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OLD PICTURE BOOKS 






OLD PICTURE BOOKS 

WITH OTHER ESSAYS ON 
BOOKISH SUBJECTS, BY 

ALFRED W. POLLARD 




LONDON: METHUEN AND CO 
36 ESSEX STREET, W.C. 1902 



VO U' '^ ■• ■* I . ^.D . » ^^ 






r« ■■ ■ »■ 



I- D • -■ • f ^-^ . ' J , 



1 i 



y 



NOTE 

The paper on * England and the Bookish Arts * originally 
appeared as an introduction to ' The English Bookman^s 
Library' (Kegan Paul and Co.). The other Essays 
are reprinted from * Bibliographica,' *The Connoisseur/ 
*The Guardian,' 'The Library,' 'The King's College 
School Magazine,' 'Longman's Magazine,' ' Macmillan's 
Magazine,' ' The Newbery House Magazine,' ' The 
Pageant,' and the 'Transactions' of the Bibliographical 
Society. Separate acknowledgment of its source is made 
at the beginning of each paper, but the author desires 
here to thank the Publishers and Editors to whom he is 
indebted for permission to reprint. All the essays have 
been revised, and some of the illustrations appear here 
for the first time. 



CONTENTS 



OLD PICTURE BOOKS ..... 

FLORENTINE RAPPRESENTAZIONI AND THEIR PICTURES 

TWO ILLUSTRATED ITALIAN BIBLES 

A BOOK OF HOURS ...... 

THE TRANSFERENCE OF WOODCUTS IN THE FIFTEENTH AND 
SIXTEENTH CENTURIES ..... 

ES TU SCHOLARIS? ...... 

ENGLISH BOOKS PRINTED ABROAD 

SOME PICTORIAL AND HERALDIC INITIALS 

ENGLAND AND THE BOOKISH ARTS 

THE FIRST ENGLISH BOOK SALE .... 

JOHN DURIE'S 'REFORMED LIBRARIE-KEEPER' 

WOODCUTS IN ENGLISH PLAYS PRINTED BEFORE 1660 . 

HERRICK AND HIS FRIENDS .... 

A POET'S STUDIES ...... 

PRINTERS' MARKS OF THE FIFTEENTH AND SIXTEENTH 
CENTURIES ...... 

THE FRANKS COLLECTION OF ARMORIAL BOOK-STAMPS . 



PAGE 

3 

II 

37 
51 

73 

99 
106 

124 

146 

159 
172 

183 

2CX> 
216 

227 
242 



By Alice Pollard 

A QUEEN ANNE POCKET-BOOK ..... 260 

WHY MEN DON'T MARRY ...... 273 



To JOHN MACFARLANE, 

Librarian of the Imperial Library j Calcutta, 

My dear Macfarlane^ — 

Just as you had completed a valuable monograph 

on that enterprising French publisher Antoine Verard^you 

were whirled away to India to organise a great library at 

Calcutta. I have seen it stated in the newspapers, on high 

authority^ that your Imperial Library is to be a second 

British Museum, but I am afraid t/mt, even when fully 

developed by your energy and skill, it will contain no 

Verards. I Iwpe, however, that w/ien you come over oft 

furlough you will resume the pleasant studies we used to 

pursue together, and that you may evefi be induced to read 

another paper before t/ie learned Society of which you were 

(mce my fellow secretary. To keep alive your interest in 

old books is thus a reasonable pretext for dedicating to you 

tliese bookish essays. My real hope is that as they stand 

on your book-shelf they may remind you of the original 

British Museum and of the many friends you left behind 

here after your seventeen years* work amid our Bloomsbury 

fogs. 

Faithfully yours, 

Alfred W, Pollard 



/ 



OLD PICTURE BOOKS 

IN the edition of Virgil published by Griininger at 
Strassburg in 1502, Sebastian Brant boasted that 
the illustrations to it, whose preparation he had 
superintended, made the story of the book as plain to the 
unlearned as to the learned : 

' Hie legere historias commentaque plurima doctus, 
Nee minus indoctus perlegere ilia potest.' 

The boast was no ill-founded one, though it must be 
granted that Virgil would have been puzzled by the 
cannon here shown as employed in the siege of Nova 
Trqjai and similar mediaevalisms abound throughout the 
volume. Coming almost at the end of the first series of 
early illustrated books, the Virgil of 1502 thus exemplifies 
two of the chief features to which they owe their charm : 
the power of telling a story and the readiness to import 
into the most uncongenial themes some touches of the 
life of their own day. But by Brant's time illustration 
was already losing its pristine simplicity. It could hardly 
be otherwise when such a man as Brant, who had just 
gained a European reputation by his ' NarrenschifT,' was 
concerning himself with it At the outset it had been 
rather a craft than an art, alike in Germany, in Italy, in 
the Netherlands, and in France, and, if we do not add 
England to the list, it is only because in England the 
workmen, though naive enough in all conscience, were 



4 OLD PICTURE BOOKS 

so entirely untrained that to call them craftsmen would be 
too great a compliment But whether skilled or unskilled, 
the woodcutters* objects were everywhere the same : to 
render his design with the greatest possible simplicity of 
outline, to tell the story with a directness which often 
verges on caricature, and to keep his pictures in decorative 
harmony with the type-page on which they were to appear, 
printed with the same pull of the press, with the same 
excellent ink, on the same excellent paper. 

In papers brought together in this volume the reader 
is asked to look at the woodcuts to two old Italian 
Bibles, at the beautiful cuts which make the Florentine 
Miracle Plays or Rappresentazioni so highly esteemed, 
at the illustrations to French editions of the * Hours of 
the Blessed Virgin,* and at some examples of the curious 
transformations and vicissitudes which old wood blocks 
and the designs for them went through ere yet either 
cliches or photographic processes had been invented. 
The reproductions which accompany these and other 
articles will give a better idea of these Old Picture Books 
to those who do not already know them than could be 
conveyed by any verbal descriptions. Here it may suffice 
to emphasise one or two points which are often over- 
looked. 

In the first place, it may have been noticed that not 
only do we speak of woodcuts, a common enough word, 
but also of woodcutters, a term which, until Sir Martin 
Conway used it in the title of his ' The Woodcutters of 
the Netherlands,* where it was ridiculed at the time as 
suggesting the stalwart workmen who cut down trees, 
was hardly ever employed in this sense. It cannot be 
denied that the use of the word sometimes lands us in 
incongruities of phrase $ but inasmuch as there is no 



OLD PICTURE BOOKS 5 

evidence of the graver having been used in woodcuts 
before the eighteenth century, it is clearly wrong to 
speak of the early craftsmen as engravers, and it is only 
fair in estimating their performance to remember that 
they worked with no better tool than a knife. 

As regards the material they used, it was no doubt as a 
rule wood ; but experts are agreed — I know not on what 
evidence — that instead of the blocks cut across the grain 
adopted by the modern engraver, they used wood sawn 
perpendicularly down the grain, as in an ordinary plank. 
It is certain, however, that in addition to wood some soft 
kind of metal, spoken of in one place (the list of border- 
cuts in one of Du Pr6's * Horae *) as cutvrej or copper, but 
generally identified with pewter, was also used. This use of 
metal encouraged in some of the French * Books of Hours,* 
notably in those of Philippe Pigouchet, a finer and closer 
method of work than we can believe was at that time 
possible on wood ; but the general handling was precisely 
the same, and it is often only when we see a thin line 
bending instead of breaking, as wood did, that we know 
for certain that the craftsman was working on metal. For 
this reason the term woodcut is often applied to metal 
cuts worked in the style of wood as well as to woodcuts 
properly so called, and though doubtless reprehensible, 
the conftision is not nearly so misleading as that between 
cuts and engravings. 

A third fact has already been emphasised, namely, that 
the makers of the woodcuts, and I think we may add the 
designers of them also, never put their names to their 
work or troubled themselves in any way to preserve their 
individuality. Save for the * Nuremberg Chronicle ' of 
Hartmann Schedel — a large book and a fine one, but of 
no unusual artistic merit — the cuts in which are associated 



6 OLD PICTURE BOOKS 

with the names of Wohlgemuth (the father-in-law of 
Diirer) and Pleydenwurff, I do not know of any single 
illustrated book of the fifteenth century the designs in 
which can be attributed to a known artist. In Venetian 
cuts towards the end of the century it is not uncommon to 
find a small initial letter, such as the b in the Giunta 
Bibles, the F of a Livy, the N of an Ovid, appearing on 
some of the blocks ; but, after much learned disquisi- 
tion, it is now generally agreed that this is merely the 
mark of a woodcutter's workshop. As to the organisation 
of these workshops, we have, unhappily, no information. 
All that we know is that at Augsburg, where, before the 
introduction of printing, woodcutting had been exten- 
sively employed for playing-cards and figures of saints, 
the cutters had formed themselves into a flourishing guild, 
and were able to insist that the making of the illustrations 
for books should be left in their hands as a condition of 
the printers being allowed to use them. 

The only other point which it seems necessary to 
mention is that illustrated books in the fifteenth century 
were intended to attract verj- much the same class of 
purchasers for whose benefit they are produced at the 
present day. 

People often run away with one of two contradictory 
ideas, that all early books were very costly and only 
prepared for princes, or that illustrated books were then 
the Books of the People, and therefore possessed all sorts 
of beautiful properties not discoverable in the bourgeois 
volumes we get at Mudie's. Of course both these ideas 
have some foundation. Profusely illuminated manuscripts, 
whether Prayer- Books or Romances, were literally a 
luxury reserved for princes ; but then a profusely illumi- 
nated manuscript is not only a book, it is a picture-gallery 



J 



OLD PICTURE BOOKS 7 

as well, and even now, when prices have risen to what 
seem extravagant heights, the fine manuscripts which can 
be bought for from one to two thousand pounds are pro- 
bably the cheapest art-treasures on the market. But until 
quite the end of the fifteenth century princes cared very 
little for printed books, thinking them rather cheap and 
common, even to the extent of refusing to have them in 
their libraries. More than this, rich connoisseurs gener- 
ally, and not merely princes, when they patronised printed 
books at all, preferred them quite plain, finely printed, but 
with no pictures in them. They even preferred them 
without any printed initial letters, no doubt telling each 
other it was so much nicer to have the initials prettily 
painted in by hand, — just as there are some people who 
prefer books in paper covers, because they can have them 
bound as they please. We all know that most paper- 
cover books melt away and never get bound at all ; and 
most of the books which were to have painted initials 
remain to this day with the blank places still unfilled. 
But it was a very pretty theory, and it shows clearly 
enough that the rich people who held it cared nothing for 
printed ornaments, and a fortiori nothing for printed 
illustrations. 

On the other hand, though some of the books we are 
concerned with were probably sold for less than sixpence, 
sixpence in the fifteenth century was worth five or six 
shillings now, and, in fact, from five shillings to five 
guineas very fairly represents the range of prices of early 
illustrated books. Thus the cheapest of them, the little 
Florentine chap-books, are not really the equivalent of 
our modern penny dreadfuls, but rather of the pretty gift- 
books with which publishers tempt us every Christmas. 
There was no fifteenth century equivalent to our modern 



8 OLD PICTURE BOOKS 

penny dreadfuls, because the sort of people who now read 
penny dreadfuls then read nothing at all. As soon as 
they began to read, plenty of bad pictures were produced 
to please them. 

If this prologue did not already threaten to be too long, 
it would be interesting to advance the theory that the 
great body of readers in every civilisation has always been 
drawn from much the same class as at present, and also 
that the price of books, when we allow for the diflferent 
value of money, has varied equally little. In any case, it 
«»hould be understood that early illustrated books were 
neither very rare nor very miraculously cheap, but cost 
about the same as the illustrated books of to-day, and 
were intended for about the same class of readers. 

Up to a few years ago it was possible for quiet folk of 
ihiH class to possess some specimens of the old books as 
well UH of the new. Unfortunately during the last quarter 
of a century, and more especially during the last decade of 
it, the collecting of them has become a hobby which can 
only Ih! pursued by the very rich. Save perhaps the first 
irdifionH of masterpieces of our own literature, no books 
li;ivc advanced so rapidly in market-value as those with 
illiiMnifions. A recent lawsuit has brought into promi- 
nirriciT the case of the * Quatriregio * of Bishop Frezzi, a 
iutpy i)( which, bought some thirty years ago for sixty 
^uincan, has now to be valued by experts, who will 
apparently have to decide whether its present worth 
hlioiild be fixed as nearer to five hundred or eight hundred 
|Miiindh, the two last prices at which copies are believed 
to have changed hands. The little Florentine * Rappre- 
ftenta/ioni,' mostly with only a single cut on their title, 
the subject of my first paper, used to be purchasable for a 
few shillings apiece ; they have now to be bought with 



OLD PICTURE BOOKS 9 

almost as many bank-notes, and a good example of a 
French * Book of Hours ' is supposed to be cheap at a 
hundred and twenty pounds. It is well that beautiful 
books should be honoured, but book-lovers may not 
unreasonably regret the days when it was still possible for 
a man of moderate means to possess them. 



FLORENTINE RAPPRESENTAZIONI ii 



FLORENTINE RAPPRESENTAZIONI 
AND THEIR PICTURES' 



BETWEEN the twelfth 
century and the sixteenth 
nearly every country 
i n E urope possessed 
some sort of a rellgous 
drama, which in many 
cases has lingered on, 
nearly or quite, to the 
present day. Even in 
England — in Yorkshire, 
in Dorset and Sussex, 
and perhaps in other 
cou n ties — the old Christ- 
mas play of S. George 
and the Dragon is not 
quite extinct, though in its latter days its action has been 
render^ chaotic by the introduction of King George in., 
Admiral Nelson, and other national heroes, whose relation 
to either the Knight or the Dragon is a little difficult to 
follow. The stage directions, which are fairly numerous 
in most of the old plays which have been preserved, 
enable us to picture to ourselves the successive stages of 
their development with considerable minuteness. In 

' Reprinted, by leaTCof tbe editor, from 'The Pageant.' 




12 OLD PICTURE BOOKS 

some churches the * sepulchre ' is still preserved to which, 
in the earliest liturgical dramas, the choristers advanced, 
in the guise of the three Maries, to act over again the 
scene on the first Easter-day ; while of that other scene, 
when at Christmas the shepherds brought their simple 
offerings, a cap, a nutting-stick, or a bob of cherries to 
the Holy Child, a trace still exists in the representation, 
either by a transparency or a model, of the manger of 
Bethlehem, still common in Roman Catholic churches, 
and not unknown in some English ones. When the 
scene of the plays was removed from the inside of the 
church to the churchyard, we hear of the crowds who 
desecrated the graves in their eagerness to see the per- 
formance ; and later still, when the craft -guilds had 
burdened themselves with the expenses of their prepara- 
tion, we have curious descriptions of the waggons upon 
which each scene of the great cycles * of matter from the 
beginning of the world to the Day of Judgment,' was set 
up, in order that scene after scene might be rolled before 
the spectators at the street corners or the market place, 
throughout the length of a midsummer day. Artists with 
an antiquarian turn have endeavoured to picture for us 
these curious stages. In Sharp's ' Dissertation on the 
Coventry Mysteries' there is a frontispiece giving an 
imaginary view of a performance ; and only a few years 
ago an article was published in an American magazine, 
with really delightful illustrations, depicting the working 
of the elaborate stage machinery behind the scenes, as 
well as the effects with which the spectators were regaled. 
But of contemporary illustrations the lack remains grievous 
and irreparable. In England we have nothing at all for 
the Miracle Plays, while for the moralities by which they 
were superseded, the only manuscript illustration is a 



FLORENTINE RAPPRESENTAZIONI 13 

picture of the castle in the 'Castle of Perseverance,' in 
which, with the aid of his good angels, its occupant, Man, 
was set to resist the attacks of the deadly sins and all the 
hosts of hell I The later moralities, printed by Wynkyn 
de Worde and his contemporaries early in the sixteenth 
century, have in one or two instances a few figures on the 
face or back of the title-page, to which labels bearing the 
names of the characters are attached. But these were 
venerable cuts, which had done duty on previous occa- 
sions for other subjects ; and so far from being specially 
designed to represent the players on an English stage, 
were really French in their origin, and only copied from 
old woodcuts of Antoine Verard's * Terence.* 

In France we have much the same tale. It is true that 
so many of the old French Mysteries still remain in manu- 
script, unexplored, that there is a possibility of some 
pleasant surprise in store for us. But the printed plays 
were either not illustrated at all, or sent forth with only a 
handful of conventional cuts. One little ray of light, 
however, we have in the pictures, especially of the 
Annunciation to the Shepherds and their Adoration, in 
many of the numerous editions of the * Hours of the 
Blessed Virgin ' (the lay-folk's prayer-books, as they have 
been called, of those days), which, from about 1490 
onwards, attained the same popularity in print which they 
had previously enjoyed in manuscript. In these illustra- 
tions we see the shepherds, with their women-folk about 
them, as they watched their flocks till startled by the 
angel's greeting, and again crowding round the manger at 
Bethlehem. In one edition, from which a reproduction is 
given in a later essay in this volume, they even bear on 
labels the names Gobin le gai, le beau Roger, Mahault, 
Aloris, etc., by which they were known in the plays* 



H OLD PICTURE BOOKS 

But however ready we may be to trace the influence of 
the miracle plajrs in these pictures, as illustrations of the 
plays diemselves they are very inadequate ; and the fad 
remains that in only one country, and practically only in 
one city in that country (for the Siena editions are merely 
reprints) did die religious plays, which in one form or 
another were then being acted all over Europe, receive 
any contemporary illustration. This one city was 
Florence ; and alike for the special form in which the 
religious drama was there developed, for the causes which 
contributed to its popularity at the turn of the fifteenth 
and sixteenth centuries, and for its close connection with 
the popular art of the day, the subject is one of consider- 
able interest. On its literar}* and religious side, the late 
John Addington Symonds discussed it in * Studies of the 
Italian Renaissance ' with his usual ability, and many of 
the plays have been reprinted by Signor Ancona. Of late 
years the little pictures by which they are illustrated have 
also received attention, a fact amply attested by the extra- 
ordinary rise in their market value. But it is worth while 
to bring together, even if only in outline, the pictures and 
the plays to which they belong, more closely than has 
hitherto been attempted, and this is my object in the 
present paper. 

Book-illustration in Italy began very early with the 
publication in 1467, by Ulric Hahn, at Rome, of an 
edition of the ' Meditations ' of Cardinal Torquemada on 
the Life and Passion of Christ. For the next twenty 
years its progress was only sp>oradic, and though we find 
illustrations of greater or less artistic value in books 
printed at Naples, Rome, Ferrara, Verona, and Venice^ 
we can only group them together in twos and threes ; 
there is absolutely no trace of any school of illustrators. 



FLORENTINE RAPPRESENTAZIONI 15 

From this sporadic growth Florence was not entirely 
excluded, for besides a treatise on geography we find in 
the 1477 edition of Bettini's 'Monte Santo di Dio,' and 
the famous 148 1 ' Dante/ pictures of very considerable 
interest They differ, however, from those of the illustrated 
books of other Italian towns, in being not woodcuts but 
engravings on copper, and it is a remarkable fact that until 
the year 1490 no Florentine book is known which contains 
a cut- The signs of wear in a woodcut of the dead Christ 
which appears early in that year, has given rise to a belief 
that there may have been some previous illustrated 
edition, now lost ; but it is more probable that the picture 
had only been printed separately for pasting into books of 
devotion. In any case, it stands apart, with but one 
other cut, slightly later in date, from all other Florentine 
work, and must be looked on only as an example of the 
sporadic illustrations of which we have spoken as appear- 
ing in other districts. But from the 28th of September, 
1490, onwards for twenty years, we have a succession of 
woodcuts which, amid all the differences which give them 
individuality, are yet closely linked together in style, and 
form, on the whole, by far the finest series of book- 
illustrations of early date. The popularity which these 
woodcuts attained is attested by the repeated editions of 
the works in which they appear ; while the suddenness 
with which they sprang up, the general similarity of 
style, and the nature of the books they illustrate, all 
suggest that we have here to deal with a conscious and 
carefully directed movement as opposed to the haphazard 
use of illustrations in other cities during the previous 
twenty years. The book in which the first characteristic 
Florentine woodcut appears is an edition of the ' Laude,' 
of Jacopone da Todi, printed by Francesco Buonaccorsi ; 




VBOU JACOPONK DA TODl'S 'LAUDi:,' 1490 



FLORENTINE RAPPRESENTAZIONI 17 

and both the choice of the book and the name of the 
printer offer a tempting basis for theory-making. Print- 
ing, we must remember, though it had been in use for 
more than a third of a century, was even then a new craft, 
and was still taken up sometimes as a side-employment 
by many persons who had been bred to other trades or 
professions. Our own Caxton, as we all know, was a 
mercer ; the first printer at St. Albans, a schoolmaster ; 
Francesco Tuppo, of Naples, a jurist ; Joannes Philippus 
de Lignamine, of Rome, a physician ; and so on. In 
natural continuation, however, of the work of the Scrip- 
torium in many monasteries, we find that a large number 
of the early printers were members of monasteries or 
priests, and it was to this latter order that the Buonaccorsi 
who printed the * Laude ' belonged. Now, the name 
Buonaccorsi is the name of the family of Savonarola's 
mother. A few months before the appearance of the 
* Laude ' the great Dominican has been recalled to 
Florence by Lorenzo de' Medici, and his first public 
sermon there^ — a sermon which had stirred the whole city 
to its depths — had been preached on the previous ist of 
August. In the next year we find Buonaccorsi printing 
the first edition of the ' Libro della vita viduale,' the 
earliest dated Savonarola tract of which I know ; and 
I have not been able to resist hazarding the conjecture 
that between the preacher-monk and the priest-printer 
there may have been some tie of blood, and that it was to 
Savonarola that the splendid series of Florentine illus- 
trated books owed their origin. 

That this should be the case would not be surprising. 
Savonarola was no Puritan, or rather he was like the 
Puritans of the better sort, and loved art so long as it was 
subservient to the main object of man's being. The 

B 



/ 



i8 OLD PICTURE BOOKS 

pamphlets with which he flooded Florence during the 
next few years are, for the most part, decorated with a cut 
on their first page or title ; and if the subject were ever 
worked out, it would probably be found that this was 
uniformly the case with the original editions, and those 
issued with the author's supervision, while the unillus- 
trated copies are mere reprints, which the absence of any 
law of copyright made it possible for any printer, who 
thought it worth his while, to issue, with or without the 
author's leave. The woodcuts to the Savonarola tracts 
number from forty to sixty, according as we include or 
reject variants on the same subject, and fall naturally into 
three divisions, illustrating respectively the Passion of 
Christ, the duties of Prayer and Preparation for Death, 
and various aspects of Savonarola's activity, in which, 
however, the representations of him are always imaginary, 
never drawn from life. As an example of these cuts, I 
give that which decorates the title-page of an undated 
edition (circa 1495) of the * Operetta della oratione men- 
tale.' I have had occasion to use this before in my little 
work on * Early Illustrated Books,' but there is a certain 
largeness of pictorial effect about it which gives this cut, 
I think, quite the first place in the series, and makes me 
unwilling to take any other as an example. The cuts in 
the * Rappresentazioni' are seldom quite as good as this, 
but they form a parallel series to those of the Savonarola 
tracts, occasionally borrowing an illustration from those 
on the Passion of Christ, and evidently inspired by the 
same aims. The same types (our only means of fixing 
the printers of these dateless little books), were used in 
many of the works of both the series, and it does not seem 
fanciful to believe that Savonarola, either directly or 
through some trusted disciple, was nearly as intimately 



FLORENTINE RAPPRESENTAZIONI 19 

connected with the one as he undoubtedly was with the 
other. 

We have said that the choice of the work in which 



ir^pmtto di (rate iSiroIumo da tmn 
deUaosationeniennle 




' DELL A ORATIONE 



appeared the first typical Florentine woodcut was not 
without interest for our subject. Jacopone da Todi, 
whom the cut exhibits kneeling in an ecstasy of prayer 
before a vision of the Blessed Virgin, was a Franciscan 



20 OLD PICTURE BOOKS 

mystic, eccentric to the verge of madness in his manners, 
but a spiritual poet of no mean ability, and the reputed 
author of the *Stabat Mater.' He died in 1306, and was 
probably old enough to have remembered that strange 
epidemic of the Batiuti^ when thousands of frenzied men 
and wpmen marched from city to city, scourging them- 
selves almost to death for the sinfulness of the world, till 
their career had to be stopped by the free use of the 
gallows. When the frenzy was past, those who survived 
it formed themselves into companies for the continuance 
of their religious exercises in a more moderate form, and 
from their meeting together to sing their * Laude,' hymns 
of a peculiarly personal fervour, in the chapels of their 
guilds, they obtained the name * Laudesi.' Of the writers 
of these * Laude,' Jacopone da Todi was the greatest, and 
it was out of the * Laude ' that the later * Rappresentazioni ' 
were gradually developed. In his excellent account of 
the * Rappresentazioni,' to which I have already alluded, 
Mr. J. A. Symonds seems to me to have laid rather undue 
stress on the manner in which this development took 
place, as offering a contrast to the history of the religious 
drama in other countries. It is true that in England the 
plays which have come down to us belong almost ex- 
clusively to the great cycles which unrolled the history of 
man from the creation till the crack of doom, but we have 
mention of several plays on the lives of the Saints — e.g, 
one on S. George and the Dragon, and another (which 
survives) on S. Mary Magdalene, and the popularity 
at one time of these Miracle Plays, properly so called, 
is witnessed by the fact that it is their name under 
which the cycles of Scriptural dramas generally passed. 
At Florence these longer dramas were not wholly 
unknown, but they seem to have been acted only in 



FLORENTINE RAPPRESENTAZIONI 21 

pantomime or dumb-show, tn the great pageants on S. 
John's Day, the shorter plays developing from the 
' Laude ' just as, at an earlier period, the liturgical dramas 
had developed in France and England out of the dramatic 
recital of the gospel of the day. It is worth noting, by 
the way, that the ' Laude ' themselves were not super- 




seded, but continued to be written and sung when the 
* Rappresentazioni ' were already becoming popular. Two 
of the writers of them during this period have a special 
interest for us — Maffieo.3elcari, as the author also of the 
earliest printed < Rappresentazione,' and Girolamo Beni- 
vieni, as the friend and disciple of Savonarola, whose 
doctrine and prophecies he defended in 1496 in a tract, 
printed, this also, by Buonaccorsi. 



3^1 OLD PICTURE BOOKS 

In an ediiion c*f a collection of *Laude' by various 
writers, then? is an interesting cut representing the 

* Laude:ii/ standing before a Madonna, singing her praise. 
In cvMirse of time dramatic divisions had been admitted 
into the * l^ude/ and under the name of * Divozioni ' they 
were recitexl with apprv^priate action in dialogue form. 
The actors were K^r the most part boys, who were formed 
into cv>nfraternities« while the expenses of the plays were 
doubtless defrayed by their parents. As the dramatic 
element in the performances became more decided, the 
plays came at last to be generally termed * Rappresenta- 
;eioni/ and under this name they attained a great popu- 
larity during the last quarter of the fifteenth century, and 
the first of its successor, 

I'niike the northern Miracle Pla\-s, which are almost 
without exception anonymous, many of the earliest 

* Rappresenta^ioni * which have come down to us contain 
the names of their authors, and in editions separated by 
half a century the text remains substantially unaltered. 
In English plays the text often appears to have grown up 
by a process of accretion* so that a cycle, or even a single 
play, in the form in which it has survived, could hardly 
with justice be assigned to a single author, even if we 
knew the name of the first writer concerned in it The 
difference is not unim(H>rtant, and is one of numerous 
small signs which tell us that the religious drama in 
Florence, at least in this stage of its development, was less 
popular, less spontaneous, than in our own country, and 
more the result of deliberate religious effort. 

The earliest * Rappresentazione ' printed was the 

* Abraham' of the Maffeo (or Feo) Belcari, whom we 
have already mentioned. It was printed in 1485, the year 
after Belcari's death at a good old age (he was bom in 



FLORENTINE RAPPRESENTAZIONI 23 

1410)9 so that all Belcari's plays were published post- 
humously. Among them are plays on the Annunciation, 
on S. John the Baptist visited by Christ in the Desert, 
and on S. Panuntius. Of the last two of these I have seen 
fifteenth-century editions — the one at the British Museum, 
the other at the Bodleian Library, each with a single 
charming woodcut No less a person than Lorenzo de' 
Medici was the author of the play of * San Giovanni e San 
Paolo,' which has also come down to us in its original 
edition with a graceful cut ; and Bernardo Pulci, who died 
in the first year of the sixteenth century, produced a play 
on the legend of Barlaam and Josaphat. But the most 
prolific of these dramatists seems to have been a woman, 
Bernardo's wife Antonia, to whose pen we owe plays on 
the Patriarch Joseph, the Prodigal Son, S. Francis of 
Assisi, S. Domitilla, S. Guglielma, etc. The names of 
a few other writers are known ; but there were also 
numerous anonymous plays, written very much on the 
same lines, to some of which we shall have to allude. 

Almost invariably the plays begin with a Prologue 
spoken by an Angel, who is represented in the title-cut of 
Lorenzo de' Medici's 'San Giovanni e San Paolo' as 
standing behind the two saints in a kind of pulpit. In 
other early plays the Angel is represented in a separate 
woodcut (shown at the beginning of this article) whose 
lower border is cut off, so as to fix on to the border of the 
special title-cut of the play. Later on, another design 
was substituted for this, without any border at all. I think 
it probable that these angelic prologuisings were mostly 
spoken from some machine at the back of the stage, 
especially contrived for celestial appearances. In other 
respects, the services of the stage-carpenter do not seem 
to have been much called for. The plays were acted, we 



24 OLD PICTURE BOOKS 

are told, either in the chapel of the guild or confraternity, 
or in the refectory of a convent, and the arrangements 
were probably very similar to those in modern school- 
plays, the imagination of the spectators being often 
required to take the place of a change of scene. In the 
so-called * Coventry ' Plays we hear of a device by which 
a new scene, or perhaps rather a new centrepiece, with 
the actors all in their places, could be wheeled round to 
the front ; but more often all the dramatis personae were 
grouped at the back or sides, and individual actors merely 
stepped forward when their turn came. In the play of 
* San Lorenzo ' we are expressly told that two scenes were 
shown simultaneously on different parts of the stage, 
Decius and his satellites offering their heathen sacrifices 
on the one side, while Pope Sixtus comforts the faithful 
against the coming persecution on the other. This com- 
bination of two scenes in one is a familar feature in 
mediaeval art, and is not unknown even in these Florentine 
woodcuts, small as they are : witness our cut on p. 29, in 
which the bartering at the pawnshop, and the indignities 
offered to the sacred wafer, tell the story of the play by 
means of its two most prominent scenes. 

Of the literary value of the * Rappresentazioni ' it is not 
possible to speak with much enthusiasm. From a literary 
standpoint, indeed, the lives of the Saints, with which 
most of them have to do, are a difficult and not very 
promising subject Most stories of heroism are best told 
in ten lines at longest ; and to attempt to spin them out 
into several hundred, without any considerable material 
in the way of authentic detail, leads inevitably to weak- 
ness and exaggeration. In this respect the * Rappresen- 
tazioni ' are neither much worse nor much better than the 
average ' Legenda Sanctorum ' in verse or prose. They 



FLORENTINE RAPPRESENTAZIONI 35 

follow these, in fact, with remarkable fidelity, and as they 
are written for the most part in the familiar ociava rima, 
it is only by the speeches being made in the first person, 




' RAFPRUBNTAZIONE D 



instead of in historical narration, that they differ very 
greatly from them. Thus, to take the plays from which 
we have chosen our illustrations, that of S. Francis of 
Assist, by Antonta Pulci, faithfully records all the main 



FLORENTmE RAPPRESENTAZlONI 27 

to surrender the treasure which the Pope had bequeathed 
to the poor of the church. Both of the woodcuts to these 
two plays are of great beauty. The first probably follows 
the traditions of the many pictures on the subject rather 
than that of the stage, though it was, no doubt, for a 
scene like this that the stage-managers of the day used 
their utmost resources. In the martyrdom of S. Laurence, 
on the other hand, we may be sure that we have a very 
exact picture of the scene as played on some convent 
stage. 

Both these plays belong to the fifteenth century, and, 
as is mostly the case in the earliest editions, have only a 
rough woodcut each. This was not invariably so, as in the 
Bodleian Library there are copies of editions of the plays 
of * Stella ' and * S. Paulino,' which have every appearance 
of having been printed before 1500, but yet have sets 
of several cuts, all obviously designed especially for them. 
These, however, are exceptions ; and as a rule where we 
find several cuts, it is easy to trace most of them back, 
either to other plays, or to other illustrated books of the 
time, such as the *Epistole e Evangelii,' the *Fior di 
Virtu,' Pulci's *Morgante Maggiore,' etc. Thus, of the 
two cuts given here as illustrations to the curious 
' Rappresentazione d'uno miracolo del corpo di Gesii,' the 
first alone occurs in the fifteenth-century edition, while in 
that of 1555 (probably sixty years later) this original cut 
reappears, with three others added to it. The first, here 
shown, representing a drinking scene, is borrowed, I 
strongly suspect, from the * Morgante Maggiore ' ; while 
the second, which shows a man being burnt, and the 
third, in which a king is consulting his counsel, may be 
called stock-pictures, and reappear with frequency. 

This play of the ' Corpo di Gesii ' is an Italian version 



28 OLD PICTURE BOOKS 

of a miracle which was constantly being reported during 
the middle-ages, and was often the excuse for a cruel perse- 
cution of the Jews. The well-known ' Croxton ' ' Play of 
the Sacrament,' is cast on the same lines, and a detailed 
comparison of the two would yield some points of interest. 
In the ' Rappresentazione ' the story is well told, and with 




unusual vivacity. After the angelic prologue there is an 
induction, in which a miracle of a consecrated wafer, 
dripping blood, is announced to Pope Urban, who dis- 
courses on it with a cardinal and with S. Thomas Aquinas 
and S. Bonaventura. The play itself begins with a 
drinking scene, in which a wicked Guglielmo squanders 
his money, and then takes his wife's cloak to the Jewish 



FLORENTINE RAPPRESENTAZIONI 



29 



pawnshop to get more, l^e poor woman goes herself to 
the Jew to try to get her cloak back, and is then persuaded 
to iilch a wafer at mass and bring it to the Jew, on his 
promise to restore her garment. Her horror at his 
proposal is overcome by the pretext that his object is to 
use the Host as a charm to heal his sick son, and that if 
this succeeds be and all his family will become Christians. 




This, of course, is a mere fiction, but it serves the woman 
in good stead ; for when the Jew is discovered by the un- 
quenchable flow of blood from the wafer he maltreats, he 
is promptly burnt, while the Judge is warned by a special 
revelation to spare the life of his accomplice, whose guilt 
might easily be represented as the greater of the two. 
An edition of the play of 'S. Cecilia,' probably printed 



30 



OLD PICTURE BOOKS 



about 1 560, affords a good example of the gradual addition 
of cuts in later reprints. This Uttle tract of about twenty 
pages has no fewer than eighteen pictures in it, three of 
which, however, are only repetitions of one of the most 
familiar cuts in the whole series of ' Rappresentazioni ' — a 
Christian virgin dragged before a king ; while three other 
well-worn cuts are each repeated twice, so that the number 




of blocks used was only thirteen, though these yi( 
eighteen impressions. As might be expected, the little 
pictures are often dragged in with very little appropriate- 
ness. Thus, the Roman soldiers sent to arrest Cecilia 
gave the publisher an excuse to show a party of knights 
riding in the country, and so on. On the other hand, 
the pleasant picture of a disputation here shown, though 



FLORENTINE RAPPRESENTAZIONI 31 

undoubtedly executed in the first instance for some other 
work, probably gives us a very correct representation of 
the costume and grouping of the actors. 

One point in the text of the 'S. Cecilia,' deserves noting. 



¥=i. >=^>^<- y^- y^^-m 




^ -^-i^ -itr-R-^^ 



In the main it resembles very closely indeed the legend as 
it is known to lovers of English poetry from the version 
which Chaucer made in his early days and afterwards 
inserted, with little revision, into the 'Canterbury Tales.' 
But when Cecilia has gone through the form of marriage 



.12 



OLD PICTURE BOOKS 



with the husband who is forced upon her, and is proceed- 
ing with him to his home, the lads of the neighbourhood 
bar their passage with a demand for petty gifts, to which 
the virgin submits with good grace — a fragment of 
Florentine life thus cropping up amid the rather unreal 
atmosphere of the old legend. 

Whatever the shortcomings of the ' Rappresentazioni,' 
their popularity was very great, and they were reprinted 
again and again throughout the sixteenth century. Natur- 
ally the woodcuts suffered from continual use, and the 
stock-subjects, like that of a general martyrdom shown on 
page lo, are often found in the later editions with their little 
frames or borders almost knocked to pieces. Recutting 
was also frequent, and in the same edition of the play of 
S. Mary Magdalene, from which, for the sake of the 
unusual freedom in the handling, [ have taken the Utle- 
cut as one of our illustrations, this is repeated later on from 
a new block, clumsily cut in imitation of the old one. 

As the ' Rappresentazioni ' and their illustrations are 
connected with the Savonarola tracts on the one hand, so 
on the other we find them influencing some less dramatic 
forms of literature. Thus, among the early Florentine 
illustrated books we find a number of 'Contrasti' — the 
contrast of men and women, of the living and the dead, ot 
riches and poverty, etc. These were rather poems than 
plays, but the name ' Rappresentazione ' is sometimes 
applied to them in later editions. This is so, for instance, 
with the famous "Contrastodi Carnesciale ela Ouaresima,' 
from which the first of the two cuts is here given, the 
second representing a visit to the fish and vegetable 
market for Lenten fare when the days of Carnival are 
over. Again we find the same methods of illustration 
applied to the 'Giostre' of Giuliano and Lorenzo de* 



34 



OLD PICTURE BOOKS 



Medici, the story of Orpheus, by Angelo Politiano, which 
forms partof ihe former, being adorned with no fewer than 
ten admirable woodcuts, of which the picture here repro- 
duced, of Orpheus frightened by a fury from attempting a 
second time to visit Hell in quest of his lost Eurj'dice, is 




quite one of the finesL The same methods of illustration 
were also used in the 'novelle,' including the 'Sloria di 
due amanti ' of Pope Pius ii., from which we lake our last 
illustration, and other secular chapbooks, which have 
notliing cither religious or dramatic about them. It is 
clear, however, that the religious use was the earlier of the 
two, and that while the writers of the ' Laude ' anticipated 
the practice of later revivalists in turning profane songs 



FLORENTINE RAPPRESENTAZIONI 35 

and tunes into hymns of devotion, it was the secular 
literature which was the borrower in the matter of 
illustrations. 

As to the authors of these charming woodcuts we 
know absolutely nothing. Dr. Paul Kristeller has lately 
attempted to trace out three or four distinctive schools of 
style in them, but no name of any artist can be connected 
with them ; and we can only conjecture that there were 
one or two special workshops in Florence where they were 
designed and executed, and that printers and publishers 
applied to these workshops when they were in need of 
cuts. 



TWO ILLUSTRATED ITALIAN BIBLES 37 



TWO ILLUSTRATED ITALIAN BIBLES^ 

THE search for old books has been so assiduous of 
late years that no little surprise was felt when it 
was announced in 1900 that two copies had been 
found, almost simultaneously, of a handsomely illustrated 
folio edition of the Italian Bible of Niccolo Malermi, printed 
at Venice in 1493, and similar to but quite distinct from the 
illustrated editions already known. A third copy has since 
been discovered, and this has been acquired by the British 
Museum, which since 1897 has also possessed the first of 
the editions with the original woodcuts, that printed in 
1490 for Lucantonio Giunta. As both editions are very 
rare, and no comparison has yet been made between them, 
an attempt is here to be made to describe and contrast 
them. 

The first edition of Malermi's Italian version of the 
Bible was printed by Jenson, who finished it on August 
ist, 1470, apparently the same year in which the translator 
entered the monastery of S. Michele in Murano, near 
Venice, at the age of forty-eight. He was then stated to 
be 'natus quondam spectabilis et generosi viri domini 
Philippi de Malerbis, de Venetiis ' ; but nothing else is 
known of his family or early life, and the subsequent 
records only refer to his transfer from one monastery to 
another. Besides the Bible he also translated into Italian 
the lives of the saints from the * Golden Legend ' of Jacobus 

^ Reprinted, by leave of the editor, from *The Library,' 1902. 



38 OLD PICTURE BOOKS 

de Voragine, with additions of his own. This book also 
was printed for him by Jenson, and published in 1475. 

Malermi's translation of the Bible was a great popular 
success, at least nine, and probably ten editions being 
printed during the fifteenth century, and the British 
Museum possessing six others issued in 1517, 1546, 1553, 
1558, 1566, and 1567. By a curious chance another trans- 
lation by an anonymous author must have been already in 
the press while Jenson was printing Malermi's first edition. 
It appeared exactly two months later, on October ist, 147 1, 
without the name of its printer, but in the types of Adam 
of Ammergau. That two rival translations of the Bible 
were thus among the first-fruits of the Italian press is one 
of the facts which Protestant controversialists are not apt 
to emphasise. It is possible, as Dr. Garnett, I think, has 
suggested, that Venice, which was wont to show great 
independence in its relations with the Papal Court, was 
the only city in Italy in which a vernacular Bible would 
have found a publisher. The earliest Italian Bible printed 
in any other Italian town does, indeed, appear to be one 
with Dore's illustrations, published at Milan at some date 
between 1866, when the illustrations first appeared in 
English and French Bibles, and 1880, when it attained a 
third edition. No doubt the Holy See had little en- 
thusiasm for vernacular Bibles, and the Italian govern- 
ments, which were more susceptible than Venice to the 
feeling of Rome, did nothing to encourage them. But 
discouragement, whether we approve of it or not {and the 
subsequent religious history of Europe shows that the 
Roman objection to unannotated vernacular texts was not 
wholly unfounded), is very different from prohibition, and 
next to the eighteen prae- Reformation German editions, 
the ten printed at Venice during the fifteenth century offer 



TWO ILLUSTRATED ITALIAN BIBLES 39 

the most convincing proof that, except in the actual 
presence of heresy, vernacular translations enjoyed a 
practically unimpeded circulation long before the leaders 
of the Reformation made free access to the Scriptures one 
of their main demands. It is remarkable, indeed, that 
during the middle of the sixteenth century, when the 
Inquisition was tightening its hold on Venice, and the 
* Index Librorum Prohibitorum ' had come into being, 
the Italian Bibles printed there increased notably. The 
British Museum possesses five editions of Malermi's 
version published in the twenty-two years 1 546-1 567, six 
of Brucioli's published in the twenty years 1 532-1 551, 
two of Santi Marmochino's, printed respectively in 1538 
and 1545, a total of thirteen editions published within 
thirty-six years, now on the shelves of a single library. 
After 1567 there is another tale to tell. Until the Milan 
edition already mentioned, Geneva, Nuremberg, Leipsic 
and London are the only imprints to be found on Italian 
editions of the complete Bible. In the face of what she 
considered heretical interpretations, the Church of Rome 
would no longer trust her people with vernacular Bibles ; 
but it is one of the small services which Bibliography can 
render to History to note that this had not been her policy 
so long as the Scriptures were desired for edification and 
not for controversy, and the popularity of the Malermi 
Bible is so decisive a proof of this that it would be unfair 
to leave it unmentioned. 

The main object of this article is far removed from the 
weighty question of religious policy on which we have 
incidentally touched. The first edition of the Malermi 
Bible is a very rare book, and the British Museum, sad to 
say, possesses no copy of it. The only copy in England 
of which I know is in the John Rylands Library at Man- 



40 OLD PICTURE BOOKS 

Chester, and this possesses six coloured illustrations repre- 
senting the six days of Creation, the colouring being so 
heavy as nearly, though not quite, to obscure the fact that 
it is imposed upon woodcuts. 

In the years 1470-1472 there are fairly numerous 
examples of woodcut borders and initials being used in 
books printed at Venice, not as substantive decorations in 
themselves, but as outlines for the guidance of illumi 
nators. We may probably take it that the six designs in 
the first Malermi Bible, which do not seem to occur in all 
copies, were of this character, and were not intended to 
stand by themselves. The first Venetian woodcuts not 
intended to be coloured are found in books printed by 
Erhard Ratdolt, and their use spread very slowly until 
nearly 1490. Thus the Malermi Bibles of 1477, 1481, 
1484, and 1487 are all innocent of woodcuts, though there 
are blank leaves and spaces left in some of them, which 
may have been intended for illumination. 

There seems to have been a project of making the 
* Biblia cum postillis Nicolai de Lyra,' published by 
Octavianus Scotus in 1489, into a handsome illustrated 
book ; but if this was so the project was soon abandoned, 
as the illustrations come in little patches at different points 
at which the book may have been put in hand on different 
presses, and between these points there are long stretches 
without any pictures at all. Thus not only the first 
Italian Bible, but the first Bible printed in Italy in which 
illustrations form an important feature, is the edition of 
Malermi's version printed in October 1490, by Giovanni 
Ragazzo for Lucantonio Giunta. If long delayed, this 
was a fine enough book to be worth waiting for. It is in 
double columns, measuring 250x76 mm. apiece, and each 
containing sixty-one lines of a respectably round type 



TWO ILLUSTRATED ITALIAN BIBLES 41 

about the size of pica. For convenience of printing 
rather than of tnnding it is divided into two parts (the 
second beginning with the Book of Proverbs), which are 
always, as far as I Icnow, found united in a single volume. 
Part I. contains : (i.) a frontispiece made up (within a 
border) of six cuts measuring 56x57 mm. each, repre- 
senting the six days of Creation, obviously influenced by 
the illumination with underlying woodcuts of the 1471 
edition ; (ii.) a pictorial initial N for the ' Nel principio ' of 




S. JSROMB. FBOU THB lULSBUI BIBLE. TBNICE, 



Genesis ; (iii.) 20S small woodcuts or vignettes, measuring 
about 45x75 mm., of which 199 are different and 9 are 
repetitions. Part 11. contains a large picture and border 
for the opening chapter of Proverbs, and 175 smal! cuts, 
of which 166 are different and 9 are repetitions. Deduct- 
ing the repeats, but counting the initial and each of the 
Creation woodcuts separately, we have thus a grand total 
of 373 different designs, almost all of them well drawn, 
though many have been sadly mangled by the wood- 
cutter. 

It is to the credit of the Venetian public that Giunta's 



43 



OLD PICTURE BOOKS 



edition of this big book sold quickly. For reasons here- 
after to be given I think it possible that a reprint with 
some additional cuts was published as early as 1491. We 
know for certain that a new edition (printed again by 
Giovanni Ragazzo) was ready for sale in July 1492. 
Like most reprints of illustrated books this aimed at an 
appearance of greater liberality at a comparatively small 
expense. Thus in the book Genesis there are 27 wood- 
cuts in 1492 against 16 in 1490, a too realistic picture of 




Potiphar's wife tempting Joseph being judiciously 
omitted, while twelve new subjects are added. In 
Exodus we have 29 cuts against 25, four new ones 
being added, while on the other hand the representations 
of the Burning Bush (in which a dog is shown barking at 
the Almighty) and of the Slaying of the Firstborn are 
withdrawn and replaced without appropriateness by cuts 
taken from Deuteronomy tx. and Leviticus x. In Levi- 
ticus one cut (that to chap, vii.) is changed and a new 
one added to chap, xvtii. In Numbers an illustration of 



TWO ILLUSTRATED ITALIAN BIBLES 43 

the zeal of Phinehas in chap. xxv. is omitted, and two 
new cuts added to chaps, xxix. and xxxtii. ; in Deutero- 
nomy we have six new cuts and a repeat. To these 26 
additions (against two omissions) in the Pentateuch, we 
have to add 14 more (against one repeat omitted) from 
Joshua to Kings. From Chronicles to Acts the woodcuts 
in the two editions are substantially the same, six cuts 
being changed, while one is omitted. In the Epistles, 




f^^'i^^-^&^^^^'^ i.^&xi^i/fi^Mim 



besides two changes, there are 12 additions, but these are 
mostly either repeats or taken from other books. In the 
Apocalypse and the Life of S. Joseph, with which the 
book ends, the illustrations in the two editions agree. 
The number of different cuts (deducting 12 and g respec- 
tively for repetitions) is 240 in Part i. and 178 in Part 11., 
or a total of 418 different cuts against 373 in the 1490 
edition, the increase being practically confined to the 
books Genesis, Exodus, Deuteronomy and the Epistles. 
Turning now to the ' Anima Mia' edition of 1493, three 



44 OLD PICTURE BOOKS 

copies of which have recently come to light after its en 
tence had remained unsuspected for generations, we ha 
only to place it side by side with one of the Giunta te: 
to find that it is a not too scrupulous attempt to cut ii 
the profits of the firm which was first in the field. T 
worst evil of the publishing trade at the present day 
that if one publisher strikes out a new line, whether in t 
form of his books, or the prices at which they are issui 




UALEUMI BIBt^ 



or by bringing into notice some hitherto neglected autt 
or subject, one or more of his competitors immediatt 
tries to put similar editions on the market, and to of 
purchasers a little more for their money. The result 
that the first publisher finds his profits sensibly diminish) 
while the second very probably burns his fingers. F 
modern publishers, however, would plagiarise quite 
freely as did 'Anima Mia' in his new Bible. Not oi 
did he copy Giunta closely in the form and size of I 



TWO ILLUSTRATED ITALIAN BIBLES 45 

book, the arrangement of the page and the size of the 
illustrations ; but in a great number of cases he allowed 
his artists to take precisely the same subjects for illustra^ 
tion, and even to copy the designs themselves quite 
closely, sometimes by the lazy method which, by imitating 
the model on the block of wood, without first reversing it, 
caused the printed picture itself to appear in reverse. 

