift argues that the verse is "not of Deacons, who distribute 
other mens almes, but of such as give almes themselves, and relieve the poore with 
theyr owne substance"; Defense, p. 687. 

2:441.27-29 Yea but thapostles ... it. See Cartwright, 1:190 [152]: "if the 
apostles whiche hadde suche excellent and passing gyftes/ dyd fynde them selves 
(preaching of the woorde/ and attending to prayer) not able to provyde for the 
poore/ but thought it necessarye to dyscharge them selves of that offyce/ to the 


Book V, Chapter 78.5-78.10 

ende they myght doe the other effectually and fruitefully/ hee that shall doe both 
now/ must eyther doe none well and profiubly/ or else hee must have greater 
giftes then the Aposdes had." Whitgift answered: "The aposdes were occupied in 
planting Churches, in going from place to place, to spreade abrode the worde of 
God, and therefore they coulde not so conveniently provide for the poore; but the 
Deacons having no such occasion of traveling and removing from place to place, 
might very well both preach the Gospell and provide for the poore"; Defense, p. 
688 (PS, 3:285). 

2:442.10-13 Wee may not therefore . . . both. The disciplinarian tetrarchy, as 
Bridges called it, sharply distinguished the oflBces of pastor and doctor. 

2:442.25-27 Now tract of time necessarie, Whitgift wrote: "if you speake 

of Deacons nowe, I say unto you, that under a Christian Prince in the tyme of 
peace, that part of their office to provide for the poore is not necessarie, seeing 
that by other lawfull and politike meanes, they may much better be provided for"; 
Defense, p. 688-689 (PS, 3:286). He no doubt had in mind the increased attention 
given to poor relief by statute and other means. See Heruy Axthington, Provision 
for the Poore, now in Penurie (1597; STC 798), E. M. Leonard, The Early History of 
English Poor Re/ie/" (Cambridge, 1900), and Keith Wrighton, Poverty and Piety in an 
English Village: Terling, 1525-1700 (New York: Academic Press, 1979). 

2:442.28-29 and so remaine institute. Compare Sutcliffe, Treatise, p. 150; 

chapter-heading, 5.1: "Wherein is prooved that the deacons office is an holy 
ministery about the word and sacramentes, and attendance of bishops: . . . Th. 
Cartw. his reasons to the contrary are answered." 

2A42.q Epipha. 1.1 c.21. Epiphanius, Refutation of all the Heresies, chap. 20: Contra 
odoginta haereses (1544), pp. 25-26; Latin (1566), p. 15; PG, 41:277. "And he sent 
forth other seventy-two to preach, from whom were the seven who were set over 
the widows. . . . And before these Matthias, who was chosen in place of Judas, 
among the aposdes" (Bayne, p. 513n). 

2:443.5-6 the highest . . . thapostles, H identifies aposdes as bishops in VII.4. 

2:443.7—444.3 Touching Evangelistes? H is here denying that clerical offices 

are to be distinguished as they are in the disciplinarian platform. Having rejected 
the distinction between aposde and bishop, he here rejects the idea of distinct 
offices of evangelist and prophet, as well as the concept of distinct (perpetual or 
ordinary) offices of pastor and doctor. The final insult is his assimilation of evange- 
lists to pastors and teachers. Here and in the next few pages, H seems to be 
responding to Sandys's suggestion that H discuss the reformers' whole platform; see 

2:443.1/ Euseb ca.31. Eusebius, Hist, ecdes., 3,37; Opera (1549), p. 513; PL, 

20:293. Quoted by Saravia, Diverse Degrees, p. 52: "For all the disciples for the 
most part, which lived in that age, being inflamed with a more ardent zeale and 



earnest love of the heavenlie wisdome, and beeing ravished in minde with a rare 
kinde of desire after Gods worde, executed verie exquisitely the commaundement 
of our Saviour, which before v/as given; and to them which wanted their helpe 
they willingly unfoulded all their treasures. Afterwards, straying farre from their 
owne home, they performed the pensions of Evangelists, and to those which had 
not as yet so much as heard of the word of faith, they laboured with all care and 
constancie to preach Christ, and to deliver the Scripture of the holy Gospell. Who, 
when as in divers farre and foreine countries they had laide the foundations onely 
of the faith, and had ordained other Pastors, and committed the care of them of 
those which were newly brought to the faith, that they might be diligendy trayned 
up in the doctrine of Christ, themselves departed into other regions and countries, 
with the grace and power of God." The OED is not helpful with regard to 
Saravia's phrase "performed the pensions"; the most useful definition of "pension" 
{sb. 3) is "any regular payment made to a person for present services," understood 
as a synecdoche for the services themselves. Saravia likewise cites Eusebius as 
chapter 31. 

2:444.6 two places. That is, 1 Cor. 12:28-29 and Eph. 4:11-13. See below and 
the Second Admonition {P.M., p. 125), Travers, A Full and Plaine Declaration, p. 133 
{Explicatio, fol. 102"'), and Cartwright, 1:85 [63], where both passages are used as 
proof texts in arguing against archbishops (and also against bishops). 

2:444.10-15. u/ God placed ... graces. H translates the Greek himself. 

2:446.16 clerkes, Clerici were originally defined as bishops, priests, and deacons, 
but eventually all of those, including those in inferior orders, such as catechists, 
exorcists, readers, and singers in the employ of the church, were also called clerks. 
Finally, the term was restricted to those in inferior orders, while bishops, priests, 
and deacons were called clerici, then defined as clergy. When The BCP {1559, p. 
292) refers to the "clerk," it means the parish clerk who assisted the priest at 
service time, making responses for the congregation and sometimes reading the 
Lessons in the daily oflSces and the Episde in Holy Communion. See J. W. Legg, 
ed.. The Clerk's Book of 1549, Henry Bradshaw Society, 25 (London, 1903), and 
E. G. C. F. Atchley, The Parish Clerk, Alcuin Club Tracts, 4 (London, 1903). 

2:446.24-31.)' Touching widowes . . . purposes. Cartwright (1:191-192 [153]) 
wrote: "although there is not so great use of these widdowes with us/ as there was 
in those places where the churches were first founded/ and in that tyme wherein 
thys order of widdowes was instituted/ part of the which necessity grew both by 
the multitude of straungers through the persecution/ and by the great heate of 
those east countries/ whereupon the washing and suppling of their feete was 
required: yet for so much as there are poor which are sicke in every church/ I doe 
not see how a better and more convenient order can be devised . . . then . . . that 
there shuld be (if there can be any gotten) godly poore widdowes of the age which 
S. Paule appoynteth .... I conclude that (if such may be gotten) we ought also to 


Book V, Chapter 78.8-79.3 

kepe that order of widowes in the church still. I know that there be lemed men 
which thinke otherwise/ but I stand upon the authoritie of Gods worde/ and not 
uppon the opynions of men be they never so well learned." Whitgift v/as curt and 
dismissive; Defense, p. 693—694. More circumstantially opposed were Bancroft, 
Survey (p. 177), and Sutcliffe, Treatise, chap. 6. 

2:447.6-8.2 When your captaines . . . constant? Tertullian, Defuga in persecutione, 
11.1; Opera (1566), 2:151; CCSL, 1:1148: "Quum ipsi auctores, id est ipsi diaconi, 
presbyteri et episcopi fugiunt; quomodo laicus intelligere poterit, qua ratione 
dictum, Fugite de civitate in civiutem? . . . Cum duces fugiunt, quis de gregario 
numero sustinebit ad gradum in acie figendum suadere?" 

2:447. 8-12.<i Againe . . . heaven? Oputus, De schismate Donatistarum, 1.13; 
(1549), sig. A3'.: "Quid commemorem Laicos, qui tunc in Ecclesia nulla fuerant 
digniute suflEulti? Quid ministros plurimos? Quid diaconos in tertio, Quid presby- 
teros in secundo sacerdotio constitutos? Ipse apices et principes omnium, aliqui 
episcopi . . . ut datiuio aetemae vitae . . . lucis moras brevissimas compararent, 
Instrumenta divinae legis impie tradiderunt." For Optatus, see 2:272./.n, above. 

2:447.17-26 As for Deanes, . . . beginning. See Fulke, A Briefe and Plaine 
Declaration, p. 6: "as it is unlawful, so it is unneedeflil for men, following the 
devises of their owne brayne, without the warrant of Gods worde, to institute and 
ordayne anye other office or kindes of ministrye beside these [pastors, doctors, 
"governors, and deacons], appointed and approved by God himselfe. . . ." See also 
Henry Barrow, The examinations of Henry Barrowe John Crenewood and John Penrie 
(1593?; STC 1519), sigs. C3''-4', where Penry is cited as objecting to "Lorde 
Archbps. and Bps. Archdeacons/ Commissaries/ Chancellors/ Deanes/ Canons/ 
Prebendaries/ Preistes/ Deacons/ etc. Al which/ properly belong to no other 
bodie either ecclesiastical or civil/ but onely unto the Romish church/ where they 
w^ere first invented. ..." 

2:447.26-29 Now what habit disputed of. The Admonition protested: "In 

those dayes [ministers were] knowne by voice, learning and doctrine: now they 
must be discerned firom other by popish and Antichristian apparel, as cap, gowne, 
tippet, etc." {P.M., p. 11). The reference is to the ordinary or "street apparel" of 
the clergy, not to vestments (see chap. 29). For the instructions governing such 
apparel in the Elizabethan church, see the Advertisements (1566) in Gee and Hardy, 
eds.. Documents, pp. 473—474. For Travers's objections, see A Full and Plaine 
Declaration, pp. 127, 129; Explicatio, fols. 97-101. 

2:448.8-12 Of oblations, . . .frustrate. H is here concerned for the plunder of the 
church, which began in the Middle Ages but greatly increased during the Refor- 
mation. It involved the ahenation of church lands, chiefly through the exchange of 
church properties, including manors and manor lands, for less valuable properties, 
gready benefiting the crown and the laity and sanctioned in 1 Eliz. 1, cap. 19. 
There were also forced leases, the commuting of tithes for fixed sums, and the 



outright seizure of church properties, as in the case of the 650 monasteries, 
accounting for about 50% of the church's wealth. The results were manifold and 
compounded by rampant inflation, so that parochial livings rapidly declined in 
value and were filled increasingly by ill educated and unskilled pastors. Parker, 
Jewel, and Whitgift protested. Indeed, H here sounds very much like Jewel; see 
Booty, "The Bishop Confironts the Queen," Continuity and Discontinuity in Church 
History (1979), pp. 215—231. The Puritans also protested; see the summary of their 
complaints and petitions in PRO, S. P. 12/176 (no. 75), fols. 204-206, and John 
Rainolds, A Sermon upon part of the prophesie of Obadiah (1584; STC 20623), p. 24, 
where he complains that the money and wages due to the clergy and appointed for 
their maintenance "are so impaired and minished: that, being not able therwith to 
finde themselves in souldierlike state [that is, in no sense well provided for], they 
refuse the calling." Compare VII. 22. 

2:448.13-14 Wee might somewhat marvaile . . • idolatrie. Col. 3:5. On 
clerical covetousness, see John Colet's sermon to Convocation (1512) in C. H. 
Williams, ed., English Historical Documents, 1485-1558 (New York: Oxford 
University Press, 1967), p. 654: "according to that of Saint Paul . . . covetousness is 
the root of all evil." As deah of St. Paul's, Colet (1466?— 1519) preached his famous 
sermon to a Convocation convened to consider the Lollards; the strength of its 
demand that the church reform itself led the bishop of London to prefer the formal 
charge of heresy against him. The Latin (STC 5450) was printed in 1512 by 
Robert Pynson; the English trans, (by Thomas Lupset?) w^as printed about 1530 
(STC 5550). 

2:450.fc Purum, . . . suum. M. Verri Flaccii quae extant (1575), p. 186: "Puri, probi, 
profani, sui auri dicitur in manumissione sacrorum causa, ex quibus puri significat, 
quod in usu spurco non fuerit; probi, quod recte excoctum, purgatumque sit. 
profani, quod sacrum non sit, et quod omni religione solutum sit. sui, quod 
alienum non sit." "Of gold that is pure, sound, not yet given, and their own to give, is 
the formula used in a setting free for sacred uses: pure means what has been put to 
no unclean use; sound, what has been properly purified and purged; not yet given, 
what is not consecrated or in any way devoted to religious use; their oum, what 
does not belong to another" (Bayne, p. 522n). See 2-A26.j.n, above. 

2:450.21—22 Lycurgus before Solon . . . politic, Lycurgus, son of Eunomus, 
king of Sparta, was a Spartan legislator whose dates and historical existence are 
uncertain but who was said to have reformed the constitution of Sparta and bound 
his countrymen by oath to preserve it inviolate forever. Solon was the Athenian 
legislator, born about 639 BC, who remodelled the Athenian constitution, but the 
political order decayed, the tyrant Pisistratus seized power, and the constitution >vas 
overthrown. See Plutarch's Lives, esp. Solon, chap. 16. 

2:450.29-30 But of Churches . . . heretofore. See chaps. 11 and 12 (2:47-53). 

2:451.15 everie shekell . . . ounce. GB glosses: "The commen shekel is aboute 


Book V, Chapter 79.1-79.7 

20 pence, so then 400 shekels mount to 33 li. 6. shill. and 8 pence, after 5. shill. 
sterl. the once," a quantity of silver weighing 11.46 metric grams, or 176.85 grains. 

2:451. 18-20.d the some which David . . . cichars. See 1 Chron. 29:2-7 and 
Exod. 25:39. GB glosses: "This was the talent weyght of the temple, and waied 
120 pound." BB: "The talent of the temple is valued at 400 pounds." Cichar 
(kikkar) is Hebrew for "talent." (The references to Exodus in e should more 
properly appear in d.) 

2:451.20-23 and cichars. The cichar or talent was in reality worth 3,000 

shekels (see Exod. 38:25-26). According to Exod. 38:24, 25, and 29 the ubemacle 
cost very much more than thirty cichars; see Bayne, 524n. 

2:45 l.e Ezr. 2:68.69. The "one and thre-score thousand drammes of golde, and 
five thousand pieces of silver and an hundreth Priests garments" of v. 69 is 
computed as "of our money, 24826.1i. 13, shil. 4.d. esteming the firench crowne 
at 6.shil. 4.d. for the dramme is the eight part of an ounce, and the ounce the 
eight part of a marke" (GB). 

2:452. /j Cum aurum Judceorum . . . liceret. Cicero, Oratio pro L. Flacco, chap. 28; 
Orationum volumnen secundum, ed. Joannus Brutus (1585), 2:365; Loeb, 436, 438. 
"Since in the name of the Jews gold was sent every year firom Italy and all your 
provinces to Jerusalem, Flaccus declared by edict that it should not be lawful to 
export any fi^om Asia" (Bayne, p. 525n) 

2:452.11-12.1 Mithridates ... talentes; Josephus, Antiquitates Judiciae, 14.12: 
"Nee ad iactationem conficta est praedicta summa, nee caret testibus: sed cum alij 
multi, tum Strabo Cappadox attestatur nobis his verbis: Mithridates autem misit in 
Coum insulam qui afferent sibi inde pecuniam, quam Cleopatra regina ibi deposu- 
erat, et Judaeorum octingenta talenta"; Opera (1566), p. 300; Loeb, 504—505. 

2:452.13 Crassus Josephus, De bello Judaico, 1.6, recounts that Marcus Licinius 
Crassus (Crassus the Rich) looted the Temple at Jerusalem to finance the expedi- 
tion against the Parthians in which he and his army perished in 53 BC; Loeb, 2:82— 
85, as 1.8.8. 

2:452.14 Eleazar The third son of Aaron (Exod. 6:23). 

2A52.J Every . . . crownes. A crown was a quarter of a sovereign in 16C Eng- 
land, or five shillings (OED). 

2:453.6-9 Furthermore . . . God. In the 16C, tithes were a major source of 
income for the church. There were two kinds: (1) personal, a tenth required of the 
profits of labor, wages, trade, and such nonagrarian activities; (2) predial, or a tenth 
of the fioiits of the ground. Tithes in kind could be so considerable that they 
would be leased to local gentry who used them to feed and cloth their large 
households and sold the surplus. By agreeing to a modus decimande, clergy could 
commute some or all of their tithes for cash payment. This might be of immediate 



benefit, but taking inflation into account, commutation could work great hardship 
on the clergy. Especially damaging was the commutation of tithes for a suted fixed 
payment. See Christopher Hill, Economic Problems of the Church from Archbishop 
Whitgift to the Long Parliament (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1956). 

2: 453. 20-21. 1? In so much that . . . likewise. Pliny the Elder, Historia naturalis, 
12.14: "Decimas [thuris] Deo, quem vocant Sabin, mensura non pondere sacerdo- 
tes capiunt. Nee ante mercari licet"; (1559), col. 320; Loeb, 4:46 (chap. 32.63). 
"The priests take tithes of incense for their god whom they call Sabin by measure 
not by weight. Nor may it be sold till this is done" (Bayne, p. 526n). 

2:453.^ AeKog . . . TEXeidxaxov. Philo Judaeus, De congressu, 17.90; Opera 
(1552), p. 297; Loeb, 4:506. "The tenth is the most perfect boundary and end of 
the numbers that proceed onward firom the unit"; Philo is commenting on the fact 
that Noah is the tenth patriarch (Bayne, p. 526n). A.C.L. attacks H at this point 
(see 4:53.19-21 and n). 

2:454.r Massoreth . . . decimce. The Pirke Aboth, or Sayings of the Fathers; Capitula 
Patrum (1541), fol. 35. "The hedge of the law is the Massoreth; tithes are the 
hedge of riches." H's Latin is not quite that of Fagius in the 1541 edn.; see 
2:39.20-22.r.n, above. 

2:455. < Nemo libenter debet , . . expressit. L. Annaeus Seneca, the philosopher, 
born at Corduba about 5 BC, De beneficiis, 1.1; Scripta quae exstant (1587), p. 1; 
Loeb, 3:4. "No one willingly oweth that which he receiveth not as a gift, but 
extorted violently" (Bayne, p. 538n). 

2:456.4 side That is, shekel. "Side" comes firom the Vulgate "siclus" (Septuagint: 
aiKXoq); see 2:451.15.n, above. 

2:456. f L.ll. de reg. jur. Justinian, Digesta, 50.17.11: "Id quod nostrum est, sine 
facto nostro ad alium transferri non potest"; (1590), col. 2029; Mommsen-Krueger 
(1963), p. 920; Scott, 11:298. 

2:456.1*' Cujus per errorem . . . man. H cites Justinian, Digesta, 50.17.53; (1590), 
col. 2036; Mommsen-Krueger (1963), p. 922; Scott, 11:53: "A thing given in 
error may be asked back, but a thing given deliberately is a donation (i.e. cannot 
be asked back)" (Bayne, p. 529n). "Consideration" (consideratio) is the material 
cause of a contract without which it is not effectual or binding. "De condictione 
indebiti" is tide 6 of Digesta 12. The first law of the title (1590, col. 365; 
Mommsen-Krueger [1963], p. 201; Scott, 12:139) is essentially the same as Digesta 

2:456.x Nemo potest mutare . . . prajudicium. Justinian, Digesta, 50.17.75; (1590), 
col. 2038, reading "injuriam" for "praejudicium," as does Mommsen-Krueger 
(1963), p. 922; Scott, 11:304. 

2:456.25-27 Albeit therefore . . . Tithes, Travers argued that the OT law 


Book V, Chapter 79.7-79.14 

governing tithes to priests and Levites did not apply to Christians, save only to 
require that those engaged in the Lord's work be maintained. See Explication fol. 
125; compare fols. 110-127 with H's chapter as a whole. 

2:457.c Non videntur . . . Jitit. Justinian, Digesta, 50.17.83; (1590), col. 2040; 
Mommsen-Krueger (1963), p. 922; Scott, 11:305: "Those to whom a thing does 
not belong cannot alienate it" (Bayne, p. 530n). 

2:458.1-2 and e We have given unto God . . . ever. The Magna Caru (1215), 
described by a contemporary as a "treaty of peace" between King John and his 
barons. Chapter 1 begins: "Imprimis, Concessimus Deo, et hac praesenti charta 
nostra confirmavimus, pro nobis et haeredibus nostris in perpetuum, quod Ecclesia 
Anglicana libera sit, et habeat omnia jura sua integra, et libertates suas illaesas"; 
trans, by E. P. Cheyney, University of Pennsylvania Translations and Reprints 
(Philadelphia, 1897), 1.6:6. "In the first place we have granted to God, and by this 
our present charter confirmed, for us and our heirs forever, that the English church 
shall be fi^ee, and shall hold its rights entire and its hberties uninjured." 

2:458.3-5/ the goods of the Church . . . Church. The Capitulum of Charlemagne, 
6.285, entided, "Concerning the general suppUcation of the whole people to the 
prince on behalf of the clergy (pro causa sacerdotum), that they should not go 
against the enemy or into battle; and what danger threatens all of them fi-om this; 
fi-om the Capitula of the Emperor Karolus decreed at Worms" (Bayne, p. 531n). 
H quotes fi^om the petition's protests against sacrilege: "Scimus enim res Ecclesiae 
Deo esse sacratas, scimus eas esse oblationes fidelium, et precia peccatorum, qua 
propter si quis eas ab Ecclesiis, quibus a fidelibus collatae Deoque sacratae sunt, 
aufert proculdubio sacrilegium committit. Caecus enim est qui ista non videt. 
Quisquis ergo nostrum suas res Ecclesiae tradit. Domino Deo illas offert atque 
dedicat"; Capitula sive leges ecdesiasticae et civiles (1588), fol. 225'. 

2:458.^ Nullius autem sunt . . . est. Justinian, Institutiones, 2.1.7; (1590), col. 17; 
Krueger (1963), p. 10; Scott, 2:34. "Things sacred, religious, and holy belong to 
no one. For what comes under divine jurisdiction can be among no one's goods" 
(a paraphrase; Bayne, p. 531n). 

2:458./« Soli cum Diis. . . pugnant. Q. Curtius Rufiis, Roman historian, mid-1 C 
AD, Gestis Alexandri Magni, 7.23; (1586), p. 249. "Only the sacrilegious fight with 
the Gods." Sacrum sacrove . . . esto. Cicero, De legibus, 2.9, quoted by Saravia; 
see De sacrilegiis, chap. 8 (1590), printed at the end of De diversis ministrorum 
gradibus; "Whoso stealeth or pilfereth any holy thing, or committed to the holy 
place, let him be held and handled as a murderer of his father"; English trans. 

(1592), p. 232. Capitul ca.285. Charlemagne's Capitula, 6.285; (1588), fol. 

225"^ (2:458.3-5.n, above). H paraphrases: "Quisquis ergo nostrum suas res 
Ecclesiae tradit. Domino Deo illas offert atque dedicat, suisque Sanctis, et non 
alteri, dicendo talia, et agendo ita. Facit scripturam de ipsis rebus, quas Deo dare 
desiderat, et ipsam scripturam coram altari, aut supra, tenet in manus, dicens 



ijusdem loci sacerdotibus atque custodibus; 'Offero Deo, atque dedico, omnes res, 
quae hac in chartula tenentur insertae. . . . Siquis autem eas inde, quod fieri 
nullatenus credo, abstulerit, sub poena sacrilegii ex hoc Domino Deo, cui eas 
offero atque dedico, districtissimas reddat rationes.' Ponit etiam in ea alias 
conjurationes, quas enumerare longum est" (Bayne, pp. 532— 533n). 

2:459.« Deposita pietatis. TertuUian, Apologeticum, 39.6; Opera (1566), 2:693; 
CCSL, 1:151. "These gifts are, as it were, piety's deposit fund" (ANF, 3:46). 

2:459.10-27.^' You that professe ... welth. The Roman Christian poet Prudentius 
(343—410?), Peri stephanon (On the crown of martyrdom), 2.57 ff.; Opera (1564), pp. 
100-102; Loeb, 2:112, 114. 

'Soletis,' inquit, 'conqueri, 
Saevire nos justo amplius. 
Cum Christiana corpora 
Plusquam cruente scindimus. 

Abest atrocioribus 
Censura fervens motibus; 
Blande et quiete efilagito 
Quod sponte obire debeas. 

Hunc esse vestris orgiis 
Moremque et artem proditum est, 
Hanc disciplinam foederis, 
Libent ut auro Antistites. 

Argenteis scyphis ferunt 
Fumare sacrum sanguinem, 
Auroque nocturnis sacris 
Adstare fixos cereos. 

Tum summa cura est firatribus, 
Ut sermotestatur loquax, 
Offerre fundis venditis 
Sestertiorum millia. 

Addicta avorum praedia 
Foedis sub auctionibus 
Successor exhaeres gemit, 
Sanctis egen parentibus. 

Ecclesiarum in angulis, 
£t summa pietas creditur 
Nudare dulces liberos. 

Hoc poscit usus publicus. 
Hoc fiscus, hoc aerarium, 
Ut dedita stipendiis 
Ducem juvet pecunia. 

Sic dogma vestrum est audio: 
Suum quibusque reddito. 
En Caesar agnoscit suum 
Numisma nummis inditum. 

Quod Caesaris scis, Caesari 
Da: nempe justum postulo: 
Ni fallor, baud ullum tuus 
Signat Deus pecuniam. 

Haec occuluntur abditis 

Implete dictorum fidem 
Quae vos per orbem venditis: 
Nummos libenter reddite, 
Estote verbis divites.' 

Nil asperum Laurentius 
Refert ad ista, aut turbidum, 
Sed, ut paratus obseque, 
Obtemperanter annuit. 

H probably obtained the reference from Saravia's De honore; {Honor Due, p. 144). 
The work is a collection of hymns praising Spanish and Italian martyrs; the verses 
refer to Lawrence, deacon of Rome, custodian of the church's treasure; see Bayne, 
pp. 533-534n. Prudentius is better known as the author of the "Psychomachia," 
a description of Christian asceticism under the allegory of spiritual warfare. 


Book V, Chapter 79.14-79.16 

2:460.19 Dionysius his navigation. See Valerius Maximus, Factorum ac dictorum 
memorahilium libri ix, 1.2, which tells of Dionysius the Syracusan tyrant, ^vho 
ransacked the temple of Proserpine at Locris and, when he had escaped by sea, 
aided by a favorable gale, boasted of his sacrilege, bragging that the gods he had 
robbed had aided him. Dionysius, however, suffered in his death punishment 
which he escaped in life; (1540), 1.2, Per Dionysio, pp. 12—13; cited by Saravia, 
De sacrilegiis, in De diuersis ministrorum evangelii gradibus; trans. (1591), p. 238. 
Valerius (fl. 29—32 AD) collected historical anecdotes from Livy, Cicero, Sallust, 
and others as illustrative examples for rhetoricians. For the tale of Dionysius's 
sacrilege, see Cicero, Tusculan Disputations, 5.20.57-58. 

2:460. fe Novimus multa regna . . . carent. Charlemagne, Capitula, 7.104; (1588), 
fol. 271'; see 2:458.3— 5/n, above. This capitulum is entitled "Of those who think 
that the law forbidding priests to go to battle was intended to diminish their 
honour." "We know that many kingdoms and their kings have fallen because they 
spoiled churches, and plundered, carried off, and destroyed their goods, and took 
them away from the bishops and priests and what is \vorse from the churches 
themselves, and gave them to their soldiers. Wherefore they were neither strong 
in war nor firm in faith, nor did they come out victors, but gave their backs to the 
foe, many wounded and more dead; and lost their kingdoms and lands and what 
is far worse the kingdom of heaven too; their inheritances were taken aw^ay from 
them and they have not yet come to their own" (Bayne, p. 535n). 

2:461./ Tumo tempus erit . . . Oderit. Virgil, the Roman poet, b. 70 BC, Aeneid, 
10.503—505; Opera (1576), p. 396; "A time will come to Tumus when he will 
long/ to purchase at great price an untouched Pallas,/ when he will hate this 
trophy and this day" (trans. Allen Mandelbaum [1971], p. 270; Loeb, 2:204-205). 
Tumus, Aeneas's rival, has killed Pallas, Aeneas's young protege, stripping him of 
his lavishly-decorated belt; the poem ends when, recognizing the belt on his fallen 
foe, Aeneas slays Turnus. 

2:461. m f| Twv JcpoYMaTcov — odM)>pooi. Demosthenes, the greatest of the 
Athenian orators, b. 384 BC, Olynthiac Orations, 1.27; (1576), p. 11 (1.17); Loeb, 
1:20. "To the wise the shame of evil deeds is worse than any penalty." Pcenam 
non dico . . . vident. Cicero, De officiis, 3.8; De officiis libri tres (1555), fol. 59*; 
Loeb, p. 304—305. "1 do not mean the penalty of the law, which they often 
escape, but the heaviest penalty of all, their own demoralization." Impunita tu 
credis . . . odio? Seneca, De beneftciis, 3.17; Scripta quae exstant (1587), p. 23; Loeb, 
3:156. "Do you imagine that qualities that are loathed do go unpunished, or that 
there is any greater punishment than public hate?" And see Saravia, De sacrilegiis 
(1590), chap. 9 (quoted in Bayne, p. 536n). 

2:462.5-6 By meane whereof . . . flanell. The reference is to the practice of 
"exchange"; see 2:448.8— 12.n, above. Flannel, a coarse open woolen frabic, was 
associated with poverty or straightened circumstances. 



2:462.7 'Glaucus' his 'change' From Homer's Iliad, 6.232-236, where Glaucus, 

exchanging gifts with Diomede, gives "gold for bronze, the worth of an hundred 
oxen for nine": 'IXidq ([1580]), p. 225; Loeb, 1:278. 

2:462.11—23 he hath by certaine ... otherwise; For an example of such 
argument, see the bill drawn up in 1540 but not submitted to Parliament (PRO, 
S. P. 1/152, fols. 11-13): "Considering the primitive church with the present 
church, I find that then poverty did take place: and now riches with possessions be 
superabundant .... Wherefore to cure the disease . . . needs must the original 
cause of the same be removed and taken away which is great possessions and 
superfluous riches. The naughty tree is not mortified by lopping off" the boughs: 
but only by the cruel plucking up of the roots"; quoted firom Phyllis M. Hembry, 
The Bishops of Bath and Wells, 1540-1640 (London: University of London, Athlone 
Press, 1967), p. 260. 

2:462.24— 25. rt IVee offer unto God . . . receive, Irenaeus, Adversus omnes haereses, 
4.34: "Offerimus autem ei non sunt quasi indigenti, sed gratias donationi eius, et 
sanctificantis creaturam"; Opera (1528), p. 237; PG, 7:1029, as 4.8.6; cited by 
Saravia, De honore; trans. 1591, p. 141. See Bayne, p. 537n. Polycarp (60?— 155?), 
martyred bishop of Smyrna, was an important link between the apostolic age of the 
church and such writers as Irenaeus, who flourished at the end of the 2C. 

2:462.0 He which worshippeth . . . all; Origen, Homily 11, on Numb. 18: 
"Indecens et indignum existimo et impium, ut is, qui Deum colit . . . non offerat 
primitias sacerdotibus"; Opera (1511), p. 236; PG, 12:644; cited by Saravia, De 
honore; trans. 1591, p. 141. 

2:463.7 Of ordinations lawfull without title. In chap. 80 H has in mind the strong 
Puritan objection against ordination without title. Puritans protested in Parliament 
in 1584 that none should "be admitted to be a minister of the woord and 
sacraments but in a benefyce having cure of soules then vacant in the diocesse of 
such a byshop as is to admitte him, or to some place certaine w^here such minister 
to be made is offered to be entertayned for a preacher or such graduate as shalbe 
at the time of their admission into the ministry placed in some felowship or 
schollership within the unyversytyes or at the least that triall be made of this order 
for such tyme as to their honorable wysedomes shalbe thought convenyent" (BL, 
MS Add. 38,492, fols. 73-74). Whitgift, well acquainted with the canons of 1571, 
agreed that none should be admitted to the ministry sine titulo, but objected that 
their petition excluded "firom the ministery Deanes, Praebendaries, and other 
Ministers of Cathedral Churches, wardens of Colleges, Archdeacons likewise and 
diverse others. All which hereafter must be meere lay men" (PRO, S. P. 12/177, 
fol. 83"). The anonymous author (perhaps W. Stoughton) oi An Abstract, of certain 
acts of parliament: of certaine her majesties injunctions . . . for the peaceable government of 
the church (1583), pp. 243-249, makes the same point as the petitioners, setting 
down the ancient laws and the canons of 1571; see 2:469.M.n, below. On the 


Book V, Chapter 79.16-80.3 

Abstract and the controversy it occasioned, see 1:41.31— 42.4.fc.n, above, and 
2:472.10-1 l.n, below. 

2:463.1 1-18 There are in a minister fower. A summary of the chief matters 

dealt with in chaps. 77-81; see 2:413.20.n, above. 

2:463.21 divers precinctes. Dioceses and parishes, both understood as geo- 
graphical entities. 

2:463.23-24 Pagans . . . countrie people Pagan (Lat. paganus) originally meant a 
villager or a rustic. In early Christian Latin writers (such as Tertullian and 
Augustine) it signified a heathen as opposed to a Christian or a Jew, "indicating the 
fact that the ancient idolatry lingered on in the rural villages and hamlets after 
Christianity had been generally accepted in the town and cities of the Roman 
empire" (OED). 

2:463.25-464.1 it followed . . . religion. Compare VII.5.1. 

2:463.26-28 all such cities . . . goveme. There are serious problems concerned 
with any description of the first beginnings of the Christian ministry, not the least 
being the paucity of verifiable evidence. But it does seem that at Rome (about 96), 
the governing body of the church was a college of presbyters, for Clement I refers 
to but two orders of clergy: elders or bishops and deacons. See / Clement, chaps. 
40-42, 44; Apostolic Fathers, Loeb, 1:76-81, 83-85. Concerning this and what 
follows in H, see Adolf Hamack, History of Dogma (Boston, 1905), 1:214-217, and 
K. E. Kirk, ed.. The Apostolic Ministry (New York, 1946), pp. 253-265. By 
"ecclesiasticall colleges" (line 26), H means "a community of clergy living together 
on a foundation for religious service" (OED, sb. 3), at least in embryonic form. 

2:464.4 Evaristus See 2:465.18-22 and n. 

2:464.9 our . . . the yeare 636. The date given by John Bale, bishop of Ossory 
(b. 1495), in his Scriptorum illustrium maioris Britanniae . . . catalogus (1557), 1:72, 
whence it was taken by the Centuriators of Magdeburg (authors of a church 
history firom its begirmings to 1400), Matthew Parker in his De antiquitate (1572; 
STC 19292), p. 12, and Camden in his Britannia (1586; STC 4503), p. 58. The 
parish in England was Teutonic in origin (predating the conversion of the Germans 
to Christianity), beginning, in contrast to the episcopal government of the church, 
with the lord of the manor who built an Eigenkirche or private church for the 
benefit of his serfe and his own household, giving it as a beneficium to whomever he 
would and presenting the person of his choice to the bishop for ordination on the 
title of his benefice. The date when this began cannot be ascertained; the 7C is 
possible, but some time after the arrival in England of Theodore of Tarsus in 669 
to become archbishop of Canterbury and to organize the church may be more 

2:464.21—25 theire error, . . . parish. See the Admonition: "Then, none admitted 



to the ministerie, but (Act. 1:25) a place was voyde before hand, to which he 
should be called: but nowe, bishops (to whom the right of ordering ministers doth 
at no hand appertaine) do make 60, 80, or a 100 at a clap, and send them abroad 
into the cuntry lyke masteries men" {P.M., p. 10). See Whitgift, Defense, Tract. 
4.1, "Of ministers admitted, a place being not void," pp. 216-225 (PS, 1:469- 
485). Cart>vright replied: "there are by the w^orde of God at thys time/ no 
ordinarie ministeries ecclesiasticall/ which be not locall/ and tyed to one 
congregation/ therefore thys sending abrode of ministers/ which have no places, 
is unlawfull" (1:60 [42]); "for the pastor or byshoppe whych is heere mentioned: 
whych name so ever we consider of them/ they do forthwith as sone as they are 
once either spoken or thought of/ imply and infer a certen and definite charge/ 
being as the Logicians terme them/ actuall relatives. For what shepheard can ther 
be/ unles he have a flocke? and howe can he be a watchman/ unles he have some 
citie to loke unto?" (1:61 [43]). Whitgift responded: "he is also a shepheard, that 
hathe mo flockes, and he is a shepheard that hathe a generall care and oversight of 
many shepheards and many flockes. For he that hathe many flockes, and many 
shepheards, may have one master shepheard to see that all the rest doe their 
duties"; Defense, p. 219 (PS, 1:474). See also Cartwright, 2:298; Travers, A Full 
and Plaine Declaration, p. 36; ^xplicatio, fol. 28. 

2:465.18-22 Evaristus . . . station. See Platina, De vitis pontificum Romanorum 
(1572), p. 13, the life of Evaristus (about 96): "Evaristus . . . titulos in urbe Roma 
presbyteris divisit." "Evaristus in the city of Rome assigned parishes [churches and 
their revenues?] to presbyters." See 2:468. 25. n, below, concerning "titulos." 
Whitgift ignored Evaristus, believing that Pope Dionysius (261 AD) "devided 
Parishes"; Cartwright saw the hand of God directly at work: "the Lord devided 
nationall Churches into parishes and congregations" (1:69 [50]); Whitgift, Defense, 
p. 249 (PS, 1:534). See Bayne, p. 539n. 

2:466. 16-21. < Certae rei vel causce ... causes. Justinian, Institutiones, 1.14.4; 
(1590), col. 11; Krueger (1963), p. 6; Scott, 2:21. 

2:467.13 ecclesiasticall persons . . . men, H could point to Puritans such as 
Walter Travers in the household of William Cecil, Lord Burghley, and William 
Charke (1545?-1617) in the households of Lord Cheney and Anne Seymour, the 
duchess of Somerset. See textual note at line 12. 

2:467.20-24 some there are . . . them. H has in mind here itinerant preachers 
and lecturers, chiefly Puriuns; see CoUinson, E.P.M., pp. 49-51, etc., Irvonwy 
Morgan, The Godly Preachers of the Elizabethan Church (London: Epworth Press, 
1965), chap. 2, and Paul S. Seaver, The Puritan Lectureships: The Politics of Religious 
Dissent 1560-1662 (Sunford: Stanford University Press, 1970). 

2:468.25 titles. See 2:469.8-1 l.n, below. 

2:469.M Unlaufull . . .function. See 2:463.7.n, above. The author of An Abstract 


Book V, Chapter 80.4-80.13 

bases his argument on the bishops' violating canon law, which Travers viewed as 
"the very fountain and spring from \vhence aU the rest of the corruption do flow"; 
A Full and Plaine Declaration, p. 43. 

2:469.8—11 So that everie . . . chance. A "title" is defined as "a certificate of 
presentment to a benefice, or a guarantee of support, required (in ordinary cases) 
by the bishop from a candidate for ordination" (OED). This sentence of H's is 
cited. See also ODCC. 

2:469.12 certaine canons H has in mind here canon 6 of the Council of 
Chalcedon (Hefele, History of the Councils, 3:391), which was taken into the corpus 
of canon law. It was cited by Whitgift; Defense, p. 223 (PS, 1:480—481); see Bayne, 
pp. 544— 545n. But he must also have had in mind the canons of 1571 (Cardwell, 
Synodalia, 1:122-126), cited in the Abstract, p. 246. 

2:470.15—16 the clergie . . . dividendes See Cyprian, epist. 66, who calls them 
"sportulantes fratres," "partakers of the distribution" (Bayne, p. 546n; PL, 4:399). 
See also epist. 34 (4:324), and epist. 28 (4:302). Tertullian, Apologeticum, chap. 39, 
describes the collection as monthly (CCSL, 1:150—151). 

2:470.23-25 other presbyters • . . selves? In the Church of Constantinople 
(about 460), the patriarch, Gennadius, made Marcian, a Novationist, steward, or 
treasurer, of the church, "who as soon as he was made steward decreed that the 
clergy of each church should take the offering made in it. Before that time the 
great church took all the offerings" (Bayne, p. 546n); Theodorus Lector (6C 
church historian, a reader in the Church of Constantinople), in Theodoret, Eccles. 
hist., 1.13; PC, 86.1:172. 

2:471.7—9 nominate in those benefices . . . thereunto? C.J. Civ.: Nov. Const., 
SI. 2, where benefectors and builders of churches are forbidden to put in clergy 
without due examination and ordination by the bishop; (1575), p. 61. See also 
123.18, which orders that if builders of chapels or their heirs present unworthy 
men for ordination the bishop is to find fit ones; (1575), pp. 110-111. 

2:471.14, 25 stipendaries, stipendiary curat. One who does not possess a 
benefice but is rew^arded for his labors by stipends; although these payments could 
be regular (annually or at shorter intervals), the sense of the term "stipend" is "fee- 
for-service," as distinct from the right of income from a benefice. 

2:471.30-33 I might here discover . . . ordeine. Admonition: "Then (Act. 14.13 
[23]) no minister placed in any congregation, but by the consent of the people, 
now, that authoritie is geven into the hands of the byshop alone" {P.M., p. 10). 
GB glosses Acts 14:23, w^hich speaks of ordaining "Elders by election in everie 
Church": "The worde [election] signifieth to elect by putting up the hands which 
declareth that ministers were not made without the consent of the people." See 
also Cartwright, 1:43-49 [29-33]; Whitgift, Tract. 3.4, "Of the election of 
Ministers by the voyces and consent of the people"; Defense, p. 154—170 (PS, 



1:341—375); and Travers, A Full and Plaine Declaration, pp. 57—59; Explicatio, fok. 

2:471.33-472.1 wee have otherwhere See VII. 14. 

2:472.10-11 Of the leaminge . . . livings. It was the general expectation of 
churchmen, Puritans and their opponents alike, that the ministry be learned and 
faithful. However, after Whitgift's installation as archbishop and the 
commencement of the drive to oust nonconforming Puritans from the ministry, 
the latter attacked the bishops for ordaining ignorant men and supporting 
nonresidence and pluralism. The 1583 Abstract was chiefly directed against such 
abuses, indicting the bishops and other patrons for breaking the laws of England 
enacted against them. Richard Cosin assisted Whitgift in his anti-Puritan campaign; 
his reply contained the first portions of the Abstract, concerning ministers' learning 
and dispensations covering nonresidence and pluralism, and 350 pages of his own 
1584 Answer. Thus began the "Abstract Controversy," involving further works by 
Dudley Fenner and a sermon by Doctor Copequot (STC 10770, 10772, 10400); 
see 1:41.31— 42.4. fc.n, above, and Milward, pp. 77—83. Hooker certainly had these 
materials before him as he wrote this chapter. It is also possible that he had in 
mind the sixteen petitions of the House of Commons (BL, MS Add. 38,492, fols. 
73-74) and Whitgift's reply to them (PRO, S. P. 12/177, fols. 82-85; BL, MS 
Add. 29,546, fols. 63-66). See Booty, "The Bishop Confronts the Queen," 
Continuity and Discontinuity in Church History (1979), pp. 215—231. Concerning H's 
main point, see 2:476.17-22, related to his fourth operating proposition or 
assertion, announced in chap. 9, and n, below. 

2:472.27—473. 16. i',u',Xj;' ministers should be learned, . . . this? The arguments 
made and the scriptural citations are all drawn from the passages in Cartwright 
indicated by H. T.C. 1.1. p.70. 66. 69. Pages 51, 46, and 50, respectively, in 
1st edn.; see Whitgift, Defense, pp. 253, 232, and 247. Tract. 5.1 is "Of the 
residence of the Pastor" (pp. 235-246; PS, 1:506-528); 5.2 is "Of pluralities" (pp. 
246-251; PS, 2:528-538); see Cartwright, 2:330-361, and Travers, A Full and 
Plaine Declaration, pp. 89-100 {Explicatio, fols. 68-76). See Bayne, pp. " 531- 
532n. Concil. Nicae c.l5 As Whitgift points out, this from the second Council 
of Nicaea (787), "one of the corruptest Councels that ever was," canon 15 
(Hefele, History of the Councils, 5:383). He cites the gloss on Gratian's exposition of 
the canon: "one man may be intituled in two Churches, if the Churches be poore: 
or if the Bishop doe dispense and thinke it convenient, or if the number of 
Clearkes be few; or if he be intituled to the one, and have the other in commendam, 
or if the one be neere to the other"; Defense, pp. 247-248 (PS, 1:531). This gloss 
was influential during H's time. 

2:474.5-10 I see not . . . malediction. See, for insunce, the question put by the 
bishop requiring the answer "I will" of the ordinand: "Will you give your faithful 
diligence always, so to minister the doctrine and Sacraments, and the dicipline of 


Book V, Chapter 80.13-81.5 

Christ, as the Lord hath commanded, and as this realm hath received the same, 
according to the commandments of God, so that you may teach the people 
committed to your cure and charge with all diligence to keep and observe the 
same?" {Liturgical Services, PS, p. 290). 

2AlS.p Abstract. p.ll7. An Abstract (1583): "1. Whatsoever is forbidden by the 
law of nature, and by the law of God, the same caimot be licensed by the law of 
man alone. 2. But pluralities are forbidden by the law of nature, and by the lavvre 
of God: 3. Therefore they cannot be licensed by the Lawe of man alone. . . . The 
seconde Proposition ... I proove from the etymology or discription of a priviledge 
or dispensation: for a priveledge, and a dispensation in effect signify one thing 
[citing "Glos. lib. 6. de rescript, c. vers, in principio. Extra de judic. c. At si 
clerici. de adulteriis."]. A priviledge is saide to be that, that for the favour of 
certayne private persons, commeth foorth agaynst common right: things prohibited 
are dispensed >vith, because thinges permitted are dispatched by common right, but 
thinges forbidden require dispensation. By which discriptions of a Pryveledge and 
dispensation, it is apparant, that a Priveledge and dispensation for pluralities, must 
license and authorise that, that the Lawe against Plurality doth infringe, and 
disalow, and so be a Lawe contrariant, and repugnant to the Lawe against Plurali- 
ties: but the Lawe against Pluralities, is the Lawe of nature and the Lawe of God. 
Therefore a Priveledge or dispensation for Pluralities, is against the Law of nature, 
and against the lawe of God: a more monstrous law was never established" (pp. 
117-118). Richard Cosin, An Answer (1584), pp. 262-263, begins by ridiculing the 
argument but proceeds (see pp. 263-282) to a more serious rebuttal, esp. concern- 
ing the principle involved: "though the law of God be generall, that he which 
sheddeth mans blood, his blood shall be shed by man; and that we should doo no 
murther: yet is not the magistrate or executioner of justice upon malefactors, not 
they which in their owne just and necessarie defense, or by chance-medlie and 
misadventure doo happen to kill another, guiltie of the breach thereof, or to be 
punished with penaltie of death" (p. 267). 

2:476.17—22 But to saie that . . . privelege. This is the key to H's argument, 
similar to those made by Cosin (see above) and connected to his fourth proposition 
or assertion concerning dispensation (equity). See nn to 2:32:21 and 41.7, above. 

2:477.26-28.^ an especiall . . . reason, Justinian, Digesta, 1.3.16, citing the jurist 
Paulus; (1590), col. 10; Mommsen-Krueger (1963), p. 34; Scott, 2:224. 

2:478.4 example. Compare examples given by Cosin, An Answer, pp. 267—268. 

2:478. r Privilegium . . . acHone. Regularum juris tarn dvilis quam Pontifidi (1586), 
1:227; a collection of "civil and papal regulations." 

2:479.10-19 Consideringe . . . learning? Due to the plunder of the church that 
began with Henry VIII and was, to a degree, continued by Elizabeth, there were 
insufficient funds to support an educated or otherwise weU qualified ministry; see 



Lambeth Palace Library, MS 2007, fol. 123, where it is claimed that of 8,800 
parishes there were scarcely 500 worth over ^30 per annum; Sutcliffe, Treatise, says 
that of 10,000 scarcely 500 parishes yielded ^30. Furthermore, although increasing 
numbers of ordinands were university graduates or had some part of their educa- 
tion at one of the universities, the situation was still deplorable (p. 96); see Rose- 
mary O'Day, "The Reformation of the Ministry, 1558-1642," Continuity and 
Change: Personnel and Administration of the Church of England 1500-1649, ed. 
Rosemary O'Day and Felicity Heal (Leicester: The University Press, 1976), p. 61. 
In the light of this dilemma Whitgift argued against the parliamentary petitioners, 
saying that their demands for a learned ministry should not be accepted: "Least 
. . . diverse Parishes might be left destitute of ministers to say divine service, 
celebrate the Sacraments, read the Scriptures, and the lemed and godly Homilies 
appointed for that purpose. For wee thought it muche better to have some to 
reade the service, etc. without a sermon, then that the People lyke unto Brute 
beastes should be lefte without Prayers, Sacraments, reading the Scriptures and 
Homihes, and without Sermons also" (PRO, S. P. 12/177, fol. 82"'). 

2:480.2 when law^es doe require learninge The Royal Injunctions (1559) 
required that clergy possess and study a copy of the NT in Latin and English, 
together \vith the Paraphrases of Erasmus, and that they be examined on their 
learning at synods and in visitations; Visitation Articles and Injurutions, ed. Frere and 
Kennedy (1910), 2:13-14. The Interpretations of the bishops (1560/1) further 
instructed the archdeacons to examine the clergy on prescribed texts of the NT, 
and Parker in his Advertisements confirmed this procedure (ibid., 2:60, 178). The 
Canons of 1571 gave additional support to examinations of the unlearned 
(Cardwell, Synodalia, 1:112). The parliamentary statute of 1571 enforcing 
subscription to the Thirty-Nine Articles (13 Eliz. I, cap. 12) required that clergy 
subscribe to the articles, lead honest lives, and "be able to answer and render to 
the ordinary an account of his faith, in Latin according to the said Articles, or have 
special gift and ability to be a preacher." The Canons of 1575 ordered that previ- 
ously ordained unlearned clergy be prevented firom functioning and that bishops 
diligently examine curates seeking admission to any cure. Again, it was insisted that 
clergy "be able to render to the . . . bishop an account of his faith in Latin" and in 
accord with the Articles of Religion (Cardwell, Synodalia, 1:132—134). 

2:480.23-27 such as it hath . . . flocke. Compare H's description here with that 
found in the priest's vows in the Ordinal {Liturgical Services, PS, pp. 289—291) and 
Whitgift's description (2:479.10-19.n, above). 

2:483.11-19 A third thinge . . . feed. A similar argument was made during the 
parliamentary debates over a bill against pluralities in 1588, in which Burghley and 
Whitgift opposed one another (see Lambeth Palace Library, MS 2007, fol. 119). 
But the more considerable arguments concerned the abridgement of the queen's 
prerogatives, the necessity of combining livings in order to recompense well 
qualified clergy, and the assertion that the distinction of benefices was by human 


Book V, Chapter 81.5-81.11 

positive law and not divine: "Whoso holdeth that Pluralitie of Benefices is by gods 
lawes forbidden erreth: not consydering that the distinctions of Archbishoppricks, 
Bishoppricks, Dioceses, Parishes, Jurisdictions, etc. are not of the lawe of god, but 
of a positive law. For as Bishoppricks have charge over many parishes, so we see 
that some one Benefice hath ix or x chappells annexed etc. is in lawe taken but for 
one Benifice. And what more absurditie is it for one man to have 2 benefices, then 
to have one Benefice w^ith so many chappells annexed?" (fol. 116). 

2:484.14—486.24 But, as it fareth . . . soveraintie. H's indictment in this section 
of corrupt practices in the English church contrary to the intent of its law^s should 
be compared with his strictures against contemporary bishops in VII. 24.3-5. On 
H's general undertaking to defend laws rather than the abuses committed by those 
who execute them, see II. 1.1 (1:144.1—21). 

2:485.1— 8. f He which tvill undertake . . . handle. John Chrysostom, De sacerdotio, 
3.7.207 and 15.280; Opera (1588), 5:436: "Nam si id unum satis sit pastorem 
simpliciter vocari, et provincia ista utcunque defiingi, ne ullum prorsus inde 
periculum exoriri possit; equidem nihil moror quin me, quisquis volet, inanis 
gloriae studiosum appellet: sin vero rara prudentia, rara item a Deo opt. data gratia, 
quae prudentiam etiam ipsam praecedat, praeterea si morum integritate, si vitae 
puriute, denique si maiori quam pro humano captu virtute praeditum eum esse 
oportet . . ."; PG, 48:645, 647. 

2:486.M OuTE yeopir^v . . . yeovq. Aristode, Politia, 7.9; 1329"; Opera (1550), 
2:166. "Priests must be appointed neither firom the tillers of the soil nor firom the 
artisans, for it is seemly that the gods should be worshipped by citizens" (Loeb, pp. 

2:486.25—32 yeat hereby to gather . . . erronious, H's basic conviction, stated 
before in chap. 9 and, in another form, at 2:474.17—22. Compare Cosin, An An- 
swer (1584), p. 267: "upon due consideration of circumstances, even the principles 
and reasons that be generall, doo often yeeld and give place to those which be but 
singular, ordinarie to extraordinarie, internall to externall; yea, and naturall to such 
as be but civill and positive, though by ordinarie course it be cleane contrarie." 

2:488.u/ 'AAJl' oi xoXXoi ... ^iXoao^vwEt;. Aristotle, N.E., 2.4; 1105^ 
Opera (1550), 2:8. "But the mass of mankind, instead of doing virtuous acts, have 
recourse to discussing virtue, and fancy that they are pursuing philosophy and that 
this will make them good men. In so doing they act like invalids who listen 
carefully to what the doctor says, but entirely neglect to carry out his prescriptions. 
That sort of philosophy will no more lead to a healthy sute of soul than will the 
mode of treatment produce health of body" (Lx>eb, p. 87). 

2:488.9-13 Wee are growne ... be. See VII.24.25-26. 

2:488.13—14 Now because men . . . sermons. On the importance of sermons 
for H's opponents, see chaps. 21—22. 



2:488.17-20 Such therefore as preach . . . want. See the Admonition: "Then the 
ministers wer preachers: now bare readers" {P.M., p. 11), Cartwright, 1:70 [50]; 
Whitgift, Tract. 6, "Of Ministers that can not preache"; Defense, pp. 251— [254] 
(PS, 1:538-544), and Cartwright, 2:363-392. 

2:488.x 2.Tim. 2:15. See 2:472.y and 490.12-13. GB glosses: "Giving to everie 
one his juste portion. Wherein he alludeth to the Priests of the olde Law w^hich in 
their sacrifice gave to God his parte, toke their owne parte and gave to him that 
brought the sacrifice, his duetie"; 'OpOoTO|iciv (489.2) "rightly to divide" can 
be translated "righdy to handle" (RSV). 

2:489.3—4 KaivoTopeiv . . . received. "Beginning something new, innovating." 

2:489.11—12 subscribinge to the articles The Eleven Articles, promulgated by 
Whitgift in 1583 and supported by the oath ex officio, revived by High Commission 
in that year. Article 6 contains a form of subscription derived firom one by Parker 
(1571) and repeated in the Twenty-Four Articles of 1584. Here subscription was 
required to the statements: "That her Majesty, under God, hath and ought to have 
the soveraignty, and rule over all manner persons, born w^ithin her realm .... That 
the Book of Common Prayer . . . containeth in it nothing contrary to the word of 
God .... That you allow the book of Articles Religion . . . and do believe all the 
Articles therein contained to be agreeable to the word of God" (Strype, Life of 
Whitgift, 3:86). This latter sentence went beyond the Subscription Act of 1571 
enforcing the Articles of Religion, which required subscription only to those 
articles of a distinctly doctrinal nature (see Gee and Hardy, eds.. Documents, p. 
478). The Twenty-Four, like the Eleven, were administrative, not doctrinal, 
Articles; see Strype. 

2:489.28—30.)' non esse opus . . . obey. Valerius Maximus, Factorum . . . lihri ix, 
6.3.4; (1576), p. 332; quoting M. Curius Dentatus, hero of the Roman Republic, 
on first becoming consul in 290 BC. See 2:460. 19.n, above. 

2:490.5—7 St Augustin . . . grace. See De gratia et libero arbitrio, chap. 16.32: 
"Certum est nos velle cum volumus; sed lUe facit ut velimus bona" (PL, 44:900). 
Keble (2:526n) quotes from chap. 15: "Semper est in nobis voluntas libera, sed 
non semper est bona .... Gratia vero Dei semper est bona et per banc fit ut sit 
homo bonae voluntatis, qui fuit prius voluntatis malae." 

2:490.12-13.2 sound preaching . . . God H refers to Job Throckmorton (?), M. 
Some laid open in his coulers, p. 21: "simple reading, in what account so ever it be 
amongst men, yet is it not as I conceive, the thing that doth single out a minister 
from another christian. It must be only (as I tolde you before,) the sound preaching 
of the word in a lawful function, etc. Beare witnesse I pray you, that I speake 
heere of sound preaching, that is, of deviding the worde aright which the Aposde 
calleth orthotomein." See 2:107.8— 12.^.n, above. 

2:490.27-32 Was not St Augustine . . . holie? The reference is evidendy to 


Book V, Chapter 81.11-81.15 

Eraclius, who succeeded Augtistine at Hippo on the great man's nomination (see 
epist. 213; PL, 33:966). In a surviving sermon, delivered with Augustine seated 
enthroned behind him, EracUus said: "The cricket chirps, the swan is silent" (PL, 

2:491. 18-25.<i There . . . dealinges. See the interrogatories in the An Abstract 
(1583), pp. 263-266. 

2:492.fc Mey&Xcov . . . pX&xrovai. Aristode, Politia, 2.8; 1273*; Loeb, pp. 157, 

2:492.c Nee ignore . . . deferri. Panegyrici diversorum (1576), p. 143; PL, 14:420. "I 
am not ignorant that the highest honours are wont to be conferred on those Uttle 
worthy of them for lack of better men" (Bayne, pp. 568— 569n). Claudianus 
Mamertinus (435?— 474?) was a Viennese philosopher and theologian. 

2:492.</ Neque enim . . . operatur. Justinian, Digesta,; (1590), col. 1841; 
Mommsen-Krueger (1963), p. 847, as 48.5.16 (15).l; Scott, 11:38, as 
Law 15 begins "si maritus"; a man absent on the business of the republic is not to 
be put among the accused parties, "for it has not seemed just that one absent for 
the sake of the State should be put among the accused while he is working for the 
State" (Bayne, p. 569n). 

2:492.25—26.6 In committinge . . . inconveniences See Aristode, Politia, 2.8; 

1273 : "And it might also be thought a bad thing for the same person to hold 
several oflBces" (Loeb, p. 163). Aristotle is speaking of Carthaginian custom. 

2:493.11—28/ For as much as . . . undoe'. As H notes, there is a similar preamble 
in An Abstract, pp. 89-90, beginning: "You A. B. Parson of C. about twentie foure 
yeeres passed, at what time I had appoynted a solemne day for making of Deacons . . ."; 
Bayne, pp. 569-57 In, quotes a generous extract. 

2:494.26-495.10.^ Such eysores . . . them. Dionysius of HaHcamasus, Roman 
Antiquities, 4.24: Loeb, 2:344, 346. eruyxavov bi Tf\q eA-euOepiat; oi pev 
TiXetcrroi TupoiKa 6ia KaXoKdyaeiav . . . oXiyoi 6e tivc^ XuTpa 
KaTaTi6evTe<; e^ oaicov koi SiKaicov epyaaicbv auvaxSevxa* 'AXX' ouk ev 
ToTc; Ka0' npa^ xpo^oic; outco Taur' exei, . . . oi ^ev oitio XqaTeiac; Kai 
Toixwpuxiotc; Kai Tiopveia^, Kai Tiavro^ aA,A.ou TtovripoC nopou 
XPHMCtTiadpevoi toutcov wvoOvrai mv xPHMO'Tcov xfiv eX,eu6epiav, Kai 
evdvq eiai 'PcofiaTor oi 6^ auviaTope<; Kai au vepyoi ToTq SeanoraK; 
yevopevoi . . . pupicov a^ia SianeTipaypevoi OavdTojv ei^ TooToog 
pevToi . . . d7topXenovTE<; ol noXXoi Soaxepaivouai, Kai TtpopepXrivrai rd 
idoq, ox; ov npinov r|ye^oviKQ noXei Kai navroq apxeiv d^iouaq totiou 
ToiouTOO(; TioieiaOai nokhaq. exoi 6' av ti^ noX'Ka Kai aXA,a SiapaAxTv 
JtQx] KaXcbc; iiiv uno twv dpxaicov eTiivonSevra, KaKW^ 6' uno twv vuv 
eTiiTpipopeva. eyd) bt tov vopov toOtov ouk oTojiai 6eTv dvaipeiv, pq ti 
pei^ov eKpayq t^) koiv^ 61' auToo KaKov eTtavopOouadai pfevxoi (|)Tifii 



6eTv Ttt Sovard . . . Kal fi&Xiaxa jifev jovq ti^iitok; d^i(&aai^' av tootou 
Tou iiipovc; TipovoeTv* ei 6^ pf\ ye, robq uti&tou^ ... oT tou<; Ka6' 
CKaarov eviaordv eA,eu6epoo(; yivo^tvovq e^cT&aooat. . . . ILneiQ' oOg 
^iv av Eupcoaiv d^ioo<; Tqc; tioX^coc; dvrag, eig <J)uA,d(; KaTaypdyouai . . . rd 
6i jiiapdv Ktti dKdOapTov (J)uA,ov eKPaXoOaiv . . . euTcpeTi^ 6vo^a t<^ 
Tipdy/jart TiefevTe<;, dnoiKiav. 

2:495.18—19 I >vill therefore • . . onlie H professes reluctance to offer advice, but 
then proceeds to do so in strong words, addressing bishops, patrons, those \vho 
grant dispensations, nobiUty, universities, and those receiving dispensations (2:497.5 
ff.). He is following the lead of his own patron. Jewel (see Booty, "The Bishop 
Confronts the Queen"), although he does not, as Jewel did, direcdy address the 
queen, without whose active cooperation and restraint of her own practices there 
could be no betterment of the deplorable conditions under which the church 

2:496.12—17 honorable . . . ambition; Preferment was often used to advance 
persons of proven worth to the state. Thus it was that Queen Elizabeth made 
Whitgift her chaplain, prebend of Ely, dean of Lincoln, bishop of Worcester, and 
vice-president of the principality of Wales before making him archbishop of 
Canterbury. In turn Whitgift exercised his influence to see H made master of the 
Temple and for him to receive various subsequent preferments in order that his 
writing might proceed. A faculty as used here is a power or authority, such as that 
granted to Whitgift by Archbishop Parker that he might hold the deanery of 
Lincoln along with the wardenship of Trinity College, Cambridge, the canonry of 
Ely, the rectory of Teversham, and any other benefices he might choose. 

2:497. /i For the maine hypothesis . . . Paragrefe. H here again refers to chap. 
9 concerning the fourth proposition or assertion, dealing with dispensation or 
equity. See 2:476. 17-22.n, above. 

2:498.21-24 To the Reader . . . whole. On the publication of Book V in the 
chronology of H's composition of the Lawes, see Intro, to The Preface, p. 51, 


Book VI 

3:1.2—12 Contcyning . . . causes. See the first Admonition (1572), P.M., pp. 15— 
19; Travels, A Full and Plaine Declaration (1574), pp. 155-177; Cartwright, Replye 
(1573), 2nd. edn. (cited by H as "lib. 1."), pp. 173-189 [1st edn., pp. 138-150], 
also printed in Whitgift, Defense (1574), pp. 626-679 {Works, PS, 3:150-264); and 
Cartwright, The Rest of the Second Replie (1577), pp. 32-88, cited by H as "lib. 3." 

3:2.1—21 The same men . . . ayme. This paragraph alludes to an external 
"pause" in the disciplinarian controversy. Assuming that the original and now 
missing draft of Book VI commented on by Cranmer and Sandys v^as completed 
between 1593 and 1596 (see 3:xxxi, and 3:133.27.n, below), and assuming that the 
present text is a part of H's revision of VI (see pp. 272-279, above), H is speaking 
of a "pause" just before or after 1593. See Intro, to The Preface, pp. 41—43, SC- 
SI, above. Little was written after 1590 by the disciplinarians, as the dates in 
Milward show (pp. 77-99). 

3:2.15—16 the iveightiest . . . Ecclesiasticall. Compare Craimier's identification of 
"this quxstion of Layelders and the next of Bishops" as "the most essentiall pointes 
of all this controversy" (3:126.1—2); also, Cranmer's An Excellent Letter to H, § 8 
(1:36.15— S3.15.n, above) and Sutcliflfe's A Treatise of Ecclesiasticall Discipline (1591), 
p. 106. 

3:2.17—18 a few^ ceremonies, H speaks of "a compleate forme as they supposed 
of publique service to be done to God" at lines 22—23. These "few^ ceremonies" 
had been identified and dealt with by H in Book V. H asserts that the objections 
of the disciplinarians to these ceremonies disguise their true goal, "to wrest the key 
of spirituall authoritie out of the hands of former governors, and equally to possesse 
therewith the Pastors of all severall congregations" (3:3.2—5). The Puritans' 
ecclesiastical discipline or "plott for the oflSce of the Ministerie" (Unes 23—24), 
including the jurisdiction of lay elders, H interprets as a means for achieving their 
desired end; compare Pref. 2.4 (1:6.31-7.20). 

3:2.28-3.8 people . . . unjust. On the necessity and the means used for the 
Puriuns' courting the people's favor, see Pref 3.5—12. See also Bancroft, Daunger- 
ous Positions (1593), pp. 2-3 and 169. 

3:3.3 former governors. That is, priests in their parishes and oflScials of the 
ecclesiastical court (Book VI), bishops (Book VII), and the supreme magistrate 
(Book VIII). 

3:3.7-8 their habilitie . . . unjust. Compare Whitgift, Defense, pp. 654, 683-684 
(PS, 3:205, 273-275). 

3:3.11—13 afifection . . . ordinance. Note also "the colour of Divine authoritie" 



below, line 23. Compare H's interpretation of the development of Calvin's 
discipline or "new forme of government" in Pref 2.4—7 (1:6.10-10.27, nn), and 
see Intro, to The Preface, pp. 66-68, above. 

3:3.13-18 That . . . Colleagues. Keble (3:3n) cites Travers, Explicatio (1574), fols. 
121^—125'. On fol. 125^ Travers moves on to a discussion of the forgiveness of 
sins, the power of the keys of heaven, and the governing of the church by senates 
or presbyteries; compare A Full and Plaine Declaration (1574), pp. 6-12. 