A curious question now arises as to which of the Giunta 
editions * Anima Mia ' elected to copy from. That of 1490 




was clearly not the one chosen, since among 'Anima 
Mia's' pictures we Bnd illustrations to Genesis xiii., xv., 
xvii., XX., xxiv., and xxvi., none of which were illus- 
trated in the 1490 edition, while pictures on the same 
subjects are found in that of 1492. Again, in the four 
books of Kings the 1493 edition agrees with the 1492 in 
having forty-nine cuts as against forty-three in the original 
edition of 1490. More conclusive still is the evidence of 
a mistake in Joshua ix., where it is impossible that the 
artist can have had before him the pretty little cut of the 
Gtbeonites as hewers of wood and drawers of water, which 



46 OLD PICTURE BOOKS 

is one of our illustrations. By 1492 the block for this bad 
apparently been damaged and is replaced by a larger cut 
(56 mm. in height), representinga king and two councillors, 
apparently taken from some other book. The 1493 illus- 
trator was clearly puzzled by this, and for lack of anything 
better repeated a cut of Moses and Miriam from Exodus. 
Clearly he had not in this case the 1490 edition before him. 
But neither am I at all sure that he had that of 1492. 
While he copies six of the new pictures in Genesis he 




omits six others ; in Exodus, Numbers, and Deuteronomy 
he agrees with the 1490 edition against that of 1492 ; in 
Judges, Ruth, and Kings, with 1492 as against 1490; in 
Genesis, Leviticus, and Joshua, partly with one, partly 
with the other. In two other cases he steers a middle 
course. The 1490 artist had illustrated far too realistically 
both the temptation of Joseph and the sin which called 
forth the zeal of Phineas. In the 1492 edition these 
subjects are very wisely omitted. In that of 1493 they 
appear, but in a modified form. My own theory to 
account for these discrepancies is that between 1490 and 



TWO ILLUSTRATED ITALIAN BIBLES 47 

1492 — presumably in 1491 — Giunta published yet another 
issue of the Bible, adding a few illustrations, but not so 
many as in 1492, and substituting two new cuts of the 
subjects unpleasantly illustrated in 1490, which he subse- 
quently thought well to pass over altogether. Such an 
intermediate edition would supply a model which would 
explain all the early illustrations in the edition of 1493, 
and would also allow a more reasonable time to ' Anima 
Mia ' to get them made, and his oook printed, than the 




nine months which separate the editions of July 1492, and 
April 1493. 'Anima Mia,' however, was by no means 
wholly a plagiarist, as is proved by the fact that while in 
his first volume the 236 illustrations stand midways 
numerically between the 215 and the 252 of the two Giunta 
editions of 1490 and 1492 ; for his second volume he pro- 
vided no fewer than 208 against the 176 and 187 of his 
predecessors, the new cuts being fairly evenly distributed 
through the different books, while their artistic merit is of 
average quality. 

It is by this touchstone of artistic merit, and not by 
considerations of quantity that the comparative claims of 



48 OLD PICTURE BOOKS 

the two rival editions must be decided ; and on the whole 
there can be no doubt that both for originality of design 
and for the highest merit in execution the palm must be 
given to the artists and craftsmen employed by Giunta. 
Unfortunately in both editions large numbers of the 
woodcuts were intrusted to cutters quite incompetent to 
deal with such delicate work. Giunta's illustrations to the 
Gospels are quite painfully bad, while those of 'Anima 




Mia' are here only mediocre, his worst craftsman having 
been employed on some of the middle books of the Old 
Testament. His worst work is almost as bad as the worst of 
Giunta's, though less painful, as not introducing the figure 
of Christ. The proportion of mediocre cuts is far greater, 
and of these we give (p. 46) a generously chosen example 
in that prefixed to Psalm Hi. It should really be an illus- 
tration, it may be imagined, to the text, ' Except the Lord 
build the house their labour is but vain that build it^' but 
in any case it is strikingly inferior to the brilliant cut in 



TWO ILLUSTRATED ITALIAN BIBLES 49 

the 1490 edition, which illustrates the heading 'Dixit 
insipiens ' with all possible cogency. 

Lastly, his best work, though really good, is not so 
good as that of his predecessor. One reason for this is, 
no doubt, that part of the space available in the column 
was occupied by the little border-pieces which, though 
offering a pleasing setting to the pictures, diminish the 
space available for illustration by nearly a quarter. The 



l»;»^'^-H^»<iiirf»^^e»K>?^^^^ 




e£fect of this is especially noticeable when the 1493 artist 
is copying his predecessor, the necessity for 'selection' 
sometimes leading to the omission of important parts of 
the composition. But at the outset of both volumes, 
before the work began to be hurried, there is plenty of 
originality, and excellent use is made of the space at the 
designer's disposal. The cut of the animals entering the 
ark here shown is delightful, and in that of Jacob deceiving 
Isaac we seem to feel instinctively the blindness of the old 
man, who stretches out his hand to feel for the dtsh his 



50 OLD PICTURE BOOKS 

false son is bringing him. As the 1493 edition is so little 
known compared with that of 1490, both our remaining 
illustrations are taken from it The first, the frontispiece 
to the second volume, shown at the beginning of this 
article, compares very favourably with the similar design 
in the earlier edition. The second, the picture of S. 
Jerome in the Desert, is one of the best things in the book, 




VEMCE, 'AMUA 



both in design and cutting ; but it differs from everything 
else in it, and may possibly belong to some other set. 

It may have been noted that in writing of the edition of 
1490 I have not thought it necessary to write of the various 
theories which have been built on the little letter ' b ' with 
which many of the cuts are signed, e.g., that of *an 
author at work ' reproduced on p. 42. It is now generally 
acknowledged that it is the mark, not of any designer, nor 
even perhaps of any individual woodcutter, but merely of 
the workshop in which the little blocks were cut. 



A BOOK OF HOURS 51 



A BOOK OF HOURS ^ 

SOME years ago a copy of an edition of the * Hours 
of the Blessed Virgin/ according to the use of 
Sarum, came into my possession, and I have since 
been surprised to learn that it is probably unique. On the 
fly-leaf of the little volume is the note : ' This Book I picked 
up on a Stall at Venice, in 1741, and had it bound there. It 
was probably printed in England (as there are some few 
English directions in it) some time before Henry viii.' 
The second half of this note has been crossed through, and 
the more correct information substituted : * rather at Paris 
for the use of English booksellers, about the year 1500.' 
A later note shows that the original purchaser was Mr. 
Joseph Smith, for many years British Consul at Venice, 
most of whose many bargains in early printed books passed 
into the library of George in., and thence to the British 
Museum. Of this little ' Book of Hours ' many of the 
pages are stained with damp, so that it probably belonged 
to the consignment of his purchases which was wrecked 
on its way home. Perhaps for this reason, perhaps 
because the most esteemed Horae are on vellum and this 
is on paper and moreover lacks its first leaf, perhaps 
because the good king did not care to collect works of prae- 
Reformation devotion, this particular purchase of the 
energetic consul never found a royal owner. It possesses, 

* Reprinted from *The Newberry House Magazine' by leave of Messrs, 
GriffiUi, Farren, Okeden and Welsh. 



52 OLD PICTURE BOOKS 

however, not a little interest of its own, and if my readers 
will consent to turn over its pages with me, they will 
disclose to us a great deal of information as to the com* 
pilation and printing of these books of devotion in the 
fifteenth century, and their supply for the use of devout 
persons in England. 

It is rather surprising that Consul Smith was deceived, 
even for a moment, as to the foreign origin of his 
purchase. The illustrations, as to which we shall have a 
great deal to say later on, are unmistakably French, and 
appear in many French ' Books of Hours,' both of earlier 
and later date. The type also is of a character very 
common in French books, and never found out of France. 
These points, however, require just a smattering of know- 
ledge about early printing for their appreciation, while 
only a little common sense is needed in the present case 
to determine the origin of the book. The general printing 
is excellent, but the mistakes made in the half-dozen direc- 
tions in English could have been made by no Englishman. 
Thus the words into the chirche appear as in thothe chir 
che ; hou^ is misprinted boiis ; begynne as hegynne ; and 
the like. Moreover, we note that the printer possessed no 
letter k in his fount, but was obliged to represent it by a 
combination of / and the old sign for andj «. The book, 
therefore, was printed neither in England, Germany, nor 
the Low Countries, but in a country where the letter k 
forms no part of the alphabet, and a good guess might 
easily have suggested France as its most likely place of 
imprint 

A clause in one of the Acts passed by the Parliament 
of 1483, while Richard in. was still anxious to pose as a 
constitutional monarch, expressly provided for the free 
importation of books printed abroad, and for the exemption 



A BOOK OF HOURS 53 

of foreign printers and booksellers settling in England 
from the restrictions usually imposed upon alien traders. 
The clause was no doubt prompted by a genuine desire to 
promote education and learning, but it is probable that a 
little protection of a young industry might have quickened 
its development without imposing too serious a tax upon 
reading. Lettou and Machlinia were already at work in 
London when the Act was passed, and Theodoric Rood 
at Oxford, but no other printers were attracted from 
abroad for several years, while the influx of foreign books 
made home competition so hazardous that after Rood dis- 
appears Oxford was for many years without a printer, and 
at Cambridge no press was set up till 1521. Not only 
were almost all classical books imported, but English 
works were printed in English by several Dutch firms, the 
much greater similarity of the two languages in those 
days rendering the task easier than it would be at present. 
English books were also printed occasionally in France, 
for Antoine V6rard among others, not always, however, 
very intelligently, as indeed the misprints at which we 
have just been looking would lead us to expect. 

In addition to the works of poetry and romance, which 
are now the best known among the productions of his 
press, William Caxton issued also many books of devo- 
tion. In the show-case devoted to his publications in the 
King's Library at the British Museum, among other 
unique books are shown the Latin Psalter, printed by him 
between 1480 and 1483, and a volume containing the 
* Fifteen Oes,' and other prayers, 'emprented bi the 
commaundementes of the most hye and vertuous pryncesse 
our liege ladi Elizabeth by the grace of God Quene of 
Englonde,' and of Margaret Tudor, the king's mother. 
Caxton also printed at least four editions of the Horae, 



A BOOK OF HOURS 55 

fragments of which survive at the Museum and at Oxford, 
though no copy even approaching completeness is now 
known to exist As a rule, however, English liturgical 
works were printed abroad, for the most part in France 
(at Paris or Rouen), but also at Venice, at Antwerp, at 
Basel, and elsewhere. Thus of the Sarum Breviary there 
are at the Museum six early Paris editions, and one from 
Antwerp, but no London edition before 1541. The 
solitary editions of the Sarum Gradual and Antiphonal 
are both from Paris, while of the thirty editions of the 
Sarum Missal, five and twenty were printed abroad and 
only five at home. It need not, therefore, surprise us to 
find that of thirty-nine Sarum Horae in the Museum 
library, while two were printed at Antwerp, and two at 
Rouen, the Paris presses produced twenty-seven, those of 
London only eight, and these with some help from 
France. 

It is time now to turn to the contents of our book. 
These are as follows : — 

1. A Kalendar. 
ii. Passages from the Gospels on the Birth, Ascension, and 

Death of Christ, viz., S. John i. 1-14; S. Luke i. 20-38; 

S. Matt ii. 1-12 ; S. Mark xvi. 14-20; S. John xviii. 1-42. 
iii. Prayers : On the Trinity : * Whan thou goest first out of thy 

hous'; *Whan thou entrest into the chirch'; *Whan 

thou beginnest to praye.' 
iv. The Hours of the Blessed Virgin — * Horae intemeratae 

beatae Mariae Virginis secundum usum Sarum.' 
V. The Hours of the Compassion of the Blessed Virgin. 
vi. The Seven Penitential Psalms, 
vii. The Litany of the Saints, 
viii. The Vigils of the Dead, 
ix. Seven Psalms on the Lord's Passion. 
X. Prayers : Before the Image of the Body of Christ ; To the 

Blessed Mary and to S. John the Evangelist. 



56 OLD PICTURE BOOKS 

There is thus, as in all editions, a great deal in the 
volume besides the Horae, from which the book takes 
its name. But of the hundred and sixty pages to which 
(in addition to the twelve leaves of Kalendar) the volume 
extends, upwards of sixty are occupied by the Hours, 
which are thus much the most important item in the 
contents. The antiquity of these Hours was very great, 
for they are mentioned as an office as early as the sixth 
century. They fell, however, into disuse, but were 
revived, and probably rearranged, by Peter Damian just 
ten years before our battle of Hastings. Forty years 
later, in 1096, at the Council of Claremont, the saying of 
them, in addition to the canonical hours, was made com- 
pulsory upon all the clergy, and this compulsion continued 
until 1568, when Pope Pius V., in issuing his revision 
of the Breviary, released the clergy from the obligation to 
say this office, at the same time that he forbade the use of 
the vernacular translations of it, which for at least two 
centuries had been permitted to the laity. In England, 
as we all know, these vernacular versions were called 
Primers, and their rendering of the Psalms and Prayers 
of which the Hours were made up, and of the additional 
matter which was joined with them, has formed the basis 
of our present English Prayer Book. 

Thee God we preise : Thee Lord we knowlechc : 

Thee endless Fader everi erthe worschipcth : 

To Thee alle angels, to Thee hevenes and alle manere powers : 

To thee cherubim and seraphim crieth with vois withouten cessinge : 

Holy, Holy, Holy, Lord God of Ostis ; 

Hevenes and erthe ben ful of mageste of thi glorie : 

Thee the glorious compainie of apostles : 

Thee the preisable noumbre of prophetes : 

Thee preiseth the white ost of martires. 

So began the English version of the Te Deum in a 



A BOOK OF HOURS 57 

Primer written at the end of the fourteenth century (British 
Museuniy Add. MS. 27, 592),^ and if the beauty of some 
of these lines has caused us to give them a preference over 
other versions a little closer to our own, they serve none 
the less well to show whence it was that our Prayer Book 
obtained its magnificent rhythms. But who would know 
more of our old English Primers must be referred to the 
third volume of the late Mr. Maskell's 'Monumenta 
Ritualia Ecclesiae Anglicanae' (Clarendon Press, 1882). 
Here we are concerned with Horae, and that in their 
bibliographical and pictorial, rather than their liturgical 
aspect. 

Each of the Hours, we are told, had its mystical refer- 
ence to some event in the Lives of the Blessed Virgin and 
our Lord, and these references are explained in some of 
the Primers in some rude verses, which, with correction 
of some obvious misprints, and modernising the spelling, 
I proceed to quote : — 

Ad Laudes: 

How Mary, the mother and virgin, 

Visited Elizabeth, wife of Zachary, 
Which said, ' Blessed be thou cousin. 

And blessed be the fruit of thy body.' 

Ad Primam : 

How Jesu Christ right poorly bom was, 

In an old crib laid all in poverty, 
At Bethleem, by an ox and an ass. 

Where Mary blessed His nativity. 

Ad Teriiam : 

How an Angel appeared in the mom, 

Singing, ' Gloria in Excels! s Deo ' ; 
Saying, * The very Son of God is bom. 

Ye Shepherds of Bethleem, ye may go.' 

^Partially reproduced in photographic facsimile by Mr. Henry Littlehales. 
(Rivingtoni, 1890.) 



58 OLD PICTURE BOOKS 

Ad Sextant : 

How three kings of strange nations, 

Of Christ's birth having intelligence, 
Unto Bethleem brought their oblations, 

Of gold, of myrrh, and frankincense. 

Ad Nonam : 

Simeon, at Christ's circumcision. 

These words unto the Jews did tell, 
' My eyen beholdeth your redemption, 

The light and glory of Israel.' 

Ad Vesperas: 

How Mary and Joseph with Jesus were fain 

Into Egypt, for succour, to flee. 
Whan the Innocents for His sake were slain, 

By conunission of Herod's cruelty. 

Ad Completorium : 

How Mary assumpted was above the skies, 

By her Son as sovereign lady. 
Received there among the hierarchies. 

And crowned her the queen of glory. 

I have quoted these verses in full, rude though they are, 
because they form the keynote to the scheme of illustra- 
tions of all Horae and Primers. The Hours were intended 
as devotional comments on the subjects of these verses, 
and in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries it was thus 
the most natural thing in the world that each Hour should 
be accompanied by an illumination, or, failing that, a 
woodcut, to illustrate its special theme. Accustomed as 
we nowadays are to gain our information exclusively by 
reading letterpress, it is only by a visit to our nurseries 
that we can recall to ourselves how deeply the need of 
pictures was felt in the ages before the printing press 
made the art of reading a common acquirement Of this 
need the Miracle Plays, with all their rudeness, all their 
unconscious profanity, were at once the living witness 



A BOOK OF HOURS 



59 



and the living fulfilment. In the great cycles, such as 
those of York, Wakefield, and Chester, which have come 
down to us, the history of the world in its sacred aspects 
is unrolled from the creation of the angels to the day of 
judgment ; and the presentment of these plays probably 
brought the Bible stories nearer to the people than could 
have been possible in any other way. Certainty these 
plays left a deep mark upon current ideas of art, and 
helped to render impossible any attempt at antiquarian 
correctness. In the scene of the Adoration of the Shep- 
herds in some of the finest books of Hours (P. Pigouchet : 
Paris, 1498, 1502, etc.), underneath the figures of the shep- 
herds and tWeir wives (by whom they are mostly repre- 
sented as being accompanied) are written the names Gobin 
le gai, le beau Roger, Aloris, Alison, Mahault, Ysambre, 
by which they were known in the French plays on the 
Nativity, and the shepherds are French Shepherds of the 
fifteenth century. But however great their anachronisms, 
the tableaux in the Miracle Plays and the pictures in books 
of devotion were found abundantly helpful, and for more 
than a century and a half, first in manuscript and after- 
"ds in print, the Horae or Primers, the prayer-books 
■ the laity, hold the first place among illuminated books. 
lA few years ago Mr. Quaritch possessed a charming 
K)k of Hours,' which at one time belonged to Elizabeth 
yntz, a relative of the Thomas Poyntz at whose book 
fe were looking a little while back. To this manuscript 
Quaritch in his catalogue assigned the date 'about 
' which, if correct, gives it considerable antiquity 
among illuminated Horae. The end of the fourteenth 
century is the date at which these first become at all 
common, and it was during the fifteenth century that they 
Hfatained their greatest popularity, and that the greatest 



6a 



OLD PICTURE BOOKS 



Talbot and his wife at prayer under the protection of 
their patron saints, and many other miniatures are 
scattered through the rest of the volume. In 1429 Talbot 
was captured at the battle of Patay and remained a 
prisoner in France till 1433. During this time he made 
many entries in the blank leaves of his Hours. Hereisa 
snatch from one in verse : 



Saym George the gode knyght 

Over your Fomen geve you myght, 

And holy Saynt Katheryne 

To youre begynnyng send gode fyne, 

Saynt Christofre botefull (helpful) on see and li 

Joyfully make you see Engelond. 



los^^l 



Twenty years after his release from imprisonment, 
Talbot was slain (July 20, 1453), fighting against a Breton 
force at Chatillon, It is possible that he may have carried 
his Hours on his person, for it was in the cottage of 
a Breton peasant that it was discovered a few years ago, 
and it seems likely that a Breton soldier may have found 
it on the battle-field, and transmitted it to his descendants 
as an heirloom. As an example of another kind of 
interest, we may instance a Horae at the Bodleian, on 
four of whose leaves are drawn most delicate and beautiful 
representations of religious processions. The best of 
these has been reproduced in the Proceedings of the 
PalcBOgraphical Society, and it is impossible to overrate 
the charm of the drawing. 

In 1473 Nicholas Jenson printed a Horae at Venice; 
three years later, Matthias Moravus followed his example 
at Naples, and the earliest of Caxton's four editions was 
probably printed not much later than 1478. But these 
were all ordinary books, with no special beauty about 
them except what they might receive from the ' rubrisher,' 



A BOOK OF HOURS 6i 

were employed in their production. Numerous 
: and very beautiful examples of the manuscripts produced 
during this period form part of the permanent exhibition 
in the Grenville Library at the British Museum, and 
I hope that many of my readers will go to look at them 
there. All fine examples of manuscript Horae possess 
(jL') beautiful initial letters, (ii.) borders surrounding every 
page, formed of leaves, flowers, birds, grotesques, and 
the like, (iii.) a number of beautiful miniatures, filling the 
whole or the greater part of a page, and representing the 
scenes from the life of Christ and His Mother mentioned 
in the lines quoted above, with additional illustrations 
from the Passion, and from the lives of the saints. 
Beyond saying this, it is impossible to give any general 
description of these manuscript Hours, each one of which 
possesses its own delightful individuality. Two or three 
special examples, however, may be mentioned to show 
the estimation in which they were held and the care which 
was spent on their decoration. Thus the late Mr. Charles 
Elton possessed a charming little ' Book of Hours ' which 
once belonged to Queen Jeanne ii. of Naples (1370-1435). 
It measures only 2fxi| inches, and contains one hun- 
dred and sixty leaves and twenty miniatures, nine of 
which occupy the whole of their page. The initial letters 
throughout are in gold and colours, and the borders are 
of the ivy-leaf pattern, the scrolls often terminating in 
grotesques. Mr. Quaritch, again, when this paper was 
written, had for disposal (for the sum of one thousand 
pounds) a Horae of slightly later date, a wedding present 
from the Regent, John, Duke of Bedford, to Lord Talbot 
on his second marriage in 1424, when he allied himself to 
Margaret Beauchamp, daughter of Richard, Earl of 
Warwick. The first leaf contains a miniature showing 



64 OLD PICTURE BOOKS 

thirty other firms besides these. The demand must have 
been very great, for Paris supplied not only the rest of 
France — ^and in the British Museum there are examples of 
Horae for the use of no fewer than thirty different French 
dioceses — but also England. Hence there was abundance 
of work for all, and the different publishers copied each 
other's editions with a freedom which is not a little 
embarrassing to the humble bibliographer. 

The subjects of the fourteen fiill-page illustrations in 
the little ' Horae secundum usum Sarum/ which we have 
taken as our text, are as follows : — 

i. The Betrayal of Christ (repeated after xiv.). 
ii. The root of Jesse, from whose slumbering body a tree is 
springing, its branches being the Jewish kings, and the 
Virgin and Holy Child its summit (see page 54). 
iii. The Holy Trinity adored by the Saints in heaven and by the 

Pope and Emperor and their followers upon earth, 
iv. The Annunciation. 
V. The Visitation, 
vi. The Crucifixion, 
vii. The Adoration by the Shepherds, 
viii. The Annunciation to the Shepherds. 
ix. The Adoration by the Magi. 
X. The Presentation in the Temple. 
xi. The Flight into Egypt, 
xii. The Death of the Virgin, 
xiii. S. John before the Latin Gate, 
xiv. Dives and Lazarus. 

These, with the exception of the last, which is not quite 
so common, occur in most Horae. Other illustrationsi 
which are frequently found, especially in earlier editionSi 
represent scenes from the life of David in connection with 
the Penitential Psalms, his gazing at Bathsheba, the 
consummation of his plan for the murder of Uriah, and 




Ad rottam Vafiis. 

I I \\$-Domincadadmuanduniefe 

I I I Iteia. Gloriapatrij&filioj&Ipi / 

I I //rituifanfto. Sicuteratinprind V 

■J^*- — -^ pio,&nunc^feniper,&infccu \ 

h (eoiromm. Amen ■ Alleluia. Hymnui. 




now tobt's ' HORAi.' PABrs, 1535 



66 OLD PICTURE BOOKS 

his punishment His victory over Goliath is also occa- 
sionally represented. We also find in several early 
editions * Les Trois Vifs ' placed over against * Les Trois 
Morts,' three gay knights on one page and three grinning 
skeletons on another, and in Tory's ' Heures k Tusage de 
Paris ' of 1527 we have a striking picture of Death, on his 
black horse, riding over the corpses of his victims to 
deliver yet another summons. The Calendar, again, is 
usually prefaced by a figure of a man, with all the organs 
of his body exposed, and lines drawn from them to the 
celestial bodies, which, in the popular beliefs, were 
supposed to influence their health and sickness. Of all 
these illustrations five or six different varieties are found ; 
but from 1495 to the end of the century, the set of designs 
which was used for our little Sarum Horae was by far the 
most popular, and influenced the editions of all the leading 
publishers. 

To trace the history of these border-pieces would require 
a separate article. Jean du Pr6, V6rard, and Pigouchet, 
made several experiments in smaller Horae with designs 
of flowers and birds for borders ; but the popular taste 
decided in favour of allegorical and historical figures, and 
these were soon multiplied to such an extent that their 
original order and significance were lost sight of. In the 
editions published by Jean du Pr6 in 1488, and by V6rard 
in 1489, several pages are occupied with an explanation 
of the small figures in the border. Jesse and Balaam are 
shown as types of the Nativity of the Blessed Virgin, the 
betrothal of Isaac and Rebecca as a type of her Espousal, 
Eve tempted by the Serpent shows the Fall to which the 
Annunciation preluded the remedy, the Burning Bush 
and Aaron's rod foreshadowed the Nativity. Here all is 
clear, but as the demand for variety increased, there were 



68 OLD PICTURE BOOKS 

added, in addition to the ' Dance of Death,' figures of the 
Saints, Prophets, Angels, and Virtues, representations of 
the Sibyls, emblems of the Fifteen Signs of Coming 
Judgment, and scenes from the life of the Blessed Virgin 
and our Lord, and from the Old Testament. 

Partly for convenience of printing, but more, we may 
imagine, for the sake of producing an appearance of 
endless variety, these border-pieces were not cut in a 
single block, but were detachable, so that they could be 
used in different combinations. In several editions, even 
in one of that very scholarly and artistic printer GeofiFroy 
Tory, this is effected at the cost of suggesting that the 
block had been accidentally broken, as in the page already 
shown from his edition of 1527, where at the foot the 
pieces do not even fit together. The more general plan, 
however, was that exemplified in Tory's edition of 1525, 
where it is carried out with unusual precision, the borders 
being built up by the repetition of exactly sixteen blocks 
of each size, fitting respectively into the inner and outer 
margin and the head and foot of the page. In earlier 
editions the border-pieces are more numerous and not so 
mathematically apportioned, the reason being that while 
Tory's are purely decorative, and their number therefore 
fixed at will, in the earlier editions the cuts are pictorial, 
and their number decided by the exigencies of the subjects. 
Thus in Pigouchet's Paris 'Hours' of 1491 there are in 
all 147 border-pieces, of which 78 are outer side-pieces, 
15 inner side-pieces, 16 cornices, 8 head-pieces, and 30 
foot-pieces. The numbers illustrate the greater import- 
ance of the outer side-pieces and foot-pieces, which have a 
depth or breadth of twenty-one millimetres against the 
nine of the inner side-piece and head-piece. The subjects 
illustrated in them are the Creation, the Gospel history 



70 OLD PICTURE BOOKS 

from the birth of the Blessed Virgin to the Last Judg- 
ment, and special sets of the Nativity and Passion with 
Old Testament types. All these were extensively imitated 
by other publishers, and the same honour was paid to the 
famous set of the Dance of Death, which Pigouchet began 
to introduce early in 1496, and gradually increased in 
successive editions till in that of 8th August 1497 we find 
the full number of ten triple blocks of male victims and 
twelve of women. A similar succession may be traced in 
the gradual changes in the full-page cuts, so that we can 
often tell within two or three months the time at which an 
undated edition was sent to press. In my own little book 
there are no large border-pieces, only ledges round the 
text, but from its containing the picture of the stem of 
Jesse (shown as one of our illustrations) and the Church 
Militant and Triumphant, it must be assigned to the year 
1498 or a little later. 



THE TRANSFERENCE OF WOODCUTS 73 



THE TRANSFERENCE OF WOODCUTS IN 
THE FIFTEENTH AND SIXTEENTH 

CENTURIES^ 

DESPITE some efforts to prove the contrary, there 
can be little doubt that the art of taking cliches 
of woodcuts, or of cuts engraved on soft metal 
treated in the same way as wood, was quite unknown 
during the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. If one printer 
or publisher desired the use of a set of cuts in possession of 
another, it was open to him to try to borrow or buy them, 
and failing this to have them copied as best he could, on 
the theory of artistic copyright having as yet been broached. 
In the present paper, after a few words on the simpler pro- 
cesses of borrowing and buying, I propose to bring together 
some typical instances of the different methods in which cuts 
designed in one country or district were copied in another, 
and incidentally, perhaps, to throw a little new light on the 
relations of designers and woodcutters in these early days 
of book-illustration. 

As to borrowing, there is not much to be said. I believe 
a few instances of it may be found, e.g. Matthaeus Cerdonis 
tells us distinctly that he printed an edition of a ' Cheiro- 
mantia' (Padua, 1484) 'Erhardi Ratdolt instrumentis.' 
But it was undoubtedly, and for obvious reasons, very 
rare, and where it existed mostly indicates some specially 

^ Reprinted by leave of Messrs. Kegan Paul, Trench, Trtibner and Co., from 
* Biblk^phica,' vol. iL (1895). 



74 



OLD PICTURE BOOKS 



close relations between the two firms. Thus Jacob 
Bellaert at Haarlem appears to have borrowed some of 
Leeu's cuts for a ' Lijden ons Heeren,' printed in December 
1483, but on Bellaert's disappearance in i486 most of his 
cuts and types are found in the possession of Leeu, and it 
is doubtful if we should not look on his press rather as a 
branch establishment of Leeu's than as altogether inde- 
pendent. We have also to be very careful in our 
examination of cuts before building any theories of 
borrowing, or special relations between different firms, as 
in some cases, notably in many of V^rard's ' Horae,' in 
which we seem at first sight to find cuts from the editions 
of Philippe Pigouchet, we are really confronted with copies 
so closely imitated that it requires a minute comparison to 
show that they are printed from different blocks. 

When we pass from borrowing to buying we open up 
an endless field for investigation, and one rich in small 
surprises. 

Mr. Falconer Madan showed me some years ago, in a 
Civil War Tract in the Thomason Collection at the 
British Museum, a very worn cut, French in appearance, 
representing S. John the Evangelist and the eagle by 
which he is symbolised. It puzzled me at the time, but I 
soon afterwards identified it with the printer's device of 
Robert Wyer, in use by him more than a hundred years 
earlier. Almost as great an age was probably attained by 
a head-piece of terminal archers, with rabbits, etc., which 
I first noticed in the 1598 edition of Sidney's 'Arcadia,' 
and found still retained in the fourteenth edition, dated 
1670. The interval between these two editions of itself 
exceeds the threescore and ten years which ought to suffice 
for the life of a wood-block as of a man, but 1 have since 
found the same head-piece in a prayer book, printed about 



THE TRANSFERENCE OF WOODCUTS 75 

15859 and as it is in no way appropriate to this, have no 
doubt that its original appearance was even eariier. 

In another rather amusing series of migrations my pride 
as a discoverer has been tempered by the verdict of a lynx- 
eyed friend that the blocks in question at one period of 
their career have been recut, but their history is still 
curious. If any one will turn to the 1575 edition of 
* A Ryght pithy pleasaunt and merie Comedie. Intytuled 
Gammer Gurton's Needle. Played on stage, not longe 
ago in Christes Colledge in Cambridge,' he will see that 
the title-page of this our second printed comedy, * made by 

Mr. S Mr. of Art,' and * imprinted at London in Fleete 

streat beneth the Conduit at the sign of S. John Evangelist 
by Thomas Colwel,' is surrounded by a kind of garland 
supported by two fat little boys ; and if we turn next to the 
last leaf of the ' Champfleury,' that most pedantical treatise, 
written and published by the French artist^printer, GeofFroy 
Tory in 1529, there the same not very beautiful design 
will confront us. The concatenation of the * Champfluery ' 
and * Gammer Gurton's Needle ' is of itself delightful, but 
chance has enabled me to add two additional incongruities, 
for I have found it again in a copy of the 'Christiani 
Hominis Institutio,' by Stephanus Paris, printed in 1552 
by Michael Fezandat for Vivantius Gaulterot, who had 
published the second edition of the * Champfleury ' three 
years earlier, and once more in William Copland's edition, 
dated 1553, of Bishop Douglas's * XII. Bukes of Eneados.' 
Thus we know within a few months the date at which 
this block, which had previously been recut, crossed the 
Channel, and there is some reason to believe that some 
more of Tory's old designs came over with it, for I have 
lately noticed three fragments of borders used in Tory's 
*Horae' of 1525 reappearing in a 'Letter to Reginald 



THE TRANSFERENCE OF WOODCUTS 77 

Pole,* by Tunstall and Stokesley, printed by Wolfe in 
1560. Like the larger design, these fragments have been 
recuty but with considerable skill, so that we may be sure 
that the recutting was done in France, and at no very long 
interval after 1525, the lines in the original blocks being 
so fine that they would soon need replacing. 

As an appendix to this section of my paper, it occurred 
to me to look at the cuts in some of the Roxburghe Ballads, 
and a glance through the first volume yielded some curious 
results. Thus a ballad entitled * Friendly Counsaile,* by 
C R. [Charles Records?], printed for J. W[right], the 
younger, about 1630, has two cuts, the first of Christ 
teaching the twelve Apostles, which can be traced back 
through the * Kalender of Sheppards ' to Verard's * Art de 
bien vivre et de bien mourir ' of 1492 ; the second of two 
of the three gay cavaliers, who met their own corpses as 
they hunted (les trois vifs et les trois morts), which occurs 
in French Horae of about the same date. Another ballad 
entitled 'Christmas' Lamentation for the losse of his 
Acquaintance, showing how he is forst to leave the country 
and come to London,' is headed by a little figure of a man, 
which I first saw in the verso of the title of Wynkyn de 
Worde's edition of * Hycke Scorner,'^ where it is labelled 
* Pyte.' This also is ultimately French, and was also 
originally first cut for Verard's French Terence. ' Doctor 
Dogood's directions to cure many diseases ' has in the first 
part half of a cut from the * Art de bien vivre,' representing 
Aaron and the Israelites going to meet, not, as in the original, 
Moses, who bears the Tables of the Law, but two English 
gentlemen, who are joined on in a block of much smaller 
size. The second part has also an old cut, which appears to 

' One of those on the recto has a common original with that of an elephant 
with a howdah in Doesborgh's ' Van Pape Jans landendes.* 



78 OLD PICTURE BOOKS 

be imitated from the Dutch. Another Dutch fifteenth-cen- 
tury design is used in the second part of ' The Discontented 
Married Man,' and there aret wo more fifteenth-century 
blocks (recut) in the 'Jovial Broom-man,' a cut from a 
French '^sop ' in ' A New Medley, or a Messe altogether,' 
and a piece of an Augsburg block in 'The praise of our 
countr>- Barley Brake.' Besides these we may note the 
presence at the head of a ballad called 'Solomon's 
Sacrifice,' printed for Henry Gosson, of the cut of a 
printing-press which occurs in 'The Ordinarie of Chris- 
tians,' printed by Scoloker about 1548. Of other cuts I 
only suspect the history, and the instances I have quoted 
are sufficient to show the long life these designs enjoyed 
in England. 

Like some other branches of natural history, ' biblio- 
logy,' to use an absurd word, would be very dull if it could 
all be mapped out and tabulated ready to our hand, but in 
cut-hunting, as in fox-hunting, there is pleasure to be 
gained from pursuit, if not from attainment, and especially 
in English books of the sixteenth century there is never 
any difficulty in finding a promising cut to hunt. It may 
be said, indeed, that whoever attempts to write the history 
of wood-engraving in England during this period will 
need to be quite as welt acquainted with the productions of 
the French press as of the English. Unfortunately this 
is no easy matter, for except for a magnificent collection 
of Verards mostly from the old Royal Librarj', and a 
goodly number of Horae, the British Museum is by no 
means rich in early French books, and I know of no other 
English library which can do much to supply its defi- 
ciencies. But the fact remains that between the large 
importation of French blocks, the direct imitation of many 
others, and the probable presence of French woodcutters 



sen 



THE TRANSFERENCE OF WOODCUTS 79 

working in England, the field for any one desirous of 
tracing a native school of wood-engraving, if such a 
school can be said to have existed, is full of pitfalls, from 

■hich only a very wide knowledge of the cuts in contem- 
rary French books {and to a less extent also of Dutch 
and German ones) can offer deliverance. 

The backwardness of England in the pictorial arts made 
it possible for old wood blocks to enjoy here an unusually 
long life. In other countries their career was cut short by 
decisive changes of taste. Thus the sudden inroad of the 
Renaissance into Germany at the close of the fifteenth 
century swept away almost the whole of the delightfully 
simple work produced between 1470 and 1490. One 
curious case of survival is perhaps worth mentioning. In 
an edition of Wyle's ' Translation oder Deutschungen 
etlicher Biicher,' printed at Augsburg in 1536, the cuts to 
all the stories but one show contemporary work of the 
usual kind. The exception is the tale of Guiscard and 
Sigismund, the illustrations to which must be quite half a 
century earlier, and exhibit all the simplicity of feeling 
and workmanship of the artists of Augsburg, in their best 
days. 

In France we have the same tale, for it is impossible to 
conceive not merely of the Estiennes, but of a popular 
publisher like Jean de Tournes, decorating his books with 
the simple cuts we find in books by Verard or Trepperel. 
In the Horae the publisher's needs were sometimes too 
imperative to be resisted, and amid the coarse and realistic 
engravings which, to the destruction of the charm of these 
books, came into vogue about 1505, the old designs from 

le editions of Figouchet and Verard are often found for 
me ten years longer. Italy is in somewhat a different 
isition, for there, in the fifteenth century, the distinction 




8o OLD PICTURE BOOKS 

between the books of the people and the books of the rich 
had been unusually clearly marked, and while the tastes 
of the rich changed the popular literature was far more 
conservative. The little Florentine cuts, of which 
examples are given in another article, are by far the most 
striking example of this stability of the popular taste. It 
is probable that no new ones were designed after 1520 at 
the latest, but the old designs continued in use for more 
than sixty years after this date, battered by successive 
editions till their borders were knocked to pieces, but 
still retaining much of their old beauty, and occasionally, 
by some lucky chance, finding a printer who did them 
justice. When the old blocks became unusable, the 
designs were recut, and it is sometimes possible to trace 
them through as many as three different stages of 
successive deterioration. In Venice the little vignettes, so 
popular between 1490 and 1500, enjoyed a similar, but 
much shorter, extension of life, the preference for the 
heavier style of engraving which came in with the turn 
of the century driving them down into the chap-books, 
where their original delicacy of line soon procured their 
destruction at the hands of hasty printers. 

Though the vagaries of fashion were thus slightly 
tempered at the great centres of printing in Italy, fashion 
interfered with the borrowing of blocks in another way in 
this country, Germany and France were each fairly 
homogeneous in art matters. We may trace different 
schools, but their differences are not very strongly 
marked, and their followers were probably not very 
keenly conscious of them. In Italy the artistic indi- 
viduality of every district was clearly defined, and though, 
as we shall see, the printers of one town made free use of 
the illustrations in the books of those of another, there was 



THE TRANSFERENCE OF WOODCUTS 8i 

scarcely any interchange of blocks. In the ' De Structura 
compositionis ' of Ferrettus, printed at Forli in 1495, both 
of the two illustrations are of Venetian origin, that of 
Theseus and the Minotaur being taken from the ' Plutarch ' 
of 149I9 and that of the lecture-hall from the 'Epigram- 
mata Cantalycii ' of 1493. But this is an almost unique 
instance of direct borrowing, the rule being that while 
designs were freely imitated, they were, almost invariably, 
recast in the style of art of the district in which they were 
to appear. 

Passing now from the purchase of woodcuts to their 
imitation, we may look, first of all, at the simplest and 
easiest form in which a design could be reproduced. 
The impression from a woodcut is, of course, a reversal of 
the design as it appears on the block, and an artist not 
very confident of his own skill would naturally shrink 
from the rather difficult task of copying the printed cut in 
reverse in order that his own sketch might print in the 
same way as its original. He preferred to copy the 
printed cut as he saw it before him, with the result that 
in the impressions from his copy everything is reversed, 
the right becoming left, and the left right Thus simpli- 
fied his task was easy, and it was even possible to avoid 
altogether the need of copying, by merely pasting the 
illustration on the block, and cutting the wood through 
the paper. When Antoine V6rard desired to bring out a 
French edition of the * Metamorphoses,' his wood-cutters 
treated the designs in the edition by Colard Mansion in 
this way, and as the originals were but poor work the 
injury to them was not very great It was the first of 
these designs, that of Saturn devouring his children, 
which Verard, a year or two later, printed in his edition 
on vellum of the * Miroir Historial ' of Vincent de 
F 



82 



OLD PICTURE BOOKS 



Beauvais, to serve as a ground-plan to his illuminator, 
who, by painting out Saturn's scythe, and the child in his 
mouth, and some other objectionable details, turned it 
into a very moderately edifying picture of the Holy 



WmlB"^ 


1 









II THE YBAK 1485. (l 

Family. But this after-use is beside our point, nor are the 
cuts in either Mansion's edition, or that of Verard, worth 
reproducing here. As an instance of this practice we 
will rather show the original and a copy in reverse of 



THE TRANSFERENCE OF WOODCUTS 83 

the frontispiece of the * Nobilissima Arte de Astrologia,' 
by Granollachs, an astronomer of Barcelona, printed at 
Naples, with the calculations made for the year 1485, 



PUINNCK. KEVERSED FSOM THE NAPLES EDITION. (KEDUCED.) 

when it was presumably intended to be issued. That this 
is really its date we have strong confirmatory evidence in 
the style, both of the design and the cutting, which corre- 
sponds very closely to that of the cuts to the life of ^sop 



84 OLD PICTURE BOOKS 

prefixed to the Italian edition brought out at Naples in 
the same year, 1485, by the jurist-publisher, Francisco de 
TuppOy and probably printed for him by Matthias 
Moravus. The designer was a man of skill and imagina- 
tion, and we may notice in this picture the Saracenic type 
which he has given to the man whom we see at the 
window, to suit with the presumably Moorish descent of 
its author. 

The ' Arte de Astrologia * of GranoUachs became popu- 
lar, and in 1493 Plannck, a great printer of cheap books 
at Rome, brought out an edition of it there under the 
altered title ' Lunare.' That it might not go unillustrated, 
he seems to have commissioned his office-boy to reproduce 
the Naples woodcut, and the result was the remarkable 
work of art which is here set face to face with its original. 
By and by we shall see how a Florentine artist fared 
when the same task was set him. 

Reproduction in reverse was undoubtedly the refuge of 
the incompetent, but we must remember that it was also 
the restoration of the design as originally drawn on the 
wood, and the most skilful artists did not disdain to save 
themselves trouble in this way. They had no objection 
to copying another man's work, but their aim was not to 
see how closely they could copy, but to make a pretty 
picture with the least expenditure of pains, and if it looked 
as well when the rights and lefts were reversed there was 
no fault to be found. Hence we shall find this method 
employed in many cases where the second artist was no 
whit inferior to the first Examples of the servile repro- 
duction of woodcuts by other printers, without reversal, 
are hardly as numerous as we should expect, and are 
naturally not very interesting. They group themselves 
chiefly round a few popular books, such as the ' Fasciculus 



THE TRANSFERENCE OF WOODCUTS 85 

Temponim* of Rolewinck, Steinhowers *-^sop' and 
Brant's *Ship of Fools.* The home of the 'Fasciculus 
Temporum ' seems to have been Cologne, but the cuts in 
the editions which we find printed in other towns of 
Germany, at Venice by Walch and Ratdolt, and in Spain, 
all follow the same lines very closely. Of the *-/Esop,' 
which started either from Sorg's press at Augsburg, or 
from that of Knoblochzer at Strasburg, no less than 
eleven editions were printed in different towns in Germany 
during the fifteenth century, the cuts in all of which are 
on the same model, while the actual blocks used by Sorg 
afterwards passed into the possession of Gerard Leeu at 
Antwerp, and were again imitated by Christian Snellaert 
at DelfL The cuts in the *NarrenschifiF' enjoyed no less 
widespread a popularity. 

A few single cuts, which from their subjects might be 
used as title-cuts to a great variety of books, also attracted 
the attention of the more pedestrian copyists. Thus in 
educational books printed in Germany towards the close 
of the fifteenth century there are a bewildering number of 
variants of a woodcut of a master and scholars with the 
legend * Accipies tanti doctaris dogmata sanctiy and while 
a good many French cuts found their way into England 
on their original blocks others were copied for English 
use with the servility we should expect. Among the few 
instances of direct copying in Italy, one of the most 
noteworthy is the reproduction at the beginning of the 
* Supplementum Chronicorum ' of Foresti, printed by 
Bernardino de Benaliis at Venice in i486, of the pictures 
of the Creation, the Fall, and the Sacrifices of Cain and 
Abel, from the large Bible printed by Quentel at Cologne 
about six years earlier. On the other hand, in my mono- 
graph on ' Italian Book-Illustrations ' (Portfolio, No. xii. 



86 OLD PICTURE BOOKS 

Dec. 1894), I y^y^ already alluded to a curious instance 
of the direct copying of Italian ornamental initials by a 
German. In 1484, in a ' Boethius ' printed by Oliverius 
Servius at Rome, we find three very fine initials, and we 
can trace back the set to which they belong to Sixtus 
Riessinger, who used some of them in his edition of a 
*Tractatus Solemnis,' by Philippus de Barberiis in 1480. 
This is simple enough. But, when we find what looks 
like the same set in the possession of Johann Miiller at 
Nuremberg about 1473, we ask in some surprise how 
initials distinctively Italian should appear first at Nurem- 
berg and afterwards find their way back to Rome? The 
answer to the puzzle is arrived at by tracing both the 
Nuremberg and the Roman initials to a set cut for 
Sweynheym and Pannartz, but used by them only in 
certain copies of a few books (e.g. the Rylands copy of 
the * Suetonius ' of 1472) whose purchasers preferred them 
to be ornamented thus rather than by illumination. One 
of these copies must have fallen into the hands of Miiller, 
who imitated the designs remarkably closely, but with 
some minute dififerences, notably the addition of a thick 
line to the left of the initials, which in the originals are 
left unfinished on this side, so that they might be attached 
at pleasure to an ornamental border running down the 
margin. Thus the initials used by Miiller are copies, 
while those of Riessinger and Servius are from the 
original blocks, which must have passed to them from 
Sweynheym and Pannartz. The difficulty in clearing up 
the little mystery lay in the fact that it is possible to 
possess a copy of every book Sweynheym and Pannartz 
ever printed without finding a single volume in which the 
initials occur. 
A well-known example of the close copying of a decora- 



THE TRANSFERENCE OF WOODCUTS 87 

tive bottler is the conveyance by Joannes Paulus Brissensis 
of a border used by Edward Whitchurch for the first 
prayer book of Edward vl, published in 1549. Five years 
later a close imitation of this, even to the retention of the 
initials E. W., appears on the title-page of a commentary 
on Aristotle (' Dialectica Resolutio cum textu '), published 
by Brissensis in Mexico. 