3:4. l.d It is toe . . . holie. Numbers 16:1—3 conflate two rebellions against Moses 
and Aaron: Korah, a Levite, protested the selection of certain leaders to approach 
Yahweh; Dathan and Abiram, layman of the tribe of Reuben, protested Moses' 
having led the Jews out of Egypt, "a land [that] floweth with milke and honey" 
(Num. 16:13), into the wilderness. Both revolts (fused by H as well) challenged 
Moses' authority as lawgiver; see J. B.C., p. 92. On Numb. 16:3; GB comments: 
"All are a like holy: therefore none oght to be preferred above other: thus the 
wicked reason against Gods ordinance." See VII. 17.1 (3:250.20-25), and Auto. 
Notes, 3:464.1 and n, below. 

3:4.2-3 their published . . . Treatises See Pref 3.9 (l:17.8-9.n); also Milward, 
pp. 78-82. 

3:4.7 The . . . Jurisdiction. See Auto. Notes, 3:466.16-469.13 and nn, below; 
also Calvin, Inst., 4.11.1; (1960), 2:1211. 

3:4.12-14 that spirituall ... had. See V.76. 1-78. 12 and nn, above. 

3:4./' Tifia . . , XpicrroO. "Honor thou God indeed, as the Author and Lord of 
all things, but the bishop as the high-priest, who bears the image of God — of God, 
inasmuch as he is a ruler, and of Christ, in his capacity of a priest"; Epistola ad 
Smymaeos, chap. 9; Ignatii Antiochiae . . . epistolae (1562), p. 86; PG, 5:853; ANF, 
1:90. See 3:175.6— ll.n, below, and compare Cranmer's Notes, 3:107.19. Keble 
(3:108n) cites this quotation from Ignatius, bishop of Antioch, as one of the few 
instances where the existing version of Book VI may have agreed with the original 
missing version seen and annotated by Cranmer and Sandys. But Cranmer's 
reference to Ignatius is just as likely to have been to Ad Trallianos: "There is no 
church, which can stand without her Eldership or Counsail," cited to support lay 
elders by such writers as Cartwright, Rest of the Second Replie, p. 45; John Udall, A 
Demonstration of the trueth of that Discipline which Christe hath prescribed for the goveme- 
ment of his church (1588; STC 24499), p. 56, for which Udall was charged with 
sedition and sentenced to death (Milward, p. 86); and Dudley Fenner, A Counter- 
poyson, modestly written for the time, to make aunswere to [Richard Cosin's An Abstract, 
of certaine acts of Parlement, STC 5819.5] (1584; STC 10770), p. 140. See also 
SutclifFe's quotation of the passage from Ad Trallianos in order to refute the 
disciplinarian intei-pretation of it in De presbyterio (1591; STC 23458), chap. 1, p. 
1. The passage from Ignatius is from Epistola ad Trallianos, chap. 3; PG, 5:779—780. 


Book VI, Chapter 1.3-3.1 

3:4.19-20^fc Preach, . . . mee These Scripture references point to the two marks 
or signs of the true church according to the Reformers, namely, preaching the true 
Word of God and righdy administering the sacraments of baptism and the Eucha- 
rist (see Intro, to Books II, III & IV, pp. 169-174, above). See Confession of 
Augsburg, Art. 7; Calvin, Inst., 4.1.9; (1960), 2:1023-1024; and the Thirty-Nine 
Articles, Art. 19. Calvin himself sometimes included "discipline" as a third mark; 
see Inst., 4.7.23 (2:1143). English Puritans too insisted on discipline as the third 
mark of the true church; see Admonition, P.M., pp. 9 and 13; and Cartwright, The 
Second Replie (1575), pp. 52-53, which H cites as "lib. 2." 

3:4.25-5.7 The Spiritual! . . . thetn. H asserts that spiritual power or jurisdiction 
of the church is not derived from the law of reason or natiure (1.5-9) or human 
law (I.IO), but rather from divine or supernatural law (1.11-15). 

3:5.4—7 He gave it . . . thetn. H's preliminary definition of spiritual jurisdiction 
is completed below, lines 28—32. 

3:5.8—28 Now although ... same. Spiritual jurisdiction has to do both with the 
church as a divine or supernatural community governed by divine law and also as 
a human society governed by human positive law; compare 1.15.2—3 and III. 10.7. 

3:6.1—4 In doctrines . . . things. Compare 1.2.1. For the doctrine of ends as 
causes, see Aristode, Meta., 1.3, (93*; Loeb, 1:22-23); and Physics, 2.3 and 8 (194**- 
195\ 198-199''; Loeb, pp. 128-138, 168-179). On the causal primacy of ends or 
purposes in "practical" matters, see Aristode, N.E., 1.1-2 (1094*- 1094*'; Loeb, pp. 
2-7); and Politics, 1.1 (1252''-1253*; Loeb, pp. 8-10). 

3:6.12-16 Seeing . . . brethren. Compare Auto. Notes, 3:478.27-30. On the 
centrality of repentance in the BCP and in Book V of H's Lawes, see Intro, to 
Book V, pp. 200-202, above. 

3:6.16-17 in matters . . . cognizance, Keble (3:5n) comments that this phrase 
was inserted by H to qualify the words, "to reforme all injuries," thereby avoiding 
the Puritan claim of extreme prerogative in drawing all causes into their spiritual 
courts. H's words imply a distinction between the prerogatives of ecclesiastical and 
of civil courts, an issue that would have become more prominent in the revision 
of the lost draft of Book VI scrutinized by Cranmer and Sandys; see Sandys, 
3:133.4-30; Auto. Notes, 3:472.19-477.18; and Intro, to the Three Last Books, 
pp. 237-242, and Intro, to Book VI, pp. 295-297 and 306-307, above. 

3:6.j Pcenitentiae . . . alone. Tertullian, De poenitentia, chap. 9; Opera (1566), 2:46; 
PL, 1:124; CCSL, 1:336; ANF, 3:664. 

3:7.7 Vertue On penitence or repenunce as a virtue, see Aquinas, S. T., 3a.85.1-6 
(B, 60:48-71). 

3:7.21 occasions. Keble comments here that "at this point . . . the collections of 
Hooker for the 6th book cease, and . . . what remains is taken indeed from papers 



of his, but wrongly assigned to a treatise on lay-elders" (3:7n); on the authenticity 
of Book VI, see Intro, to Book VI, pp. 249-255, above. 

3:7.22—23 The . . . Grace. The virtue of repentance is for H a part of the larger 
doctrines of participation and justification; it is conceived of as one of the virtues 
infused into the heart or soul as an immediate consequence of the divine gift of the 
indwelling Spirit and simultaneous justification and sanctification. See Just., § 21 
(5:129.2-24), Lawes, V.56.7-12, and nn, above; also, Lee W. Gibbs, "Richard 
Hooker's Via Media Doctrine of Justification," Harvard Theological Review, 74.2 
(1981): 216—220. Aquinas speaks of all the infused virtues following firom grace in 
S.T., 3a. 89.1 (B, 60:136—137); about the virtues as habits beginning to exist in the 
soul simultaneously in la2ae.65.3 (B, 23:188—189); and about the instantaneous 
justification of the unrighteous in la2ae. 113.7 (B, 30:184—186). 

3:7.29-8.1 And . . . another. See Jm5(., § 21 (5:129.24-130.12). On the distinc- 
tion of causes in sequence and in the order of nature (that is, H's theological 
virtues that "have their distinct operations, rising orderly one firom another"), see 
Aquinas, S.T., la.113.8 (B, 30:190-191). 

3:8.4-8 A worke . . . all. An expression of the primacy of reason over will in the 
order of faith. For H, faith as one of the theological virtues is "the root and 
mother" of the others; see Cert., § 1 (5:71.20-24). On the interaction between 
reason and will, see Lawes, 1.8.1 (1:81.27—82.11). H is here following Aquinas, 
\vho places penitence as a virtue in the rational appetite or will and defines virtue 
as "the habit of choosing according to right reason"; S.T., 3a.85.1 (B, 60:50-51); 
compare Aristode, N.E., 2.6 (1106^; Loeb, pp. 88-94). 

3:8.11 feare. That is, servile fear or attrition. Aquinas says that "right reason 
requires that one should grieve where there is good reason for grieP'; S.T., 3a.85.1 
(B, 60:50-51). 

3:8.13-14 For feare . . . itselfe, Aquinas places the sorrow or sadness of penitence 
regarded as a passion or emotion in the sensitive appetite, as opposed to the sorrow 
or sadness of penitence regarded as a virtue, which is located in the will or rational 
appetite; see S.T., 3a.85.1 (B, 60:50-51). 

3:9.28 Apostolique Historie The Book of Acts; see ISR. 

3:9.4—9 Howbeit . . . purposse. An implicit reference to the second theological 
virtue of hope, without which a firm resolution of the will away firom sin and 
toward amendment or reparation would be impossible; see 3:12.3— 5.n, below. 

3:9.10-15 The nature . . . love. Compare V.2.1 (2:23.4-22). 

3:9.17 love H proceeds to the theological virtue of love or charity, third in the 
order of meaning of causation. Compare Aquinas, S.T., 3a.85.6 (B, 60:68—69), where 
he states that even though the act and habit of love (caritas) are in point of time 
simultaneous with the act and habit of penitence, yet love (as also the other 


Book VI, Chapter 3.2-3.4 

theological virtues of faith and hope) precedes in the order of meaning; for the act 
of the virtue of penitence is against sin because of the love of God, and the act of 
love is therefore the cause of the act of penitence. 

3:9.18-19 Angell . . .first love. Rev. 2:4. GB comments: "Thy first love, that 
thou hadest towarde God and thy neighbour at the first preaching of the Gospel." 
The "Angell of Ephesus" is "the Pastor or minister which are called by this Name, 
because they are Gods messengers, and have their office commune with Jesus 
Christ who also is called an Angel" (GB). 

3:9.25—27 Our love . . . goodnes. Compare 1.5.1—3. 

3:10.10 understanding. Compare 3:8.4—8 and "setting before our eyes" (3:11.7). 

3:10.25— 28. fe. Repentance . . . will. ". . . ita ut Deo praeteritis facinoribus 
offenso, tamque justissimam poenam pro tantis criminibus inferenti (si dici fas est) 
quodammodo obsistat, et quasi inviti (ut ita dixerim) dexteram suspendat ultoris"; 
John Cassian (360P-435), Collatio 20.4; Opera (1559), p. 938; PL, 49:1153; 
NPNF.2, 1 1 :498. Cassian is best known for his interest in monasticism and for his 
reaction to the Augustinian teaching on grace, where he took the position since 
designated "Semipelagian." His Collationes Patrum XXIIII, arranged for reading in 
monasteries, are records of his "conversations" with the hermits of the Egyptian 
deserts; Collatio 20 is an account of his "conversation" with Abbot Penufius "On 
the End of Penitence and the Marks of Satisfaction." 

3:10./ Basil. . . . peravoiov. Basil, archbishop of Seleucia (d. about 459), Tov 
avrov eiq xov I(ovav, Oratio 12, Eiusdem injonam; Opera (1596), p. 106; PC, 

3:1 l.m Chry. . . . OcpaxeueoOai. John Chrysostom, Homily 8, /n Epi5<o/aOT / <i<f 
Corinthianos; Opera omnia (1531), 3:190; PG, 61:73; NPNF.l, 12:47. 

3:1 l.n Marc. . . . exefieXljaocTO. Marcus Eremita (d. about 451), ascetical writer, 
a pupil of Chrysostom, also sumamed Anchorita; see Opusculum 3, IJegl fiexa- 
voiaq; Opera (1563), p. 108; De poenitentia, PG, 65:981. 

3:11.9—14 there ariseth . . . soule. H here introduces his discussion of contrition 
or filial fear as opposed to attrition or servile fear (see 3:8.1 l.n). 

3:11.0 Fulg. . . . 15. "Ecce Saul dixit: Peccavi. David quoque dixit: Peccavi. Cum 
ergo in confessione peccati utriusque una vox fiierit, cur non una est utriusque 
concessa remissio? nisi quia in similitudine confessionis videbat Deus dissimihtudi- 
nem voluntatis; nee sonum sermonis attendit, sed intentionem cordis in utroque 
discrevit. Unus enim conversus peccandi protinus abjecit desiderium, et poenitendo 
ipse suum punivit admissum; alter vero confessionem quidem peccati sui verbo 
protulit, sed affectum peccandi perversi cordis obstrictus vitio non abjecit"; 
Fulgentius (468-533), bishop of Ruspe (N. Afi^ca) and follower of Augustine, De 
remissione peccatorum, 2.15; PL, 65:566—567. 



3:12.3—5 Wherefore ... attempt, H's summary of the virtues or habits simulta- 
neously infused by grace or the gift of the indwelling Spirit according to their 
order of meaning or causation. Compare Aquinas's ranking of the "acts" of the 
virtues in the order of meaning as (1) God's converting the heart, (2) a movement 
of faith, (3) a movement of servile fear (attrition), by which a person withdraws 
firom sin by fear of punishment, (4) a movement of hope, by which a person 
makes a firm purpose of amendment in the hope of attaining pardon, (5) a 
movement of charity whereby sin itself is displeasing and not in view of punish- 
ment, and (6) a movement of filial fear (contrition) whereby a person freely offers 
amendment to God out of reverence for him {S.T., 3a. 85. 5; B, 60:64—65). H 
inverts the order of love and hope, although there is an implicit reference to hope 
in the sense of Aquinas at 3:9.4—9. 

3:12.8—14 Nowr amend . . . sinne. On contrition, confession, and satisfaction as 
"acts" or moral "duties" of the penitent, see Aquinas, S.T., 3a.84.2 (B, 60:8—9). 

3:12.14—17 Wee ... answerable. Compare H's quotation of Peter Lombard's 
Sentences below, chap. 5.1 (3:53.14—20). Aquinas designates contrition, confession, 
and satisfaction as the parts of penance and relates these parts to sins of thought, 
word, and deed {S.T., 3a.90.2-3; B, 60:162-171). 

3:12.18-23 Contrition . . . griefe. On repentance conceived of as a virtue 
located in the will as opposed to an emotion located in the sensitive appetite and 
precipitating physical changes, see Aquinas, S.T., 3a. 85.1 (B, 60:50-51). 

3:13.1 1-28 Wherefore . . . distinct. Since contrition as the first act of repentance 
refers only to the soul's duty of aversion to sin because of the love and filial fear of 
God, H regards the foregoing as having dealt sufficiently with it. But since 
confession and satisfaction are duties of repentance due not only to God but also 
to the church and to the neighbor, H says that he will treat them as part of the 
discipline (a duty performed for man) as well as a part of the virtue of repentance 
(performed for God alone). Chap. 4 deals with the discipline and virtue of confes- 
sion, and chap. 5 with the discipline and virtue of satisfaction. 

3:14.8-17 Our Lord . . . bought. In this and the next two paragraphs H intro- 
duces five of the Scripture texts at the heart of the problem of spiritual jurisdiction: 
Matt. 16:17-19 and 18:15-18, John 20:21-23, 1 Cor. 5:1-5, and 2 Cor. 2:6-8. 
These texts were central as well to disputes among scholastic theologians concern- 
ing the sacrament of penance; see, for example, Bellarmine, De saaamento poeni- 
tentiae, 3.4; Opera omnia (1872), pp. 684-686; to disputes between Protestants and 
Catholics: see, for example, Calvin, Inst., 4.11.1-2; (1960), 2:1211-1214; to the 
dispute between the C of E and C of R as to whether or not penance is a 
sacrament: see, for example, the controversy between Jewel and Harding in Jewel's 
An Apologie, or Aunswer in defence of the Church of England (1562; STC 14590), part 
2 (PS, 3:60-61), and A Defence of the Apologie of the Churche ofEnglande (1567; STC 
14600), part 2 (PS, 3:35-85); and in the dispute here whether lay elders could or 


Book VI, Chapter 3.4-4.1 

could or should have the power of the keys, that is, spiritual jurisdiction to 
exercise discipline by hearing confessions and declaring absolutions or excom- 
municating; see, for example, Cartwright's Replye and Whitgift's Defense (PS, 
2:168-171, 191, 206-207, 220-237, 246-248, 252); Admonition (1572), P.M., pp. 
16-18; Cartwright, Rest of the Second Replie, pp. 52-55, 79-81; Travers, A Full and 
Plaine Declaration, pp. 163 and 168; William Fulke, A Briefe and Plaine Declaration 
(1584; STC 10395), pp. 87-88; Bancroft, A Survay of the Pretended Holy Discipline 
(1593), pp. 173, 191-193; and Lancelot Andrewes, "Of the Power of Absolution" 
(1600), in Works, LACT (1854), 5:82-103; and Sutcliffe, Treatise, p. 115. 

3:14. r Matt. 16:19. Verse 19 is set in the context of Peter's great confession, 
"Thou art the Christ the Sorme of the living God" (Matt. 16:16; see w. 17—19). 
GB comments on v. 19: "The preachers of the Gospel open the gates of heaven 
w^ith the worde of God, which is the right keye: so that where this w^orde is not 
purely taught, there is nether key, nor autoritie." GB further interprets "bind upon 
earth" as "condemne by Gods worde." 

3:14.9 regiment in general Compare Cranmer's comments on "cheifety of 
Dominion" and on " Imperiall power," 3:113.11—14 and 114.5. 

3:14.21 Courts and Consistories The power of the keys (spiritual jurisdiction) 
implies ecclesiastical courts and consistories; see Sandys (3:130.18-24) and H (3: 

3:14.5 Matt. 18:17. See w. 15-18. GB glosses v. 15 ("if thy brother trespace 
against thee"): "he speaketh of secret or particular sirmes, and not of open or 
knowen to others." Commenting on "tel it unto the Church" in v. 17, GB says, 
"He meaneth according to the order that was amonge the Jew^es, w^ho had their 
councel of ancient and expert men to reforme maners and execute discipline. This 
assemblie represented the Church, which had appointed them to this charge." 
Commenting on "binding and loosing" in v. 18, GB says, "In the 16. chap. 19 he 
Qesus] ment this of doctrine, and here of ecclesiastical discipline, which dependeth 
of the doctrine." On the distinction between the two keys in the church, the one 
of instruction >vorking in\vardly, the other of correction w^orking outwardly before 
the congregation, see Jewel, Defence of the Apologie, pt. 2 (PS, 3:362, 369-370). 

3:14.25—27 power to eject . . . hateful!. Excommunication. 

3:15.r Matt 2:6. John 20:21-23 parallels Matt. 16:17-19 and 18:15-18. GB 

glosses V. 22 ("Receive the holie Gost"): "To give them greater power and vertue 
to execute that weightie charge that he wolde commit unto them." The passages 
from 1 Cor. 5:1—5 and 2 Cor. 2:6—8 relate to specific cases of excommunication. 
In the first, Paul directs that the man who "shulde have his fathers wife" "be 
delivered unto Satan"; GB comments: "Which is, to be as an heathen man and 
publicane." A fiirther note on v. 5 emphasizes the medicinal purpose of excommu- 
nication: "For being wounded with shame and sorrowe, his flesh or olde man shal 



dye: and the spirit or newe man shal remaine alive and enjoye the victorie in that 
day when the Lord shal judge the quicke and dead." In the second, Paul recom- 
mends that the excommunicate be readmitted, lest he "be swalowed up with over 
muche heavines." GB comments on v. 8: "That at my [Paul's] intercession you 
wolde declare by the publike consent of the Church that you embrace him againe 
as a brother: seing he was excommunicate by the corrunune consent." 

3:15.7 guides and Prelates Bishops and priests acting on their authority, but not 

the laity (lay elders). 

3:15. M 1. Tim 1:20. GB interprets "delivered unto Satan" as "Excommunicate, 

and cast out of the Church." 

3:15.7—8 first his Apostles . . . successively. Compare VII.4.1— 4. 

3:16.30-31 Lateran . . . Priest. The Lateran Council of 1215, under Pope Irmocent 
III, required that every faithful Christian confess at least once a year, and participate 
at least in the Easter sacrament of the Eucharist; see Concilium Lateranese 4 (1215), 
Constitutio 21, in Conciliorum oecumenicorum deaeta, 3rd edn. (1973), p. 245. 

3:17.2-4 as Christ . . . life. Compare Aquinas, S.T., 3a.84.6 (B, 60:26-27). 

3:17. f Soto. ... 1. Domingo de Soto (1494—1560), Spanish Dominican theolo- 
gian, appointed by Charles V as imperial theologian at the C of T: "Et ideo satis 
lucide in textu poenitentiae sacramentum definivimus: dicentes, quod sit sacramenti 
remittendi peccau, quae post baptismum committuntur"; "Therefore we have 
defined the sacrament of penance clearly enough, saying that it is the sacrament of 
remitting sins which are committed after baptism"; Commentarium . . . in quartum 
Sententiamm,; (1569), 1:597. 

3:17.1*' Idem ... 1. "Primum, in quo eius substantia et definitio consistit, est 
detestatio, et odium, et abominatio commisi peccati cum firmo proposito 
emendandi vitam spe veniae divinitus obtinendae"; "First, penance in its substance 
and definition is a detestation, hatred, and abomination of sins committed, with a 
firm purpose of emending one's life, hoping to obtain pardon firom heaven"; Soto, 
Commentarium,; (1569), 1:621. 

3:17.13-14 The Sacrament, . . . Baptisme. Acts 8:22. See Soto, Commentarium,; (1569), 1:596. 

3:17.x Scot. ... 4. Duns Scotus (1265F-1308): "poenitentia est absolutio hominis 
poenitentis facta certis verbis cum debita intentione prolatis a sacerdote 
jurisdictionem habente ex institutione divina efBcaciter significantibus absolutionem 
animae a peccato"; "penitence is the absolution of a penitent man, accomplished 
by certain words uttered with the obligatory intention by a priest having jurisdic- 
tion by divine institution and efficaciously signifying absolution of the soul firom 
sin"; Quaestiones ... in quatuor libros Sententiarum Petri Lombard! (1597), fol. 80 . H 
calls Scotus "the wittiest of the Schoole divines" at 1:117.19. 


Book VI, Chapter 4.1-4.4 

3:17.29-18.4 Thomas . . . sinne. S.T., 3a.84.1 and 3 (B, 60:4-7 and 12-15). 

3:18.)' Sess. . . . Satisfactio. Between "absolve" and "Sunt," H omits the words 
"etc., quibus quidem de ecclesiae sanctae more preces quaedam laudabiliter 
adjuguntur; ad ipsius tamen formae essentiam nequaquam spectant, neque ad ipsius 
sacrament! administrationem sunt necessariae." The whole passage is translated as 
follows: "The holy council teaches, furthermore, that the form of the sacrament of 
penance, in which its efficacy chiefly consists, is those words of the minister: / 
absolve thee, etc., to which are indeed laudably added certain prayers according to 
the custom of holy Church, which, however, do not by any means belong to the 
essence of the form, nor are they necessary for the administration of the sacrament. 
But the acts of the penitent himself, namely, contrition, confession and satisfaction, 
consitute the matter of this sacrament"; Canones, et deaeta saaosancti oecumenid, et 
generalis Consilii Tridentini (1564), p. 78; Canons and Deaees of the Council of Trent, 
ed. and trans. Schroeder (1941), pp. 90, 366. 

3:18.12-14 what should . . . done? Durandus of Saint-Pour9ain (1270F-1332), 
Dominican scholastic philosopher, one of the earliest exponents of nominalism, in 
opposition to Aquinas: "Praeter materiam et formam in sacramentis non est dare 
alias partes proprie dictas, sed contritio et satisfactio non sunt materia neque forma 
sacramenti poentientiae. Forma enim consistit in verbis absolutionis. Materia vero 
si qua sit in verbis confessionis quibus poenitens suam conscientiam aperit sacerdoti, 
ergo contritio et satisfactio non sunt partes sacramenti poenitentiae proprie loquen- 
do"; "Properly speaking, there are no other parts in addition to matter and form 
in the sacraments; but contrition and satisfaction are neither matter nor form of the 
sacrament of penitence. For the form consists in the words of absolution. But 
insofar as the matter is in the words of confession by which the penitent opens his 
conscience to the priest, therefore contrition and satisfaction are not properly 
speaking parts of the sacrament of penitence"; In sententias theologicas Petri Lombardi 
commentarium,; (1595), p. 754. 

3:19.(1 Job 31:33. GB comments: "And not confessed it frely: whereby it is 
evident that he justified himself before men and not before God." 

3:19. fc Tantum . . . pcen. Tertullian, De poenitentia., chap. 8; Opera (1566), 2:46; 
PL, 1:1243; CCSL, 1:336; ANF, 3:663-664. 

3:19.16— 20.4. c Wickeinesse . . . sinne. Although H appears to cite only the first 
sentence here as a quotation from Chrysostom, this whole passage is in fact a direct 
translation and should have been printed in italics. ' Ajuapxia ydp 6\ioXoyo\i\xky/\\ 
eA-AiTco yiverai, \ir\ ofioA-oyoufievri 6e x£ip<«JV- "Av yap TcpoaXaPq xi^v 
dYvcopoaovqv, ouSeKOTe axrjaeTai* nox; 6ai oXmc, 6 xoioOxo^ Suvqaexai 
<j)uA,d^aaeai n&Xiv pq xoi(; auxoic; TiepiTieaeTv, 6 x6 Tipoxepov ouk eiSdx; 
6x1 fjpapxe; . . . iif\ dpapxcoXooq KttKcofjev eauxooc; povov, a'K'ka Kai xd 
dpapxrjpaxa dvaX,OYiC<J^Meea, Kax' el6og eKaaxov dvaXeyovxe^. 06 Xeyco 
aoi, 'EKTiopTieuaovaauxov, ou6fe7tapdxoi5dA,Xoi(;KaxqY6pr|aov . . . . 'Etii 



Tou eeoo Tttuxa opoX-dyiiaov, zni too SiKaaxoo opoXdyei t& a^aprfi^aTa, 
z\}X6^evoq, ei kox pfj xq yXcSttq, aXA,d xq pvq^q, Kai ouxouq d^iou 
iXiiOiivai ... 06 xouxo bi Xfeyco, e&v Q(; ntnttaiiivoq aauxdv apapxcoXdv 
eivar ook ouxco xouxo Suvaxai xaTceivwaai \|/uxi^v, dx; aoxa oj)' eauxwv xa 
d^apx/\^axa, Kai Kax' ei6o<; e^exa^dpeva* . . . ou <|)povriaei(; ^eya, ou 
nepmeafi n&Xiv xoTc; aoxoTc;' a<J)o6p6xepog eaq Tipdc; xa a.yaQ&. . . . Oi6a 
&x» ouK avfexexai x] vj/ux^^ t^c; ^vripii<;xq5 ouxco 7tiKpd(;. aXXa dvayKd^wpev 
aoxi^v, Kai Pia^d)fie6a. pfeXxiov 6&Kvea6ai auxfjv xq pyqui] vOv, q Kax' 
eKEivov xdv Katpdv xq xipopiijt. Chrysostom, Homily 31, In Epistolam ad 
Hebraeos, chaps. 5-7; PG, 63:216-217; NPNF.l, 14:508. 

3:20.7. </ ">m The Hebrew term is derived from the verbal root which appears in 
the passage from Lev. 16:21, where Aaron "confesses" over the scapegoat. The act 
of Aaron was made a proper noun by the Rabbinic tradition and then incorporated 
into the Uturgy for Yom Kippur or the Day of Atonement. The passage from Lev. 
reads: "And Aaron shal put bothe his hands upon the head of the Uve goat, and 
confesse over him all the iniquities of the children of Israel, and all their trespasses, 
in all their sinnes, putting them upon the head of the goat, and shal send him away 
(by the hand of a man appointed) into the wildernes." GB comments: "Herein this 
goat is a true figure of Jesus Christ, who beareth the sinnes of the people. Is. 
53.4." Lev. 16:21, Num. 5:6 (g), and Lev. 5:5 (h), are central texts in the works of 
Maimonides cited by H in e, / i, and j. 

3:20.8-10.6 that . . . all, H's reference is to Moses Maimonides (1135-1204), The 
Commandments, Sefer Ha-Mitzvoth of Maimonides; trans. Clavel (1967), Positive 
Commandment 73, pp. 83-85. But see esp. Maimonides, Book of Mishnah Torah, 
trans. Glazer (1927), bk. 1, Hilkoth Teshuba, Treatise concerning Repentance (cited 
by H, i), chap. 2.7, p. 389: "Yom ha-Kippurim is the time set aside for all, the 
individual as well as the many; for it is the goal of exoneration and quitunce in 
Israel. Because thereof all are obliged to make reparation and confession on the 
Day of Atonement." 

3:20.20 invn pV V» "»m Based on Lev. 16:21; H translates as "Confession of 

that particular faulte." 

3:20/ On the day . . . loco. The passage quoted from the Mishnah Torah in 
3:20.8-10.n above continues: "The commandment to confess on the Day of 
Atonement obliges every one to commence it during the afternoon on the ninth 
day of Tishri, before the evening meal, lest he be suffocated eating his meal before 
he confess. And, though he did confess before his meal, one is obliged to confess 
during the night the prayer of the Day of Atonement, and to repeat the confession 
during the Morning, Addition, Oblation, and Closing Prayers." At the end of 
Commandment 73, Making Confession, in The Commandments, Sefer Ha-Mitzvoth, 
Maimonides says: "The provisions of this Commandment are explained in the last 
chapter of pPractate] Kippurim [that is, Yoma]" (p. 85). The Babylonian Talmud, 


Book VI, Chapter 4.4-4.5 

Yoma, 87 , trans. Jung (1938), pp. 437— 438, reads as follows: "On three occasions 
of the year the priests raise their hands [in benediction] four times during the day; 
at the morning prayer, at Musaf, at Minhah [afternoon prayer] and at the closing of 
the Temple [gates]. Viz., on fast days, at the ma' amads and on the Day of Atone- 
ment." For the three prayers of confession offered by the high priest (the first for 
his own sins and those of his household, the second for his own sins and those of 
his fellow priests, and the third in the most holy place for the unintentional as well 
as the intentional sins of the people), see The Babylonian Talmud, Yoma, 35 —66 , 
pp. 164-165; 196-197; 308-309. See also the Musaf Service for Yom Kippur in 
High Holyday Prayer Book, trans. Birnbaum (1960), pp. 531-534 and 537-538. 
These prayers are found in that part of the service for Yom Kippur traditionally 
known as the Avodah, worship or sacrifice. 

3:21.5—8.1 Now . . . crime. Maimonides, Mishnah Torah, bk. 1, The Treatise 
concerning Repentance {Hilkoth Teshuba), 1.1; (1927), p. 381; also The Command- 
ments, Sefer Ha-Mitzvoth, Positive Commandment 73, pp. 83 and 86. 

3:21. 9-1 2.J Finally, . . . sinnes. See The Commandments, Sefer Ha-Mitzvoth, 
Positive Commandment 73, p. 84; and Mishnah Torah, bk. 1 {Hilkoth Teshuba), 1.1, 
p. 382. 

3:21.18—22.6 Concerning injuries . . . them. See Mishnah Torah, bk. 1 {Hilkoth 
Teshuba), 2.5, pp. 387, 388. 

3:22.22-28. m When . . . deedes. Acts 19:18 [19:28 in text] is cited by Bellar- 
mine, De saaamento poenitentiae, 3.4; in Opera omnia (1872), 3:684; w. 13-17 relate 
the story of the sons of Sceva. 

3:23.6— 7. n Is . . . him: Although not a central text, James 5:14 [5:16 in text] does 
mention "the Elders of the Church" and was cited with Matt. 18:15—17 in the 
context of a discussion of the "regiment of the church"; see Admonition, P.M., p. 
16. The reference should precede Lay (line 9), not Is, line 6. 

3:23.9-10 Lay . . . another, James 5:16, cited in n. H has omitted v. 14, which 
vfzs cited and discussed by Bellarmine over against Melanchthon and Calvin in De 
saaamento poenitentia, 3.4; Opera (1872), 3:684-686. 

3:23.17 Novatianists Adherents of a rigorist schism which arose out of the Decian 
persecution (249—250). Novatian, the leader, was a Roman presbyter. Apparently 
because he was disappointed at the election of Cornelius to the papacy in 251, he 
joined the rigorist party that deprecated concessions to those who had compro- 
mised with paganism. He was consecrated rival bishop of Rome. Although 
doctrinally orthodox, the Novatianists were excommunicated. 

3:23.20-22.^ Yea wherefore . . . Safety? "Cur ergo manus imponitis, et bene- 
dictionis opus creditis, si quis forte revaluerit aegrotus? Cur praesumitis aliquos a 
colluvione Diaboli per vos mundari posse? Cur baptizatis, si per hominem peccata 



dimitti non licet"; De poenitentia, 1.8 [H: chap. 7]; PL, 16:498; NPNF.2, 10:335. 
As Keble pointed out (3:53n), even in the 16C, the work was not regarded as by 
Ambrose, for it appears "word for word in St. Augustine's Works, t. v. [tome 5] 
1506-08" as Homily 393; it is "ascribed by some to Caesarius of Aries"; the Basel 
1567 edn. of Ambrose omits it. H cites the work at 3:27.y, 29.e, 30./j, 32.^, 43.z, 
and 50.20-30.y; see nn, below. 

3:23.24 Cajetan, Thomas de Vio, sumamed Cajetan (1469—1534), comments on 
James 5:16: "Nee est sermo de confessio sacramentali: ut patet ex eo quod dicit, 
confitemini invicetn. Sacramentalis enim confessio non sit invicem, sed Sacerdotibus 
tantum; sed de confessione, qua mutuo fatemur nos peccatores ut oretur pro nobis: 
et de confessione hinc et inde erratorum, pro mutua placatione et reconciliatione"; 
"This word is not about sacramental confession, as is obvious from that which he 
says, 'confess to one another.' For sacramental confession is not made to one 
another but only to priests. The word is rather about confession in which we 
mutually confess ourselves sinners so that others may pray for us; and about 
confession here and there of errors for mutual propitiation and reconciliation." In 
Epistolam S. lacohi, in Opera omnia (1639), 3:370. 

3:23.r Annot. Rhem. in Ja. 5. "It is not certaine that he speaketh here of 
sacramental Confession: yet the circumstance of the letter well beareth it, and very 
probable it is that he meaneth of it." Annotation on James 5:16, Rheims NT 
(1582; STC 2884), p. 653. 

3:23.29-24.9 Bellarmine . . . Priest. Bellarmine discusses James 5:16 in De 
saaamento poenitentia, 3.4; Opera omnia (1872), 3:685—686. Commenting on 1 John 
1:9 ("If we acknowledge our sinnes, he is faithful and just, to forgive us our 
sinnes"), Bellarmine says that the words refer to the divine promise to forgive 
those who confess their sins. But, he continues, there is nothing in Scripture about 
divine forgiveness being promised to those who confess direcdy to God, only to 
those who confess to a priest. 

3:24.31-25.2 Tertullian . . . pitty, "Itaque exomologesis prostemendi et humilifi- 
candi hominis disciplina est conversationem injungens misericordiae illicem. De 
ipso quoque habitu atque victu mandat, . . ."; "And thus exomologesis is a discipline 
for man's prostration and humiliation, enjoining a demeanor calculated to move 
mercy,..."; De poenitentia, chap. 9, in Opera (1566), 2:46; PL, 1:1244; CCLS, 
1:336; ANF, 3:664. 

3:25. t Plerosque . . . poen. "Yet most men either shun this work, as being a public 
exposure of themselves, or else defer it from day to day. I presume (as being) more 
mindful of modesty than of salvation; just like men who, having contracted some 
malady in the more private parts of the body, avoid the privity of physicians, and 
so perish with their own bashfulness"; ibid., chap. 10; (1566), 2:46; PL, 1:1244— 
1245; CCLS, 1:337; ANF, 3:664. 


Book VI, Chapter 4.5-4.6 

3:25.9—16 Amongst . . . molested. "Ceterum inter fratres atque conserves, ubi 
communis species, metus, gaudium, dolor, passio (quia communis spiritus de 
communi Domino et patre) quid tuos aliud quam te opinaris? Quid consortes 
casuum tuorum, ut plausores fiigis? Non potest corpus de unius membri vexatione 
laetum agere: condoleat universum, et ad remedium conlaboret, necesse est"; ibid., 
chap. 10; (1566), 2:47; PL, 1:1245; CCSL, 1:337; ANF, 3:664. 

3:25. M Qmi . . . dicebantur. "Those are called 'libelliuci' who redeemed the 
necessity of sacrificing with certificates of security purchased with money taken in 
the presence of a magistrate"; apparendy H's definition, not Cyprian's. 

3:25.26—26.6 How much . . . remedie. "Denique quando et fide majore et timore 
meliore sunt, qui quamvis nullo sacrificii aut Ubelli facinore constricti, quoniam 
tamen de hoc vel cogitavenint hoc ipsum apud sacerdotes dei dolenter et simplici- 
ter confitentur, exhomologesin conscientiae faciunt, animi sui pondus exponunt, 
salutarem medelam parvis licet et modicis vulneribus exponunt"; De lapsis, chap. 
28; Cyprian, Opera (1521), p. 227; CCSL, 3:236; ANF, 5:445. 

3:26.10-13 Salvianus . . . Emesenus), H subscribes to the theory that the homilies 
ascribed to Eusebius of Emesa (d. 360?) were by Salvian of Marseilles (400?— 480?). 
For the history of their collection and attribution, see CCSL, 101:vii— xxi, summa- 
rized in l:322.^.n, above. In Just., § 2, H had also questioned their attribution to 
Eusebius (5:106.fc). H cites the Homiliae in V.60.2 (2:255.n) and 66.4 (324.12-15); 
and see 3:26.15-29.1/, 26.29-27. 16.w, 27.16-21.X, 31.7-14.J, 3:101.m, and nn, 

3:26.15—29.1/ Whereas . . . Coffers. "Quod autem charissimi videmus aliquoties 
etiam illas animas poenitentiam petere, quae ab ineunte adolescentia consecratae 
preciosum Deo thesaurum devoverunt, inspirare hoc Deum pro ecclesiae nostrae 
profectibus noverimus: ac medicinam quam invadunt sani, discant quaerere 
vulnerati: ut bonis etiam parva deflentibus, ingentia ipsi mala lugere consuescant: 
ac si quando jam ilia persona quae forte minus indiget poenitentia, aliquid fide 
dignum atque compunctum sub oculis ecclesiae gerit, fiructum suum etiam de 
aliena aedificatione multiplicat, et meritum suum de lucro proficientis accumulat: 
ut dum perfectione illius emendatur alterius viu, spiritali fenere ad ipsum boni 
operis recurrat usura"; Eusebius Gallicanus (Pseudo-Eusebius Emisenus), Homily 8 
[H: 1], De initio quadragesimae; Homiliae (1547), fol. 23'; CCSL, 101:87. 

3:26.w Graviores . . . requirunt. "Great causes require greater, sharper and public 
remedies." The Latin is fi-om the last sentence quoted below from Eusebius 
Gallicanus (3:27.14-16). 

3:26.29— 27.16.U/ If . . . publique. "Si levia sunt fortasse delicta, verbi gratia, si 
homo vel in sermone, vel in aliqua reprehensibili voluntate, si oculo peccavit, aut 
corde: verborum et cogitationum maculae, quotidiana oratione curandae, et privata 
compunctione tergendae sunt. Si vero quisque conscientiam suam intus interrogans 



facinus aliquod capitale commisit, aut si fidetn suam falso testimonio expugnavit ac 
prodidit, ac sacrum veritatis nomen perjurii temeritate violavit, si velum baptism! 
vel tunicam, tunc etiam et speciosam virginitatis holosericam coeno commaculati 
pudoris infecit, si in semetipso novum hominem nece hominis occidit, si per 
augures et divinos atque incantatores captivum se diabolo tradidit. Haec atque 
hujusmodi commissa expiari penitus communi et mediocri, vel secreta satisfactione 
non possunt: sed graves causae, graviores et acriores, et publicas curas requirunt"; 
Eusebius Gallicanus, Homily 45 [H: 10], Ad monachos, chap. 10; Homiliae (1547), 
fol. 117'; CCSL, 101A:536-537. 

3:27.16— 21.x Lett that soult . . . haste? "Respondeat mihi ilia anima, quae 
peccatum suum confusione mortifera in conspectu fratrum sic agnoscere erubuit, 
quomodo vitare debuisset: quid faciet, cum ante tribunal divinum et ante caelestis 
militiae fuerit praesentata concessum, . . .?"; Eusebius Gallicanus, Homily 43 [H: 8], 
Ad monachos, chap. 8; Homeliae (1547), fol. 112''; CCSL, 101A:515. 

3:27.23—27.)' There . . . unto, "Nam plerique futuri supplicii metu, peccatorum 
suorum conscii poenitentiam petunt: et cum acceperint, publicae supplicationis 
revocantur pudore"; Ambrose, De poenitentia, 2.9; Opera (1567), 3:174; PL, 16:539; 
NPNF.2, 10:356. On this work, see 3:20.20-22.^.n, above. 

3:28.5— 13.Z Although. . .others. "Quamvis quis peccato mordeatur, peccandi non 
habeat caetero voluntatem, et communicaturus satisfaciat lacrymis et orationibus, et 
confidens de Domini miseratione, qui peccata piae confessioni donare consuevit, 
accedat ad Eucharistiam intrepidus et securus. Sed hoc de illo dico quem capitalia 
et mortalia peccata non gravant: nam quem mortalia crimina post Baptismum 
commissa premunt, hortor prius publica poenitentia satisfacere, et ita sacerdotis 
judicio reconciliatum communioni sociari, si vult non ad judicium et ad condem- 
nationem sui Eucharistiam percipere"; De ecclesiasticis dogmatibus, chap. 53; doubt- 
fully ascribed to Gennadius (d. 493) and placed in Appendix to Augustine, Opera 
(see PL, 42:1217— 1218). Jewel cites this passage as from Augustine in A Defence of 
the Apologie, part 2 (PS, 3:360). 

3:28.22-28.<j Whereas . . . crimes. "Nam, cum in minoribus delictis, quae non in 
dominum commituntur, poenitentia agatur justo tempore, et exomologesis fiat 
inspecta vita ejus qui agit poenitentiam, nee ad communicationem venire quis 
possit, nisi prius illi ab episcopo et clero manus fuerit imposita: quanto magis in his 
gravissimis et extremis delictis caute omnia et moderate secundum disciplinam 
Domini observari oportet"; epist. 12.1, Ad clerum, de lapsis et catecheumenis; Cyprian, 
Opera (1593), p. 37; epist. 11.2 in PL, 4:257; ANF, 5:292. Bellarmine quotes this 
passage from Cyprian in De saaamento poenitentiae, 3.6; (1872), 3:699. 

3:28. fc Inspecta . . . poenitentiam. "his life inspected who does penance"; from the 
Latin H is translating and cited in n above. 

3:29.8-13.c That in all . . . lenitie. "On the faith and conversation of penitents." 


Book VI, Chapter 4.6-4.7 

"In his omnibus examinare convenit consilium et speciem poenitendae. Quicun- 
que, enim et metu, et lachrymis, et tolerantia, et bonis operibus conversionem et 
opere et habitu ostendunt, hi impleto auditionis tempore quod praefinitum est, 
merito orationum communionem habebunt, cum eo quod Uceat etiam Episcopo 
humanius aliquid de eis sutuere"; First Council of Nicaea, canon 12; Condlia 
(1585), 1:486-487; Condliomm oecumenicorum decreta (1973), p. 12. See 3:64.16- 
18.U, and n, below. 

3:29. d De poen. . . . Mensuram. "Mensuram autem temporis in agenda poeni- 
tentia idcirco non satis aperte praefigunt canones pro unoquoque crimine, ut de 
singuhs dicant, qualiter unumquodque emendandum sit; sed magis in arbitrio 
sacerdotis intelligentis relinquendum sutuunt: quia apud Deum non tam valet 
mensura temporis, quam doloris; nee abstinentia tantum ciborum, quam mortifica- 
tio vitiorum"; "The canons do not establish clearly enough the measure of time 
for doing penance for any particular crime, as they speak about how each individu- 
al crime must be emended. They sute rather that the measure of time is to be left 
to the choice of the understanding priest, because it is not as important to God as 
the measure of grief, nor the abstinence from foods as the mortification of vices"; 
Gnitian, Demtum,; (1584), pp. 2241-2244; ed. Friedberg, 1:1183-1184. 

3:29.17— 19.C / have . . . observe. "Facilius autem inveni, qui innocentiam servave- 
rint, quam qui congrue egerint poenitentiam"; PL, 16:541—542; NPNF.2, 10:357. 
This text is quoted by Gratian, Deaetum,; (1584), pp. 2219-2220; ed. 
Friedberg, 1:1173. On the authenticity of this work, see 3:23:20-22.^.n, above. 

3:29.22-25/ Their . . . exprest. "Eadem in vultu hilaritas, idem in corporis cultu 
victuque splendor. Somno ad satietatem usque indulgemus, negotiis, et occupatio- 
nibus animo sedulitatis obUvionem injicimus, poenitentiae nomen inane duntaxat, 
et nullis expressum factis retinemus"; Gregory of Nyssa, Ad eos, qui durius et acerbius 
alios judicant, atque condemnant, quique conversione indigent, et poenitentia, Oratio; An 
oration to those who judge and condemn others harder and more harshly, and who need 
conversion and penitence; Opera (1615), 1:968; not in PG. 

3:30.5-9.^ Bee therefore . . . followed. "Tantummodo circumspice diligentius, cui 
debeas confiteri peccatum tuum. Proba prius medicum, cui debeas causam languo- 
ris exponere, qui sciat infirmari cum infirmante, flere cum flente, qui condolendi 
et compatiendi noverit disciplinam: ut ita demum si quid ille dixerit, qui se prius 
et eruditum medicum ostenderit et misericordem, si quid consilii dederit, facias, et 
sequaris: si intellexerit, et praeviderit talem esse languorem tuum qui in conventu 
totius ecclesiae exponi debeat, et curari, ex quo fortassis et caeteri aedificari 
poterunt, et tu ipse facile sanari, multa hoc deliberatione, et satis perito medici 
illius consilio procurandum est"; Origen, Homily 2, In Psalmum XXXVII; Opera 
omnia (1536); PG, 12:1386. 

3:30./i Atnb. . . . ligare. Ambrose, De poenitentia, chap. 9; Opera (1567), 3:174; PL, 
16:539; NPNF.2, 10:539; see 3:23.20-22.^.11, above. 



3:30.19—23.1 When the wound . . . authoritie. H is translating from Gratian (see fe): 
"Ergo, cum tanta est plaga peccati, atque impetus morbi, ut medicamenta corporis 
et sanguinis Domini diSerenda sint, auctoritate antistitis debet ab altario removeri 
ad agendam poenitentiam, et eadem auctoritate reconciliari"; Deaetum; 
(1584), pp. 2241-2242; ed. Friedberg, 1:1183. The passage in Augustine reads: 
"Postremo ab ipsa mente talis sententia proferatur, ut se indignum homo judicet 
participatione corporis et sanguinis Domini: ut qui separari a regno coelorum timet 
per ultimam sententiam summi judicis, per ecclesiasticam disciplinam a Sacramento 
coelestis panis interim separetur. . . . Et cum ipse in se protulerit severissimae 
medicinae, sed tamen medicinae sententiam, veniat ad antistites, per quos illi in 
Ecclesia claves ministrantur: et tanquam bonus jam incipiens esse filius, matemorum 
membrorum ordine custodito, a praepositis Sacramentorum accipiat satisfactionis 
suae modum. . . ."; Sermon 351, De utilitate agendae poenitentiae, 4.7, 9 (PL, 
39:1542-1543, 1545). 

3:31.7— 14.y that every man . . . opened. "Dicit Novatianus, poenitentiam agere 
debeo, non accipere. Non ita est. Nam Deus erudiendis peccatoribus per prophe- 
tam adjutoria procurat. Neminem sibi per se sufficere posse confirmat. Errant 
itaque qui inter dantem et accipientem velut corporale intervenire arbitrantur 
ofEcium. Quid est enim dare, nisi remedia demonstrare peccatis? Quid est accipere, 
nisi obedire praeceptis, lachrymis, et jejuniis interpellare miserationis auditum?"; 
Eusebius Gallicanus, Homily 26, De poenitentia Ninimtarum; Homiliae (1547), fol. 
70'; CCSL, 101A:303. 

3:31. 15-1 8. fe, / Lett everie man . . . displeasure. "Judicet ergo se ipsum homo in 
istis voluntate, dum potest, et mores convertat in melius. . . . et tanquam bonus jam 
incipiens esse filius ... a praepositis Sacramentorum accipiat satisfactionis suae 
modum"; Sermon 351, 4.9; PL, 39:1545. This passage from Augustine is quoted 
in Gratian, Deaetum,; (1584), pp. 2241-2242; ed. Friedberg, 1:1183. 

3:31. 28-32.2. M that if men . . . them. "In hoc quoque si te fragilem fecerit 
quaelibet mentis ignavia, oratione saltem atque intercessione sanctorum remedia 
vulneribus tuis humilitatis afFectu submissus implera"; John Cassian, Collatio 20.8; 
Opera (1559), p. 940; PL, 49:1163; NPNF.2, 11:500. 

3:32.3-7.0 Humble thyselfe, . . . them. "Afflige te, fratresque benevolos atque 
unanimes adhibe, qui simul doleant, adjumentoque sint, ut libereris. Ostende mihi 
amaras atque uberes lacrymas tuas, ut meas ego quoque commisceam"; Gregory of 
Nyssa, Opera (1615), 1:969; not in PG. See 3:29.22-25/.n, above. 

3:32.9-12 Make . . . creditt. "Afflictionis participem, et socium sume sacerdotem, 
ut patrem . . ."; Opera (1615), 1:969; not in PG. 

3:32.1 2-1 4.p Confession . . . offendors. "Sufficit poenitenti ilia confessio, quae 
primum Deo ofFertur, tum etiam sacerdoti, qui pro delictis poenitentium precator 
accedit"; Gratian, Deaetum,; (1584), pp. 2227-2228; ed. Friedberg, 


Book VI, Chapter 4.7-4.8 

1:1176. H's reference is to Leo's epistle 7, chap. 8. See 3:33.8— 17.i.n, below, 

3:32.20-22.^ Lett thy mother . . . one. "Fleat pro te mater ecclesia, et culpam tuam 
lachrymis lavet. Videat te Christus moerentem, ut dicat: Beati tristes, quia gaudebi- 
tis"; Ambrose, Opera (1567), 3:175; PL, 16:540, NPNF.2, 10:356-357; quoted in 
Gratian, Deaetum,; (1584), pp. 2235-2236; ed. Friedberg, 1:1180-1181. 

3:32.23— 29. r Some few . . . suitor. "In uno et altero ecclesia est, Ecclesia vero 
Christus. Ergo cum te ad fratrum genua protendis, Christum contractas, Christum 
exoras. Aeque illi cum super te lacrhymas agunt, Christus patitur, Christus patrem 
deprecatur. Facile impetratur semper, quod filius postulat"; Tertullian, De poeniten- 
tia, chap. 10; Opera (1566), 2:46; PL, 1:1245; CCSL, 1:337; ANF, 3:664. 

3:33.8—17.5 Although . . . tares. Leo I, Epistola ad episcopos Campaniae: "Quamvis 
plenitude fidei videatur esse laudabilis, quae propter Dei timorem apud homines 
erubescere non veretur; tamen, quia non omnium hujusmodi sunt peccata, ut ea, 
quae paenitentiam poscunt, non timeant publicare; removeatur tarn improbabilis 
consuetudo: ne multi a paenitentiae remediis arceantur: dum aut erubescunt, aut 
metuunt inimicis suis sua facta reserare, pro quibus possunt legum constitutione 
percelli. . . . Tunc enim demum plures ad paenitentiam poterunt provocari, si 
populi auribus non publicetur conscientia confitentis"; quoted in Gratian, Deaetum,; (1584), pp. 2253-2254; ed. Friedberg, 1:1189. See 3:32.1 2-1 4.p.n, 

3:33.17—20 Sozomen . . . ofTendors. Sozomen discusses the abolition by Nectarius 
of the office of the presbyter (TtpeapCxepoc;) whose duty it had been to hear 
confessions of the people, preside over the imposition of penance adapted to each 
sin, and pronounce absolution when satisfaction had been made. He says God has 
decreed that pardon should be extended to penitents, even after many transgres- 
sions. Since confession of sins is necessary for being pardoned, he speculates that it 
is "probable" that the priests (toi<; lepeuaiv) from the beginning considered it 
irksome to make this confession in public. Therefore, they appointed a presbyter 
known for his holiness of life and prudence to act on these occasions. See 'ExxXtj- 
maariXTjg iaroqiaq . . . , [BiP. Z, xt<f. iC; (1544), fol. 98'; Hist, ecdes., 7.16; PG, 
67:1459-1460; NPNF.2, 2:386. 

3:33.20-26 Socrates . , . place. Socrates in his Hist, eccles. recounts in 5.19 the 
bishops' establishment of the office of those presbyters in the church who had 
charge of penances after the separation of the Novatians, who would not commu- 
nicate w^ith those who had lapsed during the Decian persecution, and the abroga- 
tion of this office during the time of Nectarius. But, as Keble observed (3:34n), H 
is here using the Ealesiasticae historiae by Nicephorus, who cites in the margin the 
above reference to Socrates. Nicephorus says that the bishops, resisting the dogmas 
of Novatian, established by ecclesiastical canon the office of the penitentiary 
presbyter {presbyterum poenitentiarum) so that those who have sinned after baptism 
may, after confessing their crimes, receive absolution from them. See Nicephorus 



Callistus, Ealesiasticae historiae Ubri decern et odo, 12.28; (1551), p. 623; PG, 146:835- 

3:33./ Facinoris . . . blanditur. This "proverb" does not appear in the relevant 
passages of the Greek church historians. 

3:34.4 some hundred yeares, "From the schism of Novatian, circa A.D. 253, to 
the episcopate of Nectarius, circa 391" (Keble, 3:35n). 

3:34.7—18 There came . . . skome. Socrates, Sozomen, and Nicephorus all cite 
the story of the confession and the rape or fornication of the gendewoman from 
Constantinople as the reason that Nectarius, the bishop there, abolished the office 
of the penitentiary presbyter. The stories vary, however. Socrates, whom H closely 
follows, says that the noble woman came and confessed to the penitentiary 
presbyter her sins committed after baptism. The presbyter imposed continuous 
prayer and fasting as her works of repentance. Some time later, the same lady 
returned and confessed that she had been guilty of having sexual intercourse with 
a deacon of the church, which being proved, led to the ejection of the deacon 
from the church and indignation of the people because of the scandal brought 
upon the church. Socrates, ibid., Pip. E, Ke(j) lO; (1544), fol. 249"; Hist, ecdes., 
5.19; PG, 67:615-618; NPNF.2, 2:128. Sozomen, however, says that the noble 
woman claimed that, when she had come as a penitent to the presbyter to fast and 
pray and tarried for that purpose in the church, she had been raped; Hist, ecdes., 
7.16; PG, 67:1461-1462; NPNF.2, 2:387. In Sozomen's account, it is not just the 
disclosure that gave offence to the people and the priests but the fact that the 
prescribed penance had led to a new crime, the view also expressed by Nicephor- 
us, Ecdes. hist., 12.28; (1551), p. 624; PG, 146:835-838. 

3:34.20-35.8 Eudtemon, . . . disgrace. Sozomen says only that Nectarius, "at the 
advice of certain persons, who urged the necessity of leaving each individual to 
examine himself before participating in the sacred mysteries," abolished the office 
of the presbyter presiding over penance; Hist, ecdes., 7.16; (1551), fol. 98'; PG, 67: 
1461-1462; NPNF.2, 2:387. Socrates and Nicephorus, however, make specific 
mention of the presbyter, Eudaemon; see Socrates, Hist, ecdes., 5.19; (1544), fol. 
249"; PG, 67:617-618; NPNF.2, 2:128; Nicephorus, Ecdes. hist., 12.28 (1551), p. 
624; PG, 146:835-836. 

3:34.20 Priest H translates TtpeaPuTepoc; here as "Priest," not "Presbyter." 

3:34.28-35.3 as the World . . . busines: f\hr\ rrjc; apxai6TnT05, oipai, Kal 
jf[C, KttT' auTi^v at\x\>6tx\xo(;, Kai ocKpipciaq ei<; d6id(|>opov kclX rifieXqpe- 
vov nOog Kara piKpdv 6ioXia6aiveiv a.p^ai\iisir\q, imX 7ip6Tepov, dx; 
i^yoC/jai, peico toc afiapxqpaTa fjv, utco re aiSouc; twv e^ayyeXXovrcov laq 
a(|)d)v auTwv nKx\]i\xzKz\ac;, Kai U7i6 ccKpipeia^ twv etii toCto Teraypfevcov 
KpiTcbv. "And it seems to me, that extreme laxity of principle was thus substituted 
for the severity and rigor of antiquity. Under the ancient system, I think, offences 


Book VI, Chapter 4.8-4.10 

were of rarer occurrence; for the people were deterred from their commission, by 
the dread of confessing them, and of exposing them to the scrutiny of a severe 
judge"; Sozomen, ibid., Pip. Z, Ke/^. i^; (1544), fol. 98'; Hist, cedes., 7.16; PG, 
67:1461-1462; NPNF.2, 2:387. 

3:35.8-15 Thm much . . . them. TaCxa napa Tou EuSaipovoq oiKOuaou; ey<J>, t^ 
Ypa(|>q Tg5e7iapa&oGvaie6dppTiaa. . . . 'EydiSlTipd^TdvEuSai^iovaTipdTe- 
pov l^r\v. f\ aupPouX/i aov & TipeaPoTepe, ei aovqveyKev rq eKKXqaia, f\ ei 
lif\ Qe6q av ei5eiq. *Opw bi oti 7ip6<j)aaiv naptax^, tou pi^ iXtfxeiv 
aXXi^XcovTaa^apT/^paxa, ^n6fe<|>oX<iTTeivT6Too ' Anoaxd'k.ovnap&yYzXixa 
TO Xeyov, iij]bi auyKOivcoveiTe ToTq lf>Yoi(; xoic; (xk&ptiok; too OKdrovq. 
Ibid., Bip. E, KOt). lO; (1544), fol. 248"; Socrates, Hist, cedes., 5.19; PG, 67:617- 
620; NPNF.2, 2:128. 

3:35.16-20 Sozomen^... Nectarius. 'E7HiKoXo66qaav 6^ axeBdv oi inic- 
KOTioi. . . . Kai e^ eiceivoo toCto KpaToCv Sie^eive. "The bishops of every 
region followed the example [of Nectarius]. . . . From that period, therefore, the 
performance of penance fell into disuse." Sozomen, ibid., Bip. Z, Ke<j>. i^; (1544), 
fol. 98'; Hist, cedes., 7.16; PG, 67:1457-1458 and 1461-1462; NPNF.2, 2:386 and 

3:35.17-18 the younger Theodosius, Theodosius II (401— 450), grandson of Theo- 
dosius I (the Great). 

3:35. u Tanta htec . . . 56. "Only that much &ith is to be attributed to this 
testimony of Socrates as is given to the teachings of other heretics; for I think it is 
easy for anyone to judge that he was of the Nestorian sect when he truly and 
sincerely wrote these things against administrating solitary penitence in the 
church"; Cesare Cardinal Baronius (1538—1607), Annales ecdesiastid (1589), Jesu 
Christi An. 56, 1:488. (The quotation from Baronius is not exact.) Sozomenum 
. . • est. "It is certain that Sozomen by all means supported the same cause." This 
passage does not occur in the Latin text. Baronius begins this and the passage above 
by discussing "other matters which Socrates and Sozomen write about the peniten- 
tiary presbyter . . . ." Nee . . . credendum est. "Nor must it be believed that 
Eudaemon was any other than an adherent of the Nestorian sect." See Socrates, 
ibid., pip. E, Kaj). lO; (1544), fol. 248"; Hist, cedes., 5.19, PG, 67:617-618; 
NPNF.2, 2:128. Sacerdos . . . abrogata. "That priest was deservedly removed 
from his position and deposed from office by Nectarius; after this was done, the 
Novatians (as is the custom of heretics) drew forth from sincere teachings a trifling 
matter as the occasion for calumniously declaring not only that the penitentiary 
presbyter was diminished as an order but also that penitence itself was proscribed 
with it: nevertheless, when the more theatrical penitence was abrogated, in the 
meantime solitary confession of sins came into existence." H is condensing and 

3:36.17 his speech to Eudcemon . . . downe See 3:35.8—15 and n, above. 



3:36.22-23 That Novatianists . . . Office. dA,Xd vauaTtavoiq piv oi^ ob X-dyo^ 
peravoiaq, ou6^v toutou eSlqaev. Ibid., Pip. Z, KaJ). »C; (1544), fol. 98'; 
Hist, eccles., 7.16; PG, 67:1459-1460; NPNF.2, 2:386. 

3:36.24-27 Not to sinne . . . often, enzi yoip t6 iif\ dpapreiv navreXSx; 
eeioT^pac; r\ Kara av6pco7iov eSeiTO ^vazcaq, pera^eXoupfevoic; bt xdi 
710A.A.&K15 dpapT&vouai auyyv&ptiv vepeiv 6 6edg 7tapeKeA,euaaTO. Ibid. 

3:36.29—37.1 To . . . besides. Theodosius I, emperor 379—395, considering the 
consent and harmony of the Novatians touching the faith (esp. the doctrine of the 
homoousion or consubstantiality of the Son with the Father), passed a law that their 
churches should have the same security and privileges as other churches of the 
same opinion were to have. See Socrates, ibid., Pip. E, Ke<|). i; (1544), fols. 246*— 
247"; Hist, eccles., 5.10; PG, 67:591-594; NPNF.2, 2:123. 

3:37.20-23 They only . . . them, juovoi 6e Tou opoouaiou (|)povri^aToq, Kai oi 
toutok; Kara ti^v Tiiariv 6^6(j)pove(; vaoTiavoi, tov ini jf\(; ^eravoiag 
npeapCxepov napgrqaavTO. Ibid., pip. E, Ke<j). 16; (1544), fol. 249*; Hist, eccles., 
5.19; PG, 67:615-616; NPNF.2, 2:128. 

3:38.9—15 For why? . . . mention. H is translating and compressing three passages, 
each in inverted order and introduced by the word certayne, to summarize Bellar- 
mine's position and some of his arguments. "Denidque, apud veteres nomine 
poenitentium, soli publici poenitentes intelligi solebant. . . ." "Deinde nullo modo 
fieri potuit, ut unus presbyter satisfaceret tantae multitudini. . . ." "Primum, 
Sozomenus, ubi disertis verbis affirmasset, constitutionem de presbyterio poenitenti- 
ario, quam prisci episcopi invexerant, et Nectarius postea Constantinopoli abroga- 
verat, Romae potissimum accurate servari. . . ." De saaamento poenitentiae, 3.14; 
Opera omnia (1872), 3:704. In the first part of this chapter, Bellarmine is writing 
against Calvin {Inst., 3.4.7), who concludes firom the narratives of Socrates and 
Sozomen that Nectarius abrogated the rite of confessing and that, since one 
presbyter was once appointed to supervise penitents, "the keys" of binding and 
loosing were not given to the universal sacerdotal order. 

3:38.15-26 Bellarmine . . . thereof. Opera omnia (1872), 3:704. 

3:38.24 this Canon H's summary of Bellarmine's interpretation of "The Graecians 
Canon" (3:34.1); see also "the former constitution" (3:38.16—17). 

3:38.1/ T065 . . . xpEopuTEpou^ Socrates, ibid., Pip. E, Ke4>. 16; (1544), fol. 
249"; Hist, eccles., 5.19; PG, 67:613-616; NPNF.2, 2:128. 

3:40.4-8 whereas men . . . were, kv T(^ TiapaiTeiaOai au vofioXoYeiv Tf\v 
djiapriav, xP^t^v (t>opTiK6v, ok; eiKdc;, e^ otp^H? ^'o*? iepeOaiv £6o^ev u)q 
ev eedrpQ) vno jidprupi tq) 7tA,rj0ei xq^ eKK^qaia<; lac; dpapxia^ e^ayyeA,- 
Xeiv. Ibid., pip. Z, Ke4>. <; (1544), fol. 98'; Hist, eccles., 7.16; PG, 67:1459- 
1460; NPNF.2, 2:386. 


Book VI, Chapter 4.10-4.13 

3:40.25, 28 Decius Roman emperor from 249. 

3:40.27 Fabian Bishop of Rome from 236; he was the first to suffer martyrdom 
under the Decian persecution. 

3:40.30— 41.3. u- For such as . . . not. "Illi vero, qui ilia peccau perpetrant, de 
quibus Apostolus ait: Quoniam qui talia agunt, regnum Dei nott consequentur: valde 
cavendi sunt, et ad emendationem, si voluntarie noluerint, compellendi: quia 
infamiae maculis sunt adspersi, et in barathrum delabuntur, nisi eis sacerdotali 
auctoritate subventum fuerit." Epist. 2, Concilia (1585), 1:358; Sacrorum conciliorum 
nova, et amplissima coUedio, ed. Mansi (1759), 1:778. The epistle is believed to be 
spurious. See 1 Cor. 6:9-10; Gal. 5:19-21. 

3:41.24 Hessels ... a booke Joannes Hessels, professor of theology at Louvain; 
he was present at the C of T, where he died in 1551. See below, 3:42.5.x, and 
nn. His "booke" was most likely the first part of bk. 5 of Breuis et catholica 
Symboli Apostoloci explicatio (1566), which contains an "explicationem quatuor 
postremorum sacramentorum, poenitentiae, extremae unctionis, . . . ordinis, et 

3:41.29—30 conference . . . Eudxtnon, See 3:35.8-15 and n, above. 