We come now to the last and most interesting section 
of our subject, the cuts in which one artist has borrowed 
the design of another, but whether imitating it freely or 
closely has introduced modifications in technical treat- 
ment which make it his own, harmonising it so closely 
with the work of his own city or country that it easily 
takes its place with purely native designs until by some 
chance its real origin is discovered. For various reasons 
these transformations are almost, though not entirely, 
confined to Italy. Thus it would be idle to expect them 
in England because there was no English school of 
design or engraving of sufficient individuality to modify 
the style of the cuts it borrowed. In Germany, on the 
other hand, the native school was immensely productive, 
and had a long start of France and Italy in point of time. 
Very shortly after 1470 we find illustrated books at 
Augsburg and Ulm of a simple excellence which could 
not be bettered. In France and Italy we get a few good 
books about 1480, but woodcuts do not become common 
till ten years later. One of the few very early illustrated 
books of Italy, the * Valturius,' printed at Verona in 1472, 
was indeed copied in Germany, the cuts being reproduced 
in reverse in an undated * Vegetius,' probably printed at 
Augsburg about 1475 by Johann Wiener, though it should 
be mentioned that Dr. Muther, like a true Teuton, tries to 
claim priority for his countrymen by bringing back the 



88 OLD PICTURE BOOKS 

* Vegetius ' to about 1470. But this is a solitary instance, 
which belongs, moreover, to an earlier section of our 
subject, and, until Mr. Redgrave communicated to the 
Bibliographical Society his paper on the early illustrated 
books of Oppenheim, 1 knew of nothing more apposite. 
In that paper, however, Mr. Redgrave showed how both 
the border of the ' Calendar,' printed by Ratdolt at Venice 
in 1476, and some of Ratdolt's ornamental initials, were 
closely imitated by Johann Kobel, in an undated ' Passio 
Domini.' The two books were separated by an interval 
of quite thirty years, and Kobel in imitating Ratdolt was 
not content with his delicate outline, but put in a heavy 
background which does not improve it. Some late 
German prayer-books show traces of the influence of the 
French ' Horae,' but beyond these I know of nothing. 

The case of Holland is somewhat similar to that of 
Germany. In the last decade of the fifteenth century, the 
Dutch woodcutters imitated closely, or directly borrowed, 
from the French ' Horae,' but the best work, which is also 
the earliest, was entirely original. 

In the sixteenth century the popular printers, like John 
of Doesborgh, no doubt obtained their haphazard illustra- 
tions whence and how they could. In the editions of ' Le 
Chevalier Delibere,' by Olivier de la Marche, printed at 
Antwerp in French and Spanish, in 1547, etc., I thought, 
at first, that I had found an instance of artistic copying of 
a very interesting nature, for there is a close connection 
in design between these highly-finished cuts and the rude 
yet striking work in the edition printed at Gouda, by 
Gottfried van Os, shortly after i486. Inasmuch, how- 
ever, as La Marche had given elaborate directions for the 
illumination of his poem, it is obvious that by following 
these directions any two designers would obtain fairly 



THE TRANSFERENCE OF WOODCUTS 89 

similar results, without any direct imitation of one by the 
other. 

As &r as my own information goes, the French wood- 
cutters trusted almost entirely to their own imagination 
during the fifteenth century, and, when they took to 
borrowing for their 'Horae,* borrowed outright without 
any attempt at adaptation. One famous example of copy- 
ing of a later date deserves mention. In 1545 the younger 
Aldus printed at Venice a second edition of the famous 
' Hypnerotomachia/ and either this or the original of 
1499 attracted the attention of Gohorry, who made a trans- 
lation which was revised by Jean Martin and printed by 
Jacques Kerver in 1546. The cuts to this translation have 
been variously attributed to Jean Goujon and Jean Cousin, 
but a moment's glance at the book will show that they are 
not all by the same hand. The majority of the illustra- 
tions show wretched work, and are very clumsily cut, but 
those at the beginning and a few in the latter part of the 
volume are fine examples of artistic translation into a 
different manner. I give here the scene of Poliphilo by 
the river bank from both the original and the copy, and 
old favourite as the Venetian cut justly is, I think that the 
French cut attains almost equal excellence in another 
style. No finer example of free adaptation could easily 
be found. 

When we come to Italy we find a wholly different set of 
conditions. Here book-illustration started late, but during 
the twenty years from 1490 to 15 10 its vogue was 
enormous, and great as was the fertility of the Italian 
designers it was natural that in face of the demands made 
upon them by the publishers they should seek help where- 
ever they could find it But in Italy at this period every 
craftsman was an artist, and whether he sought his 




inspiration in the paintings which he saw around him, m 
the engravings on copper which had flourished long 
before book-illustration became popular, in the cut5 id 
foreign books, or in those published in other districts of his 
own country, the Italian woodcutter always put his ( 
individuality into his work and made the design he i 
copying his own. I am unfortunately unacquainted with 
the pictures to which Dr. Lippmann and Dr. Kristeller 
have traced three or four of the Venetian and Florentine 
woodcuts,* but the examples of translation from engrav- 

' t.g. The cut of a preacher preceded bjr his lillle crucifei in Ihe ' Doclfiaft 
delle Vita Monulica' or Loreoxo QuUtiaiano (Venice, t. 1495) to • picton by 



THE TRANSFERENCE OF WOODCUTS 




1546. (rather 



ings on copper to woodcuts in the Venetian ' Petrarch ' ot 
1490, in the second Florentine edition of Bettini's ' Monte 
Sancto di Dio ' (1491), and in the illustration of the works 
of mercy in the 'Libro delli Comandamente di Dio' of Fra 
Marco del Monte Sancta Maria (Florence, 1496), are 



Gentile Bellini in the clmrch of S. Maria del Orto ; the cut of S. Thomas in the 
' Epiitole et Evaogeli ' of 1495 to the picture by Veirochio in Or S. MJchele, 
and that of the beheading of S. John from a Pollaiuolo in the Baptisteiy at 
Florence. 

The CRSc of the illuitralions to Ihe 1467 'Meditaliones' of TunecTemate, 
which arc profeuedl]' copied from the frescoes in the church of S. Maria di 
Minerva at Rome, is an interesliog example of (his copying, the excellence of 
the original dewgns sometimes triumphing over the rudeness o( the engraving. 
Unluckily the frescoes Ihemselves have periibed. 



91 OLD PICTURE BOOKS 

extremely interesting, and show how well the workmen, 
especially those of Florence, understood the principle of 
artistic selection. 




THE TRANSFERENCE OF WOODCUTS 93 

No more characteristic example of free imitation can be 
found than in the use made of the cuts in the Latin and 
German Bibles, printed by Quentell at Cologne about 
1480, by the illustrator of the Malermi Bible ten years 
later. The German cuts are large and clumsy (measuring 
about 7} X 5 in.)y overcrowded with figures, and with the 
rudest ideas of perspective and arrangement. The little 
Italian vignettes, on the other hand, are gracefully and 
delicately designed, and it is only from the presence of 
some purely fanciful accessory, such as the pond and the 
swan swimming in it in the examples here given, that we 
are compelled to recognise the debt of the Venetian artist 
to his German predecessor. 

Another, though a less interesting example of the adap- 
tation of large and rather clumsy cuts to the scale of the 
little Venetian vignettes is the imitation in the * Terence,' 
published by Simon de Luere at Venice in 1497, of the 
illustrations in Trechsel's edition which had appeared at 
Lyons four years earlier. Again, if, as I believe, we 
should attribute the first illustrated Italian edition of the 
^Ars Moriendi,' printed in 1490, ^co li figure accomodati 
per Johanne clein & Piero himel de alamanis,' to Venice 
rather than to Lyons, we may claim the majority of the 
cuts in this as additional examples of intelligent, if not 
very original, adaptation by Venetian artists, the originals, 
in this case, being the designs first used in the German 
block-books, imitated again two years later, by V6rard at 
Paris. 

It is true that after 1496 Cleyn was printing at Lyons, 
and that there is a Lyonnese book with the probably 
erroneous date 1478 by him, but we have no evidence, I 
believe, of his whereabouts in 1490, and there is one cut 
in the book, for which, as far as I know, the artist drew 



96 OLD PICTURE BOOKS 

entirely on his own imagination, and this appears to me 
to be much more Venetian in its character than Lyonnese.^ 
I give this cut from a copy in the British Museum which 
has unluckily been heavily coloured, so that the repro- 
duction was no easy matter. It comes within our subject, 
not only as evidence for the Venetian origin of the edition, 
but as the original of the littie cut on the titie of the 
^Omnis Mortalium Cura' of S. Antonino, printed for 
Pacini in 1507 ; the differences between the copy and the 
original being characteristic of the alteration in tone 
always introduced by Florentine artists when dealing with 
foreign work. The border has been simplified and at the 
same time given the usual black background. The re- 
cesses of the church are in unrelieved black instead of 
merely shaded. The figures are slighter and more 
graceful, and good taste is shown in the removal of the 
whispering devils, one of whom bears a scroll with the 
words ^ nolo direj while the other inscription contains the 
word * vergogna ' (shame), preceded by some other letters 
which I cannot decipher in the Museum copy. It will be 
noticed that the Florentine artist has reversed the positions 
of the figures, but not the little altar-piece. The other 
cuts in the 1490 * Arte del Morire * also found Florentine 
imitators, as I cannot doubt that it was through them that 



^ The Venetian origin of this cut is made ahnost certain by the character of 
its border. In style and touch (cleverly as the reproduction here given has been 
made from the thickly-painted original, the lines are necessarily thickened) the 
design is closely akin to the borders in the ' Omelie et Sermones ' of S. Bernard 
(1491), and the 'Dialogo de la Seraphica Virgine S. Caterina' (1494), while in 
the border and woodcut initials of the ' Supplementum Chronicarum ' of 1492 we 
get both the bull's skull and the dolphin's, and in the ' Rudimenta Grammatices ' 
of Donatu I493t a top border to the first page which resembles the lower border 
in our cut. There is no suggestion of copying here, but a series of designs pro- 
bably all by the same artist which begin with this border to the ' Arte ' in 1490 
and can be traced for several years, always at Venice. 



THE TRANSFERENCE OF WOODCUTS 97 

the illustrator of the Florentine editions of c. 1495 and 
1 5 13 obtained his knowledge of the German designs which 
he followed in ten of his cuts. Some of the designs are 
copied in reverse, others directly, but in nearly every 
instance we find that by a number of small touches the 
cut has been made to assume a distinctly Florentine 
appearance. 

Among other books in which Florence followed the lead 
of Venice the * Meditazioni ' of San Bonaventura and the 
* Fior di Virtii ' are perhaps the most important. For my 
frontispiece to this article, however, I have preferred to 
hark back to the * Lunare ' of Granollachs, the Florentine 
edition of which (1496) is as good an instance of artistic 
imitation of that of Naples, as is the Roman (see page 83) 
of incompetent servility. 

I have already written at greater length than I intended, 
and am conscious that all I have said is dry, fragmentary, 
and disjointed. There is, however, still one point which 
I should like to put forward in connection with these 
different styles of copying. In * The Masters of Wood- 
Engraving' Mr. Linton has endeavoured to limit our idea 
of the work of the early woodcutters to the mere faithful 
cutting on the wood the lines marked down for them by 
the designer. In this theory Mr. Linton stands at the 
opposite extreme to Sir W. M. Conway, who, in *The 
Woodcutters of the Netherlands,' hardly made sufficient 
allowance for the differences in cutting which might be 
produced by different designs. Of the two, however. Sir 
W. M. Conway seems to me to be the nearer to the truth, 
and I think these instances in which we have both the 
design and the woodcutter's copy before us help us to 
understand the method of work. No one can believe that 
the hand of any artist intervened between the Naples 

G 



98 OLD PICTURE BOOKS 

' Granollachs ' and its Roman interpreter, and I feel toler- 
ably sure myself that in the two Florentine cuts I have 
given, the differences of treatment are also due to the 
craftsman. In the Venetian translation from the cuts in 
the Cologne Bible and in the French adaptation of the 
* Hypnerotomachia ' we have, of course, a different set of 
conditions, and we must not try to ignore them. But 
until positive evidence to the contrary is produced, it is 
reasonable to believe that the craftsman often supplied his 
own designs, and the artist was often his own woodcutter, 
and the examples of imitation at which we have been 
looking seem to me to strengthen this theory. 



ES TU SCHOLARIS? 99 



ES TU SCHOLARIS?^ 

IN the following pages I propose to offer a little picture 
of school-life four hundred years ago, culled from 
an old Latin dialogue book which was published 
anonymously in the fifteenth century under the title *Es tu 
scholaris?' and went through many editions in different 
countries. All through the Middle Ages boys were sup- 
posed to speak Latin in school, and this with some reason, 
since if they meant to be scholars when they grew up, to 
be able to speak and write Latin fluently would be far more 
useful to them than the acquisition of any single modern 
language. But no doubt it did not come easily to them, 
and our anonymous author seems to have thought that it 
might not come quite easily to their masters to show them 
how to do it, since, as we shall see, he wrote his book for 
use in the humbler kind of schools, where the master himself 
might be a man of no great learning. In fact he begins 
by pointing out the inconvenience of a master not being 
able to answer his boys' questions, and to obviate this 
offers some ready-made dialogues on what he considered 
suitable topics. 

All the earlier dialogues begin with the words from 
which the book takes its title — Are you a scholar? * Es tu 
scholaris?* says the master. *Sum,' says the boy, 
(* knowing the language '), and then begin the variations. 

* Reprinted from the King's College School Magasine by leave of the editor. 



ES TU SCHOLARIS? loi 

The cruellest of these is a kind of * fool's mate ' (to borrow 
a term from chess), in which the master asks, 'What 
gender is sum?' and it is to be hoped used his victory 
mercifully if his victim fell into the trap. When the first 
variations are exhausted we come to a * Where are you a 
scholar?' to which the correct answer is * Here and every- 
where, and in all honest places,' honest places being 
subsequently defined as of four kinds, that is to say, at 
church, at school, at home with one's parents and in the 
company of able men (ecclesia, scola, domus propria 
circa parentes et convivium peritorum virorum). Of a 
sudden the master waxes humorous and demands ' Es 
tu scutellavarius,' a portentous word which apparently 
means a *washer-up,' since the boy emphasises his denial 
by explaining that he does 7iot wash plates in the 
kitchen (quod non lavo scutellas in coquina). On this 
there follows some talk about religion, and we then 
approach scholastic topics with the question, * Do you 
know Latin?' * I do,' answers the boy, with happy con- 
fidence, and then in reply to the further question, * What 
is Latin ? ' is made to return the remarkable answer, that 
Latin is a very noble idiom taking its origin from the 
fountains of the Greeks (nobilissimum ideoma ex fontibus 
Graecorum ortum habens). Comparative philology was 
in its infancy in those days, and as even now there are 
worthy people who believe that English is derived from 
German, we need not throw stones. 

The next pages contain some interesting talk on the 
four chief books in use in grammar schools, the * Tabula ' 
or horn-book on which was written the Lord's Prayer, the 
moral sayings of * Cato,' the accidence of Donatus, and the 
syntax and prosody of Alexander Gallus ; but we must 
hurry on to the more human side of our text -book. 



I02 OLD PICTURE BOOKS 

There are * verba obedientiae * helping the boy to assure 
his master that for the future he will be very careful not to 
anger him (de cetero vos ^ commovere percavebo), sugges- 
tions for defence where a fault could be denied, and ready- 
made excuses where it was obvious. I regret to say that 
there are also ready-made ' verba accusationis ' : ^ Please 
Sir, Jones has torn my grammar* (Joannes Donatum 
meum dilaniavit) or *That boy called me the son of a 
thief (Ille mihi dixit filiuni furis). These are evidently 
tips for whiners in the school itself, but we have a more 
awful picture in the demand, * Wherefore, honoured Sir, 
I earnestly beg you to take steps against evil-doings and 
punish these fellows scholastically.' No doubt Brown 
minor had run into some dignity in the street, and this is 
the formula with which the dignity demanded that Brown 
should be * hoisted,' which I take to be the meaning of 
* scolastice corrigatis.* 

For invitation to dinner and the offering of gifts there are 
quite a bewildering set of forms, reminding us that school- 
fees in those days were often paid in kind. In the offering 
and acceptance of these there is much politeness on each 
side. The boy begs that the smallness of his present may 
be excused on account of his poverty and goodwill, or 
promises that if the master will honour his parents at 
dinner the best cheer they can provide shall be set before 
him. The master, on his side, replies that he is quite 
unworthy of these entertainments, but lest he should seem 
to despise them he will certainly come. (Nimium est non 
enim sum dignus cum parentibus tuis prandere. Ne 
autem me dicant eorum prandium spernere comparebo 

' In this very medieval Latin the master is always addressed as ' vos,' never as 
* tu/ the use of the singular, except to inferiors or as a mark of affection, being 
regarded as an insult. 



ES TU SCHOLARIS? 103 

libenter.) There are also forms of invitation for boys to 
use to their friends, and Jones (using the polite plural) 
asks Brown to dinner to-morrow at his parents' request. 

Some of the shorter remarks seem to apply to a boarding 
school. * Dear master, with your permission, I should 
like to take a bath ' says one boy : another asks that he 
may go and lay the table, a third that he may take the 
clothes to the washerwoman ! A boy whose mother has 
called for him addresses his petition for leave to the Pre- 
centor, and we may guess therefore that these boarding- 
schools were attached to churches or monasteries, and that 
the boys, like the monks themselves, had to do much of 
their own household work. 

The boys are given plenty of tips for talk among them- 
selves. ^ Why were you late to-day ? ' asks one, and is 
reminded that bed is warm and sleep sweeter than honey. 
One boy sees a priest coming into the school and hopes 
he will ask for a holiday. His fellow says they have had 
several holidays lately and doubts if another will be 
granted. The gloomy side of medieval school-life is not 
left unrepresented. * How often have you been punished 
to-day?* is one of the questions, and as if the alternative 
answers * semel — bis — ter — quater,' were not enough, they 
are crowned with the cruel prophecy *et iterum eras 
corrigeris.' 

The last paragraph of the book is concerned with the 
appointment, duties and behaviour of monitors. They 
are called * monitors ' nowadays because, I suppose, they 
jog memories as to what is the next day's work, and in 
other ways prevent crime. In those days they were called 
*custodes,' chiefly I am afraid because they kept the rods. 

* YouVe got to appoint monitors. Sir,' says a boy. 

* You be monitor, then,' * Please, Sir, I've only just been 



I04 OLD PICTURE BOOKS 

monitor, and it's not my turn.' *Who ought to be 
appointed then ? ' * This is the boy, Sir, both because it *s 
his turn and because he knows how to get you long and 
nasty rods I ' That is one dialogue. Here is another, boy 
with boy. ' Have you been putting down the boys who 
made a disturbance and ran as they came out of church ? * 

* I have.' * Have you been putting me down ? ' * I have ; 
Jones saw you running in the street and gave me your 
name to be put down.' * Dear monitor, take my name off, 
lest I be punished, and I '11 ask my mother to give you a 
big bun (magnum panem).' * Hold your tongue, then, and 
I '11 take it off' — whereat the boy thanks heaven, and we 
gather that there was rather a bad tone in the schools in 
which * Es tu Scolaris? ' was in use. It must also be said 
that if the boys talked as they were taught, they talked 
very bad Latin. 

The edition from which I have taken these notes has no 

* woodcuts.* If it had had one it would probably have 
been something of the nature of this picture from an 
English grammar book, in which the master is shown 
armed with the usual birch. The grammars of those days 
were in fact so bad that it was held to be impossible for 
any one to learn them without the additional notes offered 
by a rod. But for my first illustration (p. loo), I have 
taken a more human and, I think, a more lifelike picture, 
from a * Flores Poetarum ' printed at Florence about 1500. 
No doubt by the time boys came to study poetry they had 
reached a more mature stage, and were treated better. 
But these young scholars look boyish and vivacious 
enough, and I would fain hope that this is a true picture 
of a Florentine classroom. A Venetian book goes even 
beyond this, anticipating the methods of the Newest 
Educators, for in a woodcut to it, while the elder students 



ES TU SCHOLARIS? 



105 



are shown as solemnly attending to a lecture, two little 
boys are studying their A B C on the floor, with a small 
dog to help them. But this picture is so plainly imagina- 
tive that I will not even show it. 




io6 OLD PICTURE BOOKS 



ENGLISH BOOKS PRINTED ABROAD ' 

IT may fairly be said that only a writer who knew 
nothing about them would propose, in a half-hour's 
paper, to talk about the English books printed 
abroad, in some forty different places, during the last four 
centuries. But a consideration of the earlier of these books 
forms a necessary part of the Society's contribution to the 
Bibliography of English Literature up to 1640, and the 
subject, as a whole, has for a long time seemed to me an 
interesting one ; since, either in the state of the printing 
trade at home, or in the circumstances of the author, or 
the nature of his subject, in every case a special reason 
has to be found why the book should have been printed 
out of England. I have, therefore, light-heartedly en- 
deavoured to map out the broader outlines of the subject, 
in the hope that I may persuade other members of the 
Society to give their help in filling in the details, and I 
must ask you to remember that my paper is put forward 
only as a means of provoking a discussion much more 
valuable than anything I can contribute myself. 

I have said that the subject we have before us this 
evening is the English books printed abroad during the 
last four centuries. It would have been more accurate to 
say during the last four centuries and a quarter,* for the 

' Read before the Bibliographical Society, April 1896. 

^ An important extension to the subject, but one which I have not the know- 
ledge to deal with, would treat of the Service-books prepared especially for the 



ENGLISH BOOKS PRINTED ABROAD 107 

latest book I shall have to mention was printed in Florence 
in 1895, while Caxton began printing English books at 
Bruges in 1474 or 1475, and even earlier than these we 
have a Sarum Breviaiy printed at Cologne, and assigned 
by Mr. Gordon DufF to the year 1473. These Sarum 
Service-books, with which so many foreign printers busied 
themselves during the next eighty-five years, lie on the 
outskirts of our subject, as the greater number of them are 
wholly or mainly in Latin, and we are obliged to limit 
ourselves at present to English books, and may not take 
in the very considerable number of Latin works written by 
Englishmen, and intended mainly for the English market, 
though printed abroad. It is necessary, indeed, to re- 
member that for some generations after the invention of 
printing, our country, for many classes of books, was 
wholly dependent on the enterprise of continental printers, 
and that, to some extent, this is still the case. A single 
oration of Cicero and the plays of Terence were the only 
Latin classics printed in England during the fifteenth 
century. No Greek book appeared here until 1543, and 
several of the great Greek classics did not find an English 
printer until the second half of the seventeenth century. 
Even now, for the obscurer classics, and for the bulk of 
Oriental books, we are content to rely on Germany, and in 
the fifteenth century this reliance on the continental presses 
extended to every variety of learned book. It would be 
absurd to attribute this state of things to any lack of enter- 
prise on the part of Caxton and his fellows. Our President 
has lately shown how carefully, even in Italy, the first 



English market in Flanders and the north of France during the two centuries 
preceding the invention of printing. These are often claimed as of English 
origin, owing to their having English saints in their calendars, but their real 
provenance is indisputable. 



loS OLD PICTURE BOOKS 

porinttrs felt the pulse of their market, and whereas Venice 
was a great trade centre for the whole of Europe, in 
England a publisher who produced a book too learned to 
find purchasers here would have had little chance of 
appealing to the book lovers of other countries. Thus 
it may be urged in defence of the Act of Richard in., 
which permitted books to be imported into England from 
abroad and freely sold here, that by encouraging English 
printers to confine themselves to the popular books for 
which there was a safe market, it saved them from any 
temptation to risk the fate which Sweynheym and Pannartz 
had incurred at Rome ; at the same time it greatly helped 
forward the cause of education. Only three foreign 
printers, Gerard Leeu and Jan van Doesborgh at Antwerp, 
and Antoine Verard at Paris, abused the liberty granted to 
them by competing needlessly with our native printers in 
books they were capable of printing equally well them- 
selves. The four popular English books printed by Leeu, 
who had a special fount of type cut for the purpose, were 
*The History of Jason,' *The Historj' of Knight Paris 
and the Fair Vienne,' *The Dialogue of Salomon and 
Marcolphus,' and * The Chronicles of England.' These 
were all issued in 1492 and 1493, and all with the exception 
of the * Marcolphus,' were reprints of editions issued by 
Caxton. Even the * Marcolphus,' according to Mr. Duff, 
who has edited a facsimile reprint of it for Messrs. Lawrence 
and Bullen, may possibly have been reprinted from a 
Caxton now entirely lost, though this, of course, is a mere 
conjecture. 

Of Doesborgh's English books there is no need to speak 
at length, since all Members of the Society have in their 
possession Mr. Proctor's exhaustive monograph of this 
printer's work. As a printer he was very inferior to Leeu, 



ENGLISH BOOKS PRINTED ABROAD 109 

but as a publisher he showed much more enterprise in his 
choice of books, introducing to English readers the stories 
of *Euryalus and Lucretia,' *Virgilius the Magician,' 
* Frederick of Jennen,' * Mary of Nemmegen,' *Tyll 
Howleglas,' and the * Parson of Kalenborowe,' in addition 
to the still more notable book *Of the New Lands.' Of 
the thirty-two books which Mr. Proctor has been able to 
assign to Doesborgh's press, no fewer than eighteen were 
printed for England, comprising grammars, stories, theo- 
logy, history, geography, a prognostication, a medical book, 
and two books on the valuation of gold and silver, thus 
covering nearly the whole range of the popular literature 
of the day. The earliest of these books appeared before 
1508, the latest some time after 1520, and they thus came 
out at the rate of rather over one a year. They were all, 
however, of the class of books which rapidly get them- 
selves thumbed out of existence, and from the extreme 
rarity of those which survive it is probable that Does- 
borgh's real output was considerably greater. Antoine 
Verard, on the other hand, had a trick of printing a few 
copies of his books on vellum which has greatly helped to 
preserve them, and it is improbable that, besides his 
Service-books, he printed any other works for the English 
market than the two which have come down to us. These 
are *The traitte of god lyuyng and good deyng,' and 
*The Kalendayr of Shyppars,' both printed in 1503, and 
both enriched with numerous illustrations, some beautiful, 
others grotesquely horrible, mostly taken from his *Art 
de bien vivre et de bien mourir' of 1492. In his choice of 
a translator Verard was unlucky, for he seems to have 
employed some wild Scotsman, who was no master of 
his own tongue and still more ignorant of French. When 
Robert Copland retranslated the Kalendar for Wynkyn de 



no OLD PICTURE BOOKS 

Worde in 1508, he was as scornful of his predecessor's 
* cornipte Englysshe ' as any one bibliographer could be 
of the labours of another, though in saying that * no man 
coulde understonde (it) perfectly ' he certainly did not err 
on the side of exaggeration, since most southern readers 
must have found some difficulty in understanding it at all. 
To the names of Leeu, Doesborgh, and Verard, as 
printers of English popular books, I ought perhaps to add 
those of Wolfgang Hopyl of Paris, and Martin Morin and 
James Ravynell of Rouen, each of whom printed before 
1500 an edition of the * Liber Festivalis' or *Festial,' 
the book of sermons with which parsons might regale 
their parishioners on the high-days and holy-days of the 
Church. The * Festial ' was of a semi-liturgical nature, 
and the three printers were all printers of liturgies. We 
have, thus, an easy transition to the English Service- 
books printed abroad to which we must now return for a 
few minutes. Of these the immense majority were for the 
use of Sarum, though the British Museum possesses a 
Hereford Missal printed at Rouen in 1502, and three York 
Missals printed at the same place in 15 16-17. Of Sarum 
Service-books printed before 1540, the *01d English 
Catalogue ' records no less than one hundred and five as 
in the possession of the Museum in 1884, and the dis- 
tribution of these is notable. One Missal was printed at 
Basle, by Michael Wenssler about i486 ; another Missal 
by Hertzog, at Venice in 1494 ; eleven service-books at 
Rouen, the earlier ones by Martin Morin, James Ravynell, 
P. Violette, and Andrew Myllar ; twelve at Antwerp, of 
which one is a * Directorium ' printed by Leeu in 1488, 
and most of the rest much later books from the press of 
Christopher of Endhouen ; and lastly no less than fifty-six 
at Paris, the list of their printers comprising many of the 



ENGLISH BOOKS PRINTED ABROAD iii 

best firms of the time. Against these eighty-one foreign 
editions, of which, it will be observed, sixty-seven are 
French, the editions printed in England number no more 
than twenty-four, and many of these are printed with cuts 
borrowed or copied from France. Obviously this class of 
work required special qualifications in the printers, and it 
was easier and cheaper to import the Service-books, even 
the Primers, than to produce them at home. During the 
last few years of Henry viii.'s reign the number of Service- 
books, which had previously shown some falling off, again 
increased, and under his daughter Mary there was, of 
course, a great revival of them. The English printers 
were now better able to cope with the demand, and of the 
forty-five Service-books in the Museum printed during 
these years, twenty-four were printed in London, against 
ten at Rouen, five at Paris, and six at Antwerp. Of 
course, the Museum collection, both of these and of the 
earlier Service-books, is by no means complete, but it is 
probably representative, and there can be no doubt that 
during the period when liturgies are most interesting 
bibliographically, four-fifths of those printed for use in 
England came to us from abroad. 

One other small class of books, printed like liturgies for 
the most part in Latin, but with lapses into English, must 
be noticed before we proceed further — the Latin Grammars 
for the instruction of English school-boys. The earliest 
of these is an edition of the Grammar of Perottus, printed 
by Egidius van der Heerstraten at Louvain, about i486, 
and other grammar-books by Anwykyll and Joannes de 
Garlandia are said to have been printed during the fifteenth 
century at Deventer, Antwerp, Cologne, and Paris. If 
any Member of the Society can give me a list of these 
dreadful little books I shall be very grateful to him, but 



113 OLD PICTURE BOOKS ^H 

they have always filled me with so much compassion for 
the unfortunate children who had to learn them, that 1 am 
afraid I have taken no notes of the few I have seen. 

In order to give an idea of the way in which the English 
books printed abroad reflect the changing phases of our 
national life I propose now to trace with a little more 
particularity the history of the classes of the English 
books printed at Antwerp, where throughout the sixteenth 
century they are specially plentiful. We begin in the 
quiet days of Gerard Leeu and Jan van Doesborgh, who, 
good honest men, could have had no other object in their 
English publications than the making a little profit out of 
some popular subjects which our native printers were 
neglecting. The three grammar-books printed by Thierry 
Martens for Jacobi and Pelgrim in 1507 and 1508, are not 
very interesting. Christopher of Endhoven, who calls 
himself with equal frequency Ruremondensis, followed in 
1523 in a higher branch of the trade, competing with the 
printers of Rouen and Paris who produced the Sarum 
Service-books in such numbers. From 1523 to 1551, the 
succession of Missals, Processionals, Manuals, Psalters, 
Hymnals, Breviaries and Horac, which were printed by 
Endhoven at Antwerp, and sold in London, mostly by 
Francis Byrckman or Peter Kaetz, is broken only by an 
edition of Lyndewood's ' Provinciale.' In 1531 we hear for 
the first time a different note, three books being printed in 
that year for William Tyndal, which are ascribed to the 
press of Martin Lempereur, viz.: 'The prophete Jonas, 
with an introduccio before, teachinge to vnderstonde him ' ; 
'The exposition of the fyrste Epistle of seynt Jhon"; 
and 'The praier and complaynte of the ploweman unto 
Christe ' ; the latter an old book which the title assigns to 
not long after 1300. The next year the widow of End- 



ENGLISH BOOKS PRINTED ABROAD 113 

hoven printed another Sarum ^ Hymnal, '-but in 1534 she 
was employed by the Reformers, printing George Joy's 
revision of Tyndal's New Testament, while Joy's English 
Psalter, and Tyndal's own New Testament were 
printed by Lempereur. Antwerp editions of the same 
year of the ^ Rudimenta Grammatices,' originally drawn 
up for Wolsey's school at Ipswich, and of a ' Prognosti- 
cation,' show th^t the Dutch printers did not quite forget 
the existence of untheological English readers, but for a 
long time to come theology was paramount in English 
books printed abroad. Several editions of Tyndal's New 
Testament were printed at Antwerp in 1535, 1536 and 
1538, and though the attribution of the Coverdale Bible of 
1535 to the press of Jacob van Meteren (a point which I 
leave to our Bible experts) is not undisputed, it seems 
generally agreed that the composite version known as 
* Matthew's Bible,' brought out by Grafton and Whit- 
church in 1537, was really the work of an Antwerp printer, 
probably Martin Lempereur. 

After 1538 there seems to have been a break in the 
English printing at Antwerp for just a quarter of a 
century, during which no English work of any importance 
was issued, the fugitive Reformers finding Switzerland a 
much safer refuge at this time than the Low Countries. 
But in 1563 Aegidius Diest printed two books (Vincentius 
Lirinensis ' On the Antiquity of the Catholick Faith,' and 
the * Buke of Fourscore three Questions proponit to the 
Protestants in Scotland), for Ninian Winzet, a Scotch 
Catholic in exile for his religion. The times we see have 
changed, and it is now the Romanist Refugees who seek 
printers abroad, and the Protestants who answer them in 
comfortable safety at home ; and for several years the 
Romanists kept the Dutch printers pretty busy. From 1564 
H 



114 OLD PICTURE BOOKS 

to 1569, Diest and Laet at Antwerp, Bogard and Fouler 
at Louvain, printed between them forty English books, 
by Harding, Rastell, Martiall, Stapleton, Allen, and 
Saunders, all more or less called forth by Bishop Jewel's 
'Apologia Ecclesiae Anglicanae,' which naturally roused 
the ire of the Catholics, more particularly of Harding, 
whom Jewel had ejected from his prebendship. 

The ill-health which preceded Jewel's death in 1571 
caused him to weary of controversies, and his opponents 
at last wearied also, the next few years being very unpro- 
ductive of English books in the Low Countries. When 
activity revived, Antwerp no longer maintained its 
supremacy. The majority of the Catholic books were 
printed now either at Louvain or Douay, while the new 
refugees, the extreme Puritans and Brownists, took up 
their quarters at Middleburg, where their books were 
mostly printed for them by J. or R. Schilders. Whether 
Middleburg was also the real place of imprint of 
the editions of Marlowe's ' Epigrammes and Elegies,' 
the first of which appeared in 1599, is one of the 
difficulties which still await a final investigation. Mr. 
Charles Edmonds preferred to assign it to the press of 
W. Jaggard, with whose edition of the * Passionate 
Pilgrim ' it is bound up in the Isham collection. In 1589 
and 1590 we hear of another Puritan refugee press at 
Dort, where several works were printed for Barrow and 
Greenwood, while in 1597 Henoch Clapham found a local 
printer for two theological works which he had compiled 
for the benefit of the *poore English congregation in 
Amsterdam ' ; one or two books were also printed for 
English students at Leyden, and some English medical 
works at Dort, so that by the end of the century the 
earlier monopoly of Antwerp was completely destroyed. 



ENGLISH BOOKS PRINTED ABROAD 115 

We must turn back now to glance at some other places 
where English books were printed, and first we may note 
that even in this most theological of centuries a few 
miscellaneous works demand our attention. Thus in 
'55' J* Gryphius of Venice found it worth his while to 
print a * Compendious Declaration/ by Thomas Raynalde, 
* of the vertues of a certain lateli invented oile,' called 'Oile 
Imperiale,' and a little later on, when William Turner was 
tired of * hunting the Romische wolfe,' Arnold Birckman 
printed for him, at Cologne, the two parts of his * Herbal ' 
and his treatise on 'Baths.' Frellon's English edition 
(Lyons 1549) of Holbein's ' Images of the Old Testament' 
had no theological import, but is an early example of the 
printing of the explanatory text of an illustrated book in 
more languages than one, so as to secure a larger sale. 
Lastly we must not forget one very important work, 
Theodorde Bry's ' Briefe and true report of the new found 
land of Virginia,' printed by J. Wechel at Frankfort in 
1590. The great bulk, however, of the English books 
printed abroad during the sixteenth century were theo- 
logical, and the presses of Augsburg, Basel, Cologne, 
Geneva, Munster, Nuremberg, Strasburg, Wesel, Witten- 
berg, and Zurich, besides the famous one of ' Marlborow 
in the land of Hesse,' all testified to the activity of the 
English Reformers. 

The difficulties which beset the history of these English 
books printed in Germany and Switzerland are well 
known. We are not often, in dealing with them, pulled up 
so sharply as when we find a book of Knox or Bale pro- 
fessedly printed 'at Rome before the Castell of S. Angel,' 
but there are other imprints in original editions the 
authenticity of which has been suspected, and the question 
is immensely complicated by the existence of London 



ii6 OLD PICTURE BOOKS 

editions in which the old imprint has been sedulously 
preserved. A very large number also of the most 
interesting books contain no indication whatever of their 
origin, and the rash attempts to place them, which have 
been made in catalogues and bibliographies, are often the 
reverse of helpful. I hope that the Society may even- 
tually help to put the subject on a better footing, but all 
I can do now is to mention a handful of books, rather 
with a view of showing the haunts of the reforming 
authors at various periods than with much bibliographical 
intention. Thus the edition of Tyndal's New Testa- 
ment was printed for him by Peter Quentel, at Cologne, 
in 1525. From 1528 to 1530, we find him employing 
Hans Lufft 'at Marlborow in the land of Hesse,' to print 
his 'Obedience of a Christian Man,' 'Parable of the 
Wicked Mammon' and 'Genesis.' In 1531, as we have 
seen, Martin Lempereur was working for him at Antwerp. 
John Frith's ' Pistle to the Cristen Reader ' was printed by 
Lufft, his ' Answer ' to More, written when he was a 
prisoner in the Tower, by C. Willems of Munster. Of 
the next generation of Reformers, John Bale, Bishop of 
Ossory, appears first as employing Michael Wood to 
print his 'Mystery of Iniquity,' at Geneva, in 1545 ; in 
1546, his tract on the 'Examinacyon of Anne Askew' 
bears the imprint Marburg, and his ' Actes of English 
Votaries' that of Wesel. His best known work, the 
' Illustrium Majoris Britanniae Scriptorum Summarium ' 
(1548), was apparently begun at Wesel by Theodoricus 
Plateanus and finished at Ipswich by John Overton. 
After the accession of Mary, Bale seems to have had a 
hand in one or two books which appear with the 
imprint, Roane or Rouen, which perhaps is no more 
authentic than that of ' Rome, before the Castell of 



ENGLISH BOOKS PRINTED ABROAD 117 

St Angel/ which appears on his account of his 
•Vocacyon to the bishopric of Ossory,' in 1553. A 
correspondent has suggested to me that this last may have 
been printed at Strasburg; but Knox's book with the 
same imprint, * A godly letter sent to the faythefull in 
London, Newcastell and Barwyke* is attributed in the 
British Museum Catalogue to the press of Hugh Singleton, 
in London, and this may have been printed there also. 
Knox's other books with foreign imprints are mostly 
Genevan, ' An Answer to a great number of blasphemous 
cavillations ' being printed by Jean Crespin, and ^ the 
copye of a letter sent to the Lady Marye ' by J. Poullain 
and A. Reboul. His ' Faithful Admonition unto the 
Professours of God's Truths in England,' professedly hails 
from * Kalykow,' its real origin being doubtful. 

We must hasten on now to the supporters of the other 
side of the religious controversy, who, on the accession 
of Elizabeth, in their turn had to seek refuge abroad. As 
we have seen, they at first congregated at Antwerp, but in 
1568 William Allen, afterwards Cardinal, founded the 
English College at Douay, and thereby made it the 
headquarters of the English Catholic Press during the 
next century. Important, however, as Douay is, cata- 
loguers have, perhaps, worked its printers a little too 
hard, and the tendency to ascribe to them every English 
Catholic book with a foreign appearance is unfortunate. 
We must remember that for fifteen years from 1578 the 
English College was transplanted to Rheims, which thus 
had the honour of producing, in 1582, the first Roman 
Catholic version of the New Testament, completed twenty- 
seven years later by the issue of the Old Testament at 
Douay in 1609-10. The New Testament was printed by 
J. Fogny, the Old by Laurence Kellam, and it is needless 



ii8 OLD PICTURE BOOKS 

to say that the versions of both books were vigorously 
attacked by the Protestant experts. The absence of the 
English College from Douay, from 1578-93, of course 
diminishes the probability of English books having been 
printed there during these years, and the foundation of the 
Seminary at S. Omer, in the year of its return, soon 
provided a formidable rival. It appears, however, from 
the town records that printing was only introduced into 
S. Omer in 1601, when the town made a grant of 100 
livres to F. Bellet for his expenses in bringing thither his 
press. According to Dr. Oliver, the biographer of the 
English Jesuits, a book entitled * An apology for the Arch- 
Priest,' by the indefatigable Father Parsons, was printed 
at S. Omer in this same year, 1601, so that Bellet must 
have got to work very quickly, unless the College had a 
separate press of its own. Fitzherbert's * Defence of the 
Catholic Cause,' dated 1602, is also assigned to Saint 
Omer, as are the majority of the books mentioned by 
Oliver as having been printed during the next twenty 
years. The earliest names I find connected with the 
Saint Omer press are those of C. Bocard, and John 
Higham, the latter of whom printed simultaneously at 
Douay, just as, at an earlier period, J. Fouler had done at 
Douay, Antwerp, and Louvain. These two latter places 
were not unproductive of English books during the seven- 
teenth century, and others were printed at Brussels, 
Ghent, Paris, and Rouen, so that wholesale attributions 
to Douay are eminently unsafe. It is noteworthy, indeed, 
that Duthillceul in his ' Bibliographic douaisienne' (second 
edition, 1842), mentions only just over twenty books as 
having been printed in English at Douay up to the close 
of the seventeenth century. This, of course, is ludicrously 
below the mark, Duthillceul's failure to discover English 



ENGLISH BOOKS PRINTED ABROAD 119 

books being, no doubt, due to their having found their 
way to the country for which they were intended. As I 
have said, however, everything points to the English 
press at Douay having been considerably less prolific than 
is generally believed. 

We must pass on once more and enter the trackless 
wilderness of the period after 1640. No doubt the enor- 
mous increase in the output of the press makes its history 
during the last two centuries and a half dishearteningly 
difficult, but when I see all our bibliographical stalwarts 
so sedulously engaged in crossing the *t's' and dotting 
the *i's' in the work of their predecessors in the early 
history of printing, I cannot help regretting that at least 
a few of them will not turn their attention to the later 
period in which everything still remains to be done. As 
far as I can judge, the Civil War did not leave many 
traces in English books printed abroad, but I have come 
across a few of some little interest. Residence in Roman 
Catholic countries seems to have caused a good many 
cavaliers to reconsider their religious position, and some 
of them found it necessary to explain themselves in print* 
Several books of this kind were printed in Paris. Thus 
in 1644 Sir Kenelm Digby put forth * Two Treatises,' one 
of which was concerned with the * Immortality of reason- 
able souls,' while in 1652, Peter Targa published for him 
* A Discourse concerning Infallibility in Religion,' which 
was reprinted in the same year at Amsterdam. In 1647 
there was published at Paris an English work called 'Exo- 
mologesis,' recording the conversion of Hugh Paulin de 
Cressy, and this went into a second edition six years 
later. In 1649 we come across 'A Lost Sheep returned 
Home, or the motives of the conversion of Thomas Vane,' 
and in 1657, * Presbyteries Triall, or the occasion and 



k 



1 20 OLD PICTURE BOOK 

motives of conversion to the Catholic Faith of a person of 
quality in Scotland.' We find also several English works 
of devotion printed in Paris about this time, and in 1659 
we have an anonymous * Answer to the Provinciall Letters 
published by the Jansenists.* The impatience of the 
Royalist Colony in France could not wait for the importa- 
tion of copies of the ' Eikon Basilike ' from England, and at 
least one edition was published in Paris in 1649, as to which 
Mr. Almack's book (No. 28 in his list) gives full informa- 
tion. At the Hague the King's execution produced a very 
curious work, a translation of the * Electra ' of Sophocles 
by C. W. (Christopher Wace), * presented to her highness 
the Lady Elizabeth ; with an epilogue, shewing the 
parallel in two points, the Return and the Restauration.' 
This was the first English rendering of any part of 
Sophocles, but I see that I wrote of it some years ago that 
it was * beneath contempt,' and, I daresay, this unkind 
opinion had good foundation. In 1653 we have at Bruges 
an echo of the Lilburne controversy, in an answer to his 
pamphlet, *John Lilburne revived,' written by Captain 
Wendy, under the title * Vincit qui patitur, or Lieutenant- 
Colonel John Lylburne decyphered.' Lastly, at the 
Hague in 1660, Sir William Lower published a * Relation 
in form of a Journal of the Voiage and Residencie which 
Charles 11. hath made in Holland,' and this is the last 
book of the Civil War period of which I have a note. 

During the reign of Charles 11., we have the usual 
sprinkling of devotional and theological books printed 
abroad, with a few traces at Ghent and Paris of the con- 
troversies of Friar Peter Walsh. I have recollections of 
one or two pamphlets printed by the ministers of English 
Puritan Congregations in the Low Countries, but the only 
one of which I have a note is, 'The Interest of these 



ENGLISH BOOKS PRINTED ABROAD 121 

United Provinces, being a Defence of the Zealanders' 
Choice,' in which the Rev. Joseph Hill, Pastor of the 
Scotch Church at Middleburg, where the book was printed, 
advocated in 1673 an alliance between England and 
Holland. Such a book would have some interest in itself, 
but the consequences of its publication give it additional 
importance in the history of book-lore. Hill's work, 
which was also printed at Amsterdam in Dutch, gave 
great offence to the States ; he was ordered to leave 
Zeeland, to which he did not return till 1678, and it was 
during this enforced absence that he introduced into 
England, after the death of his friend Dr. Lazarus 
Seaman, the Dutch practice of selling books by auction. 
But for that unlucky pamphlet, Sotheby's and Puttick's 
might never have existed. 

Two other Dutch printed books of this period are just 
worth noting, a reprint, in 1680, at the Hague, of *Two 
Speeches made in the House of Peers,' by the Earl of 
Shaftesbury, and a 'Sermon of Thanksgiving for the 
delivery of Charles 11.' from the conspiracy of 1683, printed 
at Rotterdam. As the Revolution approaches, we get a 
warning of it in the appearance, at the Hague, in 1687 and 
1688, of the 'Citation of Gilbert Burnet' and of * Dr. 
Burnet's Vindication of himself,' while after the flight of 
James, we may note the publication at Cologne of * The 
Great Bastard, Protector of the Little One,' *done out of 
French ' in 1689, a Paris edition of the King's ' speeches ' 
in 1692, under the title * Royal Tracts,' and in the same 
year at Amsterdam, a ' Letter' written under the name of 
General Ludlow, defending his comparison of the first 
four years of Charles i.'s reign with the tyranny of the 
four years of James 11. Six years later, quite in the 
modern manner, the old regicide published his ' Memoirs, 



122 OLD PICTURE BOOKS 

finding a printer in Switzerland * at Vevay, in the Canton 
of Bern,' where also a continuation was printed the next 
year. 

The paper is already much longer than I had intended, 
and it is therefore, perhaps, as well that of English 
printing abroad during the first half of the eighteenth 
century I have found no trace, except in a few devotional 
books published at Douay. There ought to be some 
Jacobite tracts, and I need not say that any notes of them 
will be heartily welcomed. But there is a last phase of 
the foreign printing of English books of which I may be 
allowed to quote a few instances. For various reasons 
during the last hundred years or so, a good many English 
men and women of letters have lived abroad, and though 
most of them, like Byron, Beddoes, Landor, and the 
Brownings, have sent their books to be printed in 
England, their foreign residence has occasionally left 
interesting traces in books and booklets with foreign 
imprints. Thus Sir William Hamilton, while Ambas- 
sador at the Court of Naples, had two books printed for 
him there, one * Campi Phlegraei ' (or) * Observations on 
the Volcanoes of the Two Sicilies' in 1776, the other a 
series of collections of * Engravings from Ancient Vases ' 
found in Sicily, between 1791 and 1795. Gibbon's long 
stay in Switzerland doubtless had something to do with 
the publication at Berne, in 1796-97, of a reprint of his 
'Miscellaneous Works' which had then only just appeared 
in London. Shelley's *The Cenci' appeared in 1819, 
with the imprint Italy, and his * Adonais ' was printed * at 
Pisa with the types of Didot' in 1821. At Parma, several 
English works obtained what used to be considered the 
honour of Bodoni's types, and the English ventures of 
Galignani at Paris, though far surpassed by the later 



ENGLISH BOOKS PRINTED ABROAD 123 

enterprise of Baron Tauchnitz, deserve a chronicler. The 
employment of foreign presses by wandering Englishmen 
has not yet died out At Davos Platz, Stevenson did 
better — he set up a toy press of his own. A year or two 
before the paper was read, Mr. William Sharp gave local 
colour to his * Sospiri di Roma ' by employing a Roman 
printer, and in 1895 an important English historical work, 
* The Life of Sir Robert Dudley ' was printed at Florence. 
When the Bibliographical Society takes up the history 
of English books printed abroad, I hope that, if only in 
a small print appendix, room may be found for a record 
of these later books, and that we shall not stop at 1600, or 
at 1700, or at 1800, but recognise that our own age is as 
worthy of our attention as any of its predecessors. 



124 OLD PfCTURE BOOKS 



SOME PICTORL\L AND HERALDIC 

IXITLALS^ 



PICTORLVL ntkiaJs were net gieuli in £ivour 
during the goiden age of printaig, and there 
b miKfa to be said against diem oo die sooce of 
appropriateness and good tastti If capital lectefs were all 
eitfaer roand or oval« one great diScttltT would be removed 
from the artistes path, for a decoratiTe ctide or oval, even 
if a tail or handle has to be added to it« makes no bad 
firame for a little picture. It is diereiwe not surprising to 
find that the German designers^ who were the first to attack 
the problem, adopted a rounded form of the letter T, 
shortened the shaft of a P to a minimum, and magnified 
the lower curve of a B or S, while reducing the upper one 
as much as possible. These accommodations do not make 
for clearness, and certain letters, such as A, E, H, and M 
often remained stubbornly outside any such compromises. 
This difficulty as to form had been experienced and, as 
far as was possible, overcome, by the old illuminators, but 
the printers had a trouble of their own which may have 
made them think that movable types also were vanity. 
An illuminator who had to paint the same initial twelve 
times probably found a pleasure in var}*ing his miniatures, 
but with the pictures which had not only to be drawn, but 
to be cut on wood or soft metal, a printer was naturally 

' Reprinted, by leave of Messrs. Kegan Paul, Trench, Triibner and Co. from 
' Bibliographtca/ vol. Hi. (1896). 



PICTORIAL AND HERALDIC INITIALS 125 

less inclined to be profuse. We know, of course, from 
their general practice that the early printers had generous 
ideas as to the adaptability of any one picture of a town or 
a battle to the representation of any other town or battle 
which might be mentioned in the text ; but there were only 
a few subjects capable of this endless repetition, and when 




Leonard Holl prefixed to his edition of Ptolemy's 
' Cosmographia ' (Ulm, 1482) the magnificent, if not very 
easily recognisable, N, which shows the editor, Nicolaus 
Germanus, presenting hts book to Pope Paul 11. (fig. i), he 
must have known that he would have to wait a long time 
before he could use it again. 

Lucas Brandes of Lubeck, in his splendid editions of 



126 



OLD PICTURE BOOKS 



'Josephus* and the ' Rudimentum Noviciorum,' used a 
fine set of initials, into which various pictures could be 
inserted at pleasure. Either from economy, however, or 
from the poverty of invention of his designer, he had 
recourse to no more than some half dozen subjects. In 
the 'Josephus' a battle-scene, a cleric at his desk, and a 




'JOSEPHUS' FRINTBD BT LUCAS BR ANDES A' 



military scribe, who has been identified as a Knight 
Templar, and whose adjustable reading-desk reminds us of 
the latest inventions for the comfort of invalids, recur again 
and again. The scribe appears, conveniently enough, in 
the fine P here shown (fig. 2), and in a C, but we find him 
also huddled below the bar of an H, and perched upon 



PICTORIAL AND HERALDIC INITIALS 127 

that of an A. In the same way the clerk, who is prettily 
fSramed in a Q, is shown to much less advantage in an M, 
of which the middle stem has been broken off to make 
room for him. One or two of the letters have no picture 
to fill them in, the blocks being apparently all engaged in 
other parts of the book. In the ' Rudimentum Novi- 
ciorum * we find a David playing his harp within a D, and 
the same pictures, with the loss of the ceiling and part of 
the floor, is repeated in a B. The cleric and the battle- 
scene appear again from the * Josephus,' and there is also 
a C with a rather pretty picture of the Virgin adoring the 
Holy Child, 

As far as I am aware, the only books in which large 
pictorial initials are profusely and appropriately employed 
are some of the great folio German Bibles, where the cer- 
tainty of a large sale and the probability of future editions 
encouraged the printer to liberality. Thus in the Bibles 
published by Giinther Zainer at Augsburg in 1473 and 
1477 the prologue and each successive book begins with a 
large initial filled in with a picture illustrating the subject 
of the text The prologue begins with a B, within which 
are seated S. Jerome and a Bishop ; Genesis with an I, to 
the right of which stands the Creator, while the stem is 
broken by a circle showing Adam and Eve in Eden ; 
Exodus with a D, illustrating the passage of the Red Sea ; 
Numbers with a U, within which stand Moses and Aaron. 
In German Bibles D and U are the initials most in request, 
and, though the U leaves little room for the picture, both 
are fairly convenient letters. On the other hand, the 
initial E of Job and the A of the First Book of Chronicles 
are awkwardly divided by their cross-bars, so that each 
has to contain two insignificant little pictures instead of a 
single important one. In most German Bibles I have seen 



128 OLD PICTURE BOOKS 

these pictorial initials are more or less thickly coloured, 
so that it is impossible to reproduce them successfully, but 
I give here a fine I taken from the Book of Esdras in the 
undated edition printed by Sensenschmidt and Frisner at 
Nuremberg about 1476 (fig. 3). 




NUKEUBERG. ABOUT (476 



Outside Germany, as we have said, pictorial initials did 
not flourish much in the early days of printing, for the 
finest printers, as a rule, abjured initials altogether, and 
ihe few who used them rightly preferred purely decorative 
designs. In France, in some editions of the ' Mer des 
Histoires ' and similar books, we find two or three of very 
large size, a huge I, with a figure of Christ within it, and, 
the P here reproduced (fig- 4), with the usual picture f 




PICTORIAL AND HERALDIC INITIALS 129 

an author at his work. Virard, however, and the few 
other fifteenth-century publishers who employed initials, 
preferred grotesques to pictures, which only occasionally, 
as in the magnificent L from the ' Mer des Histoires' of 




V^RARD, 1509 



Pierre Le Rouge, have any high pictorial value. In 
another L, used at Paris and at Lyons, we have inter- 
twined the faces of an old man and a young couple flirting. 
It was no doubt specially designed for the 1492 edition of 



130 



OLD PICTURE BOOKS 



the ' Maiheolus,' or 'quinze joies du mariage," in which] 
seems to have made its first appearance. The monk< 
and bagpipes L of the ' Recueil des histoires troyennu 
and the S. George-and-the-Dragon L of a Lyons reprlil 




5. INITIAL I. OSHP BV JACQUES MAILLET AT L.VONS 

of the ' Mer des Histoires' may also be reckoned as 
pictorial, but the more ordinary varieties are purely 
grotesque combinations of distorted faces. These had 
hardly gone out of fashion before the Renaissance 
influence was paramount, and though I have found a t 



PICTORIAL AND HERALDIC INITIALS 131 

small pictorial initials in sixteenth-century French books, 
notably a very pretty set in a Utrecht Missal, printed by 
Wolfgang Hopyl at Paris in 1505,^* they are certainly 
exceptional. 

In Spain the dignity and severity which marks the 
work of the early printers were opposed to any save 
purely decorative initials, which, probably through the 
influence of the German printers in the Peninsula, came 
into use at an early date, and were often strikingly good. 
The one pictorial set I have found occurs in the * Copila- 
cion de Leyes,' promulgated in 1485, and printed by 
Centenera at Zamora, probably in the same year. Each 
of these initials, nine in number, is appropriate to the 
section of the book which it heads. Thus in an S two 
knights in combat herald the laws of chivalry ; in an A a 
canonist and his scholar preside over those of matrimony; 
for commerce we have money-changers in a D, and so on. 
The initials are cut not in wood, but on soft metal, which 
unluckily did not yield at all a good impression, a fault by 
which the best Spanish decorative work is often marred. 

In Italy pictorial initials do not make their appearance 
until quite late. Except at Venice, indeed, printed initials 
of any kind were in no high esteem, at Florence not 
coming into use until 1489. At Venice Ratdolt's decora- 
tive alphabets found several imitators before this date, and 
soon after 1490 we find alphabets of children on a black 
ground coming into favour. In a ' Donatus,' printed, 

^ Hopyl's initials are an inch and a half square on a dotted background. 
They were evidently designed specially for a Missal, the pictures being 
appropriate to the services to which the initials belong. They do not make up 
a complete alphabet, but of several letters there are two or three variants, e,g, 
for R there are pictures of Death, of the Annunciation, and of the Resurrection ; 
for S, of SS. Cosmo and Damian, of S. Martin and the Beggar, and of the 
Blessed Virgin. 



132 OLD PICTURE BOOKS 

according ' to Signor Ongania, in 1493, by Guilelmus 
Tridentis, we find an open-work P, within which a boy is 
bringing a book to his master, and, under the date 1494, 
we are shown a picture of Jacobus de Voragine at work 
under the shadow of the same letter. Towards the end of 
the fifteenth century and in the early years of the sixteenth 
the missals of Georgius Arrivabene and Lucantonio 
Giunta are crowded with pictorial initials of very varying 
value. That here shown (fig. 6), from the * Missale Ordinis 
Vallisumbrosae,' printed by Giunta in 1503, is a good 
example of the heavier sort. The letter thus tricked out is 
a G, the initial of the * Gaudeamus ' with which the introit 
begins on the festival of the first Abbot of Vallisumbrosa, 
Johannes Gualbertus. Numerous other examples will be 
found figured in Ongania's 'Arte della Stampa,' though 
the careful student will soon discover that the initial letters 
with which its pages are crowded are usually fitted into 
any spaces which chance to be vacant, and often have no 
connection of any kind with the larger reproductions 
which they adjoin. Thus their source can seldom be 
traced with certainty. 

With the exception of some portrait-initials at Pavia, of 
which Dr. Paul Kristeller has written in * Biblio- 
graphica/ vol. i. p. 356 sq.^ and a few English ones of 
which We shall speak later, the initials in these Venetian 
Service-books are the last of any importance in which the 
artist has endeavoured to combine picture and letter into 
an harmonious design. The artists of the Renaissance, 
unlike their craftsman predecessors, had no feeling for 
book-work as such, and it must be confessed that the 
printers repaid them by printing their delicate work with 
a carelessness which in most cases completely obscurQg iL 
Henceforth the predominant type of pictorial initial is one 



^m PICTORIAL AND HERALDIC INITIALS 133 ^H 


^H in which a plain Roman capital is imposed upon a picture ^^ 


^H to which it has no artistic relation, and which it often | 




cruelly mutilates. Moreover, while the reasonable pre- 




^Sl^^^^^^^^^V 




^gyR^^^!^g^s;^^8^K^ 






/S^r^cS^^J}-'''''''^^'^^^ /^*^ 












^r^^^^fSt (v^SvW^^mml^Sr^^ f -^ 






iw^^F^^^^^^^^^^^'u 






S^^^pjli KM 8 rail a^s^(^*^SW 








il^^W^A 








1^^^^^^ 








lll^^^^l^ 








^^mtJ 




_ 


^Si'^^Ib^aSS s^'^^^'RrTV^iS**— ejy 




1 


6, „o„ ,„...>.,,.„,„„.„.. >,„,,,W P.,„„ ., ,=,™„ „ ,..,c,. ,,.3 


^H ference for small books over bulky folios carried with it a ^^^| 


^H giV^ reduction in the size of initials, the refusal of the ^^^| 


^H artiststosimplify their designs, so as to accommodate them ^^^| 



f jf OLD PICnrRE BOOKS 



to these oanower ioBts rcstzbecf ht an absofaoe vasle of 
nacii fine work. Tkos be Ae fi u n ous IfeBxbi inidads 
which came into use ^ Basel about 1520 I nrazst refer mv 
to the i HuatiatM Xis ia. ' 



thejaiev do not cnocmr^e rae ts> afct a e u iyi fresh repvoduc- 
tioos^ Emen in the or^^inal books in which the initials 
appear, nnich of the delicacy of the destgns is hopdcssly 
lost, for it was impossibfe that a littie ptctme^ often of less 
than an inch square, however carefalhr cut« shook! be 
adcqnatehr rendered when pfinted in a page of trpe by 
workmen who had already lost much of the cunning, or 
rather mnch of the capacity for taking pains, of the early 
masters of the craft. • 

The new school of desi g ners cast aside, as a rule, any 
attempt to suit their pictures to the subject of any parti- 
cular books, taking instead some one theme or idea which 
they illustrated through all the letters of the alphabet. 
Thus we have the Child Alfrfiabet and Peasant Alfdiabet 
of Holbein, and the same master*s still more £aunous 
* Dance of Death ' designed for letters slightly larger than 
the previous ones, but yet no more than an inch square. 
The alphabet by the Master I. F. is more than a half as 
large again as this, and is the most decorative of any, the 
pictures being drawn in relief against a black ground. 
The early letters of this alphabet illustrate the labours of 
Hercules, whose name and that of his antagonists are 
inscribed upon them. When Hercules was exhausted, 
the artist seems to have fallen back on the Scriptures, his 
R represensing Lot, his S Balaam, and so on. 

These Basel initials, which appear chiefly in books 
printed by Froben, Bebcl, Cratander, and Froschover, 
were no doubt the parents of the small pictorial initials 
which soon became popular in Germany, Italy, and 



PICTORIAL AND HERALDIC INITIALS 135 

England. Their development in Germany may be traced 
in the pages of Butsch, while the Italian initials of the 
middle of the sixteenth century have already been dealt 
with in • Bibliographica ' in Mr. A. J. Butler's interesting 
article (vol. i. pp. 418-27). No one, however, as far as I 
am aware, has endeavoured to trace the history of pictorial 
initials in our own country, and I hope that the notes 
which I have been able to bring together on this part of 
the subject, scanty as they are, may yet prove of some use 
as a beginning. 

As Mr. Butler has shown, the idea of the Italian 
alphabets is that the subject of each picture should begin 
with the letter which is imposed upon it. In a scriptural 
set A may show us Abraham, B Babel or Balaam, C 
Cain ; in a mythological, A may be Ajax, B Bucephalus, 
C a Centaur, and so with o^ier subjects. In isolated 
instances we may trace this connection between letter and 
word at a much earlier period. Thus in the Lubeck 
*' Josephus ' besides the large initials there is also a much 
smaller D enclosing a picture of David, and it is at least 
possible that the choice of the picture was suggested by 
the letter being the initial of David's name. The novelty 
to which Mr. Butler drew attention consists in the appli- 
cation of this system of illustration through an entire 
alphabet, and I have found no good reason for challenging 
his claim that this novelty originated in Italy. If it is to 
stand, however, we must put back the first] occurrence 
of these letters to some years before 1546, which is the 
first positive date he mentions, for in the first Greek 
book printed in England, the * Homiliae Duae ' of S. 
Chrysostom, published by Reyner Wolf in August 1543, 
there are four initials which, despite some difficulties as to 
two of them, probably belong to this class. The letters 



136 



OLD PICTURE BOOKS 



are (i) a D, here figured, which obviously stands for 
Diogenes, (ii) an H (used as a Greek eta) showing Eli (or 
Heli) and Samuel, (iii) a K, here figured, representing 
the fountain of En-hakkore which sprang at Samson's 
prayer from the jaw-bone of the ass, with which he had 
slain the thousand Philistines, and (iv) a Q (repeated) 
depicting the Judgment of Solomon. Despite the exis- 
tence of two K's in En-hakkore, and the possibility of the 
Q standing for Quaestio or Querimonia, the difficulty of 




fitting the right words to these letters makes it possible 
that the propriety of the D and H may be accidental, but 
on the whole the probability is the other way. 

The interesting question now arises where did Wolfe 
get these letters, which have all the appearance of being 
used here for the first time? Their similarity to the letters 
to which attention was first called by Mr. Butler is so 
great that we can hardly doubt that, directly or indirectly, 
they are of Italian origin. But the introduction of gold- 
tooling into England by Berthelet, examples of which 
occur on books printed as early as 1541, was undoubtedly 



PICTORIAL AND HERALDIC INITIALS 137 

effected through Italian workmen, and it is quite possible 
that these letters were cut in England by Italians living in 
this country. If, however, further investigation should 
prove that the^ were imported, they may help us to deter- 
mine from what quarter Wolfe obtained his Greek type, of 
which no complete fount had hitherto existed in England. 

Six years after the ' Chrysostom ' we find traces, in the 
edition by Whitchurch (March 1549) of the first Prayer- 
Book of Edward vi., of another set of scriptural initials of 
the same character. The four letters which I have noted 
are an A (Abraham and Isaac), a B (Balaam), an I 
(Jacob's dream), and an O (Olofernes). The letters are all 
very much worn, so that the pictures in many instances 
are barely decipherable. 

Of the next pictorial alphabet in English books I have 
lately been surprised to find one letter in a proclamation 
printed by Berthelet in 1546, my previous acquaintance of 
it beginning with books printed more than ten years later. 
The pictures in this alphabet are all signed with an A, at 
the top of which is a little projection suggesting that it 
stands for the monogram of A. S. My friend Mr. Sayle 
has found initials with this signature in books printed 
during the reign of Elizabeth and James i., which nearly 
make up a complete alphabet, with some letters in dupli- 
cate. According to Bryant and Nagler, the engraver 
Anton Sylvius, who was born at Antwerp in 1526, and 
worked for Plantin from 1550 to 1573, used the monogram 
I have described. But I am not wholly satisfied that this 
A. S. is the same man. 

Another point of some difficulty is whether the pictures 
have any relation to the letters. Some of them come in 
very neatly, thus E and Europa riding on her bull, M and 
Mercury, T and a lady, who may very well be Thetis, 



138 OLD PICTURE BOOKS 

haranguing a council of Gods, another T «ith Neptune 
flourishing a \-eiT prominent Trident, go well enough 
tc^ethcr, but why 
should a W be illus- 



trated by Hercules 
and Cacus, or an F 
by Cephalus and 
Procris, or an I by 
the birth of Adonis? 
On the whole, pend- 
ing further explana- 
tions, it would seem 
that to connect letter 
and subject was 
regarded by the de- 
signers rather as de- 
sirablethan essential. 
The same point 
arises as to a much clumsier pictorial alphabet, with large 
figures in it, found in books and proclamations, printed 
from 1547 onwards. Here the picture belonging to the T 
is of Christ and the Tribute-money, but the pictures in 
other letters seem part of a set illustrating the works of 
mercy (visiting prisoners, healing the wounded, etc) and 
to have no special appropriateness to their initials. 

In 1554 we find Cawood in possession of both of these 
sets of initials. He had obtained the first apparently from 
Berthelet, and the second from Gralton. The ruder set 
seems to have soon iaWen into disuse, though I find some 
letters from it in the possession of John Day in 1563, but 
that of A. S. (individual letters being re-cut as need arose) 
was passed on to Barker, when he became Queen's Printer, 
and reappears in several books of the seventeenth century. 




PICTORIAL AND HERALDIC INITIALS r^g 



In 1548, in Grafton's edition of H; 
Families of Lanca- 
shire and York,' we 
find a new experi- 
ment in the form of 
heraldic initials. 
The dedication to 
Edward vi, begins 
with a large O, 
measuring 3 J inches 
each way, and con- 
taining the very 
elaborate arms of the 
author himself; the 
records of the reigns 
of Henrv iv., v., 



ll's ' Union of the 




and I 


HI,, ^vith :i 


open H ; th 


11 of Her 


1 




H 


1 


k% 




n^^^^t^ 


nnl^ 


1 


Gv,^^ 


m 


1 




=^'/~^ 


mmm 




^m^^^^^ 


■hShI 



in fig. 10), representing the offer of a 



iry VI. with a D, of 
Edward iv. with 
a P, and of Henry 
VII. with a fine C 
(fig.g), each letter 
containing the 
king's arms. 

In 1551, in the 
quarto Bible 
printed by John 
Day, the dedica- 
tion to Edward vi. 
by Edmond Becke 
begins with a 
really excellent 
pictorial E (shown 
copy to the king. 



t40 



OLD PICTURE BOOKS 



As in the case of the initials for Hall's ' Chronicle,' this 
design must have been specially prepared for the book, 
and therefore presumably in England, so that we need 
not set down other leners too freely as importations from 
abroad. 

In 1559, in Cunningham's 'Cosmographical Glass,' 
printed for him by 
John Day, there are 
several large initials, 
very good of their 
kind and very well 
printed. The heral- 
dic D, which is pecu- 
liarly graceful, con- 
tains the arms of the 
Earl of Leicester, to 
whom the book is 
dedicated. The pic- 
torial I and L (here 
shown) are both 
"' "sM*s or'^DVDLEV'/iF'jEtMsTEif^"'^^ signcU, the former 
I. D., a signature 
which recurs on several of the illustrations, the latter I. B., 
who was also the designer of the border to the title-page. 
An effort seems to have been made to get Dudley's arms 
into a D, as the opening allusion to Daedalus is certainly 
dragged in by the shoulders. The other two letters shown, 
probably have reference to the subject of the book, the 
Preface, in which the I is found, laying especial stress on 
the importance of Cosmography in war. The other pic- 
torial initials in the book are an S, in which one man is 
pointing to a sun-dial and another to the sun (signed with 
a monogram of a C and a small I within it), an A widl 



Tf|^ 


8 




1 


ffiffl® 


B 






m 


1 


f 




PICTORIAL AND HERALDIC INITIALS 141 

a procession of satyrs by the same artist, and a T showing 
navigating 1 





1 


^ 


gJXV 



a ship (signed H). 

It is thus obvious 
that several designers, 
or engravers, were at 
work about this time 
on pictorial initials, 
though it will pro- 
bably be found no 
easy matter to iden- 
tify them. 

In 1563 most of the 
letters from the ' Cos- 
mographical Glass ' "■ ""tial signed :. d. 

are found again in the very rare edition of the music to 
Sternhold and Hopkins' metrical version of the Psalms, also 
printed by Day. In 
the four parts of the 
book there are three 
other initials of the 
same character, a W 
representing the 
battle of the Pigmies 
and the Cranes, a P 
of Hercules in the 
garden of the Hes- 
perides, and an R 
with a hunting-scene 
(signed with the 
monogram C. I.). 
All are excellent 




142 



OLD PICTURE BOOKS 



Two or three more examples of these large initials will 
bring to a close my notes of those which I have been able 
to find in English 
books of this period, 
though doubtless 
others are awaiting 
the research of 
future investiga- 
tors. In the first 
edition of Ascham's 
' Scholemaster,' 
printed by Day in 
1570, the large S is 
repeated from the 
'Cosmographical 
Glass,' and shows 
some signs of wear. 
Another letter of a 
slightly larger size by the same designer is found pre- 
fixed to the 'History of Ireland' in the 1577 edition of 
' Holinshed ' printed by Harrison. This is a T, and the 
picture it contains shows an astronomer, whom we may 
perhaps reasonably identify with Ptolemy. If so, we may 
remember that his name used to be spelt all over Europe 
with the omission of its first letter, though the true form 
seems to be that used in English books of the period. 

The other pictorial initial in the 1577 'Holinshed'* is 
the largest I have found in any English book, measuring 
nearly three and a half inches each way. The letter is an 
I, the subject of the picture the Creation, and it is conceiv- 
able that, though we find it in an English history, it was 

' Since this paper wai in type I have been shown an earlier example of this 
letter in ti book primed by K. Wolfe in 1565. 




PICTORIAL AND HERALDIC INITIALS 143 

originally intended for the first page of a Great Bible^ in 
which it would fitly have illustrated the words * In the 
beginning God created the heaven and the earth.' It is 
possible, indeed, that this applicability to a particular text 
may sometimes have been taken as a motive, when it was 
found difficult to establish a connection between the initial 
and the subject of a picture as summed up in any single 
word. Thus a W, which is found in Cawood's books in 
connection with the A. S. initials, represents the passage 
of the Red Sea, and irresistibly reminds us of the verse 
* When Israel came out of Egypt,' though not of the word 
Exodus. 

Some very fine heraldic initials still remain to be noticed. 
The initials in the early editions of the English Bible are 
disappointing, but in the first and second editions of the 
so-called * Bishops' Bible,' printed by Jugge in 1568 and 
1572, special attention seems to have been paid to them, 
and besides many small pictorial and decorative letters of 
interest, there are some really fine examples of heraldic 
designs. The owners of the arms which I have identified 
are Archbishop Cranmer, Archbishop Parker, Cecil, 
Dudley, and Francis Russell, second Earl of Bedford. 
Parker's arms are exhibited in several different letters, 
generally with his initials M. C. (Matthew of Canterbury) 
and the date. The form of these heraldic letters is usually 
graceful, and they are much more easily justifiable on 
artistic grounds than the pictorial initials at which we 
have been looking. 

The title-pages of the * Bishops' Bible ' are adorned with 
copper-engravings of some merit of Elizabeth herself, 
Cecil, and Dudley. One of these, I regret to say, has 
been turned into an initial at the beginning of the Psalms 
by the simple device of giving Lord Burleigh a large 



^H 


r 


ijLo< ncnrKE BOOKS ^^| 


^^^^^^ 






■■■- >*~^ A ks nokm and mon 1 


^^^^ 






TvraBk4BkiBl IS facR shown &om 1 




.tutivu 




^^^^ji 


^^^^m 




^ 


^^^m 


^H . 


W' 




^SO^^^ 


^^ ^ 


|^[^. T 




B 


1 


»i 


(K'Jd I 


i\i's 'actks avd monumes-te^,' rHlN-TED RV ^^^^fl 
JOUM 1576 ^^^H 


H l^\ 


l» l.S 


6. 


Another portrait-initial of the Queen i^^^ 


^H is'v 


vl iti III! K 


which heads one of her Proclamations 1 


^H 


V.I )>> 


'iirfoot. and an inferior one in an F in another I 


^H 




npi 


nlcd by Barker. J^^^| 



PICTORIAL AND HERALDIC INITIALS 145 

Some of the heraldic initials of the first and second 
editions of the * Bishops' Bible ' are repeated, with some 
additional ones of smaller size, in the 1573 edition. 
Parker's arms are also to be found in the edition of 
'Matthew Paris' issued under his patronage in 1571, 
Cecil's in the 1577 ' Holinshed' already mentioned, and it 
is probable that a good many others may be discovered. 
It seems to me, indeed, that students of the history of 
English printing have hardly paid the attention it deserves 
to the work of the forty years from 1540 to 1580. The 
printers and bookmen of this period were not distinguished 
by much originality, or by delicate artistic taste, but they 
were men of considerable enterprise, and their interest in 
their books was great and genuine. This interest and 
enterprise left a very distinctive mark on the types, the 
illustrations and the bindings of the books of the period, 
and though the ideas which underlie them were mostly 
borrowed from abroad, they were developed with a certain 
freedom and largeness which are not without their effect. 



K 



146 OLD PICTURE BOOKS 



ENGLAND AND THE BOOKISH ARTS' 

THERE are so many gaps in our knowledge of the 
history of books in England that we can 
hardly claim that our own dwelling is set in 
order, and yet many of our bookmen appear more inclined 
to re-decorate their neighbour's houses than to do work 
that still urgently needs to be done at home. The reasons 
for this transference of energy are not far to seek. It is 
quite easy to be struck with the inferiority of English books 
and their accessories, such as bindings and illustrations, 
to those produced in the same centuries on the Continent. 
Thus to compare the books printed by Caxton with the best 
work of his German or Italian contemporaries, to compare 
the books bound for Henry, Prince of Wales, with those 
bound for the Kings of France, to try to find even a dozen 
English books printed before 1640 with woodcuts (not 
imported from abroad) of any real artistic merit — if any 
one is anxious to reinforce his national modesty, here are 
three very efficacious methods of doing it ! On the other 
hand, English book-collectors have always been cosmo- 
politan in their tastes, and without leaving England it is 
possible to study to some effect, in public or private 
libraries, the finest books of almost any foreign country. 
It is small wonder, therefore, that our bookmen, when 
they have been minded to write on their hobbies, have 

^ From the introduction to the * English Bookman's Library/ by leave of 
Messrs. Kegan Paul, Trench, TrUbner and Co. 



ENGLAND AND THE BOOKISH ARTS 147 

sought beauty and stateliness of work where they could 
most readily find them, and that the labourers in the book- 
field of our own country are not numerous. Touchstone's 
remark, *a poor thing, but mine own,' might, on the 
worst view of the case, have suggested greater diligence 
at home ; but on a wider view English book-work is by 
no means a 'poor thing.' Its excellence at certain 
periods is as striking as its inferiority at others, and it is a 
literal fact that there is no art or craft connected with 
books in which England, at one time or another, has not 
held the primacy in Europe. 

It would certainly be unreasonable to complain that 
printing with movable types was not invented at a time 
better suited to our national convenience. Yet the fact 
that the invention was made just in the middle of the 
fifteenth century constituted a handicap by which the 
printing trade in this country was for generations over- 
weighted. At almost any earlier period, more particularly 
from the beginning of the fourteenth century to the first 
quarter of the fifteenth, England would have been as well 
equipped as any foreign country to take its part in the 
race. From the production of Queen Mary's Psalter at 
the earlier date to that of the Sherborne Missal at the 
later, English manuscripts, if we may judge from the 
scanty specimens which the evil days of Henry viii. and 
Edward vi. have left us, may vie in beauty of writing and 
decoration with the finest examples of Continental art. If 
John Siferwas, instead of William Caxton, had introdnced 
printing into England, our English incunabula would 
have taken a far higher place. But the sixty odd years 
which separate the two men were absolutely disastrous to 
the English book-trade. Already exhausted by the futile 
war with France, England was torn asunder by the wars 



148 OLD PICTURE BOOKS 

of the Rosesy and by the time these were ended the school 
of illumination, so full of promise, and seemingly so 
firmly established, had absolutely died out. When 
printing was introduced England possessed no trained 
illuminators or skilful scribes such as in other countries 
were obliged to make the best of the new art in order 
not to lose their living, nor were there any native wood- 
engravers ready to illustrate the new books. I have 
never myself seen or heard of a * Caxton ' in which an 
illuminator has painted a preliminary border or initial 
letters ; even the rubrication, where it exists, is usually a 
disfigurement ; while as for pictures, it has been unkindly 
said that inquiry whence they were obtained is superfluous, 
since any boy with a knife could have cut them as well. 

Making its start under these unfavourable conditions, 
the English book-trade was exposed at once to the full 
competition of the Continental presses, Richard in. 
expressly excluding it from the protection which was 
given to other industries. Practically all learned books 
of every kind, the great majority of our service-books, 
most grammars for use in English schools, and even a few 
popular books of the kind to which Caxton devoted 
himself, were produced abroad for the English market 
and freely imported. Only those who mistake the 
shadow for the substance will regret this free trade, to 
which we owe the development of scholarship in England 
during the sixteenth century. None the less, it was hard 
on a young industry, and though Pynson, Wynkyn de 
Worde, the Faques, Berthelet, Wolfe, John Day, and 
others produced fine books in England during the 
sixteenth century, the start given to the Continental 
presses was too great, and before our printers had fully 
caught up their competitors, they too were seized with 



ENGLAND AND THE BOOKISH ARTS 149 

the carelessness and almost incredible bad taste which 
marks the books of the first half of the seventeenth century 
in every country of Europe. 

Towards the close of the eighteenth century, as is well 
known, the French thought sufficiently well of Basker- 
ville's types to purchase a fount after his death for the 
printing of an important edition of the works of Voltaire. 
But the merits of Baskerville as a printer, never very 
cordially admitted, are now more hotly disputed than 
ever ; and if I am asked at what period English printing 
has attained that occasional primacy which I have claimed 
for our exponents of all the bookish arts, I would boldly 
say that it possesses it at the present day. On the one 
hand, the Kelmscott Press books and those of the Doves 
Press, on their own lines, are the finest and most har- 
monious which have ever been produced ; on the other, 
the book-work turned out in the ordinary way of business 
by the five or six leading printers of England and Scotland 
seems to me, both in technical qualities and in excellence 
of taste, the finest in the world, and with no rival worth 
mentioning, except in the work of one or two of the best 
firms in the United States. Moreover, as far as I can 
learn, it is only in Great Britian and America that the 
form of books is now the subject of the ceaseless experi- 
ment and ingenuity which are the signs of a period of 
artistic activity. 

As regards book-illustration the same claim may be put 
forward, though with a little more hesitation. We have 
been taught lately, with insistence, that * the sixties ' 
marked an epoch in English art, solely from the black 
and white work in illustrated books. At that period our 
book-pictures are said to have been the best in the world ; 
unfortunately our book -decoration, whether better or 



150 OLD PICTURE BOOKS 

worse than that of other countries, was almost unmiti- 
ji^atedly bad. In the last quarter of a century our decora- 
tive work has improved in the most striking manner ; our 
illustrations, if judged merely for their pictorial qualities, 
have not advanced. In the eyes of artists the sketches for 
book-work now being produced in other countries are 
probably as good as our own. But an illustration is not 
merely a picture, it is a picture to be placed in a certain 
position in a printed book, and in due relation to the size 
of the page and the character of the type. English book- 
illustrators by no means always realise this distinction, 
yet there is on the whole a greater feeling for these pro- 
prieties in English books than in those of other countries, 
and this is an important point in estimating merits. 
Another important point is that the rule of the * tint ' or 
•half-tone' block, with its inevitable accompaniment of 
loaded paper, ugly to the eye and heavy in the hand, 
though it has seriously damaged English illustrated work, 
has not yet gained the predominance it has in other 
countries. Our best illustrated books are printed from 
line-blocks, and there are even signs of a possible revival 
of artistic wood-engraving. 

In endeavouring to make good my assertion of what I 
have called the occasional primacy of English book-work, 
I am not unaware of the danger of trying, or seeming to 
try, to play the strains of * Rule Britannia * on my own 
poor penny whistle. As regards manuscripts, therefore, it 
IS a pleasure to be able to seek shelter behind the authority 
of Sir Edward Maunde Thompson, whose words in this 
connection carry all the more weight, because he has 
Hhown himself a severe critic of the claims which have been 
put forward on behalf of several fine manuscripts to be 
iV|{cirUed as English. In the closing paragraphs of his 



ENGLAND AND THE BOOKISH ARTS 151 

monograph on * English Illuminated Manuscripts ' he thus 
sums up the pretensions of the English school : — 

'The freehand drawing of our artists under the Anglo-Saxon 
kings was incomparably superior to the dead copies from Byzan- 
tine models which were in favour abroad. The artistic instinct 
was not destroyed, but rather strengthened, by the incoming of 
Norman influence; and of the twelfth and thirteenth centuries 
there is abundant material to show that English book-decoration 
was then at least equal to that of neighbouring countries. For 
our art of the early fourteenth century we claim a still higher 
position, and contend that no other nation could at that time 
produce such graceful drawing. Certainly inferior to this high 
standard of drawing was the work of the latter part of that century ; 
but still, as we have seen, in the miniatures of this time we have 
examples of a rising school of painting which bid fair to attain 
to a high standard of excellence, and which only failed for political 
causes.' ^ 

To this judicial pronouncement on the excellence of 
English manuscripts on their decorative side, we may 
fairly add the fact that manuscripts of literary inportance 
begin at an earlier date in England than in any other 
country, and that the Cotton ms. of 'Beowulf and the 
miscellanies which go by the names of the * Exeter Book' 
and the * Vercelli Book,' have no contemporary parallels 
in the rest of Europe. 

When we turn from books, printed or in manuscript, to 
their possessors, it is only just to begin with a compliment 
to our neighbours across the Channel. No English book- 
man holds the unique position of Jean Grolier, and les 
femmes bibliophiles of England have been few and undis- 
tinguished compared with those of France. Grolier, 
however, and his fair imitators, as a rule, bought only the 

^ * English Illuminated Manuscripts.' By Sir Edward Maunde Thompson 
K.C.B. (K^an Paul, 1895), pp. 66, 67. 



152 OLD PICTURE BOOKS 

books of their own day, giving them distinction by the 
handsome liveries which they made them don. Our 
English collectors have more often been of the omnivorous 
type, and though Lords Lumley and Arundel in the six- 
teenth century cannot, even when their forces are joined, 
stand up against De Thou, in Sir Robert Cotton, Harley, 
Thomas Rawlinson, Lord Spencer, Heber, Grenville, and 
Sir Thomas Phillipps (and the list might be doubled without 
much relaxation of the standard), we have a succession of 
English collectors to whom it would be difficult to produce 
foreign counterparts. Round these dii majores have 
clustered innumerable demigods of the book-market, and 
certainly in no other country has collecting been as widely 
diffused, and pursued with so much zest, as in England 
during the present century. It is to be regretted that so 
few English collectors have cared to leave their marks of 
ownership on the books they have taken so much pleasure 
in bringing together. Michael Wodhull was a model in 
this respect, for his book-stamp is one of the most pleasing 
of English origin, and his autograph notes recording the 
prices he paid for his treasures, and his assiduous colla- 
tion of them, make them doubly precious in the eyes of 
subsequent owners. Mr. Grenville also had his book- 
stamp, though there is little joy to be won from it, for it is 
unpleasing in itself, and is too often found spoiling a fine 
old binding. Mr, Cracherode's stamp was as graceful as 
Wodhull's ; but, as a rule, our English collectors, though, 
as is shown elsewhere in this volume, many more of them 
than is generally known have possessed a stamp, have not 
often troubled to use it, and their collections have never 
obtained the reputation which they deserve, mainly for 
lack of marks of ownership to keep them green in the 
memory of later possessors. That this should be so in a 



ENGLAND AND THE BOOKISH ARTS 153 

country where book-plates have been so common may at 
first seem surprising. But book-plates everywhere have 
been used rather by the small collectors than the great 
ones, and the regrettable peculiarity of our English book- 
men is, not that they despised this rather fugitive sign of 
possession, but that for the most part they despised book- 
stamps as well. 

Of book-plates themselves I have no claim to speak ; 
but for good taste and grace of design the best English 
Jacobean and Chippendale specimens seem to me the 
most pleasing of their kind, and certainly in our own day 
the work of Mr. Sherborne has no rival, except in that of 
Mr. French, who, in technique, would, I imagine, not 
have refused to call himself his disciple. 

Turning lastly to bindings, the first point which may 
fairly be made is that England is the only country besides 
France in which the art has been consistently pursued 
with success through many centuries, and that in length 
of pedigree it far surpasses even France herself. Early in 
the twelfth century, if not before, the Winchester book- 
men turned their attention also to leather-binding, and 
the school of design which they started, spreading to 
London, Durham, and Oxford, did not die out until it was 
ousted by the large panel stamps introduced from France 
at the end of the fifteenth century. During the first half 
of this period the English leather-binders were the finest 
in Europe ; during the second, the Germans pressed them 
hard, and when the large panel stamps, three or four 
inches square and more, were introduced in Holland and 
France, the English adaptations of them were distinctly 
inferior to the originals. The earliest English bindings 
with gold tooling were, of course, also imitative. The 
use of gold reached this country but slowly, as the first 



154 OLD PICTURE BOOKS 

known English binding, in which it occurs, is on a book 
printed in 1541, by which time the art had been common 
in Italy for a generation. The English bindings found 
on books bound for Henry viii., Edward vi., and Mary i., 
all of which are roughly assigned to Berthelet as the 
Royal binder, resemble the current Italian designs of the 
day, with sufficient differences to make it probable that 
they were produced by Englishmen. We know, how- 
ever, that until the close of the century there were occa- 
sional complaints of the presence of foreign binders in 
London, and it is probable that the Grolieresque bindings 
executed for Wotton were foreign rather than English. 
Where, however, we find work on English books distinctly 
unlike anything in France or Italy, it is reasonable to 
assign it to a native school, and such a school seems to 
have grown up about 1570, in the workshop of John Day, 
the helper of Archbishop Parker in so many of his literary 
undertakings. These bindings attributed to Day, especi- 
ally those in which he worked with white leather on brown, 
although they have none of the French delicacy of tooling, 
may fairly be said to attack the problem of decoration with 
a greater sense of the difference between the styles suitable 
for a large book and a small than is always found in 
France, where the greatest binders, such as Nicholas Eve 
and Le Gascon, often covered large folios with endless 
repetitions of minute tools, whose full beauty can only be 
appreciated on small decimos or octavos. The English 
designs with a large centre ornament and corner-pieces 
are rich and impressive, and we may fairly give Day and 
his fellows the palm for originality and effectiveness 
among Elizabethan binders. In the next reign the 
French use of the semis or powder, a single small stamp, 
of a fleur-de-lys, a thistle, a crown, or the like, impressed 



ENGLAND AND THE BOOKISH ARTS 155 

in rows all over the cover, was increasingly imitated in 
England, very unsuccessfully, and, save for a few traces 
of the style of Day, the leather bindings of the first third 
of the century deserve the worst epithets which can be 
given them. 

Until, however, French fashions came into vogue after 
the Restoration, English binders had never been content 
to regard leather as the sole material in which they could 
work. Embroidered bindings had come into use in 
England in the fourteenth century, and in the sixteenth 
embroidered work was very popular with the Tudor 
princesses, gold and silver thread and pearls being largely 
used, often with very decorative effect. The simplest of 
these are also the best — but, as a rule, much elaboration 
was employed, and on a presentation copy of Archbishop 
Parker's * De Antiquitate Ecclesiae Britannicae' we find 
a clever but rather grotesque representation of a deer- 
paddock. Under the Stuarts the lighter feather-stitch 
was preferred, and there seems to have been a regular 
trade in embroidered Bibles and Prayer-books of small 
size, sometimes with floral patterns, sometimes with 
portraits of the King, or Scriptural scenes. A dealer's 
freak which compelled the British Museum to buy a pair 
of elaborate gloves of the period rather than lose a finely 
embroidered Psalter, with which they went, was certainly 
a fortunate one, enabling us to realise that in hands thus 
gloved these little bindings, always pretty, often really 
artistic, must have looked exactly right, while their vivid 
colours must have been admirably in harmony with the 
gay Cavalier dresses. 

Besides furnishing a ground for embroidery, velvet 
bindings were often decorated, in England, with gold- 
smith work. One of the most beautiful little bookcovers 



156 OLD PICTURE BOOKS 

in existence is on a book of prayers, bound for Queen 
Elizabeth in red velvet, with a centre and comer pieces 
delicately enamelled on gold. Under the Stuarts, again, 
we frequently find similar ornaments in engraved silver, 
and their charm is incontestable. 

Thus while for English bindings of this period in gilt 
leather we can only claim that Berthelet*s show some 
freedom in their adaptation of Italian models, and Day*s a 
more decided originality, we are entitled to set side by 
side with this scanty record a host of charming bindings 
in more feminine materials, which have no parallel in 
France, and certainly deserve some recognition. After 
the Restoration, however, leather quickly ousted its com- 
petitors, and a school of designers and gilders arose in 
England, which, while taking its first inspiration from Le 
Gascon, soon developed an individual style. In effective- 
ness, if not in minute accuracy of execution, this may 
rank with the best in Europe. We can trace the be- 
ginnings of this lighter and most graceful work as early 
as the thirties, and it might be contended with a certain 
plausibility that it began at the Universities. Certainly 
the two earliest examples known to me — the copy of her 
'Statutes' presented to Charles i. by Oxford in 1634, and 
the Little Gidding * Harmony' of 1635, the tools employed 
in which have been shown by Mr. Davenport to have been 
used also by Buck, of Cambridge — are two of the finest 
English bindings in existence, and in both cases, despite 
the multiplicity of the tiny tools employed, there is a unity 
and largeness of design which, as I have ventured to hint, 
is not always found even in the best French work. The 
chief English bindings after the Restoration, those asso- 
ciated with the name of Samuel Mearne, the King's 
binder, preserves this character, though the attempt to 



ENGLAND AND THE BOOKISH ARTS 157 

break the formality of the rectangle by the bugles at the 
side and the little penthouses at foot and head (whence its 
name, the * cottage' style) was not wholly successful. 
The use of the labour saving device of the * roll,' in pre- 
ference to impressing each section of the pattern by hand, 
is another blot. Nevertheless, it is almost impossible to 
find an English or Scotch binding of this period which is 
less than charming, and the best of them are admirable. 
At the beginning of the eighteenth century a new grace 
was added by the inlaying of a leather of a second colour. 
The fine Harleian bindings let us down gently from this 
eminence, and then, after a period of mere dulness, with 
the rise of Roger Payne we have again an English school 
(for Payne's traditions were worthily followed by Charles 
Lewis) which, by common consent, was the finest of its 
time. 

After Payne and Lewis, English binding, like French, 
became purely imitative in its designs ; but while in our 
own decade the French artists have endeavoured to shake 
themselves free from old traditions by mere eccentricity, 
in England we have several living binders (Mr. Cobden 
Sanderson and Mr. Douglas Cockerell), who work with 
notable originality and yet with the strictest observance of 
the canons of their art 

Moreover in the application of decorative designs to 
cloth cases, England has invented, and England and 
America have brought to perfection, an inexpensive and 
very pleasing form of bookcover, which gives the book- 
man ample time to consider whether his purchase is worth 
the more permanent honours of gilded leather, and also, 
by the facts that it is avowedly temporary, and that its 
decoration is cheaply and easily effected by large stamps, 
renders forgivable vagaries of design, which when trans- 



158 OLD PICTURE BOOKS 

latedy as they have been of late years in Francei into time- 
honoured and solemn leather, seem merely incongruous 
and irreverent 

In binding, then, as in the other Bookish Arts, Anglo- 
Saxondom has no need to be ashamed of its record, while, 
if we look to the work of the present day, there is good 
reason to hope that our part in the future may be a still 
worthier one. 



THE FIRST ENGLISH BOOK SALE 159 



THE FIRST ENGLISH BOOK SALE^ 

THERE are many points in the history of books 
and of book-collecting which are still tantalis- 
ingly obscure. How little we know about the 
prices of early books, the cost of printing, the relations of 
printer and publisher or of publisher and author I With 
the exception of a few royal personages and a few men and 
women of great wealth and rank, the book-collectors of the 
two centuries which succeeded the invention of printing are 
hardly known to us, even by name. A few have gained 
immortality among book-lovers by clothing their books in 
priceless bindings ; others, like Sir Thomas Bodley, have 
won a nobler renown by founding libraries in which 
students should have free access to their treasures. But 
of the rank and file of the early collectors, the men who 
bought books not by the cartload, but with individual 
thought and care, according to the length of purses easily 
exhaustible — of these for tvvo centuries we know little or 
nothing. If it had not been for an indiscreet pamphlet 
published by an English theologian in Holland, our 
ignorance about English book-collectors might have lasted 
indefinitely longer. But during his brief stay in his 
native land the pamphleteer introduced into this country 
the custom of selling by auction the books of dead 
collectors, and from the year 1676, when this practice was 

^ From ' Longman's Magazine,y' by leave of the publishers. 



i6o OLD PICTURE BOOKS 

first adopted, our knowledge about English libraries 
becomes abundant 

It is not a little curious in itself that we should be able 
to say with precision that at nine o'clock of the morning, 
on October 31, 1676, at the house of Dr. Lazarus Seaman, 
in Warwick Court, Warwick Lane, began the first book 
auction that ever took place in England. But we can do 
much more than this. The little world of book-collectors 
was immensely taken with this new method of book- 
buying. The catalogues of the first auctions soon came 
to be regarded as curiosities, and the price fetched by each 
lot was carefully recorded. The auctioneers were no less 
interested. They wrote prefaces to the catalogue of each 
sale, giving us their reasons for the various auction rules, 
which soon came to assume a form closely similar to those 
now in use at Sotheby's or Puttick and Simpson's. 
Moreover, at the end of ten years Thomas Cooper, the 
leading auctioneer of the time, printed an exact list of the 
seventy-three sales which had taken place since the 
introduction of the practice into England, and eleven 
years later another famous member of the fraternity wrote 
the following letter, which has recently been acquired by 
the British Museum, and supplies us with the one link 
which was needed to complete our chain of information 
on the subject. 

The letter forms part of the * Dering Correspondence,' 
which stretches from the reign of James the First to that 
of George the Second (Stowe ms. 709). It has the double 
endorsement : (i) ' Mr. Millington, the noted auctioneer, 
to Mr. Jos. Hill,' and (ii) ' Millington's letter acknow- 
ledginge the usefulnesse of sellinge Libraryes by Auction.' 
Here is the text of the part which now concerns us : — 



THE FIRST ENGLISH BOOK SALE i6i 

' Lond. June 25, 1697. 
• Reverend S*", 

* I have designd severall Times to wait of [ssc] you when 

in England to present my service and tender my thanks for your 

great Service done to Learning &* Learned men in your first advising 

&* effectually setting on foot that admirable 6* vniversally approved 

of way of selling Library s by Auction amongst us. A son of a worthy 

ffreind of mine, being now in Rotterdam in order to get some 

Employment there, offering me the Conveyance of mine to your 

hand, I presume of your Candour to receive my acknowledgements 

and gratefuU Resentments for the knowledge I have got and the 

benefit I have received by their management, having for severall 

yeares strenuously Pursued what you, sire, happily Introduced the 

Practice of into England, I Design you some Catalogues of the 

Library of D*^ Edward Bernard, late Astronomy Professor in 

Oxford, in which you will find Curious Manuscripts, Libri Impress! 

collati cum Codicibus MSS., etc.* 

The letter proceeds to enlarge at some length on Dr. 
Bernard's books, the best part of which, by the way, had 
been presented to the Bodleian, and then, with an apology 
for the writer's presumption in addressing Dr. Hill, is 
duly signed, * Your obliged humble servant, D. Milling- 
ton.' It tells us, it will be observed, with the aid of the 
emphatic underscoring here represented by italics, that 
it was Dr. Hill who had ' first advised and effectually set 
on foot that admirable and universally approved of way of 
selling libraries by auction amongst us,' and we can see 
exactly how he came to start the practice. 