3:42.x Non . . . annot. 1. "Nor is that true which those fancy concerning the 
deed of Necurius, when they say that he approved the confession of secret sins 
rather than that he removed that penitentiary presbyter from his office, as Dr. 
Joannes Hassels most fully deduces." Pamelius, Annot. 98 on Cyprian, De lapsis, 
chap. 23; Cyprian, Opera (1593), p. 293. Compare ". . . Rhenanus, et ipsum 
Nectarii factum quod allegat, convincit, nempe de abrogato Poenitentiali presbyte- 
ro, non autem (uti ille falso interpretatur) de abrogata confessione, quemadmodum 
pulcherrime deducit libello ad hoc unum conscript© Joannes Hassellius, a me 
quoque apud B. Cyprianum citatus"; "Rhenanus, concerning the deed of Necta- 
rius which he alleges, proves the removal of the penitentiary presbyter, but does 
not prove (as it is interpreted by that one falsely) the removal of confession, as 
Joannes Hassells, also cited by me on St. Cyprian, deduces so beautifully in the 
small book written on this topic." PameHus, Annot. 1 on Tertullian, De poenitentia; 
Tertullian, Opera (1584), p. 200. For Rhenanus, see 3:44.a.n, and for Pamelius, 
3:128. 17.n, below. 

3:42.5 Bellarmine . . . Hessels, "Noluisse autem episcopos illos, peccata occulta, 
sed publica dumtaxat (in quo a . . . Hasselano dissentire cogor) confessioni publicae 
subjicere, tribus argumentis comprobabo"; "I shall prove in three arguments that 
those bishops were not willing to subject hidden sins to public confession but 
public sins only (in which I am forced to dissent from . . . Hassels)." De saaamento 
poenitentia, 3.14; Bellarmine, Opera omnia (1872), 3:703. 

3:43.j' Sacerdos . . . Lucifer. Jerome, Aduersus Luciferianos, or Orthodoxi et Luciferiani 
dialogus, chap. 2; in Epistolae . . . et libri contra hereticos (1578), p. 197; PL, 23:155- 



157; NPNF.2, 6:320-321. H quoted from this epistle in the lost draft of VI; see 
Cranmer, 3:127.32-128.4 and n, and Sandys, 139.33-140.2. 

3:43.27—44.6.2: Is it tolerable . . . justest: "An quisquam ferat ut erubescas Deum 
rogare, qui non erubiscis rogare hominem? et pudeat te Deo supplicare quern non 
lates, cum te non pudeat peccata tua homini quern lateas confiteri? An testes 
precationis et conscios refligis, cum si homini satisfaciendum sit, multos necesse est 
ambias, obsecres ut dignentur intervenire, ad genua te ipse prostemas, osculeris 
vestigia, filios offeras culpae adhuc ignaros, paternae etiam veniae precatores? Hoc 
ergo in ecclesia facere fastidis, ut Deo supplices, ut patrocinium tibi ad Deum 
obsecrandum sanctae plebis requiras, ubi nihil est quod pudori esse debeat, nisi non 
fateri, cum omnes simus peccatores, ubi ille laudabilior qui humilior: ille justior, 
qui sibi abjectior?" Ambrose, De poenitentia, 2.10; Opera (1567), 3:175; PL, 16:540; 
NPNF.2, 10:356. On this work, see 3:23.20-22.^.n, above. 

3A4.a Chrysost . e^opoXoyoufievov. Beatus Rhenanus (1485-1547), Ger- 
man humanist, friend and biographer of Erasmus, mentions that Chrysostom wrote 
a sermon entitled Ilepi jjeravoiac; Kai e^o|ioX.oyriaetO(;, "On Repentance and 
Confession," quoting this passage. See Admonitio ad lectorem de quibusdam Tertulliani 
dogmatis, Tertullian, Opera (1521), p. 7. 

3:44. 14-18. fc TTtat if any . . . pardoneth. John Cassian, "Quod si verecundia retra- 
hente revelare ea coram hominibus erubescis, illi quem latere non possunt confiteri 
ea jugi supplicatione non desinas . . . qui et absque illius verecundiae publicatione 
curare et sine improperio peccata donare consuevit"; Collatio 20.8; Opera (1559), 
p. 940; PL, 49:1163-64; NPNF.2, 11:500. 

3:44.20-28.c whether men . . . City? "Quapropter Deum sibi facilius placabunt illi, 
qui non humano convicti judicio, sed ultro crimen cognoscunt: quia aut propriis 
illud confessionibus produnt, aut nescientibus aliis quales occulti sunt, ipsi in se 
voluntariae excommunicationis sententiam ferunt, et ab altari cui ministrabant, non 
animo, sed oflScio separati, vitam suam tanquam mortuam plangunt, certi quod 
reconciliatio sibi ef&cacis poenitentiae fructibus Deo, non solvum amissa recipiant, 
sed etiam cives supernae civitatis effecti, ad gaudia sempitema perveniant." Prosper 
of Aquitaine, De vita contemplatiua, 2.7; Opera (1539), pp. 32—33. Prosper originally 
supported Augustine's teaching of grace against the "Semi-Pelagianism" of Cassian 
and others, but after arriving in Rome in 431, he seems to have modified the strict 
Augustinian doctrine of predestination by insisting upon the universality of God's 
saving will. 

3:45.5 Papacie; The sense of the sentence requires the deletion of the semi-colon. 

3:45. </ Calv. ... § 7- "But I marvel how shamelessly our opponents dare contend 
that the confusion of which they speak is divinely ordained. Of course we admit 
its practice to have been very ancient, but we can easily prove that it was formerly 
free"; Inst., 3.4.7; (1960), 1:631-632. In this section, Calvin is arguing that 


Book VI, Chapter 4.13-4.14 

compulsory confession was unknown in the ancient church and argues for the later 
origin of auricular confession. He asserts that confession was a discipline of church 
polity instituted by bishops and not a law laid down by Christ or the aposdes, and 
he presents as evidence the passage from Sozomen's Hist, eccles. (7.16) concerning 
Nectarius's removal of the penitentiary priest, interpreted as the abolition of the 
rite of confession. 

3:46. c SeJ . . . vers. 5. The first part of this sentence reads: "Publica vero confes- 
sio non in eum finem instituta fiiit, ut ab ea peccatorum remissio ullo modo 
pendere debeat . . ."; "Public confession was not instituted for the end of making 
the remission from sins depend in any way upon it . . ."; Meditationes in Psalmum 
XXXII, vers, u; Opera theologica (1592), p. 906. Antoine la Roche de Chandieu 
(1534—1591), who hebraized his name as Sadeel, was a French Protestant who 
taught at Paris and later in Geneva. 

3:46.11—18 Saxoniatu, , . . ensample. "Docetur et hoc apud eos, quorum pecca- 
tum est publicum, atque ideo scandalum publicum, quando Deus eis largitur 
poenitentiae Spiritum, externam poenitentiae testificationem non debere abesse, et 
hac quidem de causa, ut sit argumentum et testimonium, quo probetur seu planum 
fiat, lapsos peccatores qui poenitentiam agunt, vere se convertere. Etiam ut sit nota 
reconciliationis cum Ecclesia et proximo, atque exemplo aliis, quod reformident et 
vereantur"; "Also they teach, that they, whose sin is public, and therefore a public 
offence, ought to give an external testimony of their repentance, when God doth 
give them the spirit of repentance; and that for this cause, that it may be an 
argument and testimony, whereby it may be proved or made evident, that sinners 
which have fallen and do repent, do truly turn themselves again; also that it may 
be a token of their reconciliation with the Church, and their neighbour, and an 
example unto others, which they may fear and reverence." Chap. 5.8, Ex Bohemia 
Confessione, Harmonia confessionum fidei (1581), p. 143; The Harmony of Confessions 
(1842), pp. 125—126. An English translation of the Harmony was published at Cam- 
bridge in 1586 (STC 5155). 

3:46.18—47.5/ But concerning . . . Keyes. "Praeterea ita instituuntur poeniten- 
tes, ut curatores animarum suarum accedant, et coram ipsis confiteantur Deo 
peccata sua: nemo tamen, neque jubetur neque urgetur enumerare peccata: sed res 
haec ideo suscipitur, ut hoc modo dolorem suum, quo afficiuntur, et quam sibi 
propter peccata displiceant, indicare, et consilium et doctrinam, quomodo deinceps 
ea effugiant, et institutionem atque consolationem impeditis conscientiis suis, 
itemque absolutionem ex potestate clavium, et remissionem peccatorum per 
ministerium Evangelii a Christo institutum, peculiariter singuli expetere possint, et 
a Deo suo consequi se sciant, et quando haec a ministris eis praestantur, accipere 
ab his, unquam rem a Deo ad commodandum ipsis et salutariter inserviendum 
institutam, cum fiducia debent, et remissione peccatorum sine dubitatione frui, 
secundum verbum Domini, cui peccata remiseritis, remittuntur eis. Atque hac fide 
indubitata nitentes, ceiti et animo confirmato esse debent per ministerium harum 



clavium de potestate Christi, et verbo ipsius, omnia ipsis peccaca remitte"; 5.8, Ex 
Bohemia Confessione, Harmonia confessionum ftdei (1581), pp. 142—143; Harmony of 
the Confessions (1842), pp. 124-125. 

3:47.2.^ Whose , . . remitted. John 20:23; quoted in the passage from the Bohemi- 
an Confession in the preceding n. 

3:47.8—11 First, . . . himselfe. See the introductory Sentences of Scripture and A 
General Confession in An Order for Morning Prayer Daily Throughout the Year, 
B.C. P., 1559, ed. Booty (1976), pp. 49-51. 

3:47. 1 1-14 and the Minister . . . minde. See The Absolution, B. C.P., 1559, p. 51 . 

3:48. /j As for private . . . 156. A Defence of the Apologie (1567), part 2, p. 173 (PS, 
3:363); the first edn. of Jewel's Defence (STC 14600) was published in 1567 and 
subsequent edns. (STC 14600.5-602) appeared later in 1567 and in 1570 and 

3:48.14—21 our custome . . • terrifye. See 1 Cor. 27—31. See also The Order for 
the Administration of the Lord's Supper, or Holy Communion, B.C. P., 1559, pp. 

3:48.21-29 Yet with us . . . appeare; Compare Calvin, Inst., 4.17.39 and 12.5, 
where the lay elders participate w^ith the pastors in exercising church discipline and 
excommunication to avoid prophaning the Lord's Supper through indiscriminate 
administration; (1960), 2:1416-1418 and 1232-1233. 

3:49.18— 50.6. i although in this . . . light. Rhenanus, Admonitio ad lectorem de 
quibusdam Tertulliani dogmatihus; Tertullian, Opera (1521), p. 9; see 3:44.<j.n, above. 

3:50.20-30.y If a man bee . . . thee. "Si quis autem positus in ultima necessitate 
aegritudinis suae, voluerit accipere poenitentiam, et accipit, et mox reconciliatur, 
et hinc vadit; fateor vobis, non illi negamus quod petit, sed non praesumimus quia 
bene hinc exit. Non praesumo: non vos fallo, non praesumo. . . . Numquid dico, 
Damnabitur? Non dico. Sed nee dico etiam, Liberabitur. Et quid dicis "mihi? 
Nescio: non praesumo, non promitto; nescio. Vis te de dubio liberare? vis quod 
incertum est evadere? Age poenitentiam, dum sanus es. . . . Si autem tunc vis agere 
poenitentiam ipsam, quando jam peccare non potes; peccata te dimiserunt, non tu 
ilia." Augustine, Sermon 393, De poenitentiht4s, PL, 39:1714-1715. On the attribu- 
tion of this work to Ambrose, see 3:23. 20-22. ^.n, above. 

3:51.1-2 Whensoever . . . iniquitie. Not a direct quotation firom Scripture, but a 
paraphrase of such passages as Ps. 51:17, "a contrite and a broken heart, O God, 
thou wilt not despise," and Ps. 103:12, "As farre as the East is firom the West: so 
farre hath he removed our sinnes firom us." 

3:51.9—12 upon special! confession . . . him. See The Order for the Visitation 
of the Sick, B.C.P., 1559, pp. 301-303. 


Book VI, Chapter 4.14-5.2 

3:51.iic NoH dico , , . Lazaro. John Chrysostom, Homily 31, /n caput ad Hebraeos 
XII, Opera (1531), 4:198; compare Homily 2, In Psalmum quinquagesimum, ibid., 
2:16; Sermo de poenitentia et confessione, ibid., 5:512; Homily 5, De incomprehensibili 
Dei natura; ibid., 2:402; and Homilia de Lazaro, Concio 4; ibid., 1:77. 

3:52.28—53.4./ He . . . acceptable. "Ita qui per delictorum poenitenriam instituerat 
domino satisfacere, diabolo per aliam poenitentiae poenitentiam satisfaciet: eritque 
tanto magis perosus deo, quanto aemulo eius acceptus." Tertullian, De poenitentia, 
chap. 5; Opera (1566), 2:41; PL, 1:1235-1236; CCSL, 1:328-329; ANF, 3:660. 

3:53. 7-8. m How canst thou . . . offended. Ildx; gov SovqaQ Tov eeov e^iXedaaa- 
adax, oxav ^ix]bk 6ti rj^apra;, eiSq^. Chrysostom, Homily 8, In Epistolam I ad 
Corinthianos; PG, 61:74. 

3:53.11— 13. n Weefeele . . . evill. "Virgas igitur et flagella sentimus, qui Deo nee 
bonis factis placemus, nee pro peccatis satisfacimus." Cyprian, epist. 8.1, Ad derum, 
de precando Deo; Opera (1593), p. 22; PL, 4:247, and ANF, 5:286, as epist. 7. 

3:53.13-15.0 Lett the eyes . . . God. "Ut illi ipsi oculi, qui male simulaehra 
eonspexerunt, quae inlicita commiserant, satisfacientibus Deo fletibus deleant." 
Cyprian, epist. 26.5, Ad lapsos; Opera (1593), p. 60; PL, 4:297, and ANF, 5:304, 
as epist. 25. 

3:53.15— 20.p The Master . , . God. "In perfectione autem poenitentiae tria 
observanda sunt, scilicet compunctio cordis, confessio oris, satsifactio oris. . . . Haec 
est fructifera poenitentia, ut sicut tribus modis satisfaciamus. Sunt enim tres peecati 
differentiae (ut ait Augustinus) et in corde, et in facto, et in consuetudine, vel 
verbo tanquam tres mortes." Peter Lombard (1100?-1160?), Sententiarum libri iv, 
4.16.1; (1557), p. 325. The reference is to Augustine, De sermone Domini in monte, 
1.12 (PL, 34:1247). 

3:53.24—54.6 Satisfaction . . . impossible. This paragraph, setting forth H's 
general definition of satisfaction, is a clear sutement of what Gusuv Aulen has 
described as the objective Latin vie\v of the atonement, set forth by Anselm of 
Canterbury in Cur Deus Homo? See Christus Victor: A Historical Study of the Three 
Main Types of the Atonement, trans. A. G. Herbert (London: S.P.C.K., 1961), pp. 
100-109. Human acts of satisfaction toward offended persons and with regard to 
the discipline of the church do not affect one's justification before God but rather 
presuppose participation in the gracious satisfaction of Christ and flow out of the 
virtue of conversion (metanoia) or repentance. 

3:54.^ Bonavent. . . . q. 9. "Etsi divina misericordia relinquat offensam homini 
dando gratiam, non tamen iu omnino relinquit, quin etiam exigat de offensa 
satisfactionem per justitiam. Et quia homo non potuit pro tanta offensa satisfacere, 
ideo Deus dedit ei mediatorem qui satisfaceret pro offensa. Unde in sola fide 
passionis Christi remittitur omnis culpa, et sine fide ejus nullus justificatur. Et 
secundum hoc dicunt quod omnis satisfactio nostra virtutem habet a satisfactione 



Christi"; "Even if divine mercy relinquishes the offense of man by giving grace, it 
does not completely relinquish the offense; indeed through justice it demands 
satisfaction firom the offense. And because man is not able to make satisfaction for 
such great offense, therefore God gave him a mediator who makes satisfaction for 
the offense. Hence, all guilt is remitted in the only faith of Christ's passion, and 
without faith no man is justified. And it is according to this teaching that those say 
that our satisfaction has virtue firom the satisfaction of Christ." Bonaventure, In 
quartum librum Sententiarum disputata (1522), fol. 123^; Opera theologica selecta (1949), 
4:333—334. There is no q. 9, as in H's note. 

3:54.7—10.^ Wherefore . . . his. Although citing and in part translating from 
Bonaventure, H is here affirming the Protestant doctrines of the proper relation 
between faith and good works and of justification by grace through faith alone; 
compare jM5r., esp. §§ 20-21. 

3:54.23 illices divince misericordix "Lures of divine mercy." For a quotation and 
translation of this passage from Tertullian's De poenitentia, chap. 9, see 3:24.31— 
25.2.n, above. 

3:55.27—56.3.5 There is not . . . sake. John Cassian, ". . . quia etiam si haec omnia 
fecerimus, non erunt idonea ad expiationem scelerum nostrorum, nisi ea bonitas 
domini clementiaque deleverit. Qui cum religiosi conatus obsequia supplici mente 
a nobis oblata perspexerit, exiguos parvosque conatus immensa liberalitate prosequi- 
tur, dicens: Ego sum, ego sum qui deleo iniquitates tuas propter me . . ."; Collatio 
20.8; Opera (1559), p. 940; PL, 49:1164; NPNF.2, 11:500. 

3:56.6-10. f God . . . mercie. navTO^ yap TidOouc; aXKoT^xov to 6eTov Kara 
(ieTa(|)opdv 6e xd xoiauTa eicoOev ovajjd^eiv 6 tf\c, T^ai^f\c; Xoyoc,, dq Kai 
6(J)6a^pou(; Oeou, . . . Oincoc; ouv Kai -xac, eTiayopevaq xipopiac; toIc; 
d^aprdvouai Kara 0eoO Kpiaiv, oKuOpcondg ovaac, Kai dX-yeivd^ loxc, 
Ttdaxouaiv, cbaavei e^ opyi\c, kolx eu^ou eTiayoiaevac; unoTUTtooTai. Basil of 
Caesarea, 'OfiiXia eiq rov AZ xpaXjXOV, "Anavra (1551), p. 98; Homilia in 
Psalmum XXXVII, PG, 30:85. Considered spurious, the work is in the PG append- 
ix to Basil's Opera. 

3:56. 10-15. « His wrath . . . them. Enchiridion, 1.3; Augustine, Opera (1569), 3:164; 
PL, 40:249; NPNF.l, 3:249. 

3:56.23— 24. f Cod . . . impunitie: De poenitentia, chap. 6; Tertullian, Opera (1566), 
2:42; CCSL, 1:330; ANF, 3:661. 

3:57. <j Cui Deus . . . ps. 98. "To the one God who is truly propitious; He not 
only does not condone sin lest it destroy for the future life but also punishes, lest 
one always delight in sinning." Enarratio in Psalmum XCVIII, § 11; Augustine, 
Opera (1569), 8:1106-1107; PL, 37:1266. 

3:57.6 Plectuntur . . . Lapsis. "Some are punished in the meantime, that otheis 


Book VI, Chapter 5.2-5.8 

may be corrected; the torments of a few are the examples of all." De lapsis, chap. 
23; Cyprian, Opera (1520), p. 225; CCSL, 3:234; ANF, 5:443. 

3:57/ Si texit . . . animadvertere. Enarratio II in Psalmum XXXI, § 9; Augustine, 
Opera (1569), 8:193; PL, 36:264. 

3:58.^ Mirandum . . . c. 34.3: De peccatorum mentis et remissione, 2.34; Augustine, 
Opera (1569), 7:717; PL, 44:183-184. There should be an ellipsis between justitia 
and Sic (line 3). 

3:58.A Ante remissionem . . .Justorum. Ibid.; Augustine, Opera (1569), 7:716; PL, 

3:59.5—8.1 As a Father . . . mercie "Unus ille et verus pater . . . laetatur in poeni- 
tentibus, aut plangentibus et lamentantibus poenam comminatur, sed veniam magis 
et indulgentiam pollicetur." Cyprian, epist. 52 [H: 53], Ad Fortunatum et alios 
collegas; Opera (1593), p. 119; CSEL, 3.2:641, as epist. 55; ANF, 5:333, as epist. 51. 

3:60.k 'Hfidiv . . . Hebr. "Let us exact punishment from ourselves; let us accuse 
ourselves; thus shaU we propitiate the Judge." Chrysostom, Homily 31 [H has 30], 
In Epistolam ad Hebraeos, chap. 12; PG, 63:216; NPNF.l, 14:508. This sentence 
irrmiediately precedes the passage(s) quoted at 3:19.16-20.4, c, and n, above. 

3:60.29-61.4./ That they . . . death. "Orare oportet inpensius et rogare; ... in 
^ilicio voluntari et sordibus: post indumentum Christi perditum, nullum jam velle 
vestitum: post diaboli cibum malle jejuniam: justis operibus incumbere, quibus 
peccata purgantur: eleemosynis frequenter insistere, quibus a morte animae liberan- 
tur." De lapsis, chap. 35; Cyprian, Opera (1520), p. 230; CCSL, 3:240-241; ANF, 

3:61.7— lO.m These duties . . . itselfe: ". . . nee offerat cum redemptionis fiducia sed 
cvun supplicationis oflBcio, . . . quia non pretio sed affectu placent." Salvian of 
Marseilles, Timothei ad ecdesiam libri iv, 1.10; CSEL, 8:240-241. The portion of the 
quoution after the ellipsis precedes rather than follows the part before. Salvian's 
treatise is about almsgiving. 

3:62.15-63.1 The whole order ... judgment. See Moses Maimonides, Boofe of 
Mishnah Torah, bk. 1, Hilkoth Teshuba or The Treatise concerning Repentance, 
2.9-11; (1927), pp. 390-391. See also nn above on 3:20.8-10.e; 20/ 21.5-8.i; 
21.9-12./ and 21.18-22.6. 

3:63.p Quamdiu enim . . . d. 15. "For as long as the thing on account of which 
there is sin is not given back, if it can be given back, penance is not done but 
feigned." Peter Lombard, Sententiarum libri iv, 4.15.7; (1557), col. 878; PL, 
192:877. The passage is from Augustine, epist. 153, Ad Macedonios; PL, 33:662. 

3:63.g Cypr. Epistol. 52. "Si vero nos aliquis poenitentiae simulatione deluserit; 
Deus qui non deridetur, et qui cor hominis intuetur, de his quae nos minus 



perspeximus judicet, et servorum sententiam Dominus emendet." Cyprian, epist. 
52, Ad Fortunatum et alios collegas; Opera (1593), p. 117; CSEL, 3.2:636, as epist. 55; 
ANF, 5:331, as epist. 51. 

3:63.28-64.4. r Hee . . .fault. Basil of Caesarea, *0 jievTOi KaTaXi/iTcAvtov TTJv 
vco^tpco^ aoTc^ auva(J)6eiaav yovaiKa, Kai erfepav ovvaydfievoc;, Kara rfjv 
Tou Kupiou ocTcocJKxaiv, T^ rf\q ^oxeia? UTtoKeirai Kpipari. KeKavoviaxai 
bi Tiapa T&v naxfepcov r|^wv Tovq toioutouc; kviavxbv npoaKXaieiv, 
SiETiav eKaKpodaSai, Tpiexiav UTioTiiTiTeiv t^ bl cp56p(p aoviaxaaOai 
Toi<; 7iiaToi<;* Kai outco xfj^ npoa<^pa(; KaTa^ioCaOai, e&v pera 5aKpu(ov 
^eTavoqacaaiv. Epist. 217.77 [H has chap. 76], Ad Amphilochium; PG, 32:804- 

3:64.7—10.5 that . . . oblation: "De iis, qui sine necessitate, vel sine facultatum 
suarum oblatione, vel sine ullo periculo, vel aliquo eiusmodi, transgressi sunt, sub 
Licinii tyrannide factum est, Synodo visum est, etsi humanitate indigni sunt, 
dementia tamen et benignitate in eos uti. Quicunque ergo germane et vere 
poenitentia ducuntur, tres annos inter auditores exigent, ut fideles, et septem annis 
prosternentur supplices: duobus autem annis absque oblatione erunt orationum cum 
populo participes"; "Concerning those who have fallen without compulsion, 
without the spoiling of their property, without danger of the like, as happened 
during the tyranny of Licinius, the Synod declares that, though they have deserved 
no clemency, they shall be dealt with mercifully. As many as were communicants, 
if they heartily repent, shall pass three years among the hearers; for seven years they 
shall communicate with the people, but for two sharing in prayers without 
oblation." First Council of Nicaea, canon 11; Concilia (1585), 1:486; Condliomm 
oecumenicorum decreta (1973), p. 11; NPNF.2, 14:24. 

3:64.5—7 in the tyme . . . Constantin, Licinius was western Roman emperor 
from 308—324; in 329 he revived the persecution of Christians, which in 313 he 
had agreed with Constantine to stop. The latter (d. 337) called the first Council of 
Nicaea in 325 to deal with the Arian controversy. 

3:64. 12-15. ( That whatsoever . . . Bishop. First Council of Nicaea, canon 13; 
Concilia (1585), 1:487; Conciliorum oecumenicorum decreta (1973), p. 12: "Concerning 
the departing, the ancient canonical law is still to be maintained, to wit, that, if any 
man be at the point of death, he must not be deprived of the last and most 
indispensable Viaticum. But, if any one should be restored to health again who has 
received the communion when his life was despaired of, let him remain among 
those who communicate in prayers only. But in general, and in the case of any 
dying person whatsoever asking to receive the Eucharist, let the Bishop, after 
examination made, give it him" (NPNF.2, 14:29). 

3:64. 16-18. M a Canon . . . require. Ibid., canon 12: "Qui autem a gratia quidem 
evocati, et primum suum ardorem ostenderunt, et cingulam deposuerunt, postea 
autem ut canes ad suum vomitum reversi sunt, ut nonnulli etiam pecuniam 


Book VI, Chapter 5.8 

profunderent, et beneficiis militiam assequerentur, hi decern annis prostemantur 
supplices, etiam post trienii auditionis tempus"; Concilia (1585), 1:486; Concilium 
oecumenicorum deareta (1973), p. 12. The whole canon may be translated: "As many 
as were called by grace, and displayed the first zeal, having cast aside their military 
girdles, but afterwards returned, like dogs to their own vomit (so that some spent 
money and by means of gifts regained their military stations); let these, after they 
have passed the space of three years as hearers, be for ten years prostrators. But in 
all these cases it is necessary to examine well into their purpose and what their 
repentance appears to be like. For as many as give evidence of their conversions by 
deeds, and not pretence, with fear, and tears, and perseverance, and good works, 
when they have fiilfilled their appointed time as hearers, may properly conununi- 
cate in prayers; and after that the bishop may determine yet more favourably 
concerning them. But those who take [the matter] with indifference, and who 
think the form of [not] entering the Church is sufficient for their conversion, must 
fiilfil the whole time" (NPNF.2, 14:27). See 3:29.8-13, c, and n, above. 

3:65.22—29.1/ Hee which is . . . behalft. Cyprian, De lapsis, chap. 22: "Jacens stanti- 
bus, et integris vulneratus minatur, et quod non statim domini corpus inquinatis 
manibus accipiat, aut ore polluto domini sanguinem bibat, sacerdotibus sacrilegus 
irascitur. Atque o tuam nimiam furiose dementiam, irasceris ei qui abs te avertere 
iram dei nititur, ei minaris qui pro te domini misericordiam deprecatur: . . ."; Opera 
(1520), p. 225; CCSL, 3:233; ANF, 5:443. 

3:65.30-66. l.u/ that . . . Jewes. Ibid., chaps. 18—19: "Mandant aliquid martyres 
fieri: si justa, si licita, si non contra ipsum dominum a dei sacerdote facienda sunt, 
si obtemperantis facilis et prona consensio, si petentis fuerit religiosa modera- 
tio. . . . Nam et Moyses pro peccatis populi petit, nee tamen peccantibus veniam, 
cum petisset, accepit. . . . Hieremiam deus laudat. . . . Quid vero justius Noe. ... 
Quid gloriosius Danihele. . . . Quid Job in operibus promptius. . . . Cum propheu 
Ezechiel pro delicto populo deprecaretur. . . . Adeo non omne quod petitur in 
praejudicio petentis, sed in dantis arbitrio est"; "The martyrs order something to 
be done; but only if this thing be just and lawful, if it can be done without 
opposing the Lord himself by God's priest, if the consent of the obeying party be 
easy and yielding, if the moderation of the asking party be religious. . . . For Moses 
also besought for the sins of the people; . . . God praises Jeremiah. . . . But who was 
more glorious than Noah. . . . Who more glorious than Daniel? . . . Was any more 
ready in good works than Job. . . . When the prophet Ezekiel entreated for the sin 
of the people. . . . Thus, not everything that is asked is in the prejudgment of the 
asker, but in the free will of the giver." Opera (1520), pp. 223-224; CCSL, 3:231- 
232; ANF, 5:442—443. The Scripture references in w are quoted or cited in 
Cyprian's text; that to Moses should be to Exod. 32:31-35. 

3:66.4-67.3 Such peace . . . displeased." Ibid., chaps. 15-16: "Contra evangelii 
vigorem, contra domini ac dei legem temeritate quorundam laxatur incautis 
communicatio. Irrita et &lsa pax periculosa dantibus, et nihil accipientibus profiitu- 



ra. Non quaerunt sanitatis patientiam, nee veram de satisfacrione medicinam. 
Poenitentia de pectoribus exclusa est, gravissimi extremique delicti memoha sublata 
est. Operiuntur morientium vulnera, et plaga lethalis altis et profundis visceribus 
infixa, dissimulato dolore contegitur. A diaboli aris revertentes, ad sanctum domini 
sordidis et infectis nidore manibus accedunt. Mortiferos idolorum cibos adhuc pene 
rectantes, exhalantibus etiamnum scelus suum faucibus et contagia funesta redolen- 
tibus, domini corpus invadunt, cum occurrat scriptura divina et clamet et dicat: 
. . . Quicumque ederit panem, aut biberit calicem domini indigne, reus erit 
corporis et sanguinis domini. Spretis his omnibus atque contemptis, vis infertur 
corpori ejus et sanguini ejus. Plus modo in dominum manibus atque ore delin- 
quunt, quam cum dominum negaverunt. Ante expiata delicta, ante exhomologesin 
factam criminis, ante purgatam conscientiam sacrificio et manu sacerdotis, ante 
ofiensam placatam indignantis domini et minantis, pacem putant esse, quam quidam 
verbis fallacibus venditant. . . . Quid injuriam beneficium vocant? Quid impietatem 
vocabulo pietatis adpellant? . . . Non concedit pacem facilitas ista, sed tollit. . . . Per- 
secutio est haec alia, et alia tentatio, per quam subtilis inimicus impuganandis adhuc 
lapsis occulta populatione grassatur. Ut lamentatio conquiescat, ut dolor sileat, ut 
delicti memoria vanescat, conprimatur pectorum gemitus, statuatur fletus oculorum 
ne dominum graviter offensum longa et plena poenitentia deprecetur." Opera 
(1520), pp. 222-223; CCSL, 3:229-230; ANF, 5:441-442. 

3:67.18-26 They imagine, . . . forgiven. See Canons and Decrees of the Council of 
Trent, Session 25 (1941), pp. 214 and 482; compare Session 6, canon 30 (pp. 46 
and 324). 

3:67.26-27 forgiven. | Now See Textual Commentary at 3:67.26 and 80.11-25 
(3:357-358). Pace Ussher, the prayers, fasts, and alms discussed in this passage are 
works of satisfaction and do concern the doctrine of purgatory addressed here. 

3:70. (f Ipsius . . . c. 16. Bellarmine, De saaamento poenitentia, 1.16: "The action 
(namely, of the penitent) is not part of the sacrament, except to the extent that it 
is subjected to sacerdotal power, and is directed or commanded by a priest"; Opera 
omnia (1872), 3:618. Bellarmine is here responding to an attack of Martin Chem- 
nitz (1522-1586) in his Examen concilii Tridentini (1565-1573) on the Council's 
position that penitence was a sacrament. On Chemnitz's Examen, see 5:111.7.n, 
this edn. 

3:71.8-10.e Our Lord . . . sentence. Ibid,, 3.2 (not 3.1 as in H); Opera (1872), 

3:71 f Quod si possent . . . ibidem. "If they are able to be absolved without the 
pronouncement of the priest, the promise of Christ would not be true"; (1872), 

3:71.22 Quietus est. An old formula for "He is quit, his account has been settled"; 
compare Shakespeare, Hamlet, 3.1.74 (Riverside edn.). 


Book VI, Chapter 5.9-6.6 

3:72.^ Christus , . . 16:19. "Christ has translated his ordinary power to the 
Aposdes; the extraordinary he has reserved to himself. For the ordinary remedies 
instituted by him in the church to remit sins are the sacraments, without which 
Christ is able to remit sins, but he does this extraordinarily and very rarely. He 
does not w^ill, therefore, that men should trust in extraordinary remedies for the 
remission of sins, which are rare and uncertain; rather, he wills that they seek the 
ordinary and, as they say, the visible remedies of the sacraments." Juan Maldonado 
(1534—1583), In Matt. 16.19, in Commentarii in quattuor Evangelistas (1621), col. 
350. Maldonado w^as a Spanish theologian and exegete who taught at the Jesuit 
College de Clermont at Paris. As these commentaries were published in two vols, 
in 1596-1597, this reference helps date the 1648 draft. 

3:73.3-15 Att the words . . . Lord. See 3:69.17-24 and textual note (3:558). 
Keble argues that "the insertion of this paragraph here is probably a mistake; the 
whole of it except the quotation 6:om St. Clement being found in other parts of 
this book" (3:76n). 

3:73.7—10.1 TTu sinnes . . . offenses. Cyprian, De lapsis, chap. 17; Opera (1520), p. 
223; CCSL, 3:230; ANF, 5:442. The translation is repeated below, lines 16—19, 
with the Latin in /. 

3:73.11-14.7 Our Lord . . . sinne. Paedagogus, chap. 3; (1550), p. 2; PG, 8:257- 
258; ANF, 2:210. Clement of Alexandria (150?— 215?) ^vas the first great theologian 
of the tradition that sought to integrate Christianity with the ideas of Greek 

3:73.16-19./ The sinnes . . . offenses. See 3:73.7-10.i.n, above. 

3:74.m Victor, de persec. Vandal. Victor, bishop of Vita in N. Afirica (late 5C), 
Historia persecutionum, quas in Africa olim circa D. Augustini tempora, Christiani perpessi 
sub Genserycho et Hunerydw Vandolorum regibus, bk. 2 (1537), pp. 46—47. Victor's 
History, written about 485 while in exile, is based on contemporary material and 
his own experiences; Keble notes that "Hunneric, king of the Arian Vandals in 
Afiica, had by one edict driven into exile bishops, priests, deacons and other 
members of the church catholic to the number of 4961" (3:77n). 

3:76.19—20 sinnes, . . . forgivenes; See Tertullian, De pudidtia, chap. 2; Opera 
(1566), 2:470; PL, 2:985; CCSL, 2:1285; ANF, A-J&-11. 

3:76.20-24 that middle . . . come: Ibid., chap. 3; (1566), 2:470; PL, 2:985-986; 
CCSL, 2:1286; ANF, 4:77. 

3:76.24-25 Idolatrie . . . nature. Ibid., chap. 5; (1566), 2:472; PL, 2:988-989; 
CCSL, 2:1288; ANF, 4:77-78. See Acts 15:29. 

3:76.25-29 they which see . . . shame. Ibid., chap. 1; (1566), p. 468; PL, 2:983; 
CCSL, 2:1283; ANF, 4:75. 



3:76.29— 77. 4.n *'For saith he, . . , desire." Ibid., chap. 9: "Quis enim timebit 
prodigere, quod habebit postea recuperate? Quis curabit perpetuo conservare, quod 
non perpetuo poterit amittere? secuhtas delecti etiam Hbido est ejus"; (1566), p. 
480; PL, 2:997-998; CCSL, 2:1297-1298; ANF, 4:83. 

3:77.4—17 "Greater . . . Commission." Ibid., chap. 21: "Itaque si et ipsis beatis 
Apostolis tale aliquid indulsisset, constaret cuius venia a Deo non ab homine 
competeret, non ex disciplina, sed ex potestate fecisse. Nam et mortuos suscitave- 
runt, quod deus solus: et debiles redintegraverunt, quod nemo nisi Christus: imo 
et plagas inflixerunt, quod noluit Christus. Non enim decebat eum saevire qui pati 
venerat. Percussus est Ananias et Elimas: Ananias morte, Elimas caecitate .... Sic 
et prophetae caedem et cum ea moechiam poenitentibus ignoverant, quia et 
severitatis documenta fecerunt. Exhibe igitur et nunc mihi Apostolice prophetica 
exempla, et agnoscam divinitatem, et vindica tibi delictorum eiusmodi remit- 
tendorum potestatem. quod si disciplinae solius ofEcia sortitus es, nee imperio 
praesidere, sed ministerio, quis aut quantus es indulgere? qui neque prophetam, nee 
Apostolum exhibens, cares ea virtute cuius est indulgere." (1566), p. 506; PL, 
2:1024; CCSL, 2:1326; ANF, 4:98-99. 

3:77.24 Novatian ... a Stoical! Philosopher H would have learned of his heresy 
from Eusebius, Eales. hist., 6.43; on his baptism (line 30), see 2:264. 5-6.n, above. 
This passage on Novatian has special relevance here, for Novatian was remembered 
as a "rigorist" on the issue of forgiveness and readmission to church fellowship 
after a "lapse" into idolatrous paganism. His followers were known as "cathari"; 
see below, 3.78.25 and n. Litde is known of his early life, but his extant works 
demonstrate that he was well educated and familiar with philosophy. He was 
commonly confused with his more extreme contemporary from Carthage, Nova- 
tus — an error reflected in the passage cited above from Eusebius. The damaging 
accounts of his baptism, confirmation, ordination as presbyter in the Roman 
church and "haughty" character were evidently perpetrated by his opposition, 
including his rival for the office of bishop of Rome, Cornelius. See ODCC. 

3:77.31 and o Bishop Fabian, bishop of Rome, whose martyrdom in 250 during 
the Decian persecution led to the choice by the majority of Cornelius as bishop 
over Novatian, supported by a minority, contrarie . . . Church, Council of 
Neocaesarea, canon 12: "Si quis in aegritudine constitutus, fuerit baptizatus, 
presbyter ordinari non dent. Non enim fides illius voluntaria, sed ex necessitate est, 
nisi forte postea ipsius studium et fides probabilis fuerit, aut hominum raritas 
cogat"; "If someone who is ill is illuminated, he cannot be elevated to a presbyter, 
for his faith would not be from choice but from necessity — unless perhaps after 
these things through his zeal and faith, and a scarceness of men"; Concilia (1585), 
1:471; Mansi, ed., Saaum conciliorum nova (1759), p. 542. 

3:78.11-18 and p There was . . . Schoole. H's citation for this paragraph is not 
straightforward. Lines 11-18 are based on bk. 1.10 of Socrates, Hist, eales., as pub- 


Book VI, Chapter 6.6 

lishedby Stephanus in 1544, fol. 180' (PG, 67:101-102; NPNF.2, 2:17). However, 
altemarive chapter numbers were used, for example, by Christopherson in his Latin 
translation (1570) and by Hanmer in his English one (1577). Numbering this 
chapter as 7 of bk. 1, Hanmer notes (p. 233n) that in the Greek it is chapter 10. 
It describes the appearance of Acesius, a Novatian bishop, at Nicaea, explaining 
that Novatians do not restore penitent apostates to communion, leaving any 
pardoning to God, not to the church; hence H's citation. The emperor is Con- 
stantine (see 3:64.5— 7. n, above); Acesius became bishop of Caesarea in Palestine in 
340. Book 4.23 of Socrates is so numbered by Christopherson and Hanmer, but is 
4.28 in the Greek; Keble's citation of Sozomen 1.22 is therefore unnecessary. H's 
reference to "Concil Nicen. c. 30." is less clear. Canon 8 deals with receiving 
Novatians into the Catholic Church but does not describe their policies, as in H's 
quoted "bitter canon," which is not a canon in a formal sense and may be spuri- 

3:78.18-23 TTtat men . . . mercie. dbg apa ou XPH Touc; pexa to paTiTta^a 
ripapTfiKOTac;, ctpapTiav' r\v Tcpoc; 6dvaTov KaA.oOaiv ai 6eiai Ypa(|>ai, Tqg 
Koivojviag TG)v Beicov puaTripicov a^ioOaSar aXX eni prrdvoiav ^ev 
auTouc; TtpoTpeneiv eX.7ti6a 6e pfj Tqc; a^ozvic, Tcapd twv iepecov, dA.Xd 
Tiapd tou 6eo0 CK6execj6ai, too Suvajaevou, Kai e^ouaiav exovroe; auyxco- 
peTv dpapTri^aTa. Socrates, Hist, eales., 1.10; (1544), fol. 180'; PG, 67:101-102; 
NPNF.2, 2:17. 

3:78.25 KaOapoi, The usual modern translation is "puritans." 

3:78.28—79.1 Such is . . . fornicators. TertuUian, De pudicitia, chap. 1: "Nobis 
autem maxima aut summa sic quoque praecaventur, dum nee secundas quidem 
post fidem nuptias permittitur nosse, nuptialibus et dotalibus si forte tabulis a 
moechiae et fornicationis opere diversas. Sed ideo durissime nos infamantes 
paracletum disciplinae enormitate digamos foris sistimus." Opera (1566), p. 468; PL, 
2:983; CCSL, 2:1283; ANF, 4:75. 

3:79.2— 7.q that . , . people. First Council of Nicaea, canon 8: "De iis qui se 
Catharos, id est, puros quandoque nominant, ad Catholicam autem Apostolicam 
Ecclesiam accedunt, sanctae magnae Synodo visum est, ut impositis eis manibus sic 
in Clero maneant. Ante omnia autem hoc in scriptis ipsos profiteri convenit, quod 
adhaerebunt et sequentur catholicae Ecclesiae decreta, id est, et cum bigamis 
communicabunt, et cum iis qui in persecutione lapsi sunt, in quibus et tempus 
constitutum est, et opportunitas praefmita, ut ipsi sequantur in omnibus Ecclesiae 
Decreu." Concilia (1585), 1:485; Conciliorum oecumenicorum deaeta (1973), pp. 9-10: 
"Concerning those who call themselves Cathari, if they come over to the Catholic 
and Apostolic Church, the great and holy Synod decrees that they who are 
ordained shall continue as they are in the clergy. But it is before all things neces- 
sary that they should profess in writing that they will observe and follow the 
dogmas of the Catholic and Apostolic Church; in particular that they will commu- 



nicate with persons who have been twice married, and with those who having 
lapsed in persecution have had a period [of penance] laid upon them, and a time 
[of restoration] fixed so that in all things they w^ill follow the dogmas of the 
CathoUc Church" (NPNF.2, 14:19). 

3:80.11-25 For . . . indure. See 3:67.26-27.n, above. 

3:81. r In peccato tria sunt, . . . q. 3. "There are in sin three things: an evil action, 
interior poUution, and the sequel"; Bonaventure, In quartum Hbnim Sententiamm 
disputata, 4.17.3 (1522), fol. 149"; Opera theologica seleda (1949), 4:403. 

3:81. u' Sacerdotes . . . dis. 18. "Priests exercise the work of justice with regard to 
sinners when they bind them with a just punishment; they exercise the work of 
mercy when they relax anything concerning the punishment or conciliate by 
communion of the sacraments. They are unable to exercise any other works with 
regard to sinners." Peter Lombard, Sententiamm libri iu, 4.18.7; (1557), p. 334; PL, 

3:82.21-83.7. </ it may be . . . Communion. Ibid., 4.18.5-7: "Hoc sane dicere 
ac sentire possumus, quod solus Deus dimittit peccata et retinet: et tamen ecclesiae 
contulit potestatem ligandi et solvendi: sed aliter ipse solvit vel ligat, aliter ecclesia. 
Ipse enim per se tantum dimittit peccatum: qui et animam mundat ab interiori 
macula, et a debito aeternae mortis solvit. Non autem hoc sacerdotibus concessit, 
quibus tamen tribuit potestatem solvendi et ligandi, id est, ostendi homines ligatos 
vel solutos. . . . Quia etsi aliquis apud Deum sit solutus, non tamen in facie 
ecclesiae solutus habetur, nisi per judicium sacerdotis. . . . Ligant quoque sacerdotes, 
dum satisfactionem poenitentiae consistentibus imponunt: Solvunt, cum de ea 
aliquid dimittunt, vel per eam purgatos ad sacramentorum communionem admit- 
tunt." (1557), pp. 333-334; PL, 192:887-888. As H is translating Lombard, the 
passage should be in italics. 

3:83.10— 13. e that as the Preists . . . free. Jerome, Commentarium in XVI. Matt. 
[verse 19], bk. 3, annot. E: "Legimus Levitico de leprosis: ubi jubentur, ut 
ostendant se sacerdotibus: et si lepram habuerint, tunc a sacerdote immundi fiant: 
non quo sacerdotes leprosos faciant et immundos, sed quo habeant noticiam leprosi 
et non leprosi: et possint discemere qui mundus, quive immundus sit. Quomodo 
ergo ibi leprosum sacerdos mundum vel immundum facit: sic et hie alligat vel 
solvit episcopus et presbyter: non eos qui insontes sunt vel noxii; sed pro oflScio 
suo, cum peccatorum audierit varietates, scit qui ligandus sit quive solvendus." 
Opera (1516), 9:24"; PL, 26:122. 

3:83.26 Canon . . . Council, "lUa [id est, sacramenta antiquae legis] enim non 
causabant gratiam, sed eam solum per passionem Christi dandam esse figurabant. 
Hec vero nostra et continent gratiam et ipsam digne suscipientibus conferent"; 
"For those sacraments of the Old Law do not cause grace, but only foreshadow 
that to be given through the passion of Christ. But ours both contain grace and 


Book VI, Chapter 6.7-6.10 

confer it upon those who worthily receive." A decree of Pope Eugenius IV 
(1431—1447), Council of Rorence, Session 8, Bulla Unionis Armenionim (22 Nov. 
1439); Condliorum oecumenicomm decreta (1973), p. 541. H refers again to the 
Council at 3:89.7-9 and 26-29. 

3:83.26—84.2 according . . . intendeth. Aquinas, Scriptum . . . in quartum librum 
Sentetttiarum Magistri Petri Lombardi, 1.1.4, Opera omnia (1593), 7:4'; Scriptum super 
Sententiis (1947), 4:31-33. 

3:84/ Scot. . . . quintum. Duns Scotus, Quaestiones . . . in quatuor libros Sententen- 
tiarum Petri Lombardi, 4.1.4 and 5; Opera (1639), 8:78-109, esp. p. 
95. Occam. . . . quarti. William of Okham, Opera plurima super iv libros 

Sententiarum, 4.1 (1494-1496; rpr. 1962), sig. Rl -2*. Alliac Sent. Pierre 

d'Ailly (Alliacensis; 1350—1420), Quaestiones super primum, tertium, et quartum 
Sententiarum, 4.1; (1505), fols. 222-228". D'Ailly was a notable French theologian 
and ecclesiastic, rising to become cardinal in 1412; doctrinally he was a follower of 
Okham, and his teachings on the church — that neither pope nor council was 
infallible and that bishops and priests received their jurisdiction direcdy from Christ 
and not mediately through the pope — influenced Luther and other Reformers; see 

3:84.^ Lutherani . . . c. 2. "Lutherans sometimes write on this matter in such a 
way that they do not seem to dissent from Catholics; at other times they most 
openly write things that are contrary. But they always continue in the same way 
of thinking, namely, that the sacraments are only bare signs and do not immediate- 
ly have any eflScacy w^ith regard to grace; nevertheless they mediately afreet 
something insofar as they arouse and increase faith, . . . which they could not do 
except by representing, so that the sacraments arouse faith through seeing just as 
the preaching of the Word does through hearing." Controversiam de sacramentis in 
genere, 2.2; Bellarmine, Opera omnia (1872), 3:89. Qutedam . . . cap. 8. "For 
some signs are theoretical, instituted for no other end than to signify; others are 
instituted both to signify and to effect something, for which reason they can be 
called practical. . . . The controversy between us and the heretics is that they make 
sacramental signs to be of the former kind. Therefore, if \ve are able to sho\v that 
they are signs of the latter kind, we shall have made our case." Ibid., 2.8; (1872), 

3:85.12-13./i that water . . . birth. Compare V.59.1 (2:251.5-253.11 andnn) on 
John 3:5. 

3:85. « Semper . . . c. 5. Calvin, Acta Synodi Tridentinae cum antidoto. Session 7, on 
canon 5: "It must always be repeated for the sake of memory that sacraments are 
nothing other than instrumental causes for conferring grace upon us. . . ."; Opera, 
CR, 7:494. Si qui sint . . . can. 6. "If there be those who deny that the 
sacraments contain the grace which they figure, we condemn them." Ibid., on 
canon 6; CR, 7:494. 



3:S6.j Iste modus . , . art. 1. Aquinas, S.T., 3a.62.1: "That mode [of interpreta- 
tion] does not transcend the reason of the sign, . . . when many of [the saints] say 
that they not only signify the sacraments of the New La\v but cause grace"; (1588), 
5:191"; B, 56:52-53. 

3:86.fe Alex 1. et 2. Alexander of Hales (1170P-1245), English Franciscan 

who uught at Paris, Summa theologica, and 2 (1515—1516), fols. 48'— 49*. 
Th. . . . art. 3. Aquinas, De veritate, 28.4 [H cites 27.3]; Opera omnia (1593), 

8:474'; Truth (1954), 3:331. AUiac q. 1. Pierre d'Ailly, Quaestiones ... 

Sententiarunt, 4.1.1; (1505), fols. 222'-228''; see 3:84^n, above. Capr. . . . q. 
1. John Capreolus, Dominican of Toulouse (d. 1444), Defensiones theologiae diui 
Thomae Aquinatis in quarto Sententiarum, 1.1.1; (1906), pp. 3—4; H*s reference to 
Aquinas's De veritate is quoted here by Capreolus, as is H's next refer- 
ence. Palud. ibidem. Petrus Paludanus, patriarch of Jerusalem (d. 1342), In 
quartum Sententiarum Petri Lombardi (1493), 1.1, is also cited by Capreolus. Fer- 
rar. . . . c. 57. Aquinas, Summum Catholici Fidei contra Gentiles, cum commentariis 
Francisci Ferrariensis, 4.57; Opera omnia (1593), fols. 493'-494'; Opera (1930), 
15:190-193. Franciscus Ferrariensis (1474—1528) was regent of the Dominicum 
Studium at Bologna and was appointed in 1525 Master General of the Dominican 
order by Pope Clement VII; he was the great commentator on the Summa contra 
Gentiles of Aquinas; his commentary was published with the S.C.G. in the Leonine 
edns. of Aquinas's Opera. 

3:86.9 by immediate creation. See Aquinas, De veritate, 28.3; Opera omnia 
(1593), 8:472'; Truth (1954), 3:324. 

3:86./ Necesse est ... art. 4. Peter Lombard, Sententiarum libri quatuor; "It is 
necessary to assert that there is some supernatural power in the sacraments." This 
sentence is not to be found in Art. 4, which deals with the question "Whether the 
Sacraments of the New Law Cause Grace." Sacratnentum . . . concil. "A 
sacrament derives its spiritual power from Christ's blessing and from the act of the 
minister in putting it to sacramental use." Virtus Sacramentalis . . . Ibidem. 
"The sacramental [Aquinas says 'instrumental'] power has a being that passes from 
one thing into another, and is incomplete . . ."; S.T., 3a. 62.4; (1588), 5:193 ; B, 
56:64—65. Ex sacramentis . . . art. 4. "Two things are derived by the soul from 
the sacraments: one is character or a certain adornment, the other is grace. With 
respect to the former, the sacraments are in some way efficient causes; with respect 
to the latter, they are disposing causes. The sacraments cause a disposition toward 
the final form, but they do not induce perfection." Aquinas, Opera omnia (1593), 
7:4'. Solus Deus . . . art. 4. "God alone works grace; therefore this is not 
communicated to the angels, who are more noble than sensible creatures." Ibid., 
fol. 3". This argument, set forth at the beginning of Art. 4, is a position that 
Aquinas proceeds to refute. 

3:87. 12-21. m After the bathe of regeneration . . . quicken. "Sed postquam undae 


Book VI, Chapter 6.10-6.11 

genitalis auxilio superioris aevi labe detersa, in expiatum pectus ac purum desuper 
se lumen infiidit; postquam caelitus spiritu hausto in novum me hominem nativitas 
secimda reparavit: minim in modum protinus confirmare se dubia, patera clausa, 
lucere tenebrosa, faculutem dare, quod prius difficile videbatur, geri posse, quod 
impossibile putabatur, ut esset: agnoscere terrenum fuisse, quod prius camaliter 
natum delectis obnoxium viveret: Dei esse coepisse, quod jam spiritus sanctus 
animaret." Cyprian, epist. 2.2, Ad Donatum; Opera (1593), p. 2; epist. 1, PL, 
4:200-201, and CSEL, 3A:5; epist. 1, ANF, 5:276. 

3:87.24— 27. M Heed must . . . them: Bonaventure, In quartum Ubrum Sententiarum 
disputata, 4.1.4; (1522), fol. 8*; Opera theologica selecta (1949), 4:17. 

3:88.o Luc. 18. The reference should be to Luke 8:44. 

3:88.22— 26.p How grace . . . signe, Bellarmine, De saaamentis ingenere, 2.1; Opera 
omnia (1872), 3:85-89. 

3:88.27—89.2.^ they that ascribe . . . soule. "We say that grace is not created by 
God but rather produced from the natural aptitude and potency of the soul, just as 
all those other things are which are produced in such subjects and are begotten 
capable of sustaining accidents." Cardinal and Archbishop William Allen (1532— 
1594), Ubri tres de saaamentis in genere, 1.37 (1576), pp. 131—132. There should be 
an ellipsis after "Deo" and after "produci." Allen was the chief organizer of the RC 
mission to England during the reign of Elizabeth, founding colleges for this work 
at Douai, Rome, and Valladolid; he was created cardinal in 1587. H summarizes 
and challenges him at Vlll.6.11 (see 3:401.4—404.5 and nn, below) and is indebted 
to Libri tres in The Dublin Fragments (4:115.25-116.6 and nn). 

3:89.7-8 Council of Florence Quoted at 3:83.26.n, above, and cited at 89.26-29. 

3:89.8-9 Trent . . . grace, C of T, Session 7 (3 March 1547), canon 6, De sacra- 
mentis in genere; Condliorum oecumenicorum decreta (1973), p. 684. 

3:89.r Th. de Verito ... 16. Opera omnia (1593), 8:473"; Truth (1954), 3:324. 

3:89.26-29 For which cause . . . Christ. See nn on 3:83.26 and 89.7-8, above. 

3:90.3 Bellarmine . . . sinnewes. See 3:84.^.n, above. 

3:90.J Quod ad circumcisionem . . . c. 39. Allen, Ubri tres: "That remission which 
follow^ed circumcision came into being by reason of the thing adjoined to it and 
by reason of the divine covenant, clearly in the same way in which not only 
heretics but also some of the older scholastics wanted the new sacraments to confer 
grace"; (1576), pp. 138-139. There should be an ellipsis after "fiebat." 

3:90./,M Bonaventura, — c. 11. Bellarmine, De saaamentis in genere, 2.11: "Bona- 
venture, Scotus, Durand, Richard, Okham, Marsilius, and Gabriel [Biel] want God 
alone to produce grace with regard to the presence of the sacraments. ... 1 think 
that opinion which gives to the sacraments true efficacy to be much more probable 



and defensible. First, because the Fathers teach throughout that the sacraments are 
not effective unless they first receive firom God power, blessing, or sanctification: 
they refer the effectual working of the sacrament to the omnipotence of God and 
join it with true efficient causes. Second, because there would not be any differ- 
ence betw^een the way of administering the sacraments and the signs of the magi- 
cians. Third, because then there would not be a man of God, a minister, in the 
sacramental action, but a man would offer a sign by his action, and God would 
infuse grace on that seen sign by another action, as when one presents a promissory 
note to a merchant and the merchant pays the money. But the Scriptures teach 
that God baptizes through a man." Opera omnia (1872), 3:105. For Durandus of 
Saint-Pour^ain, see 3:18.12— 14.n, above; Richard of Middleton (d. 1305?) was a 
scholastic philosopher; for Marsilius of Padua, see below, 3:208.1 7. /i and n; see also 
Intro, to Book VII, n. 29, above; Gabriel Biel (1420-1495), a follower of William 
of Okham and one of last great scholastics, was responsible for the founding of the 
University of Tubingen, at which he held the chair of theology. 

3:92.3— 5. f TTtat Contrition . , . paenance. C of T, Session 14, canon 4: "Docet 
praeterea, etsi contritionem banc aliquando caritate perfectam esse contingat, 
hominemque Deo reconciliare, priusquam hoc Sacramentum actu suscipiatur; 
ipsam nihilominus reconciliationem, ipsi Contritioni sine Sacramenti voto, quod in 
ilia includitur, non esse ascribendam." Canones et deaeta . . . Condlii Tridentini 
(1564), p. 79; Conciliorum oecumenicorum deaeta (1973), p. 705. See 3:95.20-22. 

3:92.6— 9. u' that whosoever . . . delayed: "Scriptura enim passim docet, eos qui toto 
corde ad Dominum convertuntur, sine mora veniam peccatorum accipere"; 
Bellarmine, De saaamento poenitentia, 2.13; Opera omnia (1872), 3:654. 

3:93.x H(ec expositio. . . . art. 3. Domingo de Soto, Commentaria . . . in quartum 
Sententiarum, "This is a declaration: 'I absolve you,' that is, by showing 
the one absolved, is indeed partly true but nevertheless imperfect. For the sacra- 
ments of the New Law not only signify but effect that which they signify"; (1569), 
1:605. On Soto, see 3:17.i/.n, above. 

3:93.y,z Attritio solum . . . art. 1. Ibid., Art. 1: "Attrition speaks only about grief 
because of the punishments of hell, while the one who approaches with attrition 
becomes contrite through sacramental grace"; "When the one who is truly contrite 
because of God, that contrition is not contrition unless nature is first informed by 
grace through the sacrament intended"; (1569), 1:601. 

3:94. a Legitima contritio . . . art. 3. Ibid., Art. 3: "Legitimate contrition ought to 
induce a vow to partake of the sacrament [confession] at an opportune time; 
therefore, it remits sins in virtue of the future sacrament"; (1569), 1:606. 

3:94.fc Tunc sententia d. 18. "For then the declaration of the priest is ap- 
proved and confirmed by the judgment of God and the whole assembly of heaven, 
when it proceeds thus fi-om discretion in such a way that the merits of the postu- 


Book VI, Chapter 6.12-6.15 

lants do not contradict." Peter Lombard, Sententiarum libri iv, 4.18.8; (1557), pp. 
334-335; PL, 192:888. 

3:94.c Non est periculosum . . . Opusc. 22. "There is no danger for the priest to 
say, 'I absolve you,' to those in whom he sees the signs of contrition, which are 
sorrow for things past and the intention of not sinning further; he ought not to 
absolve others." Aquinas, Opuscula xxii, chap. 3; Opera omnia (1593), 17:195 ; 
Opuscula theologka (1954), 1:178. 

3:94.15— 18. </ pestilent . . . safety. A free translation of Cyprian, De lapsis, chap. 16; 
Opera (1520), pp. 222-223; CCSL, 3:229-230; ANF, 5:441^M2. For a more 
accurate translation with the Latin, see 3:66.21-27 and n at 3:66.4-67.3, above. 

3:95.20-21 Tridentine . . . penance. Noted above at 3:92.3-5.i/.n. 

3:96. e A reatu mortis . . . c. 7. "Through contrition, a man is absolved by God 
from the condition of eternal death. But the condition of temporal punishment 
remains, and a minister of the church takes away by power of the keys the 
condition of a ceruin part of that punishment." Alfonso Tosudo, bishop of Avila 
(Abulensis; 1400-1455), in Defensorium, 1.7 (not seen; information from Keble, 
3:100n). (1596), 12:9. Tostado was summoned by Pope Eugene IV to Siena, 
where he was condemned for heresy, and most notably for his over-strict teaching 
about the forgiveness of sins — a position he then immediately retracted. 

3:96/ Signum . . . tnemb. 2. Alexander of Hales, Summa theological "The 
sign of this sacrament is the effective cause of grace or of the remission of sins not 
simply as the first penitence but the cause according to which, because it is the cause of 
efficacious grace by means of which the remission of a sin becomes efficacious in 
the penitent and to a lesser degree the remission of the sequel of that sin, namely, 
punishment." (1515-1516), fol. 247'. H's citation (4.14.2) is likely to another edn. 

3:96.^ Potestas clavium ... q. 1. Bonaventure, In quartum librum Sententiarum 
disputata, 4.18.1: "Properly speaking, the power of the keys does not extend 
beyond guilt. . . . To that objection which is raised concerning John 20:23, 
'Whoever's sins you remit,' it must be said that this text speaks about remission 
either with respect to showing it or only with respect to punishment"; (1522), fol. 
171'; Opera theologica selecta (1949), 4:458. In bk. 4, not bk. 1, as in H. 

3:96./i Ab aetema pcena . . . q. 2. Ibid., 4.18.2: "The priest in no way absolves 
from eternal punishment, but only from purgatory. Nor does the priest do this per 
se but only by accident. For when punishment is diminished in the penitent by the 
power of the keys, the debt of temporal punishment is not punished so sharply in 
purgatory as if it were not absolute"; (1522), fol. 172'; Opera theologica selecta 
(1949), 4:460. 

3:98.2—5 What to write, . . . are. "Quid scribam vobis, patres conscripti, aut quo 
modo scribam aut quid omnino non scribam hoc tempore, di me deaeque pejus 



perdant, quam perire me cotidie sentio, si scio"; Tacitus, Annates, 6.6; Loeb, 

3:99. «■ Matt. 12:31. This ref. should have been keyed in a separate note to "Our 
Saviour" (lines 3—4); that to casting out "uncleane . . . Spiritts" is to verse 24; see 
also, Mark 3:22. 

3:101. w. 2— 6 Quam magna . . . lapsis. "Even as we have sinned greatly, so let us 
gready lament. For a deep wound let there not be wanting a diligent and long 
treatment; let the repentance not be less than the crime." Cyprian, De lapsis, chap. 
35; Opera (1520), p. 230; CCSL, 3:240; ANF, 5:446-447. Non levi agendum 
. . . f. 106. "A light contrition is not to be done to redeem those debts for 
which eternal death is due, nor is a transitory work satisfaction for those evils on 
account of which eternal fire has been prepared." Eusebius Gallicanus, Homily 40, 
Ad monachos, chap. 2; Homiliae (1547), fol. 106'; CCSL, 101A:473. 

3:101. 24.p the marke ... Cornelius touched: Peter's baptism of Cornelius, a 
Roman Centurion, at Joppa, recounted in Acts 10, was epochal in the early 
church, for it marked the first pubUcally acknowledged baptism of a Gentile, and 
its appropriateness was discussed by the church at Jerusalem. Because CorneUus 
himself was notably pious, if uncircumcised, he is granted a vision (in the verse 
cited by H) summoning him to Joppa. 

3: 103.5-1 4.r Take it, . . . therein. "Talis, mihi crede, talis est erga homines pietas 
Dei: numquam spernit poenitentiam, si ei sincere, et simpliciter offeratur. Etiam si 
ad summum quis perveniat malorum, et inde tamen velit reverti ad virtutis viam; 
suscipit, et libenter amplectitur: facit omnia, quatenus ad priorem revocet statum: 
et quod est adhuc praestantius, et ementius, etiam si non potuerit quis explere 
omnem satisfaciendi ordinem; quantulamcunque tamen, et quamlibet brevi 
tempore gestam non respuit poenitentiam: suscipit etiam ipsam, nee patitur 
quam vis exiguae conversionis perdere mercedem." Chrysostom, Ad Theodorum 
Paranesis Prior, vel de reparatione lapsi, in Opera (1531), 2:407. But H in fact trans- 
lates this passage firom Gratian, whose text differs substantially fi-om that cited in 
Chrysostom; see Gratian, Deaetum,; (1584), pp. 2317-2318; ed. Fried- 
berg, 1:1218. 

3:103.16-19.5 Lord in thy . . . forwarde. "(. . . et in libro tuo omnes scribentur.) 
Non timeant imperfecti. . . . Non timeant, ament imperfectionem . . . tantum 
proficiant. . . ."; Enarratio in Psalmum LXXXVIII, § 21; Augustine, Opera (1569), 
8:1059; PL, 37:1798. 


George Cranmer's Notes 

3:107.2-6 Mr. . . . Upon. Although Fulman ("W. F.") describes these as "upon 
the 6. and 7. books," they are exclusively on the lost draft of VI; VII is mentioned 
at 3:126.6-7. 

3:107. &-10 It . . . for yt is long. Cranmer comments on the length of H's 
sentences at 3:108.17-20 and 113.16-19, as do the author(s) of A.C.L. (4:76.17- 

3:107.15-16 The name Clerkes order. Keble (3:108n) refers here to Jerome, 

epist. 52, Ad Nepotianum, § 5; Opera (1516), 1:7*; PL, 22:531: "Igitur clericus qui 
Christi servit ecclesiae: interpretetur primo vocabulum suum: et nominis definitio- 
ne prolau, nitatur esse quod dicitur. Si enim cleros graece, sors latine appellatur: 
propterea vocantur clerici: vel quia de sorte sunt domini: vel quia ipse dominus 
sors, id est pars, clericorum est"; "Therefore a cleric is one who serves the church 
of Christ. The word itself should first be interpreted, so that when its definition has 
been set forth, it strives to be that which it says. For if it is called KA,qpo<; {cleros) 
in Greek, it is called a share in Latin. Therefore they are called clerics, either 
because they are a share of the Lord, or because the Lord is a share or part of the 
clerics" (NPNF.2, 6:91). 

3:107.19 Saith Ignatius, quote yt. Keble (3:108n) argues that this reference to 
Ignatius may be one of the few places where the copy of the original Book VI 
seen by Cranmer may have agreed with the present "so called" Book VI; see chap. 
2.1 (3:4.20-22) and 3:4./.n, above. 

3:107.24 the power of ... Lawe, See H's Auto. Notes, 3:466.17-19 and n. H 
is here distinguishing between the powers of order and jurisdiction; see chap. 2.1 
(3:4.8-24); also, 3:466.17-19. 