Joseph Hill was one of the most earnest and the most 
moderate of the seventeenth-century Presbyterians. His 
father, Joshua, is said to have died a few minutes before 
the archbishop's apparitor arrived to cite him for not 
wearing a surplice ; but though the objection to Church 
discipline was thus hereditary, it does not seem to have 
been intensified in Joseph. A distinguished career at 

L 



i62 OLD PICTURE BOOKS 

Cambridge was closed by his refusal to take the oath 
enjoined by the Act of Uniformity in 1662, and the 
University authorities * cut his name out of the books in 
kindness to him,' to prevent his being formally ejected 
from his offices. Hill took refuge at Leyden, and was 
soon appointed to the charge of the Scottish Church 
at Middleburg in Zeeland. But though a refugee, he 
remained English at heart, and in 1672 wrote a pamphlet, 
entitled *The Interest of these United Provinces, being a 
Defence of the Zeelander's Choice.' It will be remembered 
that by the secret Treaty of Dover, concluded between 
Charles 11. and the French king in 1670, Charles was to 
aid Louis against the Dutch, and receive as part of his 
reward the province of Zeeland. The French invasion 
took place in 1672, and it was at this crisis that Hill wrote 
his pamphlet, which contains a defence of the English 
king. Though completed on November 30, 1672, it did 
not appear till April of the next year, when the author at 
last obtained a publisher, though at the cost of no less a 
sum than one hundred pounds. In the following August 
he was ordered to leave Zeeland till the war was over, and 
on returning to England was rewarded by Charles with a 
pension of ;^8o, and the offer of a bishopric as the price of 
his conformity. The offer was declined, and in 1678 Hill 
returned to Holland, accepting a post at Rotterdam, where 
we find him when the grateful Millington wrote his letter 
of acknowledgment in 1695, and where he died in 1707. 

When Hill came over to receive the reward of his 
patriotism in England, he would naturally have revived 
his acquaintance with an old Cambridge don. Dr. Lazarus 
Seaman, with whom he had many tastes in common. 
Seaman had been Master of Peterhouse and Vice- 
Chancellor of the University. He had written pamphlets 



THE FIRST ENGLISH BOOK SALE 163 

endeavouring to keep the Presbyterians in the Church by 
minimising the importance of episcopal orders, and was 
just on the right side of the line which shut Hill out from 
the proffered bishopric. Both were book collectors, both 
were classical scholars, and when Seaman died during 
Hill's stay in London, we may be quite sure that Hill was 
among his mourners. 

Seaman's funeral was no small affair. Two broadsides 
of not wholly despicable verse are still extant to attest his 
popularity. One is entitled 'An Elegie to the endeared 
Memory of that Learned and Reverend Minister of the 
Gospel, Dr. Lazarus Seaman, who died on Friday, the 3rd 
of September, 1675, and was carried from Drapers' Hall 
to be interred, with a numerous train of Christian friends 
bewailing his Death.' The other broadside, which contains 
the better verse, is more simply inscribed * An Elegy on 
the Reverend and Learned Divine, Dr. Lazarus Seaman, 
sometime Vice-Chancellor of Cambridge, Master of Peter- 
house, and late Minister of the Gospel- in All Hallows, 
Bread Street.' Even of this, however, the first six lines 
may suffice as a specimen : 

' What ! Seaman dead ! and did no blazing star, 
No comet beforehand his Death declare ? 
What, Merlin, not a word of this in thee ? 
Lilly 's but half a prophet now I see : 
For had he known it, he 'd have quickly said. 
This year Presbytery shall lose its head.* 

In no less conceited a vein, but more successful, is the 

proposed epitaph, the last line of which is really an 

inspiration : 

' Reader, if that thou learned art 
O do not urge me to impart 
What 'tis I cover ; for I fear 
Thou 'It be so eager to ie here, 
And wish thy life might straight expire. 



i64 OLD PICTURE BOOKS 

Then a^ tib more, but away go 
And send th' unlearned, they may know. 
I Ul tell none else, for here does lie 
Entomb'd a University.' 

Thus was the worthy doctor bewailed and buried, and 
soon his executors were busy realising his effects. What 
was to be done with his five or six thousand books ? He 
had bequeathed them to no library, and to sell them to the 
booksellers was to give them away. It was here, then, 
that Dr. Hill stepped in and 'advised and effectually set 
on foot that admirable and universally approved of way of 
selling libraries by auction,' which had long been the 
practice in Holland, but as yet was quite unknown in this 
country. The arrangements were soon made, and a cata- 
logue duly printed, for whose title-page no less learned a 
language than Latin would serve, though we regret to 
have to note that the worthy William Cooper who com- 
piled it was a sufficiently poor scholar to head one of his 
sections * Bibliae Variae,' as if 'Biblia' were a feminine 
singular of the first declension. The Latin of the title- 
page is of a kind which every one can read, so that for 
the sake of completeness we quote it as it stands : — 

* Catalogus variorum & insignium librorum instructissimae biblio- 
thecae clarissimi doctissimiq; viri Lazari Seaman, S.T.D., quorum 
Auctio habebitur Londoni in aedibus Defuncti in Area & Viculo 
Warwicensi, Octobris ultimo. Cura Gulielmi Cooper Bibliopolae.* 

Probably under Dr. Hill's guidance Cooper also drew 
up the following preface, the rules given in which, as we 
have already noted, are the progenitors of those still in 
use in the present day, in which, indeed, some of their 
actual phrases may be found enshrined. 

* To the Reader. 
* Reader, 

' It hath not been usual here in England to make sales 



THE FIRST ENGLISH BOOK SALE 165 

of Books by way of Auction, or who will give most for them : But it 
having been practised in other Countreys to the Advantage both 
of Buyers and Sellers; It was therefore conceived (for the en- 
couragement of Learning) to publish the Sale of these Books, this 
manner of way ; and it is hoped that this will not be unacceptable 
to Schollers ; and therefore we thought it convenient to give an 
Advertisement concerning the manner of proceeding therein. 

Firsts That having this Catalogue of the Books, and their Editions 
under their several Heads and Numbers, it will be more easie for 
any Person of Quality, Gentlemen, or others, to Depute any one to 
Buy such Books for them as they shall desire, if their occasions 
will not permit them to be present at the Auction themselves. 

* Secondly, That those which bid most are the Buyers ; and if 
any manifest differences should arise, that then the same book or 
books shall be forthwith exposed again to Sale, and the highest 
bidder to have the same. 

* Thirdly, That all the Books according to the Catalogue are (for 
so much as we know) perfect, and sold as such ; But if any of them 
appear to be otherwise before they be taken away, the Buyer shall 
have his choice of taking or leaving the same. 

* Fourthly, That the money for the Books bought, be paid at the 
delivery of them, within one Month's time after the Auction is 
ended. 

* Fifthly, That the Auction will begin the 31st of October at the 
Deceased Dr.'s House in Warwick Court in Warwick lane, punc- 
tually at Nine of the Clock in the Morning, and Two in the 
Afternoon, and this to continue daily until all the Books be sold ; 
Wherefore it is desired that the Gentlemen, or those Deputed by 
them, may be there precisely at the Hours appointed, lest they 
should miss the opportunity of Buying these Books, which either 
themselves or their Friends desire.' 

In subsequent auctions these rules were repeated, with 
but slight alterations and the addition of a ' Lastly ' to the 
effect that 

* If any Gentleman have a desire to view or see any or all of 
these Books in this Catalogue, or to satisfie themselves in th e Con 
ditions and Editions of any of them, they shall be very Welcome 



i66 OLD PICTURE BOOKS 

to the place aforenamed at any time before the day that the Sale 
begins.' 

To facilitate this inspection subsequent sales were held, 
not at the deceased collector's house, but at some more 
convenient place, that from which this rule is quoted, 
Kidner's sale (February 6, 1677), taking place *at the sign 
of the King's head in Little Britain,' possibly a tavern, 
but more probably the name of the bookseller*s shop. It 
is to Dr. Seaman's house, however, in Warwick Court, 
that we must take our way at nine o'clock on the morning 
of October 31, 1676, if we wish to be present at the first 
English book sale. We shall have Cooper's catalogue in 
our hands, and note that he has inaugurated the practice, 
which still makes auction catalogues as difficult to consult 
as a Bradshaw, of dividing according to their sizes books 
in folio, in quarto, in octavo, and in duodecimo. He 
further divides each size of books according to their 
subjects : * Patres Graeci,' * Patres Latini,' ' Biblia,' * Libri 
Theologici,' *Theologi Scholastici,' 'Scriptores in Scrip- 
turam,' etc., so that we have no little difficulty in finding 
out if the particular books of which we are in want are 
included in the good Doctor's library. As we enter the 
house we probably find it very full. There are friends of 
Dr. Seaman's anxious for his books to sell well ; poor 
Divinity students hopeful of picking up a few volumes 
cheaply ; professed book - collectors, who care little for 
theology, but have an eye on some of the classics, and are 
curious to see how this new departure will succeed ; and 
a little knot of booksellers, also curious, but on the 
whole unfriendly. Will. Cooper ascends an impromptu 
rostrum, an assistant hands up a long set of the works of 
S. Chrysostom, in Greek and Latin (Paris, 1636), and 
the bidding begins. If any invocation would persuade 



THE FIRST ENGLISH BOOK SALE 167 

the Muse of Learning to tell us ' who first, who last up- 
raised his voice to bid,' that invocation should duly be 
made. But in the absence of documents the Muse usually 
abandons us severely to our own imagination, and we are 
left to wonder whether it was friend, or poor student, or 
rich collector who made the first bid at the first English 
book auction. Probably it was one of the last class who 
secured the prize, for the great Chrysostom fetched no less 
than jC8j 5s., nearly a quarter's income for some of 
the poorer clergfy of those days. This was the highest 
price fetched by any book in the sale, but its immediate 
successors were all respectable. A set of the records of 
General and Provincial Councils (Paris, 1636) fetched 
j£5i 3s. ; the works of S. Cyril (Paris, 1638), jCSj is. ; 
of Theodoret (1642), £4^ 8s., and of Epiphanius (1622), 
jCSy 2S. 6d. Thus the first five lots produced twenty-six 
pounds all but sixpence, and it may greatly be doubted 
whether, despite the smaller purchasing power of money 
in these days, they would fetch as much as this if put up 
to auction at any of our modern sales. 

The next twenty books averaged something over a 
pound apiece, and the prices languished till this division 
of the sale was over, and the ' Patres Graeci ' were 
succeeded by the * Patres Latini,' the works of S. 
Augustine (Froben's edition, 1569) heading the list at 
jC$y 15s. Among the editions of the Bible, 'Bibliae 
variae,' as the auctioneer called them, the London Polyglot 
of 1657 vfas facile princeps, fetching no less than £8, 2s., 
or within three shillings of the top price of the sale. 
Rabbinical literature was the next division taken, and 
here it is curious to note that no single work fetched as 
much as a sovereign. Then came long rows of classics 
and theology, with nothing to call for remark till we come 



i68 OLD PICTURE BOOKS 

to the books of English divinity, among which Fox's 
'Martyrs' (London, 1641) fetched as much as ;^3, 5s. 
Among the English philologists, a very miscellaneous 
section, Raleigh's ' History of the World ' went for 
£1^ 6s., and Burton's 'Anatomy of Melancholy ' (Oxford, 
1638) for 6s. Even the latter was not much of a bargain, 
for it is the first edition (1621), the one in quarto, which is 
now so highly prized. 

When the folios were all sold, the smaller sizes were 
taken in their order, but either the collectors of the seven- 
teenth century (very unlike in this to their modern 
successors) valued a book in proportion to its bulk, or else 
the novelty of the bidding was exhausted. Certainly we 
have no more high prices to record, and the auctioneer, 
after a time, had recourse to selling books in bundles or 
batches. The Oriental works went badly, probably 
because few could read them ; the English divinity, which 
were sold ten and twenty together, at from a florin to 
fifteen shillings the lot, even worse, because Dr. Seaman's 
theology was now discountenanced by Churchmen, and 
the pockets of the Dissenters were ill furnished. We note 
a few pearls among these dusty tomes. Fletcher's * Purple 
Island' (1633) was sold with six dull tracts for 5s., and 
Bacon's 'Advancement of Learning' (1605) for is. The 
pamphlets of the Civil War went fairly well, but a collec- 
tion, which would now be held priceless, of thirty-two 
tracts on the relation of England and Spain from 1585 to 
1 591 realised no more than 8s. 

The total sum gained by the sale is stated as about 
;^700, a result which I have not had the industry to check 
by adding together the prices of all the different lots. My 
impression is that it is rather an under-estimate. Taking 
it as correct, we may gutss the average sum realised by 



THE FIRST ENGLISH BOOK SALE 169 

each book as about 3s., for there are 137 pages in the 
Catalogue, and from 35 to 40 books catalogued on each 
page, or a total of somewhere about 5,000. A scholar's 
library, especially a theological scholar's, always sells 
badly — unless I am mistaken. Bishop Thirwall's books 
only averaged about 2s. each — and Dr. Seaman's exe- 
cutors probably congratulated themselves on the result 
of this new method of disposing of old books. They had 
realised more than could possibly have been obtained on 
an enforced sale to a single bookseller, and on the other 
hand, after the ardour of competition for the first few lots 
had subsided, buyers were able to make bargains which 
the booksellers would never have allowed them. Every 
one, save the booksellers, was pleased, and both the 
general satisfaction and the one discordant note which 
marred it, are reflected in the preface which the auctioneer 
wrote for the second book sale, which took place some 
four months after the first. Here he says : 

*The first Attempt in this kind (by the Sale of Dr. 
Seaman's Library) having given great Content and Satis- 
faction to the Gentlemen who were the Buyers, and no 
great Discouragement to the Sellers, hath Encouraged 
the making this second Trial, by the exposing (to Auction 
or Sale) the Library of Mr. Tho. Kidner^ in hopes of 
receiving such Encouragement from the Learned as may 
prevent the Stifling of this manner of Sale, the Benefit 
(if rightly considered) being equally Balanced between 
Buyer and Seller.' 

There was a danger, we see, of this manner of sale 
being * stifled,' and subsequent prefaces show us that the 
danger came from reports spread by the retail booksellers 
that the bidding was not always genuine. To meet these 
reports the auctioneers for a long time refused to accept 



I70 OLD PICTURE BOOKS 

commissions to bid themselves, lest they should be accused 
of bidding when there was no commission behind them, 
merely to run up prices against genuine purchasers. A 
new rule was also passed, obliging strangers from the 
country either to pay for and remove books as soon as 
they were knocked down to them, or else to bid through 
citizens of reputation, ' and this is the rather desired that 
all suspicions may be removed of any Strangers appearing 
there to bid and enhance the Price to others without ever 
intending to send for what they so buy themselves.' 

Fenced round with these regulations, the institution of 
selling books by auction grew and flourished, so that, as 
we have said, at the end of the first ten years of its 
existence no fewer than seventy-three such auctions had 
taken place. It has certainly made book-collecting a more 
exciting and more picturesque practice than it could other- 
wise have been, and enables us not only to reconstruct the 
library of any famous collector, but often to trace the 
history of a particular book in a very pleasant and 
interesting manner. Thus the copy of Dr. Seaman's 
Catalogue and the two Elegies on his death, at which we 
have been looking, all once belonged to Narcissus Luttrell, 
the author of ' Brief Historical Relation of State Affairs,' 
1678-17 14. According to the crabbed notes of the anti- 
quary Hearne, whom he had offended by refusing to lend 
him books, Luttrell was not only a book-collector but a 
miser, who would not have given the judges and other 
dignitaries who attended his funeral (in 1732) 'a meal's 
meat ' while he was alive. But he was * well-known for his 
curious library, especially for the number and scarcity of 
[books on] English history and antiquities, which he 
collected in a lucky hour at very reasonable rates.' After 
Luttrell's death, his copy of Seaman's Catalogue passed 



THE FIRST ENGLISH BOOK SALE 171 

into the collection of the antiquary Gough, and then into 
that of the celebrated Richard Heber, perhaps the greatest 
of all English book-collectors. At Heber's sale it was 
acquired by the British Museum, and its literary pedigree 
thereby closed. But the possession of such a pedigree 
adds very greatly to the interest of a book in the eyes of 
book-lovers, and so far as the institution of sales by 
auction has increased our knowledge of the book-collectors 
of the past, we have every reason to be grateful to Dr. 
Joseph Hill who, to return to our text, * first advised and 
effectually set on foot that admirable and universally 
approved of way of selling libraries.' 



172 OLD PICTURE BOOKS 



JOHN DURIE'S * REFORMED 
LIBRARIE-KEEPER'^ 

FROM time to time attention has been called to the 
letter in which John Durie put together, for the 
first time in England, a series of suggestions on 
the duties of a Librarian, but, so far as I am aware, Durie's 
letter has never been reprinted in full, and I propose here 
to preface it with a few notes on the author's own career 
as a librarian, for which the Calendars of State Papers 
ofifer some materials. Of Durie's long life — he was born 
in 1596 and did not die till 1680 — we need concern our- 
selves with only a very few months. As we shall see, his 
employer Whitelock asserts that he was a German, but 
this is a mistake, for he was born in Edinburgh, although 
the persecuted life of his father, Robert Durie, caused him 
to be educated abroad, chiefly at Sedan. From an early 
period he devoted himself to the cause of religious unity 
among the Protestant Churches of Europe, and in this 
cause he laboured all his life, possibly with more zeal than 
wisdom. When he found how hardly religious unity was 
to be achieved he was ready, we are told, to regard the 
acceptance of the Lord's Prayer, the Apostles' Creed, and 
the Ten Commandments as the sole requirement for inter- 
communion. In the seventeenth century this certainly 
amounted to latitudinarianism, and it is not easy to acquit 

* From * The Library/ by leave of the editor. 



DURIE'S REFORMED LIBRARIE-KEEPER 173 

Durie of a disposition to run both with hare and hounds, 
which did not escape the observation of his contemporaries. 
At the outbreak of the Civil War he was a Royalist and 
acted for some time as Chaplain to the Princess Mary of 
Orange at the Hague. But he wearied of this employment, 
returned to England, served the Commonwealth, both as 
librarian and as literary hack in offices peculiarly distasteful 
to the Royalists, and yet after the Restoration did not fail 
to endeavour to explain away his defection. A political 
comprehensiveness such as this may perhaps explain the 
reason why, despite his journeyings all over the north of 
Europe, Durie's efforts after religious unity so signally 
failed to attract theologians of any party. The believers 
in black and the believers in white will hardly admire the 
man who adopts grey as the only wear, and endeavours 
to make it serve for each in turn. 

The excellence of Durie's treatise on library-manage- 
ment speaks for itself, but it seems not altogether unlikely 
that it was composed for the special purpose of the author's 
advancement. It is prefaced by a short letter by 3amuel 
Hartlib, the friend of Milton, and Durie, as we shall see, 
shortly afterwards was employed to translate Milton's 
* Eiconoclastes ' into French. On August 5, 1650 (the 
year in which the * Reformed Librarie-Keeper ' was pub- 
lished), Durie had been granted liberty by the Council of 
State, to which Milton was Latin Secretary, to abide in 
the Commonwealth, and on August 21 this grant was 
confirmed by warrant * granting license to Mr. Durie to 
stay in England till further order, on security for good 
behaviour.' Now some weeks before this the Council of 
State had taken into consideration what should be done 
with the Royal Collections of books, manuscripts, and 
medals, and had resolved to appoint Whitelocke their 



174 OLD PICTURE BOOKS 

keeper, and to allow him the services of an Assistant. If 
Durie's * Reformed Librarie-Keeper ' was written at this 
juncture, at the suggestion of Milton and Hartlib in order 
to forward his claims to the Assistant-ship, it was certainly 
very well timed, and it is not unlikely that this was actually 
the case. Whitelocke's account of the matter, under date 
July 30, 1650, is as follows : 

'July 30. Referred to the Council of State to preserve the 
books and medals at St. James's from imbezzlement. 

' After this Order past, the Council propounded it to me, whether 
I would take upon me the Charge and Care of these precious 
Medals and Books, and to be the Library-Keeper, and to appoint 
whom I thought fit to look to them under me. 

'I knew the greatness of the charge, and considered the pre- 
judice that might fall out, by being responsible for those rich 
jewels, the imbezzlement whereof would be attempted by many, 
and my other occupations would not permit me to give much 
personal attendance on this business, nor to enjoy much of the 
delight of perusing them. 

' Yet I, being informed of a design in some to have them sold 
and transported beyond sea, which I thought would be a dis- 
honour and a damage to our nation, and to all scholars therein, 
and fearing that in other hands they might be more subject to 
imbezzleing, and being willing to preserve them for publick use, I 
did accept of the trouble of being Library-Keeper at St. James's and 
therein was encouraged and much persuaded to it by Mr. Selden, 
who swore that if I did not undertake the charge of them— all 
those rare Monuments of Antiquity, those choice Books and 
Manuscripts would be lost, and there were not the like to them, 
except only in the Vatican, in any other Library in Christendom. 

'The Council made an order for me to be Library- Keeper of 
St. James's and to have lodgings in the house belonging to the 
place, and recommended to me Mr. Duery, a German by birth, a 
good scholar, and a great traveller and friend to the Parliament, 
to be my Deputy in that place, but at my liking. 

' I was willing to have a Deputy by their recommendation, being 
thereby I should be the less answerable, and I appointed Mr. 



DURIE'S REFORMED LIBRARIE-KEEPER 175 

Duery to have the keys, to go to Mr. Patrick Young the former 
Library-Keeper to the late King, to inquire for an inventory of the 
Books and Medals, and to see an exact one made forthwith of all 
of them.* — * Whitelocke*s Memorials,* p. 416. 

Whitelocke's narrative, though under date July 30, of 
course embraces also the events of the subsequent months, 
As the following entries from the Calendar of State Papers 
for 1560 will show, Durie did not receive his appointment 
till the following October : 

* Oct. 28. — 24. John Durie appointed Library-Keeper of the 
books at St. James's, as also of the medals, and to have the lodg- 
ings belonging to that place, and to make an inventory of the 
books, medals and mss., and present it to Council. 

*Oct. 29. — I. Mr. Dury to be Library-Keeper at St. James's 
House, and Col. Berkstead to appoint convenient lodgings for him. 

*Nov. 7. — 2. The new chapel of St. James's to be used as a 
library, and Mr. Durie to take care that the books and medals be 
removed there as soon as it is finished. 

*Nov. 21. — 12. Lord Commissioner Lisle, Sir Hen. Vane, and 
Mr. Challoner added to the Committee formerly appointed for the 
library — viz., Lord Commissioner Whitelock, Visct. Lisle, and Sir 
Gilbert Pickering; Mr. Dury, the Library- Keeper, is to apply to 
them upon all emergencies, and receive instructions for the safe 
preservation of the library and medals, and to prepare directions 
to be given to the surveyor of the works for fitting the new chapel 
for the use of a library.* 

We hear no more of Durie till May 20th, 165 1, when 
the Council of State ordered him 'to proceed in trans- 
lating Mr. Milton's book, written in answer to the King's 
book, and Mr. Frost to give him such fit reward for his 
pains as he shall think fit.' In the following October 
we have this interesting entry, which shows that he was 
by no means neglectful of his duties 2 

'Oct. [6?] — 56. John Dury, Library- Keeper at St. James's, to 
the Council of State. The books and manuscripts will be utterly 



176 OLD PICTURE BOOKS 

■ 

spoiled if not immediately looked after, as they lie upon the floor 
in confused heaps, so that not only the rain and dust, but the rats, 
mice, and other vermin can easily get at them, and none of these 
inconveniences can be prevented, unless you order the trustees for 
sale of the late King's goods to deliver me the keys. 

' The trustees long since made a catalogue of the books, and an 
inventory of the medals, so that there is nothing more left for them 
to do, and they might therefore be also desired to deliver up such 
catalogues and inventory ; if there should be anything to complete, 
I am willing to assist them therein, so that the work may not linger, 
and the library be utterly spoiled, and remain useless to the public* 
[One page.] 

This is the last entry we have concerning Durie as a 
librarian. His translation (published in 1652) of * Mr. 
Milton's book written in answer to the late King's book,' 
i.e. *Eiconoclastes,' was brought to a completion, and 
there is an Order in Council that no custom duty should 
be charged upon its export. Then we have Durie's peti- 
tion for his fee for the translation, and then he goes off to 
Sweden with Whitelocke, his rooms at St James's are 
assigned to another, and our interest in him sensibly 
wanes. 

The title-page of Durie's tiny pamphlet runs as 
follows: — *The | Reformed | Librarie- Keeper | with a 
supplement to the | Reformed School, | as subordinate to 
Colleges in | Universities. | By | John Durie | where- 
unto is added | I. An idea of Mathematicks. II. The 
description of one of the chiefest | Libraries which is in 
Germanic, erected | and ordered by one of the most 
Learned | Princes in Europe. | London | Printed by 
William Du-Gard, and are | to bee sold by Robert Little- 
berrie at the | sign of the Unicorn in Little | Britain. 
1650.' 

The supplement to the Reformed School comes first, 



DURIE'S REFORMED LIBRARIE-KEEPER 177 

and our tract is preceded by a false title of its own : — * The 
I Reformed | Librarie-Keeper. | By | John Durie | [De- 
vice of Fleur-de-Lys.] London | Printed by William Du- 
Gard, | Anno Dom. 1650.' The two letters are preceded 
by Hartlib's preface, and followed by the two appendices 
mentioned on the title-page, neither of which, in all like- 
lihood, is by Durie himself. Of the two letters only the 
first is here reprinted, the second being a mere feeble 
repetition of it clothed in religious phraseology. The one 
here given is to some extent marred by Durie's riding to 
death of the metaphor of ' trading ' for exchange of infor- 
mation. Despite this fault, it is full of excellent sense, 
and shows throughout a lofty sense of the functions of a 
librarian. I reprint it here as it stands, with a careful 
retention of the original spelling and punctuation : — 

THE 

REFORMED LIBRARIE-KEEPER : 

OR 

Two Copies of Letters concerning the Place and Office of a 

Librarie-Keeper. 

THE FIRST LETTER. 

* The Librarie- Keeper's place and office, in most countries (as 
most other Places and Offices both in Churches and Universities) 
are lookt upon, as Places of profit and gain, and so accordingly 
sought after and valued in that regard ; and not in regard of the 
service, which is to bee don by them unto the Common-wealth 
of Israel, for the advancement of Pietie and Learning; for the 
most part men look after the maintenance, and livelihood settled 
upon their Places, more then upon the end and usefulness of 
their emploiments; they seek themselves and not the Publick 
therein, and so they subordinate all the advantages of their places, 
to purchase mainly two things thereby viz. an easie subsistence; 
and som credit in comparison of others ; nor is the last much 
regarded, if the first may bee had ; except it bee in cases of strife 

M 



178 OLD PICTURE BOOKS 

and debate, wherein men are over-heated : for then indeed som 
will stand upon the point of Honor, to the hazard of their temporal 
profits; but to speak in particular of Libratie-Keepets, in most 
Universities that I know; nay indeed in all, their places are but 
Mercenarie, and their emploiment of little or no use further, then 
to look to the books committed to their custodie, that they may 
not bee lost or embezeled by those that use ihem, and this is all, 
I have been informed that In Oxford (where the most famous 
Librarie now extant amongst the Protestant Christians is kepi), the 
settled maintenance of the Librarie- Keeper is not above fiflie or 
sixtie pound per annum; but that it is accidentally, miV ef modis 
sometimes worth an hundred pound : what the accidenls are, and 
the waies by which they com, I have not been curious to search 
after; but I have thought, that if the proper emploimenis of 
Librarie- Keepers were taken into consideration as they are, or may 
bee made useful to the advancement of Learning ; and were ordered 
and maintained proportionally to the ends, which ought to bee 
intended thereby; they would bee of exceeding great use to all 
sorts of Scholars, and have an universal influence upon all the parts 
of Learning, to produce and propagate the same unto perfec- 
tion. For if Librarie- Keepers did understand themselves in the 
nature of their work, and would make themselves, as they ought to 
bee, useful in their places in a publick waie ; they ought to becom 
Agents for the advancement of universal Learning ; and to this 
effect I could wish, that their places might not bee made, as euerie- 
where they are, Mercenarie, but rather Honorarie ; and that with 
the competent allowance of two hundred pounds a year, som em- 
ploiments should bee put upon them further then a bare keeping 
of the books. It is true that a fair Librarie, is not onely an 
ornament and credit to the place where it is; but an useful com- 
moditie by itself to the publick ; yet in effect it is no more then a 
dead Bodie as now it is constituted, in comparison of what it might 
bee, if it were animated with a publick spirit to keep and use it, and 
ordered as it might bee for public service. For if such an allow- 
ance were settled upon the emploiment as might maintain a man 
of parts and generous thoughts, then a condition might bee 
annexed to the bestowing of the Place ; that none should be called 
thereunto but such as had approved themselves zealous and profit- 
able in som publick waies of Learning to advance the same, orthat 
should bee bound to certain tasks to bee prosecuted towards that 



DURIE'S ' REFORMED LIBRARIE-KEEPER ' 179 

end, whereof a List might bee made, and the waie to trie their 
abilities in prosecuting the same should be described, least in after 
times, unprofitable men creep into the place, to frustrate the publick 
of the benefit intended by the Doners towards posteritie. The 
proper charge then of the Honorarie Librarie-Keeper in an Univer- 
sitie should bee thought upon, and the end of that Imploiment, in 
my conception, is to keep the publick stock of Learning, which is 
in Books and Manuscripts, to increas it, and to propose it to 
others in the waie which may bee most useful unto all ; his work 
then is to bee a Factor and Trader for helps to Learning, and a 
Treasurer to keep them, and a dispenser to applie them to use, or 
to see them well used, or at least not abused ; and to do all this, 
first a Catalogue^ of the Treasurie committed unto his charge is to 
bee made, that is all the Books and Manuscripts, according to the 
Titles whereunto they belong, are to bee ranked in an order most 
easie and obvious to bee found, which I think is that of Sciences 
and Languages; when first all the Books are divided into their 
subjeciam materiam whereof they Treat, and then everie kinde of 
matter subdivided into their several Languages ; and as the Cata- 
logue should bee so made, that it may alwaies bee augmented as 
the stock doth increas ; so the place in the Librarie must bee left 
open for the increas of the number of Books in their proper Seats, 
and in the Printed Catalogue, a Reference is to bee made to the 
place where the Books are to bee found in their Shelvs or reposi- 
tory. When the stock is thus known and fitted to bee exposed to 
the view of the Learned World, then the waie of Trading with it, 
both at home and abroad, is to bee laid to heart both for the 
increas of the stock, and for the improvement of it to use. For 
the increas of the stock both at home and abroad, correspondencie 
should bee held with those that are eminent in everie Science, to 
Trade with them for their profit, that what they want and wee have, 
they may receiv upon condition, that what they have and wee want, 
they should impart in that facultie wherein their eminence doth 
lie ; as for such as are at home eminent in anie kinde, becaus they 
may com by Native right to have use of the Librarie-Treasure, they 
are to be Traded withal in another waie, viz. that the things which 
are gained from abroad, which as yet are not made common, and 
put to publick use should bee promised and imparted to them for 
the increas of their private stock of knowledge, to the end that 
what they have peculiar, may also bee given in for a requital, so 



i8o OLD PICTURE BOOKS 

that the particularities of gifts at home and abroad, are to meet as 
in a Center in the hand of the Librarie-Keeper, and hee is to Trade 
with the one by the other, to caus them to multiplie the publick 
stock, whereof hee is a Treasurer and Factor. 

' Thus hee should Trade with those that are at home and abroad 
out of the Universitie, and with those that are within the Univer- 
sitie, hee should have acquaintance to know all that are of anie 
parts, and how their view of Learning doth He, to supplie helps 
unto them in their faculties from without and from within the 
Nation, to put them upon the keeping of correspondencie with men 
of their own strain, for the beating out of matters not yet elaborated 
in Sciences ; so that they may bee as his Assistants and subordi- 
nate Factors in his Trade and in their own for gaining of knowledg : 
Now because in all publick Agencies, it is fit that som inspection 
should bee had over those that are intrusted therewith, therefore in 
this Factorie and Trade for the increas of Learning, som tie should 
bee upon those Librarie-Keepers to oblige them to carefulness. 

' I would then upon this account have an Order made that once 
in the year the Librarie-Keeper should bee bound to give an 
Account of his Trading, and of his Profit in his Trade (as in all 
humane Trades Factors ought, and use to do to their principals at 
least once a year), and to this effect I would have it ordered, that 
the chief Doctors of each facultie of the Universitie should meet at 
a Convenient time in a week of the year to receive the Accounts of 
his Trading, that hee may shew them wherein the stock of Learning 
hath been increased for that year's space ; and then he is to pro- 
duce the particulars which he hath gained from abroad, and laie 
them before them all, that everie one in his own facultie may 
declare in the presence of others that which hee thinketh fit to bee 
added to the publick stock, and made common by the Catalogue 
of Additionals, which everie year within the Universities is to be 
published in writing within the Librarie itself, and everie three 
years (or sooner as the number of Additionals may bee great, or 
later, if it bee smal) to be put in Print and made common to those 
that are abroad. And at this giving up of the accounts, as the 
Doctors are to declare what they think worthie to bee added to the 
common stock of Learning, each in their Facultie; so I would 
have them see what the Charges and Pains are whereat the Librarie 
Keeper hath been, that for his encouragement the ext'raordinarie 
expences in correspondencies and transcriptions for the publick 



DURIE'S * REFORMED LIBRARIE-KEEPER ' i8i 

good may bee allowed him out of some Revenues, which should be 
set apart to that effect, and disposed of according to their joint 
consent and judgment in that matter. Here then hee should bee 
bound to shew them the Lists of his correspondents, the Letters 
from them in Answer to his, and the reckoning of his extraordinarie 
expence should bee allowed him in that which hee is indebted, or 
hath freely laid out to procure Rarities into the stock of Learning. 
And becaus I understand that all the Book-Printers or Stationers 
of the Common-wealth are bound of everie Book which is Printed 
to send a Copie into the Universitie Librarie ; and it is impossible 
for one man to read all the Books in all Faculties, to judg of them 
what worth there is in them ; nor hath everie one Abilitie to judg 
of all kinde of Sciences what everie Author doth handle, and how 
sufficiently ; therefore I would have at this time of giving accounts 
the Librarie- Keeper also bound to produce the Catalogue of all 
the Books sent unto the Universitie's Librarie by the Stationers 
that Printed them ; to the end that everie one of the Doctors in 
their own Faculties should declare, whether or no they should bee 
added, and where they should bee placed in the Catalogue of 
Additional; for I do not think that all Books and Treatises, 
which in this age are Printed in all kindes, should bee inserted into 
the Catalogue, and added to the stock of the Librarie, discretion 
must be used and confusion avoided, and a cours taken to dis- 
tinguish that which is profitable from that which is useless, and 
according to the verdict of that Societie, the usefulness of Books 
for the publick is to bee determined ; yet because there is seldom 
anie Books wherein there is not somthing useful, and Books freely 
given are not to bee cast away, but may bee kept; therefore I 
would have a peculiar place appointed for such Books as shall bee 
laid aside to keep them in, and a Catalogue of their Titles made 
Alphabetically in reference to the Autor*s name with a note of dis- 
tinction to shew the Science to which they are to bee referred. 
These thoughts com thus suddenly into my head, which in due 
time may bee more fully described, if need bee, chiefly if, upon the 
ground of this account, som competencie should bee found out and 
allowed to maintein such charges as will bee requisite towards the 
advancement of the Publick good of Learning after this manner.* 



WOODCUTS IN ENGLISH PLAYS 183 



WOODCUTS IN ENGLISH PLAYS 
PRINTED BEFORE 1660^ 

WHEN loaves are lacking it seems natural to 
attach a high value to crumbs, and perhaps 
this may be accepted as an excuse for 
printing the following rough notes on the few woodcuts 
which I have been able to find in editions of English 
plays printed before 1660. An excuse is needed, because, 
while the artistic value of the cuts is distinctly low, the 
plays in which they are found, with the exception of 
Marlowe's * Dr. Faustus,' are not of the first interest. On 
the other hand, as I hope to show, the woodcuts, as a 
rule, are not merely fancy pictures used only because they 
looked pretty. They are real illustrations, drawn by men 
who had certainly read the plays themselves, and in all 
probability had seen them. To have had, say, the play- 
scene from * Hamlet' drawn, however rudely, as a title- 
cut by a contemporary artist would have been a very 
pleasant addition to our scanty sources of knowledge as to 
the appearance of the actors and the stage when Shake- 
speare's plays were first acted, and, though it is less 
interesting plays which have come down to us embellished 
with illustrated title-pages, we may as well take note of 
what fortune has given us. 
Two at least of the old morality plays, * Every Man ' 

^ From 'The Library,' by leave of the editor, and Messrs. Kegan Paul, 
Trench, Trlibner and Co. 



i84 OLD PICTURE BOOKS 

and * Hyckscorner,' are prefaced with cuts, to some of 
which the names of the characters are attached on labelSy 
so that we may be sure of their identity. Unfortunately 
most of these little figures are poor copies of those used in 
a French translation of * Terence,' published by Antoine 
Verard. In * Hyckscorner ' Wynkyn de Worde went 
farther. To fill up a gap on his title-page he inserts a 
picture of an elephant with a howdah on his back. I 
have read * Hyckscorner ' once, ten years ago, and I 
hope never to have to read it again. But if my memory 
serves me, there is nothing about an elephant in it, and 
this particular elephant agrees so closely with one used by 
John of Doesborgh to illustrate a tract about Prester 
John's country that I am afraid he was one of Wynkyn de 
Worde's job lots. Clearly these earliest cuts throw no 
light on the contemporary stage. 

The title-cut of * The pleasant and stately morall of the 
Three Lordes and Three Ladies of London,' printed by 
* R. Ihones ' in 1590, is of more interest. If I am right in 
my interpretation of it, it relates not to the play itself, but 
to a performance of any morality in a private hall. On 
the right is a philosophical-looking person with a wand in 
his hand, whom I take to be the * Doctor' or * Expositor,' 
who used to interpret to the audience the meaning of the 
old miracle plays and moralities. On the left is a man in 
ordinary dress of the sixteenth century, apparently an 
actor. Both these are turning their faces to a group of 
ladies seated on a dais, presumably as spectators. The 
picture is thus taken from the rear of the actors, and 
illustrates, though in rather a dull and conventional 
manner, the performances of a much earlier period than 
1590. This is in keeping with the play itself, the * statelie 
morall ' being a curious hybrid, half morality, half play. 



WOODCUTS IN ENGLISH PLAYS 



■85 



the publication of which at a date when Shakespeaie and 
Marlowe were already writing for the stage was a curious 
anomaly. 

Three other sixteenth-century plays, Mariowe's 'Faustus,' 
Greene's ' Friar Bacon ' and ' Hieronimo,' were issued 
with title-cuts, but not, I believe, in the sixteenth century. 




FROM "THE 



The edition of ' The Tragicall History of the Life and 
Death of Dr. Faustus. Written by Chr. Mar.,' which I 
have found thus illustrated is that ' printed for John 
Wright, and to be sold at his shop without Newgate at 
the sign of the Bible, 1616.' Unfortunately the cut is 
larger than the page of text, and in the copies both of ibis 
and of later editions, to which I have had access, has been 



i86 



OLD PICTURE BOOKS 



cropped by the binder's shears beyond any possibility of 
reproduction. It shows Faustus, looking rather like 
some of the least flattering portraits of Archbishop Laud, 
standing in a magic circle, wand in hand, with the devil 
he has raised squatting before him on his haunches like a 
ferocious black poodle, 

As in the case of ' Dr. Faustus,' it is difficult to find an 
uncropped copy of 'The Honorable Historic of Frier 
Bacon and Frier Bongay. As it was lately plaid by the 
Prince Palatine his servants. Made by Robert Greene, 
Master of Arts. (London, Printed by Elizabeth Allde 
dwelling neere Christ-Church. 1630.)' In the copy 
accessible to me only about three-fourths of the title-page 
have escaped the horrid shears ; but this suffices to show 
that we have here one of the few variations from the 
dramatist's text of which these illustrators have to be 
accused. Bacon, when weariness compels him to leave to 
his servant the task of watching the Brazen Head, chides 
him for slowness in answering his call. 'Think you,' is 
the answer, ' that the watching of the Brazen Head craves 
no furniture? I warrant you, sir, I have so armed myself 
that if all your devils do come I will not fear them an 
inch.' Unluckily the artist has dressed the servant not as 
a fighter, but as a bandsman, with drum and a kind of 
fife, and no visible arms. But the Brazen Head is there, 
and Bacon very fast asleep, while the labels issuing from 
the Head's mouth, 'Time was,' * Time is,' 'Time is Past,' 
show that the text of the play had been read, though not 
very carefully. 

The illustration to 'Hieronimo' here shown is taken 
from the edition whose title runs : ' The Spanish Tragedie, 
containing the lamentable end of Don Horatio and Bel- 
imperia : with the pittiful death of old Hieronimo. 



WOODCUTS IN ENGLISH PLAYS 



187 



(London, Printed by Augustine Mathewes, and are to bee 
sold by lohn Grismand at his shop in Pauls Alley.)' The 
original cut is very ' mealy ' (a characteristic quite success- 
fully reproduced in the accompanying facsimile of it), and 
the design has not many artistic merits ; but in point of 
faithfulness it is probably all that could be desired. It 




will be remembered that as Horatio and Belimperia are 
toying in an arbour in Hieronimo's garden, the lady hears 
footsteps. ' Lorenzo, Balthazar, Cerberim, and Ped- 
ringano enter, disguised.' Lorenzo, the jealous brother, 
bids his minions 'Quickly despatch, my Masters,' and 
according to the stage direction, ' they hang him in the 
Arbour' {i.e., Horatio, not Lorenzo), and, despite Bel- 
imperia's entreaties, stab him to death. 



*lEiircier; . nunrHT, Tirir. FFenTfrimCi. ?twip'!" cries Bd- 
mu^^^T^ as nr dte picase. ami tftcii^a x. Ij x ts uo s 
hOfSxLZr " Ccme scro 3er -rn.'mji 7 xwst wfcfi her.' sbe is 




'Hzar, * 3ac onirry dils axe ram 317 
Aad c&ills 3iv^ riFiQinnir aexn ^rc3 -gu ci rng 
WaicfL aever dao^^ar j^sl rsoui '-"«"'• ocaure r 



I <£ii HOC tfiimrir: : yiffgouc 'tvos ac ir 
X<x BO ; X W3S some wcmaa crleii air leixL. 



Aad IB cBis yarifpu iriuss I *.g.w.ug her. 

Bat stzj. wmas lumuiuiis ^^' P -'-^'"' ' '^ ^ 

A Baa hang-'d izp» aad all c&e Xzrcercn s<ODe : 

And 31 BET Bove^to Lay tbepzilc on aie? 

Tliis place was Bade lor pleascre. boc ficr death : 

Tliese garments citat he wears I oft bare 
Alas, it cs HoraraoL xof sweet soa ! ' 



and so he makes his discovenr and devotes himself hence- 
forth to revenge. The labels issuing from the actors' 
mouths show that the artist had studied his text, and I 
cannot resist remarking on how admirably he has caught 
the pose of the straw dummy, which must have been left 
hanging to personate Horatio, in place of the actor, who 
had doubtless slipped behind the arbour during the scuffle 
and was now resting after his exertions. 

Of plays first acted in the seventeenth century which 
have woodcuts, the earliest is probably, * If you know 
not me, you know nobodie : Or the troubles of Queene 
Elizabeth. Printed for Nathaniel Butter, 1606.' To 
render the ^me' emphatic there is a portrait of Queen 



WOODCUTS IN ENGLISH PLAYS 189 

Bess seated in a chair of state, crowned, and with ball and 
sceptre in her hands. It is carefully drawn and cut, and 
no doubt represents the * make up ' which the actors 
followed. Seven years later the same publisher similarly 
embellished another chronicle play, 'When you see me 
you know me, or the famous Chronicle Historie of King 
Henrie the Eight, with the birth and vertuous life of 
Edward Prince of Wales. As it was played by the high 
and mightie Prince of Wales his servants. By Samuel 
Rowly, servant to the Prince. (At London, Printed for 
Nathaniel Butter, and are to be sold at his shop in Paules 
churchyard near S. Austines Gate. 1613.)' In the cut 
Henry viii., in his familiar attitude, is standing enveloped 
in curtains, rather like a stage manager who has come to 
the * front ' to address the audience. 

But for our purpose kings and queens copied from 
familiar portraits are less important than persons of a 
much humbler rank, and more interesting than either of 
the two illustrations just described is that of the heroine 
from * The Roaring Girls or Moll Cut-Purse. As it hath 
lately beene acted on the Fortune Stage by the Prince his 
Players. Written by G. Middleton and P. Dekkar. 
(Printed at London for Thomas Archer. 161 1.)' Moll 
Cut-Purse was a real person, of whom, as Mary Frith, a 
judicial account from the pen of Mr. A. H. Bullen will be 
found in the * Dictionary of National Biography.' In the 
play she frightens a father into allowing his son to marry 
another Mary by persuading him that it is she herself of 
whom the young man is enamoured. She is credited 
with * the spirit of foure great parishes and a voyce that 
will drown all the citty,' but the cowardly Laxton, whom 
she fights, mistakes her in her male attire for a young 
barrister, and perhaps the Temple produced many rufflers 



190 



OLD PICTURE BOOKS 



not unlike the figure here shown. Mary Frith herself 
seems to have had few good qualities, but Moll in the 
play is an amiable giant, and her promise to her servant 

of the reversion of her man's clothes 'next week' was 



^^ 


^^^w 


^^Sm 


^p 


C^m 


/ / / /M 


lII^W 


/ 1 ^ 


^^\ 



probably made in order to persuade the spectators that 
this masquerading was only an isolated freak. 

No less interesting than this, and artistically the best 
picture we have to show, is the title-cut of 'Greene's *" 



WOODCUTS IN ENGLISH PLAYS 



Quoque or the Cittie Gallant, as it hath beene divers times 
acted by the Queenes Maiesties servants. Written by 



<#^ 




I 


1 


^M 


m 


'W 




J 


mdl 


i^^^^F 




MM 


^^k 




91 


L^^^ 









jo. Cooke, Gent. (Printed at London for John Trundle. 
1614,)' Originally known as 'The Cittie Gallant,' this 
play was renamed after Thomas Green, the actor who so 




^iCCu; i:^ =&; ?t^ ^ -zts ixiu^ y^trnt^ ^ 'cafleniMi who 
maacs x: cicm -:3>: irwes: rins ^ ieir^ iaiianafed.' 
Vr .5ru^ :^g oLisXen: ^jr is i rci^rxx ^ Gieen in the 




maj.'^ a c-aa respec:ei. ibe ver^- cfcitinen in the sinwts Jo 
aJore mc ; for :•* a bey i^ is ihrowiz^ a: his jaciolent 
chance to hit tne on the shins. *hy 1 say nochini: but 7a 
quogue, smile and ior^vc the child with a beck of my 
band or seme such like ;oken : so by that means I do 
seldom go without broken shins.* 

In contrast to these portraits >.^~ single characters is ihe 
litle-cul oi ' The Maids Tragedie. as it hath beene diuers 
times acted at the Black-Friers by the Kings Maiesties 



WOODCUTS IN ENGLISH PLAYS 193 

Seruants. Newly perused, augmented and inlarged, this 
second Impression. (London, Printed for Francis Con- 
stable, and are to be sold at the White Lion in Pauls 
Church-yard, 1622.)' Here we have depicted the chief 
incident of the play, the fight which Aspatia, in man's 
clothes, forces upon Amintor in order to end her life at his 
hand. The drawing is a little rude, but, as will be seen 
from the following quotation, the attitude of Aspatia is 
strictly in accordance with the text. 

* Aspatia, You- must be urged, I do not deal uncivilly 
With those that dare to fight, but such as you 
Must be used thus. [•S'^^ strikes him, 

Amintor, I prithee, youth, take heed. 

Thy sister is a thing to me so much 
Above mine honour that I can endure 
All this— good gods ! — a blow I can endure, 
But stay not, lest thou draw a timeless death 
Upon thy self. 

Aspatia, Thou art some prating fellow, 

One that has studied out a trick to talk 

And move soft-heaned people ; to be kickt, \She kicks him. 

Thus to be kickt — [aside] Why should he be so slow 
In giving me my death ? 

Amintor, A man can bear 

No more and keep his flesh. Forgive me then, 
I would endure yet, if I could. Now show 
The spirit thou pretendest, and understand 
Thou hast no hour to live. [.Theyfght. 

What dost thou mean ? Thou canst not fight. 
The blows thou mak'st at me are quite besides. 
And those I offer at thee, thou spread'st thine arms 
And tak'st upon thy breast, alas, defenceless I 

Aspatia, I have got enough. 
And my desire. There is no place so fit 
For me to die as here.* 

The fight, it will be observed, is akin to that between 
David Balfour and Alan Breck in Stevenson's * Kid- 
napped,* but here the spectators' pity is more keenly 
worked on by the inexpert challenger being a woman. and 

N 




-^e —JT l«ai r =e V.; 



-esc-e =e ■SlTE a^^ 







WOODCUTS IN ENGLISH PLAYS 195 

of Achilles : The Death of Aiax, etc. Written by Thomas 
Hey wood,' we have a very pictorial title-page, which duly 
answers to the stage direction : ' Alarum. In this combat, 
both having lost their swords and shields, Hector takes 
up a great piece of a rock and casts at Aiax, who tears a 
young tree up by the roots, and assails Hector ; at which 
they are parted by both armies.' 

In 'The Second Part' (N. Okes, 1632) the title-cut 
shows Troy in flames, the Greeks issuing from the wooden 
horse, and in the foreground Sinon and Thersites engaged 
in a most conventional stage dialogue. The actual greet- 
ing of these heroes is in contrast with the earnest mien 
the artist has given them ; for Thersites hails Sinon as 
* My Urchin,' and Sinon hails Thersites as * My Toad.' 
But these epithets had no doubt a hidden meaning. 

Our next illustration is from * The Foure Prentises of 
London, With the Conquest of Jerusalem. As it hath 
beene diuers times acted at the Red-Bull, by the Queene's 
Maiestie's Seruants with good applause. Written and 
newly reuised by Thomas Heywood. (Printed at London 
by Nicholas Okes, 1632.)' 

On the whole I am inclined to think that the picture 
merely represents the jovial dance of the apprentices, 
either when their labours are over, or when, after the 
proclamation for the Crusades, they hold this colloquy : 

* Eustace. Ran, tan, tan. 
Now by S. George he tells us gallant newes. 
I '11 home no more. I '11 run away to-night. 

Guy. If I cast bowl, or spoon, or salt again. 
Before I have beheld Jerusalem 
Let me turn Pagan. 

Charles, Hats and caps, adieu ; 

For I must leave you, if the Drum say true. 

Godfrey. Nay, then, have with you, brothers ! for my spirit 
With as much vigour hath burst forth as thine. 



196 



OLD PICTURE BOOKS 



And can as hardly be reslraia'd as yours. 
Give me your hands. 1 will consort you loo : 
Lei 's try what London Prentices can do '. 

Eustiue. For my Trades sake, if good success 1 have 
The grocers arms shall in my ensign wave 

Guy. And if ray valour bring me to command 
The Goldsmiths' arms shall in my colours stand. 

Godfrry. So of us all. Then let us in one fleet 
Launch all tojjelher,' 

These are brave words, and the coats of arms hung 
over the 'prentices' heads are in accordance with them. 




But there is a stage direction later on in the play : 
"Alarum. The four brethren each of them kill a Pagan 
king, take off their crowns and exeunt, two one way and 
two another way ' ; and I cannot but regret that the artist 
did not choose this as the subject of his cut. 

1" '655 'The Merry Devil of Edmonton' appeared 
from the press of D. Gilbertson with a title-cut showing 



^'^ 



WOODCUTS IN ENGLISH PLAYS 



197 



Banks and his famous horse on a platform. Our last 
illustration is taken, not from this, but from another 
Edmonton play, ' The Witch of Edmonton, a known true 
story. Composed into a tragi-comedy by divers well- 
esteemed Poets ; William Rowley, Thomas Dekker, John 
Ford, etc. Acted by the Princes Servants, often at the 
Cock-Pit in Drury-Lane, once at Court, with singular 




'1■'^ noinpiiiuiini 



Sa-\vyet 



PBOM ' THE WITCH O 



Applause. Never printed till now. (London, Printed by 
J. Cottrel, for Edward Blackmore, at the Angel in Paul's 
Churchyard. 1638.)' 

The illustration in this case is a composite one, refer- 
ring to three different moments in the play. Mother 
Sawyer is found by the dog — said dog, of course, being 
* a Familiar ' — cursing ' that curmudgeon Banks,' the 



198 OLD PICTURE BOOKS 

^ clown * of the piece, who, with three of his companions, 
has been abusing her. A long speech of imprecation ends 
with the effective line : 

* Vengeance, shame, ruin, light upon that Canker,' 

and it is then that there appears the stage direction, 
^ Enter Dog,' his opening remark being the ' Ho I have I 
found thee cursing? now thou art mine own,' of which 
part is shown on the label. The dog subsequently 
explains that it is only when he finds people cursing that 
he can obtain powers over them of life and death, but 
before owning to this limitation he has rather unfairly got 
the old woman to seal the usual covenant with her blood, 
and instructed her in the art of making herself unpleasant. 

' I '11 tell thee, when thou wishest ill ; 
Com, Man or Beast, would spoyl or kill. 
Turn thy back against the Sun, 
And mumble this short Orison : 

If thou to death or shame pursue ^em 

Sanctibicetur nomen tuum.* 

In a subsequent scene the Spirit takes the form of 
Katherine Carter, with whom Cuddy Banks is in love. 
On her appearing to him he remarks that he will teach 
her to walk so late ! The teaching, however, was not on 
his side. She trips before him, and his exclamation as he 
quits the stage, * Nay, by your leave I must embrace you,' 
is speedily followed by that quoted in the cut, * Oh help, 
help, I am drown'd. I am drown'd.' The stage direction 
hereupon is * Enter Wet,' and the dog, after four diabolic 
• ha ha's,' bids him * Take heed how thou trustest the 
Devil another time I ' The tumbling into the water, it 
will be observed, like the murder of her children by 
Medea, was enacted behind the stage, probably because 
on the stage there was no means of simulating water to 



WOODCUTS IN ENGLISH PLAYS 199 

tumble into. In this case, therefore, the artist, a very rude 
one, it must be confessed, not only brought three scenes 
together, but depicted one which the audience could not 
have witnessed. 

Our subject has been limited to woodcuts in old plays, 
but it should be noted that both the undated editions of 
Middleton's • Game of Chess' have engraved title-pages 
of some merit. As for our woodcuts, I have tried to resist 
the temptation to claim for them more than they deserve. 
One or two of them are really good, several others at least 
interesting, a few, like that at which we have just been 
looking, poor stuff enough. But they are connected with 
the greatest period of the English drama, and it has been 
worth while to collect these notes, if only to show that this 
is the best that English artists could do, or English 
publishers had the enterprise to commission them to do, 
when they were confronted with so unique an opportunity. 



»o OLD PICTLTIE BOOKS 



HERRICK AND HIS FRIEXDS^ 

TO all bat hts professed admirers Herrick is chiefly 
knovn by a little handful of hrrics, which ^ipear 
vith gtcsa, regularitr in the anthologies* bat 
bring vith them a very incomplete impression of their 
author's personality and life. In the case of Herrick this 
is no great wonder. The same sensuous feeling whidi 
made him invest his firiends with the perfume of Juno or 
Isis, sing of their complexions as roses overspread with 
lawn, compare their lips to cherries, and praise their silver 
feety had also its other side. The unlucky wights who 
incurred the poet*s wrath were treated in a £sishion equally 
offensive to good taste and good manners. Nor are these 
gruesome epigrams the only apples in the garden of 
Merrick's * Hesperides ' which have affronted the taste of 
modem readers. The epigrams indeed, if apples at all, 
are rather the dusty apples of the I>ead Sea than the 
pleasant fruit of the Western Isles ; but Herrick*s 
* Epithalamia/ odes whose sustained splendour gives 
them a high rank among his poems, because they sing of 
other marriage-rites than those of rice and slipper, have 
also tended to restrict the circle of his readers in an age 
which prides itself on its modest}\ Hence it has come 
about that while the names of the lovely ladies of the 
poet*s imagination, — ^Julia, Dianeme, Electra, Perilla — 
are widely known, those of the men and women whom 

' From ' MmcmilUui^s Magazine/ by leave of the editor and publishers. 



HERRICK AND HIS FRIENDS 201 

Herrick treasured as his friends are all but forgotten, and 
the materials for constructing a picture of the society amid 
which the poet moved have been neglected and thrown 
aside. 

Like most bachelors, Herrick set a high value upon 
friendship, and in his sedater middle age, when his poetry 
had lost something of its fire, he set himself to construct 
a poetic temple to commemorate the virtues of the men 
and women whom he most loved or honoured. Some- 
times instead of a temple he speaks of a book, sometimes 
his friends are his * elect,' his * righteous tribe,' language 
which recalls the * sealed of the tribe of Ben ' of his 
favourite Jonson. Inclusion among them was clearly 
reckoned as an honour, and many of the poems in which 
it is conferred were evidently written in response to 
solicitation, sportive or earnest as we may choose to think. 
These friends of his later days are not always very 
interesting. Many of them are of his relations, Herricks, 
or some of the innumerable Stones and Soames, well-to- 
do folk with whom the poet claimed cousinship through 
his mother, Julia Stone. Some of the outsiders are more 
to our purpose — ^John Selden the Antiquary, for instance, 
whose intimacy was no small honour, and Dr. Alabaster, 
who in his young days had become a convert to Catho- 
licism while serving with Essex in Spain, but whose 
apocalyptic writings brought him into trouble with the 
Inquisition, from whose clutches he was glad to find 
refuge in a return to Protestantism and an English living. 
Mr. John Crofts, cup-bearer to the King, is another friend 
who brings with him a distinct sense of reality. Herrick 
calls him his 'faithful friend,' and their acquaintance was 
probably of long standing, for we hear of Crofts as in the 
King's service a year or two before the poet buried himself 



202 OLD PICTURE BOOKS 

in his Devonshire living, and on the other hand all these 
^ Temple ' poems impress us as having been written late 
in Herrick's life. In his younger days Crofts himself may 
have been a rhymester, for in the State Papers there is a 
letter from Lord Conway thanking William Weld for 
some verses, and expressing a hope that the lines may be 
* strong enough to bind Robert Maule and Jack Crofts' 
from evermore using some phrase unknown. Mr. Crofts 
seems to have had worse faults than this of using incorrect 
phrases, for a year or two later (1634) there is a record of 
a petition from George, Lord Digby, praying to be 
released from an imprisonment incurred for assaulting 
Herrick's friend under very irritating provocation. Jack 
had passed some insult on a lady under Lord Digby's 
escort, had apologised, had boasted of the original offence, 
and when finally brought to book had interspersed remarks 
such as *WelI!' and *What then?' in a manner which 
made caning seem too good for him. But this is the 
petitioner's account, and Jack himself might have given a 
different version. 

Others of Herrick's friends seem occasionally to have 
got themselves into trouble. Dr. John Parry, for instance, 
Chancellor of the Diocese of Exeter, when first appointed, 
was accused of having oppressed divers people with 
excommunications for the sake of fees ; but we hear of 
him afterwards as highly recommended by the Deputy- 
Lieutenants, and his early exactions must have been 
atoned to the King's satisfaction, since the chancellor was 
thought worthy to be made a judge-marshal, and to 
receive the honour of knighthood. 

Many of Herrick's poems bear reference, direct or 
indirect, to the Civil War. He bewailed the separation of 
the King and Queen, welcomed Charles to the West in 



HERRICK AND HIS FRIENDS 203 

verse which sang the ^ white omens' of his coming, 
congratulated him on his taking of Leicester in May, 1645, 
and composed an ode, ^ To the King upon his welcome 
to Hampton Court,' in which he took all too cheerful a 
view of the royal prospects. His book is dedicated to 
Charles 11., and it contains also an address ^To Prince 
Charlie upon his coming to Exeter,' which probably refers 
to a visit in 1645. Years before he had sung the Prince's 
birth in a pretty choral ode, taking note of the star which 
appeared at noontide when the King his father went to 
make thanksgiving at St. Paul's Cathedral. Two other 
incidents in the west-country campaign inspired his muse, 
the taking and holding of Exeter by Sir John Berkeley, 
and the gallant victories won in Cornwall by Lord Hopton 
over very superior numbers. For the rest there is 
nothing in the ' Hesperides * to show that Herrick was a 
bigoted royalist. Utterances in favour of the divine 
right of kings and the duty of implicit obedience are not 
hard to find ; but they are balanced by epigrams which 
show a much more Parliamentary spirit, and it is often 
difficult to tell where Herrick is expressing his own 
sentiments and where he is simply running into verse 
some sentence or phrase which happened to catch his 
attention. 

When the end came, Herrick, like many another 
country priest, was turned out of his living, shook the 
dust of Dean Prior off his feet, and returned contentedly 
to London, there to take his place in a little band of wits 
who were able to endure the gloom of the Presbyterian 
rule which then held the city in its grasp. He passed his 
• Hesperides ' and * Noble Numbers ' through the press, 
made friends with young John Hall, then fresh from 
Cambridge but with a European reputation for cleverness ; 



204 OLD PICTURE BOOKS 

addressed his ^honoured friend' Mr. Charles Cotton, 
probably the friend of Izaak Walton and translator of 
Montaigne ; overpraised Leonard Willan, a wretched poet 
and dramatist, and contributed a curious poem to the 
^ Lachrymae Musarum,' in which, under the editorship of 
Richard Brome, all the wits of the day poured forth their 
lament for the death of Lord Hastings in 1649. Then 
Herrick vanishes from our sight, and save that he returned 
to his living after the Restoration and died there at Dean 
Prior in 1674 we know no more of him. 

The mention of Herrick's * Temple ' or * Book * of his 
heroes has led us to gossip first of the less interesting half 
of his life which followed on his acceptance of a country 
living. The nine or ten years which passed between his 
leaving Cambridge and his retirement to Devonshire were 
probably the most poetically productive in all his career, 
and, from the glimpses which his poems give us, were 
certainly the gayest and most amusing. 

He had gone to the University unusually late in life, in 
1613 when he was already in his twenty-first year, that is 
to say, five or six years senior to the average freshman of 
those days. After his father's suicide (for the fall from a 
window following immediately on making his will can 
hardly have been accidental, and was not so regarded at 
the time) the care of the poet and his brothers had 
devolved on their uncles Robert and William, and the 
latter, who was jeweller, goldsmith, and banker to James i., 
shortly after receiving the honour of knighthood from the 
King, on September 25, 1607, accepted his nephew as 
an apprentice for ten years. Herrick's appreciation of 
material beauty was so keen that the absence from his 
poems (so far as my memory serves me) of any striking 
allusions to goldsmith's work may perhaps be taken 'as 



HERRICK AND HIS FRIENDS 205 

evidence that during his apprenticeship with his uncle he 
did not make any great progress in the craft At all 
events he persuaded Sir William to excuse him the last 
four years of his time, and betook himself to Cambridge, 
the poets' University. 

Fourteen letters which he wrote to his uncle from his 
college still survive, all written in a high-flown rhetorical 
style, sometimes lapsing into blank verse, and with one 
unvarying theme, — the need of a prompt remittance. His 
allowance was £^0 a year (some ;^200 present value), 
probably paid out of the remnant of the ;^6oo odd which 
came to him from his father's estate. This of itself was 
no bad 'stipend,' to use the poet's word, and from the 
tone of the letters we may guess that it was also supple- 
mented by occasional gifts from his uncle and aunt. But 
it was apparently not paid regularly ; Herrick was 
frequently in pecuniary straits, and about 1616 he 
migrated from St. John's to Trinity Hall in order to 
curtail his expenses, taking his bachelor's degree from 
the latter college in 1617. 

It would be placing too touching a faith in under- 
graduate nature to attach much importance to the fact that 
the payments which Herrick requests were mostly to be 
made through booksellers, and that (save once when he 
confesses to having * run somewhat deep into my tailor's 
debt ' ) the need of books or the advancement of his studies 
are the pretexts mostly given for his requests for speedy 
payment But there is no reason to imagine that Herrick's 
university career was an idle one. His poems show 
considerable traces of a knowledge and love of the classics. 
He translates from Virgil that charming passage which 
describes the meeting of iEneas with Venus clad as a 
simple huntress, is full of Hor^tian reminiscences, borrows 



ao6 OLD PICTURE BOOKS 

a few couplets from Ovid, adapts quite a number of epi- 
grams from Martial, makes so much use of his Catullus 
that we may guess he knew a fair number of his odes by 
heart, quotes Cicero, turns a tag or two from Sallust and 
Tacitus, and had a very extensive acquaintance with 
Seneca. In Greek he takes a couplet from Hesiod as a 
motto for his * Noble Numbers,' alludes to Homer, though 
his reference to Helen at the Scaean Gate is perhaps rather 
from the 'Love Letters' of Aristaenetus than the Iliad, 
translates some twenty lines of Theocritus into the pretty 
poem entitled *The Cruel Maid,' knew something of the 
Planudean Anthology, and knew, loved, translated, and 
mitated the pseudo-Anacreon. 

A fuller account of Herrick*s indebtedness to Greek 
and Latin authors will be found in another paper. 
This brief survey of his classical studies may suffice to 
prove that he was no idler, and when he left the 
university and returned to town he must have been well 
able to hold his own with the best wits of the day. The 
well-known poem on * His Age,' * dedicated to his peculiar 
friend, Mr. John Weekes under the name of Posthumus,' 
contains in the printed version some vague reminiscences 
of their sportive days. In the Egerton MS. 2725 at the 
British Museum one verse of this poem mentions some 
of their old play-fellows : 

* Then the next health to friends of mine 
In oysters and Burgundian wine, 
Hind, Goderiske, Smith, 
And Nansagge, — 

acquaintances of the years ere yet Herrick had donned 
his parson's gown, and whose amatory powers he compares 
to those of Jove himself. 

The identity of these heroes is not very easily determined. 



HERRICK AND HIS FRIENDS 207 

A friend suggests that Hind may have been John Hind, 
an Anacreontic poet and friend of Greene, and has found 
references to a Goderiske (Goodrich) and a Nansagge, of 
whom, however, only the names are known. Smith, 
despite the commonness of the name, may almost certainly 
be identified with James Smith, a poet whose few verses 
sometimes strike a curiously modern note. Like Herrick 
he acted at one time as chaplain to a squadron sent to the 
relief of the Isle of Rh6, and like Herrick also became a 
Devonshire parson. He was, too, one of the editors and 
writers of the Anthology known as * Musarum Deliciae,' 
and his colleague in that task, the gallant royalist sailor. 
Sir John Mennis, was also a friend of Herrick, who 
addressed a poem to him. John Wicks, or Weekes, the 
• Posthumus ' of Herrick's verses, was another friend of 
Mennis and Smith, and also a country clergyman. The 
first poem in the * Musarum Deliciae ' is addressed * To 
Parson Weeks ; an invitation to London.' *One friend?' 
he is told — 

* Why thou hast thousands here 

Will strive to make thee better cheer. 

Ships lately from the islands came 

With wines, thou never heard'st their name — 

Montefiasco, Frontiniac, 

Viatico and that old Sack 

Young Herrick took to entertain 

The Muses in a sprightly vein * — 

an invitation which links together the names of all these 
topers. Weekes, however, so Antony Wood tells us, 
was a good preacher as well as a merry fellow. His living 
was in Cornwall, but he added to it a canonry at Bristol. 
Herrick addresses two other poems to him ; one * a 
paraeneticall or advisive verse,' beginning, 

* Is this a life to break thy sleep, 
To rise as soon as day doth peep ? 



2o8 OLD PICTURE BOOKS 

To tire thy patient ox or ass 
By noon and let thy good days pass, 
Not knowing this, that Jove decrees 
Some mirth to adulce man's miseries?' 

lines which seem to show that Parson Weekes took the 
cultivation of his glebe somewhat too seriously. In the 
third poem he is again addressed as Herrick*s ' peculiar 
friend,' and having apparently come off better than most 
royalist parsons under the Commonwealth, is exhorted to 
hospitality : 

* Since shed or cottage I have none, 
I sing the more that thou hast one, 
To whose glad threshold and free door 
I may a poet come, though poor. 
And eat with thee a savoury bit. 
Paying but common thanks for it.' 

If Herrick made some friends among members of his 
own profession, his love of music probably procured him 
many more. He addresses poems to William and Henry 
Lawes, both of whom set verses of his to music ; he 
alludes also to Dr. John Wilson, to Gaulthier, to Laniere, 
and to Robert Ramsay, in terms of familiarity. The last 
named, who *set' his version of the dialogue between 
Horace and Lydia, may have been a Cambridge friend, as 
he was organist of Trinity College (1628-1634). With 
another organist, John Parsons of Westminster Abbey, 
who died in 1623, Herrick must have been acquainted very 
shortly after his return from Cambridge. Evidence of the 
friendship remains in two charming little poems addressed 
to the musician's daughters, Dorothy and Thomasine : 

' If thou ask me, dear, wherefore 
I do write of thee no more, 
I must answer, sweet, thy part 
Less is here than in my heart,' 

are the lines which have given the elder sister immortality, 



HERRICK AND HIS FRIENDS 209 

while the attractions of the second are for ever celebrated 
in the couplet, — 

' Grow up in beauty, as thou dost begin 
And be of all admired, Thomasine.' 

Another family into which Herrick's love of music was 
probably the key which gained him admission, was that 
of the Norgates. According to the * Calendars of State 
Papers,' Edward Norgate the elder was in 161 r appointed, 
in conjunction with Andrea Bassano, to the office of tuner 
of the King's virginals, organs, and other instruments ; 
and six-and-twenty years later we find him superintending 
the repair of the organ in the chapel at Hampton Court. 
His son, another Edward, was originally a scrivener in the 
King's service, and was employed 'to write, limn and 
garnish with gold and colours' the royal letters to a 
picturesque list of foreign potentates, including the Grand 
Signior, the King of Persia, the Emperor of Russia, the 
Great Mogul and other remote princes, such as the Kings 
of Bantam, Macassar, Barbary, Siam, Achee, Fez, and 
Sus. From scrivener he was raised to be Clerk of the 
Signet Extraordinary, and thence to be Windsor Herald, 
and to fill a variety of small offices of profit. Herrick 
addresses him as 'the most accomplished gentleman. 
Master Edward Norgate, Clerk of the Signet to his 
Majesty,' and remarks that 

' For one so rarely tun'd to fit all parts, 
For one to whom espoused are all the arts, 
Long have I sought for, but could never see 
Them all concentered in one man but thee ' — 

a flattering tribute to the universality of Norgate's talents. 

We may pass now to some of Herrick's patrons. His 

relations with the royal family we have already touched 

on, so nothing more need be said about them here. After 

o 



2fO OLD PICTURE BOOKS 

the King, the Ehike of Buddngham, whom he acoom- 
panted as chaplain to the Isle of Rhe, was probablj the 
most influential of the poet*s protectors, and Herrick 
addresses an effusive poem to him, and a prettier one to 
his sister, Lady Mary Villiers. With the Earl of West- 
moreland, himself the author of a volume of verse (*Otia 
Sacra'), Herrick was probably on rather more intimate 
terms. He addresses poems also to the Duke of Richmond 
and Lennox, the Earl of Pembroke (Massinger*s patron), 
Edward Earl of Dorset, Viscount Newark, and also to the 
Viscount's son, whom he calls * Uliimus Heroum, or the 
most learned and the Right Honourable Henry Marquis 
of Dorchester.' Joseph Hall, Bishop of Exeter (his 
diocesan), and Williams, Bishop of Lincoln, are the only 
episcopal recipients of his verses. He bespeaks the favour 
of the former for his book, while to the latter he addresses 
a carol and a congratulation on his release from imprison- 
ment, in which he speaks obscurely of some ill-turn which 
Williams had done him. The list of lesser men of rank, 
knights and baronets, among Herrick*s friends is of about 
the same length. Sir Simeon Steward, who competed 
with him in writing fairy poems, is still remembered by 
literary antiquaries, and Sir John Denham, whom he 
congratulated on his * prospective poem ' (* Cooper's Hill '), 
is, of course, well known. But Sir Clipsby Crew, Sir 
Lewis Pemberton, Sir Edward Fish, Sir Thomas Heale, 
Sir Thomas Southwell, and other worthy magnates of the 
day, now only survive in Herrick's verse and the indices 
to County Histories. Sir Clipsby Crew, to whom he 
addresses five poems (besides two to his lady), was 
probably the most intimate of these friends, as Herrick 
speaks of him as * My Crew,' • My Clipsby,' and after 
telling him how he and his friends * securely live and eat 



HERRICK AND HIS FRIENDS 211 

the cream of meat,' quoting Anacreon and Horace the 
while, bids the * brave knight' come to visit his cell, an 
invitation which implies familiarity. Yet it is to be feared 
that with all these good knights Herrick held the Eliza- 
bethan relation of poet to patron rather than a purely equal 
friendship. Various verses to Sir Clipsby Crew, Sir Lewis 
Pemberton, Mr. Kellan and others, show that Herrick 
loved to frequent a rich man's table, and that when his own 
cellar was empty he was not slow to remind his friends 
that without Bacchus song is impossible. Herrick's ducal 
patrons probably repaid his compliments in broad pieces, 
and even a plain commoner. Master Endymion Porter, is 
commended for his liberality to poets, in that he * not only 
praised but paid them too.' 

This Endymion Porter is the last of Herrick's friends 
with whom we shall concern ourselves, and in many 
respects the most interesting of them all. Originally in 
the service of Buckingham, he accompanied the Duke and 
Prince Charles on their visit to Spain, and passed into the 
latter's service some time in the year 1624 as a groom of 
the chamber. He made himself useful to the King in 
many ways, and as early as May 1625 was granted a 
pension of ;£'5oo a year for life, and three years later was 
assigned the invidious office of Collector of Fines to the 
Star Chamber, * with a moiety of the fines he shall bring 
in.' Porter was as full also of projects as Steele himself, 
and turned them, it would seem, to much better account 
Thus we hear of ventures of his in ships called the 
Samaritan and the Roebuck^ the latter of which proved so 
remunerative that the common sailors took ;^20 apiece as 
their share. He contracted to drain Somercoates Marsh 
in Lincolnshire, and complained to the Privy Council 
when his workmen were interfered with. In 1635 he 



212 OLD PICTURE BOOKS 

joined with Lord Conway in petitioning the King for a 
grant of a kind of inspectorship of silks, for which dues 
were to be levied and ;£'ioo a year paid to the Treasury, 
the balance passing to the inspectors. Two years later 
Porter and his son George became deputies in the 
management of His Majesty's Posts. Then we hear of 
him as an assistant in the Corporation of Saltmakers of 
Yarmouth, and a little later he is concerned in the erection 
of a light-house and harbour at Filey, near Flamborough 
Head. An invention for perfecting bar-iron without the 
use of Scotch coal was his next venture, and, having 
apparently obtained a patent for this, he prays the King 
for a grant of the forest of Exmoor in fee-farm with a 
tenure in socage and the liberty of disafForestation. Next 
year (1638) he was given the reversion of the Surveyor- 
ship of Petty Customs in the Port of London (Chaucer's 
old post), and a little later on, with the Marquis of 
Hamilton, obtained leave from the King to examine all 
accounts made to his Majesty, and when they found any 
accountants to have deceived the King, to make what 
advantage they could, either by compounding with de- 
linquents of that kind or by prosecuting them, the King 
to have one half the profit, and Porter and the Marquis 
the other. Many accountants, we are told, came in and 
offered very considerable compositions, so much more grist 
to Porter's ever busy mill. These grants and petitions, it 
must be confessed, shed but a sorry light on the way 
affairs were managed during the eleven years of Charles's 
personal government, but Porter knew how to make 
himself a favourite with the King by purchasing him 
works of art, conducting negotiations with Rubens and 
Other painters, and many similar services. The State 
Papers which give us all these details of his business life 



HERRICK AND HIS FRIENDS 213 

tell us also some interesting scraps as to his taste in dress 
and at the table. He orders wine from abroad, and 
apparently uses his influence to get it in duty free, while 
a friend gratefully informs him that he has tried the 
largest soles he ever saw, fried them and pickled them 
according to Endymion's directions, and found them 
excellent. A husband who knows much about cookery 
does not always contribute to the easy digestion of family 
meals. If Endymion interfered much in this or other 
respects, he may probably have repented of it, for his 
wife, Olive, was plainly a little hot-tempered. While 
Endymion was absent in Spain the letters of husband and 
wife are full of pretty quarrels and reconciliations. ' Her 
will,' he writes once, * must be done, or else there will be 
but little quiet * ; and again, — * I wish no more wrangling 
till we meet, absence being punishment enough. I beg 
you not to beat George (their eldest son) so much, unless 
he be very like me. I will never beat Charles for being 
like you.' But Mrs. Porter could be submissive as well 
as provoking. Her brother tells her that Endymion is 
very angry, and she writes that — * She did not think he 
could have been so cruel to have stayed so long away, 
and not to forgive that which he knows was spoken in 
passion. She knows not how to beg his pardon, because 
she has broken word with him before, but she hopes his 
good nature will forgive her, and that he will come home.' 
Some day the temptation to piece together these married 
love-letters, with a sketch of what can be found out as to 
this interesting man, will become irresistible.^ Here I 
must hasten to justify Porter's appearance on the present 

^ Since this article was written, a pleasant volume on the * Life and Letters 
of Mr. Endymion Porter ' has been brought out by Dorothea Townshend (Fisher 
Unwin, 1897). 



214 OLD PICTURE BOOKS 

occasion. Five of Herrick's poems are addressed to hiixiy 
all in the vein of a poet to a patron with whom he was on 
familiar terms. One I take to be an answer to a letter of 
condolence on the death of one of Herrick's own brothers, 
though it is usually maintained that the death alluded to 
is that of a brother of Porter himself. The others are all 
sportive ; a letter in praise of a country life, a dialogue in 
which Herrick and Porter sing in turns the charms of 
country and court, and two encomiums on Porter's 
liberality. 

* Let there be patrons, patrons like to thee, 
Brave Porter ! poets ne'er will wanting be ; 
Fabius and Cotta, Lentulus all live 

In thee, thou man of men ! who here dost give 
Not only subject-matter for our wit 
But likewise oil of maintenance for it.' 

And again this quatrain, which calls up an amusing 
picture : 

* When to thy porch I come and ravish'd see 
The state of poets there attending thee. 
Those bards and I all in a chorus sing 

We are thy prophets. Porter, thou our King.' 

As these verses remind us, Porter was a patron of many 
other poets besides Herrick, and by them also was duly 
besung. He was a patron, too (the trait is too delightful 
to be omitted), of the redoubtable Captain Dover, and in 
his capacity of Groom of the Bedchamber, gave that 
worthy a suit of the King's clothes to lend more grace to 
the celebration of the Cotswold Games. But here, alas, 
we must bid farewell to him. There are yet others of 
Herrick's friends of whom we would fain write, notably a 
group of charming ladies : Mistress Bridget Lowman, to 
whom he wrote his * Meadow Verse'; Mrs. Dorothy 



HERRICK AND HIS FRIENDS 215 

Kennedy, from whom he parted with so much sorrow; 
the ' most comely and proper Mistress Elizabeth Finch ' ; 
* Mrs. Catherine Bradshaw, the lovely, that crowned him 
with laurels ' ; and last, but certainly not least, that * Pearl 
of Putney, the mistress of all singular manners, Mistress 
Portman.' But these, alas, are as mysterious to us as 
Julia and Dianeme themselves. The gossip that has here 
been set down has been gleaned, painfully enough, from 
old records and registers, and even these seemingly 
inexhaustible treasures will not always yield the informa- 
tion we desire. 



2i6 OLD PICTURE BOOKS 



A POETS STUDIES^ 

IT would be curious to trace the history of the value 
we now attach to originality of ideas. Certainly, in 
the Middle Ages originality was but lightly esteemed 
in comparison with the appearance of learning which is 
obtained by frequent reference to older authors. Chaucer, 
for instance, delights in acknowledgments of his indebted- 
ness to 'olde book6s/ and even appears to have invented 
one or two authorities rather than take the responsibility 
for his statements on his own shoulders. Moreover, in 
many of his earlier poems his indebtedness to other writers 
is really great. Thus in the * Parliament of Foules * we 
find him taking hints from Boccaccio, from Dante, from 
Alain de Tlsle, from Macrobius, Claudian, and Statius. 
Despite this indebtedness his work remains essentially his 
own ; but his borrowings, especially from Boccaccio and 
De risle, are much more considerable than custom would 
permit to a modern poet. Shakespeare's royal method of 
appropriation is something quite different from this, and 
it is probable that the esteem for originality first sprung 
up as an incident of that general revolt from the tyranny 
of authority which marked the sixteenth century. By 
1672, when the * Rehearsal ' was upon the stage, the 
habit of copying old authors had become a subject for 
ridicule : — 

* Why, sir,' says Bayes, 'when I have anything to invent 

* From * The Guardian.* By leave of the editor. 



A POET'S STUDIES 217 

I never trouble my head about it as other men do, but 
presently turn o'er this book, and there I have at one view 
all that Persius, Montaigne, Seneca's 'Tragedies,' Horace, 
JuviCnal, Claudian, Pliny, Plutarch's 'Lives,' and the 
rest have ever thought upon this subject, and so, in a 
trice, by leaving out a few words, or putting in others of 
my own, the business is done.' The bolt was apparently 
only shot into the air, and certainly had not, as far as we 
can see, any special appropriateness to Dryden, whom 
Bayes was mainly intended to satirise. But it is curious 
to note, though Buckingham was probably quite ignorant 
of the fact, that when the words were first spoken a poet 
was still living, in a quiet country parsonage, to whom by 
way of caricature they might have been applied with 
remarkable exactness. The poet was Robert Herrick, by 
common consent one of the most individual and original 
of poets, from whose title to that honour nothing in this 
paper will in any way detract. For Herrick's borrowings 
assuredly were the outcome less of his poverty of thought 
than of his wealth of music. A saying pleased him, and 
by putting in or leaving out a few words he seems to have 
made it run into graceful verse with an ease and charm 
which were wholly his own. A friend to whom the 
present writer's Herrick-studies are more indebted than he 
can easily express has made a special investigation into 
the borrowings, and the results of his inquiries are 
extremely curious.^ 

It should, perhaps, be premised that, although Herrick 
does not draw our attention to more than a small part of 
his indebtedness, he had certainly no wish to conceal it. 
In the sole edition of his poems published during his life 

* I am glad in reprintiDg this article to be allowed to give his name, the 
Rev. C. P. Phinn. 



2i8 OLD PICTURE BOOKS 

— an edition which served the needs of his few readers for 



a hundred and seventy-five years — a considerable number 
of lines are printed in italics. Some of these lines repre- 
sent a few words of a speech, others are the quotation of 
a proverb or proverbial saying, but the great majority 
indicate that the poet is translating from a Latin author. 
The italicised lines do not by any means exhaust Herrick's 
obligations to classical writers, and we may conjecture that 
when preparing his poems for the press he underscored 
the passages of which he happened to recollect the original, 
but that his memory in many cases refused to serve him. 

Herrick's poems are known to so many readers only by 
selections and anthologies, that it will probably cause even 
professed students of poetry some surprise to hear that 
among his heaviest creditors is the prosaic Seneca, and 
that he is also considerably indebted to Tacitus, and in 
some slight degree to Sallust. The popularity of the 
epigram during the first half of the seventeenth century is 
an episode in the history of English literature which has 
been too much ignored. Most of the epigrams themselves 
are worth little or nothing — often less than nothing, for 
many of them are vulgar or vile. Neither can it be said 
that the men who wrote them — Sir John Davies, Bastard, 
Pick, Parrot, the Mays, and the rest — are of great interest. 
But the popularity of the epigram, as testified by such a 
collection as ' Wit*s Recreation,' which ran through five 
editions in the fourteen years, 1640-54, helps us greatly to 
understand the transition from the luxuriant poetry which 
flourished in the first half of the century to the colder and 
more prosaic verse which we associate with Dryden. 
Now, of these epigrams Herrick wrote somewhat more 
than his fair share, and they were so much in the temper 
of the time that in the next edition of * Wit's Recreations,' 



A POET'S STUDIES 219 

which appeared after the publication of his ^ Hesperides,' 
the editors helped themselves liberally from his store. 
Some of these epigrams had better never have been 
written, for Herrick, whose sweetness at times almost 
cloys, was also master of a peculiarly nauseating dirt, 
which his modern editors surely do well in refusing to 
print. Most of these unpleasant verses he must take upon 
his own shoulders, though for a considerable number he 
found his evil inspiration in Martial. But for his cleaner 
epigrams he was often indebted, as we have said, to 
Seneca and Tacitus, and the influence of these authors may 
also be traced in some of the gnomic sayings which occa- 
sionally heighten the effect of his best and most graceful 
poems. Here are a few instances, chosen almost at 
random. Herrick's * Safety on the Shore ' : — ^ 

* What though the sea be calm ? Trust to the shore ; 
Ships have been drown'd where late they danced before' — 

is from Seneca, 'Ep.' 4: ' Noli huic tranquillitati coniidere ; 
momento mare evertitur ; eodem die ubi luserunt navigia, 
sorbentur.' In Herrick's *No Bashfulness in Begging' — 

*To get thine ends, lay bashfulness aside, 
Who fears to ask doth teach to be denyd^ — 

the line he italicises is from Seneca's * Hippolytus ' 
(11. 594, 5) — 'Qui timide rogat . . . docet negare.' So 
too in * Loss from the Least ' — 

* Great men by small means oft are overthrown ; 
He *s lord of thy life who contemns his own ' — 

the quotation is again from Seneca, ^Ep.' 4 — 'Quisquis 
vitam suam contempsit tuae dominus est.' 

If we turn now to Herrick's borrowings from Tacitus we 



220 OLD PICTURE BOOKS 

may take as a good example his couplet headed, ' Things 
mortal still mutable ' : — 

* Things are uncertain^ and the more we get 
The more on icy pavements we are set,^ 

Which is really a wonderful rendering of a saying of the 
Emperor Tiberius reported in 'Annals' i. 72 — 'Cuncta 
mortalium incerta, quantoque plus adeptus foret, tanto se 
magis in lubrico.' Another good instance is supplied by 

* The Eyes '— 

^ Tis a known principle in war, 
The eyes be first that conquered are ' — 

where Herrick's not very lucid English is explained by 

* De Moribus German.' 43—* Primi in omnibus praeliis 
oculi vincuntur.' Or again, we may take ' Revenge ' — a 
rather longer verse than those we have hitherto quoted : — 

* M litis disposition is for to requite 
An injury before a benefit : 
Thanksgiving is a burden and a pain. 
Revenge is pleasing to us^ as our gain^ — 

where Herrick's original is Tacitus, *Hist.' iv,, 3: — 

* Tanto proclivius est iniuriae quam beneficio vicem ex- 
solvere ; quia gratia oneri, ultio in quaestu habetur.' 

Herrick's obligations to Sallust are less important than 
those to Seneca and Tacitus. In one case he mentions 
the historian by name : — 

* Empires of kings are now, and ever were, 
As Sallust saith, coincident to fear.' 

The reference being to the spurious * Epist. ad Cai. 
Caesar, de Rep. Ordinanda.' * Consultation ' — 

* Consult ere thou begin'st ; that done, go on 
With all wise speed for execution' — 



A POETS STUDIES 221 

is apparently suggested by the * Nam et prius quam 
incipias consulto, et ubi consulueris mature facto opus 
est/ of the opening of the ^Catiline.' There are some 
three or four other reminiscences about equally close, but 
they are hardly worth special mention. 

As might be expected, many of Herrick's borrowings, 
especially those from Tacitus, have to do with politics, 
and commentators who have mistaken his jottings from 
his common-place book for the expression of his own prin- 
ciples have been rather confused by their alternate leaning 
to absolutism and its reverse. Thus, in * A King and no 
King'— • 

* That prince who may do nothing but what^s just 
Rules but by leave^ and takes his crown on trust^ — 

the sentiment is remarkably ^ thorough ' ; but the italics 
indicate a quotation, and we can hardly be wrong in 
tracing the lines to the * Thyestes ' of Seneca : — 

' Ubicunque tantum honeste dominanti licet, 
Precario regnatur.' 

Again, in 'Shame no Statist' — 

' Shame is a bad attendant to a State : 
He rents his crown^ who fears the peoplf^s hate * — 

both lines, though only the last is italicised, are from 
Seneca; the first from 'Hippolytus' 431 — 'Malus est 
minister regii imperii pudor ' ; the second from * CEdipus ' 
701 — *Odia qui nimium timet regnare nescit.' On the 
other hand, the italics in the lines entitled * Patience in 
Princes ' and * Gentleness ' show that some of Herrick's 
constitutional maxims were also quotations, though their 
source has not yet been traced. That of the first is, 
perhaps, to be found in Seneca's * De Clementia ' i. 22. 
* Kings ought to shear, not skin, their sheep ' comes from 



222 OLD PICTURE BOOKS 

Suetonius, 'Tiberius' 32 ('Boni pastoris est tondere 
pecus, non deglubere '), and ' Kings ought to be more 
loved than feared ' from Seneca's * Octavia,* 1. 457 (* Decet 
timeri Caesarem. At plus diligi'). Even in weightier 
matters than politics we must be on our guard against 
the tricks Herrick may play us. The lines entitled 
* Devotion makes the Deity ' — 

' Who forms a godhead out of gold or stone, 
Makes not a god, but he that prays to one ' — 

have recently been quoted as expressing * for once a really 
high and deep thought in words of really noble and severe 
propriety ' ; yet they are taken almost literally from 
Martial viii. xxiv. 5 : — 

* Qui fingit sacros auro vel marmore vultus, 
Non facit ille deos : qui rogat ille facit/ 

In his 'Noble Numbers' Herrick quotes or paraphrases 
in the same way from S. Augustine, Cassiodorus, S. 
Bernard, S. Basil, S. Ambrose, John of Damascus, 
Boethius, and Thomas Aquinas. One or two passages 
have also been traced with absolute certainty to a contem- 
porary theological work, and it fills us with admiration 
to watch how dexterously Herrick, with a minimutn of 
alteration, turns the prose of the commentator into excel- 
lent verse. 

If we turn to Herrick's debt to more poetical writers we 
find that he takes a few phrases from Catullus (his obliga- 
tions to whom have been absurdly exaggerated), about as 
much from Tibullus, and a little also from Propertius and 
Juvenal. To his poem entitled * The Vision ' he transfers 
from Virgil ( *Aeneid' i. 315-20) the charming description 
of the dress of the Spartan huntress, in which Venus 
encounters Aeneas. From Horace, whom he occasionally 
imitates, he borrows many single lines, for the most part 



A POET'S STUDIES 2^3 

acknowledging them by italics. To Ovid his indebtedness 
for phrases and turns of thought is still more marked. 
On the whole, however, his chief obligation is to Martial, 
who supplied him not only with many of his epigrams, 
both good and bad, but also with suggestions for more 
important poems. Thus, in his second poem (*To his 
Muse') he is inspired by Martial i. iv.; a phrase in his 
third (*To his Book') is suggested by the same original ; 
the reference to Brutus in the fourth is from Martial xi. 
xvi. ; and the next poem is a paraphrase from x. xix. All 
these poems have to do with his book, and it is needless 
to say that the amount of borrowing in them is very 
exceptional ; but it was from Martial vii. Ixxxix. that 
Herrick took his lovely ' Go, Happy Rose ' ; one of his 
poems on Julia is from Martial iv. xxii. ; * The Lily and 
the Crystal' is suggested by the same poet (viii. Ixviii. 5-8), 
and there are numerous smaller borrowings, altogether 
apart from the epigrams. 

Of Greek, it is probable that Herrick's knowledge was 
only slight. There is even some slight reason to believe 
that his acquaintance with Greek authors was mainly 
derived from Latin translations. ' The Cruel Maid ' is a 
very close imitation of part of the twenty-third Idyll of 
Theocritus ; the only other Greek poetry which plays a 
serious part in his verse is the pseudo-Anacreon. To the 
collection of sportive poems, whose very slightness is their 
charm, which passed under Anacreon's name, Herrick's 
obligations are really immense. It is not only that several 
of his most charming poems — * The Cheat of Cupid,' * The 
Wounded Cupid,' *On Himself,' 'Upon His Grey Hairs,' 
etc. — are directly translated or closely imitated from the 
Greek ; but we feel in the case of these lyrics that they 
really helped the development of Herrick's own gifts in a 



334 



OLD PICTURE BOOKS 



way in which none of his Latin storehouses even 
approached. Thus it would be easy to make out a fairly 
long list of poems, in which he comes so close to the spirit 
of ' Anacreon ' that the curious student of such matters is 
sent hunting through the pages of his Bergk in a vain 
search for originals which never existed, 

Herrick went late to the University, and, despite the 
extreme propriety of the language as to his reading which 
we find in his letters to his goldsmith-uncle when he was 
in need of a remittance, it is difficult to believe that he was 
ever a very earnest or laborious student. Thus the list of 
authors from whom he borrowed comes rather as a 
surprise. It is probable that a little discount must be 
taken off the amount of erudition with which it might 
incline us to credit him. His poems make it absolutely 
certain that he was steeped in the works of Ben Jonson and 
well acquainted with Burton's 'Anatomy of Melancholy,' 
and the Essays of Montaigne. Now Jonson, Burton, 
and Montaigne, as it is hardly necessary to remark, all 
three drew inspiration from the classics, and it would not 
be difficult to prove that at times Herrick's quotations 
came to him filtered through these authors, and not 
directly from the fountain head. This helps us to under- 
stand some excursions of the poet which seem unusually 
far afield. For instance, there can be no doubt that the 
ultimate original of Herrick's— 

' Calher ye rosebuds while ye may, 
Old Time is still a-flying'— 

is from Ausonius (361, II. 49-50) : — 

' Coltige, virgo, rosas, dum flos novus, et nov& ptibes, 
Et memor eslo aevum sic properare tuum,' 

But how came Herrick to be reading an author so littl« 



A POET'S STUDIES 



225 



I 



known? The probable answer is that he found the lines 
in Burton (in. ii. s. sec. 5), where they are quoted with 
the gloss : — 

'A virgin is like a flower, a rose withered on a sudden. Let 
them take time then while they may, make advantage of youth,' 
etc. 

So too when we find Herrick in his 'Jove for our labours 
all things sells us,' quoting Epicharmus, economy bids us 
imagine that he found the saying (riaii ■n-dvtoi' irraXovmp 
ijfiiv iravra Taydd' 01' Qeoi) not in Xenophon's 'Memora- 
bilia' II. i. 20), where it first appears, but in Montaigne 
(11. 20), where it is quoted. For we know Herrick read 
Montaigne, and we have no evidence that he read 
Xenophon, Where the quotation is from Horace, or 
Martial, or Seneca, or any other author whom we may be 
reasonably sure that Herrick studied at first hand, it is of 
course quite as likely that he found it for himself as that 
his attention was drawn to it by Jonson, Burton, or 
Montaigne. Probably the poet himself would sometimes 
have been puzzled to trace his obligations to their sources. 
In any case, when all necessary allowance has been made, 
it is obvious that his knowledge of the chief Latin writers 
was considerable, and that according to the stereotyped 
phrase, he must have ' kept up his classics ' very diligently 
after leaving Cambridge. 

What effect should this tracking out the poet's quota- 
tions and adaptations to their sources have on our judg- 
ment of his genius? Surely, it should make us rate it 
more highly. We may almost say that what Herrick 
borrowed was intrinsically of little more value than the 
tags from a Latin delectus. He breathed upon them and 
filled them with his music, so that they assimilate so 
admirably with his verse, that even when he printed them 



226 OLD PICTURE BOOKS 

in italics the meaning of the change of type has lo 
remained a secret to his commentators. It has becomi 
commonplace of criticism to write of Herrick as a ' butt 
fly,' but he was really a conscious artist, and no mean oi 
The examples which have been given in this paper hs 
necessarily been chosen chiefly to illustrate the width 
his reading. If space allowed, it would be pleasant 
adduce others with the special object of exhibiting i 
skilfulness of his transmutations. Even in those we ha 
given, few genuine lovers of poetry will deny that while 
translate ' luserunt navigia' by 'where late they dana 
is merely a happy stroke of scholarship, the rendering 
' in lubrico ' by ' on icy pavements,' or ' regnare nescit' 
' he retits his crown,' is sheer genius. 