3:108.1 I will that . . . marry. 1 Cor. 7:9; 1 Tim. 5:14. H is here introducing legal 
cases pertaining to marriage as falling under the spiritual jurisdiction of the ecclesi- 
astical courts; see Sandys, 3:130.30-132.2, and H's Auto. Notes, 3:469.16-33 and 

3:108.4-6 Or citnll is. . . . spirituall. H is distinguishing cases belonging to things 
spiritual as a basis for distinguishing cases to be dealt with by civil courts fi-onti 
those by ecclesiastical courts; see Sandys, 3:130.30-132.3 and 132.12-13, and H's 
Auto. Notes, 3:469.16—477.18. For a summary of cases within the jurisdication of 
ecclesiastical courts in H's time, see Richard Cosin, An Apologie: of, and for sundrie 
proceedings by jurisdiction ecdesiasticall, 1.2, pp. 19—20. 

3:108.8-11 Non Intendimus . . . fatdo. Decretales D. Gregorii Papae IX (1584), 
2.1.13, Novit, col. 532. H cites and translates this text in the Auto. Notes, 3:486.3— 



12; Sandys asks that the Latin be translated (3:132.4). Pope Innocent III disavowed 
temporal jurisdiction in a dispute between King John and Philip Augustus in 1204. 

3:108.14 Mallem. "I should prefer" (also at 3:117.14). 

3: 108.21 Curiae Christianitatis. "Curias or courts of Christianity." Commented on 
by Sandys, 3:132.11-13. A curia or court was originally one of the thirty districts 
into which Romulus divided the Roman people, ten for each of the three tribes. 
The word later referred to one of the edifices in which the Senate held its consul- 
tations, an assembly of the Senate, or an official place of assembly of high councils 
outside of Rome. 

3:108.24 of good men. Corrected by Sandys (3:132.11-13). 

3:108.32 D. Raynoldes. John Rainolds (1549-1607), H's former tutor at Corpus 
Christi College at Oxford (see Walton's UJe, Keble, 1:11, 19-21); he is mentioned 
again at 3:112.2. Rainolds emerged in the spring of 1586 as both a defender of the 
C of E and a radical proponent of reform of ecclesiastical government, strongly in 
fevor of lay elders but against their participation in excommunication; see Dent, 
Protestant Reformers in Elizabethan Oxford (1983), esp. p. 140; also, pp. 2, 133, 148. 

3:108.33-34 Last of all . . . opinion. Corrected by Sandys, 3:132.18. 

3:108.35 Draco? Athenian statesman and lawgiver (7C BC), first to codify the laws 
of Athens. Aristotle, Politics, 2.9.9, noted: "there is nothing peculiar in his laws that 
is worthy of mention, except their severity in imposing heavy punishment" (1274 ; 
Loeb, pp. 170-171). 

3:108.36 St quis privatus aut populus. "If any private individual or the people ." 

3:1 10.2 Elias the Levite. Hebrew scholar (1472-1549) quoted by H in V.20.3 and 
73.6; see nn at 2:74. n and 404.z. 

3:110.5—29 Cutt of from . , . enough. H's teaching about the degrees of excom- 
munication is not altogether perspicacious or, in the eyes of his critics, "custom- 
ary." Compare the present passage with III. 1.7 (1:198.1-23; noted by Cranmer, 
"In the third . . ."); see 3:112.17-29.^; Sandys, 132.21-27 and 133.32-134.4; and 
H's Auto. Notes, 481.30—483.2. In its most general sense Paul's "anathema" 
(Rom. 9:3) simply means "separation from God," not a formal ecclesiastical 
sentence; see 482.20-27.n, where H cites Yves de Chartres, Panormia, 5.89, from 
Gratian, Decretum, 24.3.9; ed. Friedberg, 1:992-993. In this more general or 
etymological sense "anathema" is for H the genus of the three degrees of excom- 
munication: separation, anathema, and execration; the two basic kinds of excom- 
munication are excommunication by a judge {excommunicatio ajudice) and excom- 
munication invoked by the mere performance of a forbidden act {excommunicatio a 
canone), as noted by Sandys, 3:133.32-134.3, below. See F. Donald Logan, Excom- 
munication and the Secular Arm in Medieval England (1968), pp. 13-15, and Ralph 
Houlbrooke, Church Courts and the People during the English Reformation 1520-1570 


George Cranmer's Notes 

(1979), p. 48. When formally legislated by man, however, anathema becomes a rite 
for solemnizing either of these two, and in this more specific sense, anathema is for 
H one of the three degrees of exconununication, as clarified by his note at 3:482. 
20-23. Calvin's distinction between excommunication and anathema is much 
closer to what Cranmer describes as "more common usage"; see Inst., 4.12.10; 
(1960), 2:1238; see also Travers's distinction between separation and excommuni- 
cation in A Full and Plain Declaration, pp. 163—164. 

3:110.5-7 In the third . . . Church. See III.1.7 and 13 (1:204.30-205.6). 

3:110.14 St Pauls meaning "For I wolde wish my self to be separate [av&6epa] 
from Christ, for my brethren that are my kinsmen according to the flesh" (Rom. 
9:3); dvdOepa here means specifically "delivered up to God for destruction." 

3:110.24-26 especially in theis dayes . . . nothing: Both sides regretted the 
contemporary neglect of excommunication; see Whitgift, Defense, p. 662 (PS, 
3:223—224): ". . . it is also commonly neglected and contemned: I pray God it may 
be restored again to the first purity." Cartwright, TTte Rest of the Second Replie 
(1577), pp. 60-61; see also F. Douglas Price, "The Abuse of Excommunication 
and the Decline of Ecclesiastical Discipline under Queen Elizabeth," English 
Historical Review, 57 (1942): 106-115. 

3: 11 1.1— 2 St Gregorie. . . . later Gregory H quotes Gregory of Nyssa in chap. 4.6 
and 7 (see nn to 3:29.22-25/ and 32.3-7.0, above). Keble (3:11 In) observes that 
"this may be noted as a second instance in which the note might possibly refer to 
the sixth book as it stands." "The later Gregory" would be Gregory the Great, 
pope 590-604, less authoritative in 16C England than the 4C Father, Gregory of 

3:111.4—15 By this yt may . . . prevayled. On this folio (16), H evidendy began 
his discussion of those cases that are "spiritual" and therefore belong to the 
jurisdiction of the ecclesiastical courts; see 3:118.19—121.2, below, Sandys's Notes 
at 3:130.30-132.2 and 133.8-30, and nn, below. 

3:111.4-5 in the 4 booke Chap. 12.2 (1:320.16-321.5). 

3:1 1 1 .33-36 if any such thing . . . fitt. Pope Victor 1 (189-198), who undertook 
to excommunicate Polycrates of Ephesus and other bishops of Asia Minor for 
refiising to give up observing Easter on 14 Nisan instead of the following Sunday. 
Due to widespread protest, he probably did not follow through his intention. He 
did, however, depose the presbyter Florinus for defending Valentinian doctrines, 
and he excommunicated Theodotos, the founder of the heretical movement 
known as dynamic monarchianism. The case of Victor is cited here to raise the 
question of a wrong excommunication (Keble, l:xxxvi). 

3:112.2 D. Raynoldes See 3:108.32 and n, above. 

3:112.5 D. Some Robert Some (1542— 1609), author of /i^t/Zy fre<i<ise cofitoining 



and deciding certaine questions, touching the ministerie, saaaments, and church (1588; STC 
22908), and A godly treatise, wherein are examined and confuted many execrable fancies, 
given out and holden, partly by H. Barrow and J. Greenwood: partly by other of the 
anabaptistical order (1589; STC 22912). Keble (3:1 12n) suggests that Some's "wishe 
for more perspicuity" must have been in some private letter, "for of Some's 
published tracts the only one which from its date could have referred to Hooker 
is 'Questions wherein is handled that Christ died for the elect alone,' etc. Camb. 
1596: [STC 22913a] in which Hooker is not mentioned." 

3:112.5—13 opinion . . . etc. See Lucretius, De rerum natura, bk. 3 (Loeb, 2nd 
edn. [1982], pp. 188-191). 

3:112.17—20 You knoAve . . . used. See Textual Intro., 3:xxxii, and H's Auto. 
Notes, 3:481.26-483.2 and n, below. 

3:112.17—18 You knowe ... accused. See, for example. Admonition and "A 
View of Popishe Abuses" {P.M., pp. 17-18, 33-34). 

3:112.30 Magistratus me execrator. "The magistrate who punishes me." 

3:113.1—3 The people of God. . . . people. This is the first time Cranmer has men- 
tioned ruling elders, the major topic for the polemic of Book VI. Something of the 
ambiguity of the office of the presbyterian conception of the elder reflected in this 
passage is summarized by CoUinson: "And what was the elder? A layman, an 
exalted churchwarden, annually appointed, partly as a safeguard against the clerical- 
ism of a dictatorial pastor? Or was he a non-preaching presbyter, an ordained and 
permanent minister of the Church who differed firom the pastor only in that his 
business was government rather than edification? Generally, the tendency in 
Calvinist churches was to progress (or regress?) from a lay to a clerical idea of the 
eldership" {E.P.M., p. 299). Sutcliffe expresses the establishment view of the 
jurisdictional authority claimed for lay elders by Cartwright, "the lorde great master 
of discipline": "First, the Elders shall have authoritie to make all orders and 
decrees, and abrogate the same. Secondlie, they shall have power to chuse officers 
in the Church, and to depose them. Thirdlie, they shall be judges in all causes of 
faith, doctrine, and manners, so farre as appertaineth to concience. Lastlie, (that 
they want no meanes to bring under the rebellious) they shall have authoritie to 
admonish, suspend, excommunicate, and absolve"; Treatise, p. 136; also, pp. 112— 

113.11-14 Importeth cheifety ... to Kupiov. Cranmer returns to the topic at 
3:114.5-11, 117.1-3, 119.1, and 123.13, below; see H's Auto. Notes Of Jurisdiction 
(3:466.17-469.13). Aristotle discusses "the sovereignty of the state" (Kupiov TT\(; 
TioXecog) in Politia, 3.5.1 (1279*; Loeb, pp. 204-205) and 3.6.1 (1281*; pp. 218- 
219), and "the sovereignty of the constitution" (to Kupiov Tf\q 7loX,iTeiaQ) in 
4.1.5 (1289*; pp. 280-281). 

3:113.19 common good of all. The argument being addressed here is the 


George Cranmer's Notes 

Puritans' assertion that the form of polity which best promotes "the common good 
of all" is "mixed"; see, for example, Cartwright: "I declared that the mixed estate 
is best, bothe by the example of the Kingdome of Christ, and also by thys of our 
reahne"; Replye, p. 182 [145]; Whitgift, Defense, pp. 649-650. 

3:113.21 That threefold cable . . . speaketh. Eccles. 4:3. Compare VIII. 18.10 

3:113.22 Solon Aristotle discusses the femous Athenian legislator in the context of 
the Court of the Areopagus (mentioned by Cranmer, lines 33-34), as one who, 
like Lycurgus, "instituted both laws and constitutions"; Politics, 2.9.1; 1273 ; Loeb, 
pp. 164-165. 

3:113.22—23 Machiavel . . . Tit. Liv. Niccolo Machiavelli, Discorsi sopra la prima 
decade di Tito Uvio, chap. 2; (1550), fols. 4"-5''; (1887), pp. 10-17. 

3:1 13.33 According unto Astrology. Although judicial astrology was highly reputed 
in the 16C, H nowhere else refers to it, and we may infer, as with H's "simili- 
tude" of the alchemist below (3:124.12), that the analogy was intended to ridicule 
"theyr pretended mixture." 

3:113.33-34 Court . . . optimates. The court of the Areopagus is attributed to 
Cecrops, the mythical founder of Athens. Solon in 594 BC extended its jurisdiction 
by entrusting to it the guardianship of the laws and the power of enforcing them: 
"As for Solon, he is considered by some people to have been a good lawgiver, as 
having put an end to oligarchy when it was too unqualified and having liberated 
the people firom slavery and established our traditional democracy with a skilful 
blending of the constitution: the Council on the Areopagus being an oligarchic 
element, the elective magistracies aristocratic and the law courts democratic"; 
Aristode, Politia, 2.9.2; 1273 ; Loeb, pp. 164-165. The Apostle Paul was brought 
before this court in AD 51 (Acts 17:19). Travers compares the lay elders to it: 
"Therefore those Elders be such as those officers off the Athenienses were who 
had charge: to see the lawes kept, or as the Censors off Rome who exacted and 
examined citezens life according to the lawes"; and again: "Therefore as Lacede- 
mon had an assemblie off Elders, Athenes a high court named Areopagus, Rome 
a Senate, and fynally every Kingdom and common welthe a Counsell w^hos 
authoritie is chiefe and soveraigne in all affaires and by whom the rest off society 
are governed, so lyke wise the churche hath an assembly off Elders by whose 
authoritie ecclesiasticall and church matters are governed and administrated"; A 
Full and Plaine Declaration, pp. 156 and 161. 

3:113.35 theyr pretended mixture, Aristotle discusses the principles for deter- 
mining the combination or "mixture" of democracy and oligarchy in Politics, 
4.6.1-6; 1294*— 1294 ; Loeb, pp. 318-323. Calvin argues that monarchy in the 
church is to be accorded Christ alone, and that the church can have no human 
head; Inst., 4.6.8; (1960), 2:1109. Travers says that "for asmuch as all things are 



ordered and governed by the authority off certen chosen men who are cheife in 
the congregation in godlines and vertewe, we may call the government off the 
churche Aristocratic, that is that government and state wherein a few off the best 
do beare the rule: or rather Theocratie, that is the government off god, seeing that 
they have no authoritie to do any thing but by the word and commandement off 
god"; A Full and Plaine Declaration, p. 177. Cartwright declares "that the mixed 
estate is best, bothe by the example of the kingdome of Christ, and also of thys 
our realme. It is sufficient nowe to admonyshe you, that although it be graunted 
that the government of the one be the best in the common wealth, yet it can not 
be in the church. For the Prince may wel be Monarche immediately betweene 
God and the common wealth, but no man can be Monarche between God and 
hys church but Christ, whych is the only head thereof; Replye, p. 182 [145]; 
Whitgift, Defense, p. 650. Whitgift argues that "those that be learned know, that 
the government of the church is neither populare, nor Aristocratical, . . . but a 
Monarchic. For in every particular church where there is a christian Magistrate, he 
is chiefe and principall over the rest: . . . Of the universall churche onely Christ is 
the head and chief, and therfore the state of it is Monarchicall"; Defense, p. 641. 

3:113.36-114.1 Fourthly. . . . specified. The numbers "four," "five," and "three" 
all derive from different ways of classifying Aristotle's six forms of constitution 
(noXiTeia): royal government (PaaiX,euT6v), aristocracy (dpiaxoKpaTiKOv), 
republic (7IoA,itik6v), and tyranny (not mentioned here); see Politics, 3.11.11; 
1288*; Loeb, pp. 270-271. But he continues: "Furthermore there are two constitu- 
tions (7CoA,iTeTai) by the side of democracy and oligarchy, one of which [aristoc- 
racy] . . . has been referred to as one of the four forms of constitution (. . . monar- 
chy [povapxiav], oligarchy [oA-iyapxiav], democracy [SqpoKpaTiav] and the 
fourth form called aristocracy [apiaroKpaTiav]), but there is a fifth, entitled by 
the common name of them all (for it is called constitutional government [7ioA,i- 
Teiav]), but as it does not often occur it is overlooked by those who try to 
ennumerate the forms of constitution, and they use the four names only (as does 
Plato) in the list of constitutions"; Politics, 4.5.9; 1293*-1293 ; Loeb, pp. 312-313. 

3:114.12 Tribunes.... 2. Livy refers to "the tribunes of the people" {tribuni 
plebei), magistrates of the plebeians chosen by their constituency who had the right 
to aid the people against the consuls, in Ab urbe condita, 2.23 (Loeb, 1:324—325). 

3:114.26-30 But of one thing ... yt. Compare 3:120.35-121.2, below. H 
evidently began here his detailed refutation of the claim that the office of lay elders 
and consistorial government in the church have their foundation in ancient Jewish 

3:114.31-115.2 Layelders in causes spirituaH. The establishment's position 

was that the ancient Jewish elders had both ecclesiastical and civil jurisdiction, but 
that they did not judge matters of faith, excommunicate, or absolve; see Sutcliffe, 
Treatise, pp. 114—115; De presbyterio, chap. 2, p. 9. 


George Cranmer's Notes 

3:115.15 Decurion. A division or company consisting often; the name >vas first 
given by Romulus to the head of the tenth part of a curia. The term was later 
used more generally to refer to a division or company. H is dealing here with the 
leaders or nobility of the large number of people listed in the census of Moses in 
the wilderness of Sinai (Num. 1:2, 18-19). H's point is that the decurions were 
drawn from and represented the "gentry," not the common people; see 3:118.27— 
31. John Bridges argued that "those selfsame men which before were created 
captaines" were called to be among the seventy elders called by Moses to assist 
him; A Defence of the Govemement Established (1587), p. 238. Sandys (134.32) 
expresses his opinion that H has derived larger numbers of "gentry" to be repre- 
sented by "decurions" than the biblical texts warrant. 

3:1 15.22 Judges before appointed. Moses was to judge cases that w^ere ^vithout legal 
precedent and that required a special oracle (see Exod. 18:21—26). Ordinary cases 
were to be handled by appointed judges (Deut. 16:18-20) or by lay leaders (Num. 
11:16-17, 24-25). Whitgift deals with Exod. 18 in die Defense, p. 656 (PS, 3:208). 

3:116.5 Inferiour Judges. Discussed below, 3:118.19-21, 119.13, and by Sandys, 
135.28. Sutcliffe treaty the distinction between "inferior" and "superior" judges in 
the context of Num. 11, Exod. 18, and Deut. 17 in his Treatise, pp. 107—108; De 
presbyterio, chap. 4, p. 14. 

3:116.8—12 It seemeth by this . . • advise. Cranmer and Sandys are both 
concerned over the origin, constituency, and number of the court of 70; see 
Cranmer, 3:116.15-18 and 118.19-121.1; and Sandys, 3:135.15-20, 135.31-136.4, 
136.8—9, and 137.5. Sandys mentions the account of the origin of the 70 in Num. 
11 at 137.12. Fulke bases the presbyterian teaching about the lay eldership on 
Num. 11:16 in A Briefe and Plaine Declaration (1584), pp. 19-20. Bridges and 
Sutcliffe deny that the elders came from the 70; see A Defense of the Government 
Established, p. 238, and De presbyterio, chap. 4, p. 16, and chap. 2, pp. 7 and 9, 
respectively. On the relation of the Sanhedrin to the elders and the judges in the 
polemic concerning the lay elders, see Rudolph P. Almasy, "Richard Hooker's 
Book VI: A Reconstruction," Huntington Library Quarterly, 42 (1979): 122-126. 
On the origin, history, nature, and function of the Sanhedrin, see "Sanhedrin," 
The Interpreter's Dictionary of the Bible (New York: Abingdon, 1962), 4:214-218; 
and "aoveSpjov," Theological Dictionary of the New Testament, ed. Gerhard Fried- 
rich, trans. G. W. Bromiley (Grand Rapids, Mich.: Wm. B. Eerdmans, 1971), 

3:116.13—14 ofPriestes onely. . . . Exclusive. Sandys clarifies the point at issue at 

3:116.19-20 Did farther devise booke. Compare Ill.tide (1:193.1-6). 

3:116.32—33 Po5t /toe ... greeke. "After this and other matters." Sandys likewise 
objects to "Greeke authors cited in Latin" (3:136.15). 



3:117.1-3 Chiefety of regiment. . . . dominion. See 3:1 13.1 l-14.n, above. 

3:117.7 their 3 first kings . . . God, Saul, David, and Solomon: the kings of the 
United Monarchy. 

3:117.10-11 Alludeth . . . categorically. Sandys concurs (3:136.18-19). 

3:117.13-22 Afterwarde scribes Scribe. See Sandys (3:136.21-23). 

3:1 17.16-18 Such . . . another. Gamaliel was a famous liberal rabbi, known for his 
tolerant spirit; see Acts 5:34—40, where he is said to be both a Pharisee and a 
teacher of law; also Acts 22:3. At this point, H has evidently made the transition 
from discussing the structure of the Jewish court system in the OT to that in the 
NT. At stake was the argument that in Matt. 18:17 ("tel it unto the Church") 
Jesus presupposed and "translated" to the church the polity of the Jews; see 
Sutcliffe, Treatise, pp. 111-113; De presbyterio, chap. 8, pp. 45-56. In both passages, 
SutclifFe refers to Calvin's interpreution of Matt. 18:17 in Inst., 4.11.1; (1960), 

3:117.19-20 No^iKd. NopiKoi. No|iiiKa means "relating to laws," and as a 
substantive (vojaiKoi) means "lawyers." naiSiKa is an adjective meaning "of 
children," whether boy or girl, but more commonly the former, "of boys." It is 
used by Plato as "darling" or "favorite" in Protagoras, 315E (Loeb, pp. 114-115); 
also, Phaedrus, 239A (pp. 448-449). 

3:117.30 Senatus, sacerdotes. "The senate," "the priests." Compare Acts 5:21, 27, 
34; Mark 14:53, 55; also 3:122.24-123.8. 

3:117.31 Th'arraignement of Herode. Herod Antipas; see Luke 23:6-8. 

3:118.20-21 for the ease ... Inferiour Judges: Exod. 18:25-26. Compare 
3:116.5 and Sandys, 135.28. 

3:118.21-25 afterwardes . . . of Moses spirite. Num. 11:16-17, 24-25. Com- 
pare 3:116.9. 

3:118.29-31 the rest were . . . senate; Compare 3:120.28-29. Whitgift speaks 
out against princes and nobles being disciplined by common people who happen 
to be lay elders in Defense, pp. 656-657 (PS, 3:209-210); see also pp. 683-684 (PS, 


3:119.1 TO Kupiov See 3:1 13.1 l-14.n, above. 

3:119.4-5 That therein. This would parallel the situation in Tudor England, 

where the king was supreme governor over both civil and ecclesiastical affairs, 
including the courts. 

3:119.8-9 Ely, . . . Simon; Eli the Levite became high priest and judge of Israel 
and immediately preceded Samuel. Simon = Simeon, the second son of Jacob by 
Leah, was the eponymous ancestor of the southernmost of the tribes of Israel. 


George Cranmer's Notes 

3:119.9-120.21 That the sUte of Jury ... reformation. Compare Sutcliffe, 
Treatise, p. 142. 

3:1 19.1 3-1 4.<i those . . . upon Jethroes motion; Exod. 18:24-26; Deut. 16:18. 
On the "Inferiour Judges," see 3:116.5 and 118.19-21 and Sandys, 135.28. 

3:119.17-18 as they would have it . . . Ecclesiasticall. Compare Sutcliffe, 
Treatise, p. 114. 

3:120.8—21 ivhereas it is alwayes . . . reformation. See Sutcliffe, Treatise, p. 80; 
De presbyterio, chap. 4, pp. 20, 29. 

3:120.22 Ne sutor) A sutor is a shoemaker or cobbler. Cranmer is referring to the 
proverb, "Sutor ne supra crepidam judicaret"; "Let the cobbler stick to his last." 
See PUny the Elder, Natural History, 35.36.85; Loeb, 9:324-325. 

3:120.28-29 the rest were of the Nobility . . . people; See 3:118.29-31. 

3:121.2 that which before ... 28. At 3:114.26-30. Whitgift states that "It is 
very unlike that our saviour Christ would borow any such manner or forme of 
government from the Jewes: seeing the same was neither before prescribed unto 
them by God, nor yet at that time righdy used, but moste shamefully abused"; 
Defense, p. 663; PS, 3:227. 

3:121.17—33 w^hat their opinion is . . . arising. See Sandys's endorsement, 

3:121.24 Erastus, See Pref 2.9 (1:11.21-33) and n, above. Sutcliffe's De 
presbyterio (1591) was written against the positions of Erastus and Beza. 

3:121.27-29 those wordes of Mr Carthwright . . . them. Cranmer could be 
referring H to a passage such as the following, where Carrwright, in the context of 
arguing that the order of elders is perpetual, either in times of persecution under 
tyrants or in times of peace under Christian magistrates, gives a "general descrip- 
tion" of the office of lay elders: "For the elders office \vas to admonish severally 
those that dyd amisse, to comfort those which he saw weak and shaking, to assist 
the pastor in ecclesiasticall censures of reprehensions, sharper or milder as the 
faultes required, also to assist in the suspensions from the supper of the Lord untill 
some triall w^ere had of the repentance of that party which had confessed hym selfe 
to have offended, or else if he remayned stubbome, to assist hym in the excom- 
munication"; Cartwright also argues that the early church did not by any means 
"meddle with those things which belonged unto a magistrate, no more under a 
tyrant then under a godly magistrate"; Replye, pp. 175—176 [140] (Whitgift, 
Defense, p. 634). The "p. 70" Cranmer refers to is evidendy to fol. 70 of H's own 

3:121.29-31 And I like . . . question. See II. 1.2 (1:144.34-145.34); "the sute 
of the quaestion" is a term from Aristotle's Rhetoric, 3.13: "A speech has two parts. 



It is necessary to state the subject, and then to prove it" (1414*; Loeb, pp. 424— 
425). See 4:75. 17.n, above. 

3:122.1 Auncients simply so named. Sandys agrees, 3:136.31. 

3:122.7-18 Which condemned Christ. . . . Court. Sutcliffe observes that "They 
[the disciplinarians] say further, that the Jewish Elders did not condemne our 
Saviour to die, which is contrarie to the text of Scripture. Likewise, that Stephen 
was slain by tumult, which is untrue. For he was brought before the counsel and 
Elders, examined, heard, condemned, executed with all formality of lawe"; Treatise, 
p. 114. 

3:122.12 that . . . concerning Jehosaphat, See 3:119.9-120.8. 

3:122.22 Power of life and death. Compare Sandys, 3:136.28-30. 

3:123.13 SiTTOV xd Kopiov. See 3:1 13.1 l-14.n, above. 

3:123.17.^ Judceorum Synodum. "The council of the Jews." Cranmer rightly points 
out that synodus, from the Greek avvoboq, is feminine in gender and should not 
therefore be modified, as H has apparently done, by adjective modifiers, such as 
"damned," "that," or "constituted," which have a neuter ending. Compare 
Whitgift's thorough discussion of the derivation and meaning of synedrium or 
auveSpiov in Defense, pp. 663-664 (PS, 3:327-328). 

3:123.22 quum per alium. "When through another." 

3:123.28-29 St Paul, . . . Romans etc> H is now refuting the disciplinarian 
claim that the apostles established lay elders and consistorial government in every 

3:124.1-8 And here because Mr . . . way. Laurence Chaderton, A fruitfull 
sermon, upon the and 8. verses, of the 12. Chapiter of the Epistle of S. Paul 
to the Romanes (1584; STC 4926): "Now if you aske me, how manie members 
there be in the bodie: what they be: and howe they bee named or called: and 
what be their duties and callings: the Aposde him selfe will aunswere plainly in the 
next verses, and perfecdie and fully determine all these questions saying: These 
members are either Doctors to teach. Pastors to exhort, Elders to rule. Deacons to 
distribute, Attenders uppon the poore straungers and the sicke, or else the people 
and saints, which are taught, exhorted, ruled, and receive almes and releefe. These 
are al: no mo, no fewer. So the necessity of the relation plainly prooveth, and these 
are such as are able to execute and performe any duty belonging to the perfect 
building up, and adorning of the mystical body of Christ, as shall hereafter appeare 
more at large in the particular handling of every severall office" (pp. 34-[35]). 

3:124.12 your similitude of the Alchimist See 3:1 13.33-35.n, above. 

3:124.15-16 Auncientes. presbyters. Sandys emphasizes that these were "lay 

Auncients" (3:137.31). 


George Cranmer's Notes 

3:124.17-18 Regiments uscth, 1 Cor. 12:28; see V.78.8 (2:444.10-15), and 

Cartwright, Replye, p. 174 [138]; Whitgift, Defense, p. 628. 

3:124.24-25 CK xeptouaiot^ "Going full circle." 

3:124.28 enthymetne. In Aristotelian rhetoric, a persuasive and probable syllogism 
(from which either the major or the minor premise is omitted) that is not necessar- 
ily valid; "As, God . . . elders" (lines 29-31) is an example. 

3:124.33-125.15 For to the end. . . . requisite. Cranmer and Sandys (3:137.32- 
138.30) agree that H's argument on fol. 67 is not forceful enough against the key 
disciplinarian distinction between presbyters who teach and govern and those who 
govern only, with the latter taken by the disciplinarians as the protoype for their 
oflSce of lay elders. 

3:124./« When . . . Sharpe. Keble (3:125) has "D. Cousines" rather than "D. 
Germines." Neither "M[r] Sharpe" or "D[r] Germines" has been identified. 

3:124.33 this place onely 1 Tim. 5:17. See Sandys, 3:137.32-138.30. Compare 
Cartwright, Replye, p. 174 [138], and Whitgift, Defense, pp. 626-627 (PS, 3:150- 
151); Cartwright, Rest of the Second Replie (1577), p. 32; and Sutcliffe, De presby- 
terio, chap. 12, pp. 71, 73. 

3:125.8—10 Grst your distinction . . . proved. Following Calvin {Inst., 4.4.1, 
11.1, and 11.6), Cartwright distinguished two kinds of elders or presbyters, 
identifying the second with lay elders who do not preach or teach: "Of those 
which have care and which goveme the whole congregation, some there be which 
do bothe teach the word and governe also: some which do not teach but only 
goveme and be ayders in the governement unto those which doe teach"; Replye, 
p. 173 [138]. Whitgift rejects the notion of nonpreaching or nonteaching lay elders 
and distinguishes rather between presbyters (priests) who both preach the word of 
God and administrate the sacraments and others who are authorized only to 
administrate the sacraments; Defense, pp. 626—627. 

3:125. J.2 in Episcopo "in a Bishop." 

3:125.16-23 Mr Carthw. assertion . . . presume. "The first place is the Actes 
[14.3] which is that Paule and Barnabas dyd appoynt dyvers ministers or bishops 
which preached in every congregation which were not to be had for suche a 
number of congregations as were then to be preached unto: therefore in every 
congregation there were besides those that preached other elders which dyd only 
in government assist the pastors which preached. And what should we follow 
conjectures heere when S. Paule doth in the place before alledged [1 Tim. 5:17] 
declare what these elders are"; Cartwright, Replye, p. 174 [138]. See Whitgift, 
Defense, p. 628 (PS, 3:154-155). 

3:\25.j See . . . end of all. At 3:129.15-26. 



3:125.31 excepting their Ambrose, H is now refuting the disciplinarian claim 
that the authority of the early church Fathers supports the oflSce of lay elders. He 
begins with a passage from a treatise assumed by all parties to be by Ambrose but 
which is now known to be spurious: "Nam apud omnes utique gentes honorabilis 
est senectus. Unde et synogoga, et postea Ecclesia seniores habuit, quorum sine 
consilio nihil agebatur in ecclesia. Quod qua negligentia obsoleverit nescio, nisi 
forte doctorum desidia, aut magis superbia dum soli volunt aliquid videri"; "For 
among all peoples without fail old age is honorable. Hence, both the synagogue 
and later the church had elders, without whose counsel nothing was done in the 
church. By what negligence this office fell into disuse I do not know, unless 
perhaps it was the idleness of the doctors, or even more their pride when they 
alone wanted to consider something"; Pseudo-Ambrosius, Commentarii in Epistolam 
ad Timotheum I, chap. 5; in Ambrose, Opera (1567), 5:406. The passage is quoted 
by Calvin, Inst., 4.11.6; (1960), 2:1218; and referred to by Whitgift in his Answere 
(1572), p. 114, where he uses it to show that the names and offices of elders or 
seniors had disappeared before Ambrose's time. See Cartwright, Replye, p. 182 
[145]; Whitgift, Defense, p. 651; Cartwright, Rest of the Second Replie, p. 44; and 
Sandys, 3:140.3, 5. 

3:126.1-2 this quaestion of Layelders controversy. Compare Cranmer's.^M 

Excellent Letter , §§ 5, 8; see l:36.15-53.15.n, above; also Sutcliflfe, Treatise, p. 106. 

3:126.5-6 avac7KeuaaTiK&<; Kai KaTaoKevaanKSx;, "through dismantling 
and contriving against them." 

3:126.6-7.ife And in the Book of B so. That is, "Bishops." Cranmer has 

evidendy seen a complete first draft of Book VII. 

3:126.9-11 This one thing . . . God, For example, Cartwright argues that the 
office of lay elder is not only necessary but "the perpetual and unchangable decree 
of God . . ."; Rest of the Second Replie, p. 73. 

3:127.11-12 I do not perceave prayers. See Sandys, 3:139.7-16. 

3:127.14-17 Ignatius, that Bishops . . . BB. The passage is quoted and translated 
at 3:128.9.n, below. 

3:127.18 President . . . seniores. "President probati quique seniores, honorem 
istum non pretio, sed testimonio adepti, neque enim pretio ulla res Dei constat"; 
"Certain approved elders preside, who have obtained this honor not by money, 
but by evidence of good character; for there is no buying or selling of any kind in 
the things of God"; TertuUian, Apologeticus adversus Gentes, chap. 39; Opera (1566), 
2:692; PL, 1:469-470; CCSL, 1:150; ANF, 3:46. See Sandys, 3:139.19-21. Ter- 
tullian's text was disputed by Cartwright and Whitgift; see Cartwright, Replye, p. 
187 [149]; Rest of the Second Replie, p. 41; and Whitgift, Defense, p. 673 (PS, 
3:252-253); also, Sutcliflfe, De preshyterio, chap. 14, p. 116. 


George Cranmer's Notes 

3:127.20-23 It doth not appeare . . . urge. See Whitgift, Defense, pp. 626-627 
(PS, 3:150-153). 

3:127.25—29 Honor fratrum . . . presbyters. H quotes this passage from Cyprian's 
epist. 66 and comments upon it in VII. 23. 9 (3:286.w); see n, below, and V.80.11 
(2:470.15—19) and n, above. Cartwright interprets it: "that of Cyprian . . . noteth 
a peece of the office of these Elders (4 Book, Ep. 5), by deviding the communion 
bread into equal portions and carrying it (for the assistance of the Bishop) in little baskets or 
trayes [the sense of sportulantium]: where by placing their office in this assisting of 
the Minister, he doeth manifestly shut them owt from the ministring of the Sacra- 
ment: especially seing Cyprian in that place, noteth the honor of that office, to 
consist in that they had by reason of it, acces to this assistance of the Pastor, in so 
great mysteries, which should have been sondly put, if they might also by vertue 
of that office, themselves have ministred the Sacramentes, as wel as the Bishop"; 
Rest of the Second Replie, pp. 41—42. Whitgift responds in the Defense, pp. 674-675 
(PS, 3:254—256), although the epistle mentioning thefratres sportulantes is not men- 
tioned. See also Sutcliffe, De presbyterio, chap. 13, p. 92. 

3:127./ I tooke . . . a'wnsw^eared. "At Alexandria no presbyter is allowed to 
address the public: a regulation which was made after Arius had raised a disturb- 
ance in that church"; Socrates, Hist, eccles., 5.22; PG, 67:641-642; NPNF.2, 2:132. 
Cartw^right comments: "In other churches, where this discipline ^vas not so dili- 
gendy looked unto: there are notwithstanding markes, whereby we may know, 
that they went owt of the way. As at Alexandria, where, althowgh the Elders did 
teach: yet after Arrius was convicted of heresie, it was decreed, that the Elders should 
no more teach, by which decree, they did, as it were covertly confes: that they had 
received the reward of breaking the order of god, in permitting that the Elder, 
should teache in the church. For if it had bene of the institution of an Elder, to 
preach: Neither Arrius, nor ten thowsand moe suche heretik Elders, owght to have 
given cause of such a decrees: seing the institution of the Lord owght not to be 
broken, for any abuse of men"; Rest of the Second Replie, pp. 41—42. 

3:127.32—128.4 St Jerome drawing. ... it. Jerome, Adversus Ludferianos, chaps. 3- 
4, Epistolae . . . et libri contra Haereticos (1578), pp. 197-199; PL, 23:172-173; 
NPNF.2, 6:324. Cartwright cites and interprets this passage as follows: "And what 
if Jerome him self, althowgh an Elder of Rome, give testimony unto this cause: 
that is to say, that yt belongeth not unto an Elder of the church, to minister the 
>vord, or Sacramentes? Let his w^ordes be weighted, whereby he confesseth playnly, 
that nether Elder nor Deacon had right, but upon the Bishops commandement, so much as 
to baptiz: which notwithstanding (saith he) is licenced even to laymen in tyme of necessity" ; 
Rest of the Second Replie, p. 42. See also 3:128.5-7 and Sandys, 139.33-35 and n, 
below, where the passage is quoted. Lucifer (d. 372), bishop of Cagliari in Sardinia, 
was exiled because of his defense of Athanasius (296?-373), the principal opponent 
of Arianism. He later came into conflict with the moderate policy of the orthodox 
bishops who determined that actual Arians, if they renounced their heresy, should 



be pardoned, but not invested with ecclesiastical functions, and that those bishops 
who had merely consented to Arianism should remain undisturbed. This latter 
concession \vas unacceptable to Lucifer, and he henceforth was identified with the 
principle that no one who had yielded to any compromise whatever with Arianism 
should be aUowed to hold an ecclesiastical office. 

3:128.5-7 Pray sift this place . . . noted. "Inde venit, ut sine chrismate, et epis- 
copi jussione, neque presbyter, neque diaconus jus habeant baptizandi"; Jerome, 
Aduersus Luciferiattos, chap. 4, in Epistolae . . . et libri contra haereticos (1578), p. 199; 
PL, 3:173; partially translated by Cartwright in the preceding n. See Sandys's note, 

3:128.9 Ignatius, . . . cbq Kai 6 iniaKonoq, too IlaTpoq twv 6A.cov rvnot; 
OTi&px er oi 6i Tcpeapuxepoi, (oq auvfeSpiov ©ecu, Kai auvSeapoc; otTcoa- 
ToXcov XpiaToO. Xcoptg toOtcov 'EKKA,r)aia eKXeicrrj ouk Sotiv, go auvA- 
6poia^a ayicov, o6 auvayoyyi^ oaicov. ". . . even as the bishop is the representa- 
tive of the Father of all things, and the presbyters are the sanhedrim of God, and 
assembly of the apostles of Christ. Apart firom these there is no elect Church, no 
congregation of holy ones, no assembly of saints"; Ignatius, Ad TralUanos, chap. 3; 
PG, 5:780; ANF, 1:67. In citing this passage, Cartwright omits Ignatius's reference 
to the bishop and edits the passage to read: "there is no church, which can stand 
without her Eldership, or Counsail"; Rest of the Second Replie, p. 42. 

3:128.9 Cyprian See 3:127.25-29.n, above. 

3:128.9 Posidonius, "Et eidem presbytero potestatem dedit coram se in ecclesia 
Evangelium praedicandi, ac firequentissime tractandi; contra usum quidem et 
consuetudinem Afiricanarum Ecclesiarum: unde etiam ei nonnulli episcopi detrahe- 
bant"; "And he [Valerius, bishop of Hippo] gave to that same presbyter [Augus- 
tine] the power of preaching the gospel very frequendy in his place in the church. 
This was against the use and custom of the Afirican churches; hence, many bishops 
disparaged him"; Posidonius, Vita Sancti Aurelii Augustini, chap. 5; in Augustine, 
Opera (1569), 1:862; PL, 32:37. Posidonius (or Possidius, 370F-440?) was a 
converted pagan who lived in the monastery at Hippo until he became bishop of 
Calama in Numidia in 397; he assisted Augustine in his struggle against the 
Donatists and the Pelagians, and he was with Augustine when he died. Cartwright 
considers this text firom Posidonius to be of great importance: "But towching the 
use of the AflOricane churches, until Augustins tyme, that one testimony is more 
than sufficient whereby is affirmed, that Valerius Bishop of Hippo, did contrary to 
the custome of the Afiicane church, in that he committed the office of teaching 
unto Augustin, which was an Elder of that church, and that he was checked 
therfore of the Bishops: checked (I say) notwithstanding that Valerius is there 
declared, to have doen it for support of his infirmity, because him self was not so 
apt to preach. And howsoever Posidonius, alow of Valerius fact: yet boeth the 
continuance of that order by the space of 400 yeares, and the judgment of other 


George Cranmer's Notes 

Bishops round abowt, is withowt comparison of more weighte. . . ."; Rest of the 
Second RepUe, p. 41. Sutcliffe anempts to synthesize the positions of Tertullian, 
Jerome, and Posidonius in his Treatise, p. 134. 

3:128.10 Socrates See 3:127./.n, above. 

3:128.10 this of Hierome See nn at 3:127.32-128.4 and 128.5-7, above. 

3:128.17 Pamelius. Jacques de Pamele (1536-1587) was an erudite RC scholar 
who published and commented on several patristic texts, including editions of the 
complete works of Cyprian (1568, 1574, 1589) and Tertullian (1584, 1598). See 
above, 3:42.x and n. 

3:128.20-26 That if they would . . . God; Compare Pref 2.1 and 4 (1:3.20- 
4.10 and 6.10-26). 

3:128.30-32 if their Lay elders ... folio we; Compare Pref 8.2-5 and 13-14. 
See also Whitgift, Defense, pp. 642, 646-647, 654-658 (PS, 3:184, 191-192, 204- 
205, 209-213), and Sutcliffe, Treatise, pp. 141, 177. 

3:129.4-7 I could virishe . . . way) See 3:125.16-19; Sandys, too, insists on 
meticulous documentation (3:136.34-36, 137.20-24, and 139.22-27). 

3:129.7 in the margine ... be: See 3:108.21-22, 108.36-110.1, 111.16-17, 
112.4-6 and 10-11. 

3:129.7-8 thinges onely probable ... afErmed. See 3:117.10-11. 

3:129.8-13 That in awnswearing ... be. See 3:122.7-13, 18-20; "at a lift" 
means "at a disadvantage" (from wrestling). 

3:129.15-26 Mr Carthwrightes . . . appointed. Compare 3:125.16-29 and n, 
above; also, 3:\25.j. 

3:129.28—33 I thinke the place . . . conceave. Probably the same references 
dealt widi at 3:127.25-29; see n, above. Compare Sandys, 3:139.22-24; VII.239 
(3:286. m) and n, below. 

3:130.1—4 Arius troubled . . . tytne. See 3:127./, and n, above. 

3:130.5 Exhorted Nepotian. . . . contradicted. The reference is to Jerome, epist. 
52, Ad Nepotianum, § 5; see 3:107.14— 15.n, above. Cartwright refers to this text 
after his discussion of Socrates' account of Arius as a presbyter in the church at 
Alexandria (3:127./.n) and before that of Jerome's dialogue Adversus Ludferianos 
(3:127.32-128.4 and n): "Jerome (I graunt) somewhere [marginal note: Ad 
Nepotion] doeth reprehend this, and some learned of our tyme after him, have 
esteemed the decree of Alexandria fauty herein. But that being considered, which 
I have alledged, there is no cause to condemn that decree, whether it were of the 
Nicen councel, or of Athanasius and the Eldership of Alexandria. And what of 
Jerome himself, althowgh an Elder of Rome, give testimony unto this cause: that 



is to say, that yt belongeth not unto an Elder of the church, to minister the word, 
or Sacramentes?"; Rest of the Second Replie, p. 42. Nepotian, nephew of Heliodorus, 
had, like his uncle, abandoned the military for the clerical calling and was then a 
presbyter at Altinum, where Heliodorus was bishop. The letter is a systematic 
treatise on the duties of the clergy and on the rule of life they ought to adopt. 

3:130.8-9 Priests and BB more. See 3:127. /.n, above. 

3:130.10-11 A Lay man . . , baptize. See 3:127.32-128.4.n, above; also, Sandys, 
139.36-140.2 and n, below. 

Edwin Sandys's Notes 

3:130.18-24 This booke . . . Synodes? See, for example, Calvin, Inst., 4.3.4-9; 
(1960), 2:1056-1062; the two Admonitions, P.M., pp. 15-17 and 107-109; Udall's 
Demonstration (1588), 1.10 and 12, pp. 3 and 4; and esp. Cartwright, who defends 
his movement against the charge of bringing in confusion and disorder because it 
"putteth the people in subjection under their governoures, the gouvemoures in 
degree and order one under an other, as the Elder underneath the Pastor, and the 
Deacon underneath the Elder, which teacheth that a particular church shall give 
place unto a Provincial! synode where many churches are, and the Provincial to a 
National!, and likewyse that unto the General!, if any be, and all unto Christe and 
his worde"; "To the Church of England, and All Those that Love the Trueth in 
It," Replye; see also p. 187 [149]. Compare Bancroft's Suruay, chap. 11, p. 157. 
But note Cranmer's statement at 3:126.1-2. Sutcliffe supports H's more restricted 
view: "In this part [of the discourse] concerning the Eldership ... I dispute against 
no one position or opinion of theirs, but against a chiefe pillar, and almost the 
groundworke of their newe discipline, I meane the sacred Aldermen; which 
overthrowne, the high commendation of their present discipline doth threaten 
present ruine"; Treatise, p. 106. 

3:130.25 A moral! Exordium and Conclusion An "Exordium" was the 
introductory section of a classical an oration; "morall" refers to the second of the 
traditional four senses of interpretation, that which applied the text to individual 
behavior. Sandys is urging H explicitly to frame his discussion of the issues in his 
"bookes" by their social and political implications. 

3:130.30-33 Why causes matrimoniall— . . . other. See 3:133.18-21. 

3:130.33-132.2 Wherein the nature . . . opened. See nn at 3:108.1 and 108.4- 
6, above. Sandys outlines his own theory of the difference between the jurisdiction 
of civil and ecclesiastical courts at 133.8-30, notably his conception of "mixt 
causes" (133.21-30). H outlines his position in the Auto. Notes, 3:483.11-19, and 
attacks the disciplinarian position at 497.4—9. 


Edwin Sandys's Notes 

3:132.2 These points are . . . impugned: See, for example, Calvin, Inst., 4.11.5, 
8, 15-16; (1960), 2:1216-1217, 1219-1221, 1227-1229; the two Admonitions 
(P.M., pp. 30-34 and 127-129); Travers, A Full and Plaine Declaration, pp. 161- 
163, 167—168; and esp. Cartwright, who demonstrates how clearly the issue of 
ecclesiastical courts was related in Puritan thinking to the issue of ruling lay elders: 
"all those Courtes of byshopes and archbyshopes must needes fall, whych were by 
the Antichrist erected against thys la wfull jurisdiction of Eldership, as the courte of 
faculties and those whych are holden by chauncellors, commissaries, officials, and 
such lyke. . . . First, for that they enter into an offyce whych peruineth not unto 
them, but to every particulare church, and especially to the eldershyp or gover- 
noures of the church, and therefore although they should do nothing but that 
which were good, lawfull, and godly, yet can they not approve their labors unto 
men, much less to God, puttyng their sickele in an other mannes harvest. . . . An 
other thyng is that in these courts (whych they cal spiritual) they take the knowl- 
edge of matters which are mere civil, thereby not only perverting the order whych 
God hath appoynted in serving the civill causes from the ecclesiasticall, but justling 
also wyth the civill magistrate, and thrusting hym from the jurisdiction whyche 
appointeth unto hym, as the causes of the contracts of mariage, of divorces, of 
>villes and testaments, and divers suche other lyke things. For although it appertaine 
to the church and the governors thereof to show out of the word of God \vhych 
is a la^vfrlll contract or just cause of divorce, and so forthe, yet the judiciall 
determination and definitive sentences of all these do appertaine unto the civill 
magistrate. Hereunto may be added that all their punishments almost are penalties 
of mony, whych can by no meanes appertaine to the church, but is a thyng meerly 
civill"; Replye, pp. 187-188 [150]; Whitgift, Defense, pp. 679-680; see also The 
Rest of the Second Replie, pp. 94-96. 

3:132.4 Non intendimus. See 3:108.8—11 and n, above; also H's Auto. Notes, 
3:486.3—12 and n, below. 

3:132.6—7 Here . . . impugne. Sandys here refers to the oath ex officio, which so 
incensed the Puritans and which they so bitterly attacked. The newly established 
court of the High Commission relied very heavily upon the practice to coerce 
Puritans under oath to testify against themselves or to reveal the names of sympa- 
thetic colleagues. In late 1590, Cartwright and others had been summoned before 
it and, upon refusing to take the oath ex officio, had been imprisoned. Lawyers and 
judges of the common law, determined to curb its powers, regarded the incrimi- 
nating oath ex officio as threatening established and customary methods of legal 
procedure. Hence, the Puritans allied themselves with the common lawyers against 
the powers of the High Commission; see Roland G. Usher, The Rise and Fall of the 
High Commission (1913); rpr., with a new intro. by Philip Tyler (Oxford: Claren- 
don Press, 1968), esp. pp. 142—221; Stuart Barton Babbage, Puritanism and Richard 
Banaoft (London: S.P.C.K., 1962), pp. 38, 259-293. Richard Cosin, one of the 
most active of the commissioners, w^rote a defense of the new court, with particu- 



lar emphasis on the legitimacy of the oath ex officio, in An Apologie: of, and for 
sundrie proceedings by jurisdiction ecdesiasticall (2nd edn., 1593, cited by H, Auto, 
Notes, 3:481.18); this edn. also includes "a determination (concerning Oaths) 
which was made by M. Lancelot Andrewes Doctor in Diuinitie of Cambridge in 
Julie, An. 1591." H sets forth his position at 3:480.21-481.19; see nn. 

3:132.11—13 the courts which . . . la^¥-bookes. See Cranmer, 3:108.21 and n, 

3:132.15—16 our Saviours speech . . . Church. Matt. 18:16 was the key text in the 
controversy over the spiritual jursidiction with regard to imposing the censures of 
the church. The Puritans interpreted "the Church" in this text as "neither the 
whole congregation, nor the pastor alone," but as "the pastor with the ancients or 
elders." The establishment interpreted it as restricted to ordained priests and, by 
the order of the C of E, the one to whom the executing of discipline is commit- 
ted, the bishop. See Whitgift, Defense, pp. 634-635, 661-662, 662-663; PS, 
3:168-169, 223, 225. It is also the key text for the Puritan argument that the role 
of lay elders in exercising discipline and ultimately excommunication (and absolu- 
tion) was the polity and discipline of the Jews in the synagogues and the Sanhedrin 
in the OT, and that Christ in this statement presupposed this order and "translated 
it unto his church." See, for example, Calvin, "In Matt. 18:16," in Harmonia 
evangelica. Opera (1891), CR, 45:514; Whitgift, Defense, pp. 663-664 (PS, 3:226- 
228); Travers, A Full and Plaine Declaration, p. 168; Fulke, A Briefs and Plaine 
Declaration (1584), pp. 87-88; Sutcliffe, De presbyterio, pp. 44-59. 

3:132.21—27 preejudize of. . . kynds. See Cranmer on the problem of classification 
of various kinds of anathema, 3:110.5— 29.n. 

3:132.28-32 Paul may probably . . . [life]. Rom. 9:3; Exod. 32:32-33. See Cran- 
mer, 3:110.5-24. 

3:133.4—8 And on that >vord . . . Consistories. See Pref 8.4. 

3:133.8-30 Indeede as all . . . require it. Compare 3:130.30-132.2; Cranmer, 
111.7-15; and H's Auto. Notes, 471.13-477.18, 483.6-485.3, 486.13-490.5. 
Cosin summarizes the causes (crimes and offences) subject to ordinary ecclesiastical 
jurisdiction set forth under the rubrics "Against Piety," "Against Justice," and 
"Against Sobriety to the Self," in "The Generall Preface" of his 1593 Apologie. On 
the jurisdiction of ecclesiastical courts in the 16C, see George W. Keaton, The 
Norman Conquest and the Common Law (London: Ernest Benn, Ltd., 1966), esp. pp. 
61-68; Ralph Houlbrooke, Church Courts and the People during the English Reforma- 
tion 1520-1570 (1979); Felix Makower, Constitutional History of the Church of 
England (London, 1895), pp. 384—466. See also Robert Phillimore, "Relations 
between Courts Spiritual and Temporal," The Ecclesiastical Law of the Church of 
England (London, 1895), 2:1108-1119. 

3:133.21 other mixt, as matter ... testaments; H notes the rivalry of common 


Edwin Sandys's Notes 

lawyers seeking to curtail the jurisdiction of the ecclesiastical courts at 3:484.14—15. 
Sandys here says that cases concerning testaments or the probate of wills is "mixt," 
whereas H classifies "testamentary cases" as the concern of the ecclesiastical judge 
alone (see 476.23-26; also, 486.13—487.16). Compare Sandys's conunents at lines 

3:133.26 even as the prince it a mixt person: See H's Auto. Notes, 3:468.21— 
31, 493.6-32. 

3:133.27 Mr Speaker in the Parliament. Keble surmised that Sandys's reference 
to "Mr Speaker in the Parliament" was "probably" to "Mr Serjeant Yelverton, 
who was chosen Oct. 27, 1597, and continued in office till the 9th Feb. following, 
when the parliament was dissolved" (3:132n). Indeed, there was an anti-clerical bill 
introduced in the 1597 Parliament, and there were bills presented against abuses 
connected with marriage licenses and against excessive fees and exactions in 
ecclesiastical courts; see Neale, 2:356—358. Moreover, Yelverton's main oration 
after his election as Speaker was on a topic where he might "verie weU have 
proved" that "the prince is a mixt person"; see Neale's sununary of this speech 
(2:329-331). Yet Sandys is more likely referring here to Edward Coke, who was 
the Speaker in the 1593 Parliament. P. G. Stanwood argues (3:xxxi) that Sandys 
refers to the second of Edward Coke's "disabling" speeches given on 22 February, 
summarized in The Parliamentary or Constitutional History of England (1763), 4:347— 
348; see also the summary of Coke's speech commissioned by Queen Elizabeth, in 
the context of which the Speaker might have "verie well proved" that "the prince 
is a mixt person," 4:394-396, and Neale, 2:274—275. On the 1593 Parliament, see 
Intro, to The Preface, pp. 31—37, above. 

3:133.32-134.5 both Separation . . . playnly. See 3:110.5-29.n, above. 

3:134.6 chiefly of . . . Dominion. See 3:113.11— 14.n, above. 

3:134.6-13 In this discourse . • . Person. Sandys is referring here to Beza's 
Tractatus pius et moderatus de vera excommunicatione et christiano presbyterio (1 590; STC 
2048), discussed and cited by H in Pref 2.9 and 6.4 (1:11.25-33 and 32.23-29./); 
see nn). Sutcliffe addresses his entire treatise De presbyterio against the position taken 
by Beza in this tractate and the position of Erastus; see Crarmier, 3:121.24 and n, 

3:134.10-13 to denie the princes . . . Person. A major issue in whether lay 
elders had jurisdiction to participate in ecclesiastical consistories or courts and to 
discipline or even excommunicate; see H's Auto. Notes, 3:491.6—28, 493.1—5, 
494.23, 495.1-10, 500.4-21. See also Calvin, Inst., 4.11.4 and 7 (1960), 2:1216 
and 1235; Cartwright, Replye, pp. 180-181 [140]; and Whitgift, Defense, pp. 634 
(PS, 3:190-192); and SutcUffe, Treatise, pp. 137, 139-140, 177. 

3:134.15 petere principium. "To beg the question." 



3:134.16-19 It cannot be . . . qualified. See 3:113.35.n and 3:113.35-11 4. l.n, 

3:134.18 d>^ eni t6 xo3L6. "For the most part." 

3:134.25 his nephewes] . . . sonnes See Cranmer, 3:115.3—4. 

3:134.27—32 and here the Jewish . . . gentrie: H wants to show that only princes 
of the tribes or ancients of the greatest nobility and no common people were on 
Moses' senate of the seventy; see Cranmer, 3:118.29—31. 

3:134.34—35 the chief Chiliarchs] . . . chiliarks. From the Greek, the commander 
of a thousand men. Sutcliffe discusses the chiliarchs in the context of Moses and the 
seventy judges in De presbyterio, chap. 24, p. 147. 

3:134.35—36 Els there chiefty was but ordinis. H distinguishes the power of 
order and the power of jurisdiction in chap. 2.1. 

3:135.2—3 This, . . . Lepi was excluded. The Levites were not numbered with 
the other tribes of Israel, but were numbered separately as a unit in themselves; see 
Num. 1:47, 2:33, and 3:12-16. 

3:135.3-21 But this seemeth . . . causes. Sandys is concerned, as is Cranmer (see 
3:122.24-123.8), that H not include Levites or priests among the seventy on the 
Jewish High Senate or Sanhedrin, for the reason stated at lines 20-21. 

3:135.15-16 One whether the high ... number. See Cranmer, 3:118.29-119.9. 

3:135.28 inferiour courts See Cranmer, 3:116.5-6, 118.20-21, 119.13, and 

3:135.31-32 of priests only . . . Judge, See Cranmer, 3:116.13-14. 

3:136.10 permissum erat jura condere] "It was permitted to establish law." 

3:136.18-19 alludeth] . . . ensuing See Cranmer, 3:117.10-11. 

3:136.21-23 first named prophets, inspired. See Cranmer, 3:117.13-15, 

3:136.24 larcanim] After consultation with several knowledgeable Hebraists, the 
editor has not been able to reconstruct the Hebrew or its context from the English 
transliteration by Sandys either here or below at 3:137.10 and 15. Because of 
commendations "of the excellent Knowledge ... in that tongue," H taught 
Hebrew at Oxford from 1579 until he left in 1584 (Walton, Ufe; Keble, 1:19; 
Chronology, p. xxi, above), and he sometimes uses key Hebrew words or phrases 
in his text (see, for example, chap. 4.4; 3:20.7, 20), although he routinely quotes 
from the Geneva translation of the OT. 

3:136.27 sagen] German, "they say." 


Edwin Sandys's Notes 

3:136.31 such ecclesiaticall auncients. See Cnnmer, 3:122.1—2. 

3:136.31—33 Mr Cranmen conclusion ... you. See Cranmer, 3:118.2— 121.16; 
also, 121.17-29. 

3:137.10 Hamith See 3:136.24.n, above. 

3:137.12 11 of Numbers— 10 ofLevit.] Num. 1 1:16-17; Lev. 10:7-9. The account 
of Moses' appointment of the 70 elders in Num. 11:16-17 presupposes the old 
tradition (Exod. 18:21—23) about "the tent of meeting," mentioned in Lev. 10:7— 
9; see Cranmer, 3:116.8—12 and n. 

3:137.15 Haddaishan] See 3:136.24.n, above. 

3:137.18 Recte omnia nostra facimus] "We have done rightly all our things." 

3:137.19 per eos . . .Jtunt? "by them"; "which have been done by them." 

3:137.20-24 T.C.] . . . meanes. Thomas Cartwright and Walter Travers. Com- 
pare Cranmer, 3:129.4—7. 

3:137.27 ev Tipdc; ev "One before another." 

3:137.31 those verie . . . Auncients. See Cranmer, 3:124.15—16. 

3:137.32-138.30 two divers kynds] . . . habilitie See Cranmer, 3:124.33-126.16. 
Sandys is dealing here with H's response to the Puritan interpretation of 1 Tim. 
5:17 in support of lay elders in the NT. See nn at 3:124.33 and 125.8-10, above. 
Their argument for lay elders nearly always appealed to the interpretation of this 
NT text by [Pseudo-JAmbrose; see 3:125.31.n, above. 

3:138.14—20 An other point . . . self). Compare Cranmer, 3:125.16—27 and 
125.16-23.n; also, 129:15-26. 

3:138.26 double honor 1 Tim. 5:17; compare 3:138.33-139.2. 

3:139.4 Deacons under . . . leaders] See Cranmer, 3:126.29—127.4. 

3:139.17-18 this is their . . . shew. Sandys agrees with Crarmier that this general 
argument over the meaning of 1 Tim. 5:17 (and Pseudo-Ambrose's interpretation 
of it), and with it the charge of "ignorant" (nonpreaching) priests, needs to be 
answered carefully, for it "is their only argument of anie show"; see Cranmer, 

3:139.19-21 Tertullians woords . . . Pracesidentes See Craimier, 3:127.18, and n, 
above. The text should read "Prauidentes." 

3:139.22-23 Honor fratrum . . . found. See Cranmer, 3:127.25-29 and n, above. 

3:139.28—30 This I take it . . . administer. See Gratian, Decretum,; ed. 
Friedberg, 1:981. 



3:139.33—35 receiveth not the spirit] . . . confirmation? The text from Jerome 
reads as follows: "Quod si hoc loco quaeris, quare in Ecclesia baptizatus, nisi per 
manus Episcopi, non accipiat spiritum sanctum, quern nos asserimus in vero 
baptismate tribui: disce hanc observationem ex ea auctoritate descendere, quod post 
ascensum Domini spiritus sanctus ad Apostolos descendit. et multis in locis idem 
factitatum reperimus, ad honorem potius sacerdotii, quam ad legis necessitatem. 
Alioqui si ad Episcopi tantum imprecationem spiritus sanctus defluit; lugendi sunt, 
qui in viculis, aut in casteUis, aut in remotioribus locis per presbyteros et diacones 
baptizati ante dormierunt, quam ab Episcopis inviserentur. Ecclesiae salus in summi 
sacerdotis dignitate pendet: cui si non exors quaedam, et ab hominibus eminens 
detur potestas, tot in Ecclesiis efficientur schismata, quot sacerdotes. inde venit, ut 
sine chrismate, et episcopi jussione, neque presbyter, neque diaconus jus habeant 
baptizandi. quod frequenter, si tamen necessitas cogit, scimus etiam licere laicis"; 
"But if you now ask how it is that a person baptized in the Church does not 
receive the Holy Ghost, whom we declare to be given in true baptism, except by 
the hands of the bishop, let me tell you that our authority for the rule is the fact 
that after our Lord's ascension the Holy Spirit descended upon the Apostles. And 
in many places we find it the practice, more by way of honoring the sacerdotal 
office than from any compulsory law. Otherwise, if the Holy Spirit descends only 
at the bishop's prayer, they are greatly to be pitied who in little villages, or in forts, 
or even more remote places, after being baptized by the presbyters and deacons 
have fallen asleep [that is, died] before they could be visited by bishops. The 
well-being of a Church depends upon the dignity of its highest priest, and unless 
some extraordinary and unique functions be assigned to him, we shall have as 
many schisms in the Churches as there are priests. Hence it is that without 
ordination and the bishop's license neither presbyter nor deacon has the power to 
baptize. And yet, if there is necessity, we know that it is permitted for laymen to 
baptize"; Aduersus Luciferianos, chap. 4, in Epistolae . . . et lihri contra haereticos (1578), 
p. 199; PL, 23:172-173; NPNF.2, 6:324. See Cranmer, 3:127.32-128.4, and n, 

3:139.36-140.2 a lay man . . . you answer. See Cranmer, 3:130.10-11. For the 
reference to Jerome, see the last sentence from Adversus Luciferianos in the preced- 
ing n. 

3:140.5 Ambrose . . . mentioned] Pseudo-Ambrose, Commentarii in Epistolam ad 
Timotheum I, chap. 5; see 3:125.31.n and 137.32-138.30.n, above. 

3:140.7 EK xepouaia^ "So as to bring it to advantage." 

3:140.10 I like very well . . . adviseth. See Cranmer, 3:128.19-33. 

3:140.11-12 Provided that . . . unhandled. See 3:130.18-24 and n. 


Book VII 

3:145.9-146.11 I have heard ... thee? Not found. The references in this 
anecdote to a "famous Kingdom" still overwhelmed, when H wrote, by "extream 
conflicts" occasioned by disagreement over how to establish "Church Consistories" 
as the perfection of "Christs Discipline" suggest 16C France. In at least one 
instance, that of Jean Morely's Traicti de la discipline et police chrestienne of 1562, 
debate >vithin French Calvinism between favorers of decentralized and those of 
relatively centralized authority in the ecclesiastical sphere involved the suggestion 
that a republic and democracy dominated by laws is the best form of civil govern- 
ment. Merely v/ent so far as to claim that everything good in contemporary civil 
government was drawn from ancient repubUcs of this sort ("une Republique, et 
democratic, en laquelle les loix dominent . . . du gravois et pierres desquelles tout 
ce qui est de bon aujourd'huy en tout gouvemement civil, est tire"; p. 183). The 
"solemn Sermon," "great Assembly," and explicit attacks on nobles and lawyers in 
H's story have not been traced, however, and it remains to be shown how 
resolution of the debate among Protestants might have avoided the renewal of 
Protestant-CathoUc conflict following the St. Bartholomew's Day massacres of 
1572. On the intra-Calvinist controversy, in which Morely's chief antagonist was 
Beza, see R. M. Kingdon, "Calvinism and Democracy: Some PoUtical Implications 
of Debates on French Reformed Church Government, 1562—1572," American 
Historical Review, 69 (1964): 393—401, rpr. in Kingdon, Church and Society in 
Reformation Europe (London: Variorum Reprints, 1985). 

3:146.10-11 Jeremiah, . . . thee? The lament of Lam. 2:13-14 is for the fell of 
Jerusalem to the Babylonians in 587 BC, a disaster which is attributed in this 
passage to false prophets — that is, prophets failing to denounce evil, however, not 
to zealots for reform. 

3:147. 12. a as St. Cyprian telleth thetn, "Exaltatio, et inflatio, et arrogans, ac 
superba jacutio non de Christi magisterio, qui humilitatem docet, sed de antichristi 
spiritu nascitur"; Cyprian, epist. 1.3, Ad Comelium de Fortunato et Felidssim; Opera 
(1563), p. 6; CSEL, 3.2:669, ACW, 46:71, and FOTC, 51:174, as epist. 59. 
Cyprian (d. 258) contrasts the humihty uught by Christ with the arrogance bom 
of the spirit of Antichrist in a letter to Pope Cornelius inveighing against a group 
of schismatics who have rejected the conditions for readmission to the church laid 
doNvn by their bishops in Africa and taken their cause to Rome. In such cases, the 
divinely appointed bishops must maintain the purity of the church against all threats 
of force, even though (as Cyprian says of himself as bishop of Carthage) they may be 
eager to readmit the lapsed to communion upon signs of sincere repentance. 

3:147.19 ordained of God, This strong but not quite categorical affirmation of 



the divine ordination of episcopacy is characteristic of H. Compare chaps. 2.3 
(3:153.1-3), 5.2 (161.8-18), 5.8-10 (168.29-170.20), 11.10 (210.7-211.18), 16.9 
(249.25-250.1), 18.5 (257.6-7), and 18.9 (259.29-30). God is designated as the 
"Author" of "the state of Bishops" in the tide (145.6-8). 