PRINTERS' MARKS 227 



PRINTERS' MARKS OF THE FIFTEENTH 
AND SIXTEENTH CENTURIES^ 

IF truth is to be told, I have never as yet met with 
any amateur who collected books for the sake of the 
printer's mark at the beginning or end of them. But 
it has always seemed to me that it would be an agreeable 
variety of book-collecting to do this, and one which would 
lead the collector along many 
by-paths of curious knowledge. 
For fear of any possible mis- 
take, I should perhaps empha- 
sise the point that the collection 
must be one not of printers' 
marks cut out from books, but device of fust and 

of books in which the marks '^"^''"^'*' '•♦^ 

are printed. Even in the case of book-plates, it has 
often been noted how much they gain in interest when 
they are found in situ^ though there is always the haunt- 
ing fear that the conjunction of book and plate may only 
be due to the ingenuity of the vendor. Book-plates, how- 
ever, have of right a separate existence apart from books, 
since they are made separately and must await their 
owners' pleasure before they can be set to their proper 
work. But the printer's device is an integral part of the 
book in which it occurs, nor can any limpet torn from its 

^ From the ' G>nnoisseur/ by leave of the editor. 




PRINTERS' MARKS 



229 



ick look more unhappy than one of these marks cut out 

rom the page on which it was printed, and pasted in a 

"scrap-book. Unhappily, it must be said that. like the 

book-plate, though more 

rarely, a device is some- 

tnes found attached to 
book to which it does 
>t belong. Thus, in 
e last Inglis sale an 
lition of a ' Defen- 
sorium Curatorum * by 
an unknown French 
printer, was catalogued 
from the press of 
blard Mansion on the 
lore of Mansion's de- 
vice, cut out with extra- 
jrdinary neatness, being 
"pasted on the last leaf. The buyer of it certainly bid 
with open eyes, but it is annoying to pay even a few 
shillings more because of such a freak. So, too, a leaf 
with Caxton's device bound at the end of Pynson's edition 
of the 'Speculum Vitac Chrisli' led the late Mr. Blades to 
^_t)elieve that Pynson was Caxton's apprentice. But these 
^Blisdeeds or mishaps are exceptional, and it is the collector 
^R>f scraps, from Bagford downwards, whom the printers' 
device has chiefly to fear. 

The merits of printers' devices are twofold — many of 
them are very pretty, and all of them, when duly studied, 
are capable of throwing considerable light on the history 
of printing, more especially on the often important point 
order in which books were issued and the year, or 
le month, to which an undated book belongs. The 




w 


C 1^eomtid3>: ^^ 


^^^H 


^:^^^:§i:x>^af j^^l 1 


^H 




^^P^S 


i 


^-r^^9\i^^^\ 


w 






1 







PRINTERS' MARKS 



231 



preltiness or beauty of some of the designs will be shown 
by our illustrations, nor is it difficult to explain how the 
devices throw light on the careers of their printers. 

Always executed in the manner of wood-cuts, that is to 
say, in relief, some of 
them were cut with a 
knife in wood, others with 
a graver on very soft 
metal. The lines of the 
wood block break with ■ 
use, the lines of the 
metal block bend, and by 
careful examination of any 
two prints a good guess 
can mostly be made as 
to which was the earlier. 
A palmary instance of this 
is a metal block which 
Richard Pynson began to 
use in 1496. Its lower 
border began to bend 
almost at once; by 1503 the bend was as much as an 
eighth of an inch, and year by year it increased, till in 
1 513 the border broke altogether. Needless to say, that 
every undated book in which this border appears can be 
dated almost as easily as if the year of publication were 
printed in it. When several examples by the same printer 
are brought together, a little observation, if carefully 
verified, will give a good clue to the date at which a 
device first came into use and when it was abandoned for 
another, and herein lie both the usefulness and the sport 
which may be obtained from the study of printers' devices. 
What the collector should aim at is to obtain the earliest 





CHRONICLE^,' 1535 {nJuetii) 



PRINTERS' MARKS 233 

book in which the mark is used, and to make notes of its 
subsequent history. 

Perhaps from the fact that the Anchor and Dolphin 
which Aldus adopted as his device were counterfeited with 
evil intent, it has sometimes been said that the devices 
were used as trade marks to protect the copyright of the 
books in which they occur. Copyright as such did not 
exist in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, and books 
could only be protected by their printer obtaining a special 
* privilege * either for an individual book or for books of a 
particular kind. With this the devices had nothing to 
do, and although a pleasing design often begat a whole 
progeny of similar ones, this copying, when it was not 
merely lazy, was probably complimentary rather than 
competitive. We must take it that the devices were purely 
ornamental, aiming, no doubt, at the glorification of the 
printers who used them, but not possessing any com- 
mercial significance. Hence, perhaps, the variety we find 
in them. They may be simply personal, containing only 
the printer's private arms or in some few cases his portrait. 
They may join his initials or some motto of his choice to 
the arms of the city in which he worked, or to some more 
or less graceful scroll work. They may reproduce the 
sign of his shop or the figure of his patron saint ; or 
lastly, a kind much in vogue in the sixteenth century, 
they may be allegorical. As we should expect, there is a 
fairly steady movement from simplicity to ornateness. 
The earliest device (the first of our illustrations), that used 
by Fust and Schoffer at the end of the Latin Bible they 
printed at Mainz in 1462, consists only of two shields slung 
from a branch. That of Arnold ther Hoernen, of Cologne 
(about 1470), is in the same style, but even more modest. 
A few years later, Giinther Zainer, of Augsburg, showed 



234 



OLD PICTURE BOOKS 



greater ambition in his mark, which a represents wild ma: 
holding a shield, on which is a crowned lion rampant 
But though Schoffer, ther Hoernen, and Zainer thus le 
the way, their example was very little followed in German 
during the fifteenth century, and it is in other countrie 
and in the booh 
of native print« 
rather than of th 
German teachers < 
the craft that th 
development of th 
ornamental devic 
must be looked for 
In Italy, despil 
what has just bee 
said, the earliea 
device known is tha 
of a German printei 
Sixtus Riessingei 
who worked a 
Naples, 1471-80. 
represents a woma 
holding a shiek 
while behind her i 
a scroll bearing th 

DEVLCK OF FRAN^VS BFCNAILT ICtterS ' S.R.D.A. 

Sixtus Riessing< 
de Argentina,' i.e. of Cologne. This device stands by itsel 
the real sequence of Italian designs beginning with thi 
used at Venice by Nicolas Jenson and John of Cologne i 
1481. This consists of a circle and of a straight lini 
crossed by two bars, rising at right angles to the baset 
a segment of it. It was imitated by one Italian print) 




',Simm& *iKeHnMtif <; 



PRINTERS' MARKS 235 

after another at Venice, Pavia, Brescia, and elsewhere, 
and with various ornamental modifications re-appears in 
quite three out of four of the fifteenth century Italian 
devices. From Italy it passed to France, and from France 
to England, where it was used by Julian Notary. The 
design, by dividing the circle into three parts, allows 
the printer to place his initials in them, and this was 
frequently done. Jenson was also a very famous printer, 
and his example would naturally be imitated. But how it 
came to be imitated so widely, and whether any meaning, 
symbolical or otherwise, can be extracted from the design, 
are problems to which no satisfactory answer has been 
returned. Among the prettier modifications of this too 
popular design are those used by Franciscus de Mazaliis, 
of Reggio, and by Egmont and Barrevelt, the printers of 
the Venice edition of the Sarum Missal. The latter is 
shown on page 229. 

Among designs of other patterns, mention may be 
made of the crown used by Mazochius, of Ferrara ; the 
* putti ' of Filippo Giunta, and the crowned dolphin of 
Piero Pacini, both of Florence ; the fourteen varieties of 
angels which appear on as many devices used by the 
brothers De Legnano, of Milan ; the shielded warrior of 
Bernardinus de Garaldis, of Milan ; the S. Jerome of 
Bernardinus Benalius ; the fleur-de-lys of Lucantonio 
Giunta ; the S. Antony of Philippus Pintius ; the S. 
George and the Dragon of Giorgio Rusconi ; and the 
mouse-eating cat of J. B. Sessa, reproduced on page 231. 
The last five printers all worked at Venice, and almost all 
of those we have named belonged not only to the fifteenth 
century, but to the sixteenth, in which the vogue of the 
Jenson model at last came to an end. 

It has already been said that for variety and artistic 



236 



OLD PICTURE BOOKS 



treatment among printers' devices, the first place must be 
given to those found in French books. Yet their be- 
ginning was poor enough, the representation of the ship, 
taken from the arms of 
the city of Paris, which 
was used by Louis 
Martineau about 1484, 
being badly cut and 
quite insignificant. 
Jean Du Pre (for his 
first device), Pierre 
Levet, jean Lambert, 
and one or two other 
French printers at Paris, 
used some of the 
features of the normal 
Italian design, though in 
a far more elaborate and 
decorative form ; while 
at Lyons, where Italian 
influence was always 
strong, simple copying was thought good enough. 

But the typical French device is much more pictorial 
than any of these. The arms of France and of the city of 
Paris are prominent in many of them, and in that of 
Andr6 Bocard both are used at once ; but the printer used 
often to take a suggestion from his Christian name, from 
the sign by which his shop was known, or from the motto 
with which most early French devices are encircled. The 
second device of Antoine Caillaut (reproduced on p. 241) 
is a beautiful and early example of the appearance of a 
patron saint in a device ; while that of the two swans 
used by Du Pre, whose printing house had the ' Deux 




A 



PRINTERS' MARKS 237 

Cygnes' for its sign, is a good example of the second 
class. The device here chosen for our second French 
illustration I take to be an example of the pictorial expan- 
sion of a motto, Regnault's expression of trust in God 
being well represented by this quiet little pastoral scene 
(see page 234). 

Though far inferior to the best French examples, the 
printers' marks used in the Low Countries are also 
numerous, varied and good. They range from the twin 
shields of Veldener and Gerard Leeu to such imposing 
devices as the elephant and howdah used, with punning 
intent, by an unknown printer (' G.D.') at Gouda, and the 
bannered castle, the arms of the city of Antwerp, adopted 
by Thierry Martens. Among the 
earliest are the small portraits of the 
printers themselves found in some of 
the books of John and Conrad, of 
Paderborn, in Westphalia. That of 
the former, here reproduced, is some- 
times found in red ink as well as black, 
and is referred to in one of his coIo- 
phons as ' meum solitum signum.' 
The bird-cage used by Godfrid Back 
at Antwerp has no parallel among devices that 1 know of, 
but as a specimen of the larger Dutch marks we will take 
that of his fellow-citizen, Matthias van der Goes, which 
represents a very vigorous ' wild man ' with club and 
shield (see page 228). 

Spanish devices are in some cases adapted from the 
French or Italian, in others rather dull and uninteresting. 
Of those which belong to neither of these classes, by far 
the finest as a piece of decorative work is that of Diego de 
Gumiel, of Valladolid (see page 236), the effect of which 




il 






238 OLD PICTURE BOOKS 

is as rich as that of the best of William Morris's initio 
letters. 

Next in interest to this we may perhaps rank the rathe 
elaborate device (see page 230) of Arnold Guillem d 
Brocar, the printer of the Complutensian Polyglot, who s 
different times in his career had presses also at four othc 
places. The motto upon it, ' Inimici hominis domestic 
ejus,' though it has been made the basis of some theoric 
as to Brocar's career, is still unexplained. If tfa 
*domestici,' the 'those of his own household,* could h 
extended to Brocar's workpeople, we should have here 
fine example of an early grumble by a master printei 
but the suggestion is perhaps more pleasing than pre 
bable. Cryptic mottoes seem to have run in Brocar' 
family. His son Juan adopted an extraordinary devic 
of a knight seizing a lady by the hair, with an ir 
scription * Legitime certanti,' which must be taken a 
sarcastic. 

The history of printers' marks in England begins wit 
that used by Caxton for the first time as late in his carec 
as 1487. Out of respect for his master, Wynkyn d 
Worde adopted the essential parts of this, ue. the initial 
*W,C.' and the interlacement between them in all hi 
fifteen different devices, thus conferring on them a rathe 
painful monotony. English printers, indeed, seem t 
have set little store on originality in these matters, th 
earliest device of Pynson being adapted from that of L 
Talleur, of Rouen, that of Richard Faques from Thie 
mann Kerver's, the * wild men ' of Peter Treveris froi 
those of Pigouchet, and John Byddell's unprepossessin 
figure of Virtue from that used by Jacques Sacon, < 
Lyons. Nevertheless, English devices at once interestin 
and original are not lacking. That used by Pynson ; 



PRINTERS' MARKS 



239 



the end of Lord Berner's translation of < Froissart ' (see 
page 233) is one of the largest and not the least fine of 
annorial marks, the interlaced triangles of William 
Faques make a singularly neat device, and John Day's 




picture of two men gazing on a skeleton, with the motto, 
' Etsi mors indies accelerat vivet tamen post fiinera virtus,' 
has its own merits. England also contributes two of 
the very small number of portrait marks, a large one 
of Day and a smaller one (here reproduced) of John 
Wight,' a bookseller of St. Paul's Churchyard, who 
published a few books between 1551 and 1589. It seemed 
permissible to come down as late as this in the case of our 

■ Our illuitntion showi Ihe cut in an inlerctting siMe, wh«n the otigintl I. of 
th« fiiEi initial had been alleied to >n K. 10 luit John'i dcKendant Koberi. 
The change is one of a kind with which collector* Qfbook'plaleii are familiar. 



240 OLD PICTURE BOOKS 

own country, but to speak of the French and Genr 
devices of the middle of the sixteenth century would oj 
up too large a field. All that has been attempted h 
is to give a few characteristic examples of comparativ 
early date, so as to exhibit the different styles of printf 
marks, used in different countries by one generation 
printers. I hope that any of my readers who had i 
hitherto made the acquaintance of these little designs t 
have been convinced that they are worthy of furtl 
study. 

Any one who desires to take up the subject more 
less seriously will 6nd a considerable literature rea 
to his hand. To Messrs. Bell and Co.'s 'Ex Libr 
series Mr. William Roberts has contributed a pleas 
volume, which offers an easy introduction for beginne 
More serious students will find an almost exhausti 
series of woodcut copies of French devices in Silvestr 
' Marques typographiques,' and much prettier fi 
similes abound in M. Claudin's great ' Histoire de I'l 
primerie en France,' though this as yet treats only 
Paris printers of the fifteenth century. For Italy, I 
Kristelier's ' Die Italienischen Buchdrucker und Verleg 
zeichen bis 1525' is excellent, and its publishers (He 
and MUndei) have brought out similar monographs 
the marks used at Strasburg, Basel, Frankfort, a 
Cologne, and also in Spain and Portugal. The earl 
Low Country marks will be found in Holtrop's ' Mor 
mens typographiques dcs Pays-Bas' ; the earlier Engli 
ones in the ' Handlists of English Printers ' issued by I 
Bibliographical Society. 

As to collecting, it is certainly a little alarming to ha 
to buy a whole book for the sake of a single device in 
or at most two. On the other hand, the books i 



PRINTERS' MARKS 



241 



pleasant things in ttiemselves, and there is an alleviation 
in the fact that the devices only begin to abound a little 
before 1490, and that books of this date can be acquired, 
even now, at prices which seem reasonable compared with 
those fetched by the real first-fruits of the press. Many very 
pretty devices Vill be found in the thin volumes of Latin 
verse published at Paris in the early parts of the sixteenth 
century, and a bookman who meets a ' tract-volume ' con- 
taining several of these bound together, will probably find 
sufficient devices among them to start his collection. 




OLD PICTURE BOOKS 



THE FRANKS COLLECTION OF 
ARMORIAL BOOK-STAMPS' 

SOME little time after the death of Sir Augus 
Wollaston Franks the Library of the Brit 
Museum acquired, through the kindness of 
successor in the Keepership of Mediasval Antiqutti 
Mr. C. H. Read, some three hundred books, of 
sixteenth, seventeenth, and eighteenth centuries, beari 
on their bindings armorial book-stamps. For lack o: 
better word these three hundred books have been dtgnif 
in the heading of this article by the title of a 'collectio 
but it is due to the great reputation of Sir Wollasl 
Franks as a collector to say that he himself would p 
bably have smiled if he had heard them called so. As 
bookish people know, one of his real hobbies was i 
collection of book-plates, his countless specimens 
which passed at his death to another department of i 
British Museum, that of Prints and Drawings, wh 
considerable progress has been made in describing a 
cataloguing them. By the side of his thousands of bo< 
plates these three hundred or so old books with armoi 
stamps on their covers are a merely subsidiary collectii 
sufHcient to illustrate the method of marking ownersh 
which book-plates first rivalled and then, alas, almi 
entirely superseded. 

The ;£'500 which Sir Wollaston Franks gave for I 
copy of the ' Ptolemy ' of 1490, with the badge of Ma 

' FioiD the ' Libraiy,' by leave of Ihe editor. 



ARMORIAL BOOK-STAMPS 243 

Queen of Scots, recently the subject of one of the Biblio- 
graphical Society's Monographs, shows the spirit in 
which he would have pursued the collection of armorial 
bindings had he taken it up seriously. As it was, he 
seems to have given a standing order to several book- 
sellers to send him any books or odd volumes, of which 
the chief value lay in the stamped arms, and which they 
were willing to sell for a small sum, and to have taken his 
chance. There are worse ways of collecting than this, for 
a bookseller who knows that he can always place a book 
of a certain class with a customer, will often be content to 
buy it at a venture for a small price and pass it on at once 
at a few shillings' profit without examining it very care- 
fully or inquiring too curiously into its market value. 
As will be seen from some of the books soon to be 
mentioned, this was certainly the experience in this 
instance of Sir Wollaston Franks, and the foregoing 
depreciation of the specimens he thus got together must 
be understood as written solely to prevent his name in the 
title of this article from raising expectation too high. 

Before describing any individual specimens, it may be 
worth while to say a few words about book-stamps in 
general. Compared with book-plates, of which the litera- 
ture during the last ten or twelve years has grown with 
such rapidity, they have as yet received very little atten- 
tion outside France, where Guigard's 'Armorial du 
Bibliophile' in its second edition (1892) gives as full 
information about most French examples as can reason- 
ably be desired. In the third volume of 'Bibliographica,' 
Mr. W. Y. Fletcher wrote an interesting article on 
'English Armorial Book-stamps,' and it is much to be 
wished that he could be persuaded to print in full his 
notes on the subject, which are certainly more complete-*^ 



I 



244 OLD PICTURE BOOKS 

or less incomplete — than those in the possession of any c 
else. A few years ago the Grolier Club of New York h( 
an exhibition of books bearing these marks of ownersh 
and printed a small catalogue of it, which I have not li 
the advantage of seeing. Other information, as far a; 
am aware, can only be obtained by painful search in bo( 
of heraldry and genealogy and in biographies. 

Towards the close of the age of manuscripts, it beca 
a fairly common practice, more especially in Italy, 
book-lovers to cause their arms to be painted as part 
the decoration of the first page of text. In the last ye 
of the fifteenth century book-plates came into use 
Germany, and during the next hundred years were sloi 
adopted both in France and England. But until 
sixteenth century was far advanced the commonest waj 
marking possession of a book in England remained t 
of inscribing the owner's name on the title-page or a 1 
leaf. Thus all the books in the large libraries of Ar 
bishop Cranmer and Lord Lumley bear their nam 
'Thomas Cantuariensis' and 'Lumley,' in the handwriti 
of their secretaries or librarians. One or two instances 
found of names printed or written on book-edges. T 
of ' Anna Regina Anglie,' i.e. Anne Boleyn, on a veil 
presentation copy of Tyndale's New Testament of 1534 
a well-known example of this. On the outside of bo 
names are found from a very early period ; but in 
fifteenth century and the early years of the sixteenth tl 
are mostly those, notoftheownersof the volume, but of 
bookbinder, as in the case of Conrad of Strasburg, Johi 
Richenbach, and Andre Boule. Every one, howei 
knows the inscriptions which the three great collect* 
Grolier, Maioli, and Lauwrin put on their books. As 
sixteenth century grew older the names or initials of 



ARMORIAL BOOK-STAMPS 245 

owner, with sometimes a date added, are found on a fair 
number of bindings. In Germany such names and dates 
were frequently branded in black on pigskin bindings. 
In other countries the names are, as a rule, stamped in 
gold. As late as the eighteenth century Lord Oxford 
used to stamp his name, * Robert Harley,' on his books, 
in addition to his arms. 

Coming at last to armorial book-stamps, we find that 
from the fifteenth century onwards books were often 
impressed with the royal arms. These were used both as 
marks of possession and also, at least in England (as 
noted by Mr. Davenport in his article on 'Some Popular 
Errors as to old Bindings' in vol. ii. of *The Library'), 
as decorative designs on the trade bindings of loyal 
stationers. Crowned initials and royal badges are often 
found, and these nearly always mark royal ownership. 
When this use of armorial book-stamps was first adopted 
by collectors beneath the royal rank is not easy to say. 
Grolier is said to have occasionally placed his arms on his 
books, but I believe that until about 1560, the practice did 
not become at all common even in foreign countries, and 
in England it was probably some ten years later. It is, 
perhaps, worth noting that in France the fashion must 
undoubtedly have received a great impetus from the 
sumptuary law of 1577, which restricted the use of the 
elaborate * fanfare ' style of ornamenting books to those in 
royal ownership. The splendid bindings of a few of the 
books of Jacques Auguste de Thou (associated, rightly or 
wrongly, with the name of Nicolas Eve) must all have 
been executed before this date. Thereafter he adopted 
the plain morocco covers decorated only with the stamps 
of his arms with which all book-lovers are familiar. 
Other collectors followed his example, and in their re- 



246 OLD PICTURE BOOKS 

spective kinds both the strong, massively stamped bo 
of De Thou, and the more finely grained red moroc 
of later French bookmen, in which the tiny stamp of ai 
has a Legasconesque delicacy of finish, offer example: 
simple decoration which the wealthiest collector may i 
imitate. 

Of books bearing the arms of French collectors upwa 
of one hundred and fifty were brought together by 
Woilaston Franks, but the English stamps, which num 
rather over a hundred, must engage our first attend 
One of the earliest of these is a small stamp of the arm 
Archbishop Parker, forming the centre of a rather dea 
tive binding, obviously of English work. The book i 
found on is a copy of Beza's Li 
New Testament, printed at Lon< 
by Vautrollier, in 1574, on 
yellow paper occasionally u 
' during the middle of the sixtee 
century, presumably as less try 
to the eyes than the ordinary wh 
Parker's patronage of John Da] 
well known, but in view of the lib 
hood of this being a presental 
copy to the Archbishop fi 
Vautrollier, it would be rash 
credit Day with the binding of this volume, which 
moreover, not quite so original as Day's work at its be 
Two other books in the Franks collection are connet 
by their stamps with Parker's royal mistress. Om 
these bears the well-known Falcon badge which Elizal: 
adopted in imitation of her mother. This is found o 
copy of Etienne Dolet's ' De Latina lingua' printec 
Basel in 1539. 1 do not know if the point has been rai 




ARMORIAL BOOK-STAMPS 247 

and settled as to whether this badge was used by Elizabeth, 
both as queen and as princess, but there is at least nothing 
to prevent our supposing that this treatise of Dolet's was 
one of Elizabeth's school-books, and thus often in her 
hands. It is at least a point in fovour of such a supposi- 
tion that the badge in this case is sharper and fresher 
than on any other book I have ever seen. The other 
Elizabethan book in the collec- 
tion is even more interesting, 
for its covers are embossed with 

the portrait-stamp of the queen 

here reproduced, and no other It^^/^ 
instance of the use of the stamp I K^^){ 
is recorded. The book is the 
Plantin Greek Testament of 
1583, an edition which the queen 
would be very likely to possess. 
But whether this copy was ever 

, ELIZABBTHAN POatKAlT-ST 

in her library we have no means 
of deciding, the alternatives of presentation to and pre- 
sentation by, of ownership by the original of the portrait 
or by some loyal subject, being very equally balanced. 
The stamp in this case is slightly raised, and is the 
earliest instance of a cameo stamp on any English 
binding. 

The only other sixteenth -century English armorial 
stamps in the collection are two examples of the stamp 
used by William Cecil, Lord Burleigh, one in gold on a 
copy of the Greek Testament of Erasmus printed at Basel 
in 1570, the other in silver on a Hebrew Bible issued from 
the press of Plantin in 1583. It is certainly a very decora- 
tive stamp, but I must confess to preferring to it the 
simple inscription 'William' and 'Mildred Cicyll'on a 




348 



OLD PICTURE BOOKS 



binding which entered the Museum with the old Royal 
Library. In the present collection a little Lyons Virgil 
printed by Gryphius in 1571, though wUh a decorative 
instead of an heraldic stamp, bears the initals, ' W. P.,' of 
an English owner, a book-plate of 'The Right Honble. 




Robert James L'' Petre, Thorndon in Essex,' combi 
with a manuscipt note, dated 1589, enabling us to identifiy 
W. P. with William Petre the second Baron (1575-1607). 
The note, apparently written when Petre was fourteen 
years old, records that the book was acquired by exchange 
with a certain Dominus Bigge, 

Passing to the seventeenth century, we may notice first 




r 



ARMORIAL BOOK-STAMPS 



249 

two books which bear the Towneley arms. Nichols's 
translation of Thucydides printed at London in 1550, and 
the 'Scholia in quatuor Evangelia' of Lyons, 1602. The 
irms are stamped in silver instead of the more usual gold, 
ind alone of all the book-stamps with which I am 
icquainted they bear a date, that of the year 1603. 




.eaders familiar with Mr, Hardy's excellent little treatise 
in Bookplates may remember that the Towneley plate 
hich forms its frontispiece bears the date 1702, just a 
century later. The two marks of ownership are really, 
however, separated by a somewhat smaller interval, for 
while 1702 is no doubt ihe date of the plate (such dated 
dates being unusually common at the beginning of the 



250 OLD PICTURE BOOKS 

eighteenth century), the 1G03 of the book-stamp is pi 
bably the birth-date of Christopher Towneley, the an 
quary, who was born at Towneley Hall, Lancashire, 1 
9th January 1603, old style. 

We come now to an interesting group of books, once 




the possession of Ralph Sheldon, the seventeenth-centu 
antiquary. The first of these bears not his own arms b 
those of Augustine Vincent, the Windsor Herald, whii 
two years ago attracted attention from being found, stamp 
in blind, on the splendid copy of the first Folio Shab 
speare presented to him by William Jaggard, one of : 



ARMORIAL BOOK-STAMPS 



251 



publishers.' In the present instance they are impressed 
in gold on Estienne de Cypres' ' Genealogies de soixante 
et sept tres nobles Maisons,' printed at Paris in 1586. 
Augustine Vincent died in 1626, and his son sold his books 
to Ralph Sheldon, who on his death tn 1684 bequeathed 




his manuscripts to the College of Arms. The printed 
books apparently remained for some time in the possession 

■Thiicopr, lail^pcsKsiionof Mr. Caaiapbj'Sibtborp, 'ifSii'llfr'i'iktll'flnM, 
Lincoln, to wboM fanuly it hu bekmscd for mutt than > ctMurj, I* fuKy 
described by Mi. Sidacr La na p. 171 of hit ' Shaketjitart'* l.lh iiul V/nrk.' 
By a curicxu coincidmce the oipf he detcribc* on Ihe fnevimi* (i«ki !• otit, how 
owned by the Buoneu Baidetl-Coalli, which friritKily l>cl"n|{r(l Ur Halvh 
SheMoa, wbo bo^t Vioccni't librMy. FicMuiiably lioth oifiin ■! m)« itnw 
belonged lo him. 



252 OLD PICTURE BOOKS 

of the family, for this volume bears a Sheldon book-pla 
and Sir Wollaston Franks was able to purchase two ott 
books with Ralph Sheldon's book-stamp, Campiai 
* Historia AngHcana' (Douay, 1632), and the ' Propheci) 
of Nostradamus (London, 1672). On both of these 1 
Sheldon arms are qu, 
tered with those 
Ralph's wife (Henrie 
Maria, daughter 
Thomas Savage, V 
count Rock Savag 
I and both books ha 
I written in them t 
motto, ' In Posterur 
apparently in Ralpl 
autograph. A th! 
book, Greenway's trai 
lation of the 'Annals' 
Tacitus (London, 1641 
bears on its title-pa 
the autograph of 'Geo. Sheldon,' and on the cover t 
Sheldon arms as here shown. 

The next two volumes we may note are Thomas Masoi 
'Of the Consecration of Bishops in the Church of Englan 
(1613), and the 'Works' of King James i. (1616), both 
them bearing the Hatton arms. From their dates lh« 
must therefore have belonged not to Elizabeth's favour! 
whose arms are figured in Mr. Fletcher's article, since 
died in 1591, but to a son of his cousin of the same nan 
of Clay Hall, Barking. This third Christopher Hatt 
was baptized and probably born in 1605, and was 
prominent man during the reign of Charles !., by whc 
he was created Baron Hatton in 1643. He was responsil 







ARMORIAL BOOK-STAMPS 253 

for an edition of the Psalms with prayers attached (1644), 
which went by the name of Hatton's * Psalter,' and was 
philosopher enough to be able to make himself happy with 
his * books and fiddles ' while a Royalist exile. 

A few of these early seventeenth-century books possess 
bindings interesting for other reasons besides their marks 
of ownership. Thus, a fine Hebrew folio is decorated 
not only with the arms of John Williams, Bishop of 
Lincoln, but with some strikrng examples of the hand- 
some, if heavy, corner-pieces in vogue in the reign of 
James i. On a copy of Brent's * History of the Council of 
Trent' the arms of Berkeley look all the better for 
being inclosed in a handsome scroll-work centrepiece. 
So again we find both fine cornerpieces and a good 
central stamp on the three volumes of the works of that 
learned divine William Perkins (London, 161 2), which 
bear also the initials H. L. beneath a coronet. The 
owner was presumably Henry Yelverton, created Viscount 
Longueville in 1690, to whom also belonged a copy of the 
1660 edition of More's * Explanation of the Grand Mystery 
of Godliness.' On the Perkins volumes his coroneted 
initials were plainly added as an afterthought, while a 
much smaller M. Y., inclosed in the cornerpieces as part 
of the original design, suggests that the volume had in 
the first instance belonged to Mary Yelverton, the wife of 
the Judge of Court of Common Pleas, who died in 1630. 

The works of Perkins were popular in the seventeenth 
century, and Sir Wollaston Franks acquired another 
edition of them, that of 1626, bearing the arms of one of 
the descendants of Thomas Smythe, Farmer of the 
Customs in the reign of Elizabeth, whose arms combined 
with those of his wife, Alice Judde, were figured by Mr. 
Fletcher. The coat now in question may have belonged 



254 OLD PICTURE BOOKS 

either to his grandson, Thomas, who was not created 
Viscount Strang^ord until two years after the publication 
of the book, or to the Viscount's brother, the ambassador 
to the Court of Russia, who fitted out an Arctic expedition, 
and has his munificence commemorated in the name of 
'Smith's Sound.' 

A copy of the 1617 edition of Spenser's ' Faery Queen,' 
bearing the initials M. C. beneath a coronet, offers another 
example of a mark of ownership attached by a descendant 
of the original possessor. Who M. C. was is explained 
by the pretentious inscription on a book-plate inside the 
cover, which proclaims itself the property of ' The Right 
Hontf® Mary, wife of Charles, Earle of Carnarvon & 
Sister of James, Earle of Abingdon.' The Earl of Car- 
narvon here named was the second earl, Charles Dormer, 
who died in 1709, and his countess was the daughter of 
Montague Bertie, Earl of Lindsey, by his second wife 
Bridget, Baroness Norreys of Rycote. This descent 
accounts for the inscription on the title-page, * Norreys, 
1647,' and we may conclude that the volume was at one 
time owned either by the Baroness Norreys or her 
first husband. The book-plate of the Countess of Car- 
narvon is here reproduced as presumably a rather early 
example of a lady's plate in the heraldic style. It 
certainly does not deserve the honour for its artistic 
merits, the design and engraving being as poor as the 
inscription is foolish. 

Copies of a Commelinus Tacitus (1595) and a Horace, 
Persius and Juvenal (London, 1614-15) bear the arms of 
John Maitland, created Viscount Lauderdale in 1616; 
those of the Earl of Huntingdon are found on a Camden's 
* Britannica ' of 1627 ; those of William Covert of Sussex, 
on the 161 5 edition of the works of Gervase Babington ; 



ARMORIAL BOOK-STAMPS 



"55 



those of Chetwynd, on Matthew of Westminster's ' Flores 
Historianim ' (Frankfort, 1601); those of Wilmer on 
Stowe's 'Survey of London,' 1618. Further investigation 
would no doubt yield a tale as to each of these volumes, 
but we may not linger over them. We must stop, how- 
ever, to note that the arms of Archbishop Laud, on a 




or CAJINARVOM 



copy of his * Relation of a conference with Fisher the 
Jesuit,' do not clearly indicate that this was his own 
library copy, since an inscription {apparently in Laud's 
handwriting) informs us that the book was ' presented by 
y» author to S' Jo. Bramston, Ch[iefl Ju[st(ce| of the 
K[ing's] Blench],' a book-plate of one of whose dcscen- 



^56 



OLD PICTURE BOOKS 



dants, 'Thomas Bratnston, Esq., of Skreens,' is found 
the volume. In the same way, in the next century, 
find Speaker Onslow possessed of a copy of Loci 
' Letters concerning Toleration,' presented to him 
Thomas Hollis, and bearing some of the donor's favou 
emblems, the cap of liberty, the owl of Minerva ani 




pen, with the motto ' Placidam sub libertate quiete 
There is no special reason to suppose that either Ar 
bishop Laud or Hollis intended these volumes origin! 
for their libraries, and after having had them bound w 
that intention subsequently gave them away. It may. 
course, have been so, but we should not entirely exch 



ARMORIAL BOOK^TAMPS 



257 



the supposition that books were also sometimes impressed 
with the arms or device of the donor, in order to remind 
the recipient of the source whence the gift came, just as 
we find gift-plates alongside of the more usual book-plates 
denoting personal ownership. 

Owing to the library of Sir Kenelm Digby having been 
seized after bis death in France under the inhospitable 
French law which gave to the king the chattels of 
strangers dying in his country, books with his arms are 
not often found in England. Sir WoUaston Franks was, 
therefore, fortunate in obtaining three volumes thus 
decorated, two of them showing his coat with that of his 
first wife, Venetia Stanley on an escutcheon of pretence, 
as figured in Mr. Fletcher's article, while the third bears 
his coat impaled with hers, and is much more finely cut. 

The arms of the Duke of Albemarle are found on the 
1634 edition of Harrington's 'Orlando Furioso,' those of 
the Earl of Arlington on a 
copy of a Spanish religious 
work, 'Trabajos de lesus,' 
printed at Madrid in 1647, 
those of Lord Cornwallis, 
with a cipher imitated from 
that of Charles 11., on a 
1669 edition of the Book 
of Common Prayer. Other 
seventeenth -century col- 
lectors of minor note 
might be mentioned, but we 
must pass on now beyond 
the Revolution of 1688, 
and notice a few coats of 
later date. A copy of Dryden's 'Miscellany Poems' of 




258 OLD PICTURE BOOKS 

1702 bears the arms of Charles, Lord Halifax ('the 
Treasurer '), as well as a book-plate dated with the same 
year, 1702 ; a Roman History of 1695 and a Prayer Book 
of 1700 carry two different stamps of the arms of John, 
Lord Somers ; there are three books with the stamp and 
name of Robert Harley, Earl of Oxford, and three with 
the Carteret arms. Of these last two, Hammond^s 
'Sermons' and the ' Divi Britannici,' both published in 
1675, bear ' the bloody hand ' that marks a baronet, while 
a Horace of Paris, 1567, shows Lord Carteret's arms as 
a peer. On Sanderson's ' Nature and Obligation of 
Conscience' (1722) we have another instance of a lady's 
book-stamp, that of Cassandra Willoughby, Duchess of 
Chandos ; the arms and book-plate of the Duke of 
Montagu are found on a copy of Bishop Berkeley's famous 
treatise on the virtues of tar-water (1744) ; lastly, a Utrecht 
Callimachus of 1697 is adorned with the arms of Sir 
Philip Sydenham, Bart., and with the book-plate of John 
Wilkes, who, if a demagogue, was a demagogue of 
classical tastes. 

These eighteenth-century books and their owners are 
somewhat less interesting than the earlier ones to which 
most of this article has been devoted, and in attempting to 
enumerate them it is difficult to avoid the style of a cata- 
logue. The danger is all the greater when we turn to the 
French books, for here Guigard has been before us, and 
there is no purpose to be served by making extracts from 
his pages. As might be expected, the collection contains 
more than one specimen of the books of De Thou, in 
which the British Museum was already fairly rich. 
Among other notable stamps of the sixteenth and seven- 
teenth centuries we may mention that of Antoine de Leve, 
Abbe de I'lsle en Barrois, on three books published 



ARMORIAL BOOK-STAMPS 259 

between 1574 and 1624; of Estampes de Valency on a 
book of 1557 ; of Peiresc (on a ^ Harpocrationis Diction- 
arium,' 1614), and of Louis Philippeaux, Seigneur de la 
Vailli&re. Of later date are those of the Comtesse de 
Verrue, Beatrix de Choiseul, La Rochefoucald, President 
Seguier, Turgot, Montausier, Marie Leczinska, and a 
host of others too numerous to mention. 

The German books are few and apparently unim- 
portanty the Italian mostly ecclesiastical, those from the 
Low Countries mostly school-prizes. There are also two 
or three Spanish books, all the more welcome because 
Spanish bindings are so seldom met with in England, and 
a few fairly good specimens of the bookbinder's craft 
without armorial stamps. But the English books are 
the main feature of the collection. 



26o OLD PICTURE BOOKS 



A QUEEN ANNE POCKET-BOOK > 

(By Alice Pollard) 

• 

SOME forty years ago there was picked up in the 
cellar of a large private bank in Lombard Street 
a little pocket-book, which must have lain there 
for at least a century. Its parchment covers were yelloAv 
and time-stained, and the brown ribbon which fastened 
them together had become ragged and moth-eaten, but 
despite its somewhat faded brown ink the crabbed hand- 
writing remained as legible as ever. After its removal 
from the Lombard Street cellar the queer little book lay 
for another forty years in the musk-scented drawer of a 
Chippendale secretaire, which formed for it a not unfitting 
resting-place. Thence it has to-day been unearthed, and 
is now to be made to tell its old-world story. This, in 
truth, is but a simple one, as the book contains chiefly 
a very carefully kept memorandum of the moneys spent 
by its owner during his youth and early manhood ; but 
running through these accounts we can trace something 
of his family history, of his employments, tastes, and 
habits, and so, I think, gain a very fair idea of the writer's 
individuality. Now and then, as if to help us, he uses a 
page as a diary, and by means of such entries as births, 
deaths, and marriages, we can piece our story together. 

*John Payne, 1699,' that is the first information which 
our book gives us, and we turn from the fly-leaf, 

^ From ' Longman's Magazine/ by leave of the publishers. 



A QUEEN ANNE POCKET-BOOK 261 

where it is boldly written, to inquire who this John Payne 
was, and what was his business and rank in life. We 
start with a predisposition to believe that he was a banker, 
because it was in a bank which still bears his name that 
his pocket-book was picked up ; but the pocket-book itself 
has nothing to say about banking, while it is very profuse 
on the subjects of * Linsayes, dyapers, Westfalia linen,' 
etc., and informs us that its owner was frequently sending 
home house linen and dress stuffs to his mother, sisters, 
and friends. Somewhat reluctantly, therefore, we conclude 
that our hero began life as a draper, and it is with satis- 
faction (for we would fain have him cut a figure) that we 
note sundry entries of a Sir James and my Lady, a Sir 
Stephen, and a Lady Langham in a connection which 
shows them to have been either relations or old family 
friends. There are not wanting other indications that our 
young draper came of a well-to-do stock, and we may, 
therefore, conclude that in coming to London to serve a 
seven years' apprenticeship, he was only acting on the 
excellent rule that to win success as a merchant (or any- 
thing else) you must begin at the beginning. As has 
been already said, the date inside the pocket-book is 1699, 
but the accounts begin on January 10, 1696, so that those 
of the first three years have evidently been copied in from 
some earlier notes. This ascertained, we become excited 
to find the entry of the purchase of the book itself, and 
are rewarded after a little search by the information that, 
together with some paper and quills, it only cost one 
shilling and fourpence, certainly no excessive outlay for a 
book constantly in use for over a quarter of a century. 
In copying his back accounts into his new purchase, John 
divided his book into two halves, keeping the first for 
•what I have layd out since I came to London on my 



362 OLD PICTURE BOOKS 

Father's charge,' and the second for his disburseme 
from ' the money that I did bring up to town at the f 
coming up (4/. Ss,), and sent me since and given me 
freinds.' In looking over his accounts for him we ^ 
follow the order of his own choosing, and begin with 
expenditure for what he considered the necessaries 
might fairly charge to his father. 

On his first arrival in town the youthful John evider 
found himself somewhat behind the times in the cut of 
clothes and the fashion of his hair, for on the first pagi 
the book we have distinct suggestions of visits to bis ta 
and the barber, who between them arrayed his outer n 
for a first entry into town life, and managed to do so at 
moderate cost of £$, 3s. 6d. Here are the items : 

I^yedout between y* lo*"" of January SEy* ao**" of February i( 
£ >■ rf. 

A paire of Gloves 00 01 01 

A box & hatband 00 02 06 

A pennknife 00 00 oS 

A Queer of paper 00 00 06 

A Coppy Booke 00 00 08 

A Porter & letter 00 00 06 

The Barber 00 00 03 

Sugar Candy 00 00 o> 

Damask 4 y'*' 00 14 06 

2 y^' J of B'' Cloth 01 13 00 

5 y^' of Shaloonc 00 1 1 00 

Buttons & fustin 00 10 11 

Buckrum & Canvis 00 01 03 

Glaz'' Lin: 00 00 05 

The Taylors Bill 01 06 00 

05 03 06 

Tailors were evidently more modest in their charge; 
those days. It is difficult at first to see under what pre 



A QUEEN ANNE POCKET-BOOK 263 

John could have set down twopennyworth of sugar candy 
under the head of *Thinges layd out on my Father's 
charge,' but we soon find a further entry of 'Things for 
my cold/ and doubtless the sugar candy might also have 
come under that head ; indeed, the London fogs seem not 
to have agreed with the Huntingdonshire lad, for more 
than once in each year we find references to colds which 
mostly appear to have been treated by blood-letting. 

After the first month of 169!^ the father could have had 
no cause to complain of his son's extravagance, for his 
whole expenses for the next quarter come to seventeen 
shillings and fourpence, even including ' Sister Betty's 
fringe,' for which he paid eightpence, a tip of sixpence 
given to * Y® Maide,' and 'Close mending from Top to Toe,' 
which cost him four shillings and threepence ! During 
the next year and a half he has a fair number of new 
clothes and makes some wonderful bargains, obtaining 
* A Comb : Sisers : Blade & Buttons ' for one shilling 
and ninepence. His barber is still an expensive item, for 
his * Peruke ' needs constant attention ; his cold also 
requires ' sugar candy and other things,' but he executes a 
great piece of economy by having ' Wastcoate turned to 
Breeches' at a cost of only 2s. id. In 1699 his *wigg' 
again proves costly ; it appears to have been thoroughly 
done up and trimmed to the latest fashion previous to a 
visit to his home, for we find two entries following each 
other : 

My Wigg & its Mending . 01 04 00 

My place ith' Coach & charge on the Roade 01 00 00 

The remaining accounts which he sends in to his father 
from time to time have no particular interest, being more 
or less repetitions of those which have gone before, but on 



264 



OLD PICTURE BOOKS 



the last page of the book he sums up the whole seven 
years as follows: 'Spent on father's ace* in y* whole 
7 years of Apprenticeship, 64/. 19^. iid. Spent on my 
own ace* on Self and freinds, 19/. 15^. gd. Spent less 
than I had saved before and given me after I came to 
towne in y* 7 years, 3/. ly. 5^.' The seven years' private 
accounts start as follows : 

The Money that I did bring up to town att y^ first coining up 
was 4/. Ss, od. 

Lent me since y* & given me by freinds : 





£ s- 


d. 


By father 


. 17 





By Mother 


. 13 


6 


By Grandmother .... 


I 19 


6 


By S' James and my Lady 


2 18 





By Cousen Betty .... 


12 





By S"^ Stephen .... 


II 





By Brother 


16 





By Uncle ^ Aunt .... 


. 03 





By Sisters 


. 13 


6 


Hog Money & old Coate 


06 





By several ...... 


04 


6 


By y* Box MonL7 of y* first J of my time 


. 18 


6 


By y« King's Entry . . . . 


. 03 





By Aunt Wikes . . . . . 


02 


6 


By father more . . . . . 


09 





By my 1-ady more 


10 






16 01 o 



7^. 6d. I had given me more not sett down because layd out 
againe In Tokens. 

The private accounts are only entered in detail for one 
half the time of his apprenticeship, and with one or two 
additions may be all summed up under the following 
heads : — * Fruit : Necessarys : Lost in wagers and other 



II 



A QUEEN ANNE POCKET-BOOK 265 

wayes : on y* Poore : Spent with kindred and acquaint- 
ance : Tokens : & given.' 

The regularity with which the accounts are kept is only 
equalled by the remarkable steadiness of his expenditure ; 
the first and third years showing an outlay of exactly 
jCij 2s. each, whilst the second and fourth each run to 
precisely ;^2. Perhaps it will be most interesting to 
examine the four years side by side. 

!■* Year. 2™» Year. 3"* Year. 4"* Year. 

s. d. s. if. s, d, 5. d. 

In fruit . . .6 \o\ 80 75 75 

Necessarys . .11^ 29 19 26 

Lost in wagers &\ ^ , ,6 27 

other wayes . . / 

On Y« Poore . .16 26 17 12 

Spent with Kindred \ ..i 53 .5 iqo 

& acquaintance . / 

Tokens . . . — ^3^ — 116 

Given . . . — 19 42 06 

The additional expenses are unnoteworthy with the excep- 
tion of 'A Key to a Pen,' which certainly arouses curiosity ; 
the price of the key was one shilling, but its size, shape, 
and use remain a mystery to us. 

The next page or two are filled with desultory 
memoranda of small sums received in the form of *tips,' 
and ending up with these two statements : 

This being Sepf^ y® 29^ 1699 I find I have spent this first half 
of my time on my own charges 06/. 4^. ood. 

Spent on my own ace* in y® 7 years 19/. 15J. 9^/. 

One is tempted to speculate as to what form his greater 
extravagance during the second half of his time took, but 
on this point the book is silent. 

The apprenticeship ended in the early part of 1703, but 
John apparently stayed on in the same business for several 



266 OLD PICTURE BOOKS 

years afterwards at a weekly wage of ;^5. That this did 
not constitute his entire income is clear from a page of his 
diary, which records : * Father rec^ of Jos. Atkins for my 
rent Dew at Lady Day 1701, 16/. 13s. ood. taxes being 
Deducted ' ; and again, after more references to Jos. 
Atkins : * Rec^ of my tenant in all 64/. 17^. being 2 years 
rent due att Michaelmas 1703.' 

We do not find any references either in the diary or the 
accounts to the time when the young man began to think 
of taking to himself a wife, but his income at the high 
value of money in those days would now be quite suffi- 
ciently large to enable him to do so, and some time within 
the next three years he wooed and won his bride. Of 
the nature of that wooing one would gladly learn a little 
more, for even with the help of a decided love-letter written 
to his mistress within six months of their marriage we 
cannot divine much. How this letter (probably only one 
amongst many of a like nature) ever fell again into the 
hands of its original writer, to be placed by him in the 
pocket of the little account-book, we are unable to say ; 
but there it is, yellow and stained with age, and worn 
with much folding and refolding. It is written on the thin, 
rough, large square note-paper of the period, sealed with 
a monogram and elaborately addressed on the back : 

For Mrs. Lydia Durrani att 
Mr. Henry Woodgate*s in 
Goudhurst 
Kent 
By Stone Crouch Bag 

The letter is so short and so quaint that I transcribe the 
whole. 

I gladly embrace y" first opportunity to tell you dearest M**" )^ 
I arrived Safe in towne y* evening with a great deal of ease both to 



A QUEEN ANNE POCKET-BOOK 267 

my horse & self ; The Roads I found much better than by way of 
Tunbridge & Weather Thanks be to God pretty favourable, My 
greatest trouble was to think y* nearer I was to my journeys End, 
y* I was still y® farther from y^ Dear Self. Do me so much Justice 
M**™ as to believe y* it is impossible for me to have any interest or 
concern nearer my heart then you & I am sorry so great a truth 
and pure cannot be expressed in other Words then such as some- 
times are forced to serve y* profane use of Complements. I wish 
it were any way in my power & I hope it will 'ere long, to shew y® 
true affection I have for you & I value myself upon y® opportunity 
I promise myself of shortly kissing y^ hand. I have not mett with 
father as yett but trust I shall tomorrow morning. Y' letters to 
Hackney shall be delivered with care and speed. I beg M" Wood- 
gate's acceptance of y* oranges designed her y* week by Caryer, I 
shall rejoice to hear y® little one is come safe to towne & Aunt in 
a way of recovery but above all to hear of y' good health w*^** will 
be an infinite joy. If you did believe or could Imagine how great 
a refreshment a letter from you would afford me at this melancholy 
distance you would not faile to write by the first post, & y® hopes 
I conceive you will do so support me under y® misfortune of y"^ 
absence. It is late so adding my humble service to Unkle's & 
M'^ Paris's family with a thousand thanks shall extend this no 
farther than y® subscribing myself with a most sincere and hearty 
affection 

M^" yr most humble admirer 

John Payne. 

March I2^»> 170I Fetter Lane. 

* My greatest trouble was to think the nearer I was to 
my journeys End, that I was still the farther from your 
Dear Self* — that is a very prettily turned sentence, and yet 
with a ring about it which sounds straight from the heart. 
Throughout the whole letter, indeed, there is a delightful 
simplicity and homeliness which even the stilted phrase- 
ology of the period cannot quite spoil, and which tempts 
us to think that when the * melancholy distance ' (of some 
thirty miles) no longer kept the lovers apart, John may 
possibly have greeted his lady just a little more warmly 



268 



OLD PICTURE BOOKS 



than with that respectful touch of her hand which was all 
that epistolary conventions allowed him to propose to him- 
self. At any rate his suit prospered, for in the middle of 
his pocket-book we come across two pages of diary pure 
and simple which show us that just five months after his 
letter the wished-for opportunity of showing his *true 
affection ' was granted by his marriage with Mistress Lydia 
Durrant in September of the same year. Immediately 
following this record of his entrance * into y* holy state of 
Matrimony, Sept. 4, 1706,' we have the beginning of his 
household accounts. On the credit side they run as 
follows : 

Rec^ Sept. 27^, 1706— 

4 weeks money from Shop . 

5 weeks do. Nov. 2^ 
Rec^- Fa[ther] pr. Bro'- Woodford 
ReC'* Brother Woodford more than layed out 
Nov. 16. 2 weeks' money 

1 week's money 

2 weeks' money 
6 weeks' money 
I week's money 



— 23- 
Dec 7. 

Jan. 18. 

Jan. 25. 



£ 


s. 


d. 


20 


00 





25 








20 








2 


II 





10 


00 





5 








10 








30 


00 





5 


00 






127 II o 

The debit side is evidently headed by expenses in 
connection with the wedding, and it would appear that, 
when John had brought his wife to town, the young couple 
finished the furnishing of their house together. 



Se 


spf 29, 1706. 


£ s. iL 


P^ for hatt . 


i • • 


I II 00 


Other small things 


• • 


10 00 


Mantle pr. glass . 




2 10 00 


Wife . 




2 10 — 


Charges of journey 




6 9 00 


P*^ Father for house 




6 15 00 



A QUEEN ANNE POCKET-BOOK 269 



P** for Chaires 
2 Kill' Beere 
Wife for house 
Self for Pockett . 
Glasses 1 25. 6</., Table Ss, 
Chest of Drawers & Do. 



£ s. d. 
4 8 00 

10 00 

2 6 00 

1 00 00 
I 00 06 

3 16 00 



Nov. i8»*». 

Wife for house 2 00 00 

Linen 5 6 00 

Shoes 9^., house 2/. 2 9 00 

Knives 30J. . . . . i 10 00 

Months Rent, Board, & Serv** wages to Mich"" 917 6 

P** wife for house 2 00 00 

Linen for Ditto 3 00 6 

Butt', Cheese, & Bacon . .1126 

W. Clark, Upholster 10 12 6 

W. Litchfeilds Bill 5 2 00 

House 6 weeks . . 12 00 00 

P** for Plate & Spoons 1256 

P** Cheesemonger, S* Martins .200 

House 2/., Handk. & Muz. 31J. . 3 11 00 



106 12 00 



On the next page we have a reference to Sarah's wages, 
which were £2, 3s., but as no dates are given we are 
unable to decide whether this represents three or six 
months' hire. 

We now begin to notice that besides 'wife for house,' 
there is another entry of 'wife for self,' which occurs 
pretty often, 'wife' receiving from two to three pounds 
at once, and finally she receives five pounds for her 
'occassions,' a mysterious allusion which is perhaps 
explained by a reference later on to ' Parson and Clark, 
13^* 3^m' ^nd 'Cradle and Baskitt, lis. 6d.' Turning to 



270 OLD PICTURE BOOKS 

the * Diary/ we have the simple record of the birth, and 
sad to say the death, of his first child : 

My Dear first child was bom y® 23"* of June, 1707, about 10 in 
y* forenoon. 

Christened by y® name of Eliz. y* 25 -of y® same month, & dyed 
ye igth Qf July following about 11 at night, & lyes in y* vault in 
S* Voster's, Lond'^. 

With the birth of the child the household expenses 
increase, and we find in addition to ' House 2// further 
expenses, which are noted down as * extraordinary,' but 
soon cease to be looked upon as anything but ordinary. 

The household seems to have been kept up on a fairly 
large scale, for we have mention of a 'Kate 'and a 
* Betsy ' who also receive wages as well as ' Sarah ' ; but it 
is evident from the other side of the page that the wife's 
father lived with the young people and kept his own man- 
servant, paying them for board two sums of ;^47, los, 
within the twelve months. Items for wine and beer are 
very common, one brewer's bill for six months being ten 
pounds ! It is difficult to guess what became of the 
money allowed for * House,' since the master paid 
servants' wages, and bills for wine, beer, coals, groceries, 
house-linen, butcher, butter-man, and taxes ! His wife's 
allowance also was very liberal, and at various times he 
pays for the following items besides : * For Wife's Scarf, 
2/. los. od. ; Wife's Callico, i/. 7^. ; Wife's Silk, 6/. lor. 
ood. ; Wife, for tippet, 4/. 6^. ood. ' ; in fact, according 
to his own showing, he appears to have given his wife 
ample means of providing both for the house and herself, 
and then to have paid all her bills as well ! 

Under date October 1708, we come across evidence of 
the arrival of another child to replace the one too soon lost 
This time ' Parson and Clark ' head the list, receiving 



A QUEEN ANNE POCKET-BOOK 271 

13s. 3d.; 'Gossiping money' comes to £1^ 2s. 6d. ; 
' Coates for chiid, i/. is. 6d.'\ ' Midwife and Nurse, 
3/. 4$". 6rf.,' and the Diary says : 

My second child John was born Oct' 13***, 1708, & was baptised 
y« Sabbath Day foUowuig by W. Benj°. Ibbatt. 

There is still another record of the birth of a daughter, 
who, like the first, lived but a few days. 

My daughter Ann was bom Nov' y* I2*^ i7o9> & Dyed y*" 
i9^»» Ditto. 

After this the regular accounts stop, as does also the 
Diary, but from stray notes scattered through the book 
there would appear to have been born yet another 
daughter who survived infancy, but whose health must 
have given cause for anxiety. Thus in February 1716, 
we read : ' P^ Nurse Patch fifteen Pounds twelve shillings 
in fiill for nursing and boarding my Daughter to the 20*** 
of this Instant February.' And again, in February 1720, 
the child and nurse were evidently sent on a long visit to 
Huntingdon to Grandmother Payne : * P^ Mother Feb'y 
y* 16***, 17^^, Thirty seaven Pounds fourteen shillings & 
6d. in full for Butter, Interest, Child, and Maide's board 
and wages and all ace**.' 

After November 1709 there are no more regular house- 
accounts, and the little book is used principally for jotting 
down moneys received and larger sums paid out to his 
mother and sisters. The shop also ceases to be mentioned, 
and we have numerous entries of rents paid by tenants in 
Huntingdon ; — indeed it would seem that soon after the 
death of his wife's father, which occurred in June 1709, 
John Payne left London and went down to manage his 
estates in Huntingdon, where he seems to have been in 
possession of about ;^iooo per annum in landed property, 



272 OLD PICTURE BOOKS 

chiefly consisting of small farms let to tenants at from 
;£'20 to jC$o per annum. Out of this property, however, 
he has to pay quarterly dividends to his mother and sister 
Anna, though their income, like that of most widows and 
unmarried daughters of the time, was very small and 
could form no great burden on the estate. At what period 
John Payne again left his country house to mix once more 
in London business life, whether he was personally con- 
nected with the bank or only lent his money and his name, 
or whether indeed he ever was one of the founders or left 
that honour to his son John, is all a matter of conjecture; 
yet one closes the quaint little old book with feelings of 
regret, and would fain follow its owner a little further. 
The last date is 1726, when he must still have been a 
comparatively young man. 

*^* The publication of this little article had the pleasant 
result of enabling the writer to restore the Pocket-Book to 
a descendant of the original owner. Further notes on 
some of the persons mentioned will be found in a * Sequel* 
contributed by Mr. John Orlebar Payne to the next 
number (that for April 1889) of * Longman's Magazine.* 



WHY MEN DONT MARRY 273 



WHY MEN DONT MARRY^ 

an eighteenth-century answer 

(By Alice Pollard) 

THE title of this article is not of my own choosing. 
It was fore-ordained for me some time back by 
the rather excited correspondents of a daily news- 
paper, which opened its columns to as many solutions of the 
riddle as ingenuity could devise. It may fairly be objected 
that the riddle is no riddle at all, but rather belongs to the 
class of question-begging queries of which * How long 
have you ceased beating your mother? ' is the most famous 
example. As a matter of fact, most men do marry, and it 
seems, therefore, unreasonable to be asked to explain why 
they don't. But on this one point my sex is perhaps a 
little unreasonable. Women have never acquiesced whole- 
heartedly in Mr. Stevenson's assertion that though the 
ideal woman is a wife the ideal man is a bachelor, and so 
long as even a small minority of men of presentable 
appearance and some visible means of subsistence persist 
in denying themselves a man's highest privilege, the 
problem will doubtless continue to be stated in the sweep- 
ing form which I here adopt. 

The most hardened offenders are undoubtedly the 
members of a single class : pleasant young fellows, with 
an income of three or four hundred a year and no prospect 
of increasing it A bachelor with ;^40o a year, if he live 

^ From ' Longman's Magazine/ by leave of the publishers. 
S 



274 OLD PICTURE BOOKS 

within it, persists in regarding himself as a miracle of 
economy, but with even the smallest gift of husbandry is 
probably as rich as any man in the kingdom. To marry 
on the same £^oo means a terrible falling-ofF in the 
standard of comfort, and the one luxury which these 
pleasant fellows religiously deny themselves is that of a 
wife. 

The story is not a new one, and the other day, in look- 
ing over some pamphlets in a great library, I came across 
a thin quarto, entitled, * The Batchelor's Estimate of the 
Expences of a Married Life In a Letter to a Friend. 
Being an Answer to a Proposal of Marrying a Lady with 
2000/. Fortune.' The date of the pamphlet is 1729, and 
in it the situation is set forth with so much circumstance, 
and in so engaging a manner, that I thought there might 
be some readers who would care to spend a few minutes 
in looking at it with me. 

A gentleman, himself a married man, having a relation 
a spinster of a marriageable age, and possessing also the, 
for those days, by no means despicable fortune of £2000^ 
has proposed to a bachelor friend to negotiate a marriage 
between them. 

The bachelor has no innate objection to marriage as such 
— on the contrary, he looks upon it as *an agreeable state'; 
but he cannot *at present accept the proposal' because 

* the following necessary expenses arise so frequently and 
so openly to his view ' that they deter him from consider- 
ing marriage as possible. 

Up to the present time he has lived in chambers at the 
moderate rent of ;^i2, ids. per annum. But so impressed 
is he with the probable requirements of a lady with the 

* handsome Fortune ' of ;^2000, that he sees himself at 
once obliged to secure a house with a rental of £50. 



WHY MEN DONT MARRY 275 

As a bachelor in chambers he has been lucky enough 
to escape all * Church, Window and Poor's Taxes, Pay- 
ments to Rector, Reader and Lecturer, Water Rates, 
Trophy Money,^ Militia, Lamp, Scavengers, Watch, 
Constable, etc' As a married man he calculates that for 
these things alone he will be mulcted to the extent of *at 
least ' ;£'9 per annum. 

Our friend was, we presume, in the habit of taking his 
morning cup of coffee at a coffee-house. Now he sees in 
imagination not only his own and his wife's daily supply 
of coffee to be provided, but he pictures the innumerable 
'dishes of tea' which will be consumed by her and her 
maids, not to mention the additional quantity for gossips 
and card parties. Thus, *Tea, Coffee, Chocolate, Sugar, 
Spirits and Fresh Supply of China will cost 12/. per 
annum.' We are tempted to inquire what proportion of 
this sum must be set aside for * spirits' and broken 
crockery, and why, indeed, there should be any connection 
between them, unless tea-drinkings in the early part of the 
eighteenth century were too often modelled on the .style of 
a certain famous one known to readers of I)ickcn». 

The consideration of tea, this being eN.scntially u 
domestic article, leads our bachelor to the (|ut*hti(Hi of 
servants. For his own use he has been content with the* 
services of a bedmaker, to whom he gave .v>h. a ytuw Ilr 
forgets to add an unknown sum to pay foi Ihc^ wuhtc*, 
impositions, and perquisites inseparal)le from a hcilinabf r't* 
existence. In the future the dignity of a ciil/vn, n Uimt^v^ 
holder, and a married man has to l)e hupportcfil, uiul lilts 
weight of this can only be sustained by a iitall o( *two 
Maid-servants and a Man * — the man to Ik: in livt*! y. Vi:^t 

' Trophy money was a duty \/Mjd by lnou^i^Mct* (</r )>roVMim|{ ilu Milluis 
with YiuntUf dnunfy colooii, etc 



276 OLD PICTURE BOOKS 

even these luxuries will not cost him such a very large 
sum, since he reckons to procure them all, livery included, 
for an additional ^iT, los. per annum — ue. £20 in all. 

We are next let into his confidence with regard to the 
proper amount of entertainment he will think it fit and 
necessary to allow his wife. She must certainly go to the 
play, but a lady of independent fortune, the mistress of a 
grand house and a servant in livery, cannot be expected to 
walk out in evening-dress, so a coach or chair must be 
provided for her conveyance, and for the hire of these he 
makes a yearly computation of £2^ los. * Her expenses 
at these Diversions ' (which included, doubtless, entrance 
fees and refreshments) would amount to another jQ^y los. 
As a staid and steady bachelor not given (as he tells us 
later on) to * sauntering at Coffee-Houses ' or playing at 
hazard, he has been content with going to the play about 
once a year, but now, as *it would not be proper she should 
go alone/ this exemplary husband will even sacrifice his 
own inclinations, and, obeying the call of duty, attend 
his wife at a cost of £ij los. a year! Not only is he 
considerate in the matter of providing for his wife's 
pleasures, but he seems to us decidedly liberal in the 
matter of pin-money, as he sets aside £yy for her per- 
sonal expenses. 

Coals and candles weigh heavily on his mind. His 
landlady has hitherto kept him sufficiently warm for an 
annual 40s. (coals must have been much cheaper, land- 
ladies less of harpies, or the winters much milder in those 
days !), but in his new establishment coals and candles 
will run up to the large sum of ;^i5. 

His bachelor dinners have cost him an average of los. 
per week ; when married he must still dine, and even 
divert himself with 'evening expenses' common both to 



WHY SfEX DOVT MARRY 



-(ft J 



married men and hichrhwa^ . so du insKad of a 

£2$ for dinneo he wB mam kmm io paj dhe faUammg 

yearly bills : 

£ I, ^ 

The Botdier . 35 00 00 

Poulterer oi 00 00 

FTiliiiinnpii . . 37 00 00 

Hcrb-Wcnnn. 35 00 oo 

Ojlmn . as 00 00 

Bilker . . oS so oo 

Brewer. ,. 10 00 00 

Grocer . g6 00 00 

Cooiisctiooer . 92 oo 00 

ChcesemoDpr 04 00 00 

Wine, Cjder, etc, at a inodrraTr ocMnpatatiofi 30 00 00 

The Fnuteicr 01 10 00 

The Mjlk-Woman 01 00 00 

Salt, SmaD-coa], Rooen-stooe, Brick-dust, 

Sand, QatHiMal, Wfaiteing and many odier 

little IngredieDts in Honse-Keepii^ I am 

ignorant of 02 00 00 

This detailed calculation o^er, we again catch a glimpse 
of the man's personality and his conception of what is due 
from him towards a wife. * If my Wife pleases me, as I 
do not doubt but your Relation will, (I know my own 
Temper so well in that Respect that) I shall be often 
making her Presents of either Rings, Jewels, Snuff-Boxes, 
Watch, Tweezers, some Knick-Knacks, and Things of 
that Nature, in which, one Year with another, I am sure I 
shall spend 5/.' After this it occurs to him that he has 
left out one important source of expense which he * least 
wishes for,' but which * happens in most Families ' — that 
is, the fees of doctor and apothecary, which will, he fears, 
average jC$ per annum. 

*As for Children, we may reasonably expect one in 
every two Years, if not oftener.* Reckoning the * Expence 



278 OLD PICTURE BOOKS 

of Lying-Inne, Child-Linen, Midwife, Nurses, Caudles, 
Possets, Cradle, Christenings, etc.,' the annual expense 
consequent on being a family man will be ;^i5. But the 
initial expense is not all : ' Nursing, Maintaining, Educa- 
tion, Cloathes, Schooling,' and — here, surely, we have 
found the prototype of Mr. Walter Besant's ideal father- 
providing an endowment or fortune for each child will 
require a sum of £2P P^r annum ; and he is * satisfied* 
that he has stated a sum Wastly less' than is likely to 
prove needful in the end — a foreboding in which he was 
certainly justified, for of payments for school and 
*cloathing,' now as then, there is no end ! 

Having provided himself in imagination with wife, 
house, servants, and children, our far-seeing friend 
suddenly remembers that his dignity and respectability 
will require to be supported by a seat in church, so we 
find an entry, ' Pew in Church,' £2. This is followed, 
although we cannot trace the connection, by an estimate 
of jQS per annum for ' Washing his wife's and the Family 
Linen,' and we wonder how laundresses managed to live 
in those days. But so far the house is not furnished, and 
an initial ;^35o must be found for that. Fifty pounds is 
to go for plate alone, * without which, being so moderate a 
Quantity, I daresay my wife, nor indeed should I myself 
be satisfied.* This ;^35o he calmly proposes to deduct 
from his wife's fortune, reducing it, therefore, to ;£'i65o. 

This ;^i65o, placed out at 5 per cent, interest, will 
bring in an income of ;^82, but the cautious bachelor says 
5 per cent, is not likely to continue, therefore he will 
reckon interest at 4 per cent, only, and at this rate the 
wife's fortune will produce an income of only £^6, He 
then proceeds to show that, adding together the foregoing 
items, he will have to spend on his wife ;£'2i5, or even 



WHY MEN DONT MARRY 279 

jC^3^^ ios., * above the Income of the Fortune she brings, 
besides the Hazard and want of certainty for the Money, 
which ought to be considered.' 

And now the pamphlet draws to an end, with a conclu- 
sion we will give in the writer's own words : 

* These Things considered (and he that marries without previous 
Consideration acts very indiscreetly), I do not see how I can marry 
a Woman with the Fortune you propose, or that I should better 
myself at all by it, and in Prudence, People should do so or let it 
alone ; (not that I propose or think to have more) I must therefore 
live single, though with some regret that I cannot do otherwise, 
and increase my own Fortune, which happens to be sufficient for 
my own Maintenance till (if I may so call it) I can aflTord 
Matrimony. 

' I wish the Lady all Happiness and a better Husband, and if it 
be for her Satisfaction, one who has thought less of the Matter ; 
not but that I have a very good Opinion of Matrimony, and think 
of it with Pleasure, as hoping one time or other to enter into its 
Lists, but I now wait with Patience till my Circumstances or 
Thought vary. One Thing I would not have you mistaken in, is, 
that I do not mean, that your Relation will be thus expensive to 
me, more than any other, only that whenever I marry, let her be 
who she will, I must necessarily (if She has no more Fortune than 
you propose) expend considerably more than 200/, a year on her, 
above the Income of her Fortune, and at ^t:%nni I cannot per- 
suade myself to be at so great an Exjiense, for x\%t value of trying 
a dangerous Experiment, whether the Pleasures of Matrimony 
are yearly worth that Sum.' 

And all this is submitted to the pfffiny^r hy hh * Ohiif(e4i 
and Humble Servant.' 

The whole question of nuirrhi^t.^ ocrifh if^ '^t((fttntttf<r fnt 
and against, seems to have been ^<; tt^iittf^w^ » Utpu 
amongst English m^n itnd wotnen \u ftt^. ^nt)y pnt^ //f ^h^ 
eighteenth century sl% H certainl/ n mfh u% ntrtf, nut\ fh*- 
bachelor's pamphlet hronf(^. P/fw^^rt i$t U',n^ f^mi t^pU^^^ 
which we kmod boeiftd ncp wi$h fh^. Mff^fttnl t ftf^ tA ftt^^ , 



28o OLD PICTURE BOOKS 

purporting to be by the lady herself, and signed * Philo- 
gamia/ may be dismissed in a few words ; its arguments 
are neither serious nor to the point, and such wit as there 
is is of a low order, and too much in the tu quoque style to 
be amusing. The second rejoinder is by the * Woman*s 
Advocate,' and is probably not, as it pretends, written by 
a man on behalf of women in general, but rather by an 
irritated member of the weaker sex, who finds herself and 
her fellows insulted en masse by the bachelor's refusal to 
marry one of them. 

The * Advocate ' takes the various items of the 
' Batchelor's Estimate ' one by one, and proceeds to de- 
molish them to the best of her ability, sometimes with a 
certain degree of success, due, we fancy, to the more 
intimate knowledge of housekeeping details naturally 
possessed by a woman. She at once attacks him on the 
subject of house-rent, and with truly feminine malice 
reminds him how she has often heard him praise a friend's 
house rented at £2/\.^ and declare that he ^ could wish for 
nothing better.' This rather reminds us of a young lady 
who advocated the claims of a somewhat uninteresting 
young man by saying he would make 'such a delightful 
brother-in-law.' 

Has not our sex, too, been accused, with some degree 
of justice, of practising little meannesses, and does not the 
' Woman's Advocate's ' confession that she ' has lived lo 
years in one Parish and never paid a penny to the Church' 
smack slightly of this feminine vice? 

She goes on to say : ' To the Rector you will give 6rf. 
as an Easter offering — to the Lecturer what you please. 
Trophy-money is but 6d, per annum. You need not join 
the Militia. Lamp, Scavenger, and Watch seldom 
amount to thirty shillings, and as for the Constable's Tax, 



WHY MEN DONT MARRY 281 

I never heard of such a thing in my Life.' So the jCg is 
reduced to £2. 

On the estimate for servants, especially for the footman 
in livery, the * Woman's Advocate ' pours great scorn. 

* A man in livery forsooth ! Have the two maids so little 
to do that you must e'en employ a man to play with 'em ? ' 

But it is perhaps in her attack on the actual house- 
keeping estimates that the * Woman's Advocate ' is at her 
best She does not always assign her reasons, but boldly 
makes such statements as the following : ' Your Butcher's 
Bill is over-rated at least one Third. Your Poulterer's 
and Fishmonger's more than two Thirds. As for the 
Herb- Woman you have overtopt her with a Vengeance ; 
Twelve pence a week is more than enough for greens etc., 
and besides ' (does not this bear some resemblance to the 
traditional postscript?) ^ half the year but few sorts are in 
Season. * There is more banter about greenstuff and salads, 
during which the bachelor is taunted with being * a meer 
Frenchman to eat seven Pounds per annum in Salads,' and 
with 'outdoing the Italians in oiling it,' and is, moreover, 
advised to buy his oil direct from the ship instead of from 
the tavern, thereby effecting a saving of los. per quart ! — 
a hint we should imagine well worth carrying out. 

Words fail the 'Advocate' in which to pour sufficient 
contempt on the estimates for grocer and confectioner : 

* If you are sweet-Tooth'd,' she says, *I will allow you 
now and then a Pennyworth of Sugar-Plumbs, but think 
405*. per annum in that kind of Trash too much for a 
Person of your Years and Frugality ; and I could really 
wish, for your own Sake, you had omitted that Article in 
your Estimate.' 

The mention of the doctor's and apothecary's fees, which 
he * least desired,' gives the * Advocate ' a final opportunity 



282 OLD PICTURE BOOKS 

for crushing her victim, and will serve as a very £air 
example of her style of rejoinder throughout the whole 
answer when she is not dealing with concrete materials : ' I 
believe you wish for no one Article of Expence ; could you 
have a Wife that would wear no Cloathes, eat no Victuals, 
bear no Children, never be sick, and bring you 2 or 
3,000/., the more the better, I suppose your self-conceited 
Worship would marry, who imagine, no doubt, you merit 
a Fortune of 50, nay, 100,000/. To conclude I pronounce 
Bachelors the Vermin of a State. They enjoy the Benefits 
of Society but contribute not to its charge, and sponge 
upon the Publick, without making the least return. Had 
I any Power in the Legislature, you should not only be 
punished for Mischievous Libel, but all Batchelors above 
the age of Thirty should be double Tax'd.' 



Edinburgh : Printed by T. and A. Constable 



A CATALOGUE OF BOOKS 

AND ANNOUNCEMENTS OF 

METHUEN AND COMPANY 

PUBLISHERS : LONDON 

36 ESSEX STREET 

W.C 



CONTENTS 







FAGB 


ANMOOMCXMKNTS, . 


• < 


3 


GXHXSAI. UTBXATUKK, 


• 


. 8-27 


MBTMUBIl'S STANDAVO UBBARV, 


»7 






•7 


UTTLB UBKAKV, . 




a8 


UTTLS CUIDBS, . 




a8 


UTTLS BIOGKAraim, . 




a8 


UTTLS SLUB BOOKS- 




»9 


UBKABY OP DKVOnON, 




»9 


OXrORD COMMBNTABIXS, 




■9 


HANDBOOKS OP TMBOLOCY, 




•9 


CHUBCMMAN'f UBKAKV, 




»9 


chubcmmam's bible, . 




30 



fAliK 



lbadbrs or rblu«ion, . ^> 

social QUBSTIONIOr lO'llAV, . fu 

UNIVBSllTY BXTKNIKiN HBNIkh, . il 

COMMBSCIAL HBRIIct, . J I 

CLASSICAL TBANlLATIONIi, . j| 

SCHOOL BXAMINATIUN ikHIKN, , JS 
MBTMUKn'iI JUNIOH iit-NtJ»|.-«(ll»kii, 34 

TBXTBOOKlur TkLliNf(|.«NiV, j4 

FICTION, . . • i«-iM 

TNR PLBUR UR I.IN NiiV|ll.l, . |^ 

BOOKfl rOR RtlVll AHIl lilHI-li, ^ 

TIIR NTiVKLim, . . . . 4u 

MBTMUKN'tMXI'KNNVllkHAIiV, . 4a 



OCTOBER 1902 



4 Messrs. Methuen's Announcements 

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ttecbnoloOT— ^XtJ>oofc6 of 

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Fuify Illustrated. 

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ARDATH : THE STORY OF A DEAD 
SELF. Thirteenth Edition. 

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* The tender reverence of the treatment 
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THE SORROWS OF SATAN. FoHy 
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*A Tery powerful piece of ^J^' • • 
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. . . This interesting and re m arkable romance 
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sublime/— W. T. Stbad in the Komew 
oj Re viewt* 

THE MASTER CHRISTIAN. 

[i6sth Thousand. 
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manner which shows the inevitable disaster 
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good Bishop in " Les Misdrables.** It b a 
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absolute nnamventionality and passion . . . 
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lag.'— Examiner, 



Fiction 



33 



** I1ie PrUoner of Zenda.'* '-^Hmti^mml Ob- 
9trv€r, 

THE CHRONICLES OF COUNT 
ANTONIO* Fifth EdiHon. 

* It U a perfectly enchanting story of iovt 
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Coont ia the moet constant, desperate, and 



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Crown Zvo. 6j. each, 

THE GOD IN THE CAR. NmikEdithm. 
*A very remarkabia book« deserving of 
critical analysis impossible within oux Unit ; 
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yet allows itself to be enjoved by readers 
Co whom fine literary method is a keen 
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A MAN OF MARK. F{flh Edition, 

*Of all Mr. Hope's books, "A Man of 
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and tender of lovers* a peerles e 
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PHROSO. Illttstrated by H. R. Millak. 
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THE KING'S MIRROR. Third Edition, 
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QUISANTE. Third Edition, 

* The book u notable for a very high liter, 
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Lucas Malet's Novels. 



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LITTLE PETER. Socond Edition, y. 6d, 
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* In "The Gateless Barrier" it is at once 
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before/^ffVx/awiMf //r Gmutte, 



ts, each, 

THE HISTORY OF SIR RICHARD 
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' A picture finely and ampljy conc ei ved. 
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* The ripest fruit of Lucas Malet's genius. 
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W. W. Jacobs' Novels. 



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SEA URCHINS. Ninth Edition, j 

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Illustrated. Fonrth 



y, td. eack 

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' Laughter ia every page'— />•/// Mmil 



34 



Messrs. Methuem's Catalogue 



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THE TRANSLATION OF A SAVAGE. 
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WHEN VALMOND CAME TO PONTIAC: 
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* Here we find romance — real, breathing, 
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THE BATTLE OF THE STRONG: a 

Romance of Two KingdooM. lUMtraied. 

Pourtti Edition, 
' Nothinjf more Ticoroas or more h— an 

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novel. "— J^i/i^fw/nfif. 

THE POMP OF THE LAVILETTES. 

Steond Edition, ys.6d. 
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ht(on,'—PaUMmUCmMOtto, 



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'Admirable. . . . Delightful 
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Tragedy and comedy, pathos 



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and 
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MRS. CURGENVEN OF CURGENVEN. 
Fourth Edition, 

CHEAP JACK ZITA. Fourth Edition, 

THE QUEEN OF LOVE. Fifth Edition. 






Fiction 



35 



MARGERY OF QUETHER. Third 
EdiUmu 

JACQUETTA. Third EditUn, 

KITTY ALONE. Fifth RdiHmu 

NOtMI. lUttstnted. Fmtrih EdiH0m, 

THE BROOM-SQUIRE. lOaitrated. 
Fmrth EdiiUm, 

THE PENNYCOMEQUICKS. Third 



inwcnud. 



DARTMOOR IDYLL& 
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BLADYS. innstraleiL SeemU EdiH^m. 

DOMITIA. lUnstrmted. Stemd £diH§m, 

PABO THE PRIEST. 

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THE FROBISHERS. 

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fay its d^Mtal hmaxmx.'-^DmUjf Chrpnicli, 

THE MUTABLE MANY. Second Editiou. 

* There is much insight in it, and much 
excellent liiiniour.*~ZXiw((f Chrvmicie. 

THE COUNTESS TEKLA. Third EditUm, 

'Of these aaediKval raaances, which are 

BOW gaininf grooad "The Countess 

Tekla*'is the Tsry best we have 

MmilGmMtiU, 



'^Pmli 



THE STRONG ARM. inustrmted. S$e»md 
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THE VICTORS. 

* Mr. Barr has a rich sense of hnmoor.*-- 
Onimher, 

'A irery oonvindng stodyr of American 
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'Good writing, ilhimlnating sketches of 
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Andmr BaUirar. by stroke of 

S WOR D. lUustrated. Fpurih Edition, 
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B. Bulac Gkmld. See page 34. 

RotMrtBarr. Seeaboire. 

OeOIVe Bartram, Author of ' The People of 
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Weatlierlnr Oheeney. JOHN topp: 

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THE FOUNDERED GALLEON. 
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WILT THOU HAVE THIS WOMAN. 
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THE STANDARD BEARER. Cr, hoo, «r. 

' A delightful tale.'->SyMibr. 

' Mr. Crockett at his htaiL'^Liinmimv, 

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Mmstehutsr Gumrdimn, 
See also Flew d« Lit Novels. 



Messrs. Methden's Catalogue 



H^aUy Itttiiltr. 
EWB ud ml JrI' 



L Oooaa DcnrU,_ABibar of 'Sbnlock 

HdIbwi,' ' TC* Whit* Canpunr,' «c. 
ttOUND THE KED LAMI^ ^^U 



■TlMbixika 

tlifl bu b«eii 

■coH cff Ihfl conmltiu-ra 
LtmdM, Niot. 



u bahiad Iba 
'i.'—lOmitrAtri 



VoTMe of CoiuoIm- 
_.._ THOSE DElTlGHTIfUL 
AMERICANS. lUutnud. Sttml EtU- 

* A nttUnf ptctun oT Amoicaa tif«, 
brigbt hhI fO«l.<«ip«r«d ihzoacboBt.' — 

' Tba humour ii ddidnu.'— iWfr JfaiV. 

0, r. BnbTM. A HEART or FLAME. 

OwnSn. «r. 

'AliTtviih ibt pallia* wh) < 
urthi wild fotk ind wild^uIkH 
k dciiU. A iiribitw, mil- 
wsrlc'— ^a/' MMGMMttu. 

' inU> Banr, well told. The 
e fbli or iilt, utd Ramoncitii ii 



UnniMOladiiK. the keys op the 






-uUrndclkmnliii] 



' A pawtT^I nod ^vid Aary.' — SiMndmrd, 
'A bcuififii] JIOTT, iBd ud Htmiif* a^ 

* A kinnlBTtr oriffiiui, cUth. aod I 
fnl itori:—Gti*rdi**- 

'ReToii toDimnawwilMroriiad. 
OcailTaiidrrKTTtfotte.'— J>B:*«il»r. 

'An nqniut* Mfl], daliaic. bBccUiii, 
■nd buBlWil. -^Ivk —td WIUU. 

5« ■!« FlcBT dc Li> Nonli. 
KMT IndlKtor. A NARROW WAV. 
Third EdilM. Cr«i-iB«. 4.. 



KRBV'S 



RICK- 



It LiiNonlL 
1 Oftnon, Auihoi oT 'Kiddy. 
RBV'SFOLLV. CnnwBM 6f. 

MlMft 0*m4. Aathol of'L>dy Bsbr-' 

THEHILUON. Crm Bm. «i. 
the conquest op LONDON. 
Stamd Edilim. Crrmtiv. 6i. 
THE SUPREME CRIME. Cr. tri. Cl. 
3« iln Ficurd* La Nsnb. 



'Tb*booki(cHc<iinT baill 



ndB.'-^Ai/^ TiUirmfk. 
iMVf* QlMlIlf, Aothor of ' Dvmil' • la Ibi 

V« ef Jablbc,' Me. THETOWM 

TRAVELLER. Stamd Sdil^m. Crtmm 

to*. 6(. 
Sea ilu nattr da Li> Novak, 
murt OUBTllla. THE KLOOP BRIDE. 

THe'lOS't %EGIM ENT. Crvna iM. 

3l.6d. 

THE DESPATCH RIDER. CfWM Ih. 

3..6d. 

iMrdEnNtBamlUon. MARYHAMIL- 

TON. Tltir^ Edilitm. CrvMila*. 61. 

■Then cu b* no doab<thu wtliaTe la 
"Mary Hunittoa" a moat ^adaadnf tterr 
— Ibc molt xirriDg and dramatic hiitefi^ 



RobCCt Pto^iiia Autbor oT ' Flamn. 
etc THE PROPHET OF BERKELEY 
SQUARE. 5t*mJ EJititm. Cmaln 

• One oonlimKW fpaiUe. Mr. Kkbaa 
ii witty, atiiical, nutic, irrciiitibly baa. 

TONGUES OF COMsaKNCE. Sf<J 
Sea al'ao Plant de Lb Noreb. 
Jobn OUtbt Bobbos, Amlu 



THE SERIOUS 
'Mn. Ciaigi^ h ai brilliini 

onw«ti'Dn'Jin™l«e.''*!^C' 



Anthonr Hope. Sn pa|i 33. 

VlOlM Hirnt. THE HUMAN IN- 
TEREST. Cmc-Bt*. 6j. 

0. J. OatDim Brn*. Aalhor dT 'Cuuia 
.. . . ^^y RUPERT THK 



MR. KORROCKS, PURSER, i 

■ Mr. Horroclit ii 1 

ntoacbabla Captai 
'Mr. Hotroeki ii 

/ The Puner ii a d 

Dailf Cinmii/i. 



Fiction 



37 



_ Jaaai, Author of *Wliat Maisie 
Knew.' THE SACRED FOUNT. 
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THE SOFT SIDE. ^€C0nd Ediiim, 
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G. F. &MZ7. THE JOURNALIST. 
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FIOTMiot Fineh Ktilj. with hoops 

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death, and character which curiously hlMids 
Che ruffian and tfa« hera*— «S'c»/«mmui. 

Am. Emily Lawton. TRAITS AND 

CONFIDENCES. Crtntmlv 6r. 

See also Fleur de Las Novels. 

B.Xjim Union, the TRUE HISTORY 
OF JOSHUA DAVIDSON. Christian and 
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8tv. XX. 

CbazlM K. Lash. THE AUTOCRATS. 
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* Eminently readahle with clever photo- 
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S. Mafflianilitan. the fortune of 

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LneaiKalet See page 33. 

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* A powerfully-wrought %\xirf,*'-Birming- 
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'A powerful story, which treats of the 
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Artlmr Korrlflon. See page 34. 

W. B. Norrifl. THE EMBARRASSING 
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Alft«dOmTant OWD BOB, THE GREY 
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' It is a fiae< open>air, blood*stirring book, 
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B.FhIUlpa OnMnheim. MASTER OF 

MEN. Second Editims, CrownZvo, 6s, 
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JamM Bbrtlie Fatten. BijLl, THE 

DANCER. Cr^wnZvo, 6s, 
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'A story of pure adventure, with a sensa- 
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I CROWN THEE KING. With Illus- 
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' A stirring X:oXt.*^-Outlook, 

Bdan Fldllpotta. See page 34. 

Waltar Bajmond, Author of ' Love and 
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Bdlth Biekart. OUT OF THE CYPRESS 
SWAMP. Crown dvo. 6e. 

* A^ tale in which a note of freshness and 
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^Sjfectator. 
' The whole story is admirably told. Not 
even in " Uncle Tom's Cabin " m there any- 
thing more exciting than the bloodhound 
chase after the hera — Tatler. 

W. P«tt Bidga. LOST PROPERTY. 
Second Edition, Crown 9vo, fir. 
' The story is an interesting and animate 



■«M 



38 



Messrs. Methuen's Catalogue 



picum of the straffgle for KIIb in Loadon, 
with a natoral hnmour and tendcraess of its 

'A rimpk, deScato lut of woric, which 
will give pleasure to asaa^. Much study of 
the masses has made him, not mad, out 
strong , and— wonder of wood cis cheerfiU/ 
— -TYmm. 

A really delightful life historr of a 
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•n 



Fiction 

TTbe f leur de Xte Hovels 



39 



Crown 8iv. 3/. 6dC 
Messrs. Methuen are now publishing popular Novels in a new and most 
charming style of binding. Ultimately, this Series will contain the following 
books: — 



Andrew Balfonr. 

To Arms I 
Vencbancb is Mime. 

M. C. Balfour. 
Tub Fall op thb sparrow. 

Jane Sarlow. 

Thb Land op thb shamrock. 
A CRBBL OP Irish Stories. 
From thb East Unto the west. 

J. ▲.Barry. 

IM THB Great deep. 

E. F. Banion. 

The capsina. 

DoDO : A Detail op the Day. 

The Vintacil 

J. Blonndelle-Bnrton. 

In the Day of Adversity. 

Denounced. 

The Clash ok Arms. 

Across the salt Seas. 

servants op Sin. 

Mn. Canyn (louX 

ANNE MAULEVBRBk. 

Ada Camliridfe. • 

Path and Goal. 

MriL W. K. Glim>rd. 

A Woman Alone. 
A Flash op summer. 

J. Haelaren Cobban. 

The ancbl op the covenant. 

Julian Corbetfc. 
A Business in Gr<{at Waters. 

Ik Cope Comford. 

Sons op Adversity. 

fitei»hen CranoL 

Wounds in the rain. 

Bl 1L Crtdceir. 

A State secret. 
Fbggy op the Bartons. 

Hope DawUih. 

A SECRETARY OP LEGATION. 

A. J. Dawaon. 

Danibl WHrrB. 

Evelyn DirtMnaon. 

A Vicar's WifbT^ 
The Sin op angels. 

Harris Dlokaon. 

Thb Black Wolf's Breed. 

Menle Muriel Dowie. 
Thb Crook op the Bough. 

Mrs. I>udaney. 

Thb Third Floor. 

Bara Jeannette Duncan. 

A Voyage op consolation. 
THB Path op a Star. 

O. Manville Fenn. 
an euktbic spark. 
Thb Star Gazers. 
Eu*s Children. 
A Double knot. 

_ Jane H. Flndlater. 

A 0*tTCHTBR OF STRIFF.. 

Rath HI.. 



Mary Flndlater. 

Betty Musgrave. 

Jane H. and Mary Flndlater. 

Tales that are told. 

J. 8.' Fletcber. 

The Paths op thb Pbudbmt. 
The Builders. 

M. E. FtandBi 

Miss Erin. 

Mazy Oauni, 

KiRKHAM's Find. 

dradman's. 

THE Moving Finger. 

Dorothea Gerard. 
Things that have happened. 

R. Murray OUobrist 

WILLOWBRAKE. 

George Oissing. 

THE CROWN OF LIFE. 

fniarlfla CDeICi 

BUNTBRlS CBUISE. 

o. Gordon. 
A Handful op exotics. 

C. F. Goes. 

Thb Redemption op David Corson. 

^ ^^ B. M'Qoeen Gray. 

My Stewardship. 
Elsa. 

_ Robert Hlcbena, 

Bybways. 

_ _ !• Hooper. 

The Sincbb op marly. 

Emily Lawleaa. 

HURRISH. 

Maelcuo. 

Homuk LoriBier» 

Mibry.ann. 
josiah's wipb. 

EdnaloralL 

Dbrbick Vauchan. novbust. 

Hannah lomfih. 

An Odd Experiment. 

Richard Marsh. 

THE Seen and the Unsbbn. 
Marvels and mysteries. 

W. B. HORliL 

Matthew Austin. 

His Grace. 

THE despotic Lady. 

Clarissa Furiosa. 

Giles ingzlby. 

an octave. 

Jacks Father. 

a deplorablb appaib. 

Mrs. Ollphant 

Sir Robert's Fortl*ne. 
THE Two Mar\'s. 
THB Lady's Walk. 
The Prodigals. 

Mazy A. Owen.. 

the Daughter op alouettb. ' 

Mary L Fenderid. 

Ax FNt.LISllVIAN. 



40 



Messrs. Methuen's Catalogue 



Mn. Yioiiy. 
A FORBST Officer. 

R. Orton ProwM, 
thb poison of asps. 

Bichard Pzyoe. 

Time and thb woman. 
THE Quiet Mrs. flrming. 

W. Pett Bids^ 

A SON OF THB STATE. 
SECRET AEY TO BAYNF^ M.F. 

UittUj RobtrU. 
The flundrrers. 

MftnhaU ■aoBdMn. 

Rose a charUtte. 

W. 0. seuiir. 

The White Hecatomb. 
Between Sun and Sand. 
A Vendetta of thb Desert. 

R. N. ttopheni. 

AN ENEMY TO THE KlNC. 

A Gentleman puiyer. 



S. H. Strain. 

ELM8UB19 DEAC>NBT. 

Bmi^ Stnark 

A Woman of Forty. 
Christalla. 

DaeliaM of Buthartaiid. 

One Hour and the Next. 

Benjamin Swift. 

Siren City. 

Victor Wftit*. 

Cross Trails. 

Mn. Walfinrd. 

Successors to thb Title. 

Percy Whito. 

A Passionate Pilgrim. 

Mn. 0. H. Wllltanuon. 

The Adventure of Princess Sylvia. 

XL 

AUT DIABOLUS AUT NIHIL. 



THE ICELANDER'S SWORO. Bjf S. lUriiMr*nould. 
TWO LITTLE CHILDREN AND CHINC By EdUb E. 

CuthcU. 
TOODLEBEN'S HBRa B« M. M. Blak*. 
Only a Guard-Room Doc. Bjr Edith E. OrtML 
Thb Doctor of the juubt. By Harry CaiUng' 



JSooltd for JSoi^ nnb (3frl0 

Crown Svo. y, td. 



Master Rockafbllar*s Voyage. By w. dark 
RuMcIL 



Syd Bblton : Or, the Boy who would aoc ro to Sm 

By G. ManviUo Fonn. 
THE RED Grange. By Mrs. Molesworth. 
the Secret of Madame de Monlih:. By tk« 

Author of • Mdte. MorL* 
Dumps. By Mrs. Parr. 
A Girl of the Pboflb. By L. T. MomIo. 
Hp.psy Gipsy. By L.T.MMd«. ar.6tf. 
The Honourable Miss. By L. T. Moadc 



TTbc novclidt 

Messrs. Mbthuen are issuing under the above general title a Monthly Series 
of Novels br popular authors at the price of Sixpence. Some of these Novels 
have never been published before. Each rumber is as long as the average Six 
Shilling Novel. The first numbers of ' The Noveust ' are as follows :~ 



I. Dead Men Tell no Tales. By E. w. 

Horwiiiir. 
II. JENNIE BAXTBB, JOURNALIST. By Robort 
Barr. 

III. The Inca's Treasure. By Emaat GiaavOle. 

IV. A SON of THE State. ^ w. F«tt Rldgo. 
V. FURZE Bloom. By S. Bvlnr-Gould. 

VI. BUNTER's Cruise. By C. Ocir. 
VII. THE Gay Deceivers. By Arthur Moore. 
VIII. Prisoners of Wae. By A. Boyaoa Weokot. 
IX. Ottt^primL 
X. Veldt and Laager i Talaa of tho Tranrraal. 

By E. S. Valantbie. 
XI. THE NIGCBB KNIGHTS. By F. Norreys 

CouncL 
XII. A MarRIAGB at Sea. By W. aark RusscIL 
XIII. THE POMP OF THE LAVILETTBS. By 
GUbert Parkar. 

XIV. A Man of Mark. By Anthon/ Hope 

XV. THE CarISSIMA. By Local Maiet. 
XVI. THE LADY'S Walk. By Mrt. OUphant. 



XVI!. Derrick Vauchan. By Kdaa LyalU 

XVII L IN THE MIDST OF ALABMS. By Robart 
Barr. 
XIX. HIS GBAC8. By W. E. Nonk. 
XX. D<)DO. By E. F. Bcason. 
XXI. CHEAP JACK ZlTA. By S. Barine-Gorid. 
XXIL WHEN VALMOND CAME TO PONTIAC By 

GQbert Parker. ' 

XXIII. The Human Boy. By Edc« PhSBpotts. 

XXIV. THE CHRONICLES OF COUNT ANTONIO. 

By Anthony Hope. 
XXV. By Stroke oh Sword. By Andrew 

Balfour. 
XXVI. KITTY ALONE. By S. Barinr-Gould. 
XXVI I. Giles Incilby. By W. p.. Nonk. 
XXVIII. Urith. By S. Barfaiff-Gottld. 
XXIX. TiiK TOWN Traveller. By Gcoccw 
Gisaiag. 

XXX. Mr. Smith. By Mrt. Wnllbrd. 

XXXI. A Chance of Aik. By Anthony Hopo. 



Actbttcn'9 Siipenni; Xfbran^ 

A New Sirut af Copyright and non-Copyright Books 
Campaign. By M^|or*Cencral 

By M^KN-G«neral 



THE MATABELE 

Baden rnwrll. 
The Downfall of Prbmfeh. 

Baden- Powell. 
MY Danish Sweetheart. By W. Clark RuiaolL 
IN the Roab of the Sea. By S. Baring* 

Gould. 
PEGGY OF THE BabTONSl By B. M. Croker. 
THB Grren graves of BaLcowrie. By Jana 

H. FIndhitcr. 
THB Stolen Bacillus. By H. G. Walla. 
MATTHEW AUSTIN. By W. B. Norrlt. 



OF London. By 



THE Conquest 

Gerard. 
A VOVACB OF CONSOLATION. By Sara J. 

The Mutable Many. By Robert Barr. 
Bkn Hub. By Goneral Lew W«IUcc. 
Sir Robert's Fortune. By Mrv OBphnnt. 
THE Fair God. By General Lew Wallace. 
Clarissa Furiosa. By w. e. Nonift. 
NOEMI. By S. Barinc-(;ould. 
THE THRONE OF DAVID. By I. H. loffraham. 
Across the Salt seas. By J, 
Burton. 



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