3:147.21 In this realm of England, The early history of the church in England 
had been a topic of interest from the time of Henry VIII, and claims to antiquity 
were central to all defenses of episcopacy. H combines these themes, arguing that 
bishops were not only bearers of authority in the remote patristic church but also 
a part of his country's own earliest Christian traditions. Compare the references to 
medieval English law in H's Auto. Notes (esp. 3:471.31—489.35). He narrows the 
issues about supreme ecclesiastical power to be treated in Book VIII to those 
relevant to English conditions in chap. 3.2 (2.7 in Keble; 336.19—25). 

3:147.25 King Lucius The story of a British King Lucius's request to Pope 
Eleutherius (174—189) that he might be made a Christian first appeared in Bede 
(673?— 735), Ecclesiastica historia getttis Anglorum, 1.4; Savile, ed., Rerum Britannicarum 
. . . scriptores (1587), p. 151, misnumbered 158; PL, 95:30. Geoffirey of Monmouth 
elaborated it in Historiae regum Britanniae, 4.19 (ibid. [1587], pp. 30-31), by 
including the replacement of twenty-eight pagan high-priests or flamens and three 
archflamens w^ith tw^enty-eight bishops and three archbishops. Bede drew on the 
lives of the popes in the Liber Pontificalis, apparently reading "Brittanio" for 
"Britium" (= Birtha), a castle of one Lucius of Edessa; see Bede's Ecclesiastical 
History of the English People, eds. Colgrave and Mynors (1969), p. 24, n. 2. Further 
embellishment was provided by a letter purporting to be from the pope to King 
Lucius, assuring him that he, the king, was God's vicar in the realm. The letter was 
repeatedly cited by Jewel; Replie unto M. Hardinges answere (1565; STC 14606.5), 
p. 91; Works, PS, 1:306; and Defence of the Apologie, 6.11.1 (1570; STC 14601), p. 
705; Works, PS, 4:974. Taken up in the standard Elizabethan histories of England, 
it was rejected as a forgery in the 17C, but the story of Lucius was accepted as 
substantially accurate well into the 19C; T. D. Kendrick, British Antiquity (London: 
Methuen, 1950), pp. 112-113. The first tangible evidence for Christianity in 
England may be in the traditions surrounding Alban's martyrdom at Verulamium, 
which has been dated as early as 208. Nothing is known about British church 
polity in the 3C, but it has been argued that the three British bishops present at 
the Council of Aries in 314 represented three of the metropoHtical churches of the 
four British provinces of the day; see J. C. Mann, Antiquity, 35 (1961): 316-320, 
and W. H. C. Frend, "The Christianization of Britain," in M. W. Barley and R. 
P. C. Hanson, eds., Christianity in Britain, 300-700 (Leicester: University of 
Leicester Press, 1968), p. 38. 

3:147.26-31 the Saxons; . . . received. Saxons were brought into Britain by the 
Romans as confederates to stave off the Picts and Scots at least as early as the 4C. 
Sometime after the Romans withdrew from the island in 410, the Saxons (accom- 
panied now by Angles and Jutes) began to turn on the native Britons and in the 


Book VII, Chapter 1.4 

second half of the 5C pushed them back to the highland zones of the north and 
west. The Welsh historian Gildas (writing about 540) provides evidence for 
continuity in the orders of bishops, priests, and deacons and in diocesan administra- 
tion. In the 5C and 6C the British kingdoms in the north were developing an 
ecclesiastical organization similar to that of Wales: territorial bishoprics correspond- 
ing to tribal divisions; see Henry Mayr-Harting, The Coming of Christianity to Anglo- 
Saxon England (New York: Schocken Books, 1972), pp. 34-35. 

3:147.32-148.2. fc At the Council present. Sulpicius Severus, Saaa historia, 

bk. 2: "Igitur apud Ariminum, urbem Italiae, Synodum congregari jubet . . . . Ita 
missis per Illiricum, Italiam, Africam, Hispanias Galliasque; magistris officialibus, 
acciti aut macti [CSEL: coacti] quadringenti et aUquanto amplius Occidentales 
episcopi, Ariminum convenere: quibus omnibus armonas et cellaria dare Imperator 
praeceperat. sed id nostris, id est Aquitanis, Gallis, ac Britannis indecens visum: 
repudiatis fiscalibus, propriis sumptibus vivere maluerunt. Tres tantum ex Britannia, 
inopia proprii, publico usi sunt, cum oblatam a ceteris collationem respuissent: 
sanctius putantes fiscum gravare, quam singulos"; (Basel, [1556]), pp. 135-136; 
CSEL, 1:94; NPNF.2, 11:116. The Council of Ariminum (Rimini) was called by 
the Emperor Constantius in 359 to setde the Arian controversy. Since British 
bishops are included among those who thought it unfitting to accept their expenses 
firom the emperor, the statement that "only three firom Briuin" accepted the 
emperor's offer suggests that there were other British bishops who did not do so, 
and hence more in all than the three claimed by H. 

3:148.2-5. c At the arrival . . . Clergy; Bede, Ecdesiastica historia gentis Anglorum, 
2.2: "Augustinus . . . convocavit ad suum colloquium episcopos sive doctores 
proximae Britonum provinciae. . . . Venerunt [to a second synod], ut perhibent, 
septem Britonum episcopi, et plures viri doctissimi"; Savile, ed., Rerum Britan- 
nicarum . . . scriptores (1587), pp. 176-177; PL, 95:81-82. 

3:148. c Alfredus c.l. William of Newburgh (12C historian), Remm /4n^/tcflrMm 

libri quinque, 1.1: "William, named the Bastard, still breathing threats and slaughter to 
the people, was rendered gende by Aldred [reading Aldredus with edn. cited]. 
Archbishop of York, who bound him with religious oaths {religiosis . . . saaamentis) to 
conserve the commonwealth and protect ecclesiastical discipline {ecdesiastica disciplina)"; 
ibid., (1587), p. 357. For context, see H's Auto. Notes, 3:522.30-32 and n. 

3:148.16-21 By the Jews Festus . . . commendable. H has collapsed three 
Roman procurators of Judaea into two. Josephus's brief account of the administra- 
tion of Festus (ad 60-62) is decidedly favorable, but he goes on to contrast the 
two succeeding governors in the way H describes. Albinus left no evil deed 
undone (ouK eoTiv 6e fjv Tiva KaKoupyiac; i6eav 7tapeX,i7iev), yet his 
successor Gessius Florus made him seem by comparison most excellent (toiootov 
6e ovra tov dA,pTvov, ciTieSei^ev 6 perd toOtov eX6d)v yiaaioc; ^X&poc;, 
dyaBcoTaxov xaxd auyxpiaiv); Josephus, lovbaixfjq dXcoaecog Xoyoili {De hello 
Judaico), 2.24; Opera (1544), p. 738; Loeb, 2:428-431. 



3:149.6 an odd kind . . . Answer, The differences alleged between "the Bishops 
which now are" and "them which were" made up a special branch of objections to 
Elizabethan episcopacy that H will deal with in chaps. 14—15. In this chapter he is 
laying the groundwork for discussing whether contemporary bishops can properly 
be compared with men whom his opponents denied even to have been bishops, 
the apostles and evangelists and those who exercised authority in the church after 
them in the 2C and 3C. 

3:149.21 shew^ . . . Sovereignty, On the nature of sovereignty, see VIII. 1.2 
(3:318.3-320.12) and 5 (325.1-326.15), 3.2 (2.7 in Keble; 336.19-25 and n), and 
3.3 (2.12 in Keble; 340.23-341.18); and Aristotle, Politics, 3.4-6 and 9-11. That 
"augmentation or diminution in their precincts, allowances, priviledges, and such 
like" (150.14—15) makes only an accidental rather than an essential difference 
between one bishop and another would have seemed evident to H in part because 
of his "skill" in Aristotelian logic and metaphysics, in which the categories of 
quantity and quality have a distinctly lower place than that of substance, but such 
technically accidental diflferences were subjects of bitter controversy when H 

3:150/ Oi xap* . . . Suid. See Suidas, Lexicon, the entry for eTciaKOTio^; ed. 
Adler (1967), 2:379. "Those who were sent by the Athenians into the cities 
subject to them to inspect what was being done in them. They were called 
EKiaKOTioi and (j)uA.aKeg; the Spartans called them d^oaxdc;." KaTEOTT]aEV 
... 1,2. Dionysius of Halicarnassus, 'Pcofiaixfjg dgxaioXoyiag {Antiquitates 
Romanorum), written for the author's fellow Greeks, 2.76: "He [Numa Pompilius, 
the second king of Rome, after dividing the whole country into districts,] appoint- 
ed over each of these districts an official as overseer (eniaKOTtov) and visitor of his 
parts"; Scripta quae exstant, omnia (1586), p. 135; Loeb, 1:537. These men recorded 
which lands w^ere well or ill cultivated and informed the king, who rewarded, 
reprimanded, or fined the farmers accordingly, me Vult . . . ep. 11. "Pompey 
wishes me to be the superintendent ('ETiiaKonov) of the whole Campanian coast 
here, the one to whom the levy and the most important matters are referred." 
Cicero, Epistolae ad Atticum, 7.11; Opera (1588), 3:399; Loeb, 2:56-57. 

3:150.23-25.^ The same word . . . onely. At Acts 20:28 Paul urges the elders of 
Ephesus: "Take hede ... to all the flocke, whereof the holie Cost hathe made you 
Overseers [cTiiaKOTtou^]." His Epistle to the Philippians is addressed "to all the 
Saintes in Christ Jesus which are at Philippi, with the Bishops [eTtiaKOTioi^], and 
Deacons." H agrees with the GB gloss: "By bishops here he meaneth them that 
had charge of the worde and governing, as pastours doctors, elders: by deacons, 
suche as had charge of the distribution, and of the poore and sicke." Titus 1:7 and 
1 Pet. 5:2 (as in some sources) were also cited as examples of this general use of 

3:150.25-26 grew in short time . . . alone. There is no clear example of CTiia- 


Book VII, Chapter 2.1-2.3 

Konog used in this proper sense in the NT. That the thing itself — ^bishops in the 
proper sense — did exist in apostoUc times H will argue later on other grounds. The 
excursus into historical linguistics in the present passage is meant to explain such a 
lag of "name" behind "thing." The changes from broad to narrow denotation in 
the use of such terms as "disciple," "aposde," "deacon," and "minister" had been 
noted earher, but H is unusual in fitting these facts into an intelligible pattern. 

3: 15 1.1. A some time first . . . observed, H's rendering of Gen. 2:19 in h, with 
its suggestion that Adam's choice of names for the animals follo\ved upon a period 
of observation and reflection, is freer than that of GB: "[God] broght them unto 
the man to se how he wolde call them: for howsoever the man named the Uving 
creature, so was the name thereof." Compare BB: "The Lorde God . . . brought 
it unto man, that he [man? God?] myght see, howe he woulde call it. For lyke- 
wyse as man hym selfe named every livyng thing, even so was the name thereof" 

3:152.3 lame and an impotent Proverbial; translating "manca et debiUs" (Keble); 
compare Shakespeare, Othello, 2.1.161 (Riverside Edn.): "O most lame and 
impotent conclusion." 

3:152.9 the very nature H's definition of the "very nature" of the episcopal 
office arises from reflection on the nature of public aflairs and a foreknowledge of 
the issues needing resolution in the following chapters. A full stop after "signified" 
at line 10 clarifies the sense. 

3:152.31 at large . . . ^th restraint. This terminology is H's own. The office of 
bishop was sharply distinguished from those of aposde and evangeUst in disciplinari- 
an writings, with assignment to a particular place as one mark of a bishop. Thus, 
in a letter from the 1570s, widely circulated in England, Beza argues against 
Epiphanius's designation of Timothy as a bishop: "For no man can denie that 
Timothie was one that accompanied Paule, and therefore no bishop assigned to 
any one certaine place, who was sent one while to this place, an other to that, for 
the establishing of the Churches: and finally, that he was an Evangelist, and not a 
bishop of any one certayne flocke"; The judgement of a most reverend and learned Man 
from beyond the seas concerning a threefold order of bishops, trans. Qohn Field] ([1585]; 
STC 2021), sig. A4^. Cartwright held that "Tymothe and Tytus . . . were neyther 
Byshoppes nor Archbyshoppes/ but Evangelistes"; Replye (hereafter, 1:), p. 91 [69]; 
Whitgift, Defense (1574), p. 326; PS, 2:133. Apologists for episcopacy always 
contended that bishops were successors to the apostles, and they commonly classed 
as bishops those aposdes who exercised authority in a particular place (James in 
Jerusalem and Mark, according to tradition, in Alexandria), but they seldom called 
the aposdes bishops, as H soon will in chap. 4, combining his previous definirion 
of a bishop with the at-large/with-restraint terminology introduced here. Whitgift 
quoted Ambrose's comment on Eph. 4:11-12 that "Apostoli episcopi sunt" 
{Defense, p. 230; PS, 1:494), but he made nothing of it. Saravia cites both Ambrose 
and a similar statement from Augustine, asserting "this is the common consent of 



all the fathers, that the office of a Bishop, and an Apostle or Evangelist are all one, 
onely that the office of the one is more ample, and augustious," but does not 
formulate H's distinction; De diuersis ministrorum evangelii gradibus (1590; STC 
21746), chap. 20, p. 47; Of the diverse degrees of the ministers of the gospell (1591; 
STC 21749), p. 59. In effect H has converted the distinction between apostle and 
bishop into a difference between kinds of episcopacy. In contrast with Bilson, then, 
H does not make "singularitie in succeeding" an essential mark of the episcopate; 
see Perpetual Govemement (1593), p. 244. 

3:153.16 Inequality as touching . . . gifts H is disingenuous in suggesting that 
his opponents were reluctant to acknowledge inequality of gifts and graces. As 
Whitgift had recognized, reward and reverence in accordance with gifts rather than 
official status was something the reformers sought: ". . . they would have him to be 
the best rewarded, and most reverenced, that hath the most and best giftes, which 
every one of these chiefe captaynes persuaded himselfe to have: so that in the end 
there would be as great a do (after their maner) which of them should be the 
chiefe, as ever there was betwixt the Bishop of Rome, and other Bishops, or 
betwixt Canterburie and Yorke in times past"; Defense, p. 299 (PS, 2:80); compare 
Cartwright's argument from gifts to offices, 1:87-88 [65-66]; Whitgift, Defense, pp. 
316, 317; PS, 2:113-114, 116. H discusses gifts and offices in §§ 8-9 of V.78 and 
services, offices, and orders in §§ 10-13. 

3:153.23-24 a priority of Order In the system commonly proposed by the 
disciplinarians, the consistory of elders governing each parish was to elect a 
moderator or president each year; the same principle was to be followed in 
conducting local, regional, and national synods. The idea was proclaimed scriptural 
by Beza in hi% Judgement (sigs. 84-5", B8''-Cr, and C2') and criticized as unwar- 
ranted and unreasonable by Anglican writers. Bilson, for example, thought rotating 
the presidency of provincial synods a questionable way to quench ambition: "To 
quench the desire of dignitie in one man; you inflame all the Pastours of everie 
province with the same disease" {Perpetual Govemement, p. 405). 

3:154.2-8 That one Minister . . . them, Not quotations but H's summary sute- 
ments of the positions in dispute. Tract 1 of Whitgift's Defense (pp. 61-75; PS, 
1:148-174), responding to Cartwright, 1:22-25 [10-13], was concerned with the 
question, "Whether Christ forbiddeth rule and superioritie unto the Ministers." In 
his Second Replie, Cartwright found "nothing worthe the answere" in the first tract 
(p. 44) and dealt with the pertinent issues in his rebuttal of Whitgift's Tract. 8, on 
archbishops, metropolitans, bishops, archdeacons, etc. {Defense, pp. 297-473; PS, 
2:77-437; Cartwright, 2:404-[666]). 

3:154.14-17 The former . . . The latter That is, the two sub-divisions of 
superiority "above" a subordinate specified at lines 10-14 (with "or" understood 
before "some" at line 12). 

3:154.23-24 in the rest . . . lawful. Cartwright, 1:109-110 [84-85] (Whitgift, 


Book VII, Chapter 3.1-4.2 

Defense, pp. 391-392; PS, 2:269-271): "And that it may appeare what superioritie 
it is/ which is lawful] amongst the mynisters/ and what it is that M. Calvin 
speaketh of/ what also the fathers and councels doe meane/ when they geve more 
to the byshoppe of any one church/ then to the elder of the same church/ and 
that no man be deceived by the name of govemoure or ruler over the rest/ to 
&ncie any such authoritie and domination or Lordship/ as Ave see used in our 
church/ it is to be understanded/ that amongst the pastors/ elders and deacons of 
every particulare church/ and in the meetinges and companies of the mynisters or 
elders of dyvers churches/ there w^as one chosen by the voyces and suffiages of 
them all/ or the most part/ which did propound the matters that were to be 
handled . . . the which also gathered the voyces and reasons of those which had 
interest to speake in such cases/ whiche also did pronounce according to the 
number of the voyces which were geven/ which was also the mouth of the rest/ 
to admonishe/ or to comfort/ or to rebuke sharply/ such as \vere to receive 
admonishment consolation/ or rebuke/ and which in a worde dyd moderate that 
whole action. . . . And if any man will call thys a rule or presidentship/ and hym 
that executeth thys office a president or moderator/ or a govemour/ w^e w^ill not 
strive/ so that it be with these cautions/ that he be not called simply governor or 
moderator/ but governor or moderator of that action/ and for that time/ and 
subject to the orders that others be/ and to be censured by the company of the 
brethren/ as wel as others/ if he be judged any way faulty. And that after that 
action ended/ and meeting dissolved/ he sitte hym downe in hys olde place/ and 
set hym selfe in equall estate with the rest of the ministers. Thirdly/ that thys 
government or presidentship/ or what so ever lyke name you will geve it/ be not 
so tyed unto that minister/ but that at the next meeting it shall be lawfull to take 
an other/ if an other bee thought meeter." Cartw^right goes on to propose the 
Council ofjerusalem (Acts 1:15—21) as a "lively image and perfect pateme" of this 

3:155.19 an Episcopal Office. Matthias is chosen to take the place of Judas at 
Acts 1:20-26: "Let another take his charge [Tf|V eTiiaKOTifjv duToO, v. 20; BB: 
'his bishopricke']." When the lot fell on him, "he was by a commune consent 
counted with the Eleven Apostles" (v. 26). 

3:155.21— 22.Jfe St. Cyprian . . . Bishops. "Deacons ought to remember that the 
Lord chose apostles, that is, bishops and leaders." This is in contrast with the 
diaconate, established by the aposdes after the Lord's ascension into heaven when 
they appointed deacons for themselves as ministers of their episcopate and of the 
church ("apostoli sibi constituerunt episcopatus sui et Ecclesiae ministros"; Cyprian, 
epist. 3.9, Ad Rogatianum episcopum de superbo diacano; Opera (1563), p. 65; CSEL, 
3.2:471, ACW, 43:56, and FOTC, 51:8 (epist. 3). 

3:156.6 True it is . . . indefinite: The disciplinarians alleged the universal scope 
of the aposdes' authority as a mark distinguishing their office from that of bishop, 
a point uncontested by writers defending episcopacy. But in accordance with his 



distinction in chap. 2 between bishops at-large/with-restraint, H does not make 
territorial limitation a mark of episcopacy as opposed to apostleship, and in the 
present passage he assimilates the exercise of "episcopal" authority by the aposdes 
to that of later bishops "\vith restraint" by emphasizing the divisions the apostles 
themselves appear to have set up in their spheres of activity. Hence he does not 
include universality of jurisdiction in his own enumeration of the special properties 
of the aposdes at the end of chap. 4. 

3:156.10-11 appear no impediment H is tentative here. His aim is not to 
enforce a definite view where evidence is lacking but to suggest that development 
of episcopacy "with restraint" can plausibly be understood to have begun among 
the aposdes themselves. 

3:156. « Him . . . cap. 16. Eusebius, Bales, hist., 3.16, in John Christopherson's 
Latin trans. (3.23 in Greek text): "Eodem tempore ille ipse Apostolus pariter et 
Evangelista Joannes, quem Dominus Jesus summo erat amore complexus, adhuc in 
Asia vitam traducens, simul ac ab exilio, quod in insula pertulerat, post Domitiani 
mortem revertebatur, ecclesias ibi administravit"; Historiae ecclesiasticae scriptores 
Graeci, (1570), p. 59; (1544), fol. 26"; GCS, 9.1:236. Tertullian ... Marcion. 
Tertullian (c. 160-c. 225), Adversus Mardonem, 4.5 (not 3.5): "Habemus et Joannis 
alumnas ecclesias. Nam et si Apocalypsim ejus Marcion respuit, ordo tamen 
episcoporum ad originem recensus, in Joannem stabit auctorem"; Opera (1566), 
1:374; CCSL, 1:551; ANF, 3:350; ed. and trans. Evans (1972), 2:270. Tertullian 
argues that, even if the Gnostic Marcion rejects the Apocalypse (and hence the 
address to the angels, or bishops, of the seven Asian churches at Rev. 2—3, on 
which see 3:160.17-18), the successions of Asian bishops will still stand on John as 
their founder. 

3:157.0 Jacobus . . . Eccles. Jerome, Liber de viris illustribus, vel de scriptoribus 
eulesiasticis: "James who is called the brother of the Lord was ordained Bishop of 
Jerusalem by the Apostles immediately after the passion of the Lord"; Epistolae 
(1578), p. 119B; NPNF.2, 3:361, as chap. 2. H omits further identification of 
James as either Joseph's son by another wife or the son of a sister of Mary (after 
"cognomento Justus"): "ut nonnulli existimant, Joseph ex alia uxore, ut autem 
mihi videtur, Mariae, sororis matris Domini, cujus Joannes in libro suo meminit, 
fiUus." Eodem . . . cap. 1. Eusebius, Bales, hist., 2.1: xdre SqTa Kai 'T&KW- 
Pov . . . TcpciTov ioTopouai Tx\c, ev 'lepocfo'kv^ioiq eKKA,qaia(; t6v Tf\<; 
in\aKoni\q eyxe»P»cfenvai ep6vov. (1544), fol. iT; GCS, 9.1:102, 104; "Then 
James ... is recorded to have been the first to be made bishop of the church of 
Jerusalem" (NPNF.2, 1:104). H follows Christopherson's Latin, Historiae ealesiasti- 
cae scriptores Graeci (1570), pp. 24—25. 

3:157.6-8.;7,5 St. Pauls . . . called. The passages cited in p and q concern the 
martyrdom of "the other James" ("James the Great") and the calling of Barnabas, 
events not causally linked in the Acts narrative. On Paul's miraculous calling, see 


Book VII, Chapter 4.2-4.3 

Acts 9:3—22. H's suggestion that Paul was a replacement for James ("the Lord's 
brother") on the latter's consecration as bishop of Jerusalem rests on the idea that 
"the gathering of the nations abroad" was a special task of the college of aposdes. 
The sense requires insertion of "was" after "James." 

3:157.5 This appeareth . . . c. 4. Eusebius, Ecdes. hist., 3.4: ri}i6dtoq ye iif\v, 
Ti]q ev i<^a<f> TtapoiKio^ icrropeiTai 7cp(BT0<; rfjv iniaKonf[v ei^nx^vai, 
(bq Ktti TiTO^ T«av in\ KpiiTTi<; kKKXx\omv. (1544), fol. 21"; GCS, 9.1:192; 
"Timothy, so it is recorded, w^as the first to receive the episcopate of the parish in 
Ephesus, Titus of the churches in Crete" (NPNF.2, 1:136). The notes identifying 
Titus and Timothy as the first bishops of Crete and Ephesus which appear at the 
end of some texts of Titus and 2 Tim. were accepted without comment in GB but 
are no longer regarded as authentic. On the authorship and canonicity of the 
Episdes to Titus and Timothy, see Jerome D. Quinn, The Letter to Titus, The 
Anchor Bible, vol. 35 (1990), pp. 2-22; Brevard S. Childs, The New Testament as 
Canon: An Introdudion (Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1985), pp. 378-395; and Bruce 
M. Metzger, The Canon of the New Testament: Its Origin, Development, and Signifi- 
cance (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1987); and see 3:152.31.n, above. 

3:157.17— 21. f IVe are able . . . Smyrna. Irenaeus, bishop of Lyons, Adversus 
haereses, 3.3: "Habemus aimumerare eos qui ab Apostolis instituti sunt episco- 
pi. . . . Fundantes igitur et instruentes beati Apostoli Ecclesiam [Romae], Lino 
episcopatum administrandae Ecclesiae tradiderunt. . . . Et Polycarpus . . . ab Aposto- 
lis in Asia, in ea quae est Smyrnis Ecclesia constitutus episcopus"; (1576), pp. 159— 
[160]; PG, 7:848; ANF, 1:416. Writing against the Gnostics, Irenaeus placed great 
weight on the historic episcopate. He was himself, he said, in a position to trace 
the aposdes* successors up to his ow^n times, but since it would be tedious to do 
this for all the churches he ^vould rout those >vho met in unauthorized assemblies 
by indicating the succession in the great and ancient church founded at Rome by 
the aposdes Peter and Paul. In his youth he had himself seen Polycarp, who had 
been instructed by the apostles and conversed with many who had seen Christ. 

Linus appears first after Peter and Paul in all the early episcopal lists, but nothing 
else is known with certainty about him. Polycarp (69?— 155?), bishop of Smyrna, 
was an important link between the apostolic age and the Christian writers of the 
late 2C (such as Irenaeus). 

3:157.21— 23.M Of Antioch . . . example. The first of two references to the 
spurious letter of Ignatius, bishop of Antioch (35P-107?) to the Antiochenes, 77|Od? 
'AvrioxeiQ: [jLVTi[xoveuaaTe EuoBiou xoO d^io(X(xxapiaTOU Troifievo^ ufxcov, 
6^ TipcoTo^ evexetpiofSri napd twv dnoaxoA-cov jf\v ofierepav npoaraaiav. 
pfj Kaxaiaxuvco^ev tov Ttaxepa* yevdjpeea yvqaioi ndibec;, dXXa pfj v66oi. 
Epistolae (1558), p. 104; Lightfoot, ed., The Apostolic Fathers, 2.3:238; ANF, 1:111. 
The second reference is in chap. 6.8 (3:175.18-19) 

3:158.8.1/ All . . . successors. Jerome, epist. 85 [not 81], to Evagrius of Antioch 



(d. after 392): "Caeterum omnes apostolorum successores sunt"; Epistolae (1578), 
p. 31 lA; CSEL, 56:311 and NPNF.2, 6:289 (epist. 146). See 3:164.3-165.17 for 

3:158.9— 10. u' Pr<epositos . . . succedunt. "Leaders who succeed the apostles by 
ordination in their place"; Cyprian, epist. 4.9, Ad Florentium, quern et Puppianum; 
Opera (1563), p. 105; CSEL, 3.2:729, ACW, 46:119, and FOTC, 51:226 (epist. 
66). Cited at 3:160.30 and 247.4-10. 

3:158.10— 12.x From hence . . . Apostles, Theodoret, commenting on 1 Tim. 3: 
"Eosdem olim vocabant Presbyteros et Episcopos, eos autem qui nunc vocantur 
Episcopi, nominabant Apostolos"; Beati Theodoret ... in . . . Pauli Epistolas com- 
mentarius (1552), p. 512; PG, 82:804. 

3:158.)' Ipsius Apostolatus ... 7. "Of apostleship itself no succession. For the 
legation ends with the legate, nor does it pass to his successors." Thomas Stapleton 
(1535—1598), Principiorum fidei dodrinalium demonstratio methodica, 6.7 (1579), p. 218. 
Stapleton's thesis in bk. 6 of the Demonstratio is that the "primary subject" in 
whom ecclesiastical power resides is the Roman pontiff as successor to Peter. In 
chap. 7 he concedes that all the apostles were equal as apostles — "ones sent," 
legates — but maintains that Peter was above the others with respect to episcopal or 
pastoral power, in which, in contrast with the extraordinary power of apostleship, 
there is succession. 

3:158.24—25 their true successors, Saravia enumerates three gifts of God peculiar 
to the apostles which were necessary for founding churches: "vocatio ilia extraordi- 
naria, quae proxime a Deo est facta . . . Legatio nullis circumscripta finibus: Terti- 
um, quod in iis omnibus quae ad ipsorum spectabant ofEcium, infallibilem habue- 
runt directorem Spiritum Sanctum, qui suggessit ipsis quaecunque prius a Domino 
audiverant, et omnia quae ad hominum salutem et ecclesiae aedificationem erant 
necessaria, adeo ut in ipsorum potestate non fuerit a veritate deflectere"; De diuersis 
ministrorum . . . gradibus, chap. 14 (1590), p. 33; "theyr extraordinary calling (for 
they had it immediately from God,) . . . theyr generall Embasee and commission, 
without restraint, or limitation: Thirdly, that in all things which concerned theyr 
function, they had a never-errant director, (the spirite of trueth) who suggested 
unto them, whatsoever they before had heard of the Lord, or should otherwise be 
requisite for them to know"; Diverse Degrees (1591), p. 40. But he then insists, as 
H does, that a form of ecclesiastical government involving inferior and superior 
pastors is necessaiy not only for beginning churches but also for conserving them. 
Saravia is more sweeping than H in pronouncing such a form of government, con- 
joined with apostolic power, to be instituted by God, not only practised by the 
apostles but handed down ("tradita") by them. 

3:159.10—14 The form of . . . Bishops. In allowing that the apostles established 
an essentially presbyterian form of government in every city where the gospel was 
accepted, H concedes more to his opponents than did other Anglican apologists. 


Book VII, Chapter 4.3-5.2 

Following Epiphanius in a passage H will describe as "in part but raw" (3:200.27- 
28.)'), Bilson allows only that the apostles set up bishops only where fit men could 
be found {Perpetual Govemement, pp. 220-224), while Bancroft merely assures his 
reader {Survay, p. 79) that in particular congregations "you should have found a 
Priest . . . [but] In Citties, ^vhere there were diverse such congregations . . . then 
you shoulde have found some Timothy a Bishop to goveme them." Saravia, 
however, although a high episcopalian, does not dispute Jerome's assertion that the 
churches were governed at first "communi preshyterorum consilio"; De diuersis ntinistro- 
Tum . . . gradibus, p. 51; "by the common counsell of the Elders"; Diverse Degrees, p. 64. 

3:159.22. c AttendiU gregi, The imperative to the presbyters in Acts 20:28 is plural 
(npoaixtxt), their flock is singular (navTi xq) 7Coi^vi(p). 

3:160.3-14 But . . . trouble. In using Paul's prediction to the Ephesian presbyters 
of dissensions among themselves as an indication of the cause of instituting "every- 
where" "Bishops with restraint," H endorses Jerome's account of the matter (see 
3:160.31—161.8). Bilson thought it necessary to cite signs of dissension throughout 
the early church to argue that, since the need for resident episcopal authority had 
arisen in apostoHc times, institution of the remedy was apostoUc as well (Perpetual 
Govemement, pp. 229—230). Saravia, on the other hand, took Jerome to task for 
supposing that the apostles would have presumed to make a universal change in the 
Lord's disposition of things on account of the sins of one church (De diversis min- 
istrorum . . . gradibus, p. 53; Diverse Degrees, p. [67], misnumbered 64). Bancroft 
{Survay, p. 384) believed that the apostles recognized the need for bishops and in- 
stituted them, but to refute Cartw^right he is content to quote the weaker state- 
ment of the Lutheran Magdeburg Centuries: "by and by after the Aposdes 
death, . . . necessity compelled {the fathers then living) to ordaine certaine degrees of persons 
in the church and to conserve them. This is most direcdy against Cartwrights assertion 
[that the lay-eldership was flourishing in the time of Constantine]: although for 
mine ow^n part (to note it by the way) I thinke the Apostles, know^ing the necessi- 
tie mentioned, had taken that order before. But to follow the said historic. ..." 
For the Magdeburg Centuries, see Mathias Flacius, Ealesiastica historia . . . secundum 
singulas centurias (1562—1569), 1 {centuria secunda): 125; for Cartwright, see 1:182, 
misnumbered 183 [145] (Whitgift, Defense, pp. 651-652; PS, 3:199-201) and The 
Rest of the Second Replie (hereafter, 3:) 67-68. 

3:160.10 order of Jerusalem See 3:157.2—4 and o. 

3:160.18.^ entituled Angels. The book of Revelation is addressed to the seven 
churches of the province of Asia (Minor). Chapters 2 and 3 comprise particular 
messages to the angel of each church dictated to John when he was caught up in 
the Spirit. Anglican writers regularly cited these verses as scriptural witness and 
endorsement of hierarchy in the government of the early church. Bilson cites old 
and new authors in behalf of this interpretation as a prehminary to his own 
development of it {Perpetual Govemement, pp. 289—290). 



3: 1 60. 1 8 perhaps be answered This nonprelatical exegesis is suggested by the GB 
gloss to Rev. 2:1: "To the Pastor or minister which are called by this Name, 
because they are Gods messengers, and have their oflfice commune with Jesus 
Christ who also is called an Angel." 

3:160.30./i Ecclesia est in Episcopo, Cyprian, epist. 4.9, Ad Florentinum, quern et 
Puppianum: "The church is in the bishop"; Opera (1563), p. 106; CSEL, 3.2:733, 
ACW, 46:121, and FOTC, 51:229 (epist. 66): "Unde scire debes episcopum in 
Ecclesia esse, et Ecclesiam in episcopo; et si cum episcopo non sit, in Ecclesia non 
esse"; "You ought to know that the bishop is in the church and the church in the 
bishop and that if anyone is not with the bishop he is not in the church." This im- 
portant letter, already cited at 3:158.9-10, is discussed in detail by H in chap. 16.6 
(246.13—247.10). On the question of what Cyprian meant by a bishop, see chap. 

3:160.31—161.8.1 That where . . . whereof, Jerome, epist. 85, to Evagrius: "Nam 
cum Apostolus perspicue doceat, eosdem esse presbyteros, quos et episcopos: quis 
patiatur mensarum et viduarum minister [diaconus], ut supra eos se tumidus effe- 
rat. . . . Quod autem postea unus electus est, qui caeteris praeponeretur, in schismatis 
remedium factum est: ne unusquisque ad se trahens Christi Ecclesiam rumperet"; 
Epistolae (1578), p. 310B; CSEL, 56:308-310 (epist. 146); "For when the apostle 
clearly teaches that presbyters are the same as bishops, must not a mere server of 
tables and of widows [a deacon] be insane to set himself up arrogantly over [them]? 
. . . When subsequently one presbyter was chosen to preside over the rest, this was 
done to remedy schism and to prevent each individual from rending the church of 
Christ by drawing it to himself"; NPNF.2, 6:288. See § 6 (3:164.3-165.17) for 

3:161.8—15 whether the Apostles . . . God, The uncertainties expressed here 
about the origin of episcopacy as the church's universal form of government were 
more troublesome to both high episcopalians and disciplinarians than they were to 
H. More characteristic are his emphasis on the authority of "the whole Church" 
and claims to implicit divine approval for reasonable human decisions in ecclesiasti- 
cal matters; see § 8 (3:166.16-168.35) for his reconciliation of some of the 
competing views. 

3:161.16— 18.^ Jewish regiment, . . .Jethro. Seeing Moses occupied from morning 
to evening personally hearing every dispute that arose among the people, his 
Midianite father-in-law proposes in Exod. 18:19 the system of rulers over thou- 
sands, hundreds, fifties, and tens which the Israelites followed in their wandering 
in the Sinai. 

3:161.23— 26. /e a principle, . . . Authors of it. Augustine, epist. 118, tojanuarius: 
"Ilia autem quae non scripta, sed tradita custodimus, quae quidem toto terrarum 
orbe observantur, dantur intelligi vel ab ipsis Apostolis vel plenariis conciliis, 
quorum est in ecclesia saluberrima autoritas, commendata atque statuta retineri"; 


Book VII, Chapter 5.2-5.6 

Opera (1569), 2:556; CSEL, 34.2:159-160, and NPNF.l, 1:300, as epist. 54. 
"Now those things which are not in Scripture but which we keep by tradition, 
which are indeed observed through the whole world, must be understood to be 
commended and established for retention by the apostles themselves or by general 
councils, whose authority in the church is most wholesome." The application of 
Augustine's principle to the apostolic origin of episcopal authority is H's. In the 
cited passage Augustine instances the universal observance of Good Friday, Easter, 
Ascension Day, and Pentecost, in contrast with customs concerning fasting or daily 
communion, which vary from place to place. Whitgift discussed the passage in 
connection with the church's authority in things indifferent; Defense, pp. 103-109; 
PS, 1:230-243. Compare IV.2.2 and i (1:277.28-278.4 and n, above). 

3:162.8—14./ It was for . . . Bishop. Jerome, epist. 85 to Evagrius; Epistolae (1578), 
p. 310B; CSEL, 56:310, and NPNF.2, 6:288, as epist. 146. For the fiill text and 
H's exegesis, see 3:164.9—165.17, below. Heraclas was bishop at Alexandria from 
230 to 247; Dionysius the Great succeeded him, dying about 264; according to 
Eusebius, Mark w^as bishop from 54. 

3:162.m T.C. 1.1. Cartwright, 1:107 [82], quoted by Whitgift, Defense, p. 
383 (PS, 2:250). 

3:163.1—3 Who doth not . . . Alexander, The succession of Maximus through 
Peter (265—311) is recorded in Eusebius, Hist, eccles., 7.11 and 32. The succession 
of Peter through Alexander (300-328) is in Socrates, Hist, ecdes., 1.5, just before 
the passage next quoted by H. 

3:163.4-10.n it fortuned . . . Bishop. Socrates, Eccles. hist., 1.3 in Christopher- 
son's Latin translation (1.5 in the Greek). Historiae ecdesiasticae scriptores Graeci 
(1570): "Et quodam tempore praesentibus presbyteris qui sub ipso erant, reliquo' 
que clero, curiosius aliquanto disserit et subtilius de sancta Trinitate, unitatem'que 
in Trinitate esse divinitus philosophatur. Anus autem unus ex presbyterorum 
numero qui erant sub Alexandro in eo gradu locati . . . acerbe aspere'que . . . illis 
quae ab episcopo dicu erant, occurrit"; p. 391. Ecdes. hist. (1544): icai noTe 
7iap6vT(ov Twv un' aoxdv TtpeaPuT^pcov, Kai twv Xoitiwv KXqpitccov, (j)iXoTi- 
fiOTepov Tcepi rqc; dyia^ rpiaSo^, ev TpidSi povaSa eivai (|>i>.oao(j>oov 
iQtoXoyzx. apeio^ 6e t»<; nptopvTtpoq tcov on' auxo) Tarro^evcov . . . 
yopyo)^ u7ia7iqvTr|ae Tcpoc; xd napd xou inioKonov XexQivra. (1544), fol. 
171'; ed. Hussey (1853), 1:10-11; NPNF.2, 2:3. In Socrates' account, diis incident 
was the beginning of the Arian controversy. For H's view of the sequel, see 
Supplement I, The Causes of These Contentions, 3:457.11—12 and n. 

3.163.0 Ignatius . . . Hero The spurious Ignatian epistle np6(; "Hgcova, is addressed 
to Hero as a deacon of Christ, 'Hpcovi 6iaK6v(p Xpiarou; in it Ignatius is made 
to express the belief that God will show him, Hero, on his, Ignatius's, throne: 
Tticrreoa) . . . on 6ei^ei pot 6 dedq "Hpcova kni toO 6p6vou pou. Ignatius, 
Epistolae (1558), p. 113; Lightfoot, ed., The Apostolic Fathers, 2.3:248; ANF, 1: 



114. Chrysostom . . , Constantinople. Socrates, Eccles. hist., 6.2; (1544), fol. 254"; 
ed. Hussey (1853), 2:657; NPNF.2, 2:138. See 3:419.1-4.n, below. 

3:164.9-165.17 An attendant, . . . themselves. In his distinctively full and circum- 
stantial presentation of this incessantly cited text, Jerome's epist. 85 to Evagrius, H 
omits a series of NT authorities for the identity of presbyters and bishops in the 
early church and some details of the situation at Rome that had called forth 
Jerome's letter; at 3:164.14-15, 165.1-3, and 165.7-8 he interpolates some exegesis 
of his own; and at 164.27-33 he provides a summary paraphrase rather than a 
translation: "Nam cum Apostolus perspicue doceat, eosdem esse presbyteros, quos 
et episcopos [marg.. Act. 6]: quis patiatur mensarum et viduarum minister, ut supra 
eos se tumidus efferat, ad quorum preces Christi corpus sanguisque conficitur? . . . 
Quod autem postea unus electus est, qui caeteris praeponeretur, in schismatis 
remedium factum est: ne unusquisque ad se trahens Christi Ecclesiam rumperet. 
Nam et Alexandriae a Marco evangelista usque ad Heraclam et Dionysium episco- 
pos, presbyteri semper unum ex se electum, in excelsiori gradu coUocatum, episco- 
pum nominabant: quo modo si exercitus imperatorem faciat; aut diaconi eligant de 
se, quem industrium noverint, et archidiaconum vocent. Quid enim facit, excepta 
ordinatione, episcopus, quod presbyter non faciat? Nee altera Romanae urbis 
Ecclesia, altera totius orbis existimanda est. Et Galliae, et Britanniae, et Africa, et 
Persis, et Oriens, et India, et omnes barbarae nationes unum Christum adorant, 
unam observant regulam veritatis. Si auctoritas quaeritur, orbis maior est urbe. 
Ubicumque fuerit episcopus, sive Romae, sive Eugubii, sive Constantinopoli, sive 
Rhegii, sive Alexandriae, sive Tanis; ejusdem meriti, ejusdem est et sacerdotii. 
Potentia divitiarum, et paupertatis humilitas, vel sublimiorem, vel inferiorem 
episcopum non facit. Caeterum omnes apostolorum successores sunt. Sed dicis, quo 
modo Romae ad testimonium diaconi presbyter ordinatur? quid mihi profers unius 
urbis consuetudinem? . . . Diaconos paucitas honorabiles, presbyteros turba con- 
temptibiles facit. Caeterum etiam in ecclesia Romae presbyteri sedent, et stant 
diaconi. . . . Qui provehitur, de minori ad majus provehitur. Aut igitur ex pres- 
byter© ordinetur diaconus, ut presbyter minor diacono comprobetur, in quem 
crescit ex parvo: aut, si ex diacono ordinatur presbyter, noverit se lucris minorem, 
sacerdotio esse maiorem. Et, ut sciamus traditiones apostolicas sumptas de veteri 
testamento [marg.. Lev. 8. Num. 3.4. 1 Par. 9.2.]; quod Aaron, et filii ejus, atque 
levitae in templo fuerunt, hoc sibi episcopi, et presbyteri, et diaconi vindicent in 
ecclesia"; Epistolae (1578), pp. 310B-311A; CSEL, 56:308-312, and NPNF.2, 
6:288-289, as epist. 146. "For when the apostle clearly teaches that presbyters are 
the same as bishops, must not a mere server of tables and of widows be insane to 
set himself up arrogantly over men through whose prayers the body and blood of 
Christ are produced? . . . When subsequently one presbyter was chosen to preside 
over the rest, this was done to remedy schism and to prevent each individual from 
rending the church of Christ by drawing it to himself. For even at Alexandria from 
the time of Mark the EvangeHst until the episcopates of Heraclas and Dionysius the 
presbyters always named as bishop one of their own number chosen by themselves 


Book VII, Chapter 5.6-5.8 

and set in a more exalted position, just as an army elects a general, or as deacons 
appoint one of themselves whom they know to be diligent and call him archdea- 
con. For what function, excepting ordination, belongs to a bishop that does not 
also belong to a presbyter? It is not the case that there is one church at Rome and 
another in all the world beside. Gaul and Britain, Afiica and Persia, India and the 
East worship one Christ and observe one rule of truth. If you ask for authority, the 
world outweighs its capital. Wherever there is a bishop, ^vhether it be at Rome or 
at Engubium, whether it be at Consuntinople or at Rhegium, whether it be at 
Alexandria or at Zoan, his dignity is one and his priesthood is one. Neither the 
command of wealth nor the lowliness of poverty makes him more a bishop or less 
a bishop. All alike are successors of the apostles. But you will say, how comes it 
then that at Rome a presbyter is only ordained on the recommendation of a 
deacon? . . . Their fewness makes deacons persons of consequence while presbyters 
are less thought of owing to their great numbers. But even in the church of Rome 
the deacons stand while the presbyters seat themselves. . . . Again when a man is 
promoted it is from a lower place to a higher. Either then a presbyter should be 
ordained a deacon, from the lesser office, that is, to the more important, to prove 
that a presbyter is inferior to a deacon; or if on the other hand it is the deacon that 
is ordained presbyter, this latter should recognize that, although he may be less 
highly paid than a deacon, he is superior to him in virtue of his priesthood. In fact 
as if to tell us that the traditions handed down by the aposdes were taken by them 
from the old tesument, bishops, presbyters and deacons occupy in the church the 
same positions as those which were occupied by Aaron, his sons, and the Levites 
in the temple"; NPNF.2, 6:288-289. 

3:165.24 We have before alleadged At 3:157.o. 

3:165.27—33 Till through instinct . . . removed. Jerome, Commentarii in Epistolam 
ad Titum (on Titus 1:5, "Et constituas per civitates presbyteros/ sicut ego tibi 
disposui"): "Antequam diaboli instinctu, studia in religione fierent, et diceretur in 
populis: Ego sum Pauli, ego Apollo, ego autem Cephe [1 Cor. 1:12], communi 
presbyterorum consilio, ecclesiae gubemabantur. Postquam vero unusquisque eos 
quos baptizaverat suos putabat esse non Christi: in toto orbe decretum est, ut unus 
de presbyteris electus superponeretur caeteris: ad quem omnis ecclesiae cura 
pertineret: et schismatum semina tollerentur"; Opera (1516), 9:120F; PL, 26:562. 
On the practice of the church in Alexandria, see Eric Kemp, "Bishops and 
Presbyters in Alexandria," Jowrruj/ of Ecclesiastical History, 6 (1955): 125—142. 

3:166.12—16 As therefore . . . Church. Jerome, ibid.: "Sicut ergo presbyteri sciunt 
se ex ecclesiae consuetudine ei qui sibi praepositus fuerit esse subjectos: ita episcopi 
noverint se magis consuetudine quam dispositionis dominicae veritate, presbyteris 
esse majores: et in commune debere ecclesiam regere"; Opera (1516), 9:120H; PL, 



3:166./> Bishops he meaneth — Ep. 9. On bishops by restraint and at large, see 
3:152.31 and 156.6 and nn; for Cyprian, see 155.21-22. 

3:166.16—168.35 To clear the sence . . . them. The critical comment appearing 
near the beginning of this discussion of Jerome in Gauden's text (see textual note 
and commentary at 3:166.25) indicates the importance of the issues involved: 
"This answer to Saint Jierom, seemeth dangerous . . . ." The apparent danger may 
be gathered from the italics in Gauden at 166.25-167.27 ("Now whereas . . . 
thereof") and 168.11-25 ("And therefore . . . themselves;"), which Keble plausibly 
conjectured reflect underUning in the manuscript by H's critic. In these passages 
episcopacy is described as a "Regiment . . . positive, and consequently, not 
absolutely necessary, but of a changeable nature," and "the whole body of the 
Church" is proposed as competent to change this institution, for it "hath power to 
alter with general consent . . . even the positive laws of the Aposdes." Each passage 
might have been thought to pose a distinct danger. Although earlier Anglican 
apologists were content to let episcopacy depend, finally, on the will of the 
sovereign, a reader in H's circle — the critical comment recalls the manner of 
Edwin Sandys's notes on Book VI (see 3:559) — may well have felt that the 
generally firmer basis for episcopal authority provided in Book VII was weakened 
by describing the institution as "positive," that is, as dependent for its validity on 
the will of a contemporary lawgiver rather than on its own intrinsic rightness or on 
immemorial tradition. Thus this passage may have struck H's critic as an ill-advised 
reversion to the view characteristic of establishment writings prior to Bancroft's 
sermon of 1588/89. The second italicized passage would be Uable to a difierent 
objection, for it specifies in an apparently radical way the authority competent to 
alter such an institution as episcopacy. It identifies "the whole body of the 
Church" as the proper legislative authority in such matters, and this may have 
seemed a risky concession to disciplinarian populism. 

However dangerous this answer to Saint Jerome may have seemed to H's critic, 
the position taken here is quite characteristic of H himself. The principle that the 
church has power to abrogate positive law, even divinely instituted positive law, is 
defended forcefiilly and at length in the final two chapters of Book III, and with 
the same conditions as are stated here in Book VII. There must be no divine 
commandment expressly forbidding change of the law in question, and it must be 
clear that altered circumstances have taken away the reason for the law's initial 
institution. The location of authority in the general consent of the whole body of 
the church is suggested in Book I and developed in Book VIII. H's exposition of 
Jerome in no way contradicts the view that episcopal goverrmient of the church is 
of apostolic origin and divine inspiration, a view put forward in this very passage 
as well as at the end of the chapter. This is the view to which H strongly inclines, 
although he never asserts it without qualification. His point in imputing a more 
fimdamental authority to the whole body of the church than to its leaders is that, 
even on a. jure divino view of episcopal origins — even if one believes "the Authors 
of Episcopal Regiment to have been the very blessed Aposdes themselves, directed 


Book VII, Chapter 5.8-5.10 

therein by the special motion of the Holy Ghost" (168.30-32) — there is no 
warrant for an irresponsible episcopate with immutable institutional authority. 

H's extended criticism of the faults of contemporary bishops at the beginning 
of chap. 24 and his account of the public benefits of prelacy in chap. 18 take on 
added significance in the light of this apostolic but non-necessary conception of 
episcopal authority. Such weighing of faults and benefits would have little import 
if the institution under review were understood to be prescribed by God as 
immutable. In sum, this dangerous-seeming answer to Jerome would seem to be 
authentically H's. The passage from Jerome brought up as an objection to H's 
position on episcopacy may indeed have seemed to him "reasonable, sensible, and 
plain" when interpreted in accordance ^vith his ow^n principles. 

H's detailed and favorable exposition of Jerome is unusual. Whitgift ignored the 
passage when it was brought forward by Cartwright, 1:104 [79] (Whitgift, Defense, 
pp. 370-371; PS, 2:225—228). Saravia ranged Jerome ("hallucinating") with the 
heretic Aerius (on whom see chap. 9), while he himself stood with the consensus 
of all the churches of the world in agreement with Scripture: "apud me plus valet 
consensus universalis omnium totius orbis ecclesiarum consentiens cum verbo Dei, 
quam Aerii haeretici, aut Hieronymi allucinantis in verborum ambiguitate [having 
lost himself in the ambiguity of doubtful words], et primorum temporum ecclesiae 
conditione"; De diversis ministrorum . . . gradibus, p. 56; Diverse Degrees, pp. [71—72], 
misnumbered 68—69. Bilson offers two interpretations of Jerome, neither of which 
&ces the implication of mutability in the idea of episcopacy as based on the 
consent or custom of the church {Perpetual Govemement, pp. 216, 221—222). 

3:168.35 Another Argument See 3:157.15— 23. The argument from succession is 
developed in more detail by Bilson {Perpetual Govemement, pp. 258-270). 

3:169.7—9.^ By Epiphanius . . . Bishop. Epiphanius, Contra octoginta haereses, 2.2, 
Kara Mavixaicov (Heresy 66); Opera (1544), pp. 274-275; GCS, 37:44-47; PG, 
42:59-64. On Epiphanius, see 2:255. o.n, above. Hilarion, apparendy a favorer of 
Arianism, intruded after the expulsion of Cyril of Jerusalem in 357 or 358. 

3:169.11— 17. r Tertullian . . . consecrate; Tertullian, De praescriptione adversus haereti- 
cos, chap. -32: "Aedant ergo origines ecclesiarum suarum: evolvant ordinem episco- 
porum suorum, ita per successiones ab initio decurrentem, ut primus ille episcopus 
aliquem ex Apostolis, vel Apostolicis viris, qui tamen cum Apostolis perseveraverit, 
habuerit autorem et antecessorem. Hoc enim modo ecclesiae ApostoUcae census 
suos deferunt: sicut Smymaeorum ecclesia habens Polycarpum ab Joanne conloca- 
tum refert"; Opera (1566), 1:178-179; CCSL, 1:212-213; ANF, 3:258. 

3:169.17-20 Catalogues . . . collected, Eusebius, Ecdes. hist., 2.23-24; 3.2, 4, 
11, 13-15, 21-23, 34-36; 4.1, 4-5, 10-11, 19-20; 5.9, 12, etc. Socrates, Ecdes. 
hist., carries on the record of episcopal successions through the 4C and early 5C. 

3:169.29—170.1 And what need . . . not? This argument, apparendy H's own, 
has an almost disciplinarian ring to it; compare the anti-episcopal argument stated 



at 3:212.24—30 and answered at 216.26—217.4. Saravia took it as axiomatic that the 
apostles established nothing in the church which they had not received firom the 
Lord. De diversis ministrorum . . . gradibus, pp. 48, 12; Diverse Degrees, pp. 60, 11. 

3:170.3-5. r The Eunuch . . . High. Acts 8:26-39. Although Philip the Evangelist 
was under close direction of the angel or Spirit of the Lord through this episode, 
the Ethiopian Eunuch was baptized at his own instance. 

3: 170. 23. u/ A Bishop, . . . Superior, In epist. 19, Ad Hieronymum, Augustine, a 
bishop, is concerned both to mollify Jerome, a presbyter, concerning rumors of his 
disapproval of Jerome's translation of Scripture and yet to induce him to consider 
questions about his sources which still seem unresolved. Accordingly, although he 
asserts that the episcopate is "greater" than the presbyterate according to honors in 
the usage of the church, the apparent emphasis is rather on Augustine himself 
being "less" than Jerome in many things; yet he concludes by suggesting that 
correction "even from a lesser" is not to be evaded or disdained by anyone: 
"Quanquam enim secundum honorum vocabula, quae jam ecclesiae usus obtinuit, 
episcopatus presbyterio major sit: tamen in multis rebus Augustinus Hieronymo 
minor est, licet etiam a minore quolibet non sit refugienda vel dedignanda correc- 
tio"; Opera (1569), 2:84; CSEL, 34.2:385, and NPNF.l, 1:361, as epist. 82. 

In the tract De haeresibus ad Quoduultdeum, chap. 53, the presbyter Aerius (not 
to be confused with Arius) is said to have fallen into heresy from grief that he 
could not be ordained bishop and to have held that "no difference" ought to be 
recognized between presbyter and bishop ("Dicebat etiam presbyterum ab Episco- 
po nulla differentia debere discerni"); Opera (1569), 6:25; CCSL, 46:323—324. On 
Aerius as the first to gainsay episcopal government, see chap. 9. 

3:170.27-171.5 Priests in the law . . . other. The twofold division of the 
bishop's preeminence over presbyters in chap. 6 corresponds with H's earlier 
distinction between superiority of power "above" and superiority of power 
"upon" other ministers (chap. 3.1). In assimilating the bishop's power to ordain 
presbyters to the liturgical functions reserved to the high priests of the OT and in 
setting it off from the coercive judicial power of bishop over presbyter after 
ordination, H begins his demonstration of episcopal superiority on as nonauthor- 
itarian a note as possible. 

3:171.1 1-15. X The custome . . . hath. The bishops' role in consecrating widows 
to the service of the church is perhaps implicit in the fact that pertinent instruc- 
tions are addressed to Timothy, whom H took to have been a bishop (see chap. 
4.2); 1 Tim. 5:9—15 is concerned with the choice of suitable candidates for such 
consecration and especially with the preferability of older widows to young ones. 
1 Cor. 7:25-40, a Pauline commendation of celibacy over marriage, refers to 
virgins but has nothing concerning their consecration by bishops. 

3:171.15.)/ latter consonant evidence TertuUian, De velandis virginibus, chap. 9, 
refers to a virgin of less than twenty years being placed in the order of widows and 


Book VII, Chapter 5.10-6.5 

comments that if the bishop had been bound to provide for her, he could have 
done so in some other way: "Cui si quid refrigerii debuerat episcopus, aliter utique 
. . . praestare potuisset"; Opera (1566), 2:67; CCSL, 2:1219; ANF, 4:33. 

3:171. 26.Z as Eptphanius fitly disputeth. Epiphanius made this oft-quoted 
comparison in refutation of Aerius's denial of any difference between bishop and 
presbyter: 6ti }iiv a^poav\r\q eoTi t6 Tidv IpTtXetov, Toi^ auveaiv KetcTT]- 
liivoiq TouTo SnXov. to Xeyeiv auxdv eTciaKOTtov Kai TtpeaPurepov laov 
eivai, Ka! n&q loxai touto 6ovaT6v; *H pfev yap eori Ttaxepcov yevvriTiKf^ 
t&^k;, najipaq yap yevviy xq eicKXqai(jc. f\ bt naripac, pfj Suvapevq 
yevvav, 6ia xf]^ xou Xouxpoo TiaA-ivyeveaiac;, xeKva yevvd xq eKKA-qaicy, 
ou ilkv Ttax^pa^ f\ 5t5aaK&A,ou^. Contra odoginta haereses, Adversus Aerium, 
Heresy 75; (1544), p. 386; GCS, 37:336; PG, 42:507-508; "that the whole thing 
is quite full of folly, this is clear to those w^ho have acquired understanding. It is 
said that the bishop and the presbyter are equal, but how^ is this possible? For the 
one is of a rank procreative of fathers, for he begets fathers for the church. The 
other, not being able to beget fathers, begets children for the church through the 
regeneration of baptism [compare Tit. 3:5], but certainly not fathers or teachers" 
(trans. J. S. Lee). 

3:171.31 they considered not H's moderate claim for the exclusive power of 
bishops to ordain is based more on tradition than on deeper theological principle. 
Compare his position here with his later discussions (in chap. 14.7—12) of the 
non-necessity of direct popular consent in the election and ordination of ministers 
and, conversely, the validity in some circumstances of non-episcopal ordination. 

3:172.3— 4.a The Apostles . . . Presbyters. Acts 14:23. Paul and Barnabas 
"ordeined . . . Elders [Ttpeapoxepooc;] by election in everie church [in the region 
of Lystra, Iconium, and Antiochia; v. 21]." 

3:172.5—9.6 Titus . . . them. In Titus 1:5 Titus is charged to "ordeine Elders in 
everie citie" and in 1 Tim. 5:22 Timothy is advised (apropos of ordination): "Lay 
hands suddenly on no man." 

3:172.c Apud i£gyptutn . . . Ephes. "In Egypt presbyters confirm if the bishop 
is not present." Pseudo-Ambrose, Commentarii in Epistolam beati Pauli ad Ephesios, 
printed in Ambrose, Opera (1569), col. 2003; CSEL, 81.3:100. For the full passage 
see VIII.7.2 (3:414.1-6). 

3:172.16 Here ... objected No appeal to the cited canon is found in Cartwright 
or Travers, but see Cartwxight's assertion, 2:274, that "not so much as the ordina- 
tion/ can by the testimonie of thauncient fathers/ or councelles agree unto one 
bishop onely," which he supports by reference to other sources for Afiican church 

3:172.16-20 Here . . . the ordained. The list of canons traditionally ascribed to 
a "Fourth Council of Carthage" held in 398 is based on a Gallic source of around 



475 (CCSL, 149:342). Canon 3 prescribes that at a presbyter's ordination, as the 
bishop blesses him and holds his hand over his head, all the presbyters who are 
present shall also hold their hands over the candidate's head near the bishop's: 
"Presbyter quum ordinatur, Episcopo eum benedicente, et manum super caput ejus 
tenente, etiam omnes presbyteri, qui praesentes sunt, manus suas, juxta manum 
episcopi super caput illius teneant"; Concilia (1585), 1:759; CCSL, 149:344. An 
essential role for presbyters in ordination was also claimed on the basis of 1 Tim. 
4:14 (see chap. 9.3). For a fuller discussion, see Bilson, Perpetual Govemement, pp. 

3:172.25—27 With us . . . present. The Edwardian ordinal of 1552, reauthorized 
imphcidy in the 1559 Act of Uniformity and explicidy in 1566, provided that, 
"when this praier is done, the Bisshoppe with the priestes present, shal lay theyr 
handes severally upon the head of every one that receiveth orders. The receivers 
humbly knelyng upon their knees, and the Bisshop saying. Receive the holy gost 
. . ."; The fourme and maner of makynge and conseaatynge, Bisshoppes, Priestes, and 
Deacons, printed with The Boke of Common Prayer (1552), sig. 2B7''. See Clay, ed., 
Liturgical Services, PS (1847), p. 292. 

3:172.31—173.4 no man . . . unsufBcient. H states his own position on occa- 
sional non-episcopal ordinations in the patristic period in chap. 14.11 (3:226.28- 

3:173.11 the Nathiners Ezra 8:20 (GB: "Nethinims"). 

3:173.24—28.^ Priests, saith Josephus, . . . God. toutov 6epa7teuouai plv 6i& 
Ttavrdg oi lepeT^. riyeixai bk toCtcov 6 Ttpwroc; dei Kara yevo<;. o6to(; 
pev 7tp6 Ttov 6lXX(ov lepecov [Loeb: (ierd twv auviepecov] 0uaei tq) Qea, 
(j)oX,<i^ei Touc; vopouc;, biK&ati Tiepi r&v dji(j)iaPqToupev(av. KoX&aei Tovq 
eA,eyx8£VTa(; eTt' dSiKco. 6 6e yt toutq) )afj 7tei06^evo<;, v^i^ti 6iKr|v ox; 
ei(; Tov Geov autov daePwv" Josephus, IJegl dgxaioxriroq 'lovbaioiv xara- 
'Amojvog (0« the Antiquity of the fews or Against Apion), bk. 2; Opera (1544), p. 
948; Loeb, pp. 370—371. The Loeb text, which has the high priest sacrificing to 
God, safeguarding the laws, and judging disputes and punishing those convicted of 
crimes with his colleagues or fellow priests (/jerd T(BV auviepecov) provides less 
support for H than the 1544 text, in which the high priest performs these func- 
tions before the other priests (7tp6 Twv dXA,cov iepecov), although the high priest's 
leadership is affirmed in both texts (qyeiTai 61 toutcov 6 Tcpcaxoc; dei Kara 

3:173.28—29 unto this they answer. In his Replye Cartwright thus explained why 
the use of OT institutions as models for the church, a procedure the disciplinarians 
considered generally sound, was invalid with reference to the monarchic authority 
of the high priest: "And where he [Whitgift] saith/ that there was then which was 
called highe priest/ and was over all the rest: he did well know that the cause ther- 
of was/ because he w^as a figure of Christe/ and dyd represent unto the people/ 


Book VII, Chapter 6.5-6.7 

the cheefetye and superioritye of cure savioure Christe whych was to come/ and 
that oure savioure Christe being come/ there is nowe no cause why there should 
be any suche preheminence geven unto one: and further/ that it is unlawful! that 
there shoulde be any suche/ unles it be lawfull to have one head byshop over all 
the church"; 1:119 [92], quoted by Whitgift, Defense, p. 428 (PS, 2:346-347). 

3:174.5-9 Tell the Anabaptist Christ. Guy de Bres, La radne, source et 

fondement des Anabaptistes (1565), p. 822: "Plusieurs de nos Anabaptistes pensent 
bien eschapper de tant de tesmoignages qui sont contr'eux, disant, que tous ces 
tesmoignages sont prins du vieil Testament, et qu'ils ne doyvent avoir lieu au 
Nouveau, entant que nostre Seigneur requiert une perfection plus grande en 
I'Eglise Chrestienne, qu'il n'a pas fait au peuple Judaique." On de Bres's La radne, 
H's principal source for Pref 8, see Intro, to The Preface, pp. 70-71, and 1:42.15- 
49.30 and nn, above. On the Anabaptists' interpreution of the old Jerusalem as a 
"figurative resemblance" of the new Jerusalem they were to establish and their use 
of OT wars as models for their own, eventually violent, attempts to estabUsh the 
kingdom of Christ, see 1:48.6—26 and nn. 

3:174.9 Tell the Barrowist Not found in the separatist Henry Barrow (executed, 
1593), but in discussing Barrow's answer to the question whether the queen might 
make laws for the church, George Gifford (d. 1620) attributed to Robert Browne, 
"the roote of this heresie," the following position: "The kingdome of Christe is 
spiritual!, and not set up by the arme of flesh and blood, but by the Holy-ghost. 
The Subjects of Christe come willinglye of theyr owne accorde, and not by 
compulsion. None of aU the godlye Kinges, durst compell any to the worship of 
God. And that all the Kings of Juda, which did reforme religion, did it by a 
spiritual! power, as being figures of Christ"; A short treatise against the Donatists of 
England, whome we call Broumists (1590; STC 11869), p. 107. On the separatists see 
Pref 8.1-5 and nn. 

3:174.12 Tell the Martinist Not found in the Marprelate tracts, on which see 
above, Intro, to The Preface, pp. 23—25. 

3:174.30-33./j St. Cyprian ... it. Writing to a bishop who had complained of the 
insolence of one of his own deacons, Cyprian assures him of liis authority to 
punish such men, citing Deut. 17:12-13 and other OT precepts and examples 
concerning the divine authority of priests and God's w^rath towards those who 
despise it. He cites Paul's reverence for the office of high priest (Acts 23:4—5) and 
the honor shown by Clirist himself to high priests and priests who neither recog- 
nized him nor feared God. Cyprian, epist. 3.9, Ad Rogatianum episcopum de superbo 
diacano; Opera; (1563), pp. 64-65; CSEL, 3.2:469-471, ACW, 43:54-56, and 
FOTC, 51:6-8, as epist. 3. 

3:174.33-175.5.1 St. Jerome . . . themselves. Jerome, epist. 85, to Evagrius; 
Epistolae (1578), p. 31 lA, end of the passage quoted in chap. 5.6 (3:164.9-165.17 
and n, above). 



3:175.6-1 l.y Ignatius ... Church. The phrase iepaTE6eiv Kal &pxeiv ("to 
function as a priest and to rule") is firom an interpolation in Ignatius's epistle to the 
Smyrnaeans; Epistolae (1558), p. 87; Lightfbot, ed., The Apostolic Fathers, 2.3:224; 
ANF, 1 :90. But the definition of a valid Eucharist as one celebrated by the bishop 
or his representative and the prohibition of baptism apart from the bishop are in 
the genuine part of the letter: ^r|5ei(; X'^PK eniOKdnov Ti npaaatrca twv 
avqK6vTQ)v ei^ ttjv eKKA,qaiav. eKeivr| pepaia euxocpicnria qyeiaeco, q vnd 
Tdv eTtiaKOTCov ouaa, q 4> o^v ambq eTiixpiyi] . . . ouk e^6v eoriv x^P'? too 
e7iiaK67iou, oCte PaTiTi^eiv. (1558), pp. 86-87; Bihlmeyer, ed., Die apostolischen 
Vdter (1924), p. 108; Robert M. Grant, Ignatius of Antioch (1966), pp. 120-121. H 
quotes the interpolated passage more fially in VI.2.1 (3:4./) and refers to it in chap. 
16.8 (249.7-8). 

3:175.16-19./ Ignatius . . . oxivSopai. From the spurious Ignatian episde to the 
Christians of Antioch, Ignatius's own city, quoted above at 3:157.21-23; Epistolae 
(1558), p. 104; Lightfoot, ed., The Apostolic Fathers, 2.3:238; ANF, 1:111: "Presby- 
ters, feed the flock which is among you, until God points out who is to rule you. 
For I am now ready to be sacrificed." 

3:175.20 death of Fafctan In AD 250 ; see 3:40.25-28 and nn, above. 

3: 175. 24-26. w That they must . . . things. The letter is printed with Cyprian's 
epistles, as epist. 2.7, Cleri Romani ad Cyprianum: "Quanquam nobis differendae 
hujus rei necessitas major incumbat, quibus . . . nondum est episcopus . . . constitu- 
tus, qui omnia ista moderetur"; Opera (1563), p. 50; CSEL, 3.2:553, ACW, 44:32, 
and FOTC, 51:78, as epist. 30. The reference to God's sending a new bishop in 
H's version is supported by a corresponding phrase later in the letter: "interim dum 
episcopus dari a Deo nobis sustinetur"; (1563), p. 51; CSEL, 3.2:556; ACW, 
44:32; FOTC, 51:78. "Meanwhile, while waiting for a bishop to be given us by 

3:176. 1-2.M The custom is, . . .fast. Tertullian, Dejejuniis adversus Psychicos, chap. 
13; Opera (1566), 2:524; CSEL, 20:291; ANF, 4:111. The "psychics" were the 
main body of the church, whom Tertullian came to regard as soulish or natural- 
minded, in contrast (1 Cor. 2:14) with the spiritual men of the Montanist move- 
ment, who properly recognized the Holy Spirit. On Tertullian and the Montanists, 
see l:159.z.4.n, above. 

3:176.2-5.0 Yea, . . . Bishops. Cyprian does not explicitly consider "our own free 
will" as a basis for episcopal authority (although in the passage from Tertullian just 
cited a contrast is drawn between our own choice and the bishop's decision as a 
basis for fasting), and the idea that every act of the church should be governed by 
her bishops is not presented by Cyprian as an explicit commandment of Christ but 
rather as a deduction from Matt. 16:18 ("Thou art Peter . . . and on this rock I 
will build my church"). H's rendering is, however, faithful to the spirit of the 
passage, which makes episcopacy part of the very definition or nature (ratio) of the 


Book VII, Chapter 6.8 

church as the Lord ordered it. "Dominus noster, cujus praecepta metuere et 
observare debemus, Episcopi honorem et Ecclesiae suae rationem disponens in 
Evangelio loquitur, et dicit Petro: Ego tibi dico quia tu es Petrus, et super istam 
petram .... Inde per temporum et successionum vices, Episcoporum ordinatio, et 
Ecclesiae ratio decurrit, ut Ecclesia super episcopos constituatur: et omnis actus 
Ecclesiae per eosdem praepositos gubemetur"; epist. 27, Lapsis; Opera (1593), p. 
62; CSEL, 3.2:566, ACW, 44:40, and FOTC, 51:85-86, as epist. 33. 

3:176.5—9 An Argument . . . secure. This distinctively political inference as 
regards the authority of bishops in the early church is peculiar to H among 
AngUcan writers. 

3:176.12— 15.p By these letters, . . . require. "His Uteris et hortor et mando; ut vos, 
quorum minime illic invidiosa et non adeo periculosa praesentia est, vice mea 
fungamini circa gerenda ea, quae administratio religiosa deposcit"; Cyprian, epist. 
6, Presbyteris et diaconis fratribus; Opera (1593), p. 17; CSEL, 3.2:510, ACW, 43:87, 
and FOTC, 51:41, as epist. 14. The reference to "Ep. 39" is faulty; see 3:182.18- 
28/n, below. 

3:176.p Vide Ignat. ad Magnes. Ignatius of Antioch, to the Magnesians: napa- 
ivdj, ev 6^ovot<5[ 6eou onovbaaaje navra TcpdcTxeiv, 7ipo»ca6qpevou too 
ETciaKOTiou eiq xonov 6eo0* Kai twv Ttpeapurepcov, eic; totcov auveSpioo 
Tdjv dnooToXcov koi xciv SiaKovcov xdiv e^oi yXoKUTdTwv, KETiiaTeu^evajv 
SiaKOViav IriaoC Xpiaxou. Epistolae (1558), p. 27; Bihlmeyer, ed.. Die apostolis- 
chen Voter, p. 90. "I exhort you: be eager to do everything in God's harmony, 
with the bishop presiding in the place of God and the presbytery in the place of 
the council of the apostles and the deacons, most sweet to me, entrusted with the 
service of Jesus Christ"; Grant, Ignatius of Antioch (1966), pp. 60-61. UTtOTdynTe 
T(p ETtiaKOTCQ), icai dXXf\Xo\c„ (aq 6 Xpiaroc; tw Tiaxpi. (1558), p. 35; Bihl- 
meyer, p. 92; "Be subject to the bishop and to one another, as Christ was subject 
to the Father"; Grant, p. 66. 

3:176.^ Quod . . . Nepotianum. Jerome, epist. 2, Ad Nepotianum; Epistolae (1578), 
p. 5B: "Let us know bishop and presbyter to be as Aaron and his sons"; CSEL, 
54:427, and NPNF.2, 6:93, as epist. 52. See § 10 (3:180.7-15) for the fUU passage. 

3:176.r Ita est ut . . . Hieron. "And so you may recognize the Lord in bishops, 
the apostles in presbyters." De septem gradibus ecclesiae (De septem ordinibus ecclesiae in 
running heads of edn. cited) in Jerome, Opera (1516), 2:48C (PL, 30:158). This 
short treatise on ecclesiastical hierarchy, which sees the fullness of divinity dwelling 
bodily in the bishop ("in episcopo plenitudinem divinitatis habitare corporaliter"), 
is thought to have been written by a Gallic priest near the beginning of the 5C. H 
omits an intensifying clause, "qui et ipsi sunt," between "apostolos" and "recog- 

3:177.1-3.5 What is, . . . Christ', H quotes from a 4C interpolation in Ignatius of 



Antioch's letter to the Trallians: Tt y&p feoTiv iniaKonoq, dXX' q n&ar\q Apxfjq, 
Ktt! ^^ouaia<; eTC^Keiva tc&vtcov Kparmv, cb<; oi6v re avSpcoTiov Kpareiv, 
^i^r|Tf|v YJv6jLievov Kara Suva^iiv Xpiaxou xou 6eoo. Epistolae (1558), p. 12; 
Lightfoot, ed., The Apostolic Fathers, 2.3:155; ANF, 1:69. The immediately follow- 
ing citation of Calvin may be intended as a defense against Calvin's negative 
judgment of the Ignatian epistles as foul nursery stories: "nihil naeniis illis . . . 
putidius"; Inst., 1.13.29; (1569), p. 77; trans. Norton (1561), fol. 43'; trans. Batdes 
(I960), 1:158 (quoted by Lightfoot, 2.1:238). 

3:177.4-18./ Mr. Calvin . . . require. Calvin, Inst., 4.4.2 (1569), pp. 684-685: 
"Quibus ergo docendi munus injunctum erat, eos omnes nominabant Presbyteros. 
Illi ex suo numero in singulis civitatibus unum eligebant, cui specialiter dabant 
titulum Episcopi: ne ex aequalitate, ut fieri solet, dissidia nascerentur. Neque tamen 
sic honore et digniute superior erat Episcopus ut dominium in collegas haberet: 
sed quas partes habet Consul in Senatu, ut referat de negotiis, sententias roget, 
consulendo, monendo, hortando, aliis praee[r]at, authoritate sua totam actionem 
regat, et quod decretum communi consilio fuerit exequatur: id muneris sustinebat 
Episcopus in Presbyterorum coetu." H's professed perplexity as to "what rule he 
doth mean" (lines 15-16) when Calvin denies that these early bishops bore "rule" 
over other ministers is occasioned by the clause he omitted to translate ("Neque 
. . . haberet"): "Yet the Bishop was not so above the rest in honor and dignity, 
that he had a dominion [dominium] over his felowes"; trans. Norton (1578), fol. 
444". Few words are richer in variety of connotations of authority or control than 
the Latin "dominium," which can designate the power of a master ("dominus") 
over slaves, ownership ("dominium") of property, the relation of Christ the Lord 
("dominus") to his disciples, the mastery of an art, or the authority of a political or 
religious superior over subjects. H's choice of "rule" as a translation and his 
willingness to accept the Roman consulship as a model for the bishop's office 
indicate a less steeply hierarchical and hard-handed view of episcopal authority than 
was typical in Anglican apologetic under Elizabeth — an oblique rather than 
head-on response to the reformers' attacks on "lordship and dominion." 

3:177.24 One objection there is Cartwright alleges Jerome and Chrysostom on 
the lack of difference between presbyter and bishop, 1:107-108 [83]. H's response 
ampUfies and documents that given by Whitgift: the assimilation of bishop to 
presbyter in these passages concerns "only . . . the ministerie of the Byshop, not 
... his authoritie, in the ecclesiasticall goverrmient"; Defense, p. 387; PS, 2:261. 

3:177.28-30.M What a Bishop . . . ordein? Jerome, epist. 85, to Evagrius; Epistolae 
(1578), pp. 310B-311A: "Quid enim facit, excepta ordinatione, episcopus, quod 
presbyter non faciat?"; CSEL, 56:311, and NPNF.2, 6:289, as epist. 146. See 
3:164.9-165. 17.n, above, for context. 

3:178.3-6.1/ What things . . . Ordination. Chrysostom, Homily 11 [not 10] on 1 
Timothy. "Postquam de episcopis dixit, eosque formavit, quidnam illos habere 


Book VII, Chapter 6.9-6.10 

conveniat, a quo item absdnere necesse sit dictans, omisso interim presbyterorum 
ordine ad diaconos transiit. Cur id quaeso? Quia scilicet inter episcopum atque 
presbyterum interest ferme nihil. Quippe et presbyteris ecclesiae cura permissa est: 
et quae de episcopis dixit, ea etiam presbyteris congruunt: sola quippe ordinatione 
superiores illi sunt, atque hoc tantiim, plus quam presbyteri habere videntur"; 
Opera (1570), 4:1330; PG, 62:553. 

3:178.26 St. /rroms conclusion The conclusion H states in lines 26-29 is &ithful 
enough to Jerome's spirit, but it is not to be found in the text of his letter to 
Evagrius. H may have in mind the passage he quotes below at 3:180.7-15, from 
which he had already drawn the comparison of bishop and presbyter with Aaron 
and his sons at 176.^. 

3:178.30-179.6 St. Chrysostomes . . . understood. H's restatement of the point of 
the passage cited in u and paraphrased at 3:178.3—6. The next sentence {"As for 
. . . bishops"; 179.6—8) is his own observation and should be in roman. 

3:179.u' Velut . . . Gal. Jerome, Commentarii in Epistolam ad Galatas (on Gal. 4:13): 
"As if set up in some lofty watchtower, they scarcely deign to see ordinary mortals 
or speak to their fellow servants"; Opera (1516), 9:90C; PL, 26:379. 

3:179.x Nemo . . . Ecclesiast. Jerome, Commentarii in Ecdesiasten (on Eccles. 8:9— 
11): "No one dares to speak against sinning bishops. No one dares to accuse a 
great one; on that account, going about as if holy and blessed and in the Lord's 
commandments, they increase sins with sins. An accusation against a bishop is 
difficult. For if he has sinned, it is not believed, and if he is convicted, he is not 
punished"; Opera (1516), 7:40E-F; CCSL, 72:317-318, omitting "episcopis" in 
the first sentence. H omits the latter part of the first sentence and three following 

3:179.)' Pessinue . . . Nepotian. Jerome, epist. 2, Ad Nepotianum: "It is a very bad 
custom in certain churches for presbyters to keep silent when bishops are present, 
as if they might be jealous of them or disdain to listen"; Epistolae (1578), p. 5B; 
CSEL, 54:428, NPNF.2, 6:93, and Loeb, pp. 210-211, as epist. 52. 

3:180.1-6.2 Of Vigilantius . . . rod. Jerome, epist. 53 [not 54], Ad Riparium 
presbyterum, against Vigilantius; Epistolae (1578), p. 188B; CSEL, 55:353, and 
NPNF.2, 6:212-213, as epist. 109. 

3:180.7— 15. a,fc Be thou subject . . . were. Jerome, epist. 2, Ad Nepotianum: "Esto 
subjectus pontifici tuo, et quasi animae parentem suscipe. Amare filiorum, timere 
servorum est. Si pater sum, inquit; ubi est honor meus? Si dominus ego sum; ubi 
est timor meus? . . . Illud etiam dico, quod episcopi sacerdotes se esse noverint, non 
dominos: honorent clericos, quasi clericos; ut et ipsis a clericis, quasi episcopis, 
honor deferatur. Scitum illud est oratoris Domitii: Cur ego te, inquit, habeam ut 
principem; cum tu me non habeas ut senatorem? Quod Aaron et filios ejus, hoc 
episcopum et presbyteros esse noverimus: Unus dominus, unum templum, unum 



sit etiam ministerium"; Epistolae (1578), p. 5B; CSEL, 54:427, NPNF.2, 6:93, and 
Loeb, pp. 208—209, as epist. 52. H picks up Jerome's use of Mai. 1:6 at the 
beginning of this passage ("Love pertains to sons, fear to servants. 'If I am a father,' 
he says, 'where is my honor? If I am a lord, where is my fear?' ") in b. He must 
also have agreed with Jerome's conclusion: "Let there be one lord, one temple, 
and also one ministry." 

3:180.17—20 TTie very safety . . . authority. Jerome, Orthodoxi et Ludferiani dialogus: 
"Ecclesiae salus in summi sacerdotis dignitate pendet: cui si non exors quaedam, et 
ab hominibus eminens detur potestas, tot in Ecclesiis efl&cientur schismata, quot 
sacerdotes"; Epistolae (1578), p. 199A; PL, 23:165; NPNF.2, 6:324. H's "persons 
^vhich have authority" for "sacerdotes" is free but preserves the relevance of the 
passage for churches unhappy with the office of "priest." 

3:181.3— 5.C That no successor . . . him. "Inter haec Innocentius Romanus Antistes 
audiens de Joanne et moleste ferens, volensque generale celebrari Concilium, 
scripsit Joanni et clero Constantinopoleos, quod non oporteret Joanni successorem 
dari, ne ejus clerum alii parere pontificii"; D.Joannis Chrysostomi vita per Cassiodo- 
rum senatorem (= extracts from bk. 10 of Cassiodorus's Historia tripartita collected, 
with other biographical materials, by Joannes Ferrerius Pedemontanus for the 1570 
edn. of Chrysostom's Opera), l:lxxxii; CSEL, 71:612, as Historia tripartita, 10.18. 

3:181. 6-15. <f When two of . . . Judge. "Nunciantur duo Joannis presbyteri . . . 
[saying:] Mandat tibi Synodus, ut transeas ad nos responsurus ad crimina. Contra 
vero Joannes . . . ita respondit. Quanam, oro, consequentia, quo ordine judicatis, 
qui neque inimicos meos vultis abjicere, et me per Clericos meos accersitis?" De 
vita divi Joannis Chrysostomi . . . dialogus, in Chrysostom's Opera (1570), l:xxv; PG, 
47:29; Palladii dialogus de vita S. Joannis Chrysostomi, ed. Coleman-Norton (1928), 
p. 50; The Dialogue of Palladius Concerning the Life of Chrysostom, trans. Herbert 
Moore (1921), pp. 70-71. Palladius (365?-425) was a historian of early monasti- 
cism and friend of Chrysostom. 

3:181.22 Bishops together with Presbyters The preceding and following 
chapters are on hierarchical differences — the greater power of bishops in relation 
to presbyters and the greater or lesser jurisdictions of bishops themselves. In the 
present chap. 7, H briefly reviews some more cooperative aspects of early church 
government, perhaps conceding something to the demands, made from the 
Admonition onwards, for a more fraternal spirit in bishops vis ^ vis other clergy. 
Compare chap. 18.12 (3:263.7-19). 

3:181. e 'QaTtep . . . Apost. 58. "Given as coajutors to the bishop," the conclud- 
ing phrase in an exposition by Zonaras of canon 58 of the so-called Apostolic 
Canons (see 3:198. 14-16. r.n, below). Zonaras explains that the bishop's chair is set 
in a high place so that he may diligently observe the people under him (a function 
implied in the name eniaKonoq) and that the presbyters are there with him so 
that they, too, may observe and direct the people. Octoginta quinque Regulae seu 


Book VII, Chapter 6.10-7.1 

Canones Apostolorum: cum . . .Joannis monachi Zonarae in eosdem commentariis (1558), 
p. 57; PG, 137:153. On Zonaras, whom H also quotes at 1.16.7, see 1:141.23- 
27. n, above. 

3:182.1-8 The Bishops ... noM^h^ A continuation of the interpolated passage in 
Ignatius's letter to the Trallians quoted above at 3:177.1-3: Ti 61 TcpeapuTepiov, 
dXk' f\ auoTTipa lepov, aupPouXoi koi aoveSpeorai toO eTtiaKonou ... 6 
TOivuv TouTwv TiapaKoucDv, aOeoc; ndpTtav eiT] av, Kai bvaatpf\(;, Kai 
deexdiv Xpiordv, Kai xi^v auToO Si&xa^iv apiKpuvcov. Epistolae (1558), p. 12; 
Lightfoot, ed.. The Apostolic Fathers, 2.3:155-156; ANF, 1:69. 

3:182.18-28/ After . . . persons. The references to Cyprian here are confused. The 
long quoution in the text is from an episde of Pope Cornelius to Cyprian (Cor- 
nelius Cypriano fratri; so identified in the edns. of Cyprian's letters in which it is 
included), not one from Cyprian to Cornelius: "Postea vero Urbanus et Sidonius 
confessores ad presbyteros nostros venerunt, affirmantes Maximum confessorem et 
presbyterum secum pariter cupere in Ecclesiam redire ... ex ipsorum ore et 
confessione, ista, quae per legationem mandaverant, placuit audiri. Qui cum 
venissent, et a presbyteris, quae gesta erant, exigerentur . . . circumventos se esse 
affirmaverunt. . . . Qui, cum haec, et caetera fiiissent exprobrata, ut abolerentur et 
de memoria tollerentur, deprecati sunt. Omni igitur actu ad me perlato placuit 
contrahi presbyterium. Adfuerunt etiam Episcopi quinque . . . ut firmato consilio, 
quid circa personam eorum observari deberet, consensu omnium statueretur"; 
Cyprian, Opera (1593), epist. 46, p. 104; CSEL, 3.2:609-610, ACW, 44:77-78, 
and FOTC, 51:122-123, as epist. 49. The first phrase quoted in / (Cwm . . . 
conjuncti) is from an epistle of Cyprian to Pope Lucius, in which Cyprian inter- 
prets the recent persecution of the Roman church as a way in which the Lord 
might show which \vas the (true) church, who was his one bishop beloved by 
divine ordination, "who were conjoined with the bishop with the priesdy honor 
of the presbyter"; (1593), epist. 58 [not 28], Cyprianus cum collegis Ludo fratri, pp. 
162-163; CSEL, 3.2:696-697, ACW, 46:93, and FOTC, 51:198, as epist. 61. The 
second phrase (Ego . . . adsidebant) in / is from a letter of Cyprian to the clergy 
and people of Fumi numbered epist. 66 [not 27] in the 1593 edn. (the quoted 
phrase is on page 27 of Manuzio's edn. of 1563): "We were deeply moved, / and 
my colleagues who were present and our conpresbyters who were sitting with us . . ."; 
Presbyteris et diaconibus et plebi Fumis consistentibus (1593), p. 195; CSEL, 3.2:465, 
ACW, 43:51, and FOTC, 51:3, as epist. 1. 

3:183.3-12.^ Unto that, . . . requireth. Again the reference is defective. "Ep. 93" 
may be a transposition of "Ep. 39," the number used in referring to the same 
episde at 3:176./> above, but the episde does not appear under either of these 
numbers in any edn. of Cyprian the editor has been able to consult; in those of 
Erasmus (1540) and Manuzio (1563) it is printed as bk. 3, epist. 10, and in those 
of PameUus (1568) and Goulart (1593) as epist. 6, Presbyteris et diaconis fratribus. "Ad 
id vero quod scripserunt mihi compresbyteri nostri Donatus, et Fortunatus, 



Novatus et Gordius, solus rescribere nihil potui; quando a primordio episcopatus 
mei statuerim, nihil sine consilio vestro, et sine consensu plebis meae, phvata 
sententia gerere. sed cum ad vos per Dei gratiam venero, tunc de iis quae vel gesta 
sunt, vel gerenda, sicut honor mutuus poscit, in commune tractabimus"; (1593), p. 
17; CSEL, 3.2:512, ACW, 43:89, and FOTC, 51:43, as epist. 14. On the four 
presbyters mentioned here (probably leaders of a faction opposed to Cyprian) and 
on the force of "consilio vestro" and "consensu plebis," see G. W. Clarke in 
ACW, 43:266-268. 

3:183.27— 184.2./i That although . . . things. "Et tu quidem honorifice circa nos, 
et pro solita tua humilitate fecisti, ut malles de eo nobis conqueri: cum pro Episco- 
patus vigore et cathedrae auctoritate posses de illo statim vindicari"; Cyprian, epist. 
65, Rogatiano fratri; Opera (1593), p. 192, with the phrase H gives in Latin on p. 
193; CSEL, 3.2:469 and 472, ACW, 43:54 and 57, and FOTC, 51:6 and 9, as 
epist. 3. The reference to "ep. 38" in h is defective; see 3:182.18— 28^n, above. 

3:184.« Such a one . . . Bishop. "Petrus quidam archipresbyter Alexandrinae fiiit 
ecclesiae"; Vita Chrysostomi, in Opera (1570), l:lxxvii; PL, 69:1172 (=Cassiodorus, 
Historia tripartita, 10.10). 

3:184.22— 23.y Exsurge . • . eos. "Thou [Lord] wilt arise and have mercie upon 
Zion .... For thy servants delite in the stones thereof, and have pitie on the dust 
thereof"; Ps. 102:13-14. 

3:185. fe.1-5 L. 36. . . . 'laauponoXEO)^. "Let each city have its own bishop. 
And if anyone shall dare by divine rescript to deprive a city of its own bishop or 
of its territory or of any other right, let him be stripped of possessions and honors. 
But the Scythian city of Tomensum is excepted, for its bishop also cares for other 
cities. And Leontopolis in Isauria is under the bishop of Isauropolis." H's version 
of this law is that of the anonymous Byzantine Nomocanon in fourteen titles, a 
comprehensive collation of ecclesiastical canons with relevant civil legislation which 
was re\vorked and incorporated in the Syntagma of the saindy and learned Photius 
(820?-891?), patriarch of Constantinople. The Greek text of the Nomocanon was 
not published until 1615, but the work was used for the texts of Greek laws of the 
Codex in 16C edns. of praetermissa or of the Codex itself by, among others, Antoni- 
us Augustinus, ed., Constitutionum Graecarum Codicis Justiniani Imperator coUecto et 
interpretatio (1567). H's passage is at p. 34; see Evvxayfia, ed. G. Rhalles and M. 
Potles (1852-1859; rpr. 1966), 1:143-144; see also Hans Erich Troje, Graeca 
Leguntur: Die Aneigung des byzantinischen Rechts und die Entstehung eines human- 
istischen Corpus iuris dvilis in der Jurisprudenz des 16. Jahrhunderts (Vienna: Bohlau 
Verlag, 1971), pp. 53-55,. 200-210. A different text of the law, but to the same 
effect, is given in Justinian, Codex, 1.3.35 (36); ed. Krueger (1963), pp. 23-24. 

3:185.jfe.5— 6 Besides Cyprian . . . Episcopi. Cyprian describes the practice of 
Novatian, who, ambitiously trying to make his own human church, imitated the 
church of Christ and sent new apostles out, and, "when through all provinces and 


Book VII, Chapter 7.1-8.3 

individual cities bishops were already ordained," he dared to create new ones; 
epist. 52, Antoniano fratri; Opera (1593), p. 119 (here the reference in the text is 
accurate); CSEL, 3.2:642, ACW, 46:48, and FOTC, 51:149, as epist. 55. 

3:185./ Ubi ecdesiastici . . . Castit. Tertullian, De exhortatione castitatis, chap. 7: 
"Where there is no assembly of the ecclesiastical order, the priest who is there 
alone both offers [the Eucharist] and moistens [with the water of Baptism]"; Opera 
(1566), 2:179; CCSL, 2:1025 ("offers et tinguis et sacerdos es . . ."); ANF, 4:54. 
The text in CCSL sustains the contrast H draws between those situations in the 
early church in which a college of ordained persons functioned and those situations 
in which no such group was available, but Tertullian intended a more radical 
point. In order to show that the prohibition of polygamy applies to laity as well as 
clergy, he here minimizes the distinction between the ordained (ordo) and the 
non-ordained (plebs) and concludes that in some circumstances "it pertains to you 
[a layman] to offer and moisten, you alone are the priest." 

3:1 86.6. m The Clergy Urbici, The intended reference is apparendy to epist. 

40, Cyprianus plehi uniuersae, where Cyprian refers to a procedure concerning 
readmission to communion of those who had fallen away during persecution which 
had been agreed to both by himself, the urban confessors and clergy (in context, 
the confessors and clergy of Rome), and by all bishops both in his province and 
across the sea "tarn nobis quam confessoribus et clericis urbicis, item universis 
episcopis, vel in nostra provincia, vel trans mare constitutis"; Opera (1593), p. 93; 
CSEL, 3.2:592, ACW, 44:63, and FOTC, 51:108, as epist. 43. The following 
reference to Jerome is more to H's point. 

3:186.14— 18. « Jerom, . . . meddle. Jerome, Orthodoxi et Ludferiani dialogus, 
Epistolae (1578), p. 198B: "Non quidem abnuo banc esse ecclesiarum consuetudi- 
nem, ut ad eos, qui longe in minoribus [PL: a majoribus] urbibus per presbyteros 
et diaconos baptizati sunt, Episcopus ad invocationem Sancti spiritus manus 
impositurus excurrat"; PL, 23:164; NPNF.2, 6:324. "I do not deny that it is the 
practice of the churches in the case of those living fer off in the smaller towns who 
have been baptized by presbyters and deacons, for the bishop to visit them and by 
the laying on of hands to invoke the Holy Ghost upon them." Compare p. 199A 
(PL, 23:165): "Alioqui si ad Episcopi tantum imprecationem spiritus sanctus defluit; 
lugendi sunt, qui in viculis, aut in castellis, aut in remotioribus locis per presbyteros 
et diaconos baptizati ante dormierunt, quam ab Episcopis inviserentur"; "Other- 
wise, if the Holy Ghost descends only at the bishop's prayer, they are gready to be 
pitied who in isolated houses, or in forts, or retired places, after being baptized by 
the presbyters and deacons have fallen asleep before the bishop's visiution" 
(NPNF.2, 6:324). 

3:186.21-22 Ignatius . . . throne. Perhaps a reference to the statement from the 
pseudo-Ignatian epistle to Hero quoted in 3:163.o.n, above, although that does not 
clearly support H's point here. 



3:186.22—24.0 Cyprian . . . chair. ". . . Evaristum de Episcopo jam nee laicum 
remansisse, cathedrae et plebis extorrem"; Cyprian, epist. 49, Comelio fratri; Opera 
(1593), p. 108; CSEL 3.2:616, ACW, 44:82, and FOTC, 51:127, as epist. 52. 

3: 186.26-1 87.2.;?. 1-2 Unto a Bishop . . , waight. Council of Antioch (341), 
canon 9: eKaaxov ydp eniaKOTiov e^ouaiav ex£iv TT\q eauToO 7capoiKia(;, 
6ioiK eiv Te Kara ti^v eKdarcp e7iipaX,A,ouaav eoA-apeiav, Kai 7tp6voiav 
TCoieiaO ai n&aT](; xfjc; x<^P<*? Tqc; vno Tf\v eauToO 7t6X.iv, dx; Kai xeipoTo- 
veiv npeapvripovq Kai SiaKovouc;, Kai ^exd Kpiaecoc; eKaara 6iaXa^p&- 
veiv. IlepaiTepco 6e pr|6ev Tcpdrreiv eTiixeipeiv, 6ixa toO TT\q juqxpoTcd- 
Xeac; eniaKOKOV. prj 6e durov, dveu Tfj^ tcov A,oi7tcov yv6i}iT](;. Theologorum 
aliquot . . . libri Graeci (1559), p. 27 [misnumbered 25]; Lauchert, ed., Die Kanones 
der wichtigsten altkirchlichen Concilien (1896), p. 45; NPNF.2, 14:112. "For each 
bishop has authority over his own parish, both to manage it with the piety which 
is incumbent on every one, and to make provision for the whole district which is 
dependent on his city; to ordain presbyters and deacons; and to settle everything 
with judgment. But let him undertake nothing further without the bishop of the 
metropolis; neither the latter without the consent of the others" (NPNF). The 
canon H quotes in p is canon 2 of the First Council of Constantinople (381); 
(1559), p. 36; Schroeder, ed.. Disciplinary Decrees of the General Councils (1937), pp. 
64, 517; NPNF.2, 14:176: "Unless invited, bishops are not to go outside their 
diocese, either for the purpose of ordaining or for any other act of ecclesiastical 
administration" (Schroeder). 

3:186.;j.2-3 Tooxo . , . cap. 8. Socrates, Eccles. hist., 5.8; (1544), fol. 244"; ed. 
Hussey (1853), 2:586; NPNF.2, 2:121. The phrase quoted ("for this had been 
done before indiscriminately, because of the persecutions") is from Socrates' 
account of the situation the canon just cited by H was intended to remedy. 

3:187.10-15.5 The danger . . . offended? Chrysostom, Homily 1 on Titus (1:4): 
"Quod si is, qui unam animam scandalizat, expedit ei, ut mola asinaria suspendatur 
circa collum ejus, et demergatur in profundum maris: qui tot mulieres, pueros, 
cives, rusticos, incolas suae civitatis, aliarumque urbium, quae illi subjectae sunt, 
quid pati merebitur?"; Opera (1570), 4:1431; PG, 62:668; NPNF.l, 13:522. 

3:187.16-20.< Theophilus, . . . Moses. Palladius, Dialogue Concerning the Life of 
Chrysostom: "Comparat homunculos quinque, nunquam in coetu seniorum eremi 
visos, qui (piget dicere) neque foribus Ecclesiae praefici meruissent. Ex his unum 
Episcopum ordinat, oppidulo cuidam . . . , Pontificem statuens. Passim enim, et 
hujusmodi novitates praesumebat, se ipsum Mosen alium nominans"; in Chrysos- 
tom's Opera (1570), l:xix; PG, 47:23; ed. Coleman-Norton (1928), p. 38; trans. 
Moore (1921), p. 55. 

3:187.20-22 their error, . . . Chorepiscopos Whitgift had quoted the Admonition 
as saying, "These Seniors then . . . did execute their office in theyr own persons, 
without substitutes" {Defense, p. 681; PS, 3:269; P.M., p. 15) and had cited in 


Book VII, Chapter 8.3-8.5 

rebuttal canon 13 of the Council of Ancyra (314), restricting the activities of 
diorepiscopoi. Cartwright took him to task for seizing on a slip in one edition not 
present in others: "But I will note heere how M. Doctor doth goe about to abuse 
hys reader in these vicares. And first where there were three editions/ of which 
one only maketh mention of these vicares he tooke that and left the other/ which 
is to be observed/ for that thys varietie of editions rose of the divers understanding 
of the greke word (chorepiscopos,) which may be taken eyther for hym that is 
byshop for another/ and in hys place/ or for hym that is byshop in the country/ 
that is in some towne which is no citie/ so that chorepiscopus, was opposed unto the 
byshop which was of some citie"; 1:188-189 [151]; Whitgift, Defense, pp. 682- 
683; PS, 3:270-272. 

3:188.3-10.M It hath seemed . . . subject. Council of Antioch, canon 10: To^q cv 
xaiq Kdniaiq f\ raiq x^paig, f\ xovq KaXou^ievouc; xo>P£^»tJK67cou<;, ei Km 
Xe»po6eaiav elev eTiiaKOTitov eiX.r|<J)6Te<;, eSo^e rq ayiQt auv66<p eiSevai 
Ttt eaoT<Bv perpa, Kai SioikeTv xdc; vnoKzi^iivac; auxoTg eKKXqaia^, Kai 
Tq TOUTOJV apKeiaOai <)>povTi6i Kai KtiSepovicjc, Kaeiorqcv 6e dvocyvcbaTac; 
Ktti v)7io6iaK6vou<; Kai enopKiorac;, Kai xq toOtcov apKeiaOai TipoaycoYq, 
pqxc 6^ 7cpeapi3Tepov pnxe Si&kovov xeipoToveTv toX^qlv, 6ixa toO ev tx] 
TioXei eniaKOTiou, q uTioKeivrai aoTog re Kai r| x<^P"- ^' ^^ xoA-^qaeiev 
tk; Tiapapfjvai Td opiaOevra, KaOaipeiaOai aoTov Kai T\q ^erexei Ti^ifj^. 
XtopeTiiaKOTcov 6e Y^veaOai utio tou rfj^ 7i6XecD(;, q UTioKeirai, cTiiaKOTiou. 
Theologorum aliquot . . . libri Graeci (1559), p. 27 [misnumbered 25]; Lauchert 
(1896), pp. 45-^*6; NPNF.2, 14:113. 

3:188.15—16 degrees there are . . . Bishops, To the Admonitions objection 
against "tides, Uvings, and oflSces by Antichrist devised ... as Metropolitane, 
Archebishop ..." {P.M., p. 11; Whitgift, Defense, p. 298; PS, 2:79), Whitgift 
responded with a series of authorities purporting to demonstrate that these higher 
ranks in the traditional ecclesiastical hierarchy originated with the aposdes; Answere 
(1572), pp. 65—66. Cartwright, however, attacked the authenticity or relevance of 
most of the texts cited (1:88-94 [66-71]), reducing the credence claimed by 
Whitgift for testimonies to metropolitans and archbishops prior to the Council of 
Nicaea {Defense, pp. 318-335; PS, 2:118-153), and renewed his attack in the 
Second Replie (2:453—491). H approaches the historical side of the question circum- 
spectly, first offering a general fiinctional rationale for inequality of bishops and 
then presenting the administrative structure of the Roman empire as a providential 
basis for applying such a rationale. Against this background, the canons of Nicaea 
and Antioch are convincing evidence that the various degrees of authority among 
bishops seemed needful "in the eyes of reverend Antiquity" (3:190.3—4). They are 
not claimed to be of apostolic institution, but neither, clearly, are they "oflBces by 
Antichrist devised." 

3:188.26-189.7 where many Governors ... Mover. Compare VIII. 2.1 and 3.4 
(3:331.11-332.1 and 349.2-350.10). 



3:189.13 But they answer. See Cartwright's Replye, quoted in 3:154.23-24.n, 

3:190.8 the special ... God Cartwright prefaced his atuck on Whitgift's author- 
ities in support of archbishops and metropolitans with a declaration of the com- 
pleteness or perfection of the church with just those offices God had specifically 
provided for its government in the NT; 1:83—88 [61—66]; Whitgift, Defense, pp. 
301-317; PS, 2:84-117. H's lyrical presentation of "the very state of the whole 
World, immediately before Christianity took place" in a manner responds to this 
important theme of the reformers. By allowing the organization of metropolitan 
and prima tial jurisdictions to depend on the administrative structure of the pagan 
empire, he concedes the terrestrial rather than the direcdy apostolic basis of 
hierarchy in the post-primitive church, but in attributing the prior organization of 
the world to God's "special Providence" and in comparing the preparation of the 
earth for Christianity with God's preparation of the land of Canaan for his people 
in the OT (see 3:191.15-192.4), H finds theological meaning in the church's 
ramifying, vine-like growth. 

3:190.21 Asia contained eight, . . . Africa seven. The administrative structure of 
the later Roman empire is elegantly set forth in the Notitia utraque [Dignitatum] cum 
Orientis turn Occidentis ultra Arcadii Honoriique Caesarum tempora, published by Froben 
at Basel in 1552. Eight provinces are listed as being "sub dispositione viri specta- 
bilis Vicarii dioceseos Asianae" at sig. E4' and seven under the praetorian prefect 
of the diocese of Afirica at sig. 11^. 

3:190. f Cic. Fam. Ep. . . . Province. Cicero, Epistolae ad familiareis, 13.53, to 
Q. Minucius Thermus, Propraetor: "If he [reading hahebit with edns.] shall have a 
dispute with a Hellespontian, you should refer the matter to that district (6ioiKr|- 
aiv)"; Opera (1588), 3:242; Loeb, 3:128-129. 

3:190.27-191.2 Capita . . . jussit. Livy, Ab urbe condita libri, 5.5: "He established 
as capitals of the regions, where their assemblies were to meet, for the first seat 
[1589 and Loeb: regionis, region] Amphipolis, for the second Thessalonica, for the 
third Pella, and for the fourth Pelagonia. Paulus ordered assembUes appointed for 
each of his regions, money gathered, and magistrates chosen"; (1589), p. 90; Loeb, 
13:348, as 45.29. 

3:191.3-4 Thessalonica ... seat: Theodoret, Eccles. hist., 5.17, describes Thes- 
salonica as a large and populous city belonging to Macedonia but also serving as 
capital of Thessaly, Achaia, and other provinces governed by the prefecture of 
Illyricum: ©eaaaA-oviKn noXxq eari peyiaTr] Kai noXv&vQpwnoq, tic; \iiv t6 
paKeSovcov iQvoq TtXovaa, f\yoviitvr\ 6e Kai eeTTaA,ia<; Kai axciiac;, icai 
jievToi Kai aXXcav na^xnoXXav e6vwv, oaa t&v iWopiwv tov onapxov 
nYOupevov exei. (1544), fol. 342'; GCS, 44 (19):306-307; NPNF.2, 3:143. 

3:191.1*' Cic. ad Attic. . . . ep. 13. Cicero, Epistolae ad Atticum, 5.13, writing of 


Book VII, Chapter 8.5-8.9 

his receprion in the city, says that the Greeks thrust themselves upon him as if he 
had been the provincial governor at Ephesus: "Graeci quasi Ephesio praetori, se al- 

acreis obtiJerunt"; Opera (1588), 3:364; Loeb, 1:368-369. Item 1. observ 

legati. Justinian, Digesta, 1.16.4; (1590), col. 28; edn. Mommsen-Krueger (1963), 
p. 43; trans. Scott (1973), 2:253. This law instructs newly appointed proconsuls to 
enter their provinces at the customary place, "for the provincials attach great 
importance to the preservation and observance of this custom and of privileges of 
this description . . . and to such an extent was this carried that our Emperor 
Antoninus Augustus suted in a Rescript, in reply to a request of the Asiatics, "That 
the Proconsul was absolutely required to proceed to Asia by sea, and to land at 
Ephesus, before touching at any of the other principal cities' " ("rescripsit, procon- 
suli necessitatem impositam per mare Asiam applicare xal TfDv ^rjXQonoXewv 
"E^eaov: id est, et inter matrices urbes Ephesum primam attingere"). 

3:191.x Lib. 1. . . . disponantur. "We order that . . . like ... the Orient and . . . 
Illyria, Africa, by Our indulgence, may be adorned with the highest praetorian 
dignity, whose seat We direct to be at Carthage . . . and from the aforesaid city, 
with the aid of God, seven provinces with their judges shall be controlled"; Jus- 
tinian, Codex, 1.27.1 (1590), col. 91; Krueger (1963), (p. 77); Scott 
(1973), 12:131. 

3:192.2 Concil. . . . aOTOV. Council of Antioch, canon 9, Theologorum aliquot 
. . . libri Graed (1559), p. 26; Lauchert (1896), p. 45: "It behoves the bishops in 
every province to acknowledge the bishop who presides in the metropolis, and 
who has to take thought for the whole province; because all men of business come 
together from every quarter to the metropolis. Wherefore it is decreed that he 
have precedence in rank"; NPNF.2, 14:112. 

3:193. 6-lO.a They are mightily . . . rest. Fran9ois Hotman (Franciscus Vilierius), 
sieur de Villiers Saint Paul (1524—1590), highly respected Roman law jurist and 
Hugenot polemicist, De statu primitiuae ecclesiae (1574; 1st edn. 1553): "Atque haec 
quidem Ecclesiae Christianae instituu adusque quadringentos amplius triginta annos 
integra atque inviolata permanserunt. ... At paucis post annis Constantinopolitanus 
Episcopuy ambitione et cupiditate regnandi incensus, ausus est praeclaram illam 
Ecclesiae descriptionem et oeconomiam convellere. Cum enim Imperatores sedem 
imperii sui, Senatumque in ea civitate constituissent, ille artibus suis perfecit, ut ea 
Metropolis quae tantum omamentum accepisset, dignitatem quoque et potestatem 
aliquam praeter caeteras Metropoles eximiam ac praecipuam obtineret. itaque quod 
Constantinopolitani 1 capite secundo constitutum erat, ut Asiae, Ponti, et Thraciae 
Metropolitae, suae quisque provinciae procurationem gererent, quod, inquam, 
eorum quisque ipsi Alexandrino, quem Metropolium, sive Patriarcham fuisse 
constat, jure, ac potestate par esse declaratur, proximo universali concilio, id est 
Calchedonensi, funditus abrogatum est. et novo more, nullo exemplo constitutum, 
ut harum omnium provinciarum Metropolitas solus Constantinopolitanus Episcopus 
constituent, qua lege Antiochenae Ecclesiae Tipeapela, id est aucthoriutem ac 



dignitatem, quae turn Nicaeno, turn Constantinopolitano concilio tantopere 
commendabatur, plane extinctam esse nemo non videt: et omnino aequabilitatem 
provinciarum, quae a majoribus conservata et tradita fuerat, turpissime confusam ac 
perturbatam" (pp. 23—24). "And indeed these provisions of the Christian church 
[canons of the Council of Antioch providing for appeals from the sentence of a 
metropolitan without, however, recognizing a higher level of primatial authority, 
specifically that of Rome] remained whole and inviolate for more than four 
hundred and thirty years. . . . But a few years later the bishop of Constantinople, 
burning with ambition and a desire to rule, dared to overthrow that excellent 
disposition and arrangement of the church. For since the emperors had established 
the seat of their empire and the senate in that city, he practised his arts so that that 
metropolis, which had only gained an adornment, might also obtain some extraor- 
dinary and special dignity and power beyond the other metropolises. And so what 
was established in the second canon of the First Council of Constantinople — that 
the metropolitans of Asia, Pontus, and Thrace should each carry on the administra- 
tion of his own province (that each of them, I say, is declared equal in right and 
power to the Alexandrian [bishop], who certainly was a metropolitan or patri- 
arch) — was utterly abrogated at the next general council (that is, Chalcedon), and 
in a new and unprecedented manner it was established that the bishop of Con- 
stantinople alone should establish the metropohtans of all these provinces. By 
which law the Tipeapeia (that is, the authority and dignity) of the church of 
Antioch, which was so highly approved at both the Nicene and Constantinopolitan 
councils, was plainly destroyed, as no one can fail to see, and the complete equality 
of provinces which had been preserved and passed on by the Fathers was most 
shamefully confused and confounded." On Hotman see Donald R. Kelley, Francois 
Hotman: A Revolutionary's Ordeal (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1973), and 
Hotman's own Francogalliay ed. Ralph E. Giesey, trans. J. H. M. Salmon (Cam- 
bridge: The University Press, 1972). 

3:193.9 second council of Constantinople Either H mistranscribed Hotman's 
reference to the second canon of the first Council of Constantinople ("Constantino- 
politani 1 capite secundo"), quoted in 3:193. 24-28.n, below, or Ussher's scribe's 
eye skipped from "canon" to "council." 

3:193.18-22 The great . . . Antioch. Council of Nicaea, canon 6, quoted below 
at 3:195.14-18. 

3:193.23-28./) Threescore years . . . dignity. Socrates, Eules. hist., 5.8 [not 3.8]: 
TOTE bj\ Ktti opov eK(t>£pouaiv, ware tov KtovaTavTivou noXeaq enioKonov 
Tot Tipeapeia Ix^'v jf\(; Ti^qc; ^era t6v (^wfi^? eTtiaKOTiov, 6ia Td elvai 
aoTfjv veav ^wpnv. (1544), fol. 244": ed. Hussey (1853), 2:586; "The same 
prelates moreover published a decree, prescribing 'that the Bishop of Constantino- 
ple should have the next prerogative of honor after the Bishop of Rome, because 
that city was New Rome' " (NPNF.2, 2:121). 


Book VII, Chapter 8.9 

3:193.24— 28. !> which Synod dignity. First Council of Constantinople (381), 

canons 2-3: dXXd Kara Too^ Kavovag tov ^Iv d>.e^av6peia^ eTtiaKonov, rd 
Ev aiyuTiTQ) fiovov oiKovopeiv. tou^ bi iT\q dvaxoXq^ eTiiaKOTtouc;, rf\v 
dvaToA.f|v povqv SioikeTv. <J>uXaTTopevcov xdjv ev toT<; icavoai Tot^ Kara 
viKaiav npeapeicov rq dvrioxecov eKKXqaiijt. . . . Tov fiev xoi Kcovaxavri- 
vouTCoXecog ETiiaKOTiov exeiv xd Tipeapeia xqc; xififj^ pexd xov xqc; ^cbpqc; 
eTiiaKOTiov. 6id x6, eivai auxqv vcav ^a)pT]V. Theologorum aliquot . . . libri 
Graed (1559), pp. 36-37; Schroeder, Disciplinary Deaees, pp. 64-65, 517. "But let 
the Bishop of Alexandria, according to the canons, alone administer the affairs of 
Egypt; and let the bishops of the East manage the East alone, the privileges of the 
Church in Antioch, which are mentioned in the canons of Nicaea, being pre- 
served. . . . The Bishop of Constantinople, however, shall have the prerogative of 
honour after the Bishop of Rome; because Constantinople is New Rome" 
(NPNF.2, 14:176, 178). 

3:193. 29-30.C The same decree . . . Chalcedon: In renewing canon 3 of Con- 
stantinople, canon 28 of the Council of Chalcedon (451) made more expUcit the 
political basis for the new ranking and conferred extensive jurisdictional powers on 
the new imperial city. Both canons were rejected by Rome. In 869, papal legates 
signed canon 21 of the Fourth Council of Constantinople, acknowledging Con- 
stantinopole as second in rank, but the Latin patriarch of Constantinople w^as 
formally allowed this place only at the Fourth Lateran Council (1215), and a Greek 
patriarch was first so recognized at the Council of Florence (1439). Council of 
Chalcedon, canon 28: xd aoxd Ktti r\\xz\q opi^opev xe Kai \|/n(t>i^6pe6a Tcepi 
xcbv TipeaPeicov ■xf\c, dyicoxdxqc; iKVikr\o\ac, xqc; aoxqc; KOvaxavxivouTCoXecoc; 
viae, p6i\xv\c,. Kai ydp xw Spovcp if\c, Tipeapuxepag p&\xx\c„ 6id x6 paai^coeiv 
xi^v noXiv CKEivqv, oi naxepe<; eiKoxcoc; d7io6e6<i)Kaai xd Tcpeapeta. Kai 
x4> auxQ) OKOJicp Kivoupevoi oi ekoxov nevxrJKOvxa eeo(()iA.eaxaxoi eniQKO- 
Tioi, xd laa Tcpeapela dneveipav xw xqq viae, poi\x\\c, dyicoxdxq) 6p6v<i), 
euA-oyco^ Kpivavxe<;, xfjv paaiXei(ji Kai auyK^rix^ xifi^eelaav n6X.iv, Kai 
xcbv lacov d[7io]X,auouaav Ttpeapeicov xq 7tpeapuxep(? paaiA,i6i fxa^q, Kai ev 
joxc, eKKXiiaiaaxiKoT^ Cue, eKeivqv, peyaXuveaOai Ttpdypaai, Seoxepav 
fier' eKeivqv uTidpxooaav. Kai woxe xoo^ xfjq tcovxikhc; Kai xq^ daiavqq 
Kai xfje; epQCKiKq^ SioiKqaecoc; fiqxpo7ioX.ixa<; \i6vovc,, eaxi 6e Kai xooc; ev 
xoic; papPapiKoiq eniOKonouc; xwv npoeipqMevcov SioiKrjaecov x£>POTO- 
veiaOai utco xou Tipoeipqpevou dyicoxdxou Spovou xqg Kaxd Kcovaxav- 
xivou7ioA.iv dyicoxdxqc; eKKA.qaia^. Theologorum aliquot . . . libri Graed (1559), 
pp. 48—49, misnumbered as canon 24 (Schroeder, Disdplinary Decrees, pp. 125—126, 
523; NPNF.2, 14:287). "Following in all things the decisions of the holy fathers, 
and knowing the canon of the 150 most God-beloved bishops which has just been 
read, we also enact and decree the same things respecting the privileges of the most 
holy Church of Constantinople, New Rome. For the fathers rightfully granted 
privileges to the See of Old Rome, because that city was imperial, and the 150 
most God-beloved bishops, actuated by the same consideration, aw^arded equal 



privileges to the most holy see of New Rome, judging with good reason that the 
city which is honored with the sovereignty and the senate, and enjoys equal 
privileges with old imperial Rome, should in ecclesiastical matters also be magni- 
fied as she is and rank next after her. And (we decree), therefore, that in the 
dioceses of Pontus, Asia, and Thrace, the metropolitans only, together with those 
bishops of the aforesaid dioceses living among barbarians, shall be ordained by the 
aforesaid most holy see of the most holy Church at Constantinople; while, of 
course, each metropolitan of the aforesaid dioceses shall ordain the bishops of his 
province in union with the (other) bishops of the same province, as is prescribed 
by the holy canons; but the metropolitans of the aforesaid dioceses, as has been 
said, shall be ordained by the archbishop of Constantinople, after the proper 
elections have been held according to custom and reported to him" (Schroeder). 

3:193.30-194.2.(f At the length . . . thereof. The reference is to canon 36 of the 
Quinsext, or Trullan, Council, convened in a domed hall {trullus) of the imperial 
palace by Justinian II in 692 to draw^ up disciplinary canons as a supplement to the 
dogmatic decrees of the fifth and sixth general councils (hence "Quinsext"). H's 
reference is to the former of these, the Second Council of Constantinople (553). 
(The latter was held, also at Constantinople, in 680.) The Eastern Orthodox 
Church has always regarded the Quinsext as a continuation of the Council of 680 
and hence as ecumenical, but these canons have not traditionaUy been accorded fiill 
acceptance in the west. Only 160 bishops subscribed to the decrees of the Council 
of 553, and only 211 attended that of 692. H's figure of 630 mistakenly echoes the 
reference to Chalcedon in the canon here cited, canon 36 of 692. The canon 
decrees that the see of Constantinople shall have equal rank (Tatov Ttpeapeicov) 
with that of old Rome, shall be as exalted as it in ecclesiastical matters, and be 
second after it (in precedence), with the sees of Alexandria, Antioch, and Jerusalem 
following. Theologorum aliquot . . . libri Graeci (1559), p. 136; Lauchert (1896), pp. 
116-117; NPNF.2, 14:382. At page 120 of the 1559 edn. these canons are referred 
to simply as "Canones Sanctorum Patrum qui Constantinopoli in Trullum Regium 
Palatium Convenerunt sub Justiniano pietissimo et Christiano rege nostro." 

3:194.2—3 Law^s imperial . . . effect. See, for example. The Theodosian Code, 
16.2.45, Honorius and Theodosius to Philippus, Praetorian Prefect of Illyricum, AD 
421; commanding that the ancient practice and canons that have been in force up 
to the present should be observed throughout the provinces of Illyricum and that 
aU innovations cease, with doubtful cases reserved for a synod of priests and their 
holy court, "not without the knowledge of that most reverend man of the 
sacrosanct law, the Bishop of the City of Constantinople, which enjoys the 
prerogative of ancient Rome" ("non absque scientia viri reverentissimi sacrosanctae 
legis Antistitis urbis Constantinopolitanae, quae Romae veteris praerogativa 
laetatur"; Codicis Theodosiani libri xvi (1586), p. 492; ed. Mommsen and Meyer 
(1962), 1.2:852; 16.2.34 in Pharr, trans., The Theodosian Code (1952), p. 449. Also 
see Justinian, Novellae, 131.2; (1590), col. 269; SchoeU-KroU (1963), p. 655; Scott, 


Book VII, Chapter 8.9-8.11 

17:125; and Justinian, Codex, 11.20.1; (1590), col. 859; Krueger (1963), p. 434, as 
11.21 (20); Scott, 15:182. 

3:194.4 Constantinople . . . puffed up. On the increasingly official adoption of 
the tide Ecumenical Patriarch (oiKOO^eviK6<; Tiaxpidpxn?, "patriarch of the 
whole inhabited world") by the patriarchs of Constantinople, beginning in the late 
5C and paralleling the strained relations between Rome and Constantinople, see 
Hans-Georg Beck, in Jedin, History of the Churdi, 2:495-497. 

3:194.12-15.e But Primates . . . Bishops. Justinian, Novellae, 123.22; (1590), col. 
253; Schoell-Kroll, pp. 611-612; Scott, 17:93-94. This law of 541 gives patriarchs 
(also referred to here as archbishops) appellate jurisdiction in ecclesiastical litigation 
not satisfectorily decided by metropolitans and inunediate jurisdiction in actions 
brought against metropolitans. 

3:195.14-18/ Let those customes . . . Provinces. Council of Nicaea (325), canon 6: 
Ta dtpxaia idr] KpaTeixcB, ra ev aiyuTiTtp, Kai Xipuq Kai TievraTioXei, mare 
rdv ev aXe^av6pei(jt eTtiaKOTiov Ttdvrtov toutcov ^xeiv Tfjv e^ouaiav, 
e7iei5fj Kai rip ev rq ^a>fiq e7iiaK67t<p tooto auvi^ea; coxiv, 6^olca(; bk Kai 
Kara rfjv dvTi6xeiav Kai ev rate; aXXaic; eTtapxiaiq, ra npeapeia a6^e- 
a6ai Tai<; eKK^Tiaiai^. Theologorum aliquot . . . libri Graed (1559), [p. 11]; 
Schroeder, DisapUnary Decrees, pp. 29, 514; NPNF.2, 14:15. 

3:195.16 Pentapolis; The most fertile part of Cyrenaica (Africa) and an area of 
intensive Greek colonization; in AD 4C it was a separate province called "Libya 
superior" or "Libya Penupolis"; the five cities were Apollonia, Cyrene, Ptolemais, 
Arsinoe (Taucheira), and Berenice (OCD). 

3:195.19-26.^ Now because besides. Council of Nicaea, canon 7: 'EneiSfj 

auvi^Oeia KeKpdrt^Ke Kai nap&boaiq dpxaia wore t6v ev aiXii^ eniaKOTtov 
Tl^da6al, exerco Tf|v dKoXou6iav Tf\q Tl^fj(; rq ^, aco^opfevou 
TOO oiKeiou afy&iiajoq. (1559) [p. 11]; Schroeder, pp. 33, 514; NPNF.2, 
14:17. "Since custom and ancient tradition show that the bishop of Aelia [Jerusa- 
lem] ought to be honored, he shall have precedence, without, however, infringing 
on the ri^its of the metropolis" (Schroeder). 

3:195.20 yElia Aelia Capitolina was the new city built by Hadrian on the site of 
Jerusalem, destroyed AD 70; so named after the Emperor Publius Aelius Hadrianus 
and Jupiter Capitolinus. 

3:196./i T.C trees? Cartwright, 1:93 [70]; Whitgift, Dc/eme, p. 332; PS, 2:146. 

H's reference is off by a page. 

3:196.i T.C Newington. Ibid. (PS, 2:147). H has himself noted that the 

term " Metropolites" or "Mother-city-men" was sometimes extended even to the 
inhabitants of cities in which there were principal imperial courts (3:191.10-12). 

3:196.25-197.3.j Which prehetninence . . . Lybia: See 3:195.14-18.n, above, 



for canon 6 of the Council of Nicaea, which includes the prohibition of episcopal 
consecrations without the knowledge of the metropolitan, rendered by H in his 
own Latin in 197.j. The sweeping phrase, Kupo^ Twv yxvopfevtov (NPNF: "the 
ratification of what is done"; Schroeder: "confirmation of what has taken place"), 
rendered by H more strongly at 196.24-25 as "the chief power of ordering all 
things done," occurs at the end of canon 4, which directs that all the bishops of a 
province should be involved in the appointment of a bishop but that if all cannot 
be present, three at least should meet together for the ordination, the approval of 
the others having been given in writing — but in every province the confirmation 
(ratification, chief power of ordering) what is done should be left to the metropoli- 
tan. Theologorum aliquot . . . libri Graed (1559), [p. 10]; Schroeder, Disciplinary 
Decrees, pp. 26, 513; NPNF.2, 14:11. 

3:197.6-7 Certain . . . Metropolitans. Cartwright and Whitgift had wrangled 
about the antiquity of metropolitans and primates without giving much attention 
to their specific prerogatives. In providing such information H goes beyond the 
demands of controversy in such a way as to emphasize the historic church's 
international scale. 

3:197.9-12.fe to convocate . . . disorders; Justinian, Nouellae, 123.10; (1590), col. 
249; SchoeU-Kroll, p. 602; Scott, 17:87-88. In this constitution every archbishop, 
patriarch, and metropolitan is ordered to convoke the bishops established under 
him in the same province ("sub se constitutos in eadem provincia") once or twice 
a year and to examine and decide all controversies that may have arisen among 
clergy, bishops, or monks. 

3:197.12-14./ to grant . . . while; Ibid., 123.9; (1590), col. 249; Schoell-Kroll, 
pp. 601-602; Scott, 17:87. An imperial order is also allowed as a warrant for travel: 
"Interdicimus autem deo amabilibus episcopis proprias relinquere ecclesias, et ad 
alias regiones venire. Si vero necessitas faciendi hoc contigerit: non aliter, nisi cum 
Uteris beatissimorum patriarchae aut metropolitae, aut per imperialem videlicet 
jussionem hoc faciant." 

3:197.14-16.m to give notice ... Authority: Ibid., 79.2; (1590), col. 162; 
Schoell-Kroll, p. 389; Scott, 16:295. The patriarch of Constantinople is here 
directed to communicate an imperial law to metropolitans, who are in turn to 
announce it to the bishops under them. 

3:197.16-17.« to have the hearing . . . Bishop; Ibid., 123.22; (1590), col. 253; 
Schoell-Kroll, p. 611; Scott, 17:93: "Si autem et a clerico, aut alio quocunque 
aditio contra episcopum fiat propter quamlibet causam: apud sanctissimum ejus 
metropolitam secundum sacras regulas et nostras leges causa judicetur." 

3:197.17-19.0 to receive the appeals . . . Judge. Ibid., 123.23; (1590), col. 253; 
Schoell-Kroll, p. 612; Scott, 17:94. 

3:197.21-26.;) The Bishops . . . it. Council of Antioch, canon 9: ToOg Ka6' 


Book VII, Chapter 8.12-8.13 

iK&aTJ]v inapxiav e7ciaK6Tcou(; eiS^vai XP^ ^dv ev rq pqxpoTtdXei Ttpoe- 
OTwra in'wKonov, icai xf^v <t>povTi6a dvaScxeaeai n&aT\(; Tf\<; e7iapx»a^, 
6ia t6 tv rq ^iT\Tpon6Xei na\naxf>dev aovxp^x^'v 7t&VTa<; toO<; toi npdcfiia- 
xa Sxo^^<^?' ^^^v ISo^e Kai rq xi^q 7rpoqYE»<^6tti aurdv, pT}5^v re 
TipAireiv TiepiTidv Toix; koinoiiq e7tiaK67tou^ &veu aurou, Kara xdv 
otpxctTov KpaTqaavra tov Ttaripov f|^a>v Kavova, f\ rauxa ^ova 6aa rq 
iK&oJOV knip&XXex 7capoiKi<7, Kai raic; vn' auxi^v x^pai^. Theologomm 
aliquot . . . libri Graed (1559), pp. 26-[27]; Lauchert (1896), p. 45; NPNF.2, 

3:197.26-198.2.^ Further . . . them. Council of Antioch, canon 16: reXeiav 6^ 
eKEivqv eivai auvoSov, ij ao^Ti&peori Kai 6 i^c, ^qxpoTioXcti)^. (1559), p. 
28; Lauchert (1896), p. 47; NPNF.2, 14:116. 

3:198.5— 7. r Finally . • . Metropolitan. Council of Nicaea, canon 4, as above at 
3: 196.25-1 97.3.n. 

3:198.10-12.5 whereby a Bishop Country; Canon 23 of a collection 

traditionally ascribed to a council held in Carthage in 418—419. The review of 
canons made in previous councils held at Carthage to produce a disciplinary code 
for the African church may have been carried out earlier; so F. L. Cross, "History 
and Fiction in the African Canons," Jowma/ of Theological Studies, n.s., 12 (1961): 
227-247. The present canon originated as canon 28 (in some enumerations) of the 
- Third Council of Carthage, held in 397: "Item placuit ut episcopi trans mare non 
proficiscantur, nisi ex decreto primae sedis episcopi in unaquaquae provincia: hoc 
est nisi a primate praecipue sumpserint literas quas dicunt dimissionis, formatis, uel 
commendatorias"; Theologomm aliquot . . . libri Graed (1559), p. 69; CCSL, 149:41, 
108, 125, 141, 334; NPNF, 2.14:453. 

3:198. 14-16.t chargeth the Bishops . . . leave. The 85 canons attributed to the 
aposdes in the late 4C Apostolic Constitutions were formally accepted in the east 
at the Trullan Council of 692 (see 3:1 93.30-1 94.2.rf.n, above). The first 50 
entered western canon law through the translation of Dionysius Exiguus in the 6C. 
Apostolic Canons, 34: Toix; eniOKdnovc; ekAotoo IQvovq EiSEvat xpA tov ev 
auToTt; TipwTov, Kai riYETaOai aoxdv ayq KEijHxXqv, Kai pr|6£v ti tcp&tteiv 
TiEpiTtdv avEU xqc; ekeivou yvcS^Tn;. (1559), p. 3; Lauchert (1896), p. 5, as 
canon 35. 

3:198.19-22.u St. Chrysostom . . . regitur. ". . . but also of all of Thrace, which 
is divided into six prefectures, and of aU Asia, which is ruled by eleven governors." 
Cassiodorus, Vita Chrysostomi, in Chrysostom's Opera (1570), l:lxxv (CSEL, 
71:588, as Historia tripartita, 10.4), reading: ". . . Thraciae, quae sex provinciis est 
divisa, et quae undecim administrationibus dispensatur." 

3:198.26-199.2.1/ St. Jerom . . . dirigendte. "You who call for the ecclesiastical 
regulations and make use of the canons of the Council of Nicaea . . . answer me: 



what does Palestine have to do with the bishop of Alexandria? Unless I am 
mistaken, it is determined there that Caesarea is the metropolis of Palestine and 
Antioch of all of the East. Either, therefore, you ought to have brought the matter 
to the bishop of Caesarea ... or if his judgment was too for to be sought, you 
ought rather to have directed your brief to Antioch"; Jerome, epist. 61 [not 91], 
Ad Pammachium; Epistolae (1578), p. 222B (with phrases omitted as indicated in 
trans.); PL, 23:389 as JJber contra Joannem Hierosolymitanum. On the larger contro- 
versy over John of Jerusalem's orthodoxy, of which this dispute about his jurisdic- 
tion is a part, see ODCC, "Origenism," 

3:199.10 Aerius Whitgift had cited Aerius's denial of any diflference of rank 
between bishop and presbyter (as recorded in the catalogues of heresies compiled 
by Epiphanius and Augustine), but the texts he quoted did not spell out very 
convincingly why Aerius's opinion was heretical {Defense, pp. 403—404; PS, 2:290- 
292; Cartwright responded, 2:619-620). Bancroft, too, referred to Aerius as a here- 
tic, without explanation {Survay, p. 107). Saravia held that the orthodox fathers 
would not have reckoned Aerius's opinion heretical unless they had believed the 
order of bishops to have been established by the Word of God (De diversis ministro- 
rum . . . gradibus, pp. 49—50; Diverse Degrees, p. 62). H joins in the accusation of 
heresy, but his justification for the charge is consonant with his earlier criticism of 
disciplinarian attempts to derive firom Scripture a complete system of church 
government: Aerius was not a heretic for denying a divine warrant for episcopacy 
(Saravia's argument, in effect) but for falsely asserting a divine prohibition of it. H 
offers a milder interpretation of Aerius's position at 3:201.22-25. (Aerius was a 4C 
presbyter of Pontus and associate of Eustathius, bishop of Sebaste, with whom he 
quarrelled; he is to be distinguished firom Arius, the arch-heretic). 

3:199.w Aug. de haer. . . . discemi. H's version of Augustine, De haeresibt4s ad 
Quoduultdeum, chap. 53, on which he bases his own exposition in the text, is 
corrupt. The passage does not ascribe to Aerius the teaching that a bishop could 
not ordain. It reads: "Aeriani ab Aerio quodam sunt nominati, qui cum esset 
presbyter, doluisse fertur quod Episcopus non potuit ordinari. . . . Dicebat etiam 
presbyterum ab Episcopo nulla differentia debere discerni"; Opera (1569), 6:25; 
CCSL, 46:323-324. "Aerians are named from a certain Aerius, who when he was 
a presbyter is said to have grieved that he could not be ordained bishop. . . . He 
also said presbyter ought by no difference to be marked off from bishop." 

3:199.19-27 Epiphanius . . . also. The quotation from Epiphanius begins at line 
20 ("His speech was rather . . ."). Contra odoginta haereses, Heresy 75: qv 6^ auT^) 
6 X&Yoq ^avia>6T]5 n&XXov, f\nep KaTaaT&aECo^ avOpcoTcivqc;. Kai <^r]a\, ti 
eaxiv £7iiaK07ioq Ttpd^ TcpeaPuTepov; ou6ev StaX-Xdrrei outo^ toutou, pia 
Y&p ioTi T&^ig, Kai fiia (j>r|ai ripi^, Kai ev a^icopa. x^ipo^^Tei ^r\ai 
kniaKonoq, dXXa Kai 6 TtpeapuTepoc;. Xourpdv 6i6coaiv 6 e7iiaK07i0(;, 
ofiotax; Kai 6 npeapoxepoq. tt^v oiKovofiiav rq^ "KaTpeiaq noiei 6 
e7tiaK07tO(;, Kai 6 Tipeapuxepog waaoxcoq. KaOe^exai 6 e7tiaK07CO(; eTii xoO 


Book VII, Chapter 9.1-11.1 

ep6voo, KaS^erai koi 6 TtpeaPurepo^. (1544) pp. 385-386; GCS, 37:334; 
PG, 42:505. 

3:200.22-23 yeildeth he . . . reason. See the beginning of the passage quoted 
above, 3:171.26.z.n. Also, Contra octoginta haereses, Heresy 75: YeX.A,oTov pfcv 
eUTioiouaav toi^ lp4>poaiv. (1544), p. 385; GCS, 37:333; PG, 42:504. "It 
made the wise laugh." 

3:200.x 'Ev Toonp xoXXod^ i\%6TZOZ. "In this he deceived many." Epiphan- 
ius, Contra octoginta haereses, Heresy 75; (1544) p. 386; GCS, 37:334; PG, 42:505. 
This statement immediately follows the passage translated by H at 3:199.20-27. 

3:200.27-28.y Ejnp^ntiu there useth, raw. Ibid., Heresy 75 (summarized in 

y): <I>ipct 6i ei<; eauTou nX&vT\v Kai t<bv auTou dKOudvroov, on 6 d7i6oTo- 
Xo<; yp6u^i TtpepoT^poi^ Kai 6iaK6voi(;, Kai ou yp&(|>ei kniaKdnoK;. Kai 
TQ) e7tiaK67i(p 4>Tiai, pif\ a^iXei toO ev aoi xap^f^MCcToc;, ou eXape 6ia 
Xeipwv TOO TipeapuTepiou, tc&Xiv 6^ ev aXXcp TOTttp eTiioKOTiOK; Kai 
6taK6voi(;, ox; elvai, ^r\a\ Tdv auTdv eTtioKOTtov, t6v aoTov TipeapoTepov. 
Kai ouK oi6ev 6 Tf|v dKoXou6iav tt\(; aXTi6eia<; dyvorjaaq. Kai iaTopiai<; 
paeoT&Taiq lif\ eVTux'^v, 6ti veoo 6vto(; toO Kqpuy^aTo^, npbq to. utiotiiti- 
Tovra cypa(|>ev 6 aYio<; d7i6oToXo(;. onou fiev qaav eTiiOKOTioi f\bT] Kaiaa- 
TadivTze;, eYpa4>ev e7ciaK67ioi<; Kai SiaKOvoK;. o6 ydp TiAvra euGoq 
rj6uvri6i]aav oi dTiocrroXoi KaTacrrqaai. TipeapuTepcov ydp eyiveTo XP^'*^ 
Kai 6iaK6va)v. 6id ydp twv 6uo tootcov Td CKKXnaiaoTiKd SovaTai 
nXr]povadai. onov bt oux' eupeOq ti<; d^io<; eTnaKonijt;, Ipeivev 6 t67CO(; 
Xcopi^ e7iiaK67iou. 6710U 6^ y^ove xP£*oc» '^oti qaav d^ioi eTiiaKOTifiq, 
KaTeoTdeqaav eTtioKOTioi. TiXriOout; bi pf| ovtoc; oux eupeOnaav ev auToii; 
TipeapuTepoi KaTacrTaeqvai, Kai ripKeaOqaav eTii t^ KaTd totiov fi6v(p 
e7ciaK67i(p. dveu bk 6iaK6vou eTiioKOTiov d5i3vaTov eivai. Kai eTtefieXqaaTO 
6 dyioq dnooToXo^ 6iaK6vouq elvai t^ eTtiaKOTitp 6id Tfjv UTtqpeaiav, 
ouTco Tf\q eKK^qaiac; XaPovaT\q Td 7iX,r|pd>paTa tt\(; oiKovopiac;, outco KaT' 
eKeiv(p Kaipou fjaav oi T67toi. Kai ydp eKaoTov Tipdyjia, ouk dTcapxng Td 
TtdvTa 2axev, dXXd npopaivovrot; toO xP^vou Td 7ip6<; TeXeicoaiv twv 
Xpeiwv KaTHpTi^eTO. (1544), p. 386; GCS, 37:336; PG, 42:509. 

3:201.9 a new Apollos, A learned Alexandrian Jew (Acts 18:24), follower of John 
the Baptist; he preached at Corinth, where some saw him as Paul's rival (1 Cor. 
3:4). Luther, among others, thought him the author of the Episde to the Hebrews 
(ODCC). H cites him at 2:443.^ 

3:202.26 three ways there are. Treated, respectively, in chaps. 11-13, 14, and 

3:203.16-17 thr names . . . used indifferently, Cartwright, 2:515: ". . . that every 
particular church should have her bishop/ is manifest by Paul to Timothe. For 
seing the description of a bishop which he gyveth/ doth agree unto the minister 



of every congregacion/ and nothing there required in the one/ which is not in the 
other: it followeth that the minister oflf every congregacion/ is the bishop theroff. 
For the description agreing with every of them: the thinges described must 

3:204.10-13 /. The Council ... 9. Council of Nicaea, canons 6 and 7, 3:195.14- 
26 and nn, above. Council of Antioch, canon 9, 186.26—187.2, p, and n, above. 

3:204.c T.C God. Cartwright, 1:83 [62]; Whitgift, Defense, p. 303; PS, 2:88- 

89. H omits two phrases: (1) after "ought to be from heaven": "and of God/ and 
not invented by the braine of men"; (2) after "word and institution of God": "that 
hath not only ordained that the word should be preached/ but hathe ordained also 
in w^hat order/ and by whome it should be preached." The quoted passage 
fiinctions well enough as a "summary collection and conclusion" for the discipU- 
narian points just enumerated by H, but these points are not oflfered by Cartwright 
as premises for it. 

3:204.16 Joh. 1.23. See below, 3:208.26 ff. 

3:205.9.<f Scripture doth term Episcopal: Acts 1:20: "Let another [in the event, 
Matthias] take his [Judas's] charge (eTtiaKOTtr^v)." 

3:205.23-24.6 S.John doth intitle Angels. Rev. 2:1, 8, 12, 18; 3:1, 7, 14. See 
3:160.17-18 and 156.n.n, above. 

3:206.8-10 If ... it be yet demanded. Not found. 

3:207.17/ receive THOU no accusation, H's emphasis reflects the use here of the 
singular imperative (TiapaSexou), not a special feature of the verse quoted; but the 
epistle as a whole is directed to Timothy with the intention of supporting his 
authority. GB summarizes the argument: "In w^riting the Epistle Paul semed not 
onely to have respect to teache Timotheus, but chiefly to kepe other in awe, 
^vhich w^olde have rebelled against him, because of his youth." 

3:208.10 not Sense is improved by deleting this word in this triply negative 
construction. H means to leave open the possibility that Nicaea honored the 
preeminence of bishops as both an apostolic ordinance and an ancient custom. He 
accordingly denies that there is any evidence to show that the Council honored 
bishops only on the latter basis. 

3:208. 17. /i so many have thought The references in h correspond exactly with 
those given by H's Oxford friend John Rainolds in a letter to Sir Francis Knollys, 
a privy councillor disturbed by the suggestions of a jure divino basis for episcopacy 
first put forward in the Elizabethan church in the 1590s; see W. D. J. Cargill 
Thompson, "The Source of Hooker's Knowledge of Marsilius of Padua," JoMma/ 
of Ecclesiastical History, 25 (1974): 75-81. While there can be no doubt that H drew 
on Rainolds for this list of authorities supporting a view that Rainolds continued 


Book VII, Chapter 11.1-11.8 

to accept but which H himself now regarded as an improbable conjecture, there 
is also no reason to doubt H's more or less precise familiarity with the sources 
cited, which represent major historical stages in the assertion of his opponents' 
fundamental thesis on the whole issue of episcopal power. On the question of H's 
relation to Marsilius of Padua, see Intro, to Book VIII, pp. 354-355 and n. 28, 
above, and nn to 3:350.2-10, 390.23-24, and 403.10-404.5, below. 

They of Walden, The Waldensians were followers of Peter Waldo (Valdes, 
of Lyons, d. early 13C), whose heretical views are described by Aen Syl. (Ae- 
neas Sylvius Piccolomini, later Pius II, d. 1464), writing against the Hussites in 
his Hist. Bohem. {Historia Bohemorutn), chap. 35; Opera ([1571]; rpr. 1967), p. 
103: "ab ecclesia catholica recedentes, impiam Valdensium sectam atque insaniam 
amplexi sunt. Hujus pestiferae ac jam pridem damnaue factionis dogmata sunt, 
Romanum praesulem reliquis episcopis parem esse, inter sacerdotes nullum 
discrimen. Presbyterum non dignitatem, sed vitae meritum efficere potiorem." 

Marsilius, Defens. pac. The most notorious medieval assertion of a human 
origin for episcopacy was that of MarsiHus of Padua in the Defensor pads, completed 
in 1324, primarily an attack on papal claims to universal jurisdiction in both secular 
and spiritual matters. An English translation by William Marshall of four-fifths of 
the work, intended to help Henry VIII in his struggle with the papacy, appeared 
in 1535 (STC 17817). Marsilius's account of episcopacy as instituted after the 
apostles* times by priests, electing one among themselves to order and direct the 
others, is given at 2.15; Opus insigne cut titulum fecit autor Defensorem pads (1522), 
sigs. Sr-2'; ed. Previte-Orton (1928), pp. 268-269; The Defence of Peace (1535), 
fols. 83"^; ed. Alan Gewirth (1956), 2:237. 

Nicl. [= John Wyclif(? 1330-1 384), as quoted by] Thorn. Wald. [= Thomas 
Netter of Walden in Essex, a 15C Carmelite provincial employed by Richard II, 
Henry IV, and Henry V, Doctrinale antiquitatum fidei Ecdesiae Catholicae] c.l. 1.2. 
ca.60 = tome 1, bk. 2 (art. 3), chap. 60 [H's "c.l." should read "t.l."]; ed. 
Rubeus (1571), 1:326: "WITCLEF. Unum (inquit) audacter assero, quod in 
primitiva ecclesia ut tempore Pauli sufFecerunt duo ordines clericorum scilicet 
sacerdos, atque diaconus. Secundo dico quod in tempore apostoli fuit idem 
presbyter ac episcopus. . . . Tunc enim non fuit inventa distinctio Papae, et 
cardinalium, patriarcharum, et archiepiscoporum, episcoporum, et archidia- 
conorum, officialium, et decanorum cum caeteris officiariis in religionibus privatis, 
quorum non est numerus, sive ordo. Sequitur. Certum videtur quod superbia 
Caesarea hos gradus et ordines adinvenit. Si enim fuisset necessarii ecclesiae, 
Christus et ejus apostoli non in expressione eorum ac detentione officii reticerent"; 
quoting John Wyclif, Trialogus, 4.15, in Jo. Widefi . . . dialogorum lihri quattuor 
(1525), fols. 124"-125'; Lechler, cd., Joannis IVidif trialogus (1869), pp. 296-297. 
Text should read "Wicl." 

Calvin, Cement, in 1. ad Tit. Commenting on Titus 1:7, Calvin notes 
with Jerome that Paul uses "presbyter" and "bishop" in the same sense. While he 
does not find fault with the custom prevailing firom the beginning of the church 



of having one person serve as moderator in each assembly of bishops, he judges it 
unjust and absurd that the name of the office given by God to all should be 
restricted to one alone. Joannis Calvini in omnes D. Pauli Epistolas . . . commentaria 
(1551), p. 570; CR, 80:411; Commentaries on the Epistles to Timothy, Titus, and 
Philemon, trans. William Pringle (1866; rpr. 1959), p. 294. 

BuUinger, Decad. 5. Ser. 3 Heinrich Bullinger (1504-1575), Zwingli's suc- 
cessor at Zurich, highly respected in the Elizabethan church, Sermonum decades 
quinque. Decade 5, Sermon 3 (1577), fol. 296'""; PS, 5:110-111. First citing 
Jerome's reference to a period in which churches were governed with the com- 
mon counsel and advice of the elders (as above, 3:165. 27-33.n), Bullinger com- 
pared the bishop's office with that of a Roman consul, with responsibilities like 
those accepuble to Calvin and Cartwright (above, nn to 3:154.23-24 and 177.4- 
18) but without dominion over his colleagues or other elders. 

Juel, John Jewel, A Defence of the Apologie of the Churche of England, 3rd. edn., 
2.9.1 (1570; STC 14601), p. 248 {Works, PS, 3:439), responding to Harding's 
reference to the condemnation as heretics of those who deny the distinction 
between bishops and priests: "But what meant M. Hardinge here to comme in 
with the diflference bitweene Priestes, and Bishoppes? Thinketh he, that Priestes, and 
Bishoppes holde onely by Tradition? Or is it so horrible an Heresie, as he maketh it, 
to saye, that by the Scriptures of God, a Bishop, and a Prieste are al One? Or 
knoweth he, howe far, and unto whom, he reacheth the name of an Heretique?" 
Jewel quotes Chrysostom, Jerome, Augustine, and Ambrose (he had quoted 
Harding at p. 240; PS, 3:430). 

Fulk. Ans. to the Test. Tit. 1:5. Commenting on Titus 1:5, the Rheims 
NT (1582) appealed to apostolic practice to prove that the ordination of priests 
pertained exclusively to bishops (p. 596). To this, William Fulke repUed in 1589 
that ordination or consecration by imposition of hands was indeed principally com- 
mitted to the bishop in the early church, but he described the bishop as one 
among the clergy, to whom "by long use of the Church" the name of bishop or 
superintendent had been applied. The text of the new testament of Jesus Christ, 
translated out of the vulgar Latine by the papists of the traiterous seminarie at Rhemes . . . 
whereunto is added the translation out of the original Greeke, commonly used in the church 
of England [=BB], with a confutation of all such arguments, glosses, and annotations, as 
conteine manifest impietie, of heresie, treason and slander, against the catholic church of God, 
and the true teachers thereof, or the translations used in the church of England (1589; STC 
2888), fol. 39r. 

3:208.29-30.j because the Ministry ... Heaven. Cartwright, 1:83 [62]: "the 
ministery is by the word of God/ and heavenly/ and not left to the will of men to 
devise at their pleasure/ as appeareth by that which is noted of s. John/ wher the 
Phariseis comming to s. John Baptist/ after that he had denied to be either Christ/ 
or Elias/ or another Prophet/ conclude/ if ye be neither Christ/ nor Elias/ nor of 
the Prophets/ why baptisest thou? whych had bene no good argument/ if s. John 
might have bene of some other function/ then of those whych w^ere ordinarie in 


Book VII, Chapter 11.8-11.11 

the church/ and instituted of God. And therefore S. John to estabhsh his singular 
and extraordinary function/ alledgeth the word of God/ wherby appeareth/ that 
as it ^vas not lawfull to bring in any strange doctrine/ so was it not law^full to 
teache the true doctrine/ under the name of any other function then was instituted 
by God [marg., John. 1.25]." Discussed by Whitgift, Defense, pp. 302-303 (PS, 
2:87-88), and Cartwright, 2:436-437. H's reference to John 1:25 follows Cart- 
wright, cited at 3:204.c; v. 23 is more appropriate. 

3:210.6 as Moses did Exod. 18:19-23. See 3:161.15-18, 350.17-19, and 370.7- 


3:210.14—27 The rule to disceme . . . God. See esp. 1.8-11, 14, 16, and all of 

3:211. 11-13. /,m Doth not the Apostle ... ordinance? Rom. 1:32: "Which 
men [the unrighteous among the gentiles], thogh they knewe the Law of God (t6 
5iKaicopa too 6eo0) [and hence were without excuse for their way of life, v. 
20], how that they which commit suche things, are worthie of death, yet not onely 
do the same, but also favour them that do them." The GB gloss accepts the 
traditional use of this passage as a natural law text: "Which Law God writ in their 
consciences, and the Philosophers called it the Law of nature: the lawers, the law 
of nations, whereof Moses Law is a plaine exposition." H's reference corresponds 
with BB's division of the chapter. GB has no v. 32. BB gives the second part of 
GB's V. 30 ("Without understanding . . .") as a separate verse (31). BB's v. 32, 
"The which knowing the righteousnesse of God (howe they which commit such 
things, are ^vorthy of death) not onely doe the same, but also have pleasure in 
them that doe them," corresponds with GB's v. 31. Luke 1:6. "Bothe [the 
priest Zacharias and his wife Elisabeth] were just before God, and walked in all the 
commandements and ordinances of the Lord (ev n&aaK^ xaiq kvToXaiq Ktti 
SiKaicbpaaiv too Kopiou)." 

3:211.22—30 TTiat . . . instituted? Girolamo Zanchi (Hieronymus Zanchius; d. 
1590), bom near Milan in 1516, fled Italy when his sympathy for the Reformation 
became too pronounced and taught theology at Strasbourg and Heidelberg. The 
author of a celebrated defense of absolute predestination, Zanchi was also a notably 
irenic figure. The page reference in n is to chap. 25 of his De religione Christiana 
fides, where, after saying that only the two orders of pastors and doctors were given 
to the church by Christ, Zanchi adds that he does not blame the fathers for 
multiplying the various orders of ministers, as they were firee to do, w^ith reason- 
able cause (as we are also): "Interea tamen non improbamus Patres, quod juxta 
variam, turn verbi dispensandi, tum regendae Ecclesiae rationem, varies quoque 
ordines ministrorum multiplicarint: quando id eis liberum fuit, sicut et nobis: et 
quando consut, id ab illis fuisse factum honestis de causis, ad ordinem, ad deco- 
rum, et ad aedificationem Ecclesiae pro eo tempore, pertinentibus"; De religione 
Christiana fides (1585), p. 169. The passage partially translated by H {"That which the 



holy fathers . . . notable purpose instituted?") is from Zanchi's defense of this position 
in the Observationes on this confession of his faith at p. 261 of the same volume 
(pp. 61-62 in a printing with separate pagination for the Observationes): "Credo 
enim quae a piis Patribus, in nomine Domini congregatis, communi omnium 
consensu, citra ullam sacrarum literarum contradictionem, definita et recepta 
fuerunt: ea etiam (quanquam haud ejusdem cum sacris Uteris, autoritatis) a Spiritu 
sancto esse. Hinc fit, ut quae sunt hujuscemodi: Ea ego improbare, nee velim, nee 
audeam bona conscientia. Quid autem certius ex historiis, ex conciliis, et ex 
omnium Patrum scriptis: quam illos ministrorum ordines, de quibus diximus, 
communi totius Reipublicae Christianae consensu, in Ecclesia constitutos, receptos- 
que fuisse? Quis autem Ego sim, qui quod tota Ecclesia approbavit, improbem? Sed 
neque omnes nostri temporis docti viri, improbare ausi sunt: quippe qui norunt, et 
licuisse haec Ecclesiae, et ex pietate, atque ad optimos fines, pro Electorum 
aedificatione, ea omnia fuisse profecta et ordinata"; "For I beleeve, that the thinges 
which were decreed and received of the fathers, by common consent of them all 
gathered together in the name of the Lord, without anie contradiction of holie 
Scriptures: that they also (though they bee not of equall authoritie with the 
Scriptures) come from the holie ghost. Hereupon it is, that the thinges which are 
of this sorte, I neither will nor dare disproove, with a good conscience. And what 
is more certaine, out of the histories, the councells, and writings of all the fathers: 
then that those orders of ministers of which we spake, were ordained and received 
in the church, by common consent of all the whole christian common wealth? 
And who [a]m I, that I should disproove that which the whole church hath 
approoved? Neither have all the learned men of this age, dared to disproove the 
same: as knowing, both that the church might lawfullie do so, and that all those 
thinges were ordained and done uppon a godlie purpose, and to excellent good 
endes, for edification of Gods children"; H. Zanchius, His Confession of Christian 
Religion and Observations of the same Zanchius uppon his oume Confession (1599; STC 
26120), pp. 330-331. Written in response to criticism thought by Bancroft and 
Keble to have come from Beza, this passage was regularly appealed to by defenders 
of episcopacy in the English church; see Keble, 3:214; Bancroft, Survay, p. 137; 
Cooper, Admonition to the People of England, pp. 75—76; Saravia, De diversis mini- 
strorum . . . gradibus, chap. 23, pp. 57-58; Diverse Degrees, p. 73, misnumbered p. 
77; Bridges, Defense of the Government Established, p. 424; and SutclifFe, Treatise, p. 

3:21 1.30.0-212.5.^ Calvin making mention . . . complecti. Calvin, writing to the 
king of Poland on 5 December 1554: "Vetus quidem Ecclesia Patriarchias instituit, 
et singulis etiam Provinciis quosdam attribuit Primatus, ut hoc concordiae vinculo 
melius inter se devincti manerent Episcopi"; Epistolae (1575), p. 140 [not Epist. 
190]; CR, 43:332—333. Calvin indicates that it would be similar to this arrange- 
ment if there were today one archbishop in the kingdom of Poland — not to 
dominate the others or take away their rights but to hold first place in synods for 
the sake or order and to foster a holy unity among his colleagues and brothers 


Book VII, Chapter 11.11-13.2 

("non qui dominaretur in reliquos, vel jus ab illis ereptum sibi arrogaret: sed qui 
ordinis causa in Synodis primum teneret locum, et sanctam inter collegas suos et 
fratres unitatem foveret"; (1575), pp. 140-141; CR, 43:333. After endorsing the 
institution of provincial or urban bishops peculiarly charged with keeping order — 
for nature dicutes that one be chosen out from his colleagues, on whom special 
responsibility may £all ("Sicuti hoc natura dictat, Unum ex singulis collegis deligen- 
dum, cui praecipua cura incumbat") — he draws the contrast quoted by H at 
3:212.4—5: "It is one thing to bear a moderate honor . . . another to take in the 
whole world in an immense empire"; (1575), p. 141; CR, 43:333. 

3:212.15—213.7 But they will say, . . . removed. Not a quote but H's summary. 

3:212.30./? the judgement of Cyprian See 3:217.4—28 for H's discussion of this 

3:213.^ T.C. lib. 1. . . . man. Cartwright, 1:100 [76]; discussed by Whitgjft, 
Defense, pp. 360-361 (PS, 2:204-205). 

3:214.22—32 Pontius being Deacon . . . be. H here follows closely Pontius's Vtta 
et passio Cypriani, traditionally printed with edns. of Cyprian's works; Opera (1593), 
fol. *4* (=7l4^). "Ad probationem bonorum operum, solum hoc arbitror satis esse: 
quod judicio Dei et plebis favore, ad officium sacerdotii, et episcopatus gradum 
adhuc neophytus, et ut putabatur, novellus electus est. Quamvis in primis fidei suae 
adhuc diebus, et rudi vitae spiritalis aetate, sic generosa indoles reluceret; ut etsi 
nondum officii, spei tamen fulgore resplendens, imminentis sacerdotii totam 
fiduciam polliceretur. Non praeteribo etiam illud eximium, quemadmodum cum 
in dilectionem ejus et honorem totus populus aspirante [CSEL: inspirante] Domino 
piosiliret, humiliter ille secessit antiquioribus cedens, et indignum se titulo tanti 
honoris existimans, ut dignus magis fieret." H's specification of the episcopal tide 
of honor in the terms "Pontifex, Sacerdos, Antistes" is based partly on the passage 
just quoted ("ad officium sacerdotii et episcopatus gradum"), partly on a slightly 
later passage virtually translated by H at 3:214.27-32 ("Viderint pietatis Antistites, 
seu quos ad officium boni operis instruxit ipsius ordinis disciplina: seu quos 
sacramenti religio communis, ad obsequium exhibendae dilectionis artavit. Cypria- 
num de suo talem accepit cathedra, non fecit"), and pardy, perhaps, on a still later 
passage, fol. **l' (=7c5'), in which Pontius contrasts Cyprian's exemplary behavior 
as a "Christi et Dei pontifex" with that of the "pontifices hujus mundi"; CSEL, 
3.3:xcv, xcvi, xcix; FOTC, 15:9-10, 11, 14; ANF, 5:269, 270. 

3:215.5-14 and r place of Cyprian, . . . duty. H here follows closely the passage 
given in r; epist. 5, Cyprianus presbyteris et diaconibus fratrihus carissimis; Opera (1593), 
p. 15; CSEL, 3:479; ACW, 43:62; FOTC, 51:15. 

3:215.21—22 Cyprian mtm ... an Archbishop, The point was debated by 
Whitgift {Defense, pp. 354-357; PS, 2:192-196) and Cartwright (1:98-99 [75]; 
2:530—542) largely on the basis of Cyprian's reference to "nostra provincia" in a 



letter to Pope Cornelius de Polycarpo Hadrumetino; epist. 45, in Opera (1593), p. 
103; epist. 48 in CSEL, 3.2:607, ACW, 44:75, and FOTC, 51:108; see also 
3:186.6.m.n, above. Although Cyprian clearly exercised leadership in the mid-3C 
African church, his emphasis in this letter is on joint episcopal authority and 
responsibility. See G. W. Clarke in ACW, 44:258, n. 15. 

3:216.20 the Regiment of Jerusalem, See chap. 4.2 and 5.2 (3:156.28-157.7 and 

3:216.26-30 That if any . . . Regiment; Cartwright, 1:119 [92], replying to a brief 
"Judgement" against the Admonition by the aged Bishop Jewel appended to the 2nd 
(1573) edn. of Whitgift's Answere (pp. 323-325): "The second reason [addressed by 
Jewel] whych sayeth that the churche of God under the lawe/ had all thyngs 
needefull appoynted by the commaundement of God/ the byshop sayeth he 
knoweth not what could be concluded of it. I have shewed before that there is 
nothyng les ment/ then that the church under the gospell/ should have all those 
thyngs that that church had/ or shoulde have nothing/ whych that had not: but 
thys thereupon is concluded/ that the Lord whych was so carefull for that/ as not 
to omit the least/ would not be so careles for this church under the gospel/ as to 
omit the greatest"; discussed by Whitgift, Defense, p. 428 (PS, 2:346). See Cart- 
wright, 1:84-85 [63] and 2:440-448; Defense, pp. 304-307; PS, 2:90-97. 

3:216.31 Petrobrusian Hereticks, Followers of Peter of Bruys, early 12C. See 
3:279.24-25.11, below. 

3:217.6—8.5 That . . . cause: Cyprian, epist. 1.3, Ad Comelium de Fortunate et 
Felicissimo, in the edn. of Manuzio: "Nam cum statutum sit omnibus nobis, et 
aequum sit pariter ac justum, ut uniuscujusque causa illic audiatur, ubi est crimen 
admissum . . . oportet utique eos quibus praesumus non circumcursare, sed agere 
illic causam suam, ubi et accusatores habere et testes sui criminis possunt"; Opera 
(1563), p. 11; epist. 59 in CSEL, 3.2:683, ACW, 46:82, and FOTC, 51:186-187. 
Cited by Cartwright, 1:101 [77]. 

3:218.7—13 That the superiority . . . do. H's summary. Besides the passages cited 
in nn to this and the next chapter, see Cartwright, 1:123-126 [94—98] and 2:640- 
660; Whitgift, Defense, pp. 435-452, 472-473; PS, 2:372-394, 434-437. 

3:218.24— 27. M Hie regum . . . dirimitique. Livy, Ab urbe conditi libri, 1.1: "This 
man, the first of the kings to break with the custom handed down from earlier 
ones of consulting the senate on all matters, administered public afrairs by family 
councils; war, peace, treaties, and alliances he made and broke as he wished, by 
himself, without the order of people and senate"; (1589), p. 31; Loeb, 1:172, as 
1.49. Tarquinius the Proud, who seized power by the murder of his father-in-law 
in 534 BC, was a type of tyrants in the classical world. 

3:219.4 as Augustus did, imperial power. Both Suetonius and Cassius Dio 
provide support for the contrast H implies here between initial usurpation of 


Book VII, Chapter 13.3-14.6 

power and later good government. C. Suetonii Tranquilli XII Caesares ([1591]), pp. 
81 and 83; Loeb, Suetonius, 1:158-161 and 164—165: Augustus usurped the 
consulship at the age of 20, but with regard to his later rule "it is doubtful which 
was better, his intentions or their result" ("dubium eventu meliore, an voluntate"). 
Tujv Aicovog xov Kaaaiov 'P(o/j,aixd)v iaxogiajv ^t^Xia nivre, bk. 56 (1591), 
p. 686; Loeb, Dio's Roman History, 7:100-101 "If any remembered his actions in 
the course of the civil war, they ascribed them to the pressure of circumstances; his 
real disposition was revealed in what he did later, which afforded a mighty 
contrast" (TiXxiOTOV yap 6i^ t6 6i&4>opov tac, aXx\Q<ii<^. H's account here of 
increasing legitimacy in episcopal government in the course of time is at odds with 
the Protestant historiography of decline and corruption found, for example, in 
Beza's De triplid episcopatu (see Intro, to Book VII, pp. 319-320, above). For H's 
assertion of passage from initial violence to government with consent as a possibili- 
ty in secular government, see VIII.3.3 (3:340.17—23). And compare Sir Thomas 
Smith, who cites Augustus (and Sulla) to show that "one may be a tyrant by his 
entrie and getting of the govemement, and a king in the administration thereor*; 
De republica Anglorum, 2nd edn. (1584; STC 22858), p. 6; ed. Dewar (1983), p. 53. 

3:219.23-220.4 All things natural, . . . require. For other examples of H's use 
of the language of part and w^hole to describe a community's power to make 
authoritative changes in its own practices "as need shall require," see Pref. 5.2, 6.6 
(1:27.24-28.8, 33.29-34.13); 1.10.8 (1:103.15-25), 10.13 (1:108.23-109.2), 16.6-7 

- (1:139.32-141.22); VII.14.11 (3:227.4-9); VIII.3.4 (3:349.13-22), 6.1-2 (3:385. 
19-386.24), 6.5-7, 6.11 (3:401.22-404.5). 

3:220.14—15 the case of Aurelius, Cartwright's Second Replie cites Calvin {Inst., 
4.4.10) to argue that this case was both exceptional and relatively unimportant. 
"Cyprian doothe dihgentlie excuse him selfe, that he had appoincted Aurelius a 
reader withowte advise off the churche." The minor character of the lector's office 
is used to explain why the consent of the people ceased to be asked and "why the 
people was not so carefull in that behalfe off retaininge their righte" (2:216). 

3:220.20 An eye . . . can. Erasmus, Colloquia familiaria, Synodus grammaticorum: 
"Plus vident oculi quam oculus"; (1543), p. 579; Opera (1969 — ), 1.3:586 and n. 

3:221.3—4 imposition of hands, XeipoTOViiaavTa; (Acts 14:23). Following the 
GB gloss, Cartwright understood this to be a showing of hands in election by the 
people; see 1:44-47 [29-31] and 2:199-214; Whitgift, Defense, pp. 157-166; PS, 

3:221.17—27.)' Alexander Sepems ... Lives. "Et quia de publicandis dispositionibus 
mentio contigit, ubi aliquos voluisset vel rectores provinciis dare, vel praepositos 
facere, vel procuratores (id est rationales) ordinare, nomina eorum proponebat; 
hortans, populum ut siquis quid haberet criminis, probaret manifestis rebus: si non 
probasset, subiret poenam capitis: dicebatque, grave esse, quum id Christiani et 
Judaei £icerent in praedicandis sacerdotibus qui ordinandi sunt, non fieri in 



provinciarum rectoribus, quibus et fortunae hominum committerentur et capita," 
Aelius Lampridius, Alexander Severus, ad Constantinum Augustum, in Historiae 
Augustae scriptores Latini minores (1588), 2:218; Scriptores historiae Augustae, ed. Hohl 
(1955), 1:287; Loeb, 2:270-271. Marcus Aurelius Severus Alexander was Emperor 
AD 222—235 ; his reign is recounted in the Historia Augusta, the title given by I. 
Casaubon (1603) to a collection of biographies of Roman emperors AD 117—284 
modeled on Suetonius's lives of the twelve Caesars; Aelius Lampridius was one of 
six alleged authors. Modem classical scholars regard the collection with great 
skepticism; see OCD. 

3:221. 28-30.Z Let them . . . Bishop. Gratian, Decretum, 1.24.5 (Lyons, 1584), col. 
118 (Friedberg, 1:89): "Igitur per tres continuos dies diligenter examinentur: et sic 
sabbato, qui probati sunt, episcopo repraesententur." This sentence concludes the 
chapter in the canon la^v specifying how ordinands are to be examined. 

3:221.30—222.2 And even . . . Ministers. The 1552 Ordinal, reauthorized under 
Elizabeth, provided that the bishop admonish those presenting candidates for 
ordination to "take heede that the persones whom ye presente unto us be apte and 
meete, for theyr learninge and godlye conversacion, to exercyse theyr ministerie 
duelye, to the honoure of GOD, and edifyinge of hys Churche." To this the pre- 
senting archdeacon was to answ^er, "I have enquyred of them, and also examined 
them, and thinke them so to bee"; The fourme and maner of makynge and consecra- 
tynge, Bisshoppes, Priestes, and Deacons, printed with The Boke of Common Prater 
(1552), sigs. 2A2'', 2B4'. See Clay, ed.. Liturgical Services, PS (1847), pp. 274-275. 

3:222. 12-14.<i Such as make . . . Tyrannie. Walter Travers, Explicatio: "Neque 
enim Episcopi, qui sibi banc potestatem assumunt, et auTOKparopiKCp quodam 
Imperio et suis solis judiciis atque sententiis Ecclesiae ministros deligunt atque 
designant, ullo divino jure id sibi assumunt: sed tyrannidem quandam, ab antiquis 
quidem temporibus in Ecclesiam invectam exercent" (fol. [34]^); "For the Bishopps 
that challeng this pow^er unto them selves by ther meere authoritie and their owne 
only Judgment and advise to appoint the officers oflf the churche/ cannot challenge 
this by any right or law off God/ but exercise a very tyranny thoughe indeede 
longe agoe browght into the churche"; trans. Cartwright (1574), pp. 45—46. 

3:222.15—19 At the first . . . Senators. Compare the passage from Justinian's 
Digesta, 1.2.11, cited in 3:349.23-24.n.n, below. 

3:223.13-14 By the sixth . . . choosing. In Acts 6:1-6 "the whole multitude" 
chooses "seven men of honest reporte" to be the deacons of the church at 
Jerusalem; in Acts 14:23 the elders ordained by Paul and Barnabas are chosen "by 
election in everie Church" (GB). 

3:223. 13-224.6. fc By the sixth . . . Church. H's own translation of Travers, 
Explicatio, fol. 41"^: "Illud quidem aliter Act. 6. et 14. factum esse legimus, et 
popuU in eligendo summam potestatem extitisse: sed id (ut mihi quidem videtur) 


Book VII, Chapter 14.6-14.10 

certa quadam de causa, quae nos ita non attingic, nee ad ordinariam et peipetuam 
Ecclesiae gubemadonem refeni debet. Ut enim in Rebuspublicis non tantum in 
populi, sed optimatum vel edam unius Imperio atque principatu constituendo, 
antequam constituatur, omne Imperium penes populum est, qui sponte sua sibi 
magistratus delegit, quorum autoritate postea gubemetur: posteaque non universa 
plebs sed a plebe delecri magistratus Reipublicae negoria administrant: ita in 
Ecclesia consdtuenda, quum nulli adhuc praeficerentur, omnis autoritas penes 
omnes erat: sed delecds semel ab omnibus, certis viris, quibus gubemacula Ecclesiae 
tradantur, non amplius haec potestas penes omnes est, sed eos tantum qui delecd 
sunt, ut gubemacula Ecclesiae tractarent, atque regerent. In Diacononim autem 
electione alia praeterea certa causa fuit, cur illos ab universa Ecclesia eligj oporteret. 
Quum enim Graeci contra Heb. murmurarent et inique secum agi quererentur, 
quod in ea distribudone quae ad pauperum subsidia quoddie pardebatur, viduarum 
suarum non satis magna rado haberetur, necesse erat ad eos eligendos cui haec cura 
committenda fuit, omnium judicium adhibere, ut omnis querelarum et suspicio- 
num occasio tolleretur. Quare quod semel in Ecclesia nondum consdtuta, certis de 
causis a populo dictum est, ad perpetuam et constantem Ecclesiae regendae 
radonem referre nihil attinet." Trans. Cartwright (1574), pp. 54—55. 

3:225.10-12 If that ^vhich ... it, H returns his opponent's characteristic assertion 
that if reformation is good for Geneva, Scodand, etc., it must be good for England: 
"Is a reformation good for France? and can it be evill for England? is discipline 
meete for Scotland? and is it unprofitable for thys Realme?"; Admonition, fi^om 
Whitgift, Defense, p. 702; PS, 3:314; P.M., p. 19. Compare Cartwright: "Where 
he [Whitgift] saithe/ he condemnethe not other churches, which have appoincted 
other orders of electing pastors: I reporte me to the reader/ whether the wordes be 
generally and whether the reasons he [Calvin] alledgeth for that purpose/ be 
likwise. Nether can the Doctor shewe any reason why in Geneva/ why in whole 
Dominions in Germanie/ Why in Scotlande/ in Fraunce also in the tyme oflf their 
peace/ this order oflf election by the consente oflf the people/ shoulde bee good/ 
and pemitious in England" (2:224). 

3:225.15 Mrhich they do, Travers, Explicatio: "Nam reliquae Ecclesiae judicium 
contemni nolumus, aut etiam negligi, ut ignarae senatus pro autoritate sua imponat 
quem velit: sed praeeunte senatu populum etiam subsequi, qui promulgata ejus 
sententia, acclamatione vel silentio eam approbet, si probanda videatur vel eidem 
(si minus recta sit) contradicat" (fols. 40"— 41'); "For I would not that the judgment 
off the rest off the churche should be contemned and neglected or that the 
counsell or elders off the churche should off ther o\vne authoritie sett one over the 
churche whom they list against the churches will/ but that the Elders goinge 
before/ the people also follow/ and havinge hard and understorde ther sentence 
and decree/ may either by some outward token or ells by ther sylence/ allow it iff 
it be to be liked off/ or gayne say it iff it be not just and upright"; trans. Cart- 
wright (1574), p. 54. 



3:225.20-24.c No, but the people . . . dislike. Travers, Explicatio: "Nee id 
tantiun: sed si justa causa improbandi illis judicii afferatur, improbent atque rescindant, 
ut tandem idoneus, senatus autoritate atque suffiragiis delectus, omnium appbusu atque 
consensione, approbetur. Ut hie iniqua ilia querela sit, paucorum dominatu constitute, 
Eeclesiae majestatem violari" (fol. 41'); "And not only gayne say yt/ but iff just cause 
of ther dislikinge may be brought make it alltogether voyde and off none effect/ 
untill at the last a meete one may be chosen by the authoritie and voices off the 
Elders/ and allowed off by the consent and approbacion off the rest off the churche/ 
So that herein ther is no cause to compleine that by the bringing in off the rule of a 
fewe/ the majesty off the wholl church is diminished"; trans. Cartwright (1574), p. 
54. This immediately foUows the passage quoted in 3:225. 15.n and inmiediately 
precedes the passage translated by H at 3:223.13-224.6. 

3:226. <i Neque enim ... 3. "For it was not right or allowable that an inferior 
should ordain a greater"; Pseudo- Ambrose, Commentarii in Epistolam beati Pauli ad 
Timotheum I, in Ambrose, Opera (1569), col. 2055; CSEL, 81.3:267. The commen- 
tator is concerned to explain why Timothy is instructed concerning the ordination 
only of deacons and bishops. It is because there is one ordination for bishop and 
presbyter, for both are priests. Yet not every presbyter is a bishop, for he is bishop 
who is first among the presbyters. And so Timothy, whose ordination as presbyter 
is mentioned (at 1 Tim. 4:14, on one reading of the verse), vfus a bishop, because 
he did not have another before him. Hence it is that he is shown how he is to 
ordain a bishop. The point of the quoted sentence is that Timothy must have been 
a bishop to ordain bishops, "for it was not right," etc., "For no one bestows what 
he has not received." 

3:226.23—28 Beza at Poissie . . . Bishops: At the colloquy of Catholic and Re- 
formed prelates, ministers, and theologians held before Charles IX and various 
notables at Poissy in 1561, the validity of Beza's ordination was challenged by the 
Sorbonnist Claude d'Espence. As recorded in Pierre de La Place's Commentariorum 
de statu religionis et reipublicae in regno Galliae lihri tres (1572—1573; 1st edn., in 
French, 1565), which incorporates the one previously published account of this 
phase of the conference, the challenge is less specific than in H's version: "Quod 
ad illud de successione Eeclesiae, caput attinet, saepenumero sum mecum demira- 
tus, ee cujus tandem auctoritate, et a quo vocati, in Ecclesiam ingressi estis, et 
munus docendi accepistis: quum via ordinaria non sitis ingressi, nee ab ordinariis 
instituti, nee ab iis manuum impositionem acceperitis. Vos itaque minime veros 
nee legitimes esse pastores, effici videtur: quandoquidem non potestis dicere, vos 
ordinaria successione venisse, nee quidem extraordinaria"; 1:163*. This account is 
followed in bk. 4 of the anonymous Histoire ealesiastique des eglises riformiees au 
Royaume de France published under Beza's direction at Anvers in 1580, 1:577. On 
the Colloquy of Poissy, see Henry Martyn Baird, Theodore Beza (New York, 
1899), pp. 153-187; H. O. Evenett, "Claude d'Espence et son 'Diseours du 
Colloque de Poissy,' " Revue Historique, 164 (May-August, 1930): 40-78; and 


Book VII, Chapter 14.10-14.13 

Donald G. Nugent, "The Cardinal of Lorraine and die Colloquy of Poissy," 77k 
Historical Journal, 12.4 (1969): 596-605. 

3:226. 28-227. l.c Athanasius . . . C»nons; The Greek in c, 'E7iiaK07tq(; x^ipo- 
Oeaiav ("a bishop's laying on of hands"), has not been found in Athanasius, but 
for Athanasius's defense of Macarius and rejection of Ischyras's ordination as invalid 
because received from a presbyter, see his Contra Arianos apologia secunda, Opera 
(1572), cols. 399-400; PG, 25:269; also Socrates, Ecdes. hist., 1.31, and Sozomen, 
Ecdes. hist., 2.25 and 3.23. 

3:227.1—2 Epiphanius . . . Ordination. Not found, but see the passage quoted in 
3:171.26.z.n, above. 

3:227.17-23 Luther did but . . . calling. Joannes Sleidanus (1506-1556), De statu 
religionis et reipublicae, Carolo Quinto, Caesare, commentariorum libri xxvi, bk. 5 (1558): 
"Quum ejectus e Saxoniae finibus . . . Muncerus, oberraret, ac rumor increbuisset, 
eum cogitare Mulhusium: Lutherus, ea re cognita, datis ad senatum Uteris, graviter 
monet, ne recipiant . . . recte facturum senatum, si roget ex illo, quis docendi 
munus ipsi commiserit, quis evoca[v]it? et, si Deum nominet authorem, tum 
jubeant banc suam vocationem, aliquo evidenti signo comprobare, quod si reprae- 
sentare non possit, ut tum repudietur: hoc enim esse Deo proprium atque familiare, 
quoties formulam consuetam et rationem ordinariam velit immutari, ut turn 
voluntatem suam aliquo signo declaret"; fol. 58'. Luther's counsel for testing 
Munzer's vocation is omitted from the translation of Sleidanus by John Daus, A 
Famouse Cronide ofoure time, called Sleidanes Commentaries (1560; STC 19848). The 
beginning of Luther's warning is given at fols. 57^—58'. 

3:227.23-31 Another . . . Ordination. Compare Bancroft, as reported by John 
Spottiswoode, from a discussion of the validity of his own presbyterian ordination 
held prior to his consecration as archbishop of St. Andrews in 1610, The History of 
the Church of Scotland, ed. Russell (1851; rpr. 1973): "where bishops could not be 
had, the ordination given by the presbyters must be esteemed lawfiil; otherwise 
... it might be doubted if there were any lawful vocation in most of the reformed 
Churches"; 3:209. See Norman Sykes, Old Priest and New Presbyter (Cambridge: 
The University Press, 1956), pp. 69-108. 

3:227.34—228.20 Nomt wrhen that poorer . . . dow^n. For a corresponding 
treatment of the election and consecration of bishops, see VIII. 7. 

3:228.5—20 Neither is there . . . down. Whatever its theoretical relationship to 
popular choice, the ancient and complex system of largely lay-controlled ecclesias- 
tical patronage which H defends here posed problems for episcopal as well as 
disciplinarian attempts at clerical reform. See chap. 24.7; 3:294.33-295.4 and n. 

3:228.22—31 That all Ministers , . . many. H's italics signal, respectively, his 
summary of the position just refuted and his preview of the next issue, not 
quotations. See n following. 



3:228.31 Their meaning here See Cartwright, 1:184 [147]: "it must needes be 
the meaning of oure savioure Christe/ that the excommunication should be by 
many/ and not by one/ and by the church/ and not by the minyster of the church 
alone"; 1:183 [146]: "Nowe that thys charge of excommunication belongeth not 
unto one/ or to the minyster/ but cheefely to the eldershyp and pastor/ it appear- 
eth by that whych the authors of the admonition alledge out of S. Mathewe 
[marg., Chap. 18.17.]/ whych place I have proved before to be necessarily 
understanded of the elders of the church"; but see 1:187 [149]: "there do beare 
rule or be presidents certaine of the most approved auncients or elders . . . [and] 
the auncients had the ordering of these things/ and the peoples consent was 
required"; discussed by Whitgift, Defense, pp. 662-678 (PS, 3:223-263), and 
Cartwright, 3:78-94. 

3:229.4—5/ This they say . . . practised Cartwright cites the bishops Cyprian 
("Lib.3. ep. 8. 10.14. 19" and "1 Lib. 3.epi.") and Augustine ("3 lib. contra ep. 
Parmen."), as well as Tertullian {Apology, chap. 39), in his Replye, 1:187 [149]; see 
Whitgift, Defense, pp. 673, 674, 675 (PS, 3:252, 254, 256). In 3:91 Cartwright 
quotes Calvin, Inst., 4.11.6: "the Bishops, when they excommunicated of them 
selves alone, did it ambitiously, contrary to the decrees of the godly Councels." He 
refers to canon 23 of the Fourth Council of Carthage in 2:594. 
The reference for/should precede "This" (line 4). 

3:229.6-1 1 Beza . . . Discipline. The italicized passage seems to be H's summary 
of Beza's position, perhaps with special reference to the horror at the legalism and 
commercialization of English practice expressed by Beza in a widely circulated 
letter of 1567, Ad quosdam Anglicarum ealesiatum fratres ("to certain brothers of the 
English churches"): "Aiunt quoque excommunicationes et absolutiones in curiis 
quibusdam Episcopalibus in Anglia fieri non ex presbyterii, quod nullum ibi sit, 
sententia, neque ex Dei verbo, sed ex quorundam jurisconsultorum et aliorum 
ejusmodi, imo etiam interdum unius cujuspiam authoritate: et quidem ob actiones 
mere pecuniarias et civiles, et ejus generis alia, sicut in Papatu fieri consuevit. 
Respondemus, nobis pene incredibile videri ejusmodi abusum perversissimi moris 
et exempli adhuc in eo regno usurpari, ubi puritas doctrinae vigeat. Jus enim 
excommunicandi ante Papisticam illam tyrannidam nunquam penes unum fuisse 
comperietur, sed penes presbyterium, et quidem non excluso penitus populo. . . . 
Quod enim de arbitris Corinthi constituendis disserit Apostolus, nihil ad rem ubi 
Christianus est Magistratus: nee unquam in mentem venit Apostolo, ut presby- 
terium oneraret istiusmodi mere civilibus cognitionibus. Episcopos quoque veteres 
constat, non pro ahqua sua potestate, sed litigantium importunitate, et quidem ut 
domesticos arbitros, controversias tales audivisse"; epist. 12 in Beza's Tractatones 
theologicae (1582), 3:220. 

3:229 f Council ep. 8. The citations follow Cartwright (see 3:229.4-5.n, 

above). Fourth Council of Carthage, canon 23: "Ut episcopus nullius causam 
audiat, absque praesentia clericorum suorum: alioquin irrita erit sententia Episcopi, 


Book VII, Chapter 14.13-15.3 

nisi clericorum praesenda confirmetur"; Concilia (1585), 1:759; CCSL, 149:346. 
For the first of the three epistles of Cyprian referred to here (3.10) see above at 
3:183.3—12, where H emphasizes the voluntary nature of Cyprian's resolve firom 
the beginning of his episcopate to "do nothing" without the counsel of his clergy 
and the consent of his people. In the second letter cited (3.14), Cyprian, writing 
"to his brothers, the presbyters and deacons," inveighs against the irregular 
readtnission of lapsed persons to communion by certain presbyters. The insult to 
his own episcopate {episcopatus nostn) he could ignore and bear, but such forbear- 
ance is out of place when "our brotherhood" (nostra fratemitas) is being deceived; 
Opera (1563), p. 71; CSEL, 3.2:517, ACW, 43:93, and FOTC, 51:47 as epist. 16. 
The third Cyprian reference, following Cartw^right as above, should be either to 
bk. 3 (not bk. 1), epist. 8, Ad Fidum de infantibus baptizandis, the first letter cited by 
Cartwright, or to bk. 1, epist. 3 (not epist. 8), Ad Comelium de Fortunato et Felicissi- 
mo, the last letter cited. The point at issue in the former is not exercise of ecclesi- 
astical censure by the bishop alone but a particular bishop's readmission of a lapsed 
person to communion "immaturo tempore et praepropera festinatione"; (1563), p. 
63; CSEL, 3.2:717, ACW, 46:109, and FOTC, 51:216 as epist. 64. It is true, 
however, that readmission without the desire and knowledge of the people ("sine 
petitu et conscientia plebis") is reproved except in compelling circumstances such 
as sickness. On epist. 1.3, see 3:147. 12. a and 217.6—8.5 and nn, above. Cartwright 
argued (3:89—90) that Cyrprian's report of difficulty in persuading his people to 
readmit some of the lapsed under any conditions implied that the decision was not 
his alone: "Vix plebi persuadeo, immo extorqueo, ut tales patiantur admitti"; 
(1563), p. 11; CSEL, 3.2:685, ACW, 46:84, and FOTC, 51:188, as epist. 59. 

3:230.20 they meddle unth Civil affairs. Cartwright, 1:206-213 [165-171] and 
3:1-31; Whitgift, Defense, pp. 1A9-11A; PS, 3:404-456. Saravia, De honore qui 
debetur pastoribus (pt. 2 of STC 21746), pp. 112-133; Of the Honour Due unto 
Priestes (pt. 2 of STC 21749), pp. 155-189. 

3:230.21-23 no farther . . . Prince.) H echoes Whitgift at Defense, p. 770 (PS, 
3:448), adding the OT reference that follows. 

3:230.27—231.4 Shemaia . . . innocent. Jer. 29:26. Shemaia, intent on suppressing 
the prophet Jeremiah, himself w^as reproved by the voice of the Lord, coming to 
Jeremiah, in w. 30-32. 

3:232.8-9.« The wisest . . . skilful. Bamabe Brisson (c. 1525-1591) was an 
eminent French lawyer under Henry III, first president of the Parlement of Paris 
under the Catholic League, but hanged by the radical Leaguer group of the Sixteen 
for opposing their excesses. See J. H. M. Salmon, Renaissance and Revolt: Essays in 
the Intellectual and Social History of Early Modem France (Cambridge: The University 
Press, 1987), pp. 235—266, and Brisson, Selectarum ex jure civili antiquitatum libri iv, 
4.16 (1587), col. 74. Answ^ering those to whom Ulpian's definition of jurispru- 
dence as the kno\vledge of things divine and human seems ridiculous, Brisson cites 



both ancient Roman practices of consulting jurists on religious as Avell as civil 
matters and also the recognition by modem authors of a species of civil law 
concerned with sacred matters and with priests. Clearly, the science of divine 
things once pertained to jurisprudence, and only a combined know^ledge of all laws 
or rights, human and divine, earned jurists the highest praise. The chapter is 
entided, "Conjundam olim fuisse juris divini et humani scientiam," and reads: "Ridicu- 
lum videtur nonnuUis Jurisprudentiam rerum divinarum et humanarum notitiam ab 
Ulpiano definiri, quod existiment rerum divinarum cognitionem nihil cum juris 
civiUs scientia commune habere. Atqui ex veteribus memoriis certissimum est, in 
utriusque cognitionis facultate consultos pares fuisse, tenuisse'que et edocuisse eos 
quibus hostiis, quibus diebus, quo ritu, ad quae templa sacra facienda essent, quae 
sepulchrorum monumentorum'que jura, quae justorum funebrium sollemnia 
essent. Quae ad jus publicum et divinum referebantur omnia, cujus peritia aeque 
priscos prudentes atque humani juris cognitione commendari video. . . . Nostri 
etiam auctores juris civilis alteram speciem in sacris et sacerdotibus consistere 
statuunt, unde perspicuum sit, rerum divinarum scientiam ad jurisprudentiam olim 
pertinuisse, nee vero aliter omni laude cumulatum Jurisconsultum extitisse, quam 
si omnia et humana et divina jura scientia cognitione ' que complexus fuisset." 
Compare H's use of French jurists expert in questions of sacred law in VIII, 
3:417.26-28.n, below. 

3:232.11-12 what St. Augustine . . . gather. On Augustine's hearing of causes, 
see Jewel's "Judgement" against the Admonition in Whitgift, Answere (1573), p. 
325; Cartwright, 1:213 [171]; Whitgift, Defense, pp. 771-772 (PS, 3:451-452); and 
Cartwright, 3:26-27. Augustine cannot be understood to refer to himself as 
exercising "any judgment given by reason of civil authority," Cartwright argues, 
for then the Aposde's commands which he alleges would imply that Paul could 
order the simplest in the church to bear civil office at a time when the (pagan) 
magistrate would commit no authority to him, or that "the civil office is incident 
unto the office of the ministery, and can not be severed from it." 

3:232. 13-31. J / call God . . .fruit. Augustine, De opere monachorum {On the Work 
of Monks), chap. 29; Opera (1569), 3:801 (CSEL, 41:587-588): "Dominum Jesum, 
in cujus nomine securus haec dico, testem invoco super animam meam, quoniam 
quantum attinet ad meum commodum, multo mallem per singulos dies certis horis, 
quantum in bene moderatis monasteriis constitutum est, aliquid manibus operari, 
et caeteras horas habere ad legendum et orandum, aut aliquid de divinis Uteris 
agendum liberas: quam tumultuosissimas perplexitates causarum alienarum pati de 
negociis secularibus vel judicando dirimendis, vel interveniendo praecidendis: qui- 
bus nos molestiis idem affixit Apostolus, non utique suo, sed ejus qui in eo loque- 
batur arbitrio, quas tamen ipsum perpessum fuisse non legimus. Aliter enim se 
habebat Apostolatus ejus discursus .... Sapientes ergo qui in locis consistebant fideles 
et sanctos, non qui hac atque iliac propter Evangelium discurrebant, talium nego- 
ciorum examinatores esse voluit. Unde numquam de illo scriptum est, quod aliquando 


Book VII, Chapter 15.3-15.6 

talibus vacaverit, a quibus nos excusare non possumus, edamsi contemptibiles simus, 
quia et hos coQocari voluic, si sapiences defuissenc, podus quam ut negocia Chhsdano- 
rum deferrentur in forum. Quern tamen laborem non sine consoladone Domini 
suscipimus pro spe vitae aetemae ut fiiictum feramus cum tolerantia." 

3:233.13-15 Vice-Chancellors • . . Civil Judges The imiversides of Oxford and 
Cambridge were formally incorporated by act of Parliament in 1571 (13 Eliz. I, 
cap. 29), "to the intent that the auncient privileges, liberties and franchesies of 
either of the said Universities heretofore granted ratified and confirmed by the 
Queenes highnes and her most noble progenitors maie be had in great estimation, 
and be of great force and strength for the better encrease of learning, and the 
fiirther suppressing of Vice"; Registrum pritnlegiorum almae universitatis Oxoniensis 
(Oxford, 1770), p. 77; S.R., 4.1:585-586. The Oxford Registrum pnvilegiomm gives, 
besides this statute, charters of Edward IV (1461) and Henry VIII (1523), the 
former of which rehearses a long series of earlier royal charters granting the 
chancellor of the university and his deputies jurisdiction over all cases short of 
felony or mayhem involving a member of the imiversity as a party. With H's 
concern here compare Pref 8.3 (1:39.21-41.1, esp. 40.16-21). It could still be 
debated in the early 18C whether the universities were ecclesiastical or civil 
corporations; see John Ayliffe, The Antient and Present State of the University of 
Oxford (London, 1714), 2:97-100. 

3:233.20-21 the Prophet ... St. Paul Isa. 49:23, but GB glosses the reference to 
kings as "nourcing &thers" to mean that, "Kings shalbe converted to the Gospel 
and bestow their power, and autoricie for the preservation of the Church." And 
see Isa. 60:16. Paul was of the tribe of Benjamin (Rom. 11:1, Phil. 3:5), as was 
King Saul (1 Sam. 9:1-2). 

3:233.32— 234. 8.fe With men of skill . . . persons: "Cur enim qui subditi sunt 
Moguntino, Coloniensi, Trevirensi Principibus imperii simul et Archiepiscopis, in 
rebus cum pietate Christiana minime pugnantibus, non obtemperent? Seditiosorum 
certe fiierit, non obtemperare. Quod si istis: cur non etiam Romano, iisdem in 
rebus, et eandem ob caussam, qui sub ejus vivunt imperio? Eadem enim horum 
omnium est ratio"; Girolamo Zanchi, Ejusdem Zanchii in suam confessionem, observati- 
ones, printed with H. Zandtii, de religione Christiana fides (1585); p. 274 when paged 
continuously with the De religione Christiana Jides, pp. 80—81 when paged separately. 
Observations of the same Zanchius uppon his oume Confession, printed with H. Zanch- 
ius. His Confession of Christian Religion (1599), p. 349. On Zanchi see 3:211.22- 
30.n, above. Ments, Colen, and Trevers, Mainz, Cologne, and Trier. 

3:234.25 Ambrose . . . Ambassador On Ambrose's two diplomatic missions to the 
usurper Maximus at Trier, see his epist. 27, Opera (1569), cols. 556-557; CSEL, 
82.1:207-215 as epist. 30; and Angelo Paredi, Saint Ambrose: His Life and Times, 
trans. M. Joseph Costelloe ([Notre Dame, Ind.]: University of Notre Dame Press, 
1964), pp. 210-213 and 237-240. 



3:234.27—28 David . . . State; Zadock functioned as "the High-priest" in David's 
court from the time of Absalom's revolt until David's death (2 Sam. 15:24 ff.); he 
was anointed under Solomon (1 Chron. 29:22). 

3:234.28 all Christian , . . Princes To illustrate the common medieval practice 
of employing prelates for high civil office: every 15C archbishop of Canterbury 
served at some time as chancellor of the realm or head of the King's council. 

3:235.14—19 The French King . . . State. At a consultative assembly of barons 
and bishops at Vincennes, near Paris, called by Philip VI in 1329, Pierre de 
Cuignieres, a conseiller in the parlement, recommended the exclusion of the church 
from temporal affairs. H appears to be mistaken, however, in beUeving that a 
corresponding ordinance was issued by the king. On Cuignieres's position, see F. 
J. M. Olivier-Martin, L'Assemblee de Vincennes de 1329 et ses consiquences (Paris, 
1909), pp. 101—124. In the account of the assembly given by one of the major 
ecclesiastics participating, the king denies responsibility for issuing edicts prejudicial 
to ecclesiastical jurisdiction; see Libellus Petri Bertrandi, in Pierre Toussaint Durand 
de Maillane, Les libertez de Veglise Gallicane (Lyons, 1771), 3:444—503, p. 503. A 
trace of the reasoning H attributes to the king may be found in Cugnieres's 
assertion that the tonsuring of clerics was a sign of their withdraw^al from temporal 
affairs (p. 501). 

3:235.32 Clergy . , , Three Estates, The Statute of York (1322) asserted that 
matters touching the estate of the king and the estate of the kingdom should be 
"treated, granted and established in Parliament by our lord the king and with the 
consent of the prelates, earls, barons, and of the commonalty of the kingdom"; 
quoted by G. R. Elton, " 'The Body of the Whole Realm': Parliament and 
Representation in Medieval and Tudor England," in Elton, Studies in Tudor and 
Stuart Politics and Government (1974-1983), 2:22. In 1340 the representatives of the 
lower clergy ceased attending parliaments and withdrew to the ecclesiastical 
convocations. Although the three-estates doctrine enjoyed growing theoretical 
employment in the 15C, its accuracy as a description of parliament's representation 
of the realm grew increasingly questionable (2:23); see also, Elton, TThe Parliament 
of England 1559-1581 (1986), pp. 17-22, and 3:401. 22-28.n, below. 

3:236.17-24 That the matters . . . souls, H's enumeration of a minister's duties 
may be intended as a summary of Travers's Explicatio, fols. 57 -65 ; trans. Cart- 
wright (1574), pp. 76-86 (words and phrases corresponding to H's enumeration are 
italicized): "The name off a Bishopp ... [is most properly given] to the chieff 
charges off the church/ and to thos that are as it were the watche off the cytie off god" 
(p. 76; = fol. 57'); "in old tyme this was rather a name off labor then off rest/ off 
burden then off honor/ off busines then off ease. Now a Bishop (iff we will trewly 
declare what he is) is the minister off the churche in heavenly thinges and such as 
perteine unto god .... As for that I enclose all the office off a Bishopp in devine 
service I ground upon the same place off the Apostle [Heb. 5:1] who giveth no 


Book VII, Chapter 15.6-15.10 

more to the priestes [under the OT law]/ whose office was nothing less honorable 
then the Bishopes in this behalffe .... So the Apostle conteineth the office of 
Timothe [marg., 1. Tim. 3.15.] although he were an Evangelist/ in the government/ 
and administradon off the house off god/ which is the church. And to omytte many 
other places to this ende/ the Apostle to the Hebrues [marg., Heb. 13.17.] 
comprehendeth all the charge off the Elders in the cure of souks ("animarum 
procuratione")" (p. 77; = fols. 57''-58'); "he [Christ] tould them [the Apostles] 
. . . [t]hey should keep hisfoulds and feed his^odfe and his lambes" (p. 78;= fol. 58*); 
"[I have enclosed] all the office off a Bishopp in the administradon off heavenly and 
spirituall thinges ["divinarum rerum procuratione"]" (p. 79; = fol. 58"); "the office 
off the Magistrate . . . hath not to doe with the holie ceremonies" (p. 83; = fol. 
62*); "Now seing as I suppose yt is sufficiendy proved that the office off a Bishopp 
is lymited in the administration off heavenly and spirituall thinges/ let us particuler- 
ly declare the severall partes off this office. Which consist partly in teaching and 
interpretinge off the word off God/ and pardy in making praiers for the church" (p. 
87; = fol. 65'); "So then in the Priesthood and the Prophesie two off the cheifest 
offices in the Jewishe churche (which our Bishopps do resemble/ iff we compare 
the Pastors with the Priestes/ and the Doctors with the Prophetes) Thes two offices 
off teachying and prayinge were joyned togither" (p. 88; = fol. 65*). And see pp. 
146—147 (= fol. 113*): "A Pastor therfore I call a Bishopp/ who appliethe the 
Scriptures to the divers occasions and necessities off the church: and ministrethe the 
Saaamentes to those which doe beleve .... Pastors administre not only the word/ 
but also the Sacramentes." 

3:236.34-237.2 But in the Old . . , Sons. Travers, Explicatio, fol. 60*; trans. 
Cartwright, p. 81: "For that ther is a great difference betwene the cyvill magistrat 
and them that have charge off ecclesiasticall matters/ That sufficiendy dothe prove/ 
that whereas first off all both powers were confounded togither in Moses/ The 
lord leaving him only the charge off the common welth/ committed the gover- 
ment off the churche to Aaron his brother .... So they were divided a sonder not 
only in ther own persons/ but also by families and by tribes." 

3:237.2—4 Jehosaphat . . . Jiu/^u. Cartwright, 3:152— 153, arguing from 2 Chron. 
19:8 and 11; see VIII.1.4 (3:323.24-26 and n). 

3:237.6-7 Was not Ely . . . Judge? See Whitgift, Answere (1572), p. 217: "What 
say you to Elie and Samuell, were they not bothe Priests and Judges?"; Cartwright, 
1:211-212 [170]; Whitgift, Defense, p. 767; PS, 3:442; Cartvmght, 3:21: "such 
were extraordinarily raised up of god, and not by any esublished order or election 
of men." 

3:237.8-1 1 These men . . . scrupulous Compare Whitgift, Defense: "But 
remember I pray you what you sayd before in the treatise of Seniors: you there set 
it downe that they are ecclesiasticall persons: and yet M. Beza (as I have there 
declared [p. 654, referring to an episde prefacing the confession of the Swiss 



churches]), sayth that noble men and Princes may be of the Seigniorie, wherfore 
eyther may civill and ecclesiasticall offices meete togither in ecclesiastical! persons 
(whiche you denie) or else can not noble men and Princes be of your Seigniorie, 
as M. Beza affirmeth: or if they be of your Seigniorie, they must cast oflf their 
Baronries, Earldomes, and civill dominions (whiche I am sure they wyll not) or 
else to conclude, your assertion is straunge, and your Seigniorie confused" (p. 759; 
PS, 3:425). Cartwright: "I answer, that nether is necessary. For, whereas Lordships, 
Baronryes and Erldomes are often ether by birth, or given of the Prince, as bare 
degrees of honour: such being of the church Eldership, doe not therfore bear, 
boeth civil and ecclesiastical office: considering that they have no magistracy 
necessarily joyned with them, further then the same is particularly conunitted" 

3:237.16-17 They will answer perhaps. Not found; perhaps H's own paraphrase 
of "their Position." 

3:237.27 not standing with his calling John 18:36, 6:15, 8:3-11; Luke 12:13-14. 
Whitgift had argued concerning a related passage (Luke 9:60-61), that "the 
meaning of Christ in this place, is that when we are called to etemall life by him 
we ought not to protracte the time, nor to seeke any delayes, but leave all and 
follow him" {Defense, p. 750; PS, 3:407). Cartwright insisted on a specifically 
ministerial sense of calling in both passages: "his meaning is of the calling unto the 
ministery, and not of the/ calling to eternal life . . . our Saviour Christes vocation, was 
to be a Minister of the gospel, but he refused civil judgment because of his vocation: therfore 
he refused it, because he was a Minister of the gospel, wherupon also followeth, that 
Bishops being Ministers of the gospel: owght not to receive, any such power"; 
3:1—2, before a discussion ofjohn 8:11. 

3:238.3-8 But Christ refused calling. Compare the Remonstrance (1590; 

STC 20881), attributed to Matthew Sutcliflfe: "all that our Saviour refused, every 
of us may not refuse: he because he came to be a mediatour betweene God and 
man, would not become a common divider, and judge of every secular cause of 
tide of land. . . . Besides, if he had intermedled in the matters of the common 
weale, it would have strengthened the conceipte, that he sought an earthly 
kingdome, and to dispossesse the Romanes. . . . Christ refused to divide the 
inheritance: it was because hee woulde not use the authoritie that hee had as Lorde 
of Heaven and earth when he came as a servant: not because either a Christian 
magistrate or minister shoulde after his example lay aside all authoritie" (pp. 179- 

3:238.17-19 they gave over Prayer. An allusion to Acts 6:4, alleged on this 

issue by Cartwright, 1:208 [167]; Whitgift, Defense, p. 758; PS, 3:422-423; and 
Cartwright again, 3:10. 

3:238.20-22 Suffer thou evil . . . Warfare. 2 Tim. 2:3-4. By quoting v. 3 and 
emphasizing the harshness of the military situation in his own translation of v. 4 (a 


Book VII, Chapter 15.10-15.14 

standard proof-text for patristic and medieval writers advocating the withdrawal or 
exclusion of ecclesiastics from the exercise of civil authority), H prepares the way 
for his exegesis of the text's "plain" sense and meaning as an exhortation to endure 
worldly hardship, not to avoid worldly responsibilities. 

3:238.22 sense ... is plain, Whitgift had argued that civil offices committed to 
the clergy "be rather helpes to their vocation, than impedimentes: for the office of 
a Justice of peace, of an high Commissioner, and suche like, is to punishe vice and 
iniquitie, to see good order kept in the common wealth, aswell in matters touching 
religion, as other common and publike businesse. Wherefore as these offices be not 
meere civill, but pardy ecclesiasticall and be for discipline and correction of sinnes: 
so in my opinion they be moste meete to be committed to some of the wisest and 
best of the Clergy"; Answere (1572), p. 217; Defense, p. 753; PS, 3:414. H's 
exegesis allows that "some special good cause" is needed to justify such clerical 
"dealing in Civil affairs" and thus takes better account of patristic and reformed 
opposition to such practices. 

3:239.4— 8. w As well . . . marriage: "It is appropriate that those be chosen and 
ordained as priests who have neither children nor grandchildren. For it is scarcely 
possible for one who is free to attend to the cares [Krueger: curis occupatus] of this 
life that children especially create for parents to devote every effort and every 
thought to the divine liturgy and ecclesiastical affairs"; Justinian, Codex, 1.3.42; 
(1590), col. 36; Krueger (1963), p. 26, as 1.3.41 (42).2. 

3:239.27 Herod, Herod the Great reigned (37— 4 BC) when Jesus was bom, but his 
son, Herod Antipas, who was king at Jesus's death, is presumably intended here. 

3:240.11-12 sundry eminent Canons,... Councils In 1:210 [168] (Whitgift, 
Defense, p. 762; PS, 3:430) and 3:15, Cartwright refers to the follovvdng: (1) 
Apostolic Canon 81, cited as 80; Theologorum aliquot . . . libri Graeci (1559), p. 8; 
Lauchert (1896), p. 12; NPNF.2, 14:559: a bishop or presbyter must not give 
himself to the management of public affairs (br\iioaiaq SioiKqaei^) but devote 
himself to ecclesiastical business (eKKX,neaiaaTiKai(; xP^iai?), for no one can 
serve two masters; (2) Council of Chalcedon, canon 3 (ibid., p. 44; Schroeder, pp. 
90, 519; NPNF.2, 14:269): because some clergy have been making contracts in 
secular affairs and undertaking to manage the property of secular persons, it is 
ordained that henceforth no bishop, cleric, or monk shall engage in business or 
occupy himself in worldly matters (Tipdypaxa [f\] eneiadyeiv eauTOV KoajJiKa- 
\q SioiKfjaeaiv) except in a few specified circumstances. (3) Council of Chalce- 
don, canon 7 (ibid., p. 45; Schroeder, pp. 96, 520; NPNF.2, 14:272): no cleric or 
monk shall accept either a military charge or a secular dignity (jxf\Te kni aTpaxe- 
iav Mnxe eTti ci^iav KoapiKfjv SpxcaOai). (4) Fourth Council of Carthage, 
canon 20 {Concilia, 1585, 1:759; CCSL, 149:346): a bishop should devote himself 
solely to reading, prayer, and preaching of the Word of God, with no turning 
again to domestic concerns. 



3:240.15 most of the ancient Fathers, In 1:207 [166] (Whitgift, Defense, p. 754; PS, 
3:415) and 3:6, Cartwright cites: (1) Cyprian, epist. 1.9, Ad clerum et plebum 
Fumitanorum, de Victore; Opera (1593), p. 27; CSEL, 3.2:30-31, ACW, 43:51-52, 
and FOTC, 51:3—5, as epist. 1. Cyprian is disturbed to hear that a presbyter has 
been named as guardian in a will, when it has long since been laid down in a 
council of bishops that no one should appoint a cleric as guardian or trustee ("ne 
quis de clericis et Dei ministri tutorem vel curatorem testamento suo constituat"); 
(2) Jerome, Commentarii . . . in Sophoniam prophetam; Opera (1516), 6:93D; CCSL, 
76A:662: a stinging rebuke of a church which venerates him who has a golden 
ring but shows contempt for the poor and of those who vainly plume themselves 
on the names but not the w^ork of presbyter and bishop, who enmesh themselves 
in secular affairs ("obligant se negociis saecularibus") and offer the same image to 
God and Caesar; (3) Ambrose, Offtciorum lihri Hi, 1.36; Opera (1569), col. 26; PL, 
16:78: if those who fight for the emperor are prohibited by human laws firotn 
engaging in the business of the forum or taking wages, how much more ought one 
who fights for the faith to abstain from all business activities ("ab omni usu 
negociationis") . 

3:240.n. Cum ... ad pontific. Cicero, Pro domo sua ad pontifices: "Among the 
many things divinely discovered and established by our ancestors, members of the 
pontifical college, none is more excellent than this, that they wished you, the same 
persons, to be set over both the cults of the gods and the state"; Opera (1588), 
2:567; Loeb, Pro Archia . . . De domo sua, p. 132. 

3:241.0 Honor sacerdotii . . . Authority. Tacitus, Historiae, bk. 5: "The honor of 
priesthood was assumed [by the Hasmonean kings, on regaining power in the IC 
BC] as a support for their power"; Opera (1589), p. 286; Loeb, Tacitus, 3:190. 
Tacitus had noted Moses' introduction of new religious practices to strengthen his 
authority on the previous page (p. 285; Loeb, 3:178). 

Hie mos apud . . . lib. 36. Marcus Junianus Justinus's abridgement of the 
otherwise almost entirely lost Historiae Philippicae of the Augustan historian Trogus 
Pompeius was probably written in the 3C. It was widely read in the middle ages 
and later. Four Latin editions were published in England in the 16C, as well as 
three in EngUsh, in the last of which H's passage reads: "And ever after it re- 
mayned as a custome amonge the Jewes, that they that were their Priestes were 
also their Kinges. Through whose Justice joyned with Religion, it is uncredible 
how greatly they encreased"; The Abridgement of the History es of Trogus Pompeius . . 
by . . .Justine, bk. 36 (3rd. edn., 1578; STC 24292), fol. 149"; Justinus, Histona 
(1566), fol. 142"; M.JunianiJustini epitoma historiarum Philippicarum Pompei Tragi, ed. 
Seel (1972), p. 248. 

3:241.16— 20.f Ecclesiastical . . . Bishops. Ecclesiastical persons, including 
monks, were declared legally exempt from administering every kind of guardian- 
ship and from the curatorship of wards, minors, the insane, and so on, by Justinian, 
Codex, 1.3.52; (1590), cols. 44-45; Krueger (1963), pp. 34-35 as 1.3.51 (52); lex 


Book VII, Chapter 15.14-16.2 

40 in Scott, 12:52. The passage H cites here, forbidding bishops to bequeath or 
otherwise alienate property accruing to them after their consecration, except things 
acquired from close relatives, immediately follows the passage quoted at 3:239. m; 
Justinian, Codex, 1.3.42; (1590), cols. 36-37; Krueger (1963), p. 26 as 1.3.41 (42); 
Scott, 12:47, as an extract from Nouellae, 131.13. 

3:241.24—242.2 the axiome used . . . exprest. Compare Giacomo Menochio 
(1532—1607), De praesumptionibus, conjeduris, signis et indidis (1587-1590), bk. 2, 
Praesumptio 10.1: "Dicimus iuque, praesumptionem juris esse, quod quando 
princeps aliquid facit, vel concedit, praesumatur id facere vel concedere, justis de 
causis"; 1:8" (second numeration). 

3:242.11-14.^ That they utterly ... persons? Cartwright, 1:126 [98]: "I admonishe 
the reader that I doe not allow of all those things which I before alleaged in the 
comparison betwene our Archbyshoppes and the Archbyshops of olde tyme/ or 
our byshoppes and theirs. Only my entent is to shew that although there were 
corruptions/ yet in respect of ours they be much more tollerable: and that it might 
appeare how smale cause there is that they should alleage theyr examples to 
confirme the Archbyshops and Byshops that now are"; Whitgift, Defense, p. 452; 
PS, 2:394. 

3:242.19-21 TTuit the Law . . . Ministers; ". . . the lordely Lords, Archbishops, 
Bishops, Sufl^ganes, Deanes, Doctors, Archdeacons, Chauncellours, and the rest 
of that proude generation, whose kingdome muste downe, holde they never so 
harde: bicause their tyrarmous Lordship can not stande wyth Christes kingdome 
[marg.. Matt. 15:23, Luke 16:15]. And it is the speciall mischiefe of our EngUshe 
Churche, and the chiefe cause of backwardnesse, and of all breache and dissention. 
For they whose authoritie is forbidden by Christ [marg.. Matt. 20:25—26, Matt. 
23:8-10, Mark 10:42-43, Luke 22:15, etc.], wil have their stroke [will prevail] 
without their felow servants"; Admonition, as quoted in Whitgift, Defense, p. 57; 
PS, 1:140; P.M., p. 5. Cartwright, 1:22-24 [10-12]; Whitgift, Defense, pp. 61-73 
(PS, 1:148-171); Cartwright, 2:404-408, 421-436. 

3:242.23-28.r The bearing . . . another. Cartwright, 1:22 [10]: "The distinction of 
the office [between civil and ecclesiastical offices] he [Christ] noteth/ in these 
words/ the kings of the Gentiles have dominion over them/ and the princes 
exercise authoritie over them/ but it shal not be so with you. Wherupon the 
argument may be thus gathered. That/ wherein the civill magistrate is severed 
from the ecclesiasticall officer/ doth not agree to one minister over an other. But 
the civill magistrate is severed from the ecclesiasticall officer/ by bearing dominion. 
Therfore bearing dominion doth not agree to one minister over an other"; quoted 
and discussed by Whitgift, Defense, pp. 62-63 (PS, 1:149-151); Cartwright, 2:414- 

3:242.28 This place For the next three pages H is concerned to refiite and 



replace the Puritan exegesis of the parallel passages Matt. 20:20-28 and Mark 
10:35—45, in which Christ is asked to confer some sort of pre-eminence on two of 
his followers. His response, as quoted from Cartwright at 3:242.26-27 ("Kings 
. . . you:"), is also to be found at Luke 22:25—26. 

3:242.28-243.11 This place . . • them. De Bres, La racine, source, etfondement des 
Anabaptistes (1565), p. 841 (cited in Pref 8.8; 1:46. 21. fc), refers to the Anabaptists' 
appeal to Luke 22:25. A basis for H's italicized exegesis is to be found at p. 833 of 
de Bres in the passage quoted at 1:46.19— 26.n, above. 

3:245.33-246.10.5 try their adventure . . . tides. Cartwright, 1:100 [76]: "And 
first for the tide and honor of archbishop it appeareth how Cyprian held that as a 
proud name/ for that he objecteth [marg., 4. lib. 9. epist.] to Florentius as a 
presumptuous thing/ for that in beleving certaine evill reports of hym/ and 
misjudging of him/ he did appoynt him selfe bishop of a bishop/ and judge over 
hym/ which was for the time/ appoynted of God to be judge"; 1:95 [72]: "This 
endeavoure of godly men [to strike at these proud names]/ may appeare in the 
councell of Carthage [Cone. Cartha. cap. 39.]/ whych decreed that the bishop of 
the first seat/ shoulde not be called exarchon ton hieron, e akron ierea, e toiouton ti 
pote: that is/ either the chefe of the priests/ or the high priest/ or any such thing/ 
by whych wordes (an such thing) he shutteth out the name of archbyshop/ and all 
such hautie titles." Quoted and discussed in Whitgift, Defense, pp. 361, 342-344 
(PS, 2:205-206, 168-172); see Cartwright, 2:544-545, 498-502. 

3:246.7-9.t That the Bishop . . . Sea; The Council of Carthage of 418-419 (see 
3:198.10-12), canon 39; Theologorum aliquot . . . libri Graeci (1559), p. 73 [misnum- 
bered 83; the canon misnumbered 36]; CCSL, 149:40, 185; NPNF.2, 14:461. 

3:247.4—10 What arrogancy . . . Priest. Cyprian, epist. 69, Ad Florentium, quern et 
Puppianum; Opera (1593), p. 208; CSEL, 3.2:730, ACW, 46:119, and FOTC, 
51:226, as epist. 66: "Quis enim hie est superbiae tumor, quae arrogantia animi, 
quae mentis inflatio, ad cognitionem suam praepositos et sacerdotes vocare, ac nisi 
apud te purgati fiierimus, et sententia tua absoluti, ecce jam sex annis nee fratemitas 
habuerit episeopum, nee plebs praepositum, nee grex pastorem, nee Ecclesia 
gubernatorem, nee Christus antistitem, nee Deus sacerdotem?" 

3:247.22-29 A Bishop . . . Metropolitan: On ecclesiastical organization in this 
period, see Karl Baus, in Jedin, History of the Church, 2:230-245, 789; and George 
Pell, "The Exercise of Authority in Early Christianity from about 170 to about 
270" (Oxford D. Phil. Thesis, 1971). 

3:247.29-248.5. M Wherefore Cyprian . . . another. Concilium Carthaginensis sub 
Cypriano Episcopo. Improbatum ab ecclesia. Sententiae episcoporum de haereticis baptizan- 
dis: "Superest, ut de hac ipsa re, quid singuli sentiamus, proferamus, neminem 
judicantes, aut a jure communionis aliquem, si diversum senserit, amoventes. 
Neque enim quisquam nostrum Episeopum se esse Episcoporum constituit, aut 


Book VII, Chapter 16.2-16.8 

tyrannicp terrore ad obsequendi necessitatem collegas suos adigit, quando habeat 
omnis Episcopus pro licenda libertatis, et potestatis suae arbitxium proprium, tanquam 
judicari ab alio non possit, cum nee ipse possit alterum judicare"; Concilia (1585), 
1:406-407; CSEL, 3.1:435-436; ANF, 5:565. Cyprian convened this Council in 256, 
the last of five he convened firom 251 on, to deal with the question, whether heretics 
were to be rebaptized on coming into communion with the orthodox. See 2:271.19- 
272.24.n, above. The mutual respect among bishops advocated here went along with 
a very substantial authority of bishops over other clergy. See W. H. C. Frend, The 
Donatist Controversy (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1952), pp. 131-140, and The Rise of 
Christianity (Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1984), pp. 397-437. 

3:248.10-21.1/ These . . . account. Cyprian to Pope Stephen I: "Haec ad conscien- 
tiam tuam firater charissime, et pro honore communi, et pro simplici dilectione 
pertulimus, credentes etiam tibi pro religionis tuae et fidei veritate placere, quae et 
religiosa pariter et vera sunt. Ceterum scimus quosdam quod semel imbiberint nolle 
deponere, nee propositum suum facile mutare, sed salvo inter coUegas pacis, et 
concordiae vinculo, qujiedam propria, quae apud se semel sint usurpata, retinere. 
qua in re nee nos vim cuiquam £ieimus aut legem damus; cum habeat in Ecclesiae 
administratione voluntatis suae arbitrium liberum unusquisque praepositus, rationem 
actus sui Domino redditurus"; Cyprian, epist. 2.1, Opera (1563), p. 33; CSEL, 
3.2:777-778, ACW, 47:53-54, and FOTC, 51:267-268, as epist. 72. This letter, 
reporting the results of the council cited in the preceding n culminates, without 
resolving, the bitter controversy between Carthage and Rome over the validity of 
baptism by heretics. 

3:248.21-23.u/ As for the Council ... NiW? The Council of Carthage of 418- 
419, canon 1; Theologorum aliquot . . . libri Graeci (1559), p. 63; CCSL, 149:101; 
NPNF.2, 14:248. On the CouneU of Nicaea see VII.8.10. 

3:249.5— 8.x that both Cyprian . . . Priests. Cartwright: "what a confusion of 
times is thys/ to begin with Cyprian/ and then come to Jerome and Chrysostome/ 
and after to the scripture/ and backe agayne to Ignatius/ that was before Cyprian/ 
which times are ill disposed of you/ and that in a matter wherein it stode you 
upon to have observed the order of the tymes. But as for Ignatius place it is 
suflSciently answered before in that which was answered to Cyprian hys place/ for 
when he sayth the byshop hath rule over all/ he meaneth no more all in the 
province/ then in all the worlde/ but meaneth that floeke and congregation/ 
whereof he is byshop or mynister. And when he calleth hym prince of the 
priestes/ although the title be to excessive and bigge/ condemned by Cyprian and 
the councell of Carthage/ yet he meaneth no more the prince of all in the diocese 
as we take it/ or of the province/ then he meaneth the Prince of all the priestes in 
the w^orld: but those fellow mynisters and elders that had the rule and government 
of that particulare church and congregation/ whereof he was byshop" (1:113 [87]); 
quoted and discussed in Whitgift, Defense, pp. 408-409; PS, 2:305-306; Cart- 
wright, 2:500, 620-622. 



3:249.7—8 Ignatius . . . Prince of Priests. In the passage interpolated in Ignatius's 
letter to the Smymaeans quoted above at 3:4.i and referred to again at 175.6— ll.y, 
the bishop is called an apx»ep^a; Epistolae (1558), p. 87; Lightfoot, ed., The 
Apostolic Fathers, 2.3:224; ANF, 1:90. 

3:249.11-12.7 Theodoret, ... Archpriests Theodoret, Eales. hist., 1.7: d(t)tKeTO 
Kai auT6<; £\q jr\v viKaiav, iSeiv xe ri^v xdjv apx»epecov TiXqeov e<|»e^e- 
voq, icaJ xqv 6^6voiav auxoT<; TipoxaveCaai Tcoewv, Kal Tcapaxpfjpa n&vxa 
a<J)66vcog auxotc; xopiiY^i^^oti Ttpoaexa^ev. OKxcoKaiSeKa 6^ Kai xpiaK6ai- 
oi aoviiXeov apxiepei?. (1544), fol. 284'; GCS, 44 (19):30; NPNF.2, 3:43, as 
chap. 6, translating ocpxiEpEt? as "bishops." 

3:249. 2r Hieronymus . . . Episcopi. "He says that 'the safety of the church 
depends on the dignity of the high priest,' that is, of the bishop." For the passage 
from Jerome, Epistolae (1578), p. 199A (PL, 23:165), see above at 3:180.17- 
20. Idem . . . Concilio. H continues: " 'Summus Sacerdos' is the same in 
Jerome as 'aKpo<; lepevq' in the Council of Carthage." He then cites examples 
of the phrases "summus sacerdos" and "summus pontifex" being applied to bishops 
in western canon law. Vide . . . 38. dist. In the first of these examples from 
Gratian, Deaetum, 1.38.6, the substance of a bishop's high-priesthood is said to be 
the communicating of things divinely transmitted: "Substantia enim summi 
sacerdotii nostri sunt eloquia divinitus tradita . . ."; (1584), col. 189; Friedberg, 
1:142. Item . . . q. 3. The second, Deaetum,, refers to the high-priest- 
hood of Christian pontiffi ("Pontifices, quibus in summo sacerdotio constitutis 
. . ."); (Lyons, 1584), col. 1017; Friedberg, 1:713. Item . . . dist. 5. The third 
passage, a forgery from the Pseudo-Isidorean corpus, Deaetum, 3.5.3, suggests that 
confirmation by a bishop be venerated as a greater sacrament than baptism because 
it can only be done by high pontiffs ("sicut unum a majoribus fit, idest, a summis 
pontificibus, quod a minoribus fieri non potest, ita et majori veneratione veneran- 
dum, et tenendum est"); (Lyons, 1584), col. 2037; Friedberg, 1:1413. 

3:250.3-12 What should move . . . his. An echo of the analysis of his oppon- 
ents' motives (pride masked as humility) with which H began Book VII (1.3; 

3:250.25-27.(1 Wherefore lift y^ • • • honor. Num. 16:3: "Ye take to muche upon 
you, seing all the Congregacion is holy, everie one of them, and the Lord is 
among them: wherefore then lift ye your selves above the Congregacion of the 
Lord?" (The details "too much power, and too much honor" are added by H to 
fit the divisions of his own treatise.) This protest against the superiority of Moses 
and Aaron by Korah, Dathan, Abiram, and 250 of the princes of the Israelite 
assembly v/as severely punished by God, who made the earth open and swallow 
the chief oflfenders with their households and sent a flame to consume the rest 
(Num. 16:23-35). The next day, however, the children of Israel, still discontented, 
murmured against Moses and Aaron, saying that they had killed the people of the 
Lord (v. 41). See 3:4.1. t/.n, above. 


Book VII, Chapter 16.8-18.0 

3:251.8-10 Behold we have . . . his. H's formulation, but see Gen. 28:16 and 2 
Chron. 36:16. 

3:251.13-16 Honor is no where . . . honored. Ti^f[ . . . ar|jieTov euepyyeri- 
KT\q b6^r]<;. Aristotle, Rhetoric, 1.5 (1361*); (1584), p. 20. "An honor is the sign of 
a reputation for being a benefector." This functional conception of honor as resting 
on a presumption of benefits conferred stands in contrast with the idea that honor 
goes with birth and lineage. See Mervyn James, "English Politics and the Concept 
of Honour, 1485—1642," in his Society, Politics and Culture: Studies in Early Modem 
England (Cambridge: The University Press, 1986), pp. 308-415. 

3:251.30 and b,d,e The reason ^vhy, H supplies a rationale for the preceding 
injunction (Lev. 19:32, d) fi-om Ecclus. 25:5—6 (c), but the justification offered for 
"Honor all men" {b) in lines 16-25 is his own. 

3:252.15—16 Sarah honored . . . him. Gen. 18:12: "Therfore Sarah laughed 
within her selfe, saying. After I am waxed olde, and my lord also, shal 1 have lust?" 
Compare 1 Pet. 3:6: "As Sarra obeied Abraham, and called him Syr [Kopiov; BB: 
'lorde'; NEB: 'my master']." 

3:253.15—16 What good . . . Prelacy. Taking it for granted that God's favor is the 
principal support of any society and that true religion publicly exercised is the 
principal means of retaining God's favor, H devotes himself here to the contribu- 
tion made by prelacy to "the good and long continuance of true Religion" (3:254.28). 
Chapter 18 both reiterates and supplements the case made for episcopacy as a 
"lawful" form of ecclesiastical government in chaps. 1—16, for at the most general 
level the beneficial character of episcopacy must be acknowledged on the basis of 
its kinship, established in the earlier chapters, with the divinely appointed govern- 
ment of Moses and Aaron in the OT and the apostolic regiment of the early 
church. And yet, although these analogies prove that prelacy must be beneficial to 
the church, they do not make clear "the manner how," and so at chap. 18.4 H 
becomes more specific. In a manner recalling the opening of Book I, where he 
likened good laws, in their fundamental but superficially inapparent contribution 
to social w^ell-being, to the foundations of a stately house or the roots of a tree, he 
begins here by comparing the influence of chief governors with that of a helmsman 
or that of the heavens: they may appear to do litde or nothing, yet what they do 
is more beneficial than the efforts of all lower agents combined. He also recurs 
here to a highly characteristic distinction between oflSce and person. Laws for the 
exercise of religion are not enough. There is also need for institutions or oflSces to 
enforce them. The personal character of the office-holder may leave much to be 
desired, but the proper functioning of the church is immeasurably enhanced simply 
by the presence o( someone in authority to watch over it. Even this sort of observa- 
tion did not strike H as an adequate statement of the benefits of episcopacy. In § 
7, therefore, he embarks on a yet more particular survey, "that by particular 
instances we [may] make it even palpably manifest, what singular benefit and use 



publique, the nature of Prelates is apt to yield." The exposition of six benefits of 
prelacy in the following sections (compare V.l and 76) covers a considerable range 
of social, political, and psychological particulars and should have been a welcome 
contribution to a debate which had so often turned into abstract and intemperate 
wrangling about the purely juridical implications of a few, typically ambiguous, 
scriptural texts. 

3:253.20-23 favour of God . . . God; Compare V.1-3 and 76. 

3:253.1 Quis est tain . . . respons. Cicero, De haruspicum responsis: "Who is so 
senseless, when he has gazed up to heaven, as not to perceive that there are gods, 
or to think that those things done by so great a mind that scarcely any art can track 
their order and connection are done by chance? Or who, when he has understood 
that there are gods, does not understand that it is by their will that this great 
empire has been bom, increased, and maintained?"; Opera (1588), 2:607; Loeb, Pro 
Attchia . . . De haruspicum responsis, pp. 338—340. 

3:254.14— 18.J Decere arbitramur . . . instituerimus: "We judge that it befits our 
imperial authority to admonish our subjects concerning religion. For so we think 
it possible to gain the greater favor of God and our savior Jesus Christ, if we 
ourselves shall have been zealous to please him as we are able and have set our 
subjects to the same thing"; Justinian, Codex, 1.1.3; (1590), col. 3. This prefatory 
statement to the edict isssued by Theodosius II and Valentinian III in 448 is not 
included in critical editions of the Codex. 

3:254.19— 21. fe Per Sanctissimas . . . credimus. "We believe that our empire is sus- 
tained by the most holy churches and the commonwealth is protected by the grace 
of the most merciful God"; Justinian, Codex, 1.3.43; (1590), col. 38; Krueger 
(1963), p. 28 as lex 42 (43). 

3:254.21-24./ Certissime credimus, . . . pratbent. "We believe most assuredly that 
because of the purity and dignity of the priests and their zeal towards the Lord 
God and our savior Jesus Christ and the prayers perpetually offered by them, they 
bring much favor and increase to our commonwealth"; Justinian, Codex, 1.4.34; 
(1590), col. 59; Krueger (1963), pp. 47-48. 

3:255.26 as hath been proved. In chap. 4. 

3:255. « Qui Sacerdotes . . . ca. 6. Rabanus Maurus (abbot of Fulda, archbishop of 
Mainz, d. 856), De institutione clericorum ad Heistulphum libri tres, 1.6: "Those who 
were called priests in the Old Testament are now termed presbyters, and he who 
was then first of priests is now called a bishop"; in De divinis catholicae ecdesiasticae 
officiis (1568), p. 315 (PL, 107:301). Rabanus is cited in V.38.3. 

3:257.21-22.0 the Apostles own verdict In 1 Tim. 5:17: "The Elders that rule 
wel [6i KaX&q 7cpoeaTWTe(; Tipeapurepoi], are worthie of double honour, 
specially they which labour in the worde and doctrine." This passage and those 


Book VII, Chapter 18.1-19.2 

referred to in p and r bear less directly than usual on the points H wishes to 

3:259.25-27 That the highest . . . disHnguishei. Not found; perhaps H*s own 
paraphrase of his opponents' position. 

3:259.34-35 Joshua had . . . Corduba; For Joshua and Eliazer, see Num. 27:21, 
the charging of Joshua as Moses' successor. For Abiather as David's companion, 
adviser and high priest, see 1 Sam. 22:20-23, 23:6-13, 30:7-8; 2 Sam. 15:24-37; 
he later conspired against Solomon but was spared "because thou barest the Arke 
of the Lord God before David my £tther, and because thou hast sufi&ed in all, 
wherein my &ther hathe bene afflicted" (1 Kings 2:26). Hosius (256P-357), 
bishop of Cordova, acted as ecclesiastical adviser to Constantine from 313 to the 
Council of Nicaea. It was apparently following his report on the early suges of the 
Arian controversy that the emperor summoned the council, over which Hosius 
may have presided. 

3:260.33-34 Achitophtls equal, . . . Joab On the wisdom of Achitophel, David's 
trusted counselor, see 2 Sam. 16:23; his "malice" is shown in his leading role in 
Absalom's revolt against his fether (2 Sam. 16:20-17:23). Joab, fortunate in the 
war over David's succession to Saul (2 Sam. 3:22), slew Abner (a reconciled 
opposing general, 2 Sam. 3:22-30), Absalom (his former co-conspirator, 2 Sam. 
18:14—15), and Amasa (feigning to kiss him, 2 Sam. 20:9-10), and counseled 
Adoniah in his usurpation of David's throne (1 Kings 1:7). 

3:261.21-27.5 Ltt my Lord Archbishop . . . Dignity. Peter of Blois, epist. 5, Ad 
Richardum Cantuariensem ardiiepiscapum: "Sciat inquit dominus archiepiscopus: quod 
si filius meus electus/ aut aliquis episcopus terre vel comes: vel aliqua persona 
Ulustris sue voluntati aut dispositioni contrarie presumpserit/ aut impedierit quo 
minus opus commisse sibi legationis adimpleat/ inveniet me sui contemptus 
persecutorem et vindicem: acsi in coronam meam proditorie commisisset"; Opera 
([1519]), fol. 2" (PL, 207:15). Peter of Blois was archdeacon of Bath in the reign 
of Henry II; he wrote this letter from court to Richard, who succeeded Thomas 
a Becket in the primacy from 1174 to 1184. 

3:262.14 as hath been proved In chap. 8.3 (3:254.28-255.16). 

3:262.30 their Synods shall serve. Cartwright, 1:187 [150]; Whitgift, Defense, pp. 
678-679; PS, 3:263-264. 

3:263.23-26.M the people . . . honorable: Isa. 3:5 (m); H's assertion that the end of 
this verse expresses the cause of the condition described in the first cbuse has some 
basis in the preceding w. 1—4. 

3:264.1 honor . , . Bishops. Compare V.79 on the maintenance due the clergy. 

3:265.25—26.1/ Qui bona Jide . . . Papinius. Publius Papinius Sutius (AD IC), 
Sylvarum libri quinque, bk. 5, pre£ice: "Who worships the gods in good fiuth also 



loves [their] priests"; Opera (1595), p. 100; Loeb, Statius, 1:266-267. The gods 
intended are the Roman imperial house. Book 5 of these occasional poems is 
dedicated to a secretary of state to the emperor Domitian. 

3:266.7-18.11/ Concerning title, . . . Great. Num. 18:1-7; 1 Chron. 24:1-4, 
dpXiepeig: "chief Priests" (GB, Matt. 26:59). 

3:266.22—23 The allegation of Christ's prerogative Cartwright: "Againe/ it is 
unlawfliU for any man to take upon him those tides which are proper to our 
savioure Christ: but the title of Archbyshop is only proper to our savioure Christe/ 
therefore no man may take that unto hym. That it is proper to oure savioure 
Christe/ appeareth by that whych S. Peter sayeth [marg., 1. Epist. 5.4]/ where he 
calleth him archipoimena: whych is archshepheard or archbishop/ for bishop and 
shepheard are all one. And in the Hebrues [marg., Heb. 13.20]/ where he is called 
the great shepheard of the sheepe/ and in the Actes [marg., Acts. 3.15., Acts 
5.31.]/ and Hebrues [marg., Heb. 12.2]/ archleader of lyfe and of salvation/ 
whych titles are never found to be given unto any/ but unto our savioure Christe/ 
and are proper tides of hys mediation/ and therefore can not be wythout bolde 
presumption applied unto any mortall man" (1:82—83 [61]). Quoted and discussed 
in Whitgift, Defense, pp. 300-301; PS, 2:81-84; see Cartwright, 2:408-409. 

3:266.30 stoUen goods, Cartwright: "In the name of Archbishop/ the firste parte 
which signifieth a prince/ is proper to the civill magistrate/ and can not without 
robberie/ be translated from him unto Eccle[s]iasticall persons. . . . For the greke 
worde signifinge a prince [marg., apx^M — misprint for dpx6(;, a leader, chief, 
commander; or dpxcov, a ruler, capuin, chief?] / which name he [Whitgift] 
confesseth proper unto the civill magistrate: yt muste folowe that the name oflf 
Archbishop/ which is asmuche as prince off bishopes/ breaketh upon the posses- 
sion off the magistrate, whereupon followeth that that name is not onelie injuri- 
ous/ and tyrannicall in respecte off the order off ministers/ while it chalengeth 
princedome over them: but presumptuous againste the magistrate/ whylest yt 
pulleth that name unto yt/ which is proper to him" (2:407-408). 

3:267.3 Archbuilder. apxiT^KTOV (GB: "master buylder"), 1 Cor. 3:10. 

3:267.4-5 alledged against . . . Grace, Cartwright, 2:405-407, replying to 
Whitgift {Defense, pp. 63-64; PS, 1:151-153) on Cartwright's argument from Luke 
22:26. See 3:244.17-245.31. 

3:267.7-8.x Bishops . . . most honorable. "Ti^io>TdTOi<;"; see Theodoret, 
Eccles. hist., 5.8; (1544), fol. 338'; GCS, 44 (19): 289 and NPNF.2, 3:137 as chap. 
9, quoting a synodical letter of the Council of Constantinople addressed to a synod 
of bishops at Rome; cited by Cartwright, 1:125 [97], and discussed by Whitgift, 
Defense, p. 448 (PS, 2:386). 

3:267.8-12.)' Emperors writing ... pride. "Your Holiness," xfjv afjv 
dyicoafivqv, "tuam sanctiutem"; Justinian, Codex, 1.1.7, writing to Epiphanius, 


Book VII, Chapter 20.1-20.4 

patriarch of Constantinople; (1590), col. 6; Krueger (1963), p. 8. H's second 
reference is erroneous, for although the expressions "tuae sublimitatis," "tuae 
amplitudinis," and "tuae magnitudinis" occur in the letter cited in v (L. 33. . . . 
cler.), they are not applied to bishops but to the praetorian prefect, Eutropius, the 
addressee of the letter; Codex, 1.3.33; (1590), cok. 32-33; Krueger (1963), pp. 22- 
23 as 1.3.32 (33); Scott, 12: 43—45, as /ex 31. H's third reference is also erroneous 
(L. 16. . . . Eccles.), for here the Emperor Zeno applies the term mansuetudo 
(mildness, but often used in the sense of majesty) to himself; Justinian, Codex, 
1.2.16; (1590), col. 17; Krueger (1963), p. 14; Scott, 12:25, as lex 15. 

3:267.15 Imperial LaMrs Justinian, Codex, 1.2.16: "Sacrosanctam . . . hujus reUgio- 
sissimae civitatis ecclesiam . . . privilegia et honores omnes super episcoporum 
creationibus, et jure ante alios residendi . . . sancimus"; (1590), col. 17; Krueger 
(1963), p. 14. "We . . . decree that the Holy Church of this most religious 
community . . . shall legally enjoy all privileges and honors relating to the creation 
of bishops in preference to all others"; Scott, 12:26, as lex 15. Canons Ecclesi- 
astical Fourth Council of Carthage, canon 35: "Ut episcopus in Ecclesia, et in 
consessu presbyterorum, sublimior sedeat. Intra domum vero, collegam se presbyte- 
rorum esse cognoscat"; Concilia (1585), 1:760; CCSL, 149:347. "In the church and 
in sessions of presbyters, let the bishop sit higher. In the household, let him know 
himself to be the presbyters' colleague." 

3:267.z Mat. 23:6,7. . . . Rabbi. Admonition (in Whitgift, Defense, p. 57; PS, 
1:140); Whitgift, Answere (1572), pp. 15-16; Cartwright, 1:24 [12], agreeing with 
Whitgift that such passages "be agaynst no lawfull authoritie of any estate or 
condition of men" and supposing that the authors of the Admonition quoted this 
one "rather to note the ambition of certayne/ which gape greedely at these 
byshopprickes which we have/ to the ende they mighte be saluted by the name of 
Lordes/ and honoures/ then to prove that one minister should not have dominion 
over an other"; Whitgift, Defense, pp. 71-72; PS, 1:168-169. 

3:267.23-26.a An everlasting . . . honor. Ecclus. 45:7-13 details the beauty and 
richness of Aaron's high-priestly vestments, emphasizing their significance as marks 
of holiness and ornaments of honor. 

3:268.12 that mystical Queen, For the figurative interpretation of the royal bride 
of Ps. 45 as the church, see GB gloss and Augustine, Ennarationes in Psalmos, In Ps. 
XXXXIV; CCSL, 38:493-517. 

3:268.14 tokens . . . condition. The elaborate catalogue of Solomon's princes 
and oflScers in 1 Kings 4 enumerates the twelve oflScers who, by monthly turns, 
"provided vitaile for King Salomon, and for all that came to King Salomons table" 
(w. 7-19, 27). 

3:268.27-28 Bishops, . . . Ignatius In his letter to the Philadelphians, Ignatius 
refers to Philo, a deacon of Cilicia then serving him along with Rheus Agathapos, 



who had followed him from Syria; 6^ an6 Zupiac; poi oiKoXouBeT, Epistolae 
(1558), p. 77; Bihlmeyer, ed., Die apostolischen Vdter, p. 105; Grant, Ignatius of 
Antioch, p. 108. He refers to them again in his letter to the Smymaeans as men 
"who have followed me for the word of God, as deacons of Christ [oi i.nT\Koko- 
fiSqaAv poi, eiq Xdyov 6eoo . . . d>q 5iaK6vou^ Xpiorou]"; (1558), p. 89; 
Bihlmeyer, p. 109; Grant, p. 122. 

3:268.29 Acolythes See, for example, Cyprian, epist. 36, to his clergy, concerning 
the care of the poor and of strangers: ". . . et peregrinis, si qui indigentes fUerint, 
sumptus suggeratis . . . misi . . . per Naricum Acoluthum aliam portionem . . ."; 
Opera (1593), p. 87; CSEL, 3.2:485, ACW, 43:67, and FOTC, 51:20, as epist. 7. 
Epist 49, to Pope Cornelius: "Et cum diligentia et cum dilectione fecisti, frater 
carissime, festinatio ad nos mittendo Nicephorum Acoluthum"; (1593), p. 108; 
CSEL, 3.2:616, ACW, 44:52, and FOTC, 51:127, as epist. 52. And epist. 55, also 
to ComeUus: "Legi litteras tuas . . . quas per Saturum fratrem nostrum Acoluthum 
misisti"; (1593), p. 137; CSEL, 3.2:666, ACW, 46:68, and FOTC, 51:171, as 
epist. 59. The significance of these passages as evidence for an oflSce of acolyte in 
the early church is pointed out in Pamelius's annotations, included in the 1593 
Geneva edn. of Cyprian. Eusebius, quoting a letter of Pope Cornelius (d. 253), 
includes forty-two acolytes (dKoA,ou6ou(;) among those making up the Roman 
church; Eccles. hist., 6.43; (1544), fol. 70; GCS, 9.2:618; NPNF.2, 1:288. 

3:268.32-33. fc as Justinian doth shew, Justinian, Novellae, 6.2 (1590), col. 18; 
Schoell-Kroll (1963), p. 40. In forbidding a bishop to travel outside his diocese for 
more than a year without an imperial order, this law points out that if litigation 
should arise calling for such travel, it can be attended to by clerics of lower rank 
under him, by deputies, or by stewards ("per eos, qui sub ipso sunt religiosos 
clericos, aut apocrisarios, aut oeconomos"). 

3:269.4-7 Some mens judgment . . . now: Episcopal responsibility for the 
education of clergy was one of Cranmer's concerns in the Reformatio legum ecclesias- 
ticarum, belatedly published in 1571 (STC 6006) but never officially adopted: 
"Nonnulli Episcopi habent aliqua collegia scholasticorum defensioni atque tutelae 
suae commissa. Ideo necessarium est, ut ea quam diligentissime curent, nam ibi 
quoque ecclesia habet suorum ministrorum alterum seminarium"; (1571), fol. 51 ; 
ed. Cardwell, p. 106. Cartwright pointedly suggested that cathedrals "myght be 
turned into colledges/ where yong men myght be brought up in good learning/ 
and made fitte for the service of the church and common wealthe/ the universities 
being not able to receyve that numbre of scholers/ wherwyth their neede may be 
supplyed"; 1:204 [163-164]; Whitgift, Defense, p. 743; PS, 3:393. Whitgift retorted 
that the cathedrals indeed were, "next to the Universities, chiefest mainteyners of 
godlinesse, religion and learning"; Defense, p. 744; PS, 3:394—395. Although he 
had defended episcopal pomp and palaces against Cartwright {Defense, pp. 298, 
446; PS, 2:78, 382-383), Whitgift as archbishop was to mainuin a number of 
young men in his own household for vocational training; see John Morgan, Godly 


Book VII, Chapter 20.4-20.5 

Learning: Puritan Attitudes towards Reason, Learning, and Education, 1560-1640 
(Cambridge: The Univenity Press, 1986), p. 293. 

3:269.1 l.c the vain imagination of tome, Cartwright: "An other reason of thys 
pompe and statelynes of the byshoppes was/ that which almost brought in all 
poyson and popishe corruption unto the church/ and that is a foolish emulation of 
the maners and ^hions of the Idolatrous nations. . . . Galerianus Maximinus the 
Emperor [marg., Euseb. 8. cap. 15] to the end that he myght promote the Idolatry 
and superstition whereunto he was addicted/ chose of the choysest magistrates to 
be priestes/ and that they myght be in great estimation gave eche of them a trayne 
of men to follow them. And the christians and christian Emperours/ thinking that 
that would promote the christian relygion that promoted superstition/ and not 
remembring that it is often times abhomynable before God/ which is esteemed in 
the eyes of men [marg., Luke. 16.15] endevoured to make theyr byshops encoun- 
ter and match with those Idolatrous priestes/ and to cause that they should not be 
inferior to them in wealth and outward pompe" (1:126 [98]). As Whitgift indig- 
nandy pointed out, Eusebius's account of Maximinus's provisions for pagan high 
priests does not suggest that attendants were granted to Christian bishops in 
imitation of this practice (Defense, p. 451; PS, 2:392). Cartwright w^as later content 
to "leave to the readers judgement" whether or not this was "amongest the causes 
off bringing in the bishops pompe into the churche" (2:659—660). See Eusebius, 
Ecdes. hist., 8.14; (1544), fol. 89"; GCS, 9.2:782; NPNF.2, 1:337. Maximinus (d. 
313), a noted persecutor of Christians, tried to revive and reform the paganism of 
his subjects. 

3:270.</ L. 12. . . . Eccles. Justinian, Codex, 1.2.12. This law of the emperors 
Valentinian and Marcian, AD 451, confirms the privileges granted the churches by 
previous emperors: "Privilegia, quae generalibus constitutionibus universis sacro- 
sanctis ecclesiis orthodoxae religionis retro principes praestiterunt, firma et illibata 
in perpetuam decemimus custodiri"; (1590), col. 12; Krueger (1963), p. 13; Scott, 
12:18. The last section of the law^ makes clear, however, that such privileges were 
not granted solely "for honors sake," but also for the relief of the poor. 1. 

5 Eccles. Codex, 1.2.5; (1590), col. 11; Krueger (1963), p. 12; Scott, 12:16. 

This law of Honorius and Theodosius, AD 412, broadly exempts churches firom 
taxation beyond what is payable under canon law or required in emergencies. See 

3:447.8-1 0.c for H's partial transcription. I. 2. C cler. Co<f ex, 1.3.2. This 

hw of Constantius, AD 357, exempts clergy engaged in trade fi-om the taxes usual 
in such occupations — but as in the first law referred to in this note there is an 
assumption that clerical income v/Hl be devoted to the care of the poor and needy: 
"Omnis a clericis indebitae conventionis injuria, et iniquae exactionis repellatur 
improbitas. nullaque conventio sit contra eos munerum sordidorum. et cum 
negotiatores ad aliquam praestationem competentem vocantur, ab his universis 
istiusmodi strepitus conquiescat. Si quid enim vel parsimonia, vel provisione, vel 
mercatiira (honesuti tamen conscia) congresserint: id in usum pauperum atque 



egentium ministrah oportet. at id, quod ex eorundem ergasteriis vel tabemis 
conquiri potuerit et colligi, collectum id religionis existiment lucrum"; (1590), col. 

23; Krueger (1963), p. 19; Scott, 12:29. 1. 10 cler. Codex, 1.3.10. This law 

of Arcadius and Honorius, AD 398, provides that anyone guilty of the sacrilige of 
forcing his way into a church or injuring the priests or ministers, the service, or 
the place itself shall be punished by the provincial authorities with a capital 
sentence. It is declared praiseworthy for anyone to prosecute any atrocious injuries 
committed against priests or ministers of religion as public crimes; (1590), col. 25; 
Krueger (1963), p. 19; Scott, 12:32-33. 

3:272.9— 10. « his Treasuries, H's rendering of isisn as "Treasuries" (Mai. 3:10) 
anticipates the NEB. Both AV and RSV agree with GB in giving "storehouse." H 
refers to the passage again at 3:302.8 and 305.6. 

3:272.18— 19. fe IVitt . . . followers. "Vis deos propitiare? Bonus esto. Satis illos 
coluit, quisquis imitatus est"; Seneca, epist. 95; Opera (1585), p. 167; Loeb, 
Epistulae morales, 3:90-91. 

3:272.28—29 Our . . . others. The text seems confused. The intended sense may 
be: "Our God will be glorified of [= by] us both for himself and for others . . . ." 

3:273.18—20. the Law is, . . . King: Not found. H may be confounding the 
statutes limiting the exportation of gold without the king's license (for example, 3 
Hen. VIII, cap. 1; W.V.S. [1587; STC 9305.3], 1:483; S.R. 3:23) with the 
common law provision that treasure-trove (ancient store of money or other metal 
that has been forgotten) belongs to the king. Bracton notes that such treasure used 
to belong to the finder by the law of nature but now belongs to the king by jus 
gentium (De legibus, ed. Woodbine-Thome, 2:338—339). 

3:273.23-26./ If ye offer . . . Hosts. The sarcasm of Malachi's rebuke (speaking in 
the Lord's voice) requires "you say" to be understood after "evil" and "enough" 
(line 24). 

3:273.31-32 what God was owner . . . Law: Compare V.79.5— 8. 

3:274.6 their Corban . . • Deodate "Qorban," Aramaic for "gift" offered to God 
(hence = "Deodate"), occurs only once in the NT, in Jesus's reproof of those who 
firee themselves from the commandment to honor their parents by declaring that 
their own goods are set aside for God, a legal fiction allowing a person to retain 
possession of the "gift" in question (Mark 7:11; GB: "But ye say, If a man say to 
father or mother, Corban, that is. By the gift that is offered by me, thou maist have 
profit, he shalbefree"). The term has been a difficult one, however; see J. B.C., pp. 
36—37 of the commentary on Mark. H may have supposed it to be a way of 
referring to a receptacle for money offered to God at the Temple in Jerusalem. His 
reference to the "blessed Widows Deodate" would then be to the widow's two 
mites cast into the treasury at Luke 21:2. 


Book VII, Chapter 22.1-22.7 

3:274.1 5-1 8.rt albeit . . . Nature, The reference to Ps. 50:13-14 bean on the 
beginning of this sentence. For "Honor God with thy ridtes" (Prov. 3:9), see 

3:274.23-25 Tht Kings . . , gifts GB explains: "Of Cilicia and of all other 
countreis beyond the sea, which he meaneth by the yles." 

3:275.10.5 the best vtrorks H's uncharacteristically tenuous use of John 15:16 here 
is still less persuasive when the verse is read with those immediately foUowing; 
verse 19, for example, opposes a propertied church: "If ye were of the worlde, the 
worlde wolde love his owne: but because ye are not of the worlde, but I have 
chosen you out of the worlde, therefore the worlde hateth you." 

3:275.16 the said Donations See V.79.14. 

3:275.21— 27. ( Our Lord himself . . . wealth. Augustine, De Mendado ad Consentium, 
chap. 15: "Cum autem videmus et ipsum Dominum habuisse loculos, quo ea quae 
dabantur, mittebantur, ut servari possent ad usus pro tempore necessaries: et ipsos 
Apostolos procurasse multa fratrum indigentiae [CSEL: indulgentiae], non solum in 
crastinum, sed etiam in prolixius tempus impendentis &mis, sicut in actibus 
Apostolonun legimus, satis elucet ilia praecepta [that is, the precepts in Matt. 6:25— 
34 to put away anxious thoughts about food, drink, clothes, and the morro\v] sic 
intelligenda, ut nihil operis nostri temporalium adipiscendorum amore vel timore 
egestatis tanquam ex necessitate faciamus"; Opera (1569), 4:22; CSEL, 41:448—449. 

3:276.1— 5. M The Apostles , . . them. "Futuram ecclesiam in gentibus Apostoli 
praevidebant: idcirco praedia in Judaea minime sunt adepti, sed pretia tantum 
modo ad fovendos egentes." A Pseudo-Isidorean forgery, this text is ascribed by 
Gratian to the early 4C pope Melchiades; Decretum,; (1584), col. 972; 
Friedberg, 1:682. 

3:276.7—10 Wherefore ... better. The chapter in Gratian following the one just 
cited, also a forgery, gives a rationale for the change H refers to. The custom of 
giving land to the church began when it was seen that the needs of those leading 
the religious life could be better and more permanendy provided for in this way 
than by giving the price of the land; Decretum,; (Lyons, 1584), coL 973; 
Friedberg, 1:682: "Videntes autem summi sacerdotes, et alii, atque levitae, et 
rehqui fideles, plus, utilitatis posse conferre, si hereditates, et agros, quos vendebant, 
ecclesiis, quibus praesidebant, episcopi traderent; eo quod ex sumptibus eorum, tam 
praesentibus, quam futuris temporibus plura, et elegantiora ministrare possent 
fidehbus communem vitam ducentibus, quam ex pretio ipsorum: coeperunt 
praedia, et agros, quos vendere solebant, matricibus ecclesiis tradere, et ex sumpti- 
bus eorum vivere." 

The sense requires deletion of the semi-colon after "inheritances" (line 9). 

3:276.22-28.y If Wickliff . . . error. Thomas Netter of Walden (see 3:208. 17.A.n, 
above), after himself commending Constantine for richly endowing the church, 
quotes Wyclif as condemning such endowments on the ground that it cannot be 



shown that the emperor and other lords had a license from Christ for making 
them: " 'in nullo valet humana concessio nisi praehabita licentia a domino capitali: 
cum ergo non possunt docere quod ad hoc domini habeant licentiam a Christo, 
patet quod tarn a lege divina quam humana, est ista dotatio stulta et haeretica' "; 
Dodrinale antiquitatum ftdei ecclesiae Catholicae, 4.39 (1571), 1:560-561, quoting 
Wyclif s Dialogus (or Speculum ecclesiae militantis). The work was first published in 
1886 (Johannis Wydiffe, dialogus sive speculum ecdesie militantis, ed. Alfred W. 
Pollard), hence H's difficulty in finding the passage in WycliTs writings. The 
quoted passage is cited by Netter as from chap. 14 of the work. It occurs in chap. 
9 of Pollard's edition (p. 18). A stronger passage given by Netter just previously as 
from chap. 9 is not to be found in Pollard's edition. Although the strong condem- 
nation of early imperial endowment of the church quoted above was not available 
to him in Wyclif s published works, H was presumably aware of Wyclif s attempts 
to enlist the English crown and nobility in his crusade against the endowments of 
the medieval church. At chap. 24.25 (3:310.15—311.2) H manages some measure 
of acceptance of 16C implementation of Wyclif s program, but his aim in the 
concluding chapters of Vll is clearly to stop it. 

3:277.18 T& T^ ©eq> ou^iEpoS^VTO, Not NT or Septuagint in this form. 4 
Mace. 13:13: T^ 6eq> a(})iep(&acofiev e^ oXq^ xdq Kap6ia<; t^) 66vti tok; y^vxctq 
("Let us sacrifice with all our heart our souls to God who gave them"); The 
Septuagint Version of the Old Testament and Apocrypha (1972). The passage is at 
4:554—55 of Nicolaus Brylingerus's Biblia Graeca et Latina (1550), in w^hich 4 Mace, 
is printed as "Josephus de Maccabaeis." See 2:259^n. 

3:277.19 as Tertullian speaketh, . . . pietatis. In Apologeticus adversus Gentes pro 
Christianis, chap. 39, Tertullian emphasizes against the pagans that the oflferings of 
Christians are not spent on feasts, drinking bouts, and eating houses, but are, as it 
were, piety's deposit fiind ("quasi deposita pietatis"). Episcopal endowments are 
not, however, included in his enumeration of the pious uses to which these freely 
offered funds are put by the Christian community: support of the poor, orphans, 
and the elderly, relief of those imprisoned or exiled for fidelity to God's church; 
Opera (1566), 2:693; CCSL, 1:151; ANF, 3:46. 

3:277.21-23 Touching ... them. Justinian, Institutiones, 2.1.7: "Nullius autem 
sunt res sacrae, et religiosae, et sanctae. quod enim divini juris est, id nullius in 
bonis est"; (1590), col. 17; Krueger (1963), p. 10. "Moreover, things which are 
sacred, religious, and holy, belong to no one, for that which is subject to Divine 
law is not the property of any person" (Scott, 2:34). 

3:278.7 the Lords heave-ofTering, See Num. 18:28 and 26; so GB and KJ; 
"contribution," NEB. The Levites' "heave-offering" to Aaron was to be a tenth 
of the tithes they received from the rest of the Israelites (v. 26). 

3:278. 8.C Of spoils taken in War, Num. 31:48-54. The passage does not suggest 
that the actions described in it were customary. 


Book VII, Chapter 22.7-23.6 

3:278.24-26/ To him . . . dispensers. H's gloss on 2 Cor. 8:5, cited inf. 

3:279.2.h therefore . . . thereof. Again, the inference is H's. 

3:279.4—13.1 fVe appoint . . . proportion. (1) Apostolic Canons, 41: IIpoaT&ao- 
pev xdv eTiiaKOTiov e^ooaiav Ixe*v twv rfif; CKKXqaiac; Tcpocy^&Twv. ei yap 
T&<; Tipia<; xwv avQp&noiv \|^uxaq aox^ TtiareoT^ov, noXX(^ av btoi fidXXov 
Ttepi Twv xPHP&Ttov ivriXXtaQai, wore Kara tt^v auToC e^ouaiav Tt&vra 
6ioiKeTa6ai toT(; 6eopfevoi<; 6ia t<bv Tcpeapuripcov Kai 6iaK6va>v, Kai 
CTtixopfiYEiaeai pera ()>6pou eeoO, Kai TiAaq? euX-apeiat;. pExaXafipAveiv 
6^ Kai aoTwv twv 6e6vTa)v (eiyc SdoiTo) eig t&^ avcxyKaia^ aoToO xP^icc^ 
Kai Twv eiti^evou^^vov d5eX4>a>v, aq Kara iix]btvaTp6nov auToC(; ooTepqa- 
6ai. Theologorum aliquot . . . libri Graed (1559), pp. 4—5; Lauchert (1896), pp. 6-7; 
NPNF.2, 14:596-597. "So that . . . proportion." (lines 9-14) should be in italics. 
(2) Council of Antioch, canon 25: "Let the bishop have pow^er over the funds 
of the church, so as to dispense them with all piety and in the fear of God to all 
who need"; NPNF.2, 14:121; (1559), p. 30; Lauchert, p. 50. Both canons allow 
the bishop to take Avhat he requires for his own necessary uses and for hospitality 
to others. 

3:279.24—25 Henriciani and . . . Petrobusianit FoUowers of Henry of Lausanne 
and (as at chap. 13.4; 3:216.31) of Peter of Bruys, early 12C radical opponents of 
traditional Christian beliefe and institutions, considered heretical by such figures as 
St. Bernard and Peter the Venerable. See Hans Wolter, in Jedin, History of the 
Churdt, 4:98; and Gordon Leff, Heresy in the Later Middle Ages (Manchester: 
Manchester University Press, 1967), 1:35. 

3:279.27— 28. fe they who sometime w^andred Heb. 1 1 :38 concludes an enumera- 
tion of those in earlier times who lived by faith in the promise fulfilled by God in 

3:280.18-19 David . . . God. 2 Sam. 7:2. But through Nathan the prophet God 
forbade David to build a temple for the Tabernacle; this was left for Solomon, 
following David's instructions, as at 1 Chron. 28. 

3:280.29-30.m,n Com, Wine, Oyl, Num. 18:12. other commodities Num. 
18:13; the texts of m and n should read "Vers." for "Num." (see o, p, r-u). 

3:283. 19.C So even SO The emphasis is H's, but 1 Cor. 9 stresses the right of the 
ministry to material support firom those who are ministered unto. 

3:284.^ Vide 2.2. q. 77. art.l. Aquinas based the Christian obligation to tithe 
pardy on natural law, pardy on the authority of the church ("partim quidem ex 
jure naturali, partim etiam in institutione Ecclesiae"). He referred, as H does here, 
to 2 Cor. 3:8 and also to Matt. 5:20, where Christ requires his followers to exceed 
the scribes and pharisees in righteousness, and argued that "according to a certain 
humanity" the people of the New Law should offer the ministers of the NT no 



less than the people of the OT ("Determinatio decimae partis solvendae, est 
autoritate Ecclesiae, tempore novae Legis instituta secundum quandam humanita- 
tem ut scUicet non minus populus novae Legis ministris novi Testamenti exhiberet, 
quam populos veteris Testamenti exhibebat"). He allowed, however, that, depend- 
ing on circumstances, another level of giving could be set. S.T., 2a2ae.87 [not 
77]. 1; (1581), 3:292; B, 39:142-143. 

3:284.25./i worthy the hire At 1 Tim. 5:18 GB cross-references Deut. 25:4, 1 Cor. 
9:9, Matt. 10:10, and Luke 10:7. 

3:285. fe Dispens. Prosp. . . . c. 12. The De vita contemplativa ofJuUanus Pomerius 
(who taught grammar and rhetoric at Aries around the end of 5C) was ascribed 
from the 8C to the 17C to Prosper of Aquitaine. The author refers to "the priest 
to whom the responsibility for dispensing has been committed" ("sacerdos cui 
dispensationis cura commissa est") as a "dispensator"; 2.11—12, in Prosper of 
Aquitaine, Opera (1577), fol. 93"; PL, 59:455; ACW, A-Jiy-ll. Oecon. 1. 
14. . . . eccles. Justinian, Codex, 1.2.14; this law of the Emperors Leo and 
Anthemius, AD 470, prohibits the alienation of immovable church property and 
specifies the conditions under which it may be leased; there is frequent reference 
to the "oeconomus" or steward as a party responsible for observing the various 
provisions of the law, as a person, for example, who would negotiate leases and be 
a legal party to them; (1590), cols. 13-16; Krueger (1963), pp. 13-14; Scott, 
12:19-21. et Novel. 7 in princip. Justinian, Nouellae, constit. 7, preface, 
rehearsing provisions of earlier legislation that are still to remain in force, refers to 
a law prohibiting the archbishop of Constantinople or the steward from alienating 
any of the immovable property belonging to the principal church of the city; the 
purchaser of such goods is liable to restore to the steward having charge of the 
property of the church ("oeconomo rerum sanctissimae ecclesiae") whatever he has 
purchased; the steward who has failed in the discharge of his duty is to pay over 
any profits which he has received from what belonged to the church, or to 
indemnify the church for losses it may have sustained; (1590), col. 21; Schoell- 
Kroll (1963), p. 49; Scott, 16:40. 

3:285.27-286.5 Prosper . . . unto God. Julianus Pomerius, De vita contemplativa, 
2.16: "ut uno solicitudines omnium in sua societate viventium sustinente, omnes, 
qui sub eo sunt, fructuosa vacatione potiantur spiritualiter et quiete . . . etiam in 
hoc Deo serviunt: quia si Dei sunt ea quae conferuntur ecclesiae, Dei opus agit, 
qui res Deo consecratas non alicuius cupiditatis, sed fidelissimae dispensationis 
intentione non deserit"; in Prosper of Aquitaine, Opera (1577), fols. 95", 96'; PL, 
59:459, 461; ACW, 4:82 and 84-85; see n preceding. 

3:286.10-13. m same table . . .fratres. "Know that we have already planned the 
honor of the presbyterate for them, that they may be honored in the same collec- 
tions with the presbyters and may share in the monthly divisions in fair amounts, 
who will sit with us when they are more advanced and confirmed in their age"; 


Book VII, Chapter 23.7-23.11 

Cyprian, epist. 4.5, Ad derum et plebum de Celerino; Opera (1563), p. 97; CSEL, 
3.2:584-585, AGW, 44:57, and FOTC, 51:102, as epist. 39. On sportulantes Jratres 
see epist. 1.9, Ad derum et plebem Fumitanorum, de Victore; Opera (1563), p. 27; 
CSEL, 3.2:466, ACW, 43:52, and FOTC, 51:4 as epist. 1. 

3:287.3. n Paulinus, Hilary, Cyprian, Julianus Pomerius praises such acts of 
Paulinus of Nola (d. 431) and Hilary of Aries (d. 499) in his De vita contemplativa, 
2.9, in Prosper of Aquitaine's Opera (1577), fol. 92" (PL, 59:453; ACW, 4:72-73). 
Pontius the Deacon's life of Cyprian tells of his having distributed his means for 
the relief of the poor, but .this is connected with his reading of Scripture as a 
convert, not his assumption of the episcopate; Cyprian, Opera (1593), fol. *4' 
(=714"); CSEL, 3.3:xcii; FOTC, 15:7; ANF, 5:268. 

3:287.15-19 Such partition . . . relief. This division was prescribed at the end 
of the 5C by Pope Gelasius I in epist. 9: "Quatuor autem de reditu quam de 
oblatione fidelium, prout cujuslibet ecclesiae facultas admittit, sicut dudum rationa- 
biliter est decretum, convenit fieri portiones. Quarum sit una pontificis, altera 
clericorum, pauperum tertia, quarta ecclesiae fabricis applicanda"; PL, 59:56. For 
its adoption in the Frankish church, see Monumenta Germaniae historica, Legum sectio 
2, Capitulana regum Francorum (1883-1897; 2nd edn. 1960), 1:228, 2:178-179; 
Condlia (1585), 3:835; Keble, 3:298-299, n. 4. Compare Saravia, De honore, chap. 
12, p. 107; Honour Due, p. 146. 

3:288.7—13.0 Men . . . govern. Lactantius, Divinarum institutionum libri vii, 4.30: 
"Sed ii, quorum fides fiiit lubrica, cum Deum nosse se, et colere simularent; 
augendis opibus, et honori studentes, atfectabant maximum sacerdotium; et a 
potioribus victi, secedere cum sufeagatoribus suis maluerunt, quam eos ferre 
praepositos, quibus concupierant ipsi ante praeponi"; (1570), p. 256 (CSEL, 
19:395; ANF, 7:133). 

3:288.16 those ancient Canons In 1:124 [82] (Whitgift, Works, PS, 2:381-383), 
Cartwright cites: (1) Council of Antioch, canon 25; Theologorum aliquot . . . libri 
Graed (1559), p. 30; Lauchert, p. 50; NPNF.2, 14:121: while giving the bishop 
control of xrhurch fimds and permission to take what he requires for his own 
necessities, this canon enjoins him to be content with food and raiment and 
requires him to submit to investigation by provincial synod if he applies the funds 
to his private uses; (2) Fourth Council of Carthage, canons 14—15; Condlia (1585), 
1:759; CCSL, 149:345: "14. The bishop should have his little lodging (hospitiolum) 
not far firom the church. 15. .The bishop should have cheap fiimishings and a poor 
table {vilem supelledilem, et mensam ac victum pauperem) and seek the authority of his 
rank by feith and the merits of his life"; (3) Third Synod of Tours, canon 5; 
Condlia (1585), 3:682; Monumenta Germaniae historica, Legum sectio 3; Condlia, 
2.1:287: "It is necessary that a bishop not incline too much to lavish entertain- 
ments [profusis conviuiis] but be content with a sparing and moderate diet [parco et 
moderate dbo]." 



3:289.4-8 Thus against . . . world. See, for example, An Humble Motion (1590; 
STC 7754), p. 108: "As touching the Lord Bishops and great clergy men, which 
have soe laden themselves with thicke claye, that they have much adoe to get up 
in the pulpit of God: doe the